Full text of "The Gentile nations; or, The history and religion of the Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Medes, Persians, Greeks, and Romans; collected from ancient authors and holy scripture, and including the recent discoveries in Egyptian, Persian, and Assyrian inscriptions; forming a complete connexion of sacred and profane history, and showing the fulfilment of sacred prophecy"

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HANDBOUND
AT THE

r\l\[ RSITY OF

THE

GENTILE NATIONS

OR,

e History intfr

OF THE

EGYPTIANS, ASSYRIANS, BABYLONIANS, MEDES,
PERSIANS, GREEKS, AND ROMANS;

COLLECTED FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS AND HOLY SCRIPTURE, AND

INCLUDING TUE RECENT DISCOVERIES IN EGYPTIAN,

PERSIAN, AND ASSYRIAN INSCRIPTIONS I

FORMING A COMPLETE

CONNEXION OF SACRED AND PROFANE HISTORY,

AND SHOWING

THE FULFILMENT OF SACRED PROPHECY.
BY GEORGE SMITH, F. A. S.,

MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND,

OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF LITERATURE, OF THE IRISH

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY, ETC.

THIRD EDITION.

PUBLISHED BY CARLTON & PORTER,

200 MULBERRY-STREET.

l"»'JTY OF

.I'll 2V 13

,.»

PREFACE.

IN presenting the third and concluding part of the " Sacred Annals"
to the public, the author feels called upon to apologize for the delay
which has taken place in its publication. In the Preface to " The
Hebrew People," he announced that, so long since as 1849, he had
made considerable preparation for the composition of this portion ;
but, notwithstanding this preparation, and his most diligent exer
tions, it has not been found possible to complete it at an earlier
period. This has been in part the result of unexpected demands
which have b en made on the author's time; but the principal
cause has been his anxious wish to avail himself to ths utmost of
the recent important discoveries in the East, and to incorporate
their result, as far as practicable, in his account of the annals and
faith of the earlier of the four great empires.

This has been done ; and the history and religion of these ancient
Gentile nations are now placed before the reader, with the full advan
tage of the additions, corrections, and corroborations, which have
been obtained by the disinterment of Assyrian and Babylonish
sculptures, and the translations of the inscriptions which have been
found in those countries, and in Persia.

In this part of the work, as well as in the preceding, it has
been the author's unvarying aim to exhibit an intelligible view of
the history and religion of these ancient monarchies. From the
size of the book, the historical part can hardly be expected to extend
beyond a mere sketch of each of the great empires. Yet, even in
this limited compass, scarcely a single difficulty or an important
event has escaped notice and elucidation. Especial attention has
been given to chronology ; and this, which has been aptly termed
" the soul of history," has, in respect of the early portion of the
annals of every nation, been very carefully investigated, and, it is
hoped, accurately ascertained.

But the ruling element of this volume, and, in fact, of the whole
work, is its religious character. The maintenance of this through
out the series of researches comprised in the " Gentile Nations,"
has been a labour attended with very great difficulty. To pass
beyond the ritualism and ceremonial externalism everywhere preva-

PREFACE.

lent, to penetrate into the nature and genius of the various forms
which idolatry assumed, and to form a sound judgment respecting
the religious doctrines, practices, and morals of Egypt, Assyria, and
Babylon, of Persia, Greece, and Rome, has been a most arduous
task. But it has been honestly and earnestly attempted; and the
result is now submitted to the candid consideration of the Christian
public.

If the author has succeeded in these efforts, it will have been
made plain, that, in every one of these far-famed nations, God left
himself not without an efficient witness. Everywhere is seen
demonstrative evidence of the existence and operation of divine
truth, and of divine influence, in ancient days ; and ample proof is
afforded, that the soul- destroy ing and mind-debasing idolatry of
those nations was not an accident, or an error, but a crime induced
by Satanic agency.

The author ventures to hope, that more than this has been
effected by these researches ; and that the field of ancient history
has been wrested from the power of infidelity and scepticism, and
made subservient to the interests of revealed truth. It has at 'least
been shown, that an honest and candid examination of the annals
of the primitive nations, not only does not produce any facts in
opposition to the records of Holy Writ, but actually furnishes the
most important illustrations and corroborations of their teaching:
and, what is yet more remarkable, it has been clearly shown, that
the foul and false systems of doctrine and worship, which Satanic
energy fastened at length on every part of the Gentile world, in all
their darkness and enormity, bear witness to the light from which
men had departed, and the truth which they had forsaken : so that,
in future, the history and religion of the ancient heathen world
may be numbered among the most important of the external
evidences of the verity of divine revelation.

At all events, the author has filled up his plan in accordance
with his first announcement. More than ten years ago he formed
the purpose of writing " An Epitome of the History and Religion
of the World, from the Creation to the Birth of Christ." By a
steady and continued course of exertion, amid the pressure of many
important avocations, he has at length, by the good providence of
God, completed his task; and, with feelings of unaffected thanks
giving to the Author of all good, he consecrates the result of his
toil to the cause of evangelical godliness, for the advancement of
Scriptural knowledge.

TREVI;, CAMBORNE,

October 13tk, 1853.

CONTENTS.

PRELIMINAEY DISSERTATION.

THE ORIGIN, CHARACTER, MYSTERIES AND ORACLES OF PAGAN IDOLATRY.

KNOWLEDGE of this Subject necessary — False Religion attests the Religious Tendency of
Man — Heathen Idolatry must be studied with a distinct Recognition of Satanic Influ
ence — Necessity of admitting the Evidence of Revelation — ORIGIN OF IDOLATRY —
Idolatry in Postdiluvian Times arose before the Dispersion — And emanated from Babel
— Was not at first a violent Introduction of Error, but a fatal Perversion of Truth —
Elements of Truth liable to this Perversion — Plurality of Persons in one Deity —
Promised Incarnation— Rites of Patriarchal Worship — Man's primitive Purity and
Fall — Similarity of the Adamic and Noachic Families— Hero- Worship considered as
arising out of the promised Incarnation, and taking the Form of a Triad from the Great
Father and his three Sons — Peculiar Case of Egypt — Animal-Worship — Folly of many
Attempts to account for it— Originated in the Cherubim — Worship of material Elements
— The Agency under which all this Error was evolved made apparent by the universal
Worship of the Serpent Form — THE RELIGIOUS CHARACTER OF THIS SYSTEM — It practi
cally obliterated the essential Principle of the Divine Unity — Banished all Idea of
Divine Purity — And destroyed at once the Knowledge of God, and Confidence in him —
Character of Idolatrous Worship — General Admission — But the Being to \\hom this
Worship was offered was not God — And the Service, although often grand and imposing,
was generally associated with foul and filthy Abominations — THE MYSTEIUES — The
Theory of Warburton refuted by Leland — Conflicting Theories as to the Origin of the
Mysteries — Their Object equally contested — Their Origin defined — Their Object
explained — Essential Elements of Heathen Mysteries — THE ORACLES of Heathen
Worship — An undoubted Privilege of Patriarchal Times to have Access unto God, and
to obtain special and important Instruction by this Means— Contest between the Learned
as to whether Heathen Oraclefc were sustained by Satanic Influence — Testimony of
Scripture — Judgment of the Learned on the Character and Credit of the Oracles —
Case of Croesus, King of Lydia, from Herodotus — The Result of the Inquiry establishes
the Operation of Satanic Influence — General Observations in Conclusion Page 15

CHAPTER I.

EGYPT : ITS HISTORY.

I CONTENTS.

Allusion to Canaan on the Monuments, a striking Proof of the Truth of Scripture—
TWENTIETH DYNASTY— TWENTY-FIRST DYSASTY— Effect of the Commercial Policy of the
Hebrews on Egypt — TWENTY-SECOND DYNASTY— Shishak— His Invasion of Judea —
TWENTY-THIRD DYNASTY — Decline of Egyptian Power — TWENTY-FOURTH DYNASTY —
Bocchoris— TWENTY-FIFTH DYNASTY— Tarkus— TWENTY-SIXTH DYNASTY— The Dodec-
archy — Triumph and Reign of Psammiticus — Pharaoh-Necho — His Victory over the
Hebrews — Apries, the Pharaoh-Hophra of Scripture — Defeated and put to death by
Amosis — Conquest of Egypt by a Persian Army — TWENTY-SEVENTH DYNASTY — Era of
Persian Rule— Successful Government of Darius — Gallant Effort of Inaros — His Defeat
and Death — Herodotus — TWENTY-EIGHTH DYNASTY — Amyrtanis — TWENTY-NINTH DY
NASTY—THIRTIETH DYNASTY— Chronological Difficulties— Persian Invasion defeated—
Slothful Habits and Ultimate Energy of Darius Ochus— THIRTY-FIRST DYNASTY—
Persian Rule reestablished — THIRTY-SECOND DYNASTY — Conquest of Egypt by Alex
ander the Great— His profound and successful Political and Commercial Policy-
Alexandria built — Ruin of the Macedonian House — THIRTY-THIRD DYNASTY— The
Ptolemies— Lagus— His Successful Rule— Power and Cultivation of Egypt under
Philadelphufl — Euergetes successful in War — Intercourse between Egypt and Rome —
Gradual Decline of Egyptian Power — Excessive Vices of the ruling Princes — Cleopatra,
Cesar, and Antony — Egypt a Roman Province Page 53

CHAPTER II.

THE RELIGION OF THE EGYPTIANS.

REFERENCE to this Subject in " the Patriarchal Age "—The Importance of THEOLOGY to
Religion— Egyptian Triads, their Relation to primitive Promise and Noah— The prob
able Identity of these Triads— Animal-Worship originated in the Cherubim, and
carried out to an infamous Extent— General View of Egyptian Mythology— The MORALS
of Egypt, recognised in Jurisprudence— Prominence given to Truth and Justice—
Illustrations— The Doctrine of THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL— Curious Corruptions
associated with this Doctrine— Object of Embalming— The Doctrine of a future Judg
ment— The Opinions held by this People exhibited— Important Light imparted thereby
on the Subject of Morals— The Hall of Judgment and forty-two Assessors— All result
ing in everlasting Happiness or Punishment— Providence— General Accuracy of Doc
trine, but neutralized by Polytheism— General Character and Influence of this Relig
ion—Morals—Divine Sanction— Future Retribution— Spiritual Character— Remarkable
Juxtaposition of Truth and Error .'. 128

CHAPTER III.

THE HISTORY OF THE ASSYRIANS

HISTORY of Assyria resumed with the Reign of BKLOCHUS— Absence of precise Informa
tion respecting this and succeeding Reigns— Probability that even in this Age the
Power of Egypt was felt on the Banks of the Euphrates— Interference of Assyria in
the Trojan War— Fragmentary Notices of ancient Reigns recovered from Inscriptions
by Colonel Rawlinson— Connected Assyrian History begins about the Tenth Century,
B. C.— ADRAMHKLKCH L— SARDANAPAI.US I.— His military Career and Successes— Di-

VAKUBARA — The Annals of his Reign from the Black Obelisk and other Sculptures

SHKMAS ADAR— ADRAMMELECH II. or THONOS CONCOLEROB— The Termination of the
Old Imperial Dynasty— ARBACKS the Mede on the Throne of Assyria— The Mission of
Jonah, and its Results— The Assyrians recover their Sovereignty— PUL obtains the
•ceptre— Menahem, King of Israel, destroys Tiphsah— Pul invades Israel, and ex-

CONTENTS. 7

torts a thousand Talents of Silver from Menahem— TIGLATH-PILESER succeeds to
the Throne— At the Solicitation of Ahaz, he invades Syria and Israel, and carries
the trans-Jordanic Tribes and the Inhabitants of Galilee into Captivity— Colonel Raw-
linson's Arrangement of the Information obtained from the Sculptures of Khorsabad
and Kouyunjik— SARGINA usurps the Throne— His Annals and public Works— SEN
NACHERIB— His Campaigns from the Inscriptions— Remarkable Accordance between
their Account of his War with Hezekiah, and that given in the Scriptures— The De
struction of his Army— His subsequent Reign— ESARHADDON— The Ruin of Samaria,
and iinal Subversion of the Kingdom of Israel— The Captivity and Restoration of Man-
asseh— NABUCHODONOSOR— His Wars in the East— Defeat and Death of Phraortes— An
Army under Holofernes sent into Western Asia— The General slain by Judith, and the
Army surprised and routed— SARAC, or SARDANAPALUS II.— Alliance of Media and Ba
bylon against Assyria— Nineveh besieged and taken— The Assyrian Empire sub
verted...' PaSe 14B

CHAPTER IV.

THE HISTORY OF THE BABYLONIANS.

BABYLON the Seat of the first Postdiluvian Sovereignty— Conquered and subjected to
Assyria— Policy of Assyria toward subject Countries— NABONASSAR— The Era bearing
his Name— He was independent— NADIUS, CHINZIRUS, PORUS, and JUGJEUS, successively
reign— MARDOCEMPADUS or MERODACH-BALADAN— His Embassage to Hezekiah— ARCHI-
ANUS— HAGISA— MARADACH BALDANES— BELIBUS defeated by Assyria— ASORDAXES—
NABOPOLASSAR— Babylon asserts its Independence— Coalition of Babylon and Media
against Nineveh— Scythian Invasion— Nineveh destroyed— The King of Egypt de
feated at Carchemish— NEBUCHADNEZZAR— Takes Jerusalem— Carries away the prin
cipal Inhabitants into Captivity— Makes Zedekiah King— He rebels— Jerusalem again
taken, and destroyed— Tyre taken, after a Siege of Thirteen Years— Egypt conquered
—Nebuchadnezzar greatly improves Babylon by many Splendid Erections— Nebuchad
nezzar's Dream of the Great Image— Explained by Daniel— Its wonderful Revelations
—The Golden Image— Extraordinary Measures adopted for its Dedication— Heroism
of the Three Hebrews— Glorious Revelation of the Son of God— Important Results of
this Divine Interposition— The Dream of a Great Tree— Its Interpretation and Accom
plishment—Noble Acknowledgment of the King— His Prophecy and Death— EVIL-
MERODACH King— Liberates Jehoiachin from Prison— Neriglissar reigns— Forms a
Combination against Media— He is slain in Battle— LABOROSARCHOD reigns— The BEL-
SHAZZAR of the Book of Daniel— His Youth and Cruelty— He profanes the Sacred
Vessels— Is slain— DARIUS takes the Kingdom, and appoints LABYXETUS Viceroy of
Babylon— He rules subject to Media— Declares himself independent— Is defeated in
Battle— Babylon taken by CYRUS— Labynetus taken at Borsippa, and sent into Car-
mania— Termination of the Babylonian Monarchy 181

CHAPTERJf.

THE RELIGION OF THE ASSYRIANS AND BABYLONIANS.

BABYLON the seat of the first post-diluvian Apostacy— Peculiar Religious Position of
Babylon and Assyria— Epiphanius on the Early Declension of Religion— Information
contained in his Statement— Fragment of Damascius— Its Important Teaching-
Chaldsean Oracles exhibit the same Facfr-A Triad consisting of the Great Mother,
Father and Only-begotten Son— Further Development of Chaldaean Mythology—
Chaldean Deities— Their Origin and Peculiarities— Worship of the Heavenly Bodies,

CONTENTS.

and of Fire— Chaldaean and Assyrian Idolatry began with Hero and Demon Worship
i the Form of Triads-Mr. Faber on this Subject-Symbolical Representation of the
Other Symbols— Assarac— Cherubic Figures— The Sacred Tree— A. Gar
den called " Paradise " attached to each Royal Palace— The Palace itself a Sacred
Temple— Doubts of Lay ard— Elaborate Proof of Fergusson— The King revered as a
Divine Person— Proof of this— Manner in which the Kings evinced their Claim to this
Character— This Idea shown to pervade the whole System— Remarkable Identity of
Character which the Religion of Assyria and Babylon maintained through so many
General Views— Gradual Declension in Theology— Worship of Fire— The
Results of Hebrew Intercourse and Divine Interposition on the Religion of these
Sabseanism not the Primitive Religion of Assyria— A large Amount of
triarchal History and Religious Knowledge must have remained in the Primitive
-ions long after the Dispersion— Patriarchal Longevity designed to prevent a
Menoration in Religion— Connexion with the Hebrews— Divine Interposition more
;ely on this Ground to be effective— Assyrian Intercourse with Egypt— Assyrian
Knowledge of Hebrew History— The Mission of Jonah— Its Religious Results— The
Destruction of the Assyrian Emigrants in Samaria by Lions— A Hebrew Priest sent to
ach them the Law of the Lord— Babylon elated by the Ruin of Jerusalem— The
King humbled, and all the People taught Divine Truth, on the Plains of Dura-
Nebuchadnezzar's Insanity, Restoration, and Proclamation Page 202

CHAPTER VI.

THE HISTORY OF THE MEDES.

LIXEAGE and Country of the Medes— Ecbatana, the Capital— Revolt of the Medes against
Assyria— They recover their Independence— A Season of Anarchy— Public Spirit and
judicial Efforts of DEJOCES— He is raised to the Sovereignty of Media— Establishes a
regular Government and greatly improves the Country— PHRAORTES, a martial Prince,
subdues Persia, and extends the Median Power over other neighbouring Nations-
Invades Assyria, is defeated and slain— Ecbatana stormed and spoiled by the Assyrian
King— CYAXAKES invades Assyria— Defeats the Imperial Army, and besieges Nineveh
-The Scythian Invasion— The Medes defeated— The Scythians overrun Asia— Their
Massacre and Expulsion— The Lydian War— It is suspended, and Nineveh besieged
a second Time, and taken— The Lydian War renewed— Terminated by the Eclipse of
Thales— ASTYAGES reigns— Prosecutes various Wars— Belshazzar slain— The Kingdom
of Babylon reverts to Astyages— Media conquered, and the Kingdom subverted by

.. 243

CHAPTER VII.

THE PERSIANS AND THE MEDO-PERSIAN EMPIRE.

PERSIA a Province of the Assyrian Empire— Peculiar Interest attaching to this Part of
Persian History— The Spirit and Prowess of the Blacksmith Kawah obtain the Inde
pendence of his Country— FBRIDOOX placed on the Throne— His long and just Reign-
He divides his Kingdom between his Sons, SELM, TOOK, and ERIJ— Erij slain by his
Brothers— The Assassins defeated and slain by MANI-CHEHER, who reigns with great
Celebrity— Sam. Prime Minister— Roostum, his Grandson, the great IVrsun H«T...
born— NOUZER succeeds to the Throne— His cruel Reign— He is slain— Zoo expels the
Enemy— His Son KERSHASP raised to the Throne, and afterward deposed— End of the
Peshdadian Dynasty— The Kaianian Dynasty— The Median Ascendency concealed by
imaginary Kings, KAI KOBAD representing Dejoces and Phraortes, and KAI Koos Cyax-

CONTENTS.

ares and Astyages-Reference to Che Eclipse of Thales-Kxi KHOSRU, or CYRUS,
succeeds to the Throne— The Account of Ctesias respecting his Parentage— The proba
ble Career of this Warrior, until he defeats and deposes Astyages-€yrus marries the
Daughter of Astyages-The Death of the deposed King-Cyrus conquers Lydii
Takes Babylon, and establishes a universal Empire-His Conduct toward the Hebrews
-The Restoration of Jerusalem begun-Extent of the Persian Empire-The Death
Cyrus-CAMBYSES-He prohibits the Progress of Building at Jerusalem-Invades and
conquers Egypt-His impolitic Cruelty and Impiety-Usurpation of Smer
Ma-ian-Death of Cambyses-Smerdis destroyed by a Conspiracy of Nobles-
rais°ed to the Throne-His improved Mode of Government-The Case of Democedes,
the Greek Physician-Makes an Edict in favour of the Hebrews-Reduces Same
Babvlon rebels-The Self-sacrifice of Zopyrus-Babylon is taken-^Conquest;
East-A Body of Greek Troops wage War in Asia Minor, and burn Sardis-Darms
contemplates the Invasion of Greece-Failure of the first Expedition under Mardo-
nius-Battle of Marathon, and Ruin of the second Persian Invasion-Death of L
-Persepolis-Behistun Sculptures-XERXES-Subdues Egypt-Makes vast Prepara
tions for the Invasion of Greece-Crosses the Hellespont-Battle at Thermopylje-
The Persian Fleet defeated at Salamis, and their Army destroyed at PI
Remnant of the Persian Fleet and Army destroyed at Mycale - Horrible (
and Cruelty perpetrated in the royal Court-Xerxes assassinated-ARTAXER*
established on the Throne-Marries Esther-Ezra and Nehemiah sent to Judea-
Revolt of Egypt-Peace with Athens-XERXES IL-SoGDiA^us-DARrusNoTHUs sub
dues his Rivals-Demoralization of the Persian Court-AnTAXERXES II.-
Cyrus-He marches into the East-Is slain, and the Army dispersed, at Cunax;
treat of the Ten Thousand Greeks-Continued Iniquity of the Court-Revolt and!
of the Heir-apparent-ARTAXERXES HI. murders the royal Family-Restores
Authority in Egypt, Phenicia, and Cyprus-DARrus III. undertakes the Government-
Alexander invades the Empire— Triumph of the Macedonian &

CHAPTER VIII.

THE RELIGION OF THE PERSIANS.

IMPORTANCE and Difficulties of the Subject— Great Aid supplied by ancient Inscriptions
—The Religion of Persia identical in its original Elements with that of Assyria and
Babvlon-oVion of Jacob Bryant on the first Zoroaster-Its probable Import-The
Magi-General Elements of the Persian Faith-Deity of the King-Palace-Temples-
Paradises-Sacred Tree-Cherubic Figures-Divine Triad-Persian Peculiarities m
this Symbol-The supreme Deity in Persia represented with the Head of a Bird-
EeligiouB Svstem of Zoroaster-The first Triad: Cronus, Ormuzd, Ahriman-
chan-ed to Ormuzd, Mithras, Ahriman-Their respective Character and Position-
Antagonism and Creations of Ormuzd and Ahriman-The Worship of Fire its probable
Oriein-The System of Zoroaster professed to rest on Divine Revelation- fhe Creation
of An-els, the World, and Mankind-General Accordance with Holy Scripture-
Fall of Man-The Prevalence of Evil-The Flood-Continuance of Depravity-Mis;
of Zoroaster-The Spiritual Nature of Man-Future Judgment-Resurrection-]
trine of universal Restoration-Wicked Men, and even Ahriman, raised to H
The Priesthood-Their Three Orders: Herboods, Mobeds, and the Dustoor-Altars ,
Temples-Perpetual Fire-Public Worship-Sacred Rites-Holy Water-Morals-
Sound Principles mingled with much that is puerile and superstitious-The laith
Persia formed a perfect Type of Papal Superstition-Observations on the I
which this Inquiry has been conducted— Folly of forming an Opinion on this
under the Influence of Grecian Mythology-Necessity of recognising the Foundei
the Nation as Members of the great patriarchal Family— General View of the bys-

287

tern..

CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.

THE HISTORY OF THE GRECIAN STATES.

annihilated at Plataea — On the same day the Persian Fleet is destroyed at Mycale

Successful Prosecution of the War, followed by Peace with Persia — The Period, Causes

and Progress of Grecian Civilization and Advancement — Thales — Pythagoras Greece

attains her Highest Intellectual Elevation— Great Wealth'and Power of Athens— First
Peloponnesian War— Mischievous Policy of Ale ibiades— Second Peloponnesian War-
Ruin of Athens— Sparta tyrannizes over the other Grecian States— Restoration of
Athens to Independence — Xenophon and the Ten Thousand — Thebes — Pelopidas and
Epaminondas — Philip of Macedon — His Improved Military Tactics — Takes advantage
of the Disunion and Rivalry of the Greek States to make himself Master of the Coun
try — Alexander succeeds his Father — Prepares for the Invasion of Persia — Battle of
the Granicus — His uninterrupted Success — In Three Years he extends his Sway from
the Mediterranean to India— His Death— State of Greece during the Victorious Career
of Alexander— Aggression of Sparta on Macedon— Repelled— Tumults on the Death
of Alexander, repressed by Antipater — Cassander — His Government — Interference of
Rome— Progress of her Power— Greece a Roman Province Page 813

CHAPTER X.

THE RELIGION OF GREECE.

THE earliest Religion of this People appears to have been a strange Compound of the
Adoration of the material Elements and Powers of Nature; united with a sacred Re
gard for Mythic Legends, which had been traditionally preserved— Expansion of this
Scheme after the Return of the Heracleids, and the Establishment of the Dorian
Power — Outline of Grecian Theology and Cosmogony — The Grecian Deities — Zeus —
Hera — Apollon — Artemis — Hermes — Hephaistos — Aphrodite— Ares — Eros, and other
minor Divinities — The Greek Triad — Evident Connexion of the whole Scheme with
Scriptural Tradition— The Temples— Priests— Worship— Divination— Oracles and Mys
teries — The Influence of Philosophy examined— THALES — His Doctrines, and the Ionic

CONTENTS. 11

School— PYTHAGORAS— His System— Failure in Greece, and wonderful Success in Sicily
—The Character of his Teaching— SOCRATES— His Mode of Instruction— Doctrines— He
claims a Divine Mission— The important Character and Influence of his Teaching—
PLATO— General View of his Object— His Doctrines— Grand Intellectual Development
evinced in his Philosophy— But his Efforts unfavourable to Morals and Religion—
ARISTOTLE— His brilliant Intellectual Efforts— Inefficient in respect of Religion— ZENO
and the Stoics— Physical and Moral Doctrines— Unsatisfactory Result— EPICURUS—
His System— Its pernicious Effects— General View of Grecian Faith— Importance of
Divine Influence, and a recognition of its Power— The Effect of these four Schools of
Philosophy fatal to the Religion of Greece— Utter Failure of every Influence to correct
the Effects of a vitiated Theology Page 360

CHAPTER XL

THE HISTORY OF ROME.

IMPORTANCE of Roman History— Unusual Extent of its Legendary Portion— Arrival of
Mne&s on the Banks of the Tiber— Lavinium— Alba— Romulus and Remus— Rome-
Death of Remus— Rape of the Sabine Virgins— Sabine War— Political Constitution of
the first Romans— Numa— Tullus Hostilius— Albans removed to Rome— Ancus Martius
—The Reigns of the Tarquins and of Servius Tullius— Tragic Fate of Lucretia— Abolition
of Royalty— Junius Brutus— War with Porsenna— Destruction of Veii— Invasion of the
Gauls— Distress of the Romans— Oppressive Character of the Laws respecting the Poor
—Legislative Reform— Renewed aggressive War— All Italy subdued by the Romans-
War with Carthage— The First Punic War— Sicily added to Rome as a Province— Fur
ther Extension of Territory on the Continent procured by the Romans— Sardinia
seized— Hannibal— His deadly Enmity to Rome— His Measures in Spain— The Second
Punic War— Hannibal invades Italy— His wonderful Success— Repeated Defeat of the
Roman Armies — Scipio leads a Roman Army into Africa — Obtains successive Victories
—Hannibal recalled to Carthage, and defeated— Peace between Rome and Carthage,
on Terms dictated by Rome — War with Macedon, in which Rome is triumphant, Philip
reduced to Submission, and Liberty proclaimed to Greece — Antiochus of Syria makes
War on Rome — Is entirely defeated — War between Rome and Perseus, King of Mace
don — He is completely subdued — Rapid Increase and vast Extent of the Roman Do
minions — The Third Punic War — Destruction of Carthage — Continued Progress of
Roman Power — Results of these successive and immense military Operations on the
Parent State— Isolation of the Ruling Class from the People— Great Distress of the

latter Tiberius Gracchus endeavours to effect legislative Reforms for correcting these

Evils — Is circumvented, and murdered — Caius Gracchus succeeds his Brother in his
Efforts to redress the Grievances of the People— Carries several Measures— Loses his
election on being proposed a third Time for the Tribuneship — Determines on armed Re
sistance—Is defeated, and slain— Progress of Patrician Power, and the Demoralization
of Roman Governments — Jugurthine War — Marius Consul — Termination of the War,
and Captivity and cruel Death of Jugurtha — War with the Cimbri — The Romans sustain
several Defeats, but the Enemy is ultimately routed and destroyed by Marius — Civil
Wars in Sicily and Italy — Italians incorporated as Roman Citizens — Factious Rivalry
between Marius and Sylla — The former in a Tumult expels his rival, and makes him
self Master of Rome— Sylla at the Head of an Army marches to Rome, and takes Pos
session of the City — He removes his Enemies from Power, and proceeds to conduct the
War against Mithridates — The King of Pontus completely defeated — Rome subjected
to fearful Carnage and Disorder by Marius and China — Sylla grants Mithridates Terms
of Peace, and, uniting the Army of Fimbria to his own, returns to Rome — Sylla de
feats the Troops of the Consuls, and makes himself absolute Master of Rome — Fearful
Extent of his Proscriptions, and consequent Slaughter of Soldiers and Citizens — His
Death — Pompey defeats a Marian Faction in Spain — Destroys the Cilician Pirates —

CONTENTS.

Defeats Mithridates, and annexes his Dominions to Rome— Conspiracy of Catiline at
Rome— Defeated by Cicero— The First Triumvirate— Pompey, Crassus, and Julius
Ciesar— Crassus slain in the Parthian War— C^sar, commanded by the Senate to dis
band his Army, marches on Rome— Pompey retires to Greece— Is followed by Cresar,
and defeated— Flies to Egypt, and is slain there^Julius Ciesar sole Ruler of the Roman
Dominions— Ctesar slain by Conspirators— Strange Irresolution and want of Unity
evinced by the Conspirators after the Death of Ctesar— The selfish Policy, Peculation,
and Ambition of Antony— Prudent Conduct of the young Octavius— He is elected C< 11-
sul— Flight of Brutus and Cassius— The Second Triumvirate — Antony, Lepidus, and
Octavius— Defeat and Death of Brutus and Cassius— Antony's disgraceful Residence
in Egypt— Lepidus banished— Defeat of Antony at Actium— He commits suicide in
Egypt— Octavius, as Augustus, supreme Ruler at Rome Page 40G

CHAPTER XII.

THE RELIGION OF ROME.

MISTAKES Notion which obtains of this Religion— Rome greatly indebted to Etruria—
The Religious Institutions of the Etruscans— Importance of the Establishment of
these Religious Institutions in Italy, before the Rise of Rome to Power— The Etruscan
Religion exhibited much important Truth and Divine Influence— Considerable Refer
ence to Primitive Traditions, and the Recognition of a Future State and Judgment—
The Founders of Rome educated in these Doctrines— All the Primitive Arrangement
and Organization of Rome formed on an Etruscan Basis— Sabine and Latin Deities
introduced by the Union of these Tribes— Numa and his Institutions— Rei-n of Tar-
qnin— Servius Tullius— Corruptions in Theology and Image-Worship introduced— The
Gods of Rome— Dii majontm—Dii sefecti—Dii minnrum— Sacred Persons— Priests—
Angurs— Fetiaha— Flamens— The Sacred Places and Rites of this Religion— Temples-
Prayers — Vows — Sacrifices — Festivals— Lupercalia— Bacchanalia— Saturnalia— Gen
eral View of the Roman Religion— Remarkable Unity maintained, notwithstanding so
much Extension and Addition— Completeness of the Ecclesiastical Economy— It an
swered its Design so far as to pervade the public Mind with its Influence— Originally
identified with many important Religious Truths— Inquiry into the Effect of this System
on the People— The Knowledge of God which it gave to the People— The Opinions of
Deity entertained by Philosophers— Analysis of the Religious Works of Cicero— The
The Philosophy of Rome afforded nothing better than Epicurean or Stoical
Tiews of Deity— Knowledge possessed by the Romans of the Immortality of the Soul,
and of Future Rewards aiftt Punishments— Effect of this Destitution of Truth upon
Roman Morals— The Description given by St. Paul— State of Domestic Manners— Con-
ition of Slaves, and their Cruel Treatment— Horrid Cruelty displayed toward the
ildren of Sejanus— Awful Prevalence of Licentiousness and unnatural Impurity. 459

CHAPTER XIII.

A GENERAL REVIEW OF THE HISTORY AND RELIGION OF THE GENTILE

NATIONS.

MISTAKE Notions respecting the Accordance of ancient History with Holy Scripture—
The Elevation of Man in his primitive State— Remarkable Corroboration of Scripturo

crpuro

Facts in Ancient History— Gentile Religion an important Development of Mosaic
Teaching— It contains wonderful Revelations of the Power and Providence of God-
Ancient History, as a Fulfilment of Prophecy, a remarkable Attestation of revealed
uth— Relation of Revelation to the Teaching of Science— The Testimony of ancient
iory in Respect of Religion in remarkable Accordance with the Bible— Proofs of

CONTENTS. 13

the Existence and Power of Satanic Influence — Infinite Absurdity of Idolatry — Yet it
was universal — False Theories devised for the Purpose of accounting for the Existence
of Idolatry, considered and refuted — Satanic Aggression on the Purposes of God and
Happiness of Man — The Deluge one of its Results — Corruption of the patriarchal Faith
— Attempt to frustrate the divinely-appointed Dispersion — Miraculously defeated — The
Call of Abraham, and Election of the Hebrew People, still further show the Violence of
Satanic Aggression on the Purpose of God — The Succession of great ruling Empires
displays the Power of diabolical Influence — The World prepared for the Introduction
of the Kingdom of God Page 505

NOTES.

ANTEDILUVIAN Idolatry, p. 525. — Was the Doctrine of the Trinity known to the early
Patriarchs? p. 526.— The Worship of Man, p. 528.— The Geography and Population of
Egypt, p. 530. — The Chronology of Ancient Egypt, p. 531. — The Monumental Names
of Kings, p. 534. — Sir Gardiner Wilkinson on the Date of the Exodus, p. 535. — The
Providential Preparation for the Israelitish Invasion of Canaan, p. 535. — The Martial
Career of Sesostris, p. 535. — The Cruelty exhibited in Egyptian Sculptures, p. 536. —
The Fulfilment of Sacred Prophecy in the History of Egypt, p. 537. — The progressive
Development of this Idolatry, p. 541. — The Changes made in the Egyptian Triad, p. 542.
— Glass sent as an Article of Tribute from Assyria and Babylon to Egypt, p. 543. — The
Army sent from Assyria, under the Command of Memnon, to assist Priam during the
Trojan War, p. 543. — The Remarkable Means by which the Reading of ancient Monu
mental Inscriptions has been recovered, p. 544. — The peculiar Difficulty of identifying
Assyrian proper Names, p. 545. — The proper chronological Succession of the Reigns
exhibited in the Assyrian Sculptures, p. 546 — The chronological Position of the lower
Line of Assyrian Kings, and their Relation to the Median Revolt, p. 547. — Evidence
of Sargina's Wars with Egypt, and the Kind of Tribute sent thence to Assyria, p. 549.
— The Fulfilment of Sacred Prophecy in the History of Assyria, p. 549.— The Era of
Nabonassar, p. 553. — Probable State of the Political Relation of Babylon to Assyria,
prior to the Reign of Nabopolassar, p. 553.— The Punishment of Zedekiah, p. 554.— The
Median Princess whom Nebuchadnezzar married, — the Queen Nitocris, p. 555. — The
Magnitude and Splendour of Babylon, p. 555. — The chronological Succession of Baby
lonian Kings after Nebuchadnezzar, p. 556.— The Geography of Borsippa, where Laby-
netus took Refuge, p. 560. — The Fulfilment of Sacred Prophecy in the History of Baby
lon, p. 561. — The Testimony of Herodotus respecting the Temple of Mylitta at Babylon,
p. 565.— What was the true Principle and Meaning of Sabrean Worship? p. 566.— The
Assyrian Triad, p. 567. — The Cherubim of Ezekiel, and their Relation to the compound
Figures of the Assyrian Sculptures, p. 563. — Imitations of Paradise attached to the royal
Palaces of the Assyrian Kings, p. 569. — Babylon the Type of Papal Antichrist, p. 570. —
The Time of Anarchy, and the Accession of Dejoces, p. 572.— The Period of Scythian Dom
ination over Asia, p. 573. — Chronology of the Eclipse of Thales, p. 573. — Who was the
" Darius the Mecle " of the Book of Daniel ? p. 573. — The Fulfilment of Sacred Prophecy in
the History of Media, p. 575.— The personal History of Cyrus, p. 576. — Was Cyrus made
acquainted with the Prophecies of Daniel ? p. 577. — The successful OnDosition of the
Governors of Syria and others to the Building of Jerusalem, and the Endence thereby
afforded of the Integrity and Perfection of the national Records at the Court of Persia,
p. 579. — The Deliberations of the Conspirators as to the future Government of Persia,
and the appointment of Darius Hystaspes to be King, p. 580. — The Succession of
Xerxes to the Throne of Persia, p. 581. — The Behistun Inscriptions, containing Da-
rius's own Account of his WTars, p. 582. — Did the Jews fight in the Army of Xerxes?
p. 590.— The Inscriptions relating to the Reign of Xerxes, p. 591. — The Inscriptions
relating to the Reign of Artaxerxes, p. 592.— The Fulfilment of Sacred Prophecy in the

14 CONTENTS.

History of Persia, p. 592.— The conflicting Opinions and Controversy respecting Zoroas
ter and his Doctrines, p. 595. — Probable Theology of Persia before Zoroaster, p. 596. —
The Origin of Fire- Worship, p. 599. — The Rewards of Heaven, and the Punishments of
Hell, according to Zoroaster, p. 600. — The Argonautic Expedition, p. 603. — The Theban
Legends, p. 606.— The Trojan Wars, p. 609.— The Return of the Heraclidse, p. 612.— The
Seven Wise Men of Greece, p. 615. — The Amphictyonic Council, p. 616. — Mortgage Pil
lars, p. 617. — The Judicial Court of Areopagus, p. 617. — Banishment by Ostracism,
p. 617.— The curious Mode employed to count the Army of Xerxes, p. 618.— The Re
building of the City of Athens and its Fortifications, p. 618.— The Fulfilment of Scrip
ture Prophecy in the History of Greece, p. 619.— The Grecian Theogony, a poetic
and corrupted Version of primitive History and of the Scenes of Babel, p. 621. — The
Divine Inspiration of Gentile Prophets, p. 622. — The certain Presence of Satanic
Energy in Grecian Soothsaying and Oracles, p. 624. — The sacred nocturnal Scenes of
the Eleusinian Mysteries, p. 625. — The Doctrines of Plato respecting the Soul and its
Transmigration, p. 628.— The Credibility of the earliest Roman Historians, p. 630.—
The Legend of ^Eneas, p. 633.— The Legend of Alba, p. 634.— The Legends of Romulus
and Remus, p. 634. — The Legend of Tarpeia, p. 635. — The Etruscan Origin of Roman
Power and Civilization, p. 635. — The Origin and Character of the Dictatorship, p. 636. —
The first standing Army of Rome, p. 636. — A general View of the legendary History
of Remus, to the Capture of the City by the Gauls, p. 637. — The oppressive Laws of
ancient Rome respecting the Poor, p. 637. — The Fulfilment of Sacred Prophecy in the
History of Rome, p. 638.

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

THE ORIGIN, CHARACTER, MYSTERIES AND ORACLES OF
PAGAN IDOLATRY.

KNOWLEDGE of this Subject necessary— False Religion attests the Religious Tendency of
Man— Heathen Idolatry must be studied with a distinct Recognition of Satanic Influ
ence — Necessity of admitting the Evidence of Revelation— ORIGIN OF IDOLATRY —
Idolatry in postdiluvian Times arose before the Dispersion— And emanated from Babel
—Was not at first a violent Introduction of Error, but a fatal Perversion of Truth-
Elements of Truth liable to this Perversion— Plurality of Persons in one Deity-
Promised Incarnation— Rites of Patriarchal Worship — Man's primitive Purity and
Fall— Similarity of the Adamic and Noachic Families— Hero-Wor ship considered as
arising out of the promised Incarnation, and taking the Form of a Triad from the Great
Father and his three Sons — Peculiar Case of Egypt — Animal- Worship — Folly of many
Attempts to account for it— Originated in the Cherubim — Worship of material Elements
— The Agency under which all this Error was evolved made apparent by the universal
Worship of the Serpent Form— THE RELIGIOUS CHARACTER OF THIS SYSTEM— It practi
cally obliterated the essential Principle of the Divine Unity — Banished all Idea of
Divine Purity — And destroyed at once the Knowledge of God, and Confidence in him —
Character of Idolatrous Worship — General Admission — But the Being to whom this
Worship was offered was not God — And the Service, although often grand and imposing,
was generally associated with foul and filthy Abominations — THE MYSTERIES — The
Theory of Warburton refuted by Leland — Conflicting Theories as to the Origin of the
Mysteries — Their Object equally contested — Their Origin defined — Their Object
explained — Essential Elements of Heathen Mysteries — THE ORACLES of Heathen
Worship — An undoubted Privilege of Patriarchal Times to have Access unto God, and
to obtain special and important Instruction by this Means — Contest between the Learned
as to whether Heathen Oracles were sustained by Satanic Influence— Testimony of
Scripture — Judgment of the Learned on the Character and Credit of tne Oracles —
Case of Croesus, King of Lydia, from Herodotus — The Result of the Inquiry establishes
the Operation of Satanic Influence — General Observations in Conclusion.

A KNOWLEDGE of the religion of the ancient heathens is essential to a
correct acquaintance with the history, the character, and the condition of
this immense and interesting portion of the population of our world.

The attainment of this knowledge is, however, as difficult as it is desir
able. Not only do the remoteness of the period whence the information
is to be obtained, and its recondite nature, offer formidable obstacles to the
prosecution of this inquiry ; but, in addition to these, we have the disad
vantage of exploring an almost untrodden path. The philosophy of the
ancients has been laboriously investigated ; the mythologies of the several

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

primitive nations have been elaborately detailed; early history and cbro
nology come before us, elucidated by the labour, learning, and genius of
the greatest authors of ancient and modern times : but no writer of emi
nence with whose works I am acquainted, has done more than make a
passing allusion, or give an incidental reference, to the religion of the
ancient world, in the sense in which the term is here used.

Before entering on this investigation, it may be observed, that the
religion of the heathen world is not to be regarded as any invention or
wayward aberration of the human mind ; much less can it be considered
as the result of any combination of human circumstances. Viewed in
connexion with man's fall and its consequences, it is rather the substitution
of an evil which the human mind, in its darkness and obliquity, and in
its unextinguished aspirations after happiness, has chosen, instead of
embracing that which God has prescribed as its satisfying portion. The
worship of idols attests man's capacity for the worship of God. The ado
ration even of material elements is one of the collateral proofs of the
possession and perversion of a noble attribute, which allies man with the
spiritual world, and speaks his intended intercourse with Deity. Idolatry,
in the nature of things, could not have been the original exercise of the
human mind in respect of worship. While, therefore, this adoration,
perverted from its divine object, tends to prove the primitive purity of
man, his devotional access to God, and his spiritual ruin through sin ; its
existence in human history exactly harmonizes with all these elements of
man's early condition, and is utterly incompatible with any other supposed
commencement of his subsequently devious career.

Again : the origin of idolatry will never be understood while the inves
tigation is confined to the character of the human mind or the history of
the human race, without a distinct recognition of man's exposure to Satanic
influence and aggression. It might as reasonably be attempted to write a
history of England while ignoring the Norman Conquest, or a system
of physics without reference to gravitation, as to give a consistent and
rational account of the origin of idolatry in the absence of all reference
to Satan, its real author and object. It may be said, " This is unscientific
and unphilosophical." But is it not in perfect accordance with the purest
science, and the soundest philosophy, to apply all truth to useful purposes,
and, by the judicious adaptation of ascertained principles to cognate
subjects, to solve apparent mysteries, unravel difficulties, and make that
clear and plain which was before confused and obscure? Why, then,
should this mode of proceeding be prohibited in respect to the truths of
the Holy Scriptures by those who admit their divine origin ? Sceptics and
infidels may decline such a method : it is their consistent habit so to do.
But why should those who make the undoubted verity of God's holy word
the basis of their highest hopes and dearest interests, hesitate to apply its

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 17

teaching to the great problems presented by all the aspects of the world's
religion ?

In the investigation of the origin and character of idolatry, this aid is
essential. The moment we enter on this study, we are met by such questions
as these :— " AVhat were the origin and design of bloody sacrifices ? Why
were they universal, when the most profound sages were ignorant of their
origin and object ? Why was the form of the serpent, above every other,
consecrated to supreme elevation and honour?" These and many other
queries cannot be solved by any study of human nature or human history.
No recondite researches into ancient mythology, no laboured exploration into
the poetry or religion of the primitive nations, will afford a satisfactory
answer. To understand the origin, object, and character of idolatry, we
must pass beyond the twilight of mere human intelligence and induction,
and, standing in the full glory of revealed truth, contemplate the primitive
condition and early history of mankind. Here we learn our glorious
origin, and the mighty agencies with which our nature, in the outset of
its career, was brought into contact ; mark the fearful change wrought in
man's moral nature, and watch its terrible results, until we see him turn
away from the God of his life, and bow in profane adoration before the
most filthy impersonations of his foul destroyer.

In this light we see that the relentless foe of God and man did not quit his
prey when covered with guilt, and involved in condemnation. It may be
fairly questioned whether any crisis in the affairs of the human race stands
invested with more terrible grandeur than this. Here we see that as Divine
Mercy interposed the scheme of redemption for the salvation of man, the
arch-foe not only opposed its principles and its progress by a wide range
of malignant effort, but, in a manner at once daring and insidious, he
devised idolatry, and succeeded in introducing it into the world, as a means
of wresting the spiritual dominion of mankind from the Mediator-Deity,
and establishing himself as " the god of this world." This was the agency
under which idolatry was introduced, and rose into influence and power ;
and throughout its almost infinite range of development, the evil and
debasing character of its author is legibly imprinted upon all its numerous
deities, doctrines, rites, and religious observances.

Our limits forbid any extended proof of these statements. It may, how
ever, be necessary to observe that the primitive progress of man in purity and
religion is an undoubted doctrine of the Bible. Learned men may, indeed,
persist in asserting that " fetichism, or the worship of the material elements,
was the universal religion of the earliest inhabitants of the earth :" and this
has been done so frequently and so confidently, that it has to a great extent
been admitted by incautious and inconsiderate readers. Nothing, however,
can be more opposed to the history of every primitive nation, as well as
to the explicit declarations of holy writ, than this notion. It has been

18 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

already shown, that all ancient testimony proves the condition of man in
the outset of his career to have been one of religion, happiness, and moral
elevation. The word of God fully confirms this view, and assures us that
idolatry did not arise in a season of ignorance, but when men "knew
God ;" — that it could not, therefore, have been a primitive religion of man,
but a superinduced corruption ; — that it arose not so much from intellectual
obliquity as from spiritual unfaithfulness, — not so much from the influence
of a debased mind as from an affectation of wisdom : for it was when men
" knew God " that " they glorified him not as God, neither were thankful,
but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was dark
ened. Professing themselves to be wise, they became fools ; and changed
the glory of the incorruptible God into an image made like to corruptible
man, and to birds, and four-footed beasts, and creeping things." Rom. i,
21-23. It is also declared with equal explicitness that in ancient times
the heathen offered " their sacrifices unto devils." Lev. xvii, V.

Clearly as these points are ascertained, it is not so easy to state when,
and under what circumstances, this abomination arose. It has been already
shown that Jewish tradition ascribes the introduction of idolatry to the
days of Enos in the antediluvian period. (Patriarchal Age, pp. 235, 236.)
Whatever doubt may rest on the statement of Maimonides, it must be
admitted that it is so consistent in all its parts, and in such exact accord
ance with the general teaching of antiquity on the subject, as to stand
invested with a high degree of probability of its being, at least in its main
particulars, an approximation to the truth. (See Appendix, note 1.)

But whatever was the religious condition of the human race before the
Deluge, it is certain that there must have been a commencement of idolatry
subsequent to that event. Here we meet with one fact nearly amounting
to a demonstration, that the postdiluvian origin of this evil is restricted to
a comparatively short period : idolatry must have arisen before the Dis
persion. " The various systems of pagan idolatry in different parts of the
world correspond so closely, both in their evident purport and in numerous
points of arbitrary resemblance, that they cannot have been struck out
independently in the several countries where they have been established,
and must all have originated from a common source. But if they all
originated from a common source, then either one nation must have com
municated its peculiar theology to every other people in the way of peaceful
and voluntary imitation ; or that same nation must have communicated it
to every other people through the medium of conquest and violence ; or,
lastly, all nations must, in the infancy of the world, have been assembled
together in a single region and in a single community, — must, at that period
and in that state, have agreed to adopt the theology in question, and must
thence, as from a common centre, have carried it to all quarters of the
globe.

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 19

" These are the only three modes in which the universal accordance of
the Gentiles in their religious speculations can be accounted for. But as
the incredibility of the first, and the equal incredibility and impossibility
of the second, may be shown without much difficulty, the third algne
remains to be adopted." — Faker's Origin of Pagan Idolatry. The
assertion, therefore, that idolatry arose before the Dispersion, is justified.

This fact is, moreover, sustained by explicit proof from the inspired
records. Babel, or Babylon, is well known to have been the seat of the
world's population prior to the Dispersion. This locality is rendered infa
mous in the Bible as the place whence this foul evil arose, and radiated to
poison the nations. " Babylon hath been a golden cup in th^ Lord's hand,
hat made all the earth drunken : the nations have drunken of her wine ;
therefore the nations are mad. Every man is brutish by his knowl
edge ; every founder is confounded by the graven image : for his molten
image is falsehood, and there is no breath in them." Jer. li, 7, 17. The
New Testament affords similar evidence. Without at all impugning the
application of the Apocalyptic prophecies to the Roman Antichrist, we
hold that the terms in which they are couched derive point and power
only from their previous connexion and import. Hence, when we read of
"Babylon the great, the MOTHER of harlots and abominations of the
earth ;" (Rev. xvii, 5 ;) and, " Babylon the great is fallen : — for all nations
have drunk of the wine of the wrath of her fornication ;" (Rev. xviii, 2, 3 ;)
we have marked intimations of the primitive scene, and principal seat, of
idolatry, the greatest invasion of the prerogatives of Heaven.

Having thus ascertained by undoubted induction, confirmed as it is by
Scripture proof, the period and place whence idolatry originated, we may
proceed another step, and elicit from the great and common principles of
all heathen mythology some notion of the ruling elements of unhallowed
feeling and corrupt imagination, which generated the evil of which we
speak. In this effort it will be of consequence for us to recognise the
important fact, that in all ages Satanic error has been most successful
when presented to the human mind as a perversion of truth. Faber justly
observes : " The human mind rarely tolerates any great changes if they be
violent and sudden, particularly in matters of religion. It seems natural
to suppose that this great apostasy was not a violent and abrupt setting
aside of true religion ; that it was not a sudden plunge from the worship
of Jehovah into the grossness of rank idolatry. I should rather appre
hend that it must have commenced with a specious perversion of sound
doctrine, and with an affectedly devout adoption of authorized rites and
ceremonies and phraseology." — Faker's Origin of Pagan Idolatry, vol. i,
p. 100. This judgment of an experienced and learned writer, who had
carefully investigated the subject, may be safely admitted as sound.

What, then, were those prominent elements of patriarchal religion

20 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

which were most likely, being generally known and partially obscure in
their character, to lead to speculation, corruption, and ultimately to
idolatry ? Here it may be necessary to remind the reader, that our first
parents must have had peculiar means of obtaining an acquaintance witli
God. Who can tell the knowledge of Deity which Adam enjoyed in his
state of innocence ? Nor can the form of language used throughout the
patriarchal age in respect of God be accounted for, except on the supposi
tion that man, at the commencement of his career, obtained a knowledge
of the divine nature and character which has never been fully explained,
and probably never will be, in this world. We have always spoken
guardedly (Patriarchal Age, pp. 266-271) of the knowledge which in
prae-Christian times obtained concerning the Divine Trinity: but the
more the subject is studied, the more clearly does it appear that, what
ever doubt may exist as to the acquaintance of the later heathens with
this doctrine, there can be little as to the prevalence of an opinion of this
kind among the early patriarchs. (See Appendix, note 2.)

Further, it is certain that, from the first family downward, the hope of

the world was centred in the birth and actions of a superhuman Beinw,

in other words, in the work of an incarnate Saviour. There might have
been much vagueness of view and opinion in respect of this subject : but
we greatly err if we suppose that all the information possessed by the
first family and their descendants, in respect of this doctrine, was merely
that which is contained in the primitive promise. Gen. iii, 15. Of the
various revelations which Adam received from God we have scarcely any
information. It is certain that sufficient knowledge on this subject was
revealed to afford a basis for an enlightened, operative, saving faith in
the mind of Abel and others : and if so, it must have been sufficiently
complete and defined to afford to other men an intelligible acquaintance
with the subject. (See Appendix, note 3.)

Again : in addition to these elements of religious knowledge, the early
races of mankind had a prescribed mode of worship. Enough has been
already said in the preceding volumes of this work to warrant the con
clusion of Faber, that the worship of the Israelites " was no other than
Patriarchisra, by various additions and special institutions, adapted to the
peculiar situation of a people which had been selected by Jehovah."
There was, therefore, a special place where God was worshipped by
sacrifice before the cherubim. Of the nature and character of the rites
performed in this primitive worship it is difficult to speak with any pre
cision ; but it is evident that there must have been a person (in "those
days generally the father of the family) to offer the sacrifice ; and in all
probability there was, in the pure patriarchal period, some visible fire, or
glory, representing the presence of Deity. (See Faber's Pagan Idolatry
vol. i, p. 425, and note to p. 424.)

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 21

Besides these doctrines, there were facts in the early history of the
world which must have been traditionally known, and which, from their
character, would more or less influence the opinions and the views of
the people.

There was, in the first place, the paradisiacal scene of man's primitive
glory and fall, which, with all its circumstances, would certainly have
been preserved in memory. The temptation, the serpent, the trees in the
midst of the garden, the judgment of the offenders, their expulsion from
Eden, — all these prominent particulars would have been narrated by
father to son continually, until they had perfectly imbued the mind and
memory of mankind.

The Deluge introduced another element into the religious traditions
of the new race of mankind. For, while they would preserve and cherish
the knowledge of all the religious doctrines, rites, and facts with which
man had been endued in the outset of his being, and which had been
evolved in the course of his career, it could not escape observation that
the beginning of the postdiluvian race bore a remarkable similarity to
that of the primitive family. In each case there was a patriarchal father,
with his wife. In each case this father had three sons : and in both
instances one of these sons exposed himself to divine malediction.

With these elements of religious knowledge, and facts popularly known
and pervading the public mind, we have to contemplate the postdiluvian
population of the world under the aspect in which they are presented
to us in the pages of holy writ. We are told that they " knew God"
They had sufficient acquaintance with the being, attributes, and provi
dence of God. Yet in those circumstances, this people did not glorify
God, nor evince gratitude toward him : and with these sins of the heart,
there existed in active operation a strong tendency to refined speculation.
They "became vain in their imaginations," indulging in unworthy exposi
tions of established truth, and' adding to it according to the dictates of
their corrupted fancy. The consequence of this conduct produced its
natural result: — it darkened their mind, and introduced death into the
religious affections of their hearts ; and thus, " professing themselves to be
wise, they became fools." The consequence of all this was the introduc
tion and practice of the vilest idolatry. Rom. i, 21-23.

Were we able to detail with certainty and precision the progress of
this declension, it would form a very important branch of the early history
of our race. But this is more than can be expected. When we have
placed the result in connexion with the cause, we shall have furnished
materials from which to form some idea of the steps by which mankind
descended downwards to the lowest estate of moral degradation.

In the first instance, it may be observed that a ruling element in the
idolatry of heathenism is the deification of human nature. Man has

22 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

been everywhere invested with divine attributes, and honoured with
divine worship. What could have originated such extravagant and
unreasonable conduct ? With all the bodily weakness incident to his
constitution, — exposed to casualty, disorder, disease, and death, — utterly
unable to ward off mental or physical evil, or to sustain the mind in
peace, or to provide for the wants of the body by any inherent power, —
what could have originated the idea of investing poor perishing humanity
with the attributes of Divinity ? It is not wonderful that, after the prac
tice had been introduced, a martial hero like Alexander should have
aspired to such a vain and monstrous distinction. The question is, What
could have led to the introduction of the absurd and proud assumption ?

After carefully considering all the professed solutions of this problem
which ancient or modern times have supplied, we can receive none as
satisfactory but that which refers its origin to the promised incarnation.
Ill-understood and imperfectly-transmitted traditions of the primitive
promise of an incarnate Redeemer naturally induced expectation and
inquiry. When any man obtained more than usual celebrity, or arose
into great prominence under very extraordinary circumstances, there
would always be a motive for inquiring whether he was the Incarnate
One who had been promised. This would of course incline any man of
a daring, ambitious mind, who aspired to great elevation and power, to
claim this divine character, and put himself forward as the expected
incarnation. It is more than probable that Nimrod acted thus, in order
to persuade all the people to remain under his government at Babel,
rather than to disperse themselves over the world in obedience to the
command of Heaven.

The whole practice of heathen dernonolatry, however, proves that
whatever influence the promised incarnation might have had on the origin
of the evil, other agencies must have operated to mould and form it into
a system. No fact is more evident than that the earliest human objects
of worship are almost always presented to us in triads. Mr. Faber
attributes this singular circumstance entirely to the fact that Adam, as
the great father, and his three sons, were regarded as reappearing in
the persons of Noah and his sons. Indeed, every part of the heathen
world affords ample evidence that the three sons of Noah were the popular
triad of Gentile idolatry. Yet this does not, in my judgment, include the
opinion that the hope of the promised incarnation was the sole origin of
this human deification.

In the case of Egypt, for instance, wo have, in the researches of Cham-
pollion, a very curious exception to this rule. According to this erudite
writer, " the primary form or antitype of the entire mythology (of Egypt)
is a triad of divinities, composed of Amoun, the father, Mout, the mother,
and Chons, the infant son." On this curious fact I quite agree with a

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 23

learned Egyptologist, who observes, " It does not appear probable that men
to whom the doctrine of the triunity of God was unknown, could have
framed such a system as this." — Osburn's Antiquities of Eyypt, p. 138.
It is not to be imagined that these persons had refined and elevated
views and clear conceptions of this doctrine, like those who have the
Christian Scriptures in their hands; but that they had a vague and
imperfect notion of the triune personality of Deity. Taking the Egyptian
triad in connexion with the triads of other countries, it does not seem
possible to avoid the induction, that the general system of human deifica
tion arose out of a combination of influences, arising from a corrupted
tradition of the promised incarnation, a vague notion of the doctrine of
the Trinity, and a speculative fancy of the application of these to the sons
of the first great father, as reproduced in the offspring of Noah. And
this induction, be it observed, is justified by numerous instances in the
history and mythology of the ancient world.

Idolatry, however, was not confined to the worship of eminent living
men, and their revered ancestors : it extended to the animal creation. If
this practice had not been all but universal, and as such attested by indu
bitable evidence, it would appear utterly incredible. That man should
bow down in lowly adoration, and worship the image or person of his
fellow-man appears passing strange ; but that he should stoop to ascribe
divinity to a brute, and prostrate himself in religious reverence before it,
seems too much for belief. Yet so it was, and in heathen lands is even
now. What could have originated such gratuitous debasement and profa
nation ? This question has been frequently asked both in ancient and
modern times, but has seldom obtained a satisfactory solution. The
obscurity which rested on this subject in respect to the learned among the
heathen, we may see finely illustrated in the false and foolish answers
"which they vainly offered.

One reason assigned for this practice, according to Diodorus Siculus, is,
that the gods, in the early ages of the world, being in fear of the numbers
and wickedness of mankind, assumed the form of animals, in order to
avoid their cruelty and oppression ; but that, having afterward brought
the world under their government, the gods decreed that the forms under
which they had obtained security should be regarded with religious
veneration. A second reason assigned is, that the ancient inhabitants of
Egypt, having suffered many defeats from their enemies in consequence
of confusion and want of discipline in their army, devised the plan of
carrying standards, and for this purpose selected the figures of animals.
These serving as a rallying-point for the several divisions of the troops,
they obtained a victory, and ever afterward treated these figures with
religious respect. A third reason given is, that this worship arose out of
gratitude for the benefits conferred by them on mankind. But when it is

24 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

remembered that the lion and the eagle were prominent in the early
stages of animal-worship, this answer will sink down to a level with the
pwceding. Other notions, equally ridiculous and absurd, have been
handed down to us ; but this diversity of opinion, and this laboured
effort to devise any plausible origin for so strange a practice, only prove
the darkness which rested on the subject. Porphyry, who though a
clever writer was a bitter enemy to revelation, has inadvertently on this
point given us an important suggestion. In propounding his theory on
this subject, he attributes the origin of animal-worship to the operation
of the principle that the Deity permeates other beings, as well as man ;
that, in fact, " nearly the same spiritual essence pervades all the tribes of
living creatures." On this account, he adds, " in fashioning images of
the gods, they have adopted the forms of all animals ; sometimes joining
the human figure with those of beasts ; at others, combining the shapes of
men and of birds," &c. — Por})hyrius de Abstin., lib. iv, cap. 9.

It it always important in investigations of this kind to distinguish
between fact and philosophical speculation. In this instance the learned
heathen, I have no doubt, gives us an important fact, namely, that
animal-worship originated in n practice which had grown up, of com
bining portions of the figures of animals, or of birds, with parts of the
human figure. If we may rely on this statement, which is open to no
reasonable doubt, we find that, unlike almost every other part of heathen
idolatry, the worship of animals was not the first form of this error. The
veneration of images preceded that of the real animals. Nor were these
images representations of complete animal forms, but of compound figures,
exhibiting different combinations of the cherubic elements — man, lion, ox,
and eagle.

Here, then, we have an account of the origin of animal-worship which
meets all the difficulties of the case. The cherubic figures, we are sure,
were copied in the sculptures of the ancients in almost every diversity of
form and combination. These, like the teraphim of the Hebrews,
became, in process of time, objects of superstitious regard, and ultimately
of idolatrous reverence. The next step produced images of animals as
meriting similar devotion ; and living brutes succeeded as objects of
worship.

Beneath this depth of human abasement, folly, and sin, there is yet a
lower deep. Men not only condescended to worship brute beasts, and
birds, and creeping things ; they proceeded even to reverence and adore
the different parts of inanimate creation. Reference has been already
made to the causes which led to an early reception of the false dogma of
an endless succession of worlds. This opinion, however, when once
accepted, induced a belief of the principle involved in it, namely, the
eternity of matter: and, eternity being clearly recognised as a divine

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 25

attribute, the entire natural creation was regarded as divine ; and both
notions were extensively propagated. In the progress of this error, how
ever, the speculative perversity of the men who, professing to be wise,
sunk into such folly, encountered a serious difficulty. While admitting
the eternity of matter, they could not repudiate the eternity of the great
father, the belief of whose reappearance, at the commencement of each
cycle of the world's existence, lay at the foundation of the whole system
of error. But then they found themselves stumbling between the idea
of two eternals : one occasionally, and at great intervals of time, appear-
in"" in human form ; the other infinitely diversified throughout the whole
material world.

This difficulty was solved, or rather the Gordian knot cut, by supposing
the first of these to represent the mind or soul — the second, the material
body — Of the world. "As "it was observed that man consisted of two
parts intimately associated, the circumstance was analogically extended
to the world at large. The spirit of man for a season animated a body ;
and when that body was worn out, and its component particles were
resolved into their original substance, the spirit occupied another tene
ment; and again, at a stated interval, quitted it for a new one. In a
similar manner, the intellectual great father for a season animated his
body the world ; and when that body at each great catastrophe was
resolved into the primeval crude matter out of which it had been formed,
the soul soon formed to itself another body in a new world, which it again
occupied, and again quitted, at the close of the new period." — Faber's
Pagan Idolatry, vol. i, p. 163.

Thus the foundation was laid for the most extended system of idolatry,
in which every part of nature might be regarded as divine. The modifi
cations of this notion, and the inferences derived from it, were numberless.
This mystic union of spirit and matter was frequently exhibited under the
notion of a conjugal union, in which the pervading spirit is spoken of as
the great father, and the material world as the great mother. Another
representation exhibited the heavenly bodies as embodiments, or residences,
of the pervading and ruling spirit ; while the terrestrial world was regarded
as the body of the universal deity.

Another modification of this error, which arose afterward, taught that
the intellectual principle was light and goodness, and the material prin
ciple darkness and evil. And thus was exhibited the idea of two inde
pendent and rival deities : one, the patron of purity and light ; the other,
of evil and darkness. It can scarcely be doubted that this latter inflexion
of the error was greatly modified under the influence of a tradition respect
ing the grand tempter and the fallen angels.

Thus, by these several means, the great elements of a universal idolatry
were established in the world. If it had been judged necessary, the

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

several particulars which have been noticed might have been amply sus
tained by learned references : but the best, as well as the most ample and
convincing proof which can be given in their support will be afforded by the
various developments of them which will be found in the chapters exhibit
ing in detail the religion of the several nations which have to come under
our notice. Enough has been said to indicate, in outline at least, the
more prominent of those speculations by which men, even while knowing
the true God, and " professing themselves to be wise, became fools."

In proceeding to notice the object and character of idolatry, it may be
first observed, that, regarded in the united light of reason and Scripture,
.tands before us as a grand effort to defeat or neutralize the great
scheme of redemption. I freely confess, I know of no subject that has
been treated so unworthily as this. According to established usage, the
youth in our best schools— the readers of our most erudite manuals and
educational works— are all introduced to an acquaintance with this sub
ject as a curious development of human ingenuity and speculation,— as a
science mainly consisting of the actions, character, and worship of 'certain
imaginary mythological personages. With these it is thought an accom
plishment to have some acquaintance; and no one can doubt that this is
essential to any intelligent study of classic authors. But does all this
present to the mind any consistent idea of the object and character of
idolatry ? We teach the rising generation, and all inquiring minds, the
great elements of man's primeval history from the sacred record. They
are instructed respecting man's innocency and temptation, his expulsion
from Paradise, and the promise of a Redeemer. But when they are called
to study the history of our race, to mark the progress of a fearful moral
and mental deterioration, which covered the world with gross darkness,
and rendered the isolation of the elected Hebrew people necessary to the
maintenance of the knowledge of God in the world, all this fearful system
of error and evil is exhibited as totally unconnected with spiritual agencies
and moral ends. Is this reasonable or consistent ? Is it not certain that
the same agency which effected the fall, and thus spoiled the purity of
man, induced the whole scheme of idolatry, in order to defeat the promised
redemption, and to frustrate the purpose of God in the promised mission
of his Son ? Can there be a doubt in any reasonable mind on this import
ant point ? Evidence from Scripture has been briefly adduced, and might
be extended : but this is not necessary ; the whole tenor of holy writ is
decidedly in favour of my argument. I wish, however, to call more par
ticular attention to one important point— the worship of the serpent.

That the malign foe should repeat his assault on human happiness after
the promise of redemption, is not wonderful. That he should have perse-
?wed in his aggression, might be inferred from his subtilty and malice.
But it will scarcely be believed, that even Satan should not only have

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 27

aimed so high as to supplant the adorable and eternal God as the object
of human worship, but should also have aspired to put himself forth as
the object of supreme worship, and challenge the adoration of the world,
under the precise form in which he had succeeded in effecting the ruin
of the race. Yet so it was. The serpent form has in all probability
approached nearer to universal adoration than any other.

A learned author, who has investigated this subject with great labour
and research, assures us that he has "traced the worship of the serpent
from Babylonia, east and west, through Persia, Hindustan, China, Mexico,
Britain, Scandinavia, Italy, Illyricum, Thrace, Greece, Asia Minor, and
Phenicia. Again, we have observed the same idolatry prevailing north
and south, through Scythia on the one hand, and Africa on the other.
THE WORSHIP OF THE SERPENT WAS THEREFORE UNIVERSAL. For not only
did the sacred serpent enter into the symbolical and ritual service of every
religion which recognised THE SUN, but we even find him in countries
where solar worship was altogether unknown, — as in Sarmatia, Scandina
via, and the Gold Coast of Africa. In every known country of the ancient
world, the serpent formed a prominent feature in the ordinary worship,
and made no inconsiderable figure in their Hagiographa, entering alike
into legendary and astronomical mythology.

"Whence, then, did this ONLY UNIVERSAL idolatry originate? That
it preceded polytheism, is indicated by the attribution of the title OPS, and
the consecration of the symbolical serpent, to so many of the heathen
deities. The title OPS was conferred upon Terra, Vesta, Rhea, Cybele,
Juno, Diana ; and even Vulcan is called by Cicero Opas.

" In Grecian mythology the symbolical serpent was sacred to Saturn,
Jupiter, Apollo, Bacchus, Mars, ^Esculapius, Rhea, Juno, Minerva, Diana,
Ceres, and Proserpine: — that is, the serpent was a sacred emblem of
nearly all the gods and goddesses.

" The same remark may be extended to the theogonies of Egypt, Hin
dustan, and Mexico, — in all of which we find the serpent emblematic, not
of one deity, but of many.

" What, then, is the inference ? That the serpent ivas the most ancient
of the heathen gods." — Deane's Worship of the Serpent, pp. 441-443.

So the great and terrible truth stands clearly attested, not only by the
word of God, but by authentic records of every ancient nation, that
the old serpent, the devil, who seduced our first parents from their alle
giance, succeeded in establishing himself, under the very figure in which
he wrought his first fatal triumph, as the almost universal object of
human worship, — " the god of this world." Yes, and as the corrupt fancy
and bewildered speculations diversified modes of worship, and multiplied
forms and objects of adoration, this malign spirit, as if to assert his
universal supremacy, and perpetuate his name and influence over the wide

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

world of human nature, stamped the serpent name on every deity, and the
serpent form on every ritual. To use the elegant language of the author
Already cited, "The mystic serpent entered into the mythology of every
nation; consecrated almost every temple; symbolized almost every deity ;
was imagined in the heavens, stamped upon the earth, and ruled in the
realms of everlasting sorrow. His subtilty raised him into an emblem
of wisdom; he was therefore pictured upon the aegis of Minerva, and
crowned her helmet The knowledge of futurity which ho displayed in
Paradise exalted him into a symbol of vaticination ; he was therefore
oracular, and reigned at Delphi. The ' opening of the eyes ' of our deluded
first parents obtained him an altar in the temple of the god of healing ;
he is therefore the constant companion of ^Esculapius. In the distribu
tion of his qualities the genius of mythology did not even gloss over his
malignant attributes. The fascination with which he intoxicated the souls
of the first sinners, depriving them at once of purity and immortality, of
the image of God and the life of angels, was symbolically remembered and
fatally celebrated in the orgies of Bacchus, where serpents crowned the
heads of the Bacchantes, and the poculum boni dcemonis circulated under
the auspices of the ophite hierogram, chased upon the rim. But the most
remarkable remembrance of the paradisiacal serpent is displayed in the
position which he retains in Tartarus. A cunodracontic Cerberus guards
the gates ; serpents are coiled about the chariot wheels of Proserpine ;
serpents pave the abyss of torment; and even serpents constitute the
caduceus of Mercury, the talisman which he holds when he conveys the
soul to Tartarus. The image of the serpent is stamped upon every
mythological fable connected with the realms of Pluto." — Deane's Wor
ship of the Serpent, pp. 443, 444.

To such a fearful extent is the presence and image of Satan the de
stroyer impressed on the wide range of idolatry ! Nor is the character
with which he has imbued it less dubious than the symbolism under
which it is exhibited to the world. The genius of heathen idolatry is
throughout diabolical. It would be easy to exhibit this with the most
ample proofs, if our limits would allow the insertion of a wide range of
evidence. But this is impossible. All, therefore, that is permitted us is,
to cite a proof or two under a few leading particulars, which may confirm
and illustrate this strong assertion.

I. One great object, then, of religion is to make known to man the
nature and character of God. How does the idolatry of the heathen
world, sustained as it has been by science, intellect, and genius of the
highest order, meet this grand requirement? The only answer which
can be given is this, — With utter and unmitigated disappointment. The
first law of revelation, and the first dictate of reason respecting God,
clearly assert the divine unity. To this truth all idolatry stands directly

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 29

opposed; for it exhibits "lords many and gods many." I am well
aware that it has been boldly asserted, that this apparent multiplication
of deities and images is ideal ; that these poetic and material representa
tions were only intended to shadow forth the attributes of Deity, and to
bring him vividly before the mind. Do the persons who make these
assertions know that in the best days of Greece the philosopher Stilpho
was banished from Athens, by a decree of the Areopagus, for affirming
that the statue of Minerva was not a god ? (Diogenes Laertius, lib. ii,
segm. 116.) Is it not notorious that a form of invocation was long pre
served in the ritual of the supreme pontiff, which was used by the
Romans for the purpose of coaxing the tutelary deity of a place with
which they were at war, by the promise of more costly offerings than he
had been accustomed to receive, to come over to them ? (Valerius Maxi-
mus, cited by Pliny, lib. ii, cap. 7.) Yes, and although the Greeks and
Romans sometimes affected to despise this superstition, they could them
selves descend to the absurdity of chaining the images of gods to their
pedestals. (Plutarchus, De Iside et Osiride, Opera, torn, iii, p. 397.)
No sarcasms of satirists or maxims of philosophers can be poised, for a
moment, against the weight of this practical evidence.

Next to the unity of God, religion should exhibit his purity. For all
the moral ends of religion this is unquestionably essential. What heathen
idolatry has done to manifest this attribute of God to mankind, scarcely
need be detailed. Let all mythology be examined, the Pantheon of every
heathen nation be investigated, and where can one prominent deity be
found whose moral character, as exhibited by his worshippers, would not
expel any living individual from any civilized society ? What crimes did
not one or another of these celestials commit ? Murder, adultery, incest,
— all that lust could suggest, that rage could induce, that ambition and
jealousy could inspire, — abundantly stained the conduct of these imagin
ary beings. There is no point in the whole system of idolatry more
affecting than this. Here the fountain is polluted at its source. Can
man be expected to present a purer character than his God ? Yet here
the teeming multitudes of heathendom have a concentration of every vice
presented to their view as their model of character. Yet our best literati
speak as if this idolatry was innocuous, and only presented the divine
character under another name. Witness the famous stanza of Pope,
which has been so often placed in the hands of our children : —

" Father of all, in every age,

In every clime adored,
By saint, by savage, and by sage,

Jehovah, Jove, or Lord."

Is it true, then, that the person and character of the great Jehovah
were exhibited of old by the foul and filthy impersonations of Olympus ?

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

Above all, are we to be told now that this was the case ? No : the purity
of God was unknown to idolatry. That offspring of Satanic influence and
human depravity produced ideas of Deity in direct accordance with the
temper and spirit of the mind of the poet

Nor was the evil resulting from this polytheism and impurity merely
notional and speculative : it directly tended to destroy all real knowledge
of God, and practical confidence in him. IIow could God be known,
when only seen through the medium of heathen divinities ? Or if these
were taken as exhibiting the divine character, who could confide in such
a manifestation of Deity ? How, in fact, could such confidence be exer
cised, when the recognised deities were divided into factions always dis
united, and frequently decidedly hostile ? He who sought the favour of
Venus excited the anger of Juno : he who sacrificed on the altar of Jove,
rather displeased than propitiated Neptune. Realms and kingdoms, as
well as individuals, were exposed to this evil: every nation had its
natural patrons and foes in the council of Olympus ; and its prosperity or
decline did not so much depend on its virtue or piety, as on celestial
favour fortuitously gained, or celestial enmity unknowingly and unde
servedly provoked.

It may, indeed, be objected that these were the sentiments thrown out
in the poetry, and adopted by the people, of heathen lands, but that the
philosophers and the learned knew better. If this argument could be
admitted, it would but very slightly improve the case. For, in a religious
aspect, who are they that compose the masses of nations, and involve
their dearest interests and final destiny ? Arc they not the people ? If,
therefore, the literati and philosophers had entertained higher or clearer
views, it would be saying little in the favour of this religious system if it
required them to keep the people in ignorance. But, notwithstanding all
these allegations, there is no satisfactory proof that either learning or
philosophy presented an efficient antidote to the evils of idolatry.

I may cite here the summary of a learned author who has carefully
studied this subject : —

" On three points the theological discords of the ancient schools were
softened into unusual harmony. 1. All the philosophers, excepting the
atheistical sects, agreed in admitting a plurality of gods. If some of them
occasionally speak of deity in the singular number, they speedily lapse
into the error of the popular faith, and avow persuasions which sufficiently
prove they had no conception of the unity of the Divine Being. Socrates
and Plato, the best and purest of the philosophical theologists, were
scarcely less devoted than the plebeian disciples of the popular creed to
the dogmas of polytheism. 2. The ancient philosophers also agreed in
limiting the attributes of their gods. The deity was said neither to exer
cise nor to possess creative energy. Matter, uncreated, eternal, and self-

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 31

existent, might be shaped into diversity of form by divine skill, but it
existed independently of divine power. It was thus invested with the
fundamental qualities of Deity. 3. The popular creed of Greece and
Rome was an extravagant Manicheism, in which demoniacal powers were
mingled with divine. The philosophers adopted, but modified the doc
trine. An eternal and disorderly principle was supposed to interfere per
petually in the government of the world. The existence of moral evil,
not to be accounted for, as was thought, under the sole dominion of a
benevolent deity, was thus explained ; and the wisdom and goodness of
the ruling god were subjected to a counteracting and malignant power."
— Alley 's Vindicice Christiance, pp. 30, 31.

It is, therefore, certain that the direct tendency of idolatry, as estab
lished in the most civilized and refined nations of the earth, effectually
concealed the knowledge of God from almost all classes of society ; and
at the same time not only spread over the whole surface of religion unmis
takable emblems of the evil principle, but actually recognised the evil one
as a real divinity, counteracting the designs, and frustrating the purposes
of the beneficent God.

II. We next turn our attention to the general character of idolatrous
worship.

Of all the exercises of the human mind, the worship of God is the most
noble, and most intimately allies man to the heavenly world. If ever the
best affections of human nature are called into lively action, and the
highest attributes of the human mind are likely to be employed under the
highest influence, it must be when man, under a sense of weakness and
want, comes in an acceptable manner to God, as the Author and Giver of
, all good, to receive those blessings of which he feels the need. In this
devotional duty the mind, when rightly directed, apprehends the infinite
majesty and mercy of God, humbly offers its penitence and prayer, and
i earnestly implores a visitation of grace. How did the most refined sys
tems of idolatry meet this requirement, and lead man into intercourse
with God ?

It cannot be denied that this idolatrous worship, in highly cultivated
countries, — in Greece, for instance, — " often afforded a beautiful and inter
esting spectacle. The extensive area before the temple, and the noble
porticoes which generally surrounded it, were crowded by a devout and
zealous multitude. The priests or priestesses, in splendid garbs, appeared
at a little distance, in the vestibule, at the foot of the altar. After -a
solemn pause, one of the subordinate ministers, in order to excite the atten
tion of the people, demanded, 'Who are those that compose this assem
bly ?' and a universal response was returned, ' Upright and pious citizens.'
The officiating priest then slowly advanced, and, in distinct and awful
voice, exhorted the congregation * to offer up their prayers, and to suppli-

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

cate the gods.' Prayers adapted to the occasion were next recited by the
priest ; or hymns, in which the divine genius of the poet had celebrated
the majesty of the gods, were chanted by a chorus of youths and virgins."
— Alley's Vindicice, p. 151.

Yet notwithstanding the pleasing order and affecting character of these
ceremonies, it must not be forgotten that the being to whom all this was
addressed was not God, but a creature of the imagination. In most
instances these deities were not only imaginary, and therefore imperfect,
but highly criminal, cruel, or licentious. In those cases the absurdity and
wickedness of the worship would be in proportion to the ignorant zeal of
the worshippers. Nothing, indeed, can be more certain than that, so far
as the great mass of the people were concerned, this worship was mere
ceremony. The multiplicity of deities, — the confusion of ideas arising
from their manifold and conflicting attributes, — the minute ceremonial
connected with the offering of sacrifice, — would effectually prevent any
real worship of God, except under circumstances the most extraordinary.

But the irreligious character of this worship is one of its most favour
able features. It was frequently degraded by the vilest cruelty and
ferocity. Human beings — not unfrequently women — were savagely
butchered, and offered upon the altars of these sanguinary deities. In
other cases this service became a mere purchase and sale of sinful licence.
The sacrifice was not an expression of contrition and a means of pardon
for sin, but a means of exemption from its punishment by the presentation
of a costly bribe to the divinity supposed to have been aggrieved. At
other times filthier, if not fouler consequences resulted from this adora
tion. The deity was, in many instances, an embodiment of licentious
ness ; and then the worship would be of a corresponding character.
Bands of courtezans, armed with every blandishment of beauty, music,
and dancing, by a thousand arts inflamed the excited worshippers, until
they were prepared to wallow in pollution from which the mind turns
away with infinite disgust.

The cause of truth demands that it should be distinctly stated that
these abominations are not accidental circumstances, arising in some par
ticular age or country. No; they are the natural results of idolatry.
Wherever this fearful error has reigned, in ancient or modern times, it
has produced similar effects. Carnal, unmeaning ceremony, — cruelty and
blood, — licentious impurity, to an extent forbidding all description, — have
always been the natural fruits of this evil.

When exhibiting the religion of the several Gentile nations, it will be
necessary to present these subjects in greater detail. Enough has hero
been said to give a general idea of the spirit and genius of idolatry ; and
to show that, as a standing rule, it has banished all just and worthv views
of God from the minds of men, and has substituted, for that divine worship

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 83

which was appointed by God as the great means of raising the mind and
renewing the character of man, a system of creature-worship which has
debased mankind, and become a fruitful cause of the blackest crimes, and
of the most filthy impurities.

If, therefore, an investigation of the origin of this compound of wicked
ness and folly led to the opinion that it arose in the world through the
direct agency and influence of Satan, all that we have seen of its results,
in respect of man's knowledge and worship of God, fully confirms this
view. In all its character, spirit, tendency, and resulting circumstances,
idolatry presents itself to the mind as the work of Satanic guile, and of a
powerful influence exercised on the depraved hearts of unfaithful men.

Notwithstanding the overwhelming amount of evidence by which these
views of the origin and character of pagan idolatry are supported and
attested, a disposition has been evinced by some men of learning — espe
cially by those among them who have not carefully studied the sacred
Scriptures, or the Christian religion — to endeavour to show that the moral
impurity and intellectual perversion, which obviously resulted in a fearful
torrent from this source, were not universal ; that among certain classes
or sections of heathen society the doctrines of a pure theism were plainly
taught, and the precepts of a sound morality carefully enforced. And,
strange as it may appear, an eminent Christian divine and English bishop
has mightily promoted these (in our judgment) erroneous views.

Bishop Warburton, in his " Divine Legation of Moses," strongly asserts
that in the heathen mysteries all the errors of polytheism were explained
and neutralized ; that here the initiated were taught, " that Jupiter, Mer
cury, Bacchus, Venus, Mars, and the whole rabble of licentious deities, were
only DEAD MORTALS ; subject in life to the same passions and infirmities
with themselves ; but having been on other accounts benefactors to man
kind, grateful posterity had deified them, and with their virtues had
indiscreetly canonized their vices. The fabulous gods being thus routed,
the Supreme Cause of all things naturally took their place. Him they
were taught to consider as the Creator of the universe, who pervaded all
things by his virtue, and governed all things by his providence." But,
according to the judgment of this learned prelate, not only were prevalent
errors repudiated, and sterling truth enforced ; a religious change of heart,
and a life of unblemished purity and virtue, were also enjoined. He says,
"The mysteries openly proclaimed it as their chief business to restore the
soul to its original purity," — " taught the necessity of a strict and holy
life." Hence, " those that were initiated, were obliged by solemn engage
ments to commence a new life of the strictest purity and virtue : nor was
a less degree of purity required of the initiated for their future conduct."
— Divine Legation, book ii, sec. 4.

If these strange assertions had been sustained by reasonable proof,

34 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

although it might not necessarily impugn what has been said respecting
the Satanic origin, character, and influence of heathen idolatry, it would
certainly compel us to admit that some gracious interference had infused into
the centre of this corrupt mass a counteracting influence of truth and right
eousness. It would, therefore, be most cheering to find the speculations of
the learned prelate of Gloucester on this subject abundantly verified. It
is with sincere regret that we are compelled to affirm that, although they are
supported with all his energy and learning, his reasoning is inconclusive, and
his inferences are unsatisfactory. A careful and extended inquiry com
pletely dissipates the hopeful scheme which his ingenuity had raised.
Leland, (Christian Revelation, part i, chap, viii,) by an elaborate and
learned investigation, showed very clearly that the bishop's conjecture is
entirely unsupported, and falls to the ground in the absence of proof.

It does not comport with the plan of this work to give even a sketch
of this controversy, or of the various opinions which have been promul
gated on this important and interesting subject. It will, however, be
necessary to furnish some distinct idea of these heathen mysteries, and to
state our opinion of their origin, object, and progressive character.

Entering upon this needful, but very difficult, part of our undertaking,
it may be proper to premise, that while our space forbids great amplifica
tion, and restrains the exhibition of our views, and the production of evidence,
to a limited compass ; it will, nevertheless, be attempted to state the case
so clearly, and to exhibit such an amount of proof, that in future this
stronghold of scepticism may be deprived of its power to counteract the
teaching of God's holy truth. And, as the subject is very obscure, it will
be our aim to be particularly explicit.

The term " mysteries," by which in our language these sacred services
and rites are designated, comes from the Greek pvaTTjpiov, and, in its
modern acceptation, imports something above human intelligence ; some
thing awfully obscure and enigmatical ; anything artfully made difficult ;
the secret of any business or profession. This term is frequently used in
the Xew Testament Scriptures ; and, when thus employed, generally signi
fies those doctrines of the gospel which the Jews in preceding times did
not understand, in consequence of the darkness of their religious dispen
sation ; or those profound truths — such as the Trinity in Unity, the Incar
nation, <kc. — which the weakness of human reason can never adequately
comprehend.

In the application of this term, however, to the sacred and occult rites
of the heathen, its meaning is not so obvious. Many ingenious and con
flicting conjectures, on the etymology of the term, and its application to
this subject, have been offered by learned writers ; but that seems most
probable which derives the word from the Hebrew ^r.Cft — which means
" any place or thing hidden or concealed." As there can be little doubt

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 35

that the occult rites to which this term was applied, were imported into
Greece from Egypt and the East, and as in those regions names and distinc
tive terms possess a peculiar significancy and force, this sense of the word
may be safely received.

On a subject so recondite and obscure as the origin of these religious
rites, it might be expected that great difference of opinion would be found
among the learned. This is the case in a more than ordinary degree.

One able writer insists that " the mysteries were the offspring of bigotry
and priestcraft ; they originated in Egypt, the native land of idolatry."
" They were instituted with a view to aggrandize that order of men," (the
priesthood,) " to extend their influence, and enlarge their revenues. To
accomplish these selfish projects, they applied every engine toward besot
ting the multitude with superstition and enthusiasm. They taught them
to believe that themselves were the distinguished favourites of Heaven ; and
that celestial doctrines had been revealed to them, too holy to be commu
nicated to the profane rabble, and too sublime to be comprehended by
vulgar capacities.

"All the orientals, but more especially the Egyptians, delighted in
mysterious and allegorical doctrines. Every maxim of morality, every
tenet of theology, every dogma of philosophy was wrapped up in the veil
of allegory and mysticism. This propensity, no doubt, conspired with
avarice and ambition to dispose them to a dark and mysterious system of
religion." — Ency. Brit., art. Mysteries.

Another and very opposite opinion respecting the origin of the heathen
mysteries is given by Warburton. Instead of regarding them as invented
and brought into use to promote the objects of the priesthood, he considers
"that the mysteries were invented, established, and supported by law
givers." He argues this, "1. From the place of their original; which
was Egypt. This Herodotus, Diodorus, and Plutarch, who collect from
ancient testimonies, expressly affirm; and in this all antiquity concurs.
Now, in Egypt, all religious worship being planned and established by
statesmen, and directed to the ends of civil policy, we must conclude that
the mysteries were originally invented by LEGISLATORS."

2. Secondly, it is urged that " the sages who brought them out of Egypt,
and propagated them in Asia, in Greece, and Britain, were all kings or
lawgivers; such as Zoroaster, Inachus, Orpheus, Melampus, Trophonius,
Minos, Cinyras, Erechtheus, and the Druids.

" 3. They were under the superintendence of the state. A magistrate
entitled BA2IAET2, a ' king,' presided in the Eleusinian mysteries. Lysias
informs us, that this king was to offer up the public prayers, according to
their country rites ; and to see that nothing impious or immoral crept into
their celebration. This title given to the president of the mysteries was,
doubtless, in memory of the first founder; to whom were joined four

36 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

officers, chosen by the people, called 'EIIIMEAHTAI, or ' curators ;' the
priests being only under-officers to these, and had no share in the direction :
for, this being the legislator's favourite institution, he took all possible care
for its support, which could not be done more effectually than by his
watching over it himself.

44 4. But this original is still further seen from the qualities required in the
aspirants to the mysteries. According to their original institution, neither
slaves nor foreigners were to be admitted into them. Now, if the mys
teries were instituted, primarily, for the sake of teaching religious truths,
there can be no reason given why every man with the proper qualifications
should not be admitted : but supposing them instituted by the state for
civil purposes, a very good one may be assigned ; for slaves and foreigners
have there neither property nor country.

" 5. Another proof of this original may be adduced from what was
taught promiscuously to all the initiated ; which was, the necessity of a
virtuous and holy life, to obtain a happy immortality. Now this, we know,
could not come from the sacerdotal warehouses : the priests could afford a
better pennyworth of their Elysium, at the easy expense of oblations and
sacrifices.

" 6. Another strong presumption of this original is the great use of
the mysteries to the state ; so amply confessed by the wisest writers of
antiquity, and so clearly seen from the nature of the thing itself.

** 7. Hut, lastly, we have the testimony of the knowing Plutarch for
this original ; who, in his treatise ' Of Isis and Osiris,' expressly tells us,
that it was ' a most ancient opinion, delivered down from legislators and
divines to poets and philosophers, the author of it entirely unknown, -but
the belief of it indelibly established, not only in tradition, and the talk of
the vulgar, but in the MYSTERIES and in the sacred offices of religion, both
among Greeks and barbarians, spread all over the face of the globe, that the
universe was not upheld fortuitously, without mind, reason, or a governor
to preside over its revolutions. ' " — Divine Legation, book ii, sec. 4.

These conflicting views of the origin of the mysteries are sufficiently
startling ; but it will be necessary to add to their number before proceed
ing to investigate the subject. We are told in a modern work of great
merit, " That the ancient mysteries were nothing but the impositions of
priests, who played upon the superstitious and ignorant, is an opinion
which, although entertained by Limburgh-Brouwer, the latest writer on
the subject, certainly cannot satisfy those who are accustomed to seek a
more solid and vital principle in all religious institutions that have ever
had any lasting influence upon mankind. The persons united and
initiated to celebrate the mysteries in Greece were neither all priests, nor
did they belong to the ignorant and superstitious classes of society ; but
they were, on the contrary, frequently the most

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 37

and philosophers. It has been remarked, that it is far more probable
that the mysteries of the various parts of Greece were remains of the
ancient Pelasgian religion. The associations of persons for the purpose of
celebrating them must, therefore, have been formed at the time when the
overwhelming influence of the Hellenic religion began to gain the upper
hand in Greece, and when persons who still entertained a reverence for
the worship of former times united together, with the intention of pre
serving and upholding among themselves as much as possible of the
religion of their forefathers. It is natural enough that they 'formed them
selves for this purpose into societies, analogous to the brotherhood of the
Church of Rome, and endeavoured to preserve against the profanation of
the multitude that which was most dear to them. Hence the secrecy of
all the Greek mysteries, and hence the fact that the Greek mysteries
were almost invariably connected with the worship of the old Pelas
gian divinities." — Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Antiquities, art.
Mysteries.

Again : a different solution of this difficult subject is given by Mr.
Faber. He first identifies the mysteries, notwithstanding the diversity of
deities and names under which they were celebrated ; and, having estab
lished their common origin, he proceeds : " Bishop Warburton, agreeably
to his system of deducing everything from Egypt, contends that they
were first invented in that country ; whence, in process of time, they were
carried into Greece, Persia, Cyprus, Crete, Samothrace, Lemnos, Asia
Minor, Britain, Hindostan, and all those barbarous nations, wherever
situated, among which we find them established.

" This theory seems to me so utterly incredible, that I feel myself
altogether unable to adopt it. Whatever was the origin of the mysteries,
such also must have been the origin of the whole fabric of the pagan
mythology : for the two are so intimately connected, that it is impossible
to separate them from each other and to derive them from different
sources. If, then, we subscribe to the hypothesis of Warburton, we must
prepare ourselves to believe that the whole frame-work of Gentile idolatry,
with the sacred mysteries attached to it, was the exclusive contrivance of
the Egyptian priesthood ; and that the entire human race were but servile
copyists of one single nation. We must believe, not only that the neigh
bouring Greeks and Phenicians borrowed from Egypt, but that the most
remote communities, the British Celts, the Pelasgic Scythians, the Magi
of Persia, the Chaldeans of Babylon, and even the Brahmins of Hin
dostan, were all content to receive their theology from the same country.
We must believe, too, that this universal obligation to Egypt was incurred
in the very earliest ages : for, not to enter into a discussion respecting the
antiquity of Babylon, or Persia, or Hindostan, we find the orgies of
Adonis, or Baal-peor, and of Astarte, or Lida, completely established in

38 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

Palestine prior to the time of the Exodus; and we observe the Greeks
acknowledging that they had already received from the northern Pelasgi,
or Thracians, those very mysteries which were again imported by the
southern settlers from Egypt.

"The whole of this appears to me perfectly incredible. Egypt, no
doubt, was a civilized and well-regulated state at a very remote period ;
and its established idolatry was, I believe, coeval with its very existence
as a nation : but, neither was it the only civilized community ; nor, even
if it were, would this satisfactorily account for the universal adoption of
its mysteries, as well by its more immediate neighbours, as by the far-
distant colonies of the extreme east, and north, and north-east. When
the earth was once peopled by the descendants of Noah, and when his
children had once formed distinct states in regions widely separated from
each other, I can never bring myself to believe, that any single nation could
communicate its own peculiar religious system to the whole world ; I can
never persuade myself, that all mankind with one consent forsook the
worship of their fathers, merely that they might adopt the fantastic
inventions of Egypt.

'* How, then, are we to account for the general prevalence and identity
of the pagan mysteries ? and from what common origin are wo to suppose
them to have sprung ? I undoubtedly account for the matter precisely
as I account for the identity of the various systems of pagan mythology.
So remarkable and exact accordance of sentiments and institutions, which
may be distinctly traced in every part of the world, leads inevitably to the
belief that, in the infancy of society, when as yet mankind were but few
in number, all the children of Noah were associated together in one com
munity ; that, while they thus formed but one empire, a great apostasy
from the worship of the true God took place ; that at that period the
original system of idolatrous mythology and the sacred mysteries attached
to it were first contrived ; and that afterward these, by the Dispersion,
were spread over the world." — Pagan Idolatry, vol. iii, p. 106.

If it had been my object to exhibit to the utmost the discordance which
obtains among the learned respecting this subject, I should next quote the
opinion of Dr. Hales, who believes the mysteries to have had their origin
in the Hebrew feast of tabernacles, and then adds some equally strange
notions from other authors : but my limits forbid an exposure of the
eccentricities of scholars, which can yield no practical advantage.

It may appear a Utopian undertaking to attempt to reconcile these
conflicting opinions; although it may be candidly acknowledged that
elements of truth may be found in each of them. The prevalent error
into which these and other eminent men have fallen seems to be that
they have not only studied the subject each under different aspects, but
they have also confounded changes introduced into the institution of

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 39

which they speak, in different ages and countries ; and, consequently, that
which ought only to be regarded as a peculiar and local feature, has been
spoken of as a general and prevailing characteristic.

It will, however, now be necessary for us to give the view of the origin,
object, and character of these institutions, which we have formed after a
careful consideration of all these opinions.

1. As to their origin, the argument of Mr. Faber appears to be irre
sistible. The learned writer in Dr. Smith's Dictionary may as reasonably
contend for the origin of the mysteries in Greece, — although it is noto
rious that they previously existed in Egypt, — as Warburton can for their
Egyptian origin, when their early prevalence and general identity cannot
be denied. Whatever precise period, therefore, may be fixed on as
having produced these strange ceremonies, it must be placed before the
Dispersion, in order to account for their general prevalence.

2. The most curious and important section of the inquiry, however,
respects the object or design which led to the establishment of a religious
ceremonial, that spread so widely, and exercised such an immense influence
over the world throughout succeeding ages. On this point it does not
become me to speak positively ; yet it seems probable that, by carefully
reviewing a few particulars, some definite information may be obtained
even on this recondite topic.

It appears that in all these mysteries there is mention made of a cer
tain sacred ark. " Apuleius mentions the ark of Isis ; and describes it as
containing the sacred symbols which were used in the mysteries : he also
exhibits Psyche as deprecating Ceres by the silent orgies of the ark of
that goddess. Plutarch, in treating of the rites of Osiris, speaks of the
sacred ark which his long-robed priests were wont to carry, and which
contained within it a small golden boat. Pausanias notices an ancient
ark which was said to have been brought by Eurypylus from Troy, and
within which the sacred image or symbol of Bacchus Esymnetes was
enclosed : he likewise mentions certain arks as being ordinarily dedicated
to Ceres, who was worshipped in conjunction with Bacchus, just as Isis
was in conjunction with Osiris. Eusebius informs us, that, in celebrating
the mysteries of the Cabiri, the Phenicians used a consecrated ark.
Clemens says that a similar ark was employed in the orgies of the same
Corybantic Cabiri, who were venerated in Mount Olympus ; that it con
tained an indecorous symbol of Bacchus ; and that it was conveyed by
the Cabiric brethren themselves into Etruria, where the mystic use of it
was likewise adopted. This author speaks also of the ark of the Eleu-
sinian Ceres, and is very particular in noticing its contents. Theocritus,
in describing the mysteries of Bacchus as celebrated by the three Lenae, —
Ino, Autonoe, and Agave, the three representatives of the triplicated great
mother, — fails not to specify the sacred ark, out of which they take the

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

hidden symbols that were used in the orgies."— Rafter's Pagan Idolatry,
vol. iii, p. 119.

Further proof to the same effect might be produced respecting the use
of the ark for these sacred purposes in Greece, Rome, Babylon, India,
and Britain. This important element may, therefore, be considered as
fully established.

" The question, then, is," as Mr. Faber very pertinently puts it, " What
are we to understand by this so generally reverenced ark ?" This learned
writer supplies an elaborate answer, in accordance with his theory of
heathen idolatry ; and satisfactorily establishes the fact, that this sacred
ark, as used in the mysteries, was employed in significant reference to the
Deluge, and the great father and mother who were there preserved.
On one point, however, I think it necessary to suggest an extension or
emendation of this learned author's views. I cannot divest myself of
the belief that the ark devised for the purpose of this idolatry and these
heathen mysteries, was the original or first sacred ark. If it has been
established that the cherubim of Eden were appointed for a purpose
similar to that to which the cherubim were applied in the Mosaic sanctu
ary ; (Patriarchal Age, pp. 143-148;) and that, throughout all patri
archal times, the faithful had a place of worship, a seat of the divine
presence, a depository for sacred emblems of the patriarchal faith, and an
oracle ; (Hebrew People, pp. 525, 526, 528, 529 ;) then it is, to say the
least, extremely probable that the origin of the mysteries, in the outset
of postdiluvian idolatry, was not the invention of a new ceremonial of
sacred things, but a perversion of an old and pure service.

Intimations of this may be discovered in the evidence which has been
already given. For instance, in the extract from Plutarch's description
of the rites of Osiris, he speaks of the " sacred ark :" but this is not, as in
many other instances, the symbol of the ark of Noah ; on the contrary, it
contained a small golden boat, which was evidently intended to serve that
purpose.

It seems, therefore, that the measure which led to the establishment of
the mysteries was a virtual repudiation of the old pure patriarchal faith, and
the adoption of a scheme of idolatry which deified the great father and
mother, as reappearing in Noah and his wife, and then triplicated in the
persons of their children ; and that the mysteries were an adaptation of
the sacred patriarchal worship to this idolatry.

It is not to be expected that any particular solution of this difficult
subject will be received with favour, or commend itself to general accept
ance; especially as the most ample collection of .evidence which could be
exhibited, must, from the nature of the subject and the character of the
testimony, fail to furnish that absolute proof which the mind requires, in
order to rest with implicit reliance on the certainty of the thing.

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 41

All, therefore, that can be hoped, and which, indeed, the nature of the
subject seems to admit, is, to supply such a solution as shall meet all the
requirements and difficulties of the case. It has been already shown that
none of the schemes to which we have alluded, although propounded
by men of eminence, have done this. It is, for instance, vain to fur
nish the most plausible account of the origin of the mysteries derived
from the relative influence of Hellenic and Pelasgian doctrines in Greece,
when it is an incontestable fact, that essentially the same ceremonies pre
viously obtained in Egypt. It is equally futile to argue, with Wai-burton,
for their Egyptian origin, when, from their prevalence in such remote
countries as India and Britain, it must be seen that they could not have
emanated from any single nation, but must have originated prior to the
Dispersion. No arguments can be satisfactory which ascribe these sacred
services to any particular class, whether priests or statesmen, when it is
undeniable that both these classes, as well as the most profound philoso
phers, took a deep interest, and felt a vital concern in the maintenance
of their sacred character. Nor is it possible to make the more correct
theory of Faber meet all the requirements of the case. To suppose the
ark of the mysteries to have had no other prototype than the ark of
Noah, is irreconcilable, not only with the fact that in some instances the
symbols of the ark of the Deluge are found separate and distinct from the
sacred chest of the mysteries, but also with this most important circum
stance, — that the sacred ark of the Hebrew tabernacle, which could have
had no reference to the Deluge, was almost identical with those found in
ancient Egyptian sculptures of religious ceremonies.

I am desirous to subject to the same test which I have applied to other
schemes, the solution which I have suggested.

1. We find a sacred ark used in the mysteries of almost every (if not
every) ancient people. This ark not only is, in many instances, shaped
like a ship, a boat, or a lunar crescent, — but, in many others, has addi
tional figures and emblems of this kind, while the body of the ark itself is
almost an exact copy of the Hebrew ark of the tabernacle. (Kitto's Cyc.
of Bib. Lit., art. Ark.) Again : let the population of the world at the time
of the Dispersion be fairly considered, and whether we refer to the evi
dence afforded by the general identity of all heathenism, or the Scriptural
account of the patriarchal times, it must be believed that the service and
worship of God were conducted publicly, intelligently, and by the offering
of sacrifice in or before a place sacredly set apart as the dwelling of God.
To ascribe the origin of the mysteries to a corruption of this service, is,
therefore, to obtain the countenance of all antiquity to the probability of
our theory.

2. It is not intended here to expand the hints which have been given
respecting the sin of Nimrod in his effort to make himself the religious, as

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

well as the political, head of the new world. It can, however, scarcely be
doubted by any who will carefully peruse the voluminous evidence col
lected by Faber, that the establishment of postdiluvian idolatry was
effected by the deification of Noah and his sons, as reappearances of the great
father, to the end that the aspirant himself might also claim divinity as
a descendant from them, most probably in the character of the promised
Seed. If such was the fact, what means could have more certainly carried
out such a project successfully, (and carried out we know it was,) than
making those sacred services of patriarchal worship which, from the rapid
increase of population, must have become select, accessible only to a few,
who had entered into the ambitious and profane purpose ; and then
ingrafting on all its sacred things, doctrines, and rites, a refined and
elaborate, but corrupt and debasing idolatry ?

3. It will be obvious that the ascription of special sacredness to these
religious rites would allow ample opportunities for the changes sought, and
at the same time would have invested these new rites and doctrines with
peculiar and important influence. Nor is it easy to conceive how else a
whole people could be led into such serious errors. It is, however, certain,
that in all ages the introduction of fatal errors respecting religion has been
covered with combined prescriptions of secrecy and mystery.

4. It must be admitted that this idea of the origin of the mysteries
perfectly accounts for the essential identity, and, at the same time, national
diversity, which they exhibit. Having had one common origin, they
were all framed on the same principle and pattern : but alterations in the
detail of names, rites, and ceremonies, would be afterward introduced,
harmonizing them severally with the diverse peculiarities of national
mythology.

5. This theory of these sacred heathen rites is no less important in
respect of their object than with reference to their origin. If it had been
desirable here to quote detailed particulars, both these points might be
amply sustained and illustrated. This will, however, be more suitably
done when we come to consider the religion of the several nations in
separate chapters. Still it may be proper to remark, that much confusion
has been introduced into the subject by learned writers speaking of the
origin and object of the mysteries from the aspects which they present in
a particular nation. It is very conceivable that they might have been
introduced into Greece in a very different manner from that in which they
were first produced at Babel ; and that priests and legislators might, in
different countries and ages, have made them subservient to their own
purposes. The view we have taken, therefore, corrects what is erroneous,
and harmonizes what is sound, in the several conflicting theories which
have been propounded under limited and local impressions of the subject

6. Yet although this is not the place to insert in detail the various

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 43

ceremonies which were incorporated into the mysteries of ancient nations,
it is necessary to give some idea of the general character which they
exhibited, and of the ruling elements which everywhere distinguished them.

The mysteries were sacred sacrifices and ceremonies which took place
at night, or in secret, within some sanctuary, into which the uninitiated
were not permitted to enter.

There were several particulars essential to these religious services, and
common to them in all countries.

(1.) There were always pbjects of worship. The mysteries were, in
fact, always a secret worship of some particular deity or deities. In
Egypt, Isis and Osiris were adored ; in the Grecian Eleusinian mysteries,
Demeter and Persephone ; in those of Thebes, Bacchus ; and in other
places other divinities were the centres and objects of these select and
secret rites. In each and every case, these orgies were celebrated in
honour of some deity whose praises were the special business of the offici
ating hierophant. This precisely harmonizes with our view of their origin
in the deification of Noah and Nimrod.

(2.) Another essential to the celebration of the mysteries was, the use
of sacred utensils. We have already observed, the principal of these
was an ark or chest, containing sacred articles which, it seems, were
generally exhibited in the mysteries. Apuleius mentions the ark of Isis
as containing secret symbols. Plutarch, treating of the rites of Osiris,
says that the ark contained a golden boat. Pausanias notices an ancient
ark, within which the sacred image or symbol of Bacchus Esymnetes was
enclosed. Clemens says, that a similar ark was employed in the orgies
of the Corybantic Cabiri, and that it contained an indecorous symbol of
Bacchus. Numerous other instances might be cited from classic authors ;
but these are sufficient to show that sacred arks, containing religious
symbols, were common in different countries in the celebration of the
mysteries.

(3.) A third requisite for these secret services was a recital, by the
hierophant, of ancient traditions, with their interpretation.

Warburton has employed his mighty genius and learning to show that
the doctrines taught in the mysteries were the human origin, death, and
sepulture of the heathen gods, — the real unity of the Deity, — and the
necessity of a holy life.

The sense in which the learned prelate understands these points, and
the consequences which he has drawn from them, have been ably contro
verted by Leland and Faber. Yet, to a great extent, these writers are
obliged to admit the accuracy of the data upon which the bishop reasons,
however successfully they have overturned his inductions.

It seems, then, to be an undoubted fact, that the mysteries taught the
origin of the hero-divinities of postdiluvian idolatry. Whether, as War-

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

burton conjectures, the fragment of Phenician history preserved by San-
choniatho was the very account read to the initiated or not, the constant
reference to the mutilation of Osiris and other deities, combined with other
circumstances, identifies this teaching with the story of Noah beyond any
chance of mistake. Nor does it appear at all improbable, notwithstanding
the objections of Faber, that, in the origin of this hero-worship, there was
a recognition of the unity of the supreme God, and that this was verbally
proclaimed in these sacred rites, even when in practice unbounded poly
theism prevailed. In like manner, it is very conceivable that the intro
duction of this system of idolatry, and the establishment of these sacred
rites for its promulgation, were connected with large professions of purity
and moral improvement : and this may account for the existence of many
passages in classic authors on which much reliance has been placed. But
if this was the case at first, it soon gave way to the prevailing spirit which
imbued the whole idolatrous system, until at length, as Cicero says, the
mysteries became synonymous with " abomination."

On the whole, then, it may be regarded as an established fact : that
the mysteries originated in a series of grand, but secret or covert efforts
to establish polytheism, and to secure the great rebellion against the pur
poses of God in the days of Nimrod ; that in the progress of these efforts
the pure patriarchal religion was corrupted, and hero-worship established ;
that the means used in effecting the alteration were afterward continued
with a view to sustain it, and the sacred patriarchal symbols were retained,
but with considerable modifications and additions ; and that, in harmony
with the whole design and object, these mysteries were open only to the
initiated, who were bound not to divulge any of the privileged communi
cations which they had received.

III. We now direct attention to THE SACRED ORACLES of the heathen.
These were everywhere regarded as means of obtaining from the Deity
some solution of difficult cases, or information respecting events in distant
places, or at future times, beyond that which merely human wisdom
could possibly furnish. The fact of their institution and prevalence is,
therefore, a testimony borne by all antiquity to the fact of the divine
omniscience, and to the certain existence of a primitive revelation.

If, as some would-be philosophers are anxious to make us believe,
mankind began their career in a semi-bestial state, and by gradual and
successive improvements worked their way up to their present elevated
intellectual position, whence could possibly have originated a belief in the
divinity of oracles? We might as reasonably calculate on a herd of
baboons seeking such illumination, as that man would do so in such cir
cumstances. No; it stands confessed, that heathen oracles, however
vain, or false, or guileful, were but corruptions of a true and real revela
tion from God to man.

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 45

It was, indeed, the crowning glory of the pious in patriarchal times,
that they had access unto God. The few elements of information which
have reached us respecting this period, do not explain, as fully as could
be desired, the manner and means by which this boon was realized : but
it speaks to the fact in such a way as to place it beyond all doubt.
When Rebekah was driven by her distress to seek divine succour, she
was at no loss for the means of obtaining it : "She went to inquire of the
Lord" The puerile exposition of commentators, that this was an appeal
to some patriarch, or a simple exercise of prayer, is altogether inadmis
sible : the clear, ample, explicit, and prophetic answer which she received,
decides the case, and proves that she had access to an oracle of God.
Gen. xxv, 22, 23.

When, therefore, Satanic guile and power had succeeded in diverting
the minds of men from the only true object of worship to deified men,
and brutes, and elements, it became necessary that the false, idolatrous
religion thus introduced should possess a real or pretended power, equiva
lent to that afforded by the oracle of Jehovah in patriarchal times. Hence
we find everywhere, among the cultivated heathen nations of antiquity,
oracles established which professed to give responses dictated by Deity in
answer to the inquiries of the worshippers ; and, as the learned Bnnier
affirms, " every nation where idolatry prevailed had its oracles." Egypt,
Greece, Rome, and other countries, afford abundant evidence in proof
of this assertion.

The important question is then suggested, What was the real character
of these oracles ? Were they the result of combined fraud and ingenious
contrivance ? or did they in any measure emanate from, and were sus
tained by, Satanic influence ? In the solution of this question, the learned
of our own as well as of other countries are much at variance with each
other. Bishop Sherlock is so confident of the Satanic character of the
heathen oracles, that he does not hesitate to state that he regards those
who deny that the devil gave out the oracles to the heathen world, as
evincing "a degree of unbelief" which deprives them of all right to
debate questions of this kind. (Works, vol. iv, p. 49. London. 1830.)
While, on the other hand, Dr. Middleton pleads guilty to this degree of
unbelief, and maintains that these oracles were " all mere impostures,
wholly invented and supported by human craft, without any supernatural
aid or interposition whatever." (Miscel. Works, vol. v, p. 262. Lon., 1755.)
When such divines stand thus opposed to each other, nothing can be
hoped for in respect of authority. Our only resource is. therefore, to
investigate the subject for ourselves, under the guidance of such aids as its
nature affords.

It may be observed in limine, that an objection has been taken to
supernatural interposition in respect of oracles, which appears to be most

46 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

unsound and unreasonable. It has been asserted that numerous proofs
exist of fraud, deceit, and corruption, in the agency by which they were
administered : and hence it is argued, that they could not have emanated
from diabolical influence. It is difficult to conceive of a more inconse
quential conclusion. If it had been alleged that these oracles were the
result of divine prescience, then the proof of positive guile and wickedness
in the agents might be held sufficient to disprove the claim. But surely
there is no such obvious antagonism between Satanic influence, and fraud,
guile, and wickedness, that the presence of the one must necessarily
prove the absence of the other. On the other hand, I am free to confess,
that this asserted guile and fraud, instead of disproving the presence of
Satanic influence, rather inclines me to infer the operation of such agency.

In the investigation of this subject, then, it appears to me, wo have to
decide on these important questions : — First, have we any certain knowl
edge that a fallen spirit, at any time, or under any circumstances, has been
permitted to dictate superhuman knowledge to mankind ? And, secondly,
if this has been done, is the case of heathen oracles one which reasonably
justifies the belief that such influence was exerted in respect of them ?

1. Passing by other and more doubtful cases, I call attention here to a
clear and indubitable instance of the communication of superhuman
knowledge by a diabolical agency. The case I refer to has been noticed
for another purpose in a note ; it is that of the Pythoness of Philippi.
We have here (Acts xvi, 10-19) an unquestionable proof of such a com
munication of superhuman knowledge. It may be first observed, that the
term used by the sacred writer to describe this woman's occupation,
fjLavrevojuiai, and which our translators have rendered " soothsaying," sig
nifies "to foretell, divine, propliesy, DELIVER AN ORACLE." It is precisely
the same word which is used by Herodotus when referring to the divina
tion of the Scythians, (Lib. iv, cap. 67,) and which is also employed by
him when speaking of the famous oracle at Delphi. (Lib. vi, cap. 76 j
et lib. viii, cap. 38.) The case is, therefore, strictly in point.

In this instance, then, it is clear that an evil spirit gave to the woman
the power of making superhuman, or oracular, communications. The
presence and power of this spirit were absolutely necessary to the produc
tion of these results : for, when the demon was expelled, her masters " saw
that the hope of their gains was gone," and their chagrin and rage led to
a fierce persecution. It is vain to urge that this was a mere mercenary
affair ; and that it is not to be supposed that Satanic influence would be
permitted in such a case. The Holy Ghost- has declared it to be a fact.
Whatever fraud or wickedness might have been employed in connexion
with Uiis business, it is, therefore, an acknowledged truth by every
believer in revelation, that oracular answers, communicating superhuman
knowledge, were in this case given by diabolical agency.

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 47

2. We have to inquire, in the second place, whether the case of the
heathen oracles is such as to justify the opinion that this diabolical in
fluence was sometimes used in respect of them.

(1.) It seems reasonable to suppose, that if such Satanic influence was
employed in what appears to have been merely a private and mercenary
effort, it might surely be expected in those great national institutions
which stood associated with idolatrous delusions, and which had all been
brought into operation by the same infernal power.

(2.) It is important to consider the fact, that these oracles were sus
tained in high credit, and trusted with implicit confidence, by the wisest
statesmen and sovereigns of the nations of antiquity most celebrated for
their high state of civilization. Not only did this continue under particu
lar circumstances and for a season or an age, but it lasted throughout
successive centuries. This is an argument which all candid minds have
felt. Hence the learned Banier asks, " Is it, then, credible, that if the
oracles had been nothing but the offspring of priestcraft, whatever artful
methods they may be thought to have used, and however successful in
pumping out the secrets and schemes of those who came to consult
them ; — is it credible, I say, that those oracles would have lasted so long,
and supported themselves with so much splendour and reputation, had
they been merely owing to the forgery of the priests ? Imposture betrays
itself, falsehood never holds out. Besides, there were too many witnesses,
too many curious spies, too many people whose interest it was not to be
deluded. One may put a cheat for a time upon a few private persons,
who are overrun with credulity, but by no means upon whole nations
for several ages. Some princes who had been played upon by ambiguous
responses, — a trick once discovered, — the bare curiosity of a free-thinker, —
any of these, in short, was sufficient to blow up the whole mystery, and
at once to make the credit of the oracles fall to the ground. How many
people, deluded by hateful responses, were concerned to examine if it was
really the priests by whom they were seduced ! But why ? Was it so
hard a matter to find one of the priests themselves, capable of being
bribed to betray the cause of his accomplices, by the fair promises and
more substantial gifts of those who omitted no means of being thoroughly
informed in a subject of such concern?" — Mythology, vol. i, p. 328.

Lempriere echoes the same argument, and says, " Imposture and forgery
cannot long flourish, and falsehood becomes its own destroyer." — Diction
ary, s. v. Oraculum. Yet it is an undeniable fact that, "during the best
period of their history, the Greeks, generally speaking, had undoubtedly a
sincere faith in the oracle, its counsels and directions." — Smith's Diet,
of Greek and Roman Antiq., p. 670. Hence Lucan, who wrote his
Pharsalia scarcely thirty years after our Lord's crucifixion, laments as
one of the greatest evils of the age, that the Delphic oracle was become

48 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

silent. From the general credit which the oracles maintained in an
enlightened age, and during a very lengthened period, it is extremely
improbable that they should have been nothing more than the base
results of fraud and fiction.

(3.) The nature of the communications given forth by these oracles is
strongly confirmatory of the existence of Satanic agency. Our reference
must be confined to one remarkable instance ; but shall be a case of such
public notoriety as to form a fair example of the general character of the
institution.

I refer to the case of Croesus, King of Lydia, and the Pythian oracle.
Herodotus informs us that this sovereign, alarmed at the growing power
of Cyrus, King of Persia, and meditating an attack on his dominions, was
anxious first to consult the most celebrated oracles as to the issue of such
an important enterprise, before he committed himself to it. Prior, how
ever, to his submitting to the oracle the important question upon which
his fate depended, he was determined to propound one which should
enable him, as he thought, to test the prescience of the oracle. He
accordingly sent messengers to Delphi ; and having carefully considered
the period required for the journey, and allowed them ample time, he
commanded them at the appointed hour to present themselves before the
Pythoness, and propose this question : " What is Croasus, son of Alyattes,
now doing ?" They were to write the answer carefully down, and send it
to him. The answer was to this effect : —

" I count the saud, I measure out the sea ;
The silent and the dumb are heard by me.
E'en now the odours to mj sense that rise
A tortoise boiling with a lamb supplies,
Where brass below and brass above it lies."

The fact was, that Crcesus, determined to be occupied in the most unlikely
and unkingly manner, was engaged at that time in boiling the flesh of a
tortoise and a lamb together in a covered vessel of brass.

Crcesus was so impressed with the exactness of this response, that he
determined to do all in his power to propitiate this oracle, and to trust
himself to its direction. He accordingly sent to Delphi the most costly
presents in gold and silver, — amounting altogether, according to the com
putation of the Abbe Barthelemy, to £879,547, — with orders to make the
following inquiry: "Crcesus, sovereign of Lydia and of various nations,
esteems these the only genuine oracles. In return for the sagacity which
lias marked your declarations, he sends these proofs of his liberality. He
finally desires to know whether he may proceed against the Persians, and
whether he shall require the assistance of any allies." The answer was,
that if Crcesus carried his arms against the Persians, he would overthrow
a great empire ; and that ho would do well to make alliances with the

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 49

most powerful states of Greece. Interpreting this reply to his own advan
tage, but anxious to put the case in another aspect before the oracle, he
sent a third time, to inquire as to the duration of his empire. The answer
on that occasion was, —

" When o'er the Medes a mule shall sit on high,
O'er pebbly Hermus then, soft Lydian, fly,
Fly with all haste ; for safety scorn thy fame,
JS'or scruple to deserve a coward's name."

Still giving to the answers of the oracle the interpretation most favour
able to himself, Crcesus regarded the reign of a mule over Media as an
impossibility, and thence inferred the stability of his own power. Under
this impression he made war on Persia, and, as is well known, was soon
vanquished, stripped of his dominions, condemned to death, but ultimately
preserved and supported as a captive by Cyrus.

Keference will be elsewhere made to the history of these events. In
this place I have simply to investigate these oracular responses, with a
view to ascertain their character. First, then, it cannot be denied that the
first answer, which referred to the strange occupation of Croesus at the
time, exhibits remarkable accuracy. We may think ourselves very wise
in dismissing such a case with the cry of "jugglery and cheating ;" but it
is doubtful whether by such conduct we do not evince great folly. The
King of Lydia was a man of great energy and intellectual power : he was
therefore competent to judge of the chances of imposition, and to guard
against them, much better than we can now imagine. Yet he, by the
presentation of gifts to the value of nearly one million sterling, gave ample
proof that he regarded the whole as a bona fide transaction. Is it not,
then, reasonable to ask, " By what means could the Pythoness have given
such a reply ? By what means could the priestess at Delphi have ascer
tained what the King of Lydia was doing at a given hour, in his palace at
Sardis, hundreds of miles away, when he had determined to exercise his
utmost care and ingenuity in order to test her ability ?" Neither captious
querulousness nor unmeaning sneering will meet the case. Here is an
undoubted historical incident, which, I am bold to say, admits of no satis
factory solution, except on the principle of diabolical agency. But on this
principle all is plain : the difficulty, otherwise insurmountable, immediately
vanishes.

But then it is asked in the most triumphant tone, " Why were not all
the responses given in language equally distinct and intelligible ? Why
the double meaning and equivocation of the other replies ?" It is truly
astonishing to see the confidence with which this objection is urged, when
it is open to a very simple and rational solution. It is easy to conceive,
that diabolical agency might enable the Pythoness to give a clear and
distinct answer as to what was transpiring at the moment in a distant

50 PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION.

place, which to all merely human intelligence would have been wholly
inscrutable ; but it is far from certain that this agency could unravel the
mystery of future contingent events. This is the exclusive attribute of
Jehovah : he challenges this power to himself alone : " I am God, and
there is none else ; I am God, and there is none like me, declaring the
end from the beginning;" (Isa. xlvi, 9, 10;) while to the idols and their
worshippers he says, " Produce your cause, saith the Lord ; bring forth
your strong reasons, saith the King of Jacob. Let them bring them forth,
and show us what shall happen : let them show the former things, what
they be, that we may consider them, and know the latter end of them ;
or declare us things for to come. Show the things that are to come here
after, that we may know that ye are gods." Isa. xli, 21-23. Diabolical
aid, therefore, although it might give superhuman knowledge in respect
of passing events, and afford a means of conjecture beyond all human
•wisdom as to the future, could not communicate the power of foretelling
future contingencies. Obscure, conjectural, aud enigmatical expressions,
in the communication of oracles, would consequently be as necessary under
this agency as without it.

The result of our inquiry, then, is, —

1. That we find the heathen oracles maintaining a high character and
general confidence, to an extent, and for a period, beyond that which
would be likely to result from continued and unaided human fraud and
falsehood.

2. The accredited declarations of these oracles exhibit a measure of
knowledge respecting passing events, and a sagacity in respect of futurity,
far above all that merely human ingenuity or contrivance could produce.

3. Yet all this is found in such combined operation with wickedness,
fraud and corruption, as clearly to prove that if superhuman knowledge
was connected with the oracles, it must have been diabolical.

4. It is a certain fact, based on the authority of New-Testament reve
lation, that diabolical agency was used in ancient times for the purpose
of giving forth superhuman oracular responses.

From all these premises we conclude that the sagacity and general credit
of heathen oracles was in some instances owing to diabolical agency.

It only remains to offer a few brief observations on the entire system.

1. We see its unity of character. It did not set itself in positive col
lision with primitive truth ; but, incorporating important elements of this
truth into the system, it fell back on these for support and defence. It was
by this means that a common ground of union was established between the
old idolatrous nations. The truths which they had incorporated and per
verted were at the same time so many links in the chain by which, not
withstanding the diverse names of their deities, they were united, and
plates of the armour by which they were defended.

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION. 51

2. It will be seen how directly all the parts of this idolatrous system
were pointed against the actual sovereignty of God, and his divinely
appointed scheme of redemption. Whether we look to the origin, char
acter, mysteries, or oracles of this idolatry, we find it specially hostile to
the unity, providence, and religion of God. Moral truth, on some occasions,
might be admitted; the fact of a future judgment could be conceded;
a general but vague notion of providence might be taught : BUT GOD MUST
BE DETHRONED ; men, or beasts, or material elements, or heavenly bodies,
or the foul serpent-form, MUST rule supreme, and receive divine adoration.
Is not this a deeply instructive fact? It is the common badge of^the
system, the unmistakable evidence of the presence and power of the
arch-destroyer.

I cannot close this chapter without placing on record my strong and
decided opinion, that this subject has been usually treated in such a manner
as to palliate or conceal the enormous sinfulness of idolatry. I contemplate
with the deepest regret the results flowing to the religion of our country
from the tone of teaching imparted by men of the most respectable
character. Let any enlightened Christian mind contemplate the learning
of our colleges and academies, our treatises and manuals, on this subject.
Charmed as we must be with the glitter of genius and heroism, the philoso
phy and learning, of classic times and persons, are we justified in allowing
our children to rise up into life with merely sufficient instruction to enable
them to infer that idolatry is an absurdity, when they ought to be dis
tinctly taught that it is the most enormous sin ?

With unfeigned and deep veneration for the learned of our land, I feel
bound, at any hazard, to assert my strong conviction, that the honour due
alone to the Triune Jehovah, as the God and Governor of this world, is
not made sufficiently prominent ; and that the heinous evil and fearful sin
of idolatry, as such, is not adequately enforced.

On this point we cannot be too jealous — we cannot go beyond the
requirements of our Bible — for the honour of our God. It was idolatry
which, as a master-evil, blasted, and withered, and ruined the ancient
world, despite all its learning, genius, arts, and arms : and it can only be
by a general and devoted fidelity to the truth on the part of Christians
that the kingdoms of this world can ever " become the kingdoms of our
God and of his Christ."

THE

HISTORY AND RELIGION

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

CHAPTER I.

EGYPT : ITS HISTORY,

GENERAL View of Egypt — Difficulties which oppose our Acquaintance with its Early
History — Undoubted Evidence of High Civilization in the most Remote Times —
Prowess and Reign of Amosis — EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY — Death of Jacob — Wonder
ful Perfection of Mechanical Art — Death of Joseph — Moses — The Exodus — Canaanitish
Nations weakened by Egyptian Invasion before the Israelites crossed the Jordan —
Sesostris— NINETEENTH DYNASTY — Sethos — His Conquests — The Absence of further
Allusion to Canaan on the Monuments, a striking Proof of the Truth of Scripture —
TWENTIETH DYNASTY — TWENTY-FIRST DYNASTY — Effect of the Commercial Policy of the
Hebrews on Egypt — TWENTY-SECOND DYNASTY — Shishak — His Invasion of Judea —
TWENTY-THIRD DYNASTY — Decline of Egyptian Power — TWENTY-FOURTH DYNASTY —
Bocchoris — TWENTY-FIFTH DYNASTY — Tarkus — TWENTY-SIXTH DYNASTY — The Dodec-
archy — Triumph and Reign of Psammiticus — Pharaoh-Necho — His Victory over the
Hebrews — Apries, the Pharaoh-Hophra of Scripture — Defeated and put to death by
Amosis — Conquest of Egypt by a Persian Army — TWENTY-SEVENTH DYNASTY — Era of
Persian Rule — Successful Government of Darius — Gallant Effort of Inaros — His Defeat
and Death — Herodotus — TWENTY-EIGHTH DYNASTY — Arnyrtseus — TWENTY-NINTH DY
NASTY — THIRTIETH DYNASTY — Chronological Difficulties — Persian Invasion defeated —
Slothful Habits and Ultimate Energy of Darius Ochus— THIRTY-FIRST DYNASTY—
Persian Rule reestablished — THIRTY-SECOND DYNASTY — Conquest of Egypt by Alex
ander the Great — His profound and successful Political and Commercial Policy —
Alexandria built— Ruin of the Macedonian House— THIRTY-THIRD DYNASTY— The
Ttolemies — Lagus — His Successful Rule — Power and Cultivation of Egypt under
Philadelphus — Euergetes successful in War — Intercourse between Egypt and Rome —
Gradual Decline of Egyptian Power — Excessive Vices of the ruling Princes — Cleopatra,
Caesar, and Antony— Egypt a Roman Province.

EGYPT must always hold a position of special prominence and
interest in any investigation into the history and religion of ancient
nations.

In the earliest ages we find this country under a powerful politi
cal government, and possessed of all the advantages resulting from
a knowledge of the arts and sciences, and consequent civilization.
The colossal prowess, gorgeous magnificence, immense wealth, and
extensive learning of Egypt, stand out in the dim haze of remote

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

antiquity, like her own pyramids, with a grandeur of outline, and a
substantiality of character, which shame all scepticism as to their
existence, and indubitably attest their magnitude and power;
although no traces remain of their rise and progress, and none can
tell us what wise and potent agencies produced these grand
results.

Egypt, unlike Rome and other ancient empires, was not an
association of different tribes, alien from each other in blood, lan
guage, and habits. It was, on the contrary, in the strict sense of
the terms, a great nation. " We here see," as an eloquent writer
observes, " a single people of pure unmixed race, and limited both
as to numbers and territory, (see Appendix, note 4,) preserving,
during" many centuries, 4i the most rigid union of character, custom'
and social polity. We see them maintaining, during that long
period, an indomitable spirit of political independence, often in the
midst of the severest disasters and discouragements. We see them
consolidating a power which, while its very essence was incom
patible with such an extension of frontier as formed the boast of
their rivals, rendered them more than a match for the mightiest
among them." — Edinburgh Review, 1845, p. 392.

But while ancient Egypt presents to our view a fabric of civili
zation more complete in itself, and surpassing, in many essential
points of excellence, what more highly-gifted races have since been
able to accomplish, it has not left us a history of the nation, nor
indeed materials for a history. This great defect is not to be
attributed to the inability or indisposition of this people to record
events. On the contrary, the Egyptians were "the most zealous
race of scribes that ever existed. Their temples, their houses,

their tombs, their idols, their portraits, their domestic furniture,

almost every tangible object they possessed, was covered with writ
ing."- -Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol, ii, pp. 12, 13. It is
probable that the peculiar character used in these inscriptions may
account for the unsatisfactory amount of information which, when
regarded as historical records, they are found to communicate. As
far as can be now ascertained, the use of 'hieroglyphics was the only
mode which the ancient Egyptians possessed of recording events,
or of communicating ideas to posterity. But this mode was so
exceedingly complex and difficult, that it appears as if adapted to
conceal, quite as much as to communicate, knowledge. The great
body of the Egyptian people were, as might be expected, ignorant
of the art of reading these strange symbols ; and— what is of more
importance, as accounting for the scant information respecting
ancient Egypt to be found even in neighbouring countries— stran-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 55

gers were universally unacquainted with the import of the Egyptian
language and character. There is no evidence which warrants
the opinion, that any of the Greeks who visited Egypt, and wrote
on its history, understood either the language or the hieroglyphics
of that country. They were consequently entirely dependent on the
priestly or learned caste for all the information which they acquired.
This must have opposed mighty obstacles to the attainment of any
correct and extensive knowledge of early Egyptian history ; espe
cially as the attention of these Greek sages was directed to the
study of the antiquities and history of this land only when the glory
of Egypt had passed away, and her priests had ample reasons for
magnifying and mystifying their national annals. Even these
inquiries were conducted by literati, whose only native historical
authorities were Homer and Hesiod, and who were, therefore, but ill
qualified to test with critical acumen the authenticity of the com
munications and claims of the Egyptian priesthood.

These circumstances are amply sufficient to account for the ad
mitted fact, that ancient Egypt has been for centuries an enigma, —
a mystery to modern Europe. But it is said, " Now the enigma is
solved, the mystery unravelled. Now, as the genius and learning
of the present age have mastered the reading of the recondite hiero
glyphics, ancient Egypt stands revealed to our vision ; and we can
see the progress of her great career, and trace her wonderful history,
in the hitherto unreadable monuments which her departed glory has
bequeathed to us." It is important that the great advantages of this
discovery be neither under-estimated nor over-rated. Imperfect,
even yet, as is the art of deciphering hieroglyphics, it has cast great
light upon the early condition and history of Egypt. We can now not
only see in the remaining monuments of this primitive nation an almost
endless range of public events recorded, but also a pictorial exhibi
tion, the most elaborate and minute, of their manufactures, sports,
domestic habits, social manners, private employments, with the bat
tles, sieges, exploits, and public works which distinguish the national
progress. As, by the recovery of the knowledge of hieroglyphics,
these several records can now be at least tolerably understood, and
the several sculptures identified as to their subject, design, and the
reign of the prince under whose government they were executed,
valuable means are placed within our reach for acquainting ourselves
with Egyptian affairs, and for ascertaining the measure of civiliza
tion of the country, and the state of its manners, science, and art, in
different ages.

But notwithstanding all these advantages, and this profusion of
information, neither the monumental inscriptions, the accounts fur-

56 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

nished by Greek visitors, nor the fragments of native authors which
have been preserved, give us any history of ancient Egypt. We
find, for instance, numerous dynasties of kings ; and the monumental
inscriptions prove that some of these were contemporaneous, while
others were successive : but no friendly hand has given an arrange
ment of these classes ; nor do the monuments, or any other authority,
afford an intelligible and consistent chronology of the different
reigns.

Yet with all this lack of precise information on important points,
enough is given to prove that the state of Egypt, at the period when
we have to resume its history, was one of great power, science,
civilization, and refinement. Whatever difference of opinion may
exist as to the chronological arrangement of dynasties and reigns,
it is certain that at the death of Isaac Egypt exhibited indubitable
proofs of mighty genius, abundant wealth, and great cultivation. At
this period Thebes was the capital of a district to which it gave its
name. The great temple of Karnak or El-Usquor stood in all its
majesty and glory. The caves of Beni- Hassan, with their beauti
ful and elegant catacombs, displaying even to this day the most
perfect architectural symmetry and arrangement, and ornamented
throughout with coloured figures and devices, had been excavated
and finished. Heliopolis was also founded about, or prior to, this
period; and its splendid obelisk, made out of a single block of
granite, and covered with the most exquisitely sculptured hierogly
phics, had already been raised. Such works prove the power, wealth,
and energy of Egypt, and attest the existence of art and science in
great perfection.

A learned lady- traveller has, from the monumental sculptures
still existing, given the following vivid description of Egyptian life
and manners at the early period to which we refer : "We have here
the art of writing, as a familiar practice, in the scribes who are num
bering stores on every hand. There are ships which would look hand
some in Southampton Water, any sunny day. There are glass-blowers
who might be from Newcastle, but for their dress and complexion.
There are flax- dressers, spinners, weavers, — and a production of
cloth which an English manufacturer would study with interest.
There are potters, painters, carpenters, and statuaries. There is a
doctor attending a patient ; and a herdsman physicking cattle. The
hunters employ arrows, spears, and the lasso. The lasso is as
evident as on the Pampas at this day. There is the bastinado for
the men, and the flogging of a seated woman. Nothing is more extra
ordinary than the gymnastics and other games of the women. Their
various games of ball are excellent. The great men are attended

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 57

by dwarfs and buffoons, as in a much later age ; and it is clear that
bodily infirmity was treated with contempt, deformed and decrepit
personages appearing in the discharge of the meanest offices. It
was an age when this might be looked for ; and when war would be
the most prominent occupation, and wrestling the prevailing sport,
and probably also the discipline of the soldiery ; and when hunting,
fishing, and fowling would be very important pursuits. But then,
what a power of representation of these things is here ! and what
luxury coexisting with these early pursuits ! Here are harpers,
with their harps of seven strings; and garments and boat- sails with
elegant patterns and borders, where, by the way, angular and regular
figures are pointedly preferred ; and the ladies' hair, disordered and
flying about in their sports, has tails and tassels, very like what may
have been seen in London drawing-rooms in no very remote times.
The incident which most reminds one of the antiquity of these
paintings is, that the name of bird, beast, fish, or artificer is written
up over the object delineated." — Miss Martinearfs Eastern Life,
p. 230.

This was the condition of Egypt and the state of the people
when " the father of the faithful " visited the country. These were
the prevailing customs and manners when the youthful Joseph was
carried a slave to the banks of the Nile. Whatever difficulty may
oppose the effort, it is necessary to arrive at some conclusion respect
ing the state of the Egyptian government at this period, and to make
the most reasonable arrangement of the several dynasties thencefor
ward, until we arrive at the time when the annals of Egypt can be
certainly synchronized with those of other nations."

In the consideration of this obscure subject, as on other occasions,
the leading object of this work must be kept distinctly in view.
Special reference must be had to the teaching of Holy Scripture ;
and special attention paid to the intercourse and connexion which
from time to time took place between the Hebrews and this ancient
people.

* By a careful and extended investigation of all the monumental
and written teaching which bears on this subject, it has been made
sufficiently clear that the Shepherds were expelled from Egypt about
the year 1845 B. C., (see Appendix, note 5,) by AMOSIS, who, hav
ing thus established the independence of his country, reigned twenty-
five years, and became the founder of Manetho's eighteenth dynasty.
The chronological table at the end of the chapter will place this and
the following dynasties in juxtaposition with contemporary events
in the history of the Hebrews and other neighbouring nations.

At this stage of Egyptian history we have the means of giving

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

the titles and names to the sovereigns from the ancient monuments.
(See Appendix, note C.) The symbolical title assumed by Amo
sis is "Pharaoh," that is, "Sun," "avenging Lord of Upper and
Lower Egypt:" his name, " Amosis," that is, "born of the Moon."
There is peculiar propriety in the assumed appellation : having ex
pelled the foreign intruders from his country, he calls himself, when
entering on the undisputed government of Egypt, " the avenging
Lord of the Upper and Lower Country." This was the Pharaoh
whose dreams Joseph interpreted, and who received Jacob and his
family, and appointed Goshen for the place of their residence. The
immediate descendant of this prince was the first sovereign of the
eighteenth dynasty.

AMENOPHIS 1.— The contents of his first or titular ring are,
Pharaoh, Director of Offerings." His name, given in the second
ring, is, "Amenophis (I.,) Son of Amosis." He also appears to
have been a very warlike and successful prince, although, as will be
seen hereafter, it is possible that he obtained the public honour due
at least to a portion of his father's exploits. In a grotto near Aboo-
simbcl he is represented sitting in the middle of a small temple,
attended by an officer of state, who holds over him a feather fan,'
and two other fly-flaps. In a collection of Egyptian antiquities
now in the Louvre, are several small tablets, which not only com
memorate the deeds of this king, but also show the affection with
which his memory was cherished, and the manner in which this
affection was evinced. These tablets appear to have been intended
to be worn on the breast. On them this sovereign is represented
grasping captives by the hair, carrying them with their heads down
ward, and preparing to destroy them with a curved battle-axe.
Several of these captives are clad in leopards' skins, and are natives
of the south ; others, from their ample drapery, appear to belong to
colder climates. Conventionally they represent the Ethiopian and
Asiatic people ; and we may conclude that Amenophis carried on
wars successfully against both. It is curious at this distance of
time to be able to trace out, not only the public events, but even
some particulars in the family history of the Pharaoh who reigned
in Egypt while the patriarch Jacob dwelt there. In a tablet in° the
British Museum this prince is represented with two women, one
black, and the other of a fair complexion. The first bears the title of
" Royal Dame ;" and as her name is the same as that given to the
queen of Amosis, it is fairly inferred that she was the widow of that
prince ; and that Amenophis is, in this instance, placed before us in
company with his queen and the queen- do wager, whose name was
Ahmos No/re Ari.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 59

From several monumental sculptures it is evident, that this
sovereign was regarded with a degree of respect bordering on
religious reverence. In one of the little chapels excavated among
the quarries of Silsilis in the reign of Manepthah, Amenophis I.,
along with Atinoo, and another Egyptian deity, receives an offering
of incense from the king : and in the tombs of private individuals at
Thebes similar honours are paid to him on the part of the deceased.
One of these tombs is of the age of Manephthah I. ; and it appears
from the inscriptions that a special priesthood was instituted to pay
these honours to Amenophis.

He was succeeded by his son, THOTHMOSIS I., whose title was,
" Pharaoh great in the World through his Offerings :" his hiero-
glyphical name, " Thothmosis (I.,) like the Sun in his Rising."
His wife was Ahmos. The flourishing state of the kingdom
during his reign is fully attested by the splendid structures which
he raised, and which still bear his name. Although some small and
fragmentary remains have been found at Thebes which bear the
name of Osortasen, it seems now placed beyond doubt that Thoth
mosis began the erection of the great palace of Karnak. The un
equalled boldness and grandeur of the architectural designs for this
erection will always be the wonder of the world. There appears to
be unquestionable evidence that the plan laid down at the outset
not only comprehended the noble structures and obelisks raised by
this prince, but also, in great measure at least, those built by his
successors on this site throughout the following centuries.

The advanced state of the arts at this period is abundantly dis
played by existing remains. There is a memorial of Thothmosis I.
found on the western side of the Nile, at El- Assasef. A gate of red
sandstone of beautiful execution is still standing amid ruins bearing
his name, with those of his successors. He here appears accom
panied by the queen- do wager, wife of Amenoph I., as that prince
had been represented accompanied by the widow of his father
Amosis. She is described as wife and sister of a king, and as ruler
of Upper and Lower Egypt. One of the monuments, recording the
services of a military officer, mentions the wars of Thothmosis I.
in Ethiopia, and also in the land of Naliaraina, which is known to
mean Mesopotamia. The kingdom of Egypt during this reign ex
tended as far up the Nile as the Island of Argo in Upper Nubia,
latitude 19° 12' N., a little above the Third Cataract, where a
hieroglyphical tablet has been found bearing the names of Thoth
mosis I. and Amenoph III.

The reason which induced these sovereigns to rear the noble
builings of Thebes is easily explained. This place had afforded a

60 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

refuge for the native princes of Egypt during the long period that
the Shepherds held dominion over the lower country. \V hen, there
fore, the intruders had been expelled, and all the resources of the
kingdom restored to its legitimate rulers, they were disposed to
employ their riches and efforts to ornament and enlarge their south
ern capital.

During the time that Thothmosis I. reigned in Egypt, the patri
arch Jacob died in Goshen. How striking is the contrast between
the most wonderful productions of man and the glorious revelations
of God ! Here, while all that human wisdom and wealth, science
and skill, genius and perseverance, could possibly effect, were laid
under contribution to rear the gorgeous and imperishable structures
of Thebes, while immense political power and unbounded resources
stood out in glorious array, and invested Egypt with undying fame,
— an event occurred, in the tents of the humble Hebrews, which, in
intrinsic importance and glorious results, far outvied all the lustre
of Egyptian history. The patriarch who had talked with Jehovah,
and wrestled with the Angel of the Covenant, — the dying Jacob,
inspired by the prescient Spirit of God, was heard addressing his
twelve sons in language which, even at that time, gave them wonder
ful intimations of the divine purpose and will in the election of the
house of Israel ; and which continues to be, in all succeeding ages,
an illustrious evidence of the heavenly character of human redemp
tion,— a splendid proof of the truth, faithfulness, and goodness of
God.

THOTHMOSIS II. was the n«xt sovereign. His assumed title was,
" Pharaoh great in the World :" his royal name " Thothmosis (II.,)
beneficent King of the World." His sway appears to have been as
extensive as that of his predecessor ; for his name has been found
at Gebel-el-Birkel, (Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. i, p. 52,
note,) the Napata of the Romans. In his reign we first find
mention of " the royal son," or prince, " of Ethiopia," from which
circumstance it has been inferred that during this period Ethiopia
formed a vice-regal government dependent on Egypt. Wilkinson
seems inclined to conjecture that this addition was made to the
dominions of Egypt by the marriage of Amenophis I. with an
Ethiopian princess.

Our means of sketching the history of this country during the
reign of Thothmosis II. are exceedingly limited : in fact, scarcely
any records of his time have been preserved.

AMENSE, sister of Thothmosis II., succeeded him. Her assumed
title was, " Pharaoh devoted to Justice :" her hieroglyphical name,
"Amounsit." Her reign, says Wilkinson, has given rise to more

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 61

doubts than that of any other sovereign of this dynasty. Whether
she was regent during the minority of Thothinosis I. or Thothmosis
II., or reigned supreme between them, or after the latter, are ques
tions which have been fully canvassed by learned authors. Cham-
pollion-Figeac, and Mr. Osburn, have adopted the last-named con
clusion, which seems supported by the greatest weight of evidence.
That she was daughter of Thothmosis I. is proved by the obelisk
before the granite sanctuary at Karnak. (Kenrick's Egypt, vol. ii,
p. 212.)

The state of the arts during her reign is shown by a most
remarkable specimen, still extant in the great obelisks at Karnak.
They were erected by this queen in the same central court of that
pile of buildings in which the smaller obelisks of Thothmosis I. stood,
but are far superior to them in magnitude and beauty. Of their
execution Rosellini thus speaks: "All the figures are delineated
with such purity and freedom, cut with such art, and relieved within
the excavated part with such perfection and precision of outline,
that we are lost in astonishment in contemplating them, and wonder
how it has been possible to work this hardest of materials, so that
every figure seems rather to have been impressed with a seal than
engraven with a chisel. The fragments of the companion obelisk,
which are lying on the ground, may be handled : those parts which
represent animals, in particular, are treated with such accuracy of
design and finish of execution, as not to be surpassed by the finest
cameos of the Greeks. The pyramidion represents Amunre seated,
and placing his hand on the head of the king, whom he thus inau
gurates. There is a peculiarity in the arrangement of the hierogly-
phical inscriptions. The central column is occupied by the custom
ary form of dedication ; but the two lateral columns — which in some
obelisks, as in that of Heliopolis, are left vacant, in others are filled
by inscriptions of subsequent sovereigns — are here occupied more
than half-way down with repetitions of the figure of Amunre on one
side; on the other, of the dedicating sovereign, who offers to the
god wine, ointment, milk, perfumes, and sacred insignia. The
dedication and offering are usually in the name of Ment- Amen,
(Amense,) but in some of the compartments the youthful Thoth
mosis III. appears, bringing an offering to the god." — Kenrick,
vol. ii, p. 214.

It was in the early part of this reign, if our chronology is correct,
that Joseph died; his wonderful interpretation of Pharaoh's dreams,
and consequent advancement to honour, having occurred during the
latter part of the reign of Amosis. It is probable that for a long
time before his death, although treated with honourable distinction,

62 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

he ceased to have any connexion with the affairs of government.
Yet, although unconnected with the administration of public affairs,
his death was a most important event both for Egypt and for Israel.
It severed the bond which had long held the rising house of Jacob
in friendly relation to the imperial power of the Pharaohs. Alien
from each other in blood, language, habits, and religion, as were the
two people; the Hebrew ex-minister, whose inspired wisdom had
saved Egypt from being desolated by famine, soon after it had been
delivered from foreign domination, would stand an admitted memo
rial of the obligation under which Egypt was laid to Israel, as long
as he lived : but his death removed all this evidence, and left the
authorities of Egypt to act as state-policy might suggest.

There seems, indeed, reason to believe that, even before the death
of Joseph, the Hebrews had ceased to be regarded by the Egyptians
as friendly visitors, who were at liberty to retire from the country
whenever they pleased. This appears from the words used by
Joseph just before his death : " God will surely visit you, and bring
you out of this land." Gen. 1, 24. It can, therefore, elicit no sur
prise, that, when this impediment was removed, jealousy was soon
engendered, nor that this should soon issue in persecution.

Amense had two husbands, but was herself queen-regnant. We
have undoubted proof that glass was known and used in Egypt
during her reign, at least for ornamental purposes; a large glass
bead having been discovered which bears her name. It is also cer
tain, from sculptured representations, that the mode of irrigating
land was similar to that of the present day, by the shadoof, or pole
and bucket. It is worthy of observation, that the modern Egyptians
have a tradition, that this mode of watering the land was derived
from their Pharaonic predecessors. The manufacture of linen cloth*
the arch, and other important inventions supposed to be of more
recent date, are found delineated in sculptures executed during
this reign.

THOTHMOSIS III. succeeded Amense. Kenrick supposes him to
have been her brother; (Kenrick, vol. ii, p. 212;) but this notion
appears to be satisfactorily refuted by the fact, that in the sculptures
on the great obelisk at Karnak, Amense appears with this Thoth-
mosis as a youth, (ibid., p. 214,) presenting offerings. Now, seeing
that Amense reigned nearly twenty-two years, and that her brother
Thothmosis II. reigned twenty years before her, this could not be,
if her successor was also her brother. There can, therefore, be
scarcely a doubt that he was her son. His title was, "Pharaoh,
Builder of the World;" his name, "Thothmosis (III.,) Benefactor
of the World." This prince is generally believed to have been the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 63

Moeris of Herodotus and Manetho. His reign is one of the most
glorious in the annals of the eighteenth dynasty. Monumental
remains in great variety, bearing his name, prove that the limits of
Egyptian rule had not been diminished in any direction.

The most magnificent erections of this prince are those with
which Thebes was adorned ; many of them still remain. There is
a mutilated obelisk at Constantinople which is of this reign, and
probably at first stood in the central court at Karnak. Another, of
the same date, is at Rome, and was placed before the church of St.
John Lateran by Sixtus V. This is the most lofty, and the most
perfect in execution, of all that are extant; the central column of
hieroglyphics, which bears only the titles of Thothrnes III., was
executed during his reign, while the lateral columns were added by
his grandson Thothmes IV.

One of the most remarkable and "instructive memorials of this
reign is a painting in a tomb at Quoorneh, copied by Mr. Hoskins
in his ' Travels in Ethiopia.' It represents four principal nations
of the earth bringing their tribute to the king, who is seated on his
throne. Two obelisks of red granite, beside which the various
objects are deposited by the bearers, and registered by the royal
scribes, probably mark the great court of the palace at Karnak as
the scene of the ceremony." — KenricKs Egypt, vol. ii, p. 219. One
part of this procession is composed of negroes, mixed with men of
a red-brown colour, like the Egyptians. They bring only natural
productions, — blocks of ebony, tusks of ivory, coloured stones,
ostrich- eggs and feathers, a tree, gold and silver in rings, bags, and
ingots, and a variety of animals. The name of the land has been
read Fount or Phunt ; but this gives no certain information of its
geography. Another portion of the procession is specifically called
"Nations of the South." From the products which they bring,
they are evidently inhabitants of the African continent, — Libyans,
Nubians, and Ethiopians. A third portion presents persons similar
to the Egyptians and Libyans in colour, but differing greatly from
them in costume. These bring vases of silver and gold, of beauti.-
ful form and workmanship. They probably represent the Phoer-
nicians, and other nations of Palestine. Another company is .com
posed of men of white complexion, with reddish hair and beards.
They bring ring- money of gold and silver, coloured woods, precious
stones, and vases. It is equally difficult to fix the geography of this
portion of the procession, as it is to specify with certainty that of
the preceding parts. Their dress and colour agree with those of
the dwellers in Northern Media, on the south shores of the Caspian.
A company of women with children, of this nation, and of people

64 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

of the south, closes the ceremony. As this representation can
•awcely be accounted for but on the supposition that it depicts an
historical fact, we may conclude that we have here a striking
exhibition of the wide range of Egyptian power and influence at
this period.

But if any doubt be entertained as to the strict historical charac
ter of this representation, there can be none as to the monument
which is known as " The Statistical Table of Karnak." This docu
ment is of the reign of Thothmosis III. ; and the inscription placed
above it declares its object to be — to record the victories of this
sovereign. It seems to be the identical tablet which the priests
exhibited and explained to the Roman Germanicus, when he was at
Thebes. (Tacitus, Annales, lib. ii, cap. 60.) It records a series of
successful expeditions into different countries, with a particular
enumeration of the tributes levied on them respectively. Although
it is scarcely possible to do more than guess at the nations intended
to be specified, several parts of the tablet having been mutilated,
and the geographical terms which remain being exceedingly obscure
and difficult of application; yet the enumeration of the tribute
levied on those subject nations is most precisely given. As Tacitus
observes, " The inscription further stated the tribute paid by the
conquered nations ; the specific weight of gold and silver ; the quan
tity of arms, the number of horses, the offerings of ivory and of
rich perfumes, presented to the temples of Egypt; the measure
of grain, and the various supplies, administered by every nation ;
making altogether a prodigious revenue, no way inferior to the
taxes of late years collected either by Parthian despotism, or the
authority of Rome." — Annals, book ii, chap. 60.

Whether Thothmosis III. carried on these successful warlike
operations in person or by his generals, cannot now be ascertained ;
but that at this period Egypt held many surrounding countries in
tributary subjection, and was greatly distinguished among the na
tions for wisdom and power, must be received as an undoubted fact.

Another remarkable monument of this age is that which is known
by the name of " The Tablet of Karnak." It is found in the inte
rior of a chamber, evidently built for the purpose, in the palace of
Karnak at Thebes; and represents Thothmosis III. offering gifts to
a series of sixty-one kings, disposed in four lines around the walls.

But, after all. probably the most interesting remnant of sculpture
relating to this reign which has been preserved to our time, is a
tomb, at Thebos, of a person named Pekshare, who is said to have
been "a superintendent of great buildings" under Thothmosis III.
On the walls of this tomb the singular representation is found which

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 65

is spoken of in a preceding volume, (Hebrew People, p. 30,) and
which describes the labours of the Hebrews under their taskmasters,
while employed in making bricks. In that passage, the certainty
of this application is fully proved ; and we have here an undoubted
evidence of that cruel bondage which Israel suffered in the land of
Egypt. This fully accords with the date ascribed in this work to
the Exodus, as may be seen by referring to the Appendix, notes
5 and 7.

It is worthy of observation, that although our arrangement gives
but twelve years and nine months for the reign of this sovereign,
some of the monuments speak of the thirtieth and thirty-first years
of his reign ; while at the same time the monumental allusions to
Amense have been frequently defaced. Different theories have been
propounded for the purpose of solving these difficulties. Bunsen
and Lepsius suppose that Amense was daughter of Thothmosis 1.,
and sister to the second and third sovereigns of this name; and
that she exercised the powers of a regent during their minority.
Champollion-Figeac and Osburn, on the other hand, maintain that
she was sister of Thothmosis II. and mother of Thothmosis III.,
which seems the most reasonable hypothesis. In that case it becomes
likely that the monuments were, after the accession of Thoth
mosis III., altered so as to make his reign begin with his birth, thus
cancelling all that portion of the reign of Amense after the birth of
her son, and appropriating all this period to him.

But whatever disputable points may stand connected with the
chronology of this reign, we are fully entitled to regard it as identi
fied with the hard and cruel bondage of the Israelites. This was
the king that "knew not Joseph," the Hebrew ex-governor having
died three years before his mother ascended the throne. Thoth
mosis III. either originated, or greatly increased, that violent perse
cution of the Hebrews which terminated in the Exodus.

AMENOPHIS II., the son of the preceding monarch, succeeded his
father on the throne. His symbolical title was, " Pharaoh great in
all Lands ;" his regal name, " Amenophis (II.,) Ruler in the pure,
just Land," that is Egypt. We know but little of the events of his
reign, which lasted nearly twenty-six years. The obelisk at Aln-
wick Castle, brought from Egypt by Lord Prudhoe, is inscribed
with his name; but it simply records the fact of his having erected
two obelisks to the god Kneph. A sculptured representation of
him is found in an excavated chapel at Ibrim, where he appears
seated with two princes or great officers. One of them, Osorsate,
presents to him the animal productions of the southern regions, —
lions, jackals, and hares ; an inscription above specifving their num-

66 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

bers. He also added to the erections at Thebes ; but most of his
works there have perished.

THOTUMOSIS IV., son of Amenophis II., succeeded his father.
He assumed as his title, " Pharaoh, Edifier of all Lands ;" and took
for his name, "Thothmosis (IV.)" He reigned nine years and
eight months. The hieroglyphical inscriptions of this reign, which
are very beautifully executed, record the victories of this prince
over the people of Ethiopia; and a stele, engraven on a rock of
granite on the right bank of the Nile, opposite to Philne, mentions
a victory gained by him over the Libyans in the seventh year of his
reign. He also appears in the tomb of an officer at Quorneh, seated
on a throne ; on the base of which are nine foreigners, apparently
Asiatics, bound in the manner in which captive nations are repre
sented on Egyptian monuments.

During the reign of this prince the persecution of the Hebrews
was at its height. It is more than probable that he issued the san
guinary decree for the destruction of the male infants, as Moses was
born in the seventh year of his reign.

AMENOPHIS III., son of Thothmosis IV. and his queen Manthe-
moa, next ascended the throne. His title was, "Pharaoh, Lord of
Justice ;" his regal name, " Amenophis (III.)" He reigned thirty
years and five months, and was one of the most distinguished princes
of the eighteenth dynasty. We have no evidence, prior to this
reign, that Egypt had any permanent occupation of Nubia higher
up the Nile than Semneh ; but the temple of Soleb, which stands a
degree farther south, contains proof that "under Amenoph HI. the
boundary of the empire extended thus far." — Kenrick's Egypt, vol.
ii, p. '254. This sovereign appears to be the same as the Memnon
of Manetho and Herodotus. If there be any truth in the tales which
have come down to us respecting the exploits of Moses at the head
of an Egyptian army against the Ethiopians, they must have been
achieved in this reign. However this may be, it was under the
government and patronage of Amenophis III., the brother of the
princess who had adopted the persecuted infant, that the future
leader and legislator of the Hebrews was brought up and taught
" all the wisdom of the Egyptians," and became " mighty in words
and deeds."

As this portion of Egyptian history was the period of Hebrew
persecution, and the precursor of the Exodus, it may be important
to show — as there is ample opportunity for doing— the extravagant,
superhuman assumption which the sovereigns of Egypt at this time
carried to such an extent as almost, if not fully, to amount to the
claim of proper divinity. In the case of Amenophis III., there is

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 67

reason to believe that this pretension was advanced in the most
prominent and imposing manner. It was stated in the first volume
of this work, (Patriarchal Age, p. 475,) that "a small edifice was
erected by the side of every temple, the entrance of which was
through the adytum or ' sanctuary ;' so that it was, in the estimation
of the people, the holy of holies, the perfection or crowning mystery
of the entire worship." The reason for this is found in the preva
lent doctrine that God created all things at first by the primary
emanation from himself, — his First-born. And in perfect accord
ance with their principles of metempsychosis, this Divine Being
was expected to become incarnate, and appear as an infant in this
world. As such, he is always represented as the third person in
the trinity of Egypt.

There can be no doubt that all this arose from a corrupted tra
dition of the primitive promise of a Kedeemer, preserved among
the early settlers in Egypt, and transmitted by them to their de
scendant* In the application of these doctrines, a practice at this
time obtained of representing the Egyptian triad by the figures of
the royal family. Thus the first person in this trinity is frequently
exhibited by the sculptured representation of the Pharaoh who built
the temple ; the second person, or the Divine Mother, by that of his
wife, the queen; and consequently their first son would assume the
character of the Divine Word, the promised Seed. This was the
case in a most remarkable manner in the instance of Amenophis III.,
the son and successor of Thothmosis IV. Prior to the birth of this
prince, the queen is represented in the character of the goddess
Athor, in the presence of the god Thoth, who, holding a roll of
papyrus, is, as the Egyptian Hermes, supposed to be addressing
her on her approaching maternity. In the next scene, the queen is
conducted by the god Kneph into an apartment called ma-en-misa,
or " the birth-place,"— the same appellation as is given to the most
sacred part of the temple before described,— while the goddess
Athor, who stretches toward her the key of life, leads her to the
bed. Here attendant goddesses await her; and the scenes describe
the mystical character of the place which is regarded as the birth
place of the infant god. In the next sculpture, Amunre is seen
holding the youthful prince, whom a hawk-headed god has pre
sented to him. He is addressing the child, and declares that he
bestows upon him life, stability, purity, and happiness, magnanimity,
and dominion on the throne of Horus. Afterward follow scenes de
scribing the purification and inauguration of the young prince.

In this manner the birth of the Pharaoh is described who sat
upon the throne when Moses was brought up at the Egyptian court.

08 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

By these significant ceremonies he is associated with divinity, and
not very obscurely identified with the promised Seed, the incarnate
Redeemer.

HORUS, son of Amenophis III., succeeded his father. His hiero
glyphic title was, " Pharaoh, Director of the Worlds, approved of
the Sun ;" his regal name, " the beloved of Amoun, Horus in the
Assemblies." It is not likely that this prince made less pretensions
to divinity than his father. A sufficient proof of this is found in
the regal name which he assumed, Horns ; this being the title of
the infant deity who, in the mythology of Egypt, slew the great ser
pent by piercing his head ; on which account he was identified with
the Grecian Apollo, the Indian Chreeshna, and the Scandinavian
Thor. This prince reigned thirty-eight years and five months. In
a grotto near the Second Cataract, he is represented in the form of
the youthful god Horus, suckled by the goddess Anouke. The
principal monuments, however, of this reign are in the quarries of
^ilsilis. He here appears seated on a throne, carriefl on the
shoulders of twelve military chiefs, while two others shade him
with fans attached to long spears, and an attendant, keeping his
face towards the king as he walks, scatters grains of incense on a
censer which he holds out towards him. It is evidently the cele
bration of a military triumph, for a victory which he gained over the
Africans.

It was in the seventh year of the reign of Horus that Moses inter
posed, in the hope of rescuing his kindred from their bondage, and
was in consequence obliged to flee into Midian.

The successor of Horus was RAMSES I. His title was, " Pharaoh,
inexorable Avenger of Upper and Lower Egypt;" his name,
"' Ramses (I.)" It is a remarkable fact, and one which strikingly
corroborates the arrangement which I have made of Egyptian history,
that we are here, for the first time in this dynasty, puzzled with a
discrepancy between the lists and the monuments. Little is known,
too, of the reign of this prince. His tomb has indeed been found
covered with rubbish, and utterly destitute of sculpture, but deco
rated with paintings, which show that it was erected, and that some
of these were executed, during his lifetime. There is, indeed, no
evidence that any monumental or other inscription to his memory
was made after his death. His whole case is in perfect agreement
with his being the Pharaoh who perished in the Red Sea. This
prince sat on the throne when Moses returned from Midian. He
was the subject of the plagues, and fell a victim to his insane
resistance of almighty power. After this terrible calamity to the
Egyptian state a new monarch ascended the throne, —

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 69

SETHOS I., whose royal title was, " Pharaoh, firm in Justice ;" his
name, "the Servant of Amoun, Sethos (I.)" Soon after his acces
sion to the throne, he undertook a military expedition against the
same nations whom the Thothmoses and Amenophis had previously
reduced to subjection: — a fact which seems to indicate that some
internal convulsion or weakness had emboldened these tributaries
to throw off the Egyptian yoke. It is scarcely possible to conceive
of any events more likely to produce this rebellion than the terrible
humiliation of Egypt under the plagues, and the prostration of her
power by the triumphant Exodus of Israel. The campaign thus com
menced was eminently successful ; and elaborate sculptures describe
the prowess of the king, the rout of the enemy, and the reduction
of their fortresses.

Similar sculptures exhibit other successful wars in which this
prince engaged, and magnify his valour and triumphs. From these
it has been inferred that Sethos carried his successful arms even
into Asia Minor. These warlike operations took place during the
wandering of the Hebrews in the wilderness ; for Sethos reigned
nearly thirty-three years. The tomb of this Pharaoh, discovered
by Belzoni in the Bab-el-Melook, is the most splendid that has yet
been unveiled to modern eyes. It contains a representation which
is found repeated with some variations in the tombs of other kings,
of this and the following dynasty, and which seems designed to
assert the universality of Egyptian dominion. It would appear
that, the successful wars of Sethos having restored to Egypt the
political ascendency and splendour which had been so greatly ob
scured by the persecution of Israel and its consequences, the mon
arch assumed claims to an extent of dominion which had not been
previously contemplated.

In this tomb, " the god Horus, the symbol of royalty, is preceded
by four companies of men, of different colour, physiognomy, and
costume. The first are plainly Egyptians : the third are blacks :
the second, white, with bushy black hair, blue eyes, aquiline noses,
and reddish beards; they wear short party-coloured tunics, with
several tassels at the lower extremities: the fourth resemble the
people called Rebo in the campaigns of Rainesis IV., wearing
feathers in their heads and large cloaks, and having their bodies
tattooed. Taken together, they appear to have conventionally
represented the principal nations known to the Egyptians; and as
these wars did not extend to Europe, we must seek the originals in
Asia" (Kenrick, vol. ii, pp. 264, 265) and Africa.

A short time since, this was all that could be said respecting the
wars of Sethos : but the labour and learning of Mr. W. Osburn have

70 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

cast much light on this subject.' He has shown that the hiero
glyphic sculptures state that Sethos carried on wars with the land
of Canaan. JXot only is this national name identified, but others
which refer to tribes and districts. In the pictures which celebrate
the conquests of Sethos, he has found Tyre and Zidon, Arvad on the
coast to the north of these cities, and the Hermonites in the hill-
country adjoining. The Philistines are exhibited, and their personal
appearance, dress, and warlike manners and armour defined. The
Jebusites, Zuzim, and Hittites are also identified as having been
vanquished by Sethos, as were also the Amorites and Moabites.
There is no doubt that, from the peculiar nature of hieroglyphic
inscription, a few errors will afterward be found in some of these
solutions : yet it is an interesting circumstance, and one which serves
to elucidate the history of Egypt, that its monumental annals gener
ally recognise these Scriptural appellations, and refer to them in a
manner so corroborative of the truth of Holy Writ.

RAMSES II. succeeded his father. His assumed title was, " Pha
raoh vigilant in Justice ;" his name, " the beloved of Amoun, Ramses
(11.)" He reigned five years and five months. To this sovereign
belong the historical pictorial representations found in the temple at
Brisoualli in Nubia ; where the sculptures in the sacred sanctuary
represent the youthful monarch suckled by Isis and Anouke ; while
in the vestibule he is delineated as mounted in his chariot, and ac
companied by his two sons, also in chariots, routing the Ethiopians,
who are shown flying and falling before the Egyptian heroes. In
another part of the same vestibule, the king is seated under a rich
canopy, while the fruits of his victory are displayed in a procession,
in which the principal productions of Africa are presented to the
king. In another part, the victories of this prince in Asia are cele
brated in detail with great spirit.

The sculptures on the northern side of this cave describe the wars
which Ramses II. carried on in Palestine. Following in the steps
of his father, he successfully assailed the Jebusites, the Tyrians,
and the Hittites. The sculptures are, unfortunately, much muti
lated ; but enough remains to identify these nations, and to prove
that, just prior to the arrival of the Israelites under Moses on the
banks of the Jordan, the power of the Canaanitish nations had been
in a great measure broken by the successive invasions of Sethos
and Ramses II. (See Appendix, note 8.)

RAMSES III. — His title, as given in the hieroglyphic cartouche, is,
"Pharaoh vigilant in Justice, Sesostris" that is, "approved of the
Sun;" his name, "The beloved of Amoun, Ramses (III.)" This
sovereign was the son of Sethos, and brother of the preceding Pha-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 71

raoh. He was the great Sesostris, so celebrated in the history of
ancient times.

It has always been a matter of difficulty to reconcile the warlike
exploits of this Egyptian conqueror with the fact, that no notice
whatever is found of him in the Hebrew history. Some learned
•writers have been led by this circumstance to arrange the Egyptian
dynasties so as to make this reign take place before the Exodus.
According to the chronological arrangement adopted in this work,
no difficulty of this kind occurs, as the Hebrews crossed the Jordan
in the third year of Sesostris ; and his great campaign, commenced
in his fifth year, would happen before the tribes of Israel had ob
tained any settled location in Canaan, or had made themselves
objects of jealousy or enmity to the Egyptian warrior.

According to Herodotus, the first warlike measure of this monarch
was a maritime one, directed against the coasts of the Red Sea and
of the Persian Gulf. This, to a certain extent, failed for lack of
nautical knowledge. On his return, he raised a great army; and,
having made extensive arrangements for the government of the
country in his absence, confiding the principal administration of
affairs to his brother, he marched forth on a grand career of conflict
and conquest. It is not possible to define with accuracy the route
pursued, or the nations vanquished, by this Egyptian king; some
of the ancients extending his conquests from India to the north of
Europe, while some modern writers would limit his warlike opera
tions almost entirely to Canaan. The entire scope of the history
proves these extremes to be alike unworthy of confidence.

The first point of attack appears to have been the people to the
south of Canaan. Here Punon, near Mount Hor, was besieged and
subdued. While engaged in the reduction of this place, Sesostris
received ambassadors from the Shetin, with proposals of peace; but
the terms were such that he rejected them. Having subdued this
fortified city, and thus established his power in the hilly region of
Edom, Sesostris turned his arms northward. Here, however, we
have no undoubted guide as to his course, and little can be offered
beyond probable conjecture. (See Appendix, note 9.) But it
would appear that Sesostris passed to the south-west angle of
Canaan, where, accompanied off the coast by a fleet probably from
Ascalon, he marched through the land of the Philistines to the south
frontier of the Jebusites. From thence, fighting only with those
who obtruded themselves on his way, by the same route and just in
the same manner as Pharaoh- N echo did in after- ages, he reached
the land of the Phenicians. This people had long before been in
intercourse with Egypt. Here in all probability the king strength-

72 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

ened his friendly relations with those maritime tribes: nor is it
unlikely that some coercion might have been used to enforce his
wishes. That he came into this territory cannot be doubted; for,
in the extreme north of Phenicia, there are yet extant monumental
proofs of his prowess. These are sculptures in the solid rock found
near Beirout, which distinctly bear the titular shield of Ramses III.,
with the characters, "the approved of Re." — Trans, of the Royal
Soc. of Lit., vol. iii, p. 105.

From Phenicia it is more than probable that Sesostris went to
effect the great object of his campaign on the banks of the Euphrates.
It has been already observed that, when in the south of Palestine,
he received ambassadors from the Shetin, and that be refused their
terms of peace. It is also apparent from the monuments, that this
warlike people, finding their overtures rejected, took the initiative,
and besieged the city which Mr. Osburn calls Hadanaz, and which
was in alliance with Egypt. Having in a great battle defeated the
enemy, and rescued his friends, he assails the capital of his foes,
which, I think, stood somewhere on the banks of the Euphrates.
That it could not lie in the hill- country of Judea is evident from
the monumental delineation of the contest : for the attack is made
by him " on a fortified city standing on a river, branches of which
flow round its walls, and serve the purpose of a trench. The enemy,
who wear long-sleeved tunics, have generally the head shaven, with
the exception of a lock which falls over the back of the neck, and
wear mustachios. Their shields are of different forms — some
square, and apparently made of basket-work ; others with wood, with
incurved sides. The enemy are driven headlong to the fortress,
and some of them have been precipitated with their horses and
chariots into the river." — Kenrick, vol. ii.

The subject of these sculptures was regarded as so important, that
another representation of it is given at Thebes on a gorgeous scale.
A circumstance strongly corroborative of the correctness of the view
here taken, with regard to the course of this conqueror, is found in
the fact, that the Zidonians are described as assisting in this battle
as allies of the Egyptians ; (Osburn's Egypt : her Testimony, p. 86;)
and, further, in the tribute imposed on the conquered people: for
the treaty made between Sesostris and four chiefs of the Shetin is
still extant. In this document "nothing can exceed the pompous
arrogance of Pharaoh, and the abject crouching submission of the
princes of Shetin. He grants them peace only on condition of entire
submission, and an annual tribute of silver, precious stones, and
spicery." — Osburn's Egypt: her Testimony, p. 91. These articles
clearly indicate the eastern geography of the country. It may,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 73

therefore, be fairly presumed, that Sesostris marched his army from
Phenicia through the vale of Lebanon, and thence to the banks of
the Euphrates ; and that by this means he not only virtually extended
the frontier of Egypt to that river, but opened up a way to oriental
commerce for Egypt, through the instrumentality of the Phenicians
— a commerce afterward secured by Solomon on the same route.

It is not so easy to trace the subsequent progress of this con
queror. The priest who explained the Egyptian monuments of
Thebes to Germanicus, declared that Rameses had possessed Libya,
Ethiopia, Media, Persia, Bactriana, and Scythia, with the territories
which the Syrians, Armenians, and their neighbours the Cappadoc-
ians, inhabit, extending his dominion from the Bithynian Sea on the
one side to the Lycian on the other; (Tacitus, Annales, lib. ii,
cap. 60;) upon which Mr. Kenrick remarks, "Now we know from
the monuments that the claim of dominion over Libya, Ethiopia, and
Syria was well-founded. In the time of Herodotus its memorials
existed in Asia Minor, and may yet perhaps be found there. The
valley of the Tigris was familiar ground to the military sovereigns
of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties. Confirmed in so many
points, why should not the accounts of the Egyptian priests be
believed, when they tell us that Media, Persia, and Bactriana were
also the scenes of the conquests of Rameses?" — Kenrick, vol.
ii, p. 283.

The question which the learned writer here asks, may be answered
by a reference to the undoubted exaggerations, not of the priests,
(their expositions may on some points be sufficiently questionable,)
but of the monumental inscriptions themselves. Without, therefore,
making any claim on behalf of Sesostris to Media, Persia, and
Bactria, — since, even if the armies. of these empires had been sub
dued, Egypt could not hold military occupation of such an extensive
territory, — we are fully justified in receiving the testimony of the
monuments, when they are confirmed by competent historical
authority. We may therefore safely conclude that, marching
through Asia Minor, Sesostris probably reduced various states to
subjection, and thus returned to Egypt.

Herodotus mentions a fact to which, as coming under his own
observation, he attached great importance. He discerned an evi
dent similarity between the Colchians and the Egyptians, in respect
of their colour, hair, and general appearance; and on conversing
with the former, he found them possessed of a distinct traditional
remembrance of their Egyptian origin. It is well known that this
country was famed for the production of gold — a circumstance very
likely to tempt the cupidity of the Egyptian king. To this we may

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

add the conjecture of Larcher, who, referring to the tradition handed
down by Valerius Flaccus, considers it probable that Sesostris,
attempting to pass into Europe, was defeated by the Thracians, and
in consequence left a detachment of his army in Colchis to cover his
retreat. One of the inscriptions on the rocks of Aboosembel is
important, as corroborating our opinion as to the extent of this
campaign. It declares that the king had employed the captives
taken in his Asiatic wars on those works.

On returning to Egypt, Sesostris very narrowly escaped destruc
tion through the treachery of his brother, who caused his tent to be
fired in the night. From this danger the king escaped with the
loss of two of his children ; and having overcome every difficulty, he
devoted the remainder of his long reign to the improvement of 'his
country. In the chief city of every nome he erected a temple to the
tutelary deity, and employed the captives whom he had taken in his
wars to drag stones, and do the most laborious part of the work : so
that all these buildings had inscriptions placed on them, purporting
that they had been raised by the labour of captives, and not of
Egyptians. The Exode of the Hebrews had removed a great num
ber of men long devoted to this kind of slavery, and thus rendered
the importation of these captives necessary to supply their place on
these new public works. Diodorus (lib. i, cap. 4) relates that a
company of these captives who had been brought from Babylon,
unable to bear the severe labour assigned them, rebelled, and seized
a fort near the river, where for a season they defended 'themselves,
and wasted the neighbouring country; that they afterward obtained
a pardon, and called the place by the name of their native land,
Babylon.

After effecting great improvements in the country by his public
works and legislative measures, Sesostris was afflicted with blindness,
which, it is said, so affected his mind that he destroyed himself.

The successor of Sesostris was his son, MANEPHTUA, whose royal
name was, " Pharaoh, strengthened by the Spirit of Amoun ;" his
title, " Manephtha, devoted to Justice." This reign, as might be
expected from the length of the preceding one, was short, extending
only to five years. With Rameses III. we lose the guidance of the
Tablet of Abydos, and consequently have difficulty in giving accu
rately the names of the Pharaohs. No proper historical monuments
of this reign exist. The Rameseion contains the portraits of the
twenty-three sons of Rameses III., with their names and offices.
The thirteenth, Manephtha, bears the addition of "King." He is
represented at Silsilis in acts of adoration to various"divinities
No great building appears to have been raised by this sovcreiga

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 75

When his name is found, it is in trifling additions made to the
works of preceding monarchs. His tomb at Bab-el-Melook is one
hundred and sixty- seven feet in length, and has been ornamented
with great care in the portions near the entrance. Here one piece
of sculpture still remains, of which the colours are as brilliant as
when they were first laid on. Manephtha, crowned with a splendid
head-dress, and clad in a long transparent robe, fringed at the bot
tom, stands before the hawk-headed god, Phre, who promises him
length of days upon his throne. This is a sufficient proof of the
practice of excavating the tomb during the lifetime of the king.
(Kenrick, vol. ii, p. 294.)

After the death of Manephtha, his son, SETHOS II., ascended the
throne. His regal title was, " Pharaoh, vigilant in all Lands, the
Friend of Amoun ;" his name, " Sethos IL, Servant of Phtha." He
is represented at Silsilis as making an offering to Amunre, accom
panied by an officer of his court, who puts up a prayer for the king.
But Egypt had at this time rapidly declined from the glory to which
it had been raised by the brilliant genius and prowess of Rameses
III. We have no history of this reign ; and the low and perilous
condition of the monarchy is indicated at Silsilis by a curious and
unique monumental inscription. This Pharaoh is represented as
offering a prayer to Amunre, that his son may sit on the throne
after him, — a prayer nowhere else found on the sculptures of Egypt.
Taosir, or Taseser, the queen of Sethos II., is frequently represented
as making offerings to the gods, sometimes alone, and at others in
company with her husband. There is no date on any of the monu
ments of this sovereign ; and everything indicates that either during
his reign, or afterward, he was not fully recognised as a legitimate
monarch of Egypt ; though he bore the title, and held possession at
least of Upper Egypt.

The son of the preceding Pharaoh succeeded him. His assumed
title was, " Pharaoh, the Light of the Sun, Sesostris (II. ;)" his
name, " Si-PTAH MANEPHTHA." Of this reign even less is known
than of the preceding. He also appears to have been regarded as
not justly entitled to sovereign dignity, — a fact which accounts for
the appearance of his name on the monuments, where, as possessing
supreme power, he could compel it to be placed, while it is omitted
from the historical lists. With this reign the eighteenth dynasty
terminated.

In closing this sketch of the period of Egyptian history which gave
imperishable fame to this nation, and stands so prominently identi
fied with the most interesting events of Hebrew history, it may
possibly occur to the reader that there is here a serious discrepancy,

76 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

if not a direct contradiction. It may be supposed that a people so
wise, powerful, and refined,— so polished in art, and abundant in the
enjoyment of all luxury and elegance,— could never be guilty of the
atrocities which, according to the Scriptures, led to the divine inter
position that produced the Exodus. It is remarkable, however, that
this notion is abundantly refuted by secular history. The exquisite
and imperishable monuments of Egypt bear undeniable and ever
lasting evidence to her tyrannical, cruel, and blood-thirsty character.
Natural as the objection appears, it is perfectly annihilated by ex
tant monumental inscriptions. We have before our eyes an abiding
demonstration that, with all her wisdom and wealth, her prowess
and art, her civilization and philosophy, Egypt was the power
which, above all other ancient nations, might be expected to per
petrate the deeds of blood and darkness that the Bible charges
on her in the case of Israel, and in consequence deserved to&be
made a special example of divine punishment. (See Appendix,
note 10.)

In passing to the nineteenth and following dynasties, it will not
be possible to be as minute as heretofore, inasmuch as great obscurity
rests upon many reigns : even the names and titles can but seldom
be identified on the monuments. I shall therefore give the lists of
the dynasties, as far as can be ascertained, with such information as
may be collected with reference to the several reigns.

NINETEENTH DYNASTY : FIVE DIOSPOUTAN KINGS.
i ci xi_ Years.

1. Sethos reigned .......................................................... 55

2. Rarueses ............................................. />/>

3. Amenephthes ................................................... " ^

4. Rameses .......................................

5. Ammenemnes

26
Duration of the dynasty ................................................... IsTyears.

These are the kings of this dynasty, according to Eusebius.
But no part of the Egyptian history— with the exception of one
reign— is shrouded in deeper darkness than this. Neither the
annals nor the monuments give any positive information. Mr. Os-
burn supposes the last king of the eighteenth dynasty, to have been
driven from his throne by a second invasion of the Canaanites or
Shepherds," and to have died in Ethiopia, leaving an infant son,
Sethos Ramses, then only five years of age. I confess that the
reasons assigned by him, from Manetho, for this decision, appear to
me very unsatisfactory. Yet, knowing as we do the strength of
numerous warlike tribes residing in the south of Canaan, or Edom,
and wandering in powerful nomadic hordes in the Wilderness of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 77

Sinai,* it cannot be unreasonable to believe that a confederation of
these might take advantage of any weakness or disorder in the
Egyptian state, and, for a while at least, successfully assail and
ravage the lower and more exposed part of the kingdom.

Nor is it very improbable that this was done; and that, as Manetho
intimates, after a while, the young king, supported by the power of
Upper Egypt and Ethiopia, defeated and expelled these warlike
intruders, and restored the integrity of the kingdom ; the great and
obvious error which writers, from Manetho to the present day, have
fallen into, being the attempt to identify this eruption either with
the descent or the Exodus of the Hebrews.

This Pharaoh, however, having possessed himself of the throne,
took for his regal title, " Pharaoh, Guardian of Justice, the Friend
of Amoun ;" and for his name, " Rameses, Prince of On."

His reign was long and apparently prosperous. He restored not
only the integrity of the kingdom, but its influence abroad. He
appears to have gone over most of the lands which had been sub
dued by Sethos and Sesostris. We are distinctly told that he con
quered the Shetin.

Having finished his foreign wars successfully, he pursued the
course usually adopted by his predecessors, and devoted the spoils
which he had acquired to the erection of a splendid temple. The
magnificent palace-temple of Medinet-Abou, in Western Thebes,
was raised by him ; and its vast range of walls was covered with
sculptured representations of his various wars. In one of these
scenes, the king is represented sitting in his chariot, with an air of
calm dignity on his countenance. Four great officers stand by
him, presiding over the ceremony of counting each of the heaps of
hands which have been cut from the enemies who had been slain.
Each heap is said to contain three thousand. Close by are four
rows of captives, bound in the usual manner. Immediately over the
king is the address which he delivers to his army : it is in the form
of a short poem or ode : —

" The address of Rameses," &c., " to his royal sons,

And to his servants who commanded his infantry and cavalry.

Give yourselves up to joy;

Let it resound to heaven.

My falchion hath smitten the Hittite.

I come, (and) terror fills their hearts.

0 If the Amalekites possessed sufficient power to place in jeopardy a body of six
hundred thousand fighting men, even admitting the latter to have been to a great
extent undisciplined and unarmed, (although this is not mentioned,) they would be
formidable foes on the frontier of any kingdom. Exod. xvii.

78 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

I arise, conquering with the armies of Upper and Lower Egypt.

I manifest you in the midst of them like springing lions,

Or like hawks among the water-fowl.

My heart is strong against them, like a bull against a ram.

I have forded their rivers ;

I huve laid waste their lands;

I have burned their forts with fire.

Amouu-Re hath put the whole world under my feet.

I am a king upon my throne forever." — Osbuni'a Egypt, p. 101.

I add one further extract from Mr. Osburn's learned work,
which has reference to the monumental records respecting this
reign : —

" The mutilated state of these vast pictures prevents the possi
bility of anything like a connected account of the events of this war.
Two actions of it are still remaining. The one is the surprise of a
city or district of the Philistines, by the combined armies of the
Egyptians and Zidonians. The other is an attack upon the fleets of
the Philistines and Zidonians in harbour by the Egyptians. In both
these pictures the defeat of the enemies of Egypt is as complete as
in all other cases. In the land-fight, the army of the Philistines is
vainly endeavouring to cover the flight of their wives, children, and
possessions, in wagons of wicker-work with solid wheels, and drawn
by four oxen abreast. Their ranks are broken, and they are in in
extricable confusion, while their wagons fall a prey to the Egyptian
soldiers. The sea-fight is in every respect a remarkable picture,
and deserves far more attention than it has hitherto received. As
it occurs in the same series with the former, the event probably took
place in the same war. Nothing, of course, can be known of the
circumstances which induced the Zidonians, who in the former pic
ture appeared as allies of Egypt, to join the ranks of its enemies on
the present occasion. Such changes are of frequent occurrence in
war. The occasion of the battle appears to have been a meditated
descent on the coast of Egypt, by the combined fleets of the Zido
nians and Philistines. The action took place either on the Egyptian
coast or in its immediate vicinity. Rameses, at the head of his
army, repulsed the enemy in their attempt to land, while the Egj^ptian
fleet engaged with them by sea ; both, on the authority of the picture,
with incredible, yea, impossible, success. The entire fleet of the
enemy was taken, and carried in triumph to Egypt ; and the forces
which had manned it graced the triumphal procession of the con
queror at Thebes." — Osburn's Egypt, p. 110.

The cruel character of this country and age is strikingly displayed
in the picture of the king, who is represented armed with his bow,
with each of his feet upon the necks of four of his enemies ; while

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 79

his four sons, all engaged in the same act, stand in line before
him.

We have no precise information respecting other sovereigns of
this dynasty, whose rule extended from the time of Othniel to that
of Deborah and Barak. It is, however, a remarkable fact, that as
the power of the Hebrew commonwealth became consolidated, and
its political influence paramount in Canaan, so we lose all notice of
the Canaanitish nations on the monuments of Egypt, where they are
constantly recognised previously. After the reign of Sethos llame-
ses, the first king of the nineteenth dynasty, no allusion to the
people of Canaan is found in the Egyptian sculptures, until the time
of Rehoboam, when, as if to prove that the absence of these arose
out of the altered condition of Canaan, and not from any change in
the manners and usages of Egypt, we have gorgeous sculptured
representations of the incursion of JShishak, and of his triumph over
Rehoboam.

We proceed to the twentieth dynasty, respecting which we only
learn that it consisted of twelve Diospolitan kings, who reigned one
hundred and seventy- eight years, and that the greater number of
them were called Rameses. Lepsius seems to have identified on
the monuments Pharaohs of this name from Rameses IV. to
Rameses XIV. We have no traces of foreign war or conquest
during the reigns of these sovereigns. The principal memorials
of Rameses V. are the lateral inscriptions of the obelisk which
Thothmes I. erected at Karnak. They contain, however, no his
torical fact. His tomb in the Bab-el-Melook is small; the sarco
phagus remains in it, and has been broken. Rameses VI. has in
some instances effaced the name of his predecessor ; but we have no
memorials of his reign, and can only conjecture that it was long,
from the unusual amount of labour employed in the preparation of
his tomb. It is three hundred and forty-two feet in length, descend
ing by a gradual slope to a depth of twenty-five feet below the ground,
and is divided into a number of chambers. The whole surface of
the walls and ceilings is covered with a profusion of coloured sculp
tures of minute size, chiefly astronomical and mythical. One of
them represents the judgment- scene before Osiris, and the supposed
return of a wicked soul to the world.

Of Rameses VII. there is absolutely no memorial, except his
tomb, which is of much less finished execution than that of his
predecessor. The sarcophagus is excavated in the rock of the floor
to the depth of four feet, and covered with a slab of granite. Rame
ses VIII. is known only by the occurrence of his shield. The shields
of the other sovereigns of this dynasty are much more crowded than

80 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

those of the eighteenth dynasty. Rameses IX. was, according to
Lepsius, the son of Rameses VII. He began a temple to Chons,
on the right bank of the Kile, near Karnak; but left it imperfect,
except the sanctuary. His tomb is small, and appears to have
remained unfinished at his death, as the walls of some of the
apartments have figures and inscriptions traced upon them, but not
sculptured. The tombs of Rameses X., XI., Xll., have also been
ascertained. That of Rameses X. is executed with care, and
adorned with astrological paintings. The seventeenth year of the
reign of Rameses XI. has been found on a papyrus, and the second
of Rameses XII. Of Rameses XIII. and XIV. nothing beyond
the names is known, which is the more indicative of the inactivity
which characterized the last years of this dynasty, because Rameses
XIV. reigned at least thirty- three years. Rosellini reckons a
fifteenth, by whom a hypostyle-hall was added to the temple of
Chons at Karnak, founded by Rameses IX. (Kenrick, vol. ii,
page 333.)

According to the Arundelian Marbles, the fall of Troy took place in
1184 B. C. : and Pliny states that a Rameses then sat on the throne
of Egypt. According to our arrangement this would happen during
the reign of one of the latter Pharaohs of this name and dynasty.
The rule of this line of kings ranged from the time of Deborah and
Barak to that of Eli. The Hebrews were at that time expanding
into a great people, and were gradually displacing all the old nations
which had occupied Canaan. The Philistines alone appear to have
remained unbroken in strength ; and it is possible that there is in
that fact more than at first meets the eye. This warlike people
occupied the sea-coast in the southwest angle of the Promised
Land. They stood, therefore, as a bulwark against Egyptian
aggression. The wise providence of God seems strikingly dis
played in the fact, that the last remnant of the martial power of
Canaan which remained in the land, seemed alike designed to
punish the Hebrews for their apostasy, when unfaithful, and
to protect them from Egypt, while they remained devoted to
Jehovah.

The rising power of the Hebrews, with that of Philistia, also
shielded the Phenicians ; and this maritime and commercial people
rose rapidly into opulence and power, while the sway and trade of
Egypt became more than ever circumscribed. Thus did Providence
prepare the way for the political and commercial prosperity of the
elect nation under David and Solomon.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 81

THE TWENTY-FIRST DYNASTY : SEVEN TANITE KIKGS.

Years.

Smendes reigned 26

Psousennes 41

Nephercheres 4

Amenophthis 9

Osochor 6

Fsinaches 9

Psousenues 35

The dynasty continued 130 years.

Tanis, or Zoan, now first appears in Egyptian history, as supply
ing a race of sovereigns to the imperial throne. This city stood on
a branch of the Wile, the most easterly, and consequently the near
est to Palestine and Arabia, with the exception of the Pelusiac.
Scripture plainly informs us that Zoan was built seven years after
Hebron. We do not, indeed, know when the Jebusite town was
founded ; but it is mentioned in the time of Abraham. It is probable
that Tanis rose into importance during the time when the shepherd-
kings exercised supreme sway in Lower Egypt. In Psalm Ixxviii,
the miracles which accompanied the Exodus are said to have been
wrought in "the field of Zoan;" (verse 43;) an expression which
indicates that about the time of David this city was regarded as
the residence of the Pharaoh who had " refused to let Israel go."
In the age of Isaiah it was still considered as the capital of the Delta.
" The princes of Zoan, and the princes of Noph," (Memphis,) are
spoken of as equivalent to " the nobles of Egypt."

The ruins of this ancient city, although they have never been
explored, are amply sufficient in extent to attest its magnificence.
Its principal temple stood within an area of fifteen hundred feet by
twelve hundred and fifty, and appears to have been built by Rameses-
Sesostris, whose shield is seen in various parts of the ruins. It was
adorned with an unusual number of obelisks. If its ruins had been
explored with the same diligence as has been employed on those of
Middle and Upper Egypt, some very important information would
probably have been furnished for the history of this dynasty. This
has hitherto been prevented by the rude character of the inhabitants,
and the pestilential atmosphere of the district.

No sources of intelligence are at present accessible, which throw
light on the manner in which the sceptre of Egypt passed from the
Diospolitan dynasty to the Tanite. The temple which Rameses
IX. erected to the god Chons (to which reference has already been
made) exhibits a priest, " whose name has been read Hraihor. or
Pehor, distinguishable by his shaven head and panther's skin, and
denominated in his shield, ' High-Priest of Amun,' who at the same

82 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

time appears to have performed the functions of royalty. In one
compartment of the sculptures, Ilorus places on his head the white
cap, and Nebthi the red cap, — acts symbolical of his investiture with
the dominion of Upper and Lower Egypt. He even appears in a
military capacity, with the title of ' Commander of the Archers.'
Another priest, whose name has been read Pischiam, appears on
the same building qualified with the titles of royalty. These names
do not correspond with any of those in Manetho ; and we are left to
conjecture that, during the time that elapsed after the expiration of
the llameside dynasty, and before the establishment of the Tanite
in full authority over Upper as well as Lower Egypt, the high-priests
of Thebes assumed the royal style, and even military command. It
would be agreeable to the practice of Manetho, not to include them
in his dynastic lists, but to carry on his chronology by means of the
Tanite kings, even though two or three generations elapsed before
their authority was acknowledged in Thebes." — Kenrick's Egypt,
vol. ii, p. 343.

During the rule of this dynasty the greatest political and com
mercial changes took place in Palestine, — changes which most
seriously affected the sway and trade of Egypt. The military and
political genius of David had not only consolidated the energy of
the Hebrew people, and given to their hitherto isolated tribes a
national character and power : it had also extended a commanding
influence over the Phenicians, and, by dictating to them the terms
on which they should carry on the traffic with the East, (a measure
which Solomon secured by the erection of Baalbec in the Valley of
Lebanon, and Palmyra in the Wilderness,) had completed their sub
serviency to the Hebrew government. The conquest of Edorn by
David fulfilled this scheme of policy. By these means the commu
nication of Egypt with the East was completely cut off, and even the
old-established caravan traffic through Petra, which had existed from
the days of Joseph, was placed in the hands of the sovereign of
Jerusalem. Solomon availed himself of all the advantages arising
out of the geographical position of his country, and, by the aid of
Phenician mariners, secured to Judea an important coasting-trade
with the gold- coast of Arabia and India.

These measures of the Hebrew government had the effect of iso
lating the Pharaohs of Egypt from all their conquests in Asia, and
shutting them out from all important commercial operations in the
East. It is remarkable that, either awed by the daring valour of
the Hebrews, or withheld by an overruling Providence, Egypt saw
the progress of the Hebrew power and policy without striking a
blow. A military junction with the Philistines, Edomites, Am-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 83

monites, or other warlike tribes, which were successively subdued
by Israel, would have so obviously been for the interest of Egypt,
that it is scarcely possible to account for the continued apathy of
such a nation in those circumstances, without attributing it to provi
dential interposition.

In the brief notices of Egypt which are found in the sacred
Scriptures, there is enough to show that people not to have been
indifferent spectators of these mighty changes in their political rela
tions. When Joab, in the reign of David, slaughtered the males of
Edom, Hadad, one of the royal family, having escaped to Egypt, was not
only received and protected, but provided for as a royal prince, and
was favoured with the queen of Egypt's sister for his wife : his son.
too, was brought up in Pharaoh's house. It must be admitted that,
in the early part of his reign, Solomon appeared to hold a very friendly
relation to the reigning Pharaoh, and married his daughter. But
even in the Scriptural notice of this event there is evidence, that
Egypt had not ceased to regard Palestine as a theatre for warlike
operations. We are told that when Solomon married the princess
of Egypt, " Pharaoh King of Egypt had gone up and taken Gezer,
and burned it with fire, and slain the Canaanites that dwelt in the
city, and given it for a present unto his daughter, Solomon's wife."
1 Kings ix, 16. This city stood on the south frontier of the tribe
of Ephraim, about fifteen miles N. W. by R of Jerusalem : so that,
even after all the martial triumphs of David, this Canaanitish town
remained in the very heart of the country ; and, in the early part
of the reign of Solomon, a king of Egypt led an army along the
western coast of Palestine, and sacked this city within a few hours'
march of the capital of Judea. Such a fact casts important light on
the international policy of ancient times.

When Solomon became enervated by luxury, and corrupted by
sin, Hadad, Prince of Edom, went up from Egypt with the consent
of Pharaoh ; and, he having formed an alliance with Rezon, a daring
freebooter, they succeeded in wresting from the Hebrew monarch
Edom and a part of Syria. Hadad consequently became king of
his native land, while Rezon reigned in Damascus. It is not stated
that these persons received aid from Egypt in their efforts ; but as
it was obviously the interest of this nation that they should succeed,
it can scarcely be doubted that they were favoured with indirect
countenance and help, if not with open and avowed support.

During the reign of Solomon an active commerce in horses,
chariots, and linen yarn was carried on between Judea and Egypt.
Solomon not only furnished his own armies with horses and. chariots
from this country, but sold them again to the Hittites and the Syrians ;

84 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

and, as if to indicate the thorough and monopolizing character of
the Hebrew king's policy, it is distinctly stated that this was done
by " the king's merchants." 1 Kings x, 28, 29.

TWEXTY-SECOXD DYXASTY : NINE BUBAST1LE KINGS.

Yean.

Sesonchis (Shishak) reigned 21

Osorchon 15

Three other kings omitted by Eusebius 25

Takellothis 13

Three others omitted by Eusebius 42

The dynasty continued 116 years.

The first of these kings is undoubtedly the Shishak of Holy
Scripture ; and as his invasion of Judah took place in B. C. 974, it
must have occurred in the third year of his reign. It is a fact no
less important than singular, that the monumental record of this
event should exist at the present time in a perfect state, and
exhibit an undoubted memorial of this historical event. Although
much doubt in general attends the identification of names on Egyp
tian monuments, in consequence of its being necessary " to assume
certain phonetic values for characters which do not occur elsewhere,
or only in positions equally ambiguous; there appears to be no
uncertainty respecting the most important figure of the whole," (in
this monument,) " the third in the third line, which contains, in well-
known characters, JOUDMALK, that is, Joudah-Melek, ' King of
Judah ;' which being followed by the usual character for ' land,' the
whole will read, 'Land of the King of Judah;' these shields repre
senting, not persons, but places, symbolized by a figure of their
inhabitants." — Kenrick, vol. ii, p. 350. This monument is found
on the external wall of the hypostyle-hall at Karnak.

There are other memorials of this sovereign at Karnak and
Silsilis ; but they are of a religious, and not of an historical charac
ter. If Sesonchis were the same as the Sasychis of Diodorus and
Herodotus, (which, from an ingenious conjecture of Bunsen, is ren
dered very probable,) he was celebrated as a legislator, as well as a
conqueror. To him is attributed the law which allowed a debtor to
raise money by pledging the body of his father, on condition that, if
he did not repay the money, neither he himself nor any of his family
should be interred, either in the family sepulchre or elsewhere.

The state of the arts had now evidently declined. There are
several statues of the lion-headed goddess Pasht which were exe
cuted about this time; one of them is in the British Museum. Mr.
Birch pronounces it far inferior in design and execution to the stat
uary of Thothmes III.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 85

A son of Sesonchis appears joined with him in an act of worship
at Karnak. As was sometimes the case in Egypt, he united with
the sacerdotal office the post of " captain of the archers." He did
not succeed his father.

Osorchon is the next king in Manetho's dynasty, and his shield
follows that of Sheshonk in the sculptures of the court at Karnak.
The Books of Kings record no intercourse between Judah and
Egypt, from the invasion of Shishak to the reign of Hoshea, who
made an alliance with Seva or So, King of Egypt. The Second
Book of Chronicles, however, says that in the reign of Asa, Zerach,
an Ethiopian king, invaded Judah. Critics have supposed this
Zerach to be the same as Osorchon, the successor of Sesonchis. All
the circumstances of the case render this conclusion extremely prob
able. Zerach could not be one of the twenty-fifth or Ethiopian
dynasty of Egyptian kings, since the earliest of these lived about
two hundred years after Asa. The name "Zerach" is not very
different from " Osorchon," when reduced to its consonants. We
can scarcely believe that during Osorchon's reign any Ethiopian
sovereign could have invaded Judah: for it is certain that at this
time his sway extended over Upper as well as Lower Egypt ; and,
in order to accomplish this purpose, the Ethiopian army must have
marched through the entire length of Egypt, — which is incredible.
The sacred text, indeed, calls the invading sovereign an " Ethiopian :"
but then this is found only in the Book of Chronicles, which was
not written — at least, in its present form — till after the Captivity.
And the use of this term may be accounted for, even supposing the
war to have been conducted by one of the Pharaohs ; for at this
time the armies of Egypt were mainly composed of Libyan and
Ethiopian troops. But, in addition to all this, the time exactly
agrees. Rehoboam reigned twelve years after the invasion of
Sesonchis ; Abijah, his son, who succeeded him, three years ; and
the victory of Asa took place in the fifteenth year of his reign : so
that thirty years elapsed from the invasion of Sesonchis to the defeat
of Zerach. And as Sesonchis reigned twenty-two years, — nineteen
of which were after his invasion, — and Osorchon fifteen years, his
defeat by Asa (supposing him to be identified with Zerach) would
have taken place in the eleventh year of his reign. When so many
circumstances unite in the corroboration of an historical probability,
in the absence of all opposing evidence, it may be safely regarded
as an established fact.

There was also a reason for this war. Sesonchis had humbled
Rehoboam, and spoiled Jerusalem : Judah would in consequence be
regarded as a dependent, if not a tributary state. When, therefore,

86 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Asa had made a league with the king of Syria who ruled in Damas
cus, and had built and fortified many places in Judah, Osorchon had
just cause to apprehend, not merely the loss of all Egyptian influ
ence in the East, but the probability that a powerful hostile alliance
would be maintained against him. He accordingly assembled a
great army, and invaded the south of Judah; but Asa, strong in
the protection of Jehovah, went out against him, defeated his army
in a great battle, and pursued him to Gerar on the southern boundary
of Palestine. 1 Kings xv.

" The names of the three successors of Osorchon I. are not given
by Manetho. Lepsius makes his immediate successor to have been
Amunma PEHOR, who was probably his son. Another son, whose
name was Sheshonk, filled the office of high-priest; and is men
tioned in a funeral papyrus which appears to have accompanied the
mummy of another high-priest of the name of Osorchon, the son of
this Sheshonk, and consequently the grandson of Osorchon I.
£J either of these appears to have ascended the throne. Pehor was
succeeded by Osorchon II., and he by Sheshonk IL His shield is
distinguished from that of the founder of the dynasty by the addi
tion of the goddess of Bubastis, Pasht. The name of Takelothis
was recovered by Champollion from a fragment of a piece of syca
more-wood, the remainder of which is in the Vatican ; in which a
priest, clad in the leopard's skin, is represented performing an act
of adoration to Phre, in behalf of Takelothis's son. It has since
been found on the wall at Karnak, with the date of the twenty-fifth
year of his reign. The same inscription mentions the name of his
queen, Keromana, and of his son and probably his successor, Osor
chon, who is called ' High- Priest and Captain of the Archers.' Of
Osorchon III., Sheshonk III., and Takelothis II., with whom the
dynasty became extinct, no historical fact is recorded." — Kenrick,
vol. ii, p. 356.

From a remark in the Canon of Eusebius it seems probable that
under the twenty- third dynasty the Egyptians became a considerable
maritime power, rivalling, if not excelling the Phenicians.

TWENTY-THIED DYNASTY: FOUB TAKITE KINGS.

Petuhatis reigned 40

Osorcho 3

Psammus 10

Zet '..'."'."" 81

The dynasty continued 89 years.

Of this entire dynasty no name had been found on the monuments,
until very lately Lepsius has found a shield with the name of Petse-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 87

pesht, the Egyptian word whence the Petubastes of Eusebius, and
the Petubates of Manetho, were derived. A shield at Karnak, con
taining the name of Psemaut, has been ascribed by Lepsius to
Psammus of this dynasty.

Neither Herodotus nor Diodorus affords any information respect
ing this dynasty. There are not even any private monuments
which cast light upon the state of Egypt at this time. Everything
seems to indicate that it was a season of decline and decay, which
ranged from the sixteenth year of Joash King of Judah to the thirty-
seventh year of Uzziah.

TWENTY-FOUKTH DYNASTY.

Years.

Bocchoris of Sais reigned ............................................................... -ii

I have here adopted the numbers of Eusebius, in preference to
the six years of Manetho, as rendered by Julius Africanus. Not
that I have particular confidence in this reckoning ; on the contrary,
while I think the general line of chronology which I have laid down
to be founded on unimpeachable historical data, yet, as regards the
particular reigns, it would be mere affectation to pretend to undoubted
accuracy. In the present instance the longer, instead of the shorter,
term is selected, because the brief space of six years is far too short
to work out a celebrity such as that which is unequivocally bestowed
upon Bocchoris ; and, further, because the former arrangement best
agrees with the general course of events, and places Psammitichus
and Nechao II. in more strict accordance with Hebrew history than
would otherwise be the case.

The dynasty of Sais, as Kenrick truly observes, may be said to
have been in fact prolonged to the time of the Persian conquest, the
Ethiopian dynasty being intrusive, and the Dodecarchia only tem
porary. Sais, the city whence this dynasty obtained its name, stood
near the Canopic branch of the Nile, — a district to which, as being
the nearest and most accessible, the traffic of the Greeks was from
the first attracted.

The name of this sovereign has been discovered on no monuments
which can be referred with certainty to his reign. Diodorus calls
his father Tnephachthus. According to the same writer this king
was small in person, and contemptible in appearance, "but as to
wisdom ana prudence far excelling all the kings that were before
him in Egypt." He is also supposed to have framed laws, defining
the prerogatives and duties of the sovereign, and establishing equi
table regulations respecting commercial contracts. ^Elian, indeed,
gives a very different account of Bocchoris, who, he says, obtained a
very false reputation for the justice of his decisions. He alleges

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

that, to grieve the Egyptians, Bocchoris set a wild bull to attack
their sacred Mnevis; but that, as the assailant was rushin" furi
ously on, he stumbled, and entangled his horn in the tree persea
when Mnevis gave him a mortal wound in the flank. To sucli
accounts not much credit is due. Plutarch acknowledges the just
decisions of Bocchoris, but calls him " a man of stern character "
The probability is, that this Pharaoh reigned in a time of great
declension and disorder, and that he made wise and energetic efforts
to remedy existing evils,— efforts which, being partially successful,
gavo him great celebrity; but as these measures painfully affected
those who were deriving private gain from public wrong, he was, to
the extent of their influence, stigmatized by them as severe and
cruel.

TWENTY-FIFTH DYNASTY : THREE ETHIOPIAN KINGS.

Sabaco reigned Ye™'

(He took Bocchoris prisoner, and burnt him alive.)
Sebichos, (Sevechus,) his son -. ,

T«k»* :i:::"::zz::::™:: is

Duration of the dynasty JJ jearg

The term "Ethiopian" is so indiscriminately applied to the Arab
of Yemen, the Abyssinian, the native of Nubia, as well as to the
inhabitants of other districts, that it becomes necessary, in intro
ducing this Ethiopian dynasty, to ascertain the seat of its original
power. On this point no uncertainty exists. The seat of the mon
archy of Sabaco was the Napata of the Romans,— the same as
Berkel, standing about seven hundred miles above Syene on
the banks of the Nile. Under the eighteenth dynasty E^ypt ruled
over the Valley of the Nile as far as this city. Its ruins even now
bear the name of Thothmes III. But under the succeeding dynas
ties, the rising power of Ethiopia so far prevailed that the northern
frontier of this kingdom included the Island of Argo; while under
the feeble twenty-third and twenty-fourth dynasties, it is not im
probable that the Ethiopians occupied Thebes, and that Bocchoris
held his crown as a tributary or subject prince. This supposition
alone accounts for the statement, that, when taken prisoner bv the
Ethiopian monarch, he was burned to death. This is a conjecture
of Mr. Kennck, and one which seems particularly plausible, as
Sabaco is celebrated as a just and humane sovereign, and therefore
not likely to inflict such a terrible death on a captive prince, unless
he had been guilty of some breach of faith or treachery.

We have no satisfactory information respecting this Invasion
lerodotus calls the king who reigned in Egypt at this time Anysis;

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 89

and says that he was not put to death, but took refuge in the marshes
of the Delta. But this account is utterly improbable. He also
alleges that the monarch was blind, but that nevertheless he suc
ceeded in escaping to the marshes, where he constructed an island
of ashes and earth ; that he maintained himself here fifty years ;
and that then, the Ethiopians having retired, he reassumed the
reins of government.

But whatever might have been the manner in which the power
of Ethiopia became paramount in Egypt, it is certain that it must
not be regarded as the irruption of a barbarous people on a highly
civilized country. On the contrary, Ethiopia at this period was as
far advanced in cultivation as Egypt herself. The latter country
had, in fact, proceeded far in declension; and it is probable that
thus, by the ordinary operation of the human mind in such circum
stances, the hardy, daring Ethiopian acquired an easy ascendency
over the enervated Egyptian.

The name of the first sovereign of this dynasty, written Shabek,
is found at Luxor, with the usual titles of Egyptian sovereignty.
The sculptures on the internal wall of the propylaa raised by
Kameses Sesostris having been injured or decayed by time, Sabaco
renewed them, and substituted his own name for that of Rameses.
These prove that Egyptian art still existed in considerable vigour.
A statuette of the same king is preserved in the Villa Albani at
Rome ; and his shield has been found over a gate of the palace of
Karnak.

Sebechus, or Sevechus, son of the preceding king, succeeded him.
But it is impossible to distinguish this Pharaoh on the monuments
from his father, as their phonetic names are written in the same
characters. This explains the circumstance, that the name has been
found on fragments with an indication of the twelfth year of the
reign : these of course refer to Sebechus. It is stated in the Second
Book of Kings that Hoshea, king of Israel, having made an alliance
with So, or Seva, king of Egypt, (2 Kings xvii, 4,) refused to pay
his customary tribute to Shalmaneser, king of Assyria. This event
happened in the latter part of the reign of Hoshea, and in the
beginning of that of Sevechus. This was the reasonable policy of
the rulers of Egypt, — to maintain the power of Israel and Judah,
the only barrier between their kingdom and Assyria. It is, how
ever, very probable that in this instance the policy of Sevechus was
defeated by the prompt energy of the king of Assyria, who had an
efficient ally in the king of Judah ; and, in consequence, the king
dom of Israel was subverted and destroyed.

Tarkus succeeded Sevechus. His name, written Tarhak or Tar-

90 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

haka, is found on the internal face of the pylon of a building erected
at Medinet-Abou by Thothmes IV. Tarkus, or Tirhaka, was a
very martial prince ; and Strabo speaks of him as rivalling Sesostris.
There may be much exaggeration in this ; but it is not improbable
that at this time, when the whole power of Egypt and Ethiopia were
united under one warlike sovereign, the limitation of its martial
glory might have been the result rather of the overwhelming power
of Assyria, than of any real weakness. The account of Strabo in
fact indicates as much, since he says that Tirhaka extended his
conquests westward even to the Pillars of Hercules. At all events,
it seems certain that Tarkus dreaded an encounter with this power.
In the reign of Ahaz, Judah acknowledged the supremacy of As
syria ; but when his son succeeded to the throne, strong in the holy
confidence that Jehovah would protect his people, he threw off this
allegiance, refused the customary tribute, and during many years
maintained the independence of his country. In the sixth year of
the reign of Ilezekiah, Samaria was subdued, and the kingdom of
Israel was soon afterward destroyed. Then there was no independ
ent power intervening between the Assyrians and Egypt but Judah.
Nor was this state left long unmolested. We are not informed of
the relations which subsisted between Hezekiah and the reigning
Pharaoh ; but when, in the fourteenth year of the Hebrew monarch,
Sennacherib invaded Judah, and Hezekiah had to purchase a brief
respite by an enormous contribution, the officers of the haughty
Assyrian, when delivering their insolent address in the name of
their master, taunted the Hebrew king by saying, "Now on whom
dost thou trust, that thou rebellest against me? Now, behold, thou
trustest upon the staff of this bruised reed, even upon Egypt."
2 Kings xviii, 20, 21. This would of itself be sufficient to prove
that some connexion between the two countries had been induced by
their common danger. But all doubt is removed by the Scripture
fact, that when these messengers returned to Lachish to their mas
ter, he heard that Tirhakah, the Ethiopian king, was marching
against him. Chap, xix, 9. Upon receiving this intelligence, the
Assyrian sovereign raised the siege of Lachish, and, fearing to
encounter this formidable foe in an enemy's country, marched toward
Egypt to meet Tirhakah. The king of Egypt in his turn began to
fear; Hezekiah did not dare to pursue the Assyrians; and Pharaoh
retired within the Egyptian frontier, while the whole country trem
bled in the prospect of a sanguinary invasion. But Egypt and
Israel were both preserved by a miraculous interposition. The As
syrian army was all destroyed in one night by an angel of the Lord ;
and the boastful monarch was compelled to return to his own land

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 91

in weakness and disgrace. This wonderful event is recorded in
Egyptian history as distinctly and almost as fully as in the Hebrew
Scriptures. (Hebrew People, p. 579.)

No satisfactory information can be obtained respecting the close
of this dynasty. Herodotus says that the Ethiopian king was
induced to retire from the country by a dream ; and that he was
succeeded by Sethos. This, however, cannot be true, inasmuch as
we know that Tirhakah reigned when the Assyrian army was de
stroyed. It is not improbable that the conjecture of Kenrick is
correct, — that Sethos, a priest, held a kind of subordinate sove
reignty in Lower Egypt during the imperial sway of Tirhakah ; and
that martial monarch, having retired from before Sennacherib, per
haps into Upper Egypt, thus left the sacerdotal and unwarlike vice
roy of Memphis to defend himself; a task to which he felt so une
qual that he retired into the temple, and was told in a dream, that
he should obtain deliverance from the Assyrian king. This promise
was almost immediately fulfilled by the ruin of the army of Sen
nacherib.

TWENTY-SIXTH DYNASTY : NINE SAITE KINGS.

Years.

1. Stephanates reigned 7

2. Nechepsos 6

3. Nechao 8

4. Psammitichus 54

5. Nechao II. (He took Jerusalem) 6

6. Psammuthis H 6

7. Uaphris 19

8. Amosis 14

9. Psammecherites 0 6 months.

We have no means of ascertaining whether this dynasty stood in
any relation or connexion to Bocchoris of Sais : but, as Herodotus
says that the blind king, who was driven into the marshes by the
Ethiopian invasion, returned when they left the country, it is not
improbable that Stephanates might have been of the same family.
We have, however, no information respecting the first three sove
reigns. Herodotus states that the Ethiopian king, before he left
Egypt, slew Nechos, the father of Psammitichus ; and that, on the
death of Sethos, the Egyptians recovered their liberty ; and as they
could not live without kings, they chose twelve, among whom they
divided the several districts of Egypt.

It appears therefore certain, that at this period Egypt was torn by
civil discord, which terminated in a dodecarchy; the chroniclers
selecting one line of kings as legitimate, in whom the succession is
numbered. The account which Herodotus gives of this collateral
sovereignty is as follows: "These princes connected themselves

92 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

with each other by intermarriages, engaging solemnly to promote
their common interest, and never to engage in any acts of separate
policy. The principal motive of their union was to guard against
the declaration of an oracle, which had said, that whoever among
them should offer in the temple of Vulcan a libation in a brazen
vessel, should be sole sovereign of Egypt ; and it is to be remembered
that they assembled indifferently in every temple.

" These twelve kings were eminent for the justice of their admin
istration. On a certain occasion they were offering sacrifice in the
temple of Vulcan, and on the last day of the festival were about to
make the accustomed libation. For this purpose the chief priest
handed to them the golden cups used on these solemnities ; but he
mistook the number, and, instead of twelve, gave only eleven.
Psammitichus, who was the last of them, not having a cup, took off
his helmet, which happened to be of brass, and from this poured his
libation. The other princes wore helmets in common, and had them
on the present occasion ; so that the circumstance of this one king
having and using his was accidental and innocent. Observing,
however, this action of Psammitichus, they remembered the predic
tion of the oracle, ' that he among them who should pour a libation
from a brazen vessel, should be sole monarch of Egypt.' They
minutely investigated the matter ; and being satisfied that this action
of Psammitichus was entirely the effect of accident, they could not
think him worthy of death. They nevertheless deprived him of a
considerable part of his power, and confined him to the marshy
parts of the country, forbidding him to leave this situation, or to
communicate with the rest of Egypt.

" This Psammitichus had formerly fled to Syria, from Sabachus
the Ethiopian, who had killed his father Nechos. When the Ethi
opian, terrified by the vision, had abandoned his dominions, those
Egyptians who lived near Sais had solicited Psammitichus to return.
He was now a second time driven into exile among the fens by the
eleven kings, from this circumstance of the brazen helmet. He felt
the strongest resentment for the injury, and determined to avenge
himself on his persecutors. He sent therefore to the oracle of
Latona, at Butos, which has among the Egyptians the highest char
acter for veracity. He was informed that the sea should avenge his
cause by producing brazen figures of men. He was little inclined to
believe that such a circumstance could ever occur; but, some time
afterward, a body of lonians and Carians, who had been engaged in
a voyage of plunder, were compelled by distress to touch at Egypt :
they landed in brazen armour. Some Egyptians hastened to inform
Pltmmitichus in his marshes of this incident ; and as the messenger

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 03

had never before seen persons so armed, he said, that some brazen
men had arisen from the sea, and were plundering the country. He
instantly conceived this to be the accomplishment of the oracle's
prediction, and entered into alliance with the strangers, engaging
them by splendid promises to assist him. With them and his
Egyptian adherents he vanquished the eleven kings." — Euterpe,
cap. 147-152.

The battle which defeated the confederated kings, and gave Egypt
to Psammitichus, was fought at Momemphis, near the Canopic
branch of the Nile, and on the shore of the Lake Mareotis. Some
of the opposing kings were slain ; the rest escaped into Libya.

According to Herodotus, the dodecarchs, while they ruled together
in amity, being determined to leave some permanent memorial of
their joint sway, built the Labyrinth : but Diodorus ascribes this
building to an earlier sovereign, although, from his account, it is not
improbable that the primary erection had fallen into decay, and that
the work of the twelve kings was reared on the same site.

Psammitichus, having established himself in power, rewarded his
allies and native supporters by allotting them a district on the
Pelusiac branch of the Nile, a little nearer to the sea than the city
of Bubastis. The foreign troops had a settlement on one bank of
the river, and the natives on the other, as, notwithstanding their
association in the service of the same king, their national and relig
ious prejudices were too strong to allow them to fraternize in one
community. This place became afterward of the utmost importance
to the destinies of Egypt.

Although no monument bearing the name of this sovereign remains
in Egypt, there is ample proof that the whole country submitted to
his sway. His shield is found in the palace at Karnak, and in a
little island near Philce. In the quarry of Tourah the design of a
monolithal shrine, intended to be excavated, is traced on the rock in
red paint, the cornice of which bears the shield of Psammitichus.
Works of his reign are found in several European museums ; but the
most remarkable remnant of the art of this era is the obelisk which
stands in the Monte Citorio at Rome. It was brought from Egypt
by the Emperor Augustus, as a memorial of its conquest by the
Romans. As a work of art, it is decidedly inferior to those of the
age of Thothmes III. ; but considering that seven hundred years had
elapsed between these eras, the degeneracy is not so great as might
be expected.

It seems to be an established fact, that the reliance of this monarch
on foreign and party support alienated from him a large portion of
his Egyptian subjects, although the precise occasion of the quarrel

94 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

is not so clearly ascertainable. From the combined statements of
Herodotus and Diodorus, it appears that the king of Egypt wished
to subdue Ashdod, which had been taken and garrisoned by the
king of Assyria; that for this purpose he invested it with an army,
composed of native troops and his foreign auxiliaries ; and that, he
having given the latter the post of honour in the war, the former
deserted him, and retired into Ethiopia. Herodotus ascribes this
defection to the fact, that the garrisons in Upper Egypt had not been
relieved for three years. But, whatever the cause might be, after
this desertion had taken place, the king applied himself more dili
gently than ever to perfect the internal policy of his kingdom, and
the cultivation of a friendly intercourse with Greece. Egypt, for
merly the most inhospitable of all nations, now opened her harbours
freely. To promote this intercourse, the king encouraged the study
of Greek literature, and caused his own sons to be instructed in that
language.

Toward the latter part of this reign Egypt was threatened with
a foreign invasion. During the time that Cyaxares and his allies
were besieging Nineveh an overwhelming army of Scythians entered
Asia. Cyaxares attempted to arrest their progress, but was defeated.
After ravaging the east, this terrible host marched toward the west.
The prophet Zephaniah, who wrote a few years previously, is sup
posed to have predicted their character and progress with great
spirit and fidelity. If, indeed, the passages referred to (Zeph. i, 4,
5, 6, and ii, 1) apply to this invasion, their appropriateness is un
doubted : but notwithstanding the weighty support which Hitzig,
Cramer, and Eichhorn have given to this opinion, it does not seem
to be established. However this may be, after the Scythians had
ravaged Media, they marched into Palestine, and menaced Egypt.
They had advanced as far as Ascalon on the coast of Palestine,
when Psammitichus met them, and by presents and entreaties pre
vailed on them to return. This took place about 618 B. C., and
consequently in the thirty- seventh year of Psammitichus.

Necho, or Nechao, son of the preceding, succeeded his father
G15 B. C. His first public work appears to have been an attempt to
unite the Nile and the Red Sea by a canal : but this effort, after an
enormous expenditure of wealth and life, was at length relinquished.
Herodotus observes that "when Necho abandoned his plan of join
ing the Nile and the Red Sea by a canal, he engaged in military
operations." It is more than probable that the peculiar aspect of
political affairs in Asia induced him to forego his favourite project,
and turned his attention to martial pursuits. On the expulsion of
the Scythians, (612 B. C.,) Cyaxares resumed the siege of Nineveh;

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 95

and Pharaoh-Necho regarded this as a favourable opportunity for
recovering the power which Egypt had formerly possessed on the
banks of the Euphrates. He accordingly began the necessary
preparations, and, 608 B. C., transported an army into Palestine,
for the purpose of recovering military possession of Carchemish.
But Josiah, the Hebrew king, drew together the whole strength of
his kingdom, and marched out to oppose his progress. The Egyp
tian sovereign earnestly dissuaded him from his purpose, but in
vain. The armies met at Megiddo. The result is well known.
The good king of the Hebrews was completely defeated, and fatally
wounded; so that he was taken to Jerusalem, where he died. This
event appears to have totally deranged the plans of Necho. He
was at Riblah in Hamath, when he heard that the people of Judea
had made Jehoahaz, son of Josiah, king. Necho immediately sent
for the newly- appointed sovereign to Hamath, when he was deposed
and imprisoned, after a reign of three months. Necho then sent
Jehoahaz to Egypt, where he ended his days, and made a younger
son of Josiah, Eliakim, king, changing his name to Jehoiakim ; im
posing on him a tribute of a hundred talents of silver and a talent
of gold. Whether Necho on this occasion did go on to Carchemish,
is not certain. He might have thought it more important fully to
establish his supremacy over Judea. We find him, however, four
years afterward, proceeding to Carchemish with an army of Egyp
tians, Ethiopians, and Libyans. Jer. xlvi. He was then signally
defeated. The sacred prophet tersely states, that Nebuchadnezzar
" smote the army of Necho ;" and the decisive effect of this stroke is
indicated by the statement of another inspired writer: "The king
of Egypt came not again any more out of his land : for the king of
Babylon had taken from the River of Egypt unto the River Euphrates
all that pertained to the king of Egypt." 2 Kings xxiv, 7. This
decided the supremacy of Babylon. Egypt in future had to study
the most effectual means of defence.

During this reign, according to Herodotus, Africa was circum
navigated by a Phenician fleet; of which the historian gives tho
following account : " For as to Libya, it shows itself to be circum-
navigable, except where it borders on Asia. This was first proved,
so far as I know, by Necho, King of Egypt. When he gave up ex
cavating the canal that runs from the Nile to the Arabian Gulf, he
sent out some Phenicians in ships, giving them orders on their way
back to sail through the Pillars of Hercules into the Northern Sea,
and thus return to Egypt. Setting out, then, from the Red Sea,
they sailed into the Southern Sea. As often as autumn returned
they landed in Libya, and planted some corn in the place where they

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

happened to be. When this was ripe, and they had cut it down they
again departed. Having thus consumed two years, they, in the third
doubled the Columns of Hercules, and returned to Egypt. Their
relation may obtain attention from others, but to me it seems
incredible; for they affirmed that, having sailed round Libya they
had the sun on their right hand. Thus was Libya for the first time
—Melpomene, cap. 42. In this relation of the father of
istory, it is observable that the difficulty which provoked his
incredulity is the most satisfactory demonstration of the truth of
the narrative. For, as Larcher observes, the phenomenon must
have appeared as stated; "and this curious circumstance, which
never could have been imagined in an age when astronomy was yet
in its infancy, is an evidence of the truth of a voyage which, without
this, might have been doubted."— Larcher's Notes to Herodotus
vol. ii, p. 34.

Nccho was succeeded by his son Psammitichus II., whom Herod-
s calls Psammus, and Manetho Psammuthis II. But as we do
not meet with this latter name previously, there can be no doubt that
Eusebms is correct, when he gives the name as above. This sov
ereign began to reign 599 B. C. No public building erected by him
remains : but his name is found on several fragments of sculpture •
as, for instance, in the citadel of Cairo, under the base of Pompey's
Pillar at Alexandria. His titular shield is also found on the obelisk
of the Piazza Minerva at Rome, which was executed under his son
and successor Apries; and his name and titular shield also appear
on a part of an intercolumnar plinth now in the British Museum
He is here delineated presenting an offering to the gods who give
him all power and victory, and put all lands under his sandals
Toward the end of his reign, Psammitichus II. made an expedition
into Ethiopia: but as to the object or result of this war we are not
informed. His shield is found at the Island of Snem, near the Cata
racts of Syene. He died almost immediately after this expedition
and was succeeded by his son.

Uaphris, the Apries of the Greeks, and the Hophra of Scripture
ascended the throne 593 B. C. Until the beginning of his reign'
Egypt had made no aggressions on Asia for the purpose of repairing
the consequences of the defeat of Necho at Carchemish. But
Apries, perceiving the gradual and steady progress of Babylonian
ascendency in Western Asia, determined to make another effort to
check this influence, and to extend the power of Egypt. He accord
ingly collected an armament, and invaded Phenicia. From the
information supplied by Herodotus and Diodorus, it seems that he
took Sidon. defeated the Cyprians, (who appear to have been allies

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 97

if not subjects, of the Phenicians,) and reduced the whole sea-coast
of Phcnicia. There can scarcely be a doubt that this was the over
flowing flood predicted by Jeremiah. Chap, xlvii. Its coming from
"the north" is explained by the fact that Phenicia Proper was the
first scene of conflict. To this place the Egyptian army was con
veyed in a fleet ; and having gained several victories over the Phe
nicians, Apries marched his army toward the south, subduing all
the strongholds on the sea- coast. He accomplished these objects,
and produced on the king and court of Judea a deep impression of
the great military power of Egypt. Zedekiah, having sent ambas
sadors to Apries, and obtained a promise of support, felt embold
ened to violate his oath of fidelity to Nebuchadnezzar, relying on
obtaining succour from Egypt. This led the king of Babylon to
invest Jerusalem, when Apries proceeded with an army to relieve
his ally. But Nebuchadnezzar was too good a general to remain
before Jerusalem until the arrival of the Egyptians, and thus to
place himself between two foes. He accordingly raised the siege,
and proceeded to meet the host of Egypt. Apries did not venture,
unaided, alone, and in the desert, to resist the Babylonish king:
he retired, without hazarding a conflict, into his own land. Upon
this Nebuchadnezzar returned, and took and destroyed the royal
city of Judea ; and thus were fulfilled the predictions of the prophets,
that the apostate Hebrews would find no efficient aid in Egypt
(See Ezek. xii.)

After this storm had passed over, and Gedaliah, who had been '
left by Nebuchadnezzar as governor of Judea, had been slain, all the
people that remained took Jeremiah the prophet, and fled into Egypt.
Here they were kindly received by Apries ; for we find them located
with the prophet in the royal city.

After the ruin of the Hebrew monarchy, and the deportation of
the survivers, who were carried into Chaldea, the king of Babylon
prosecuted the war against the Phenicians and other inhabitants of
the sea-coast. Whether Tyre, in consequence of the military meas
ures of Apries, was avowedly subject to Egypt or not, it was hos
tile to the advancing power of Babylon : but it fell, after a long and
desperate struggle, before the prowess of Nebuchadnezzar. Nor can
there be a question that the conqueror swept the whole coast, and
ravaged Egypt, in the same campaign. This was distinctly pre
dicted by Ezekiel ; and although Herodotus does not mention the
fact, all probability is in favour of its having taken place. The
language of the sacred seer is remarkable: "Nebuchadrezzar King
of Babylon caused his army to serve a great service against Tyrus :
every head was made bald, and every shoulder was peeled : yet had

98 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

he no wages, nor his army, for Tyrus, for the service that he had
served against it : therefore thus saith the Lord God ; Behold, i will
give the land of Egypt unto Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon : and
he shall take her multitude, and take her spoil, and take her prey ;
and it shall be the wages for his army. I have given him the land
of Egypt for his labour," &c. Ezek. xxix, 18-20. Jeremiah, also,
while in Egypt, asserts the same. After having hidden stones in
the clay in the brick-kiln, near the palace of Pharaoh at Tahpanhes,
he says, "Thus saith the Lord of hosts, the God of Israel; Behold,'
I will send and take Nebuchadrezzar the king of Babylon, my ser
vant, and will set his throne upon these stones that I have hid ; and
he shall spread his royal pavilion over them." It was also declared
that he would "break the images of Bethshemesh,"— Heliopolis.
Jer. xliii, 8-13. That Nebuchadnezzar invaded Egypt, is, however,
not only probable, and asserted by the voice of sacred prophecy;
but it is also stated as a fact by Megasthenes, who says that he con
quered a great part of Libya, which he could not do without passing
through Egypt. The absence of any notice of this event by the
Greek writers may be accounted for by supposing that, in accord
ance with the spirit of the times, the Babylonian monarch merely
marched through and plundered Lower Egypt, without locating an
army in the country, or extending his conquest to Upper Egypt.

It is necessary here to observe that, prior to this period, the
colony of Gyrene had been founded, and had grown into considera
ble opulence and power. Battus, its founder, governed it forty
years. Arcesilaus, his successor, ruled sixteen years. He was suc
ceeded by Battus II., under whose government an invitation was
sent to all Greeks to come and aid the Cyrenians in colonizing
Libya. The Pythian oracle recommended compliance, and warned
the people against delay. The result was that a multitude of per
sons from all parts of Greece soon congregated at Gyrene. As
might have been expected, these could not be provided with allot
ments of land, without removing the native Libyans from their
property, and treating them with great injustice. In those circum
stances the king of Libya sent to solicit aid of Egypt. Apries,
who saw it to be his interest to extend his influence over Libya, and
at the same time to check the progress of a dangerous and increas
ing power in his neighbourhood, complied with the request, and
sent an army into that country. But on this occasion he could not
venture to employ his Greek mercenaries against their own coun
trymen : the troops' were entirely native Egyptians. This was the
first time that the free Greeks had to conflict with the troops of an
•old despotic monarchy. Here, as elsewhere, a contempt for the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 99

limited numbers and unostentatious appearance of the Greeks
seems to have caused the ruin of their enemies. The Egyptians
marched negligently to the field, and were not only completely de
feated, but almost entirely destroyed. Few of them returned to
their own country.

The news of this calamity produced a general insurrection in
Egypt. The few who returned, joined by the relatives and friends
of those who had fallen, immediately revolted. On hearing of this,
Apries sent Amasis, one of his favourite officers, to restore order
among the disaffected ; but, while he was haranguing them for that
purpose, a soldier came behind him, and placed a crown on his head,
upon which the crowd saluted him as sovereign. Accepting the
proffered dignity and danger, Amasis placed himself at the head of
the revolt, and prepared to inarch against Apries. This monarch,
on being informed of his conduct, sent Paterbemis, an officer of high
rank, to bring Amasis alive into his presence. The rebel chief bade
him return, with a contemptuous refusal ; and when with this mes
sage he appeared before the king, the infatuated sovereign ordered
his ears and nose to be cut off. This decided the fate of Apries.
The Egyptians who had hitherto supported him, disgusted at his
cruelty and injustice, went over to Amasis. Apries, was, in conse
quence, left alone with his Carian and Ionian auxiliaries. With
these, however, he marched to meet Amasis. The armies met on
the banks of the Lake Mareotis ; and in the contest which ensued,
Apries was defeated and taken prisoner ; and Amasis, although of
low origin, was then raised to the sovereignty of Egypt.

From the manner in which Herodotus records these events, the
conclusion is warranted, that Apries, by relying for the maintenance
of his power on his thirty thousand hired Greek troops, had griev
ously offended the native soldiery, and prepared the way for the
general defection that followed, when the defeat before Gyrene ex
cited the public mind, and became a pretext for the rebellion, which
hurled him from the throne after a reign, according to Eusebius, of
twenty-five years.

Amasis, or Amosis, a native of a small town in the Saitic Nome,
and of plebeian birth, ascended the throne B. C. 568. He is the
first king of Egypt of whose personal character we have any knowl
edge. Of him we are told, that he appropriated the early part of
every day to the duties of his station ; that he gave audience to all
that required it, and thus earned the reputation of a wise, just, and
good man. Yet after he had discharged these duties, he devoted
the rest of the day to pleasurable recreation. On being remon
strated with on this unkingly conduct, he is said to have replied,

100 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

" They who have a bow bend it only at the time they want it ; when
not in use, they suffer it to be relaxed ; it would otherwise break,
and not be of service when exigence required. It is precisely the
same with a man: if, without some intervals of amusement, he
applied himself constantly to serious pursuits, he would impercepti
bly lose his vigour both of mind and body. It is the conviction of
this truth which influences me in the division of my time." He
thus silenced those who objected to his manner of life. He adopted
another mode with those who despised him on account of his ple
beian origin. Having "a gold vessel in which he and his guests
were accustomed to spit, and wash their feet, of the materials of this
he made the statue of some god, which he placed in the most con
spicuous part of the city. The Egyptians, assembling before it,
paid it divine honours ; on hearing of which, the king called them
together, and informed them that the image which they thus ven
erated was made of a vessel of gold which he and they had formerly
used for the most unseemly purposes. He afterward explained to
them the similar circumstances of his own fortunes, who, though
formerly a plebeian, was now their sovereign, and entitled to their
reverence. By these means he secured their attachment."

During this reign Egypt continued in great prosperity. The
regular rise of the Nile diffused plenty throughout the land. A
friendly treaty was established with Gyrene. The danger which
threatened Babylon from the rising power of Media, took off all
apprehension from that quarter. Amasis entered into an alliance
with the king of Babylon, to support Croesus, King of Lydia, against
Cyrus ; but the rapid movements of the Persian warrior rendered
their intended interference nugatory. In consequence of the ravages
of ^Nebuchadnezzar, the Phenicians were so crippled in their re
sources that Amasis subdued Cyprus, and laid it under tribute.
Although he was at first disposed to regard the Greeks with disfa
vour, as they had so strenuously supported his predecessor, yet he
afterward manifested a friendly bearing toward that nation. He
allowed them a free location in the city of Naucratis ; and to those
who came only for commercial purposes he gave sites, on which they
might build altars to their gods.

Amasis was for a while on terms of intimate friendship with the
Greek tyrant of Samos, Polycrates; but afterward renounced his
friendship, on the plea that the Greek had enjoyed such uninter
rupted good fortune as foreboded a melancholy termination of his
career. Such is the poetic account of Herodotus. Diodorus, in all
probability, comes nearer the truth. He states that Amasis renounced
the friendship of Polycrates, because the latter paid no regard to an

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 101

embassy which had been sent to him by the Egyptian king, exhort
ing him to abstain from outrages on his fellow- citizens, and on
strangers who resorted to Samos. It was under the influence of
this friendship that Pythagoras, who was of Phenician extraction
and a native of Samos, visited Egypt. Whatever may be doubtful
as to the wide range of travel and research attributed to this philoso
pher, — that he resided long in Egypt, and obtained a great acquaint
ance with its philosophy and religion, must be regarded as an estab
lished fact.

Architectural works of great splendour and magnitude were erected
by Amasis ; among which the propylaa of the temple of Minerva at
Sais hold a distinguished rank. These, "for height and size, and
the magnitude and quality of the stones employed, surpassed all
others. These he brought from the quarries of Memphis, as well
as the colossal figures and andro- sphinxes with which the dromos
was adorned. A monolithal shrine of granite, from the quarries of
Elephantine, excited the especial admiration of Herodotus. Two
thousand men were employed to bring it down the Nile. From
Elephantine to Sais was an ordinary navigation of only twenty
days ; but in this case three years were occupied, probably because
the immense weight made it impossible to float it, except during the
season of the high Nile. Its height was above thirty feet; its
depth, from front to back, twelve feet; its breadth, twenty-one.
After all the cost and labour bestowed on its extraction and convey
ance, it was not erected in the temple of Minerva. As they were
drawing it in, the superintendent of the works uttered a groan,
through weariness of the labour, and the thought of the time that
had been expended; and Amasis, either because he deemed this
ominous, or because one of the workmen had been killed in the
process of moving it on levers, would not allow it to be drawn any
further. When Herodotus visited Egypt, it remained lying before
the temple." — Kenrick's Egypt, vol. ii, p. 441. Amasis also erected
a colossus, seventy-five feet high, at Memphis, before the temple of
Pthah ; and two of granite, twenty feet high, one on each side of the
inner sanctuary. He also built a temple, of great size and magnifi
cence, at Memphis : it was dedicated to Isis.

His reign, according to Herodotus and the lists, lasted forty-four
years ; according to Diodorus, fifty-five ; but I have thought it safest
here, as in the last reign, to adopt the numbers of Eusebius, who
makes it forty-two years. Amasis died B. C. 526, and was suc
ceeded by his son.

Psammenitus, on ascending the throne, was placed in circum
stances of great difficulty and danger. Cyrus the Great had taken

102 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Babylon during the reign of Amasis ; but the nomadic tribes of the
north having provoked him by their restless daring, he led an army
against them, and perished in the enterprise. His son, Cambyses,
on ascending the throne, immediately planned an expedition against
Egypt. This was in course of preparation when Amasis died; and
to his successor was consequently bequeathed the defence of the
kingdom. This would under any circumstances have been a difficult
task. The Medo-Persian empire was now paramount in Asia. The
army of Cambyses was, therefore, composed of the best troops of
the age.

It must have cast gloom on the prospects of Egypt, to remem
ber that in every contest that had occurred between the armies
of Egypt and those of the east, for several centuries, the former
had invariably been worsted. The case of Sennacherib cannot be
regarded as an exception, because in that instance there was no con
flict, and the ruin of the Assyrians was confessedly miraculous.
The great difficulty which the Persian monarch had to encoun
ter was, to cross the desert from Palestine to Egypt. Here was a
distance of about one hundred geographical miles in which no vege
tation or water fit for drinking was to be found. If the land-marks
had been removed from this desert, and no aid been afforded by
neighbouring nations, it would have been a serious obstacle to the
advance of an invading army. But all this advantage to Egypt was
neutralized by the treachery of a Greek officer in the Egyptian ser
vice. Before the death of Amasis, that king had offended Phanes
of Halicarnassus, one of the commanders of the mercenary troops.
This person, knowing that Cambyses was preparing to invade Egypt,
fled from his post, and, though hotly pursued and placed in great
danger, he succeeded in reaching the Persian court, where, by the
aid and information he afforded, Cambyses succeeded in placing his
army in great strength before Pelusium.

It is said by an ancient author, that the Persians captured this
key to Egypt by practising on the superstition of the Egyptians.
Knowing in what veneration they held cats, dogs, sheep, and other
animals, the Persian king collected a great number of these crea
tures, and drove them in the front of the army, as they proceeded
to assault the city. The Egyptians, not daring to endanger the life
of beings which they adored, allowed them to advance unopposed,
so that Cambyses took the place without loss. Soon after this event
the Egyptian king appeared at the head of his army ; the Persians
marched out to meet him ; the fate of Egypt trembled in the bal
ance. Before the battle began, the Greek mercenaries, to show their
detestation of the treachery of Phanes, brought his children into the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 103

front of the army, cut their throats, drank their blood, and then
proceeded to the conflict.

A singular omen is said to have portended ill to the cause of
Egypt, just before this struggle took place. Rain fell at Thebes,—
a prodigy never known to have happened but in that single instance.
The battle was long and desperate : but Persia triumphed, arid Cam-
byses pursued the wreck of the Egyptian army to Memphis. De
sirous of avoiding further slaughter, he sent a Mitylenian vessel to
Memphis to treat with the Egyptian authorities. But, enraged be
yond measure at their defeat, the Egyptians no sooner saw the vessel
approach, than they assailed it, and slaughtered all on board, being
two hundred persons. Memphis was at once invested: it held out
for a while, but was compelled to submit to the conqueror. Cam-
byses took a terrible revenge for the death of his crew, by causing
ten times as many of the noble youths of Memphis, including the
eldest son of the king, to be put to death. From Memphis Cam-
byses went to Sais, where he disgraced himself, and outraged the
feelings of both Egyptians and Persians, by treating the mummy
of Amasis with every indignity, and afterward burning it with fire.
With the taking of Memphis the authority of Cambyses was estab
lished over Egypt, and the reign of Psammenitus terminated, having
lasted but six months.

Libya and Gyrene bowed to the conqueror without a struggle, sent
gifts, and submitted to tribute. The ambition of the proud Persian,
however, extended beyond, — to Ethiopia in the south, and Carthage
in the west. The first he endeavoured to reach; but the inter
vening desert defeated his purpose. After having decimated his
army, in order to support the living on the flesh of their dead com
rades, he was forced to retreat. Carthage was accessible only by
sea ; and as he could not induce the Phenicians to act against their
own colony, and had no sufficient means of transporting his army
independently of them, he was obliged to abandon his project.

TWENTY-SEVENTH DYNASTY: EIGHT PERSIAN KINGS.

Years. Months.

1. Cambyses (who in the fifth year of his reign in Persia be

came king of Egypt) reigned 6

2. Darius (son of Hystaspes) 36

3. Xerxes the Great 21

4. Artabanus

5. Artaxerxes 41 0

6. Xerxes

7. Sogdianus •'•• ?

8. Darius (son of Xerxes) 19

Duration of the dynasty 124 4

104 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Much trifling conjecture has been employed to explain the cause
of the Persian irruption into Egypt: but this is unnecessary.
When all western Asia had been subdued, the invasion of an old
and wealthy kingdom like Egypt followed as a matter of course.

It will be necessary here to regard the whole time of this dynasty
as one reign. The succession of the several sovereigns, and their
history, will be narrated in the chapter devoted to Persia.

As far as our information goes, Cambyses, on obtaining possession
of Egypt, behaved toward the people with great moderation and for
bearance The slaughter of the two thousand, in reprisal for the mur
der of the crew of the Mitylenian vessel, must ever be regarded as an
act of monstrous cruelty and injustice. But this was not the deed
of Cambyses : Herodotus is careful to inform us that it was the
deliberate decision of " the king's counsellors." But, after the proud
Persian had been compelled to abandon his attempt on Ethiopia, and
had suffered the loss of fifty thousand men whom he had despatched
to burn the temple of Ammonium, he returned to Memphis filled with
grief and rage. On the pretence of his having stirred up the Egyp
tians to revolt, (which he might possibly have done in consequence
of these disasters,) Psammenitus was put to death; and the magis
trates of Memphis suffered in all probability in a similar way. On
the return of Cambyses to that city, he found the people engaged in
public rejoicings; upon which he immediately summoned the magis
trates before him, and demanded the cause : they told him that their
god Apis had appeared to them, as was his custom to do ; and that
when this happened, the Egyptians always held a festival. The king,
however, persisted in regarding these manifestations as connected
with the defeat of his attempt on Ethiopia, and accordingly con
demned the magistrates to death. Unsatisfied with this vengeance,
he sent for the priests ; and as they gave him the same account, he
insisted on seeing the god, and ordered Apis to be brought. When
he saw the young steer with some strange marks on his body, he
reviled their superstition ; ordered the priests to be scourged, with
every Egyptian who had participated in the festivities ; and, drawing
a short sword, he aimed a blow at the belly of Apis, but struck him
on the thigh. Herodotus regards the conduct of the Persian king as
proving his insanity : but it is more probable that he was afflicted
with epilepsy, which rendered him irritable, and incapable, at certain
times, of self-control.

Cambyses reigned over Egypt six years. No memorial is found
of him in any temple; but his shield is seen on the road to Cosseir,
near the Red Sea.

Under Darius, who bent the energies of his vigorous mind to con-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 105

solidate arid govern the great empire which his predecessors had by
their military genius and energy won, Egypt was made one of the
/ twenty satrapies into which the Medo-Persian dominions were
divided. This satrapy included, besides Egypt Proper, Libya, as
far as Gyrene, the Oases of the Libyan Desert, and the country be
tween the JNile and the Red Sea. Aryandes, who had been left
governor of Egypt by Cambyses, was made the first satrap ; and,
when Darius introduced the gold daric into this kingdom, he sup
plied a silver coinage to Egypt. His government was, however, so
disagreeable to the Egyptians, that when Darius visited Egypt, he
conciliated the people by offering a reward for the discovery of Apis,
whose place was then vacant, and ordered Aryandes to be put to
death. Darius is the only Persian king whose name is accom
panied by a titular shield, and whose phonetic shield bears the
Pharaonic crest of the vulpanser and disk, " Son of the Sun."
Neither his, nor that of any other Persian king, is found on a public
monument within the limits of Egypt.

Darius is supposed at this time to have obtained possession of
the Great Oasis and of the Oasis of Sirvah, the temples in both
bearing his inscriptions. He also resumed the excavation of the
canal between the Nile and the Red Sea; and although he did
not complete the underaking, he left a very small space unaccom
plished. It is said that he was deterred from finishing the work by
the discovery that the level of the Red Sea was higher than Lower
Egypt.

We know little of the history of Egypt at this period : the pro
jected invasion of Greece by the Persians seems to have fully occu
pied the mind of Greek historians ; but it is certain that these events
had a most important influence on Egypt. In 490 B. C. the Persian
army was defeated at Marathon ; and this decisive blow so encour
aged the patriots in Egypt, that in 486 the whole country was in
open revolt against the authority of Persia. We do not know who
led this movement, nor what kind of government was established
during the time that the dominion of Persia was in abeyance ; but
the interval of independence was short. In two years after this
revolt Xerxes marched his army into Egypt, and. with scarcely a
struggle, reduced it to entire submission, and left his brother
Achsemenes satrap of the country. In consequence of this success,
two hundred Egyptian vessels were engaged on the side of the
Persian king in his attack on Greece. Nothing further is known
of the internal history of Egypt, until the death of Xerxes, which
took place 465 B. C.

Artaxerxes, having ascended the throne, found the empire in a

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

state of great disorder and weakness, from the effects of the Greek
campaigns. While he was engaged in repairing this disorder and
punishing revolted satraps, a gleam of hope was cast on the destiny
Sgypt. At this time Inaros, a son of Psammitichus probably
a descendant of the Saitic princes, had obtained the sovereignty of
Libya which bordered on Egypt; and, encouraged by
difficulties which surrounded the king of Persia, he raised an
•my, crossed the frontier, and entered Egypt. He was immediately
eived as the deliverer of the country, and almost all the power of
Egypt flocked to his standard. The Persian executive and tax-
gatherers were immediately expelled, and the whole country sub-
mitted to Inaros. But this chief, well aware that he could not Ion"
maintain himself in this authority, unless able to resist all the power
Persia, lost no time in soliciting aid from Athens ; and this power
hailing the opportunity with joy, sent him forty vessels with a force
of about six thousand men.

In the mean time Artaxerxes had employed all the resources of
his empire to collect a fleet and an army, for the purpose of establish
ing his authority in the west. He intended to commence his opera
tions by the reduction of Egypt, and to command the army in person,
friends, however, advised him to give the command to Achaj-
menes, who had returned to Persia in consequence of the revolt
The king consented, and the satrap, at the head of his army speedily
entered Egypt.

^ Inaros, fully acquainted with the ground, and anxious to avail
himself to the utmost of his resources, retired to the western frontier,
where he had not only the Egyptian forces and Athenian auxiliaries,'
but also the strength of Libya, congregated to meet the enemy.'
Here a great battle was fought, in which the Persians were defeated
mainly by the prowess of the Greek troops, and Achsemenes fell by
the hand of Inaros. Immediately after this defeat the Persians
retired to Memphis, whither they were followed and besieged by
Inaros. He was, however, unable to reduce the citadel ; anc? while
he was thus occupied, another Persian army was equipped and sent
into Egypt under the command of Megabyzus. This completely
altered the aspect of affairs. The siege of Memphis was raised ; the
Greeks were compelled to burn their vessels and retire to Gyrene ;
Inaros and many others were taken prisoners, and carried to Susa'
where the gallant chief was crucified five years afterward at the
instigation of the mother of Achaemenes. By these means the
greater part of Egypt was again brought under the dominion of
Persia. The low and marshy lands about the mouths of the Nile,
inhabited by a warlike population which had frequently been brought

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 107

into contact with the Greeks, alone maintained their independence.
Here Amyrtseus, who was descended from the Saitic dynasty, ruled
in defiance of all foreign opposition.

Egypt was in this condition when Herodotus, the Greek historian,
visited the country. It was then in a state of peace, and the Greek
traveller passed in safety from the sea to the limits of Ethiopia.
The frontier-towns and Memphis were occupied by Persian troops ;
but the worship in the temples went on as usual. Greeks were found
in all the principal towns actively employed in commerce, and min
gling freely with the Egyptians, notwithstanding the barrier which
difference in manners and religion interposed between them. It is
evident, however, that this subjection to Persia, although compara
tively light, was very repugnant to public feeling in Egypt ; so that,
as soon as opportunity offered, it was ready to throw off the yoke.
The situation of the country contributed to encourage such an effort.
Far removed from the centre of government, and connected with the
rest of the empire only at a single point, whatever disturbed the
peace, or threatened the power of the dominant state, held out hopes
to Egypt of recovering that political independence which she had
maintained for many centuries. The death of Artaxerxes afforded
such an opportunity. During the disputes and murders connected
with the succession, there were some commotions in Egypt. These,
however, led to no serious attempt to restore the national independ
ence, until the second year of Darius, and even then it was either
partially suppressed, or kept in check for eight years : for it was not
until the tenth year of Darius Nothus, that the Persian rule was
broken, and Egyptian independence secured.

TWENTY-EIGHTH DYNASTY.

Years.

Amyrtseus the Saite reigned 6

It has been supposed that this sovereign is identical with the
Amyrteeus who, when Inaros was defeated, and Egypt subdued by
Megabyzus, established himself in the marshes of the Delta, and still
maintained his independence. But the similarity of the name is
insufficient to establish this identity, especially when it is considered
that more than forty years elapsed between that event and the com
mencement of the Twenty-eighth dynasty. In all probability Ken-
rick's conjecture is just : that this Amyrtseus was grandson of the
former, and son of Pausiris, who is said to have succeeded his father
in his independent sovereignty.

We have scarcely any information from ancient authors respecting
this reign, except that it is known that Amyrtseus maintained friendly
relations with Athens, and entered into an alliance with the Arabians,

108 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

in order to strengthen himself against any aggression on the part of
Persia.

The monuments, however, bear testimony to the -works of this
sovereign. In the temple of Chons at Karnak is an inscription,
stating that it had been repaired by him, — the first notice of the
kind since Thebes was destroyed by Cambyses. There is a similar
record in a temple dedicated to Sevek in Eilithyia : and Mr. Kenrick
states that the sarcophagus in the British Museum, which Dr. Edward
Daniel Clarke believed to have been that of Alexander the Great,
was made for this monarch, and bears his shield.

TWENTY-NINTH DYNASTY I FOUB MENDESIAN KINGS.

Years. Monthi.

1. Xepherites reigned 6

2. Achoris 13

3. Psammuthis 1

4. Nepherites 4

Duration of the dynasty 20 4

It seems at first sight strange that the Saite dynasty should close,
and a new one be established on the throne of Egypt, without an
effort on the part of Persia to reduce it again to subjection. The
circumstances of the imperial government, however, explain the case.
Just at this time the Medes revolted : soon afterward Darius Notlius
died; and Cyrus, with the aid of the famous " Ten Thousand" Greeks,
endeavoured to wrest the throne from his elder brother. Persia
was, in consequence, in no condition to carry her arms into Egypt.

The name of the first sovereign of this dynasty is not found on
any building in Egypt, but is inscribed on a statue in the Museum
at Bologna. He sent substantial aid to the Lacedaemonians, when
they were engaged in resisting the Persian arms in Asia Minor ; but
it happened to fall into the hands of the enemy.

After the death of Nepherites, Evagoras of Salamis solicited the
aid of Achoris against Persia, and obtained supplies of corn, and fifty
vessels. The name of this Pharaoh is found at Medinet- Abou, and
among the ruins of Karnak. The quarries of Mokatlam also contain
his shield ; and there is a sphinx in the Museum of Paris, on the
base of which his name is found hieroglyphically written, with the
addition, " the beloved of Kneph."

Of the short reign of Psammuthis there are no records ; but his
shield Las been found at Karnak.

THIRTIETH DYNASTY : THREE SEBENNYTIC KINGS.

Yf«r«.

1. Nectanebus reigned 18

2. Teos -'

3. Xectanebus 18

The dynasty lasted 38 years.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 109

There is considerable difficulty in fixing with precision the chro
nology of these reigns. It seems a settled point, that the Saite
dynasty terminated B. C. 408. The lists give but twenty years and
four months for the twenty-ninth dynasty ; and yet there are many
reasons for placing the accession of the thirtieth dynasty B. C. 380,
instead of 388 or 387 B. C. One of the most important of these
reasons is the circumstance, which has been strongly urged, that
Nectanebus II. was only in the eleventh year of his reign when
Ochus, B. C. 350, expelled him from the kingdom, and again subdued
Egypt to the dominion of Persia. Yet it is not easy to reconcile
this with the fact, that all the lists state the reign of the last of the
Pharaohs to be eighteen years : and as, throughout, the authority of
the ancient records has been admitted, so here I have adopted them
as the safest guides.

The first event of consequence in the history of Egypt under this
dynasty which meets our notice, is a Persian invasion of a most
formidable character : the more so, because the oriental troops were
strongly supported by an army of Greeks under Iphicrates. The
Persian commander was Pharnabazus. With means quite sufficient
to subdue the whole country, this expedition was rendered perfectly
useless by the jealousy and suspicion which existed between the two
generals.

The name of Nectanebus is found at Philae on a temple dedicated
to Athor; and also at Medinet-Abou in a small building of elegant
workmanship, in which he appears presenting offerings to Amun Re
and the other Theban deities. The thirteenth year of this king is
mentioned on a stele preserved at Rome.

Teos, or, as he was named by the Greeks, Tachos, was the next
sovereign. He had scarcely assumed the reins of government, when
he was alarmed by the menacing attitude assumed by the court of
Persia. He immediately applied to Sparta for assistance ; and Age-
silaus, willing to assist a nation friendly to the Lacedaemonians, went
himself to Egypt with a strong force of Greek auxiliaries. It ap
pears that the Egyptian king, having heard much of the fame of the
Spartan warrior, was greatly surprised to see him a feeble and
diminutive old man. He therefore refused to fulfil the intimation
which had been given, by placing him in command of the army;
but allowed him only the direction of the Greek force, while he put
the fleet under the orders of Chabrias the Athenian. Nor was this
the only instance in which the famed Spartan found himself griev
ously disappointed in the prosecution of this enterprise. Tachos,
in raising funds for the war, as well as in the appointment of his
officers, appears to have been guided by the advice of the sage Athe-

110

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

nian. But this proved fatal to his cause. While his military policy
rendered the Spartan his enemy, his financial measures were not
only generally unpopular in Egypt, but peculiarly obnoxious to the
priesthood. The Egyptian armament had, in consequence, scarcely
commenced operations in Phenicia and Syria, before Nectanebus,
nephew of the king, who commanded a section of the army,— ad
vised by his father, who held an important post in Egypt,— revolted;
and, being joined by Agesilaus and the Greek troops, compelled
Tachos to fly to Sidon. The insurgents then defeated Mendasius,
who had been named as heir to Tachos, and secured possession of
the throne. Tachos, after having been thus driven into exile,
repaired to the palace of the Persian monarch, where he was well
received ; and, having counselled a Persian invasion of Egypt, shortly
after died.

Nectanebus II., having usurped the throne of his uncle, adminis
tered the affairs of the kingdom with considerable ability and suc
cess. Artaxerxes died in the ninth year of Nectanebus, and was
succeeded by his son Darius Ochus. This prince was at once cruel
and unwarlike. At first he gave way to indolence, and directed
several attacks to be made on Egypt, which were always easily
repelled; until, at last, roused by the ridicule which these failures
excited, and especially by the defection of the rulers of Cyprus and
Phenicia, who, in consequence of his sloth, had despised his power
and revolted, he prepared himself for action, and marched, at the
head of a formidable force, into Western Asia.

He commenced his operations by reducing Cyprus and Phenicia ;
after which, having added to his army ten thousand Thebans, Ar-
gives, and Asiatic Greeks, he proceeded toward Egypt. In passing
the desert, he sustained a serious loss of troops in the quicksands ;
but he succeeded in reaching Pelusium with a powerful army.
Nectanebus had made every possible provision for the defence of
his kingdom, and the first operations of the war were conducted on
both sides with great spirit. It appears, however, that the Greek
auxiliaries in the service of Persia managed to out-general the
Egyptian king, and establish themselves in force in the rear of his
position. This forced Nectanebus to retire to Memphis, — a meas
ure which compelled the garrison of Pelusium to surrender, and led
to the subjugation of the whole country. For Ochus, having be
haved with great moderation to the Egyptians who had fallen into
his power, and having punished with death some Persian soldiers
who had attempted to spoil the garrison of Pelusium, contrary to
the articles of capitulation, produced an impression that those who
submitted first would be treated best. The people, therefore,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. Ill

eagerly received him; and Nectanebus was compelled to fly into
Ethiopia. Thus was Egypt again completely reduced, and made a
province of the Persian empire, B. C. 350.

THIRTY-FIRST DYNASTY! PERSIAN KINGS.

Years.

1. Darius Ochus reigned 12

2. Arses 2

3. Darius Codomannus < 4

The fair promise of leniency and conciliation which the conduct
of Ochus gave to Egypt during the war, completely vanished when
his power was established over that kingdom. He not only imitated
the outrages of Cambyses, but greatly excelled him in wanton cruelty.
He caused Apis to be killed, dressed, and served up to a banquet,
he and his friends feasting on his flesh. He commanded an ass to
receive the honours due to the god. He spoiled the temples, taking
away gold, silver, and sacred records. The latter were, indeed,
restored, but only after extorting a large sum from the priests as
the price of their redemption. The walls of the principal towns
were razed, to prevent their being formidable in future. \Vanton
injustice, murders, profanations of sacred rites, and continual perse
cutions characterized his government; and thus Egypt groaned in
affliction until he retired from the country. To show their abhor
rence of his memory, the Egyptians substituted for his name, in
their catalogue of kings, the figure of a sword, as the emblem of
destruction.

Nothing is known of the internal government of Egypt from the
departure of Ochus to the invasion of Alexander. The severe
character of the administration may, however, be inferred from the
fact, that the Macedonian conqueror was hailed with great joy by
the people of that country.

THIRTY-SECOND DYNASTY : MACEDONIANS.

Ycnrs. B. C.

Alexander reigned 9 332

Philip Arideus 1 p , J 6 323

Alexander (son of the Great) f i 6 317

Duration of the dynasty 21 years.

Alexander, having established his power in Egypt, had to leave
it, for the purpose of prosecuting his gigantic schemes of foreign
conquest. But, prior to doing this, he planned the building of a
new city on the sea-coast, to be called after his own name, Alexan
dria. He made Cleomenes general overseer of this great work, and
Dinocrates — who had become famous by rebuilding the temple of
Diana at Ephesus, after it had been burned down by Eratostratus —
architect of the buildings. He also settled the government on a

112 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

plan as original as might be expected from his genius. Wishing
the and might be governed by its own established laws and
customs he appointed Doloaspes, an Egyptian, the civil governor
the whole country But, not wishing to intrust him, or any other
uidividuul with all the military power of such an important kin-
lorn, he divided it into districts, and placed the military force of
in the hands of a separate lieutenant. These were all inde-
•f each other; and their power was limited to the several
;ions over which they were called to preside. Egypt was gov
erned in this manner during the life of Alexander. On his death
s four principal generals agreed to place his natural brother Aridams
the throne under the name of " Philip>"_at the same time appoint-
ves to the government of four great divisions of the em-
re, which they were to rule in the name of the new kin- Under
his arrangement, Ptolemy obtained Egypt, Libya, Arabia,Dpalestine
and Gale- Syria and fixed the seat of his government in Egypt
Throughout the remainder of this period incessant plots and coun-
3 wars, treasons, and murders, prevailed. In all of these how-
;olemy maintained his ground in Egypt. From the first he
. at ruling with justice and moderation, and adopted such
icasnros as not only endeared him to the Egyptians, but induced
many o the Greeks to go and reside in Egypt. But this anoma-
state of things could not continue long. In 317 B C Olvm
pi= the mother of Alexander, having returned to Macedonia and
got the principal power into her hands, caused Aridseus and his' wife
to be put to death. The youthful Alexander, the son of Roxana
was now called " king," and continued to bear that title until 311 B 0 '
wander, who had for a long time shut him and his mother
up in prison, had them both privately murdered. Thus was termin
ated even the nominal rule of the family of the great Macedonian

THIRTY-THIRD DYXASTY : THE PTOLEMIES.

Years. Began B. C.

Eniphanes "~ZZZ 2 I

Pnifometer ?* 204

Euergetes II IZTZI '.'. 29 m

Soter II f^

Alexander!. (Soter de^^d)'.'.'.'.'.'. " i»

Sot^r H. restored !?.. l?

Berenice _

Alexander II.... ,K ^ months. 81

Neus Dionysus .'..."] (J

Ptolemy tHe Elder X1 Jf

Ptolemy the Younger ' q 9i

Cleopatra '" .J

Egypt a Roman province...! '^\\\\\\™J.V.V.V.'.V 80 30

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 113

As the reader has been already informed, Ptolemy ruled Egypt
from the date of the death of Alexander the Great, although he did
not assume the royal style and title until B. C. 305. For some years
indeed after the death of the younger Alexander, there were inces
sant wars between those generals who had divided the empire among
them. In the course of these conflicts Antigonus had wrested
Phenicia, Judea, and Syria from Ptolemy; while Demetrius, the
son of Antigonus, succeeded in subduing the Island of Cyprus, not
withstanding the utmost efforts of Ptolemy to retain it. But the
restless ambition of Antigonus compelled the other generals to
form a combination against him ; in consequence of which a great
battle was fought, near Issus, a city in Phrygia, B. C. 301, in which
Antigonus was slain, and his son Demetrius compelled to fly at the
head of only five thousand men. This confirmed Ptolemy in his
government, and enabled him to consolidate his power, and devote
his energies to the internal improvement of his kingdom.

In these efforts he displayed great moderation and practical
wisdom. Notwithstanding his intense partiality for Greek manners,
he did not attempt to Hellenize Egypt. On the contrary, he revived,
as far as altered circumstances would allow, its ancient religion and
form of government. He restored the priesthood to a large portion
of their pristine power and privilege ; renewed the division of the
country into nomes ; declared Memphis, although not the usual resi
dence of the sovereign, the capital of the country ; and its temple
of Pthah the national sanctuary, where alone the kings could receive
the crown.

These prudent measures were accompanied by a wise and liberal
scheme of commercial policy. Under its fostering influence Alex
andria rose into great power and prosperity. Merchants from all
the neighbouring nations traded thither. Nor did Ptolemy, in his
martial, civil, and commercial cares and plans, overlook the higher
and more elevating pursuits of learning and philosophy. He plan
ned or erected a splendid museum, or college of philosophy, and
supported its professors and teachers from the public funds. These
measures were too grand in their scope and character to produce
much immediate benefit ; but the basis was laid for future prosperity :
a seed was sown which produced fruit through succeeding centuries.
Another element which contributed in no insignificant degree to the
welfare of Egypt was the large influx of Jews who were introduced
into the kingdom. This importation was begun in the early part of
his government. Enraged that the Jews, who had sworn allegiance
to Laomcdon, afterward refused to submit to himself, Ptolemy
assaulted Jerusalem on the Sabbath- dav, and carried away nearly

114 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

one hundred thousand of the inhabitants into Egypt, (Hebrew
People, p. 411.) But afterward, considering that the fidelity of this
people ought to have entitled them to his respect, he treated them
kindly, and trusted several important posts to their keeping, and
allowed them the same privileges as they had enjoyed under Alex
ander. By these means many of this nation were induced to go
voluntarily and settle in Alexandria and other parts of Egypt, where
their industry and talents made them an important portion of the
community. By this means the worship of the true God, and a
large amount of revealed truth were placed prominently before the
Egyptian people.

Another most valuable result of the establishment of a Greek
sovereignty in Egypt, was the impulse which real learning and sound
philosophy thereby received. With a sovereign, Greece gave Egypt
her literature. The far-famed wisdom of Egypt had long before this
become obsolete, and exhibited at best a kind of mummy- existence, —
a lifeless resemblance of its former glory. But the patronage which
Ptolemy gave to philosophy and art, opened up one of the greatest
revivals of science and learning which the world has seen. By a
remarkable coincidence, Egypt, although but the shadow of her former
self, contributed most essentially to this important result. While
Greece gave her learning, Egypt presented in return the papyrus, —
a boon at that day only inferior, as a means of communicating
knowledge, to the invention of printing. Before this time books had
been written on linen, wax, or the bark of trees ; and public records
on stone, brass, or lead. But the papyrus afforded a medium so
much more convenient and cheap, that it gave an immense impetus
to learning, so that many persons then possessed books who had
never previously seen them. Even in Greece and Rome this sub
stance was almost exclusively used, as long as it could be pro
cured.

Under these influences Egypt arose into new life and vigour, and
again assumed a most important position among the independent
nations of the world. Ptolemy had married Eurydice, the daughter
•of Antipater, and had by her his eldest son Ptolemy Ceraunus.
But, having been greatly fascinated with Berenice, who came into
Egypt as a companion to Eurydice, he married her also, and was
ever after so much under her influence, that, in order effectually to
exclude his eldest son from succeeding to the throne, he associated
Ptolemy Philadelphus, the son of Berenice, with him in the govern
ment during his lifetime. During the year of their joint rule, the
famous watchtower, or light-house, of Pharos was finished. It wras
A large square building of white marble, on the top of which fires

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 115

were kept burning, as a guide to shipping entering the port of
Alexandria.

Ptolemy Philadelphus succeeded to the undivided dominion rf
Egypt, B. C. 284, on the death of his father. Under his govern
ment Egypt attained the summit of power and fame. Here com
merce was unrivalled; learning acquired an influence and honour
unknown in any other nation of the day. The Museum of Philoso
phy and the Royal Library would have been the glory of any age
or nation. Euclid, Conon, and Hipparchus had imparted to the
schools all the weight of their great character. Manetho, the great
Egyptian historian, wrote at this period; while Aristarchus, as a
critic, and Apollonius Rhodius, as a poet, adorned and strengthened
this galaxy of science.

But perhaps one of the greatest achievements of this age was the
translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek, at the instance of
the sovereign. Thus the inspired books became patent to the
world, and all the glorious truths of Old- Testament revelation
were placed in the hands of the learned. No other language could
at that time have obtained such currency for the sacred volume as
the Greek.

It is a singular and significant fact, that just at the time when
this Ptolemy was securing a translation of the Hebrew Scriptures,
he was also engaged in the removal of the idol Serapis from Pontus
to Egypt. For this image a most magnificent temple was erected in
one of the suburbs of Alexandria. Here, too, was deposited that
famous library which grew to be one of the most extensive collec
tions of writings which the world ever witnessed.

Under Ptolemy Philadelphus, Egypt became the first maritime
and commercial power of the age, and was scarcely second to any
in military strength. By building a city on the western bank of
the Red Sea, and another, named after his mother Berenice, almost
on the frontiers of Ethiopia, he succeeded in engrossing all that
trade which had successively enriched Judea and Phenicia. Like
these nations, also, he added to this maritime traffic the overland
caravan -trade with Arabia and the East.

This monarch, having heard that the Romans had succeeded, after
a struggle of six years, in driving Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, out of
Italy, sent ambassadors to Rome, congratulating the senate on their
success. This being the first time that any Egyptians had appeared
in Rome, and the Romans being flattered by the attention of a
nation so celebrated as Egypt, they sent ambassadors in return, and
thus established friendly relations between the two countries. It
seems probable that this may have had considerable influence on

116 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

the destiny of the rising republic. For when, twenty years after
ward, the Carthaginians sent to request Ptolemy to lend them two
thousand talents, to aid them in their war with Rome, the king of
Egypt replied, " I will assist you against enemies or indifferent per
sons : but cannot, without a breach of fidelity, lend one friend any
aid against another."

The tranquillity of the country was for a while disturbed during this
reign by Magus, the king's half-brother, to whom he had intrusted the
government of Libya and Cyrene. But Ptolemy repelled the aggres
sion, and defeated all his efforts, and was ultimately reconciled to
him. This prince died B. C. 246, having reigned thirty-eight
years.

Ptolemy Euergetes succeeded his father. He was scarcely seated
on the throne when he was drawn into a war with Seleucus Callini-
cus. King of Syria, in consequence of the murder of Berenice, sister
of Ptolemy, who had been a wife to the father of Seleucus. Having
collected a numerous army, Ptolemy crossed the def ert ; but instead
of directing his march immediately to Syria, as might be expected
from the peculiar cause of the war, he overran Palestine, Babylonia,
Persia, and the rich provinces of Upper Asia, and came back laden
with an enormous amount of spoils. On his return he attacked
Seleucus, defeated him with great slaughter, and compelled him to
take refuge in Antioch. The Egyptian army then returned home,
having gained immense booty, but no real addition of territory, by
the war. Not only was the wealth thus acquired prodigious, but we
hear on this occasion, and, I think, for the first time, of works of art
and virtu being carried off by the conqueror. Ptolemy, we are told,
brought back with him two thousand five hundred pictures and
statue?, among which were many of the Egyptian idols which Cam-
byses had taken from Egypt. This greatly pleased the Egyptians,
and they in consequence gave Ptolemy the name of Euergetes,
"the Beneficent."

Having concluded this war, and made peace with the king of
Syria. Euergetes devoted himself to the promotion of learning, and
the completion of his father's object in the formation of a national
library. With this design he sent learned men into distant coun
tries, to purchase at any price such books as they thought desirable ;
and thus he greatly added to the literary treasures previously col
lected. Upon the death of Zenodotus, who had been librarian from
the time of Ptolemy Soter, Euergetes invited from Athens Eratos
thenes, a learned Cyrenian, to take this duty on him, — a trust which
he discharged with honour to himself and great benefit to the insti
tution.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 117

Toward the close of his reign, Ptolemy Euergetes again directed
his attention to martial pursuits ; and having led an army southward,
he made himself master of both sides of the Red Sea, as far as the
straits which connect it with the ocean. Having perfectly succeeded
in his object, he found on his return to Egypt, that Cleomenes, King
of Sparta, was involved in a Grecian war. At first Ptolemy felt dis
posed to aid the Achseans ; but taking oifence at their application to
Antigonus, King of Macedon, he sent considerable support to Cleo
menes. .Notwithstanding this aid, the Spartan king was completely
defeated in the battle of Salasia, and compelled to take refuge in
Egypt, where Ptolemy allowed him a yearly stipend of twenty-four
talents, and promised, as soon as an opportunity offered, to -assist
him to recover his throne. But before any favourable occasion pre
sented itself, Ptolemy died, and left the government to his son.

During this reign Egypt was restored to the zenith of prosperity.
Her power secured the respect of every other nation ; her civiliza
tion equalled, if not exceeded, that of all surrounding countries ; while
her commerce, far beyond that of all her contemporaries, filled the
public treasury with wealth, and diffused plenty and contentment
throughout the country. In looking back on the state of Egypt in
those times, it seems as if, under the first three Ptolemies, it had
arisen from the prostration of ages into an intelligence and power
equal to that possessed by any nation of the day. But, alas ! this
exaltation was very short-lived. With Ptolemy Euergetes the sun
of Egyptian prosperity sank from its meridian altitude, and began
to verge toward decline. The authors of the " Universal History "
say of him, " He was the last of his race in whom any virtue,
humanity, or moderation appeared." Though we are hardly dis
posed to adopt this language, it may safely be said that in scarcely
any other instance do we see such striking results flow to a country
from the individual character of its sovereigns. Here is a nation
rescued from a chaos of confusion, — political, commercial, general;
for this was the condition of Egypt when conquered by Alexander.
Yet under three successive rulers it rises into a proud preeminence
in all respects over every neighbouring country. Again we look ;
and under the descendants of these kings the same land, without
any external or other prominent cause, is seen reduced once more
to weakness, confusion, and subjection. This circumstance will
render the further account of its history more brief than might
otherwise be expected.

Ptolemy, called Philopator, " a Lover of his Father," ascended
the throne B. C. 221. He was a weak and wicked prince, and ren
dered his government odious and mischievous by resigning himself

11 S TILE GENTILE NATIONS.

generally to the direction of unworthy favourites. By the instigation
of his minister, Sosibius, he caused his brother Magus to be mur
dered, lest he might endeavour to secure the kingdom to himself.
The death of Cleomenes, the exiled King of Sparta, who had been
protected and provided for by the preceding king, soon followed.
Antiochus the Great, who at this time ruled in Syria, perceiving the
disorder and licentiousness which prevailed in the court of Egypt,
thought it a favourable time to declare war against that country.
Ptolemy, who seems not to have lacked courage, roused himself to
the emergency, collected a great army, and proceeded to meet the
enemy. In the beginning of the war, Antiochus obtained some
advantages over the Egyptian troops : but shortly after, in a great
battle fought at Raphia, near Gaza, he was completely defeated, with
great loss ; and Ptolemy obtained a large extension of influence in
Palestine and Syria. Humbled by this defeat, and alarmed at the
progress of Achaeus in Asia Minor, Antiochus was anxious to make
peace with Ptolemy ; and the Egyptian king, although he had every
inducement to prosecute the war, being equally anxious to return to
his licentious pleasures, was ready to receive his overtures. A peace
was in consequence concluded, by which Coele- Syria and Palestine
were confirmed as belonging to Egypt. This being done, Ptolemy
went to Jerusalem, where he was well received, and treated the
inhabitants kindly, until, having made a fruitless attempt to enter
the inner sanctuary, (Hebrew People, p. 414,) he retired from the
city threatening the whole nation of the Jews with extermination.
It does not appear that he dared to assail the sacred city ; but, on
returning to Egypt, he published a decree, which he caused to be
engraved on a pillar erected at the gate of his palace, excluding all
who did not sacrifice to the gods whom he worshipped. By this
means the Jews were virtually outlawed, being prevented from suing
to him for justice, or from claiming his protection. But this was not
the extent of his infliction. By another decree he reduced them
from the first rank of citizens — to which they had been raised by the
favour of Alexander — to the third rank. They were in consequence
degraded so far as to be enrolled among the common people of Egypt.
When commanded to appear for this enrolment, they were ordered
to have an ivy-leaf, the badge of Bacchus, branded on their faces ;
those thus marked were consigned to slavery. Yet, notwithstanding
the offering of sacrifice to the heathen gods presented a ready ex
emption from these dreadful penalties, but very few, out of many
thousands of Jews, were induced thus to apostatize. The resolute
firmness of the people in resisting the king's will being construed
into factious obstinacy, he determined to destroy them altogether.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 119

All the Jews in Egypt were in consequence collected and shut up
together within the hippodrome, with a view to their execution.
Five hundred elephants were drawn up to execute the king's wrath.
Meantime the persecuted Hebrews betook themselves to earnest
prayer ; and we are told that when these animals were let loose, in
stead of slaughtering the Jews, they turned upon the soldiers and
spectators, and destroyed great numbers of them. This circum
stance induced the king to forego his purpose, and to restore the
Hebrews to all the dignity and privilege which they before en
joyed.

During this reign the Romans, being again at war with Carthage,
sent ambassadors to Egypt, to renew their ancient friendship, who
brought magnificent presents to Ptolemy and his queen.

At the death of Philopator, B. C. 204, Ptolemy Epiphanes, being
then a child of five years old, ascended the throne. " In the early
part of his reign another Roman embassy visited Egypt, when the
king's counsellors took the opportunity of placing the young prince
under the guardianship of the powerful republic. The senate of
Rome accepted the charge, and sent Marcus Lepidus to act as
guardian, — a trust which, after a short stay in Egypt, he conferred
upon Aristomenes, an Acarnanian, who discharged the duties of
this important office with integrity and ability for several years, until
the king had attained the age of fourteen, when, according to the
usage of the country, he was entitled to take the administration of
the kingdom into his own hands. The folly of investing a person so
young with absolute power was in this instance made fully apparent.
The youth, who had been universally popular while under the direc
tion of Aristomenes, was no sooner enthroned than he placed him
self under the influence of worthless men, by whose advice he was
led to the adoption of measures through which great disorders were
introduced into every branch of the government ; and at length his
former able and honest minister was put to death.

Epiphanes married Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus the Great.
This marriage appears tp have taken place when the young king was
but about seventeen years old. It is generally supposed that he was
taken off by poison, administered by his nobles, to prevent him from
entering on a war with Syria, to which he had committed himself,
when the national finances were so low that they feared the}7 should
have to contribute largely toward the expenses of the contest. He
left two sons, Philometer and Physcon ; and a daughter, Cleopatra,
who was successively married to her two brothers.

Philometer, the elder of the two sons, then but six years old, was
placed on the throne under the guardianship of his mother, Cleopatra,

120 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

who for eight years conducted the affairs of the kingdom with great
judgment and success. After her death, Lannseus, a nobleman of
distinction, and Eulaeus, a eunuch, were charged with the govern
ment of the country. One of their earliest measures was to insist
on the restoration of Ccele- Syria and Palestine to Egypt, — these
provinces having been wrested from the dominion of Egypt by
Antiochus the Great. This demand led to a violent contest, which
tended more than any preceding event to demonstrate the rapid
decline of Egyptian power, and the rising sway of Rome.

The Syrian army, under the command of Antiochus Epiphanes,
prosecuted the war with such vigour and success that it penetrated
to the walls of Alexandria, and actually secured the person of the
Egyptian king. Whether he was taken in war, or placed himself
willingly in the hands of the Syrian king, does not clearly appear.
But, however this may be, the Syrian monarch gained little by his
acquisition. For, although he induced Philometer to enter into a
treaty with him, this was instantly disallowed by the nation, who,
regarding a sovereign in the power of ati enemy as lost to his coun
try, immediately raised Physcon, the king's brother, to the throne.
This led to a second Syrian invasion, which resulted in the expulsion
of Physcon; Antiochus restoring Philometer to the government,
but retaining Pelusium, the key to the country, in the possession of
Syrian troops. From this and other indications of the Syrian king's
intentions, Philometer rightly judged that it was his design, by
setting the two brothers in continued collision with each other, to
retain Egypt virtually in his own power. Acting on this judgment,
Philometer invited his brother to terms of reconciliation, which, by
the aid of their sister Cleopatra, was happily effected.

The measures adopted by the two brothers to restore Egypt to an
independent and prosperous condition induced Antiochus again to
march an army into that country. He was on this occasion, how
ever, compelled, by the prompt and energetic interference of the
Romans, to abandon the enterprise. By agreement between the
two brothers, they were to reign jointly ; but they were no sooner
freed from the danger of foreign aggression than they began to
quarrel among themselves. This quickly produced an open rupture,
in which Physcon succeeded in driving his brother out of the king
dom. He was, however, soon after restored by the power of Rome,
which at the same time assigned Libya and Gyrene to Physcon.
New disputes arose, and various contests took place between them,
in all of which Rome regarded herself as entitled to act as the para
mount ruler of Egypt, and to award its sovereignty according to her
will.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 121

Philometer was soon after provoked into a war with Alexander
Bala, who had been raised to the throne of Syria mainly by his sup
port. In the prosecution of this contest, the king of Egypt marched
into Syria, where he completely routed the army of Alexander near
Antioch, but died a few days after of wounds received in the battle.
He left behind him a high reputation for wisdom and clemency. It
was in his reign, and by his favour and that of his queen, Cleopatra,
that the Jews under Onias were permitted to build the famous
Jewish temple at Heliopolis.

On the death of her husband, Cleopatra endeavoured to secure the
crown for their son : but some of the leading men inclined toward
Physcon, and invited him from Cyrene, where he then reigned, into
Egypt. The queen raised an army to oppose him, and a civil war
was imminent, when an accommodation was arranged, through the
mediation of Rome, by which Physcon married Cleopatra, who was
his sister and his brother's widow, on the understanding that they
were to reign with joint authority, and that Cleopatra's son by
Philometer should be declared next heir to the crown. This agree
ment was no sooner completed than it was violated. On the day of
his marriage Physcon murdered the son of Philometer in the arms
of his mother, and commenced a career of iniquity and slaughter of
which this was a fitting prelude. He indeed assumed the name of
Euergetes, or " Benefactor," which the Alexandrians changed into
Kakergetes, or " the Evil-doer," — an epithet which he justly merited;
for he was the most cruel and wicked, the most despicable and vile,
of all the Ptolemies. To the Jews he evinced unmitigated enmity
and cruelty, because they had espoused the cause of Cleopatra. To
the Alexandrians he was no less cruel, because they had supported
him, — and he feared lest those who had raised him to the throne
should by the same power remove him.

During this reign three Roman ambassadors visited Egypt, while
making a tour of the countries dependent on, or in alliance with.
Rome. Their stay induced a cessation of Physcon' s barbarous
conduct, which, however, was renewed on their leaving. He then
divorced Cleopatra his wife, and married her daughter, of the same
name, who was his own niece; but not before he had subjected the
young princess to the vilest indignity.

Such conduct excited the disgust of his subjects, and, accompa
nied as it was with excessive cruelty, produced a revolt which drove
him from the kingdom. He, however, succeeded in recovering his
position, and at length died in the sixty- seventh year of his age,
having reigned twenty-nine years.

It is a fact as singular as unaccountable, that this most licentious

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

and bloody prince, whose name is infamous, as associated with

every crime, is notwithstanding celebrated by the most

respectable ancient writers as a great restorer of learnin- a patron

of learned men, and withal an author of some celebrity himself.

According to the testimony of Athenams, it was his practice durin-

the short intervals between his debaucheries, to apply himself zeal!

ously to the study of the polite arts and sciences ; and he thus

acquired so extensive a knowledge of all kinds of literature that he

the name of " Ptolemy the Philologist." The same author

that he wrote a History in twenty-four books, and a learned

Dmmentary on Homer. His History, Epiphanius informs us was

at repute among the ancients : and Galen says that he enlarged

and enriched the Alexandrian library by the purchase of valuable

books at a great expense. Physcon left three sons.-Apion by a

concubine, and Lathyrus and Alexander by his wife Cleopatra By

I he left the kingdom of Gyrene to Apion, and the crown of

jgypt to his widow in conjunction with either of her sons whom

she should choose.

In the exercise of this discretionary power, the queen would have
preferred Alexander, the younger son: but this was so distasteful
the people that she was compelled to admit Lathyrus to the joint
sovereignty, and placed Alexander in the kingdom of Cyprus. Here
we have a repetition of the mean and unnatural policy which at this
period disgraced the government of this country. By repeated
the queen induced the people to withdraw their confidence
from Lathyrus, and to consent to the return of Alexander. After
reigning ten years, the former prince was obliged to leave E^ypt
to which his brother immediately returned; Lathyrus repairing to
Cyprus, and taking upon himself the government of that counlry
t was at this period that Lathyrus invaded Judea, then governed
Bander Janneus, and obtained such advantages over him that
the Jewish state was only saved from ruin by the aid sent to it by
Cleopatra from Egypt. (Hebrew People, p. 443.)

In the mean time the younger brother, Alexander, having for

nearly eighteen years, while bearing the name of "king," submitted

as a slave to the violent and capricious will of his mother became

5 weary of her intolerable tyranny, and put her to death This

•cUemg made public, he was driven from the throne, and Lathyrus,

or Soter II., restored, who reigned seven years longer. Durin" this

period the ruin of Thebes took place. Lathyrus, freed from the

power of his rivals, undertook to restore the government of the

kingdom to its former state. This led to an insurrection, of which

ihebes was the centre. That ancient city not only refused to sub-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 123

mit to the prescribed laws, but even struggled to regain its lost inde
pendence. The effort was vain. The king, having defeated the
rebels in several battles, besieged Thebes, which, having held out
for three years, was at length subdued, and was in consequence
given up to the ravages of the soldiery, who committed such devasta
tion that this noble capital was never afterward repaired, and conse
quently sank into ruin.

Lathyrus was succeeded by his only legitimate child, Cleopatra,
whose proper name was Berenice. This princess, however, had
scarcely assumed the sovereignty, when she was called to submit to
the dictation of Roman power. Sylla, then perpetual dictator of
the imperial city, no sooner heard of the death of Lathyrus, than
he conferred the crown of Egypt on Alexander, a son of the king
of that name who had been driven out of the country for having
murdered his mother ; he was consequently a nephew of the deceased
king. On his arrival in Egypt, where Berenice had reigned six
months, his presence occasioned great consternation. The Alexan
drians were unwilling to create a rupture with Rome, and equally
so to set aside a reigning sovereign on the nomination of another
ruler by a foreign power. To avert the difficulty, they succeeded
in persuading Alexander to marry Berenice, and reign jointly with
her. This he did; but, in nineteen days afterward, caused her to
be murdered. He, however, continued on the throne, and reigned
fifteen years in a manner which might be expected from the atrocity
of the commencement. At length the people, worn out by his exac
tions, and goaded to desperation by his cruelties, rose with common
consent, and drove him from the throne. He made some fruitless
efforts to induce Pompey to aid him to recover his crown, but died,
a few months after his expulsion, in banishment at Tyre.

The Egyptians, having driven out this tyrant, selected a natural
son of Ptolemy Lathyrus to fill the vacant throne. .This prince, by
a gift of six thousand talents (about £500,000) to Julius Caesar and
Pompey, was recognised as king of Egypt in alliance with Rome.
He was named Ptolemy Aulet.es, or " the Flute-player ;" but took
on himself the title of Dionysus Neos, or " the New Bacchus." He
was a fit representative of the fallen condition of the Egyptian state.
More effeminate than any of his predecessors, priding himself on
dancing in a female dress in religious processions, he was at the
same time equal to his grandfather Physcon in the violence and
viciousness of his conduct. After some time he was, like his pre
decessor, expelled from the throne. He succeeded, however, by
immense gifts, in inducing Gabinius, the Roman governor of Syria,
to attempt his restoration, which was at length accomplished ; Arch-

124 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

elans, who had been invested with the government, having been de
feated, and slain by the Romans. Auletes was thus restored to the
throne, and died in peaceable possession of his dignity about four
years after his restoration.

Auletes, on his restoration, had put to death his daughter Bere
nice ; and at his demise left two daughters, Cleopatra and Arsinoe,
and two sons. The first of these, Ptolemy the Elder, otherwise
called Dionysius II., was, according to his father's will, married to
his eldest sister, then about seventeen years old : and the juvenile
couple were invested with the sovereignty of Egypt, under the pro
tection of the Roman republic. It appears that this most celebrated
Egyptian princess evinced considerable vigour and talent, even at
that early age. So clever, indeed, was she, that the ministers who
had been placed in charge of the national affairs were very anxious
to get rid of her, and at length deprived her of her share in the sove
reignty, and expelled her from the kingdom. Cleopatra, however,
had a spirit equal to the occasion. She retired into Syria, raised an
army, and in a short time marched upon Pelusium, prepared to dis
pute with her brother the sovereignty of the nation. It was while
the hostile armies of the brother and sister lay within sight of each
other, that Pompey, after the loss of the battle of Pharsalia, reached
Egypt, expecting protection and support, but was put to death by the
ministers of Ptolemy. Soon after this event, Julius Cfesar arrived
in pursuit of his rival, and was presented with his head and his ring.

Cleopatra, whose licentiousness was quite equal to her talent and
energy, caused herself to be secretly conveyed to the quarters of
Ccesar, where she succeeded in captivating that mighty conqueror,
and commencing an intimacy which resulted in the birth of a son,
called, after his father, Neocresar. The scandal of this conduct ena
bled Ptolemy and his ministers to rouse the public spirit of the
Alexandrians, and of Lower Egypt generally, against the mighty
Roman, to such an extent that he was placed in most imminent
peril. Crcsar, however, disposed the handful of soldiers which he
had with him in such a manner as to keep the Egyptians in check,
until the arrival of Mithridates with large reinforcements, when he
defeated the Egyptian forces with great slaughter. In the course
of this conflict Ptolemy was drowned in the Nile.

Caaar soon adjusted the affairs of Egypt to his own mind, placing
Cleopatra on the throne. But as the Egyptians had a great antipa
thy to female sovereignty, he compelled Cleopatra to submit to the
farce of marrying her younger brother, a lad eleven years old. She,
however, held the power in her own hand, until he reached the age
of fourteen, when by the laws of the country he was entitled to enter

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 125

upon the joint administration of affairs. She then caused him to be
poisoned. Arsinoii, who had been carried to Rome by Julius Coesar,
and compelled to walk, bound in chains of gold, before his triumphal
chariot, was also assassinated at the instigation of Cleopatra.

The death of Caesar convulsed the whole empire of Rome and all
its dependencies, and swept away the last feeble figment of Egyptian
monarchy and independence. On this occasion Cleopatra instantly
decided to support the triumvirs against the murderers of Julius. On
a charge of being unfaithful to this purpose, she was summoned to
appear before Antony at Tarsus. Confident in the power of her
charms, she obeyed, and effectually seduced that great captain. In
fact, so besotted was he by this intercourse, that he neglected his
affairs, and was at length so completely ruined, that, having inflicted
on himself a mortal wound, he died in the arms of his wanton mis
tress. Cleopatra had two sons by Antony, and soon after his decease
she shared the fate which she had brought on him. To avoid being
made a spectacle at the triumph of Augustus, as he was proof against
her seductive charms, she procured her own death by the bite of an
asp. Egypt then became a province of the Roman empire, and con
tinued in this state until the birth of Christ, and long afterward.

Thus Egypt flourished, and fell. Her history affords ample proof
of the cultivation of the human mind in early times, and forms the
great connecting link between European annals and the primitive
nations. If our limits would allow, the subject would furnish rich
materials for extended disquisition. We can, however, only observe
that the chapter of history which has been thus sketched shows a
most uncommon identity of character. In times so remote that the
light of '.history scarcely renders objects visible, we just perceive
colossal forms of civilization, learning, wealth, and power, standing
out before us in wondrous array. As we descend the stream of
time, when everything becomes well defined, Egypt appears equal in
every respect to the proudest of her contemporaries. Yes, and
strange to say, when her martial prowess had declined, and she fell
beneath the sword of the invincible Macedonian, his genius, by the
erection of Alexandria, laid new foundations for the stability and
resources of Egypt, and made her, amid the waning of every other
ancient kingdom, the mart of commerce and the seat of wealth.
Notwithstanding the lengthened rule of the Ptolemies, who had been
placed on the throne by Grecian power, and the overwhelming influ
ence of Rome in the time of Caesar, the adherence of the people to
their old usages continued intact, and marked the last struggle
which placed Egypt at the feet of imperial Rome. (See Appendix,
note 11.)

A CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF THE KINGS OF EGYPT.

Year Length
before An arrangement of Dynasties and Reigns. of
Christ. Rei^

Y. M

1845 The Hyksos expelled from
Egypt by Amosis, who
reigned . °5

Year

before i
Christ,

XXI.

1107

iVm. DYNASTY. — SIXTEEN SOVEREIGNS. —
848 TEARS.

1820 (1) Amenophis 1 30 7

1081
1040
1036

10°7

1789 (2) Thothmosis 1 13

1(V>1

1776 (3) Thothmosis II '>0 7

1755 (4) Amense (sister of the last
king) 21 9

xxn. i

1734 (.".) Thothmosis in. (son of
Amense) 12 9

977

1721 (6) Araenophis II 25 10

956

1695 (7) Thothmosis IV 9 8

941 (I

1685 (8) Amenophis HI. (Memnon) 30 5
1655 (9) Horus 38 5

916

1617 (10) Ramses 1 9

903 (7

160S (11) SethosI 32 8

1575 (12) Ramses II 5 5

1569 (13) Ramses IH. (Sesoitri*).... 68 2
1501 (14) Manephtha 5

\.\iir.

1496 (15) Sethos II 19 6

861 (

'1477 (16) Sethos IE 5 3

821 (

XIX. DYNASTY.— FIVE 10X03.— 1ST YEARS.

1472 (1) Sethos 55

813 (
803 (

1417 (2) Rampses 66

1351 (3) Amenepthes 40

772 (

1311 (4) Rameses

XXV. IT

1311 (5) Ammeneranes 26

XX. DYNASTY. — TWELVE KINGS. — 178 YEARS.

1285 This was a Diospolitan Dynas
ty, most, if not all, of whom
were called Rameses ; but the
length of the reigns is not
given.

728 (
720 (
708 (

XXVI.

690 (1
683 ('<

Length

before An arrangement of Dynasties and Reigns. of

Reign.

Y. M.

XXI. DYNASTY. — SEVEN THINITE KINGS. —
180 YEARS.

(1) Smendes 26 —

(2) Psousennes 41 —

(3) Nephercheres 4 —

(4) Amenophthis 9 —

(5) Osochor 6 —

(6) Psinaches (II.) 9 —

(7) Psousennes 35 —

XXII. DYNASTY. — NINE BUBASTILE KINGS. —
116 YEARS.

(1) Sesonchis (Shishak) ... 21 —

(2) Osorthon 15 —

941 (3,4,5) Three other kings,

names omitted 25 —

(6) Tacelothis 13 -

903 (7,8,9) Three other kings,
whose names are not
given 42 —

XXIH. DYXASTY. — FOUR TANITE KINGS. —
89 YEARS.

(1) Petubatis 40 —

(2) Osorcho 8 —

(3) Psammus 10 —

(*) Zet 31 -

XXTV. DYNASTY. — OXE SAITE KING. — 44 YEARS.

772 (1) Bocchoris 44 —

XXV. DYNASTY.— THREE ETHIOPIC KINGS.—
40 TEARS.

728 (1) Sabaco 8 —

720 (2) Sebichos (Sevechru) 12 —

708 (3) Tarkus 18 —

XXVI. DYNASTY. — NINE SAITE KINGS. —
164 YEARS, 6 MONTHS.

690 (1) Stephinates 7 —

schepsoa 6 —

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

127

Year Length

before An arrangement of Dynasties and Reigns. of
Christ. Reign.

r. M.

677 (3) Nechaol ....................... 8 —

669 (4) Psaramitichus ................ 54 —

615 (5) NechaoII ...................... 16 —

599 (6) Psammuthis ................. 6 —

593 (7) Uaphris (Apriea, HopJira) 25 —

668 (8) Amosis .......................... 42 —

526 (9) Psamruecherites ............. — 6

XXVn. DYNASTY. — EIGHT PERSIAN KINGS. —
111 YEARS, 4 MONTHS.

525 (1) Cambyses (in the fifth year

of his Persian reign).... 3 —

522 (2) Darius Hystaspis ............ 36 —

486 (3) Xerxes (the Great) ......... 21 —

465 (4) Artabanus ..................... — 7

464 (5) Artaxerxes .................... 41 —

423 (6) Xerxes II ...................... — 2

423 (7) Sogdianus ..................... — 7

423 (8) Darius (ton of Xerxes) ..... 9 —

. DYNASTY. — ONE SAITE KING.
6 YEARS.

414 (1) Amyrtseus.

XXIX. DYNASTY. — FOUR MENDESIAN KINGS.
— 20 YEARS, 4 MONTHS.

408 (1) Nepherites 1 6 —

402 (2) Achoris 13 —

389 (3) Psammuthis 1 —

388 (4) Nepherites IE — 4

XXX. DYNASTY. — THREE SEBENNYTIC KINGS.
— 88 YEARS.

388 (1) Nectanebus 1 18 —

370 (2) Teos 2 —

368 (3) Nectanebus II 18 —

Year Length

before An arrangement of Dynasties and Reigns. of
Christ. Reign.

Y. M.

XXXI. DYNASTY. — THREE PERSIAN KINGS. —
18 YEARS.

350 (1) Darius Ochus 12 —

338 (2) Arses 2 —

336 (3) Darius Codomannus 4 —

XXXII. DYNASTY. — THREE MACEDONIANS. —
21 YEARS.

332 (1) Alexander (the Great) 9 —

323 (2) Philip Aridaeus (Ptolemy,

governor) 6 —

317 (3) Alexander (son of the
Great : Ptolemy, gover
nor) 6 —

XXXni. DYNASTY. — THE PTOLEMIES.

311 (1) Lagus, Soter (who had
previously governed
Egypt 12 years, and, on
the death of Alexander,

is styled king) 27 —

284 (2) Philadelphus 38 —

246 (3) EuergetesI 25 —

221 (4) Philopater 17 —

204 (5) Epiphanes 24 —

180 (6) Philometer 35 —

145 (7) EuergetesII 29 —

116 (8) Soter H 10 —

106 (9) Alexander I. (Soter de
posed) 18 —

88 (8) Soter II. (restored) 7 —

81 (10) Berenice — 6

80 (11) Alexander n 15 —

65 (12) Neus Dionysus 14 —

51 (13) Ptolemy (the Elder) 4 —

47 (14) Ptolemy (the Younger).... 3 —
44 (15) Cleopatra 14 —

30 EGYPT A ROMAN PROVINCE 30 —

128 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

CHAPTER II.

THE RELIGION OF THE EGYPTIANS.

REFEREXCE to this Subject in " the Patriarchal Age "—The Importance of THEOLOGY to
Religion— Egyptian Triads, their Relation to primitive Promise and Xoah— The prob
able Identity of these Triads— Animal-Worship originated in the Chenibim, and
carried out to an infamous Extent -General View of Egyptian Mythology— The MORALS
of E«*ypt recognised in Jurisprudence— Prominence given to Truth and Justice-
Illustrations— The Doctrine of THE IMMORTALITY OF THE SOUL— Curious Corruptions
associated with this Doctrine-Object of Embalming-The Doctrine of a future Judg-
ment-The Opinions held by this People exhibited-Important Light imparted thereby
on the Subject of Morals— The Hall of Judgment and forty-two Assessors— All result-
incr in everlasting Happiness or Punishment— Providence— General Accuracy of Doc
trine but neutralized by Polytheism-General Character and Influence of this Rehg
ion-Morals-Divine Sanction-Future Retribution-Spiritual Character-Remarkable
Juxtaposition of Truth and Error.

SOME reference has been made'to this subject in a preceding volume.
(Patriarchal Age, p. 469, et seq.} To the brief sketch there given
the reader is requested to turn, as an outline of the primitive
Egyptian faith which it is not necessary here to repeat, but which
it will now be our aim to expand into a succinct account of Egyptian
idolatry, and its religious and moral influence upon the nation.

In the passages to which I refer, it was stated, on the authority
of a learned and religious writer, that "the religion of Egypt under
went no alteration from the time of its establishment by Menes to
that of its abolition by Christianity." This sentiment is fully
adopted in this work, in the sense in which, it is believed, the author
intended it to be received; but in this sense it does not preclude
progressive development and expansion, but specially refers to the
principle and genius of the entire system. (See Appendix, note 12.)

In the prosecution of this purpose it is proposed to investigate
in order the theology, morals, doctrines, and general influence

^ The0 centre and soul of any religious system is its theology.
Religion as the term imports, unites-or,- rather, re-binds (from
the Latin verb re-%o)-man to God. It is based on the presump
tion of man's alienation from his Maker, and therefore treats of the
means and manner of his reunion with Deity. But then it mevi-
tablv follows that the truth or falsehood, the purity or depravity, of
the representation which is thus given of God, affects the entire

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 129

character of the religion. Notwithstanding the numerous and minute
delineations of deities, acts of worship, and religious rites, which we
find on the monuments of Egypt, we have no native account of the
religion of the country, much less of its primitive state. Not even
a fragment of Manetho has come down to us on this subject : all we
know from him has been given to us through Plutarch. Yet from
the traditions which have been thus preserved, one fact stands out
most unmistakably, — namely, that, " prior to the empire of Menes,"
the Egyptians " had their temple-service regularly organized ;"
(Bunsen, vol. i, p. 358;) and consequently the whole frame- work of
their religious system was designed and brought into operation.

It has been already stated that anciently this people believed in
the unity of the supreme God ; and that human representations or
incarnations of him were at first regarded as divine, rather by union
with him, or emanation from him, than from their intrinsic nature ;
and hence had the name of the Supreme added to their own. Pass
ing by all the speculation of Greek writers, and ascending to the
primitive state of the Egyptian faith, there appears abundant reason
for identifying its theology with the great departure from patriarchal
religion which took place at Babel. Hence the triad, — Osiris, Isis,
Horns. Again, we have Amout, Mout, Chons. In both these
instances the triad consists of father, mother, and son. From what
has been already stated, (Patriarchal Age, p. 475,) there can be no
reasonable doubt that these deities arose out of a corrupted tradition
of the first pair, in combination with the promised incarnate Seed,
given under different names. (See Appendix, note 13.) It is, how
ever, sufficiently evident that the circumstances of Noah, the second
great father of the world, and his sons, had a great influence in the
formation of the original idolatry of Egypt.

We have sufficient proofs of this in the obvious identity of Osiris
and Noah, — a fact confirmed by the mutilation common to both, and
the manner in which it was made prominent, and sacred in the case
of the Egyptian deity. It is observable that Osiris and Isis are cele
brated as the only deities worshipped in every part of Egypt ; the
birth of the son being sometimes regarded as prospective and ap
proaching.

This allusion to the Arkite family is further corroborated. Kneph,
according to Wilkinson, represented the idea of " the Spirit of God,
as it moved upon the face of the waters." He was commonly ex
hibited with a ram's head, and regarded specially as the god of the
Nile. But this deity was supposed to merge into three : — first,
Kneph, the Spirit; then Pthah, proceeding from him, and thence
regarded as his son; and lastly, Khem, (whose name is identical

130 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

with the Scriptural Ham,) who was supposed to rule over the pro
creation of the human species.

Probably all these triads were at first identical, and intended to
exhibit a personification of the supreme God under allusive repre
sentations of man's primitive history, and that of the Noachic family.
But the moving agent in this process, although insidious, was not
concealed. The asp was sacred to Kncph. The most poisonous
winged serpent in the land was made the personification of the crea
tor and ruling spirit ! In fact, THE SERPENT WAS THE TYPE OP
DOMINION! Its figure was in consequence affixed to the head-dress
of Egyptian kings ; and a prince, on his accession to the throne, was
entitled to wear this distinctive badge of royalty. This Satanic as
sumption is embedded in the language to a considerable extent.
" M. Champollion has satisfactorily accounted for the name Urceus,
given to the snake, by suggesting that the word derives its origin
and signification from Ouro, in Coptic, ' a king,' answering, as Hora-
pollo tells us, to the Greek (3amkioKo$, ' royal ; ' and it is from this
last word that the name 'basilisk' has been applied to the asp." —
Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv, p. 240. Of Pthah it may
be necessary to observe, that he was regarded as the Lord of truth,
and is said to have been produced in the shape of an egg from the
mouth of Kneph, and represented the creative power of Deity. It
cannot escape observation how closely this resembles the Divine
Word. Wilkinson says, " The form of this deity is generally a
mummy;" {Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv, p. 252;) but Cory shrewdly
suspects that the bandaged figure rather represents "an infant
swathed, as is the custom in the Mediterranean."— Mythological
Inquiry, p. 42.

The principle of idolatrous substitution and representation having
been once adopted, it was susceptible of infinite expansion and change.
Hence, in the classic age, we find the great triad represented as com
posed of Osiris, Horus, Typhon ; and Horus is set forth by Plutarch
as the son of Osiris and Isis, begotten before they themselves were
born, and born with them : a singular but remarkable allusion to the
preexistence of the promised Seed.

Typhon is the destroying principle; and, according to Plutarch,
his proper name is Seth. Some have supposed this deity to be an
introduction of later times after the great reformation in Persia. His
name and character are, however, so involved in the legends of Osiris
and Isis, that there seems reason for believing that, to some extent
at least, even in early times the evil principle was recognised as
divine, — an opinion confirmed by the appearance of his name, Seth,
on the oldest monuments.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 131

Our limits will not allow an enumeration of all the Egyptian
deities ; nor would any good purpose be served by it. Indeed, dif
ferent opinions prevail, even among scholars, as to their number and
character. Bunsen gives eight gods of the first order, twelve of the
second order, and seven of the third order, with four genii of the
dead.

It is essential, however, to pay special attention to that which
forms the most extraordinary element of Egyptian idolatry, namely,
animal-worship. On this subject a learned writer has expressed
himself in language so strikingly corroborative of the views main
tained in this work, that we quote him at length : " It is matter of
very curious inquiry how mankind degenerated into the worship of
animals, and the abominations of idolatry. It will have been ob
served in the preceding remarks that, among the heathens, the
EAGLE was the token of the ethereal power; the LION, of the light ;
and the, BULL, of fire, heat, or the solar orb ; though these distinc
tions are not always very accurately maintained. These animals
are, in fact, no other than the animals that composed the cherubim,
which, in the antediluvian, patriarchal, and Jewish dispensations,
were placed at the entrance of Paradise, and afterward upon the
mercy-seat of the ark. They were deemed oracular; and above
them rested the Shekinah, the cloud of glory, the visible symbol of
the presence of the Lord, who is represented as sitting between them,
or flying upon them.* The form of the cherubim was that of a bull,
from which arose a human body, as a centaur, with four heads, — that
of a bull, of an eagle, of a lion, and of a man, with wings and hands,
and covered with eyes. In the heathen cherubim, among other re
markable variations, the head of the serpent is often substituted for
the human head. The seraphim are considered to have been simi
lar ; and the teraphim were of the same form, but smaller figures,
which were set up by individuals in their own house, and to which
they resorted for answers. Zech. x, 2.

" The cherubim constituted the place of worship for all believers :
they were termed the pheni Eloliim, ' the faces,' (Zech. vii, 2, pas
sim,) or 'presence of God;' and from between them issued oracles.
Exod. xxv, 22. It would have been a singular omission, if the
heathen, as they went off from the patriarchal worship, had not car
ried with them an institution so remarkable : accordingly we find
the figures worked up into all their religious institutions, and the
memory of them retained, even to the present day. The cherubim

0 In this case our learned author is incorrect. The Lord is never represented as fly
ing on the cherubim but in one mistranslated passage in the Old Testament. See my
"Doctrine of the Cherubim," p. 37.

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

may be found in every part of the heathen world ; and to the abuse
of them, I believe, may be traced the worship of animals."— GWj
Mythological Inquiry, pp. 90-104.

it is observable that the curious compound figures which abound
m Egypt and m the East, are almost always found at the entrance
acred places. If anything is necessary, beyond what is given in
?hmmary Dissertation, to identify the animal- worship of E^vpt
with that of the cherubic figures, it is supplied by the fact— that^ the
; Apis was required to have marks of this cherubic combination
selected animal must have not only a white crescent on his side
a particular lump under his tongue, but also the " resemblance
eagle on his shoulders." And this, explained by antique bronze
s^of Apis, gives not the addition of an eagle to the ox, but the
brm of eagle wings on his shoulders, similar to those of the Nimroud
These marks, as Wilkinson observes, were undoubtedly
supplied by the priests : but this rather corroborates the opinion
that the cherubic form was the model to which the living animal was
as far as possible, to be conformed.

These corruptions having been introduced, they were carried out
to an amazing extent. " Among the Egyptians," says Clemens Alex-
andrinus, "the temples are surrounded with groves and consecrated
pastures ; they are furnished with propylaa, and their courts are
encircled with an infinite number of columns ; their walls glitter with
foreign marbles and paintings of the highest art; the naos is resplen
dent with gold and silver, and electrum, and variegated stones from
India and Ethiopia ; the adytum is veiled by a curtain wrought with
But if you pass beyond into the remotest part of the enclosure,
hastening to behold something yet more excellent, and seek for the
image which dwells in the temple, a pastopho?iis, or some one else,
who ministers in sacred things, with a pompous air, singing a paan
in the Egyptian tongue, draws aside a small portion of the curtain,
as if about to show us the god, and makes us burst into a loud laugh!
For no god is found within, but a cat, or a crocodile, or a serpent
sprung from the soil, or some such brute animal : the Egyptian deity
appears a beast rolling himself on a purple coverlet."— Pada<* iii
•2, p. 253. Potter.

Diodorus (lib. i, cap. 84) bears similar testimony: "The tem
ples of Egypt are most beautiful; but if you seek within, you find
an ape or ibis, a goat or a cat." These animals were treated with
the utmost tenderness, and supplied with the most delicate and
luxurious food. Nor was this attention and reverence confined to
the priesthood. In the reign of Ptolemy Auletes, when it was his
special interest to keep on good terms with the Roman people, a sub-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 133

ject of the imperial republic, residing in Egypt, had unintentionally
killed a cat, — an accident which excited the popular feeling to such
an extent, that neither the awe of the Roman name, nor the utmost
efforts of the king of Egypt, could save the unhappy man from death.
The character and intensity of this insane devotion do not rest on
the mere testimony of ancient historians. These animals, after
being adored all their lives, were embalmed after death; and anti
quarians have in recent times by their discoveries abundantly con
firmed all that the ancients reported. " The embalmed bodies of
bulls, cows, and sheep, dogs and cats, hawks and ibises, serpents and
beetles, and, in short, nearly the whole zoology of Egypt, except
the horse and the ass, have been found in excavations." — Kenrick,
vol. ii, chap. 6.

Let us for a moment pause, and ponder on this exhibition of
Egyptian theology. It may be said that this people retained some
knowledge of the supreme God, and cherished the idea of his unity,
power, and prescience. To some extent, in ancient times at least,
this was undoubtedly the fact. Yet how all these views must have
been defiled, corrupted, and debased by this idolatry ! To exalt
human nature, character, and passions to divinity, was to bring the
Deity down to the level of manhood. To adore a brute, was to de
grade the ideas of the worshipper respecting God to that contemptible
measure. And this astounding degradation is a fearful fact. At
a date prior to the monarchy of Menes, the founders of this nation
made the fatal experiment. Although " they knew God, they glori
fied him not as God, but became vain in their imaginations." They
made men representatives of Deity, and regarded eminent departed
worth with idolatrous veneration. They perverted the pure rites
of patriarchal worship, until every element of it was merged into
a vile idolatry. The natural consequence of this — nay, I am not
sure that the consequence is simply natural — the religious conse
quence of this was fully realized : " Professing themselves to be
wise, they became fools. Wherefore God gave them up to " their
vanity and folly, so that every luminary in the heavens, and
almost every element on earth, were worshipped as divine. But,
amid all this, one fact stands out conspicuous in the whole scheme : —
the author-mind is fully exhibited. The unfailing badge of Egyptian
idolatry is the sign seen in the centre of every temple, and paraded
in every conceivable manner in the rites, ceremonies, sculptures,
and pictures of Egypt. I allude to the winged globe and serpent.
These are thus explained: "The globe denotes the Divine Na
ture; the serpent, his Word, which animates and impregnates the
world : and the wing, the Spirit of God, which vivifies it with his

134 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

motion."* Here, as in profane parody on such views of the Trinity
as then obtained, we have a triad constructed, of which the Satanic
form is the centre and ruling agent in respect of this world.

This theology, therefore, while it preserved many important
truths respecting the nature of God, and his promises of mercy to
the fallen race of man, completely overlaid them with a gross and
elaborate idolatrous machinery, which, if it did not entirely conceal,
must to a fearful extent have neutralized their influence, The great
deceiver of man had pervaded this corrupt scheme with such multi
plied exhibitions of the form in which he successfully urged the first
temptation of mankind, that it appears as if, while the first object
of the system was to isolate man from God by substituting anything,
from the image of a man to a live cat or beetle, as an object of wor
ship, its secondary design was to induce a recognition of the serpent-
form as the highest exhibition of Deity. One important point is,
therefore, evident : The theology of Egypt, instead of elevating the
mind, and shedding on the spirit of the worshipper a clearer and
purer light than human reason can afford, — which, in fact, is the
proper province of this divine science, — darkened the intellect, and
prostrated the man before dogs, cats, and beetles.

We direct attention, in the next place, to the morals inculcated by
this system : and here it is cheering to observe, that, vile and con
temptible as were many of the objects of worship, this system was
free from the reproach resting on many so-called religious schemes;
it did not repudiate all connexion with morals. On the contrary,
moral character was deemed an integral element of religion. It was,
indeed, the great merit of the religion of Egypt, that it taught the
observance of moral law with reference to a future judgment. While
making this statement, as an opinion which appears to be fully war
ranted by a general review of the system, it is but just to say that
others have from the same premises reached an opposite conclusion.
Probably, however, if we had more ample means of information, it
would be found that, while the religion of Egypt taught the doctrine
of future retribution as an article of faith, the multiplicity and
various character of their several divinities almost entirely neutral
ized this doctrine as a popular element of religion, and left the public
to a great extent unaffected by its salutary influence.

In respect of times so remote, and a country of which we have such
imperfect knowledge, it is very likely that we can glean the best
information on the subject of public morals by considering the
character of their laws.

0 Thin exposition is derived from a Syriac MS. attributed by Kircher to Sanchoniatho,
(Cory's Mythological Inquiry, p. 99.)

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 135

Here it may be observed that special attention was paid to the
jurisprudence of the country. Ten persons, the most upright and
learned that could be found, were selected from each of the three
principal cities, — Thebes, Memphis, and Heliopolis. " These thirty
individuals constituted the bench of judges; and at their first meet
ing they elected the most distinguished among them to be president,
with the title of ' arch-judge.' His salary was much greater than
that of the other judges, as his office was more important ; and the
city to which he belonged enjoyed the privilege of returning another
judge, to complete the number of the thirty from whom he had
been chosen." They all received ample allowances from the state,
in order that, possessing a competency, they might be inaccessible to
bribes.

When engaged in his judicial duties, the arch-judge wore, sus
pended by a chain from his neck, a small figure ornamented with
precious stones. This was a representation of the goddess worship
ped under the two-fold character of TRUTH and JUSTICE, and was
called Thmei. It has been supposed with good reason, that this was
a corruption of the same patriarchal element, afterward developed
in the Hebrew religion as the Thummim of the high priest.

The laws of the Egyptians were said to have been dictated by the
gods, or more immediately by Thoth. This notion was common to
many heathen nations ; but it should not on this account be always
treated as pretence and imposture. No doubt this was frequently
the case. Legislators often gave out that they had received their
laws from some deity, in order to secure for them acceptance and
reverence. But it was not so in Egypt. No historical research can
reach the origin of the Egyptian laws : " they were handed down from
the earliest times." The plea of their divine origin was not, there
fore, set up to procure their sanction, but was in all probability
virtually true, inasmuch as they might have been founded on real
revelations made to the early patriarchs by God.

It is remarkable that, throughout their code, truth was always
identified with justice ; and this combination was considered to be
the cardinal vir.tue among the Egyptians. It was regarded as much
more important than prudence, temperance, fortitude, and other
virtues, which only affect the individual who possesses them, while
truth and justice relate more particularly to others, and therefore
act upon society at large. "Falsehood was not only considered
disgraceful, but, when it entailed an injury on any other person, was
punishable by law. A calumniator of the dead was condemned to
a severe punishment ; and a false accuser was doomed to the same
sentence which would have been awarded to the accused, if the

1 3fi

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

the bir«, o

r s - ° —

borders of the desert and calloH f ^d t0 a tOWn built on the
The party robbed therefore ad aiwLTTh " "r thCftM e

**? did not allow to

punish the murder rf a ^ »f« ^ "^ dW ^

as a medium course they adored a 17 f * ^ °ffence' But-
prevent the crime and to lr^ ^.T ° ,PUniShmCnt adaPtod ^

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 137

the soul returned to the human form : and Plato says, if any one's
life has been virtuous, he shall obtain a better fate hereafter; if
wicked, a worse. But no soul will return to its pristine condition
till the expiration of ten thousand years, since it will not recover
the use of its wings until that period ; except it be the soul of one
who has philosophized sincerely, or, together with philosophy, has
loved beautiful forms. These, indeed, in the third period of one
thousand years, if they have thrice chosen this mode of life in suc
cession, shall in their three- thousandth year fly away to their
pristine abode: but other souls, being arrived at the end of their
first life, shall be judged. And of those who are judged, some, pro
ceeding to a subterraneous place of judgment, shall there sustain the
punishments they have deserved ; but others, in consequence of a
favourable judgment, being elevated into a certain celestial place,
shall pass their time in a manner becoming the life they have lived
in a human shape. And in the thousandth year, both the kinds of
those who have been judged, returning to the lot and election of a
second life, shall each of them receive a lot agreeable to his desire.
Here, also, the human soul shall pass into the life of a beast ; and,
from that of a beast, again into a man, if it has first been the soul
of a man. For the soul which has never perceived the truth, cannot
pass into the human form." — Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. v,
p. 442. This curious notion of successive transmigrations of the
soul has been so explained as to lead to the belief that the order
observed was, " that the same soul enters the body of a man, an ox,
a dog, a bird, and a fish, until, having passed through all of them, it
returns to that from which it set out."

From this it has been inferred that the object of the Egyptians in
the embalmment of deceased relations was, to preserve the body
entire until the return of the soul. The fact that the lower animals
were also sometimes embalmed, has been regarded, if not as con
futing this notion, at least as throwing considerable doubt upon it.
More has been made of this objection than it merits. Notwith
standing the circumstance of animal embalmment, which may not
admit of satisfactory explanation, it seems probable that the notion
of the return of the spirit to the same body might have had much
influence in introducing the general practice of embalming human
bodies.

Respecting the interesting subject of the future judgment, numer
ous exhibitions and illustrations are found on the monuments. But
it is our misfortune to have to elicit the doctrine from these pictures.
We are, therefore, in danger of resting an essential doctrine upon
some merely poetic pictorial appendage. No sufficient literal de-

138

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

scription has readied us. It remains, therefore, for us to draw the
soundest inferences from the data placed before us. "The judg
ment scenes, found in the tombs and on the papyri, sometimes repre
sent the deceased conducted by Horus alone, or accompanied by his
wife, to the region of Amenti. Cerberus is present as the guardian
of the gates, near which the scales of justice are erected ; and
' the director of the weight/ having placed a vase, in the
form of the human heart, and representing the good actions of the
deceased, in one scale, and the figure or emblem of Truth in the
other, proceeds to ascertain his claims for admission. If, on being
^weighed/ he is found 'wanting/ he is rejected; and Osiris, the
judge of the dead, inclines his sceptre in token of condemnation,
pronounces judgment upon him, and condemns his soul to return to
earth, under the form of a pig, or some other unclean animal. Placed
in a boat, it is moved, under the charge of two monkeys, from the
precincts of Amenti, all communication with which is figuratively
cut off by a man who hews away the earth with an axe after its pas
sage; and the commencement of a new term of life is indicated by
those monkeys, the emblems of Thoth. But if, when the sum of his
deeds is recorded by Thoth, his virtues so far predominate as to
entitle him to admission to the mansions of the blessed, Horus,
taking in his hand the tablet of Thoth, introduces him to the pres
ence of Osiris ; who, in his palace, attended by Isis and Nepthys,
sits on his throne in the midst of the waters, from which rises the
lotus, bearing upon its expanded flower the four genii of Amenti.

" Other representations of this subject differ in some of the de
tails. In the judgment of a royal scribe, whose funeral proces
sion is described on the monuments, the deceased advances alone, in
an attitude of prayer, to receive judgment. On one side of the
scales stands Thoth, holding a tablet in his hand; on the other, the
goddess of justice ; and Horus, in lieu of Anubis, performs the office
of director of the balance, on the top of which sits a cynocephalus,
the emblem of Thoth. Osiris, seated as usual on his throne, hold
ing his crook tmdjlagellum, awaits the report from the hands' of his
son Horus. Before the door of his palace are the four genii of
Amenti, and near them three deities, who either represent the asses
sors, or may be the three assistant judges, who gave rise to the
Minos, JEacus, and Rhadamanthus of Greek fable."— Wilkinson's
Ancient Egyptians, vol. v, p. 448.

In another MS., preserved at the Louvre, the deceased, Amenham,
addresses a prayer to the god of light coming from heaven, whose
eyes enlighten the material world, and dissipate the darkness of
night. The picture which accompanies it represents many souls and

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 139

men adoring a luminous disk. He next prays to Phre, the great
god, manifested in the two firmaments under his two forms of Re,
the rising sun, and Atmou, the setting sun ; then again to Phre and
Thoth, as gods of the sun and moon. Afterward he invokes Netphe,
the mother of the gods ; by whose bent body, covered with stars, all
space was circumscribed: she was the impersonation of heaven.
The bark of the sun is represented as sailing thereon, under the
guidance of Moui, or light. His next petitions are presented to
Osiris, the lord of Totou, the region of stability. The emblems of
this divinity, and those of the ibis-headed Thoth, are enclosed in a
serpent biting its own tail, the symbol of eternity. Afterward he
prays to all the divinities presiding over the judgment of souls, and
concludes with short ejaculations to Osiris, Nofre Tmoui, and the
sacred cow of Hathor or Venus. (Antiquities of Egypt, p. 154.)

In order to a proper understanding of the Egyptian notions
respecting the future judgment, it is necessary to state that they
supposed the final judgment to be conducted by forty-two judges or
assessors, each of these being imagined to take cognizance of a par
ticular crime, so that the departed spirit, in passing before them in
order, had to clear itself of the several sins in regular succession.
Over these assessors Osiris presided, as the arch-judge did in the
temporal courts.

The assessors appeared in a human form, with different heads. The
first had the head of a hawk ; the second, of a man ; the third, of a
hare ; the fourth, of a hippopotamus ; the fifth, of a man ; the sixth,
of a hawk ; the seventh, of a fox ; the eighth, of a man ; the ninth,
of a ram ; the tenth, of a snake ; the others, according to their pecul
iar character. It is proper to observe, that the appearance of these
assessors differs in different rituals ; but in all of them it appears
that they were intended to represent the accusing spirits, each having
a separate moral district under his particular care. (Wilkinson's
Ancient Egyptians, vol. v, p. 76.)

In another ritual, a transcript of which is preserved in the British
Museum, the deceased dedicates his heart to his mother and his
ancestors, immediately after his adoration of the god Pthah. The
second part of the ritual consists of eleven liturgical prayers to
Thoth, the guide of souls, and, as we have already said, the imper
sonation of the divine wisdom. The soul implores this divinity to
undertake for him, to cast down his enemies, to plead his cause with
the gods of the various regions through which he has to travel, and
finally to open for him the gates of the great hall of judgment, that
he may pass through them in safety.

This formidable array of gods and monsters, however, was but

140 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

introductory to a still more fearful ordeal that awaited the soul on
its arrival at the terrible portal of the judgment-hall, where all the
actions of its life while in the body were examined. This scene is
by no means confined to the ritual which we are now considering.
Its frequent occurrence on mummy-cases, votive tablets, boxes, and
funeral remains of every description, sufficiently attests the very
high importance that was attached to it by the Egyptians, and the
conspicuous place that it occupied in their creed. Many of these
pictures are much curtailed and abbreviated, according to the custom
of the scribes on all occasions. In the most perfect of them the
deceased is represented as standing immediately before the entrance
of a vast hall in the attitude of supplication, and addressing a long
prayer to the divinity who presides in it, Osiris, the supreme judge.
He has for his assessors the two goddesses Thmei. The first of
them, who was called *' the Themis of the Left," because she occu
pied the left side of the hall, was president over the first twenty- one
avengers : the other, " the Themis of the Right," had the charge of
the other twenty-one assessors The prayer to Osiris at the entrance
of the hall reads thus : " 0 thou avenger, lord of justice, great god,
lord of the two Themes, (Justice and Truth,) I worship thee, 0 my
lord. I have spoken, speak thou to me thy name : tell me the
names of the forty-two gods who are with thee i^i the great hall of
justice and truth, living guardians of the wicked, fed with their
blood: bring forward my righteousness, search out my sins." The
deceased then proceeds to enumerate the moral offences of which he
has not been guilty : " I have defrauded no man; I have not slaugh
tered the cattle of the gods ; I have not prevaricated at the seat of
justice ; 1 have not made slaves of the Egyptians ; I have not defiled
my conscience for the sake of my superior ; I have not used violence ;
I have not famished my household ; I have not made to weep ; I
have not smitten privily ; 1 have not changed the measures of Kgypt ;
/ have not grieved the spirits of the gods; I have not committed
adultery; 1 have not forged signet- rings ; 1 have not falsified the
weights of the balance; 1 have not withheld milk from the mouths
of my children." The offences that follow are peculiar to the climate
and to the idolatry of Egypt : " I have not pierced the banks of the
Nile in its annual increase ; I have not separated to myself an arm
of the Nile in its advance." These passages render it probable that,
in ancient as in modern times, an important part of the revenue of
Egypt was raised by imposing a tribute upon the lands overflowed
by the annual inundation ; so that to obtain any portion of these
fertilizing waters secretly, was to defraud the state. This singular
disavowal concludes thus : " 1 have not disturbed the gazelles of the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 141

gods in their pasturage ; I have not netted the water-fowl of the
gods ; 1 have not caught the sacred fishes ; I have not despised the
gods in their offerings ;" (in other words, " 1 have not given to the
gods that which is imperfect ;") " I have not bound the cattle of the
gods ; 1 have not pierced the god in his manifestation," as a sacred
animal. The prayer concludes with petitions for purification and
illumination.

The deceased then entered the great hall of judgment, and kneel
ing before the forty -two assessors, protested to each his innocence
of the sin of which he was the minister of vengeance. The names
of these terrible beings are descriptive of their appearance or quali
ties. The soul says to the first of them, " 0 thou that hast long
legs," (art swift to pursue,) " I have not sinned." To the second,
" 0 thou that dost try with fire, I have not been gluttonous." To
the fourth, " 0 thou that devourest tranquillity," (that is, with whom
there is no peace,) " I have not stolen." To the fifth, " 0 thou that
smitest the heart, I have done no murder." To the sixth, " 0 thou
with the two lions," (heads,) "I have not falsified measures." To
the seventh, " 0 thou that hast piercing eyes, I have not acted the
hypocrite." To the ninth, " 0 thou that dost make limbs to tremble,
I have not lied." To the sixteenth, " 0 thou that dost delight in
blood, I have not slain the cattle of the gods." To the twenty-
second, " 0 thou that dost consume creation, I have not been
drunken." The foregoing may suffice as specimens of what has gen
erally been termed " the negative confession." Some parts of it
remain still in much obscurity as to their import ; others allude to
offences of which it is a shame even to speak. (Osburn's Antiqui
ties of Egypt, p. 157.)

We have stated that the forty-two assessors are ministers of
vengeance, whose wrath is to be deprecated by the deceased. The
names of all the forty-two, and the particular regions over which
they preside, occur in the entire copies of this scene. In other
copies they are represented sitting before their presidents. In the
presence of the judge Osiris, these and other divinities, or genii,
rigorously examined the conduct of the soul while incarnate on earth.
The sentence which resulted from this judgment was full of joy to
the good, and of woe to the wicked. They who by a faithful dis
charge of all their moral obligations, as children, as parents, as
masters, as servants, as kings or subjects, and by the conscientious
avoidance of vice under all its grosser forms, had been enabled to
pass the ordeal, were permitted to go through the Hall of Themis ;
whence embarking on the infernal Nile, they are privileged to behold
once more the disk of the sun. — a blessing for which the gods are

142 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

very frequently supplicated on behalf of the deceased. With that
luminary it would seem that they arose to heaven, and in his bark
they navigated the celestial Mile, or primordial ether. At the fifth
hour they were landed in the habitations of blessedness, where they
rested from their labours. Here they reap the corn, and gather the
fruits of Paradise, under the eye and smile of the " lord of joy in the
heart," that is, the sun, who exhorts them thus : " Take your sickles,
reap your grain, carry it into your dwellings, that ye may be glad
therewith, and present it as a pure offering unto God." There also
they bathe in the pure river of the water of life that flows past their
habitation : from which it is evident that the Elysium of this religion
was no more than a celestial Egypt. Over them is inscribed,
" They have found favour in the eyes of the great God ; they inhabit
the mansions of glory, where they enjoy the life of heaven ; the
bodies which they have abandoned shall repose forever in their
tombs, while they rejoice in the presence of the supreme God."

But a terrible fate impended over those who, being weighed in the
balance of Amenti, were found wanting. In the first instance, as has
been already observed, their souls were driven back to earth again
by ministers of vengeance in the form of baboons, to transmigrate
into that animal to which their besetting sin had assimilated them.
The glutton, driven from the tribunal with heavy blows, became a
hog; the cruel man a wolf; and so of others.

If, after their transmigrations, the soul remained polluted, its hope
perished forever. It was then transported to the regions of dark
ness and eternal death, symbolized by the twelve hours of the night,
and the lower hemisphere. God, under the symbol of the sun° is
here also ; but, as the avenger and tormentor, he makes the dark
ness his pavilion ; his disk is black ; no ray of light issues from him
to illume their cheerless abodes. His object in visiting them is to
superintend and preside over the punishments endured by the wicked
in the seventy-five zones into which the lower hemisphere was divided.
Each zone has an attendant spirit attached to it, who is also the
executioner. In one of the zones the lost souls are bound to stakes,
covered with wounds, which their executioners are still inflicting,
brandishing their bloody swords, and at the same time reproaching
them with the crimes they have committed while on earth. In an
other they are suspended with the head downward : elsewhere they
walk in long and melancholy procession, with their hands bound
across their breasts, and their heads nearly severed from their
bodies ; or with their hands tied tightly behind their backs, and their
hearts torn from their bosoms, and dragging after them on the ground.
In other zones, souls in the form which they bore when on earth, or

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 143

in that of a hawk or crane, are plunged into boiling caldrons, along
with the symbol of divine felicity, the fan, which they have forfeited
forever. In the great representations of these fearful scenes, which
are repeated in many of the tombs of the kings, the offences for
which they endure these torments are specified over each zone, and
it is declared concerning all the inhabitants of these abodes of misery,
" These souls are at enmity with our God, and do not see the rays
which issue from his disk ; they are no longer permitted to live in the
terrestrial world, neither do they hear the voice of God when he trav
erses their zone." — Antiquities of Egypt, p. 163.

The importance of the subject justifies this extended information
respecting the doctrines of future retribution held in ancient Egypt;
and to every intelligent believer in the truth of revelation it will
suggest many important arguments corroborative of the teaching of
Jude, that even the early patriarchs were acquainted with the doc
trine of a future judgment, and made it a prominent element of
their religious teaching. Jude 14, 15.

The doctrines of the Egyptian religion on the subject of providence
will next briefly engage our attention.

Here the paralyzing and destructive influence of polytheistic
theology is plainly seen. As a general doctrine, providence was
clearly and fully recognised by the ancient Egyptians. This was
done to an extent which ought to confound not merely avowed infidels,
but many who call themselves Christians.

Not only did this people consecrate each month, and even each
day, to a particular divinity, but all nature was by them supposed
to be pervaded with the essence of God. Almost every town and
river, every tree and shrub, as well as every animal, was regarded as
divine. The shining beams of the sun were looked on as divine
influences : the mild radiance of the moon was invested with divine
power. The sovereign was invariably regarded as the beloved
of Deity: and divine interposition in human affairs was fully
recognised and believed. We may adduce one proof of this, which
is at once interesting and decisive. - When Sennacherib the Assyrian,
fearing the advance of the king of Egypt, while he was engaged in
the conquest of Judea during the reign of Hezekiah, brought his
army to the borders of Egypt, the Egyptian monarch repaired, as
Hezekiah had done, to the temple of his god, and spreading his
deplorable case before his deity, sought refuge in prayer. He was,
the account informs us, assured in a dream that he should sustain
no injury from the invading army. So it came to pass ; for, as is
well known from Hebrew history, the enemy was ruined without a
conflict. The Egyptian account of this event has already been

144 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

given ; (see Appendix, note 11 ;) and it clearly shows the ruling idea
of Egyptian sovereignty, that God not only interposed in the affairs
of mankind, but that he did so specially in answer to prayer. This
important fact demonstrates that, among the superior classes of
Egypt, the priesthood at least, (for we are specially informed that
this sovereign was a priest,) there remained a conviction of the
divine unity, sufficiently clear and strong to induce them to repose
confidence in the powerful interposition of the Supreme God, and in
his gracious government of the human family. But then it is equally
apparent that the masses of the people, ignorant of those important
truths, and bewildered in the multitude of imaginary deities, would
be strangers alike to confidence and consolation.

This assumption of the ignorance of the people is well founded.
Wilkinson, their most assiduous apologist, is compelled to admit
that, " though the priests were aware of the nature of their gods, and
all those who understood the mysteries of the religion looked upon the
Divinity as a sole and undivided being, the people, as I have already
observed, not admitted to a participation of these important secrets,
were left in perfect ignorance respecting the objects they were
taught to adore ; and every one was not only permitted but encour
aged, to believe the real sanctity of the idol, and the actual existence
of the god whose figure he beheld." (Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv,
p. 175.) What, then, could be the confidence of the people in the
providential interposition or protection of Deity? When the grand
destinies of the people were confided to a deified lion, crocodile, cat,
or dog, how could such their trust yield consolation ? What could
have been the real amount of reliance which those of a particular
locality reposed in their gods, when they knew that the men of a
different nome, but a short distance off, were killing and feeding
on the same kind of animals as by them were considered to be
divine ?

To those, therefore, who, knowing the true character of the
inverted theology, held fast to the patriarchal elements of revealed
truth which had been preserved, to them divine providence might
have been an important and efficient doctrine. But, with the
people, who were left in ignorance, and who consequently regarded
the bull Apis as being just as sacred as the Divinity of which it was
the type, — with these there could be no rational confidence in provi
dential government.

We hasten to make a few observations on the character and extent
of the religious influence which this system imparted to the nation,
as well as to individuals.

This is the most interesting and important aspect in which the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. H5

religion of any people can be regarded. And here the religion of
Egypt presented much to admire, and much to lament.

1. The morals of this system were, on the whole, sound. Vice
was prohibited and condemned ; truth and justice were sanctioned
and enforced. In fact all the precepts already noticed (Patriarchal
Age, p. 217) as pure patriarchal laws were found, with one excep
tion only, in the statute- code of Egypt. It must be admitted, not
withstanding the apologies which learned writers have urged, that
there is great reason to fear that Phallic worship produced even
in Egypt impure and demoralizing results; but if such conse
quences arose, they occurred not with the sanction, but in violation,
of Egyptian law.

2. This morality was enforced, not simply as conducive to human
welfare, and, as such, necessary to individual and general happiness ;
it was enforced as of divine authority. The laws were regarded as
of divine origin and obligation. The fact that this assumption has
been falsely made in other countries, no more militates against the
moral faith of Egypt, than it does against that of Christianity.

3. i The propriety of moral conduct was not only urged as by
divine authority, but by the explicit teaching of a future retribu
tion ; and a retribution, be it observed, which, after all the fanciful
interposition of transmigration, finally issued in eternal misery to
the wicked, and everlasting felicity to the righteous. Whatever
doubts may exist as to the origin of any particular moral law, it is
certain that these doctrines could only be adduced in sanction of
morals by divine revelation: so that, in this instance, we have an
unmistakable proof that important elements of Egyptian faith were
derived from early divine revelation.

4. It is observable that this moral code was understood and taught
in a truly spiritual sense. It was not merely mechanical action
which was prohibited by the faith of Egypt. Neither conventional
religious rites, ending in mere externalism, nor a compliance with
the mere letter of a written law, met the demands made on the con
sciences of Egyptians. Let me quote in proof that remarkable ex
pression found in " The Book of the Dead," used by a departed spirit
even before it could have access to the assessors : " / have not grieved
the spirits of the gods." This phrase implies the deep and com
passionate interest which, according to Egyptian theology, the dei
ties took in the well-being of the people, and at the same time
expresses the sincere and devout service which the people were
required to render to their gods.

It appears, therefore, clear to my mind, that in Egypt an uncom
mon amount of pure patriarchal truth was preserved. Nor does it

146 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

seem to admit of a doubt, that it was this which preeminently con
stituted the boasted wisdom of Egypt. However lightly esteemed
by learned modern writers it may have been, this class of subjects
attracted the attention of Pythagoras, Herodotus, and Diodorus,
more than any other : and it was on these points that Egypt yielded
to those sages the most important harvest of information. Here
they read" divinity which recognised the doctrine of the Trinity, and
the hope of a future incarnation of God. Here they found a system
of ethics based upon the tenet of the immortality of the soul of
man, — upon his responsibility to his Maker for his deeds on earth. —
and upon his appearance after death at the judgment-seat of God, —
and also upon the infinitely important truth, that God himself is the
exceeding great reward of the righteous, and will surely punish the
wicked; that his favour is everlasting life, that his wrath is death
eternal. (Antiquities of Egypt, p. 164.)

This country stands immortalized on this account. Amid all its
follies and sins, the truth which Egypt preserved from age to age
affords the brightest and the best collateral proof of the reality and
power of patriarchal religion. But if this is conceded, it may be
asked, "Why, then, so severely condemn this religion?" The an
swer is, On the ground of its vile, impure, and contemptible theology.
While the native Egyptians held with wonderful tenacity great ele
ments of patriarchal faith, they with equal devotedness clung to the
master-error which had been promulged at Shinar. They conse
quently sank into an abyss of idolatrous infamy, such as was scarcely
the fate of any other nation.

Ancient Egypt, therefore, stands before us as an intelligible and
perpetual monument of the vital importance of the knowledge of
God. Possessing an amount of revealed truth which in other
respects might have made her the envy, and which did constitute
her the teacher, of surrounding nations, she was, in one grand ele
ment of religion, the special victim of Satanic guile. God was
shut out from the knowledge of the people. If the glorious doc
trines of his unity, omnipotence, and omniscience, were preserved
at all, they were held as corporate treasure by the priesthood and
the initiated. The people were left to offer devotion to, and seek
hope and consolation from, crocodiles, lions, asps, and beetles ; while,
over all this bestial array, the image of the serpent constituted the
established sign of power and dominion.

In the case of this people, the saying of the apostle is preemi
nently true : They " knew the judgment of God, that they who com
mitted such things were worthy of death ;'' and yet, unchecked by a
just perception of the divine character, they did these very things.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 147

Rom. i, 32. How grand, how truly sublime, is the subject here pre
sented to our contemplation ! God excluded, his honour given to
vile reptiles, nay, even to the Satanic image, — the ETERNAL ONE
thus scorned and rejected ; while, nevertheless, his Spirit strives ;
every element of truth which the mind will consent to receive, is
invested with special vigour and energy, and made— as far as divine
oversight and providential arrangement (perhaps) could make it —
permanent in its teaching and generally influential; the debasing
consequences of their idolatry being, all the while, equally apparent.
Well may the religious man exclaim, " 0 the depth of the riches both
of the wisdom and knowledge of God ! How unsearchable are his
judgments, and his ways past finding out !" Rom. xi, 33.

148 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

CHAPTER III.

THE HISTORY OF THE ASSYRIANS.

HISTORY of Assyria resumed with the Reign of BELOCHUS— Absence of precise Informa
tion respecting this and succeeding Reigns — Probability that even in this Age the
Tower of Egypt was felt on the Banks of the Euphrates— Interference of Assyria in
• Trojan War — Fragmentary Notices of ancient Reigns recovered from Inscriptions
by Colonel Rawlinson — Connected Assyrian History begins about the Tenth Century,
B. <:.— AHRAMMET.ECH I.— SAUDANAPALUS I.— His military Career and Successes— Di-
VAXI-BABA— The Annals of his Reign from the Black Obelisk and other Sculptures-
Si; KM AS ADAI: — AURAMMELECH II. or Tuoxos CONCOLEHOS — The Termination of the
OH Imperial Dynasty — AKBACES the Mede on the Throne of Assyria — The Mission of
J< u.ih, and its Results — The Assyrians recover their Sovereignty — PUL obtains the
so I'trc — Menahem, King of Israel, destroys Tiphsah — Pul invades Israel, and ex
torts a thousand Talents of Silver from Menahem — TIGLATH-PILESEK succeeds to
th« Throiu — At the Solicitation of Ahaz, he invades Syria and Israel, and carries
th" trans-Jordanic Tribes and the Inhabitants of Galilee into Captivity — Colonel Raw-
liii?"ifs Arrangement of the Information obtained from the Sculptures of Khorsabad
ai..l Kouyunjik — SAKGINA usurps the Throne — His Annals and public Works — SEN-
SA-, ntr.ii; — His Campaigns from the Inscriptions — Remarkable Accordance between
th- •!.!• Account of his War with Hezekiah, and that given in the Scriptures — The De-
strution of his Army — His subsequent Reign — ESAKHADDON — The Ruin of Samaria,
aiul linal Subversion of the Kingdom of Israel — The Captivity and Restoration of Man-
asseh— NABUCHODONOSOU— His Wars in the East — Defeat and Death of Phraortes — An
Army under Holofernes sent into Western Asia — The General slain by Judith, and the
Army surprised and routed — SARAC, or SAKDAXAPALUS II. — Alliance of Media and Ba
bylon against Assyria — Nineveh besieged and taken— The Assyrian Empire subverted.

THE origin and early progress of this empire were stated in a pre
ceding volume. (Patriarchal Age, pp. 434-441.) It will now be
necessary to resume its history with the reign of Belochus, which
began B. C. 1857. This sovereign continued to direct the affairs of
his country at the time when Isaac died.

Unfortunately, however, no records of this and of several succeed
ing reigns have been preserved. A dry chronicle of the names of
kings, with the period during which they respectively governed,
copied from the national archives by Ctesias, the Greek physician,
is all that has been transmitted to us in a verbal and authentic
manner.

In a preceding chapter, when treating of Egyptian history, it was
stated as a probable fact that, in the time of Thothmes III. of the
eighteenth dynasty, the power of Egypt had been felt, and tributary
gifts elicited, as far north and east as the banks of the Caspian, and

THE GENTILE NATIONS.- 149

the borders of Media. Further researches have rendered it all but
certain that, even at that early period, Egypt and Assyria had been
brought into close contact, and probably into hostile collision. A
learned writer, (see Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit., New Series, vol. ii, p. 227,)
from the same monumental materials, elicits the information, that
this Egyptian warrior stopped at Neniiev, or Nineveh, and " set up
his tablet in Naharina, (Mesopotamia,) on account of his having
enlarged the frontiers of Egypt. Twenty-four ingots of glass were
brought, as the tributes, by the chief of Saenkar or Singara, and as
many from Bebel or Babylon. (See Appendix, note 14.) These
wars could scarcely have been carried on, without bringing these two
ancient empires into an adverse position toward each other. When
it is remembered how strenuously Egypt, in later times, struggled
for the possession of Carchemish on the Euphrates, the fact that
this district was then visited by an Egyptian army will seem more
probable than it might at first sight appear. But the facility with
which nations then sought to avoid worse treatment by the presenta
tion of gifts, and the readiness with which they threw off all sense of
obligation as soon as the danger had passed away, will cause us to
hesitate before we infer anything positive from such information
respecting the proper extent of the territory of any empire.

Colonel Rawlinson has ascertained from the Assyrian sculptures,
that a sovereign named after the goddess Derceto, or Semiramis,
reigned in Assyria about 1250 B. C. His exact title has not been
deciphered. But it seems likely that he built, rebuilt, or greatly
enlarged the city of Nineveh on the Tigris, immediately opposite to
the present town of Mosul.

We are further informed, that Teutames, the twenty- sixth king
of this list, sent Memnon, who was the son of Tithonus, prefect of
Persia, with an army, to assist Priam, King of Troy, when his city
was besieged by the Greeks. This warrior, it appears, after having
greatly distinguished himself, fell in that war. The statement of
Herodotus, that the issue of this protracted conflict was regarded as
sufficient to constitute the Greeks hereditary enemies of the para
mount rulers of Asia, seems to countenance this tradition. (See
Appendix, note 15.)

Great expectation has arisen, among the learned, from the recent
wonderful discoveries which have been made in the ruins of the cities
of this ancient country, and from the no less wonderful recovery of
the art of reading the monumental inscriptions. Yet, although our
knowledge of the power, manners, warfare, civilization, and arts of
the Assyrians has been much increased, neither the great talent and
perseverance which have been exerted abroad, nor the devoted in-

150 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

quiry which has been excited at home, has, as yet, given us such
information respecting the history and chronology of this mighty
empire as we should desire to possess. They have, indeed, enabled
us to solve important problems respecting the history of the Assyri
ans, to verify many statements of Holy Scripture, and to form at least
a tolerable idea of the national spirit, progress, and power of this
empire during the last and most interesting period of its existence.
It is justly to be ranked among the most wonderful phenomena
of divine providence, that here, as well as in Egypt, the extent to
which the curse of Babel was carried, in the multiplication of dia
lects, should have so signally wrought its own cure. (See Appendix,
note'lG.) Yet, notwithstanding the rapid, extensive, and surprising
success which has crowned the labours of learned and skilful men
who have devoted themselves to the elucidation of the characters
and language of the early Assyrian inscriptions, great, and, in many
respect^ unexpected difficulties have been found, which have much
retarded a clear and positive identification of individual reigns. (See
Appendix, note 17.) It has, however, been ascertained that, in the
twelfth century before Christ, a sovereign reigned whose name has
been rendered Divanukha. He built the city of Calah, upon the site
which is now called " Nimrud " The identification of these two cities,
Nineveh and Calah, is quite positive. Their names are found upon
every brick and almost on every slab, excavated from the rums
which cover their sites. It must not, however, be supposed, when
we read of the building of a city of a certain name, that no city of
that name or on that site existed before. Very frequently what is
celebrated as the building of a city was only the rebuilding or en
larging of it, which is believed to have been the fact in respect both
of Nineveh and Calah.

A royal cylinder has been recently discovered in a temple ot Hep-
tune near Nineveh, which appears to give the names of the two im
mediate successors of Divanukha. Colonel Rawlinson compares
these names with Mardokempad and Messimordacus, preserved m
the Canon of Ptolemy. The titles would certainly be thus read at
Babylon- but the learned explorer is not quite satisfied that
planet Mars was called Mcrodachat Nineveh, as it certainly was
Babylon. (See Appendix, note 17.)

The next king of whom we have any account must have
in the eleventh century before Christ, following at no great distance
of time the grandson of Divanukha. His name signifies '
Servant of the Prince," or, "the Servant of the Son of the .
House ;" and, if expressed phonetically, may be read as ANAK-BAR-
BETII-HIRA. The terms, however, "the Noble House," and Son

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 151

of the Noble House," occur so frequently in the inscriptions, both in
proper names and in addresses to the gods, that they probably allude
to some deified hero, or at any rate to some object of worship, of
which the special title would in speaking replace the written periph
rasis.

This king seems to be the first of whom we have any knowledge,
as carrying the Assyrian arms into foreign countries. His exploits
are recorded on a slab which was found at Nimrud, a relic of some
ancient palace ; and they are of value in defining the limits of the
Assyrian empire at that early period. The king boasts that he had
extended his swray from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean;
but it is evident, from his lists of conquests, that neither Syria to
the west, nor Asia Minor to the northwest, nor Media to the east,
had yet been visited by the armies of Nineveh. At this time the em
pire comprised Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Babylonia ; and incursions
seem to have been then first made into Armenia, and the mountain
ous countries about the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates.

Connected Assyrian history may be said to commence in the
tenth century before the Christian era, with the reign of ADRAM-
MELECH I., as the appellation has been read by Colonel Rawlinson,
— the first element being the name of the god Adar, and the second
a royal title. This sovereign, in the judgment of the learned trans
lator, must have ascended the throne shortly after the death of Solo
mon. Neither of this king, nor of his son, have any monuments been
yet discovered. But the latter was certainly a warrior of note : for
his conquests are often alluded to by his son, the great Sardanapalus.
His name signifies, " the slave of Mars ;" and Colonel Rawlinson
suggests that it should be read Anaku-Merodach, (so in He
brew wy, " a collar,") and compared with the ' 'AvaKvvda^d^ of the
Greeks.

SARDANAPALUS appears to have begun his reign about 930 B. C.,
in which case he would be the Ephecheres of Ctesias. He repaired
the city of Calah, which had been founded by his ancestor Divanukha,
building at that place the famous palace which has supplied our national
Museum with the best specimens of Assyrian sculpture. He also
erected at Calah temples both to Assur and to "Mars;" and he
built a third to Uranus, or " the Heavens," at Nineveh ; some relics
of this latter building, which was repaired by Sennacherib, having
lately been discovered. As a warrior, his achievements were well
known to the Greeks ; and these exploits he recorded in an inscrip
tion of about four hundred lines, engraved upon each face of an
enormous monolith, which was placed in the vestibule of the temple
of Mars at Calah. By a careful examination of all the fragments

152 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Of this monolith, Colonel Rawlinson has obtained a complete and
continuous copy of the whole inscription ; and a translation of it is
promised to the world at an early period. It describes, in most
elaborate detail, the various expeditions of the king, and enables us
to identify a multitude of cities and countries which are named in
the historical and prophetical books of Scripture, but of which the
positions have been hitherto unknown. Gozan, Hanan, and Rezeth,
Eden and Thelaser, Calno and Carchemish, Hamath and Arpad,
Tyre and Sidon, and Gebel and Arpad, are all distinctly named.
So are the Arab tribes of Kedar and Razor, Sheba, Teman, and
Dedan. For the illustration of the general geography of Western
Asia this inscription is not less important. The Tigris and Eu
phrates, the two Zabs, the Hennas and the Khaboor, are designated
almost according to their modern names ; and we have further the
true native forms of Cilicia, Comagene, Sophene, and Gogarene, and
of most of the other provinces, both north and south of the Taurus,
which are named by the Greek geographers.

Other inscriptions, relating to this reign, have been discovered,—
one in the northwest palace of Nimrud, which is repeated more than
a hundred times. It contains a certain formula of royal commemo
ration, which, in regard to the titles employed and the general charac
ter of address, was adopted by all the succeeding kings of the dynasty
in the dedication of their palaces. It thus begins : " This is the
palace of Sardanapalus, the humble worshipper of Assarac and
Beltis, of the shining Bar, of Ani, and of Dagon, who are the princi
pal of the gods, the powerful and supreme ruler, the King of Assyria;
son of the servant of Bar, (Kali-bar,*) the great king, the powerful
and supreme ruler, the King of Assyria; who was son of Hevenk the
great king, the powerful and supreme ruler, King of Assyria."
After this introduction, the inscription goes on apparently to notice
the efforts made by the king to establish the worship of the Assyrian
gods generally throughout the empire ; and, in connexion with this
subject, incidentally, as it were, occurs a list of the nations tributary
to Nineveh, which is of considerable interest, as affording a means
of comparing the extent of the kingdom, as it was constituted at that
time, with the distribution given in later inscriptions, when the em
pire was enlarged by conquest.

A brief outline of this can alone be given. First are mentioned
the people of Nahiri, (or Northern Mesopotamia,) of Lek, (perhaps
the Lycians, before they moved westward,) of Sabiri, (the Sapires,)
and of the plains sacred to the god Hem. There is then an allusion
to the countries beyond the River Tigris, as far as Syria : and after
several other names, Rabek is mentioned, which, from many points

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 153

of evidence in other inscriptions, Colonel Rawlinson believes to be
Heliopolis, the capital of Lower Egypt. The inscription adds:
"I received homage from the plains of Larri to Ladsan; from the
people beyond the River Zab as far as the city Tel-Biari ; from the
city of Tel-Abtan to the city of Tel-Zabdan; from the cities of
Akrima and Karta, and the sea-coast dependent on Taha-Tanis,
to the frontiers of my country. I brought abundance from the
plains of Bibad as far as Tarmar ; I bestowed (all) upon the people
of my own kingdom."

Our learned author pertinently observes, "This list is no less
remarkable for what it omits than for what it mentions, it would
seem as if the sea- coast of Phenicia had not yet fallen under the
power of Assyria, nor the upper provinces of Asia Minor, nor the
high land of Media ; and if Susiana and Babylonia were included, —
as the mention of Taha-Tanis would seem to indicate,— they were
not held of sufficient account to be noticed ;" or rather were regarded
as such essential elements of the empire as not to require mention.
In a subsequent inscription, namely, that on the monolith already
noticed, the period when Phenicia came under the Assyrian power
is mentioned. It is there stated, that when Sardanapalus was in
Syria, he received the tribute of the kings of Tyre and Sidon, of
Acre, of .Byhlos, of Berytus, of Gaza, of Barza, (?) and of Aradus,
— a complete list of the maritime cities of Phenicia.

It seems, therefore, that the wars of Sardanapalus issued in a
considerable extension of the Assyrian empire in Western Asia.
It was this, unquestionably, which made his name so celebrated in
Greece. The inscription in the Nimrud palace, made in the early
part of his reign, although evidently designed to set forth the extent
of his dominions, omits all mention of the sea-coast of Phenicia;
while the monolith which was reared to perpetuate his triumphs,
parades all the cities of this country as rendering tribute to
Assyria.

Sardanapalus was contemporary with Ahab, King of Israel ; and
received tribute from Ethbaal, King of Sidon, whose daughter
Jezebel was married to the king of Israel.

The military career of this great warrior affords a most remark
able instance of the special providence which Jehovah exercised over
the Hebrew people. While Sardanapalus was encompassing Pales
tine with his armies, and extending his power over every neighbour
ing people, God did not permit him to touch even apostate Israel,
until every merciful means of restoring them had failed. The
wicked Ahab, therefore, is left to the reproofs of Elijah, and not
handed over to the proud and cruel Assyrian.

- THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Sardanapalus was succeeded by his son DIVANUBARA; a name
which signified, "the beloved of Divan" or "Hercules." Of the
actions of this sovereign, who throughout a long reign appears to
have displayed unfailing vigour and incessant activity, we have a
remarkably extended and perspicuous account recorded on the Black
Obelisk which Layard discovered at Nimrud, and which is now in
the British Museum. Indeed, Colonel Rawlinson declares that " by
comparing the obelisk inscription with the writing upon the votive
i belonging to the centre palace, which were dedicated appar
ently at an earlier period of Divanubara's reign, and with the legend
on the statue found at Kileh Shergat, which was designed especially
to commemorate the king's southern expedition, we have as complete
a register of the period as could well be desired. Of this register
I will now accordingly undertake to give an explanation, merely pre
mising that, although considerable difficulty still attaches to the pro
nunciation of proper names, and although the meaning of particular
parts is still unknown to me, I hold the accurate ascertainment of
the general purport of the legend to be no more subject to contro
versy than my decipherment of the Persian inscriptions of Bchis-
tun." — Jour, of the Roy. Asiatic Soc., vol. xii, p. 431.

The inscription on the obelisk commences with an invocation to
the gods to protect the empire. This occupies fourteen lines of
writing. The whole cannot be read; but among other phrases are
the following: "The god Assarac, the great lord, king of all the
great gods; Ani, the king; Nit, the powerful, and Artenk, the
supreme god of the provinces ; Beltis, the protector, mother of the
gods;— Shemir," (perhaps the Greek Semiramis,) "who presides
over the heavens and the earth ;— Bar, Artenk, Lama, and Horus ;—
Tal and Let, the attendants of Beltis, mother of the gods." The
favour of all these deities, with Assarac, the supreme god of heaven,
at their head, is invoked for the protection of Assyria. Divanu-
bara then goes on to give his titles and genealogy. He calls him-
' king of the nations who worship Husi," (another name for the
Shemir,) "and Assarac; king of Mesopotamia; son of Sar
danapalus, the servant of Husi, the protector, who first introduced
the worship of the gods among the many-peopled nations of Pcr-
sepolis."

Divanubara then says, "At the commencement of my reign, after
that I was established on the throne, I assembled the chiefs of my
people, and came down into the plains of Esmes, where I took the
city of Harida, the chief city belonging to Nakharni.

" In the first year of my reign, 1 crossed the Upper Euphrates,
and ascended to the tribes who worshipped the god Husi. My ser-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 155

vants erected altars" (or tablets) " in that land to my gods. Then I
went on to the land of Khamana, where 1 founded palaces, cities, and
temples. I went on to the land of Malac ; and there I established
the worship" (or laws) "of my kingdom.

" In the second year, I went to the city of Tel-Barasba, and occu
pied the cities of Ahuni, son of Hateni. I shut him up in his city.
I then crossed the Euphrates, and occupied the cities of Dabagu
and Abarta, belonging to the Sheta, together with the cities depen
dent on them.

': In the third year, Ahuni, son of Hateni, rebelled against me,
and, having become independent, established his seat of government
in the city of Tel-Barasba. The country beyond the Euphrates he
placed under the protection of the god Assarac the Excellent, while
he committed to the god Rimmon the country between the Euphrates
and the Arteri, with its city of Bether, which was held by the Sheta.
Then I descended into the plain of Elets. The countries of Shakni,
Dayini, Enim, Arcaskan, the capital of Arama, King of Ararat, La-
ban and Hubiska, I committed to the charge of Detarasar. Then I
went out from the city of Nineveh, and, crossing the Euphrates, I
attacked and defeated Ahuni, the son of Hateni, in the city of Sitrat,
which was situated upon the Euphrates, and which Ahuni had made
one of his capitals. The rest of the country I brought under sub
jection ; and Ahuni, the son of Hateni, with his gods and his chief
priests, his horses, his sons and his daughters, and all his men of
war, I brought away to my country of Assyria. Afterward 1 passed
through the country of Shelar," (or Kelar,) " and came to the dis
trict of Zobah. I reached the cities belonging to Nikti, and took
the city of Gedi, where Nikti dwelt." From the confusion evident
on this part of the obelisk sculpture, and the parallel bull inscrip
tion, it seems probable that what is given above includes the third
and fourth years.

We therefore pass on : "In the fifth year, I went up to the country
of Abyari. I took eleven great cities ; I besieged Akitta of Eni in
his city, and received his tribute.

" In the sixth year, I went out from the city of Nineveh, and pro
ceeded to the country situated on the River Belek. The ruler of the
country having resisted my authority, I displaced him, and appointed
Tsimba to be lord of the district; and I there established the As
syrian sway. I went out from the land on the River Belek, and
came to the cities of Tel-Atak and Habaremya. Then I crossed
the Upper Euphrates, and received tribute from the kings of Sheta.
Afterward I went out from the land of Sheta, and came to the city
of Umen. In the city of Umen I raised altars to the great gods.

156 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

From the city of Umen I went out, and came to the city of Barbara.
Then Hein-ithra of the country of Atesh, and Arhulena of Hamath,
and the kings of Sheta, and the tribes which were in alliance with
them, arose ; setting their forces in battle array, they came against
me. By the grace of Assarac, the great and powerful god, I fought
with them, and defeated them ; twenty thousand five hundred of their
men I slew in battle, or carried into slavery. Their leaders, their
captains, and their men of war I put in chains.

"In the seventh year, I proceeded to the country belonging to
Khabni of Tel-ati, which was his chief place; and the towns which
were dependent on it I captured and gave up to pillage. I went out
from the city of Tel-ati, and came to the land watered by the head-
streams which form the Tigris. The priests of Assarac in that land
raised altars to the immortal gods, i appointed priests to reside in
the land, to pay adoration to Assarac the great and powerful god,
and to preside over the national worship. The cities of this region
which did not acknowledge the god Assarac, I brought under sub
jection; and 1 here received the tribute of the country of Nahiri.

"In the eighth year, against Sut-Baba, King of Taha-Dunis,
appeared Sut-Belherat and his followers. The latter led his forces
against Sut-Baba, and took from him the cities of the land of Beth-
Takara.

" In the ninth year, a second time I went to Armenia, and took
the city of Lunanta. By the assistance of Assarac and Sut, I ob
tained possession of the person of Sut-Belherat. In the city of
Umen I put him in chains. Afterward Sut-Belherat, together with
his chief followers, I condemned to slavery. Then 1 went down to
Shinar; and in the cities of Shinar, of Borsippa, and of Ketika, I
erected altars, and founded temples to the great gods. Then I went
down to the land of the Chaldees, and I occupied their cities, and I
marched on as far even as the tribes who dwelt upon the sea- coast.
Afterward, in the city of Shinar, I received the tribute of the kings
of the Chaldees, Hateni, the son of Dakri, and Baga-Sut, the son
of Aukni, — gold, silver, gems, and pearls.

" In the tenth year, for the eighth time I crossed the Euphrates, and
took the cities belonging to Ara-lura, of the town of Shalumas ; and
I proceeded to the country belonging to Arama" (who was king of
Ararat.) "I took the city Arnia, which was the capital of the
country ; and I gave up to pillage one hundred of the dependent
towns. I slew the wicked, and I carried off the treasures.

" At this time Hem-ithra, King of Atesh, Arhulena, King of
Hamath, and the twelve kings of the tribes who were in alliance
with them, came forth, arraying their forces against me. They met

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 157

me, and we fought a battle, in which I defeated them, making pris
oners of their leaders, and their captains, and their men of war, and
putting them in chains.

"In the eleventh year, I went out from the city of Nineveh, and
for the ninth time crossed the Euphrates. I took the eighty- seven
cities belonging to Ara-lura, and one hundred cities belonging to
Arama ; and I gave them up to pillage. I settled the country of
Khamdna ; and, passing by the country of Yeri, I went down to the
cities of Hamath, and took the city of Esdimak, and eighty- nine of
the dependent towns, slaying the wicked ones, and carrying off the
treasures. Again, Hem-ithra, King of Atesh, Arhulena, King of
Hamath, and the twelve kings of the tribes," (or " the twelve kings
of Sheta,") " who were in alliance with them, came forth, levying
war upon me. They arrayed their forces against me. I fought
with them and defeated them, slaying ten thousand of their men, and
carrying into slavery their captains, and leaders, and men of war.
Afterward I went up to the city of Habbarie, one of the chief cities
belonging to Arama" (of Ararat) ; " and there I received the tribute
of Berbaranda, the king of Shetina,— gold, silver, horses, sheep,
oxen, &c. I then went up to the country of Khamana, where I
founded palaces and cities.

" In the twelfth year, I marched forth from Nineveh, and for the
tenth time I crossed the Euphrates, and went up to the city of
Sevenahuben. I slew the wicked, and carried off the treasures from
thence to my own country.

" In the thirteenth year, I descended to the plains dependent on
the city of Assar-Animet. I went to the district of Yata. I took
the forts of the country of Yrata, slaying the evil-disposed, and car
rying off all the wealth of the country.

"In the fourteenth year, I raised the country, and assembled a
great army : with one hundred and twenty thousand warriors I crossed
the Euphrates. Then it came to pass that Hem-ithra, King of Atesh,
and Arhulena, King of Hamath, and the twelve kings of the tribes of
the Upper and Lower Country, collected their forces together, and
came before me, offering battle. I engaged with them, and defeated
them ; their leaders, and captains, and men of war I cast into chains.

" In the fifteenth year, I went to the country of the Nahiri, and
established my authority throughout the country about the head-
streams which form the Tigris.

" Afterward I descended to the plain of Lanbuna, and devastated
the cities of Arama, King of Ararat, and all the country about the
head-water of the Euphrates ; and I abode in the country about the
rivers which form the Euphrates ; and there I set up altars to the

158 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

supreme gods, and left priests in the land to superintend the worship.
Hasa, King of Dayini, then paid me his homage, and brought in his
tribute of horses; and I established the authority of my empire
throughout the land dependent on his city.

" In the sixteenth year, I crossed the Zab, and went against the
country of the Arians. Sut-Mesisek, the king of the Arians, I put
in chains, and I brought his wives, and his warriors, and his gods,
captives to my country of Assyria; and I appointed Yanvu, the son
of Khanab, to be king over the country in his place.

" In the seventeenth year, I crossed the Euphrates, and went up
to the country of Khamana, where 1 founded palaces and cities.

"In the eighteenth year, for the sixteenth time I crossed the
Euphrates. Khazakan of Atesh came forth to fight : one thous
and one hundred and twenty-one of his captains, and four hundred
and sixty of his superior chiefs, with the troops they commanded,
I defeated in this war." This campaign is not only thus briefly
noticed on the obelisk, but was also commemorated by the setting
up of two colossal bulls, which were found in the centre of the
mound at Nimrud. On these is an inscription, giving a more
elaborate account of this war, and stating the numbers, as above, of
the prisoners taken, together with thirteen thousand fighting men who
were sent into slavery.

" In the nineteenth year, for the eighteenth time I crossed the-
Euphrates. 1 went up to Khamana, and founded more palaces and
temples.

" In the twentieth year, for the nineteenth time I crossed the
Euphrates ; I went to the country of the Berahui. I took the cities,
and despoiled them of their treasures.

" In the twenty-first year, for the twentieth time I crossed the
Euphrates, and again went up to the country of Khazakan of Atesh.
I occupied his country ; and, while there, received tribute from the
countries of Tyre, of Sidon, and of Gubal." This latter name is
the same with the Greek I3v6Aof. The form occurs in the Hebrew
Bible ina. See Ezek. xxvii, 9; and 1 Kings v, 18.

" In the twenty-second year, for the twenty-first time I crossed the
Euphrates, and marched to the country of Tubal. Then I received
the submission of the twenty-four kings of Tubal; and I went on
to the country of Atta, to the gold country, to Belni and to Ta-
Esfereon.

"In the twenty-third year, I again crossed the Euphrates, and
occupied the city of Huidra, the strong-hold of Ellal of Melada : and
the kings of Tubal again came in to me, and I received their tribute.

" In the twenty-fourth year, 1 crossed the river Zab ; and, crossing

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 159

away from the land of Kharkhar, went up to the country of the
Arians. Yanvu, whom I had made king of the Arians, had thrown
off his allegiance ; so I put him in chains. I captured the city of
Esaksha, and took Beth-Telabon, Beth-Everek, and Beth-Treida, his
principal cities. I slew the evil- disposed, and plundered the treas
ures, and gave the cities over to pillage. I then went out from the
land of the Arians, and received the tribute of twenty- seven kings
of the Persians. Afterward, I removed from the land of the Persians,
and entered the territory of the Medes, going to Ratsir and Kharkhar.
I occupied the several cities of Kakhidra, of Taizanem, of Irleban,
of Akhirablud, and the towns which depended on them. I punished
the evil-disposed. I confiscated the treasures, and gave the cities
over to pillage ; and I established the authority of my empire in the
city of Kharkhar. Yanvu, the son of Khaban, with his wives, and
his gods, and his sons and daughters, his servants, and all his prop
erty, I carried away captive into my country of Assyria.

" In the twenty-fifth year, I crossed the Euphrates, and received
the tribute of the kings of the Sheta. I passed by the country of
Khamana, and came to the cities of Akti of Berhui. The city of
Tarbura, his strong- hold, I took by assault. I slew those who resisted,
and plundered the treasures ; and all the cities of the country I gave
over to pillage. Afterward in the city of Barhura, the capital cifcy
of Aram, son of Hagus, I dedicated a temple to the god Rimmon ;
and I also built a royal palace in the same place.

"In the twenty- sixth year, for the seventh time I passed through
the country of Khamana. I went on to the cities of Akti of Ber
hui ; and I inhabited the city of Tanaken, which was the strong-hold
of Etlak. There I performed the rites which belong to the worship
of Assarac, the supreme god ; and I received as tribute from the coun
try, gold and silver, corn and sheep and oxen. Then I went out from
the city of Tanaken, and 1 came to the country of Leman. The
people resisted me, but I subdued the country by force. 1 took the
cities, and slew their defenders ; and the wealth of the people, with
their cattle and corn and movables, I sent as booty to my country
of Assyria. I gave all their cities over to pillage. Then I went on
to the country of Methets, where the people paid their homage ; and
I received gold and silver as their tribute. I appointed Akharriya-
don, the son of Akti, to be king over them. Afterward I went up
to Khamana, where I founded more palaces and temples, until at
length I returned to my country of Assyria.

" In the twenty- seventh year, I assembled the captains of my
army, and I sent Detarasar of Ittana, the general of the forces, in
command of my warriors to Armenia ; he proceeded to the land of

160 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Khamana. and in the plains belonging to the city of Ambaret he
crossed the river Art-sen!. Asiduri of Armenia, hearing of the in
vasion, collected his cohorts, and caine forth against my troops,
offering them battle. My forces engaged with him, and defeated
him : and the country at once submitted to my authority.

" In the twenty- eighth year, while I was residing in the city of
Calah, a revolt took place on the part of the tribes of the Shetina.
They were led on by Sherila, who had succeeded to the throne on
the death of Labarni, the former king. Then I ordered the general
of my army, Detarasar of Itt.ina, to march with my cohorts and all
my troops against the rebels. Detarasar accordingly crossed the
I'pper Euphrates, and, marching into the country, established him
self in the capital city, Kanala. Then Sherila, who was seated on
the throne, by the help of the great god Assarac, I obtained pos
session of his person, and his officers, and the chiefs of the tribes
of the Shetina, who had thrown off their allegiance, and revolted
against me. together with the sons of Sherila, and the men who ad
ministered affairs : and imprisoned or punished all of them ; and I
appointed Ar-hasit. of Suzakisba, to be king over the entire land.
1 exacted a tribute also from the land, consisting of gold and silver,
and precious stones, and ebony, &c. ; and I established the national
worship throughout the land, making a great sacrifice in the capital
of Kanala. in the temple which had been there raised to the gods.

- In the twenty-ninth year, I assembled my warriors and captains,
and I ascended with them to the country of the Lek. I accepted
the homage of the cities of the land, and I went on to Shenaba.

" In the thirtieth year, while I was residing in the city of Calah,
1 summoned Detarasar. the general of my army ; and I sent him
forth to war in command of my cohorts and forces. He crossed the
river Zab, and first came to the cities of Hubiska ; he received the
tribute of Daten of Hubiska; and he went out from thence, and
came to the country belonging to Mekadal of Melakari. He then
went on to the country of Haelka of Minni. Haelka of Minni had
thrown off his allegiance, and declared himself independent, estab
lishing his seat of government in the city of Tsiharta. My general,
therefore, put him in chains, and carried off his flocks and herds and
all his property, and gave his cities over to pillage. Passing out
from the country of Minni, he next came to the territory of Selshan
of Kharta. He took possession of the city of Maharsar, the capital
of the country, and of all the towns which depended on it; and Sel
shan and his" sons he made prisoners, and sent to his country, de
spatching to me their tribute of horses, male and female. He then
went into the country Sardera, and received the tribute of Ataheri

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 161

of Sardera. He afterward marched to Persia, and obtained the
tribute of the kings of the Persians ; and he captured many more
cities between Persia and Assyria, and he brought all their riches
and treasures with him to Assyria.

" In the thirty-first year, a second time, while I abode in the city
of Calah, occupied in the worship of the gods Assarac, Hem, and
Nebo, 1 summoned the general of my army, Detarasar of Ittana,
and I sent him forth to war with my troops and cohorts. He went
out accordingly, in the first place, to the territories of Daten of Hu-
biska, and received his tribute; then he proceeded to Anseri, the
capital city of the country of Bazatsera ; and he occupied the city
of Anseri, and the thirty-six other towns of the country of Bazat
sera. He continued his march to the land of Armenia; and he
gave over to pillage fifty cities belonging to that territory. He
afterward proceeded to Ladsan, and received the tribute of Hubu
of Ladsan, and of the districts of Minni, of Bariana, of Kharran,
of Sharrum, of Andi. — sheep, oxen, and horses, male and female.
And he afterward penetrated as far as the land of the Persians,
taking possession of the cities of Baiset, Shel-Khamana, and Akeri-
Khamana, all of them places of strength, and of the twenty-three
towns which depended on them. He slew those who resisted, and
he carried off the wealth of the cities. And he afterward moved fco
the country of the Arians, where, by the help of the gods Assarac
and Sut, he captured their cities, and continued his march to the
country of the Kherets, taking and despoiling two hundred and fifty
towns, until at length he descended into the plains of Esmes, above
the country of Umen."

This monarch appears to have been succeeded by his son SHEMAS
ADAR, who was followed by ADRAMMELECH II. As these were the
last sovereigns of the old imperial dynasty, the only mode of
reconciling the teaching of the inscriptions with the list of Ctesias
is, to identify Sardanapalus with Ophrataeus, Divanubara with Ephe-
cheres, Shemas Adar with JEraganes, and Adrammelech II. with
Thonos Concoleros. !Nor does this arrangement involve any dis
crepancy. The second of these sovereigns, according to the list,
reigned the unusual period of fifty-two years; while the inscrip
tions record a series of annual campaigns extending to his thirty-
eighth year.

No doubt can be entertained as to the fact, that with Adramme
lech II.. or Thonos Concoleros, the old imperial dynasty termi
nated, and that ARBACES the Mede next succeeded to the throne.
This is confirmed alike by the testimony of all ancient history: and
is fully warranted by the inscriptions. The manner in which this

1G2 THE GENTILE NATION'S.

•was done is, however, one of the most disputed questions in ancient
history. (See Appendix, notes 18, 19.) We have by careful inquiry
into the subject been convinced, that Arbaces, being a Median
officer, appointed in regular course with others to command the
garrison of Nineveh, took advantage of his period of office to sup
plant his licentious and effeminate master, and seat himself on his
throne.

No inscriptions have been found recording the actions of this king,
although Colonel Rawlinson has discovered from damaged slabs evi
dence of the existence of a sovereign who reigned between Adram-
melech II. and Pul. If our arrangement of these reigns is correct,
this will be the sovereign who ruled Assyria, when Jonah went there
on his mission from Jehovah. It is not improbable that future re
searches into the ancient mounds of that country may yet produce
some native evidence of the preaching of the Hebrew prophet and
its great results. It is, however, clear, that this period is as suita
ble to the circumstances detailed in the Scriptural account as any
that can be found. If we had heard that one of the last rulers of
the old imperial line had then reigned, we might have been struck
with the improbability that a person so steeped in sensuality and
sloth, as by universal consent these princes are said to have been,
should promptly submit to the divine message, and unite with his
people in self-denial, penitence, and prayer. But from a man who
had dared to aspire to a throne to which he was not entitled, who
had succeeded in reaching that dangerous elevation, and who was
probably open to every sound of alarm in his own mind, and anx
ious to avail himself of any opportunity of blending his own with
the general sympathies of his people, — from such a monarch the
course pursued by the king of Nineveh, as recorded by the prophet,
was just what might be expected.

Yet the subject of this narrative must always be regarded as a
most extraordinary event. What could have induced a whole peo
ple to such instant and universal humiliation ? The simple answer
is afforded by the Scripture : " The people of Nineveh believed
God.''' Jonah iii, 5. It is, however, probable that the men of Nine
veh were familiar with the wonderful interpositions of Jehovah on
behalf of Israel. Having for centuries had intercourse with Egypt,
this degree of religious knowledge would be inevitable ; and hence
we find that it was not until the Israelites had fallen into idolatry,
and had assimilated their worship to that of the surrounding nations,
that the Assyrians dared to assail them. Compare 2 Kings xviii, 22,
with verses 33-35.

PUL succeeded Arbaces in the government of Assyria. The

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 163

name of this monarch has not yet been found on the inscriptions ;
but fragments have been identified as referring to his reign. Raw-
linson believes Pul to have been connected with the old Assyrian
line of kings ; and Mr. Sharpe affirms, (Bonomi's Nineveh and its
Palaces, p. 69,) that, " after the death of Arbaces the Mede, the As
syrians were able to make themselves again independent." It seems
probable that after his decease the throne of Nineveh was secured
by a native Assyrian, inasmuch as all the sculptures referring to
this and the following reign indicate a return to the usages of the
former dynasty.

Under this sovereign we meet with the first conflict between the
Hebrews and the Assyrians, which, strangely enough, was begun by
the former people. Menahem, having slain Shallum, King of Israel,
and seated himself on his throne, was so fool-hardy as to lead an
army to the banks of the Euphrates, where he stormed Tiphsah, a
city belonging to Assyria, and destroyed its inhabitants with the
most atrocious barbarity. 2 Kings xv, 16.

This assault was not long left unavenged. In the following year
Pul marched an army into Samaria, of such magnitude and power
that the affrighted king did not dare to meet it ; but purchased a peace
by the payment of ten thousand talents of silver. This circum
stance is mentioned in an inscription found on a fragment of a slab
in the south-west palace of Nineveh. Another fragment of Pul's
annals, which is still lying in a passage of the same palace, seems to
have contained a particular account of the expedition of this Assyrian
king against Samaria; but the writing is so mutilated that little can
be made out, except the name of the city.

TiGLATH-PiLESER was the next king of Assyria. He also was
brought into contact with the Hebrews by their own act. We have
scarcely, in the whole history of that nation, a more striking instance
of the evil consequences of their impiety and unbelief. Israel, under
the reign of Pekah, entered into an alliance with Rezin, King of Syria,
against Judah. The main object of this confederacy was the dethrone
ment of the house of David, and the establishment of a son of Tabeal
as sovereign of Judah. This produced a profound sensation at Jeru
salem, when God sent Isaiah the prophet to King Ahaz, assuring him
that this conspiracy should fail, and inviting him to ask any sign for
the truth of this promise. The impious king declined to ask, on the
plea that he would " not tempt God ;" upon which the Lord gave, by
the prophet, the glorious prophecy of the birth of Immanuel. Isa. vii.

But although Ahaz would not ask a sign of God, he was so alarmed
at the union of these two powers against him, that " he took the silver
and gold that was found in the house of the Lord, and in the trea-

164 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

sures of the king's house, and sent it for a present to the king of
Assyria," with this servile message to Tiglath-Pileser : "I am thy
servant and thy son : come up and save me out of the hand of the
king of Syria, and out of the hand of the king of Israel, which rise
up against me." 2 Kings xvi. This course. precisely falling in with
the policy of the king of Assyria, he complied with the request, and
proceeded to Syria, which he subdued, killing llezin the king in the
war, and taking Damascus. He then entered the kingdom of Israel,
which he also subjected to his will ; and, leaving the humbled king
only the province of Samaria, he took all the cities on the east bank
of the Jordan, and Galilee in the north, and carried the inhabitants
away as captives to the extreme portion of his own kingdom on the
banks of the river Kir. Ahaz went in person to Damascus, to thank
the Assyrian for his aid. Thus began the long-threatened deporta
tion of the idolatrous Hebrews into the land of their conquerors.

At the close of this reign we have again the light of recovered and
translated inscriptions, to guide us in our way. In the next king
we meet with the builder of Khorsabad, and have the aid of the
inscriptions found in this city, and also in that of Koyunjik, to assist
us in this and the following reigns.

These literary treasures, so strangely brought to light, have been
arranged by Colonel Kawlinson in four classes : —

lll. First, the standard inscriptions, which contains the names and
titles of the king, and a list of the principal tribes and nations sub
ject to Assyria; with occasional notices of the building of the city
of Khorsabad ' near to Nineveh, after the manner of Egypt,' together
with a prayer to the gods for its protection.

" '2. The second class consists of the long inscriptions on the votive
bulls, which, without being strictly historical, go into much greater
detail regarding the constitution of the empire, and name the various
kings and chieftains subdued by the Assyrian monarch. There are
also in those inscriptions very elaborate notices of the Assyrian
Pantheon.

" 3. The third or historical class consists of the slabs surrounding
the sculptured halls, interposing between the bas-reliefs which repre
sent the battles and sieges recorded in the inscriptions. Some of
these records are in the form of regular yearly annals, while in others
the entire history of the monarch's reign is given as a continuous
narrative, without being interrupted by divisions of time. In some
of these insciptions the geographical details are quite bewildering.

" 4. The inscriptions of the fourth class are those on the back of
the slabs, which were never intended to be seen. They arc strictly
religious, containing no geographical notices whatever, but merely

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 165

noticing the building of Khorsabad by the king, and invoking the
gods to extend protection to that city." — Jour, of the Roy. Asiatic
Soc., vol. xii, p. 458.

It will only be necessary here to present the reader with a tolerably
copious abstract of the historical inscriptions relating to this period.
The name of the founder of Khorsabad, as given in a phonetic form
in the inscriptions, is ARKO-TSIN. He calls himself " King of As-'
syria and Babylonia," and of two provinces of which the titles are
usually given as Saberi and Hekti, and which may be understood to
denote that portion of Upper Asia immediately to the eastward of the
valley of the Tigris. His three special divinities, who are named in
every inscription immediately after the proclamation of his own titles,
are Assarac, Nebu, and But. Then follows a catalogue of geographi
cal names, which appears intended to mark out the limits of the Assy
rian empire, and not to give a list of the merely tributary provinces.

It commences with the passage, " From Yetnan, a land sacred to
the god Husi, as far as Misr and Misek," (or Lower and Upper
Egypt,) " Martha or Acarri," (Acre, — which was the sea-coast of
Phenicia,) "and the land of Sheta." The countries of Media,
.Vakana, (perhaps Hyrcania,) Ellubi, Rasi, and Susiana, are after
ward mentioned in succession ; and the list closes with a multitude
of names of tribes and cities which belong to Susiana, Elymais, and
Lower Chaldea, and the positions of which are illustrated by their
contiguity to the great rivers Tigris, Eulceus, and Pasitigris. After
these geographical notices, which are important as indicating the
extent of the empire at the time, follow the annals, which extend
from the commencement of the king's reign to his fifteenth year.

Before entering on the details of the next reign, it must be
observed that we have here another change of dynasty, — a revolu
tion. SARGINA, the Sargon of Isaiah, and the Shalmaneser of the
Book of Kings, who succeeded Tiglath-Pileser, was not his son, nor
in any way connected by relationship with the royal line, but a sub
ordinate officer in the palace. " Polyhistor, in Agathius, calls him
' the head gardener ;' and it is very possible that this may have been
his real condition." — Rawlinsorfs Outlines of Assyrian History,
p. 29. But, being a man of great daring, energy and capacity, he
succeeded in grasping the reins of government, immediately after
they had fallen from the hands of Tiglath-Pileser.

Having established himself on the throne, Sargina placed himself
at the head of his army, and proceeded to consolidate the power of
the empire by enforcing the entire subjection of those provinces
which had evinced symptoms of insubordination, and to extend be
yond its former limits the authority of Assyria.

166 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

The first campaign noticed on the sculptures was against Helubi-
nerus, King of Susiana, who was defeated ; and twenty- seven thousand
eight hundred of his men, two hundred of his captains, and fifty of
his superior officers, were carried into captivity.

The second campaign was against certain tributaries of the king
of Egypt; and as in this passage (which is repeated several times
in the halls) occurs the only mention of the Egyptian monarch's
name, Colonel Rawlinson gives the clause as literally as possible :
" Khanan, King of the city of Khazita, and Shelki, of the tribe of
Khalban, belonging to the country of Misr," (or Egypt,) " prepared
their forces for battle in the city of Rabek. They came against me;
and I fought with them, and defeated them." This passage the
learned translator applies to the frontier- towns of Egypt, (see Ap
pendix, note 20,) and adds from the inscriptions, "1 received the
tribute of Biarku," or Biarhu, "King of Misr, — gold, asbatera,"
(perhaps tin,) " horses and camels," together with certain unknown
articles, coming from Harida and Arbaka.

The next campaign presents some very interesting allusions. It
was carried on against Kehek, the King of Shenakti, a city which
is usually mentioned in connexion with Ashdod, and which must
therefore be situated on the sea- coast of Palestine, being perhaps
the same place as Askalon. Here occurs in the record a notice of
peculiar interest. After the city of Shenakti was taken from Kehek,
it was presented by the Assyrian king to Methati, King of Atheni.
Colonel Rawlinson believes this to refer to Melanthus of Athens ;
and is supported in this judgment by the fact, that in .the general
inscriptions, which give a synopsis of the historical data, the city
of Shenakti is said to be held by the Yavana. That this term refers
to the lonians seems certain. It is, therefore, likely that we have
here an account of the presentation of a city by the king of Assyria
to the Athenians, for naval assistance rendered by them during his
wars. Colonel Rawlinson is disposed to think that many of the pre
dictions and notices found in Isaiah (chap, xix and xx) were verified
in this campaign.

The fourth campaign was against Amris, King of Tubal, who
seems to have been supported by Arah, King of Ararat, and by Meta,
King of Misek, and also by the tribe of the Amorites, here called
Amari

These campaigns are remarkable for their identity of character,
and are almost all described in the same terms. The king of Assyria
defeats the enemy in the field, subjugates the country, sacrifices to
the gods, and then generally carries the people into captivity, sup
plying their places by colonists drawn from other parts of his empire,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 167

and appointing his own governors or prefects to rule these new com
munities. This uniformity is clearly attributable to the circumstance,
that nothing was inscribed which could prove unacceptable to the
royal warrior.

The following campaigns relate to wars successively carried on
against Hamath and its dependencies, — Ararat and Minni, — Khark-
har and Media, — Syria, — and Susiana, Elymais, and Babylonia.
In this list we find no notice of the capture of Samaria. Indeed,
the year before this event is the last recorded in the annals which
have been recovered. But it is unquestionable that the conquest
was one of the triumphs of that reign. In a former campaign
Sargina had subjected the king of Israel to tribute. 2 Kings xvii, 3.
But finding afterward that Hoshea was forming an alliance with
the king of Egypt, he sent an army to invest his capital, which
fell into the hands of the Assyrians after a siege of three years,
when the conquerer " took Samaria, and carried the people of Israel
away into Assyria, and placed them in Halah and in Habor, by the
river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes." 2 Kings xvii, 6.
From this time Israel ceased to be a kingdom.

Although no inscriptions have as yet been discovered which
furnish an account of these events, others very clearly prove that
they actually took place in this reign. It seems that soon after the
conquest of Syria and Israel, Sargina turned his arms against
Carchemish, the city of the Hittites, on the Euphrates ; and having
spoiled this city, and brought from thence a great amount of wealth
into the royal treasury, he set up a tablet in the palace of Sardana-
palus at Calah, in celebration of the event. On this monument he
for the first time assumes the title of " the Conqueror of the remote
Judea ;" so glorious in the estimation of the princes of the east was
the subjugation even of a part of the Hebrew nation.

Not content with his success on the continent, it is asserted that
Sargina sailed to the Island of Cyprus, and reduced it to subjection.
There is still extant, in the Museum at Berlin, a statue of this king,
with a suitable inscription, which was found in that island.

But Menander, quoted by Josephus, (Antiquities, book xi,
chap, xiv, sect. 2,) says that Sargina failed in his efforts to subdue
Tyre, although his army was employed against that city for five
years.

Sargina makes no mention of his ancestors; but upon a clay
tablet, of the date of Sennacherib, the name of Sargina's father is
given as Nabosiphuni, and that of his grandfather as Kilapel.
This sovereign was the builder of Khorsabad, from whence so rich
a harvest of sculptured treasures has been procured, and which

168 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

stands identified with the lower line of Assyrian kings. This city,
named in the common idiom of the country after its founder, retained
among the inhabitants the title of Sarghan, until the period of the
Arab conquest.

It appears certain that SENNACHERIB succeeded his father Sar-
gina, or Shalman, on the throne of Assyria. Respecting him the
sacred Scriptures give us a considerable amount of information;
but the monuments have as yet furnished no complete copy of the
annals of his reign. Yet the patient and unwearied industry of
those, to whose researches the world is so greatly indebted for im
portant notices on this interesting subject, has brought together the
materials for a tolerable account of the early part of Sennacherib's
career.

It will serve to show the remarkable manner in which this knowl
edge has been obtained, if we notice the sources whence this account
has been derived. The first is a clay cylinder, covered with inscrip
tions, which was found by Mr. Rich at Nineveh; and which, after
lying for the last thirty years almost unnoticed in the British
Museum, has been recently published in fac-simile by Grotefend at
Hanover. This cylinder furnishes ample details of the first two
years of Sennacherib's reign, and further contains a very interesting
account of the king's early buildings at Nineveh. The second docu
ment is an inscription on a pair of bulls in Sennacherib's palace at
Nineveh. Throughout all the historical portion of this inscription,
which extends to the king's sixth regnal year, the writing is much
mutilated; but, by the aid of the other texts, and a very careful
examination of the slabs under every possible light, Colonel Rawlin-
son has succeeded in effecting an almost complete restoration.
The third document — which is the most valuable of all, as it extends
to the king's eighth year, and contains abundance of detail omitted
on the bulls — is an inscription upon a clay cylinder, which was found
at Nineveh many years ago, and was conveyed to England by Colonel
Taylor in 1846. The original cylinder is said to be lost; but casts
of it are extant, — one taken on paper by Colonel Rawlinson in 1835 ;
and another taken in plaster by M. Lottin de Lavel, about ten years
later: of these casts a great portion of the inscription can be re
covered. From such materials, so wonderfully preserved, and so
strangely brought into juxtaposition, the following account has been
arranged according to Colonel Rawlinson's translations.

Sennacherib adopts the ordinary royal epithets assumed by his pre
decessors ; but he also on many occasions takes the especial title of
Ebidu Malki, " the Subduer of Kings ;" and he further styles himself,
"he who has reduced under his yoke all the kings of Asia, from the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 169

Upper Forest which is under the setting sun," (Lebanon,) "to the
Lower Ocean which is under the rising sun," (the Persian Gulf.)

His annals, as presented in those monumental remains, thus com
mence : " In the first year of my reign I fought a battle with Mero-
dach-Baladan, King of Kar-duniyas, and the troops of Susiana, who
formed his army ; and I defeated them. He embarked on board his
ships, and fled across the sea ; concealing himself in the country, to
Guzumman, the River Agammi, and the parts beyond it, he fled.
His ships saved him. His standards, his chariots, his horses, his
mares, his camels, and his mules, which he abandoned on the field
of battle, fell into my hands. I then inarched to his palace, which
was near the city of Babylon ; I opened the royal treasure-house,
and rifled it of the gold and silver vessels, the hoards of gold -and
silver, altogether a vast booty ; his idols, the women of his palace,
all his chief men, &c., &c., each and all I seized and carried off into
captivity. By the grace of Assur my lord, seventy-nine of the prin
cipal fortified cities of the Chaldoeans, and eight hundred and twenty
of the smaller towns which depended on them, I took and plundered.
The nomade tribes of the Aramaeans and Chaldreans, who inhabited
the Mesopotamian country, I subdued and carried off into captivity.

" A man of the name of Bel-adon, the son of one of my confi
dential officers, who had been bred up in my palace, I appointed to
be king of the country, attaching to his government the provinces
of the north and east.

"At the same time I subjugated the Aramaean tribes, who lined
the Tigris and Euphrates :— the Tehaman," (Teman of Scripture,)
the Rikis, the Yetukh, the Hubacl, the Kiheim, the Melik, the Gurum,
the Hubal, the Damun, the Tebal, the Kindar," (Kedar of Scripture,)
" the Ruhua, the Bakud, the Kamran, the Khagurin," (Hagarenes,)
"the Nabaat," (the Nebaroth or Nabatceans,) "the Lihata, and the
Aramaeans Proper. I carried off to Nineveh two hundred and eight
thousand men and women, eight thousand two hundred horses and
mares, eleven thousand one hundred and eighty head of cattle, five
thousand two hundred and thirty camels, one million and twenty
thousand one hundred sheep, eight hundred thousand three hundred
goats, — altogether an enormous booty."

It is worthy of observation that the king of Babylon, Merodach-
Baladan, spoken of in this campaign, was the same who afterward
sent an embassy to Hezekiah. This war is mentioned both by
Polyhistor and Abydenus. It is further remarkable that the As
syrian annals speak of Kar-duniyas in the Lower Country, and not
Babylon, as the capital of the nation.

The second year of Sennacherib's reign found him occupied among

170 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

the mountains to the north and east. He seems to have crossed the
Taurus into countries to which his ancestors had never penetrated;
and his annals contain the usual amount of burning and plundering,
sweeping off the old population, and planting fresh colonies in their
place.

For the rest of the year, Sennacherib says, he was occupied in
reducing Ellibi, — a name by which Northern Media is usually
designated. The title of the king of the country, Aspabara, shows
that he was of Arian extraction ; and one of his cities, Marukarta,
is well known in Armenian history. A large portion of Aspabara's
territory was attached directly to Assyria; another of his principal
cities was rebuilt, and, under the name of Beth- Sennacherib, was
peopled by an Assyrian colony, and placed under the charge of the
governor of Kharkhar (Van). From Ellibi, Sennacherib went on
to Media, and received tribute from that nation, " which had never,"
he adds, "submitted to the kings my ancestors."

The annals of the third year are more important, and require to
be given with more particular detail. " In my third year," says
Sennacherib, " I went up to the country of the Khetta " (or Hittites).
" Suliya, King of Sidon, had thrown off the yoke of allegiance. On
my approach from Abiri, he fled to Yetnan, which was on the sea-
coast." Mr. llawlinson supposes Yetnan to be the same as the
Rhinocolura of the Greeks, since it is always spoken of as a mari
time city south of Phenicia, which formed the extreme limit of the
Assyrian territory toward Egypt. He believes that we have here a
remarkable fulfilment of the prophecy of Balaam against the Kenite,
(Num. xxiv, 21, 22 ;) and proposes the following as a more correct
reading for the former of these verses : " Thy dwelling-place is Ethan''
(Yetnan,) " and thou puttest thy nest in Sela " (Petra). After which
the learned translator asserts, " The transportation of the Kenites
to Assyria, foretold in the next verse, is duly related in the inscrip
tions."

Sennacherib thus proceeds with a narrative of his annals : " I re
duced the entire country ; the places which submitted to me were
Sidon the Greater and Sidon the Less, Beth Zitta, Sariput, Mahallat,
Hussuva, Akzib, and Akka. I placed Tubaal on the throne in the
place of Suliya " It seems probable that this person was related to
the chief who in the preceding reign was intended, by Rezin, King of
Syria, and Pekah, King of Israel, to supersede the house of David
on the throne of Judah. Isaiah vii. The annals proceed: "The
kings of the sea-coast all repaired to my presence in the neighbour
hood of the city of Husuva," or Tyre, " and brought me the accus
tomed tribute. Sitka of Ascalon, who did not come to pay me

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 171

homage, the gods of his house and his treasures, his sons and his
daughters, and his brothers of the house of his father, I seized, and
sent off to Nineveh. I placed another chief on the throne of Asca-
lon, and I imposed on him the regulated amount of tribute."

We are now brought to the point at which Sennacherib gives his
own version of the campaign narrated in Holy Scripture, which ter
minated so disastrously for Assyria. We will give the account
from the annals. The Assyrian monarch goes on to say : " In the
autumn of the year, certain other cities, which had refused to sub
mit to my authority, I took and plundered. The nobles and the
people of Ekron, having expelled their King Haddiya, and the
Assyrian troops who garrisoned the town attached themselves to
Hezckiah of Judea, and paid their adorations to his God. The kings
of Egypt also sent horsemen and footmen, belonging to the king of
Mirukha," (Meroe or Ethiopia,) " of which the numbers could not be
counted. In the neighbourhood of the city of Allakis " (Lachish)
" I joined battle with them. The captains of the cohorts, and the
young men of the kings of Egypt, and the captains of the cohorts of
the king of Meroe, I put to the sword in the country of Lubanah"
(Libnah). "Afterward I moved to the city of Ekron; and the
chiefs of the people having humbled themselves, I admitted them
into my service ; but the young men I carried into captivity to in
habit the cities of Assyria. Their goods and wealth also I plundered
to an untold amount. Their King Haddiya I then brought back
from the city of Jerusalem, and again placed in authority over them,
imposing on him the regulated tribute of the empire ; and because
Hezckiah, King of Judea, did not submit to my yoke, forty-six
of his strong fenced cities, and innumerable smaller towns which
depended on them, I took and plundered : but I left to him Jerusa
lem, his capital city, and some of the inferior towns around it. The
cities which 1 had taken and plundered, I detained from the govern
ment of Hezekiah, and distributed between the kings of Ashdod, and
Ascalon, and Ekron, and Gaza ; and having thus invaded the territory
of these chiefs, I imposed on them a corresponding increase of tribute
over that to which they had formerly been subjected. And because
Hezekiah still continued to refuse to pay me homage, I attacked and
carried off the whole population, fixed and nomade, which dwelt
around Jerusalem, with thirty talents of gold and eight hundred talents
of silver, the accumulated wealth of the nobles of Hezekiah's court,
and of their daughters, with the officers of his palace, men- slaves
and women- slaves. I returned to Nineveh, and I accounted this
spoil for the tribute which he refused to pay me."

How marvellous is this record! How strange that we should

172

THE GENTILE NATIONS

just at this time recover the Assyrian king's account of his own
wars ! I will briefly note the points of agreement and of discrepancy
found to exist in the Scriptural and monumental versions of this
campaign.

It may be observed, in the first place, that the general scope of the
inscriptions perfectly accords with the Scriptural account. We read
in the Scriptures, (2 Kings xviii, 8,) that Hezekiah, in the early
part of his reign, " smote the Philistines, even unto Gaza/' Colonel
Rawlinson, with great plausibility, supposes that this defeat of the
maritime tribes of Philistia is spoken of in the inscriptions as a
defection of the Ekronites ; and the fact that the Assyrian governor
of Ekron was, on the approach of Sennacherib, found at Jerusalem,
seems to afford sufficient proof of this.

It was to this district that Sennacherib directed primary attention,
when, in the fourteenth year of Hezekiah's reign, he marched into Pal
estine. He was there when he heard of the approach of the Egyptian
army. Whether the statement of the inscriptions, that he engaged
and defeated the Egyptian army before Lachish, is a grave fact «f
an Assyrian boast, cannot now be satisfactorily determined, although
it seems probable that some collision between these forces took place.
There is a singular agreement between the Scriptures and the As
syrian records respecting the amount of gold which Sennacherib
received from Hezekiah. Both state it to have been thirty talents
of gold. 2 Kings xviii, 14. With respect to the sum contributed in
silver there is a discrepancy; the sacred records mentioning three
hundred, but the inscriptions eight hundred, talents. It seenis, how
ever, from the manner in which this is told in the inscriptions, that
in the latter amount was included a portion of the plunder of the
surrounding country.

It is true that the Scriptures do not assert that any considerable
number of Hebrews were sent into captivity by this sovereign ; while
the sculptures say that not less than two hundred thousand were at
this period sent into Assyria. But it is a remarkable fact, that De
metrius the Jew, who lived about two hundred and twenty years
before Christ, and is quoted by Clemens of Alexandria, assigns to
this reign the great Assyrian captivity of the Jews : so that it is
probable some considerable deportation of the Jews then took place.
The reduction of the greater portion of the towns of Judea, so osten
tatiously claimed in the inscriptions, seems to be virtually admitted
by the sacred writer, who briefly observes, " Now in the fourteenth
year of King Hezekiah did Sennacherib King of Assyria come up
against all the fenced cities of Judah, AND TOOK THEM " 2 Kings
xviii, 13.

THE GEXTILE NATIONS. 173

Still the fact, the great indisputable fact, is admitted : — Jerusalem
was not subdued. " I left to him Jerusalem his capital city, and
some of the inferior towns around it," says the boastful monarch.
And why ? Certainly not because of the military strength of the
king of Judah ; — for, had he been able, he would have defended the
whole of his country ; — but simply because the city of David was at
that time protected by the power of God. How glorious is this
proof of the truth and faithfulness of Jehovah !

Yet how singularly do the style and manner of the inspired writer
and of the inscriptions contrast, when carefully collated with each
other ! We feel as if called to compare the cool and truthful state
ments of an authentic history of a war with the gasconading bul
letins of the unscrupulous warrior who was the aggressor in the
conflict.

The inscriptions do not, of course, say a word respecting the
miraculous destruction of Sennacherib's army. It may be ques
tioned whether the truth respecting that wonderful event was ever
fully made known in Assyria. Besides the troops actually march
ing as the army of aggression, there must have been, to the west of
the Tigris, an immense military force, spread over the several coun
tries, and occupying various garrisons and important military and
political posts. And a man of mind and energy, as Sennacherib
undoubtedly was. would easily be able to collect from these a respect
able body of troops, with which to return to his capital. It must
not, therefore, be imagined that the Assyrian warrior fled as a fugi
tive to Nineveh, on the ruin of his grand army. It is much more
probable that the inscriptions give the plan on which he acted ; and
that he exerted himself to the utmost to sustain the character of a
conqueror, and to go back to his capital as one returning from a con
tinued course of success. Yet the complete change of tone in the
annals of the king, immediately after the termination of this cam
paign, is as perfect a corroboration of the Scriptural account of the
miraculous destruction of his army, as could have been given with
out an explicit notice of the fact. As an instance, it may be stated
that the events of his fourth year present a marked contrast to the
detailed and magniloquent descriptions of the preceding periods.
They are confined to a few meagre lines, and refer exclusively to an
expedition against the Chaldees, undertaken, as Colonel Rawlinson
Conjectures, in order to punish Merodach-Baladan for having sent
ambassadors to Hezekiah. Sennacherib does not appear to have
conducted this war in person : he does indeed say that he went to
the country of Beth-Yakina, (at the mouth of the Euphrates,)
" where Suzubi the Chaldcean, who dwelt in the city of Bittuth, sus-

174 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

tained a defeat. My troops pursued him ; but he fled away, and his
place was not found." The rest of the year was occupied in the
reduction of Beth- Yakina. Sennacherib goes on to narrate, " Mer-
odach-Baladan, whom I had defeated in the course of my first year,
he fled before my chief officers, and concealed himself beyond the
sea. His brothers, the offspring of his father's house, whom he had
left on this side of the sea, together with the men of the country, I
ordered to be conveyed from Beth- Yakina. The rest of the cities
of Merodach-Baladan 1 destroyed and burned, and placed my son
Assur Nadun over the government of the country in an independent
position."

It has been generally assumed, that Sennacherib, immediately
after the ruin of his great army, hastened to Nineveh, where he was
almost immediately afterward slain by his two sons. But that this
assassination took place immediately, or within fifty-five days, after
his return to Nineveh, is only taught in a doubtful passage in the
apocryphal Book of Tobit. Chap, i, 18-21. The account given by
the sacred writer would rather lead to the opinion, that he survived
the destruction of his army some considerable time : for it is said
that, after this catastrophe, he " departed, and went and returned,
and DWELT at Nineveh;" ('2 Kings xix, 36;) an expression which
would certainly indicate that he continued to reside there more than
a few days.

This is, however, fully established by the inscriptions, which record
the annals of five years after that memorable event.

In the fifth year of Sennacherib, there were two expeditions, — one
against the tribes of Takhari ; and the other against Manigama, King
of the city of Vakku : but the geography of these places has not
been clearly ascertained.

The inscriptions on the bulls at Nineveh close with an account of
a maritime expedition, conducted by Sennacherib against the Chal-
daeans, who, to escape Assyrian tyranny, had embarked, with their
gods and wealth, in vessels, and taken refuge beyond the sea in the
city of Nagiat. Unable to reach them with his own people, Sennach
erib brought artisans and mariners from Tyre and Sidon. These
he assembled on the Upper Tigris, and thence, on rafts or vessels,
floated them down to Beth- Yakina. Here they constructed and
manned a sufficient number of ships, and, after sacrificing to the
gods, crossed over to the city of Nagiat, which they destroyed, and
returned laden with much booty. Nagiat was probably some im
portant harbour in the Persian Gulf. The annals of the seventh
and eighth years of Sennacherib's reign are also found on Colonel
Taylor's cylinders : but, in consequence of the damaged state of the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 175

casts, Colonel Rawlinson is at present unable to furnish a transla
tion of this part of the annals.

Besides these historical documents, the inscriptions referring to
the reign and actions of Sennacherib are very numerous, and afford
very important information respecting the disinterred buildings of
Assyria. We are by these means instructed that it was before his
Syrian campaign, that this sovereign began the embellishment of
Nineveh. There were at that period four important buildings on
the mound of Koyunjik: — the original royal palace; a temple to
"the heavens," built by Sardanapalus ; and two smaller edifices: —
but these had all suffered from injury or decay, and Sennacherib
undertook their repair. For this purpose he collected a host of
prisoners from the Chaldasan and Aramaean tribes upon one side,
and from Cilicia and Armenia on the other. The prisoners he dis
tributed in four bodies, assigning three hundred and sixty thousand
men for the repair of the great palace, and employing women almost
to the same number in restoring the other buildings. The account
given by Herodotus of the building of the tomb of Alyattes, the
father of Croesus, in Lydia, has excited surprise, on account of the
prominent share which he ascribes to young women in the work.
But the employment of females in such operations is very plainly
recorded in the Assyrian inscriptions.

The palace excavated by Mr. Layard, whence he took the bass-
reliefs of which such beautiful drawings have been recently published,
was built in a later period of Sennacherib's reign. It was, in
Colonel Rawlinson' s opinion, executed for the most part after his
return from his maritime expedition against the Chaldaeans. Sen
nacherib also erected a palace on the mound, now called Nebi Yunus,
in the centre of Nineveh ; and another in the city of Tarbisi, three
miles to the north of the capital.

The length of this reign is uncertain, and can at present be only
approximately estimated. Further discoveries among the interred
chronicles of Assyria may soon remove all doubt on the subject.
The manner of Sennacherib's death is clearly stated in Scripture.
While worshipping in the temple of his god Nisroch, he was assassi
nated by two of his sons, who afterward fled into Armenia.

ESARHADDON succeeded his father. His name and title are
found in the inscriptions. On a Babylonian clay tablet in the British
Museum the name is distinctly written as Assur-Akh-Adana.

This sovereign appears to have devoted himself, with great ability,
energy, and success, to repair the losses sustained by his father. He
had in the first place to resist the spread of revolt in the different
provinces of his empire ; and, with the exception of Media, he seems

176 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

to have succeeded: but he does not appear to have thought the
reduction of that nation practicable, with the forces which he could
command.

At Babylon — which also took advantage of the weakness of the
imperial state to assert its independence — he had better success.
Having reduced that refractory province to obedience, Esarhaddon
placed his son in command of it, — a situation in which he himself had
been placed by his father Sennacherib, — and secured his government
from further trouble in that quarter.

Having thus established his affairs in the east, the Assyrian
sovereign proceeded to strengthen his interests in the west. His
first step appears to have been to remove a considerable number of
his subjects from Babylon, Cuthah, Ava, Hamath, and Sepharvaim,
to Samaria and the other cities formerly occupied by the Ten Tribes
of Israel.

This importation of people is spoken of in connexion with the
capture of Samaria, as if it immediately followed that event.
2 Kings xvii, 24. But the authority of Ezra is decisive as to this
being the act of Esarhaddon. Ezra iv, 2. It was most probably in
connexion with this colonizing of the land of Israel, that the king of
Assyria discovered reason to distrust the fidelity of Mannasseh,
King of Judah : upon which he sent the captains of his host against
him, and took him captive, " and bound him with fetters, and carried
him to Babylon." 2 Chron. xxxiii, 11. The Hebrew king deeply
humbled himself before God in his captivity, and the Lord heard his
prayer, and turned the heart of the Assyrian monarch, so that he
released Manasseh from his prison and his fetters, and restored him
again to his throne, where he evidenced the genuineness of his re
pentance by a godly life and a righteous reign.

It was this sovereign who ruined the old palaces of Calah,
which had been raised by a preceding dynasty, in order to obtain
materials for the construction of a palace for himself. Of Esar
haddon' s annals very important portions can be recovered from two
cylinders placed in the British Museum by Mr. Layard, as well as
from numerous clay tablets more recently found ; but this has not
yet been done. Nothing has hitherto been discovered that refers to
that most important part of his reign which includes the captivity
of Manasseh, and the transfer of tribes from the east to occupy the
land of Israel, although records of these events may be expected yet
to be brought to light.

Esarhaddon was succeeded by his son, whom Mr. Rawlinson calls
Sardanapalus 111., but who is known in history as NABUCHODONOSOR.
A vast number of relics referring to his reign have been found. In

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 177

fact, the debris of the temples built by him in Nineveh to Mars and
to Diana are literally filled with clay tablets, broken cylinders, and
other similar relics, covered with inscriptions. Besides the hoards
already in the British Museum, thousands yet remain to be trans
mitted to this country.

That portion of these inscriptions which has been deciphered
refers to the wars which this monarch waged in Susiana. It is
extremely probable that, Babylon being held in doubtful subjection,
and Media being avowedly independent, it required the utmost ex
ertion of the imperial power to keep the neighbouring provinces in
quiet submission. We consequently hear nothing of this monarch's
power in Western Asia, until he had humbled the strength of Media.
In this instance he was not the aggressor, but stood upon the de
fensive. Phraortes, King of the Medes, being confident in his martial
prowess, marched against Assyria, with the avowed design of sub
duing that empire. The army of Nabuchodonosor met him in the
plain of Ragau : for the Assyrian king had so fully prepared him
self to meet the coming danger, that he actually entered the Median
territories before his enemies had left them. In this great battle the
king of Media was taken prisoner, and his army completely defeated.
Intoxicated with his triumph, Nabuchodonosor slew his royal captive
the same day. He then led his army against Ecbatana, the Median
capital, which he subdued and spoiled; and having completely suc
ceeded in this campaign, he returned to Nineveh, where he feasted
his troops for one hundred and twenty days. Judith i, 10 ; ii, 1.

Having thus recovered his supremacy in the east, Nabuchodonosor
in the following year sent a great army, under Holofernes as Com
mander-in-chief, into Syria and Palestine, to establish his authority
in those parts, and to chastise those provinces which had refused to
furnish their stipulated contingent of forces for his Median war.
The first object of attack by the Assyrian commander was the sea-
coast of Phenicia, which he completely reduced, and compelled the
people to send reinforcements to his army. After this, he was de
tained with his huge host a month in the plain of Esdraelon, for the
provision of sufficient carriages and materiel for his army. He then
proceeded to invest Bethulia, the key of all the hill-country of Judea.
By enforcing a strict blockade, and cutting off the water, he had suc
ceeded in reducing this little city to great straits, when Judah was
saved, and the Assyrian army ruined, by the address and energy of
a Hebrew heroine. Judith, having found admission to the tent of
Holofernes, so fascinated him with her charms, that she obtained an
opportunity of killing him ; which having effected, she returned to
the city with his head in her possession. Early on the following

178 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

morning, the Hebrews, displaying to the Assyrians the head of their
general, sallied out to attack them, when, panic- struck and without
leadership, they fled in the utmost disorder ; so that, instead of a
battle, it was the rout and slaughter of the Assyrian host.

SARAC or SARDANAPALUS II. next ascended the imperial throne,
and had to direct the affairs of government at a most disastrous crisis.
By the death of Holofernes, and the rout of his army in the west,
the martial power of the empire was, of course, reduced to the lowest
state. But what greatly aggravated the danger of the new monarch
was the fact, that Cyaxares, who had succeeded his father Phraortes
on the throne of Media, proved to be a man of great capacity and an
able warrior. Having recovered and restored Ecbatana, and re
organized the Median army, he took advantage of the loss of the
Ass}Trian host at Bethulia, and the accession of a new sovereign, to
renew hostilities with Assyria.

On this, as on the former occasion, the Assyrian king met his
foes in the field. But the decay of imperial power was now manifest :
the Medes triumphed ; and the Assyrian, having succeeded in reach
ing Nineveh, was immediately shut up and besieged in his capital.
The operations of this siege were, however, soon afterward com
pletely deranged by an irruption of Scythians, who, pouring from the
northwest into Asia, defeated the Median army, and completely
overran all the neighbouring countries. For eight years these bar
barians spread themselves through the east, and ravaged several
nations in succession, until such excesses produced the inevitable
results of disorder and disorganization. Availing himself of these
indications, Cyaxares took advantage of a festival, and caused all the
leaders of the Scythians to be invited to the houses of the Medes,
and there to be simultaneously destroyed. Then, attacking the dis
ordered and confounded troops, he drove them out of the country.

Delivered from this evil, the Median king turned again to the
great object which filled his mind,— the conquest of Nineveh. But,
previously to the renewal of his attack, he formed an alliance with
Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, who had also declared his country
independent of Assyria. This alliance was ratified by a marriage
between Nebuchadnezzar, the son of Nabopolassar, and Amytis, the
daughter of Cyaxares. Immediately afterward the confederate
armies proceeded to renew the siege of Nineveh. According to
Justin, the Assyrian king betrayed the utmost cowardice ; and after
a feeble resistance burnt himself and all his treasures, on a pile
which had been prepared for the purpose in one of his palaces.

But Diodorus has given a much more probable account of this
prince. He states that, relying upon an ancient prophecy that

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 179

Nineveh should never be taken until the river became its enemy,
Sarac did everything which prudence and courage could suggest to
resist the power of his foes. He sent off a great part of his treas
ures, with his children, to the care of his most intimate friend Gotta,
G overnor of Paphlagonia ; stored up ammunition and provisions in
abundance for the siege, and for the support of the inhabitants ; and
set his enemies at defiance. For nearly two years this state of
things continued, the besiegers being unable to make any impres
sion on the city, and the king of Assyria being too feeble to drive
them from their post ; until at length an unusual quantity of rain
having fallen on the Mountains of Ararat, where the Tigris has its
head, that river became so swollen that it rose above its banks, and
the flood threw down about twenty furlongs of the city wall. The
king, struck with dismay and despair at this unexpected fulfilment
of the prophecy, had a pile prepared in his palace, and burnt him
self, his concubines, and his treasures, to prevent them from falling
into the hands of the enemy, who, having entered the city by the
breach in the wall, sacked it, and razed it to the ground.

Thus perished Nineveh, after it had stood about nineteen hun
dred years from the time of Asshur, and had been the capital of
one of the most extended empires that the world has ever seen.

It is impossible to turn away the mind from the contemplation
of a political and military fabric, so venerable for its antiquity, so
distinguished by its martial prowess, so wonderful in the literary
and historic treasures of its ruined cities, without a thought respect
ing the great purposes of Divine Providence in the prolonged exist
ence of this remarkable empire, and its connexion with the elect
people of God, and the prophecies of Holy Scripture. (See Ap
pendix, note 21.)

Having arisen out of the emigration of Asshur from his own ap
pointed territory, in consequence of the usurpation of Nimrod, As
syria not only maintained her existence, but established her supremacy
in Asia;— was the appointed agent of Providence in the subversion
and captivity of the kingdom of Israel ;— humbled in the dust an
apostate king of Judah;— and, after recognising and bowing before
the authority of one of Jehovah's prophets in sackcloth and peni
tence, became an illustrious subject of divine prophecy, and verified
in her history some of the most sublime predictions which ever ema
nated from the prescience of Jehovah. Wonderful was Assyria in
her rise, —her power,— her continued supremacy ; still more wonder
ful in her fulfilment of sacred prophecy, and in sending forth from
her ruined cities, after an entombment of twenty- four centuries, her
records and annals for the instruction of the world.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF ASSYRIAN HISTORY.

B. C. King*1 Name* and EvenU.
OLD ASSYRIAN LINE.

Years.
Reigned.

B. C. Kings' Namei and EvenU. ^g
OLD ASSYRIAN LINE CONTINUED.

934 Ephecheres...

in
•4.

52
43

I'D

51
19

42
19

1734 "Mamvthus .

(Whose deeds are recorded on the
Obelisk.)
841 Thonos Concoleros

1646 "M-inivlus

MEDIAN KINO.

1616 Sp;irth;vus

ASSYRIAN LINE RESTORED.

804 Pul

1534 \mvntas

14^4 Belocnus il

04.

753 Tiglath-Pileser

1459 Baletores

(Who probably built the centre
palace at Nimroud.)

LOWER LINE OF KINGS.

13^8 Sosares

(The builder of Khorsabad.)

(Who sent an army, under Mem-
non, to assist Priam in the
Trojan war.)

(Builder of the south-west palace
at Nimroud.)

(Who sent Holofernes into Ju-
dea, where he perished.)
625 Sarac

1108 Dercylus

(Who built the south-east palace
at Nimroud.)
606 Nineveh destroyed by the Medea
and Babylonians.

9M OT.hratttus....

,., 21

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 181

CHAPTER IV.

THE HISTORY OF THE BABYLONIANS.

BABYLON the Seat of the first Postdiluvian Sovereignty — Conquered and subjected to
Assyria — Policy of Assyria toward subject Countries — NABONASSAR — The Era bearing
his Name — He was independent — NADIUS, CHINZIRUS, POKUS, and JUGJEUS, successively
reign — MARDOCEMPADUS or MERODACH-BALADAN — His Embassage to Hezekiah — ARC HI-
ANUS — HAGISA — MARADACH BALDANES — BELIBUS defeated by Assyria — ASORDANES —
NABOPOLASSAE — Babylon asserts its Independence — Coalition of Babylon and Media
against Nineveh — Scythian Invasion — Nineveh destroyed — The King of Egypt de
feated at Carchemish — NEBUCHADNEZZAR — Takes Jerusalem— Carries away the prin
cipal Inhabitants into Captivity — Makes Zedekiah King — He rebels — Jerusalem again
taken, and destroyed — Tyre taken, after a Siege of Thirteen Years — Egypt conquered
— Nebuchadnezzar greatly improves Babylon by many Splendid Erections — Nebuchad
nezzar's Dream of the Great Image — Explained by Daniel — Its wonderful Revelations
— The Golden Image — Extraordinary Measures adopted for its Dedication — Heroism
of the Three Hebrews— Glorious Revelation of the Son of God— Important Results of
this Divine Interposition — The Dream of a Great Tree — Its Interpretation and Accom
plishment — Noble Acknowledgment of the King — His Prophecy and Death — Evur
MEEODACH King — Liberates Jehoiachin from Prison — Neriglissar reigns — Forms a
Combination against Media — He is slain in Battle — LABOEOSARCHOD reigns — The BEL-
SHAZZAR of the Book of Daniel — His Youth and Cruelty — He profanes the Sacred
Vessels — Is slain — DARIUS takes the Kingdom, and appoints LABYXETUS Viceroy of
Babylon — He rules subject to Media — Declares himself independent — Is defeated in
Battle — Babylon taken by CYRUS — Labynetus taken at Borsippa, and sent into Car-
mania — Termination of the Babylonian Monarchy.

THE history of Babylon stands invested with special and peculiar
interest, in consequence of its immediate connexion with the most
terrible calamity inflicted on the Hebrew people, during the extended
period to which this volume refers.

This country, as we have seen in a previous volume, (Patriarchal
Age, pp. 431-434,) was the seat of the first kingly government
established in the world after the flood. But, as there detailed,
Babylon was conquered by Belus or Ninus, and added as a province
to the Assyrian empire. It was in this state at the period when we
are called to resume its history.

It must, however, be remembered, that in these ancient times the
conquest and subjugation of a country did not prevent its retaining
its separate national existence and government. No attempt ap
pears to have been made to merge all the countries subdued by As
syria into one united and compact government. The kings of the
several lands were allowed to reign, on their declaring their allegiance

182 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

to the imperial throne, and furnishing to the sovereign the required
tribute. When this promise was not kept, and the contumacy of
the vassal king brought down upon him the irresistible power of the
imperial army, no change was made in the ruling policy. The
rebellious chief, with his family and friends, if not put to death, was
removed in chains, and another person appointed king of the subject
country in his stead.

This practice renders it extremely difficult to elicit with accuracy
the precise times when important countries, such as Babylon, Media,
and others, really obtained their independence, as it is possible that
they may have claimed this privilege long before the imperial state
would recognise it. This was the case in respect of Babylon ; and
many writers, overlooking this circumstance, have been led into
serious errors.

The first of those kings who ruled in Babylon, after its subjection
to Assyria, of whom we have any definite information, was NABO-
XASSAR. He ascended the throne B. C. 747 ; and made the period
of his accession to the regal dignity the commencement of the famous
Nabonassarean Era; (see Appendix, note 22;) which, in conjunction
with the Greek, Roman, and Christian, completes the four great
cardinal eras of sacred and profane history. The principle of this
era was an avoidance of intercalary days. The year consisted of
twelve months of thirty days each, with five supernumerary days ;
and was in consequence very convenient for astronomical calculations,
and for this reason was adopted by the early Greek astronomers.

As Babylon rose into prominence and power under the rule of
this sovereign, Sir Isaac Newton was led to conjecture that Nabo-
nassar was a younger son of Pul, King of Assyria, who, it is sup
posed, left the imperial crown to his eldest son, Tiglath-Pileser, and
the throne of Babylon to Nabonassar. But this conjecture, which
has been partially adopted by Hales and other learned men, has no
solid foundation in history. It is unquestionably true, and is attested
by Alexander Polyhistor and the Astronomical Canon, that Babylon
had always kings of her own from the earliest times. And as Clin
ton truly observes, " These kings were sometimes subjected to the
Assyrians, and sometimes independent; but they never acquired
extensive dominion till the time of Nebuchadnezzar. Nabonassar
was independent." — Fasti Hellenici, vol. i, p. 278. Respecting this
reign no further information of importance can be obtained.

Nabonassar was succeoded by NADIUS, who is said to have reigned
two years ; and he was followed by CIIINZIRUS and PORUS, each of
whom ruled five years. JUG^US then ascended the throne, and
reigned five years. Nothing whatever has been handed down to us

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 183

respecting the public or personal history of these kings. Nor is it
probable that their names, as here given, are those by which they
were known in their own country, since these bear no affinity to the
Chaldee or Assyrian names.

MARDOCEMPADUS succeeded Jugseus. He is certainly the Mero-
dach-Baladan of Holy Scripture; and is the first king of Babylon
who is noticed in the Old Testament as having had any intercourse
with the Hebrew nation. It seems more than probable that, up to
this time, Nabonassar and his successors had ruled in Babylon vir
tually independent of Assyria ; altfiough it is equally probable that
this independence was never proclaimed at Babylon, nor acknowl
edged at Nineveh. This prince appears to be the first Babylonian
ruler who directed his attention to the extension of his dominion in
Western Asia. Having informed himself of the state of the coun
tries bordering on the Mediterranean Sea, and having heard that
Hezekiah King of Judah had recovered from a dangerous illness, he
sent ambassadors to the Hebrew monarch, congratulating him on
his restoration to health. The king of Babylon alleged that he was
induced to send this embassy mainly by a desire to have some ex
planation of the sun's wonderful retrocession, as a sign of the Hebrew
king's recovery. 2 Chron. xxxii, 31.

It is probable, however, that the motives which prompted the
Chaldaean monarch to this step went far beyond mere kindly compli
ment or scientific curiosity. Babylon at this time was beginning to
feel a rivalry with Nineveh ; and undoubtedly, in this visit to Judea,
it was intended to cultivate a good understanding with the most
powerful king of Western Asia. The sculptures recently discovered
among the Assyrian ruins cast important light upon this event.
They inform us that after Sennacherib had lost his great army in
his celebrated campaign in Palestine and Egypt, he prosecuted a
series of wars against this Babylonish monarch, until he had driven
him out of the country, and compelled him to seek refuge " beyond
the sea." The juxtaposition of these events is remarkable. Sen
nacherib's army is destroyed, and he returns in disgrace and confu
sion. Hezekiah is taken sick, and recovers. Merodach-Baladan
sends his messengers to the Hebrew court: — while, the Assyrian
king having in some measure repaired his loss, and organized a
military force, the first object to which he directs his attention is a
war with this king of Babylon, whom he succeeds in driving out of
the country.

The Assyrian inscriptions state that, having driven out Merodach-
Baladan, Sennacherib appointed his son Esarhaddon to rule in
Babylon, — a fact which still further confirms the jealousy which the

184 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

intercourse between Babylon and Judah had excited in the imperial
court. The name of ARCUIANUS, however, stands in the list as the
next king ; but no account whatever of his reign has been preserved.
He was succeeded by HAGISA, who reigned thirty days : then fol
lowed MARADACH BALDANES. A fragment of Berosus, in the
Chronicle of Eusebius, casts some light on this period. It says that
Archianus was brother of Esarhaddon, and ruled in Babylon as his
viceroy ; but that Hagisa, or Acises, expelled him from the country,
and seized the reins of government; and that this usurper, after a
brief rule of thirty days, was sjain by Maradach,'who maintained
himself in possession of power six months, when he was in turn cut
off by BELIBUS.

After the expiration of three years, the king of Assyria, having
resolved to reduce this refractory country to obedience, collected his
forces, defeated Belibus, the usurper of Babylon, and carried him
prisoner into Assyria. Babylon was thus again fully brought into
subjection to the supreme state. It appears, from isolated notices
of the fact, that Esarhaddon, in order to secure this noble city and
•wealthy province to his dominion, sent his son APRONADIUS, or
ASORDANES, to govern Babylon. His rule is set down as having
continued six years.

From this period to the accession of Nabopolassar, we have no
further information beyond a mere list of the names of the kings
and the length of their reigns. (See Appendix, note 23.) It seems
highly probable that, during most of the intervening period, Baby
lon was subject to Nineveh. This was certainly the case B. C. 675,
since about this time, when the king of Assyria subdued Manasseh'
King of Judah, and led him into captivity, he took him, not to Nine
veh, but to Babylon. 2 Chron. xxxiii, 11.

The accession of NABOPOLASSAR to the throne of Babylon was
the beginning of a new era in the political progress and power of
this state. This fact is so prominent in ancient annals, that Jack
son calls him "the first king and founder of the state." It can
scarcely be doubted that this progress was greatly favoured by ex
ternal causes. At this period the rising power of the Medes had
rendered them formidable enemies to the Assyrian sovereign. Baby
lon took advantage of this to assert its independence.

As described in a preceding chapter, the siege of Nineveh was
interrupted by the sweeping incursion of the Scythians, which com
pelled the king of Babylon to turn his whole attention to the defence
of his own country. After this storm had passed away, he again
joined his forces with those of the Medes, and effected the entire
destruction of Nineveh. This event occurred B. C. GOG. Herodotus

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 185

does not mention the presence of the Babylonians in this siege ; but
Tobit distinctly refers the capture of Nineveh to the joint forces of
Media and Babylon. Tobit xiv, 15.

Pending these preparations against Nineveh by the united Medes
and Babylonians, the king of Egypt thought this a favourable oppor
tunity to make an effort to recover his ascendency in the east. He
accordingly transported an army into Palestine, where he was reluct
antly compelled to fight his passage through a Jewish army under
Josiah, King of Judah. The result of this conflict has been already
detailed. (Hebrew People, p. 342.) Having overcome this oppo
sition, the king of Egypt marched against Carchemish on the Eu
phrates. The united army before Nineveh could not be diverted
from their purpose by this invasion, and this very important city
and military station was consequently suffered to fall into the hands
of Pharaoh-Necho. 2 Kings xxiii, 29; 2 Chron. xxxv, 20. After
this success, the Egyptian sovereign returned, securing Syria and
Palestine in subjection to his authority by the way. In order to
this, he appeared before Jerusalem within three months after Jehoa-
haz had ascended the throne, and, removing him from the govern
ment, he placed his brother Eliakim, whose name he changed to Jehoi-
akim, on the throne in his stead, and carried Jehoahaz in chains to
Egypt.

Nineveh having fallen before the power of the combined forces,
and the territories west of the Euphrates being assigned to the
king of Babylon, as his portion of the empire, Nabopolassar sent
his son with a great army to establish his power in these parts.
The king of Egypt, being informed of this purpose, hastened to
maintain the ascendency which he acquired in the east. But his
efforts were vain. His army was smitten by Nebuchadnezzar,
(Jer. xlvi, 2-10,) who pursued his enemy through Syria, Palestine,
and even unto the borders of Egypt. The complete success of the
youthful Babylonish chief in this campaign is described with equal
brevity and force by the sacred writer : " The king of Egypt came
not again any more out of his land: for the king of Babylon had
taken from the river of Egypt unto the river Euphrates all that
pertained to the king of Egypt." 2 Kings xxiv, 7. It was during
this progress of the Babylonish army that the Rechabites took
refuge within the walls of Jerusalem. Jer. xxxv.

We have not very ample particulars of this campaign. But it is
fully apparent that Nebuchadnezzar on this occasion became master
of Jerusalem, and put Jehoiakim in chains, with the purpose of
taking him as a captive to Babylon ; and that the king of Judah in
this distress so humbled himself in the presence of his conqueror,

186 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

that Nebuchadnezzar restored him to the government as his vassal,
having first exacted an oath of fealty from him. Daniel and his
companions, with many others of the noble families of Judea, were
at this time carried away into Babylon.

Whilst NEBUCHADNEZZAR was thus employed in establishing the
power of Babylon in Western Asia, he received intelligence of the
death of his father : upon which, leaving the main body of his army
under the command of his officers, and giving into their care the
captives whom he had taken from the Syrians, Phenicians, and
Jews, that they might conduct them to Babylonia, he hastened
across the desert by the nearest course, with only a few attendants,
to his capital. Here he found that order had been preserved ; and
he immediately entered upon the government of the kingdom. He
now dispersed, into several parts of the kingdom, the captives whom
he had taken, and adorned the temple of Belus with the spoils of the
war. (Berosus apud Josephum, Contra Apion., lib. i, cap. 19.)

For three years Jehoiakim faithfully sent his promised tribute ;
but afterward, being encouraged to resistance by a new alliance with
Psammuthis, King of Egypt, who had just then succeeded his
father, he refused any further submission to the king of Babylon.
It does not appear, from either sacred or profane history, that
Nebuchadnezzar was able at the moment to chastise this insub
ordination of the Hebrew king. But it seems probable, that he
ordered his lieutenants in those quarters to assail and harass the
refractory sovereign. This seems clearly indicated by the sacred
writer. 2 Kings xxiv, 2. While engaged in this warfare, Jehoiakim
died ; but in what manner the prophecy of Jeremiah respecting him
was fulfilled does not appear. Jer. xxii, 18, 19; xxxvi, 30.

On the death of Jehoiakim, his son Jehoiachin succeeded him.
This prince had, however, ruled but three months, when Nebuchad
nezzar appeared in person at the head of a great army before Jeru
salem. Hopeless of resisting such power, the Hebrew submitted,
and " went out to the king of Babylon, he, and his mother, and his
servants, and his princes, and his officers." 2 Kings xxiv, 12. By
this ready submission he saved his life : for Nebuchadnezzar " car
ried away Jehoiachin to Babylon, and the king's mother, and the
king's wives." Verse 15. On this occasion, also, " all the princes,
and all the mighty men of valour, even ten thousand captives, and
the craftsmen and smiths a thousand, and all that were strong and
apt for war," were carried captive to Babylon. 2 Kings xxiv, passim.
Hebrew People, p. 349.

Having thus prostrated the power of the Hebrew state, and car
ried away all the principal inhabitants, with all the treasures of the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 187

temple and the palace and the spoil of the city, leaving none behind
but " the poorest sort of the people of the land," Nebuchadnezzar
took Mattaniah, the uncle of the deposed king, and, changing his
name to Zedekiah, made him swear by the name of the Lord not to
rebel against him, nor to help the Egyptians. 2 Chron. xxxvi, 13;
Ezek. xvii, 13-15 ; Esdras i, 48; 2 Kings xx, 17.

It does not clearly appear in what martial enterprises the king of
Babylon was employed during several years after this event. It is
probable that he was occupied in the conquest of some of those nations
so signally set forth in the predictions of Jeremiah, Jer. xxv, 18-26;
— most likely, those nearest to Babylon.

No portion of the wonderful incidents connected with this reign
is more remarkable, than the precision with which the rising power
of Babylon is made the subject of sacred prophecy. A collection of
these predictions in order is well worthy of very serious attention ;
and shows how wonderfully the prescience of Jehovah was mani
fested in the providential government of the world at this period.
Jeremiah, indeed, announced with the most wonderful exactness the
exploits of this king ; and that not only verbally, but on some occa
sions by the most significant types and figures. For instance : when
the kings of the Moabites, Ammonites, Tyrians, and Zidonians were
using all their influence to induce Zedekiah to join them in a coali
tion against Nebuchadnezzar, Jeremiah sent to each of the ambas
sadors of these nations, then at the court of Jerusalem for this
purpose, yokes and bonds, as a present to their sovereigns, with this
declaration: "Thus saith the Lord of hosts, the God of Israel;
Thus shall ye say unto your masters ; I have made the earth, the
man and the beast that are upon the ground, by my great power and
by my outstretched arm, and have given it unto whom it seemed meet
unto me. And now have I given all these lands into the hand of
Nebuchadnezzar the King of Babylon, my servant. And all nations
shall serve him, and his son, and his son's son, until the very time of
his land come. And it shall come to pass that the nation and kingdom
which will not serve the same Nebuchadnezzar the King of Babylon,
and that will not put their neck under the yoke of the King of
Babylon, that nation will 1 punish, saith the Lord, with the sword,
and with the famine, and with the pestilence, until I have consumed
them by his hand." Jer. xxvii, 4-8.

Such interposition must not only have greatly affected the amount
of resistance opposed to the progress of the Chaldsean conqueror,
but also have given him great encouragement in the prosecution of
his plans for the consolidation and extension of his dominions.

Yet all this was insufficient to induce even Zedekiah to render a

188 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

willing subjection to Nebuchadnezzar. The diviners and sorcerers
of these neighbouring countries, and the false prophets, who sur
rounded the person of Zedekiah, united, on the contrary, to assure
the confederate princes of success in their effort. Jer. xxvii, 9, 14.
Under this influence, after the lapse of several years, when the king
of Egypt joined them, measures were taken by these princes for the
promotion of their object. This was soon made known to Nebuchad
nezzar, who immediately collected an army and marched into Syria.
Here, when arrived at the place where the roads diverged to llab-
bath, the capital of Ammon, and to Jerusalem, the king oF Babylon
halted, and proceeded to ascertain by divination which way he should
take. Arrows, teraphim, and sacrificial victims, were all employed ;
(Ezek. xxi, 21, 22;) and the result of this process was a determination
to advance upon Jerusalem. In his progress the Babylonian king
took several of the fenced cities of Judah ; after which he laid siege
to Jerusalem, simultaneously investing Lachish and Azekah with
other divisions of his army.

Pharaoh- Hophra, who now reigned in Egypt, was at the same
time inordinately vain of his power, (Herodotus, Euterpe, cap. 169 ;
Ezek. xxix,) and the most important member of the alliance of
western states, which had united to resist the ambitious projects of
the Chaldean king. On hearing of this invasion he immediately
marched an army to the relief of Jerusalem. But in this instance,
also, the repeated predictions of the prophets were verified : for no
sooner had Nebuchanezzar raised the siege, and marched to meet
the Egyptians, than Pharaoh at once retreated before him, without
striking a blow, and returned into his own country.

Nebuchadnezzar hastened back to the Hebrew capital, which, after
holding out for eighteen months, was taken. Zedekiah endeavoured
to escape by night with his sons and chief officers ; but he was pur
sued, overtaken in the plains of Jericho, and carried into the presence
of the king of Babylon at Riblah, in Syria ; where the conqueror
caused his two sons to be slain before his eyes, and then punished
him, in a way frequently employed toward rebellious vassals, by
putting out his eyes, and sending him in chains to Babylon. (See
Appendix, note 24.) Having completely destroyed the city and
temple of Jerusalem, carried off all the wealth of the land as spoil,
with the great body of the people as captives, Nebuchadnezzar
directed the operations of his army against the surrounding countries.
Rabbath, too, was destroyed, and its princes carried into captivity,
while the Philistines, Moabites, Edomites, Arabs, and Syrians were
also devastated and spoiled ; according to the declarations which had
been made by the sacred prophets respecting these nations. See

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 189

Nahum iii, 8-10; Jeremiah xliii, 8-13; xliv, 27-30; xlvi, 13-26;
Ezekiel xxix, 30-32. Returning to Babylon, Nebuchadnezzar
dedicated the spoil to his idol deities, distributed his captives in
different parts of the kingdom, and recruited his army for the next
campaign.

The following year Nebuchadnezzar began his military operations
by the siege of Tyre. In this, as in other parts, the conqueror's
progress, the difficulty of his undertaking, and his ultimate success,
were distinctly foretold by the Prophet Ezekiel two years before he
entered upon it. Ezek. xxvi ; xxviii. This is one of the most mem
orable sieges on record, and exhibited equal determination and
constancy in the attack and defence. Thirteen years of unavailing
effort were expended on this wealthy commercial city; but in the
fourteenth year it fell into the hands of its unwearied foe. The city,
thus taken and totally destroyed, stood on the mainland : it was never
rebuilt.

The attention of Nebuchadnezzar was now turned to Egypt,
which he ravaged, as stated in a preceding chapter. (Page 97.) As
this fact was so discreditable to their nation, the Egyptian annalists
did not record it ; and in consequence we have no mention of the event
by Herodotus, Diodorus, or Strabo. A similar silence is maintained
respecting the catastrophe of the Red Sea. Berosus, however, affirms
that Nebuchadnezzar " subdued Egypt, Syria, Phenicia, Arabia, and
excelled in warlike exploits all the Babylonian and Chaldsean kings
who reigned before him." As already mentioned, (page 98,)
Megasthenes asserted his conquest of Libya; (Josephus, Contra Api-
onem, lib. i, cap. 19;) and Syncellus says that the ancient Phenician
historians related that Nebuchadnezzar conquered Syria, Egypt, and
all Phenicia. (Syncellus, Chronog., p. 221.)

Having thus completely subdued all Western Asia, and freed
himself from every apprehension of trouble on the side of Egypt,
the king of Babylon returned with his army, laden with spoils, to
his capital. He had now attained the summit of his ambition.
Everywhere his power prevailed. In the east, if the Medes main
tained a show of independence, it was merely nominal ; and was
allowed, because of the intimate family relationship subsisting be
tween the two sovereigns, Nebuchadnezzar having married a sister
of the king of Media. (See Appendix, note 25.) In every other
direction, from Egypt and the Mediterranean to the extreme east,
the Babylonish power prevailed. Nebuchadnezzar had commenced
great alterations and improvements in his capital, even before he
entered upon the siege of Tyre. He now completed these stupendous
works, which have always been considered among the most remark-

190 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

able erections of the world. Berosus thus speaks of them : " When
he had thus admirably fortified the city, and had magnificently
adorned the gates, he added also a new palace to those in which his
forefathers had dwelt, adjoining them, but exceeding them in height
and splendour. Any attempt to describe it would be tedious. In
this palace he erected very high walks, supported by stone pillars ;
and by planting what was called a ' pensile paradise,' and replenishing
it with all sorts of trees, he rendered the prospect an exact resem
blance of a mountainous country. This he did to gratify his queen,
because she had been brought up in Media, and was fond of a
mountainous situation."— Cory's Fragments, p. 40. (See Appendix,
note 26.)

Having thus fortified and beautified his capital, Nebuchadnezzar
resolved to take the most effective measures for the consolidation
of his power and the perpetuation of his empire. While occupied in
this manner, lying on his bed, and revolving these matters in his
rniud, he fell asleep, and had a very remarkable dream, which, on
his awaking, rested with unusual weight on his mind. Fully believ
ing, in accordance with the national faith, that such visions were
intended to convey important information respecting future events,
the king immediately summoned to his presence the chief of his
soothsayers, astrologers, and magicians, and required them to tell
him his dream and its interpretation. The policy of the king in
this instance is fully explained by his language. He distrusted the
fidelity of these sages, and felt convinced that the same amount of
supernatural wisdom which would enable them to give an authorized
interpretation, would be sufficient to qualify them to declare the
dream ; while, in the latter case, his knowledge would enable him to
test their fidelity ; but, in the former, he would have no proof that
their interpretation was anything more than mere pretence.

The wise men were confounded by this strange procedure, and
promptly confessed their utter inability to comply with his demand.
This so incensed the disappointed monarch, that he ordered all the
wise men to be slain. Prior to this, Daniel and his three Hebrew
companions, having greatly distinguished themselves in the attain
ment of knowledge, were enrolled among the number of the members
of this sage body. When, therefore, the officer of the guard, in obe
dience to the king's command, was collecting all the wise men of Bab
ylon preparatory to their execution, he had to include Daniel and his
friends, informing them at the same time of their danger and of its
cause. Daniel expostulated respecting the hastiness of the measure,
and begged for time, that he might endeavour to furnish the required
information. This respite was granted ; and the prophet and his

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 191

associates gave themselves to earnest prayer to God, that he would
give to Daniel the knowledge necessary to save them from the
impending doom. Their prayer was answered. The secret was
revealed unto Daniel in a night- vision ; and he accordingly presented
himself before the king, and told him that he had seen in his dream
a great and terrible image, the head of which was of fine gold, the
breast and arms of silver, the belly and thighs of brass, and the legs
of iron, while the feet were partly of iron and partly of clay. Aston
ished as the king was at hearing this exact description of his dream,
he was still more so at its interpretation. Daniel — having assured
him that it was not by his own wisdom that he had attained the
knowledge of this secret ; but by the special gift of God, who had
given the dream and the interpretation thereof, that he might make
known to the king what should come to pass hereafter — proceeded
to unfold the divine teaching thus symbolically conveyed.

Addressing Nebuchadnezzar as a king of kings, possessing bound
less power, dignity, and glory, by the direct and immediate gift of
the God of heaven, Daniel told him that HE was the head of gold ;
that, after him, another kingdom should arise, inferior to him, as silver
is to gold ; and afterward a third kingdom, of brass, should bear
rule over the earth ; that at last a fourth kingdom, strong as iron,
should put forth its power, and should be, at the same time, remark
able for invincible power and incurable intestine disunion ; and that,
during the period and rule of this fourth kingdom, the God of heaven
should set up a kingdom, which, unlike all these successive transitory
thrones, should embrace the whole earth, and continue to the end of
the world.

It is scarcely possible, at this distance of time, to form any reason
able conception of the amount of information thus conveyed to the
mind of this proud king. He must, at least, have been deeply im
pressed with the magnitude of the divine wisdom and power. He
must have felt that a prescient and omnipotent Power ruled in this
earth, before whom all human policy and martial prowess were as
nothing ; and that this Power had decreed but a temporary duration
to his kingdom, extensive and elevated as it was ; that there should
be a succession of four prevailing monarchies, which should exercise
paramount supremacy in the earth ; and that, under the last of these,
the kingdom of God should be established in the world.

No notion respecting antiquity is more unfounded than the sup
position, that the king of Babylon and his courtiers would be at a
loss to understand this announcement. From the earliest ages, the
primitive promise lived in the memory and hope of mankind : and
the form it assumed throughout successive generations was, — that a

192 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

divine person, or " Son," should appear, who, subduing all evil powers,
would establish one united and perpetual sovereignty in the earth.
The interpretation of the king's dream, therefore, was calculated —
and, very probably, was designed — to remove those vain-glorious
thoughts which had occupied his mind, and to assure him that, so
far from his own being the great and long-expected sovereignty, his
kingdom was destined to be succeeded by three others, each wielding
universal dominion, before the promised kingdom of God would
come ; and that, when at length it was set up, it should be so diverse,
in its character and constitution, from all these, that it would break
in pieces and destroy all these kingdoms, and stand forever.
Dan. ii.

The revelations thus given by Daniel to the king were so satis
factory, that he raised the prophet to the highest honour, gave him
great gifts, and appointed him RAB MAG, or chief of all the wise
men, and ruler over the province of Babylon. Daniel immediately
promoted his three friends to offices of trust and honour in the
government of the province with which he had been intrusted.

Our next information respecting this reign announces the erection
by N ebuchadnezzar of a golden image, of great height and splendour.
This was set up in the plains of Dura in the province of Babylon.
The simple addition of an image, even a large and golden one, to the
objects already worshipped in a country so devoted to idolatry as
Babylonia, would of itself excite no surprise, and scarcely call for
observation. In this case, however, there are many extraordinary
circumstances. In the first place, the king summoned, to meet him
at the dedication of this image, " the princes, the governors, and cap
tains, the judges, the treasurers, the counsellors, the sheriffs, and all
the rulers of the provinces." Now, in an empire so extensive as that
of Babylon, and so recently constituted, a measure of this kind must
not only have involved great cost, inconvenience, and waste of time,
but must, especially in recently- subdued countries, have been con
nected with some danger. This is so evident that it must be uni
versally admitted, that nothing but a great and urgent reason would
have led to such an abstraction of all the government staff, and the
elite of all the officers of the empire from their post of duty, that
they might meet together on this occasion.

The motive which operated in the mind of Nebuchadnezzar was,
however, sufficient to induce him to adopt this course : and this is
conclusive evidence that he aimed at something more than the
addition of one more image to the Pantheon of Babylonia. Whether
the exposition given in a preceding volume (Hebrew People,
pp. 396, 586-589) be received or rejected, I think it must be

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 193

admitted that the king was moved to adopt this course by some
strong desire to bring the united religious faith and feeling of his
officers everywhere to bear upon their fealty to him, and to promote
the consolidation of his empire by this means.

Whatever might have been the king's motive in all this great
effort, it led to marvellous consequences. The pious determination
of the three Hebrew youths was formed ; and they refused com
pliance with the royal mandate, to " fall down and worship the golden
image." They were in consequence cast into a fiery furnace.
Struck with such remarkable conduct, and enraged at this resist
ance to his authority, Nebuchadnezzar carefully watched the execu
tion of the punishment. While thus occupied, he was amazed beyond
measure to find that the fire had no power on the bodies of the con
demned men. Their bonds, indeed, were burned off, but their per
sons and their clothes remained unharmed by the destroying element ;
and they walked up and down in the midst of the fire. Stranger
even than all was the appearance of a divine person, walking in
company with them through the fire, whom the terrified king, either
struck by the display of some well-known sign or appearance, or
taught by an immediate afflatus from heaven, at once recognised as
THE SON OF GOD.

Whatever personal, political, or religious design, then, was con
templated in the collection of this great assembly, it could have been
but partially secured, and was probably entirely frustrated. This
great and at the same time select, concourse of the official and ex
ecutive bodies of all the provinces of this immense empire are sent
back to their localities, not only under a deep impression of the
faithfulness and almighty power of the God of the Hebrews, but
with an assurance that, notwithstanding the hopes and expectation
of every people looked each to its own several country for his
appearance, the SON OF GOD was eminently the God of the He
brews.

The religious effect of this miracle on this Hebrew multitude will
be noticed elsewhere : we simply observe here, that its political influ
ence must have been great. What though Jerusalem lay in ruins,
and the Hebrews were scattered throughout Chaldsea in abject cap
tivity ? their fortunes could not be regarded as hopeless, their politi
cal interests could not be desperate, while an almighty God was thus
present to interpose in their behalf. When, therefore, " the princes,
governors, and captains, and the king's counsellors, being gathered
together, saw these men, upon whose bodies the fire had no power,
nor was a hair of their head singed," they saw before them living
proofs of the vitality of the Hebrew state, — a certain pledge that it

194 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

also should be delivered from the furnace of affliction in which it then
was, and rise again to honour and power.

As no heathen monarch had ever before been the subject of such
a large amount of prophecy and promise as Nebuchadnezzar, so no
one was distinguished by such remarkable interpositions. Not
only was he permitted to overthrow the Hebrew state, which had
arisen under the special and immediate protection of Heaven, and
had been miraculously sustained for many centuries ; but universal
sovereignty was in distinct terms promised to him, and he was
actually put in possession of it. While he remained a proud and
haughty heathen, although influenced by a mad ambition, he is
called a "servant" of Jehovah, and direct punishment from God
is denounced on all who refuse to submit to his authority.
Jer. xxvii, 0-8. The result of this unparalleled success and eleva
tion was intolerable pride, which subjected him to a most remarkable
afflictive visitation.

Our information respecting this fact is brought before us in an
extraordinary manner, being contained in a long and important
proclamation or edict, issued by the king, which details all the cir
cumstances of the case, with his solemn judgment thereon. It recites
that the king saw in a di-jam a great and lofty tree, of unequalled
strength, size, and beauty; that while he gazed on it a holy one
came down from heaven, and cried aloud : " Hew down the tree, cut
off his branches, shake off his leaves, and scatter his fruit : let the
beasts get away from under it, and the fowls from his branches :
nevertheless leave the stump of his roots in the earth, even with a
band of iron and brass, in the tender grass of the field ; and let it be
wet with the dew of heaven, and let his portion be with the beasts
in the grass of the earth : let his heart be changed from man's, and
let a beast's heart be given unto him; and let seven times pass
over him." The king said, that the dream made him afraid, and
troubled him. He then called in his wise men ; but they could riot
afford him any satisfactory solution of the dream. Daniel was then
summoned : and, on hearing the strange recital, stood wrapt in mute
astonishment for an hour; until the king said, " Belteshazzar, let not
the dream trouble THEE." The prophet then, in a speech full of
tenderness, power, and fidelity, told his master that the dream
betokened the greatest personal calamity to the king. Identifying
the sovereign with the tree, he thus explained its cutting down, <fcc. :
" This is the interpretation, 0 king, and this is the decree of the
Most High.which is come upon my lord the king : that they shall
drive thee from men, and thy dwelling shall be with the beasts of the
field, and t!'/-y shall make thee to eat grass as oxen, and they shall

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 195

wet thee with the dew of heaven, and seven times shall pass over
thee, till thou know that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of
men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will." The prophet closed
his address by earnestly exhorting the king to repentance, that, if
possible, the infliction of this terrible evil might be delayed or
averted.

No immediate prospect of the fulfilment of this prophetic doom
appeared. Nebuchadnezzar still proceeded in his usual course, until
twelve months after he had had this dream, when, while standin^ in
his palace, admiring the splendour of his dwelling, and the magnifi
cence and extent of his capital, he said, " Is not this great Babylon,
that I have built for the house of the kingdom by the might of my
power, and for the honour of my majesty?" Instantly a voice from
heaven arrested his ear, and announced that the predicted infliction
would now take place. And so it was : the same hour the kind's
reason left him: insanity, in its most humiliating form, affected his
mind ; and from this time he herded with beasts, and was a stranger
to the comforts of humanity, until seven years had passed over him.
It is possible that during these years Nebuchadnezzar had intervals
sufficiently lucid to enable him to appreciate the extent of his loss,
and the misery and degradation to which he was reduced. At the
end of seven years he recovered his reason, and was restored to his
kingdom. He immediately published, as a proclamation, that which
is now found in the fourth chapter of Daniel's prophecy, and which
was perhaps drawn up, at his request, by the hand of the prophet.
It contains a noble acknowledgment of the truth, wisdom, goodness,
and power of the true God.

Soon after this event, Nebuchadnezzar died, and left the kingdom
to his son. We cannot, however, close the account of this extra
ordinary reign without observing, that it was in fact the Babylonian
empire. The prophetic explanation given by Daniel of the first uni
versal monarchy was as strictly accurate as it was bold and terse,
when he said to Nebuchadnezzar, " THOU art this head of gold."
Like Alexander of Greece, this king of Babylon, under God, gave
power to his country. All before him was slow, almost impercepti
ble, growth : — all after him, rapid decay.

It may further be observed, that the numerous predictions respect
ing the future history of the world which this sovereign had received
through the medium of Daniel, had given him a knowledge of suc
ceeding events which have left traces on the page of profane history.
In a fragment of Megasthenes,* preserved by Abydenus, it is stated,

0 Megasthenes was a Greek author who wrote B. C. 300. He was sent by Seleucus to
India, to renew a treaty with Sandrocottus.

196 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

" It is moreover related by the Chaldreans, that as Nebuchadnezzar
went up into his palace, he was possessed by some god; and he
cried out and said, '0 Babylonians, I Nebuchadnezzar foretell unto
you a calamity which must shortly come to pass, which neither Belus
my ancestor nor his queen Beltis have power to persuade the Fates
to turn away. A Persian mule shall come, and by the assistance
of your gods shall impose upon you the yoke of slavery ; the author
of which shall be a Mede, the vain-glory of Assyria. Before he
should thus betray my subjects, 0 that some sea or whirlpool might
receive him, and his memory be blotted out forever; or that he
might be cast out, to wander through some desert, where there are
neither cities nor the trace of men, a solitary exile among rocks and
caverns, where beasts and birds alone abide ! But for me, before
he shall have conceived these mischiefs in his mind, a happier end
will be provided.' When he had thus prophesied, he expired."—
Corifs Fragments, p. 45.

it will be freely admitted, that if Daniel had fully communicated
his several visions to Nebuchadnezzar, he would have been in pos
session of all the information given in the above extract : and noth
ing seems more probable than that, although from motives of policy
he might keep the import of these to himself during his life, he
might just before his death, unburden his mind in such language as
Megasthenes has given us, — language which will be found in perfect
keeping with the thoughts, feelings, and character of the speaker.
(Prideaux's Connexion, vol. i, p. 117.)

On the death of Nebuchadnezzar, EviL-MERODACH ascended the
throne. We have but slender information respecting this sovereign.
The first act of his which is mentioned in Holy Scripture is the
liberation of Jehoiachin, the captive king of Judah, from the prison
in which he had been confined for thirty-seven years. 2 Kings
xxv, '27. A Jewish tradition, already noticed, supposes the Baby
lonian prince to have been imprisoned by his father, and thus to
have formed an acquaintance with the captive Hebrew. A cause
is suggested for this imprisonment of the Babylonish prince by a
statement of Xenophon to this effect, that during a hunting excur
sion he entered the Median territory, but was encountered and
repulsed by a party of Medes under the command of Cyrus, who
was then a youth.

Whether either of these traditions has any foundation in fact can
not now be ascertained: but it is sufficiently evident that his kind
ness to the captive king of Judah is the most prominent action of
this sovereign's government which has come to our knowledge. He
slain, after a brief reign of three years, by a conspiracy, at the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 197

head of which was his brother-in-law, Neriglissar, who had married
a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar.

NERIGLISSAR succeeded to the throne on the death of Evil-
Merodach, and was greatly esteemed by his subjects for his justice
and bravery.

He saw in the rising power of the Medes, and their close con
nexion with Persia, danger to the independence of his country : and
it is highly probable that this apprehension was greatly strengthened
by the predictions which Nebuchadnezzar had received from Daniel,
and which would be preserved in the court of Babylon, as important
guides to direct the policy of the state. He accordingly exerted
himself to promote a powerful confederacy against Media. This
was composed of the Lydians under Croesus, the King of Cappa-
docia, the Phrygians, the Carians, the Paphlagonians, the Cilicians,
and some Indians.

The Median monarch, in order effectually to resist this aggressive
combination, first marched into Armenia, where the king, encour
aged by these appearances of hostility, had thrown off his allegiance,
and withheld his accustomed tribute. Having subdued and pardoned
this prince, he proceeded to meet the confederated chiefs, who did
uot shrink from the conflict. A great battle was the result, in which
the Medes were conquerors, and Neriglissar was slain. Croesus of
Lydia assumed the command of the defeated army, and retreated
toward his own country ; while the son of Neriglissar, LABOROSAR-
CHOD, being a very young man, ascended the throne of Babylon.

This prince was the BELSHAZ^AR of Daniel : he reigned but nine
months ; in consequence of which, his name does not appear in the
Astronomical Canon of Ptolemy. Short as was his reign, he gave
ample proof of his cruelty and dissipation. He wantonly slew the
son of Gobrias, one of his principal nobles, because, while hunting,
he successfully threw a dart at a wild beast which the king had
hoped to kill. He also subjected another of his nobility to the most
infamous and cruel treatment, because one of the royal concubines
had praised his appearance. The crowning act of his short and in
glorious reign was his profanation of the vessels of the house of the
Lord at Jerusalem; which Nebuchadnezzar had taken away, and
placed in the temple of his idol deity at Babylon.

This young and vain prince having assembled a thousand of his
lords to a grand banquet, — while they were feasting with unbounded
revelry, it occurred to him, that it would greatly add to the interest
of the scene, and to his own honour, if he introduced these sacred
vessels to his guests. The desire was immediately gratified. The
sacred vessels were introduced. He drank wine out of them, and

198 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

handed them to his guests, who, following his example, all united in
extolling their own gods, by whose favour such trophies were placed
in their hands.

While thus employed, the finger of a man's hand was seen writing
on the wall opposite to the royal seat. To apprehend this fully, it
must be stated that these royal halls were covered with sculpture
and inscriptions. Every national triumph, and all the splendid
actions of their several kings, were thus emblazoned before the eyes
of all beholders. The finger of a man's hand thus miraculously
adding to these records, of course, filled the assembly with con
sternation and alarm, and most of all dismayed the king, who in
trembling haste summoned his wise men to his aid ; but they could
not read the writing. The queen, Nitocris, now appeared. She
was the king's grandmother, and had been the wife of Nebuchad
nezzar, and was therefore perfectly familiar with the history of that
king's reign, and with the character and wisdom of Daniel. She
accordingly suggested, that the sacred seer should be called ; who,
when he appeared, after a faithful reprehension of the king for his
impiety, announced that the sentence so marvellously added to the
inscriptions of the royal palace, was simply this: "Tiiou ART

WEIGHED IN THE BALANCES, AND ART FOUND WANTING. TlIY
KINGDOM IS NUMBERED AND FINISHED, AND GIVEN TO THE MfiDES

AND PERSIANS." (See also Hebrew People, pp. 354, 355.)

That same night Belshazzar was slain by conspirators ; and, as
the sacred record informs us, " DARIUS the Median took the king
dom, being about threescore and two years old." Dan. v, 31.

2s o portion of ancient history is more complicated or beset with
greater difficulties, than this : and for further information respecting
the chronology and order of this succession the reader must be re
ferred to another place. (See Appendix, note 27.) It may, how
ever, be stated here, that there is nothing in the conclusion to which
we have come, or in the Scriptural account which we fully receive,
contrary to the highest probability.

The sovereign of Media, with whom the Persians were in strict
alliance, was brother of Nitocris, the wise and energetic queen-
mother of Babylon. The race of !N ebuchaclnezzar was now extinct.
Darius was the nearest of kin to the late royal line. The power of
the Medes and Persians was in the ascendant. But a few months
previously, the king of Babylon had fallen in battle against them, and
all the confederate host had been routed by the Medo-Persian army.
At this moment the young Cyrus was pursuing his career of con
quest in the west of Asia. At the same time, it was known that
the Median supremacy was just and clement. The king of Armenia

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 199

had a short time before been pardoned, and allowed to retain the
sovereignty of his country, even after he had been convicted of infi
delity. Above all, the queen was well aware, that, with the deceased
monarch, God's prophet had declared that the royal line of Babylon
should cease, and the country become subject to the Medes and
Persians. This was, indeed, not only known to the queen by pre
vious predictions, but had also, on that eventful night of revelry,
been heralded forth to all the assembled aristocracy by the venera
ble Daniel.

Can it, then, excite any surprise that this course was taken, now
that there was no royal ambition to gratify? Need we wonder that
the Babylonians did not decide upon appointing a king, and enter
ing, under every disadvantage, upon a new Median war, rather than,
by a ready submission to Darius, securing to themselves a mild and
tolerant government?

The king of Media, on these terms, took possession of the king
dom, and treated it as the rest of his dominions. The sacred writer
proceeds to say, that " it pleased Darius to set over the kingdom a
hundred and twenty princes." The person he appointed as viceroy
of Babylon was NABONNEDUS, or LABYNETUS, as he is sometimes
named. It would seem, from the accounts of ancient authors, that
he was the choice of the Babylonish people; it being extremely
probable that, in those circumstances, the Median monarch would
allow them a governor in whom they had the fullest confidence.
Having made this appointment, and having heard, perhaps by public
report, and possibly more fully from his sister, the fame and char
acter of Daniel, Darius took him to his own capital of Ecbatana,
and made him the first minister of his great empire.

Labynetus reigned seventeen years. We have no information
respecting the early part of his government : but it seems that, hav
ing become accustomed to rule, he, after some years, turned his
attention to the feasibility of obtaining the independence of Babylon.
His first efforts were directed toward greatly improving the fortifi
cations of his capital. At length, taking advantage of the conquest
of Media, and the troubled state of the affairs of Cyrus, Labynetus
assumed entire independence. How long he was permitted to enjoy
this, does not appear. But at length the indefatigable Persian
marched toward Babylon. Too confident in his strength, the king
went forth, and met him in the field, but was completely defeated.
Still the king of Babylon, relying on the strength of the city walls,
refused to submit ; and Cyrus was long detained by the siege, until
at length, taking advantage of a public festival, he diverted the river
from its bed, and caused his troops to enter, on each side of the

200 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

city, in the night, which was thus taken by surprise, and completely
reduced to subjection. Labynetus, on the capture of the city, re
treated to Borsippa, the sacred palace and citadel, which were
strongly fortified. (See Appendix, note 28.) Cyrus destroyed the
principal part of the lofty walls of Babylon, before he left it.

Having subdued the capital, Cyrus proceeded to invest Borsippa;
but Labynetus, seeing his circumstances desperate, submitted him
self to the conqueror, and was sent into Carmania, where he ended
his days. Thus terminated the glory and power of Babylon. We
cannot, however, dismiss the history of this country without observ
ing, that we have here the first of those four remarkable nations
which were raised up by the special providence of God, made the
subjects of wonderful prophetic revelations, and placed in singular
proximity to the people of God. There is nothing in the history
of the world comparable to the magnitude of this divine interposition.
Its effect on the religious character and knowledge of the several
countries will be elsewhere shown : but, as a grand element in God's
government of the world, this divine vocation of nations to peculiar
political power is truly wonderful. Babylon, after ages of subjec
tion to Assyria, suddenly, and exactly when the Hebrew state was
tottering to its fall, started up to the summit of martial power and
political grandeur ; and, having fulfilled her destiny in the ruin and
captivity of the Hebrews, and verified the numerous predictions
which had been delivered respecting her, she with equal rapidity,
and almost without a struggle, descended first into her former subor
dinate position, and thence into absolute and perpetual desolation.
(See Appendix, note 29.)

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF BABYLONIAN HISTORY.

Names and Events.

Years
Reigned.

747 Nabonassar 14

(Who made the date of his acces
sion the beginning of the Na-
bonassarian Era.)

733 Nadius....' 2

731 Chinzirus 5

726 Jugfeus 5

721 Mardocempadus 12

(The Merodach-Baladan who sent

an embassy to Hezekiah.)
709 Archianes, brother to Esarhaddon... 5

704 Hagisa 30 days

(Who killed the preceding Assy
rian viceroy, and ruled inde
pendently.)

Maraduk 6 months

Interregnum.

702 Belibus 3

699 Apronadius 6

(Babylon being again subdued
to Assyria, this king, another
brother of Esarhaddon, gov
erns.)
693 Regibulus 1

B.C. Names and Events. gjj^

692 Mesesimordacus 4

688 Second Interregnum 8

680 Asaridin 13

667 Saosduchin 20

647 Chinladin 22

625 Nabopolassar 21

(In conjunction with the Medes,
destroys Nineveh, B. C. 606,
and sends his son, Nebuchad
nezzar, to subdue Western
Asia.)

604 Nebuchadnezzar 43

(Destroys Jerusalem, B. C. 586.)

561 Evil-Merodach 3

558 Neriglissar 5

Laborosarchod 9 months

(The Belshazzar of Daniel ; his
feast and death.)

553 Labynetus 17

(Rules at first as viceroy under
Darius; but at length, assum
ing independence, is subdued
by Cyrus.)
536 Babylon taken by Cyrus.

202 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

CHAPTER V.

THE RELIGION OF THE ASSYRIANS AND BABYLONIANS.

BABYLON- the seat of the first post-diluvian Apostacy — Peculiar Religious Position of
Babylon tuid Assyria — Epiphanius on the Early Declension of Religion— Information
contained in his Statement — Fragment of Damascius — Its Important Teaching — The
Chaldsean Oracles exhibit the same Fact — A Triad consisting of the Great Mother,
Father, and Only-begotten Son — Further Development of Chaldean Mythology —
Chaldiran Deities— Their Origin and Peculiarities— Worship of the Heavenly Bodies,
and of Fire — Chaldnean and Assyrian Idolatry began with Hero and Demon Worship
in the Form of Triads — Mr. Faber on this Subject — Symbolical Representation of the
Great Triad— Other Symbols — Assarac — Cherubic Figures — The Sacred Tree — A Gar
den called " Paradise " attached to each Royal Palace — The Palace itself a Sacred
Temple — Doubts of Layard— Elaborate Proof of Fergusson — The King revered as a
Divine Person — Proof of this — Manner in which the Kings evinced their Claim to this
Character— This Idea shown to pervade the whole System — Remarkable Identity of
Character which the Religion of Assyria and Babylon maintained through so many
Ages — General Views — Gradual Declension in Theology — Worship of Fire — The
Results of Hebrew Intercourse and Divine Interposition on the Religion of these
Countries— Sabaeanism not the Primitive Religion of Assyria — A large Amount of
Patriarchal History and Religious Knowledge must have remained in the Primitive
Nations long after the Dispersion — Patriarchal Longevity designed to prevent a
Deterioration in Religion — Connexion with the Hebrews — Divine Interposition more
likely on this Ground to be effective — Assyrian Intercourse with Egypt — Assyrian
Knowledge of Hebrew History— The Mission of Jonah— Its Religious Results— The
Destruction of the Assyrian Emigrants in Samaria by Lions — A Hebrew Priest sent to
teach them the Law of the Lord — Babylon elated by the Ruin of Jerusalem — The
King humbled, and all the People taught Divine Truth, on the Plains of Dura —
Nebuchadnezzar's Insanity, Restoration, and Proclamation.

WHEN the antiquity and extensive dominion of these great empires,
Assyria and Babylon, are considered, it is almost impossible to
attach too much importance to an acquaintance with their religion.
Here, unquestionably, the first post-diluvian apostacy was carried
into effect, and recognised as the established faith of a particular
nation. Regarding Mr. Faber 's induction — that the groat princi
ples of heathen idolatry were evolved, and generally adopted, before
the Dispersion— as an established fact, we hold that these must
have been incorporated into the national faith of Assyria and Baby
lon, before any other people would have obtained a settled location,
and assumed a national form. Another circumstance serves to
confirm this opinion : by the universal consent of all antiquity, the
founder of the Babylonian state was one of the leaders, if not the
prime mover, in the origination and development of this apostacy.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 203

To Nimrod has been awarded, in all ages, the position of arch-
apostate in this departure from the truth of God: and this being
admitted, there cannot be a doubt that he enforced the adoption
of this perverted faith as a part of the policy of his own govern
ment.

But while these circumstances clearly indicate the existence of
some important facts, and the operation of certain principles, we
must recollect that they prove the period to which our inquiry is
directed to be exceedingly remote. We have here to discuss the
nature of religious changes effected four thousand five hundred years
ago, and to trace, as far as possible, their operation, influence, and
development for the twenty centuries which ensued ; and to attempt
all this, under the great disadvantage arising from the circumstance
that this people has perished from the earth, and been unknown
among men during the last two thousand years. Much, therefore,
cannot be expected in such an effort, beyond general heads of
information. Accuracy in detail must in this instance be almost
impossible. W hat can be gleaned, however, from authentic sources,
it will be our aim to furnish ; and from these data to supply general
views of the character, morals, influence, and policy of this religious
system.

In the absence of precise information respecting the early opera
tion of idolatry in Assyria, it might be fairly presumed that those
great errors which have been shown to have originated before the
Dispersion, and to have wrought a total corruption in the theology
of the world, had obtained in that country, and produced similar
results to those which meet the eye of religious research in Egypt
and other ancient nations.

We are not totally left to this barren induction, in respect of a
subject of so much interest and importance. There are several
facts connected with it, handed down to us by ancient Greek authors,
who had opportunities of collecting, from the literature of Assyria
and Babylon, important elements of information, which were current
in their day, respecting the religion of those countries. These
stores of instruction are largely supplemented by the extensive dis
coveries recently made in the sculptures and inscriptions of these
ancient nations ; which have shed a flood of light on the religious
usages, rites, worship, sacred persons, and divinities of Assyria and
Babylon. These sources of information, when studied under the
direction of the general teaching of history, and with a due regard
to the influence exercised by the numerous divine interpositions and
communications .of religious truth, through the instrumentality of
the Hebrew people and of the Hebrew Scriptures, will, it is hoped,

204 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

enable us to form a tolerably correct and full idea of the religion of
these countries.

It may be desirable to call attention, in the first instance, to the
following extract from Epiphanius : for although a part of it refers
to a preceding period, altogether it shows the opinions which pre
vailed, at an early age, respecting the declension and deterioration
of religion which took place at different times, and probably the
account of the changes which it records is accurate : —

" The parents of all the heresies, and the prototypes from which
they derive their names, and from which all other heresies originate,
are these four primary ones.

" The first is Barbarism," (Patriarchism,) " which prevailed with
out a rival, from the days of Adam, through ten generations, to the
time of Noah. It is called ' Barbarism,' because men have no rulers,
nor submitted to any particular discipline of life ; but as each thought
proper to prescribe to himself, so he was at liberty to follow the dic
tates of his own inclination.

" The second is Scythism, which prevailed from the days of Noah,
and thence downward to the building of the tower and Babylon, and
for a few years subsequently to that time, that is, to the days of
Phalec and Ragar. But the nations which incline upon the borders
of Europe continued addicted to the Scythic heresy, and the cus
toms of the Scythians, to the age of Tharra, and afterward. Of this
sect also were the Thracians.

" The third is Hellenism, which originated in the days of Seruc
with the introduction of idolatry : and as men had each hitherto fol
lowed some demonolatrous superstition of his own, they were now
reduced to a more established form of polity, and to the rites and
ceremonies of idols. And the followers of this began with the use
of painting, making likenesses of those whom they had formerly
honoured, — either kings or chiefs, or men who in their lives had
performed actions which they deemed worthy of record, by strength
or excellence of body.

" And from the times of Tharra, the father of Abraham, they intro
duced images and all the errors of idolatry ; honouring their fore
fathers and their departed predecessors with effigies which they
fashioned after their likenesses. They first made these effigies of
earthenware, but afterward, according to their different arts, they
sculptured them in stone, and cast them in silver and gold, and
wrought them in wood, and all kinds of different materials.

" The Egyptians and Babylonians, the Phrygians and Phenicians,
were the first propagators of this superstition, of making images,
and of the mysteries; from whom it was transferred to the Greeks,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 205

from the time of Cecrops downward. But it was not until after
ward, and at a considerable interval, that Cronus and Ilhea, Zeus
and Apollo, were esteemed and honoured as gods." — Cory's Frag
ments, pp. 53-55.

Although this statement is not regarded as detailing the potent
causes which produced these changes, nor as specifying the exact
times when these causes began to operate, we accept it as an import
ant communication of the great stages of degeneracy, and of the
order and time when these changes were so fully effected as to become
open to public observation, and to stand patent to the world as accom
plished facts.

Regarded in this aspect, it teaches that no great religious change,
subsequent to the Deluge, was so fully effected as to be openly ob
servable in the state of society, until the time of Peleg and Reu.
The first of these was born about two years before the death of
!Nimrod. Further, we are informed that idolatry was reduced to an
established form of polity in the time of Serug, who was born B.C.
245'2, or two hundred and sixty years after the death of Nimrod.
We are also told, that at this period idol-worship had become
invested with special rites and ceremonies, and that it began with
painting the objects of idolatrous regard ; but that, in the days of
Terah, it had become so developed that images were common. It is
added, that it was not until some time afterward that Cronus, Rhea,
Zeus, and Apollo, were esteemed and honoured as gods. And,
lastly, we are informed that Babylon was one of the first of the
nations which adopted and promulgated these errors. Indeed, we
know from other evidence that the Babylonians were the first people
that fully committed themselves to this national sin and folly.

Thus in Chaldaea was this master-evil introduced, and the true
knowledge of God assailed by the rise, progress, and general preva
lence of this fatal superstition. But it will be asked, "How did
this scheme, in its systematic action, affect the knowledge of the one
true God ?" There can, indeed, be little doubt that the extract from
Epiphanius is perfectly correct in stating that, before this time, indi
viduals had been addicted to demonolatrous superstitions. It was,
in fact, this which made practicable the impious attempt to intro
duce idolatry as an established form of polity, and which brought
it into general operation.

It may be safely assumed, that at the beginning, as we have
already stated, this error was not put forward as an avowed antago
nist to the truth, but rather in the character of an addition, an aux
iliary to it. The first notice we have of the operation of this system
is in perfect accordance with this general rule. " The Babyloni-

206 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

ans," we are told, "like the rest of the barbarians, pass over in
silence the one principle of the universe ; and they constitute two,—
Tauthe and Apason ; making Apason the husband of Tauthe, and
denominating her ' the Mother of the Gods.' And from these pro
ceeds an only-begotten son, Moymis." — Cory's Fragments, p. 318.

In this brief but important passage there are some points which
deserve especial notice. We are told that the Babylonians — and
not they only, but the Gentile nations in general — preserved a strict
silence with respect to the one true God, — " the one principle of the
universe." They did not deny this : it would not have answered
their purpose. This truth was, in that early age, too deeply imbed
ded in the faith, traditions, and judgment of all people. A denial
of this cardinal doctrine would have raised resistance, and called
forth startling proofs of its certain verity. No; but they were tac
iturn respecting the glorious unity of the true God ; while other
objects of veneration and worship were, with the utmost diligence
and energy, spread before the mind, and by every sacred association
urged on the acceptance of the people. Thus, while perfect silence
was maintained respecting the divine unity, two persons are at first
exhibited as divine; and then the triad is completed by the addi
tion of their only-begotten son ! Is it not truly astonishing that the
two oldest primitive nations, Babylon and Egypt, should not only
have adopted the first pair, with the promised incarnate Seed, as
their divine triad, but that, after the lapse of so many ages, such
unmistakable proofs of this should yet remain to attest the cer
tainty of the fact ?

That this was the case here, as in Egypt, cannot admit of a doubt ;
or if such existed, it would be dispelled by the significant terms
"ONLY-BEGOTTEN SON." It is not merely a son, — a regal, a ruling
son ; but he is to be such a son as can have no equal, no parallel, —
an only-begotten, divinely-promised son. It is further observable,
that the woman is made the first of the triad, and called "the
Mother of the Gods." (Tavrrjv de fj,7i~epa $ewv ovofid^ovreg.) This
arises out of the fact contained in the primitive promise, namely,
that the incarnate Son was to be emphatically " the Seed of the
woman :" and if this Chaldaean dogma had not come down to us
through the language and medium of a nation of polytheists, we
certainly should not have found the female parent of an owZy-begot-
ten son called "the Mother of the Gods;'' but rather, in strict
accordance with the language employed by the Babylon of gospel
times, " the Mother of God."

The celebrated Chaldaean oracles are full of similar teaching.
Mr. Cory says of them, " We meet everywhere with the doctrine

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 207

of a triad." And although, with this learned and lamented author,
I am disposed to make considerable allowance for the forgeries and
corruptions which there is reason to believe the later Platonists
introduced into these oracles, 1 quite agree with him in believing
" that in them many of the remnants of the ancient system have
been preserved ;" and that " the fundamental tenet which they set
forth is, that ' a triad shines through the whole world, over which a
monad reigns.' " — Cory's Fragments, p. 318.

But while the fragment of Damascius gives us this important
information respecting the origin of the Chaldaic triad, it proceeds
further to develop the progress of Chaldeean idolatry. Although
it had been stated so distinctly, that Moymis, the third person of
the triad, was an only-begotten son, the account proceeds thus :
" From them, also, another progeny is derived, — Dache and Dachus ;
and again, a third, — Kissare and Asorus ; from which last three
others proceed,— Anus, and Illinus, and Aus. And of Aus and
Dauce is bora a son called Belus, who, they say, is the fabricator of
the world, the Demiurgus."— Cory's Myth. Inq., p. 63 ; and Cud-
worth's Intel Sys., vol. i, pp. 488-492. Thus it appears that,
having made the first pair and the promised Seed the triad which
stands at the head of their theogony, the Babylonians had to exhi
bit a series of sacred persons, terminating with their hero- divinity
Belus or Nimrod, who sustained the character of the great God,
was their principal national deity in after-times, and is celebrated as
the Demiurgus, or " Creator of the world." It seems extremely
probable that this ancient fragment has preserved, and now presents
to our view, an outline at least of the general plan upon which the
idolatrous system of these countries was framed, and the order in
which the more prominent errors were evolved and brought into
operation.

But our task goes far beyond this. We have also to ascertain
the extent to which this was carried, and the further progress of this
fearful corruption, until it had reared up a system so full of impur
ity, and so opposed to divine truth, that it deserved to be called
" Babylon the Great, the Mother of Harlots and Abominations of
the Earth."

The first step in this inquiry should be directed to the theology
of this religion. The names, number, and respective character of
Assyrian and Chaldaean deities must be, as far as possible, ascer
tained. Hitherto little has been known on these subjects ; and even
now the means available for supplying this information are very
limited, although from the resuscitated sculptures and inscriptions
some valuable aid has been procured. The best arrangement and

208 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

condensation of what has been thus obtained is given by Col. Raw-
linson in his valuable " Outlines of Assyrian History," pages
xviii-xxi, and is here subjoined entire in his own words : —

" The most important, and at the same time the most difficult,
branch of study connected with the Cuneiform Inscriptions, is that
which relates to the Pantheon; — important, because the names of
the kings, and sometimes even the names of the countries which
they rule over, are composed of the names of the gods ; — difficult,
because these names of the gods are usually expressed by arbitrary
monograms, because several monograms often apply indifferently to
the same god, and because many of the gods have, to all appearance,
distinct and independent titles, in Syria, in Assyria, and in Baby
lonia. Colonel llawlinson has bestowed much labour on this intri
cate branch of inquiry, but he has only in a partial degree overcome
its difficulty : he has identified most of the deities worshipped by the
Assyrians with the gods and goddesses of the Greek mythology, but
in a few instances only has he satisfied himself of the vernacular
pronounciation of the title.

" He presents, however, the following brief sketch of the Pan
theon : —

"(1.) Assur, the patriarch 'Asshur' deified; Biblical 'Nisroch;'
the tutelar divinity of Assyria, and the head of their Pantheon, but
unknown to the Babylonians.

" (2.) Anu, the patriarch 'Noah' deified; ' Cannes' of Berosus:
the name occurs frequently in composition: compare the nymph
Anobret of Sanchoniathon, 'beloved of Anu;' Telani, 'hill of Anu,'
native place of the Assyrian monarchs ; and the name of Shalman,
or ' Shalinaneser,' which in the Inscriptions is Sallam Anu, 'the
likeness of Anu.'

"(3.) Bel Belus or Jupiter, called on the obelisk 'husband of
Derceto? and ' father of the gods,' but not easily to be recognised in
the later Inscriptions, as the title Bel, with a qualificative adjunct,
was applicable to several other divinities.

" (4.) Derceto, or Semiramis, ' mother of the gods.' The native
name was perhaps Tarkat, for which our copies of the Bible have
Tarkat, as the deity of the Avites. 2 Kings xvii, 31. A famous
temple of 'Atargatis' is thus described by Isidore, at 'Besechan,'
or 'Ava,' on the Euphrates, near Hit; and all that part of Babylonia
is distinguished in the Inscriptions by the name of the goddess.
Tarkat was the special divinity of the first Assyrian dynasty, her
name being usually attached to that of the king; and hence the
family were named Dercetades by the Greeks. This fact also ex
plains the pretended descent of the Assyrian kings from Semiramis.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 209

" (5.) ' Saturn,' whose name is perhaps to be read 'Moloch? and
who is sometimes placed at the head of the Pantheon, being styled
the chief of the four thousand gods who inhabit the heavens and the
earth.

"(6.) The planet 'Mars,' called Merodach by the Babylonians,
(whence the Mirrikh of the Arabs,) but distinguished perhaps by
another name at Nineveh. (The Greeks say Thurras or Tur.)
He is called 'the god of battles,' and temples and memorial
tablets to him abound both in Assyria and Babylonia. Merodach
and Nebo, or 'Mars' and 'Mercury,' were the tutelary gods of
Nebuchadnezzar, and the long Inscription at the East India House is
almost entirely devoted to their glorification.

" (7.) ' The Sun,' one of whose names was Shamas, as in Hebrew
and Arabic, but who seems to have been known by several other
titles. He is called 'the guardian of the heavens and the earth,'
and temples were erected in his honour in all the chief cities of
Babylonia.

" (8.) The god San, whose title is found in the names of Senna
cherib, Sanballat, &c., but whose character has not yet been
identified.

" (9.) ' Diana,' associated with Derceto, of whom she seems to
have been the daughter, and represented everywhere by a naked
female figure. She was called Tanath or Alalh, ('Alitta,') in
Syria, as in the title of Vabalathus on the coins, for ' Artemidorus ;
and, according to Herodotus, her Assyrian name was Mylitta. But
though her monograms can be everywhere recognised and her attri
butes partially explained, nothing has yet been found in the Inscrip
tions to show how the name was pronounced either at Nineveh or
Babylon.

" (10.) Hadad, or Adar, 'the god of fire,' son of Ami or Noah,
represented symbolically by flames, and called ' the vivifier of man
kind,' ' the life of heaven and earth,' &c. That the Syrian designa
tion of this deity was Hadad is shown by the Biblical title of ' Ben
Hadad,' Kin"1 of Damascus, of whose name, as it is found on the

obelisk, the monogram of the 'fire-god' forms the principal element.
Josephus, however, and the Greeks, frequently write ' Ader,' instead
of ' Hadad ;' and ' Adar1 is the true Babylonian word for ' fire,' as in
the names of Adrammelech, Adrameles, Atropates, &c. The Sep-
harvites worshipped this god when they burned their children in the
fire to Adrammelech. 'Hadad,' who is called by Sanchoniathon
' king of the gods,' was principally worshipped in Syria, and thus,
according to Nicolaus, all the kings of the Damascus family assumed
the name. His figure, as it is described by Macrobius, with rays

210 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

darting downward to express beneficence, is frequently seen on the
Assyrian monuments.

"(11.) Ashteroth, or 'Venus;' the name is written Yastara in
the Inscriptions, and is frequently used as a generic appellation for
all the goddesses of the Pantheon, like the Baalim and Ashtaroth
of Scripture. In Babylonian she is called ' the queen of heaven
and earth,' and seems to be confounded with Nona, the Nannaia
of the Greeks, and Nani of the Syrians, which is the name still
applied in Syriac to the planet ' Venus.' Where Nana is mentioned
in the $ ineveh Inscriptions, she is usually named ' queen of Baby
lon.' The name of Nanabius, King of Babylon, cited by Nicolaus,
signifies ' beloved of Nana.'

"(12.) 'Rhea,' or ' Cybele,' whose name in Assyrian means
' queen of the gods ;' she is usually associated with ' Saturn.'

" (13.) Nebo, or ' Mercury,' a deity held in great veneration both
in Assyria and Babylonia ; he is termed ' the king of heaven and
earth,' or ' the ruler of heaven and earth,' and was the tutelar divinity
of the family of Nebuchadnezzar.

"Among the other gods who have been identified with more or
less of certainty, are (14.) the Succoth Benoth of Scripture; (15.)
Nit, or 'Minerva,' adopted probably from Egypt; (16.) Dagon;
(17.) Martu, or ' Neptune,' the god of the sea, who was also, like
Hadad, the god of fire, a son of Anu, or 'Noah,' and whose temple,
erected by Sennacherib, is now being excavated in a mound near
Nineveh; (18.) 'the Moon, of whose native name, however, no indi
cation has been yet found.

" (19.) Divan or Diman, whom it is proposed to identify with the
Greek Hercules, for Syncellus has preserved a tradition that this
deity was called &i66av by the Phoenicians, the Cappadocians, and
the Ilians; and a further argument that Divan must represent a
deified hero rather than a god is furnished by the fact that, although
the name, expressed phonetically, and preceded by the determinative
of divinity, enters into the composition of many Assyrian royal
.titles, it is yet never found in any invocation or list of gods, nor
does there ever seem to have been a temple erected in his honour.
'We find also, (20.) 'the Heavens' personified and worshipped as a
-deity both at Babylon and Nineveh; and we further recognise a
god, named Dala, (21,) whose title is to be found in the AeAamcrropro^
of Josephus, in Deleboras, 'beloved of Da/a,' the name of an Assy
rian king preserved by Macrobius, in AeAe^dr, explained by Ilcsy-
chius as ' the star of Venus,' in Dalphon, the name of a son of
Hainan, &c. ; and there are perhaps ten or twelve more of the
Assyrian gods whose names and attributes are altogether obscure.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 211

"The Assyrians have likewise preserved the titles of many
stranger gods, whom they do not seem to have admitted into their
own Pantheon. They were thus acquainted with the true God
Jehovah, marking the term, wherever it occurred in proper names,
with the sign of a divinity ; and they distinguish in the same man
ner the gods of Susiana, Khumba and Duniyas, and the gods of
Armenia, Haldi and Bakbarta."

Dr. Layard, in his new work (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 629) has
given a list of thirteen deities ; but it affords no additional informa
tion of importance, beyond what is above cited from Col. Rawlinson.

We find in the deification of ASSHUR in Assyria, and in the cir
cumstance of his being unknown at Nineveh, a striking confirmation
of the views advocated in this work respecting the building of Nin
eveh. (Patriarchal Age, pp. 344, 345.) If Nimrod, of the family
of Ham, had been the founder of this city and empire, it is very
improbable that Asshur, of the family of Shem, would have been
the first and tutelar deity of the country. But if— as we have
done — we take the words of the sacred writer in their plain and
obvious sense : " Out of that land," Shinar, " went forth Asshur,
and builded Nineveh, and the city Rehoboth, and Calah, and Re
sin;" then it might be expected that, as in almost every other
idolatrous country, he would be the tutelar divinity of the nation :
while, as Nimrod reigned at Babylon, Asshur would not be recog
nised there in that character : so that, in this instance, the position
which Asshur occupies, as the first deity of the Assyrian Pantheon,
may be fairly taken as a demonstration that our view of the origin
of the empire is correct.

This deity is the Biblical Nisroch,— the Assarac of the sculptures.
He was the great god of the nation ; and, in fact, he represented in
his person and worship the national faith of the Assyrian people.
(Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, p. 637.)

The position of NOAH in this catalogue is in accordance with the
usual course of idolatry in other ancient nations ; and the prevalence
of his divine appellation shows the early age at which his worship
was introduced.

BEL, or BELUS, is a most important element in this list of idol
deities. It is difficult to ascertain the precise manner in which this
deity was added to the Pantheon. Two facts are unquestionable :—
first, that this term has always been associated with the worship of
the sun ; and, secondly, that Bel, or Belus, was equally adored at
Nineveh and Babylon. It is further to be observed, that the Assy
rian Belus is said to have been the husband of Derceto, or Senri-
ramis,— which would identify him with Ninus. From this it seem3

212 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

reasonable to infer, that in each country some distinguished warrior or
hero was deified under this name; and that this apotheosis took place
with reference to the worship of the solar orb. Further discoveries
of inscriptions may possibly clear up this point. At all events it
may be regarded as sufficiently evident, that Nimrod at Babylon and
Belus. the father of Ninus, at Nineveh, (or probably Ninus himself,)
were the persons thus raised to be objects of profane adoration.

Of DERCETO, or SEMIRAMIS, we have nothing to add to what has
been found on the inscriptions, and already recorded of their his
tory. (Patriarchal Age, pp. 439-441.)

The name of Saturn on the inscriptions is MOLOCH, — a circum
stance which opens up a curious subject for inquiry, for which it is
to be feared there are as yet no very available materials to work out
a satisfactory solution. I allude to the fact, that this divinity is
known to have been worshipped in connexion with the barbarous
immolation of young children. Has this anything to do with the
Greek fables of his destroying his own offspring ? Or is there some
common substratum of fact which will account for both ?

Besides the personification of the SUN in the royal Belus, this orb
was worshipped as a glorious luminary.

I>IAXA, or MYLITTA, appears to have sustained a very different
character in Assyria from the virgin purity associated with her
name in Europe. Herodotus has given an account of usages that
obtained in the temple of this goddess at Babylon, when he visited
that city, which it is necessary here to adduce : —

" The Babylonians have one custom in the highest degree abom
inable. Every woman who is a native of the country is obliged,
once in her life, to attend at the temple of Venus. Such women as
are of superior rank do not omit even this opportunity of separating
themselves from their inferiors. These go to the temple in splendid
chariots, accompanied by a numerous train of domestics, and place
themselves near the entrance. This is the practice with many ;
while the greater part, crowned with garlands, seat themselves in
the vestibule ; and there are always numbers coming and going.
The seats have all of them a rope or string annexed to them, by
which each stranger may determine his choice. A woman, having
once taken this situation, is not allowed to return home till some
stranger throws her a piece of money, and leads her to a distance
from the temple. It is usual for a man, when he gives the money.
to say, 'May the goddess Mylitta be auspicious to thce!' — Mylitta
being the Assyrian name for Venus. The money given is applied
to sacred uses, and must not be refused, however small it may be.
The woman is not suffered to make any distinction. She afterward

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 213

makes some conciliatory oblation to the goddess, and returns to her
house, never afterward to be subjected to similar forms. Such as
are eminent for their elegance and beauty do not continue long ; but
those who are of less engaging appearance have sometimes been
known to remain for three or four years, unable to accomplish the
terms of the law. It is to be remarked that the inhabitants of
Cyprus have a similar observance." — Herodotus, Clio, cap. 199.
(See Appendix, note 30.)

The father of history, from the similarity of their rites, identified
this goddess with Venus : but Colonel Rawlinson has found another
Assyrian female divinity to whom he applies that term. This is
ASHTAROTH, whom the Babylonians called " the queen of heaven,"
and who is the same that is spoken of by Jeremiah, and to whom
the apostate Israelites burnt incense, and poured out drink-offerings.
Jer. xliv, 17-25.

NEBO is supposed to embody the attributes afterward ascribed
to Mercury. This divinity was revered in Assyria, as well as Baby
lonia ; but in the latter country he was specially regarded as the
tutelar deity of the family of Nebuchadnezzar, and the term is
accordingly found incorporated in the names given to many of the
princes of this line. The other deities do not call for particular
observation.

Passing from the Pantheon of Assyria, we have to notice some of
the idol deities of Babylon. The first of these is BELUS, or BAAL.
Berosus, the Chaldsean priest of this deity, says, that when Chaos
reigned, — who was described by the cosmogony of this people as a
woman, presiding over the embryo elements of nature, — then " Belus
came, and cut her asunder : and of one half of her he formed the
earth, and of the other half the heavens." Afterward this deity is
described as taking off his head ; " upon which the other gods mixed
the blood, as it gushed out, with the earth ; and from thence were
formed men, who on this account became rational, and partakers of
divine knowledge. This Belus, then, divided the darkness, and sepa
rated the heavens from the earth, and reduced the universe to order."
The account then proceeds to state that the animals which previ
ously existed, " being unable to bear the light, died. Belus, upon
this, commanded one of the gods to take off his head, and to mix
the blood with the earth, and from thence to form other men and
animals. Belus formed also the stars, and the sun and the moon,
and the five planets."

The statue of this deity, as seen in his temple at Babylon, is
described by Diodorus as in the attitude of walking. His words are :
" Upon the top she placed three statues of beaten gold,— of Jupiter,

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

(whom the Babylonians call Belus,) Juno, and Rhea. That to
Jupiter stood upright, in the posture as if he were walking ; he was
forty feet in height, and weighed a thousand Babylonish talents."
It is a singular fact, that we have now before us a representation of
this figure. In the Epistle attached to the Book of Baruch, and
which Jeremiah is supposed to have written to the captive Hebrews,
when they were being carried unto Babylon, he says, " Now shall ye
see in Babylon gods of silver and of gold and of wood bonie upon
shoulders, which cause the nations to fear." Verse 3. A reference
to this Epistle in the Second Book of Maccabees (ii, 2, 3) proves
that the ancient Jews regarded it as genuine ; (compare Isa. vi, 6,
7 ;) while, in strict accordance with the Sicilian historian and the
Hebrew prophet, on one of the slabs disinterred at Nineveh we have
a representation of several idols carried on men's shoulders, and one
of them erect in a walking attitude. But what seems decisive as to
the identity of the prophet's description with the sculpture is, the
very singular circumstance that the prophet, in describing the image
of this deity, says, " He hath also in his right hand a dagger and
an ar.c" These will be allowed to be very unusual implements to
be carried by a divinity ; yet in the recently recovered bass-relief he
is represented " with an axe."

In the same chapter Diodorus describes a goddess as seated in a
chair of state, made of gold, with two lions at her knees, and near
her two very large silver serpents. She has been supposed to be the
same with the Greek Rhea ; but the Babylonish name has not yet
been obtained. Another female deity is also mentioned in this con
nexion. She has been believed to be identical with Here. She
appears standing, holding in her right hand a serpent by the head,
and in her left a sceptre ornamented with precious stones.

It will now be necessary to notice the worship of the heavenly
bodies, which extensively prevailed in those countries. It has been
generally believed that this was the primitive and universal religion
of the Assyrians and Babylonians. But although the opinion has
obtained such general acceptance, it does not appear, on examina
tion, to be sustained by such weight of evidence as amounts to
rational proof. It may, indeed, be admitted as highly probable, that
an idolatrous regard for the heavenly bodies began even before the
Flood ; (Patriarchal Age, pp. 235, 230 ;) and that many of the un
divided community which journeyed to Shinar were greatly affected
by this heresy. But it seems to be an undoubted fact, that the
prime apostasy of Nimrod was of another kind, and, although
stealthily and insidiously introduced, issued in the establishment of
hero and demon worship, mainly in the form of triads of divinities.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 215

It may, however, be regarded as certain, that the adoration of the
heavenly bodies was afterward ingrafted upon this system of hero
and demon idolatry.

Mr. Faber has thus stated this subject : "The hierophants of old
appear to have been very early addicted to the study of astronomy ;
though, unfortunately, instead of pursuing their researches in a
legitimate manner, they perverted them to the vain reveries of
magic, and prostituted them to the purposes of idolatry. As
they highly venerated the souls of their paradisiacal and arkite
ancestors, considering them in the light of demon-gods, who still
watched and presided over the affairs of men, it was an easy step
in the way of apostate error, to imagine that they were translated to
the heavenly bodies, and that from these lofty stations they ruled
and observed all the passing events of this nether world. When
such a mode of speculation was once adopted, whatever virtues
might afterward be attributed to the planets, and in whatever man
ner the stars might be combined into mythological constellations,
the first idea that must obviously have occurred to the astronomical
hierophants, would undoubtedly be this : — Since they perceived the
sun and the moon to be the two great lights of heaven, and since
they worshipped with an especial veneration the Great Father and
the Great Mother, they would naturally elevate those two personages
to the two principal luminaries. Such accordingly was the plan
which they adopted. Those ancient writers who have treated on
the subject of Pagan mythology assure us, that, by what was called
'the mystic theocrasia? all the gods of the Gentiles ultimately
resolved themselves into the single character of the Great Father ;
and, in a similar manner, all their goddesses, into the single character
of the Great Mother : and they further declare that, as all their gods
melt insensibly into one, they are all equally the sun; and as all
their goddesses no less melt into one, they are all equally the
moon.

" Yet notwithstanding these avowed and recognised doctrines,
the gods of the Gentiles are allowed to have been the souls of their
ancestors, and are described as having once acted a conspicuous
and sufficiently intelligible part upon earth. The only conclusion
that can be drawn from these apparently opposite declarations is,
that the demon-gods were worshipped in the heavenly bodies;
and, agreeably to such a conclusion, we are unequivocally told, that
the souls of certain deified mortals were believed to have been
elevated after their death to the orbs of the sun, the moon, the
planets, and the stars. Hence originated the notion, that all these
celestial bodies, instead of being mere inert matter, were each ani-

216 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

mated by a divine spirit, — were each a wise and holy intelligence."
Origin of Pagan Idolatry, vol. i, pp. 31, 32. (See Appendix,
note 31.)

While these profound expositions apply generally to the whole
range of idolatry, they do so with peculiar force and exactitude to
the religion of Assyria and Babylon. But even in respect of these
countries there is a perceptible difference in the development of
those cardinal doctrines. In Babylon, for instance, the ramification
of this system inclined to the solar form, while in Assyria it was
decidely in the astral direction.

There is, however, no more striking feature in the whole of this
idolatrous system, than the multiplicity of compound human and
animal forms which everywhere meet the eye. The first of these
which deserves notice is the figure of a man, with the wings and tail
of a bird, enclosed in a circle. Mr. Layard observes of this symbol,
"We may conclude, from the prominent position always given to
this figure in the Nimroud sculptures, and from its occurrence on
Persian monuments as the representation of Ormuzd, that it was
also the type of the supreme deity among the Assyrians. It will
require a more thorough knowledge of the contents of the inscrip
tions than we at present possess, to determine the name by which
this divinity was known. It may be conjectured, however, that it
was BAAL, or some modification of a name which was that of the
Great God among nearly all nations speaking the cognate dialects
of a Semitic or Syro- Arabian language. According to M. Layard,
this symbol is formed by a circle or crown — to denote time without
bounds or eternity — encircling the image of Baal, with the wings
and tail of the dove, to show the association of Mylitta, the Assyrian
Venus, — thus presenting A COMPLETE TRIAD." — Nineveh and its
Rejnains, vol. ii, p. 449, and note. Have we not here the key to this
recondite symbol ? All kinds of puerile conjectures have been put
forth on this point: but this is one every way consistent and satis
factory. Nothing is more certain than that the Great Father was,
from the introduction of idolatry, worshipped as Cronos or Saturn,
or TIME, in all its wide and boundless range of duration. Then we
have Mylitta, or perhaps rather Derceto, — "the Mother of the
Gods" according to this system, and eminently the Great Mother,
(Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 454, 455,) who was fabled in her youth to have
been sustained by doves for a whole year, and after her death to
have been changed into a dove; and under this symbol was univer
sally worshipped in Assyria. Thirdly, Baal is presented as the
Son, the Great God descending from the Great Father and Mother,
and with them forming the Assyrian triad. (See Appendix, note 32.)

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 217

In fact, we have here Tauthe, Apason, and Moymis, symbolically
combined as the great object of worship.

Dr. Layard's further discoveries, published since the above was
written, greatly strengthen these conclusions. In the rubbish at the
foot of one of the gigantic human-headed bulls, in the grand entrance
to the palace of Khorsabad, were found four engraved cylinders.
On one of these, made out of green felspar, "which," says the
learned explorer, " I believe to have been the signet or amulet of
Sennacherib himself, is engraved the king standing in an arched
frame, as on the rock-tablets at Bavian, and at the Nahr-el-Kelb in
Syria. He holds in one hand the sacrificial mace, and raises the
other in the act of adoration before the winged figure in a circle,
here represented as a triad with three heads. This mode of portray
ing this emblem is very rare on Assyrian relics, and is highly in
teresting, as confirming the conjecture that the mythic human figure,
with the wings and tail of a bird, enclosed in a circle, was the symbol
of the Triune God, the supreme deity of the Assyrians, and of the
Persians, their successors in the empire of the east." — Nineveh and
Babylon, p. 160.

The importance of this discovery can scarcely be over-estimated.
The triadic figure, or symbol, in this instance, is precisely the same
as those so frequently seen on the early Assyrian and Persian sculp
tures. Here is the human form, the circle, and the expanded wings ;
but from each of these wings another head is represented as rising,
as if to mark out, in the most unmistakable manner, the great fact,
that this symbolical representation was intended to exhibit the union
of three personalities. Well may Layard say, that this confirms the
opinion, that we have here " the symbol of the Triune God." The
further prosecution of the subject, when we have specially to treat
of the objects and manner of worship, will greatly enlarge and
strengthen this view of the case.

But, passing beyond this symbolical representation of the primi
tive triad, we find the architecture and sculpture of these countries
filled with figures compounding parts of the human body with those
of birds and animals.

One of the most remarkable of these combinations occurs in the
eagle-headed human figure. This, executed in colossal proportions,
is not only found sculptured on the walls, and guarding the portals
of the chambers, at Nimroud: it is also embroidered on the royal
robes, and introduced in almost every possible variety of manner,
connexion, and arrangement. It is supposed to represent Assarac. —
the Nisroch of the Scriptures.

Besides this, numerous human-headed lions and bulls are met

218 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

with, many of them being of such gigantic dimensions and beautiful
workmanship as to impress the mind with a strong conviction of the
immense importance which the Assyrians and Babylonians attached
to these curious and, to our view, unnatural compounds.

Directing our attention to these, in the hope of ascertaining their
design and character, we are struck with the fact that, except when
embroidered on raiment, they are always found in pairs, on each
side of an entrance, as if guarding it. Another circumstance is
very significant : with few and unimportant exceptions, these figures
are combinations of the four cherubic creatures,— the man, the
bull, the lion, and the eagle. These facts have led every careful
student of Assyrian antiquities to regard these compound sculp
tured figures as standing in some connexion with the Mosaic cheru
bim, which were in a similar manner sculptured for the taberna
cle and temple of the Hebrews, and embroidered on the curtains
of both.

Layard says, " The resemblance between the symbolical figures I
have described, and those seen by Ezekiel in his vision, can scarcely
fail to strike the reader. As the prophet had beheld the Assyrian
palaces, with their mysterious images and gorgeous decorations, it
is highly probable that, when seeking to typify certain divine attri
butes, and to describe the divine glory, he chose forms that were
familiar not only to him, but to the people he addressed, — captives,
like himself, in the land of Assyria."

I have given the learned explorer's view, (much mistaken as I be
lieve it to be in its reasoning, see Appendix, note 33,) for the sake
of obtaining his countenance to the undoubted fact, that the com
pound Assyrian figures and the cherubic elements were identical.

Mr. Bonomi, who has most elaborately and successfully investi
gated these remains, observes, " These symbolical combinations we
regard as derived from the traditional descriptions of the cherubim,
which were handed down after the deluge by the descendants of
Noah ; to which origin, also, we are inclined to attribute their situa
tion as guardians of the principal entrances of the palaces of the
Assyrian kings. The cherubim guarded the gates of Paradise : the
cherubic symbols were placed in the adytum of the tabernacle, and
afterward in the corresponding sanctuary of the temple : arid here
in the Assyrian palaces they are never found except as guardians
of portals." — Nineveh and its Palaces, p. 133.

To cite one more authority on this point, I give the following
from the Rev. Mr. Blackburn : " We have glanced at the temples of
the heathen, and seen these compound creatures, in various forms
of debasement, placed in the avenues and the portals of their most

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 219

celebrated fanes, as sentinels and guards; just as we see, in the
sacred writings, the cherubim attending upon the throne of Jehovah,
from the first cloudy pavilion that was pitched before the approaches
to Eden, down to the celestial visions of Ezekiel in the plains of
Assyria. These forms, I think, the Assyrians must have borrowed
from the Jews, or rather from the earlier patriarchs : the doctrine, it
may be, was lost in superstitious traditions ; but the form and the
symbol remained, as we see them in the present day-" — Nineveh :
its Rise and Ruin, pp. 176, 177.

This subject might be further elucidated, and those views sus
tained, if it were necessary ; but the conclusion of Dr. Layard ap
pears to be inevitable. "It will be observed," he says, "that the
four forms (and those only) chosen by Ezekiel to illustrate his
description, — the man, the lion, the bull, and the eagle, — are pre
cisely those which are constantly found on Assyrian monuments as
religious types. These coincidences are too marked not to deserve
notice, and do certainly lead to the inference that the symbols chosen
by the prophet were derived from, or rather identical with, these
Assyrian sculptures" — Nineveh and its Remains, vol. ii, p. 445.

Regarding this identity as an established fact, we might now pro
ceed to the interesting inquiry, as to the object and design of the
Assyrians in the adoption and general use of these curious figures.
But this will be better accomplished after we have investigated some
other elements of this religious system.

Another symbolical object which meets the eye in all the religious
rites and services of this people is the sacred tree. This is the vine,
the palm, or the fir ; generally the last, which is highly ornamented
with elegantly arranged groups of honeysuckle.

It may serve to convey some idea of the character of this sym
bolism, if we give a sketch of the sacred tree as it occurs in the
large work of Dr. Layard, — " The Monuments of Nineveh."

Plate 7 exhibits two winged females standing one on each side of
the sacred tree, with their left hands holding a garland, and their
right hands raised as if engaged in some act of worship. Plate 7 (A)
exhibits two winged human figures, kneeling one on each side of the
sacred tree : they are evidently engaged in an act of devotion.

Plate 25 is an interesting and striking exhibition. In the centre
stands the sacred tree, ornamented with honeysuckle : on each side
is a king, holding a sceptre in his left hand, and raising the right,
as if making some solemn covenant or engagement. Immediately
above the tree, the celestial triad is represented by the circle, wings,
and deity in human form : on this symbol of divinity the kings
seem to be gazing with solemn interest ; while behind each sovereign

220 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

stands a winged human figure with the usual basket in the left hand,
and raising a fir-cone over the shoulder of the king with the right
hand. This is clearly intended to exhibit a most important religious
ceremony.

But it is not only on the sculptures that the sacred tree is found :
it entered into their architectural decorations ; and to this we are
undoubtedly indebted for that beautiful ornament, the Grecian
honeysuckle. It equally pervaded all their designs for embroidery.
One plate, (8,) showing the upper part of the king's robe, is nearly
covered with figures of the sacred tree in almost every variety of
form. Another, (plate 6,) giving the embroidery worn on the breast
of the sovereign, contains the same sacred symbols in equal abun
dance and variety ; the centre being the sacred tree, over which is
the symbolic triad of divinities ; and on each side a royal figure, the
borders being filled with numerous devices of honeysuckle and other
parts of these sacred emblems. This is not an unimportant circum
stance. Dr. Layard, indeed, observes on this point, "From the
constant introduction of the tree, ornamented with them, into groups
representing the performance of religious ceremonies, there cannot
be a doubt that they were symbolical, and were invested with a
sacred character. The sacred tree, or tree of life, so universally
recognised in eastern systems of theology, is called to mind ; and
we are naturally led to refer the traditions connected with it to a
common origin." — Nineveh and its Rc?nains, vol. ii, p. 472.

The allusive range of Assyrian sacred types to Edenic originals
did not terminate here, but actually included the garden itself.
This was placed in immediate proximity to the royal palace, and
seems to have been arranged more after the fashion of an English
park, containing numerous large trees, with a great number of ani
mals of different kinds. Respecting this Dr. Layard speaks thus :
" To the palace was attached a park, or PARADISE, as it was called,
in which was preserved game of various sorts for the diversion of
the king:' — Idem, vol. ii, p. 246. It cannot, however, be admitted
that the preservation of game was the principal object in the prep
aration of a place like this. The name given to it, — one consecrated
to the highest realities of divine revelation, — the association of such
a* garden with the various Edenic symbols to which we have referred,
(see Appendix, note 34,) and especially its immediate connexion
with a consecrated temple and a sacred person, — all clearly show a
higher and deeper design for such an appointment than that of a
small enclosure for a royal hunt. The primitive intention, however
passing ages might have obscured it, must have been in accordance
with the genius of the whole system of Assyrian faith and practice.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 221

We shall be induced the more readily to assent to this induction,
when we perceive that the royal residence was a sacred temple, and
the person of the king revered as a divinity.

On the first head, we may not be able to produce evidence so
satisfactory as might be desired. Indeed, it has not satisfied Lay-
ard himself, as will be seen from the following words of that learned
author : " Were these magnificent mansions palaces or temples ? Or,
while the king combined the character of a temporal ruler with that
of a high-priest or type of the religion of the people, did his residence
unite the palace, the temple, and a national monument raised to per
petuate the triumphs and conquests of the nation ? These are ques
tions which cannot yet be satisfactorily answered." — Nineveh and
its Remains, vol. ii, p. 267.

No one will dispute the dictum of such a man, on such a point as
this. But if these questions have not been satisfactorily answered,
all that is possible seems to be done by Mr. Fergusson, who, writing
two years after Layard, and availing himself of the important dis
coveries made in this interval, has given a careful and elaborate
investigation of this difficult question : —

" Were these buildings palaces or temples? — a difficulty, however,
not peculiar to this place, as the same uncertainty exists in Egypt :
in Thebes, for instance, where, according to our usual nomenclature,
it is impossible to say whether the great buildings there were, properly
speaking, mere places of worship or residences of the sovereigns.
That the king did generally, if not always, reside within these halls,
seems nearly certain ; and that all the great ceremonies and minis
trations of government took place within these halls, are facts that
can scarcely be doubted. Indeed, they seem at first sight to have
been built almost wholly for these kingly purposes ; whereas, on the
other hand, the portion set apart for the image of the god, or
exclusively devoted to religious ceremonies, is so small and insig
nificant as scarcely to deserve notice in comparison of the rest ; yet
these buildings were as certainly temples, and the only ones, of the
most theocratic religion the world ever knew, though, at the same
time, they were the palaces of the most absolute kings of whom we
have any record. To name, therefore, these palace-temples or
temple-palaces, as well as our Persepolitan buildings, we must re
define our words, and come to a clearer understanding of the terms
we use, before we can explain what the buildings of which we are
now treating really were.

"When we speak of a Greek or Roman temple we perfectly
understand the term we use. It was a building simple in plan and
outline, meant to contain the image of the god to whom it was

222 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

dedicated, and wholly devoted to the religious ceremonies connected
•with the prescribed worship of that deity. A Christian church, in
like manner, was in all ages a temple, wholly devoted to religious
worship, without any secular use — a hall, in short, where people
may congregate to worship the great God himself, or the saint to
whom it is dedicated ; but with the distinct idea that it is the house
of God, sacred to the purposes of religion, and the fit and proper
place in which to offer up prayer and sacrifice.

" In like manner, a palace in all the countries of Europe is, and
always has been, merely a large house. It possesses the sleeping,
eating, and state and festival apartments which are found in the
dwellings of all men of the middle and even the lower classes, —
larger, more numerous, and more splendid, of course, but dedicated
to the same uses, and to them only. In modern times, a king is
only a chief magistrate ; in the middle ages, he was a leader ; and
neither Greece nor Rome ever had kings in the Asiatic sense of the
word, at least, certainly not after Rome ceased to be Etruscan, or,
in other words, Asiatic, in her form of government. In Persia, how
ever, and indeed, throughout the east, the king is an essential and
principal part of all forms of government, and virtually, also, the
chief-priest of his people, and head of the religion of his country.
We should have a far more distinct idea of the eastern kingly offices
and functions in ancient days, if we called him ' caliph,' or ' POPE,'
instead of ' king ;' and were it not that with us the latter title is ap
plied to only one potentate on earth, and we can scarcely understand
the idea of there being, or having been, another, the term is just such
a one as would directly define that union of temporal and spiritual
power which we find united in the Persian monarch; and at the
same time, as a necessary corollary, the term bacilica, in its original
Roman sense, would as correctly describe the buildings we have been
examining at Persepolis." — Nineveh and Perscpdis, pp. 1SG-188.

Although this passage more directly refers to the ruins of Perse
polis than to those of Assyria and Babylon, it so strictly applies to
cognate usages in other eastern countries, and is, in the express
terms of the author, so applicable to the royal residences in Asia,
and the east generally, that I feel great pleasure in placing it before
the reader. And here, it may be observed, we have no mere theo
rist,— no writer studying eastern antiquities for the purpose of
deducing evidence in support of any peculiar religious dogmas ; but
a learned and intelligent man of science, investigating with intense
diligence the remains of the ruined cities of ancient Asia for archi
tectural purposes. In the prosecution of this labour, he educes
the object and design for which the wonderful palace-edifices of the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 223

east were erected : and his conclusion is, that " the actual dwelling-
places of the king they certainly were not;" (Ibid., p. 188;) and
further, that if " these buildings were not palaces, according to our
usual acceptation of the term, still less were they temples ;" (Ibid.,
p. 189 ;) but that they were the seat and centre whence the king, in
his compound character of political ruler and religious head of the
people, administered the government, and prescribed for the faith
and ecclesiastical polity of the country; where in fact a heathen
pope sat in all the plenitude of his power.

It must not be supposed, when we hear temples mentioned as
existing in Assyria or Babylonia, that such statements militate
against what has been advanced. Although uniform in the great
first principles of faith, the several nations and cities greatly differed
in the details of their buildings. As an instance, Mr. Fergusson
believes that he has discovered at Khorsabad, not only a building
which he calls "the temple," but also the ruins of a range of houses,
which he regards as the residence of priests. But then this temple
is not only small in size, compared with the whole fabric, but was
" situated in the very innermost recesses of the palace ;" so that, in
fact, it was part of the same pile of buildings. Of the celebrated
temple of Bel at Babylon we really know but little, and cannot elicit
any additional information from the meagre accounts which have come
down to us : but it is highly probable that future explorations will
bring to view proofs that in this respect Babylon, like Assyria and
Persia, followed the same general rule.

It is important to keep in mind the fact, that these palace-temples
were surrounded with Paradises, and that a stream, or streams, of
water flowed through the latter, — rising, where that was possible,
within the precincts of the temple. This was so universal in the
east, that Larcher, in his Notes on Herodotus, (vol. i, p. 221,)
observes, " We must bear in mind, that a temple of the ancients was
very different from one of our churches. It comprised a considera
ble extent of ground, enclosed by walls, within which there were
courts, a grove, pieces of water, sometimes habitations for the
priests, and lastly the temple properly so called, and into which,
most usually, the priest only was admitted."

It may, indeed, be safely gathered from all the information attain
able in respect of these buildings, that they were the official resi
dence of the sovereign ; and that he stood so identified with divinity
in the national belief, that they at the same time were regarded with
all the reverence and sanctity of consecrated temples. (Layard,
vol. ii, pp. 201, 267.)

We should here observe, that although the serpent- form does not

224 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

appear so often and so prominently in the sculptures of Assyria as
in those of Egypt, it is seen in such positions, and is repeated with
such frequency, as to indicate very clearly its Satanic original.

It will be hereafter observed, that serpents are associated with the
worship of fire on the sculptures of Koyunjik : and we have seen
that the female divinities of Babylon, as described by Diodorus, are
accompanied by images of this reptile. The statue supposed to be
that of Rhea, the Mother of the Gods, had two colossal serpents
standing before it; while that named "Juno" was exhibited holding
a serpent in her right hand. A learned author, who has carefully
studied this subject, inclines to the opinion that live serpents were
kept to be worshipped at Babylon, as at Thebes in Egypt ; and that
this led to the fable of Bel and the Dragon. (Deane's Worship of
the Serpent, pp. 41-47.) Further, it has been generally believed,
that the serpent was the emblem borne aloft on the banners of Assy
ria, and the sign under which all their battles were fought ; and that
the emperors of Constantinople derived their dragon- standard from
this people. When it is remembered with what devotion the soldiers
of heathen countries regarded their chief ensign, the position of the
serpent- form in the religious estimation of this people is easily
ascertained.

Attention must now be directed more particularly to the character
which the sovereigns of Assyria and Babylon sustained, or assumed,
for the purpose of carrying out this politico-religious government.

On this subject Mr. Layard writes as follows : " A very superficial
examination of the sculptures will prove the sacred character of the
king. The priests, or presiding deities, (whichever the winged
figures, so frequently found on the Assyrian monuments, may be,)
are represented as waiting upon, or ministering to, him : above his
head are the emblems of the divinity, — the winged figure within the
circle, the sun, the moon, and the planets. As in Egypt, he may
have been regarded as the representative, on earth, of the Deity;
receiving his power directly from the gods, and the organ of com
munication between them and his subjects." — Nineveh, vol. ii, p.
2G7. And again the same author remarks, " The residence of the
king, as I have observed, was probably at the same time the tem
ple; and that he himself was either supposed to be invested with
divine attributes, or was looked upon as a type of the supreme
Deity, is shown by the sculptures. The winged figures, even that
with the head of the eagle, minister unto him. All his acts, whether
in war or peace, appear to have been connected with the national
religion, and were believed to be under the special protection and
superintendence of the Deity. When he is represented in battle,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 225

the winged figure in the circle hovers above his head, bends his bow
against his enemies, or assumes his attitude of triumph. His con
tests with the lion and other formidable animals not only show his
prowess and skill, but typify at the same time his superior strength
and wisdom. Whether he has overcome his enemies, or the wild
beasts, he pours out a libation from the sacred cup, attended by his
courtiers and the winged figures." — Ibid., p. 474.

It will thus be seen that the Assyrian sovereign was not only
personally identified with the religion of his country, and occupied
the position of sacred head of his people ; but that he passed even
beyond this dignity, and assumed an eminence as lofty as it was
peculiar. The winged figure with an eagle's head has been identi
fied by llawlinson as Assarac, or the deified Asshur, the tutelar god
of the Assyrian people ; yet even he is seen on the sculptures min
istering to the king. Eut, what is still more remarkable and signifi
cant, the winged figure in the circle has been shown to represent the
primitive triad, and, of course, the centre figure in human form the
divine son ; yet this symbol, whenever it occurs, is placed over the
head of the king, and — what is most striking — always appears to be
in the same attitude as the sovereign.

I may notice two or three instances from Layard's " Monuments
of Nineveh." One of the sculptures gives a vivid description of an
attack on a fortified city. The ramparts are lined with bowmen, and
the Assyrians are surrounding the walls, while the king in his chariot
is bending his bow against the men on the walls, and is on the point
of shooting. Above his head is the symbolic triad, with the centre
figure directing the point of his arrow against the city, and exhibit
ing precisely the same action as the king. (Plate 13.) In another
sculpture we see the great king returning in triumph from a cam
paign : he rides in his chariot, with his bow unbent in his left hand,
and his right hand raised. Precisely such is the attitude of the
human figure in the symbol of the divine triad above him. (Plate
21.) Again, we see two kings, one on either side of the tree of life,
with their right hands raised : such is the attitude of the figure
above.* (Plate 25.) What could be done to give a more clear °and
expressive declaration, that the king, throughout the whole of this
system, was regarded as acting on earth in the character and power
of the divine son above ? For, be it observed, this figure is never
seen over any one but the king.

It will now be necessary to glance at the manner in which these
kings sustained and acted out this sacred character : and for this

0 This has been supposed, with great probability, to represent two views of the great
king, and not two several kings.

2*26 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

purpose the Babylonish kingdom will be regarded as succeeding to
all the pretensions and powers of the Assyrian empire. Nebuchad
nezzar and his successors will consequently be spoken of as if they
had followed the last king of N ineveh on the Assyrian throne ; the
religion of the two countries being so similar as to render any dis
tinction for our present purpose unnecessary.

Referring to the chapter on the History of Assyria, we call atten
tion to the annals of Divanu-bara, son of the great Sardanapalus,
which are recorded at length on the Black Obelisk. There, in the
account of his first campaign, it is said, " I crossed the Euphrates,
and ascended to the tribes who worshipped the god Husi. My ser
vants erected altars in that land to my gods. Then I went on to the
land of Khamana, where I founded palaces, cities, and temples. I
went on to the land of Mdlar ; and there I established the worship
of my kingdom." Our limits forbid the mention of similar instances
in detail. But here is one, and the first that meets us. It is a record
of the first campaign of a young warrior- king. Yet, in scarcely
more lines, there are three several declarations that he prosecuted
his wars for the extension of his religion in other lands. This is
described as the prime object in every case. Again, in the seventh
year of his reign, having subdued Tel-ati, he says, ^'1 appointed
priests to reside in the land, to pay adoration to Assarac, the great
and powerful god, and to preside over the national worship." In his
fifteenth year, having subdued the country of the king of Ararat, he
" set up altars, and left priests in the land, to superintend the wor
ship." In the twenty-eighth year of his reign, having reduced the
Shetina to obedience, he " established the national religion through
out the land."

These extracts are sufficient to show the religious authority
assumed by the sovereigns of Nineveh in the early period of her
history. We have the means of proving that in the later period of
her annals the monarchs of Assyria had not abated one jot of their
profane assumption. Let the latter part of the message which Sen
nacherib sent to the nobles of Jerusalem be read as ample evidence
of this fact : " Hearken not unto Hezekiah, when he persuadeth you,
saying, The LORD will deliver us. Hath any of the gods of the
nations delivered at all his land out of the hand of the king of
Assyria ? Where are the gods of Hamath, and of Arpad ? Where
are the gods of Sepharvaim, Hena, and Ivah ? Have they delivered
Samaria out of MINE HAND ? Who are they among all the gods of
the countries, that have delivered their country out of mine hand,
that the LORD should deliver Jerusalem out of mine hand?" 2 Kings
xviii, 32-35.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 227

Let this part of the address be carefully perused, and the reader
will perceive that it does not discuss the relative military power of
the parties. That matter was finished, when, with infinite contempt,
Rabshakeh offered the Hebrews a truce, and a present of two thou
sand horses, if the king of Judah could set riders on them. Verse
23. The point in that part of the address which I have quoted has
not respect to military strength, but to the relative power of deities.
It was spoken in accommodation to the general polytheistic opinion,
that certain gods presided over particular nations. But in this con
test for divine power, who represents Assyria? We read of the
gods of Hamath, Arpad, Sepharvaim, Hena, Ivah, and the Lord of
Jerusalem ; and others are mentioned in the version of the speech
as given by Isaiah : but, strange to say, we hear nothing of the gods
of Assyria. The pontiff-king of Nineveh arrogated this dignity to
himself. If he had trusted in his god, the case had been altogether
different : but the power poised against all the deities of the lands
which he had conquered, and even against the Lord himself, was HIS
OWN. " Who shall deliver out of MINE HAND ?" is the profane boast
with which he challenges to himself a power above all gods. It was
this which called forth the word of the Lord : " Whom hast thou
reproached and blasphemed, and against whom hast thou exalted thy
voice, and lifted up thine eyes on high? Even against the Holy
One of Israel." 2 Kings xix, 22. It was this profane daring to
equal or excel the power of Jehovah which led to the fearful doom
denounced against him : " Therefore will I put my hook in thy nose,
and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by
which thou earnest." Verse 28.

It is certain, therefore, that the spirit of religious zeal, proud
intolerance, and profane assumption, which characterized the sove
reigns of Assyria in the early part of its history, was not merely
continued, but rather increased, until the termination of the empire.

We have now to direct attention to Babylon, as exhibiting an
embodiment of this religion. And here it may be observed that
this was unquestionably the original seat of this system of faith, and
the centre whence it emanated. Here, under the auspices of Nim-
rod, this fearful apostasy was established in connexion with kingly
rule : here for a while both flourished ; until, overwhelmed by the
superior military power of Nineveh, Babylonia became a province
of the Assyrian empire. After a very extended period of supremacy,
this power in her turn fell before the combined army of Medes and
Babylonians ; and then that part of the old Assyrian empire and
influence which lay to the west of the Euphrates naturally passed
into the hand of the sovereign of Babylon.

228 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Not only did this transition take place as the result of the ever-
recurring changes in the martial power of nations : it was distin
guished and consummated in a manner and by an agency of the most
extraordinary character. Nebuchadnezzar, who succeeded to the
throne of Babylon just two years after the destruction of Nineveh,
was one of those men so distinguished for martial genius, daring
ambition, and invincible energy, as to insure themselves the most
prominent position in the age in which they flourish. In succeeding
to the throne of Babylon, he succeeded to all the pretensions of the
impious founder of that state, and to all those claims and powers
which many centuries had sealed as the undoubted prerogative of
the imperial sovereign of Assyria. A reference to a few points in
his history will show whether he also assumed to be divine.

We have the advantage of pursuing this part of our inquiry under
the guidance of sacred writ. We find this sovereign, immediately
after he had established himself in the empire, and extended his
sway from Nineveh to Egypt, gathering together all the chief
officers, civil and military, from every part of his dominions, for a
special and important purpose. But this was not, as might be at
first surmised, either for a military or a civil object, but for one
decidedly religious. The king had caused a great image of gold to
be made, and set up ; and the assembled multitudes were command
ed at a given signal to bow down and worship this image. Reasons,
which it is not necessary here to repeat, have been adduced, in a
preceding volume, (Hebrew People, pp. 586-589,) for believing that
this image represented Nebuchadnezzar himself in the character of
the divine Son, the promised incarnate Seed ; but, apart from this,
there are important facts bearing on our subject in the inspired nar
rative of this event. Nebuchadnezzar, without preface or apology,
prescribes an object of worship to his people. He does this as if it
lay as much within his own legitimate authority, as to prescribe the
boundary of a province, or the terms of military service. At the
given signal all are required to fall down and worship the image.
Dan. iii, 4, 5. Then this command is enforced by a threat, and by
actual punishment. Verses 15, 21. It must be admitted that the
stupendous miracle which saved the three young Hebrews, appears
to have elicited from the king language which may, at first, be taken
to imply a withdrawal of his assumed power, verse 28 : but imme
diately after, he issues a decree, which, although in support of truth,
and in vindication of the true God, is marked by the unchanged
character of profane assumption : " Every people, nation, and lan
guage, which speak anything amiss against the God of Shadrach,
Meshach. and Abed-nego. shall be cut in pieces, and their houses

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 229

shall be made a dunghill." Verse 29. The whole conduct of Nebu
chadnezzar, throughout the entire narrative, is, in fact, a positive
assumption of the divine prerogative of prescribing an object of
faith and worship for mankind.

But the existence of this assumption of divine attributes and
powers is perhaps still more clearly seen in the following chapter.
This gives an account of the king's vision of a great tree, with
Daniel's interpretation of it, and the actual accomplishment of the
predictions which it contained. It is to be feared that this well-
known portion of Scripture has not received the attention which it
merits. Let me ask, What was the precise object of all this won
derful interposition? It was simply this, — that Nebuchadnezzar
might be brought fully to acknowledge the existence and supremacy
of the most high God : " Till thou know that the Most High ruleth
in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will." Dan.
iv, 25. And it is certain that the indisposition of Nebuchadnezzar
to know and acknowledge this did not arise from a high reverence
for any other god. As in the case of Sennacherib, the contest was
between the claims of Jehovah and his own assumed dignity and
power. This is rendered certain by the fact, that the culminating
point of his crime was the inflated inquiry, " Is not this great Baby
lon, that I have built for the house of the kingdom by the might of
MY power, and for the honour of MY majesty ?" Verse 30. And
we may well attach the strongest meaning possible to these terms,
when it is known that they were immediately followed by a miracu
lous punishment, instant and terrible.

All this serves to show, that the principles and spirit which dic
tated the first great rebellion against God at Shinar, remained in
active and powerful operation at the time of Nebuchadnezzar. But,
after all, perhaps the strongest proof we have of this fact is the
predictive declaration of the Prophet Isaiah respecting this king.
In the fourteenth chapter of his prophecy, this sacred seer has
given one of the most splendid prophetic odes to be found in the
whole scope of holy Scripture. This prophecy is directed against a
king of Babylon who was a great conqueror, who was succeeded by his
son and grandson, after which the race was " cut off." This king of
Babylon must therefore have been Nebuchadnezzar : the terms used
by the prophet do not, and never have been supposed to, apply to any
other person. In this prophecy we have not an account of this king's
actions, but an exhibition of the thoughts and purposes of his heart,
set forth under the guidance of that omniscient power which seeth
what is in man : " Thou hast said in THINE heart, I will ascend into
heaven, I will exalt my throne above the stars of God : I will sit

230 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

also upon the mount of the congregation, in the sides of the north :
I wfll ascend above the heights of the clouds ; I will be like the
Most High." Isaiah xiv, 13, 14. My view of the purport of this text,
sustained by the authority of the Rev. G, S. Faber, has been given
in the place already referred to : (Hebrew People, p. 588 :) it will
therefore be only necessary to add here, that these words fully teach
that Nebuchadnezzar would aspire to divinity; that he would not be
content with being regarded merely as one of the local hero-deities
of heathen nations ; that he would claim an equality with the Most
High ; that he would be supreme ; further, that he would claim this
as the incarnate Seed, who was to recover the seat in Paradise,
which is here indicated by " the mount of the congregation in the
sides of the north." — Faker's Origin of Pagan Idolatry, vol. i, p. 350.

It will be necessary now to place before the reader a brief re
capitulation of the results to which we have been led in this portion
of our inquiry.

It has been ascertained that the sacred places of this people were
filled with figures combining the human with animal forms ; that
these combinations are always made by the union of two or more of
the creatures spoken of as found in the Scriptural cherubim ; and
that this is done in such a manner as to leave no doubt on the mind
that the human- headed and eagle- winged lions and bulls, which are
now seen in the museums of London and Paris, and which still
abound in the mounds of Assyria, were designed from traditional
notions of the primitive cherubim.

We find a sacred tree associated with all the sacred rites of this
people, and placed in such juxta-position with these cherubic sculp
tures as to lead to the conclusion, that it was incorporated into this
religious system as a memorial of the tree of life in Eden.

It is certain that, attached to the royal palaces of Assyria, there
were large enclosed gardens or parks ; and the universal presence
of trees and a river, and especially the peculiar adoption of the
name and its application in holy Scripture, warrant the opinion, that
these were memorial imitations of the garden of Eden, the scene of
man's primitive happiness and fearful fall.

Further, it has been ascertained that the royal residence contiguous
to this Paradise had a sacred character, and was as much a temple
as a house, and thus appeared as a place consecrated to Deity.

Again, it has been shown that the sovereign was regarded as
divine ; that all the sculptures identify him in a remarkable manner
with the divine Son in the sacred triad ; that he assumed the care
of the national religion, exerted himself to make it universal, and
freely put forth the power of enforcing canons of faith on the people,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 231

and of dictating to them authoritatively on all points relating to
religion.

Now, let it be remembered that all this took place in the neigh
bourhood where, and arose out of the people among whom, Nimrod,
the great apostate leader, laboured to frustrate the purposes of the
Most High by preventing the divinely appointed dispersion of the
people, by his proud claim to be a universal sovereign, and his pro
fane assumption of divine attributes. It is admitted on all hands
that the promise of an incarnate Deity would form the most plausible
basis for such a scheme of operation. For a moment let this be
assumed, and it will be seen that all these elements of Assyrian
religion are precisely those which under the circumstances might be
expected. Here is the promised divine ruler and high-priest, sur
rounded with paradisiacal emblems, in a consecrated dwelling,
adapted to his two-fold character, in close proxity to a Paradise,
made as nearly as possible after popular traditions of the original,
labouring to fulfil his mission by bringing all the world under his
sway, and inducing them to receive terms of faith from his word.

The substratum of this system was historic truth and pure revela
tion. The thrilling events of man s primitive history were carefully
brought out ; every sacred place and sacred emblem were critically
elaborated ; ideas of primitive history and religion, hallowed by the
lapse of ages, were brought into operation; the natural veneration
due the man and woman whom God made, and placed in purity
upon this earth, were all employed; and, more than all these, the
language in which the antidote for man's misery in Heaven's mercy
was first whispered into the ear of sinning mortals, — the promise of
an incarnate Redeemer, — was added, to lay the foundations for the
religion of Assyria and Babylon.

But all this truth was neutralized, perverted, and made the foun
dation on which was reared a superstructure full of evil. This was
not done by rude opposition, but by insidious addition and vitiation.
A proud, daring, ambitious man, urged on by the great author of all
evil, having entrenched himself in those hallowed records of man's
early history, daringly claimed divine honour, and thus prepared the
way for unlimited idolatry.

Thus, as far as patient research can penetrate the obscurity of
the subject, this system arose: and perhaps there is nothing in
human history more remarkable than the identity of character
which it maintained throughout two thousand years. In all the
alterations of national prosperity or adversity, whether the seat of
imperial power was at Nineveh or Babylon, the same system was
maintained in respect of religion : so that, when, during the reign

232 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

of Nebuchodonosor, Assyria was hastening to her fall, it is distinctly
said of that king that " he had decreed to destroy all the gods of
the land, that all nations should worship .Nebuchodonosor only."
Judith iii, 8. So intense, even then, was the claim to divinity made
by the kings of Assyria. We have seen that this did not abate,
when the seat of empire was restored to Babylon. Then Jehovah
had to reduce Nebuchadnezzar to the condition of a beast, and to
continue him in that abject state for seven years, before he would
recognise the existence of any divine power beyond that which he
claimed to centre in himself.

Jt has been found necessary to go more into detail with regard to
this subject, than has been usual in this work, for two reasons. In
the preceding volumes I was compelled to assume the existence
of the facts and doctrines here developed ; and it therefore became
important that these assumptions should be fully justified. This
course was also demanded by the circumstance, that this branch of
the subject comes before us not only as an important element in the
religion of those countries, but also as being equally identified with
the religion of the world. The facts elicited in respect of Assyria
and Babylon more or less illustrate and explain the religion of every
other idolatrous country. At the same time they shed no unim
portant light upon very interesting portions of the sacred record.
(See Appendix, note 35.)

It will now be necessary to add such general observations about
this system of religion and its influence on the people, as may arise
out of the limited information which has been handed down to us
by history, or gleaned from a study of the disinterred sculptures.

Here, as in other primitive heathen countries, there is found a
gradual but marked deterioration in theology and objects of religious
worship, In the earliest sculptures of Nimroud, the only object
which the king is seen to worship is the winged figure in the circle,
— the divine triad. He has, indeed, before him the sacred tree ; but
it does not appear that this is an object of adoration. It seems
much more probable that this is employed only as a symbol of the
tree of life. And this, the primitive form of worship among the
Assyrians, as far as our means of information extend, strikingly
confirms our view of the gradual and insidious manner in which the
patriarchal faith was superseded by all the abominations of idolatry.
Here was a symbolic representation of the true God, in his triune
character, containing allusive representations of the great Father and
Mother, with the promised Saviour as the incarnate Son, prominently
exhibited as the centre and substance of Deity. The figure of the
sacred tree would illustrate all this ; and, by presenting to the mind

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 233

an emblem of the happy seat from which man had been expelled, and
to which it was believed he would be restored by the Saviour, the
past history and future hopes of the world were concentrated to a
focus, and that point was made the object of the earliest Assyrian
adoration.

But truth alone is permanent and abiding; error is always subject
to variation and change, and generally to a fearful progression from
bad to worse. This is seen in the slender information supplied by
the Assyrian sculptures on the subject of religion. Although no
worship is represented on the ruins of Nimroud but that which is
offered to the sacred triad, it is certain that idolatrous error had be
come widely extended and greatly diversified prior to the ruin of this
ancient city. There has been found in the remains of that palace
what has been called " the Hall of Nisroch." It is a chamber one
hundred feet long and twenty-five broad : its entrance is by a door
way guarded on each side by one of those colossal-winged, human-
headed bulls, now in the British Museum. With one exception, this
room is covered with sculptured representations of Assarac, the
deified patriarch, Asshur, the tutelar god of Assyria, called in Holy
Scripture Nisroch. The exception to this rule is one slab, on which
there is a representation of the king wearing a kind of necklace, con
sisting of emblems of the heavenly bodies, such as " the sun, the
moon, a cross, a three-horned cap, and a symbol like two horns,"
(Bonomi's Nineveh and its Palaces, p. 261,) which Layard calls " a
trident."

This Assarac— we know, from the annals of kings recorded on the
sculptures generally, and especially from those on the Black Obelisk
— was held forth as the great national deity. His worship was
introduced wherever the Assyrian arms prevailed. AJtars for his
service were raised in every conquered country. It does not appear
•why he is thus represented. The wings and the eagle-head may,
indeed, be regarded as cherubic emblems, although no reason has
been assigned for their peculiar application in this instance. It is,
however, probable that this selection was devised as a representation
of the deified patriarch, under the influence of the maxims of mythic
philosophy which obtained in the east at this time. This notion
seems justified by the fact, that a fragment of the Oracles of 'Zoro
aster, preserved by Eusebius, states that " God is he that has the
head of a hawk. He is the first, indestructible, eternal, unbegotten,
indivisible, dissimilar ; the dispenser of all good ; incorruptible ; the
best of the good, the wisest of the wise : he is the father of equity and
justice, self-taught, physical, and perfect, and wise, and the only
inventer of the sacred philosophy." — Eusebii Prcep. Evang., lib. i,

234 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

cap. 10 ; Cori/s Fragments, p. 239. Yet, although Assarac was the
deified patriarch of the country, and uniformly recognised as the head
of the Pantheon in all the royal annals, and withal dignified with
such elevated attributes ; and though his figure occurs so frequently
on the sculptures ; yet in no instance is the reigning king seen offer
ing adoration to him ; but, on the contrary, Assarac is seen minis
tering to the monarch. This is, perhaps, one of the most convincing
proofs that can be furnished of the accuracy of the view which we have
taken concerning the direct assumption of the highest divinity by
the kings of Nineveh.

In the latter ages of the empire, however, we find considerable
changes in the religious rites and objects of worship. At Khorsabad
the primitive symbol of the trinity — the man with wings in a circle
—has altogether disappeared. No visible type of this primeval doc
trine remains. Here is found a colossal figure, which Mr. Bonomi
shows good reason for believing to be Nimrod: but whether this
conjecture is well founded, and this mighty warrior was deified in
Assyria, we have not as yet the means of deciding with satisfactory
certainty. Here is also a human figure with four wings, which is
conjectured to be Ilus or Cronos.

Whatever uncertainty may attach to the identification of the
deities of this latter period of the empire, it is certain that the wor
ship of fire had been introduced and become general. Although
there are no traces of this in the earlier inscriptions, undoubted
evidence of its existence is found on the sculptures of Khorsabad
and Kouyunjik.

Among the ruins of the former city is a striking instance of this
species of idolatry. Two eunuchs are seen standing before an altar,
engaged in some religious service. They have the square basket,
or utensil, seen on the older bass-reliefs. This sculpture casts im
portant light on the singular ceremony so frequently seen on the
Nimroud sculptures, — the presentation of the pine-apple, or fir-cone,
—to which it has been found very difficult to attach any meaning.
Here the fir-cone, painted red, as if to represent fire, is placed on the
high stand or altar; a delineation which seems to justify the sur
mise that this cone was regarded as sacred, on account of its figure
and inflammable qualities.

From the ruins of Kouyunjik there has been brought a still more
curious representation of fire-worship. Two figures " appear stand
ing before an altar, on which is the sacred fire. Two serpents appear
to be attached to poles, and a bearded figure is leading a goat to the
sacrifice." — Layard, vol. ii, p. 4G3. This seems to prove that this
form of idolatry originated in Assyria, and was carried from thence

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 235

into Persia. Mr. Layard also describes a singular altar found at
Khorsabad, which is supported on three lions' feet ; and which re
sembles so strikingly the Greek tripods, that the learned explorer
conjectures that many of the forms and religious types, hitherto
regarded as peculiar to Greece and Asia Minor, had their origin in
Assyria.

Before I proceed to a general summary of the morals and religion
of Assyria and Babylon, I will endeavour, as briefly as possible, to
glance at the effects likely to be produced on the governments and
people of these countries by their intercourse with the Hebrews, and
the divine interpositions which arose out of this connexion.

Here the reader should be reminded at the outset, that whatever
errors might have been concocted and disseminated by the rebellious
conspiracy at Shinar, the masses of the population at that day must
have been fully informed as to the great facts of the world's previous
history. The Creation, — the Fall, — the promise of redemption, —
the sin and violence of the old world, — the piety, the righteousness
of Noah, — the doom of the antediluvians, — the preparation of the
ark, — the Flood, — the accepted sacrifice of the arkite patriarch, —
and the sin (whatever it was) which led to the malediction of Noah
on Ham or Canaan, — all these facts, and a thousand more, unhappily
lost to us, deep in significance, full of instruction, had been handed
down from father to son, and had pervaded the public mind, and
given a colour and a character to' the opinions, the feelings, and even
the prejudices of the people.

When, therefore, erudite authors describe the people of Assyria
and Babylon as occupying a level country, and seeing the heavenly
bodies through a clear atmosphere, and as thus being led to worship
them as types of the power and attributes of the supreme Deity;
and allege that this was their original theology; they must not
expect their inferences to be believed by those who venerate the
authority of Holy Scripture.

Do these writers really believe that the grandson of Noah sur
vived the Dispersion ? I do not hesitate to express my firm belief,
that Divine Providence wisely ordained the longevity of mankind,
at the beginning of the postdiluvian period, for the set purpose of
making defection from the service of God as difficult as possible.
My meaning will be fully apprehended by an inspection of the syn-
chronistical chart in a preceding volume. (Patriarchal Age, p. 431.)
From this it will be seen that, until after the Dispersion, the number
of lineal descendants living contemporaneously was generally five :
that is, a man's grandson was always born and arrived at manhood,
before the man's own grandfather died.

236 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

In this state of society, and with such grand historical events —
involving the mightiest operations of divine power, the most won
derful revelations of God's justice and mercy — living in the memory
of the people, the notion that any great division of them could dis
possess themselves of all this knowledge and its cognate ideas, and
adopt Sabreanism as a general and original religious system, is
utterly absurd, because it is impossible. The only way open to the
tempter at that early age for the introduction of idolatry on a large
scale, was in the way of insidious corruption of the truth.

So much of this same historical and religious knowledge as re
mained, would also serve to give effect to the salutary influence
which an intercourse with the Hebrews was calculated to afford. It
is a remarkable fact, — at least, it will be so esteemed by those who
study the divine government of this world in relation to its bearing
on the spiritual and immortal interests of mankind, — which Dr.
Layard (Nineveh, vol. ii, p. 206) adduces, when he asserts that "a
close intercourse" had existed between Egypt and Assyria, from
the commencement of the eighteenth dynasty. This was the period,
it will be remembered, when Joseph was carried to the banks of the
Nile : so that this connexion was established just in time to render
all the thrilling events of the Hebrew history in Egypt known in
Assyria. And as this intercourse continued to increase during the
succeeding dynasties, it cannot be doubted that such events as the
miraculous Exodus of Israel, the fame of which, it is certain, was
extended far and wide, (Josh, ii, 9-11,) must have been well known
in Assyria. It is important to mark such facts as are thus brought
to our knowledge by the Assyrian inscriptions, proving, as they do,
that the position of the Hebrews, as the elect people of Jehovah,
and as saved by him through the most miraculous interposition, was
known among the principal nations of the ancient world.

The mission of Jonah next calls for attention. But of this we
have no detailed information, beyond the simple statement of fact.
A question, indeed, arises, — Would the message of Jonah itself have
produced the results which followed, in the absence of all knowledge
by the Assyrians of the Hebrew people? This does not seem prob
able. The facts are clearly these: — Jonah entered the city, and
proclaimed, "Yet forty days, and Nineveh shall be overthrown."
The people regarded this communication as the word of God : for it
is said, " The people of Nineveh believed God, and proclaimed a
fast," <fcc. This humiliation was universal, from the sovereign on
the throne to the meanest subject: and God accepted this peni
tence, and turned away the evil which he had threatened to do, and
did it not.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 237

Taken in a religious aspect, it is impossible not to regard this as
a most important event. It clearly implied the entire absence from
the minds of the Ninevites of all real confidence in their own gods.
This message did not come from them : — that must have been fully
known. The result also implied, I think, some considerable ac
quaintance with Jehovah as the God of the Hebrews, and the mighty
miracles of judgment and mercy which he had wrought. The brief
antecedents of the history also serve to countenance this view of the
matter. Without something of this kind it is scarcely possible to
conceive of a great and powerful people, through all its ranks and
ages, submitting to such a course.

Yet, if this supposition is correct, it must follow that, notwith
standing the continued practice of idolatrous corruptions, the As
syrian people retained a large portion of patriarchal truth ; which,
supplemented by the knowledge they had obtained of the God of
Israel, was sufficient to point them out a way of escape from the
threatened infliction. At any rate, they were then found possessed
of such religious knowledge as enabled them on that occasion to
engage in four of the most vitally important duties of practical
religion.

First : They exercised faith in God : they believed the truth of
the message delivered by the prophet, and admitted it, in all its ful
ness of meaning. Then they humbled themselves in sackcloth, and
by fasting. This is most remarkable. In all that the Bible contains
respecting patriarchal religion, fasting is not mentioned ; nor does
Moses enjoin any particular fast, except that on the great day of
expiation. The sacred records, from Moses to Jonah, mention but
two or three instances of fasting on account of some grievous
calamity ; and, I believe, but one of these included any considerable
number of people : yet here we have a fast enjoined with the utmost
rigour, throughout a great city like Nineveh ! Again, the injunction
to this people was, " Cry mightily unto God." How deeply expres
sive is this of earnest and continued prayer ! Further, to this faith,
penitence, and prayer, was added amendment of life : " Let them
turn every one from his evil way." It is not possible to ascertain
whether the communication of the prophet went beyond the procla
mation of the threatening; but, taking the fact as it stands on the
sacred record, this course of submission and obedience argues the
possession, by the Assyrians of that day, of a large amount of sound
religious knowledge, however extensively this might have been neu
tralized by idolatrous error. But even admitting the existence of
all this knowledge, we cannot account for the ready and general sub
mission of the Sinevites, without supposing them on that occasion

238 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

to have been visited by a very gracious and prevalent influence of
the Holy Spirit.

When the idolatrous kingdom of Israel was given into the hand
of the king of Assyria, this divine interposition did not entirely
cease. The Ten Tribes having been carried into Media, and none
but the lowest, weakest, and poorest of the people being left in the
land; and the men of Babylon, Cuthah, Hamath, and other places
in the east, being brought to supply a population for Samaria and
its neighbouring districts ; these heathens introduced their own
idolatry with themselves: in consequence of which, we are told,
" the Lord sent lions among them, which slew some of them."
Indeed, so terrible did this plague become, that a formal representa
tion of the case was made to the imperial court; and one of the
priests who had been carried into captivity was sent back again, to
teach all the people the worship of Jehovah. Thus, even after
Israel was ruined, and when the pride, cruelty, and idolatry of As
syria had brought that mighty empire to the verge of destruction,
did Jehovah interpose to assert his proper sovereignty over the land
which he had given to his people : and this was done in a manner
which elicited from the haughty conqueror an acknowledgment of
the fact, and a submission to the consequence, in the return of a
captive Hebrew priest to teach the people the law of the Lord. In
all this were attested an admission of the Deity of Jehovah, and a
belief of his paramount power.

We pass on to the case of Babylon. The first instance of inti
mate intercourse between the Hebrews and this state was of an
unfavourable character. It arose out of the subversion of the
kingdom of Judah, and the destruction of the temple and city of
Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar. Here was the centre and seat of
Hebrew power and polity. Miracle and prophecy had been united
for many centuries in the defence of this metropolis ; and whatever
knowledge respecting the God of the Hebrews, and his wonderful
interpositions on behalf of his people, might have reached Babylon,
they would all refer to the throne of the house of David, and to the
sacred sanctuary at Jerusalem. When, therefore, these had been
swept away by the martial power of Nebuchadnezzar, and the tem
ple had been burned with fire, and Jerusalem was a heap of ruins,
then would the king and people of Babylon regard their own gods as
paramount in power, and the God and people of Jerusalem as alike
subdued before them. This unquestionably accounts for the inordi
nate vanity of the king of Babylon. If the king of Assyria, after
having subdued the Israelites of Samaria, gloried in the title of
" Conqueror of the remote Judea," need we wonder that Ncbuchad-

THE GENTILE NATIC^S. 239

nezzar should be vain, after he had subverted the throne of David,
and destroyed his city and the temple of his son ?

There can be no doubt that, inflated with this success, and augur
ing therefrom the confirmation of his proudest purposes, — his own
recognition as a divine religious and political head of his vast
empire, — he made the golden image, and congregated the multitude
of his officials on the plains of Dura. But, alas ! what a defeat was
that ! How clearly, and publicly, and fully did Jehovah testify to
this numerous host of the Babylonish aristocracy, that his arm was
not shortened, — that, for those who were faithful in his service, he
was still able and willing to exert his almighty power ! It is scarcely
possible to overrate the amount of knowledge, which the events of
this day gave to the spectators, of the infinite wisdom, goodness, and
power of the Hebrews' God. This would scatter to the winds all
the profane assumptions of their king, — at least, so far as the people
were concerned. Those who saw the affrighted monarch standing
aghast at the sight of the Son of God walking in the midst of the
flames, were not likely to recognise him again as a real divinity.

The wonderful vision of this king, and his predicted insanity,
recovery, and consequent proclamation, must have largely contrib
uted to open the eyes of the Babylonish people to the vanity of
idols, and to an acknowledgment of the true deity and power of
Jehovah. The decrees published by this sovereign, (Dan. iii, 29 ;
iv, 1-37,) must have fallen as a glorious light on the darkness of
Babylonish idolatry. Who can estimate the effects of such procla
mations ? Who can conceive of the besotted state of mind which
would be necessary to impel men to neglect these, and trust in dumb
idols? But, perhaps, nothing which occurred during this reign
tended more fully to show the glorious perfections of Jehovah, than
the prophecies of Daniel respecting the king's vision of the great
image, which was explained as referring to the four great monarchies.

At first sight we perceive in the conduct of the king respecting
his wonderful dreams nothing but a cool, calculating prudence. He
would not be imposed on by the wise men, and therefore insisted on
their telling him the particulars of the vision which had given him
so much alarm. Terrified at the demand, they shrank from the
effort, — when the enraged king doomed them all to instant execution.
These measures, however, effected one thing of the utmost conse
quence, which they were never intended to do. They fixed public
attention on this case. The dream, and the interpretation, that had
placed the sacred college under sentence of death, from which all
the members had been saved only by the revelations of the Hebrew
prophet, could not be concealed : and, when made known, what did

240 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

they declare ? The infinite prescience and glorious sovereignty of
the true God were asserted ; the prevalent notion of local and
national divinities was exploded; the great purpose of Jehovah to
direct the entire government of the world, so that in his own
appointed time the kingdom of God might be set up, was declared.
Truly Jehovah left not himself without witness. Babylon, in all
her apostasy and guilt, had glorious revelations of the wisdom, truth,
mercy, and power of the true God.

Yet, notwithstanding this amount of divine interposition, and the
consequent communication of much religious knowledge, Assyria
and Babylon remained idolatrous and corrupt. We have not the
means of tracing here, as distinctly as we could in regard of Egypt,
the remains of pure patriarchal truth. But from the general analogy
observable between the religion of these countries and that of ancient
Persia, it may be safely assumed, that the doctrine of the soul's
immortality, and of a final judgment, were firmly and generally
believed. On the subject of morals but little can be said : but if
we apply here a rule which generally holds good, — namely, that the
laws and usages respecting women form the clearest indication of
the moral condition of any people, — our estimate of the state of
these nations will be low. The testimony of Herodotus, as to the
prostitution of females of all ranks in the temple of Mylitta, is
appalling ; and yet it is the testimony of an intelligent and credible
eye-witness. This practice was continued to the last period of the
Babylonish history ; and its prevalence is rather confirmed by an
other and independent statement of the same author. He says that
no man was at liberty to make a matrimonial engagement for his
daughter ; but that all the marriageable females were periodically
put up to public sale; and that, after the most beautiful had been
first sold at high prices, and others less favoured at lower rates, the
money so raised was distributed to portion such as were plain or
deformed, so that all were thus disposed of. Jt is added that each
man was bound to marry the woman whom he thus obtained.
(Herodotus, Clio, cap. xcvi.) The Greek historian applauds this
institution ; but he will have no echo to his sentiments from any
Christian mind.

On the whole, the religion of Assyria and Babylon does not pre
sent to our observation any wonderful range of invention, either in
its theology, doctrines, or modes of worship. Less prominence is
here given to .these than in other heathen countries. In fact, the
religion is marked by one great peculiarity, one grand distinguishing
feature:— it was an enormous despotism. This was its character,
its essential and distinguishing quality. A thorough investigation

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 241

of this subject would require a dissertation. We can only glance at
this primeval attempt to reduce the great body of mankind into a
bondage of the most grievous kind, — a thraldom of soul, — a vassal
age of spirit, — a subjection, perfect and entire, not only in civil and
political affairs, but also in essentially religious matters, to the judg
ment and will of one man, misnamed " divine."

There is here presented to our attentive consideration a most
important phase in the progressive development of human impurity.
The antediluvian world perished through sins engendered in the
absence of efficient political and religious government: "The earth
was filled with violence." To prevent a recurrence of this evil, and
its consequent suffering, the divine purpose appointed the dispersion
of the postdiluvian population over the earth, under the heads of
the several tribes. The sin of Nimrod was, at first, a vain attempt
to counteract this purpose, by assuming to himself a divine charac
ter, and in this character claiming universal sovereignty over man
kind. The miraculous intervention at Babel frustrated his impious
purpose, and enforced the dispersion.

But, defeated in the extent of his great design, he clung to its
principle and spirit with invincible tenacity. The results we see in
the religion of Assyria and Babylon. Here we find every paradisi
acal element exhibited with the most gorgeous profusion, — every
primitive fact emblazoned with the greatest prominence, — all the
essentials of a national faith brought out in pompous array. But
when we come to investigate the operation of this system, and its
influence upon the human mind, we find a dreary chasm. Viewed
in this aspect, it loses its character as religion. On the one hand,
we see a mortal man assuming divinity, and affecting to tyrannize
over the faith and feeling, the judgment and conscience, of his fel
lows ; we hear the voice of an earthworm outrage reason and heaven
by the profane challenge, "I WILL BE LIKE THE MOST HIGH :" while,
on the other hand, the countless numbers of men and women by
whom he is surrounded are all regarded as called into being to do
him homage, and live and think and feel in subjection to his will.

The withering curse of this profane subversion of all human right
blasted the happiness, and paralyzed the intellectual development,
of these nations. Men subjected to such domination might be fit
tools for a military despotism; they might be better adapted, in
consequence of the blind devotion to their king, to sustain him in
his martial aggression on other nations : but for all the great and
elevating purposes to which human nature is called, and for the
accomplishment of which it is prepared by the possession of the
noblest attributes, they were utterly disqualified. A military sub-

242 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

ordination was therefore reared up and maintained ; an extensive
empire was conquered, and by the same means long continued : but
here was the end of its powers. Having accomplished this, it in
turn sunk into subjection, and thence into perpetual desolation.

Such were the character, the doings, and the end of the first great
antichristian aggression on the purposes of God and the liberties of
man ! Such were the spirit, the power, and the doom of the prae-
Christian Popery !

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 243

CHAPTER VI.

THE HISTORY OF THE MEDES.

LIXEAGE and Country of the Medes — Ecbatana, the Capital — Eevoltof the Medes against
Assyria — They recover their Independence — A Season of Anarchy — Public Spirit and
judicial Efforts of DEJOCES — He is raised to the Sovereignty of Media — Establishes a
regular Government and greatly improves the Country — PHRAOETES, a martial Prince,
subdues Persia, and extends the Median Power over other neighbouring Nations —
Invades Assyria, is defeated and slain — Ecbatana stormed and spoiled by the Assyrian
King — CYAXAKES invades Assyria — Defeats the Imperial Army, and besieges Xineveh
— The Scythian Invasion — The Medes defeated — The Scythians overrun Asia — Their
Massacre and Expulsion — The Lydian War — It is suspended, and Xineveh besieged
a second Time, and taken — The Lydian War renewed — Terminated by the Eclipse of
Thales — ASTYAGES reigns — Prosecutes various Wars — Belshazzar slain — The Kingdom
of Babylon reverts to Astyages — Media conquered, and the Kingdom subverted by
Cyrus.

THE Medes, who were descended from Madai, the third son of
Japhet, occupied an important territory on the south coast of the
Caspian Sea. It extended to Persia and Assyria on the south, and
was bounded by Parthia and Hyrcania on the east, and Armenia on
the west.

This country was generally mountainous, and a great part of it
cold and barren. Its chief city was Ecbatana, which is said to have
been erected by Dejoces. The walls of this capital are greatly
celebrated by ancient writers, and are minutely described by Herod
otus. They are seven in number, all of a circular form, and gradu
ally rising above each other by the height of the battlements of each
wall. The situation of the ground, sloping by an easy ascent, was
very favourable to the design of building them, and perhaps first
suggested it. The royal palace and treasury were within the inner
most circle of the seven. The Book of Judith states that the walls
of this metropolis were seventy cubits high and fifty cubits broad ;
that the towers on the gates were a hundred cubits in height, the
breadth in the foundation sixty cubits, and that the walls were built
of hewn and polished stone, each stone being six cubits in length
and three in breadth. Of this noble city not a vestige now remains
to mark the site on which it stood. (Ancient Universal History,
vol. iv, p. 3.)

The Medes were, in the remotest antiquity, celebrated as a brave
and hardy race, possessing all the requisites for making excellent

244 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

soldiers. Their government was originally monarchical ; and they
seem to have had kings of their own in the earliest times. Accord
ing to Lactantius, one Hydaspes reigned long before the Medes
were conquered by the Assyrians : and Diodorus says, that Pharnus,
King of the Medes, was, with his seven sons, defeated and taken
prisoner by Ninus in the beginning of the Assyrian empire.

At the period when this volume resumes the history of these
nations, the Medes were subject to the Assyrians, and their country
formed a most important province of that vast empire. But in this
state of subjection, there can be no doubt that they continued to be
governed by their own kings ; either hereditary descendants of their
former rulers, or persons raised to this dignity by the imperial
sovereigns of Nineveh.

It is impossible now to ascertain the line of succession of these
sovereigns, or to mark out even their names, and the respective periods
of their rule. It is known, however, that, during the time they were
labouring under all the disadvantages of foreign domination, Media
continued to hold a most important position, and to rank as one of
the most martial and powerful provinces of the empire. In the
Appendix of this volume (note 19, p. 547) reasons have been given
for believing that the influence and power of this province were so
great, that, at the termination of the reign of the feeble Assyrian
monarch, Thonos Concoleros, a Median prince obtained possession
of the imperial throne. The infusion of new life and vigour which
was thus communicated to the government of Assyria, doubtless
contributed to the successive conquests obtained during that and the
following reigns. This was in fact the most glorious period of
Assyrian history.

But it is apparent that the elevation of a Median prince to the
throne of .Nineveh did not satisfy the aspirations of the Median
people, or sufficiently gratify the ambition of its chiefs. We ac
cordingly find that, on the humiliation of Sennacherib, after the
miraculous ruin of his great army between Palestine and Egypt,
efforts were made to obtain the independence of Media. From the
manner in which Herodotus states the case, it appears that the
Medes were the first of all the nations of Upper Asia who asserted
their national liberty, and revolted against the Assyrian power.
This revolt, according to that historian, did not take place under the
direction of the sovereign or satrap of the country, but by a general
effort of the 'people; which proving successful, the Assyrian govern
or was expelled, and the paramount supremacy of that power was
destroyed. For we are told, that, having secured their liberty, no
national government was established ; but the six several tribes of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 245

which the nation was composed lived apart, and according to 'their
individual pleasure. The consequence of this was universal disorder.
Injustice and rapine prevailed, while no effectual authority existed,
sufficient to restore order, and conduct a government.

This great want was, however, soon supplied. DEJOCES, a Me
dian, although living in a private station, was so distinguished for
his wisdom and integrity, that, in this period of anarchy, many per
sons resorted to him for the settlement of their disputes, and the
adjustment of their differences. He discharged this office with so
much equity and intelligence, that at length his decisions were
generally recognised, and his judgment appealed to, even by persons
from the other Median tribes.

These public services were continued with so much zeal and
talent, and received with such popular favour, that at length the whole
people acknowledged him as their sovereign, built him a noble palace,
and invested him with supreme authority. Dejoces appears to have
fully justified the popular choice. He either founded, or greatly
improved, Ecbatana, the capital of the country. His most earnest
endeavours were devoted to elevate the manners and habits of his
people ; and having greatly improved their condition, he turned his
thoughts toward the enlargement of his dominions, and succeeded
by force of arms in extending his authority over some of the neigh
bouring tribes.

The length of the reign of Dejoces cannot be accurately ascer
tained. The open revolt of Media took place just after the ruin of
the Assyrian army under Sennacherib, about 710 B. C. ; but no infor
mation has come down to us showing how long the state of anarchy
continued, nor what period of time elapsed while Dejoces was serving
the cause of his country, before he was raised to the throne. (See
Appendix, note 36.) It seems, however, to be admitted that this
prince, after greatly benefiting his nation, by serving it in different
ways for more than forty years, died B. C. 651, and was succeeded
by his son

PHRAORTES, the son of Dejoces, was a very martial prince. He
is called Aphraartes by Eusebius and Syncellus ; and is certainly
the Arphaxad of the Book of Judith. Some have hastily doubted
this, because it is said in that apocryphal book that he built a very
strong city, and called it Ecbatana, — a work universally ascribed to
his father Dejoces. This error is fully corrected by the Vulgate
Version, which says that " Arphaxad added new buildings to Ecba
tana." This is unquestionably the recorded fact. A single reign
is clearly too limited a period to build and perfectly to finish a noble
capital : so the son completed what the father had begun.

246 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

This sovereign, being firmly seated on the throne, and having
improved his capital, proceeded to extend his dominions. He over
ran, and brought into subjection to Media, several of the neighbour
ing countries. Herodotus says that "he singled out the Persians
as the objects of his ambitious views, and reduced them first of all
under the dominion of the Medes." — Clio, cap. cii. It has been
objected, that Persia was subdued by his son and successor Cyaxares.
(Ancient Universal History, vol. iv, p. 18.) This, however, is no
valid objection. It has been repeatedly stated in the preceding
pages, that the effect of conquest in those days was neither the
annexation nor the military occupation of the conquered country,
but rather the carrying away of valuable spoil, or of large gifts in
lieu thereof, with a promise of annual tribute ; and that, in conse
quence, if the subject power felt sufficient confidence, it would throw
off the yoke, and, as the result, would probably be subdued a second
or even a third time. This was perhaps the case with Persia.

Favoured with success in these enterprises, Phraortes dared to
assail the imperial state, and turned his arms against Assyria.
JNabuchodonosor prepared for the threatened attack with becoming
spirit. He summoned all his vassal kings to meet him, with their
promised contingent of warriors. Many of these, however, seeing
his precarious condition, refused compliance. Undaunted by this
defection, he collected as large an army as possible, and boldly
marched to oppose the Median king. The conflict took place in the
plain of Ragau, in which, notwithstanding his desperate valour, the
Median chief was defeated and slain, and his army utterly routed.

Flushed with victory, the Assyrian sovereign marched into Media,
stormed and took Ecbatana the capital, demolished its fortifications
and most splendid buildings, and returned with all the spoil he could
collect unto Nineveh, where "he rested, and feasted his own army
a hundred and twenty days." Judith i, 14-16.

Although greatly weakened and distressed by these reverses, the
spirit of the Medes was not broken ; and while the imperial victor
was revelling in luxury at Nineveh, they gathered the wreck of the
army together, and placed CYAXARES, the son of the late sovereign,
on the throne. The new king was in some measure relieved from
apprehension by the march of the great Assyrian army under Holo-
fernes into Western Asia ; and being a brave and prudent prince, he
devoted himself with great talent and energy to repair the losses
which his country had received, and to prepare for taking advantage
of any favourable change which might occur in the fluctuations of the
imperial power. The death of Holofernes by the hand of Judith,
and the surprise and rout of the Assyrian army before Bethuliah,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 247

soon after presented such an opportunity. Cyaxares accordingly
hastened his preparations ; and, anxious to revenge the death of his
father, and to retaliate on the Assyrian capital for the recent spoil
ing of Ecbatana, he led his army toward Nineveh. Pending these
events Nabuchodonosor died, and left the defence of his country to
his son.

The new Assyrian monarch had to oppose this invasion with the
wreck of the great army which had just returned broken and dis
pirited from Syria. Yet he boldly marched out, and gave battle to
the Median forces. On this occasion he was doomed to defeat:
his troops gave way, and, in despite of every effort, he, and those
who escaped, were driven to take refuge within the walls of Nineveh,
which was immediately afterward invested by the victorious Medes.
Cyaxares vigorously pressed the siege, and would in all probability
have speedily reduced that great city, formidable as were its forti
fications ; but his design was frustrated, and he was compelled to
raise the siege, by an aggression as resistless as it was unexpected. -

A formidable and countless host of Scythians, having driven the
Cimmerians out of Europe, were in full pursuit of their flying ene
mies, whom they had followed to the borders of Media. Cyaxares,
alarmed at this irruption, left Nineveh, and marched to meet this
new enemy. In the battle which ensued the Medes were defeated ;
and the Scythians, finding no other power to oppose them, spread
their ravages over all Upper Asia, and even marched to the confines
of Egypt. The king of that country diverted them from their pur
posed invasion by costly presents. They then returned into Pales
tine, where some of them plundered the ancient temple of Venus at
Ascalon, while others seized Bethshan, a city of the tribe of Manas-
seh on this side Jordan, which from them was afterward called
Scythopolis.

For eight years the Scythians held possession of Asia, (see Ap
pendix, note 37,) and revelled at pleasure, spreading desolation in
every direction. At length the Medes devised the means of shaking
off this destroying incubus, and putting an end to the evil. This
was accomplished in the following manner : The Medes, perceiving
that their enemies had in this lapse of time lost all military order,
and had sunk into licentiousness and sloth, took advantage of a
general feast, and by mutual concert invited as many Scythian
leaders as possible to their several houses, where, freely indulging
in drink, the guests were all cut off in their intoxication. The
remaining Scythians were soon driven out of Media. , ;

The destruction and expulsion of the Scythians from Media were
immediately followed by a war between that country and Lydia.

248 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Herodotus assigns a fanciful cause for this contest, which has not been
generally received. It has been supposed that when, after the mas
sacre, the remaining Scythians were driven from Media, they found
refuge with Halyattes, King of Lydia, and were protected by him.
Whatever occasioned the war, it was carried on with equal vigour
and determination on both sides, and for some considerable time
without any material advantage to either party.

Pending this war, Cyaxares having effected an alliance with
Nabopolassar, King of Babylon, resumed the siege of Nineveh,
which after a lengthened struggle fell before the power of its ene
mies, as stated in a preceding chapter. This event made the Modes
the preponderating power in Asia, while the Babylonians occupied
a position scarcely inferior to them in martial strength and political
influence. These nations being in close alliance with each other,
they were able, without difficulty, to subjugate the neighbouring
states, and to extend their national and territorial aggrandize
ment.

The first step in this course, after the conquest of Nineveh, was
the defeat of the Egyptian army at Carchemish. The king of
Egypt had taken advantage of the conflict between Assyria and the
united armies of Babylon and Media, to renew and extend the power
of Egypt in the east. He accordingly marched a great army through
Judea, and, having defeated and slain King Josiah, proceeded to the
Euphrates, where he was totally routed by the combined forces,
and compelled to relinquish all his possessions in Asia.

Having thus far effected his purpose, Cyaxares renewed the Lydian
war. As before, this struggle was for some time indecisive. At
length, both parties having prepared for a desperate conflict, it had
commenced, and was being prosecuted with the utmost ardour, when
the two armies became suddenly enveloped in the shades of dark
ness. (See Appendix, note 38.) Terrified by this uncommon cir
cumstance, they retired as by mutual consent, regarding the prodigy
as a sign of the anger of their gods. The truce thus unexpectedly
occasioned was followed by a peace, arranged between the contend
ing parties by the mediation of Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon,
on the part of the Medes, and of Syennesis, King of Cilicia, on the
part of the Lydians.

Media and Babylon continued to carry out their ambitious designs,
sometimes acting in concert, and sometimes separately, subduing
other countries formerly subject to Assyria. Coelesyria, Samaria,
Galilee, Jerusalem, Persia, and Susiana were thus reduced, and
Media raised into a powerful empire. Cyaxares and Nebuchadnez
zar were the principal agents in these successful wars. The king of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 249

Media having thus realized the object of his ambition, died, after a
reign of forty years, and was succeded by his son, —

ASTYAGES, whose first effort appears to have been directed
toward effecting a more solid union with Persia, and to reconciling
that numerous and powerful people to yield a willing obedience to
his authority. They had suffered severely in the conquest of their
country, and smarting under a deep sense of injury, were very un
willing subjects. To remove this feeling, Astyages is said to have
given his daughter in marriage to Cambyses, a prince of the family
of the Achaemenidse, and of the royal tribe of Pasargadse.

Of the reign of this sovereign, although it extended over thirty-
five years, very few incidents have been recorded. He was brother
of Nitocris, the celebrated queen of Nebuchadnezzar. In the early
part of his reign, he had to subdue an insurrection which broke out
in the province of Mazandran, bordering on the Caspian Sea.
Having besieged the rebellious chief in his capital, he counterfeited
a great want of provisions, and by his emissaries in the city pur
chased food of the keeper of the stores at an exorbitant price, until
they were exhausted. He then summoned the citizens to surrender ;
which they were compelled to do by the discovery of this treachery.
(Hales's Analysis of Ancient Chronology, vol. iv, p. 85.)

Astyages is said to have prosecuted other wars, with various suc
cess, against Syria, Asia Minor, Egypt, and Arabia.

While Cyrus was carrying on his Lydian war, the great nephew of
Astyages, Belshazzar, King of Babylon, was slain by conspirators,
who immediately proffered their submission to Astyages, as the
nearest of kin to the royal house of Nebuchadnezzar, which had thus
become extinct. Astyages accordingly assumed the sovereignty of
this country, (see Appendix, note 39,) in the thirty- seventh year of
his reign. He did not, however, on this account remove the seat of
his government to Babylon ; but, taking from thence Daniel the
prophet, of whose fame he had heard, to be his prime minister, and
such other persons as he required, he treated Bab}don as a province
of the great empire, the administration of which was carried on at
Ecbatana, the Median capital; the local affairs of Babylon being
placed under the direction of a viceroy, appointed for that purpose.
(See Appendix, note 40.)

Here, in the Median capital, it was that the conspiracy was formed
against Daniel which proved his fidelity to God; and led to his being
cast into the den of lions, from which he was miraculously delivered.

Astyages in his old age, with a large unwieldy empire, was not
equal to resist the rising genius of Cyrus of Persia. This prince,
having subdued Lydia and other surrounding countries, turned his

250 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

arms against the Median king. In this war, (as is more particu
larly detailed in the chapter on Persia,) Cyrus defeated and impris
oned Astyages, and established the Medo- Persian, or second great
universal empire.

CHRONOLOGY OF THE MEDIAN KINGDOM.

B.C.

REVOLT, and War of Independence 710

The several Tribes under Self-government, 7 Years.

DEJOCES enters on Public Life 704

After serving his Country in a judicial Capacity, and in other Ways, he is

raised to the Throne, his whole Period of public Service being 53 Years.

PHRAOKTES or AUPHAXAD (22 Years).... 651

He subdues Persia, and other neighbouring Countries ; and, having invaded

Assyria, is slain in a Battle with that Nation.

CYAXAKKS reigned 40 Years 629

Siege of Nineveh, and Scythian Invasion 620

Expulsion of the Scythians 612

Lydian War, and second Siege of Nineveh 608

Nineveh taken 606

Second Lydian War terminated by Thales' Eclipse 603

ASTYAGES reigned 38 Years 589

Babylon added to the Median Kingdom on the Death of Belshazzar 553

Media invaded, conquered, and its King deposed by CYRUS, who reigned 22

Years 551

Medo-Persian Empire.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 251

CHAPTER VII.

THE PERSIANS AND THE MEDO-PERSIAN EMPIRE.

PEKSIA a Province of the Assyrian Empire — Peculiar Interest attaching to this Part of
Persian History — The Spirit and Prowess of the Blacksmith Kawah obtains the Inde
pendence of his Country — FERIDOON placed on the Throne — His long and just Reign —
He divides his Kingdom between his Sons, SELM, TOOK, and EKIJ — Erij slain by his
Brothers — The Assassins defeated and slain by MANUCHEHER, who reigns with great
Celebrity — Sam, Prime Minister — Roostum, his -Grandson, the great Persian Hero,
born — NOUZER succeeds to the Throne — His cruel Reign — He is slain — Zoo expels the
Enemy — His Son KEKSHASP raised to the Throne, and afterward deposed — End of the
Peshdadian Dynasty — The Kaianian Dynasty — The Median Ascendency concealed by
imaginary Kings, KAI KOBAD representing Dejoces and Phraortes, and KAI Koos Cyax.-
ares and Astyages — Reference to the Eclipse of Thales — KAI KHOSRU, or CYRUS,
succeeds to the Throne — The Account of Ctesias respecting his Parentage — The proba
ble Career of this Warrior, until he defeats and deposes Astyages — Cyrus marries the
Daughter of Astyages — The Death of the deposed King — Cyrus conquers Lydia —
Takes Babylon, and establishes a universal Empire— His Conduct toward the Hebrews
— The Restoration of Jerusalem begun — Extent of the Persian Empire — The Death of
Cyrus — CAMBYSES — He prohibits the Progress of Building at Jerusalem — Invades and
conquers Egypt — His impolitic Cruelty and Impiety — Usurpation of Smerdis the
Magian — Death of Cambyses — Smerdis destroyed by a Conspiracy of Nobles — DARIUS
raised to the Throne — His improved Mode of Government — The Case of Democedes,
the Greek Physician — Makes an Edict in favour of the Hebrews — Reduces Samos —
Babylon rebels — The Self-sacrifice of Zopyrus — Babylon is taken — Conquests in the
East — A Body of Greek Troops wage War in Asia Minor, and burn Sardis — Darius
contemplates the Invasion of Greece — Failure of the first Expedition under Mardo-
nius — Battle of Marathon, and Ruin of the second Persian Invasion — Death of Darius
— Persepolis — Behistun Sculptures — XERXES — Subdues Egypt — Makes vast Prepara
tions for the Invasion of Greece — Crosses the Hellespont — Battle at Thermopylae —
The Persian Fleet defeated at Salamis, and their Army destroyed at Platrea— The
Remnant of the Persian Fleet and Army destroyed at Mycale — Horrible Crime
and Cruelty perpetrated in the royal Court — Xerxes assassinated — ARTAXERXES I.
established on the Throne — Marries Esther — Ezra and Nehemiah sent to Judea —
Revolt of Egypt— Peace with Athens— XERXES II.— SOGDIAKUS— DARIUS NOTHUS sub
dues his Rivals — Demoralization of the Persian Court — ARTAXERXES H. — Revolt of
Cyrus — He marches into the East — Is slain, and the Army dispersed, at Cunaxa — Re
treat of the Ten Thousand Greeks — Continued Iniquity of the Court — Revolt and Death
of the Heir-apparent — ARTAXERXES III. murders the royal Family — Restores Persian
Authority in Egypt, Phenicia, and Cyprus — DARIUS III. undertakes the Government —
Alexander invades the Empire — Triumph of the Macedonian.

ON resuming the history of Persia, we find it a province of the
great Assyrian empire, having been subdued by Ninus or his imme
diate successor, and placed in entire subjection to the imperial
government. (Patriarchal Age, pp. 453-455.) This period of
subjection is shrouded from public view, and its disparaging influ
ence on the national fame concealed, by the Persian historians
describing it as the reign of a tyrant sovereign, Zohauk, who is
fabled to have ruled for a thousand years.

252 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

The history of Persia, especially during the time which has now
to pass under review, will always possess the deepest interest. This
nation stood in intimate and peculiar relation to the elect people of
Jehovah, in the most eventful period of their career, — placed in
trembling jeopardy the fate of Greece, in the outset of her glorious
course, — and by its fall immortalized the greatest military genius
the world ever produced. This portion of Persian history, there
fore, cannot fail to excite deep and serious attention. A knowledge
of the real facts of this period is, however, a very difficult acquire
ment. Sir William Jones calls the season of Assyrian domination
over Persia the " dark and fabulous " age ; and that which we have
now to review he designates the "heroic and poetical" age. And
this is its true character, since we have to collect our information
from the conflicting statements of ill-informed Greeks on the one
hand, and from native writers, who disfigured all their annals with
fable and poetry, on the other.

Amid this general darkness, however, we have clear and explicit
information respecting the deliverance of Persia from her vassalage
to Assyria, and her restoration to independence. As this foreign
domination was described in the Persian annals as the tyranny of a
monster king, named Zohauk, whose rapacity and cruelty were fast
spoiling and depopulating the land ; so the emancipation of Persia
is spoken of as the defeat and death of this tyrant. This event was
effected by the spirit and prowess of an humble blacksmith named
Kawah. Zohauk having selected Kawah's two sons to be victims of
his cruelty, Kawah rose in bold resistance. Having armed himself,
and succeeded in rousing the spirit of his countrymen, he raised his
blacksmith's apron on a pole as his banner; and, proceeding with
the force thus collected, he defeated the royal troops. Kawah being
afterward joined by great numbers of Persians, who now saw the
dawn of hope for their country, the insurrection was continued, and
extended, until Zohauk was defeated and slain, and Persia restored
to liberty and independence.

FERIDOON — a young prince descended from the ancient royal
family of the kingdom, who had hitherto lived in seclusion — joined
the victorious blacksmith, and was, on the termination of the Avar,
raised to the throne. The first act of the new sovereign was to
appoint the old apron of Kawah as the royal standard of Persia ;
and as such it continued to be recognised during all the fluctuations
of the national history, until the conquest of the kingdom by the
Mohammedans, when it was taken, and studded with gems, with
which it had been from time to time enriched.

This prince is said to have ruled with great justice and modera-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 253

tion. But, he having lived to a great age, his last days were imbit-
tered by family feuds. When growing infirmities obliged him to
relinquish the cares of royalty, he divided his dominions between
his three sons, Selni, Toor, and Erij. But as the home-country of
Persia was given to Erij the youngest son, the elder brothers de
manded a new division, which the aged monarch refused ; a course
by which they were so greatly incensed, that they soon after put
Erij to death : and, not satisfied with this act of cruelty, they
embalmed his head, and sent it to his father. The aged sovereign
was seized with frantic grief for the loss of his favourite son, and
implored heaven to spare his life until a descendant of Erij should
avenge his death. His wish was granted. MANUCIIEHEII, the son
of a daughter of Erij, became the hope of the aged king. When
grown to manhood, he commenced a war with the murderers of
his father, who were both slain by his hand, and their forces de
feated. Soon after this, Feridoon died, having previously placed
the crown on the head of Manucheher, who reigned with great
celebrity. In compliance with the advice of Feridoon, he took for
his prime minister Sam, a Persian nobleman of great talents and
integrity.

During this reign Roostum, the great martial hero of Persia, was
born. He was the grandson of the prime minister Sam. Nothing
can be more extravagant and romantic than the accounts given
of the birth and prowess of this warrior by the poets of his
country.

After a lengthened period of rule, Manucheher died, leaving his
son NOUZER to succeed him in the government; whom he charged,
on his death-bed, to be guided in all his conduct by the wise advice
of Sam and of his sons. The youthful sovereign neglected this
counsel, and pursued a course equally impolitic and unjust. In con
sequence of his cruel and oppressive conduct, his subjects were
driven to the verge of rebellion. While in this state, the kingdom
was invaded by a neighbouring potentate, Pushung, King of Turan ;
and the results of this contest were unfavourable to Persia. In
one single combat, Kobad, a son of the famous Kawah, was killed
by his adversary ; and in another Nouzer himself fell by the hand
of Afrasiab, the son of Pushung, who commanded the invading
army.

Zal, a son of Sam, is said to have made a further effort to save his
country from foreign rule. He raised a prince of the royal house,
named Zoo, to the throne, who succeeded in expelling the enemy,
and restoring the integrity of the kingdom. He was succeeded by
his son KERSHASP, who was soon after set aside by Zal, as in-

254 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

competent to govern. He was the last prince of the Peshdadian
dynasty.

Having thus given the most probable account that can be extracted
from the mass of fiction and fable handed down to us by the professed
historians of this age, it will be necessary to observe that scarcely
any part of it can be regarded as established historic fact, except
that tf Inch exhibits the insurrection, prowess, and success of Kawah.
These are fully attested by ample evidence. Sufficient indications
of the extravagance of these annals generally will be found in the
circumstance, that Feridoon is said to have reigned five hundred
years, and Manucheher one hundred and twenty. It is, neverthe
less, probable, that in all this romancing there is a substratum of
fact, which it has been our object, as far as possible, to elicit, and to
exhibit in the preceding account.

The reign of Kershasp was followed by the Kaianian dynasty,
which continued to rule until the subversion of the kingdom and
empire by Alexander.

It may be observed here, that, although the reign of Kai Kliosru,
or Cyrus, places us in the region of history, and we have, after that
period, ample and authentic information ; yet, down to the reign of
the great Persian, the annals of this kingdom continue to be shrouded
in darkness. The Persian lists give but two reigns between Ker
shasp and Kai Khosru, — those of KAI KOBAD and KAI Koos.
Sir John Malcolm conjectured, that the two reigns of Cyaxares and
Astyages are represented by the Persian account of Kai Koos.
This is probable. In fact, it seems almost beyond doubt, that, in
order to conceal the subjection of their country to Media, the Per
sian annalists identified those Median sovereigns who had ruled over
their land as their own kings; and, as such, had placed them in
their lists, and given them an extravagant length of rule, sufficient
to fill up the intervening space ; following the same course in respect
of Media as they had done in regard to Assyria. Hence the first
king of the Kaianian dynasty is described as a descendant of Manu
cheher, of the Peshdadian dynasty. We are warranted in this
hypothesis by the fact, that the same vanity actually induced the
Persian scribes to invent a Persian lineage for Alexander of Mace-
don. (Malcolm's Persia, vol. i, p. 73.)

According to this supposition, Kai Kobad will fill up the space
occupied by Dejoces and Phraortes. But the accounts left of his
reign are so few, that they do not furnish any means of identifi
cation.

It is, however, not so with his successor, Kai Koos. He, while
engaged in a great battle, is said to have been, with his whole army,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 255

struck with blindness, — a curious poetic version, after the eastern
style, of the memorable effect of the eclipse of Thales on the army
of Cyaxares.

KAI KHOSRU, the next sovereign, appears to be satisfactorily
identified with CYRUS. Sir William Jones, a high authority on
such a subject, has used the strongest terms to express his opinion
on this point. He says, " I shall only doubt that the Kai Khosru
of Firdausi was the Cyrus of the first Greek historian, and the hero
of the oldest political and moral romance, when I doubt that Louis
Quatorze and Lewis the Fourteenth were one and the same French
king."— Works, vol. iii, p. 106.

In the case of this Persian hero, we are embarrassed by another
of the great discrepancies which are found in the writings of Herod
otus and Xenophon. And, as in other instances, so here I am
compelled to take the Father of History as my guide. I do not
come to this conclusion because I regard him as having furnished a
clear, complete, and consistent account of the founder of the Medo-
Persian empire ; but because, with much that appears to be artificial
and romantic, he seems to have supplied an outline of facts more
consistent in themselves, in better accordance with the history of
neighbouring nations, and more strongly supported by Persian tra
dition, than the narrative of Xenophon or any other writer. (See
Appendix, note 41.)

Respecting the early years of this prince, it is probable that we
have a key to his true history in the outline of the work of Ctesias
which has been handed down to us. According to the account of
the Greek physician, — who, having resided seventeen years at the
Persian court in the reign of Darius Nothus, had important means
of procuring information,— Cyrus was a Persian in no way related
to the royal house of Media ; but having succeeded in securing the
sovereignty of Persia, and in vanquishing Astyages, King of Media,
he gave out the story of his relationship to the deposed king, that
he might by this means more easily secure the submission of the
distant parts of the Median empire. To give effect to this report,
and to secure his object, he soon after married Amyntas, the
daughter of Astyages. This appears to be the most probable ac
count ; and the romantic tales of Herodotus and Xenophon must be
regarded as the stories propagated by the Persian courtiers to feed
the national vanity.

As it was the usual practice in the East at this period to select
governors, or viceroys, from the royal families of the dependent
countries, so it is probable that Cyrus was intrusted with the admin
istration of affairs in Persia, and was thus enabled to train up a nu-

256 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

merous body of brave and hardy soldiers. Nor is it improbable
that the account of Xenophon is so far true, that he might be em
ployed as a general in the imperial service, and have become a
favourite with the soldiers by his prudence and daring; and that, as
Herodotus states, Astyages had greatly alienated the hearts of his
people from him by his excessive cruelty.

The information thus supplied by Ctesias may afford a key to
many of the statements given by Herodotus and Xenophon, which
are probably for the most part facts founded on a false theory.
Cyrus is said to have ascended the throne of Persia B. C. 559. It
does not follow that he then asserted his independence, or declared
war against the imperial state. It might have been at this time
that Cambyses his father died, the hereditary chief of the nation or
province. In the following year, B. C. 558, the united army of
Babylonians, Lydians, and their allies are said to have been defeated
by the Medes and Persians under Astyages and Cyrus, and JMerig-
lissar was slain. This may be true. Cyrus, as viceroy of Persia,
might have been employed on such a service, and have greatly dis
tinguished himself in it.

How the Persian warrior was occupied in the succeeding years is
not known, — probably, in organizing his army in Persia. It could
not be in the Lydian war, which Xenophon makes to follow the
above battle, as the capture of Sardis did not take place until at least
ten years afterward.

Having aspired to supreme dominion, Cyrus, B. C. 553, com
menced his war of independence. From the hints thrown out by
Xenophon in his Anabasis, this struggle continued some time. The
empire was not wrested from the Medes without some difficulty.
The Persian was, however, crowned with success. Astyages was
defeated and taken prisoner, B. C. 551. The empire of the Medes
was thus terminated, and the Medo-Persian empire established by
the junction of both nations, with their dependencies. Herodotus
says that Cyrus treated his captive kindly. The account of Ctesias,
however, wears an aspect more like the political transactions of
those times. He says, that Cyrus propagated the story of his re
lationship to the deposed monarch, and actually sent him to be ruler
of the Barcanians ; that, having married the daughter of Astyages,
Cyrus after some time sent for him to see his daughter and himself;
and that by the way the eunuch, who had the deposed king in charge,
murdered him. Cyrus, to show his indignation of the crime, gave
up the eunuch to the severest punishment. But as he was by the
act freed from a dangerous rival, the innocence of Cyrus in the affair
has been seriously impeached.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 257

All the accounts of this era taken together show, that Cyrus had
to act with the most consummate policy, in order to effect a fusion
of the two nations, that they might be fully available for cooperation
in the working out of the vast ambitious projects which he had
formed. At first he gave the Persians no distinction in preference
to the Medes, but earnestly cultivated the friendship and confidence
of many nobles of the latter nation. Indeed, comparing all that has
come down to us respecting the Persian conqueror, it would seem
that he owed his great success to his profound sagacity and con
summate statesmanship, quite as much as to his military genius and
prowess.

Having sufficiently effected these objects, Cyrus marshalled his
troops, and proceeded to extend his sway over the neighbouring
countries. Aroused by his progress, Croesus, King of Lydia, be
came exceedingly concerned ; and having taken the utmost pains to
procure information from the most celebrated oracles, and constru
ing these responses favourably to himself, he crossed the River
Halys, which separated Lydia from the provinces of the Median
empire, and invaded Cappadocia. Cyrus, as soon as possible,
marched to meet him ; and it appears that a great battle was fought
with no decisive effect. Yet Croesus perceived his army to be
inferior in numbers to that of the enemy; and finding that Cyrus
did not renew the engagement on the following day, he returned
immediately to Sardis, and instantly sent messengers in every
direction, soliciting the aid of his allies, — a request which appears
to have been promptly responded to: for soon afterward we find
Croesus at the head of a great army, consisting of Egyptians, Baby
lonians, &c., encamped on the banks of the River Pactolus in Lydia.
Cyrus had been equally diligent in preparing for this encounter, and
hastened his attack, in order that the battle might be fought before
the arrival of the Lacedaemonians. He succeeded in this object, and
obtained a great victory, principally, we are told, by opposing camels
to the Lydian cavalry, — the horse, we are informed, having so great a
dislike to the odour of the camel, that this manoeuvre prevented the
effective action of the most important section of the Lydian army.

Croesus immediately .retreated to Sardis, whither, next morning
at day-break, Cyrus followed him. While directing his engines of
war against the walls, as though he had determined on a regular
siege, he at the same time employed some of the most expert
climbers in his army, under the direction of a Persian who had
formerly lived at Sardis, to endeavour to scale those parts of the
fortifications which appeared to be almost inaccessible. These
succeeded in their attempt; and the Persian troops thus obtained

258 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

possession of the walls ; upon seeing which the Lydians fled, and
JSardis was taken.

We shall not detail what is said of the treatment of Croesus by
Cyrus in the conflicting statements of Herodotus and Xenophon.
It will suffice that the Lydian king was saved, and afterward was
generally found in personal attendance on the conqueror, who
appears to have attached importance to his opinions and advice.
In the war that followed, the troops of Cyrus subdued the remainder
of Asia Minor and Ionia, including llalicarnassus, the native city of
Herodotus, who might in consequence feel disposed to speak harshly
of Cyrus, when occasion offered, as of one who had enslaved his
country.

Having secured his conquest in the west, Cyrus reduced all
Syria and Arabia, and at last invested Babylon. On the deposition
of Astyages, Labynetus, his viceroy, assumed an independent power,
and joined in the confederacy with Croesus. He was now deprived
of the assistance of his allies, and had to sustain alone a war with
the overwhelming Medo-Persian host. Yet the king of Babylon
did not shrink from the contest ; but when Cyrus appeared before
the city, he marched out and gave him battle. The effort was fruit
less ; the Babylonians were defeated and pursued into the city.

Cyrus immediately invested this proud metropolis ; but its walls
were of such height and strength, that the reduction of the place by
the ordinary engines of war seemed a hopeless task. It is said that
nearly two years were consumed in this siege. At length Cyrus
adopted the extraordinary expedient of diverting the waters of the
Euphrates from their channel. Having employed his soldiers in cut
ting a deep trench or canal in a place suitable for the purpose, he took
advantage of a public festival, when general revelry prevailed in the
cit}7, and connecting his canal with the river, he let the waters run
off, so as to leave the bed of the river fordable. A select body of
troops were then marched into the city, through the arched opening
in the walls by which the river entered it; and another through
that by which it left. These forces, meeting, took Babylon by sur
prise : the gates were soon thrown open, and Cyrus was made master
of this otherwise impregnable place.

There can scarcely be conceived a more circumstantial and com
plete fulfilment of sacred prophecy, than was furnished by this
conduct and success of the Persian king.

Cyrus hadnow established a universal dominion. Media, and all its
dependencies — Lydia, with all her surrounding and attached states, and
Babylon, with every tributary country, together with his native Persia
— were subject to his sway. And his mighty mind appeared equal to

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 259

the burden of this vast empire. He consolidated its power, directed
its general policy, and prosecuted his career of aggrandizement as
though but a single nation depended on his will.

The most remarkable part of this extraordinary reign is the lan
guage and conduct of Cyrus toward the Hebrew people. We are
tersely informed in Scripture that " Daniel prospered in the reign
of Darius, and in the reign of Cyrus the Persian." Dan. vi, 28.

With the successive acquisitions of territory and power, Cyrus
had a threefold accession to the honours of sovereignty. He was
truly independent king of Persia B. C. 559. He conquered Asty-
ages, and added the empire of Media to his dominions, B. C. 551 :
and, fifteen years afterward, B. C. 536, he subdued Babylon, and
completed the establishment of his empire. This sovereign died
B. C. 529. The period of his actual sovereignty was therefore
thirty years. But as Media was previously the supreme state, the
period of its conquest is that given in the Chronicles to the accession
of Cyrus, who then succeeded, not merely to a sovereignty, but to
the imperial government ; while the Hebrew writers, who stood in
so peculiar a relation to Babylon as the destroyer of their native
land, (the king of that city still ruling over a great part of the He
brew captives,) did not regard Cyrus as beginning to reign until he
had reduced that country to subjection. Consequently, "the first
year of Cyrus," spoken of in the Book of Ezra, is B. C. 536, — the
first year of his universal rule.

When Cyrus deposed Astyages, and succeeded him in Media, he
unquestionably found Daniel at Ecbatana, one of the most able and
honoured ministers of state. The deliverance of the prophet from
the den of lions, which had a short time previously taken place,
must have occurred in Media, and not at Babylon, because the
punishment was inflicted under the rigid application of Median law,
which could not have been done at Babylon, since it was not usual to
alter the internal economy and social laws of subject states, so as to
make them precisely similar to those of the supreme kingdom. We
are further informed, that " Daniel prospered in the days of Cyrus ;"
and the word is used so as to warrant the conclusion that he " pros
pered" in the same manner as he had done under Darius, — namely,
by holding those elevated offices of trust and honour with which he
had been invested by the Median monarch. It can scarcely be
doubted, therefore, that in the confidential communications which
took place between the king and his aged minister, Daniel would
make known to Cyrus the wonderful revelations which had been
given to him respecting the successive great monarchies which were
appointed by Divine Providence to succeed each other in the earth.

260 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

It is a remarkable fact, that Nebuchadnezzar -was fully informed of
this succession, by special divine appointment, almost immediately
after he had completed his conquests. It is equally certain, that
Alexander of Greece, when setting out on his career of conquest,
had these predictions read to him by the high-priest at Jerusalem.
It would, then, be marvellous indeed if Cyrus, coming into daily
and confidential communication with the prophet, should have
remained in ignorance of these glorious revelations. Among
numerous other proofs that he did receive such information, we
refer to bis edict in favour of the Jews.

Having put down all opposition, and extended his empire " from
the River Oxus to the frontiers of Egypt, embracing Lydia and Asia
Minor no doubt as far as the mountains of the Afghans which
separate Chorassan from India, (Niebuhr's Lee. on Anc. Hist.,
vol. i. p. 110,) Cyrus turned his attention to the government of these
vast dominions. One of the edicts published by him, in the first
year of this universal reign, was the following : " Thus saith Cyrus,
King of Persia, The Lord God of heaven hath given me all the
kingdoms of the earth ; and he hath charged me to build him a
house at Jerusalem, which is in Judah. Who is there among you
of all his people ? his God be with him, and let him go up to Jeru
salem, which is in Judah, and build the house of the Lord God of
Israel, (he is the God.) which is in Jerusalem." Ezra i, 2, 3. (He
brew People, pp. 302-364.)

At first sight this would appear a most extraordinary document.
Cyrus had been, for the greater part of his life up to this year,
engaged in war. He was bred in Persia, and of course a believer in
the religion of that country. We have no definite information of his
having had any intercourse with the Hebrew nation, with the single
exception of his minister Daniel. It must be readily admitted, that
under the ordinary impulses and calculations of worldly policy, the
restoration of the Jews — of whom it may be fairly presumed that
Cyrus had heard but little, and known still less — would not have
been one of the first acts of his imperial sovereignty. But this is
not only undertaken by him, but he explicitly states that he does it
in obedience to a divine command. Nay, he does not scruple to
ascribe all his extended power and dominion to the gift of the Lord
God of Israel, whose injunction he thus obeys. Taking all the accom
panying circumstances into account, this is a most remarkable edict,
and, 1 am bold to say, can only be accounted for in any reasonable
manner by supposing that Daniel had communicated to Cyrus the
prophetic revelations of God respecting him, and his preordained in
terference on behalf of the Hebrew people. (See Appendix, note 42.)

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 261

This measure was effectual. A great number of the Jews, from
different parts of the kingdom, gathered together their families and
their substance ; and, encouraged by the royal countenance, went in
a body to Judea, where they proceeded to lay anew the foundations
of a Hebrew state, and rebuild the holy city and temple, which had
so long lain in ruins.

It is also remarkable, that this event affords one instance of the
exact fulfilment of the prophecy of Jeremiah,— that the captivity
should last seventy years; and one, too, peculiarly interesting to
the prophet Daniel. As it was exactly seventy years from 586 B. C.,
when Jerusalem and the temple were destroyed, to 516 B. C., when
the second temple was finished ; so it was precisely seventy years
from 604 B. C., when Daniel and his companions were carried into
captivity, to 534 B. C., when the first body of Hebrews, by virtue
of this edict, reached Judea, appointed Joshua high- priest, and laid
the foundation of the second temple.

Thus did the continued exertions of the Persian hero, while aim
ing at the gratification of his own inordinate ambition, carry into
effect the great purposes of Divine Providence respecting the govern
ment of the nations of this world. The kingdom symbolized by the
head of gold had fulfilled its destiny, and passed away: that indi
cated by the breast and arms of silver had now extended her power
over the nations. The " lion with eagles' wings "—which so strikingly
represented the power of Babylon, where these identical figures
guarded every approach to the palace- temples of her pontiff-kings—
had perished ; and now the Medo-Persian bear had arisen to devour.

How intensely fraught with teaching of the highest order is such
history, regarded in the light of revealed truth ! Here we look into
the sacred page, and find the purpose of God clearly expressed in
plain terms, and forcefully illustrated by the most energetic sym
bolical imagery. We look abroad in the nations of the earth : Baby
lon is triumphant in martial power, sitting as a queen among the
nations; Media, possessing hereditary distinction for bravery and
military prowess, is second only to the paramount state; while
Persia, uncultivated and almost unknown, has scarcely yet made an
impression on a page of history. Yet a series of contingent evolu
tions begins, involving the utmost energy of individual minds, and
the most strange and unexpected collisions and associations of
nations. Universal clamour, confusion, and war succeed : at length
the storm is hushed, — peace reigns. We look; and out of this
chaos of national strife has come, in all its predicted perfectness,
the very event which the prophets of God had foretold. Cyrus,
having organized Persia, and associated its rude hardihood with the

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

military discipline and tactics of Media, by these united powers
extends his dominion over Asia, and reigns supreme. And, to
fulfil to the letter the utmost range of sacred prophecy, no sooner is
he found in possession of this sway than he says " to Jerusalem,
Thou shalt be inhabited, and to the cities of Judah, Ye shall be
built." Thus the Hebrew people were placed in the way of working
out their national and ecclesiastical polity, and of attaining a posi
tion in which all the purposes of redeeming grace, as predicted by
their holy prophets, might be fully accomplished.

The empire thus established by Cyrus, and over which he reigned
in peace for seven years, was immense in its extent. Bounded on
the east by the Indus, and on the west by the Mediterranean Sea,
on the north by the Caspian and Euxine, and on the south by
Ethiopia and the Arabian Sea, the vast range of Central and
Western Asia was subject to his sway.

The accounts which speak of the death of Cyrus are of the most
conflicting description. Some affirm him to have been slain in war :
Herodotus and Justin say the catastrophe took place while he was
fighting against the Scythians ; but Ctesias places this war at an
earlier date, and says that he was killed by the javelin of an Indian.
Xenophon, however, makes him die peacefully in his bed, while dis
coursing with his friends. On one point there seems to be a mutual
agreement among ancient authors : — they all assert that Cyrus was
buried in Pasargadte, and that his tomb was found two centuries
afterward by Alexander the Great. This fact seems decisive in
favour of the statement of Xenophon. It is not likely that, if killed
in Scythia or in India, he would have been interred in Persia.

Cyrus was succeeded by his son CAMBYSES, whom on his death
bed he appointed heir to the throne. The first incident of govern
ment that we meet with in this reign is the successful effort of the
Ammonites, Moabites, and others, to prevent the further progress
of the Hebrews in building the city and temple of Jerusalem. Ezra
has recorded this fact; (Ezra iv, 6;) and Josephus (Antiquities,
book xi, chap, ii, sect. 1, 2) has preserved the correspondence at
length, and concludes his account with the statement, "Accordingly,
these works were hindered from going on, till the second year of the
reign of Darius." (See Appendix, note 43.)

The principal object which seems to have filled the mind of this
king was the conquest of Egypt. Various tales have been circulated
for the purpose of accounting for this strong desire. It is probable,
however, that his motive was simply ambition. Cambyses saw, all
around him, nations bowing to his sway, which had been conquered
by his father and the preceding sovereign, and he longed to add to

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

the empire a conquest of his own. Egypt, an old and wealthy king
dom, offered the greatest incentive to this passion. He accordingly
began a series of preparations on a grand scale, which occupied him
during the first four years of his reign.

At length the Persian king proceeded to carry out his long- cher
ished purpose. He had obtained, just before his setting out on this
expedition, the greatest possible advantage, in the friendship of
Phanes, a Greek officer of great capacity and courage, who had been
previously employed by the king of Egypt as the commander of the
Grecian auxiliaries in his service, but who, on receiving some affront
from Amasis, had fled, and found succour in the court of Persia.
This officer not only explained to the Persian king the resources of
Egypt, and the nature of the country, but also put him in the way
of obtaining water for his army while crossing the desert from Pal
estine to the Nile. Without a supply of this necessary, the transit
of an army would have been impracticable : but this was secured,
under the advice of Phanes, by an alliance into which Cambyses
entered with the Arabian prince who ruled over the intervening
country. Pending these arrangements, Amasis, King of Egypt, died,
leaving to his son Psammenitus the kingdom, and the duty of de
fending it.

By the assistance which he had obtained, Cambyses appeared
with his vast army before Pelusium, — the key to Egypt on the east.
As noticed in the chapter on Egypt, it has been said that Cambyses
obtained possession of this important post by collecting together a
great number of cats, dogs, sheep, and other animals held sacred by
the Egyptians, and by driving them before his army, when it ad
vanced to attack the city. The Egyptian troops, not daring to raise
a weapon against creatures which they revered as divine, allowed the
Persians to come on without opposition, until it was too late : and
thus the city was taken without loss.

The king of Egypt, on hearing of this movement, immediately
led his troops to the Pelusiac mouth of the Nile, and encamped
opposite the Persian army. Here a great battle was fought, which
terminated in the defeat of the Egyptian king, and the ruin of his
army. A very small proportion of his troops escaped, and took
refuge in Memphis.

The further progress of Cambyses in Egypt, his conquest and
cruelty, his fatal attempt on Ethiopia, and vain desire to wreak his
vengeance on Carthage, have all been briefly detailed in the history
of Egypt.

Cambyses was accompanied into Egypt by a brother named
Smerdis. This prince appears to have possessed more muscular

264 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

strength than any other man in the Persian army : for, when the
Ethiopian king sent his bow as a derisive present to Cambyses,
Smcrdis was the only one in his array who could bend it. This
greatly enraged Cambyses: a mind so limited and jealous as his
could brook the presence of no superiority. He therefore devised
an excuse for his brother's return to Persia. But, having soon
afterward a dream, in which a messenger informed him that Smerdis
had ascended the throne, and touched the heavens with his head, he
became so alarmed and excited that he sent his favourite courtier
Prexaspes into Persia, with orders to put his brother to death ; which
bloody command was fully carried into effect, although authors differ
as to the manner in which this noble prince was assassinated.

From this period the life of the Persian king exhibited a con
tinued series of acts of brutality and butchery. Cambyses had a
sister named Meroe, whose name he gave to a celebrated island in
the Nile. This princess he married; but, suspecting that she
lamented the death of her brother Smerdis, he brutally kicked her
when pregnant, so as to occasion her death. His character at this
time evinced a degree of cruelty almost surpassing belief: he caused
several of his nobles to be buried alive, and scarcely a day elapsed
without some of his courtiers being sacrificed to his fury.

Prexaspes, who had murdered Smerdis at the command of the
king, was now called to feel the violence of his temper. He was
one day asked by Cambyses, what the Persians thought of him.
The courtier replied, that they admired his wisdom, but regretted
that he indulged to excess in wine. " They think, then," said the
king, " that wine disturbs my understanding ; but you shall judge."
Then, after drinking more freely, he ordered the son of Prexaspes,
who was his cup-bearer, to stand upright at the further end of the
room. " Now," turning to the father, he said, " if I shoot this arrow
through the heart of your son, the Persians have slandered me : but
if I miss, I will allow that they have spoken the truth." He drew
the bow ; the youth fell : and, on the body being opened, it was
found that the arrow had pierced his heart. Cambyses then asked
Prexaspes whether he had ever seen any one shoot with a steadier
hand: to which the servile courtier replied, that "Apollo himself
could not have aimed more correctly." Such are the results of the
contact of brutal tyranny with crouching slavery !

Cyrus had commended his captive, Croesus of Lydia, to the kind
ness of his son ; but about this time, being displeased with an answer
which he had received from Croesus, the king commanded him to be
put to death. The courtiers delayed the execution, thinking that he
would relent, which he soon did, and rejoiced to find that Croesus

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 266

was still alive ; but he devoted to instant death those who had dis
obeyed his order.

Cambyses had entered on the eighth year of his reign, when he
left Egypt to return to Persia. On his arrival in Syria, he met a
herald sent from Susa to apprize the Persian army that Smerdis,
the son of Cyrus, was proclaimed king, and to command their obe
dience. This revolution arose out of the following circumstances :
When Cambyses left Persia for the invasion of Egypt, he com
mitted the government of the country to Patizithes, one of the prin
cipal Magi, who had a brother very much resembling in person
Smerdis, the brother of Cambyses, and called by the same name.
Although the death of this prince had been kept from the public,
the Magian had obtained intelligence of the event; and knowing
that the tyranny and extravagance of Cambyses had become insup
portable, and that the name of Smerdis was popular, he placed his
brother on the throne, as the son of Cyrus, and sent heralds
through the empire proclaiming his accession ; trusting mainly, for
the success of his attempt, to the odium attaching to the govern
ment of Cambyses.

The king, having assured himself by a careful interrogation of
Prexaspes, that his brother Smerdis was really dead, and that the
usurper was Smerdis the Magian, ordered the immediate march of
his army to Persia. But when he was mounting his horse for this
purpose, his sword slipped from the scabbard, and inflicted a serious
•wound in his thigh. The Egyptians, who recollected that it was by
a wound in this part of the body that Cambyses had killed the sacred
Apis of Egypt, regarded this as a judgment from heaven on his pro
fane impiety ; and, strange to say, our learned Prideaux entertained
a similar opinion. During his stay in Egypt, the king had consulted
the oracle of Butus respecting his destiny, and was told that he would
die at Ecbatana. Knowing no place of this name but the capital of
Media, he regarded himself safe in Western Asia. But while lying
ill from the effects of his wound in a small town in Syria, he asked
the name of the place, and learned to his dismay that it also was
called Ecbatana : upon which he abandoned himself to despair, and
died about twenty days after the accidental infliction of the wound.
Before his death, Cambyses had charged the nobles and officers
of his army not to submit to the Magian Smerdis, who was undoubt
edly a usurper. But after his death this statement was disbelieved :
for Prexaspes faltered in his story, and admitted that he had not
slain Smerdis with his own hand, being, it is supposed, bribed to do
so by the Magi: so that the army and the nation for some time
submitted to the new ruler.

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

The suspicions of the nobles were, however, soon excited by the
scrupulous care which the Magi took to prevent the new sovereign
from being seen. This induced one of them, named Otanes, to
attempt to discover whether Smerdis was the son of Cyrus or an
impostor. He possessed an advantage for prosecuting this inquiry
peculiar to himself. His daughter had been the wife of Cambyses,
and had after his death passed in the same capacity to his successor.
Otanes, therefore, went to his daughter; but as she had not seen
Smerdis the son of Cyrus, and was only admitted to the presence of
the king at night, she could not resolve the doubt. It then occurred to
Otanes, that Smerdis the Magian had, for some great crime committed
during the reign of Cyrus, been deprived of his ears: he therefore
charged his daughter to ascertain, when next called to the bed of the
king, whether he had, or had not, been deprived of his ears. Delicate
and dangerous as was the task, so anxious was she to meet her father's
wishes, and to ascertain whether she was the wife of a king or of an
impostor, that the next time she found her husband fast asleep, she
made sure of the fact that his ears had been removed. The princess
lost no time in communicating this fact to Otanes, who presently in
formed a friend. These two ultimately associated five other noble
men in the plot ; and, having, by the dignity of their position, obtained
access to the palace, they slew Smerdis and his brother Patizithes,
and thus put an end to this impudent usurpation. It is said that
the death of these impostors was followed by a general massacre of
the Magi, and that nothing but the cover of night prevented their
extermination.

Having effected their purpose, the conspirators deliberated as to
the kind of government which should be established; (see Appendix,
note 44 ;) and they having ultimately decided on continuing an
hereditary monarchy, and having agreed on the means by which the
next sovereign should be appointed, in the prosecution of their plan,
DARIUS the son of Hystaspes, of the Actemenean family of Persia,
was raised to the throne.

Before his elevation to the sovereignty, Darius had married the
daughter of Gobryas, one of the most daring of his associates in the
destruction of the Magian impostor. To this wife he, after his
accession, added the two daughters of Cyrus, — Atossa, who had been
the wife of her brother Cambyses, and afterward of the Magian ;
and Artystona, who had not previously been married, and who be
came the most favoured of his wives. He also married Parmys, the
daughter of Smerdis, the son of Cyrus ; and Phoedyma, the daughter
of Otanes, who had been married to Smerdis the Magian, and was the
means of his being detected.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 267

Having strengthened his position by these marriages, Darius
proceeded to improve the government of his vast empire. He
effected this by dividing it into twenty separate governments or
satrapies, over each of which he placed a governor or satrap. I am in
clined to think that we have, in this measure of Darius, the first really
practical movement toward the organization and establishment of
an empire, in the strict and proper sense of the term. Every pre
ceding conqueror had either left the several nations intact, under
some new prince or king ; or else transported the inhabitants from
one country to another ; a plan which appears to have been resorted
to when the former arrangement was not likely to prevent them from
struggling to recover their independence. The first mode was very
defective, and allowed the continuance of every national partiality
and prejudice, feeling and desire; while the latter destroyed the
wealth, and all the productive agencies— social, commercial, political,
and military — in order to prevent future insurrection. The course
pursued by Darius secured a much larger amount of good, with none
of this sacrifice and loss. By associating several distinct nations
into one government, the manners and customs of each were assimi
lated ; the caution of one people acted as a check on the daring of
another ; so that good government grew to be not only possible, but
easy, and the chances of rebellion and intestine war became very
slender indeed.

A circumstance occurred about this time which is worthy of
notice, it having first directed the attention of the Persian court to
the invasion of Greece. Darius, having hurt his foot while hunting,
found that the Egyptian physicians, to whose care he intrusted him
self, were making no progress with the cure of the wounded limb ;
and, apprehensive of being disabled for life, he inquired for other
medical aid. As the result of this inquiry, he learned that there
was in the city a Greek sjave, named Democedes, who had been
brought from Samos. Darius having sent for him, and induced him
to undertake the cure of his foot, his skill was successful ; and after
a short time the foot was perfectly restored. The king loaded him
with gifts, and introduced him to his wives as "the man who had
restored the king to life." Democedes had now a sumptuous house,
and in fact everything but that which he so ardently desired, —
namely, his liberty. At length Atossa, the king's wife, was afflicted
with a desperate disorder, and in her distress she applied to the
Greek physician, who engaged to cure her, provided she would use
her influence with the king in favour of an object on which his own
heart was set. The queen promised, and Democedes cured her;
and then he claimed her good offices to enable him to visit Greece.

268 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

She acted under his instruction ; and, not daring to apply for his
release, she urged the king to invade Greece, telling him that the
Greek physician could procure every information for him, and that
she greatly desired some women of Sparta, Athens, Argos, and
Corinth in her service ; and that it became Darius, in the prime of
his manhood, to attempt some great enterprise.

Darius was roused by the queen's speech, and soon afterward sent
fifteen trusty Persians with Democedes, to travel in Greece, and
bring him a particular account of the coast and the military position
of the country. A great part of this survey had been completed,
when Democedes escaped from his companions, who had to return
to the mortified and incensed king with the communication that he
had been duped and deceived.

In the third year of his reign, Darius rendered very essential
service to the Hebrews. After the death of Smerdis, the edict of
that king had lost its force: but the Jews, disheartened by repeated
interruptions, did not resume the reedification of the city and tem
ple ; and in consequence of this apathy they were subjected to divine
chastisement. Their vintage and harvest failed; and they were
specially informed by a prophet, that their negligence in not re
building the house of God was the cause of this providential visita
tion. Hag. i, 6, 8-11. Roused to diligence by these inflictions, the
Hebrews resumed their appointed work. This, as usual, called
forth the opposition of the Samaritans, who on this occasion did not
apply directly to the royal court, but to Tatnai, the governor whom
Darius had appointed over the province of Syria. This officer
appears to have behaved on the occasion with great judgment and
discretion. He proceeded to Jerusalem, and demanded of the Jews
by what authority they acted ; and on their producing the decree of
Cyrus in their favour, Tatnai wrote to Darius to inquire whether
this document was genuine, and to learn the king's wishes in the
matter.

Darius caused a search to be made ; and on this occasion Ezra is
careful to inform us, that this record was found at Ecbatana, or, as
he writes it, " Achmetha, the palace that is in the province of the
Modes." Ezra vi, 1-12. Darius renewed this decree; and ordered
that the remaining vessels, which Nebuchadnezzar had taken from
the house of God, should be restored ; and that resources for carry
ing on the work should be supplied to the Jews out of the revenues
of the province; at the same time threatening with instant death ;ill
who might hereafter obstruct this important work. I'ridmnx ob
serves, on the authority of Lightfoot, that, in gratitude for this
decree, which was dated from the palace at Shushan, the eastern gate

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 269

in the outer wall of the temple was called " the Gate of Shushan."
Joseplms (Antiquities, book xi, chap. 3) has given a different ver
sion of the reasons which induced Darius to evince this favour to
the Jews ; but it appears rather too fanciful for sober history.

During this period the empire had been maintained in peace.
The first war in which Darius was engaged was connected with the
reduction of Samos. But while this was being carried on under the
direction of Otanes, a more important rupture occurred nearer. home,
in the revolt of the Babylonians. It is probable that the lengthened
absence of Cambyses and his army in Egypt, and the numerous
difficulties which Darius had encountered after his accession, had
given the inhabitants of this proud city hopes of retrieving their
independence. On the first intelligence of this revolt, the king col
lected an army, which greatly terrified the rebellious Babylonians.
They saw, from the power of the imperial force, that their only hope
was to sustain a lengthened siege : and in order to do this, they
adopted the horrible expedient of strangling the great body of their
women and children, that their provisions might last for the longest
possible period.

Darius soon appeared before the city, and closely invested it : but
the Babylonians were so confident in the strength of their defences,
that they danced upon the walls, and treated the king and his army
with the greatest possible contempt. Nor did they miscalculate
their resources. After a siege of nineteen months, Darius seemed
as far from the attainment of his object as when he began. But
what no amount of military daring or energy could effect, the
self-sacrifice and duplicity of one of his nobles enabled him to
secure.

The name of this officer was Zopyrus. He appeared before
Darius with his nose and ears cut off, his back lacerated with scourg
ing, and presenting a most pitiable, mangled, and bloody spectacle.
He soon removed the astonishment of the king, by telling him that
he had inflicted these injuries on himself, for the purpose of procur
ing the success of the royal enterprise ; that in his mangled and
bloody condition he was going to Babylon, and would say that he
had been thus cruelly treated by Darius, and was therefore his bit
terest enemy. He then concerted a series of measures which Darius
was to carry out, and which would, as he expected, enable him to
admit the Persian troops into the city.

This explanation being given, Zopyrus hastened as a deserter to
Babylon. He being seen from the walls running and looking behind
him, as with great anxiety, the guard descended and admitted him.
Zopyrus told his concerted tale ; upon which he was presented to

270 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

the Babylonish assembly, when the wily Persian told them that he
had advised Darius to raise the hopeless siege, and that for this
fault the king had treated him so cruelly as to reduce him to the
miserable condition in which he appeared before them. He con
cluded his tale of woe by imploring them to allow him to fight in the
front rank against his former master. Deceived and deluded by
these specious representations, the Babylonians took him into their
confidence.

Zopyrus now told them, that on a particular day Darius would
march a body of a thousand troops against a certain post ; and that
if they would place a corresponding force under his direction, he
would destroy them. The Babylonians, taking every reasonable
precaution, complied. As had been told them, they saw a body of
one thousand men approach the gate of Semiramis. Acting under
the direction of Zopyrus, the Babylonians sallied out, and completely
destroyed them. He then said, that about a certain day he expected
a larger body to assail the gate of Nineveh, when he would in like
manner effect their destruction. This promise also he fully re
deemed. Afterward he warned them that a troop of four thousand
men would about such a time attempt the Chaldrcan gate. Again
Zopyrus led the assault, and again the whole body of the invading
force was destroyed. The sacrifice of these seven thousand men
had been fully arranged between Darius and Zopyrus. This success
filled the Babylonians with unbounded joy. They saw in these vic
tories the prospect of destroying the invading force in detail. Their
confidence in Zopyrus was at its height, and he promised them a
complete triumph. Soon afterward Darius ordered a general assault.
Zopyrus promised to repeat his victories ; but in the heat of the
struggle, instead of destroying the Persians, he by a preconcerted
signal admitted them into the city. The result of this treachery
was fatal. Babylon fell prostrate beneath the power of the con
queror. Darius stained his triumph by crucifying three thousand
of the most distinguished Babylonians. He also reduced the height
of the walls, carried away the gates, and prohibited the use of arms
by the inhabitants ; these being precautions against any future
attempt at insurrection.

Immediately after the complete reduction of Babylon, Darius
commenced his invasion of Scythia,— an effort remarkable for noth
ing more than the madness of the enterprise, the number of troops
employed, — nearly 700,000, — and the distance to be marched, —
about one hundred and fifty days' or nearly five months' journey.
If the project of Miltiades to destroy the bridge across the Danube
had been carried into effect, but few, if any, of this vast host would

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 271

have returned. The enterprise was begun in ignorant precipitancy,
and finished under consummate disgrace.

Darius appears now to have turned his attention to the east, in
the hope of retrieving his fame and extending his territory. In this
he seems to have been successful, although we are not in possession
of the details of the expedition. Herodotus says, " A very consid
erable part of Asia was discovered by Darius. That prince, wishing
to ascertain whether the Indus flowed into the ocean, sent out ships
with persons in whom he had confidence, especially Syclax of Caly-
andria. They embarked at Caspatyras, in the Parthian territories,
following the eastern course of the river toward the ocean. Hence
sailing westward, they arrived, after a voyage of thirty months, at
the same point from whence the Phenicians sailed to circumnavigate
Libya. In consequence of this voyage, Darius subdued the Indians,
and became master of that ocean." — Melpomene, cap. xliv. In con
nexion with these discoveries, acquisitions were made in India which
formed the twentieth satrapy of the empire, and produced a yearly
revenue of six hundred talents in golden ingots. (Thalia, cap. xciv.)
From the period of the Scythian invasion, the Persian interest in.
the west had been in a state of continual oscillation. Thrace and
Macedon had acknowledged the supremacy of Persia by giving the
ambassadors of Darius " earth and water :" but no real subjection
was shown to the imperial court. At length Aristagoras — a nephew
and son-in-law of Histiseus, who had saved the royal army in the
Scythian campaign by preserving the bridge across the Danube —
commenced an insurrection of the Greeks against Persia. Sparta
declined to take part in it, but Athens joined the confederacy. This
united army crossed over to Ephesus, and succeeded in laying the
city of Sardis in ashes. But their measures were hastily taken and
ill supported ; and, on encountering the Persian forces, they were
completely defeated.

This led Darius seriously to contemplate the entire reduction of
Greece. He was so enraged against the inhabitants of the capital
of Attica, that he implored Jupiter that he might be allowed to be
revenged on them, and employed an attendant to remind him three
times a day of the Athenians.

The first armament sent on this service was commanded by Mar-
donius, the king's son-in-law. But this army was surprised by the
Thracians, and suffered great loss, the Persian general himself being
wounded in the conflict, while the Persian fleet encountered a storm
in doubling Mount Athos, by which they lost three hundred ships
and twenty thousand men. Mardonius returned into Asia with the
wreck of this great army.

•J7- THE GENTILE NATIONS.

But Darius, with the resources of an immense empire at his
disposal, could not brook the complete frustration of his purpose.
While preparing another army, he sent heralds to the several states
of Greece, demanding their submission. ^Egina and many of the
smaller cities signified their compliance; but Athens and Sparta
felt so outraged at the demand, that, forgetting the sacred character
of the messengers, they instantly put the heralds to death. This
violent measure hastened the departure of the Persian army.
Darius had on this occasion intrusted the command to Datis, a
Median officer, and Artaphernes, his own nephew. On reaching the
sea- coasts of Ionia, they collected an army of three hundred thousand
men, and a fleet of six hundred ships. This immense force com
menced the war by taking Naxos. Eretria was next subdued, and
the inhabitants sent captives to Susa. The Persian army then
passed over to Attica; when, at Marathon, ten miles from Athens,
this mighty host of two hundred thousand men and ten thousand
horse were entirely routed, and those who escaped with life were
chased in confusion to their ships. Thus terminated the second
Persian attempt to invade Greece.

The rage of Darius at this defeat was unbounded. He imme
diately commanded preparations to be made for an invasion on a
larger scale : but while these were going on, Egypt revolted. The
Persian monarch, whose mind rose with the emergency, determined
to astonish the world by simultaneously conducting two wars, — one
in Egypt and the other in Greece. Before his arrangements were
completed, he had to settle a dispute in his family respecting his
successor. The claimants were Artobazanes, who claimed the crown
by virtue of his birthright; and Xerxes, the son of Atossa, the
daughter of Cyrus, who asserted his right to the throne because he
was the first son born after his father was a king, and should there
fore have the precedence of a son born when his father was a private
citizen. By the advice of Demaratus, the exiled king of Sparta,
Darius decided in favour of Xerxes, and appointed him his suc
cessor. This was the last public act of Darius : he soon after died,
leaving the prosecution of his vast projects, in the recovery of Egypt
and the conquest of Greece, as a legacy to his successor. (See Ap
pendix, note 45.) Darius had acquired the reputation of an able
military commander ; and he did much to foster the rising interests
of the Hebrew people.

Before closing our account of this reign, some reference must be
made to the great city Persepolis, the ruins of which cast important
light on the history and the religion of Persia. Of the origin of this
capital we know literally nothing. It is not mentioned either by

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 273

Herodotus, Ctesias, Xenophon, or Nehemiah, although they all fre
quently allude to Susa, Babylon, and Ecbatana. This silence may
perhaps be accounted for, by the fact that this city does not appear
at any time to have been the settled residence of the Persian kings,
although there was at Persepolis a magnificent palace. This edifice,
glorious even in its ruins, seems to have been one of the noblest
structures that art ever reared. A question has, indeed, been raised
as to whether Persepolis and Pasargadse were not two names for the
same city. Scholars generally, however, have decided that these
were different places.

It is also necessary to refer to an account of the early part of this
reign; of a very extraordinary character. On the western frontiers
of Media, on the great road leading from Babylon to the east, stands
the sacred rock of Behistun. Rising abruptly from the plain to a
height of one thousand seven hundred feet, it was approached with
reverence, and regarded as consecrated to the Supreme God. On
the face of this rock, which was smoothed down for the purpose,
about three hundred feet above the level of the ground, there stands
an elaborate sculpture. It is so inaccessible, on account of its
height and the perpendicular form of the rock, that it is difficult and
dangerous to approach sufficiently near to read it.

The nature of this sculpture is peculiar. It contains pictorial rep
resentations of Darius as the great king, with two attendants stand
ing behind him; and before him — one being prostrate under his
right foot — are ten men, with a rope round their necks, thus con
fining them together in a line, and their hands bound behind their
backs. Above, just before the king, is the symbol of the divine triad,
as seen in the sculptures of Assyria. Above, around, and beneath,
in separate columns, are numerous cuneiform inscriptions. After
this ancient record had taxed the labour and learning of many
scholars, all of whom made some progress toward its decipherment,
we have now before us a complete translation of it, the fruit of the
learning and industry of Colonel Rawlinson. The origin, manner,
and contents of this record are all so peculiar, that it was not thought
desirable to incorporate it in fragments with the history, but to
place it entire and at once before the reader in a note. (See Appen
dix, note 46.)

On ascending the throne, XERXES entered heartily into the mar
tial measures which had been begun by his father, and hastened the
preparations for the reduction of Egypt. Before he proceeded with
this undertaking, he confirmed the Jews in possession of all the
privileges conferred on them by Darius. At length he marched his
army toward Egypt, and effected, almost without a struggle, the

274 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

entire subjugation of that country, leaving his elder brother Achse-
inenes, as satrap, to administer the government of that nation.

The three following years were fully employed in preparations
for the invasion of Greece. This measure was opposed by Arta-
banus, the surviving brother of Darius, and other eminent officers :
but a great number of Grecian refugees, who had found succour at
the Persian court, by practising on the ambition of the king, urged
him onward in this insane project ; Mardonius, who longed to repair
the injury done to his military fame in the first invasion, exerting
himself to the utmost to promote the attempt.

At length, the preparations were complete; and Xerxes, with
perhaps the largest army ever assembled on earth, proceeded toward
the Hellespont.

It is difficult to give serious attention, not to say credence, to the
tales which are reported of the intolerable arrogance of this king;
such as his sending an epistle to Mount Athos, his flogging, and
casting fetters into, the Hellespont, and other acts equally extrava
gant and improbable. At length, however, a bridge was erected
across the straits, over which the many-nationed host passed for
seven days and nights without intermission, their speed being fre
quently hastened by the lashes of whips ; — as if men who needed
such a stimulus to action would be of any worth when opposed to
the best soldiers in the world.

Having made a grand review of his army, Xerxes proceeded
through Thrace toward Greece, while the fleet followed the line of
the coast. During this march, the most particular attention was paid
to religious services, sacrifices being offered at every suitable place
according to the rites of the Persian religion. In fact, throughout
the whole of these preparations and arrangements, everything
appears to have been done that human sagacity could devise. Even
large sums of money had been sent to Carthage, to induce that
nation to invade the Greek settlements in Sicily, that Magna
GrcBcia might derive no aid in this struggle from her colonies.
Thus was the prophecy of Daniel fully verified : " There shall stand
up yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth shall be far richer
than they all : and by his strength through his riches he shall stir
up all against the realm of Grecia." Dan. xi, 2. Indeed, every part
of the dominions of Xerxes appears to have contributed to this
multitudinous host. (See Appendix, note 47.)

The Persian army now approached the Pass of Thermopylae,
•where Xerxes found, as had been before reported to him, a small body
of Spartans in possession of the defile. After waiting four days in
the expectation that they would fly from his presence, the king sent

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 275

against them a detachment of Medes and Cissians, with orders to
bring them prisoners. It was, however, repulsed, although continu
ally reinforced with fresh men ; until Xerxes exclaimed, that he had
many men, but few soldiers, in his army. At length the Medes
were superseded, and the Immortal Band of Persians, commanded by
Hydarnes, were sent against the Greeks, but with no better success.
Xerxes, who witnessed the encounter, thrice leaped from his horse,
in apprehension of the ruin of his whole army from this handful of
men. At length, by the treachery of a Greek, the Persians were
conducted by a narrow path over the mountains, so that a body of
the army was enabled to pass, and completely enclose the Spartan
troops. Seeing his desperate condition, Leonidas sent away his aux
iliary forces, and, with his three hundred Spartans and seven hun
dred Thespians, not only withstood the attack of these hundreds of
thousands, but became the assailant, and actually penetrated to the
royal pavilion of Xerxes, from which the monarch had hastily escaped.
But numbers at length prevailed, and the gallant Greeks fell, rather
wearied with their own exertions, than vanquished even by multitudes.
According to Herodotus, the Persians lost in this contest two of the
king's brothers, and twenty thousand men.

Having obtained this passage, the Persians laid waste Phocis, and
marched on Athens. This city they found almost entirely aban
doned; the citizens having, by the advice of Themistocles, taken
refuge on board their fleet. The few who remained defended their
homes until they were all slain ; and then Xerxes obtained the
ratification of destroying this capital.

Before this event, there had been a naval engagement between the
Persian and Greek fleets near Artemisium, in which the Greeks had
the advantage, although the victory was not decisive. After the
ruin of Athens, the Greek fleet having retreated to the Straits of
Salamis, the Persians followed them : and it was on the next course
of proceeding that the issue of the war clearly depended. The plan
which wisdom and prudence dictated to the Persians, was the one
strongly urged in the council of the brave Queen Artemisia, — namely,
for the Persian fleet to beleaguer that of the Greeks, while the great
Persian army should proceed to the reduction of the Peloponnesus.
If this course had been taken the results of the war might have been
different. Instead of this, however, Xerxes adopted the unwise
determination of attacking the Grecian fleet. Compelled to do so
under every disadvantage, on account of the contracted space, the
Persians were completely defeated ; two hundred of their ships were
destroyed, and the rest driven on the coast of Asia, never again daring
to appear in the waters of Greece.

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Xerxes witnessed this battle from an eminence, where he sat sur
rounded by scribes to record the deeds of the day : but these had
nothing to write except the ruin of their master's hopes. On the
completion of this disaster, Xerxes trembled lest the Greek fleet
should sail to the Hellespont, break down his bridge, and cut off his
retreat to Asia. Leaving, therefore, three hundred thousand men
under Mardonius to continue the war, he hastened his return with
the remainder of his surviving troops. These endured terrible hard
ships during their march ; and the king at length, worn out with
disappointment and apprehension, left his army, and with a small
retinue hurried to the Hellespont. Here he found the bridge de
stroyed : and he who had passed over with such a host returned in
a single skiff.

But the disasters of Persia did not terminate here. Their Car
thaginian allies were totally defeated in Sicily, where one hundred
and fifty thousand were slain, and nearly as many sold into slavery.
Mardonius passed the winter in Thessaly : and, before opening the
next campaign, made the most liberal offers to the Athenians, if
they ^vould accept the friendship of Persia. He engaged to make
goo*d all they had lost in the war, to extend their possessions, to
guarantee them their own laws, and make them the most favoured
of the tributaries of Persia. Athens was deaf to every overture, and
both parties prepared for a renewal of hostilities. Pausanius, King
of Sparta.and Aristides of Athens, led the Greek army to meet the
Persians. The former had about one hundred and twenty thousand,
the latter three hundred and fifty thousand, men. The opposing
forces met at Platrea, where the Persians were not only defeated but
destroyed. Mardonius fell in the battle. Artabazus, who appears
to have anticipated the result, made good his retreat with a body of
forty thousand men : besides these it is said that not four thousand
of the Persian army survived that fatal day.

On the same day another terrible defeat was inflicted on Persia.
The remains of the naval imperial force had assembled near Mycale
on the coast of Asia. The Greeks, having ascertained their position,
proceeded to attack them. On their approach the Persians drew
their vessels ashore, where they had an army of one hundred thou
sand soldiers, and had formed a strong rampart for their defence.
But such terror was inspired by the Greek name, and such were the
daring confidence of the one party, and the trembling apprehension
of the other, that the Greeks stormed the rampart, defeated the
army, and utterly destroyed the fleet.

Xerxes, who. had halted at Sardis to learn the success of his
generals, was no sooner told of these accumulated calamities, than he

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 277

fled from Sardis, with as much haste as he had from Athens after
the battle of Salamis, giving orders for the destruction of all the
Greek temples in Asia Minor.

The remainder of this reign was distinguished by nothing but
what covered the monarch with infamy. After plundering the tem
ples of Babylon, while passing through that city, in order to replenish
his exhausted exchequer, and thereby verifying the prophecies of
Isaiah and Jeremiah, (Isaiah xlvi, 1 ; Jer. 1, 2,) he returned to his
court at Susa.

Here he sought to seduce the wife of his brother Masistes.
Finding her inflexible, he hoped to conciliate her by marrying her
daughter to his son; but this had no influence on the virtuous
matron. The licentious king then turned his desires toward the
daughter, now the wife of his own son ; and her he succeeded in
debauching. In consequence of this wickedness Artaynta, the
daughter, became possessed of a rich mantle, which Hamestris, the
wife of Xerxes, had wrought for him. This she displayed in public,
so that the fact became known to the queen.

Enraged at the circumstance, and attributing all the blame to the
innocent mother, Hamestris waited until the king's birthday came,
when the kings of Persia were accustomed to grant the most ex
travagant favours to their friends ; and then the queen asked her
husband that the wife of Masistes should be given into her power.
Xerxes, suspecting the object, and knowing the innocence of the
woman, for a while refused, until, conquered by her importunity, he
complied. He then immediately sent for his brother, and asked him
to divorce his wife, and offered him one of his own daughters instead.
Masistes respectfully declined the honour, and urged that his wife
was the mother of his children, and was in every way agreeable to
him. Xerxes in a rage threatened, and his brother left him.

While this conference was proceeding, the queen was working
out her horrible revenge. She had given the wife of Masistes to
the royal guards, and made them cut off her breasts, her nose, her
ears, her lips, and her tongue; and, thus horribly mutilated, she
sent her to her house. Masistes on his return found her in this
condition. He immediately collected his family, and fled toward
Bactria, of which he was governor, intending to rouse that warlike
people to revenge his wrongs. But Xerxes, penetrating his design,
sent a body of troops after him, by whom the injured prince, every
member of his family, and all his followers, were put to death.

This tragedy was soon followed by another, involving the fate of
its guilty author. Xerxes was soon afterward assassinated by
Artabanus, the captain of his guards ; and his eldest son shared the

278 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

same fate. A few inscriptions belonging to this reign have been
preserved and translated. • They have chiefly a religious bearing,
and cast no new light on the history. (See Appendix, note 48.)

After the death of Xerxes and his eldest son, the regicide con
ferred the crown on ARTAXERXES, the third son of Xerxes, hoping
to reign in the name of the young prince. But the new king seized
the first opportunity of revenging the death of his father and brother,
by the execution of the assassin with his confederates.

Artaxerxes, although raised to the throne, and delivered from the
faction of Artabanus, was far from secure in the possession of power.
His elder brother Hystaspes was governor of Bactria ; and he not
only possessed a valid title to the throne, but was supported in his
claims by the martial province over which he ruled. Artaxerxes,
therefore, raised an army, and led them to Bactria, where a battle
was fought between the two claimants for the crown, without any
decisive result. Both parties retired, to prepare for a second
encounter. But Artaxerxes having the resources of the empire at
his command, while Hystaspes was shut up in a single kingdom,
the former in the ensuing campaign obtained a complete victory,
and the undisputed possession of the throne.

Having thus obtained his object, and his whole dominions being
in a peaceful condition, the king returned to Susa, where he appointed
a series of feastings and rejoicings to extend over a period of ono
hundred and eighty days. It was during this season of revelry that
the events recorded in the Book of Esther took place ; the fair Jew
ess of that name being then raised to the dignity of queen of the
empire, as the wife of Artaxerxes. As the Scriptural account is so
well known, it will not be necessary here to give even an outline of
that narrative. It will, however, be desirable to refer to some of the
results of this marriage.

This queen has been justly spoken of as " one of the very few that
resist the allurements of splendour, that cherish kindness for their
poor relatives, and remember with gratitude the guardians of their
youth." When, therefore, we read of the appointment of Ezra, and
afterward of Nehemiah, to go to Jerusalem, invested with plenary
powers under the royal authority to restore the city, and recon
struct the Hebrew commonwealth, we see clearly the results of the
queen's influence. And when the difficulties which these devoted
men had to encounter are taken into account, it may be fairly pre
sumed that nothing short of the favour with which they were sup
ported by the imperial court could have enabled them to succeed
in their pious and patriotic objects. To the appointment of these
officers, under God, we have to attribute the second series of Hebrew

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 279

national history : and their being called to high stations appears with
equal clearness to be attributable to the elevation of Esther. So
wonderful are the evolutions of Divine Providence !

In the early part of this reign the Egyptians revolted under
Inaros, as already related ; but this effort totally failed. At length
Artaxerxes, wearied of war, commanded his officers to make peace
with Athens on the best terms that they could obtain : and although
these were sufficiently humiliating to the pride of Persia, the treaty
was completed. By this compact it was agreed, 1. That all the
Greek cities of Asia should be made free, and allowed to live under
their own laws. 2. That no Persian ships should enter the ^JEgean
Sea. 3. That no Persian army should approach within three days'
march of these waters. 4. That the Athenians should commit no
hostilities within the territories of the king of Persia. These arti
cles being sworn to, peace was proclaimed.

The cruel death of Inaros, after an imprisonment of five years, —
the revolt of Megabyzus, and his restoration to favour, — and the
efforts made by Lacedaemon to enlist the Persians on their side
when the war broke out between Sparta and Athens, — occurred in
the latter part of this reign; but do not require to be mentioned at
length.

Artaxerxes died in the forty-first year of his reign. Besides the
substantial aid he afforded to the Hebrews, the peace with Greece
was the great political event of this period — a measure which,
undoubtedly desirable as it was for Persia, clearly indicated the
decline of that empire, and foreboded the rapid downfal which
immediately succeeded.

XERXES II., the only legitimate son of Artaxerxes, succeeded his
father. He had, however, to contend against the wild disorder of
seventeen sons, whom his father had by his concubines, — a post of
danger for which his dissolute habits rendered him peculiarly
unsuited. After a reign of forty-five days, having retired to rest
drunk, he was murdered in his sleep by SOGDIANUS, one of his
illegitimate brothers, who at once succeeded to power.

Sogdianus was, however, scarcely seated on the throne, before he
evinced a very cruel disposition, commencing with the death of
Bagorazus, a most respectable eunuch, and one of the confidential
servants of Artaxerxes. This conduct so disgusted the nobility,
that when his brother Ochus returned with an army from Hyrcania,
of which he was governor, Sogdianus found himself completely
deserted. OCHUS was in consequence raised to the throne, and
Sogdianus put to death.

On assuming the government of the empire, Ochus took the name

280 TUB GENTILE NATIONS.

of DARIUS, to which historians generally have attached the term
Nothus, or " Bastard," on account of his illegitimate birth. Arsites,
a brother of Darius, perceiving the facility with which Sogdianus
had displaced Xerxes, and Darius had supplanted Sogdianus,
thought that he might serve Darius in the same manner. Having
therefore, obtained the counsel and support of Artyphius, the MB
of Megabyzus, he broke into open rebellion. As the usurping
prince and his prime supporter appeared in arms in different parts^
)arius marched against his brother, while Artasyras, one of his
generals, proceeded against Artyphius. By the aid of his Greek
mercenaries, Artyphius twice defeated the imperial troops: but,
these being at length bought over by large gifts to the royal cause,'
he was reduced to such a desperate condition as to be compelled to
surrender himself, and rely on the mercy of Darius. The king was
disposed to order his immediate execution; but he was restrained
by his wife Parysatis, a daughter of Artaxerxcs by another mother,
and a very clever and crafty woman. By her advice the king gener
ally suffered himself to be guided. Under this influence, Artyphius
was treated with clemency, while Darius proceeded with great
energy against Arsites. This prince, seeing himself deprived of
the principal support on which he had relied, and that his general,
although a stranger, had been kindly treated on his submission^
resolved to lay down his arms, and surrender to his brother, not
doubting but that he should in a higher degree partake the royal
clemency. The king, indeed, felt disposed to save his brother; but
the same influence which had dictated a clement policy toward the
general, now insisted on the destruction of both. At the instance
of the queen, therefore, Arsites and Artyphius were put to death.

Throughout the remainder of this reign, the court, and in fact the
whole empire, were involved in plots and counter-plots, murders,
insurrections, and intestine wars. The principal direction of public
affairs had been left in the hands of three eunuchs, who were influ
enced more by selfish and factious motives than by a desire to pro
mote the public good. Not a few of these troubles were owing to
the restless disposition of Cyrus, the king's youngest son, who°had
been appointed governor of Syria, and had used the influence of his
position to foment war in Greece : besides which, he had put to
death two noble Persians, nephews of the king his father, for no
other reason than because they did not offer him the salutation
usually given to royalty. This conduct displeased Darius, who
required his attendance at court, and was disposed to remove him
from his government. On the other hand, the queen laboured to
induce the king to make him his heir. This, however, Darius posi-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 281

tively refused to do : so the interview which took place between them
issued in the confirmation of Cyrus in the government of Syria.

Soon after this interview Darius died, and was succeeded by his
son AIITAXERXES, commonly surnamed MNEMON. The new king,
according to the custom of the Persian monarchs, proceeded to
Pasargada to be inaugurated by the priests of Bcllona. He was
there informed by one of the priests, that his brother Cyrus had
formed a conspiracy against him, with a design to murder him in tjje
very temple. Having received this information, the king commanded
Cyrus to be seized, and sentenced to death. But even then Pary-
satis, his mother, had sufficient influence with the king to have this
sentence reversed, and to get Cyrus sent back to his government in
Syria.

Having reached his seat of government, and being enraged at the
defeat of all his plans, and especially that he had been sentenced to
death, Cyrus resolved to attempt the ruin of the king his brother,
and the attainment of his crown. Finding it impossible to make
the necessary preparations for such a great enterprise while his
province was in perfect peace, he seduced the cities which had been
placed under the government of Tissaphernes, so that they revolted
from him, and submitted to Cyrus. This led to a war between the
two governors ; which being rather agreeable to the king than other
wise, he allowed them to raise what forces they pleased. Cyrus
fully availed himself of this advantage ; and having made great sac
rifices and exertions, he soon found himself at the head of an army
of thirteen thousand Greeks, and one hundred thousand regular
troops of other nations.

With this armament Cyrus left Sardis, giving out the report that
he was directing his arms against the Pisidians. But Tissaphernes,
rightly judging that the preparations were on too large a scale for
such an object, set out with all possible speed to give the king a true
account of the doings of Cyrus ; which information enabled the
king to collect a great army, and march out to meet his rebellious
brother. The battle took place at Cunaxa in the province of Baby
lon, where Cyrus, after having furiously assailed and twice wounded
the king, was slain, and his forces in consequence were totally re
pulsed and dispersed.

After this battle, efforts were made by the royal forces to cut off
the Greeks who had fought on the side of Cyrus; and their principal
officers were treacherously destroyed. But, electing others in their
stead, they beat off their assailants, and then commenced, and suc
cessfully accomplished, that masterly retreat of which Xenophon
has given an eloquent and inimitable account in his Anabasis.

282 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

At this period of the history, the mind sickens, and turns away
in intense disgust, at the recital of the treacheries, murders, and
horrible atrocities perpetrated by means of the royal females of the
Persian court. These seem generally to be presented to the mind
by the history of the age as the Furies of the country, waiting on
every change of the royal family, or when any new aspect of politi
cal relations appeared, to interpose with vengeance and blood.
Hping this reign, one officer after another was delivered to the im
placable Parysatis, for having claimed the honour of killing Cyrus ;
and these, instead of being rewarded, were put to death with un
heard-of torments.

Even Statira, the beautiful and beloved wife of the king, after
having put Udiastes to a horrible death, was herself poisoned by
Parvsatis, who, pretending to be reconciled to her, had invited her
to supper, and divided between them a delicate bird, with a knife
which had been poisoned on one side only ; so that, while she ate
one half with impunity, her victim died in convulsions in a few
hours. Such atrocities prepare the mind for the ruin of the country
in which they take place. In fact, when such crimes become com
mon, as they were in Persia at this period, they afford indubitable
evidence that the country is already ruined.

While the court was thus the scene of malice and bloodshed, the
provinces were convulsed with anarchy and misgovernment. Agesi-
laus, King of Sparta, having formed an alliance with the Asiatic
Greeks, prosecuted a series of rapid conquests in Western Asia ;
and if he had not been recalled, in consequence of the lavish distri
bution of Persian gold in Greece, would in all probability have dis
membered the Persian empire, if he had not altogether anticipated
the work of Alexander.

The latter years of the reign of Artaxerxes Mnemon were pecu
liarly unfortunate. He had no sooner got rid of Agesilaus and the
Spartan Greeks, than he was harassed with an insurrection in Egypt,
which, notwithstanding the great efforts he made for the purpose, he
could not put down, owing to a disagreement between the Persian
general and his Athenian auxiliaries. Then Cyprus regained its
independence. Worse than all, domestic troubles of the most afflict
ing character pressed on the mind of the king. Darius, who had
been declared his heir, conspired against the life of his father, and
drew/?//?/ of his brothers into the treason: (the king had one hun
dred and fifteen children by his several concubines :) but the sover
eign was apprized of his danger, the conspirators were seized, and
all, including the fifty-one sons of the king, were put to death.

This melancholy event raised a new question as to the succession

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 283

to the throne. For this dignity there were three candidates, —
Ariaspcs and Ochus, sons of the king and queen, and Arsames, the
son of the king by a concubine, but greatly beloved by his father on
account of his princely virtues. Ochus succeeded in terrifying his
elder brother, who was of a weak and yielding temper, to such an
extent that he poisoned himself: shortly after which, the prince pro
cured the assassination of Arsames. These calamities were too
much for the aged monarch, who died under the pressure of his
domestic troubles.

OCHUS succeeded his father; and on his accession assumed the
name of ARTAXERXES III. No sooner did the intelligence of the
death of the king reach Western Asia, than there was a general
revolt. This would have been fatal to the empire, had not the lead
ers of the insurrection soon quarrelled among themselves, and so
neutralized all their efforts. The danger, however, was sufficient to
alarm the new king, and to excite his cruel disposition. Deter
mined that no revolted province should have any of the blood-royal
to set up against him, and that none of his relatives should conspire
against his authority, he adopted the horrid expedient of putting them
all to death. The Princess Ocha, his own sister and mother-in-
law, — for he had married her daughter, — he caused to be buried
alive. He shut up one of his uncles, and one hundred of his sons
and grandsons, in a court of the palace ; and then caused them to
be shot at by archers, until they were all slain.

But even these wholesale murders did not suffice to keep his sub
jects in awe : Artabazus, the satrap of Asia Minor, rebelled, and,
having procured the assistance of an Athenian army, obtained sev
eral victories over the royal troops. The king, however, by large
presents succeeded in inducing the Athenians to withdraw their
forces from the contest. Artabazus then procured aid from the
Thebans, and by their help was again successful; but again the
influence of Persian gold induced these auxiliaries to return home.
Thus left to his own resources, Artabazus was vanquished, and forced
to take refuge at the court of Philip of Macedon. The king, flushed
with this success, marched against the leaders of an insurrection
which had been promoted by Phenicia, Egypt, and Cyprus. He
first proceeded to Sidon, which city was treacherously thrown open
to him, and instantly destroyed. This severity so terrified the
other cities of Phenicia, that they submitted to the Persian king,
who forthwith proceeded toward Egypt, which was completely sub
dued, and treated by the conqueror with the greatest tyranny and
cruelty. Cyprus was also recovered, and made a Persian province ;
after which the king rewarded Mentor, his able military com-

284 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

mander, according to his merits, and gave himself up to ease and
dissipation.

This conduct afforded his confidential eunuch Bagoas opportunity
to effect a purpose which he appears to have formed in consequence
of the king's impious attacks on the religion of Egypt. Bagoas was
a native of that country ; and, when he saw the sacred Apis slain,
dressed, and served up for a feast, might well burn with intense
indignation. Whatever might be the cause, it is certain that Bagoas
poisoned his master; and it is said that, burying another body
instead, he actually gave the flesh of the king for food to animals.
Having despatched the king, the guilty eunuch raised his youngest
son ARSES to the throne, and put all the others to death, that he
might thus retain the power of governing in his own hand. (See
Appendix, note 49.)

Arses did not long retain even a nominal sovereignty : Bagoas,
finding him less tractable than he expected, put him to death also ;
and, not yet daring to assume the sovereignty himself, placed DARIUS
surnamed CODOMANNUS on the throne. This person, although of
the blood-royal, was not the son of a king, but a junior member of
the family, who escaped in an unaccountable manner when Artax-
erxes III. destroyed the members of the royal house. In the war
which that king waged with the Cadusians, one of those barbarians
challenged the whole Persian army to find a man to fight him in
single combat. When no one else offered, Codomannus accepted the
challenge, and slew the Cadusian. For this noble act he was re-
warded°with the government of Armenia, from whence he was called
by Bagoas to accept the imperial crown.

Darius Codomannus, on entering upon the government of the
empire, evinced even less disposition than his predecessor to be the
servile creature of Bagoas, and was consequently doomed by that
unscrupulous murderer to the same fate. The king, however, pene
trated his design; and when the deadly potion was presented to
him, he compelled Bagoas to drink it himself,— thus disposing of
the traitor by his own means. Having accomplished this, he
acquired possession of imperial power without further danger. The
throne of Persia, however, 'at this time was of little worth. Alex
ander of Macedon ascended the throne the same year with Darius,
and found ready to his hand all the preparations which Philip had
made for the invasion of Persia. By the time, therefore, that Darius
had fairly entered upon the government of his great empire, the
ambitious Greek was marshalling his host for its invasion.

Darius appears to have done all that the disorganized and effem
inate state of his dominions rendered possible : but to resist, with

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 285

the means at his command, the genius and energy of Alexander, and
the armour, discipline, and overwhelming power of the Macedonian
phalanx, was impossible, in the second year of the reign of these
kings, the battle of the Granicus was fought, and won by Alexander ;
and from that day everything pertaining to Persia really belongs to
the history of Greece, which actually passed under the government
of Alexander, as soon as the immense range of territory permitted
him to take possession of it.

Thus perished the Persian, or Medo-Persian empire, which arose
into power by the military genius and indomitable energy of Cyrus,
like a meteor among the nations of the East, — obtained an extent of
territory and a consolidation of political and military power beyond
any nation that had previously existed, — and, having fulfilled its
destiny in the accomplishment of sacred prophecy, (see Appendix,
note 50,) and especially in the restoration of the captive Hebrews
to the land of their fathers, at length rapidly declined in all the
elements of national strength, as it increased in disorganization,
impiety, and crime.

As a chapter in the history of the world, the annals of this empire
present to our view the introduction of that system of policy by
which one nation aggregated others into social, political, and mili
tary union with itself. Assyria stalked through the earth as a
martial giant, robbing and crushing all by its immense power.
Persia first expanded the grand idea of making an empire consist
of united nations, just as a nation consists of associated districts.
In the accomplishment of this result, the talents and energy of
Darius were scarcely second to the genius of Cyrus. But how
short-lived is the power of any people, unless continuously sus
tained by the influence of intelligence, morals, and religion !

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF PERSIAN HISTORY.

B.C. Name, and Evnu.

Persia, a province of the Assyrian
empire. Kawah restores its in
dependence, and raises Feridoon
to the throne.

FKRIDOOX.

MAXCCHEHEB.

NOUZEB.

Zoo.

KERSHASP.

(The chronology of these reigns
is unknown.)

Persia in subjection to Media.
5GO Cyrus reigns in Persia. Subdues
Media, B. C. 551 ; and Babylon,
B. C. 536.

By these and other conquests Cy
rus establishes the Medo-Persian
empire.

OC9 Cambyses

Conquers Egypt.

B.C. Names »nd Even*, ijd.

Smerdis the Magian reigned 7

months.
521 Darius Hystaspis 3C

Promotes building of Jerusalem.
485 Xerxes 21

Invades Greece.

464 Artaxerxes 41

423 DariusNothus 19

404 Artaxerxes Mnemon 46

Cyrus, the king's brother, rebels,

aided by the Ten Thousand

Greeks.

358 Ochus, or Artaxerxes LQ 21

337 Arses is placed on the throne by

the eunuch Bagoas, and after

two years is put to death.
335 Darius Codomannus.

Persia invaded by the Macedonian,

and, after a short struggle, is

subdued by Alexander.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 287

CHAPTER VIII.

THE RELIGION OF THE PERSIANS.

IMPORTANCE and Difficulties of the Subject — Great Aid supplied by ancient Inscriptions
— The Religion of Persia identical in its original Elements with that of Assyria and
Babylon — Opinion of Jacob Bryant on the first Zoroaster — Its probable Import — The
Magi — General Elements of the Persian Faith — Deity of the King — Palace-Temples —
Paradises — Sacred Tree — Cherubic Figures — Divine Triad — Persian Peculiarities in
this Symbol — The supreme Deity in Persia represented with the Head of a Bird — The
Religious System of Zoroaster — The first Triad : Cronus, Ormuzd, Ahriman — This
changed to Ormuzd, Mithras, Ahriman — Their respective Character and Position — The
Antagonism and Creations of Ormuzd and Ahriman — The Worship of Fire, its probable
Origin — The System of Zoroaster professed to rest on Divine Revelation — The Creation
of Angels, the World, and Mankind— General Accordance with Holy Scripture— The
Fall of Man— The Prevalence of Evil— The Flood— Continuance of Depravity— Mission
of Zoroaster — The Spiritual Nature of Man — Future Judgment — Resurrection — Doc
trine of universal Restoration — Wicked Men, and even Ahriman, raised to Heaven —
The Priesthood — Their Three Orders: Herboods, Mobeds, and the Dustoor — Altars and
Temples — Perpetual Fire — Public Worship — Sacred Rites — Holy Water — Morals —
Sound Principles mingled with much that is puerile and superstitious — The Faith of
Persia formed a perfect Type of Papal Superstition — Observations on the Manner in
which this Inquiry has been conducted — Folly of forming an Opinion on this Subject
under the Influence of Grecian Mythology — Necessity of recognising the Founders of
the Nation as Members of the great patriarchal Family — General View of the System.

THE authors of the " Universal History," in the beginning of a very
unsatisfactory chapter under a title similar to that which stands at
the head of this, say, "There is hardly any subject which hath
employed the pens of authors, ancient or modern, that deserves to be
treated with greater accuracy, or to be read with more attention, than
this which we are now about to discuss." In these sentiments we
cordially concur; and may add, that there is hardly any subject
which presents a wider or more formidable range of difficulties than
those with which the religion of Persia is encompassed.

It may be freely acknowledged that this has not been a neglected
topic. On the contrary, scarcely anything connected with the con
dition of the ancient world has excited more attention, or provoked
more violent controversy. The collision of opinion thus educed
constitutes, in fact, one of the greatest difficulties which embarrass a
dispassionate inquiry into the religion of ancient Persia. The
reader will scarcely require to be informed, that every investigation
of this subject must begin with the person and doctrines of Zoroas
ter, (see Appendix, note 51,) and that the results of the inquiry will

288 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

mainly depend on the conclusions arrived at respecting the character
and teaching of this sage.

All that labour and learning can do has been done, to collect and
explain the passages bearing on this subject, -which are found scat
tered through the pages of ancient authors. But, unfortunately, all
these come to us through the agency of aliens or enemies. No
native Persian, of the most brilliant period of her history, has left
us a page respecting the religion of his country. Strangers, inquir
ing after the manners and customs of an ancient people, — hostile
scribes, employed by those who had conquered the kingdom, — or the
literati of other lands, picking up, at second-hand at best, what they
could collect on this subject, — are the chief sources whence European
scholars have had to draw their information respecting the faith of
ancient Persia. It will readily occur to the reader, that, when placed
in such circumstances, foreign authors do not afford us the best data
from which to elicit sound information respecting a system of re-
li^ious doctrines. Too much reliance must not, therefore, be placed

on deductions from such sources.

In one respect we approach this inquiry furnished with important
aids to which the authors of preceding times were strangers. The
historical information supplied by all the remaining literary fragments
of antiquity can only lead to probable conjecture on many important
points. We have, however, in our hands the recovered sculptures
of the east ; and, by the light they afford, can not only form sound
opinions respecting the meaning of these fragments, but actually
enlarge the information which they communicate, and even correct
their statements, when partial or mistaken.

In the first place, then, it is an undoubted fact, that the religion
of Persia was reared on precisely the same foundation as that of
Assyria. That the palace-temples were built on the same general
plan in both countries is unquestionable, and has been proved
beyond the possibility of a doubt by Mr. Fergusson in his very
valuable work. (See Palaces of Nineveh and Persepolis, passim.)
And this is not a mere isolated circumstance, remotely connected
with the subject, as might at first appear to us under the influence
of our European habits and ideas : it stands in immediate relation
to the ruling element of this great religious system. It involves the
character of the whole structure of the religious fabric. As was
shown in the case of Assyria, — the peculiar compound of divine and
regal dignity sustained by the king was really the centre of the
whole system of faith. He was emphatically, by divine right, the
religious, as well as the political, head of the people. His person was
sacred: his official residence united the characters of palace and

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 289

temple. In fact, we have in this single circumstance a common
principle which substantially identifies the great scheme of Persian
religion with that of the more ancient kingdoms of Assyria and
Babylon.

Lest, however, it should be supposed that I build too much on a
single circumstance, I will satisfy the reader by quoting a passage
from Dr. Layard, which will be found conclusive. " Although,"
observes that indefatigable explorer, " we may not at present possess
sufficient materials to illustrate the most ancient Sabosanism of the
Assyrians, we may, I think, pretty confidently judge of the nature
of the worship of a later period. The symbols and religious ceremo
nies represented at Khorsabad and Kouyunjik, and on the cylinders,
are identical with those of the ancient monuments of Persia : at the
same time, the sculptures of Persepolis, in their mythic character,
resemble in every respect those of the Assyrians. We have the
same types and groups to embody ideas of the divinity, and to con
vey sacred subjects. When the close connexion, in early ages,
between religion and art is borne in mind, it will be at once con
ceded, that a nation like the Persian would not borrow mere forms
without attaching to them their original signification. The connexion,
as exhibited by art, between Assyria and Persia, is sufficient, I think,
to prove the origin of the symbols and myths of the Persians." —
Nineveh and its Remains, vol. ii, p. 441, and note.

There appears, therefore, sufficient reason for believing that
Persia adopted the religious system and symbols of the Assyrian
empire, as the foundation of her faith and ceremonial rites. This
will afford us better means for fully apprehending the general scope
and particular elements of this economy, than we should otherwise
possess.

It may also be fairly questioned whether this is not what we are
to understand by "the first Zoroaster." The learned Jacob Bryant
says : " Of men called Zoroaster, the first was a deified personage,
reverenced by some of his posterity, whose worship was styled
Magia, and the professors of it Magi ; and the institutors of those
rites which related to Zoroaster. From them this worship was
imparted to the Persians, who likewise had their Magi. And when
the Babylonians sunk into a more complicated idolatry, the Persians,
who succeeded to the sovereignty of Asia, renewed under their
princes, and particularly under Darius, the son of Hystaspes, these
rites, which had been, in a great degree, effaced and forgotten. That
king was devoted to the religion of the Magia, and looked upon it
as one of his most honourable titles to be called a professor of those
doctrines. By ZOROASTER was denoted both the deity, and also his

THE GENTILE NATION-.

priest. It was a name conferred upon many personages."— Analysis
of Ancient Mythology, vol. ii, p. 389. See note.

It seems therefore to be very probable, that the antiquity and
Chaldrcan origin of what is called " the first Zoroaster," is nothing
more than an oriental mode of covering the foreign origination of
the religion of Persia ; just as the period of Assyrian domination was
represented under the figure of the reign of the tyrant Zohauk fora
thousand years. Hence Layard says : " The identity of the Assyrian
and Persian systems appears also to be pointed out by the uncertainty
which exists as to the birthplace and epoch of Zoroaster. Accord
ing to the best authorities he was a Chaldaean, who introduced his
doctrines into Persia and Central Asia. The Persians themselves
may be supposed to have recognised the Assyrian source of their
religion, when they declared Perseus, the founder of their race, to
have been an Assyrian."— Nineveh and its Remains, vol. ii, p. 443.
While, therefore, all exact information respecting the person spoken
of as " the first Zoroaster," and the origin of this faith, is lost in the
obscurity of remote antiquity, there can still be little doubt that it
emanated from Assyria, and from thence passed into Persia.

Another circumstance is worthy of notice, as casting some light
on the nature and progress of this religion. The priests were called
Magi ; and, according to Herodotus, during the most flourishing period
of the Medo-Persian empire they were regarded as the only minis
ters of the national religion. (Clio, cap. cxxxii.) But they consti
tuted one of the six tribes of the nation of Medes. (Clio, cap. ci.)
It seems that, even after they were regarded as sustaining this
sacred character, they had not altogether lost their sense of national
identity and partiality. For it is evident that Cambyses regarded
the reign of the Magian Smerdis as equivalent to the restoration of
the sovereignty of the empire from Persia to Media ; and hence we
find the son of Cyrus, in his last illness, entreating the Persian
nobles in his army to resist the usurpation of the Magi, and not to
"permit the empire to revert to the Medes." (Thalia, cap. Iv.)
The government of the Magi, then, was regarded as a Median gov
ernment,— a fact which is further proved by the wholesale slaughter
of these priests after the death of Smerdis ; of which it is said, that
if night had not interposed its darkness just at the time when it did,
the Magi would have been all destroyed. (Thalia, cap. Ixxix.) But
we have no means of ascertaining the manner in which this Median
tribe obtained their sacerdotal character and ascendency ; nor have
•we any information as to the way in which, or the period when, tho
Chaldrean mystic faith wns deposited with this race of priests.
It will now be necessary to notice some of the leading, original,

TIIE GENTILE NATIONS. 291

and essential elements of this religion. We will then furnish a
general view of it, after it had been reformed and remodelled by
Zoroaster.

It has been already observed, that the palace-temples of Persia
were precisely similar in their general character to those of Assyria
and Babylon ; and, as was intimated, this fact shows the general
identity of the two systems. This view is confirmed by a reference
to all the essential features of this religious scheme. The divine
character assumed by the king, under the direction of the Magi, is
shown by the decree of Darius, that for a certain time no prayer
was to be offered to any god or man, save unto the king only. This
was also attested by the rigid religious reverence with which ap
proach to the person of the king was prohibited, so that neither man
nor woman was permitted to enter " the inner court " of the palace,
unless specially invited to do so, on pain of death. Esther iv, 11.
Those who were privileged with admission, were not permitted to
smile or spit in the royal presence. (Clio, cap. xcix.)

But we are assured that this respect and reverence issued in
actual adoration ; that, in fact, the king stood, in the estimation of his
subjects, " on the same level with the gods." The real worship of
the sovereign was therefore a public duty of universal obligation.
"None durst appear before the king without prostrating themselves
on the ground ; nay, they were all obliged, at what distance soever the
king appeared, to pay him that adoration. Nor did they exact it
only from their own vassals, but also from foreign ministers and am
bassadors ; the captain of the guard being charged to inquire of those
who asked admission to the king, whether they were ready to adore
him. If they refused to comply with that ceremony, they were told
that the king's ear was open to such only as were willing to pay him
that homage ; so they were forced to transact the business with which
they were charged, by means of the kings servants or eunuchs. (Plu
tarch, in Vita Themistoclis.) Indeed, the Persians gloried in this.
Hence we find Artabanus, in his conference with Themistocles,
observing, ' Among those many excellent laws of ours, the most
excellent is this, that the king is to be honoured and ioorshif>ped
religiously, as the image of that God which conserveth all things.' "
— Ancient Universal History, vol. iv, p. 77.

In all other respects, the similarity between the ancient religion
of Persia and that of Assyria holds good. The palace-temple of
this adored sovereign was attached to a paradise with a sacred
stream and trees. The compound cherubic figures are found in the
sculptures of Persepolis and other ruins of Persia, as they are at
Nimbrod, Khorsabad, and Kouyunjik. The sacred tree occurs

292 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

with all the prominence in Persia that it does in Assyria. The
triadic figure of the man, wings, and circle, is found over the head of
Darius Hystaspis on the sacred rock at Behistun, as over the head
of Sennacherib in his capital. All this indubitably attests the iden
tity of these systems beyond the possibility of mistake.

There are, indeed, peculiarities in some of these cases, which it
may be necessary to mention.

The triadic figure, with the circle, wings, and human form, is found
nowhere more frequently, or in greater perfection, than in Persia.
And this is by Layard, and other respectable authors, frequently
called Ormuzd, that being the name usually given to the supreme
god by the ancient Persians. I rather incline, however, to the
opinion that the human figure in this symbol represented, according
to. times and circumstances, both Ormuzd and Mithras. The Zen-
davesta recognises as a fundamental principle Zerwan, — a term
which is understood to denote " time,"— time in its widest range,
without beginning and without end. This will be perceived to be
identical with the first personality in the Chaldrean triad, which was
stated to be Cronos, or " Time." There can be no doubt that in
both countries this was a title given to the great father, or the
patriarch of the tribe or nation. How far the most ancient triad of
Persia represented three hero-gods — Oromasdes, Arimanius, and
Mithras — I shall not undertake to decide : but the learned Mosheim
has supported this opinion with great skill and erudition. (See Ap
pendix, note 52.)

The human figure with the head of a bird, which on the Assyrian
sculptures was called Nisroch or Assarac, is here represented as
setting forth the great God. The first of the triads of Zoroaster
preserved by Eusebius is to this effect : " But god is he that has the
head of a hawk. He is the first, indestructible, eternal, unbegotten,
indivisible, dissimilar; the dispenser of all good ; incorruptible; the
best of the s^ood, the wisest of the wise : he is the father of equity
and justice, self-taught, physical, and perfect, and wise, and the only
inventer of the sacred philosophy." This seems to render it cer
tain that, whatever usage obtained in Assyria, this form was chosen
to represent the supreme Deity in Persia.

The Dabistan (Shea and Troyer's Trans., vol. i, p. 36) confirms
this view. It states : " The image of the regent Hormazd (Jupiter)
was of an earthly colour, in the shape of a man with a vulture's face :
on his head a crown, on which were the faces of a cock and a dragon ;
in the right hand a turban, and in the left a crystal ewer." On this
passage Mr. Fergusson remarks : " ' Pitcher ' would be a more cor
rect word than ' ewer.' to judge from the form of the vessel he carries

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 293

on the sculptures ; but from the same authority, we should read 'fir
cone' for 'turban.' Can it be an error of description by some one
mistaking one object for the other? The fir-cone is not unlike the
Persian lamb-skin or Parsee cap." — Nineveh and Persepolis, p. 295.

We see, therefore, that as far as any light has been cast on the
proe-Zoroasterian period of the Persian religion, although it bears
evident marks of a local and national character, it nevertheless
accords in all its essential elements with that which had previously
obtained in Babylon and Assyria.

The more important part of our task is, however, to exhibit this
religion after its reformation. Our first attempt will be directed
to the attainment of some definite idea of its theology.

At first, as 1 have already intimated, Zoroaster assumed the
existence of a primary principle or deity named Zemvan, or " Time."
From this incomprehensible being, we are told, there arose the two
great active powers of the universe — ORMUZD, the principle of all
good ; and AHRIMAN, the principle of all evil. " And," observes
Mr. Fraser, in his judicious outline of this faith, " the question why
light and darkness, good and evil, were mingled together by a benefi
cent and omnipotent Creator, has been as much controverted among
the Magian priesthood as by modern metaphysicians." — History of
Persia, p. 150. These three appear to have formed the primitive
Persian triad, and to have been represented by the circular ring,
denoting the boundless Eternal as Cronos or Time ; Orrnuzd, in a
human form, in the centre ; Ahriman being set forth by a serpent
which, encompassing the figure in its folds, passes his head out on
one side and his tail on the other.

As it is utterly impossible, at the present day, to separate the
actual tenets of the Persian reformer from the elements of the
ancient faith previously received, no positive assertion can be ad
vanced on this point, — although 1 have little doubt that some close
approximation to this triad was common, long before Zoroaster. If
we may rely on the induction of Mosheim, it would seem that in
the early and isolated position of ancient Persia, Oromasdes, Ari-
manius, and Mithras formed the national triad of hero-gods. Sub
sequently, an intercourse with other countries having made more
prominent the great eternal God, and the author of all evil, these
were introduced, one as the first, and the other as the third, of the
triad, which accordingly was exhibited as the combination of a circle,
a human figure, and a serpent, under the names of Zerwan, Ormuzd,
and Ahriman. Whether the last-mentioned triad was the produc
tion of Zoroaster, or otherwise, it was not the last effort of his
reforming genius in respect of theology. For we are informed, that

294 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

when the malignity of Ahriman led him to put forth all his powers
to frustrate the benevolent designs of Ormuzd toward mankind,
Mithras was brought into being, as a mediator between the Deity
and his creatures.

It is not perfectly clear to what extent this new creation affected
the divine triad, but it seems very likely that the first cause of all
things, or Zerwan, was in this respect lost sight of, and Mithras
placed in the centre, as the mediator embodied in human form.
This change seems to be indicated in the Zoroastrian Oracle: "The
Father perfected all things, and delivered them over to the Second
Mind, whom all nations of men call the First :" — a remarkable con
fession of the fact that, by the multiplication of deities, the great
eternal God, although once recognised as the first cause of all things,
was ultimately lost sight of, and superseded by other deities. Ac
cording to Psellus, a Greek commentator on this oracle, it would
seem that this was supposed to arise from the ignorance of people
generally respecting the plurality of hypostases in the Deity. For
his gloss upon the oracle just quoted is to this effect : " The first
Father of the Trinity, having produced this whole creation, deliv
ered it to Mind, or Intellect : which Mind the whole generation of
mankind, being ignorant of the paternal transcendency, commonly
call ' the First God.' "

Ormuzd, Mithras, and Ahriman became, therefore, the recognised
divine triad of the Magi, the First Great Cause having dropped out
of their code. This supposition is fully confirmed by Plutarch, the
earliest and ablest writer who has given us any account of this
religious system. He observes : " They say that Zoroaster made a
threefold distribution of things ; and that he assigned the first and
highest rank of them to Oromasdes, who in the oracles is called

' the Father ;' the lowest to Arimanes ; and the middle to Mithras,
who in the same oracles is likewise called ' the Second Mind.' "
— De hide et Osiride, p. 370.

Thus did the genius of Zoroaster modify the ancient theology of
Persia, and introduce corresponding changes into the national sym
bols of this triad of divinities. It now becomes necessary that we
form some definite conception of these several personalities.

Ormuzd is spoken of as the supreme god, and invoked in this
character on all occasions. The term Ormuzd signifies "great
king ;" and he is called " luminous, brilliant." His attributes are
perfect purity, intelligence, justice, power, activity, and beneficence.
He is, indeed, regarded as a perfect image of the Eternal, " the
centre and author of the perfections of all nature, the first creative
agent produced by the Self-existent."

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 295

Now it has been contended that the Persians believed in and
worshipped only the one true God. The authors of the " Universal
History" roundly assert this; and Dr. Prideaux joins with them, as
a disciple of Hyde, to this extent also ; but with this difference,—
that while the former omit all mention of Ormuzd, the learned
author of the " Connexion" alludes to Ormuzd and Ahriman as
" two angels." Happily we can now correct the speculations of
these eminent scholars by the words used by the Persians them
selves. We have the language dictated by Darius, Xerxes, and
Artaxerxes, in our hands. We know their thoughts and sentiments
from their words, and of course have the means of ascertaining the
objects of their worship. What, then, is the fact ? Did the kings
and people of ancient Persia worship the eternal God, whom they
are supposed to have known, and treat Ormuzd as a created angel ?
On the contrary, Darius Hystaspis, the contemporary of Ezra and
Nehemiah, in his inscription on the sacred rock at Behistun, invokes
Ormuzd as the supreme god. " Says Darius the king :— Ormuzd
has granted me the empire. Ormuzd has brought help to me, until
I have gained this empire. By the grace of Ormuzd, I hold this
empire."— Column I, par. 9. And on the tomb of Darius at
Makhsh-i-Rustam is inscribed : " The great god Ormuzd, (he it
was) who gave this earth, who gave that heaven, who. gave mankind,
who gave life to mankind, who made Darius king, as well the king
of the people as the lawgiver of the people." This is decisive as
to Ormuzd being regarded not merely as an angel, but as a real
divinity.

The following sentence, ta,ken from an inscription of Xerxes, not
only confirms this opinion, but proves that while Ormuzd was
regarded as a god, he was not worshipped as the only deity revered
by the ancient Persians: " The great god Ormuzd, the chief of the
gods, (he it is) who has given this world, who has given that heaven,
who 'has given mankind, who has given life to mankind, who has
made Xerxes king." Ormuzd was, therefore, regarded as a god, and
as the chief of the gods. The pure theism of the Persians, then,
under the Achsemenian dynasty, vanishes before the knowledge
supplied by the ancient inscriptions.

Mithras, according to this system, was created or produced by
Ormuzd, to act as mediator between him and his creatures, and thus
to counteract the malevolent designs of Ahriman. The mediatorial
character of this deity was so strongly marked, and so universally
recognised, that Plutarch affirms that " the Persians, from their god
Mithras, called any mediator, or middle betwixt two, Mithras."
It has been conjectured that this introduction of Mithras into the

296 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Persian theology was the great reforming work of Zoroaster in this
direction; and that the old triad — whether composed of Time,
Ormuzd, and Ahriman, as the great God, with two others proceed
ing from him ; the first, the author of all good ; the second, of all
evil ; or of Oromasdes, Arimanius, and Mithras, as national hero-
deities — was by this reforming Magian made to accord with the new
views which he promulgated respecting the promised Redeemer and
the great spiritual adversary of mankind, and exhibited as Ormuzd,
Mithras, and Ahriman. Hence Porphyry refers to this Mithras as
the great object of Zoroaster's labour, and at the same time as the
creator of the world : " Zoroaster first of all, as Eubulus testifieth,
in the mountains adjoining to Persia, consecrated a native orbicular
cave, adorned with flowers, and watered with fountains, to the honour
of Mithras, the maker and father of all things ; this cave being an
image or symbol to him of the whole world, which was made by
Mithras." — Porphyrius, De Antro Nymph., p. 254.

We can scarcely doubt from this description that the cave of
Zoroaster was so devised as to represent not only the creation of
the world, but also the garden, the primitive residence of man. But,
however this may be, it is certain that this last- described form of
the theologic triad in Persia assumed precisely the same position as
that of Assyria occupied in the national estimation. Indeed, the
professed identity of person between the king and the second person
of this triad is rather more strongly marked than was the case in
the older country. For not only did the Persian monarchs make a
more open and absolute claim to divinity than the Assyrian kings :
they also made their identity with the second person, or human
form, in the sacred triad, more fully apparent. It will be remem
bered that in Assyria the human figure in the triad was always rep
resented in precisely the same attitude as the king. On the monu
ments of Persia this resemblance is carried much further. The
human figure which arises from the winged circle is here " the very
miniature of the monarch below ;" (Landseer's Saboean Researches,
p. 2G8 ;) so that, in the language of sculpture, this fact seems to
say, " He who now walks the earth and reigns below, is identical
with the second divine personality which shines in the sacred triad
above."

Ahriman, the third personality in this triad, and the personifica
tion of the evil one, must be next noticed. He is described as
essentially wicked : but it seems doubtful whether he was originally
so. In one place he is represented "as a power originally good,
but who, like Lucifer, fell from that high estate through rebellion
and disobedience. Ormuzd gives the following metaphorical picture

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 297

of his rival: — He is alone, — wicked, impure, accursed. He has
long knees, a long tongue, and is void of good. He is called a
king, however, and said to be without end." — Fraser's History of
Persia, p. 152.

" M. du Perron concludes, that Zoroaster meant to assign priority
of existence to Ahriman ; and that, full of his own perfections, and
blinded as to the extent of his power, when he beheld in Ormuzd a
being of equal might, jealousy rendered him furious, and he rushed
into evil, seeking the destruction of everything calculated to exalt
his rival's glory. The Great Ruler of events, displeased at his arro
gance, condemned him to inhabit that portion of space umllumined
tjy light. Ormuzd, as he sprang into existence, saw his malicious
adversary, and made vain efforts to annihilate him. The Eternal
bestowed on him the power of calling into being a pure world;
while, as if the impulses of good and evil were simultaneous, Ahri
man immediately opposed to it a world of impurity." — Fraseifs
History of Persia, p. 151.

It is, however, important to observe that this malignant being was
worshipped in the best days of Persia as truly divine. Hesychius,
following the usual practice of the Greeks in giving their own
names to foreign deities of a similar character, says, "Arimanius
amon<r the Persians is Hades," or Pluto. And Plutarch observes

2"3

that, on the arrival of Themistocles at the Persian court, Xerxes
" prayed to Arimanius, that his enemies might ever be so infatuated
as to drive from among them their ablest men ; that he offered sacri
fices to the gods," — and undoubtedly to the god to whom he had
prayed, as the most prominent of them.

Besides this triad of deities, the Persians are said to have adored
the sun and fire, as real gods ; while, on the other hand, it is con
tended that neither of these was regarded as truly divine, but both
as the tabernacles of the Deity, or as the fairest and best exhibitions
of his character. However this may have been, the ever-burning
fire was kept naming on the Persian altars. There were certain
places consecrated to this purpose, which were called by the Greek
writers Pyratheia. Each of these contained an altar enclosed with
gratings, within which none but the Magi, who had the charge of
these fires, were permitted to enter. Thither these went every day,
with a bundle of rods in their hands, when they remained an hour
in adoration, and in supplying the everlasting fire. This element
of the Persian religion is one of great importance, and deserves atten
tive consideration. Its origin is described by Firdusi in a strain of
romantic poetry : but little real light has been cast by ancient writers,
or oriental authors generally, on this recondite subject.

298 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

It has for a long time been fashionable to describe the adoration
of the heavenly bodies as the primitive worship of mankind, on
account of their glorious appearance ; and the worship of fire, as the
next step in the progress of idolatry, fire being the most natural and
active representative of the solar orb. But all this is unsupported
by the slightest historical evidence. The account given by Maimo-
nides, (Patriarchal Age, p. 235,) and by Sanchoniatho, (Cory's
Fragments, p. 7,) referring as they do to antediluvian times, cannot
be said to bear on this subject. Looking, then, to the fire-worship
of Persia, it appears that nothing like ancient evidence of the man
ner or period of the introduction of this idolatry is attainable. We
are therefore left to a reasonable induction from admitted facts.

It has been already intimated, that the general opinion of authors
on this subject has been given in favour of the origin of this practice
in the way of scientific or philosophical reasoning : as if in primi
tive times mankind were found without any idea of God, and were
thus led to the most likely natural objects for exhibiting to their
minds the divine character and attributes. I am compelled fully and
frankly to declare that I altogether dissent from this opinion. I do
not believe that mankind in the early ages of the world were ever
found in this state, or ever formed their theological notions on such
grounds. On the contrary, the whole scope of our researches into
the history and religion of the eastern nations establishes the judg
ment, that the details of the ancient idolatry, beyond the grand
system of apostasy devised at Shinar, did not arise from philosophi
cal reasoning, but from a corruption of primitive tradition.

.Nor does there appear to be any reasonable doubt that the wor
ship of fire was introduced in this manner. It is a known fact, that
the first manifestation of God to the fallen pair was connected with
an infolding fire ; and that this was continued in some manner
throughout patriarchal times. It seems to follow as a natural
result, that when the minds of men were perverted to idolatrous
practices, fire, which had from the beginning stood so intimately
connected with the manifestations of God and his worship, should
itself be held sacred, and become an object of adoration. (See Ap
pendix, note 53.)

This exposition accounts for the conflicting opinions which have
been expressed respecting the nature of the reverence entertained
for the sacred fire ; some asserting, with the authors of the " Universal
History," that the " fire before which the Persians worship, — taking
that word in an extended sense, — they acknowledge nothing of
divinity therein; but, esteeming it a symbol of the Deity, they
prostrate themselves before it, and then, standing up, they pray to

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 299

God;" (Ancient Universal History, vol. iv, p. 86;) while others
allege that " fire held a distinguished rank among the Persian gods.
The fire was, therefore, in that country, the holiest of all things. It
was always carried about with their kings, wherever they went;
they addressed their prayers chiefly to it; and even when they
attended the service of any other god, they first offered up a prayer
to the fire."— Cliristmas's Universal Mythology, p. 136. Both
these opinions may be perfectly correct, if taken to apply to different
times and circumstances.

Among the primitive patriarchs there might have been a reveren
tial remembrance of the infolding fire cherished for a long time ;
and the Persian faith, as reformed by Zoroaster, might in this
particular, as it was unquestionably in many others, have been made
to approach so nearly to that of the Hebrews, as to have a perpetual
fire maintained on the altar, which was to be always used for sacred
purposes, but not as in any measure in itself divine : while it is equally
possible, and even probable, that, under the operation of this insti
tution, the sacred fire might in process of time become an object of
profane adoration.

Having said thus much on the theology of this system, it will be
necessary to proceed to detail other elements of this religion.

It may, then, be observed, in the next place, that this system, as
reformed by Zoroaster, professed to be sanctioned by divine revela
tion. The stated object of this sage was " to revive the original
purity of the law, to perfect its doctrines, and to enforce its observ
ances :" — a scheme as grand in its design, and as clearly defined in
its means, as was ever propounded by mortal man. To crown the
whole, the Persian reformer declared that he had not only diligently
collected and arranged the fundamental parts of the pure primitive
creed, separating these from all the errors which had been introduced,
but that he had also received from Ormuzd new revelations, which
greatly added to the sacred code, and improved the institutions of
religious worship: so that the religion of Zoroaster professed to
rest on the basis of the clear and explicit teaching of divine revela
tion.

As we have already intimated, this system distinctly taught, as a
first principle, "that God existed from all eternity, and was like
infinity of time and space ;" but that, besides this supreme Deity,
there were two great principles essentially opposed to each other,
as light and darkness, good and evil, Ormuzd and Ahriman. Of
these we have already spoken : but it is important to add that the
agent employed by the Almighty in the production of these opposite
principles is his Word,— a sacred and mysterious being frequently

300 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

mentioned in the Avesta, under the appellations of Honover and
lam. This being is said to possess " ineffable light, perfect activity,
and unerring prescience ;" and is the agent by whom every creative
act of the Eternal is performed.

The first act of antagonism between the principles of light and
darkness which this system reveals, was the creation by Ormuzd of
the universe and its celestial inhabitants. These were the Ferohers,
or the spiritual prototypes, — the " unembodied angels," — of every
reasonable being destined to live upon earth.

Ahriman, alarmed and enraged at these productions of his rival,
flew with malign intent toward the light; but a single intimation
from the WORD, or IAM, sent him howling back into darkness,
where he immediately called into being a host of deeves and evil
spirits, which were designed to oppose the works of Ormuzd.

According to this scheme of faith, at that period a proposal was
made to Ahriman of peace and amity, accompanied by an exhorta
tion to return to the paths of virtue. This, however, he rejected
with scorn and defiance. Ormuzd then created six superior guardian
angels : Bahman, to whose charge was intrusted the animal creation ;
Ardibehesht, the genius of fire and light, the guardian of all fires; .
Shahriwar, the spirit of the metal and the mine ; Espendermad, the
female guardian of the earth ; Kourdad, who presides over running
streams ; and Amerdad, who watches over the growth of plants and
trees. (Dabistiin, vol. i, pp. 241-243.) Immediately when these
six angels arose into being to further the holy designs of Ormuzd,
six deeves were produced from the darkness by the voice of Ahriman,
to promote his malignant purposes. In those contests a fabulous
period of time is said to have elapsed, at the end of which " Ormuzd
called into being the heavens and their celestial systems, the earth
with its complicated productions ; and fire was given as the repre
sentative of that divine and original element which animates all
nature. Serooch, the guardian of the earth, and Behram, armed
with a mighty club and arrows, were formed to repel the attacks of
Ahriman. Mythra, the mediator between Ormuzd and his creatures,
and Rash Rast, the genius of justice, with multitudes of spirits,
were called forth to assist in repelling the powers of darkness ; and
angels were appointed to protect every being. The stars and planets,
the months of the year, the days and even watches of the day, had
each their attendant spirit : all nature teems with them ; all space
is pervaded by them." — Eraser's History of Persia, p. 156.

Through the agency of these spiritual beings a long period of
peace and tranquillity is supposed to have been maintained, until
the purpose of Ormuzd to create man awakened afresh the malignant

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 301

activity of Ahriman. The Feroher being delighted with the tran
quillity which prevailed on earth, Ormuzd sent it thither, that it
might assist in eradicating evil, promising that the souls of human
beings should finally return to their divine mansions. The Feroher
consequently descended, and was embodied in the form of the sacred
bull, Aboudad, the man-bull, the excellent, the pure, the principle
of all good.

Ahriman, in the depths of hell, trembled at these proceedings, and,
mustering all his evil spirits, ascended to the earth in the form of a
monstrous serpent, when he covered the surface of the world with
noxious animals ; and, in the shape of a huge fly, he polluted every
thing by insinuating the poison of evil into all nature. By means
of a burning drought he parched the face of the whole earth, and
caused his deeves to inflict a fatal wound on the sacred bull. But
Ormuzd had taken care that his benign purposes should not be so
defeated. " From the right limb of the dying beast issued Kayomurz,
the first man ; and from the rest of its members sprung a multitude
of those vegetable productions destined to render the earth fruitful.
Its seed, carried to the moon, and purified by Ormuzd, produced a
bull and a cow, from whence all animals took their origin."

Kayomurz was beautiful, pure, and intended to be immortal.
But neither his virtue nor the power of Ormuzd could save him
from the malignant energy of Ahriman, who, after a severe conflict,
succeeded in destroying him. Still Ormuzd was steady to his pur
pose. The principle of regeneration, being preserved, and confided
to the tutelar genius of fire, was purified by the light of the sun, and
after forty years produced a plant, or tree, representing two human
bodies : these were Maschia and Maschiana, the parents of the human
race.

In the whole of this narrative of creation we find a very interest
ing analogy to the history of Moses : and it is not improbable that
some of the apparent extravagance and fable with which we now find
it invested, were originally patriarchal traditions, not altogether
devoid of truth and meaning. At all events, we have here an
account of the existence and pursuits of holy and evil angels : a
fanciful account, it is true, but yet one which strongly asserts the
fact, and proves it to have been an undoubted element of popular
belief. Here also is a statement of the elevated condition in which
human nature was first formed, — man's name signifying immortality,
and his condition being conformed to the mind of Ormuzd. Equally-
significant is the account of the fatal wound inflicted by the evil
one. Nor should we regard as mere fable the reproduction of
human nature in a vegetable form; especially as we are told, in

302 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

explanation, that the names given to the pair of mortals, according
to M. Du Perron, signify "death," and that they were regarded as
the children of earth just in like manner as a tree which is nourished
by the soil in which it grows, and the heavens by which it is be
dewed.

But the effects of the Fall, and the progress of depravity, are
carried by the Avesta still further. For although Maschia and
Maschiana were supposed, notwithstanding their humble condition,
to have been created pure, we are told that they were tempted to
rebel, and even to worship Ahriman. In consequence of this crown
ing iniquity, they were cut off, and consigned to hell, there to remain
until the resurrection, while the earth was overrun with incarnate
evil spirits. These were destroyed by a general flood. Still the
descendants of the first human pair increased in number ; and the
activity and power of the evil principle also increased ; until at
length, to defeat the malice of the evil one, and to shield human
beings from the effects of his power, Ormuzd decreed to give a new
and authorized promulgation of hifc law through Zoroaster.

It is observable here, that the genius of this entire system is the
antagonism of two opposite and equally potent principles, — good
and evil. The intimate union of these in everything rendered it
impossible, according to this theory, to destroy the works of Ahri
man, who was himself indestructible. Consequently the entire
ground-work and argument of this faith were the incessant collisions
and alternate preponderance of these rival influences on human and
rational agents.

The nature of man, by this scheme, is exhibited in a peculiar
aspect. Kayomurz is described in glowing terms, as of lofty aspect,
pure and dazzling substance. His body was composed of the four
elements, — fire, air, water, and earth ; and was united to an immor
tal spirit, by which it was animated.

But the soul of man, instead of being considered as a simple
essence and individual spirit, was regarded by Zoroaster as com
pounded of five separate parts, each having its distinct and peculiar
office.

First, the Feroher, or principle of sensation. This was regarded
as having existed previously. In fact, it seems that this system
taught that Ferohers were created by Ormuzd for every individual
destined to appear upon earth ; and that they remained, until the
birth of the body, in their spiritual abode.

Secondly, the Boe, or principle of intelligence.

Thirdly, the Rouh, or Rouan, the principle of practical judgment,
imagination, volition.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 303

Fburthly, the Akho, or principle of conscience.

Fifthly, the Jan, or principle of animal life.

The four principles named first in order cannot subsist in the
body without the last. When, therefore, they leave their earthly
abode, the Jan mingles with the winds, and is thus separated from
the other principles and dispersed. At death the Akho, also, is
separated from the other elements of the soul : for, as its office led
it always to urge the mind to do good, and to avoid evil, it cannot be
regarded as partaking in the guilt of the soul, or as punishable for
its crimes : so that, when the body ceases to exist, the Akho returns
to heaven, where it continues in a state of separate existence similar
to that of the Feroher before the birth of the individual.

According to this system, the Boe, the Rouan, and the Feroher,
united together, form the responsible soul, and, as such, are held
accountable for the deeds of the man, and will accordingly be
examined in respect of them at the last judgment. But, according
to the tenets of Zoroaster, nothing is annihilated at death ; the
materials of the body rejoin their respective elements, — earth to
earth, water to water, fire to fire, and the life to air. It is believed
that, for three days after death, the soul hovers around the body,
hoping to be again united to it. On the fourth the angel Seroch
comes and conducts it to the bridge of Chinevad, where it is ap
pointed to its destiny until the resurrection. On this bridge, which
connects earth with heaven, sits the angel of justice, Rash Rast, to
weigh the actions of mortals ; and according to his decision the soul
is permitted to pass along the bridge into heaven, or is cast over,
and falls into the gulf of hell, which yawns beneath.

If the good deeds of the individual preponderate, the soul is met
on the bridge by a dazzling figure, which thus addresses it : "I am
thy good angel (Kherdar) : 1 was pure originally, but thy good
deeds have rendered me purer;" and, passing his hand over the
neck of the blessed soul, the angel leads it to paradise. If, how
ever, the sins of the deceased person preponderate, he is met on the
bridge by a hideous spectre, which howls out, "I am thy evil
Kherdar: impure myself, thy sins have rendered me more foul;
through thee we shall be miserable until the resurrection ;" on which
it drags the condemned spirit to hell, where Ahriman, as a perfect
Satan, taunts it with its folly and its crimes. In this system the
body is not regarded as subject to future retribution, being consid
ered as a mere instrument in the power of the Rouan, and therefore
not responsible for its acts.

The doctrine of a future judgment is prominent among the tenets
of Zoroaster. During the last ages of the world the power of Ahri-

304 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

man will prevail, and in consequence desolation and misery be
extended over the earth. Then the three prophets will appear; the
last of whom, Sosioch, will be the precursor of the general judgment
and the renewal of nature. Strange as it may seem, the judgment
shall be preceded by a general resurrection. Although the human
body was not thought sufficiently identified with the moral conduct
of the person to make it a partaker of its sorrow or joy in the inter
mediate period between death and judgment, yet the material frame
was destined to be restored and reunited to the soul.

Accordingly the Avesta taught that the genii of the elements, who
had received the various component parts of all human bodies in
charge, will on this great day of account be called upon to render
up their trust. " The soul will recognise its earthly companion, and
reenter it. The juice of the herb Horn, and the milk of the bull
Heziosk, will restore life to man, who then becomes immortal.
Then begins the final separation of the good from the evil. Sinners
who have not in the intermediate state expiated their faults, are
again sent to hell, but not for eternal punishment. The tortures of
three awful days and nights, equal to an agony of three thousand
years, suffice for the punishment of the most wicked. The voice of
the damned, ascending to heaven, will find mercy in the soul of
Ormuzd, who will withdraw them from the place of .torment. The
world shall melt with fervent heat; and the liquid and glowing
metals shall purify the universe, and fit all beings for everlasting
felicity. To the just, this ordeal proves a pleasant bath of milk-
warm water : the wicked, on the other hand, shall suffer excruciating
agonies ; but it shall be the last of their miseries. Hell itself and
afl its demons shall be cleansed. Ahriman, no longer irreclaimable,
will be converted to goodness, and become a ministering spirit of
the Most High." — Fraser's History of Persia, p. 161.

These kindred sentiments as to the final salvation of lost men
and devils, are most unequivocally taught in the sacred books of this
religious system. We read, " But above all he (Zardasht) has said,
' God has commanded me : Say thou to mankind, they are not to
abide in hell forever ; when their sins are expiated, they are deliv
ered out of it.' " — Dabistdn, vol. i, p. 263. The ultimate fate of
Ahriman is stated in the Zend Avesta as follows : " That unjust,
that impure being, who is a Div but in his thoughts ; that dark king
of the Darwands, who understands nothing but evil ; he shall at the
resurrection recite the Avesta, and not only himself practise the
law of Ormuzd, but establish it even in the habitations of the Dar
wands. Moreover, it is said that Ahriman, that lying serpent, shall
at the end of ages be purified by fire, as well as the earth be freed

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 305

from fche dark abode of hell. Ormuzd and Ahriman, accompanied
by all the good and evil genii, shall sing the praises of the Author
of all goo<l."—Dabistdn, vol. i, p. 358.

It will now be necessary to afford some information respecting the
priesthood, and the ceremonies, rites, and worship of this system.
The priesthood were the Magi, originally a tribe of the Median
nation, (see p. 290,) but who, by means now inscrutable, had secured
to themselves the influential and honourable position of religious
teachers and priests, not only among their own people, but also
throughout Persia. This office, even after it became so widely ex
tended, did not merge into the general mass of the community, but
continued to be hereditary in the same tribe.

Of this priesthood there were three gradations, or orders, — Her-
boods, or ordinary priests; Mobeds, or superior priests; and the
Dustoor, or superintending priest.

The Herboods were the lowest class of the Magi ; and, as far as
we can now form any conception of their duties, it would seem that
their office bore some analogy to that of the Hebrew Levites, except
ing that the Herboods were competent to sacrifice. Unlike other
ancient nations, the Persians did not allow a layman to sacrifice.
The presence of one of the Magi was essential to the performance
of this rite.

Above this lower grade of Magi were the Mobeds ; which term
seems to have comprehended the ideas of " prefect, judge, superior."
They held a superior rank to the Herboods, and were subordinate to
the Dustoor, — a kind of intermediate superintendents of the affairs
of religion in their several localities.

There was never but one Dustoor, or high-priest, at the same time.
He held a position somewhat similar to an " archbishop, or rather a
metropolitan, who was acknowledged the successor of Zoroaster, and
deemed the supreme head of the Church." — Ancient Universal His
tory, vol. iv., p. 93.

Some authors have expressed considerable gratification at the
similarity which they have perceived between the regulations of this
priesthood, and that which obtains in Episcopal Churches. In one
particular, however, the parallel does not hold; for the Magian
priesthood had no fixed salaries, being paid voluntarily for each
service as it occurred. Some writers have given copious rules which
were established for the regulation and direction of the Magi ; but it
seems more than probable that these were drawn from the practice
of the modern Parsees, rather than from the institutes of Zoroaster.
Yet, at the same time, since this religion has been continued from
the era of Darius Hystaspis to the present day, as the settled relig-

306 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

ious belief and practice of the same people, even the usages of the
present time may in some measure illustrate ancient observances.

Before the time of Zoroaster, their worship was conducted in the
open air ; but he directed them to enclose and cover their altars, so
that they might with the greater certainty maintain the perpetual
fire, which was before so often extinguished by accident, through
the weather or other causes. It is expressly asserted, that these
buildings were by no means intended as the residence of Deity,
or in any way to limit his omnipresence, but simply as places for
the shelter of their fire-altars.

The priesthood appear to have been subject to very minute rules
of discipline, and to have been compelled to an exact observance of
order in the conduct of public worship. The religious services,
according to this system, were generally conducted in the pyrea, or
" fire-temples." In each of these stood an altar, on which the sacred
fire was kept perpetually burning by the officiating Magi. When
the people assembled for public worship, the priest put on a white
vestment and mitre, with a gauze or cloth passing before his mouth,
that he might not breathe on the holy element. Thus he read cer
tain prayers out of the liturgy, which he held in one hand, speaking
very softly, and in a whispering sort of tone; holding in his left
hand certain small twigs of a sacred tree, which, as soon as the ser
vice was over, he threw into the fire. At these times, all who were
present put up their prayers to God, for such things as they stood
in need of; and when prayers were finished, the priest and people
silently withdrew, with every appearance of awful respect.

It is not improbable that we have a specimen, to say the least, of
this Magian ritual in the Zend Avesta. For this celebrated work
does not, as many have supposed, contain a treatise on the Magian
faith, or even a synopsis of the articles of their belief; but it is
rather a series of liturgical services for various occasions ; and, as the
Abbe Foucher well remarks, " bears the same relation to the doc
trinal works of Zoroaster, that breviaries and missals do to the Bible."

The ancient Persians kept six religious festivals in the year, in
memory of the six periods of time in which all things were created.
But on one point connected with these there is considerable dif
ference of opinion among authors, some saying that these festivals
were each followed by five days of fasting, in memory of God's resting
five days, as they believe, after each of these periods ; while others
contend that they had no fasts, and rejected everything of the nature
of penance. "God, they say, delights in the happiness of his
creatures ; and they hold it meritorious to enjoy the best of every
thing they can obtain."

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 307

In their religious rites much use was made of a kind of holy water
named zor, which was regarded as powerful in repelling evil spirits ;
and the consecrated juice of a particular shrub called the horn, pre
pared with many ceremonies, was regarded as possessing wonderful
efficacy, and is often spoken of in the sacred books. (See the Dabis-
tan, vol. i, p. 345.) A drop of this juice was given to infants, to
cleanse them from the impurities of the womb ; and also to persons
at the point of death.

A variety of other customs of a religious character were observed.
On naming a child, a sacred ceremony was performed; but still
more importance was attached to putting on the sacred cord (kusti),
and the equally sacred shirt (sadra). This was, indeed, a most
solemn act, as these articles were supposed to form an armour
against Ahriman. According to the Dabistdn the sacred cord was
a woollen cincture, girded round the waist, in which they made four
knots : — the first, to signify the unity of God ; the second, the cer
tainty of the faith ; the third, that Zardasht was the prophet of God ;
the fourth, to imply " that, to the utmost of my power, I will ever
do what is good." — Dabistdn, vol. i, p. 344. As often as they ate
flesh, fish, or fowl, they carried a small part of it to the temple, as
an offering to God, praying at the same time that he would forgive
them for taking away the lives of his creatures for their subsistence.

It will now be necessary to direct attention to the moral influence
of this religion. And in respect of this important point, we have
here, as elsewhere, great scarcity of information. Almost every other
matter was thought worthy of being recorded, except the moral
character of the great body of the people. It must be fully ad
mitted, that this faith inculcates general benevolence ; to be honest
in bargains, to be kind to one's cattle, and faithful to masters; to
give the priests their due, physicians their fees. But with these
sound precepts others, fanciful and superstitious, are regarded of
equal importance ; for instance, — physicians are enjoined to practise
their sanitary experiments on infidels, before applying them to the
followers of the faithful Zoroaster. Dogs and cats are held in great
regard, as animals that watch the approach of evil spirits, against
which the disciples of Zoroaster are constantly on their guard. On
the other hand, it is meritorious to kill serpents, frogs, toads, and
other reptiles, as being the creatures of Ahriman.

But, perhaps, we shall obtain the most accurate and forcible expo
sition of the morals of this system by noting at some length the
virtues which secured to persons admission to the splendours and
joys of paradise, and the sins for which others were shut up in hell.

From this review it will be clear, that while real virtues are

308 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

extolled, and positive vice punished, the most childish puerilities are
placed on a level with either. A catalogue of the blessed, for in
stance, would comprise the spirits of the munificent and noble-
minded : those who observed Nau Roz, the great festival on the first
six days of the year: just princes; priests and high-priests ; women
obedient to their husbands; attendants on fire- temples ; champions
who fought in the ways of God ; slayers of noxious animals ; hus
bandmen ; heads of families who have improved the world by gar-
dene and water - courses ; and those who solicited money of the
wealthy for the cause of religion, or to relieve pious poverty. On
the other hand, the inhabitants of hell were held to be, — men of vile
passions ; a shedder of innocent blood ; he who seduced the wives
of other men ; a man who had omitted to perform one peculiar mode
of worship ; an adulteress ; those who had not adopted the sacred
cincture; one who had betrayed his trust; a cruel and unjust king;
a man who had slain four-footed animals ; one who had neglected
both the concerns of time and those of eternity; a slanderer and
liar : a false witness ; a man who had amassed wealth by unlawful
means: hypocrites; a man who had killed dogs; a woman who,
while combing her head, allowed some hairs to fall into the fire, &c.
(See Appendix, note 54.)

This crude and unreasonable operation of law, when taken in con
nexion with the certain deliverance from suffering which the vilest
sinner was assured of at the last day, must have operated most per
niciously on the conduct of the whole people. Nor must it be quite
forgotten, in the consideration of this subject, that the laws of nature
were publicly outraged by the incestuous marriages which took place
constantly in the Persian court ; and that the most inhuman cruelty
and savage barbarism coexisted there with the height of oriental
refinement, wealth, and luxury. The morals of Persia appear, there
fore, at a disadvantage, when compared with those of other ancient
heathen countries.

But there is one feature of this whole system which deserves
special and peculiar notice. If Babylon had the unenviable distinc
tion of introducing and establishing the great prae- Christian Anti
christ. Persia appears to have carried out his development to the
utmost limits ; so that we can scarcely find an essential element of
Popery that did not form a part of this system of Persian faith.

In the illustration of this point, the Scriptural Christian will not
misapprehend my meaning, when I speak of any divinely- appointed
rite as pertaining to Popery ; since all must admit that while there
is a true and proper application of these terms, there is a thoroughly
Popish sense in which they are used ; and it is in the latter sense,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 309

and often in regard of the opus operatum doctrines, that the refer
ence is here made.

It must be borne in mind that the divine character of the sover
eign was here put avowedly and prominently forward. So fully
was this done that his being worshipped as divine was enacted by
absolute law, and not only enforced on his subjects, but regarded as
essential even on the admission of a foreign ambassador to the royal
presence. Besides this, it must be noticed that the intrinsic merit
of good works was clearly taught. KirfaJt, the term used to desig
nate the meritorious character of an action, is defined to mean " a
good work,— a merit which ABSOLVES FROM SIN." How fully this
accords with the great doctrine of the antichristian apostasy on this
subject, I need not stay to demonstrate.

Again : the great principles of priestly authority and efficacy were
fully taught and enforced. In reading the following remarkable
proof of this point, let it be remembered that the term Dustur
stands for " high-priest," " archbishop," or, perhaps even more accu
rately, " supreme pontiff:" — "It is manifest, from the principles of
religion, that we must concede due authority to the Dustur, and
must not deviate from his commands, as he is the ornament and
splendour of the faith. Although thy good works may be countless
as the leaves of the trees, the grains of sand, the drops of rain, or
the stars in the heavens, thou canst gain nothing by them, unless
they be acceptable in the sight of the Dustur. If he be not content
with thee, thou shalt have no praise in this world. Therefore, my
son, thou shalt pay to the Dustur who teaches thee, the tithe of all
thou possessest, (wealth and property of every kind, gold and silver.)
Therefore thou, who desirest to enjoy paradise to all eternity, pay
tithes to the Dustur : for if he be satisfied with thee, know that
paradise is thine; but if he be not content with thee, thou canst
derive no portion of benefit from thy good works ; thy soul shall not
find its way to paradise ; thou shalt have no place along with angels ;
thy soul can never be delivered from the fiends of hell, which is to
be thy eternal abode : but pay the tithes, and the Dusturs will be
pleased with thee, and thy soul shall get to paradise without delay.
Truly the Dusturs know the religion of all (faithful) men." — Dabis-
tan, vol. i, p. 313, Hyde's Trans.

Can priestly claims be carried beyond this? And then, this
priesthood was divided into regular gradations, until the series
terminated in the Dustur, or " supreme pontiff."

In addition to these elements, analogous rites were established.
As soon as a child was born, it was purified by the sacred horn.
The priest was present when the child received its name : imme-

310 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

diately after which the infant was taken to the fire-temple, when the
priest poured water into the rind of a holy tree, and from thence
into the mouth of the child, at the same time offering up a prayer.
At seven years of age the child was confirmed, after receiving
instruction, passing through certain ablutions, and being dressed in
a particular costume, one part of which it was necessary for the
priest to make with his own hand. The zor, or "holy water," was
also an important element in these rites. Finally, the sacred horn
was administered by the priest, just in the manner of extreme unc
tion, immediately before the death of a believer.

Truly there is little originality in the superstitious adulterations
which have been used to paralyze and corrupt the gospel. There
were precisely the same errors in doctrine; the same vain and
absurd, but proud and profane, claims of the priesthood ; and nearly
identical unmeaning or pernicious rites were attached to the form of
worship. In fact, the same round of means was employed, under
the same influence, and with the same success, to corrupt the pure
patriarchal faith of God's appointment, as we have seen operating to
the perversion of the gospel : so that the apparent paradox is per
fectly true. — that, whereas Popish superstition is, in respect of the
gospel, a novelty, it is, at the same time, only a re-cast of errors and
superstitions of a much more ancient period.

As our conclusions respecting the religion of Persia, and tbat of
her more ancient neighbours, Assyria and Babylon, differ in many
important particulars from those of preceding writers, whose investi
gations have been received with great attention and respect, I think
it necessary to observe, that I altogether disclaim a wish to estab
lish any theory of my own, or to introduce any novelty into this
very important subject. But I candidly confess that I have felt it
necessary to adopt a rather novel course in respect of this inquiry.
On this point I will speak freely,— though fully open to correc
tion.

Until the recent discovery of the inscriptions, our knowledge of
the religion of the ancient eastern nations was mainly derived from
Greek writers. They, as is perfectly well known, coloured all their
accounts according to the principles of their own mythology. If,
for instance, a Greek writer saw a statue of an Assyrian deity, or
heard an account of a Persian religious ceremonial, he would natu
rally give the first the name of the Greek deity who came nearest to
it in attributes and character, and would identify the second with
the most similar rites to be found in his own religious system.
The consequence has been, therefore, that we have been accustomed
to see the religion of the primitive eastern nations through a Gre-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 311

cian medium. And it is only in this way that we read in Herodotus
of Ilhea, Juno, and Mars, as if they were Persian deities, and of
Mylitta as the Babylonian Venus; that Diodorus speaks thus of
Jupiter, Rhea, and Juno ; and that Xenophon makes Cyrus always
offer his prayers to Jove. These names were unknown in the east,
and are not translations, but applications of the names of Greek
deities to those of eastern countries, on account of some real, or sup
posed, resemblance between their respective attributes.

This has not only led to embarrassment and confusion: it has
altogether misrepresented oriental religion, by putting it forth under
a Grecian form, and associated with Grecian names. If Greece
had been the parent of these nations. — if Assyria, Babylon, and
Persia had received their civilization and religion from Greece, —
this would be a correct course : but it was quite otherwise. These
nations flourished in civilization, and had their religious systems
matured, when Greece lay prostrate in barbarism. Grecian tenets,
manners, and doctrines could by no possibility, therefore, have
affected these oriental systems. All that is Grecian in the accounts
•which reach us of their religions must, in consequence, be mis
leading.

But while all the efforts to assimilate the religion of the primitive
eastern nations to a Grecian model must have a pernicious tendency,
it is evident that there was a more ancient faith, and an earlier sacred
history, with which these eastern nations were acquainted ; a history
•which brought down to them the great deeds of their ancestors, and
which stood associated with the most wondrous operations of al
mighty power ; and a faith which arose out of glorious and imme
diate revelations made by God to man, and had been impressed on
all their traditions, opinions, habits, and history. Now I maintain
that while the course which I impugn must be injurious, it is equally
so to study these religions without any reference to man's primitive
history, and while ignoring the faith and doctrines of the patriarchs ;
as though Assyria, Babylon, and Persia had not derived their exist
ence, knowledge, and religion from the men who had been congre
gated together at Babel. Whatever defects, therefore, may be found
in the sketch which has been given of the religion of these countries,
I am satisfied that it is an approximation to sound views on this
important subject.

What, then, was the character of the religion of Persia, as a
system? and what were its results on the national mind?

Like its predecessor and prototype in Assyria, it was the soul of
despotism. All that was said on this subject at the close of the fifth
chapter might be repeated here. The profane assumption of the

312 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

sovereign led to the intellectual and moral debasement of the people,
as an inevitable result. Beyond this it may be observed, that the
difference between the faith of Persia and that of Assyria and Baby
lon appears to have arisen from two opposite and conflicting causes, —
the revival of primitive truth, and the introduction of monstrous and
pernicious error.

Here was a clearer knowledge of man, in his true relation to God,
than obtained in the more ancient nations. The primitive purity
and fall of man, — Satanic power and malevolence, with their results,
—the appointment of a mediator, and his position in the trinity, —
the certainty of a future judgment, — the resurrection, and immortal
life, — all these are prime articles of religious faith, of great import
ance in any religious code ; and these, associated with an immense
amount of primitive and paradisiacal tradition, were found as recog
nised articles of faith among the ancient Persians. But then they
were fearfully neutralized by additional errors. Not only was the
Persian theology corrupted, as in Assyria, by polytheistic adultera
tion ; the profane assumption of the priesthood must also have been
a frightful evil. It divested moral actions of their proper character
and quality, by making them entirely contingent for acceptance on
the will of the priest. The multiplied ritual services, in which
priestly efficacy was the only virtue, would tend to the same result,
and introduce many childish distinctions, calculated to confound the
understanding and pervert the mind ; while the doctrine of a uni
versal restoration to heavenly happiness and glory, not only of wicked
men, but even of devils, would neutralize the influence of a future
judgment, and render that doctrine of little, if of any, effect.

The combined result was, that in Persia, even more than in As
syria and Babylon, religion was a royal and priestly monopoly. The
people were not taught, and scarcely considered : every sacred rite
required the presence of a Magian priest ; and the public — save in
their attendance on their fire- temples, where they heard something
frequently of prayer— were left to the fearful and ruinous influence
of moral putrefaction.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 313

CHAPTER IX.

THE HISTORY OF THE GRECIAN STATES.

ALTHOUGH occupying a small Country, and not possessing early Civilization, the Greeks
arose to superlative Distinction in History— The Geography of Greece— The Origin of
the Greeks— Pelasgians and Hellenes kindred Races— Legendary History— The Argo-
nautic Expedition— The Theban Legends— The Trojan War— The Return of the Hera-
cleids— State of the Grecian States in the Time of Lycurgus— Division into numerous
independent Communities— Their Unity of Blood, Manners, and Religion— The Politi
cal and Civil Institutions of Lycurgus— Sparta subdues the Messenians— The State of
Athens— Prevalent and long-continued Disorder— Solon— He regains Possession of
Salamis— Succeeds in the Sacred War against Cirrha— Fearful State of Society— Solon
invested with Supreme Power — His Reforming Measures, and new Political Constitu
tion, established— Pisistratus obtains the Chief Authority— The Tyrant expelled, and
Democracy established, by the Aid of Sparta— The smaller Grecian States— The Islands
and Colonies— Causes which led to the First Persian Invasion— It utterly fails— A
Second prepared, and disembarked at the Bay of Marathon— Completely defeated by
the Athenians under Miltiades— Further Persian Preparations for the Conquest of
Greece— Suspended by the Death of Darius— Xerxes at length determines on another
Invasion— His immense Preparations and Vast Army— Checked at Thermopylae— His
Fleet defeated at Artemisium— Athens destroyed— The Persian Fleet ruined at Salamis
—Xerxes retreats— Returns to Asia— Mardonius makes the most flattering Overtures
to the Athenians— Which they nobly reject— Apathy of Sparta— Attica ravaged a
Second Time— A United Greek Army at length opposes the Foe— The Persian Force is
annihilated at Platsea— On the same day the Persian Fleet is destroyed at Mycale—
Successful Prosecution of the War, followed by Peace with Persia— The Period, Causes,
and Progress of Grecian Civilization and Advancement— Thales— Pythagoras— Greece
attains her Highest Intellectual Elevation— Great Wealth and Power of Athens— First
Peloponnesian War— Mischievous Policy of Alcibiades— Second Peloponnesian War-
Ruin of Athens— Sparta Tyrannizes over the other Grecian States— Restoration of
Athens to Independence— Xenophon and the Ten Thousand— Thebes— Pelopidas and
Epaminondas— Philip of Macedon— His Improved Military Tactics— Takes advantage
of the Disunion and Rivalry of the Greek States to make himself Master of the Coun
try—Alexander succeeds his Father— Prepares for the Invasion of Persia— Battle of
the Granicus— His uninterrupted Success— In Three Years he extends his Sway from
the Mediterranean to India— His Death— State of Greece during the Victorious Career
of Alexander— Aggression of Sparta on Macedon— Repelled— Tumults on the Death
of Alexander, repressed by Antipater— Cassander— His Government— Interference of
Rome— Progress of her Power— Greece a Roman Province.

IN approaching the history of Greece we are brought into contact
with a people of the most extraordinary character and destiny. It
was not because of early greatness, or ancient splendour, that this
people stood preeminent among the nations of the world: for, many
centuries after Assyria, Egypt and Persia were possessed of wealth,
power, luxury, and learning, Greece was occupied by semi-barbarous
tribes,' with very imperfect political institutions, who were strangers
even to the knowledge of letters. Nor was it because of the ex-

314 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

tended territory : for Greece, properly so called, is scarcely larger
than the kingdom of Naples. Yet with this limited geography, and
with a celebrity of so recent a date that the national records do not
afford materials for a history of the nation until the eighth century
before Christ, it had then established a character in the world, and
has exerted a more potent influence on mankind at large than any
other people.

Rising into prominence and power at this late period of the ancient
world, Greece, in the progress of five hundred years, accomplished
all that seems possible of attainment by giant intellect and culti
vated genius. In all the elegant arts— architecture, painting, stat
uary—the Greeks distanced all their predecessors, and created a
school which it has been the glory of every subsequent age to imi
tate. Every branch of literature— poetry, history, and the drama-
was carried to perfection. Science, philosophy, and logic were culti
vated with equal success. And, what is yet more strange, having
thus evinced a rare combination of intellectual power, cultivated
taste, and brilliant genius, the sons of Greece successfully repelled
an invasion of their country, although assailed by the united forces
of the most mighty nations of the world ; and, having triumphed in
this effort, they went forth in irresistible martial power, and bowed
the world to their will. Every nation that could be reached was
subdued; and Grecian power ruled, and the Greek language and
manners pervaded, the civilized world.

Nor is the waning glory of this wonderful people less remarkable
than the rise and progress of their power. For, when Greece, in
her turn, fell before the military might of imperial Rome, it was the
proud boast of the conquered, that they imparted to their conquer
ors more advantage in the communication of arts and elegance,
literature and learning, than the Romans had obtained in martial
honours or territorial aggrandizement by the conquest of the coun
try. Thus Greece, as she fell into ruin and obscurity, enlightened
and elevated the most powerful nation on earth.

There has been some difference of opinion as to the extent of
Greece in respect of its northern boundary ; some writers including,
and others excluding, Epirus and Macedonia. The inhabitants of
these countrie.8 owned the same origin as the Greeks ; were of sim
ilar manners, language, and religion ; yet, in the progress of ages,
they became so alienated from the great body of the Greek nation,
that our best writers agree in describing Greece Proper as bounded
on the north by Olympus, and the Cambunian Mountains, which
divide it from Macedonia.

Greece, so limited, extends from north to south about two hundred

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 315

and fifty miles ; and its greatest breadth, from the western coast of
Acarnania to Marathon in Attica, is one hundred and eighty miles.
This country is about half the size of England,— a geographical com
pass by no means proportionate to the martial power of the people,
or to the influence which they exerted on the world.

As it seems necessary to give a very brief sketch of this territory,
it may be first observed that it was naturally divided into two parts
by the Isthmus of Corinth. That part which lay below this neck
of land was anciently called the Peloponnesus, and recently the
Morea ; and that beyond, on the continent, contained Attica, Boeo-
tia, Phocis, JEtolia, and Acarnania.

The Peloponnesus — so called in honour of Pelops — forms the
southern region of Greece. It is a peninsula, surrounded by the
sea, excepting where it is joined to the main-land by the Isthmus of
Corinth. It has in its centre the far-famed Arcadia of poetical tra
dition. This is an elevated and hilly district, its highest peak being
Mount Cyllene. It is an excellent pasture- country, and in its gen
eral features greatly resembles Switzerland ; while its inhabitants
as strikingly exhibit the Swiss character, — being equally fond of
liberty and money. The god Pan is said to have resided here, and
to have invented the flute with seven reeds. Here he was worship
ped, and delivered oracles. Around Arcadia were seven other
districts, or territories, all of which were well watered by streams
that descended from its highlands.

Of these, Corinth lay immediately in the Isthmus, having a
harbour on each side. It was thus possessed of immense maritime
advantages, and facilities for commerce perhaps equal to any port of
the world. To the south of Corinth lay Argolis, so named from
Argos, its chief town. Here stood Tiryns, whence Hercules depart
ed to begin his labours ; and Mycenae, the city of Agamemnon ;
Nemea, celebrated for its games in honour of Neptune ; and Nau-
plia, now the celebrated Napoli di Romania. To the southwest of
Argolis lay Laconia, — a country rough and mountainous, watered
by the Eurotas, on whose banks arose the celebrated Sparta ; yet,
although this was one of the principal cities in Greece, its site can
not now be identified.

To the north and west of Laconia was Messenia. Pylos, one of
the cities claiming to have given birth to Nestor, was situated in
this district. Elis, the Holy Land of Greece, lay immediately to
the north of Messenia. There rolled the Alpheus, on whose banks
the Olympic Games were celebrated : and here stood Olympia, with
its glorious temple, and colossal statue of Jupiter, the masterpiece
of Phidias. Temples to Jupiter and Lucina also adorned the neigh-

816 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

bourhood. On this spot Pausanias counted two hundred and thirty
statues ; and in the days of Pliny they had increased to three thou
sand, — and all these the work of eminent artists. What are all our
museums, and collections of statuary, compared to this? To the
northeast of Elis we find Achaia, watered by the mountain- streams
from Arcadia ; and between this and Corinth lay the ancient city and
small territory of Sicyon.

From this rapid glance at the Peloponnesus, we turn to notice that
part of Greece which is situated beyond the Corinthian Isthmus.
Immediately to the east of this lay Attica; its form was nearly tri
angular. This has generally been regarded as the most beautiful
part of Greece, although the soil was by no means remarkably fruit
ful. Athens, the city of Pallas, the centre of Grecian civilization,
learning, and refinement, was the capital of the district. On the
top of a hill close to the city, stood the Acropolis, which in the days
of her glory was covered with the most beautiful architecture.

To the northwest of Attica lay Boeotia and Phocis, separated
from Thessaly by the mountain range of (Eta, through which the
famous Pass of Thermopylae alone afforded easy communication.
The renowned Parnassus divided Boeotia from Phocis. Delphi,
noted for its oracle of Apollo, stood on the south side of Parnassus.
Here excellent pieces of statuary were exhibited in countless num
ber; and the contents of treasuries, received from neighbouring
princes and kings, astonished the beholder. Here, also, in the Am-
phictyonic Council, the first maxims of law were taught, and the
principles of policy laid down and matured. The Pythian Games,
surpassed only by the Olympic, were celebrated in this neighbour
hood ; and here, above all, the Castalian Fountain poured forth her
streams sacred to the Muses.

It would have been scarcely necessary to notice Thessaly in this
sketch, but on account of some very ancient recollections, lolcos,
whence the Argonauts sailed, was in this province. This was also
the country of Achilles. To the west of Thessaly we find JEtolia
and Acarnania.

Having thus glanced at the geography of Greece, it will be neces
sary, before proceeding to trace its history, to notice its early inhab
itants, and, if possible, discover its primitive settlers. Without
presuming to speak positively on a subject so full of difficulty, we
may venture to observe that there appears reason to believe that, in
the general dispersion of the descendants of Noah, this portion of
the world was occupied by Javan, the fourth son of the arkite patri
arch, and afterward principally by the family of his son Elishah.
As it is not intended to maintain this opinion at length, it will be

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 317

sufficient to observe in support of it, that continental Greece was
originally called Ionia, which term our best scholars have supposed
to have been derived from the name Javan ; with which, they con
tend, it nearly agreed, according to ancient Greek pronunciation. It
is also a curious fact corroborative of this opinion, that the Septua-
gint Version of Holy Scripture always renders the Hebrew term yp
Javan by the word " Greece." This fact not only proves the origin
generally attributed to the Greeks by the learned, in the third cen
tury before Christ : it does more : for, inasmuch as it is scarcely
possible generally to substitute the name of any other country with
out doing violence to the consistency of the sacred writer, (as, for
instance, in an important passage in Daniel viii, 21,) so we have the
authority of the inspired Hebrew text itself in favour of this opinion.

This is also the case in respect of Elishah ; for Ezekiel speaks of
the "isles of Elishah" in such a connexion as almost certainly to fix
the designation upon the Greek islands. In conformity with this
evidence, the peninsula and isles of Greece have been regarded as
peopled by the descendants of Elishah, while Tiras is supposed to
have been the father of the Thracians.

But whatever truth there may be in these conjectures, it appears
to be an undoubted fact, that considerably more than a thousand
years elapsed from the first occupation of Greece to the time when
we obtain materials for a history of its inhabitants. It cannot, then,
be a matter of surprise, that it has been found utterly impossible to
trace up, by any satisfactory historical induction, to any particular
primitive root, the people who are the subject of Grecian history.

There is, however, one question, lying at the foundation of Gre
cian history, which must be noticed and disposed of, before we
fairly enter on the subject. The earliest occupants of the country
are always spoken of by ancient writers as Pelasgians ; while the
great body of the Greek nation in historical times are called Hel
lenes. The debatable points are, — Whether these were different
tribes speaking different languages, or in their origin essentially the
same people ? — and, secondly, By what means, or in what manner,
did the Hellenes ultimately acquire universal ascendency in Greece '?
On these subjects the learned have been long divided, nor can it yet
be said that the question is settled. While such men as Professor
Wachsmuth and Dr. Thirlwall advocate one view of the subject, and
Mr. Grote the opposite, it becomes us to express ourselves with
great diffidence. Yet, notwithstanding this conviction, we must be
allowed to say that we fully agree with the first-mentioned authors,
that the Pelasgians and Hellenes were originally the same people.

The general prevalence of the Pelasgic people, or rather the

318 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Pelasgic name, seems a fact constantly admitted by ancient writers.
" All are pretty well agreed," observes Strabo, " that the Pelasgians
were an ancient race which prevailed throughout all Greece, and
especially by the side of the ^olians in Thessaly." — ThirlwalVs
History of Greece, vol. ii, sect. 4. This statement must not, indeed,
be so construed as to exclude the existence of other and distinct
tribes in ancient Greece ; — for Strabo, as well as Herodotus and
Thucydides, speaks of several of these ; — but it clearly shows that the
Pelasgians were the most powerful and widely-diffused people of
Greece, whose language and manners gave a character to the whole
country. Traces of their residence have, indeed, been distinctly
found in Thessaly, Epirus, Boeotia, Attica, and the Peloponnesus, —
especially in Argolis, Achaia, and Arcadia.

With respect to the Hellenes, it has been supposed that they
originated from Hellen, who is sometimes called " the son of Zeus,'*
but is generally regarded as the immediate descendant of Deucalion
and Pyrrha, although he is often mentioned as the brother of the
Grecian hero of the Deluge. But whether such a person as Ilellen
ever existed, except in mythological fable, or not, it is a settled mat
ter that no historical researches can carry up the Hellenic tribe or
people to this individual. Historically we only know the Hellenes
as deriving their name and character from a people, or tribe, which
anciently resided in Epirus. There were, in fact, two tribes bearing
this name, resident near Dodona, who were probably nearly related
to each other and to the ancient Pelasgians. Mr. Grote, indeed,
joins his w eighty judgment with that of preceding writers, in decid
ing, upon the authority of a passage in Herodotus which refers to
the language of the Pelasgians, that they were essentially a distinct-
people from the Hellenes. We think Dr. Thirl wall's statement
remains in all its strength, notwithstanding this objection ; ( Thirl -
wall's Greece, vol. i, p. 60,) and, such being the case, the general
current of evidence naturally leads to the belief that the Pelasgians
and Hellenes were kindred races.

By what means, then, or in what manner, was that great change
effected which spread the Hellenic name and influence so generally
over Greece ? One point is clear : it is undoubted, that " the pecul
iar stamp which distinguished the Greeks from every other nation
on the earth, was impressed on them by the little tribe which first
introduced among them the name of Hellenes." — ThirlwalVs Greece ,
vol. i, p. 97. At the same time, it is the decided opinion of this
learned writer, that this change " was not effected simply by the
conquests or migrations of this new people." — ThirlwalVs Greece,
vol. i, p. 97. The alternative inference appears inevitable, — that

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 819

the Hellenic ascendency was that which a highly martial caste,
raised by their daring energy above the need of labour, impatient of
repose, and eager for warlike adventures, obtained over a weaker,
but perhaps aa equally civilized, people.

The late era at which Greece appears before us as a subject of
history, is in some measure compensated by the length and grandeur
of what may be called " the traditional period." The greatest labour
and learning have been expended on this topic ; but they have failed
alike to elicit with any certainty the exact chronology, and the pre
cise historical character, of the important events which are supposed
to have transpired during the thousand years which elapsed prior
to 800 B. C. It will, however, be necessary to mention the princi
pal of these occurrences.

The Argonautic Expedition may be referred to as the first, in
order of time, of these notable events. If from the immense mass
of poetry and legend, bearing on this subject, anything definite can
be inferred, it may be supposed that about 1300 B. C. Jason, a
prince of Thessaly, having collected together a number of the most
chivalrous spirits of Greece, sailed on an expedition, partly com
mercial and partly martial, to the shores of the Euxine Sea ; and,
having fought, conquered, and plundered, on their return home they
planted a colony at Colchis, carrying with them a princess of the
country which they had invaded. (See Appendix, note 55.)

The Theban legends may also be adduced, as of a similar charac
ter. As far as can be ascertained, the subject of these arose out of
the introduction of the Phenician or Asiatic worship into Thebes by
Cadmus. But it involved the singular and melancholy fate of (Edi-
pus, a protracted war, ending in the capture of Thebes, and the con
sequent isolation of this district, in sympathy and interest, from the
general concerns of Greece. (See Appendix, note 56.)

The Trojan war may be noted next in order. It may be doubted
whether there was ever such an extended account, given to the
world with such exquisite and unsuspecting simplicity, and so gen
erally regarded as actual history, without any independent evidence
of its historical existence, as that which we find in the Homeric epic.
Perhaps, as Mr. Grote conjectures, such an effort as that of Homer
would never have come into existence in an age in which historical
records existed. However this may be, it is an unquestionable fact,
that the narrative of Homer was currently received and reverentially
cherished throughout Greece ; and it is equally clear that all which
can be said respecting even the basis of the story, (omitting all the
dramatic machinery of gods, goddesses, and heroes,) is that it is
possible. But then, as an eminent writer on the subject observes,

320 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

" As the possibility cannot be denied, neither can the reality of it be
affirmed." (See Appendix, note 57.)

A further reference to Grecian legend is necessary, because it
both relates to an important revolution in the government of the
country, and in a great degree accounts for the numerous and power
ful Greek colonies which, at the commencement of the historical
period, we iind established in different parts of Asia Minor. This
legend, or series of legends, relates to the descendants of Hercules.
After the death of this hero, his children were driven from Pelopon
nesus, and found refuge at Athens ; and their descendants, after
many ineffectual efforts, succeeded, in connexion with a powerful
army of Dorians, in subduing the peninsula. In consequence of
this irruption, numerous bodies, led by those who had previously
possessed power and distinction, emigrated, and formed Greek colo
nies in various islands, and in different parts of Asia Minor. (See
Appendix, note 58.)

Passing over the legendary period of Grecian annals without
further notice, we enter upon the times when this wonderful people
stand before our view in the light of history ; and select, for the
commencement of our research, the era when Lycurgus introduced
his scheme of legislation into Sparta. This occurred, according to
Thucydides, B. C. 817. At this time Amaziah reigned in Judah
and Jeroboam II. in Israel, it being just one year before the death
of Elisha the prophet.

In endeavouring to convey some idea of the peculiar position of
Greece at this time within the narrow limits of a chapter, our atten
tion must be directed to two or three particulars. We find Greece,
unlike every other ancient nation, not only without any political unity
and national sovereignty, but actually divided into just as many free
states as it had cities. It is, indeed, true that in some districts the
most powerful city held a kind of supremacy over the smaller ones,
which was called by the Greeks " hegemony :" «but this extended
only so far as to merge the foreign political relations of the minor
places in those of the capital; so that the whole district, in all
peaceful treaties and warlike measures, would act together. It did
not allow the principal city, however powerful, to interfere in the
internal administration of the several minor civil communities.

Another peculiarity of the Greek people was the character of the
union which subsisted throughout the entire nation. This was
maintained, first, by the common bond of nationality. The whole
Hellenic race regarded themselves, however subdivided, as one
people. A family feeling pervaded the entire extent of the popula
tion, and induced a mutual fraternal recognition among all its

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 321

members. This union was greatly promoted by the Olympian,
Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian Games. All these — which main
tained a powerful influence on the public mind, not only throughout
Greece, but in all neighbouring countries, for many centuries — were
greatly conservative of Grecian unity. At these games, although
strangers might be spectators, none but Hellenes could enter the
lists, as candidates for the prize. As this privilege was highly
valued, the limitation was greatly conducive to the unity of national
feeling and regard.

But, after all, the great secret of the identity subsisting between
the numerous cities and clans of Greece lay in lier religious institu
tions. Apart from their common object, as mere festivals, the
games above mentioned, to some extent, partook of a religious
character, and in this respect exerted a powerful influence on the
public mind. This was, however, but a single and comparatively
unimportant element. The Hellenes everywhere worshipped the
same gods, held their sacrificial services in common, and regarded
themselves, through their heroes, as descended from these deities.
The intensity of the unity of feeling thus produced cannot be
exhibited more forcibly than was done by the Athenians. When
their city lay in ruins, and they, and their wives and children, found
refuge only on board their ships, or in the Isle of Salamis ; at the
time they were deserted by the Spartans, and received the most
tempting overtures from Persia, the principal reason set forth by
them for their noble conduct is thus stated by their envoys to Lace-
dsemon : " We, however, though deserted and betrayed by the
Greeks, have steadily refused all his offers, [those of the king of
Persia,] through reverence for the Grecian Jupiter." — Herodotus,
lib. ix, cap. 7.

The success of the Heracleids, by means of their Dorian auxiliaries,
established that people as a ruling caste, and reduced the greater
portion of the former inhabitants to slavery. But this victorious^
aggression, instead of introducing strength and consolidation into
the country, caused disunion and weakness. The unequal distribu
tion of property produced domestic quarrels, while the unsettled
state of affairs at home embroiled the state in a tedious and harass
ing war with the Argives. This condition of things continued, sub
ject to various fluctuations and changes, for more than two hundred
years, when, at length, a man arose into influence and power, whose
genius moulded the institutions of SPARTA into a permanent form,
and rendered that state, small as it was in geographical extent, one
of the most powerful of its day.

It had long been the custom in Sparta for two kings to reign at

322 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

the same time, with conjoint power. This originated, according to
Pausanias, in the accession of the two sons of Aristodemus, Eurys-
thencs and Proclus, and continued, notwithstanding the mutual
jealousy and suspicion inseparable from a diarchy, through thirty
princes of the former line and twenty- seven of the latter. In the
early part of these dynasties, struggles were frequent between the
kings and the people. In one of these a sovereign was killed : his
son, succeeding to the throne, soon after died, and was followed by
his brother Lycurgus. But this prince, discovering that his brother's
widow was pregnant, held the supreme authority in trust, until the
birth of the infant, which proving to be a son, he presented the child
to the magistrates of the city as their king, and exercised dominion
only in his name as regent. Notwithstanding this nobility of con
duct, the mother of the infant prince, and her brother, having thrown
out suspicions respecting the intentions of Lycurgus, he deemed it
prudent to retire a while from Sparta, and travelled into Crete and
other lands, observing their institutions, and forming his opinion as
to the best political basis for the constitution of his own country.

The absence of Lycurgus was severely felt at Sparta. Those
who were invested with authority evidently lacked the power to
maintain it ; difficulty and danger beset the state on every side. In
this emergency, earnest and importunate entreaties were sent to
Lycurgus to hasten his return. He complied, and, on arriving at
home, °vas hailed with delight by all parties, since he was regarded
as the only man able to heal the disorders which prevailed. He
undertook the task : but, perceiving the magnitude of the engage
ment, he made use of every precaution. In the first place, he
obtained the unambiguous approbation of the oracle at Delphi for
his measures. He then secured the aid of a number of the principal
citizens of Sparta, who engaged, if necessary, to support him with
their arms.

These precautions taken, Lycurgus introduced his new system
of government and polity. Our sketch of this system must be as
brief as possible.

As a political code, it was, in the most strict sense of the term, a
mixed government. The monarchical principle was maintained, but
in a weak form ; as the rule of two contemporaneous kings, reigning
with joint power, was continued. The aristocracy was represented
by a senate of twenty- eight persons ; while every Spartan of thirty
years of age, and of unblemished character, had a voice in the
»wembly of the people. In addition to this, the commons were
represented by the Ephori. These corresponded to the tribunes
among the Romans. At first they appear to have been appointed

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 323

as minor officers connected with police and courts of law. In con
sequence, however, of the divided and enfeebled condition of the
monarchy, these gradually assumed a censorial, inquisitorial, and
judicial power, which enabled them frequently to overawe and con
trol both the kings and the senate.

This alteration in the mode of government was, however, accord
ing to Plutarch, the least of the innovations of Lycurgus. The fol
lowing are the more important measures which are ascribed to him.
He ordered an equal partition of the land among all the citizens ;
so that those who had been rich had to divide their landed property
with the poor. The entire territory of Sparta was partitioned into
nine thousand lots, and the rest of Laconia into thirty thousand, —
the number of their respective citizens. Having succeeded thus far,
the lawgiver proceeded to enforce an equal division of all movable
property. Finding this measure to be impracticable, he assailed
distinctions of rank and the indulgence of luxury by more indirect
means. Gold and silver currency was prohibited, and an iron coin
substituted, of such small value that, to lay up ten mince, (about
£32 5s. sterling,) a whole room was required, and a yoke of oxen
necessary to remove it. This alteration cut up avarice and luxury
by the roots, and at the same time isolated Sparta from the rest of
Greece, and in great measure interdicted commercial intercourse ;
for this money would not pass current out of Sparta. The conse
quence was, the greatest simplicity in all the houses, furniture, and
manner of living.

These statements of Plutarch must, however, be taken as exhibit
ing the general character of Spartan policy and practice, rather than
the measures which were introduced, and fully carried into effect, by
the personal exertions of the lawgiver. It is certain that, in the
days of Lycurgus, the whole of Laconia was not subject to Lace
daemonian rule ; and it is open to serious doubt, whether an equal
division of land was ever fully effected, even in Sparta itself. As
early as B.C. 600, we hear complaints made respecting the influence
of wealth, and the degradation of the poor, even in the capital.

A further arrangement of this legislator was the establishment of
public tables, where all were required to eat in common. The rich
offered great opposition to this regulation; but it was notwithstand
ing carried into effect. To it Lycurgus added a public arrangement
for the education of youth. All children were, according to his
institutions, regarded as the property of the state, and treated
accordingly. Yet it is a singular fact, that while the men were
trained to this practice, and dined on plain fare, their wives at home
not unfrequently maintained a luxurious establishment.

324 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

The result of all these measures was to make the Spartan state
thoroughly martial in its character. The city was like a great
camp : every man was a soldier ; bodily strength and mental vigour
were chiefly prized, as they rendered the man a more efficient war
rior. It will be seen that these laws could not be made operative on
the whole population. Husbandry and tillage, handicraft arts and
menial service, necessarily require a large proportion of every peo
ple. To provide for these without diverting the Spartan citizen
from his martial exercises, a system of wholesale slavery was estab
lished. The victims of this oppression were called Helots. It
seems they were originally captives taken in war, whose posterity
were ever afterward doomed to this cruel bondage ; while further
conquests increased their number.

The laws and institutions of Lycurgus were not given in a written
code, but reduced to short sentences like proverbs, called p^rpat,
rhetrai. All these were confirmed by the oracle of Delphi, and
committed to memory by the people.

The first important war in whicli the Spartans were engaged was
with their neighbours the Messenians. After a very protracted
struggle, this contest terminated in the subjection of that territory
to the Spartan dominion ; but the sacrifices and efforts put forth to
attain this end greatly weakened the power of the victors for a con
siderable period.

It will now be necessary to direct attention to ATHENS. The
political history of this state may be carried back to the time of
Theseus. Among his successors the most eminent were Mnestheus,
who fell before Troy, and Codrus, whose generous devotion (as
already stated) led to the abolition of monarchy. After the intro
duction of this change, thirteen archons of the royal family ruled in
succession. From the year B. C. 752, the archons were chosen every
ten years from the family of Codrus There were seven of these,
reaching to the year B. C. 682. Nine annual archons were then
elected by the nobility. All these changes, however, did but little
to promote the well-being of the state. The people were reduced
to a miserable condition. The equestrian order, — so called from
their fighting on horseback, — having, in the infancy of martial tac
tics, infinite advantage over a rabble on foot, secured to themselves
all authority, civil, religious, and military. The ancient laws, being
few and simple, were insufficient to meet the demands of the age :
consequently much was left to the discretion of the magistrates,
who too frequently decided according to their class-interests or
prejudices.

In these circumstances the very framework of society was shaken,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 325

and Athens seemed to tremble on the brink of ruin. To avert this
calamity, Draco, the archon, was selected to prepare a system of
laws for the reformation of the state. He undertook the task, but
supplied a code of such unexampled severity that it was said to
have been written in letters of blood. Death was the punishment
for idleness, as well as for murder. At first these penalties were
enforced, but they gradually sunk into disuse ; and the legislator
was obliged to withdraw to ^Egina, where he died.

This unsuccessful effort was followed by a series of disorders and
crimes, until at length a legislator arose, who by his brilliant genius
and wisdom introduced an efficient measure of social and political
reform. Solon was of purest heroic blood, and possessed a moderate
fortune. In his earlier years, owing to the improvidence of his
father, he found it necessary to engage in commercial pursuits, by
which means he added to his substance and his knowledge. The
energy of his mind, and his habit, in accordance with the prevalent
custom of the times, of expressing his thoughts in simple verse,
made him known throughout Greece ; and he was classed with other
six, as one of the Seven Wise Men. (See Appendix, note 59.)

The first political event of importance in which Solon engaged
was the recovery of the Isle of Salamis. Megara had long success
fully disputed with Athens the possession of this island; and her
citizens had actually established themselves upon it; while the
Athenians had suffered so much in the struggle, and felt so annoyed
at the result, that they decreed the punishment of death to any one
who should propose any further effort for its recovery.

Solon determined to remove this dishonour from his country. To
effect this object, he composed an earnest poetic address ; and, feign
ing a state of ecstatic excitement, he rushed into the agora, and,
taking his stand on the stone usually occupied by the official herald,
he recited his elegiac address to the surrounding crowd on the sub
ject of Salamis. He so fully succeeded in this attempt that they
rescinded the prohibitory law, determined to renew the war, and
intrusted Solon with the conduct of the enterprise. He accepted
the command, and conducted the invasion with so much prudence
and valour, that he restored that important island to the government
of Athens.

Another circumstance, which occurred soon after, greatly added
to the reputation of Solon, and secured to him countenance and
support the most important, in respect of his future career. Cirrha
was a small seaport in the Gulf of Corinth, offering ready access to
Delphi. The inhabitants of this place obtained enormous riches by
levying exorbitant tolls on the passengers who landed there on their

326 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Tray to the temple. Tliis was felt to be a national grievance ; and
Solon not only moved the Amphictyonic Council to insist on the
removal of the evil, (see Appendix, note GO,) but, when the Cirrhae-
ans refused to reform the abuse at his instance, a band of Athenians
accompanied a joint force of Thessalians and Sicyonians, and, after
a Sacred War of two years1 duration, accomplished the desired
object by completely subduing and destroying the town, except just
what was necessary to make it a suitable landing place ; and dedi
cated the whole plain, from the sea to the temple, to the Delphian
god.

While, however, Solon saw his efforts crowned with success in
these external measures, he found the internal condition of the
country rapidly approaching a crisis which threatened to issue in a
frightful disruption of all society. The people of Attica were
divided into three factions : the Pedieis, or " men of the plain,"
comprising Athens, Eleusis, and the neighbouring territory ; among
whom were the richest and noblest families of the land; the Diak-
rii. the mountaineers in the north and east, who were very poor;
and the Paralii, whose means and social position were intermediate.
Among these there appears to have existed a long- continued class-
struggle. But this was greatly aggravated by a still more fearful
evil, — a general outburst of feeling of the poor against the rich,
arising out of deep misery, acted upon by great oppression. The
rich had hitherto dictated the laws : these were partial and unjust.
The needy man borrowed money on the security, not merely of his
substance, but also of his own body. Nay, more : not only might
the insolvent debtor be sold to pay his debts, but even his minor
sons, unmarried daughters, and sisters also, might be sold with him.
In this manner great numbers had been reduced from freedom to
slavery ; some had been sold for exportation ; and others had main
tained their own liberty by the sale of their children.

It was when Solon had by his talents and integrity commended
himself to all classes, as possessing every requisite for a great
reformer, that this mutinous feeling had reached its height. This
so alarmed the rich, that although it was known he had severely
condemned their cruelty in his poems, they consented that he should
be invested with supreme power, in the hope that he would thus con
serve the state, and relieve them from the impending danger. He
was therefore appointed archon, nominally as the colleague of Philom-
brotus, but with authority substantially dictatorial.

Solon began his reforms by a measure which satisfied neither the
rich nor the poor. In his first effort he cancelled at once all those
contracts in which the debtor had borrowed on the security either of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 327

his person or of his land ; forbade all future loans or contracts in
which the person of the debtor was pledged as security ; and de
prived the creditor of all further power to imprison, or enslave, or
extort work from his debtor, confining him to an effective judgment
at law, which would authorize the seizure of the property of the
latter. This regulation swept off the numerous mortgage-pillars
(see Appendix, note 61) from the landed properties in Attica, and
left the land free from all past claims. It liberated and restored to
their full rights all those debtors who were actually in slavery under
previous legal adjudications ; and it even professed to provide means
for the restoration of those who had, for a similar reason, been sold
into foreign slavery. (Grote's History of Greece, vol. iii, p. 135.)

By this extensive measure poor debtors and small tenants,
together with many others in needy circumstances, were greatly
refieved. But this relief placed another important class in great
difficulty. These were they who, while they stood in the relation
of creditors to the poorest classes, were themselves debtors to the
richest. To meet the case of such, Solon had recourse to the des
perate expedient of debasing the money- standard of the country to
the extent of more than twenty-five per cent. The middlemen con
sequently obtained relief to this amount, while their rich creditors
had to submit to an equivalent loss.

Again : Solon decreed that all those who had been condemned by the
archons to civil disfranchisement, excepting only those who had been
convicted by other legal courts for murder or treason, should be free.
The necessity for such measures — indeed, the possibility of intro
ducing them — clearly shows the diseased and disorganized state of
the Athenian commonwealth. The policy of Solon, however, not
only warded off the imminent convulsion which had long threatened
the country ; it virtually depressed the political power of the rich,
and restored the poorer classes to extensive influence in public
affairs.

Having succeeded thus far, Solon was requested to prepare a new
constitution for the country ; which task he also accepted, and carried
into effect thus : — He divided the whole population into four classes,
without reference to their tribes and families, but regulated entirely
by their possession of property. The first of these, comprising the
richest portion of the people, whose annual income was equal to five
hundred medimni of corn or above, were alone eligible to be archons,
and to military and naval commands. A second class was composed
of persons whose income ranged from five hundred to three hundred
medimni. These were called "knights," or "horsemen of the state,"
they being supposed to possess sufficient substance to keep a horse,

328 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

and to perform military service in that capacity. The third class,
possessing an annual income of from three hundred to two hundred
medimni of corn, constituted the heavy-armed infantry of the Athe
nian army, and were bound to serve as such, each with his own
equipment of complete armour. Five hundred medimni were equal
to about seven hundred imperial bushels; and one medimmis was
equal to a drachm, and of the same value as a sheep.

These three classes paid all the direct taxes that were levied.
Of course duties on imports and other articles of consumption would
be paid in common by all. These direct taxes were levied in the
form of a graduated income- tax, so far as the several classes are re
garded ; but as an equal tax, when considered with reference to the
several individuals composing each class. Thus the poorest mem
ber of the first class, with an income of five hundred drachms, would,
on a levy of one per cent., pay fifty drachms. Every other mem
ber of that class, whatever his wealth, would pay a pro raid sum.
The poorest member of the second class, with an income of three hun
dred, would on the same levy pay thirty drachms ; while the poorest
member of the third class would be required to contribute only ten.

The fourth class, composed of all persons whose annual income
was less than two hundred drachms, or about forty dollars, (which
would then purchase about two hundred sheep, or about two hundred
and eighty imperial bushels of corn,) were exempt from all direct
taxes, disqualified from holding any individual post of dignity, and
only served in war as light-armed troops, in armour provided by
the state. Although, by these institutions of Solon, the great body
of the people, who were comprised under this fourth class, were de
prived of the privilege of holding office, their collective importance
was in other ways greatly increased. For, though ineligible to official
dignities, they had to elect the archons and magistrates out of the
first class; and, what is still more important, these, after having
served their term of office, were responsible to the assembly of the
people, and might be impeached and punished in case of mis
behaviour.

Another of Solon's institutions still remains to be noticed. He
created a senate separate and distinct from the Areopagus, and with
different powers. In the institution of this body the object was
to prepare subjects for discussion in the general assembly, to con
voke and superintend its meetings, and to insure the execution of
its decrees. This senate, as appointed by Solon, consisted of four
hundred members, taken in equal proportions from the four tribes.
Persons of the fourth or poorer class were not eligible to sit in this
senato ; they were, however, entitled to vote on the election of every

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 329

member ; and, being by far the most numerous section of Athenian
citizens, they invariably held in their hands the virtual appointment
of the senatorial body.

At the same time that these new institutions were called into
being, the old-established Council of Areopagus (see Appendix,
note 62) was recognised, and its powers enlarged ; it being endowed
with ample supervision over the execution of the laws generally,
together with the duty of a censorial inspection of the lives and
occupations of citizens, as well as the power to punish men of idle
and dissolute habits.

These measures of Solon, although they did not establish a
democracy, had a most decided and efficient democratic tendency.
They, in fact, formed the foundation and framework of the vigorous
democracy which afterward so long reigned supreme at Athens.
When, however, we speak of Grecian democracy, we feel as if using
a figure of speech ; for while we read that all the people were in
vested with political rights, and allowed to take a part and exercise
an influence in the affairs of the state, it must be remembered that
the term " people " is limited to the Hellenic part of the population.
The greater number of the inhabitants — perhaps as many as three-
fourths of the whole — were slaves, and regarded as utterly destitute
of all political functions, and without any interest in the state.

It seems scarcely credible that, after all these institutions of Solon
had been introduced and established, the lawgiver should have lived
to see the whole constitution placed in abeyance through the suc
cessful usurpation of supreme power by an individual. Yet so it
was. The tyrant Pisistratus, as such sovereigns were always called
in Greece, exercised the power which he had unjustly obtained with
great wisdom and moderation. His accession to this dignity, how
ever, led to various factions and intrigues, by which he was twice
driven from Attica. Yet he again succeeded in establishing him
self in supreme power, and continued to hold it until his death.

Hipparchus and Hippias succeeded their father in the government
of Athens ; but they did not inherit his prudence and ability. Yet,
favoured by the prestige of his character, and the actual possession
of power, they succeeded in maintaining their joint dominion four
teen years, when Hipparchus was slain by two young Athenians,
whom he had provoked by an atrocious insult. The excessive
cruelty with which Hippias punished all who took any part in the
murder of his brother, and even those who were suspected of having
any knowledge of the plot, produced such intense disgust in the
public mind, that various efforts were made to expel the tyrant from
the country. These, however, would in all probability have been

330 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

unsuccessful, but for the peculiar influence which the Alcmseonids
had just now obtained at Delphi.

This family, having been driven from Athens by Pisistratus,
retired from Attica; and as the temple of Delphi was just then
to be reerected after its destruction by fire, they undertook the con
tract, which they executed in a style of splendour far beyond the
design. By this means, supplemented by costly donatives, the
oracle was induced to denounce the tyranny of Hippias, and to insist
on the return of the Alcmseonids. This was brought about mainly by
the instrumentality of Sparta. Whenever any citizen of that country
appeared before the oracle, either on public or on private business,
the answer always included the injunction, "Athens must be de
livered." The constant repetition of this mandate overcame at
length the friendly feeling which the Spartans felt toward the house
of Pisistratus. Pious reverence for the god prevailed; and an expe
dition was sent to Athens to cooperate with the Alcmaeonids, which,
although defeated in the first campaign, succeeded in the second,
under the conduct of Cleomenes, the Spartan king.

Hippias being thus expelled, democracy was established at Athens.
Calisthenes the Alcmteonid not only restored the Solonian constitu
tion in all its integrity, but greatly enlarged it. For, whereas pre
viously the free citizens of Athens were comprised in the four Jonic
tribes, by which regulation a great number of free-born Hellenes
were excluded from all influence in state-affairs, Calisthenes abolished
these four tribes, and divided the country into several demes or
cantons. These he afterward arranged into ten tribes, so that no
entire tribe corresponded to any given district. By this means he
destroyed local feuds, and introduced an organization by which the
whole country was fairly represented. In each of these tribes he
enrolled all the free native Athenians, the most respectable resident
strangers who had immigrated into the country, and even some of
the superior order of slaves. By such measures the whole body of
the Ionic population were placed under the inspiring influence of in
stitutions calculated to employ all their intelligence and to elicit all
their energy: and their future history shows how they responded to
the call.

Having thus depicted the condition of Sparta and Athens, the
leading powers of Greece, it will be necessary to give a rapid review
of the minor states.

THEBES.— The Boeotians, who had been expelled by the Thra-
cians, after having found refuge in Thessaly, returned to the land of
their fathers about the time of the Dorian migration, and became
united with the ^Eolian tribes. Royalty was abolished here as early

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 331

as 1126 B. C., and the Boeotians formed as many states as they had
cities. The political constitutions of these diminutive dominions
were vague and undefined, and frequently fluctuated between a loose
democracy and a tyrant oligarchy. Thebes always stood at the
head, and exercised a paramount influence over these associated
tribes. Their general aifairs were decided in councils, held in each
of the four districts into which the province was divided ; and these
assemblies united to elect four chiefs, who were supreme magis
trates in peace, and generals in war.

Of the civil constitution and political government of ACARNANIA,
^ETOLIA, and LOCRIS at this time, little is known. It is probable
that their institutions were principally aristocratical. The states of
THESSALY were generally ruled by individual chiefs with arbitrary
power. EPIRUS was subject to a family of kings called .ZEacidoe,
who claimed descent from one of the sons of Achilles.

In peninsular Greece, CORINTH was, next to Sparta, the principal
state. Commanding by its position the Ionian and Mge&n. Seas,
and holding the keys of the Peloponnesus, Corinth rose rapidly into
opulence and power. From the time of the Dorian migration to the
year B. C. 584, it was subject, with little intermission, to three suc
cessive dynasties of kings. At this period, Psaminitichus, after a
reign of three years, was driven out by his subjects with the aid of
Sparta, when an aristocratical goverment was formed.

Sic YON, and the other Achaean states, were subject to a series of
revolutions very similar to those of Corinth. In ARCADIA, ARGOS,
and ELIS, monarchical institutions had successively given way to
republican govenments.

A similar change had taken place in the principal Grecian islands.
Corcyra, which was occupied by a Corinthian colony about 753 B. C.,
had, prior to the Persian war, an aristocratical government. .ZEgina
was peopled at a very early date by Myrmidons from Thessaly, and
at first was ruled by kings ; but subsequently adopted a republican
government. Euboea had received many colonies from the main-land
of Greece, and, probably as a consequence, its several cities were
not united by any political confederacy, each possessing a separate
constitution. Its principal towns were governed by an aristocracy.
Crete was greatly celebrated even in the heroic ages. After the
death of Clean thus, B. C. 800, republican institutions were estab
lished in the principal cities, which thenceforth became independent
states.

The Grecian colonies demand a passing notice. They were
greatly instrumental in the diffusion of knowledge, in accelerating
the progress of civilization, and in facilitating commercial inter-

332 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

course between different nations. In this notice it is not intended
to refer to the early settlements of the Pelasgi in Italy, which prop
erly belong to the history of Western Europe ; nor to the martial
colonies established by the successors of Alexander, which pertain
to a subsequent period ; but to those founded by the Hellenic race
between the time of the Dorian migration and the Persian war.

Soon after the subjection of Peloponnesus to the Heraclidae and
their Dorian allies, a great number of JEolians quitted their native
land in small companies, headed by different Pelopid princes ; and,
after staying some time in Attica and Thrace, they passed over into
Asia, and occupied the coasts of Mysia and Caria. They also
obtained possession of the islands of Lesbos, Tenedos, and the clus
ter called the Hecatonnesi, or " Hundred Islands." Twelve cities
were erected by these colonies on the Asiatic continent, the prin
cipal being Cyme and Smyrna. These maintained their inde
pendence until the age of Cyrus, when they were subdued by the
Persians.

The great emigration from Ionia took place some years after the
^Eolian, about B. C. 1044. It was the largest that ever left Greece,
and was occasioned by the abolition of royalty at Athens on the
death of Codrus. His sons, disdaining to live as private citizens in
a country over which their father had reigned, and which they
regarded themselves as justly entitled to govern, declared their
resolve to emigrate into Asia. They were readily joined by a
numerous train of followers ; and, having procured a fleet and suit
able munitions of war, they took their course to Asia Minor, and
landed on the south coast of ^Eolis. After a series of sanguinary
wars, they succeeded in expelling the barbarian natives, and obtain
ing possession of the country from Miletus to Mount Sipylus. The
result of Ionian emigration was the establishment of twelve cities in
this district,— Ephesus, Erythroe, Clazomenoe, Colophon, Myus,
Miletus, Priene, Phoccea, Lebedos, Samos, Teos, and Chios.

Of these the last three were insular stations. Miletus was the
chief of these colonies, and Ephesus the most renowned. Phociea
was one of the latest cities, founded by the lonians. It obtained its
name from a later immigration of Phocoeans, induced by the suc
cess of preceding adventurers. This city rapidly rose into com
mercial importance, and was particularly remarkable for its exten
sive trade with the remote parts of Western Europe, while Miletus
engrossed the principal portion of the traffic to the Euxine and
Black Seas. Having these separate sources of wealth, and main
taining a commercial intercommunication, these cities became, prior
to COO B. C., important rivals to Tyre and Carthage. Phocaia

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 333

founded several colonies, the principal of which was Marseilles.
Colophon attained special distinction for its formidable cavalry,
whose resistless charge became proverbial. Samos was the most
noted of the insular cities, and was distinguished by the extent of
its trade and naval power. All these Ionian colonies were united
by an Arnphictyonic confederacy. Representatives of the several
cities met at stated times in the temple of Neptune at Mycale : here
they deliberated on all matters pertaining to the general interests of
the union, but never interfered with the internal government of par
ticular cities. This was by far the largest and most successful of
the Greek colonies.

After the conquest of Peloponnesus, the Dorians still desired a
more enlarged range of territory ; and being checked by the Athe
nians at Megara, they departed in separate companies to the coast
of Caria, and to the islands of Cos and Rhodes. This migration
appears to have been made without any concerted plan or direct
union between the parties. It resulted in the erection of six cities,
which afterward formed the Doric confederation called Hexapolis.
This comprised Halicarnassus, Cnidus, Cos, lalysus, Camirus, and
Lindus.

Besides the preceding, the Greeks established several flourishing
colonies on the shores of the Euxine Sea, on the coasts of Thrace
and Macedon, and in Africa and Sicily.

The citizens of Miletus were most prominent in the establish
ment of colonies on the shores of the Euxine Sea, the Propontis,
and the Palus Mseotis. This enterprise was carried out from 800
B. C. to 600 B. C. Miletus, indeed, acquired and sustained the
immense trade which filled the four harbours pertaining to that city,
and provided and equipped a naval armament, amounting to nearly
one hundred galleys of war, principally by means of these northern
colonies and their trade. Having established these important towns,
— Lampsacus, near the Hellespont; Cyzicus, an ancient city, of
which they obtained possession about 751 B. C., on the coast -of
Asia ; Perinthus, on the coast of Thrace, just opposite to it ; Hera-
clea, on the Black Sea; Sinope, in Paphlagonia; Amisus, in Pon-
tus ; and Phasis, and other cities, on the eastern coast of the
Euxine, — they not only extended their commerce into southern
Russia, but even penetrated overland into the countries now known
as Khiva and Bokhara.

The coasts of Thrace and Macedon were nearly covered with
Greek colonies, principally founded by Corinthians and Athenians.

On the coast of Africa stood the celebrated city of Cyrene,
founded, in obedience to the Delphic oracle, by a company of

334 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Dorians from the Isle of Thera, B. C. G51. This city rose into
great commercial power and importance, and was long a rival to
Carthage. The government was at first monarchical ; but, like all
other Greek states, it afterward became a republic, and ultimately
merged into the kingdom of Egypt, in the time of the Ptolemies.

In Sicily, Syracuse, founded by a bod}7 of Corinthians B. C. 735,
took the lead, and ultimately became the metropolis of the island.
Here also, as elsewhere, royalty was established at first, but soon
gave way to republican institutions.

Even this very brief review of the early history of the Greek
tribes, and of the practical development of their institutions and
resources, will enable us to form some idea of this extraordinary
people. Their progress in civilization, and successful cultivation
of the useful arts of life, enabled them to provide for all their wants,
and promoted a rapid increase of population ; while their restless
energy and daring spirit of enterprise led them to grasp at the com
merce of the western world. Their colonies covered the coasts of
Asia Minor and the Archipelago, studded the shores of the Euxine,
and extended even to Africa and Sicily; pursuing everywhere a
liberal policy, and carrying on extensive commercial operations.
Perhaps no nation ever resembled our own so much as Greece,
B. C. (350. Impelled by a dominant spirit of daring, and thirst for
gain and authority, and sustained by equal wisdom and prowess, the
Grecians outgrew the limited territory of their fathers, and, while
they carried their language and institutions to distant lands, drew
from every quarter means of progress and elements of power.

In one striking peculiarity, they were unlike every other people.
With a perfect identity of national lineage and character, they
were divided into nearly as many independent states as they had
respectable towns. Their colonial and commercial progress was,
therefore, the result of local or individual effort. This state of
things, while it gave the utmost encouragement to private enterprise,
prevented the possibility of any great national movement, in the
way either of commerce or of war, beyond the limits of their own
land.

At this period of her history Greece had to sustain an invasion,
equal, perhaps, in violence and power to any which ever assailed an
independent nation. This was the first Persian war. It seems to
have arisen out of several circumstances as proximate causes. The
first of these occurred before the abolition of monarchy at Athens
by the expulsion of the family of Pisistratus. Dcmocedes, while a
captive in Persia, having cured Atossa, the wife of Darius, of a dan
gerous tumour, induced her to propose that he should be sent to

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 335

survey Greece, ostensibly for the purpose of subjecting it to Persia,
but really that he might find the means of returning to his own
country. The king of Persia consenting, the wily Greek effected
his escape, and sent back a most offensive message to his late mas
ter. This rankled in the mind of Darius, and led him to meditate
the means of revenge. There seems every human probability that
this warlike prince, under the influence of these feelings, would have
attempted an invasion, and have effected his purpose, if his mind
had not been previously filled with a determination to subdue
Scythia. (Grote's History of Greece, vol. iv, p. 353.)

At this period the paramount influence of Persia appears to have
been acknowledged throughout all eastern Europe and the neigh
bouring islands. For when Darius crossed the Hellespont, and
marched through Thrace to the Danube, on his insane attempt on
Scythia, we find a bridge constructed for him over this broad river
by the lonians. In fact we may always notice, that those operations
which require particular intelligence or energy are performed for
him by Greeks or Phenicians. The lonians who had constructed
this bridge were left to guard it during the absence of the Persian
king on his expedition ; during which time they were instigated by
bands of Scythians to destroy it, and thus shut up the Persian
invader to inevitable destruction. Miltiades, at that time sovereign
of the Thracian Chersonese, strongly urged the adoption of this
policy. But he was overruled by the influence of Histkeus ; and
the Persian army, having utterly failed in their attempt returned in
safety. In the mean time Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, having
found refuge in the Persian court after being exiled from Athens,
solicited the aid of that nation to secure his return to power.

While all these circumstances tended to bring about a rupture
between Persia and the powerful states of Greece, that event was
hastened by the violent conduct of Histireus, who had saved Darius
and his army by preserving the bridge across the Danube. He soon
discovered, that an essential service rendered to an absolute monarch
is often as dangerous as an offence. Finding himself exposed to
great peril on this account, he concerted with his nephew Arista-
goras, and excited the Grecian colonies in Asia to revolt against
Persia. In this effort he was aided by twenty ships from Athens.
At first the insurrection was successful. Sardis, the capital of
Lydia, was taken, and great wealth fell into the hands of the captors.
But Aristagoras did not possess the genius and prudence necessary
to a great commander. Reverses soon followed ; the Persians tri
umphed; Aristagoras fled into Thrace, where he was murdered;
and Histiseus, after desperate attempts to resist Persian power, and

336 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

establish himself in different cities, was taken and crucified at Sardis
by the Persian satrap.

Darius, acting under the influence of the feelings of resentment
called forth by this revolt, manifested his anger against those who
had in any way promoted it. He accordingly sent ambassadors to
the Grecian states, demanding from them severally their homage,
but requiring from Athens in addition that she should receive back
the exiled Hippias. All the states, except Athens and Sparta, com
plied with his request; but these republics returned a haughty defi
ance. This reply, as might be expected, induced the proud Persian
to prepare for the invasion of Greece. • As mentioned in a preced
ing chapter, Mardonius was accordingly sent with a large army to
carry out his purpose. He was accompanied by a fleet; and suc
ceeded in subduing the Island of Thasos and the kingdom of Mace-
don ; and was advancing toward Thessaly, when the fleet, while
proceeding, that it might cooperate with the army in the Thermaic
Gulf, encountered a terrible storm as it was passing Mount Athos,
by which 300 ships were destroyed, and at least 20,000 men drowned,
or cast on the desolate shore, to die a still more terrible death from
cold, hunger, or wild beasts. This catastrophe rendered the advance
of Mardonius on Greece impossible. The remains of the fleet and
army returned to the Hellespont, and passed over to Asia.

Darius, still intent on his purpose, while preparing a vast arma
ment for another invasion, sent heralds to the several cities, to
demand from each the formal tokens of submission, — earth and
water. This demand was generally complied with ; but at Athens
and Sparta it was not only rejected with intense indignation, but
even the heralds bearing the message, notwithstanding the sacred-
ness of their character, were instantly put to death.

This threatened danger led to the public acknowledgment of
Sparta as the leading state of Greece, and to her acceptance of this
distinction. This is important, inasmuch as, according to the high
est authority, " it is the first direct and positive historical manifes
tation of Hellas as an aggregate body, with Sparta as its chief, and
obligations of a certain sort on the part of its members, the neglect
or violation of which constitutes a species of treason." — Grate's
History of Greece, vol. iv, p. 431. This result was occasioned by
an appeal from Athens to Sparta, as the head of Greece, against the
JEginetans, for having given earth and water to the Persians, which
they regarded as treason to Hellas. The Spartans responded to
this appeal. Their two kings went to jEgina, and not only insisted
upon the inhabitants continuing faithful to Greece in the coming
struggle, but actually selected ten of the most eminent citizens, and

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 337

took them to Athens to be kept as hostages for the performance of
the promise.

Meanwhile, as the result of two years' preparations, the Persians
assembled a great army and fleet. This armament, having passed
along the coast of Asia to Samos, struck across the ^Egean Sea,
ravaging several islands in their course. They landed in the Bay
of Marathon, on the east coast of Attica. Hippias, the former
tyrant of Athens, returned with the Persian army. He had landed
at the same place forty- seven years before, then a very young man,
with his father Pisistratus ; and, although accompanied by a com
paratively small force, soon obtained the government of Athens.
No doubt, he expected on this occasion, by the aid of the immense
Persian host, a still easier acquisition of power. These hopes would
be greatly strengthened by the fact, that up to this time the tide of
Persian success had been uninterrupted ; for the campaign of Darius
in Scythia did not present the aspect of defeat. (Grote, vol. ix,
p. 481.)

But the character of the Athenians had greatly changed during
the interval. More than eighteen years the political arrangements
of Cleisthenes had been in operation. The ten tribes, each with its
constituent denies, had become a part of the established institutions
and habits of the people. The tendency to intrigue and cabals had
been in great measure cut off. The people were now accustomed to
exercise a genuine and self-determined decision in their assemblies.
They regarded themselves as identified with the state ; and conse
quently the Persian invasion was an aggression on the personal
liberty and property of every individual.

Besides this great improvement in the public character of the
Athenians, it happened that at this time this city boasted the pres
ence and aid of three statesmen, each of whom would have immor
talized any country in any age. MILTIADES, who had so earnestly
urged the destruction of the bridge across the Danube, while Darius
was engaged in his Scythian expedition, had been compelled to
return to his native city, where his eminent bravery and well-known
decision of character raised him to an important command. THEMIS-
TOCLBS and ARISTIDES were younger men. The former, in addition
to other high qualities, possessed boundless sagacity and invention,
and was what would now be called a consummate diplomatist. The
latter, together with great talents, always evinced an inflexible and
universally acknowledged integrity.

At this juncture, with the immense host of Persia but a short
distance from Athens, and supported by a vast fleet on the coast,
the Athenians first despatched a messenger to solicit the immediate

338 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

aid of Sparta. A strange superstition, or a still more culpable
motive, induced this most powerful state to decline marching against
the enemy until after the full moon, — a delay of at least five days.

The peculiar manner in which the Athenian forces were com
manded also offered serious obstacles to a successful prosecution of
the war. The army, being collected from the ten tribes, was com
manded by ten generals, one from each tribe, with equal powers;
every one of them having the direction of the whole army a single
day in regular rotation. When these generals met to consult on the
best course of resisting the enemy, they were equally divided in
opinion ; five voting for marching at once to attack the enemy, the
other five for delay. Fortunately, however, the polemarch Callim-
achus, who had the casting vote, influenced by the powerful argu
ments of Miltiades, supported the proposal for an immediate attack.

We have no means of ascertaining with precision the numbers
engaged in this conflict. The Athenian army appears to have
comprised about 10,000 men, and the Persian at least ten times that
number. The reputation of Miltiades was such, that all the generals
waived their right to command in his favour. He accordingly led
his troops against the Persian army near Marathon, and, after a short
but severe encounter, routed it, and pursued the invaders to their
ships. Notwithstanding this terrible defeat, the power of the Per
sian host was so great that it was proposed at once to sail to the
harbour of Athens, and attack the city in the absence of the army.
Miltiades, however, perceived the object of the enemy's movement,
and effected a rapid return to the city, before the arrival of the fleet.
Being thus defeated on the field and in his strategy, the Persian
commander returned to Asia, and the liberties of Greece were
maintained.

Perhaps no successful warrior ever occupied a higher position in
the estimation of his country than Miltiades, after the battle of
Marathon ; but it was of short duration. Intoxicated with success,
he urged the preparation of a great armament, with which he attacked
the Island of Paros, but was defeated and wounded ; and, returning
in disgrace, he was tried, fined, and cast into prison, where he died.

Themistocles and Aristides now conducted the affairs of Athens,
and greatly extended the influence of the state by martial prowess
abroad, and by the improvement of its jurisprudence at home.
Their rivalry, however, issued in the banishment of Aristides by
ostracism ; (see Appendix, note 63 ;) after which, Themistocles
largely added to the naval power of his country, and secured the
Complete ascendency of Athens in the Grecian seas.

Although Darius, on the return of his expedition from Greece,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 339

was gratified to behold the long line of captives which Datis his
general had taken at Eretria, he was exceedingly mortified that his
attempt on Athens had not only failed, but that the arms of Persia
had been covered with defeat and disgrace. Under this strong
feeling against Athens in particular and Greece generally, Darius
resolved upon collecting the entire strength of his empire for the
accomplishment of his purpose and the gratification of his revenge.
For three whole years the various governors and satraps were
employed in making the necessary preparation for this war. Nor
did the revolt of Egypt intimidate this martial prince. He had
collected such an immense array of force, that he felt able to under
take the reduction of Egypt and the conquest of Greece at the
same time. Death, however, sudden and unexpected, compelled him
to bequeath his plans and prospects to Xerxes, his son and suc
cessor.

This prince did not immediately enter into the designs of his
father. It required the utmost efforts of Grecian exiles, (Grote,
vol. v, p. 5,) and the Persian counsellors who were partial to the
project, to induce him to undertake this long-threatened invasion.
But he was at length persuaded to enter upon the enterprise, as it is
said, as a religious duty. (Grote, vol. v, p. 13.)

It is doubtful whether, in the whole history of the world, an
armament equal in magnitude to this one ever proceeded to make
war on any kingdom. It comprised levies from forty-six different
nations, constituting a total of about 1,700,000 foot soldiers, besides
80,000 horse, numerous war-chariots, from Libya, and camels from
Arabia, with an estimated total of 20,000 additional men. (See
Appendix, note 64.) Besides this land-army, eight other nations
furnished a fleet of 1,207 triremes, or ships of war with three banks
of oars, on board of which Persians, Medes, and Sacse served as
marines. The real leaders of this vast host were native Persians of
noble blood, who were distributed throughout all the divisions of the
army.

This estimate has been by many able writers thought extravagant ;
but as it is that given by Herodotus, who had the advantage of con
versing with those who were eye-witnesses of the enumeration of
this vast host, it may be taken as the best approximation to the
correct number that can be now obtained.

The measures devised for the transit of this army were commen
surate with its magnitude. A bridge of boats, fastened together
and to either shore by strong cables, was thrown across the Helles
pont. This, however, was destroyed by a storm before it was used ;
at which the Persian monarch was so incensed, that he is said to

340 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

have descended to the childish absurdity of upbraiding, flogging, and
casting fetters into the waters of the strait, as a punishment for their
insubordination. Afterward two other bridges were prepared ; and
over these the vast military array of Persia marched, taking up seven
whole days in their transit over this distance of about an English
mile in length. Besides this great work, Xerxes had a ship- canal
cut through the isthmus which connects Mount Athos with the main
land, so wide that two of his large war- vessels could pass through it
abreast. By this means the fleet was saved from the danger of
rounding that stormy promontory.

When Greece became fully acquainted with the magnitude of
these preparations, universal alarm prevailed ; and a congress of the
representatives of all the Grecian states who were determined to
maintain their freedom, was held at the Isthmus of Corinth. Al
though this meeting did not result in any settled plan of operations,
it did much to heal the feuds existing between the several states,
and to induce a general union of feeling and a nationality of purpose.
Meumvhile the oracles gave most appalling intelligence, and the pre
vailing sentiments were apprehension and distrust.

The first active measure toward repelling the invasion was the
defence of the Pass of Thermopylae. This was undertaken by Sparta,
as the leading state of Greece. The force appointed for this service
was led by Leonidas, one of the kings of that state, at the head of
a band of three hundred citizen-warriors of Lacedaemon, with five
hundred hoplitfE of Tegea, five hundred from Mantinea, four hun
dred from Corinth, and about two thousand one hundred from other
places ; besides four hundred Thebans, whose fidelity to the cause
of Greece was very questionable. This famous pass consisted of
two narrow openings at each end, just broad enough to drive a
single chariot through: between these two extremities there was
an interval of about a mile of wide open road, on the sides of which
were several hot springs. This combination of circumstances gave
it the name of Thermopyla, or " the Hot Gates."

Another consideration led the Greeks to adopt this position. The
Persian fleet accompanied the army, coasting its way as it advanced.
Here, however, the large island of Euboea lay immediately off the
mainland, forming in the intermediate space the Meliac and Opun-
tian Gulfs ; so that the Persian fleet had to encounter the dangerous
navigation outside the island, and to be separated to a great distance
from the army, or to sail through the narrow channel, where the
small but effective Greek fleet would fight at nearly as great an
advantage as was possessed by the soldiers who defended the pass.
This position was accordingly occupied by the united navy of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 341

Greece. When, however, the Persian fleet arrived, their numbers
and strength were so imposing that the Greeks were terrified into
an immediate retreat into the narrowest part of the channel, — a
movement which neutralized entirely the defence of Thermopylae,
since it afforded an opportunity for the fleet to advance, and land
troops in the rear of the Greek army. But before the Persians had
sufficient information or time to avail themselves of this advantage, a
terrible storm or succession of storms made frightful havoc of their
ships. According to the lowest estimate, four hundred large vessels
of war, besides numerous transports arid small craft, with a countless
number of men and an immense amount of stores and treasure, were
lost. The Greeks attributed this storm to the interposition of their
deity Boreas. The hurricane certainly had so damaged the Persian
fleet that the Greeks felt emboldened to resist its progress, arid for
that purpose returned to Artemisium.

Xerxes at first could scarcely credit the report that a small band
of Spartans would dare to resist the march of his army through the
pass : he, however, soon found it to be true. Not only did they
resist, but for two successive days hurled back in confusion and dis
grace all that 'survived of the best troops in the Persian army who
were sent against them. The proud Persian, maddened by this defeat
and loss, thrice leaped from his horse in frantic agony. All his efforts,
however, would have been vain, had not a Greek deserter told him
of a narrow path across the mountain, by which he was enabled to
march a body of troops to the other side of the pass, and thus, tak
ing Leonidas in the rear, completely hemmed him in. The Spartan
king was aware of this path, and had intrusted the defence of it to
the Phocians, who, being assailed by the Persians at midnight, sought
safety in flight. On hearing of this misfortune, Leonidas sent away
his auxiliary forces, and retained with him but one thousand chosen
troops. He did not wait for the attack, but, sallying forth into the
broad space, he assailed the Persian host, and inflicted a terrible
slaughter on the invaders, until, wearied rather than vanquished, the
Spartan king fell, and his brave companions were destroyed.

About this time the Greek fleet obtained a great victory over
that of the enemy at Artemisium ; but this was rendered of no effect
by the fatal loss of Thermopylae, since there was no other tenable
position to the north of the Isthmus of Corinth. The career of
Xerxes was now marked with fire and blood. The Greeks in
general abandoned their towns, and all the property which they
could not remove ; while the Persian host, after pillaging all that
they could take, burned and destroyed the remainder. This was
even the case with Athens. That noble people, knowing that it

342 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

would be impossible to defend their city, removed their women and
children to places of refuse in the adjacent islands, while all able to
bear arms passed over to Salamis, to resist the enemy to the utmost.

Xerxes was allowed to gratify his revenge in the entire destruc
tion of the Attic capital. This was, indeed, his prime object in the
invasion of Greece; and it was the limit of his success. Intoxicated
with this gratification, he decided on attacking the Greek fleet in the
harbour of Salamis, and had the intense mortification of seeing his
great navy completely ruined. The fleet being mainly composed
of Phenicians, Egyptians, Cilicians, Cyprians, &c., differing in
language from each other, and having no plan for acting in concert,
the battle had no sooner begun in the narrow straits, than the whole
fleet was thrown into confusion, and, hemmed around by the skilfully
managed Greek ships, was destroyed, to an immense extent, without
the possibility of successful defence. Xerxes was an eye-witness
of the combat ; and, on perceiving the result, he resolved to secure
his personal safety by an immediate return to Asia. Leaving Mar-
donius with three hundred thousand chosen troops, the Persian
monarch, with the residue of the army, hastily retreated by the way
by which he came : but on reaching the Hellespont, he found his
bridge destroyed, and had to cross the strait in a common fishing-
boat.

The progress and result of this invasion thus far yield very im
portant information on the character and relations of the Grecian
states. It is almost incredible, yet it is an undoubted fact, that,
while this immense army was marching through Thessaly, Greece
had not seriously begun to prepare measures for the defence of the
country ; that when Leonidas and his devoted band took their station
at Thermopylae, not only was there no general and well-organized plan
of resistance, but the most insane and criminal neglect of national
interests existed. It was just then the time of celebrating the
Olympic Games on the banks of the Alpheus, and the Carneian
festival at Sparta and in moat of the other Dorian states ; and thus,
while not merely the freedom, but even the existence, of Greece was
at stake, a mere handful of men are sent to withstand myriads, that
the body of the nation may enjoy these solemnities. This course is
the more extraordinary, inasmuch as the frontier of Thessaly was
clearly the proper place for the defence of Greece. If, by a wise
arrangement, the strength of the several states had marshalled there,
the attack of the proud Persian must have proved an unmitigated
failure. But when, in consequence of the defeat of Leonidas, the
Persians poured their troops into Greece, there was then no tenable
position for the Greek army but the Isthmus of Corinth ; and con-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 343

sequently all Doris, Boeotia, and Attica were left to be ravaged by
the enemy.

But while all the disgrace and loss connected with the conquest
of these states and the burning of Athens were caused by the fault
of the Greeks, the entire failure of the expedition arose out of an
equally false movement of Xerxes. If, instead of the foolish attack
on the Greek fleet in the harbour of Salamis, he had pushed on his
troops against Corinth, it is more than probable that, according to
the opinion of the sagacious and brave Queen Artemisia, the ships
of the Peloponnesian states would have retired from the fleet to
protect their own homes ; and thus, instead of one united Greek
naval armament, there would have been opposed to the Persian
navy only a number of small and ineffective squadrons.

After the flight of Xerxes, Mardonius with his army retired to
Thessaly, where he wintered. Before renewing the war the follow
ing spring, he sent to the Athenians, offering to rebuild their city,
and to give them the friendship of Persia, if they would secede from
the Greek alliance. This measure greatly alarmed Sparta, who
immediately sent ambassadors to Athens, imploring that people to
reject the proposal. The Athenians nobly declared that great as
were their sufferings and difficulties, they would maintain the war
with Persia, while a single Athenian remained alive. They at the
same time urged the immediate presence of a Peloponnesian army
in Boeotia, to resist the advancing foe. This, in defiance of all sound
policy and just principle, was refused ; and Attica was once more
desolated with fire and sword, the Athenians again taking refuge in
Salamis. At this juncture Mardonius renewed his offers of friend
ship to the Athenians, which they rejected with scorn and contempt.

At length the Spartans were roused to action, fearing the defec
tion of the Athenians or the return of the Persian fleet, either of
which events would create a danger which no fortifications at the
Isthmus of Corinth could avert. The Spartan force was commanded
bv Pausanias. On the approach of the Greek army, Mardonius
retired to Boeotia, where he could fight at considerable advantage.
Thither he was followed by the Greeks ; and, after numerous evolu
tions and skirmishes, a great and decisive battle was fought near
Platsea. This was brought about in great measure by accident.
Pausanias, finding his post on the Asopus very favourable for the
Persian cavalry, retired in the night to a position on higher ground
near Plateea. Mardonius, mistaking this movement for a retreat,
ordered an immediate and general attack. The result was the total
defeat of the Persians : Mardonius and two hundred thousand of his
men lay dead on the field, and of the remainder of the army only

344 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

forty thousand escaped under Artabazus to the Hellespont. The
invading legions were thus annihilated, Greece delivered, and a
countless booty of wealth realized from the Persian camp.

By a singular coincidence, on the same day that the battle of
Platnea was fought, the Persian navy, although drawn ashore at
Mycale, and protected by sixty thousand men, was stormed and
destroyed by the Greek fleet. These victories decided the issue of
the conflict. Pausanias, enabled to assume the aggressive, con
tinued the war against all the Persian dependencies in the zEgean
Sea, and consummated his triumph by the capture of Byzantium,
which was even then an important city.

Although this celebrated general allowed himself to be so intoxi
cated by his success and consequent wealth that he miserably
perished, and Themistocles by the artifice of the Spartans was
involved in his crime and died in banishment, the war was continued
against Persia, principally under the direction of Cimon, the son of
Miltiades, until, in 449 B. C., after a conflict of more than fifty
years' duration, a peace was negotiated, which confirmed the inde
pendence of Greece, and of the Greek cities in Lower Asia, shut
out all Persian vessels from the .ZEgean waters, and prohibited any
Persian army from coming within three days' march of the sea. To
this successful issue did the valour of Greece bring a war with the
most powerful empire of the world at that time.

As our limits prevent our going into detail of the events con
nected with the rebuilding and fortification of Athens on an extended
scale, (see Appendix, note 65,) in defiance of the petty jealousy of
Sparta ; as well as of the various political measures by which" the
former state, through daring maritime and commercial enterprise,
became the leading power of Hellas ; it will be necessary to direct
particular attention to the real condition of Greece in this the most
glorious period of her career.

It is extremely difficult to ascertain whence the peculiar and
distinguishing excellence of the Greek character arose, and to
trace the combination of fostering influences under which it grew
up to such maturity and power. But it is certain that this growth
was as rapid in its progress as it was remarkable in its extent,
and grand in its results. It was after B. C. 660 that the Greeks
are known to have cultivated the art of writing. Even the poems
of Homer were unwritten at this period ; and it was some time
later that prose composition began to be cultivated. Pherecydes
of Scyros, B. C. 550, is by several authors regarded as the first
Greek prose writer ; nor did any one acquire eminence in this depart
ment of literature until fifty years afterward.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 345

It is also remarkable that inventions necessary to the existence
of works of art in any tolerable measure, were introduced at an
equally late period. The art of welding iron was unknown in
Greece until just before 600 B. C., when it was discovered by Glau-
cus of Chios : and about the same time the art of casting copper or
brass in a mould was invented at Samos. Prior to this, all Grecian
statuary consisted of rude and ill-formed representations. Even the
" memorial erected in honour of a god did not pretend to be an image,
but was often nothing more than a pillar, a board, a shapeless stone,
a post," fixed so as to mark and consecrate a particular locality.
Sometimes, indeed, there was a real image, but of the rudest char
acter, formed of wood, and always made for each separate divinity
after a particular type or figure. About 580 B. C., a disposition
was evinced to alter the material, and to correct the rudeness of the
figure. Marble was introduced, and some artists of Crete acquired
renown by working with this material. Ivory and gold were also
used, to cover and adorn images made of wood.

It is also observable that about this period we meet with the
earliest architectural monuments of Greece. The greatest Grecian
temples, known to Herodotus, were built about, or soon after
600 B. C.

In tracing the primitive development of the Greek mind, it must
not be forgotten, that in the early times, when prose literature was
unknown, poetry and music were extensively cultivated. Grote,
indeed, supposes music to have first led to this poetic cultivation.
However this may be, it is certain that poetry was a most important
agent in the development of Grecian greatness. This was perhaps
as much owing to the manner in which it was used, -as to the peculiar
power and influence which it is adapted to communicate. It was not
confined to works of imagination, and wasted in rhapsody, but was
made to adorn and inspirit the most important public and private
duties. Not only were the minds of this people excited and elevated
by the sublime conceptions of Homer, and instructed by the Theogo-
nies of Hesiod ; but the same agent, strange as it may sound in our
ears, was used to propound political constitutions and systems of
law. Solon announced his various reforms, and gave forth his
canons of government in verse. A metrical work on astronomy
was ascribed to Thales.

The immense development of Grecian art, from 600 B. C. to the
days of Pericles, forms a wonderful phenomenon in human history.
It could only result from an uncommon diffusion of genius : and
genius is a providential gift. While, therefore, we refer to means
which promoted intellectual progress, we regard it as impossible for

346 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

any consistent believer in divine revelation to consider the varied
talent and the noble intellectual achievements of Greece in any other
aspect, than as divinely-appointed means for accomplishing the pre
determined purposes of the great Governor of the world.

It may, however, be observed, that one cause of this rapid improve
ment was evidently the result of the eminently practical tendency of
Grecian effort. If we refer, for an instance, to the Seven Wise Men,
whose talents and genius have consecrated their names to the highest
honour, as great agents in the world's civilization; we do not find
them to have been remarkable for their researches into abstract
science; for, as a celebrated contemporary of Aristotle declared,
they were not " wise men," or " philosophers," in the sense which
those words bore in his day, but persons of practical discernment in
reference to man and society.

The peculiar political constitution of the Grecian states must have
greatly fostered the art of public speaking ; and it is probable that
nothing more effectively contributed to the general intellectual culti
vation of the people than this practice. After the close of the Persian
war especially, the requirements of public speaking called forth a
class of rhetorical teachers, whose united efforts greatly aided the
enlargement and refinement of the Grecian mind.

It must not, however, be supposed that this great mental develop
ment which immortalized Greece, was the spontaneous result of
mere native energy. On the contrary, perhaps no country ever
gained so much from foreign teaching. Thales, the most celebrated
of the Seven Wise Men, the father both of Grecian science and of
the Ionic philosophy, is acknowledged to have obtained his informa
tion from abroad. He is known to have visited Egypt and Asia ;
and it is extremely probable that a mind so energetic and inquisi
tive would lose no opportunity of seeking knowledge at the fountain-
head. He might, therefore, have seen the wonderful Babylon in its
glory, with its temple-observatory of the Chaldasan priesthood, and
all the treasures of knowledge and research which it contained. He
might also have surveyed the still more wonderful Nineveh, before
its destruction by the Medes ; and, in these primitive seats of life
and learning, might have acquired the principles of science, and the
results of enlightened and long-continued observation,

This supposition reconciles what else appears contradictory in
the accounts which have come down to us respecting this sage, —
namely, that while all that is reported of his mathematical knowledge
consists of some problems which are contained in the first book of
Euclid, he is said by Herodotus to have predicted an eclipse which
actually occurred. It is easily conceivable that he might have

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 347

obtained the latter information from the learned Chaldzeans, while
his own scientific attainments were on a comparatively limited
scale.

Pythagoras was another such instance. He is said to have spent
thirty years in travels which extended from Gaul to India. The
time and extent of these journeys may be over-estimated ; but it can
scarcely be doubted that he visited Egypt, Phenicia and Babylon.
These countries at that period retained their primitive character
and national independence. Amasis, the last of the native kings,
reigned in Egypt; and Nebuchadnezzar, or his immediate successor,
ruled in Babylon, where the remains of the Hebrew people were then
held in captivity.

Pythagoras returned with much important scientific treasure.
He was the first European who traced in outline the true theory of
the universe, which, two thousand years later, was revived and more
fully taught by Copernicus. His principal tenets will be shown in
the chapter which treats of the religion of Greece : but it must not
be forgotten that, besides carrying out his religious and political
objects, he greatly enlarged the general knowledge and the mathe
matical and physical science of Greece.

Our limits forbid enlargement on this topic: reference to an
epitome of this intellectual progress must therefore suffice, in the
observation that, from the time of Pythagoras to the days of Peri
cles, cultivated genius and the elegant arts rapidly rose to the highest
perfection ever attained in any age or nation of the world.

The era succeeding the Persian war, which was rendered so
glorious to the Greeks by the noblest triumphs of intellect and art,
was followed by one so full of calamity and disgrace to the national
character, that the mind recoils from the recital of such events ; and
we therefore purposely give but a very brief outline of them.

Athens attained, under the government of Pericles, the summit of her
greatness. Not only did she stand foremost in the various depart
ments of science, literature, and art, but in other respects her acqui
sitions were equally wonderful. Unbounded wealth had been gained,
an unrivalled extent of commerce secured, and a corresponding naval
force and colonial empire organized. In the short period between
the battle of Mycale and the first Peloponnesian war, Athens had
established her authority over more than one thousand miles of the
coast of Asia ; had taken possession of forty islands, together with
the important straits which joined the Euxine and the JLgean ; had
conquered and colonized Thrace and Macedon; and had extended
her powerful influence over the countries and tribes still further
northward.

348 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

This amount of success rendered Sparta and the other Grecian
states extremely jealous and envious of Athens. To such a degree
was this feeling carried, that nothing but a pretext was wanting to
create a formidable confederacy against Attica. A dispute with
Corinth respecting some colonial possessions induced that state to
seek the aid of Sparta, — a request which was immediately granted,
and produced a general war between the two great sections of the
Greek nation. The parties to this contest were singularly balanced
in their power to maintain it. Athens, with her commercial and
colonial resources and maritime strength, seemed far more than a
match for Sparta and all her allies : but while this power was over
whelming at sea, the large extent of coast and scattered countries
from which it was drawn prevented Athens from bringing an army
into the field sufficient to meet that of her associated enemies. Each
of the belligerents prosecuted the war according to their means.
Sparta invaded and ravaged Attica by land, and the Athenian fleet
desolated the coasts of Sparta. This unnatural contest was con
tinued for about nine years with varying success, when it terminated
in a peace, or rather truce, for fifty years, made on the basis of a
mutual restitution of the captures made by each party during the
war. This took place B. C. 422.

One short year sufficed to terminate this hopeful return of the
Greek people to a pacific policy. Corinth, regarding her interests
as neglected in this treaty, privately incited the Argives against
Sparta. This in itself might have been harmless, had not Alcibi-
ades, a nephew of Pericles, induced the Athenians to afford secret
support to this aggression. This man, although possessing talent,
lacked principle, and was, moreover, the slave of an ungovernable
ambition. His influence was sufficient to place the leading states
of Greece again in an antagonistic position.

Having effected this object, he persuaded the Athenians to send a
great armament against Sicily. Although the object was not dis
tinctly avowed, it was intended by this means to establish the
supremacy of Athens over that island. This was the culminating
point of Athenian greatness and daring. The expedition entirely
failed : the fleet of one hundred and thirty-four ships of war, besides
transports and tenders, were either taken or destroyed. The army,
after terrible defeats and privations, was compelled to surrender at
discretion ; after which the generals were put to death, and the com
mon soldiers sold for slaves.

In the mean time Alcibiades, who had been at first one of the
commanders of this expedition, but who had fled from his post and
his country, to avoid trial on a charge of impiety, at first aided the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 349

Spartans by his advice and counsel in their aggressions on Athens ;
but, having provoked their resentment by his vices, and being wish
ful to return to his native country, he negotiated with the Persian
satrap of Western Asia, and thus effected an entire revolution in
Athens, by which the democracy was destroyed, and the government
confided to four hundred of the aristocracy. These, however, dread
ing the ambition and wiles of Alcibiades, refused to recall him ;
while their cruelty and rapacity soon disgusted their warmest parti
sans. Alcibiades, finding them unsuitable for his purpose, prose
cuted his intrigues in another direction, and soon effected the resto
ration of democracy, and his own recall and return to power.

These events, followed by the efforts of Alcibiades after his return,
delayed, but could not prevent, the fall of Athens. Some reverses
in their naval warfare induced the Athenians to doom him to a
second banishment. Then the Spartan fleet held the mastery of
the sea ; and, after a brief season spent in preparations, Athens was
simultaneously assailed by land and sea ; the Spartan King Agis
commanding the army, and Lysander the fleet. The Athenians
made an obstinate defence, but their cause was hopeless ; they were
compelled to surrender. The conditions were sufficiently humilia
ting. The democracy was abolished, and the government of Athens
given to thirty persons named by the Spartans. All their ships but
twelve were surrendered; all claim to their colonies and foreign
possessions was given up ; and the Athenians were bound to follow
the Spartan standard in war. Harsh as these terms were, the
Thebans and Corinthians clamoured for far more severe measures.

The Spartans, however, did not regard their triumph as complete
without the death of Alcibiades. To the eternal infamy of Sparta,
a party of assassins was despatched to a remote village in Phrygia,
where the illustrious Athenian resided in solitude. Afraid to assail
him openly, they set fire to his house ; and although he nobly rushed
through the flames, and slew the foremost of the assassins, he fell,
overwhelmed by numbers: and with him perished the hope of

Athens.

The triumph of Sparta in the ruin of Athens did not consolidate
the power of the former state. If the result of this success had been
the union of all Greece under one strong, wise, and liberal govern
ment, it might, notwithstanding the sacrifice and the suffering which
it involved, have promoted the great cause of civilization and human
improvement. But this was not the case : the different states of
Greece still remained separate and independent ; and, after the fall
of Athens, they severally found— especially the minor ones— that
they had fought and bled to rear up an enormous tyranny. This

350 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

conviction was greatly promoted by the conduct of Lysander, the
Lacedemonian general, who proved to be the greatest oppressor
that Greece had ever raised to power. Independently of the feel
ings elicited by his conduct, it was found that no sooner had the
fury of martial feeling passed away, than those who had been the
most inveterate enemies of Athens reprobated the continued injustice
of the Thirty Tyrants, and the cold-blooded cruelty and unlimited
rapacity with which they conducted the government of that city.
Even the Thebans deeply commiserated the sufferings of the Athe
nians, and afforded a safe asylum to all who preferred exile to confis
cation or death.

The result was soon seen in the assembling of a considerable band
of these refugees at Thebes, under the direction of Thrasybulus.
They first seized Phyle, and afterward the Piraeus. Lysander
quickly sailed to the aid of the government, and blockaded the
insurgents. But, by this time, wiser and more liberal counsels
obtained even in Sparta ; and Pausanias, the most popular of the
Lacedaemonian princes, marched with an armed force to counteract
the designs of Lysander. It is but seldom, even in the crafty ma
noeuvres of Sparta, that we find one army so effectively employed
to circumvent the operations of another. The liberal views of the
Pausanias party were, however, most triumphantly sustained. The
Tyrants were expelled from Athens, the ancient constitution was
restored, and a general amnesty decreed. These important meas
ures gave fresh existence to the fallen republic, and rendered possi
ble a renewal of its glory and prosperity.

Soon after the restoration of democracy, the trial, condemnation,
and death of Socrates took place. His remarkable character will be
reviewed in another chapter ; in which some observations will be
made on his course of action, and on the treatment which he
received.

Another event happened about the same time, of which it is diffi
cult to say whether the military talent or the literary excellence
which it called forth, is most to be admired. On the death of
Darius Nothus, King of Persia, he left the crown to his eldest son,
Artaxerxes Mnemon, as has been already related. His brother
Cyrus, having been previously governor of the western provinces of
the empire, had greatly served the Spartans, by supplying them
with money to carry on the war with Athens. He now hoped to
obtain from them in return such aid as would enable him, with the
troops which he could collect in his province, to dispossess his
brother, and secure the throne. Thirteen thousand Greeks re
sponded to his call, and among them Xenophon the Athenian.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 351

After the defeat and death of Cyrus, and the treacherous massacre
of the principal Greek officers, this noble band of soldiers elected
other leaders ; and, although in the centre of an enemy's country, and
hundreds of miles from their own land, menaced as they were by the
power of the whole Persian army, they determined to resist all
aggression, and to retreat in martial order to Greece. Xenophon,
who was one of the commanders, has given us an eloquent account
of this successful and masterly Retreat of the Ten Thousand.

Nothing is more evident from the history of Greece at this period,
than that the division of this beautiful country and its richly- endowed
inhabitants into many independent states was the prolific cause of
innumerable evils. It was this which prevented Greece from taking
any important position among the nations of the world. This was
in fact the plague-spot of Grecian history. If Athens or Sparta
assumed an imposing attitude in respect of Persia, that empire, by
the influence of gold, could instantly raise up a power in other
Grecian states to thwart and defeat the effort ; while the .tyranny
exercised by the principal of those states over the smaller ones was
the cause of ever- changing combinations and wars, in which the
national energies and wealth were squandered in suicidal contests.

Thus, when, after the triumph over Athens, Agesilaus, the Spartan
king, had greatly increased the Lacedaemonian navy, and made him
self formidable to Persia by some operations on the coast of Asia,
the Persian king supplied Conon, an Athenian admiral, with funds
to equip a fleet of even superior power, with which he defeated the
Spartans, and utterly destroyed their naval power, and thus not only
rendered Athens really independent, but gave her again complete
supremacy in the .ZEgean Sea.

In the mean time, the proud and unjust conduct of Sparta toward
Thebes called forth the energies and talents of two of the best
statesmen and military commanders ever produced by Greece.
Pelopidas and Epaminondas not only rescued their country from
subjection, but broke the proud yoke of Sparta from the neck of
Greece, and aspired to place Thebes at the head of the Greek
people. At length, these great men having perished in battle, a
general peace was established by the mediation of Artaxerxes, on
the single condition that each state should retain its own possessions.
Thus ended the third Peloponnesian war, B. C. 362.

For a short season after the decline of Theban power, Athens
exercised a leading influence over the Grecian states : but the harsh
injustice of her policy toward her colonies drove the most wealthy
of them into rebellion, which crippled her resources, and destroyed
her supremacy.

352 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Long before this time, Philip, King of Macedon, who had been
educated in the arts of war and state-policy by the great Epaminon-
das, had aspired to the supreme government of Greece. Having
vanquished all opposition to his rule, and established tranquillity in
his own country, he turned his attention to the improvement of the
military tactics and discipline of his army. Having noticed the
success with which Epaminondas had used a massive column against
the long slender lines of his foes, Philip, improving on the genius of
his teacher, introduced the celebrated Macedonian phalanx. These
measures made him more than a match for any of his neighbours :
and, though he carefully concealed his intentions respecting Greece
generally, he took occasion of every pretext for assailing the several
neighbouring states in succession.

He first subdued Preonia, and made it a province of Macedon.
He then vanquished the Illyrians, and brought them completely
under his power. He next took advantage of the war between
Athens and her colonies, and added Amphipolis, Potidaea, and
Pydna to his conquests; and thus obtained the command of the
coast from the mouth of the river Strymon to Mount Olympus. A
large portion of Thrace was next added to his dominions ; and, by
turning his arms against the tyrants of Thessaly, and marrying a
princess of Epirus, he secured an unbounded political ascendency in
these countries.

The Argus of Greece, who with intense diligence watched every
step of this progress, who detected the covert designs which influ
enced the conqueror, and who with matchless genius and power
warned his countrymen against the fatal result, was Demosthenes,
the most eloquent of the Greeks. He devoted life to this task : but
the martial spirit of Athens had departed ; and the eloquence of
this master of speech, failing to rouse his countrymen to resist Mace
don with effect, has become practically useful only as a model of
public speaking for the world.

While Philip, having thus prepared himself, stood waiting for an
opportunity to exert his power in southern Greece, a favourable one
presented itself in the second Sacred War. This arose out of a
collision of feeling between Phocis and Thebes. Unable alone to
secure its object, the latter state solicited the aid of Philip, who joy
fully responded to the call. It was just the opportunity which he
had long desired. He soon overran Phocis, destroyed its cities,
distributed its population into villages, and deprived it of its vote in
the Amphictyonic Council, which was transferred to the king of
Macedon. Philip thus obtained a status in the great assembly of
the Greek nation, and that at a time when this council was at the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 353

zenith of its power. This was a most important gain to the ambi
tious Macedonian : the semi-barbarian origin of his people was thus
covered, and he and they were identified as elements of the Hellenic
nation.

Stimulated alike by these successes, and by some reverses and
losses which he sustained at the same time, Philip steadily pursued
his object. He destroyed Olynthus, subdued the Thracian Cherso
nese, and added the whole Chalcidian peninsula, with its valuable
commercial marts and seaports, to his dominions. At length the
third Sacred War gave him another occasion of appearing as the
champion of the religion of Greece. He again entered Phocis, and
totally destroyed the city of Amphissa.

Feeling himself now sufficiently strong to avow his purpose, he
took possession of Elatea, the most important city of the Phocians
after Delphi. As this measure could not be mistaken, so it did not
allow procrastination : it was seen at once that Greece must either
now submit to Philip, or at once resist him. Roused by the elo
quence of Demosthenes, the latter alternative was chosen ; and the
Athenians and Thebans marched their united forces against the
invader. They met at Chseronea, where, after a contest which
brought no honour to the cause of liberty, Philip obtained a complete
triumph. Demosthenes himself, valiant as he was in speech, threw
away his shield, on which he had inscribed in golden letters, " To
GOOD FORTUNE," and abandoned the contest even at the onset.
Thebes suffered a terrible infliction as the result of this victory ; but
very lenient measures were dealt out to Athens.

The great object and result of this Macedonian success were soon
apparent. The very next year, in a general convention of the Gre
cian states held at Corinth, it was resolved that all should unite in a
war against the Persians, and that Philip should be appointed
captain- general of the confederate forces.

It is a very remarkable circumstance, and one well worthy the
attention of the Christian philosopher, that this triumph of Philip,
which has been universally deprecated as the ruin of Greek liberty,
and the establishment of an unprincipled tyranny, was the very
event that placed the Hellenic nation before the world in precisely
the position that had been predicted by inspired prophets, and which
issued in the exact fulfilment of some of the most glorious prophe
cies that were ever delivered, under divine inspiration, to mankind.

Philip did not survive to begin the war upon which he had so long
and. so ardently desired to enter. He was assassinated, while en
gaged in making preparations for the contest, by Pausanias, a Mace
donian nobleman, B. C. 336. Alexander succeeded his father: and

854 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

although all the neighbouring states arose in simultaneous resistance
to the power of Macedon, the youthful sovereign, with equal daring
and prudence, soon reduced them to subjection. Thrace, Illyria,
and Thebes were in an incredibly short time completely subdued,
and the latter city entirely destroyed. The severity of this punish
ment spread terror throughout Greece : the other states immediately
submitted ; and Alexander was soon prepared to enter on the war
which had been bequeathed to him by his father, and which filled
his whole soul.

Having marshalled his army, the king of Macedon proceeded to
the Hellespont, which he crossed without opposition. His force,
we are told, consisted of but five thousand horse, and thirty thousand
foot, — a mere handful of men in comparison to the mighty armies
which Persia frequently sent into the field. Yet with this well-
trained and highly-disciplined band Alexander proceeded to assail
the myriads of Asia, formidable as they were not only in numbers,
but in union and the prestige of past success, and supported by
boundless resources of wealth and population. The whole progress
of this conflict, from the first action on the banks of the Granicus,
•where the Macedonian completely defeated a numerous Persian
army, forms a very remarkable fulfilment of sacred prophecy.

Elated with this success, the Grecian conqueror marched to the
Lydian capital, and occupied Sardis. He then returned, and secured
Ephesus and Miletus ; after which, pursuing his course unchecked,
he reduced Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and Cilicia, and at length opened
his way to the heart of Asia, by defeating Darius in person, at the
head of a numerous army, in the decisive battle of Issus. Alexan
der then in rapid succession subdued Tyre, Palestine, and Egypt.
Having spent one year in accomplishing these preliminary measures,
he proceeded in the spring of 331 B. C. to attempt securing the
grand object of the war. In this campaign Alexander defeated
Darius a second time at Arbela, occupied Babylon, conquered Media
and Persia, and established his dominion over Parthia and Hyrcania.
In the following year he added Bactria to his conquests, and con
solidated his rule over his Asiatic possessions. The three years
next ensuing sufficed to extend his sway to India, and to establish
his government from Greece and Egypt in the west to the banks of
the Indus.

This colossal power, however, was destined to be of short dura
tion : and its decline was as striking a fulfilment of prophecy as its
rise had, been. Alexander died at Babylon, B. C. 323, of a disease
generally supposed to have been induced by intemperance. For
several years after his death, some member of his family was in-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 355

vested with the form of royalty, while his generals ruled in the sev
eral sections of the empire, professedly as lieutenants or satraps, but
really exercising absolute power. Between these, on different pre
texts, a war was continually waged for more than twenty years, —
a season replete with treachery, assassinations, and every form of
violence. At length, B. C. 306, four of the principal generals, having
raised themselves to prominence and power, partitioned the empire
between them. By this treaty Seleucus became sovereign of Upper
Asia ; Ptolemy governed Egypt, with Syria and Palestine ; Lysima-
chus obtained the northern provinces of Asia Minor, in addition to
the kingdom of Thrace ; and to Cassander were assigned Macedon
and Greece, with the addition of the rich province of Cilicia.

During the progress of Alexander's war in Asia, Greece remained
in tolerable quiet, under the government of the several states, sub
ject generally to his lieutenant, Antipater. Sparta was the only
exception. Unable to arrest the progress of her rival's success, this
state for a considerable time maintained her independence in sullen
quietude. When, however, the Macedonian king had subdued
Darius, and was preparing to march on India, the Lacedaemonians,
urged on by their martial King Agis, declared war against Macedon.
This contest was of short duration. One decisive battle sufficed to
terminate the war and the life of the Spartan king, and to compel
the Spartans to send an embassy, soliciting the clemency of the
Macedonian monarch, which was generously given.

One of the most remarkable contests recorded in the pages of
history took place about this time,— namely, that between the rival
orators, Demosthenes and ^schines. Ctesiphon having proposed
that a golden crown should be presented to Demosthenes, as a testi
mony of the rectitude of his political career, JEschines impeached
Ctesiphon for the proposition, assailing the whole course of policy
recommended by Demosthenes, and declaring that it had issued in
the ruin of Grecian independence. Demosthenes defended himself
so triumphantly that ^Eschines was sent into banishment, — a measure
which Alexander allowed out of respect to the ancient states of Greece,
although ^Bschines was the old and earnest friend of Macedon, and
his rival quite the reverse.

Notwithstanding the awe inspired by the vast conquests of Alex
ander, and the immense resources which he consequently possessed,
a very considerable commotion was produced by a decree which he
issued, — that the exiles from the several states should be restored
to their respective countries and possessions. While this uneasiness
was spreading, and producing indications of approaching violence,
intelligence arrived of the death of Alexander. The revolt which

356 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

had just begun, soon became general. Demosthenes, who had been
exiled, was recalled ; and a powerful army of confederate Greeks,
under the Athenian commander Leosthenes, marched against An-
tipater. The effort was vain. The Macedonian general, reinforced
by a section of the victorious army of Alexander, soon put down all
opposition, and established one ruling government over Greece.
The democracy was again abolished in Athens ; and the aristocrat! cal
government, as it had existed in the days of Solon, was restored,
while a Macedonian garrison was placed in the port of Munychia.
Similar changes were made in other states, which at first produced
clamorous complaints ; but the people soon found, that, under a strong
and general government, they realized a larger share of real liberty
than they had formerly possessed, and saluted Antipater as " the
Father and Protector of Greece."

After the death of this able ruler, Greece shared in the dissensions,
revolutions, and wars, which for many years afflicted almost every
part of the empire of Alexander. In these struggles some of the
Grecian states suffered severely. Polysperchon, who had been joined
with Cassander in the regency of Macedonia, being engaged in a con
test with his colleague, and anxious to secure the Greeks to his
interests, ordered the removal of the governors appointed by An
tipater, and the restoration of democracy. Athens exulted in the
change, and, under the excitement of the occasion, put to death
several citizens, on the plea that they were friends of Antipater.
Among these perished the greatest ornament of his age and nation,
— the great Phocion ; a man who had served his country with con
summate ability and incorruptible integrity until above eighty years
of age.

Cassander, having obtained aid from Antigonus, soon recovered
paramount authority in Greece ; and, reversing all that Polysperchon
had done at Athens, he appointed Demetrius Phalereus governor of
that city. This officer discharged the duties of his station with so
much wisdom and moderation, that the ten years of his government
were exceedingly prosperous to the people over whom he ruled.
The power of Cassander extended, with the exception of a very few
cities, throughout Peloponnesus ; so that Greece was again subjected
to Macedonian rule.

During the convulsions which agitated the country on the death
of Cassander, Greece suffered from a desperate invasion of a host
of Gauls, who were at length repulsed, the remainder proceeding to
Asia. Soon after this calamity, it was invaded by Pyrrhus, King
of Epirus, who, having subdued a great part of Macedonia, proceeded
to invade Greece. He, however, perished in the attempt. Antigo-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 857

nus, having secured the Macedonian throne, next laboured to annex
Greece to his dominions ; but he also died during the war. His
son Demetrius exercised a commanding influence in the affairs of
Greece, without claiming sovereignty over it; while his successor
avoided all interference beyond the limits of his own country.

Thus released from foreign aggression, the several cities of Greece
sought to recover their long-lost independence. During the troubles
and political convulsions which raged in Macedonia under Lysima-
chus and Ptolemy Ceraunus, the cities of Achaia gradually recovered
their liberties. Sicyon, Corinth, and Megalopolis were by different
means delivered from foreign domination, and attached to the
Achaean confederacy. This fair promise for Grecian liberty was
checked by the ambition of the Spartan King Cleomenes, who, having
murdered the Ephori, and revolutionized his country, restored the
code of Lycurgus, and turned his arms against the Achaeans : aided
by Antigonus Doson, King of Macedon, they so completely defeated
him at the battle of Salasia, that he abandoned the contest, advised
his people to submit to their conquerors, and took refuge in Egypt,
where at length he destroyed himself. This was the expiring effort
of Sparta. The successor of Cleomenes was the last ruler descended
from the Heraclidae.

Although this danger had again introduced the Macedonian power
into Greece, the Achaean League was maintained entire and powerful ;
and, under the able conduct and prudent measures of its chief, Ara-
tus, promised at length to accomplish its object in the restoration of
Greece. Unhappily, however, the League being pressed by their
old enemies the .ZEtolians, Aratus again sought aid of Macedon;
which was granted by Philip, the son of Antigonus. This ambitious
ally, conceiving a design to subject the states of Greece to his
power, and regarding Aratus as an invincible obstacle to his pur
pose, had that noble chief removed by poison. This was not the
greatest of the calamities which arose out of this alliance. Philip
had just before become the active ally of Hannibal of Carthage ; the
Romans in revenge formed an alliance with the JEtolians ; thus
bringing the arms of this mighty republic to bear on Greece in its
decline, weakness, and distraction

Philopoemen, who succeeded Aratus as leader of the League,
did his utmost ; but, after the termination of the second Punic war,
Titus Quinctius Flamininus, Roman consul, succeeded by his power,
and especially by his policy, in detaching the Achasans from all
connexion with Macedon, and then most pompously proclaimed
liberty to Greece. This nominal independence, however, continued
a very brief space. The country being soon after invaded by An-

358 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

tigonus of Syria, a Roman army interposed. A series of tedious
operations took place, during which Philip of Macedon died, and
Perseus his son succeeded to the throne. This prince was equally
obnoxious to the Romans and to his own subjects. A collision with
Rome followed, terminated by the decisive battle of Pydna, in which
twenty thousand Macedonians were slain, and Perseus was taken
prisoner, and led in chains to Rome.

Still the Romans pretended to recognise the independence of
Greece, although at one time they summoned one thousand of the
most eminent Achoeans to Rome, where they were kept in prison
seventeen years, without being admitted to an audience or brought
to trial. Some of these on their return induced their country
men to insult the Roman ambassadors, who had been sent to
Corinth to arrange some disputes between the Achueans and Spar
tans. This of course produced a war, which in all its stages was
disastrous to Greece. Corinth was taken and destroyed; and
thenceforth Greece, under the name of Achaia, became a province
of the Roman empire.

Thus perished the political existence of that people, who had by
force of arms effected the grandest conquests which the world had
ever seen, established the widest empire that had existed up to
that time, and realized the highest literary, poetic, and artistic
elevation ever attained by any people. Nor is there, perhaps, any
thing more remarkable in the history of this wonderful country,
than that, when conquered and subjected to foreign rule, she should
still have maintained the majesty of her intellectual superiority and
cultivated power, and have become the recognised preceptress of her
conquerors in all literature and science, civilization and art, the
elegancies and refinements of manners and life; so that, while
prostrate at the feet of her mighty rival, Greece was the director of
the world's intellect, — Athens was .the university of Rome.

Thus the third universal empire passed away, (see Appendix,
note 66,) and introduced the fourth great dominion. The reader
will acknowledge, without hesitation, that the rise, the progress, and
the ruin of Greece present one of the most remarkable chapters in
this world's history.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF GRECIAN HISTORY.

b. C. Names and Events.

817 Lycuvgus legislates for Sparta.
779 Commencement of the Olympiads.
GG2 Sparta conquers Messenia, seizes the

country, and reduces the people to

slavery.

594 Soion reforms the law at Athens.
560 Pisistratus usurps the government of

Athens, and places in abeyance the

laws of Solon.
527 Hipparchus and Hippias reign at

Athens.

510 The Pisistratidse expelled from Athens.
497 Death of Pythagoras.
490 The Persians defeated at Marathon.
480 Invasion of Xerxes— his defeat at

Salamis.

479 The Greeks Victors'at Platsea and Mycale.
478 Athens rebuilt and fortified by The-

mistocles in defiance of Sparta.
444: Pericles rules at Athens.
431 First Peloponnesian War.
404 Athens taken by the Spartans, and
-Ui/i ' governed by Thirty Tyrants.
400 Return of the Ten Thousand Greeks

from Persia.
£99 Death of Socrates.
397 Plato and Aristotle.
387 Sparta the paramount power.

B. C. Names and Events.

371 Battle of Leuctra. — Thebes becomes the
chief power of Greece.

362 Battle of Mantinea.— Death of Epami-
nondas. — Decline of Thebes.

357 First Sacred War.

350 General corruption of manners, and
decline of Grecian power.

344 Macedonia, by the genius of Philip,
obtains the ascendency.

333 Alexander conquers Persia, and reigns
supreme.

323 Death of Alexander.— Athens con
tinues the chief maritime power.

322 Athens makes a vigorous effort to
throw off Macedonian supremacy,

301 Democracy again established at
Athens.

244 Agis III. attempts the reformation of
Sparta.— He at first succeeds, but is
eventually cut off.

243 The formation and efforts of the
Achaean League.

227 Cleome-nes effects a revolution in
Sparta.

146 The power of the Grecian states gradu
ally declines, until the power of
Rome prevails, and they form the
province of ACHAIA,

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

CHAPTER X.

THE RELIGION OF GREECE.

THE earliest Religion of this People appears to have been a strange Compound of the
Adoration of the material Elements and Powers of Nature ; united with a sacrc-d Re
gard for Mythic Legends, which had been traditionally preserved— Expansion of this
Scheme after the Return of the Heracleids, and the Establishment of the Dorian
Power— Outline of Grecian Theology and Cosmogony— The Grecian Deities— Zeus-
Hera— Apollon— Artemis— Hermes— Hephaistos— Aphrodite— Ares— Eros, and other
minor Divinities— The Greek Triad— Evident Connexion of the whole Scheme with
Scriptural Tradition— The Temples— Priests— Worship— Divination— Oracles and Mys
teries—The Influence of Philosophy examined— THALES— His Doctrines, and the Ionic
School — PYTHAGORAS — His System — Failure in Greece, and wonderful Success in Sicily
—The Character of his Teaching— SOCRATES— His Mode of Instruction— Doctrines— He

claims a Divine Mission — The important Character and Influence of his Teaching

PLATO— General View of his Object— His Doctrines— Grand Intellectual Development
evinced in his Philosophy— But his Efforts unfavourable to Morals and Religion—
ARISTOTLE — His brilliant Intellectual Efforts — Inefficient in respect of Religion — ZEITO
and the Stoics — Physical and Moral Doctrines — Unsatisfactory Result— EPICURUS —
His System — Its pernicious Effects — General View of Grecian Faith — Importance of
Divine Influence, and a recognition of its Power — The Effect of these four Schools of
Philosophy fatal to the Religion of Greece— Utter Failure of every Influence to correct
the Effects of a vitiated Theology.

THE inquiring mind can scarcely have presented to it a more in
teresting or important subject for investigation than the religion of
Greece. Limited as was the national territory occupied by this
people, their numbers, energy, cultivation, wonderful attainments in
all the polite and elegant arts, as well as their amazing prowess in
war, and range of conquest, bring them before the mind as the aris
tocracy of the world's intellect and art. When we add to these con
siderations the important fact, that the elevation and empire of this
people were the subjects of some of the grandest predictions ever
uttered by the sacred prophets in holy writ,— and that their language
was the medium through which the truths of the Old Testament
revelation were first conveyed to the world, and the tongue in which
the New Testament was originally given to mankind, — it cannot but
be a matter of interest and importance to obtain answers to these
questions : What were the theological doctrines and worship of this
remarkable people? What was the religious condition of the Gre
cian communities ?
In entering on this subject, it will be necessary first to glance at

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 361

it in an historical aspect, in order to point out the prominent changes
which were made in the religion of the country during the progress
of its history.

As far as any information has come down to us respecting the
religion of the first occupants of Greece in the traditions of the
ancient Pelasgi, it appears that their system of faith, if such it can
be called, was very similar to that ascribed to the earliest era of the
world by the Phenician Sanchoniathon. It being generally believed
that the intercourse between these countries, so early as 1300 B. C.,
was such as to introduce the Phenician alphabet into Greece, we
cannot feel surprised at an apparent uniformity of religion. The
foundation-principle of this system seems to have been, a supersti
tious reverence of the productive and destroying powers of nature,
as being replete with a spiritual life and energy, which was supposed
to pervade the universe. Thus the earth (Gaia) was worshipped as
a goddess, from whose womb sprung the fruits engendered by the
creative power of the atmosphere (Zeus) ; and in volcanic regions
people, on the same account, paid divine honours to the fire which
desolated their fields.

The idea generally entertained by the ancients,— and evidently
arising out of the traditions respecting creation, and the action of
the Holy Spirit on the chaotic mass, — that the whole material world
was pervaded by a divine spirit, imparted a religious character to
all the fanciful imaginations put forth with respect to these sup
posititious beings, and at the same time gave a personal identity to all
the phenomena of nature and the vicissitudes of human life. With
these elements of early error at the foundation of their faith, it
appears to be now an admitted fact that the ancient Pelasgi held
the doctrines, and celebrated among them the mysteries, of the
Cabiri ; which, as Mr. Faber has conclusively shown, mainly con
sisted in superstitious reverence for the eight persons preserved in
the ark.

This mixture of natural powers and mythic legends was, however,
found too narrow a basis for a system of religion adapted to the taste
of an energetic community, rising, by means of civilization, agricul
ture, and commerce, into prominence and power. An expansion
and adaptation of the elements of this early faith are therefore per
ceived to be in gradual operation. For instance : Demeter was
originally Gaia, the divine mother Earth; but was afterward re
garded as the patroness of settled habitations, marriage, and juris
prudence. This change was gradual in its progress, and was not
completed until the ascendency of the Dorians had been fully estab
lished in Peloponnesus. Prior to this, Greece can hardly be said to

362 THE GENTILE NATIONS-

have been devoted to idolatry ; for actual idolatry, as denoting the
worship of visible objects, was unknown. Prayers were addressed
as to invisible deities ; and sacrifices — the only decidedly religious
duty which was recognised — were offered upon altars in the open
air. A few heinous crimes were sometimes denounced, as exposing
the guilty party to the vengeance of the gods ; but morality during
this period derived very slender support from religion. Sooth
sayers, who pretended to foretell future events, were numerous ;
but local oracles had not attained any great celebrity. It is import
ant to add, that the doctrines of the immortality of the soul, and a
future state of rewards and punishments, were taught in those days;
but the ridiculous absurdities with which these were accompanied,
tended, when men had learned to despise the fables, to throw dis
credit also upon the momentous truths which they had veiled.

After the close of the Heracleid war, under the ascendency of
Dorian power, the new and enlarged system of Grecian idolatry was
established throughout Greece : and it is a curious fact, that the
principal agents in its introduction have been also the means of per
petuating a knowledge of the system to the present day. For, at
the time that the old and new systems were struggling for the
mastery over the public mind, Homer arose, and by his unrivalled
invention and brilliant genius so used, exhibited, and adorned the
new scheme, that it thenceforth triumphed over all opposition.
(B. C. 1000.) Hesiod followed, about one hundred years later, and
still further illustrated its principles, and strengthened its hold on
the Grecian mind. Herodotus, the highest possible authority on the
subject, assures us that the Greeks were indebted for their gods to
Homer and Hesiod. We, may, therefore, look to the productions of
these poets for an exhibition of the theology of Greece during the
principal period of her history; and, indeed, until the teaching of
philosophers shed an influence over the religious opinions of the people.

When we bear in mind that the subject under discussion is, the
theological doctrines of the most intellectual, energetic, and enlight
ened of the ancient nations, it becomes a matter of painful interest
to perceive one startling fact at the very threshold of our inquiry, —
namely, that the Greeks had no idea whatever of the eternity of the
deities they worshipped. On the contrary, they believed that the
supreme power was held by other divine beings, long before these
whom they now worshipped were called into existence. Although it
does not come within the plan of this work to give any extended list
of divinities, with their mythological extraction and history, it seems
necessary to furnish n, brief account of the origin of the gods, the world,
and mankind, according to the principles of this religious system.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 363

According to Hesiod, in the beginning was Chaos, then Gaia, (the
Earth,) Tartarus, (the subterranean Abyss,) and Eros (Love).
Gaia brings forth Uranus, (the Heavens,) the Mountains, and Pon-
tus, (the Sea). Gaia and Uranus are the parents of the Titans,
Oceanus, Coeus, Crius, Hyperion, lapetus, Theia, Rheia, (or Rhea,)
Themis, Mnemosyne, Phoebe, Tcthys, and Cronos; also the Cyclo
pes, and the Hecatoncheires, (" hundred- handed " giants,) Cottus,
Briareus, and Gyes. Ouranos, or Uranus, however, hated his off
spring, and prevented them from coming forth into the light of day.
Indignant at this unnatural behaviour, Gaia persuaded his son Cronos
to mutilate his father, and usurp his throne. Cronos and Rhea
then became the parents of Hestia, Demeter, Hera, Hades, Poseidon
and Zeus. To prevent any of his children deposing him, as he had
deposed his father, Cronos swallowed them immediately after their
birth. As soon as Zeus was born, Rhea presented to the father a
stone, which he swallowed instead of his child. Zeus was concealed
in Crete, where he remained until he was full-grown, when he sallied
forth, deposed his father, and, aided by the arts of Gaia or Metis,
compelled him to disgorge the children whom he had swallowed, and
whose bodies, on account of their divine nature, were imperishable.
The stone which he had swallowed last of all, was the first object
discharged from his stomach. This was set up by Zeus in the glori
ous Pytho, (Delphi,) as a sign and a wonder for mortal men.

Zeus now, in conjunction with his brothers and sisters, makes war
on Cronos and the Titans. By the advice of Gaia, he releases the
Cyclopes, who had been imprisoned in the bowels of the earth, and
receives from their hands the thunder and the deadly lightning.
He also releases the Hecatoncheires, and brings them back to the
upper world. The battle had already raged ten years between the
Titans and the Olympic gods, when these giants appeared to aid the
Olympians. Earth trembled to its centre, and even Tartarus shook,
as these combatants fought, while huge rocks were hurled on either
side, and Zeus with flaming thunderbolts mingled in the war. The
Titans were at length defeated, loaded with chains, and thrown into
the depths of Tartarus, where, being closely imprisoned, they were
carefully guarded by the mighty Hecatoncheires. But even this
victory did not establish the throne of Zeus. Gaia brings forth
another monster, of immense size and power, who is at length struck
down, by the thunderbolts of Zeus, into the lowest depths of Tar
tarus. By this last success Zeus and his brethren and sisters be
came rulers of the universe.*

° I am considerably indebted for this summary to ARNOLD'S Translation of STOLL'S
" Handbook of the Religion and Mythology of the Greeks," — an able and excellent work.

364 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

It is well known that this mythic Theogony has been subjected to
several modes of interpretation, — the physical, the historical, the
theological, &c. It is also generally admitted that neither of these
supplies a complete key to them. In fact, the Theogony of Hesiod
is, to use the words of a learned writer, " a farrago, composed of the
most heterogeneous ingredients."

Without pretending to afford a solution to this crude poetic ver
sion of numerous myths, I may venture to express an opinion that
the broad substratum upon which the whole rests, is a union of cor
rupted traditions of the scenes which took place at Babel, termina
ting in the proud supremacy of the house of Cush. (See Appendix,
note 67.)

According to this system, after the defeat of the rival Titans, the
universe was governed by the heads of the triumphant tribe. And
scarcely anything is more worthy of observation in this whole case,
than the family character subsisting among these deities. They
comprised the brothers ZEUS, POSEIDON, and HADES; the sisters
HERA, HESTIA, DEMETER, with her. daughter CORA; and the chil
dren of Zeus,— ATHENE, APOLLON, ARTEMIS, HEPHAISTOS, ARES,
APHRODITE, and HERMES. Of these individually a brief notice
must be given.

I. THE GODS OF OLYMPUS.

ZEUS, or Jupiter, the son of Cronos and Rhea, was regarded as
the great sovereign of the universe, the father of gods and men. He
claims to exercise unlimited authority, not only over men, but even
over every other god, and boasts a sway greater than the united
power of all other divinities. (Homer's Iliad, viii, 18.)

Yet, notwithstanding the strong terms in which these claims to
supremacy, if not to omnipotent power, are put forth, when the sys
tem is fully investigated it is found that the absolute government of
the world is not entirely in the hands of Zeus. The fact is, that the
Polytheism of Greece had invested so many deities with divine
powers and freedom of action, that no one individual deity could
possess absolute sway. Zeus, therefore, although the most perfect
and most potent of the Grecian deities, was frequently thwarted in
his purpose, and controlled in his actions, by Moira (Fate). And
as the inventive faculties of man had already done their utmost in
the personification of divine powers, this Moira was allowed to
remain, — a dark, vague, and incomprehensible influence.

The whole order of nature is ordained by Zeus ; he is the source
and fountain of rule and government. Kings are his representa
tives, employed by him to administer justice to mortals, and deriv
ing their authority from his commission. He is the guardian of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 365

popular assemblies and councils : he punishes those who pervert the
right, and enforces the obligation of oaths. The rights of hospital
ity, and the case of the exile and suppliant, are under his special
care ; and he is the guardian of the family and house.

It is also worthy of notice, that this system not only recognised
the birth of this, the principal of their deities ; it even admitted that
he died, and his grave was shown in Crete : so that one who had
been dead yet lived to reign and rule over gods and men.

Zeus not only held this place in the national faith, but was also, in
many instances, localized. Hence we meet with the Cretan Zeus,
the Boeotian Zeus, the Arcadian Zeus, &c. The most ancient wor
ship of Zeus in Greece was at Dodona in Epirus : the principal
statue was that executed by Phidias, forty feet high, of ivory and
gold, to look on which was regarded as an antidote to pain and
sorrow.

A full knowledge of future events, and the power of making them
known to mortals by signs, omens, and prophecies, were attributed
to this deity. His moral character, however, was far beneath these
ascriptions of dignity. By his wife he had three children, Ares,
Hephaistos, and Hebe. Athene sprung from his head. His children
by other goddesses were Apollon and Artemis by Leto, Hermes by
Maia, Persephone by Demeter, Aphrodite by Dione, the Horse by
Themis, the Graces by Eurynome, the Muses by Mnemosyne. By
mortal women he had many children : the principal were Hercules
by Alcmene, Dionysus by Semele, Perseus by Danao, Castor and
Polydeucas by Leda.

HERA (Juno) was eldest daughter of Cronos and Rhea, and sis
ter to Zeus. This god, having formed a clandestine engagement
with his sister, kept their marriage secret three hundred years.
Hera was then acknowledged as his wife, and proclaimed queen of
heaven. In this character she receives the deference of all other
divinities.

Her marria,ge with Zeus is the most prominent event in her his
tory. As his wife, she shares the counsels of her husband beyond
what is permitted to other deities. This union was not, however,
the most happy: Zeus and Hera frequently quarrelled; and the
extreme licentiousness of the husband, not to mention other causes,
fully accounted for these dissensions.

As Hera was the only lawful wife among the female deities of
Olympus, she was the special patroness of married women, whom
she protected and assisted in all their perils.

ATHENE, or PALLAS ATHENE, (Minerva,) is the daughter of Zeus.
Homer does not mention her mother; but Hesiod says that, Zeus

366 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

having devoured Metis, (Wisdom,) Athene sprang full- armed from
his head. As Hera seems to be a female impersonation of Zeus, so
Athene stands before us as an embodiment of his wisdom. This
goddess exercises considerable influence in the council of the gods.
Although she is described in the Iliad as sometimes opposing the
designs of Zeus, she generally acts in accordance with his will ; and,
even when her wishes go beyond his, the affection with which he
regards his favourite child generally enables her to secure her object.
She is always represented as a virgin deity, full of sagacity and
prudence, skilled in all the arts cultivated by both sexes, and always
ready to act as a leader and teacher in military manoeuvres, and even
to mingle in the fight. She gives the patriot strength for the pro
tection of his country, and leads the warrior to victory.

PIKEBOS APOLLON (Apollo) is the son of Zeus and the female
Titan Leto (Latona). This amour being known by Hera, she per
secuted Leto from place to place, until she found an asylum in
Delos, where she brought forth twins, Apollon and Artemis.

Apollon was the favourite son of Zeus, and always acted in
accordance with his father's washes, while many other of the Olym
pian divinities frequently opposed the will of their sovereign. He
is especially the prophet of Zeus, and the god of soothsayers and
oracles ; and to him in this character the Greeks attributed some of
the most important events in their history. These prophecies, or
oracles, were delivered in a poetical form ; the poet, like the seer,
announcing the will of the gods to mankind. Apollon is also the
god of song and music, protects flocks and cattle, and delights in
the foundation of towns and the establishment of civil constitutions.

It is a remarkable fact, that a divinity of such a mild, beneficent,
and elevating character should be termed Apollon, — the same as the
Scripture Apollyon,— " the Destroyer." This is supposed to be
accounted for by the legend that Themis had an oracle in Delphi,
the way to which was guarded by the dragon Python. Here, too,
we have very evident allusion to the " old serpent:" — Python, from
nmc pytlie, " to over-persuade, to deceive." This monster Apollon
slew, and took possession of the oracle, which thenceforth became
the most celebrated in Greece, or in the whole world.

It may serve to show the confusion produced by the application
of conflicting traditions of primitive history and religion, to observe
that although Apollon was regarded as personating the promised
Seed in the original promise of redemption, and was celebrated as
6 SorrTjp, " the Saviour," in consequence of this his great victory
over the serpent, yet the true character of this idolatrous imagery
is shown by the sacred writer calling the evil spirit which Paul cast

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 367

out of the damsel at Philippi " a spirit of Python," — the very title
which Apollon had earned by this victory, and used a thousand years.

ARTEMIS, (Diana,) the daughter of Zeus and Leto, and sister of
Apollo, was originally an ideal being of precisely the same character
as her brother ; he being a masculine, and she a feminine imperson
ation of the same attributes. In process of time, however, other
and extraneous ideas were introduced into the religion of Greece
under this name. As an instance, it may be stated that the Ephe-
sian Diana was originally an Asiatic deity, having nothing in com
mon with the Greek Artemis, which, under the rising power and
prevalent influence of Greece, at length merged into this character
and title. At Sparta this goddess was worshipped under the name
of r] 'OpOia, " the Upright," and boys were whipped at her altar until
it was sprinkled with their blood.

HERMES, or Mercury, was the son of Zeus and Maia, a daughter
of Atlas. Homer describes him as the acute, witty, active messenger
of Zeus, — one who brings everything to a happy conclusion. He is
not to be regarded simply as a messenger, but as a god who, charged
with executing the behests of the supreme Zeus, also exercised his
own judgment and power, by which he rendered many very import
ant services to gods and men. Yet, while acting in this independent
character, he was, besides, the executor of the will of Zeus, just as
Apollo was its interpreter and propounder to mankind.

Hermes may, therefore, be regarded as a divinity with rather
multifarious attributes and offices. He is the guardian of flocks and
herds, which he renders prosperous. He is god of inventions, and
of heralds, being himself the herald of the gods. He imparts the
gift of eloquence ; and is the god of commerce. In this aspect his
:moral influence is not particularly sound, since he is always ready
to patronize thieves and cheats, provided they effect their purposes
with skill and dexterity. He is the patron of roads, and the pro
tector of travellers : he conducts the souls of the dead to the lower
-world : and he is the god of gymnastics. In all this wide range of
offices, Hermes is regarded by this system as equally clever and
beneficent, always the giver of wealth and prosperity.

HEPHAISTOS, (Vulcan.) — Before the days of Homer, this deity
was regarded as a mighty, creative being ; but after the genius of
the father of poetry had established the supremacy of Zeus, he
occupied a more subordinate position. He is the son of Zeus and
Hera, and was in consequence of his ugliness cast out of heaven as
soon as he was born. He was kindly received and brought up by
Thetis and Eurynome. He was afterward readmitted to Olympus;
but, having taken part with his mother against Zeus, he was again

368 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

hurled from heaven by the mighty thunderer, and, after whirling the
whole day, fell on the island of Lemnos.

He was the great patron of artificers, especially in metals ; and is
sometimes associated with Athene, a deity of much higher rank, as
the instructor and protector of artificers. His marvellous workshop
was on Olympus, where he made two golden female figures, on which
he is represented as leaning. He built brazen palaces for himself
and other deities on Olympus. For Achilles he made a wonderful
shield ; for Diomedes, a suit of armour. His wife was Aphrodite,
the goddess of beauty, who had, however, less attachment to her
husband than to the strong and handsome Ares, which was the occa
sion of much scandal.

APHRODITE (Venus) was, according to Homer, the daughter of
Zeus and Dione ; but, according to another myth adopted by Ilesiod,
she was the offspring of the foam of the sea. She is the goddess of
love and beauty. Paris awarded her the prize of beauty, in prefer
ence to Hera and Athene. By her favourite, Anchises, she became
the mother of ^Eneas, and for his sake greatly aided the Trojans in
their famous war.

Aphrodite was originally an Asiatic divinity, like the Syrian
Astarte, — one of the gods of nature, who creates out of water all the
productions of the earth, and is therefore herself said to have been
born from the foam of the sea. The worship of this goddess was
imported from the east into Greece, where she was soon adored as
a Grecian divinity. By her power gods and men were enslaved.
All living things feel her influence.

ARES, (Mars,) the son of Zeus and Hera, is represented as the
fierce god of war : he was the paramour of Aphrodite. Their chil
dren were Deimos, Phobos, Eros, Anteros, and Harmonia. Ares
appears to have been designed to set forth the violence, ferocity,
and brute courage exhibited in war, as Athene represented its
genius, strategy, and intellectual requisites. Ares was not exten
sively worshipped in Greece, and very few statues were raised to his
honour.

EROS, (Cupid,) the son of Mars and Venus, in the early mythology
of the Pelasgi, is spoken of as one of the most ancient of the gods.
Hence Hesiod says : " First of all was Chaos, then the broad Earth,
and Tartaros, and Eros, the fairest of the immortal gods." This
ancient god was worshipped at Thespiaa in Bceotia, where the
Erotidia were celebrated in his honour once in five years. The son
of Aphrodite and Ares, however, absorbed attention and devotion
during the best ages of Grecian history. And whatever may be
said of the dubious and abstract character of some other minor

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 369

divinities, it is an undoubted fact that this Eros " was the living,
breathing embodiment of popular belief."

According to this universal faith, neither Zeus, the lord of the
universe, nor even Eros's own mother, is safe from his attacks. In
heaven and earth, in the sea and the lower world, he reigns supreme
as the all-conquering god. Borne aloft on golden pinions, armed
with a bow and arrows, which he carries in a golden quiver, he
shoots according to his will; and whoever is pierced with his shafts,
becomes instantly sensible of the pangs and raptures of love.

^ Besides these, it will be necessary to give the names of other
divinities more or less connected with the sacred halls of Olympus,
although many of them occupy there a subordinate position!
Among these may be reckoned HESTIA, (Vesta,) the goddess of the
hearth and its fire, the patroness of domestic harmony, the guardian
of the house, and the protectress of strangers and suppliants.
MOIRA, (Parca, Fate,) the goddess who spins the thread of man's
destiny. The word is sometimes used in the plural ; and Hesiod
speaks of three Moirae, who were the daughters of Night. Although
this divinity generally appears in a subordinate character, as watch
ing over^and predicting individual destiny, at other times she seems
to exercise unlimited power over all the gods, even binding Zeus
himself to her will, however much against his inclination, f YCHE,
(Fortuna,} the goddess of accident and luck.

NEMESIS, the goddess who apportions to men the measure of
happiness or misery which their actions merit; although she more
frequently assumes the aspect of an avenging than of a beneficent
deity. ATE, a personification of the infatuation or perversion of the
understanding which leads men to sin. BIKE, (Justice.) the pro-
tectress of the just, and the enemy of injustice and wrong. When
a judge passes an unjust sentence, she carries her complaint to the
throne of Zeus. THEMIS, the goddess of law and order. She is
represented as a divine being, who in conjunction with Zeus protects
the right, and convenes and dissolves the assemblies of men. Her
peculiar office, however, is to restore peace to Olympus, and check
all insubordination and disorder among the gods. She is the coun
sellor and auxiliary of Zeus, and, like Dike, is sometimes called his
assessor.

The MUSES, the nine goddesses of song. Their names and
offices were as follows :— Clio, ("the Recorder,") the goddess of
history; Euterpe, ("the Delighter,") of lyric song; Thaleia. ("the
blooming,") of comedy; Melpomene, (the muse "of song,") the
goddess of tragedy; Terpsichore, ("she who delights in dance ") the
goddess of dance; Erato, (the muse "of love,") presiding over

370 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

amorous poetry; Polyhymnia, ("rich in hymns,") the goddess of
hymn ; Urania, (" the celestial,") the muse of astronomy ; Calliope,
("the melodious,") the goddess of epic poetry.

CHARITES (the Graces) are goddesses who preside over the
charms of social life, the union of individuals in civilized communi
ties, and the unrestrained joviality of the banquet.

Besides these there were the HOR^E, the goddesses of the weather,
whose duty it is to open and shut the gates of Olympus,— to send
rain and sunshine, cold and heat, rendering the earth fruitful. The
HYADES, or goddesses of rain. The PLEIADES, the daughters of
Atlas, seven Stars favourable to navigation. IRIS, the rainbow, and
the female messenger of the gods to earth and the lower world.
HELIOS, the sun,— the son of the Titan, Hyperion. SELENE, (Luna,)
" the moon." Eos, the goddess of the dawn. The WINDS, too, are
divine beings, four in number : Eurus, the blasting east wind ; Notos,
the moist south; Zephyros, the dark, rainy west; and Boreas, the
blustering north.

On Olympus, whose lofty peak rises above the clouds, dwel
gods in palaces erected by Hephaistos. Around and above them is
a cloudless sky. No rain or snow falls in those happy regions ; no
rude wind disturbs the everlasting calm. On the highest pinnacle
of the mountain is the palace of Zeus, where the other gods assemble
at the feast or in the council. Hebe, the ever-youthful, and Gany-
medes, the Phrygian boy,— whom Zeus stole from earth, and en
dowed with immortality —offer them nectar and ambrosia, while the
Muses delight their ears with melodious strains, and the Charites
display their celestial charms. Iris conveys the messages of the
gods from heaven to earth; the Horoe, goddesses of the seasons,
open and shut the gate of Olympus; and Helios, the all-seeing,
brings to gods and mortals the cheerful light of day. In the morn
ing he rises from the eastern Oceanos, heralded by the rosy-fingered
Eos, (the Dawn,) and at night sinks to rest beneath its western
wave; for Oceanos, the mighty stream of the universe, flows around
the earth and the sea. But all these divinities of nature are sub
ordinate to the gods of Olympus, and obey the command of the
sovereign Zeus. (See Stoll's Religion and Mythology of the
Greeks, p. 10.)

It was an essential element of this faith, that when Zeus had
completed the overthrow of Cronos and the Titans, the government
of the universe was divided between himself and his two brothers.
Zeus, with the deities previously named, retained the sovereignty of
heaven Poseidon that of the sea, and Hades the lower regions,
be'necessary to notice briefly these two remaining governments.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 371

POSEIDON (Neptune) was the son of Cronos and Rhea, and
younger brother of Zeus. He obtained the rule of the sea as his
portion of universal empire. His palace was in the depths of the
ocean near ^Egoe. Although younger and less powerful than Zeus,
he felt sometimes disposed to resist the supremacy of his elder
brother. His temper, like the element subject to his authority, was
boisterous and uncertain ; and when any individual had excited his
anger, the god was sure to pursue him with the most relentless
hatred. On some account, which has never been satisfactorily ex
plained, Poseidon was regarded as the divinity to whom mankind
is indebted for the invaluable services of the horse. Over the seas
he exercised unlimited power. As he glides along the surface of the
water in his chariot, drawn by brazen-footed horses, the waves are
stilled, and the monsters of the deep arise to do him homage, while
all the divinities of the water acknowledge him as their sovereign
lord. All the phenomena of the ocean are dependent on his will.
At his fiat, the waves rise in all the fury of their power; before his
anger, the earth trembles : he dashes ships in pieces, inundates whole
countries, opens fountains on the dry land, and breaks the rocks in
pieces. In ancient times his dominion extended over all fountains,
rivers, and lakes ; but when the system of mythology was fully
developed, his sway was more particularly confined to the sea. The
Isthmian Games were celebrated once in three years, near Corinth,
in honour of this deity. The prize was a crown, made of branches
of the fir-tree. Besides the horse, the dolphin was sacred to
Poseidon.

AMPHITRITE, the daughter of Nereus, was the wife of Poseidon.
Her name signifies that she surrounds the earth with water. She
was therefore originally the sea; but Hesiod incorporated her into
his Theogony as the wife of the principal marine deity.

OCEANOS, the mighty stream which surrounds the earth and the
sea, and from whence spring the gods, the rivers, and the fountains :
NEREUS, the old man of the sea, the father of the fifty beautiful
nymphs named NEREIDS, among whom we find Thetis, the mother
of Achilles; LEUCOTHEA, the companion of the Nereids, the pro
tectress of the shipwrecked mariner; PROTEUS, the ancient sooth
saying deity, who feeds the seals of Amphitrite; PHORCUS, ("the
gray,") another aged sea deity; GLAUCOS, a god of sailors and
fishermen ; TRITON, a powerful deity, son of Poseidon and Amphi
trite ; the RIVERS and ACHELOIOS ; were minor deities attending on
Poseidon and Amphitrite.

The third grand division of this system of divinities was presided
over by HADES, (or Pluto,) the son of Cronos and Rhea, brother of

372 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Zeus, and husband of Persephone. He is the sovereign of the
lower world, where his power is as supreme as that of his brother
Zeus in heaven, although, as younger brother, he is in rank inferior
to the Olympian deity. This dark and mysterious sovereign of the
infernal kingdom has a helmet which renders him invisible: his
terrible voice summons mortals to the realms of death : he is stern
and inexorable, and more dreaded by mankind than any other deity.
As the residence of this divinity was situate in the interior of the
earth, he was commonly regarded as the dispenser of vegetable life,
and the bestower of mineral wealth. His sovereignty extended over
all mankind ; if not fully during their life, yet certainly at their
death he was sure to establish his dominion over all.

PERSEPHONE, the daughter of Zeus and Demeter, is the wife of
Hades. While engaged with her companions in gathering flowers in
the Nysrean meadows, the earth was cleft asunder, and Hades, rising
out of the abyss in his chariot drawn by immortal horses, seized on
the terrified maiden by the permission of Zeus, and carried her off
with him to the infernal regions, where she became his wife. In the
Grecian faith she is always exhibited as enthroned with her husband,
and sharing with him the government of the infernal regions, just as
Hera does with Zeus above. In fact, Persephone seems to possess
more than a feminine part of this dark sovereignty ; for she exer
cises an especial authority over the ghosts of the departed, while
Hades seems more concerned with the affairs of the living. She
was, indeed, a female counterpart of her dark and terrible consort.

The subordinate deities and divine attendants at this gloomy
court were the following :— THANATOS and HYPNOS, Death and
Sleep, the sons of Night; the KERBS, a plural feminine personifica
tion of Fate, — dark, malignant, inexorable goddesses, objects of
universal hatred; the ERINNYES, produced by Gaia (the Earth)
from the blood of Ouranos, when he was mutilated by his son Cro
nos. These are immortal representations of the vexation and anger
of those whose rights have been violated. On the fifth day of every
month they sally forth from their infernal habitations, to punish
those who have violated their oaths, and to inflict vengeance on fla
grant sinners ; which they administer, not only by direct penalty, but
also at other times by perverting the judgment of men, so as to lead
them to pursue a course which issues in their own ruin.

Hecate is sometimes mentioned in connexion with the Erinnyes,
and on other occasions as a separate and independent divinity. She
was the dark and terrible ruler of the world of phantoms and super
natural appearances, the patroness and teacher of witches.

Besides these three divisions of deities, there was another, com-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 373

posed entirely of subordinate divinities, which pertained to the earth
as the common seat and centre of divine government and providence.
The principal of these were: 1. GAIA, the Earth, who brings forth
and nourishes everything that has life,— the all-producing, all- sus
taining mother. 2. The NYMPHS, goddesses of inferior rank. They
were the daughters of Zeus, and were divided into four classes,—
Mountains, Meadows, Fountains and Woodlands. They are evi
dently personifications of the beneficent powers of nature. 3. HHEA,
Cybele, the sister and wife of Cronos, and mother of Zeus and his
brother deities. She, too, was often confounded with the Great
Mother, and not unfrequently mistaken for Gaia. Her priests in
Galatia and some other places exercised a kind of ecclesiastical
dominion over the land. 4. DIONYSOS, (Bacchus,) the son of Zeus
and Semele; the god of wine. He was the patron of song and
festive poetry, of the drama, and of a peculiar species of lyric, called
dithyrambus. But he was specially a god of nature; and his care
extended not only to the culture and production of the vine, but to
all the vegetable world. At first his worship corresponded to the
character of a beneficent and friendly being ; but afterward such
riotous orgies were introduced, that the rites became disgusting and
demoralizing.

5. The SATYRS, companions of Dionysos. They represent, in a
lower degree, the life of nature, whose best and noblest productions
are symbolized by Dionysos. Silenus, Marsyas, and Midas, are
gross individual representations of this class. 6. PAN, the son of
Hermes and of the daughter of Dryops, was a pastoral and sylvan
deity, who, from his similarity to the Satyrs, was numbered among
the attendants of Dionysos, where he figures as a dancer, and perse°
cutes the Nymphs with his importunities. 7. PRIAPUS, son of
Dionysos and Aphrodite, the god of fertility, generally worshipped
by means of most disgusting symbols. 8. CENTAURS, being half
men and half horses. Satyr-like in their appearance and character,
they were also regarded as attendants upon Dionysos. 9. DEME-
TER (Ceres.) This goddess was in early times identical with the
divine Mother Earth ; but was afterward worshipped as an individ
ual deity, presiding over herbs and flowers, with corn, and every
other vegetable requisite for sustaining the life of man. '

Having thus given, in tolerable detail, an outline of the theology
of Greece, it will be evident that while there are clear and distinct
substrata of Scriptural tradition, moulding and directing the active
energies which brought this system into operation, these are not of
the same kind, nor used in the same manner, as those which were
found in the faith of the primitive nations whose history and religion

374 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

have been referred to in the preceding chapters. In the case of
Greece, there was a far greater chronological and geographical
removal from the season and seat of the events recorded by Moses
as the foundation of human history, and of the divine revelations
made to mankind in connexion with the Creation, the Fall, and the
Flood, than existed in the case of older and more eastern nations.
There is, consequently, in this theology a less distinct recognition
of the first promise of redemption, — of the Seed of the woman, and
of the. Divine Son,— than we find in Assyria, Persia, and Egypt.
Nor is this to be wondered at, when it is considered that at least
twelve hundred years elapsed from the Dispersion to the earliest
time at which we can obtain any information respecting the religion
of the Hellenes ; and that, during a great part of this period, their
progenitors had, by leading a wandering and unsettled life, and from
other causes, descended, to say the least, to the verge of extreme
barbarism.

Yet, even in these circumstances, so strongly was the idea of a
triune personality in the Deity inwrought into all the traditions of
the religion of antiquity, — and so fully was it countenanced by the
theology of those ancient countries which were preceptors to Greece
in this branch of knowledge, — that the triad became nearly as
prominent in Grecian theology as in that of more ancient nations.
But this triad is clearly the three sons of Noah, as has been shown
in a preceding volume. (Patriarchal Age, p. 271.) But the curious
manner in which this is described merits notice. First, we are
informed that Saturn destroys his offspring, and that Zeus is alone
preserved by a trick of his mother. Then it is said that this deity,
having grown up in concealment, afterward succeeds in defeating
the purposes of his father, and, by a desperate but triumphant con
flict, secures paramount authority ; while his two brothers, who had
been destroyed by their father, are marvellously restored, and have
each a separate but inferior portion of the universe placed under
their individual government.

However extravagant the terms in which this mythic account has
reached us, they are not sufficiently so as to conceal altogether the
basis of Scriptural and historical tradition on which it rests. The
arkitc patriarch had announced the divine purpose, that the three
primitive tribes should separate, and their families spread over the
earth. The head of the house of Ham resists this, and in violent
conflict compels the Shemitic clan to retire from the seat which had
been assigned to them ; and the Cuthite race thus acquired dominion,
and for a season effected their purpose of securing paramount rule.
Yet, although the traditions of this feud and consequent struggle

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 375

are clearly recognised as elements in Grecian mythology, true to
the ruling idea of the primitive error, their chief deities form a triad,
and that triad is composed of the three sons of Saturn or Noah.

We proceed to notice the temples, priests, worship, oracles, divina
tion, and festivals of this religion. We shall then be prepared to
form some opinion respecting the general character an^l influence of
this system of faith and morals.

Temples appear to have existed in Greece from the earliest
times : they were always regarded as consecrated enclosures. At
first the ground thus set apart for sacred purposes was distinguished
by being encompassed by a string or rope; afterward stone-walls
were built around the whole space. The temple itself was called
vaog, (Attice, i^c^,) and at its entrance fonts (TrepLppavrripia) were
generally placed, that those who entered the sanctuary, to pray or
offer sacrifices, might first purify themselves.

In early times the temples were of the simplest construction, and
frequently made of wood : but afterward exceedingly elaborate and
costly stone buildings were erected for this purpose. Temples were
always consecrated. The original idea, evidently traceable in the
progress of temple-building, is, that these sanctuaries were at first
not designed for places of worship so much as for a residence of the
Deity. The character of the early Greek temples was dark and
mysterious, no light being admitted but through the doorway : after
ward apertures in the roof partially remedied this defect. The
larger temples were generally divided into three parts : — the
or TTpodopog) "vestibule;" the (vaog, cr^/tof, or cello)
the (d-mad 66 opog^) "storehouse." It does not appear that the inner
part was regarded by the Greeks as a place of more peculiar sanctity,
as was the case in Egypt and some other countries, since it was
usually the place for depositing the treasures. The cella, or " nave,"
was the locality where the image of the god was fixed, and was prop
erly "the temple." Yitruvius states that the entrance of Greek
temples was always toward the west; but most of the ruins that
remain in Attica, Ionia, and Sicily, have their entrance toward the
east. The architecture employed in the erection of these edifices
was the first emanation of Grecian art, and preceded painting and
statuary, as it also secured an earlier and equally glorious triumph
in the perfection to which it attained.

The priests of Greece were admitted to this office by different
means. There were in some of the cities (as at Athens) sacred
families, in whom the priesthood was hereditary. On some occa
sions the sovereign, or chief of the state, appointed the priest, while
at other times he was elected by the suffrages of the people, or

376 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

appointed by lot. All these modes are distinctly referred to by
Eustathius, when giving a comment on that passage in Homer's
Iliad (vi, 300) : " By appointment public at that time priestess of
Pallas." The archbishop observes that " she was neither appointed
by lots, nor by right of inheritance, nor by the designation of any
single person, but, as the ancients say, elected by the people."

It was a standing rule, that all who entered on the priestly office
should be perfectly free from every bodily defect or superfluity.
.Nor was bodily soundness alone sufficient : uprightness of mind was
equally necessary, as it was an admitted principle, that nothing
ought to approach the gods but what is pure and uncorrupt. It was
also thought that sexual intercourse militated against the efficiency
of the priestly office ; and hence the priests of the Mother of Gods
at Samos dismembered themselves, — an example which was followed
by some others in different parts of Greece. As a milder form of
procuring the same result, the " hierophantce at Athens, after their
admission, enfeebled themselves by a draught of the juice of hem
lock. In short, it was very customary for those that attended on
the more sacred and mysterious rites, by using certain herbs and
medicaments, to unman themselves, that they might worship the
gods with greater chastity and purity." — Potter's Antiq., vol. i, p. 242.

They also frequently retired from the world and all its business,
that, being free from cares, they might wholly devote themselves to
the service of the gods. But though most of them were obliged to
strict chastity and temperance, others were allowed to marry; and
Eustathius tells us that it was but an institution of the later ages that
the priestesses should be virgins; to confirm which, Homer (Iliad i,
99) may be cited to prove that Chryseis, the cause of the subject of
the Iliad, was daughter of Chryses, Apollo's priest, and, again, that
Dares, the priest of Vulcan, had two sons. Nor, indeed, was this
adherence to chastity the uniform practice of later times ; for in
some cases a plurality of husbands or lovers was a necessary quali
fication for a priestess.

In small cities all the sacred offices were frequently performed by
one person. But where worshippers were numerous, several priests
were appointed, and inferior officers, such as sacrificers, keepers of
the temple, treasurers of the sacred revenue, and others. Of the
different orders of priests no definite information can be obtained :
for not only the several deities, but even the same god, had different
orders of priests, in different localities and under diverse circum
stances. It may, however, be observed that in all places of note
there was a high-priest, whose office it was to superintend the other
sacred officers, and to execute the most holy rites and mysteries of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 377

religion. At Athens they had many high-priests ; every deity al
most having one, who presided over the rest. At other places they
had two classes of priests,— one devoted to the celestial gods, and
the other to inferior deities and demigods, with a high-priest over
each class. At Delphi there were five high-priests, who with the
prophets had the chief management of all parts of divine worship.

The religious worship of Greece mainly consisted of sacrifices,
sacred gifts, prayers, and imprecations.

The sacrifices were of four kinds : —

1. Vows or free-will offerings: such as those promised to the
gods before, and tendered after, a victory ; or those offered by hus
bandmen after harvest.

2. Propitiatory offerings; intended to avert the anger of an
offended deity. Of this kind were all the sacrifices used in ex
piations.

3. Petitionary sacrifices ; oblations presented to the gods for the
purpose of obtaining success in any enterprise. So devoted were
the Greeks in general to their religious faith, that they seldom
undertook anything of moment without first having asked the
advice, and implored the assistance, of the gods by sacrifices and
prayers.

4. Such sacrifices as were imposed or commanded by an oracle or

a prophet.

The origin of these sacrifices was unknown to the Greeks, and
lost in unexplainable my ths,— at least, with one solitary exception ;
namely, that which asserts "propitiatory sacrifices to have been first
begun by Chiron the centaur ;" (Potter's Antiquities, vol. i, p. 248 ;)
•which, if we are correct in assigning all these fabulous compound
beings to traditions of the primitive cherubim, affords an intelligible
hint of the connexion between the origin of sacrifice and the presence
of the cherubim in the primitive family.

Some have laboured to show, that in ancient times sacrifices
were confined to vegetable products ; and Ovid has been cited in
proof. This theory is, however, very unsatisfactory ; especially as,
from the manner in which Pausanias mentions the vegetable sacri
fices of Cecrops, (Pausanius, lib. viii, cap. 2,) it would seem that
this practice was a departure from established rule rather than a
primitive rite: — an idea which is confirmed by the fact, that the
laws of Triptolemus prohibited the Athenians from offering bloody
sacrifices. It appears, therefore, that the primitive custom obtained
in the earliest ages in Greece ; but, its nature not being understood,
it was for a time laid aside, and afterward resumed.

Three things appear to have been regarded as essential to a

378 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

solemn and complete sacrifice: — anevSeiv, "libation;''
"incense;" iepeiov, " the victim."

The term by which the first of these is set forth literally means
no more than "to pour forth," and is therefore synonymous with
" libation." It evidently refers to what in the language of Scripture
would be called " drink-offerings." The liquid generally used for
this purpose was pure wine, unmixed with water. When the terms,
" mixed \vine," occur, they refer to the use of more than one kind of
wine, and not to wine mixed with water. But although wine was
most usually employed, it was not the only thing employed in
libations, which also comprehended water, honey, milk, and oil.
Water, we are told, was always used on the Athenian altars to
Jupiter the Supreme. Honey was poured out to the Sun; oil, to
Pluto; and wine mixed with honey, to the infernal gods. One
thing was regarded as essential in all these libations, namely, that
they should be offered in cups full to the brim ; it being regarded as
irreverence to the gods to offer anything that was not whole and
perfect.

The second thing necessary to a complete sacrifice was compre
hended under the general term "incense." not that this odoriferous
compound was always used, but something bearing some analogy or
resemblance thereto. Branches of odoriferous trees, and sometimes
the vine, the fig, and the myrrh, were employed for this purpose :
barley and other grain, with salt, also frequently made a part of this
portion of the sacrifice.

The third and principal part of the sacrifice was " the victim."
The kind of animal to be sacrificed depended upon the circumstances
and condition of the person offering, and the nature of the deity to
be propitiated. In respect of the former, — a shepherd would sacri
fice a sheep ; a neat-herd, an ox ; a goat-herd, a goat ; and a fisher,
after a plentiful draught, would offer a fish to Neptune; and so with
others, according to their vocation and property. The nature and
position of the god, also, in some measure regulated the kind of
sacrifice to be presented. Thus, to infernal and evil gods they
offered black victims ; to the beneficent, white ; to the deities pre
siding over fruitfulness, pregnant victims ; and to the barren, barren
ones. To the masculine gods they presented males, and to the
feminine deities they gave females. Besides these distinctions,
others obtained, since almost every deity was supposed to have a
partiality for certain living creatures, from which sacrifices to each
were generally selected, or certain creatures were thought to possess
qualities that rendered them specially fitting. Hence to Hecate they
sacrificed a dog, to Venus a dove or pigeon. To Mars they give a

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 379

bull, and to Ceres a sow. But, notwithstanding all these influences,
the animals most frequently offered in sacrifice, besides the two last-
mentioned, were the goat, ox, cow, sheep, and lamb ; and, of birds, the
domestic cock and hen. Some of these were more acceptable if of a
certain age ; as, for instance, a heifer,a year old, that had never been
put to the yoke, was most grateful to the gods ; and thus Diomedes
promises Athene, —

" A youthful steer shall fall beneath the stroke,
Untamed, unconscious of the galling yoke."

But not only were animals thus selected and sacrificed : human
beings were sometimes immolated in a similar manner. Lycaon of
Arcadia offered a human sacrifice to Jupiter ; and at that time this
act was regarded as so atrocious, that he was said to have been
transformed to a wolf on the spot. Yet in later ages Aristomenes
sacrificed three hundred men,— one of whom was Theopompus,
King of Sparta,— to Jupiter Ithomseus. (?) Themistocles sacrificed
three Persians to Bacchus, on the eve of the battle of Salamis;
(Plutarch's Life of Themistocles;) not to mention other cases
occurring in Grecian history.

Some particulars respecting the manner of conducting sacrifice
deserve notice. Great care was taken that the priests and priest
esses were pure. Sometimes an oath was administered to them,
referring not only to defilement in general, but also specially, to sex
ual connexion.

After this, all the parties were purified with water, which had been
previously consecrated for this purpose. Particular care was taken
not only in the selection of the animal, but also to avoid all appear
ance of force in bringing the victim to the altar, as any demonstra
tion of resistance on the part of the animal was fatal to the accepta
bility of the sacrifice.

When the animal stood accepted by the altar, the priest, turning
to the right hand, sprinkled it with meal and holy water : he also
sprinkled those who were present. After this he prayed : he then
took a cup of wine, which he tasted, and then allowed the company
to do so, when he poured the remainder between the horns of the
animal. Frankincense, or incense, was then placed on the altar, and
also on the forehead of the victim. Then the animal was slain ; and,
if by any chance it leaped after it had received the stroke, or bel
lowed, or did not fall immediately to the ground, or, after the fall,
kicked, stamped, was restless, did not bleed freely, or appeared to
die with difficulty, it was thought unacceptable to the gods ; these
being evil omens, as the contraries were tokens of the divine favour
and good- will

380 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

An impression prevailed in Greece, that anciently the whole of
the animal was consumed on the altar. If this practice ever obtained,
it was early laid aside ; and a part only, the thighs, was burnt on
the altar as the portion of the gods. While this portion of the
victim was being consumed, the priest, and the person who provided
the sacrifice, offered up prayer to the god. At this time, on some
occasions, instrumental music would be used ; at others, the people
would dance round the altar, singing sacred hymns ; the first of
which, called the strophe, was sung in turning from east to west;
the other, named the antistrophe, in turning from west to east.
Then they stood before the altar, and sang the epos, which was the
last part of the song. The sacrifice being ended, the portion of the
priest was given to him ; a tenth part watf also due to the magis
trates at Athens. A portion of the remainder was generally appro
priated as a festal meal for the parties present; and the residue
would be taken home by the party providing it, or sold, as he might
choose.

Another important part of Grecian worship was prayer and sup
plication: and a review of the conduct of the Grecian people in
respect of this particular, will perhaps produce a result more favour
able to their religious character than any other branch of the inquiry.
Plato bears very decided testimony to the devotional habits of his
countrymen by saying, " This at any rate is true,— that those who
have even the least share of wisdom, always invoke the deity on
entering upon every undertaking, whether small or great." — Timceus,
Davis' s Trans., p. 331. As we have already noticed, prayer
always accompanied sacrifice, but was not confined to these solemn
occasions : on the contrary, the whole history of Greece shows that
in public and private, by kings and princes, as well as by common
persons, in respect of matters of national moment, commercial enter
prises, or individual concerns, prayer to the gods was the general,
daily practice of the people. Sometimes the suppliant approached
the temple, and prostrated himself on the threshold : at others the
most humiliating position would be taken, like that described by
Homer : —

" Oft would she smite the earth, while, on her knees
Seated, she fill'd her bosom with her tears,
And call'd on Pluto and dread Proserpine
To slay her son."— Iliad, i, 350.

It may appear strange to associate oaths and imprecations with
worship, even in a secondary meaning and in a remote manner ; but,
according to the religious sense of the Greek mind, these frequently

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 381

partook of all the force and character of solemn addresses to the
deity. The use of oaths and imprecations was sanctified by the
practice of the gods. Even Jupiter scarcely expected his solemn
asseveration to be received as truth, unless confirmed with an oath
by the river Styx. This deity was regarded as the divine being
who presided over oaths, and, as such, had the whole range of swear
ing and imprecation placed under his own immediate government.
This must not be understood as conveying the notion, that the
Greeks only swore by Jupiter, — a supposition totally incorrect.
Plato refers to Apollo, Minerva, and Jupiter, as being thus appealed
to. Demosthenes, in his oration against Midas, swears by these
three deities ; but in another oration he takes an oath by Jupiter,
Neptune, and Ceres. The Athenians very often swore by divers
gods, sometimes by all the gods, at others by the twelve great gods.
The Spartans usually swore by Castor and Pollux. Women gener
ally referred in their oaths to Hera, Artemis, or Aphrodite ; or else
Demeter and Persephone. The most solemn manner of taking an
oath was by laying the hand on the altar, or by lifting up the right
hand. The utmost importance was attached to the faithful ad
herence to an oath, insomuch that evoe6?jg, or " one that keeps his
oaths," was a phrase regarded as equivalent in meaning with " a
pious person:" and, on the contrary, kirioQKoq, " perjurious," was
the most infamous appellation that could be given to a Greek.

We pass on to a consideration of Grecian divination and oracles.
It was a current opinion among the Greeks, that the gods frequently
and familiarly conversed with some men, whom they endowed with
an extraordinary perception of their counsels, and a considerable
acquaintance with future events. These were called (j,dvT£ig. and
fjtavriKTi was the general term for expressing all sorts of divination.

The fidvreis were the prophets, seers, or soothsayers of Greece.
They either gave forth their predictions spontaneously, or responded
to the inquiries of the heads of the people on great emergencies.
At Athens especially these were as a class tolerated, protected, and
honoured; and, according to Cicero, were always present in the
public assemblies of the people. As early as the days of Homer, the
pretensions of these persons to announce the divine will were fully
recognised; and we see in Calchas an instance of the force and
authority with which their communications were made.

A striking peculiarity of a considerable portion of the Greek
mantels was their hereditary character. For not only did indi
viduals claim to communicate the divine will by the special gift of
some god, but in some families this gift was held to be hereditary,
probably on account of their supposed descent from some deity, as

382 TIIE GENTILE NATIONS.

the lamids traced their descent from Apollo. (Pausanias, lib. vi,
cap. 2.) This family spread from Olympia over a great part of
Greece, exercising everywhere the prophetic office. The Branchidx
near Miletus, the Eumolpids at Athens and Eleusis, the Clytiads, the
Telliads, and the Acarnanian seers, with others, were of this class.

These prophets have been divided into three kinds or classes,
according to the manner of the inspiration which they claimed to
exercise. The first were called daifiovd^nro^ or Hvduveg. These

were believed to be possessed with prophesying demons. Their
communications were sometimes not even made by the ordinary use
of the bodily organs, but the demon spoke from the breast or belly
of the prophet : at other times the possessing demon dictated to the
prophet the answer which he should give. The Septuagint trans
lators of the Old Testament believed these men to be referred to by
Isaiah; (vii, 19;) and they accordingly rendered the phrase which
the authorized translation reads, " And when they shall say unto
you, Seek unto them that have familiar spirits, and unto wizards
that peep, and that mutter," &c., by language equivalent to, " And
if they say unto you, Seek unto them whose speech is in their belly,
and those that speak out of the earth, and those that utter vain
•words, that speak out of the belly," &c. It was to this class that
the damsel at Philippi belonged, who was possessed with " a spirit
of divination;" (nvevpa nvflowof) which spirit Paul cast out, and
thus prevented the further continuance of her soothsaying. This
case affords undoubted proof, that, however numerous false pretend
ers to this gift might be, demons did sometimes really occupy
individuals of the soothsaying profession, and enable them by this
means to exercise supernatural powers. The claim, therefore, was
not universally a pretence : it was certainly in some instances a
sterling reality.

A second kind of thcomanteis were called " enthusiasts," evOov-
oiaarai. These did not profess to be so possessed that the deity
himself spoke in them; but to be so influenced that, governed,
actuated, and inspired by him, they gave forth, under his exerting
power, the sentiments with which he had imbued their mind. Of
this sort were Orpheus, Amphion, Musaeus, and several of the sibyls.
It seems more than probable that at a very early period super
human communications were delivered by some of these mantels or
sibyls.

A third kind of prophets were the iKararLKoi, or those who were
cast into trances or ecstasies, in which they lay like men dead or
asleep, without sense or motion; but afterward revived, and gave
forth revelations of what they had seen or heard during these seasons.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 383

We cannot dismiss this important subject of prophecy without a
further investigation into the nature and extent of the powers which
were thus, in reality or pretence, exercised.

Whence came it to pass that in all nations there was a rooted and
general belief, that certain persons were gifted with the power of
foretelling future events? And whence arose the equally general
persuasion, that this gift ordinarily stood associated with an ability
and authority, in other respects also, to communicate the divine
will? Thus Calchas, the seer of the Grecian army before Troy, was
high- priest to the expedition, and was specially consulted in every
emergency, as familiar with the will of God. Hence, during the
plagues sent by Apollo in answer to the prayer of his priest Chryses,
Achilles counselled, "Let us consult some prophet or priest, who
would tell us on what account Phoebus Apollo is so enraged with us."
Upon this Calchas rose, — he " who knew the present, the past, and
the future, and who guided the ships of the Greeks to Ilium by his
prophetic art,"— and said, " 0 Achilles, dear to Jove, thou biddest
me declare the wrath of Apollo, the far-darting king. And I will
declare it. Neither is he enraged for a vow, (unperformed,) nor a
hecatomb, (unoffered,) but on account of his priest, whom Agamem
non dishonoured ; neither did he liberate his daughter, nor did he
receive her ransom. Wherefore has the far-darter given woes, and
still will he give th^m ; nor will he withhold his heavy hand from
the pestilence, before that Agamemnon restore to her dear father the
bright-eyed maid, unpurchased, unransomed, and conduct a sacred
hecatomb to Chrysa ; then, perhaps, having appeased, we may per
suade him." — Iliad, book i. Buckley's Literal Translation. Al
though this is an extract from an epic poem, and of no historical
authority whatever as to fact, it is unquestionably a clear and per
fect exhibition of the universal belief and practice of the early
Greeks respecting this particular doctrine.

It seems reasonable, in these circumstances, to ask, Whence did
this strong and prevalent faith arise? Did the true God vouchsafe
any measure of the inspiration of his Spirit to select individuals in
idolatrous Gentile nations? This question assumes a startling
aspect ; and the possibility of its receiving an answer in the affirma
tive may alarm some readers. But, on the other hand, does it not
seem an equally serious matter for us to shut out from nations so
situated the only remedial means which (as far as we are instructed
respecting the divine purpose in the dispensations of grace) could
be used for their instruction and elevation? It is, however, a
remarkable fact, that in respect of Greece, which was peculiarly
separated from other modes of procuring a knowledge of divine

384 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

things, we find a general recognition of prophets, in the character of
expounders of the divine will, beyond what is discovered in eastern
and more favoured nations.

On this subject the learned Mosheim observes: "It is well known
that no nation in times past was so barbarous, and so forsaken of
God, that he did not, now and then, raise up in it good and wise
men, especially before the promulgation of the law by Moses, who
abominated the popular superstitions and the worship of idols, and
both recommended to the people, and themselves followed, a better
and more holy religion. Even the Jews by universal consent allow
that, prior to the time of Moses, other nations, as well as themselves,
had their prophets. Wherefore, if those who think with Dr. Cud~
worth simply mean that no nation was altogether destitute of divinely-
inspired men, from whence all who were so disposed might learn the
knowledge of the true God, and the way of eternal salvation, there
would be nothing in this opinion to be found fault with. But these
learned men wish us to concede something more, and require us to
believe that the Supreme Being sometimes disclosed his will, and a
knowledge of future events, even to those whose minds were utterly
devoid of true religion, and contaminated with the most perverse
sentiments concerning God. Are we, therefore, to assent to this
opinion Y For my part, I consider we ought to decide that generally
God can do, and sometimes for most just an(} holy resons did do,
the thing in question."— Intellectual System, vol. iii, p. 26. (See
Appendix, note 68.)

If this general admission be applied to the early ages of Greece,

and it might be easily shown that the denial of it presents still more
formidable difficulties to our view,— then at least one great peculiar
ity in the religion of this people is accounted for. I allude to the
deep and general conviction which pervaded them in all ages of their
history, that the divine will, and a knowledge of future events, were
specially communicated to favoured individuals by direct revelation,
and thus made known generally. Unhappily, even in that land of
intellect and science, we have no means of gathering up any particles
of these ancient communications. For amid all the sciences of
Greece, divinity had no place. Fragments of truth were certainly
orally communicated, and in some cases preserved, but generally in
ill-understood and inoperative fragments. This fact, however, so
clearly set forth God as the only source of divine knowledge, that
the Greeks, whenever at a loss for information on the subject, applied
to the deity to obtain it.

But, while by this means the prophetic institute was as fully
established in Greece as it was even in Judea, it became fearfully

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 385

polluted and debased. Not only did it frequently sink into the
action of human craft, jugglery, and falsehood, but in some instances
it was certainly imbued with Satanic guile, and sustained by demon
power. (See Appendix, note 69.) Thus did the malign agency
under which idolatry arose to curse the nations, in that country as
in others, poison the very fountain of divine knowledge, and turn
what was mercifully designed as a channel for the communication of
divine truth, into a means of disseminating Satanic error.

Of other methods of obtaining a knowledge of future events,

such as divination by dreams, by sacrifices, birds, lots, ominous
words and things, — our limits will not allow us to treat. We will
therefore proceed to notice the very important subject of Grecian
oracles.

The unbounded respect which the ancients entertained for these
oracles, and the confidence with which they relied on them, can
scarcely be exceeded. However modern philosophy may discard
their authority, and denounce the superstition which led men to be
guided by them, the fact remains patent to the whole world, and
stands foremost in the most brilliant period of the history of this
most enlightened of ancient nations,— 4hat the declarations of the
oracles were fully believed to be really and truly divine revelations.
Not only did the most powerful kings, as Croesus, and the wisest
lawgivers, as Minos and Lycurgus, consult these oracles, and acfc
under their guidance, as they believed ; but in matters of the highest
national importance the oracular authority was decisive, and in those
of the most vital interest to individuals the arbitrament of the Pyth
oness was held to be conclusive. Thus much is undoubted ; and
it must have been something more than low craft, or priestly jug
glery, which could rear up such a universal conviction, — embedded
as it was in the common faith and religious principles of the most
enlightened people of the ancient world, — and maintain it in full
vigour, credit, and efficiency for a thousand years.

Our opinion of the moving influence which, while associated with
much craft, intrigue, and policy, was the real cause of the great
ascendency which the Grecian oracles maintained for so long a
period over the human mind, has been already given. And these
views have been greatly confirmed by subsequent research, and by
numerous opinions expressed by men best qualified to decide on the
subject, of which the following may be taken as a specimen : — " Not
withstanding the general obscurity and ambiguity of most of the
oracles given at Delphi, there are many also which convey so clear
and distinct a meaning, that they could not possibly have been mis
understood ; so that a wise agency at the bottom of the oracles can-

886 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

not be denied. The early Christian writers, seeing that some
extraordinary power must in several cases have been at tuork,
represented it as an institution of the evil spirit." — Die. of Greek
and Roman Antiq., p. G70. And who had better means of investi
gating the subject? Who were ever so advantageously situated for
forming a sound judgment as to these premises ? And who from
such data can rationally draw any other conclusion ?

It has been a subject of surprise that Zeus should have had so few
oracles. This, however, does not lessen, but rather enhance, the
religious character of the Greek oracles. For it was not because
they were regarded as unworthy of the supreme god, that his name
was so seldom associated with them: on the contrary, Zeus waa
accounted the great source of all oracular revelations ; but he was
considered to be too highly exalted to become the immediate chan
nel of communication with mankind. Other deities, therefore, and
especially Apollon, and even heroes, were supposed to act as medi
ators between Zeus, — who alone possessed the books of fate, and was
the grand repository of a knowledge of the future, — and men, by
communicating to them his will. We append a brief notice of the
most noted oracles of Greece.

The oracle of Delphi. — The temple in which this oracle resided
was built over a small natural chasin in the earth, from which, from
time to time, an intoxicating smoke arose. Over this chasm there
stood a high tripod, on which the Pythia, or priestess, when the
oracle was to be consulted, took her seat. The smoke arising was
supposed to affect her brain with a kind of delirious intoxication ;
and the sounds which she uttered while in this state were believed
to contain the revelations of the god. They were carefully written
down by the prophetess, and given as the oracular response to the
party inquiring of the oracle. The Pythia was always a female
native of Delphi, and generally selected from a poor country family.
During the great popularity of the oracle, there were two of these,
who took their seats alternately. At first the oracles were given
only once a year, but afterward certain days in every month were
set apart for this purpose ; and the order in which the parties inquir
ing should be allowed access, was carefully regulated. The Pythia
always spent three days in preparation before she ascended the
tripod. During this time she bathed in the Castalian well. All
persons inquiring of the god had first to offer in sacrifice a goat, an
ox, or a sheep.

Most of the oracular answers which are extant are in hexameters,
and in the Ionic dialect. Some of these verses had metrical defects
•which exposed them to the criticism of the learned. At length

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 387

poetic responses were entirely laid aside, and the answers given in
plain Doric prose.

This oracle during its best period was believed to give answers
and advice to every one who came with a pure heart, and had no evil
design. If he had committed a crime, the answer was refused till
he had atoned for it ; and he who consulted the god for bad pur
poses was sure thereby to hasten his own ruin. No religious insti
tution in all antiquity obtained such a paramount influence, not only
in Greece, but in all countries around the Mediterranean, in all
matters of importance,— whether relating to religion or to politics,
to private or to public life, — as the oracle at Delphi. On the estab
lishment of colonies, in all disputes between these and the parent
state, and in all questions bearing on religious institutions, as well
as a thousand others, the decisions of the Delphic god were held to
be final and conclusive.

The first manifest decline of this authority was on the occasion
of the great struggle between Sparta and Athens, when the partial
ity of the oracle for the former state became so manifest, that all the
influence of Athens was estranged from it ; and it thenceforth dwin
dled away, until, having sunk into neglect, it was abolished by the
Emperor Theodosius.

Besides the oracle at Delphi, there were several others in which
Apollon was believed to utter predictions. The principal of these
were at Aboe in Phocis, at Didyma, on the hill Ptoon, &c.

The oracles of Zeus must be mentioned next in order. In these,
however, the god did not make his revelations by direct inspiration,
as was the case with Apollon. He merely gave signs, which men
had to interpret.

The first of these was at Olympia. Those who came to consult
this oracle had to offer a victim in sacrifice ; and the priest gave his
answers from the appearance of the dead animal. This was much
frequented in ancient times, but did not long retain its influence,
except in respect of the Olympic Games.

The most important of the oracles of Zeus in Greece was at
Dodona. Here the oracle was given from sounds produced by the
wind. The sanctuary was built on an eminence, and in immediate
proximity to a grove of oak and beech trees. The sound of the
wind passing through this foliage was interpreted as a revelation of
the mind of the deity. In later days alterations were introduced,
and in historical times this oracle lost the importance which it had
previously enjoyed.

Other gods, and even heroes, had oracles ; but there was nothing
in them to justify an account of them in these pages.

3s * THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Before passing on to other topics, it will be necessary here to
notice those peculiar and important rites which were associated with
the religion of the Greeks under the title of "mysteries." The
general character and design of this institution, as an element of
heathen idolatry, have been already discussed. We have now to
direct particular attention to those which were celebrated in connex
ion with the religion of Greece. Of these there were several, — those
of Zeus in Crete, of Hera in Argolis, of Athene and Dionysos at
Athens, of Artemis in Arcadia, and others ; but the most important
and remarkable were the mysteries of Samothrace and Eleusis.

The common character of these Grecian mysteries consisted in
their being services connected with particular sacrifices periodically
offered during the night- season, and to which none but the initiated
were permitted to have access. In these select services not only
were sacrifices offered and devotional rites performed, but explana
tions of ancient traditions were given ; and, in some cases, most
affecting exhibitions of the divine attributes and works were, by
scenic representation and verbal exposition, communicated to the
assembled company. No religious institution in Greece exercised a
wider range of influence on the public mind than this ; but unfortu
nately, as it was a capital crime to divulge anything seen or heard
on those occasions to the multitude without, it is extremely difficult
to collect any definite information respecting them. Our limits
restrict us to a brief notice of the Eleusinian mysteries ; and we
submit to this the more readily, inasmuch as these were by far the
most important of all the Grecian sacred rights, and, as such, have
called forth continued investigation, which has at length elicited a
tolerable amount of information respecting these occult and recon
dite services.

There were minor mysteries celebrated under the same name;
but our attention will be exclusively confined to the greater mys
teries. These are supposed to have originated about 1400 B. 0., and
were celebrated at Eleusis, a borough- town in Attica, situated be
tween Megara and the Piraeeus, at the head of the Bay of Salamis.
This service was celebrated annually, but with special pomp and
importance every fifth year. The rites began on the 15th of Sep
tember, and continued during nine days. On the first day the
company merely assembled, no one being eligible to take a part in
this great service who had not been initiated in the lesser mysteries,
although crowds of mere spectators who were not thus qualified
visited Athens on these occasions. On the second day, the persons
who were to take a part in the solemn service went in procession to
the sea, where they purified themselves by ablutions in two small

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 389

streams, which there fell into the Gulf of Salamis. On the third
day, called "the day of sacrifices," a mullet, and barley grown in
the field of Rharos, were solemnly consecrated to Demeter, to whose
honour the mysteries were dedicated. This ceremony, by bringing
the crowd into association with the deity, led them to assume a seri
ous and reverential air, whereas previously joy and hilarity prevailed.
On the fourth day, a procession was formed, in which a basket called
naXdOiov, containing pomegranates and poppy- seeds, was carried on
a wagon drawn by oxen. This was followed by females termed
Kiaoo(j)6poi, with osier panniers : into these the Athenians poured
their offerings of poppy, carded wool, grains of salt, sesamum, pome
granates, ivy, reeds, cakes called tyOoeu;, snakes, and branches broken
from neighbouring bay-bushes. The fifth day was called " the day
of torches," because in the evening the company roamed over the
fields with lighted flambeaux ; after which they repaired to the tem
ple of Demeter at Eleusis. This ceremony was supposed to repre
sent the search of the goddess for her daughter Proserpine. The
sixth day was termed " the day of Bacchus," when a small statue of
this divinity was borne in triumphant procession toward the great
temple, over what was called " the Holy Way." In this procession
the crowd were crowned with vine-leaves, and danced to the melody
of music, until, arriving at the mystical entrance, they passed into
the sacred enclosure, and spent the night in exercises and services,
which were universally regarded as more holy and solemn than any
other element of the religion of Greece. (See Appendix, note 70.)
After this night, those who had taken part in its service were called
eTTOTTTai, oic " the fully initiated."

On the seventh day, the athletic pastimes took place; and the
strong distinguished themselves by feats of masculine prowess, and
the agile by their dexterity and fleetness. The eighth day was, it
is said, added when ^Esculapius visited Attica. On this day the
ceremonies of the lesser mysteries were repeated. The ninth day
was called " the day of earthen vessels," because on it bowls of wine,
sanctified by the consecration of the hierophant, were dashed upon
the ground as libations to Demeter; and the festival closed amid
the wild and exulting shouts of those who had witnessed the mys
teries of Eleusinia.

Even this rapid sketch of the mysteries may serve to show that
all the intellectual and artistic resources of Greece were called into
requisition to sustain the national faith, — a fact that accounts for
the strong hold which such theologic absurdities had on the mind of
this cultivated and polished people.

It now becomes necessary to direct our inquiries to the religious

390 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

character of the several philosophical sects, or "schools," of Greece:
for even a partial acquaintance with this remarkable people is suf
ficient to show that, with them, religion was not so much studied
under the mode of divinity, theology, and morals, as under the form
and name of " philosophy." We shall not, therefore, greatly err if
we direct attention to the most important of these philosophical
schools, as holding nearly the same relation to the national religion
of Greece as our several sectarian denominations hold to the general
religious character of our own country.

The first of the philosophic teachers whom it may be necessary to
mention in this category, is THALES, who has been already noticed
as one of the Seven Wise Men. He is celebrated as the founder of
the Ionic school of philosophy ; and he was unquestionably the first,
and the leader, of a band or succession of philosophers, of whom
Pherecydes, Anaximander, Anaximenes, and Anaxagoras were the
most eminent. But this was not properly a " school," since they
held no class of doctrines in common. In one important instance,
however, they introduced a great novelty into the popular religious
belief. It had been a standing dogma from the days of Hesiod, that
the world originated by divine generation : Uranus and Gaia pro
duced Cronus, or Time, when the universe was complete. In oppo
sition to this notion, Thales taught that water was the first principle
or basis of all things. But to what extent he recognised God as the
Supreme Artificer, does not clearly appear. This single step was,
however, of vast importance. It stripped creation, and, through it,
material existence in general, of that incubus of quasi-divinity which
had been supposed to affect all its operations ; and placed the mate
rial world before the mind as a subject for rational and scientific
investigation. It must be confessed that when Thales had exploded
the old scheme of cosmogony, as a series of personal history and
divine intermarriages, he did not carry out his principle to all cog
nate subjects, or lay down any solid rule for eliciting the truth. In
morals, as well as in respect of physics, this philosopher is cele
brated as having made a great advance on his predecessors. He is
said to have been the author of the golden rule, " Not to do to others
what, if dotie to us, we should resent." We see here, therefore, the
earliest influence of Grecian philosophy on religion, in assailing the
absurdities of its theogony, and extending its moral influence.

We have now to direct attention to the teaching of PYTHAGORAS.
This extraordinary man was eminent in almost every respect ; but
it is only concerning the influence of his doctrine and practice on
morals and religion that we shall refer to him. It seems that ho-
established a society, which was engaged partly in the study of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 391

political subjects, and partly in those which were scientific. But
this brotherhood was mainly distinguished as being held together by
a religious sentiment or influence. Whether this was framed on
any model which the industrious Greek discovered during his exten
sive travels, or was an invention of his own, cannot now be ascer
tained. But it has been sufficiently shown that this brotherhood
was distinguished by many observances which approached very
nearly to a monastic character. But Pythagoras did not hesitate to
put himself forward as "an inspired teacher, prophet, and worker
of miracles, — employing all these gifts to found a new special order
of brethren, bound together by religious rites and observances,
peculiar to themselves. In his prominent vocation, analogous to
that of Epimenides, Orpheus, or Melampus, he appears as the
revealer of a mode of life calculated to raise his disciples above the
level of mankind, and to recommend them to the favour of the gods ;
the Pythagorean life, like the Orphic life, being intended as the ex
clusive prerogative of the brotherhood, — approached only by proba
tion and initiatory ceremonies, which were adapted to select enthu
siasts rather than to an indiscriminate crowd, and exacting entire
mental devotion to the master." — Grote's History of Greece, vol. iv,
p. 534. When we read this account of an ancient sage, given not
by a novice, or for any particular purpose, or by a religious enthu
siast, but by the hand of a master, we feel intensely desirous of
knowing more of his doctrine and character. But, alas ! this lauda
ble curiosity can be gratified only to a limited extent. Pythagoras
left no writings ; unless we receive " the Golden Verses," on which
Hierocles wrote a learned Commentary, as possessing some tradi
tionary authority, and embodying the moral principles which he
inculcated. If we could be certain that they exhibit a summary of
his ethical system, he would be entitled to occupy one of the highest
places among Pagan philosophers. When want of success induced
him to leave Greece, he located himself in Italy ; where the inhab
itants of Crotona among whom he resided called him " the Hyper
borean Apollo," and the satirical Timon ridiculed him as one "en
gaged in fishing for men."

Grote well observes, that " there is no reason for regarding Pythag
oras as an impostor, because experience seems to show, that while
in certain ages it is not difficult for a man to persuade others that he
is inspired, it is still less difficult for him to contract the same belief
himself. Looking at the general type of Pythagoras, as conceived
by witnesses in and near his own age, we find in him chiefly the
religious missionary and schoolmaster, with little of the politician.
The primitive Pythagoras is inspired by the gods to reveal a new

392 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

mode of life,— the Pythagorean life."— History of Greece, vol. iv,
p. 535.

It is scarcely possible to form any idea, at this time, of the effect
produced by such a man, with his powers of mind and religious
professions, on the character and opinions of his countrymen. The
fact as to his doctrine seems clear : — he taught the doctrine of the
metempsychosis or transmigration of souls. We might think this
dogma would be a sufficient antidote to every other, and render the
teaching of the philosopher repulsive. However it might have been
in Greece, it was far otherwise in Italy ; and it may be fairly ques
tioned whether the annals of the world contain a similar account of
the religious results following the efforts of any heathen philosopher.
I quote again the words of Grote :— On the arrival of Pythageras
at Crotona in Italy, " his preaching and his conduct produced an
effect almost electric upon the minds of the people, with an extensive
reform, public as well as private. Political discontent was repressed,
incontinence disappeared, luxury became discredited, and the women
hastened to change their golden ornaments for the simplest attire.
No less than two thousand persons were converted at his first preach
ing ; and so effective were his discourses to the youth, that the supreme
Council of One Thousand invited him into their assembly, solicited
his advice, and even offered to constitute him their prytanis, or presi
dent, while his wife and daughter were placed at the head of the
religious procession of females. Nor was his influence confined to
Crotona : other towns in Italy and Sicily, — Sybaris, Mctapontum,
Rhegium, Catana, Himera, &c., — all felt the benefit of his exhorta
tions, which extricated some of them even from slavery." Our
learned author adds : "To trace these tales to a true foundation is
impossible ; but we may entertain reasonable belief that the success
of Pythagoras, as a person favoured by the gods, and a patentee
of divine secrets, was very great ; that he procured to himself both
the reverence of the multitude, and the peculiar attachment and obe
dience of many devoted adherents, chiefly belonging to the wealthy
and powerful classes." — History of Greece, vol. iv, p. 546.

We have preferred giving the above extracts from this learned
author, although rather disposed to demur to some of his words,
and believing, with him, that the accounts of the effects produced by
the ministrations of Pythagoras are in many respects overcharged.
Yet, with all this concession, we ask the intelligent Christian,— How
is the admitted residuum of truth to be accounted for? Under what
influence, and by what light, did the heathens of Crotona discern
the error and evil of factious complaint, incontinence, and luxury?
How did they, who had so long been the slaves of these vices, now

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 393

in such numbers acquire a power to resist their fascinations, and to
alter their conduct and habits? But it is alleged, "This is false:
partial and untruthful biographers have merely adorned the character
of their hero with these additions." We ask, then, with equal con
fidence,— What led those lying heathens to discern this elevated
morality ? Is it in the nature of things that heathens, under the full
influence of vicious habits, should sketch even in idea such purely
moral reforms? We confess we think not; and without admitting
the claim of Pythagoras to " inspiration," in the proper sense of that
term, we feel disposed to regard him as a man who, with many and
serious errors, possessed a considerable amount of sound morality
and sterling truth, under the influence of Him who " enlighteneth
every man that cometh into the world ;" and we believe that, faith
ful to this teaching, he was, under the same influence, made the in
strument of a great moral reformation. Nor does anything in the
future history of this people militate against such an opinion. They
were lured into political action and influence, and severely suffered
the consequences of such indiscretion in the loss of many of their
principal members : but, taught by this error, they existed long after
ward in their proper character as a moral and religious body.

Since it is our main object to exhibit the agencies afforded by
Grecian philosophy, and adapted to promote sound morality and
enlightened religion, we may pass over the teaching of the Sophists
and of the Eleatic school, and proceed to direct attention to the per
son that fills the largest space as an efficient teacher in these depart
ments. We, of course, refer to SOCRATES.

This extraordinary man was the son of a sculptor, comparatively
a poor man, but of pure Hellenic blood. For some considerable time
he worked at his father's trade, until, at length, he fully devoted
himself to public instruction. In adopting this, he did not estab
lish a school, or gather about him a number of young men who paid
for their instruction, and to whom he delivered set discourses. On
the contrary, Socrates went continually into places of public resort,
and, by entering into conversation with people of all ages and ranks,
imparted instruction unto all. The principal means by which he
effected this was by propounding a series of questions, which were
all studiously directed to some important end, and designed to im
part a knowledge of some essential truth. More than this, indeed,
was intended in the adoption and continuance of this mode of teach
ing. Socrates had a very low estimate of the real acquirements of
his countrymen, and indulged in extravagant ideas of the effect of
knowledge: in fact, with him "wisdom" was synonymous with
"virtue." By the mode of questioning which he adopted, he was

394 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

able to convict of ignorance almost all with whom he conversed.
Indeed, to a great extent, this was his object, in order that he might
lead them to acquire knowledge.

One instance of this course of action may be related, since it is
not only amusing, but casts considerable light upon the character
and conduct of this philosopher. One of his intimate friends and
ardent admirers, when at Delphi, had propounded this question:
" Whether any other man was wiser than Socrates ?" and received from
the oracle the* response that no other man was wiser. Socrates says
that he was greatly perplexed on hearing this answer, as he wished
to respect the truthfulness of the oracle, but found it difficult to do
so, conscious as he felt of so much ignorance. He, however, resolved
to apply a very simple test to this difficulty. Selecting a distinguished
individual, of great reputation for wisdom, he entered into conversa
tion with him, and propounded questions, the answers to which soon
convinced Socrates that the wisdom of his interlocutor had been
greatly overstated, though he himself fully shared the popular
opinion as to his own acquirements, and could not by any means
be brought to doubt the extent of his wisdom. This reconciled
Socrates to the decision of the oracle; for, said he, "The result I
have acquired is, that I was a wiser man than he : for neither he nor
I knew anything of what was truly good and honourable ; but the
difference between us was, that he fancied he knew them, while I was
fully conscious of my own ignorance : I was therefore wiser than he,
inasmuch as I was exempt from that capital error."— Grote's His
tory (>f Greece, vol. viii, p. 562.

Socrates, throughout his life, evinced an exact regard for all the
religious duties imposed by the national faith. As respects the
subject-matter of his teaching, he differed from all the philosophers
who had preceded him, and especially from Thales. That sage made
the first assault on the my thologic dogmas of Greece, by propounding
a separate study of the physical system of the universe : and this
course was followed by all succeeding philosophers, who confounded
morals and physics in strange combination. Socrates repudiated
this method. Declaring that " the proper study of mankind is man,"
he recognised the security and happiness of man both as the single
end of study, and as the limiting principle by which it ought to be
circumscribed. He objected to any study of astronomy more than
might be gathered from pilots and watchmen ; he even set limitations
to the learning of arithmetic ; and as to physical science, it was out
of the question. It is curious to look back and trace such idiosyn
crasies in the giant intellects of old. But Socrates evidently regarded
these branches of knowledge as being in such a state as to promise

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 395

no practical result ; and this was his ruling idea. He consequently
urged a close and careful study of human matters, in opposition to
those which he regarded as shut out from our research by the divine
will.

It is, however, as a moralist, and as a religious teacher, that we
have specially to regard Socrates. He not only introduced the
innovation mentioned above, of extending his teaching generally and
gratuitously, and of shutting out speculative science, and limiting
his discourses to simple ethics ; he went further, and prosecuted this
work not as a profession, or merely as an ordinary duty of life, but
in the spirit of a religious missionary. In this respect he stood
alone among the teachers of Greece ; neither Parmenides and Anax-
agoras before him, nor Plato and Aristotle after him, assumed thi3
character, which Socrates most distinctly claimed, upheld by his
life, and asserted in his death. Nor are we at liberty to construe
this divine mission as meaning no more than an ordinary provi
dential appointment, or such a conviction of the divine will as may
rest upon and direct the mind of any good man. Socrates asserted
the presence with his mind of a special visitation from God. He
tells us that he had been accustomed constantly to hear, even from
his childhood, a divine voice, interfering, at moments when he was
about to act, in this way of restraint, but never in the way of insti
gation. Such prohibitory warning was wont to come upon him very
frequently, not merely on great, but even on seemingly trivial, occa
sions, intercepting what he was about to do or to say. Of this
spiritual monitor he was accustomed to speak familiarly to his
friends, assuring them that he always most implicitly obeyed it.
All those who were about him knew that this prevented him from
entering upon public life, and hindered his preparing a defence when
he was indicted for a capital . crime. This has been spoken of by
later writers as "the demon of Socrates;" and moderns have argued
against it under that aspect with great eloquence and force. But
all this is beside the mark. Socrates never spoke of it as a person
ality, but always as "a divine sign, a prophetic or supernatural
voice."

But, besides this retarding and guiding influence with which Socra
tes regarded himself as inspired, he believed himself specially com
missioned to pursue a particular course of teaching. In dreams, by
oracular intimations, and by other means, he considered himself as
set apart, by the special mandate of the gods, to detect and expose
the superficial wisdom of the Greeks, and to lead them to sound
practical knowledge. The weight with which this impression rested
on his mind, and the spirit in which he aimed at discharging such a

396 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

duty, may be seen in the following extracts from his address to his
judges : " Whatever be the danger and obloquy which I may incur,
it would be monstrous indeed, if, having maintained my place in the
ranks as an hoplite under your generals at Delium and Potidsea, I
were now, from fear of death or anything else, to desert the post
which the God has assigned to me,— the duty of living for philoso
phy, and cross-questioning myself and others. And should you
even now offer to acquit me on condition of my renouncing this duty,
I should tell you, with all respect an.d affection, that I will obey the
God rather than you ; and I will persist until my dying day in cross-
questioning you, exposing your want of wisdom and virtue, and
reproaching you, until the defect be remedied. My mission as your
monitor is a mark of the special favour of the God to you. Perhaps
you will ask me, ' Why cannot you go away, Socrates, and live
among us in peace and silence ?' This is the hardest of all ques
tions for me to answer to your satisfaction. If I tell you that silence
on my part would be disobedience to the God, you will not believe
me. Nevertheless, so stands the fact, incredible as it may be to
you."

It is only necessary to add, that while this great man evidently
placed his system of ethics on too narrow a base in comprising all
virtue in wisdom, his practice was far more sound than his theses ;
for none could urge more diligently or forcibly than he did the
necessity of maintaining control over the passions, the regulation of
the affections, and the exercise of constant self-denial. But one of
the most important principles of Socrates was, that although he
affirmed virtue to be essentially wisdom and knowledge, he at the
same time argued that it could not be taught, but that virtue was
vouchsafed or withheld according to the special volition and grace
of the gods ; so that, while he made well-doing the noblest pursuit
of man, he regarded the best man as most beloved by the gods ; and
thus human weakness and want were placed in dependence on divine
goodness and strength.

A full analysis of the teaching of this age, and a complete investi
gation of its influence on Greece, would require a volume. Our
limits will only allow us to add a few words on the latter topic.
Here we have not only the assertion of divine influence on the
human heart, as necessary to virtue,— and the condemnation of all
vice as folly,— but a living embodiment of these doctrines in the
person of the teacher, who professed to live under such a deep con
viction of a divine impelling call to this duty, that he determined to
die rather than swerve from the course to which he had been ap
pointed. And this active obedience was continued in an incessant

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 397

course of instruction for thirty or forty years, (for Socrates was
seventy when put to death,) until the Greek mind was so imbued
with these doctrines, that it was urged on his trial by Xenophon,
that every good man believed in the necessity of living under im
mediate divine influence ; and all were taught that the gods were
deeply concerned in the happiness and virtue of man, and had there
fore specially called Socrates to the mission which he thus ful
filled.

We have no hesitation in assuming this case to exhibit a very
gracious divine interposition. We regard the conduct of Socrates
as that of a man enlightened and guided by the Author of all good,
to lead the hearts and minds of the most intellectual heathen nation
of the earth back to himself. It may be objected that Socrates did
not denounce Greek polytheism, nor live an immaculate life. This
is admitted : but he did enunciate, and by every energy of argument
enforce the adoption of, great spiritual truths, which, if practically
received, would have superseded the absurd and wicked system of
Greek theology, by bringing the people into an intelligent obedi
ence to the Spirit of God. And he did evince his personal obedi
ence, so far as his mind was enlightened, in choosing to die with a
good conscience, rather than to live in neglect of known duty.

PLATO, the disciple and successor of Socrates, followed his master
as the leading philosopher of Greece. Yet although this sage exer
cised a more extensive influence over the Greek mind than any other
individual before or after him, our notice of his teaching will be
brief. Unlike Socrates in his object, Plato did not direct his great
energies to the promotion of individual wisdom and virtue. He evi
dently regarded it as his more immediate vocation to establish the
science of politics on great moral principles. His principal efforts
were accordingly directed to the dissemination of such views of God
and man,— of the mutual relation, and common interest, and relative
duties of the human family,— as should contribute toward the forma
tion of a model political community. So far as this design is con
cerned, we altogether overlook it ; but it will be necessary to give a
brief sketch of his religious and moral tenets.

The teaching of Plato respecting the divine nature was far in
advance of the theology of his age and country; but it is, neverthe
less, not an easy task to state precisely what were his exact opinions
on this important subject. For it seems that, with the fate of his
master present to his mind, Plato steadily kept his personal safety
in view, and expressed himself with caution, if, indeed, he did not
withhold much that he fully believed. Hence he says, " It is a diffi
cult thing to discover the nature of the Creator of the universe ; and,

398 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

being discovered, it is impossible, and would even be impious, to
expose the discovery to vulgar understandings." Considering this
reserve,— coupled as it was with Plato's adopting the theoretical part
of the teaching of Socrates, in preference to the practical, — we can
only hope to attain an approximate estimate of his theology. It

seems that he maintained the existence of two kinds of being : one,

self- existent, the potent cause of the world's creation out of preex-
istent matter, which he regarded as coeternal with God; and the
other, man. The world was framed out of this matter, distributed
into four principal elements, into which, after the creation, the
divinity infused a rational soul. Man was formed, as to his body,
out of this material substance, while human souls were made out of
the residue of the soul of the world. The human mind was there
fore supposed to exist previous to the body, as an emanation from
Deity. Invisible gods and demons had, according to this system,
been previously created by the same cause out of the same spiritual
substance. Plato, therefore, carried out the teaching of Socrates
into theory, by supposing the existence of one Great First Cause,
the Creator of the polytheistic deities of Greece; while the world,
thus endowed with a rational soul,— an emanation from God,— was
spoken of as " the son of God."

This brief sketch is sufficient to justify the statement of Grote,
that " Plato was a great speculative genius ;" which is further proved
by the consideration, that in none of his works does he make the
remotest allusion to the existence of malignant spirits, but accounts
for the origin and existence of evil by reference to the intractable
nature of matter. In consequence of Plato's ruling idea of political
theorizing, his most explicit declarations of moral virtue are given
in a figurative form, the man being represented as a political body.
But it is sufficiently apparent that he exhibits this perfect virtue
as comprised under four distinct heads : 1. Prudence, or wisdom ;
2. Courage, constancy, or fortitude ; 3. Temperance, discretion, or
self-control ; and, 4. Justice, or righteousness. To all this the
teacher of the Academy added the doctrine of metempsychosis, or
the transmigration of souls, believing that the soul of a man some
times passed into the body of a brute, until, by occupying succes
sive bodies, its moral character was changed, or confirmed. (See
Appendix, note 71.)

Before proceeding to form an opinion of the teaching of Plato
generally, a few other particulars must be briefly added. lie allowed
men to drink to excess in the Bacchanalian festivals, but not at other
times. (Diogenes Laertius, lib. iii, cap. 30.) He did not recommend
the worship of the one true God, but that of the twelve gods of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 399

Greece, to whom he proposed to solemnize twelve monthly festivals.
(De Legibus, cap. 8.) He says, " He may lie who knows how to do
it in a fitting or needful season." He advises governors to make
use of lies toward both enemies and citizens, " when it is conveni
ent." But, what perhaps will be regarded as still more strange, in
his sketch of a model republic, — which is intended to exhibit a com
munity formed in the most rational and perfect manner, — Plato
recommends that women, as well as men, should appear perfectly
naked at public exercises ; that the wives of the rulers should be
common to all ; and that young men who have distinguished them
selves as warriors should be rewarded by having a greater liberty of
commerce with women.

Looking, then, at the whole matter, it is difficult to give, in a sen
tence or two, an opinion of the effect of Plato's teaching on Greece.
His merits as a great man, a profound genius, are undisputed. He
contributed, perhaps, more than any other man to place sound learning
on a substantial basis, and to promote its general cultivation. But,
regarded as a moral and religious teacher, his influence on the state
of Greece must have been most injurious. Whatever the faults of
Socrates might have been, his doctrines and practice had an evident
tendency to lead men to a careful and conscientious obedience to the
teaching and influence of the Divine Spirit. This we are inclined
to regard as the only conceivable means by which Greece at that
period could have been regenerated, and restored to religious truth
and sound morals. The course of teaching and general conduct of
Plato did more than anything else to prevent such a regeneration.
The glitter of his science fascinated the Grecian intellect ; his broad
scheme of philosophy, and profound elements of logic, dazzled the
mind even of the sedate and serious; and individual subjection of
mind to divine influence is scarcely heard of after the death of Soc
rates. In our judgment, a great and gracious dispensation was thus
repelled ; and Greece, instead of rising, sunk in respect both of
morals and of religion.

As we do not investigate the philosophy of Greece in order to
trace its subtle transmutations, nor to detail its intellectual conflicts,
but to ascertain its moral and religious results, our further reference
to this subject may be concise. ARISTOTLE, who had long been a
pupil of Plato, after having been preceptor to Alexander of Mace-
don, returned to Athens, and established a school of philosophy at
the Lyceum, in opposition to the Academy which had been founded
by Plato. Perhaps nothing in human history can exceed the intel
lectual grandeur of this seminary. But for one purpose it was
fruitless. Aristotle cast no additional light on the divine character ;

400 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

but, by teaching the eternity of the world, obscured what had been
previously known. His opinions of providence were doubtful in
the extreme : •"-//*," says he, " the gods exercise any care at all about
men, as it seems" He recommended the destruction of all weakly
or deformed children, and counselled other measures respecting pop
ulation of a revolting kind. He spoke of one supreme God, but
asserted the stars to be true eternal divinities. The greatest efforts
and highest success of such a philosophy could not be promotive of
sound morality or enlightened religion ; but, by drawing away the
most energetic and cultivated minds into a kind of intellectual idol
atry, exercised rather a deteriorating and withering influence.

We have next to notice the tenets and influence of the Stoics;
and, in so doing, must keep to the doctrines of the sect as taught by
ZENO. The dogmas of this philosophic sect with respect to creation
were very confused. They taught that a chaos, containing the first
principles of all future being, existed from eternity ; that this chaos,
being at length arranged, and emerging into variable forms, became
the world as it now subsists. This change was effected by the
agency of two principles ; it being distinctly taught that everything
which operates, as well as that which is operated upon, is corporeal.
The acting principle is sometimes spoken of as fire ; at others, it is
called " reason," or " God:" so that this fire must have been regard
ed as identical with deity. And this deity was defined to be " that
law of nature which ever accomplishes what is right, and prevents
the opposite ;" and Zeno identified it, or Zeus, with spirit and pre
destination, or unconditioned necessity. Zeno seems to have refer
red the several chief deities of the Greek Pantheon to the different
modes in which the great primary divine power was manifested.

On the subject of divine providence, this sect taught that God
governed the world by a general providence, which did not extend
to individuals, cities, or people : it was therefore only another name
for necessity or fate, to which God and matter, or the universe which
consists of both, are according to this doctrine inevitably subjected.

In reference to morals, the disciples of Zeno have claimed, and
have been usually allowed to occupy, an elevated position : and in
respect of mere external action, and of some of the principles incul
cated, this award is just. Zeno considered virtue as the result of
the perfect dominion of reason. All actions were regarded as good
or bad, — even impulses and desires, — because they rest upon free
consent ; and consequently passive conditions or affections, when not
influenced by the dominion of reason, are immoral, and become the
source of immoral action. Raising this lofty standard, they assumed
a perfect equality in the morality of actions of each class : that is,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 401

all virtuous actions were equally virtuous, and all vicious ones
equally vicious. They thus described a wise man as raised above
the instincts of nature, experiencing neither pleasure nor pain, —
feeling no fault, exercising no pity, — in fact, as divine. Hence one
of them says, " As to the body, thou art but a small part of the uni
verse ; but in respect of the mind, or reason, neither worse nor less
than the gods."

This morality lacked essential support. The immortality of the
soul was denied : or, if admitted, the resurrection with which it was
associated was marked by an oblivion of all preceding existence.
" This restoration," says Seneca, " many would reject, were it not
that their renovated life is accompanied with a total oblivion of past
events." The whole system tended to raise man to a state of inde
pendence. Hence, in opposition to the threat, "I will fetter thee,
Epictetus," the sage replies, " Thou wilt fetter my feet, but Jupiter
himself cannot fetter my choice." But these lofty lessons failed in
their object. Even Zeno himself allowed a community of women,
tolerated incest, was guilty of the most unnatural impurity, and
ultimately committed suicide.

The tenets and influence of this sect cannot be regarded as aiford-
ing any additional religious light, or moral purity, to the people of
Greece. On the contrary, they tended to confuse the understand
ing, and, under the pretext of seeking elevated moral virtue, to
alienate man still further from God.

We have yet another religious sect to consider, in its teaching and
influence on the mind of Greece, — the followers of EPICURUS.

It will first be necessary to notice the ethical doctrines of this
sect. The foundation-principle of this scheme was, that pleasure
constitutes the highest happiness of man, and should therefore be
aimed at as the supreme good. There can be little doubt that this
system arose in opposition to the philosophical scheme of Zeno.
For, as that philosopher began with necessity and fate, and proceeded
to carry out his views by ascetic and repulsive severity ; so Epicurus
commenced with the freedom of the human will, and chose, as the
object to be aimed at, supreme pleasure or unruffled happiness.
From the terms in which this thesis was propounded, many have
supposed that the system gave licence to the gratification of unbri
dled desire. But there is no reason for believing that Epicurus
used the term in this sense. On the contrary, we are told that
"pleasure with him was not a mere momentary and transitory sen
sation ; but he conceived it as something lasting and imperishable,
consisting in pure and noble enjoyments. It was accordingly ex
hibited by the union of two terms, — dra^a^ia, ' freedom from pas-

402 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

sion, coolness, calmness,' and d-novta, 'exemption from bodily pain;'
thus showing a freedom from pain, and from all influences which
disturb the peace of our mind, and thereby our happiness, which is
the result of it. The summum bonum, or 'chief good' of man,
according to this system, consisted in this peace of mind; and the
great problem of his ethics was therefore to show how it might be
attained." It is said that of all the ancient systems this has been
most violently opposed, and most extensively misunderstood; and,
probably, it might with equal truth be added, that no system has
been explained with so much latitude, and has led to such different
results in its professed followers.

But it will now be necessary to notice other parts of this scheme.
Epicurus not only adopted the atomic theory of physics in respect
of the formation of the world, but even supposed the gods to be in
like manner composed of atoms. They were conceived to live in
the enjoyment of perfect peace and happiness. They had nothing
to do with creation, nor with the government of the world, or afford
ing influence to man. The system was consequently objected to as
atheistic ; and, whatever may be the theory, it had undoubtedly this
practical result. A further essential defect of the Epicurean philos
ophy is found in the utter absence of any authorized law. Piety
toward God, submission to his authority, resignation to his will, or
trust in him, could not exist. The essential principle of the whole
scheme was selfishness. Every man was counselled to avoid every
thing that would occasion him trouble, pain, or disturbance. Hereby
all efforts toward the public good, and all offices of friendship, were
cut up by the roots. The result of the system was, therefore, the
destruction of religious principles, — the removal of man from all
divine teaching, influence, favour, or responsibility; and the effect
of it on its author and his more eminent scholars was indulgence in
gross sensuality.

The system of Epicurus, therefore, appears like the last effort
of human reason to separate man from his God, and to remove
from his mind all really religious influence, and all efficient moral
principle.

Although these several systems of philosophy have been noticed
in the order in which they arose, it must not be supposed that they
thus succeeded and superseded each other. On the contrary, each
school continued a separate and independent centre of instruction
and influence, after the last had been fully established : so that the
Greek mind had to make its election between these several develop
ments of the national faith ; while these sects coexisted, as has been
already intimated, as so many religious denominations. But. al-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 403

though this was the case, the course of time clearly shows the pro
gressive degeneracy of Greece, in religion as in other respects.
Prior to the Christian era, the scheme of Epicurus had obtained
very extensive, if not indeed a highly paramount, influence over the
Grecian people.

It will now be necessary to give a brief review of this religion.
We perceive in Greece a want of that rich amount of patriarchal
tradition found to pervade older countries. There is also the ab
sence of the profane monarchical assumption so prominent in the
religion of the Asiatic nations. Looking at the history and political
condition of Greece, nothing is more anomalous and strange than
the existence of such numerous petty independent states as ob
tained in Greece among a people of the same blood, language, and
religion. But, observing what occurred in almost every ancient
kingdom, we see in this multiplicity of states perhaps the only
means of saving that country from the curse of the pre-Christian
Antichrist.

It will further be noticed, that the early ages of Greece exhibit, in
connexion with her religion, a deep and general recognition of divine
influence. It may be agreeable to many minds to repudiate the im
portance of this fact ; but it must have been something more than
political finesse which led the Athenians, in the depth of their dis
tress, — with the ashes of their homes, and the charred walls of their
temples, under their eyes, — to refuse the most flattering overtures
of Persia, from pure devotion to their god. And it is remarkable,
that it was under this aspect of the national religion, (notwithstand
ing all their idolatry and the absurdity of their notions in many
other respects,) that Greece attained her preeminent intellectual
superiority. It was in the age in which Anaxagoras was banished
for denying that the heavenly bodies were deities, and asserting that
they were inanimate bodies, that Grecian genius shed her mightiest
energy on the world. It was in the time of Pericles that Socrates
perished, a martyr to the doctrine of divine influence on the human
mind. And as if to teach, in the most impressive manner, the utter
inefficiency of the highest intellectual efforts to promote the eleva
tion of man without a recognition of the existence of divine teach
ing, and an experience of its power, it was when Plato and Aris
totle brought their unparalleled genius and intellectual power to
bear on their country, that Greece began to descend from her high
elevation.

It is a remarkable fact, that, however differing or antagonistic, in
other respects, the four great religious sects — the Academy, the
Peripatetics, the Porch, and the Epicureans — might be, they dis-

404 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

played a regular gradation of departure from a recognition of divine
influence, grace, responsibility to future judgment, and true moral
principle, as arising out of divine command.

Another fact unfavourable to the candour and justice of Athenian
administration is seen in the difference of treatment evinced toward
real and pretended cases of impiety. Anaxagoras was banished,
Socrates slain, and Plato swerved from his course of duty, through
the determination of the ruling body to punish the slightest infra'c-
tion of the national faith. But then this severity was only shown
toward those who propounded views and doctrines of purer theology
and sounder morality. Aristophanes might hold up to ridicule all
that the national faith regarded as divine : and, when, this was really
done in an impious manner, and for the purposes of levity, folly
and vice, it obtained perfect toleration.

To those who talk of progressive intellect and advancing civiliza
tion, as synonymous with an increasing acquaintance with religious
truth, the declarations of learned authors in the following language
should be admonitory: "In the more enlightened periods, in the
times even of Plato and his disciples, the clearest principles — we do
not say, of moral purity, but — even of moral integrity were not
better understood, and still less better observed, than in the days of
Homer. Philosophy relaxed the hold of superstition upon the con
science, without substituting any efficacious restraint in its place;
and ' it is evident,' to use the words of Mitford, ' from the writings of
Xenophon and Plato, that in their age the boundaries of right and
wrong, justice and injustice, honesty and dishonesty, were little de
termined by any generally received principle.' The philosophy of
Epicurus had completely gained the ascendency in the age preceding
the Christian era; and the greatest characters and most learned
scholars wavered between the tenets of the theistical and atheistical
systems. Corruption of manners, and the subtilties of scepticism,
had reached a height of extravagance which it seemed scarcely pos
sible to exceed. Human reason had lost itself in the labyrinths of
philosophical speculation, and human virtue had been abandoned to
the wayward direction of the fancy or the passions." — Edinburgh
Encyc., vol. x, p. 479.

We have in these evolutions of the religion of Greece the solution
of a difficulty otherwise inexplicable, — namely, the prevalence of
unbounded licentiousness of manners in the midst of the greatest
triumphs of wisdom, genius, and art. Who can read of the courte
zans of Athens and Corinth without amazement ? Who can hear of
the visits of Pericles, and even of Socrates, to the dissolute Aspasia.
without feeling all his notions of propriety and congruity outraged ?

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 405

But the depths of this iniquity cannot be written. The religion of
Greece could not and did not sustain the moral dignity of female
virtue. It was cloistered and crushed by cold austerity and cruel
neglect ; while unbridled licentiousness reigned, and the most aban
doned of women rolled in wealth, and rioted in the acme of honour.
It will be sufficient to add, that before, as it is said, dissoluteness of
manners was introduced into Athens, the great Themistocles was
drawn in a chariot across the Cerainicus, in the sight of a multitude
of persons there assembled, by four naked courtezans. (Plutarch,
in Vita Themistoclis.) So nearly did the manners of Ashantee find
a parallel in the wisest city of the world ! So ineffectual is enlightened
intellect to sustain moral virtue, in the absence of religious truth !

406 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

CHAPTER XL

THE HISTORY OF ROME.

IMPORTANCE of Roman History— Unusual Extent of its Legendary Portion— -Arrival of
^Eneas on the Banks of the Tiber — Lavinium — Alba — Romulus and Remus — Rome —
Death of Remus — Rape of the Sabine Virgins — Sabine War — Political Constitution of
the first Romans— Xuma— Tullus Hostilius— Albans removed to Rome— Ancus Martius
— The Reigns of the Tarquins and of Servius Tullius — Tragic Fate of Lucretia — Abolition
of Royalty — Junius Brutus — War with Porsenna — Destruction of Veii — Invasion of the
Gauls— Distress of the Romans — Oppressive Character of the Laws respecting the Poor
— Legislative Reform — Renewed aggressive War — All Italy subdued by the Romans —
War with Carthage — The First Punic War — Sicily added to Rome as a Province — Fur
ther Extension of Territory on the Continent procured by the Romans — Sardinia
seized— Hannibal— His deadly Enmity to Rome— His Measures in Spain— The Second
Punic War— Hannibal invades Italy— His wonderful Success— Repeated Defeat of the
Roman Armies — Scipio leads a Roman Army into Africa — Obtains successive Victories
—Hannibal recalled to Carthage, and defeated— Peace between Rome and Carthage,
on Terms dictated by Rome — War with Macedon, in which Rome is triumphant, Philip
reduced to Submission, and Liberty proclaimed to Greece — Antiochus of Syria makes
War on Rome — Is entirely defeated — War between Rome and Perseus, King of Mace-
dou — He is completely subdued — Rapid Increase and vast Extent of the Roman Do
minions—The Third Punic War— Destruction of Carthage — Continued Progress of
Roman Power — Results of these successive and immense military Operations on the
Parent State— Isolation of the Ruling Class from the People— Great Distress of the
latter — Tiberius Gracchus endeavours to effect legislative Reforms for correcting these
Evils — Is circumvented, and murdered — Caius Gracchus succeeds his Brother in his
Efforts to redress the Grievances of the People— Carries several Measures — Loses his
election on being proposed a third Time for the Tribuneship — Determines on armed Re
sistance — Is defeated, and slain — Progress of Patrician Power, and the Demoralization
of Roman Governments— Jugurthine War — Marius Consul — Termination of the War,
and Captivity and cruel Death of Jugurtha — War with the Cimbri — The Romans sustain
several Defeats, but the Enemy is ultimately routed and destroyed by Marius — Civil
Wars in Sicily and Italy — Italians incorporated as Roman Citizens — Factious Rivalry
between Marius and Sylla — The former in a Tumult expels his rival, and makes him
self Master of Rome— Sylla at the Head of an Army marches to Rome, and takes Pos
session of the City — He removes his Enemies from Power, and proceeds to conduct the
War against Mithridates — The King of Pontus completely defeated — Rome subjected
to fearful Carnage and Disorder by Marius and China — Sylla grants Mithridates Terms
of Peace, and, uniting the Army of Fimbria to his own, returns to Rome — Sylla de
feats the Troops of the Consuls, and makes himself absolute Master of Rome — Fearful
Extent of his Proscriptions, and consequent Slaughter of Soldiers and Citizens — His
Death — Pompey defeats a Marian Faction in Spain — Destroys the Cilician Pirates —
Defeats Mithridates, and annexes his Dominions to Borne — Conspiracy of Catiline at
Rome — Defeated by Cicero — The First Triumvirate — Pompey, Crassus, and Julius
Cesar — Crassus slain in the Parthian War — Coesar, commanded by the Senate to dis
band his Army, marches on Rome — Pompey retires to Greece — Is followed by Csesar,
and defeated — Flies to Egypt, and is slain there — Julius Caesar sole Ruler of the Roman
Dominions — Ctesar slain by Conspirators — Strange Irresolution and want of Unity
evinced by the Conspirators after the Death of Csesar— The selfish Policy, Peculation,
and Ambition of Antony — Prudent Conduct of the young Octavius — He is elected Con-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 407

sul— Flight of Brutus and Cassius— The Second Triumvirate— Antony, Lepidus, and
Octavius— Defeat and Death of Brutus and Cassius— Antony's disgraceful Residence
in Egypt— Lepidus banished— Defeat of Antony at Actium— He commits suicide in
Egypt — Octavius, as Augustus, supreme Ruler at Rome.

WE now approach the culminating point of ancient history.

Rome was the last and the most extraordinary empire of pre-
Christian times. Commanding a larger geographical territory, —
wielding a greater amount of martial power, — possessing a more
complete political organization,— and rising with buoyancy and
triumph over more terrible calamities, than those of any preceding
central government, — this empire stands before the mind as the
most glorious embodiment of political aggrandizement and prowess
which the annals of the ancient world ever recorded.

In one other respect Rome exhibits a unique appearance. Rich
as are the records of Greece in the incorporation of ancient legends
into its primitive history, the Latin annals very far excel them, — not
only in the extent of their range, their copiousness, and their minute
ness of detail, — but also in respect of their close approximation to
the period when the Roman power obtained a complete ascendency
over every other nation.

What may be properly termed "the legendary portion" of this
history, stretches over five centuries, from the age immediately suc
ceeding the Trojan war, about eleven hundred years before the
Christian era, down to 500 B. C. Yet it is necessary, in order to
obtain an acquaintance with the history of Rome, to acquire an
accurate knowledge of the accounts furnished by the Roman histo
rians of this period. Indeed, this is no less imperative than if these
records stood before us attested by the most ample historical evi
dence. The progressive light which, dawning on the foundation of
the eternal city, continued to increase until, at the period mentioned
above, the national history is fully authenticated, is always sufficient
to indicate the occurrence of great and important events, that in some
manner were identified with the national existence; although it
is insufficient to define with precision all their causes and circum
stances, or to afford valid attestation to the accuracy of their respec
tive details. Yet, as the fabulous and doubtful are so interwoven
with national manners and indubitable facts, there is no point at
which we can begin our inquiries but at the very incunabula reg?ii, —
ranging our research over the whole period; distinguishing, as far
as possible, the fact from the fable, the certain from the doubtful ;
and thus obtaining the best possible view of this important, but
very obscure, portion of history.

It may, to a cursory reader, appear very strange that the story of

408 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

so large a portion of time, embracing events of the most thrilling
interest, with which from our childhood we have been familiarized
as undoubted verities, should be set down as being, to a great extent,
doubtful and uncertain. Yet a careful and dispassionate investiga
tion of the claims to credibility possessed by the earliest historians
of ancient Rome, (see Appendix, note 72,) inevitably conducts us to
this judgment, and compels us to doubt the truth of their annals for
the first six hundred years after the foundation of the city, and their
narrative respecting many important events even subsequent to that
period.

The earliest information we can obtain respecting ancient Italy
tells us that it was inhabited by several distinct races or tribes,
which occupied different districts, and were frequently found engaged
in warlike contests with each other. Among these, the Pelasgians,
Latins, and Tuscans held a prominent rank ; but they have little to
do with the accounts given of the origin and rise of Rome. The
foundation of that city is ascribed to ^neas and a band of Trojans,
who, having escaped from Troy, are supposed, after much voyaging
and many disasters, to have reached the banks of the Tiber. (See
Appendix, note 73.) Here the legends state that under supernatu
ral guidance they built a city, called Lavinium : and that their rising
power provoked an attack from the Rutulians and Etruscans, under
Turnus and Mezentius. The former of these chiefs fell by the hand
of ^neas ; the latter, by that of the son of the Trojan chief, Asca-
nius, whose descendants became sovereigns of Latium.

Our authorities proceed to state that, thirty years after the Tro
jans had obtained peaceful possession of the country around Lavin
ium, they deserted their city for the more elevated and secure
position of Alba, which henceforth became the centre, where the
thirty confederate cities of Latium offered their united sacrifices to
the gods. (See Appendix, note 74.)

The foundation of Rome — which, amid all the clouds of fiction
and iable, we must regard in itself as a fact — next presents itself to
our notice : but beyond the mere fact itself we can obtain little infor
mation that can be relied on. At some undefined time after the
removal to Alba, Procas, the king of the city, died, leaving two
sons, and bequeathing the kingdom to Numitor, the elder, and his
treasure to Amulius. The latter, possessing more enterprise and
energy than his elder brother, and having the means of employing a
numerous band of adherents, deposed Numitor, slew his son, and
made his daughter Ilia or Rhea Sylvia a vestal virgin. Having
thus, as he believed, prevented his brother from having issue to suc
ceed him, Amulius ascended the throne.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 409

This purpose was, however, defeated. Sylvia became pregnant
by the god Mars ; and was, in consequence of her sacred character,
put to death. Her twin sons were also exposed as if to certain
destruction, but were miraculously preserved, and finally slew the
usurper, and restored their grandfather to the throne. (See Appen
dix, note 75.)

Having been made acquainted with their previous imminent dan
ger and wonderful deliverance, the two brothers applied to the king
their grandfather for leave to build a city on the spot, near the
Tiber, where they had been saved. Their request was granted.
But disputes arose between the two brothers, which issued in the
death of Remus by the hand of Romulus or of one of his partisans.
This event is placed by the best chronologers on the 21st of April
in the third year of the sixth Olympiad ; four hundred and thirty-
one years after the destruction of Troy, and seven hundred and
fifty- three before the Christian era.

Finding it difficult to obtain inhabitants for his city, Romulus
offered an asylum and protection to all persons whose misfortunes or
crimes induced them to leave their native residence : and, having by
this means collected a sufficient number of individuals, he became
the king of the new state. But, according to the poetic traditions
which are here our only guides, it was easier to procure restless and
hardy men for this new city than to induce women to accompany
them. To supply this evident necessity, he resorted to a desperate
expedient. Romulus appointed splendid games in honour of Nep
tune : crowds of the inhabitants of the surrounding cities assembled
as spectators. In the midst of the sport, a host of young Romans
rushed on the multitude, and carried off a sufficient number of
maidens, whom they afterward compelled by force to become their
wives.

This outrage led to a desperate war. Some of the minor cities
in the immediate vicinity having been successively defeated in their
efforts to punish the authors of this violence, Titus Tatius, King of
the Sabines, led his forces against Rome. Romulus, unable to meet
this formidable foe in the field, retired within the walls of the city,
leaving a strong force to guard an important post on the Capitoline
Hill. Tarpeia, the daughter of the commander of this position,
fascinated with the bracelets worn by the Sabine soldiers, offered to
admit them if they would give her what they wore on their arms.
This condition was accepted, and she opened the gate of the fortress :
but the Sabines, either misapprehending her meaning, or determined
to defeat her object, are said to have thrown their shields on her as
they passed, until she fell, crushed to death beneath their weight.

410 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

(See Appendix, note 76.) This treason brought on a general en
gagement, which continued for a long time, victory appearing to
alternate from one army to the other. This conflict was at length
terminated by the interposition of the Sabine women. They had
by this time become reconciled to their husbands, and felt equally
unwilling that either these or their fathers and brothers should be
destroyed. They therefore rushed to the scene of conflict, and
implored the combatants to cease. This led to a treaty, by which
the two nations agreed to live in amity under their own chiefs in the
same locality. This purpose was carried out by the building of a
new city on the Quirinal and Oapitoline Hills, to which the Sabines
removed; while a comitium, or "place of common assembly" for
both nations, was erected in the space between the Palatine and
Capitoline Hills. This state of affairs continued until the murder
of Tatius the Sabine king, some time afterward at Lavinium, left
Romulus sole monarch of the united nations.

The wars between the Romans and the Tuscans, with which the
Latin historians have crowded more than thirty years of the life of
Romulus, are equally romantic, and do not merit recital. If, indeed,
any real historical information has reached us respecting this period,
it seems to refer to the political constitution and form of government
which were adopted and maintained even during the reign of the
founder of Rome. It appears that, from the beginning, there was a
classification of the inhabitants. The wealthiest and nobly born
were styled " Patricians ;" those of inferior rank, " Plebeians."
The dignity of the Patricians was hereditary, and they alone were
eligible to all offices in the state. From these a senate of one hun
dred was taken, to aid the king by their counsel, who were called
Patrcs, " Fathers." In order to unite the two separate classes of
Patricians and Plebeians together, every Plebeian was allowed to
choose a Patrician as his "patron," to whom he became a "client."
The effect of this relation was, to afford the client protection and
friendly aid; the patron being his counsellor and advocate in all
suits of law, and his adviser and assistant on all occasions ; while,
on the other hand, the clients held themselves bound to respect and
defer to their patrons, and to show them every attention. It also
seems that the power of the crown was considerably limited by the
agency of the senate : so that, from the beginning, Rome exhibited
a combination of monarchical and aristocratical government.

The fate of Romulus is as uncertain as every other portion of the
history of this period. One heroic legend states, that after a long
reign he disappeared from earth, and became a god, under the name
of the deity Quirmus. Another tradition ascribes his death to a

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 411

tumult in the senate- house, where he is said to have been destroyed
by an aristocratic faction.

The latter of these rumours derives support from the fact that, on
the death of the king, the senate endeavoured to retain in its own
hands the entire administration of affairs. Each senator was to
exercise supreme power one day in rotation. It is said that this
form of government lasted one year, when its defects became so
manifest that the people insisted that the senate should elect a king.
But when this was resolved upon, a difficulty arose as to the nation
from which he should be taken, — the Romans or the Sabines. It
was at length decided that the new sovereign should be selected
from the Sabines by the Roman senators. By this arrangement
Numa Pompilius, the son-in-law of Tatius, the last king of the
Sabines, was unanimously raised to the throne. As the history of
this reign is entirely legendary, it will not be necessary to say more
respecting it, than that this sovereign is reputed to have evinced
great wisdom and prudence in his government. It is said that he
framed the entire ritual law of the national religion, greatly improved
the internal policy and jurisprudence of the country, and maintained,
throughout a reign of forty years, peace and tranquillity between his
country and the surrounding states.

After the death of Numa, another interregnum followed, after
which Tullus Hostilius, the son of one of the most distinguished
soldiers of Romulus, was raised to the throne. Although the chro
nology of this period remains exceedingly obscure, we now approach
the dawning of historical light. Niebuhr speaks of this reign as the
beginning of a " my thi co-historical" age. In the early part of it we
hear of a war between Rome and Alba, occasioned by mutual acts
of violence and consequent recrimination.

The historians state that, war being declared, the rival forces met
on the frontier of the Roman territory ; but that, instead of deciding
the quarrel by a general engagement, it was agreed to stake the
supremacy of the two nations on the issue of a combat between six
heroes, three to be furnished by each army. As a striking evidence
of the poetry which pervades the national annals of this period, it
may be sufficient to state, that it is alleged that there were then in
the Roman army three brothers, born of the same mother at the
same birth, named the Horatii ; and in the Alban army, three other
brothers, born in a similarly extraordinary way, called the Curiatii ;
and, to complete the catalogue of wonders, the Roman mother and
the Alban one are said to have been sisters. These six men advanced
in front of their respective armies : and, it having been solemnly
agreed that the nation whose heroes were defeated should in future

412 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

be subject to the other, the combat began. After a while one of the
Horatii fell dead ; and soon after another sunk lifeless on the body
of his brother. The Albans on this raised loud shouts of joy, fully
expecting the victory. It was, however, soon apparent that the three
Curiatii were severely wounded, but that the surviving Horatius was
unhurt. The latter aware of the disadvantage of contending singly
against three, turned his back and fled, until, perceiving his pur
suers separated from each other, he returned, slew the foremost, and
afterward the other two, in succession. In consequence of this
triumph, Alba became subject to Rome.

It seems, however, that the Alban chief was far from being recon
ciled to this result ; and accordingly, when the Romans were engaged
in a war with the Fidenates, and the Alban forces were summoned
as auxiliaries of Rome, the Alban dictator drew off his army just
as the battle commenced, and took no part in the conflict. The
Roman sovereign at first concealed his indignation at this breach of
faith ; but, taking advantage of the timidity which the Albans after
ward evinced, he put the dictator to death, dismantled the city, with
the exception of the temples, and removed the whole of the inhabit
ants with their property to Rome, where he provided them with
habitations on the Caelian Hill. The abandonment of Alba, and the
removal of its inhabitants to Rome, may be regarded as well-es
tablished historical facts. But whether this was effected solely by
the power of Rome, or by the troops of that city in conjunction
with the Latins, as suggested by Niebuhr, is a matter of uncertainty.
The fact, that while Rome removed the inhabitants, the Latins occu
pied the territory of Alba, seems to corroborate to a great extent the
conclusion of the German historian.

The wars which Tullus is said to have waged with the Latins, and
the peculiar manner of his death by lightning from the anger of the
gods, are altogether full of improbabilities, as well as destitute of
historical authority.

Ancus Martius, alleged to have been the grandson of Numa, is
placed on the list, as the next king of Rome. Like his ancestor, he
is most celebrated for his legislative improvements and ecclesiastical
reforms ; in respect of which, he displayed great wisdom and spirit.
He could not, however, like his progenitor, by maintaining continual
peace, devote his entire energies to the internal regulation of his
kingdom. A war with the Latins called off the attention of Ancus
from peaceful pursuits. In this he appears to have been successful ;
and pursued, in respect of those whom he subdued, the same policy
which had been exercised toward Alba. He destroyed their towns,
and removed the inhabitants to Rome, where he prepared dwellings

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 413

for them on the Aventine Hill. He also obtained some successes in
war over Veii, and built Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber, — the first
seaport town possessed by Rome. He also threw the first bridge
across the river. These conquered Latins have been supposed by
some authors to have constituted the original Plebeians of ancient
Rome. The death of this king is said to have been occasioned by
violence.

The following reigns belong to a most interesting and important,
but, at the same time, exceedingly obscure, period of Roman history.
The first of these, that of Tarquinius Priscus, deserves especial
notice. He was a descendant of Damaratus, who fled from Corinth
•when Cypselus, having obtained power, was wreaking his vengeance
on the. citizens, whom he had proscribed. Carrying his great wealth
with him, Damaratus settled at Tarquinii ; where he took an Etrus
can wife, and brought up his children in the manner of the country,
adding to their education all the elegance and refinement of Greece.
The poetic authority, which is here our only guide, proceeds to state,
that Lucumo, the younger son of this Greek, having, by the death
of his elder brother, become sole heir to his father's wealth, was
induced by his wife, who had studied augury, to remove to Rome,
where he was admitted to the rights of citizenship, and adopted the
name of Lucius Tarquinius, to which Livy adds Priscus. The state
in which he lived, and the amiable character which he evinced, pro
cured for him, at the same time, the friendship of the king, and
extreme popularity with the people : so much so, that the king, prior
to his death, appointed Tarquinius guardian of his children ; and
the people, when that event occurred, with common consent raised
him to the throne. (See Appendix, note 77.)

The reign of this sovereign is given in great detail by Dionysius,
and is narrated at considerable length by Livy : but their accounts
are so confused and contradictory, that no reliance can be placed on
their accuracy. It seems, on the whole, probable, that the object of
the martial conflicts of this long reign, which is stated to have ex
tended to thirty- eight years, was to place the Etruscans, Latins, and
Sabines in subjection to Rome; and also that the first Tarquin
greatly improved Rome, by public buildings, and works of much
utility and importance.

Tarquin was assassinated by the emissaries of the sons of Ancus
Martius, in the hope of preventing him from bequeathing the king
dom to his son-in-law, Servius Tullius, who was a great favourite
of the Roman people. This wicked attempt entirely failed. Servius
concealed the death of the king, until he had taken effective measures
for insuring his own accession to the throne. He then declared the

414 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

murder of his father-in-law, and called an assembly of the people to
elect a new king, when he was unanimously chosen to succeed to the
vacant office.

Notwithstanding the extravagant fables and romantic legends,
which profess to detail the wonderful birth and divine paternity of
this monarch, we have sufficient evidence that his talents and energy
were such, that he may be said to have laid the foundations for the
future power and prosperity of Rome. He is reported to have con
ducted several successful wars ; but his fame mainly rests on his
political institutions. He formed a federal union between the Latin
cities, placing Rome at the head of the united body ; and he consoli
dated and confirmed the union, by instituting common sacrifices for
the whole body on Mount Aventine. He also instituted a census,
or record of the citizens, and of the property possessed by them ;
and distributed the right of suffrage to centuries, according to the
property possessed by the six classes into which the people were
divided. All his legislation appears to have been designed and
adapted to limit the prerogatives of the Patricians, or aristocratic
class, and to extend general freedom under wise and prudent regu
lations. This generous policy, however, cost him his life. Tullia,
the daughter of the king, had been married to Lucius Tatquinius,
the son of the preceding sovereign. The Patricians, impatient of
the restraint which the wise measures of Servius had imposed on
their tyranny and injustice, entered into a conspiracy with Lucius
against the aged sovereign, — the unnatural Tullia being also a party
to the plot against her father. By this means, Servius Tullius was
murdered in the senate-house ; and his son-in-law, surnamed Tar-
quin the Proud, ascended the throne in his stead, by the force and
favour of the patrician body alone, the concurrence of the people not
being sought.

The romantic poetry so generally imbuing the best accounts which
•we have of these reigns, abounds here to an unusual extent, and
spreads doubt and uncertainty over every fact which is reported.
Jt will, therefore, be sufficient to say, that it is generally believed
Tarquin confirmed the supremacy of Rome over the Latins, and
extended the Roman influence and territory. But this success was
able to afford very transient prosperity to his house. While he was
engaged with a Roman army in besieging Ardea, his son Sextus
violated Lucretia, a noble Roman lady. Finding resistance una
vailing, she submitted to the outrage ; but as soon as an opportunity
offered, she summoned her relatives, told them her tale of woe, and
immediately stabbed herself. Lucius Junius Brutus, — who had, up
to this period, concealed the workings of a mighty and daring spirit

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 415

under the appearance of eccentricity, bordering on madness, — roused
beyond all measure by this atrocity and its tragic consequences,
immediately convoked an assembly of the people, and, exposing the
bleeding body of Lucretia to the multitude, obtained a decree for
expelling the whole family of the Tarquins, and abolishing royalty
in Rome.

This revolution may be regarded as a purely patrician movement.
It made scarcely any change in the condition of the great mass of
the people, but placed the executive government in the hands of the
aristocracy, who now possessed, in addition to all their legitimate
influence, the superadded powers of royalty. In order to make
this acquisition secure to the order, the administration of affairs was
intrusted to two supreme magistrates, who were at first called " prae
tors," but afterward " consuls." The first persons selected to fill
this important office were, Junius Brutus, and Collatinus, the hus
band of Lucretia.

The deposed king and his family did not relinquish their elevated
station without a determined struggle. The Tarquins took refuge
in Etruria, and induced that state to send ambassadors to Rome, to
plead on their behalf. These persons, although entirely failing in
their object by the usual public and avowed efforts employed on
such occasions, had well-nigh accomplished their design by indirect
means. In consequence of their having access to the junior branches
of many patrician families, a conspiracy was organized, which, but
for a singular accident, might have issued in the restoration of the ex
pelled sovereign. A slave, having overheard the deliberations of
the conspirators, gave information to the consuls. Brutus imme
diately proceeded to convict and punish the traitors ; and, finding
his own sons implicated in the crime, he instantly sacrificed parental
affection to public duty, and ordered their immediate execution. As
a result of this discovery, recourse was had to the most stringent
measures against the Tarquins. The property of the whole family
was confiscated, and every individual condemned to perpetual ban
ishment. Even Collatinus, the consul, being related to the family,
and having evinced some vacillation with respect to the conspirators,
was included among the proscribed. Publius Valerius was elected
successor to Collatinus ; and soon afterward, the Etruscans having
in support of Tarquin made war on Rome, Junius Brutus, and
Ancus, the eldest son of the late king, assailed each other with so
much fury, that both fell dead on the field of battle. The victory,
however, was won by the Romans, and served to secure the safety
of the infant republic.

Valerius soon became one of the most popular rulers of Rome ;

416 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

and, as such, was distinguished by the surname of Poplicola, " the
Friend of the People." The first year after the banishment of the
Tarquins was rendered remarkable by two important events, — one
relating to foreign, and the other to domestic, policy. Jn this year
the first treaty was made between Rome and Carthage, having
respect to navigation and commerce. This treaty remained to the
time of Polybius, engraved on the base of a column, in the old Ro
man language. The other measure was the lex de provocations, or
"law of appeal." The Patricians had, up to this time, always
enjoyed the right of appeal from the judgment of the supreme
magistrate to the general assembly of their own order: and it
was by this law declared, that Plebeians ought to have a similar
privilege.

Even in this obscure period, when Rome prospered, her annals
seem tolerably authentic; but, on the contrary, when she suffered
serious reverses, we are enveloped in all the darkness of the most
improbable legendary tales. We now enter upon the annals of one
of these seasons. Driven for refuge and support from one state to
another, the Tarquin family wandered up and down, until at length
they secured the aid of Porsenna, the most powerful of the Tuscan
princes. It is vain to attempt a narration of the war which ensued,
as we have but the most scanty elements of authentic information
respecting it ; yet it may be safely inferred, that although the Tus
can warrior failed to restore his client to the Roman throne, he had
such manifest advantage in the war as to reduce the Romans to a
tributary condition, and to take hostages from them for the perform
ance of their engagements under the treaty.

A series of wars with surrounding states followed, which had
various results, and were accompanied by incessant struggles be
tween the Patricians and the Plebeians ; the aristocracy invariably
oppressing the people, when relieved from external aggression ; and
being compelled to make great concessions in answer to their de
mands, in seasons of public difficulty and peril. This succession
of conflicts led to the banishment, and ultimately to the death, of
Coriolanus. The retirement of the plebeian soldiers, in time of
great danger, and the consequent appointment of tribunes, — the fatal
defeat of the Fabii, — all these events are fully narrated ; but they
come to us more in the character of legendary tales than of authentic
history, and therefore require only this passing allusion.

The siege and destruction of Yeii require more distinct mention.
This was the largest and richest city of Etruria, and had frequently
been a formidable enemy to Rome. The sovereign of this city hav
ing put to death some Roman ambassadors, and refused to make any

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 417

satisfaction for the outrage, the Romans determined on the entire
destruction of his capital. After the siege had continued several
years, Camillus was appointed dictator; (see Appendix, note 78;)
and he succeeded in obtaining possession of the place. Its riches
were transferred to the victorious soldiery, its citizens were enslaved,
its idols were sent to Rome, and the city itself was destroyed.
Notwithstanding the lustre of this success, Camillus, on the charge
of having embezzled a part of the spoil, was sentenced to exile.
(See Appendix, note 79.)

This successful warrior had but just left the city in disgrace, when
the Romans became involved in the most terrible conflict which they
had ever seen. An immense host of Gauls, under their king, Bren-
nus, are said to have crossed the Alps, and, after spoiling the coun
try, to have laid siege to Clusium, a city of Etruria. That people
immediately apprized the Romans of the invasion ; who, being much
concerned at the event, sent three noble citizens to ascertain the
nature and extent of this incursion. These persons joined the
besieged in a desperate sally, and greatly distinguished themselves
in the conflict. Brennus, on being made aware of the circumstance,
immediately sent to Rome to demand satisfaction for this irregular
aggression on the part of her citizens ; and, not receiving satisfactory
redress, he at once raised the siege of Clusium, and marched to
ward Rome. The imperial city was in no condition to oppose such
a host. An army, hastily gathered and inefficiently provided, pro
ceeded to meet the enemy, about ten miles from Rome ; but it was
totally defeated. The victorious Gauls now approached the capital
of the republic with irresistible power. The Romans in this emer
gency did all that was possible. They selected the most able body
of men that could be collected ; and, providing them with as large a
store of provisions as could be got together, they shut them up in
the Capitol. The rest of the inhabitants, with all the wealth that
they could carry, abandoned the city, and sought refuge in the
neighbouring towns. It is stated that about eighty of the principal
pontiffs and Patricians remained in passive dignity in the senate-
house.

On the arrival of the Gauls, no defence was made : they marched
into the deserted city, slew the senators who had remained, ravaged
the public and private edifices, and invested the Capitol. After
making vain attempts to reduce this stronghold, Brennus — finding
that his army was rapidly becoming disorganized through irregular
living, and the effect of the climate, to which they were unaccus
tomed — agreed to evacuate the city on receiving a great ransom.
The Roman historians state, that before this sum was actually paid,

418 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Camillas returned at the head of an army, defeated the Gauls, and
compelled them to retire. But the account of Polybius is much
more probable ; namely, that, while engaged in this war with Rome,
the Gauls heard that the Veneti had invaded their country ; where
upon they concluded a treaty with the Romans, and proceeded to
protect their own land. (See Appendix, note 80.)

After the departure of the Gauls, the condition of the Romans
was truly desperate. A city, mean at first, and now destroyed by
rapine and fire, — walls which had been rudely constructed, and now
partly demolished, — all the movable property that violence could
seize, having been carried off; and all that barbarian cruelty could
destroy, having been consumed, — these fragments of ruin remained
to this people as their only portion. It need not, therefore, be
matter of surprise, that there was a great indisposition among
the people to undertake the restoration of the city. Many urged
that the city of Veii, which had been abandoned, could be more
easily restored to a habitable condition; and it seems that it was
only by an accident, or a mean preconcerted manoeuvre, that the
purpose of removal was checked, and the restoration of the city
begun.

The great talents and energy of Camillus soon restored Rome to
a respectable position with relation to the surrounding states, many
of which had altogether thrown off all recognition of her supremacy,
in consequence of the Gallic invasion. But no sooner was the city
repaired, and the military power of the state in a tolerable degree
reorganized, than the old dissensions between the Plebeians and
Patricians became as rife as before, in consequence of the almost
unlimited power which the existing laws gave the rich over the poor.
(See Appendix, note 81.) These political and social evils were now
absolutely unendurable ; and the only question which seemed to arise
respecting them was, — whether they would issue in the entire demor
alization of the community, or lead to furious and bloody collision.

A careful review of the history of this period induces the convic
tion that scarcely any agency which ministered to Roman greatness,
throughout the entire period of her advancement, contributed more
essentially to rear the colossal fabric which afterward ruled over the
•world, than that of those energetic and discreet men who at this
period introduced the most important legislative reforms. These
were Caius Licinius Stolo, and Lucius Sextius Lateranus, aided by
an influential Patrician, Marcus Fabius Ambustus, the father-in-law
of Licinius. These men propounded a series of laws adapted to
the exigencies of the times. The first enabled Plebeians to be elect
ed to the consular dignity. The second prohibited any person from

THE GENTILE NATIONS. t 419

holding more than, five hundred acres of public land for tillage and
plantations, and from having more than a hundred large, or five hun
dred small, cattle feeding on the common pasture. This law also
specified the rents of the public as not to exceed a tenth of the corn
produced, and a fifth of the produce of fruit-trees. The third law
enacted that, in all cases of outstanding debts, the interest which
had been paid should be deducted from the principal, and the balance
paid by equal annual instalments during three years.

The opposition offered by the Patricians to these laws was very
general and intense, and was carried through the long period of five
years. Yet, during this whole time, the advocates of reform never
allowed themselves to sink into supineness or despair on the one
hand, or to rush into sedition and violence on the other ; but, steadily
keeping to their object, and directing their energies within the limits
of the constitution, they ultimately succeeded in their wise and
benevolent design. The only alteration effected in the project was,
that the consuls should not act as civil judges in future ; but that
magistrates, under the name of "praetors," should be appointed to
perform this duty.

Relieved from intestine discord, the Roman people put forth their
power in martial aggression on the neighbouring states. In a series
of wars, during which they sustained some very severe reverses, they
proceeded to subdue in succession the Samnites, Umbrians, Etruri
ans, Sabines, and Tarentines. The latter state was powerfully sup
ported by Pyrrhus, King of Macedon, who vainly hoped to rival the
great Alexander ; but he was completely defeated by the Romans
under Dentatus, their consul. Rome by these efforts became the
mistress of all Italy, from the northern frontiers of Etruria to the
Straits of Sicily, and from the Tuscan Sea to the Adriatic.

At this period we have to mark the progress of Rome in a contest
with a rival republic of first-rate power and immense resources.
Carthage, originally a Tyrian colony, had acquired extensive domin
ions in Africa, conquered a considerable portion of Spain, occupied
Sardinia, Corsica, and all the islands on the coast of Italy, and, in
addition to all these, had subdued a great part of Sicily. With
possessions so numerous, this mighty republic was unequalled
throughout the world for her commercial enterprise, and was in con
sequence mistress of the sea. With such a power it would seem
impossible for the Italian state successfully to contend. But in one
essential particular the advantage was wholly in favour of Rome.
The Carthaginians were not soldiers ; they depended on mercenaries
for military strength ; while the Italian republicans were a daring,
hardy, and martial race.

420 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

These two republics had been united by successive treaties of
amity from an early period of lloman history. Their first collision
arose professedly out of a dispute respecting the city of Messana in
Sicily, but really for the political ascendency in that important
island. The Carthaginians having obtained possession of the citadel
of Messana, a large section of the people solicited aid from Rome ;
and the Romans, although reluctant to engage in such a quarrel, yet,
rather than see their rivals in possession of the whole of Sicily,
embarked an army for that island. Here their arms were as suc
cessful as on the Italian peninsula. They defeated the Carthagini
ans in several battles ; and, although meeting with some reverses,
they soon secured the alliance of Hiero, King of Syracuse, and laid
siege to the important city of Agrigentum. Carthage sent a large
army to the relief of this place, but in vain ; for, after a severe con
flict, they were compelled to retreat, and the garrison abandoned
the city, which fell into the hands of the Romans. This was the
largest and most important place which had been taken by Rome.
An immense amount of spoil was secured, and more than twenty-
five thousand of the inhabitants were sold into slavery.

The capture of this city filled the Carthaginians with rage, and
inspired the Romans with new motives for exertion. Conscious
that they could not carry out this war with any hope of ultimate
success, while their enemies remained masters of the sea, the Romans
turned their attention to the immediate construction of a fleet.
Nothing more strikingly displays the characteristic energy and tact
of this people, than their success in this enterprise. Although they
were, up to this time, so ignorant of the art of ship-building, and of
maritime affairs in general, that they could not construct a vessel,
until they had secured the hull of a Carthaginian galley which had
been stranded on the coast; (Niebuhr's History of Rome, vol. iii,
p. 575 ;) yet they proceeded to work on this model with such dili
gence and ability, that in a short time they sent to sea a fleet with
which they ventured to encounter that of the Carthaginians. In this
engagement, the Romans succeeded (mainly by means of a newly-
invented mode of boarding enemies' ships) in capturing fifty Cartha
ginian vessels. After this victory the Romans prosecuted with
advantage the war against the Carthaginian possessions in Sicily,
although, from the resolution, ^resources, and naval experience of
their enemies, they made but small progress, even during eight
years of conflict, toward the reduction of the island.

In those circumstances the daring spirit of Rome could brook no
further delay ; and it was therefore determined to carry the war into
Africa. For this purpose a fleet and an army were prepared, and

THE GENTILE NATIONS'. 421

embarked for the African coast. The Roman fleet consisted of three
hundred and thirty vessels, manned with more than one hundred
thousand fighting men,— a portion of them being specially selected,
as the flower of the Roman army. The Carthaginian fleet, sent out
to oppose this armament, carried not less than one hundred and fifty
thousand men. The opposing forces met in the narrow straits
between Sicily and Africa, where a long- continued and desperate
battle was fought. This was probably the greatest naval conflict
which had, up to this period, taken place in the world. For many
hours the success alternated in nearly an equal degree; but at
length victory declared for the Romans, who, although they had
twenty-four of their galleys sunk, inflicted a much more severe loss
on their enemies, destroying thirty of the Carthaginian vessels,
and capturing sixty- three. Utterly unable to continue the conflict,
after sustaining such a loss, the Carthaginian fleet fled, and left their
foes in possession of their prizes.

Rather incited to fresh efforts than satisfied with this success, the
Romans returned to their harbour in Sicily, repaired and equipped
their fleet with all possible expedition, and, embarking a further body
of troops on board the vessels which they had taken, sailed for
Africa. Having effected a landing, and taken the city of Clupea,
near Carthage, on its eastern side, the Roman commander sent
home for further instructions. The senate recalled the consul Man-
lius, who was ordered to return to Rome with the fleet ; and com
manded the other, Regulus, with the army to conduct the war in
Africa. This was done. Manlius took with him twenty- seven
thousand prisoners to Rome ; and Regulus carried on the war with
such spirit, that he soon shut up the Carthaginians in their capital,
and drove them to sue for peace in very humble terms. If the
Roman commander had not prevented it by the most extravagant
demands, a peace highly honourable and beneficial to Rome, and
disastrous to Carthage, might then have been concluded. But the
conditions of Regulus were equivalent to the utter ruin of the Punic
state, and were therefore resisted. Meanwhile, it happened that
Xanthippus the Spartan arrived at Carthage ; and, observing the
conduct of the opposing parties, he declared that the humiliation of
Carthage and the success of Rome were not owing to the relative
strength of the two armies, but to the conduct of the generals. He
enforced this opinion with so much reason, that the Carthaginian
people insisted that he should be appointed to take the command of
their army. The result justified the choice. The Spartan chief,
having organized his troops, and arranged the several bodies suit
ably, marched out, offered battle to the Romans, and won a splendid

422 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

victory. The Roman army was annihilated; the consul Regulus
and five thousand troops were taken prisoners, and thirty thousand
men were left dead on the field. Indeed, but two thousand escaped,
who effected their retreat to Clupea.

After this victory both parties made preparations for carrying on
the war on a larger scale than before. The first renewal of the con
test was in a sea-fight off the coast of Sicily, in which the Romans
obtained a complete victory, destroying above one hundred Cartha
ginian galleys, capturing thirty, and destroying fifteen thousand
men. After this success the Roman fleet proceeded to Clupea,
where they had no sooner landed their troops than the Carthaginian
army appeared before the place. The two Hannos commanded,
Xanthippus having returned to Greece: but notwithstanding the
improved tactics introduced by the noble Greek, nothing could com
pensate his loss; the Romans were victorious, and their enemies
were routed with the loss of nine thousand men.

With such alternate successes and reverses, the war was con
tinued. Obliged, notwithstanding their victory, to retire from
Africa by scarcity of provisions, the Roman commanders, returning
with a large fleet, wished to signalize their voyage by some exploit,
and for that purpose coasted Sicily, where they were almost anni
hilated by a storm. Out of three hundred and seventy ships, only
eighty escaped shipwreck. To repair this disaster, another fleet was
prepared, and some important successes were obtained in Sicily:
but of this armament one hundred and sixty galleys were destroyed
by another tempest ; on which the Romans abandoned their purpose
of being a first-rate naval power, and limited their fleet to fifty gal
leys. But this resolve was soon laid aside, further fleets were pre
pared, and the war was prosecuted with such success, that the Car
thaginians took their captive Regulus from his dungeon, and sent
him to Rome to negotiate a peace. But, when there, the noble
Roman strongly advised the continuance of the war, — advice which
the senate adopted ; on which Regulus was sent back to his prison,
where he soon after died.

On the renewal of the war, the Romans suffered some severe
losses. Another fleet was destroyed by a storm, and Hamilcar
Barca conducted the war in Sicily with great success. But all this
was counterbalanced by a naval victory obtained by the consul Lu-
tatius over Hanno, which forever destroyed the supremacy of Car
thage at sea, ani placed Hamilcar in a position which compelled him
to solicit a termination of the conflict. These circumstances led to
the establishment of peace between the two nations, on terms highly
favourable to Rome.

THE GENtflLE NATIONS. 423

At the close of the first Punic war, the Romans enjoyed a short
season of tranquillity. The temple of Janus was shut for the second
time, and there was quiet at home and abroad. But it is sufficiently
apparent that this war seriously injured the best interests of the
Roman state; and Niebuhr sagely observes, that it "was one of the
first causes of the degeneracy of the Roman people." But, inde
pendently of its moral effects on the citizens of the Italian capital, it
led to serious results both at Rome and at Carthage. At the latter
place, the rapacity and tyranny of Rome produced such an effect on
the mind of the great Hamilcar, that he took his son to the altar of his
god, and there taught the young Hannibal to swear eternal enmity to
the Romans, — an exercise of parental influence which, in its operation,
brought Rome to the verge of ruin: On the return of the Cartha
ginian mercenary soldiers from Sicily, the state was unable to pay
all the arrears which were due to them ; and the negotiations hereby
occasioned led to a desperate war, in which Carthage stood opposed
to other old Tyrian colonies in Africa, combined with the barbarous
tribes of Libyans in the neighbourhood. The rulers of the Punic
capital, however, after seeing their city brought to the brink of
destruction, were able to cut off their enemies, and establish their
supremacy. But this measure fearfully weakened the martial re
sources of the state.

The results of the war were no less remarkable on Rome. At
its close Sicily was declared to be a Roman province. It was the
first country, out of Italy, <thus associated with the central govern
ment, and exhibited the origination and first action of that principle
which led to the aggregation of numerous nations under one head^
as the great Roman empire.

While Rome was recovering from the financial and general ex
haustion occasioned by this war, and Carthage was struggling
through her conflict with her revolted mercenaries, a similar rebell
ion took place in the Punic towns on the seacoast of Sardinia.
Having extinguished the rebellion in Africa, a Carthaginian force
was sent to put down the insurrection in Sardinia : but here Rome
interposed, and not only protected the rebels, but compelled Carthage
to abandon the island, and to pay one thousand two hundred talents,
as the price of continued peace, — conduct which has been truly char
acterized as " one of the most detestable acts of injustice in the his^
tory of Rome." — Niebuhr's History of Rome, vol. iv, p. 56.

The Romans took advantage of this season of tranquillity to
extend their power in Northern Italy, where they subdued the
Ligurians and some Gallic tribes. They also determined to punish
the notorious piracies of the Illyrians. A fleet and an army were

TUB GENTILE .NATIONS.

soon equipped; and, as the result of this successful invasion, the
greater part of Illyricum was ceded to Rome.

In the mean time, Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar Barca, had
grown up to manhood, and entered on public life with all the spirit
and energy of his father. Filled with hatred to Rome, and shut out
from the Mediterranean islands by the terms of his father's treaty
with that nation, he cast an anxious eye around, to discover a coun
try from which he might obtain a martial force, and the necessary
means for assailing the obnoxious rival of his fatherland. What he
sought for, he found in Spain. The southern parts of this country,
yielding all the products of Sicily and Sardinia, and being besides
rich in silver mines, formed a very natural object of attraction to
Carthaginian rulers, after the loss of those important islands.

Accordingly, when Hamilcar was driven from Sardinia, he pro
ceeded to Spain, where he encouraged the prosecution of the silver
mines, and made himself very agreeable to the natives. On the
death of this great man, his son-in-law, Hasdrubal, took the com
mand of the troops and country, and either entirely built, or
finished the building of, Carthagena, (or New Carthage,) which is
supposed by some to have been begun by Hamilcar. By these
measures the Carthaginians acquired a political ascendency over a
population numbering millions, from which they could recruit and
extend their army, without being compelled to hire faithless mer
cenaries on exorbitant terms. Rome unquestionably viewed all
these operations with dislike and suspicion; but the intermediate
Gauls prevented her from attempting any coercive measures. After
Hasdrubal had conducted the affairs of Carthage in Spain for nine
years, he was assassinated, and Hannibal succeeded to the govern
ment.

This general was not long possessed of power before he determined
to adopt measures of aggression against Rome. He accordingly
marshalled his troops, and laid siege to Saguntum, a Greek city and
colony on the Iberus ; which, after a siege of eight months, he cap
tured. Having thus acquired an immense booty he sent rich presents
to Carthage, and proceeded to place his army in a state of prepara
tion for an effort on a much grander scale. The Romans, displeased
at the success of Hannibal, sent ambassadors to remonstrate against
his conquest of Saguntum. The wily general immediately referred
them to Carthage, where he well knew that his success had placed
his influence in the ascendant. When they appeared before the
Punic rulers, the Romans blamed Hannibal for his aggression on
Saguntum. The Carthaginians insisted that he was justified in the
course he had taken ; and that it did not become Rome, while ex-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 425

tending her conquests on every side, to complain of their acquisitions
in Spain. Offended at this discourse, the Romans bade them choose
peace or war ; to which they responded, that they would choose nei
ther, but take whichever was offered them. Hereupon the Romans
said, " Then take war," — an announcement which was received by
the Carthaginians with acclamations.

An ample field was now opened for the daring energy, wonderful
genius, and indomitable spirit of Hannibal. He immediately sub
dued the remainder of Spain, and crossed the Pyrenees, to march
on Italy. Scipio, who was then consul, was sent with an army into
Spain, to find employment for Hannibal in that country. But
when he arrived as far as Marseilles, he found that his enemy had
already reached the banks of the Rhone. He accordingly disem
barked his troops, and proceeded to dispute the passage of the river :
but Hannibal was too quick in his motions to be arrested by this
force. Before Scipio arrived Hannibal had passed the river, and,
disregarding every other object, crossed the Alps, and descended on
the plains of Italy. Here he immediately captured Turin, and was
soon informed that Scipio had arrived to oppose him, and was
encamped on the banks of the Po. It is beyond a doubt, that the
Carthaginian general suffered a severe loss of troops, horses, and
elephants, in crossing the mountains ; but it is equally certain that
the Alpine Gauls, who bore a deadly hatred to Rome, flocked to his
standard, and greatly recruited his army. The Roman forces, being
greatly augmented by the arrival of the consul Semproriius and his
troops, were prepared for active operations. By various irritating
measures, Hannibal provoked his enemies to pass the river, and attack
him ; when a desperate battle was fought, which issued in the total
defeat of the Romans. Those who escaped took refuge in Placcntia ;
while Hannibal went into winter- quarters, and established an alliance
with the Gauls of Northern Italy.

The next campaign was opened by Flaminius and Servilius, who,
having been appointed consuls, proceeded at the head of two Roman
armies against the invaders. Servilius occupied Ariminum, to op
pose the progress of the Carthaginians, in case they should choose
to proceed along the eastern side of the peninsula ; while Flaminius
took his position at Arretium, to guard the approach to the capital
through Etruria. Hannibal adopted the latter course, and conse
quently came in contact with the forces of Flaminius. Having
offered him battle on the plains in the neighbourhood without effect,
he proceeded toward Rome, leaving the consul and his army in his
rear. This measure roused the ire of the Roman commander, and
he immediately followed the Punic army. Hannibal, however, took

426 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

advantage of a thick fog, and a narrow defile in the mountains, to
turn on his pursuers, when a brief conflict sufficed to destroy the
consul and his army together.

"NY hen the intelligence of this action was proclaimed in Rome by
the praetor, in these words, — "We are vanquished in a great battle;
the consul, with great part of his army, is slain," — general dismay
filled the heart of the people, and the voice of the officer was drowned
in lamentation. In this calamity the Romans appointed Quintus
Fabius Maximus dictator; and his prudence, sagacity, and talent
amply justified the choice of his constituents. Immediately on his
appointment he proceeded to organize a force sufficient to repel the
invader. Meanwhile Hannibal, not deeming it safe to advance on
Rome, recrossed the Apennines, and directed his course to Apulia
on the eastern side of the peninsula, where he did his utmost to lay
waste the Roman settlements, and to detach the natives from their
allegiance to Rome. Fabius, having raised four new legions, and

o o o

organized the troops that had served under the consul Servilius,
proceeded to meet the enemy. While on his march he issued a
proclamation, requiring the inhabitants of all unfortified places within
the range of the enemy's operations, to retire with all their movable
wealth, and to burn and destroy their granaries, houses, and every
thing that could not be removed. Fabius then proceeded to the.
neighbourhood of Hannibal's quarters. The Punic chief at once
offered him battle; but the wary Roman knew that his strength was
delay. lie therefore took advantage of every opportunity to harass
the enemy, to cut off stragglers, and to engage in any skirmish on
advantageous terms But he steadily refrained from a general battle;
and, much to the annoyance and distress of the Carthaginian general,
he maintained this cautious and prudent policy throughout his term
of office. By this time, however, the Roman .spirit had recovered its
tone : but the conduct of Fabius, although eminently successful, was
stigmatized as mean and cowardly.

In this state of public feeling the time arrived for the election of
consuls, when C. Terentius Varro and L. ^Emilius Paulus were
raised to that dignity. The first seems to have been appointed on
account of his bold and daring spirit, — a qualification regarded as
essential to the adoption of energetic measures for the expulsion of
Hannibal from Italy. The latter officer had obtained a triumph for
his victories in Illyricum, and was supposed to possess sufficient
coolness and judgment to prevent the rashness of his colleague from
being injurious. With an army of eighty thousand foot, and more
than seven thousand horse, these officers proceeded against the Car
thaginians.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 427

By this time Hannibal had possessed himself of the fortress and
small town of Cannae, on the Aufidus, where the Romans had stored
considerable quantities of warlike ammunition and food. This
acquisition, together with the fact that the Roman troops had ob
tained the advantage over the Carthaginians in some recent skir
mishes, induced a strong disposition at Rome to hazard a battle ; and
instructions to this effect were forwarded to the consuls. These
officers proceeded to carry their orders into effect. Varro, being
eager for the contest, availed himself of his day for commanding, to
place the army directly before the position of Hannibal, who imme
diately crossed the river, and arranged his forces in order of battle.
The Roman troops were the most numerous ; but they had not suffi
cient room to act with effect ; while the superior genius and inex
haustible military resources of Hannibal gave him overwhelming
superiority. The result was a defeat more terrible, in its extent and
results, than any which Rome had received, except in the conflict
with the Gauls on the Allia. The consul Paulus was left dead on
the field ; the consuls of the preceding year were also slain ; and,
with the exception of ten thousand men who had been posted to
guard the camp, and three thousand who fled from the carnage, the
Roman army appears to have been destroyed. Out of six thousand
horse only seventy escaped with the consul Varro. This officer in
some measure compensated his haste in beginning, and lack of judg
ment in directing, the battle, by the indomitable spirit which he
evinced under the full pressure of the calamity. Despairing neither
of himself nor of his country, he carefully collected the wreck of his
troops, and manfully took up his position at Venusia, between the
victorious Carthaginians and Rome, to resist to the utmost their
approach to the capital.

The intelligence of this disaster filled Rome with deep affliction.
But the spirit of this remarkable people rose with the emergency :
they again appointed Fabius dictator, and he at once resumed his
old cautious policy, which had obtained for him the surname of
Cunctator, " the Delayer." Meanwhile, Hannibal, crossing over to
the western side of the peninsula, occupied the city of Capua. Here
the relaxing influence of the southern climate, and the indulgences
and licentious practices into which his soldiery plunged, rapidly
deteriorated their military strength, and prepared the way for that
change in the relative power of the belligerents which soon took
place.

Nothing more fully shows the lofty and daring spirit of the Roman
people, than the fact, that while Hannibal was ranging through Italy,
ravaging their towns, and destroying their troops, they maintained

428 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

an army in Spain, — which cut off the supply of further reinforce
ments to Hannibal from that country, — and another in Sicily ; and,
hearing that their great enemy had formed an alliance with Philip
of Macedon, they actually sent a third army into Greece.

It was in Sicily that military success first dawned on the arms of
Rome after her terrible defeats. There, the praetor Metellus took
Syracuse, which had been defended not only by the bravery of its
citizens, but also by the wonderful talents and mechanical resources
of the great Archimedes, who was slain in the capture of the place.
Soon afterward Agrigentum, the last Carthaginian fortress on that
important island, also fell into the hands of the Romans, who thus
became masters of the country, which was thenceforth, in its whole
extent, a province of Rome.

As Hannibal received no reinforcements from Carthage, he sum
moned his brother, who had long resisted the Scipios in Spain, to
join him in Italy. Hasdrubal obeyed, and crossed the Pyrenees
and the Alps in safety ; but, while proceeding to join Hannibal, he
was misled by his guides, and compelled at great disadvantage to
hazard a battle with the Romans under the consuls Livius and JSero,
in which he perished with his whole army. The first tidings that
Hannibal received of this great disaster, were by the bloody head of
his brother being thrown into his camp. Harassed by these reverses,
Hannibal made earnest application to Carthage for more troops ; but
the rival factions of that devoted republic were deaf to his applica
tions. They neither aided him to continue the contest, nor took
any means of obtaining peace. Yet, under all these disadvantages,
the heroic Carthaginian prosecuted the war ; and, without any ex
ternal resources, while shut up in the heart of an enemy's country, he
maintained the struggle for sixteen years.

At length Scipio, who, notwithstanding his youth, had earned a
high military reputation in Spain, was raised to the consulship, and
earnestly solicited leave to invade Africa. At first the senate
regarded the proposal as extravagant: but, moved by the arguments
and solicitations of the young and successful soldier, they assigned
him the province of Sicily, leaving it to him, if he could obtain
resources, to make a descent on the African coast, while they refused
to provide him with any more troops than could be raised in Sicily.
There can be no doubt that the senate was at this time greatly em
barrassed by the straitened condition of Rome ; but it seems equally
certain that in this instance it manifested a mean and unworthy
opposition to Scipio, who was the darling of the people.

After spending one year in Sicily, making preparations, — which
he did mainly by receiving, on account of his great popularity,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 429

numerous volunteers and munitions of war from Italy, — he passed
over to Africa. Here he found himself opposed by three armies, —
one Carthaginian under Hasdrubal, and two Numidian under Masin-
issa arid Syphax. Scipio had previously detached Masinissa, the
legitimate king of Numidia, from his allegiance to Carthage ; and
the latter now showed his treachery by leading the Carthaginians
into an ambuscade, where many of them were destroyed, after which
he openly went over to the Romans. The consul then entered into
a correspondence with Syphax ; and, having gained sufficient time
by amusing the Numidian usurper, he broke off the negotiation, sud
denly surprised their camp in the night, set it on fire, and thus
routed and destroyed a great part of the army. After this success,
Scipio laid siege to Utica. To save a place of so much importance,
the Carthaginians mustered all their available forces. But Scipio
again assailed the combined army of Carthaginians and Numidians,
before they were fully prepared for action, and obtained a second
victory of such magnitude, that the Punic army was completely
driven from the field, and Utica and Tunis were simultaneously
invested.

The government of Carthage, alarmed and confounded by these
defeats, sent off expresses to Mago and Hannibal, commanding their
immediate return for the defence of their own country. The former
general died on the voyage, of wounds received in battle : the latter,
with his army, returned in safety. Prior to his arrival, the Cartha
ginians had entered into negotiations with Scipio for a treaty of
peace : but they no sooner saw the veteran general and brave troops,
who had so long set at defiance the armies of Rome even in the
heart of Italy, than they broke off their correspondence with the
Roman commander, and resolved once more to try the fortune of
war. The Carthaginians arrived at this determination in opposi
tion to the judgment of Hannibal. He would have made peace on
reasonable terms ; but his countrymen were so elated by his pres
ence that they refused. AVith secret misgivings as to the result,
this brave man made the best possible preparation for meeting the
enemy in the field.

The battle took place on the plains of Zama, where — after a des
perate and long- continued conflict, during which the Punic veteran
did all that military genius and experience, directing the operations
of determined bravery, could effect — the Romans were completely
victorious. Hannibal escaped from the field of carnage with a small
body of horse, and soon reached Carthage. When the rulers of the
city saw their idolized chief without an army, and heard that intrepid
warrior declare that " Carthage had no resource but peace," their

430 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

spirit sunk into abject submission, and they accepted the terms of
peace, or rather of subjection to Home, which were dictated by
Scipio. By these terms Carthage had to deliver up all Roman
prisoners and deserters ; to surrender all her ships of war, except
ten, and all her elephants ; to pay toward the expenses of the con
flict about two millions sterling; to agree not to make war without
the consent of Rome ; and to give one hundred hostages for the due
performance of the treaty. When the Roman general returned
home, he was honoured with a most magnificent triumph, and digni
fied with the surname of Africanus.

The successful termination of this war placed the Roman state at
the head of all the nations of Europe, as a military power. And it
lost no time or opportunity of availing itself of this advantage for
the extension of its dominions. The Athenians, having suffered
greatly from the attacks of Philip, King of Macedon, sought, and
readily obtained, the aid of Rome. The consul Sulpicius at first,
and afterward Quinctius Flamininus, at the head of the Roman
legions, carried the war to the shores of Epirus.

Yet although the Romans had now obtained a great extension of
territory, having established their supremacy over all Italy, Sicily,
and the Carthaginian dominions in Spain, they had at the same time
been reduced to the lowest extremity of financial distress, by their
efforts to maintain the war. Indeed, this appears to have been the
distinguishing feature of the Roman character : for no ancient nation
ever made such sacrifices to maintain a military struggle, as did
Rome on this occasion. When every mode of taxation failed, the
state called for the voluntary contributions of its members, and
received gold and silver ornaments and plate, which, together with
a great debasement of the currency, enabled them to carry on the
war to a successful termination.

Although the Roman army under Sulpicius succeeded in protect
ing the Athenians, it effected nothing decisive against Macedon,
During two years the war languished, and the Roman arms obtained
but little respect in the east of Europe. At length T. Quinctius
Flamininus was sent to take the command of the Roman a'rmy in
Greece. He immediately altered the seat and the character of the
war. Having completely defeated the design of the Macedonian
king in guarding a strong pass between Epirus and Thessaly. the
Roman general compelled him to retire, throwing open to Rome
almost the whole of the Peloponnesus.

At the opening of the next campaign, the opposing armies encoun
tered each other in Thessaly. Here the advanced guard of the two
nations met by accident in a thick fog ; when a struggle immediately

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 431

took place, which extended to the whole of the troops, and became a
general battle. Victory declared for the Romans ; and Philip, de
feated and humbled, sued for peace. This was granted with a great
show of liberality : for, while the Romans compelled the king of
Macedon to surrender his ships of war, to reduce his army to five
hundred men, to discontinue the training and use of elephants, and
to pay one thousand talents toward the expenses of the campaign,
they professed to have no design of aggrandizing themselves, but
most pompously proclaimed liberty to Greece. When this procla
mation was made at the Isthmian Games, as Dr. Taylor well ob
serves, "it filled the foolish spectators with so much delight, that
they virtually became slaves to the Romans through gratitude for
freedom."

The Romans hastened the conclusion of this treaty, having heard
that Antiochus, King of Syria, was advancing at the head of a great
army along the seacoast of Asia Minor toward the Hellespont;
which induced the Roman deputies, who had been charged with the
conduct of the arrangements consequent on the close of the war
with Philip, to meet the Syrian monarch, and to protest against his
proceeding to Europe. To this address the haughty warrior replied
with scorn, that he knew his own rights, and did not require teach
ing from the Romans ; and that they had better set some bounds to
their own ambition, before they presumed to dictate moderation to
other states. Yet, notwithstanding this angry meeting, no imme
diate hostilities took place.

It must not escape observation, that these wars in Greece bring
Rome under notice as a subject of sacred prophecy, and of that
peculiar providential interposition which the fulfilment of divinely-
revealed and publicly-recorded predictions so clearly implies. Mace
don was the hereditary kingdom of Alexander, and the seat of his
first sovereignty. Antiochus was one of the successors of that
great warrior, and ruled over a large part of the empire which he
had reared up. A victory over these powers would consequently, in
the then state of other countries, have placed the conqueror as the
fourth monarchy which had been so clearly predicted by the prophet
Daniel. This was soon afterward obtained.

The Romans, notwithstanding their military strength, still felt a
latent dread of the rising power of Carthage, cultivated and directed
by the indomitable Hannibal. They accordingly availed themselves
of some little difference which arose between the king of Numidia
and the Punic rulers, to send a commission to Carthage : the real
object, however, was, if possible, to get the veteran general into
their power. When we consider the violence of the rival factions in

432 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

that city, it seems probable that they might have carried this plan
into effect, had not the experienced warrior sought safety in flight.
On the arrival of the Roman commissioners, he received them in his
state costume, and conducted himself with his usual ease and self-
possession ; but that night he abandoned the city, and embarked for
the east, where he was soon found at the court of Antiochus.
Rightly judging that this sovereign was the only one who possessed
military means and martial spirit sufficient to offer any chance of
success in a struggle with Rome, the brave old Carthaginian, faith
ful to his youthful oath, determined to do his utmost to induce the
Syrian king to attempt the arresting of the progress of Roman power.

Antiochus readily entered into the views of Hannibal ; and a plan
of operations was devised, by which the Romans were to be assailed
simultaneously in Italy and Greece, — in the former, by an army
under the Punic general ; in the latter, by Antiochus. Messengers
were actually despatched to Carthage, to bring that power into co
operation with the design ; but, this fact being made known to the
faction opposed to Hannibal, they betrayed the secret to the Ro
mans. War thus became inevitable, and Antiochus passed over to
Greece. The Romans made vast preparations for this contest, and
sent their consul Glabrio, at the head of a great army, into Greece.
Antiochus, who had brought with him but ten thousand men, felt
unequal to meet the enemy in the open field, and took his position
at the celebrated Pass of Thermopylae. Here he was attacked and
dislodged, and his army almost entirely destroyed. The king him
self, with only five hundred men, escaped. At first he took refuge
in Clmlcis, from whence he passed over into Asia.

The Romans, elated with this success, prepared to prosecute the
war with increased spirit; and, having elected L. C. Scipio (brother
of the conqueror of Carthage) consul, sent him, with his able brother
as second in command, to conduct the war in Asia. Antiochus
possessed vast resources, and might have been a most formidable
enemy of Rome. He, however, devoted himself far more to sensual
pleasures than to the stern duties of military life. But when he
was aware of the approach of the Roman forces, he placed himself
at the head of an army of eighty thousand men, and waited the
arrival of the enemy near Magnesia, at the foot of Mount Sipylus.
Here he suffered a severe defeat : his army was destroyed, and he
compelled to secure his personal safety by a precipitate flight. The
result of this victory gave to Rome all the possessions which Anti
ochus had previously held in Europe, nearly the whole of Asia
Minor, and a sum equal to about three millions sterling, in addition
to the spoil taken in the battle, which was immense.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 433

The tone of command now assumed by the Roman functionaries'
in Greece gave great umbrage to the native rulers ; and they eagerly
desired to throw off the yoke, which had been almost imperceptibly,
but with ultimate rigour, imposed on them. None felt this foreign
domination so keenly as Perseus, who had succeeded to the Mace
donian throne ; and he cautiously, but diligently, proceeded to hus
band his finances, augment his army, and make alliances with his
neighbours, with the view, in due time, of asserting and maintain
ing his independence. In making these preparations for resisting
Roman domination, he did not fail to correspond with the natural
enemy of that power, — Carthage ; and, as usual, from the factious
character of the government of that republic, this step was soon
known in the Italian capital. An army was consequently sent
against Perseus, who entered Thessaly at the head of his forces,
captured several important towns, and encountered the Roman
troops on the banks of the River Peneus, where, in an engagement
between the cavalry and light infantry of the two armies, the Mace
donians had the decided advantage, and the Roman consul was
compelled to retreat Perseus, however, was not by this success led
away from a just consideration of the dangers of his position.
Taking advantage, therefore, of this success, he immediately made
proposals for peace, which the Romans, according to their invariable
custom, refused to entertain after a defeat. The war was accord
ingly recommenced, and continued for three years, without giving
the Romans any advantage over their enemies. At length ^Emilius
Paulus, son of the commander that was slain at Cannce, was
appointed to the command of the army. This general, by his pru
dent conduct and wise strategy, soon altered the aspect of the war.
Having found the Macedonian army intrenched on the banks of the
Enipeus, he carefully examined the ground, and made a successful
effort with a company of his troops, by which a pass was forced in
the mountain, and a way opened to the rear of the Macedonian camp.
This measure compelled Perseus to retreat, and take up a position on
the Haliacmon, near Pydna. Here the Macedonian king was fol
lowed by the Roman army, and compelled, by the nature of the
ground, either to hazard a battle, or to separate his forces. He chose
the former alternative : a severe conflict ensued, in which the Romans
obtained a complete victory. Perseus fled, — but was pursued, and
ultimately compelled to surrender to the Roman consul. About the
same time, a Roman army, under the prastor Anicius, invaded Illyr-
icum, and completely subdued it in a campaign of thirty days.
Thus Macedon, Epirus, and Illyricum were added to the Roman
dominions.

434 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

The result of these wars places Rome before the mind of every
believer in the truth of divine revelation, as the fourth kingdom, the
first having been that of Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon. The head
of gold had fallen ; the Medo-Persian empire, symbolized by the
breast and arms of silver, had perished ; and now the sway of " the
orazen-coated Greeks" was terminated by the subjection of Alex
ander's direct successor in the paternal kingdom, and of his most
powerful successor in Asia, to the dominion of Rome. The further
progress of this power should, therefore, be considered under an
abiding recognition of this providential arrangement. It will be
found that the future history of Rome rapidly placed it in the pre
cise position in which it was spoken of by the prophet. — namely, as
under the rule of "kings." Dan. ii.

Released from the Grecian war by the conquest of Macedon, the
Romans looked around on every side with unquenchable ardour,
seeking for territory to seize, and nations to subdue. After various
intrigues, which greatly extended their influence in Spain, Transal
pine Gaul, and Asia Minor, it was resolved, at the instigation of
Cato, to destroy Carthage. The rulers of this republic, although
possessing a considerable increase of wealth and power since the
close of the last war with Rome, had nevertheless conducted their
affairs with so much sagacity and prudence, that when the Roman
senate had determined on its destruction, they were at a Loss for any
reasonable ground for renewing the war, and at last had recourse to
the cruel and absurd decision, that the inhabitants of Carthage
should remove with all their effects from that city to another resi
dence, ten miles from the sea. The rulers, and, in fact, the whole
population of Carthage, perceived that their ruin was determined
on ; and that the proposed measure, although it might produce that
result more slowly than the operations of war, would with equal cer
tainty effect it. They therefore resolved on a determined resistance ;
and never was a resolution more manfully carried into effect. Rich
and poor vied with each other in their efforts to defend their city to
the utmost. Even the ladies cut off the long hair of which they
were so proud, to make strings for bows and slings.

This unexpected unanimity and energy rendered the destruction
of Carthage a work of greater difficulty than was anticipated. For
more than two years they made a successful resistance to every
effort of their enemies. But at length the Romans appointed Scipio
JEmilianus, the adopted son of Scipio Africanus, to the command
of their army in Africa ; and his energy and genius soon brought
the war to a close. He at first devoted himself to restore the disci
pline of the army, which had been allowed by former commanders

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 435

to degenerate into disorder and licentiousness. Having removed
this evil, and, by the justice of his measures, and the blandness of
his manner, secured the confidence and respect of the neighbouring
African nations, he proceeded to assail Carthage with all his power.
The defence was able and obstinate, but vain. The Roman general
stormed the outer wall, cut his wray to the principal square of the
city, spent six days in preparing for the reduction of the strong
fortresses which guarded it, and at length obliged the garrison to
surrender at discretion ; whereupon Carthage was consigned to the
flames, and great numbers of the inhabitants perished in the ruins
of the place, rather than submit to their cruel enemies.

During the progress of the Third Punic war, fresh disturbances
broke out in Greece. These were principally raised by an impostor,
who pretended to be the son of Philip. The Achrcans entered into
the strife; but resistance to the legions of Rome was fruitless.
Corinth, Thebes, and Colchis were completely destroyed, and Greece
was fully subjected to the Roman government. About the same
time, the Roman arms were equally successful in Spain, which
henceforth became a province of Rome.

The unscrupulous rapacity, and boundless grasping at power,
which impelled the Roman senate to these continued sanguinary
wars, were equally evinced in the government at home. The rapid
succession and vast extent of these military operations, the numer
ous offices which they called into existence, and the means of highly
lucrative employment for the nominees of the senate, raised that
body to an inordinate measure of power and wealth ; while the taxes
and duties, for the maintenance of these extended struggles, falling
on the people, reduced them to the direst poverty and wretchedness.
The government, therefore, while it exulted in territorial aggrandize
ment and martial power, became, through the operation of these
causes, a proud and violent aristocracy, isolated from the people by
class feelings, privileges, and powers, and hated by them in propor
tion to this isolation.

This state of things was perceived and lamented by the best and
greatest Romans of the day ; but the first who boldly attempted to
check the oppression, and redress the grievances, of the people, was
Tiberius Gracchus. The son of a consul, — his mother the daughter
of Scipio Africanus, — he had access to the highest offices of state,
and might have shared in the power and plunder enjoyed by the
great, had he chosen to ally himself with them. He nobly aspired
to higher aims. His soul was moved with indignation at the un
checked progress of corruption ; and he resolved to devote his best
efforts to remedy the evils which prevailed. With this object, he

43(5 THE GENTILE NATIOHE

offered himself, and was elected, as a tribune of the people. Invested
with the authority of this office, he soon perceived that one promi
nent part of the prevailing corruption lay in the conduct of members
of the aristocracy with respect to the public lands ; as an individual
would frequently undertake the management of an extensive and
valuable tract of country, which he would sub-let in small portions
to numerous needy dependants, — making thereby an enormous profit
to himself at the expense of the public. Gracchus, therefore, after
consulting with the wisest and most virtuous of the citizens, and
obtaining their concurrence in his proceeding, determined to enforce
the Licinian prohibition against any individual holding more than
five hundred acres of the public land. This measure roused the ire
of the sordid and oppressive aristocracy, who, although they did not
dare openly to resist the operation of an admitted law, were resolved,
if possible, to prevent it from being carried into effect. The patri
otic tribune, however, not satisfied with this measure, and seeing the
poverty and distress of the people, and that the resources of the
state, after its recent successful wars, were quite equal to its wants,
proposed that the treasures bequeathed to Rome by Attalus, King
of Pergamus, should be distributed to relieve the wants of the poorest
citizens.

While the enactment of these and other similar measures was
being carried into effect, the year of office for which Gracchus was
appointed tribune expired. He was, indeed, proposed for reelec
tion ; and would doubtless have succeeded, had not a combination
of patricians and place-holders determined to risk all the crimes and
hazard of a bloody tumult, rather than allow this intrepid advocate
of the people to proceed in his course of reform. Nasica, a large
holder of public lands, with others equally interested, daringly
assaulted the unarmed multitude who supported Gracchus. In this
commotion the earnest reformer of public abuses was slain, with
many of his friends.

The cause for which Tiberius Gracchus died, did not perish with
him. At the time of his death he had a brother, a mere boy. named
Caius; who, undaunted by the fate of his relation, determined to
devote himself to a similar line of conduct. When he arrived at a
proper age, he was elected quaestor, and discharged the duties of
that office in Sardinia with great ability and integrity. On return
ing to Rome, he was raised to the dignity of tribune. In this office
he proposed, and carried into effect, some measures which bore with
peculiar force against the murderers of his brother. He then turned
his attention to the enforcement of the agrarian law. When a second
time elected tribune, he procured the enactment of a statute which

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 437

raised the equestrian order to the dignity of judges, and proportion
ately diminished the power of senators.

To neutralize the operation of his influence, the patricians set up
Drusus, another tribune, as a rival to Caius Gracchus in the popular
esteem. For this purpose he was enabled, with the sanction of the
senate, to remit taxes, and make large grants of public money, to
the people. The mean design of this measure was, indeed, so suc
cessful, that, when proposed for tribune the third time, Caius lost
his election. This, however, did not deter him from the prosecution
of his great object. But, with the loss of his office, he had lost his
legal power to stem the torrent ; while, by the same influence which
shut out Caius from office, Opirnius, the most factious and violent
of the patricians, was elected consul. In this state of things a
furious collision was inevitable, and soon occurred. One of the
lictors, engaged in some sacrificial service, having made a coarse
remark to the crowd which surrounded Caius and Fulvius, some
of the party rushed on him with such force that he was slain in the
broil.

This impolitic violence afforded the aristocracy the opportunity
which they had long desired : the senate was convened, and Opimius
declared dictator. Caius Gracchus and his friends, determined to
carry their resistance to the utmost, took possession of Mount
Aventine. But they had miscalculated their power, under the
influence of their own ardent feelings. The people were neither
sufficiently organized, nor proof against the seductions of the power
ful and wealthy party arrayed against them. Consequently, even
before they were attacked, great numbers who had at first sur
rounded Gracchus, departed from his side ; so that when the dicta
tor assailed the popular party, it was completely routed. Above
three thousand were slain. Caius himself fell, at his own request,
by the sword of a faithful slave, rather than come into the hands of
his enemies.

With the death of the Gracchi perished the last remnant of
constitutional liberty at Rome. Henceforth the government was
conducted by an oligarchy, until at length it became an absolute
monarchy.

We now approach, in the progress of this mighty nation, the
period in which, notwithstanding the utmost degeneracy into which
their institutions had fallen, they succeeded, through the genius
and energy of a series of most extraordinary men, in placing Rome
on the pinnacle of power, and, in fact, reigning supreme in the
world.

We have the first development of this extraordinary cycle in the

438 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Jugurthine war. Micipsa, King of Numidia, and son of Masinissa,
divided his dominions, on his death-bed, between his two sons,
Hiempsal and Adherbal, and his illegitimate nephew, Jugurtha.
The latter, possessing an unscrupulous and daring mind, determined
to seize the whole kingdom. He accordingly procured the murder
of Hiempsal ; and when Adherbal prepared to assert his own right,
and punish his brother's murderer, he was soon defeated, and com
pelled to fly to Rome to solicit aid. Jugurtha, who knew the char
acter of the nation with which he had to deal, sent emissaries to the
imperial city with such large sums of gold, to be employed in brib
ing the rulers, that he prevented any effective interference from that
quarter. The senate, indeed, decreed, that the Numidian dominions
should be equally divided between Jugurtha and Adherbal; but
when the latter had taken possession of his portion, Jugurtha de
clared war against him, took him prisoner, and put him to death.
This atrocity induced the Romans to send a proctor to Africa, pledg
ing the public faith for the personal safety of Jugurtha, but com
manding him to repair to Rome to answer for his conduct. He
obeyed the summons ; but the power of gold prevailed : for, while
one tribune questioned the African king, another, with equal author
ity, forbade him to reply; and thus the ostensible object of the
Romans was defeated.

Jugurtha by these means not only obtained exemption from pun
ishment, but actually dared, even in the capital, to perpetrate new
crimes. Learning that another cousin of his was in the Roman
capital, and regarding it as probable that he would obtain from the
senate some portion of the Numidian dominions, he procured his
assassination. When this murder became known, and had been
fully traced to its author, it was regarded as such a flagrant insult
to the Roman power, that although the pledge of personal safety
was held sacred, and he was allowed to return to Africa, the consul
Albinus was instructed to proceed with an army to make war upon
him. Jugurtha, however, was as wary in war as he was daring in
crime ; and he managed to foil the operations of the Romans for the
first year without coming to any decisive struggle. When the con
sul returned to Rome to hold his comitia, he left the army under
the command of his brother Aulus, whose mind seems to have been
filled with an intense desire to gratify his avarice by seizing the
treasures of the Numidian king. Rashly adopting a series of meas
ures for the accomplishment of this object, he enabled his antago
nist to surprise, defeat, and capture his whole army The proud
Numidian determined to avail himself to the utmost of this success;
so he made his captives pass under the yoke, — a practice adopted

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 439

by the Romans themselves for symbolizing the total national subju
gation of a conquered country.

All Rome was roused by this infamy. The senate disavowed
this dishonourable surrender; while the tribunes demanded the
sending of a commission to Africa, to make inquiries, and to punish
those who had received bribes from Jugurtha. But this virtuous
effort was poisoned at the beginning of its operation. Scaurus, one
who had been most flagrantly guilty, got himself appointed on the
commission of inquiry; so that this notorious criminal presided over
the trial and condemnation of four consulars and a pontiff. Among
them was Opimius, who had been the cause of the death of Caius
Gracchus.

At this time Rome suffered most severely from several defeats
which she received from the barbarous tribes of the Cimbri on the
northern frontier of their empire. This foe had destroyed one con
sular army on the borders of Illyricum, whence they marched west
ward, until they were found again in prodigious strength at Nar-
bonne in Transalpine Gaul. Here, again, they were met by the
greatest army that Rome could command, under the proconsul
Cgepio and the consul Manlius : but the barbarians were again vic
torious, and it is said that eighty thousand of the Roman troops
were left dead on the field.

In the mean time, the war was carried on against Jugurtha by
Metellus with great success; and the usurper was compelled to
solicit aid from Bocchus, King of Mauritania, and to take refuge in
his dominions. The Roman general commanding in this war derived
great assistance in these struggles from Caius Marius, — a young
officer of mean birth, who had risen from the lowest grade of the
service to be lieutenant of the army. As the war seemed drawing
to a close, Metellus was surprised to hear Marius solicit leave of
absence, that he might go to Rome, and offer himself for the consular
office the ensuing year. The general at first refused, with some
contemptuous expressions respecting the youth of the aspirant.
Afterward, however, when there was scarcely time for him to reach
Rome before the day of election, leave was given. Marius improved
the opportunity : he fled, rather than travelled, to Rome, and made
such good use of the brief interval that he was not only elected, but,
notwithstanding Metellus had been confirmed by the senate in the
command of the army of Africa, he had that country assigned him
by the assembly of the people as his province. Utterly disregard
ing the appointment made by the senate, he collected fresh levies,
and organized an army, to proceed to his appointed province.
In doing this, perhaps chiefly by the daring energy of his own

440 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

example and character, Marius continued to work out a complete
revolution in Rome. Prior to this time the Roman legions were
supplied from the respectable classes of society : men who possessed
some property, and consequently had a stake in the country, were
alone deemed eligible to fill the ranks of the heavy- armed intantry.
But neither Latins nor Italians had yet been enrolled as Roman
citizens, while the free population had been diminished by successive
wars. In these circumstances, Marius induced the senate to concur
in his recruiting from the lowest of the people ; and he soon found
himself surrounded by a hardy and daring body of men, ready to
follow his standard to meet any enemy. But then, as an able writer
observes, they were led forth " without a prejudice or a principle,
ready at his bidding to turn their arms upon either friends or
enemies." Uninfluenced by the patriotic feelings and conservative
restraints which were sure to affect men in the position of the old
legionaries, these newly-formed soldiers became the creatures of
their chief; and in consequence we henceforth find Rome ruled over
by military power.

Marius hastened to Africa, where Metellus had carried on the
campaign very successfully, but, hearing that he had been super
seded, retired to Rome, where he was honoured with a triumph.
Marius prosecuted the war with ability and spirit; and although
Jugurtha defended himself with consummate genius, and seemed
inexhaustible in resources, Marius at length defeated him in a great
battle, and Jugurtha was afterward delivered up to the Romans by
his faithless allies. It is undoubtedly true, that this man had been
guilty of the most enormous crimes ; but the barbarity of his victors
seems equally detestable. After being led in chains through the
land which he had governed, and exposed before the triumphal
chariot of Marius, on the day when he was rewarded for the glorious
termination of the war, the wretched captive was cast headlong into
the subterranean prison on the Capitoline Rock, and left to perish
of cold and hunger through a mortal agony of six days.

When Marius triifmphed for his success in Africa, he had just
been chosen consul for the second time, and was at once appointed
to conduct the war against the Cimbri in Gaul. Thither he pro
ceeded ; but he found his raw levies unequal to subdue these hardy
barbarians. Acting, therefore, on the defensive, inuring his troops
to discipline and exertion, he patiently prepared for the work which
had been assigned him. It was, however, not until he had been
appointed consul the fourth time, that he felt sufficient confidence
in his legions to risk a pitched battle. The prudent delay of Marius
inspired the Cimbri with contempt for his troops ; but, at length, in

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 441

two successive conflicts, he defeated this huge host with immense
slaughter. Yet, notwithstanding these successes, a great army of the
Cimbri still survived, crossed the Alps, and descended to the banks
of the Po. The forces sent out to meet them retired in confusion at
their approach. Fortunately Marius arrived just at this moment,
effected a junction of his victorious legions with the army of Catulus,
his colleague in the consulship, and in a great battle routed and
destroyed this terrible host. It is said that one hundred and fifty
thousand were slain, sixty thousand taken prisoners, and great num
bers of both men and women destroyed themselves rather than fall
into the hands of the Romans. Thus ended the third perilous inva
sion of the Roman state. Marius was instantly counted with Romu
lus and Camillus, as the third founder of the city, and the preserver
of his country.

About this time a second servile war in Sicily was terminated
with a fearful loss of life. A much more dangerous one, of a very
similar kind, also broke out in Italy. It arose out of the gross injus
tice with which the Romans persisted in treating the Italian allies.
After a murderous contest of three years, it was ended by the
Romans granting the freedom of their city to all the Italians who
laid down their arms.

Amid all these conflicts, it became very evident that the most
imminent danger of the state arose from the rivalry of two great
generals. Marius, now nearly seventy years of age, still retained
ambition and energy of character. His rival was Sylla, a soldier
of noble extraction, about forty-five years old, who had served under
Marius as qusestor in Africa, and greatly distinguished himself in the
last victory over the Cimbri. Both these warriors had been engaged
in the war waged by Rome against the Italians, although Marius
retired before its close, while Sylla was actively and honourably
employed to the end.

Mithridates, King of Pontus, one of the most formidable enemies
that Rome ever had in the east, had taken advantage of these com
motions in Italy and Sicily to extend his power throughout Asia
Minor, and, in fact, to make himself paramount in Western Asia.
Considering the position which Rome had assumed, a war with this
power was unavoidable. The command of the enterprise was looked
for by Sylla as an object of intense desire : and Marius, old as he
was, felt no less anxious to obtain the distinction. But the latter
was always regarded by the senate with dislike ; and he had recently
made himself specially obnoxious by a covert connexion with a fac
tious tribune, Saturnius, who had occasioned an insurrection, in
which he and many others had been slain. Under such circum-

442 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

stances the senate appointed Sylla to undertake the war against
Mithridates.

Marius, enraged at being deprived of this command, obtained the
active aid of Sulpicius Galba, one of the tribunes, and commenced
an active agitation against the government. Availing himself of all
the elements of discontent arising out of the recent arrangement
between Rome and the Italians, and holding out hopes to his parti
sans of their sharing in the spoil of Mithridates, if successful, he by
these means gathered a party, raised a tumult, and assailed the
consuls : blood was shed, and Sylla had to seek safety in flight.
Meanwhile, Sulpicius, having cleared the forum of his principal
opponents, proposed to an assembly of the people the appointment
of Marius to the command in Asia, which was carried. Marius was
now, in fact, the master of Rome ; and proctors were sent to inform
Sylla, who had proceeded to his camp, that he was superseded in his
command, and required to deliver up the army to Marius. But the
factious leaders of this movement had mistaken the character of the
man with whom they had to deal. Sylla immediately appealed to
his troops, told them of the indignity to which he had been subjected,
and persuaded them that they were no less insulted and injured than
himself. The great number of his officers, men of family and property,
refused to unite in any violent measure ; but the soldiers, to the ex
tent of six legions, declared their readiness to follow their general ;
and, placing himself at the head of these, he marched toward Rome.

The Marian faction, as well as the senate and the people of Rome,
were alarmed and confounded at this measure : they had no troops
to meet this army in the field. Officers were sent to Sylla, forbidding
his approach to the city. These were slain, and the legions advanced :
by an artful manoeuvre Sylla obtained possession of one of the gates
of the city, and entered at the head of his troops. The people as
sailed the advancing soldiers from the windows and house-tops ; but
a threat to set the city on fire soon put down this opposition, and
Sylla in turn was paramount at Rome. He, however, preserved
strict discipline among his troops, but insisted on the proscription
of twelve of his enemies. Sulpicius was betrayed and slain. Marius
narrowly escaped by flight.

Sylla then assembled the people, and caused them to abrogate
those laws by which the tribunes had been able to excite such
formidable seditions, leaving the people in full possession of their
suffrages. He then allowed them to elect two consuls : Octavius, a
firm supporter of the senate, was one ; and Cinna, a decided partisan
of Marius, was the other. It is remarkable that, possessing such
power, Sylla should have permitted this last appointment; but he

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 443

satisfied himself with requiring China to taie a religious vow to
maintain and administer faithfully the new laws which had been
made.

Having effected these objects Sylla returned to the camp, and
proceeded to his appointed sphere of action against Mithridates.
Here he had a difficult part to act ; but he succeeded. After afford-
ing his soldiers ample opportunities for obtaining booty, in order to
secure their adherence to himself, he stormed Athens, which had
been in alliance with Mithridates, slaughtered the inhabitants with
out mercy, and defeated the armies of the king of Pontus in two
decisive engagements.

While these events transpired in the east, a strange revolution
had been wrought in Rome. Sylla had scarcely left Italy before
Cinna avowed a determination to annul all the regulations which he
had so religiously sworn to maintain. He accordingly insisted on
the recall of the exiles, and the restoration of the laws of Sulpicius.
These propositions, however, met with violent opposition from the
senate, from his colleague in the consulship, and also from the
tribunes; and when these found that Cinna was determined to
attempt carrying his measures by force, they anticipated his move
ments, flew to arms, expelled him from the consulship and the city,
and elected Merula, a flamen of Jupiter, consul in his stead.

But Cinna, when thus cast as a fugitive on the world, did not
despair. He immediately proceeded to the newly-created citizens
in Campania; and, exciting their compassion for him, and their
fears that their newly- acquired dignity was likely to^be wrested
from them, he induced great numbers to rally round him, together
with many exiles of the Marian party, and among them Sertorius,
an officer of distinction. He then went, clothed in black, to the
Roman camp, and appealed to the soldiers. The sight of a consul
in such distress so moved these men, that they insisted on march
ing under his orders. At the head of a Roman army Cinna pro
ceeded to Rome. In the mean time, Marius, who was well informed
of all that was passing, suddenly landed on the coast of Etruria, where
he was soon joined by many of his party, and a large body of dis
contented slaves; so that he, also, gathering strength as he went,
approached Rome. Other sections of the army joined the insurrec
tion; and Rome was completely beleaguered by her own rebellious
subjects. After some considerable delay, during which a pestilence
raged with fearful violence, both in the city and in the camp, the
senate was compelled to submit. Marius and Cinna entered the
city triumphant ; and a fearful scene of carnage and plunder ensued.
Marius glutted his rage against all who had opposed his party without

444 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

any limitation ; while the soldiers, who had crowded to his standard
for the hope of plunder, eagerly grasped the opportunity now afforded
them, and Rome was filled with blood and rapine.

Having gratified the revenge of his partisans, Marius appointed
himself consul, without even the formality of an election; and, with
Cinna, undertook the government of the state. It was arranged that
the latter should direct the affairs of Italy, while the aged general
should collect an army, proceed to the east, and supersede Sylla in
the war with Pontus. Daring as he was, it is generally thought
that Marius dreaded an encounter with his younger rival in arms ;
it is, however, certain that he died soon after his appointment, — as
is supposed, by suicide. Valerius Flaccus was now appointed con
sul, as colleague of Cinna.

Order being somewhat restored in Italy, Flaccus collected an
army, and marched to the east, to watch the motions of Sylla : but
while manoeuvring his army in Greece, in the hope of obtaining an
advantage over his able opponent, he was assassinated in his camp,
and Fimbria, a violent and factious tribune, who may be supposed
to have had some participation in the murder, succeeded to the com
mand of the army. This new general, not willing to measure his
strength against Sylla at the head of Roman legions, passed over into
Asia, in the hope that he should distinguish himself by the conquest
of Mithri dates. With this view, he attacked the troops of Pontus
wherever he could find them, ravaging every wealthy city in his way ;
and he would actually have captured the great king himself, if Sylla,
determined not to allow his rival such a glory, had not afforded
Mithridates the means of escape. Mithridates was, by these re
verses, led to be anxious for peace, which Sylla, in his peculiar
position, was equally disposed to grant. A peace was therefore
concluded, by which Mithridates delivered up a large portion of
his fleets and treasures, and was limited in his government to the
dominions which he possessed before the breaking out of the war.
Having secured this settlement, Sylla turned his forces against the
army of Fimbria, where the use of his gold was so effectual, that that
tribune, abandoned by his army, committed suicide ; and Sylla, at
the head of the united forces, marched toward Rome.

After a severe struggle against the forces of the consuls, and the
armies which had been raised in Italy to oppose him, Sylla made
himself absolute master of Rome, and, to a fearful extent, surpassed
the most sanguinary cruelty of Marius. Citizens of every rank
were proscribed, and murdered, in the most reckless manner.
These murders were extended to the provinces. Tyrant power
reigned, and wild disorder ranged unchecked throughout the Roman

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 445

states. Having gratified his lust for blood to the utmost, Sylla
caused himself to be elected dictator for an unlimited time ; but,
three years after, he retired into private life,— a measure which
surprised every one, until, after a brief period, it was explained by
his dying of a loathsome disease, brought on by intemperance and
debauchery.

On the abdication of Sylla, the consul Lepidus endeavoured to
grasp the power which had fallen from his hands : but, unequal to
the task, he was defeated and abandoned, and perished. Delivered
from this danger, the senate was alarmed at the progress of a Marian
insurrection in Spain, where Sertorius had collected an imposing
force in the interest of that faction. Pompey was sent against him ;
and, although the veteran warrior, Sertorius, was at first more than
a match for the daring young officer, the latter contrived to bring
the war to a successful close. Sertorius was murdered; and his
troops, deprived of his talent and energy, were soon reduced by
Pompey.

Before this result had been secured, Italy was convulsed by a
revolt, as dangerous as it was unexpected and daring. Spartacus, a
gladiator, became the head of an army, which either defeated or kept
at bay all the forces of Rome, and held all Italy in fearful excite
ment and apprehension, for more than three years. This insurrec
tion arose out of the practice of coercing slaves, captives, and crimi
nals to butcher each other in the arena, for the amusement of Roman
spectators. A large troop of these swordsmen, maintained for this
purpose, had plotted together, thinking that war in another form
would be as pleasing, and as profitable, as that which they had been
compelled to wage on each other. They accordingly meditated
escaping, and seventy- eight of them succeeded ; and, after taking a
temporary refuge in an extinct crater of Vesuvius, they procured an
accession of numbers, seized a neighbouring fortress, made Spar
tacus their chief, and prepared to defend themselves. They did this
with such effect, and their numbers swelled so rapidly, that at one
period it is said they formed a body of one hundred thousand men.
But the veteran legions of Rome at length prevailed; Spartacus
was slain, and his troops were dispersed or destroyed.

Crassus and Pompey were now chosen consuls. Both being
anxious to seize supreme power, they paid extravagant court to the
people, — the former, by large donations of corn ; the latter, by restor
ing the power of the tribunes. Pompey, having obtained the com
mand of the forces sent against the Cilician pirates and Mithridates,
proceeded on his mission. By measures equally spirited and saga
cious he contrived to induce these daring plunderers to collect their

446 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

vessels, which were distributed over every part of the Mediterranean,
into one body ; and he then defeated them in a single buttle. After
ward he proceeded against them so effectually on shore, that he broke
their strength, and put an end to their depredations. He also con
ducted the war against Mithridates with equal effect. After trav
ersing Asia beyond the range of any previous Roman army, the
king of Pontus was completely subdued, and destroyed himself,
rather than fall into the hands of his conqueror.

While Pompey was extending the Roman dominions and glory in
the East, Rome herself was brought to the brink of ruin by the con
spiracy of Catiline,— a daring and dissipated noble, who had several
times been defeated in attempting to procure elevated offices in the
state, and at length determined to secure the object of his ambition
by violence. For this purpose he had drawn into his designs some
of the influential nobles of Rome, and had prepared such an ex
tended scheme of revolt as could scarcely fail to be successful. The
vigilance and ability of Cicero, who was then consul, saved Rome.
He with boundless sagacity penetrated all the schemes of the con
spirators, and at length so forcibly charged Catiline with treason in
the senate, that the guilty man, overwhelmed with confusion, left the
city. The consul then took his measures so adroitly, that he appre
hended the chief conspirators, and confronted them with written
proofs of their guilt. They were promptly placed on their trial,
condemned to death, and immediately executed. Catiline, perceiv
ing that nothing more could be done by policy, now took up arms,
and assembled a body of about twenty thousand men : but he was
defeated and slain by a consular army near Pistoria. In gratitude
for his conduct on this occasion Cicero was saluted by the people, on
the motion of Cato, with the title of " FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY."

Rome had now reached a point of political and moral disorganiza
tion which rendered the effective operation of any popular govern
ment impossible. Pompey had returned from Asia, and enjoyed
the most splendid triumph which had been seen in Rome. But he
was on ill terms with Crassus, who was perhaps the most powerful
man in the state. A collision between these great men would have
been fatal to Rome. It was prevented by him who was afterward
destined to rule supreme over the Roman dominions. Julius Cresar
now possessed considerable influence. He was forty years of age,
and had never commanded an army, or filled any public office of
especial responsibility, except that of supreme pontiff. He had,
however, by the exercise of his great talents, in the ordinary public
business of the state, acquired so much popular favour and general
influence, that his position in the Roman councils was one of distin-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 447

guished eminence. Csesar availed himself of the present emergency
to use this influence with effect. He reconciled Pompey and Cras-
sus, and, uniting himself with them, formed what is called " the
First Triumvirate." According to the terms of this partnership of
power, Ccesar led an army into Gaul ; Crassus was elected consul,
and proceeded to Syria; and Pompey, also consul, went to Spain.

Caesar continued his command in Gaul eight years, during which
time he not only subdued the whole of that country, but also brought
under the dominion of Rome all the territory between the Pyrenees
and the German Ocean ; crossed the Rhine, and defeated the Ger-
mani in their own country; and passed over into Britain, and at
least brought a portion of this island into professed subjection to
Rome. While Csesar was prosecuting these conquests, Crassus
perished, with a great part of his army, in a war against Parthia.
Pompey became envious of his colleague's fame; and the death of
Julia, Csesar's daughter, whom Pompey had married, dissolved the
last link of union between these two great men. It then became
evident that, with their ambition and power, a collision between
them would soon be inevitable.

The crisis was hastened by Caesar's asking permission to hold the
office of consul during his absence. He had previously, by lavish
gifts, secured the most influential adherents at Rome, and among
them the powerful and popular Caius Curio. This able and ener
getic tribune, perceiving that the senate would soon be induced to
recall Caesar, took advantage of a proposition of the consul Mar-
cellus to that effect, to submit a distinct motion,— that both Pompey
and Cresar should lay down their military command. This propo
sition was carried in the senate by a great majority, and applauded
with enthusiasm by the people without ; but was not carried into
effect. The senate feared Caesar, and trusted in Pompey, and would
not consent to place their idol in a private position. After consider
able time had been wasted in negotiation, the senate passed a decree,
by which Csesar was commanded to disband his army before a speci
fied day, on pain of being declared a public enemy. Antony and
Cassius, as tribunes, interposed their veto against this vote. At
first their right to interpose was disputed ; but at length the diffi
culty was obviated by a vote which suspended the constitution for
this purpose, and the proposed measure was carried, the opposition
of the tribunes being thus set aside. The principal adherents of
Csesar in Rome immediately left the city, and fled to his camp.

Csesar, on receiving this intelligence, acted with a promptitude
and energy which astonished his enemies. He immediately sent
forth his troops toward the Rubicon,— the small river which divided

448 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

his province from the Italian peninsula, — entertained his friends as
usual through the day, and at night followed his men in their line of
march. It is said that he hesitated for a moment on the bridge over
the narrow river ; and then, exclaiming, " The die is cast," he passed
over. Pompey, who had previously boasted that he had only to
stamp with his foot to raise legions in any part of Italy, found him
self utterly unprepared to meet the daring spirit of his rival in the
field, supported as he was by those legions at whose head he had
passed on in an uninterrupted course of conquest during the pre
ceding eight years. It is beyond comprehension how the imperator,
with all the power and resources of the vast Roman dominions at
his beck, and with all his experience and personal influence, should
have allowed himself to be taken so completely by surprise, as not
to be able for a moment to meet his rival. As soon as he heard
that Caesar had passed the Rubicon, he immediately declared that
he had no force in Italy equal to cope with him ; and he and the
senate retired from the capital with such precipitation, that they
even forgot to secure the public treasures lodged in the temple of
Saturn. This neglect was not thought of until they arrived at
Capua, when no one dared to return and fetch them. All Italy was
subdued in sixty days. Pompey sailed from Brundisium for Greece,
to collect an army from the legions of that country and of Asia;
while Caesar marched in triumph to Rome.

This revolution — for such it undoubtedly was — differed essentially
from every preceding assumption of absolute power in Rome.
Caasar evinced no disposition to shed blood. Even captives who
fell into his hands while in armed resistance to him, he spared.
This clemency produced a general feeling in his favour : nobles and
senators returned to Rome ; and, after a brief interval, the chief who
had accomplished these wonders found the capital in such an orderly
condition, that he felt quite at liberty to prosecute the war against
his enemies in the provinces. He first proceeded to Spain, which
had been Pompey's province, and where he had many partisans
among the officers. These collected their strength, but were soon
compelled to surrender to Caesar. Marseilles held out awhile
against him; but it was reduced. Here, too, he spared the
lives of all captives, taking only their munitions of war and treas
ures. Having thus reduced all the Roman dominions in the
west to his sway, Caesar returned to Rome, where he was created
dictator, — an office which he held only eleven days. Causing him
self and Servilius Isauricus to be elected consuls, and the other
great offices to be filled with his devoted friends, confiding the
government of the city to Lepidus, and placing the troops in Italy

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 449

under the command of Marc Antony, Caesar followed Pompey into
Greece.

This general had not wasted the time which had been so oppor
tunely given him. All his influence in the east was called into
requisition ; and a large army — indeed, one far exceeding in number
that of his opponent — was gathered, and prepared to defend his
cause. On the arrival of Csesar, both generals seemed reluctant to
stake the issue on a decisive battle. After much manoeuvring, a
combat was fought, in which Caesar was forced to retire with some
loss, and which inspired the troops of Pompey with unbounded de
light, and gave them a very false confidence as to the future.

After this conflict, Caesar, whose army greatly needed provisions,
proceeded to Thessaly ; upon which the advisers of Pompey urged
him to cross the narrow sea, and seize Italy; but that veteran did
not dare to make a movement of such consequence. He preferred
effecting a junction with a body of troops under the command of
Scipio, which placed the hostile armies again in immediate proximity
to each other. At length Pompey, who had evidently feared to
oppose his raw levies to the veteran troops of Caesar, confiding in
his vast numerical superiority, offered battle on a plain near Pharsa-
lia. The battle was neither very long contested, nor very bloody,
although it decided the empire of the world. The cavalry of Pom
pey fled before the German horsemen opposed to them ; and the
infantry, assailed in front and flank, numerous as they were, could
not resist the veteran legionaries of Cnesar. It is, indeed, probable
that the real cause of this victory is found in the fact, that while
the soldiers of Coesar loved their general, felt personally interested
in his cause, and were prepared to die in his service, those of Pom
pey, being hastily collected, had no sympathy or confidence in each
other, or in their chief. •

This victory made Caesar the sovereign of the Roman empire.
Pompey fled to Egypt, where he was slain. Caesar followed, too
late either to destroy, or to save the life of, his great rival, but in
time to subdue Egypt after a desperate struggle. Having consoli
dated his conquest, he proceeded to Tarsus, passed through Cilicia
and Cappadocia, and completely defeated the unnatural son of the
great Mithridates in Pontus, in a war so short and effective, that it
occasioned the celebrated despatch, Veni, vidi, vici, "I CAME, I
SAW, I CONQUERED." Having established the dominion of Rome in
the east, he returned to Italy, when he was again named dictator.

Returning to Rome, Caesar found the public business deranged,
and the city full of confusion, through the violent quarrels of Anto
ny and Dolabella. Having, after some difficulty, reconciled them,

450 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

the dictator sailed to Africa, where Cato with an army still main-
taincd the cause of the fallen Pompey. His arrival was soon after
followed by that of Cneius Pompey, with the remains of the host
which had fought at Pharsalia. The troops of Cato and Pompey
were then combined under the command of Scipio, so that it seemed
as if the contest had yet to be decided, especially as Caesar had not
more than half the number of soldiers that were marching under the
banners of his opponents. Strangely enough, this most perilous
conquest was begun without the general's command. The celebrated
tenth legion, which had been but just before almost mutinous at
Home, and had been disbanded, but afterward restored to favour, on
this occasion was so determined to distinguish itself, that, when both
armies were drawn up in order of battle, this body of troops rushed
headlong on the enemy; and the dictator, finding it impossible to
restrain them, gave the word, " Good luck," and led on the other
legions to the conflict. The struggle was very short. The African
elephants, on receiving the first shower of arrows, gave way, and
threw the infantry into confusion, so that Scipio' s legions made little
resistance. This decided the fate of the world. Cato soon after
killed himself at Utica; Scipio was taken and slain; Juba and
Petreius fought, until the former fell, and the latter slew himself.

Caesar now returned to Borne, and was received with the most
extravagant adulation. In his triumph, his chariot was drawn by
four white horses, like those of Jupiter. He was also declared dic
tator for ten years, and had his statue placed in the capitol, with a
glol>e under his feet, bearing the inscription, ' To CJESAR THE
DEMI-GOD." After staying awhile at Home, the dictator found it
necessary to lead his legions again to Spain, where the sons of Pom
pey were in arms ; but the star of Coesar was still in the ascendant,
and the last elements of the Pompeian party were crushed.

While the means by which Coesar acquired uncontrolled dominion
at Rome proved him to be the first soldier of his age, the fact that
he managed to wield this power without assuming a title, or intro-
ducin" a° usage, unknown to the republic, or at variance with the
precedents of iti history, exhibits him as a profound statesman.
was created dictator, tribune, supreme pontiff, inspector of morals,
and prince of the senate: so that the possession of all these legiti
mate offices gave him the command of the army,-a veto on all
legislation,— the distribution of national finances. Even ti
of society and the regulation of manners were placed under his cog
nizance ; as were augury and religion, the direction of debate in the
senate as well as all executive and judicial power.

Having thus raised himself to absolute rule over the largest aggre

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 451

gation of nations ever formed into one government, this wonderful
man contemplated vast plans, worthy of his genius and power. He
prepared to revenge the defeat of the Romans under Crassus in a
war with Parthia, and to make great improvements in Italy by
colossal public works. But, notwithstanding the extent to which
successive revolutions had prepared the Roman people for an autoc
racy, and although absolute rule, either in the hands of one indi
vidual, or by a domineering oligarchy, had actually governed Rome
from the times of the Gracchi, there were many able and honest
Romans, who mourned over the elevation of Caesar, as the ruin of
their country, and the total loss of its civil liberty. Brutus and
Cassius were at the head of this party. After much deliberation, it
was agreed to put an end to this absolute rule, and to restore the
country to freedom by the assassination of Caesar, on the fifteenth of
March. So many persons were parties to this conspiracy, that the
plot was in imminent danger of exploding before the hour arrived ;
and even on the morning of the day appointed for the murder, it
seemed scarcely possible to prevent the whole project from being
communicated to the intended victim. The plot was, however, con
cealed. Caesar went to the senate-house, was there surrounded by
the assassins, and fell, pierced by numerous wounds, at the foot of
Pompey's statue.

Perhaps no man fills a larger space, or occupies a more prominent
position, in the general history of the world, than Julius Csesar.
Whatever may be said of his ambition, it is certain that he reduced
the conflicting elements of Roman society to order and harmony.
He incorporated the most worthy and distinguished foreigners with
the citizens, and even with the senate at Rome. He magnanimously
rose above the cruel and cowardly practice of putting political op
ponents to death : and, as if military operations and the ordinary
detail of government were insufficient to employ his unfailing energy,
he, as supreme pontiff, prepared and published a correction of the
calendar, which, of itself, would have immortalized his name.

Nor were the projects of Caesar less in advance of his age than
his actual achievements. He contemplated a system of legislation,
and a condensed and harmonious arrangement of statutes, as a code
of law, which would have anticipated the work of Justinian by six
hundred years. He designed an elaborate survey of the vast regions
subject to Roman dominion; and actually appointed a commission
of geographers and mathematicians to construct a map so large in
scale, and so full of detail, that it required no less than thirty-two
years to complete the work. In addition to these, he projected
emptying the Lake Fucinus, — draining the Pontine Marshes, — mak-

452 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

ing a canal from Rome to Terracina, — opening a new road across the
Apennines,— and cutting through the Isthmus of Corinth. The
man who could do what Caesar did, and project what he planned, was
a man far too great to be simply a tyrant. That he had great faults,
is undoubted ; that he pursued a selfish and ambitious policy, is un
questionable : but, notwithstanding this, he will ever stand before
the world as the greatest man whom Rome produced throughout the
whole of her history.

On the death of Caesar, all Rome was filled with terror. No one
knew to what danger the public peace was exposed ; nor on what
principles those who had slain the dictator were prepared to govern
the state, nor whether they were disposed to involve in the ruin of
Cresar his partisans and friends. But as he had contrived to grasp
absolute power without any violation of established law, all the
elements of government remained intact, and tranquillity and order
were maintained until the day of Caesar's funeral. On that occasion
Marc Antony, by a studied oration over the dead body, a recital of
Caesar's will, and the exhibition of an image of the hero with his
twenty-three wounds, as in the agonies of death, managed to inflame
the passions of the people to such an extent, that they tore up the
benches of the senate-house, to burn the body on the spot; after
which they attacked the houses of the principal conspirators, who
were obliged to secrete themselves, in order to secure their personal
safety.

Antony was ambitious to step into the position occupied by his
departed patron; and his being consul at the time gave him an
immense advantage in carrying out his views. In the mean time
the conspirators evinced the greatest timidity and indecision, and
the utter absence of all unity of purpose. Instead of regarding the
death of Caesar as the beginning of a course of measures which were
to issue in the renovation of the vast republic, they acted as though
it was the only result at which they aimed, and consequently gave
their opponents the opportunity of defeating the object which they
meant to accomplish. Antony, as Caesar's executor, possessed all
his papers, and, in addition, gained over to his service the late dicta
tor's secretary. He then induced the senate, on the plea of prevent
ing universal disorder, to confirm all Caesar's acts and appoint
ments : and managed to include in this confirmation the projects
which Caesar contemplated. This measure invested Antony with
almost unlimited power. He sold appointments, gave donations,
conferred magistracies, did, in fact, anything,— bringing his authority
for all out of the pretended papers of Caesar. By these" means he
not only repaired his own shattered finances, but was able to give a

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 453

bonus to the soldiers, and to secure to himself important military
influence. He at the same time introduced a state of things which
induced Cicero to say, " The tyrant is dead; but tyranny still lives."

While Antony was pursuing this course, a new hero appeared on
the stage. Octavius, a young man, eighteen years of age, a nephew
of Julius Csesar, had been adopted as his son, and left his heir, by
the last will of the dictator. His friends strongly advised him, on
account of his youth, to forego the perilous distinction which had
been bequeathed to him ; but Octavius possessed spirit equal to the
emergency. He accordingly came to Rome, and boldly claimed the
position which his uncle had assigned him : and when he found that
he could not obtain from Antony, as his uncle's executor, a sufficient
sum to pay the legacy which had been bequeathed to the Roman
citizens, he sold the residue of the late dictator's estate, together
with his own, borrowed what more was necessary, and paid the
amount. This conduct rendered the young man extremely popular.

At length, the long-impending crisis approached. Brutus and
Cassius, perceiving that Antony was preparing to sustain the posi
tion which he had assumed by force of arms, departed to the east, in
the hope of inducing the Roman legions in Greece, Macedonia, and
the neighbouring provinces, to assert and defend the cause of liberty.
Antony retired into Cisalpine Gaul, and levied an army of veterans
to support him ; while Octavius, jealous of the pride and power of
Antony, professed to adhere to the senate ; and that august body,
inflamed by the furious harangues of Cicero, sent the two consuls
with their forces, accompanied by Octavius, against Antony. Be
tween these armies two battles were fought. In the first, the con
sular army had the advantage ; in the latter, Antony was entirely
defeated, but both of the consuls were slain. This event placed
Octavius at the head of the united armies of the state ; while Antony
fled to Lepidus, who commanded a formidable force in Spain.

In this state of affairs a negotiation took place, which reflects
infamy on all the parties concerned. Octavius, who had been elected
consul before he was twenty, opened a correspondence with Antony
and Lepidus, which issued in the formation of a second Triumvirate.
These men partitioned the power of Rome between them, on the basis
of sacrificing individual friends to the blood-thirsty animosity of each
other. By this sanguinary agreement, seventeen of the most eminent
men in Rome, including the venerable Cicero, and great numbers of
inferior note, were basely murdered. This Triumvirate was boldly
proclaimed, and its terms read and ratified, in the camps of the
respective officers. By this covenant, Antony, Octavius, and Lepi
dus were, under the title of " triumvirs," to rule over the Roman

454 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

dominions conjointly. They were to have the appointment of all
magistrates ; and their decrees were to have the force of law, without
the sanction of the senate or the people. By this treaty, the two Gauls
were assigned to Antony ; the two Spains to Lepidus ; and Africa
and the Mediterranean Islands to Octavius ; Italy being regarded
as held in common between them. Greece and the east were to be
divided when Brutus and Cassius, who held them at the time with
a republican army, should be defeated. Lepidus was then left, with
his soldiers, in charge of the government at home; while Antony
and Octavius, each at the head of twenty legions, marched into
Greece against the forces of Brutus and Cassius.

Here the cause of liberty, which had previously perished in Italy,
was staked on the issue of the war. The armies met at Philippi ;
and, in two great battles, the cause of the conspirators was ruined.
Brutus and Cassius fell by their own swords ; Antony and Octavius
were triumphant, and added to their previous atrocities by their bar
barous and bloody treatment of the most illustrious of the captives
who fell into their hands.

After these victories, Antony proceeded to Asia, to reward his
soldiers with the spoils of that country, while Octavius returned to
Italy. On entering Asia, the former plunged into a course of sen
sual dissipation, fatal to his military success. But, on his going to
Egypt, the wanton Cleopatra met him ; and he at once became an
unresisting captive to her charms, and fully gave himself up to a life
of voluptuous indolence and unbridled dissipation. In the mean time
Octavius returned to Italy. Here he found Fulvia, the wife of
Antony, a proud and daring woman, exercising a powerful ascend
ency over the consuls, and virtually directing the government. Dis
putes of a serious nature soon arose between the young triumvir and
the wife and brother of his absent colleague. Octavius, with his
usual policy, first bestowed large gifts upon the soldiery, and then
proposed to submit to their arbitration the matters in dispute be
tween himself and Antony. The veterans, of course, accepted the
offer, and cited the triumvirs to meet before them at Gabii. Octa
vius appeared ; Antony was absent, being in Egypt : the affair, how
ever, mightily increased the influence of Octavius with the army.
Lucius Antonius, as consul, adopted a bold course, and drove the
indolent Lepidus before him ; but he was soon defeated by the troops
of Octavius, and, being compelled to surrender, was sent into a kind
of honourable exile, being appointed to a command in Spain. By
this means Octavius obtained the entire direction of the affairs of
Italy, and the command of all the legions in the west.

These events at length roused Antony from his besotted crime

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 455

and folly in Egypt. He returned to Italy, and the state of affairs
betokened a bloody struggle. But the veteran legions again insisted
on an accommodation between their quarrelling commanders; and
accordingly a new partition of the empire was agreed upon. An
tony received Egypt and the east, with the charge of the Parthian
war ; Octavius was placed in possession of Italy and all the west ;
and Lepidus obtained Africa; while to Sextus Pompey, the only
surviving son of the great triumvir, who had made himself formida
ble at sea, were assigned Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica.

This hollow peace was, like many other of the Roman alliances of
this period, cemented by a marriage. On his return from Egypt,
Antony had treated his wife Fulvia with such neglect, that this
high-spirited woman died of grief and vexation. In order, there
fore, to secure a family union between Octavius and Antony, as the
leading members of this alliance, it was arranged that the latter
should marry Octavia, half-sister of Octavius. This being done,
Antony repaired to the east, to conduct the threatened war against
Parthia.

The first inroad on this alliance was a quarrel between Sextus
and Octavius. The former, seeing how dependent Rome was on the
sea for supplies, availed himself of his maritime power to cut these
off, by which means the price of provisions at Rome was doubled.
With considerable difficulty Octavius, having obtained the aid of
Lepidus, drove Sextus out of Sicily, and compelled him to take
refuge in the east, where he was soon after put to death by one of
Antony's officers. Meantime, Lepidus determined to attempt
acquiring undivided sway in the west, and, at the head of twenty
legions, took possession of Messana. Octavius marched against
him, and, as he had frequently done before, secured more by policy
than by war. Proceeding alone and unarmed into the camp of his
rival, Octavius so wrought on the soldiers, that they came over to
him in a body; upon which Lepidus, finding himself abandoned,
threw himself at the feet of the victor, and in the most abject terms
begged his life. Octavius could afford to be merciful ; so he sent
his former rival into banishment, where he lived in obscurity more
than twenty years.

While the adopted son and successor of the great Julius was thus
making himself supreme master of all the western part of the Ro
man dominions, Antony, after spending some time in Greece, sent
back his new wife, Octavia, to Rome, determined to devote himself
to the Parthian war. But no sooner was this done, than he sum
moned Cleopatra to meet him in Syria ; where he commenced, in her
company, a fresh career of dissipation and folly. He had, indeed,

456 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

so fully committed himself to the invasion of Parthia, that he could
not withdraw from it ; so, leaving his licentious mistress behind him,
he proceeded to the east. But this war, which had been so long
projected, and for which ample preparations had been made, was
rashly begun, unwisely conducted, and terminated with defeat and
disaster to the Roman arms.

Antony proceeded with such haste to the Parthian territory, in
order to commence operations before winter, that, when he reached
the first fortified city of the country, he found that he had out
stripped the transit of his siege apparatus ; and that, while he could
not reduce the place without it, he could neither advance, leaving
this strong fortress of the enemy in his rear, nor hope to receive the
requisite materiel before winter. The Roman veteran had, there
fore, no alternative but to retreat; and this inglorious movement
was not effected without great difficulty and immense loss. At
length, however, the Roman frontier was gained, when, instead of
distributing his forces, and preparing for a more successful campaign
in the ensuing spring, Antony hastened again to the arms of Cleo
patra, and abandoned alike his public duty and his honour for the
gratification of his vices.

Octavia did all that a virtuous matron could effect. Hearing of
the reverse her husband had sustained, and knowing how he was
employed, she obtained her brother's consent to visit him with such
presents as were deemed suitable to his circumstances. Antony,
informed of the coming of his wife, sent a message to meet her at
Athens, forbidding her to proceed further ; while he and the partner
of his guilt went on to Alexandria. Octavia felt she could do no
more to save a worthless husband from the fate he merited ; so she
returned to Rome, and devoted her time to the care of her children,
and of those of her husband by Fulvia, his former wife. This
sealed the fate of Antony ; for it filled the Roman mind with disgust
for the man who could act in such a vicious and contemptible man
ner. But, not satisfied with this conduct, he sent his wife a bill of
divorce, and appointed his children by Cleopatra to kingdoms in the
east, sending the notifications of this to Rome, and demanding their
formal enrolment there.

It did not require this excessive amount of insult and injury to
induce Octavius to prepare for war : his interest and his inclination
led him to this course ; and both parties saw that the sword must
soon decide the fate of these rivals for power. Immense prepara
tions were made on each side, and, as in a previous instance, Greece
was again selected as the theatre of war. For a considerable period
the armies lay encamped on opposite sides of the little gulf of Am-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 457

bracia. Antony, influenced by Cleopatra, who dreaded not being
able to escape in case of defeat, determined to stake the issue on the
result of a sea-fight, which took place in the straits leading to the
gulf. Here, while the battle was still raging, Cleopatra hoisted her
sails and fled: Antony, renouncing his fame, and abandoning the
troops who were shedding their blood in his cause, followed the
guilty woman, and both reached Egypt in safety. But this conduct,
more than the result of the battle, placed the legions of Antony in
the power of Octavius. The conqueror proceeded into Asia, and,
after a short period, to Egypt, where, after scarcely a struggle,
Antony fell by his own sword, and Cleopatra perished by the bite of
an asp, which she procured for the purpose.

Henceforth Octavius was absolute sovereign of Rome. As he did
not ascend to this dignity by grasping an aggregation of republican
offices, like his uncle, but as the successor of a Triumvirate which
had formally assumed a power to rule irrespectively of the senate
and the people, the constitution of the government became in theory,
as in fact, an autocracy. With the fate of his uncle before him,
Octavius took special care of his personal safety.

The Roman people seemed divested alike of all desire to retain
their former liberty, and of all apprehension of tyranny. They
showered every honour on Octavius, — dignified him with the appel
lation of Augustus, — actually enrolled his name in the list of deities
to whom public prayers were addressed, — and in other respects
treated him as divine. This wonderful man obtained this full
amount of sway, B. C. 30; and in the following year he had so
consolidated his power that, amid universal peace, the temple of
Janus was shut. Augustus still reigned, when, according to the
divine purpose, the Son of Grod was incarnated among men, and the
God of heaven set up his kingdom in the earth. (See Appendix,
note 82.)

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF ROMAN HISTORY.

B. C.

733
—
71G

679
640
618

578
534

509
508

498
493
445
405

390
366
353
293
264

218

'JIG

202

200
192

171

Name* and Event*. Yean.

Rome founded.

ROMULUS king ............................ 36

NUMA fully established the Etrus

can religion.
TULLUS HOSTILIUS.
Axe us MAUTIUS.

Sibylline Books bought.

SEKVH-S TULI.IUS.

TARQUIXIUS SUPEKBUS.

Rome exercises supremacy over the

Latins.

Death of Lucretia.
Expulsion of Tarquin.
End of the monarchy.
First commercial treaty with Car

thage.

First Dictator appointed.
Tribunes of the people created.
Military tribunes.
Siege of Veii begun, which lasted

tun years, and led to the estab

lishment of a standing army.
Rome sacked by the Gauls.
Plebeian consuls appointed.
First Plebeian dictator.
Census, 272,300 Roman citizens.
First Punic War lasted ................. 23

Rome becomes a naval power.

Second Punic War ....................... 17

Hannibal, from Spain, invades

Italy, and threatens Rome.
The Scipios carry on war in Spain.
Battle of Zama; Carthage compel

led to submit to peace.
War with Philip of Macedon ......... 3

War with Autiochus of Syria.
The power of Rome supreme.
Macedonian war with Perseus.

B. C. Names and Events.

168 The battle of Pydna, when the Mac
edonian kingdom is destroyed.
165 Rome so enriched by the spoils of
conquered nations that the citi
zens no longer pay taxes.
149 Third Punic War.
146 Carthage, after a desperate strug
gle, destroyed.

133 Tiberius Gracchus, endeavouring to
introduce reforms on behalf of
the people, is slain in a tumult.
123 Caius Gracchus, attempting to carry
out his brother's designs, is also
slain.

107 Marius six times consul.
106 Cicero and Pompey born.
100 Julius Caesar born.
88 Bloody civil wars between the
factions of Marius and Sylla,
in which 150,000 Romans perish.
62 Pompey triumphs as conqueror of
fifteen nations and four hundred
cities.

60 First Triumvirate, — Csesar, Pom
pey, and Crassus.
49 Civil war between Caesar and

Pompey.
48 Pompey slain ; Caesar master of the

Roman empire.

46 Reformation of the Roman Calendar.
44 Julius Caesar slain.
43 Second Triumvirate, — Antony, Octa-

vius, and Lepidus.
Bloody proscriptions ; death of

Cicero.

War between Octavius and Antony.
31 Octavius, under the title of Augus
tus, reigns supreme over Rome.
29 Temple of Janus shut.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 459

CHAPTER XII.

THE RELIGION OF ROME.

MISTAKEN Notion which obtains of this Religion — Rome greatly indebted to Etruria —
The Religious Institutions of the Etruscans— Importance of the Establishment of
these Religious Institutions in Italy, before the Rise of Rome to Power— The Etruscan
Religion exhibited much important Truth and Divine Influence — Considerable Refer
ence to Primitive Traditions, and the Recognition of a Future State and Judgment —
The Founders of Rome educated in these Doctrines— All the Primitive Arrangement
and Organization of Rome formed on an Etruscan Basis — Sabine and Latin Deities
introduced by the Union of these Tribes — Xuma and his Institutions — Reign of Tar-
quin— Scrvius Tullius— Corruptions in Theology and Image-Worship introduced— The
Gods of Rome — Dli majorum — Dii select i — Dli minontm — Sacred Persons — Priests —

Augurs Fetialei — Flamens — The Sacred Places and Rites of this Religion — Temples —

Prayers — Vows — Sacrifices — Festivals — Lnpercalia — Bacchanalia — Saturnalia — Gen
eral View of the Roman Religion— Remarkable Unity maintained, notwithstanding so
much Extension and Addition— Completeness of the Ecclesiastical Economy— It an
swered its Design so far as to pervade the public Mind with its Influence— Originally
identified with many important Religious Truths— Inquiry into the Effect of this System
on the People— The Knowledge of God which it gave to the People— The Opinions of
Deity entertained by Philosophers— Analysis of the Religious Works of Cicero— The
Result— The Philosophy of Rome afforded nothing better than Epicurean or Stoical
Views of Deity— Knowledge possessed by the Romans of the Immortality of the Soul,
and of Future Rewards and Punishments— Effect of this Destitution of Truth upon
Roman Morals— The Description given by St. Paul— State of Domestic Manners— Con
dition of Slaves, and their Cruel Treatment— Horrid Cruelty displayed toward the
Children of Sejanus — Awful Prevalence of Licentiousness and unnatural Impurity.

THE religion of the ancient Romans has generally been regarded as
merely a recast of the Grecian mythology, with the names of its
deities rendered into Latin, and its sacred ceremonies and rites
adapted to the genius and state of the people. A very limited
search is sufficient to show the fallacy of this notion, and the real
original of this system of faith.

In tracing the early history of Rome, it was observed, that this
grand ruling power arose by the daring prowess and indomitable
military energy and genius of a rude, but hardy, race, who did not
locate themselves in a previously unoccupied country, but obtained
a settlement among, and gradually acquired paramount authority
over, a more ancient and civilized, but less martial, people.

It is to this people that we are to look for the fundamental ele
ments of the religion of Rome. For, as certainly as Rome, toward
the close of her grand career, obtained a rich amount of knowledge

460 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

and refinement from the conquered Greeks ; so, in the early part of
her course, did she receive an equally important schooling in all the
arts of civilization, and the principles of religion, from the ancient
Etruscans.

Our limits will not allow us to go into the disputed question of
the origin of the primitive inhabitants of Etruria. A highly accom
plished lady of our own country has succeeded in casting very im
portant light on this obscure subject ; and argues with great force in
favour of the opinion, that this part of the Italian peninsula was
first colonized by a body of people who emigrated originally from
Resen in Assyria, located for some time in Egypt, and ultimately
crossed the sea, and took up their residence in the province after
ward called Etruria. However this may be, it is an undoubted fact,
and one which will be hereafter considerably illustrated, that from
hence Rome obtained her theology, ecclesiastical polity, and relig
ious ceremonial.

It becomes important, therefore, as far as our scanty means of
information will enable us, to form some definite idea of the religion
of the ancient Etruscans.

The founder and patriarchal chief of Etruria was Tarchun : his
origin and country are very doubtful ; but he is celebrated as the
founder of this ancient and cultivated state. The highly poetic tra
dition preserved by Cicero says, that, " while Tarchun was plough
ing at Tarchunia, — most probably, ploughing the sacred foundation
of its walls, — a genius arose from the deep furrow, with a child's
body and a man's head, who sang to him the divinely-inspired laws
of his future government, and then sank down and expired." — Mrs.
Gray's History of Etruria, vol. i, p. 141. Further information has
been gleaned respecting this legend, from which it appears, that
this was the means employed for asserting the inspiration and
consequent divine authority of the primitive laws of the ancient
Etruscans.

Cicero calls this genius Tages, and says, he was the son of Jupi
ter, or the supreme god. It has been supposed that he was identical
with — or, at least, an embodiment of — the same ideal representa
tion which we find in the Phenician Tapates, or Tanates, and the
Egyptian Tkoth, — "the Coptic word which expresses 'hand/ and
the man who was the first and greatest scribe, the deified writer and
lawgiver of the wisest of nations." — Ihid, p. 142. The representation
that Tages appeared with the head of a man and the body of a child,
seems of easy interpretation. It clearly indicates the maturity of
the wisdom which dictated the law, and the infancy of the colony
which received it. At the same time, it showed the local seat of the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 461

legislation. The body politic, to whom this code was addressed, was
in a state of infancy ; but the laws propounded were ancient, ma
tured, and perfect. Yet these inspired commands were not Phe-
nician, Egyptian, or Assyrian, but Etruscan. The mysterious
legislator arose from the soil of Etruria. Yet was he not a juve
nile in intellect and experience : his head was that of a sage, "show
ing forth that his laws, full of mature wisdom and sound judgment,
were yet of infant date to the land of Tarchun. He was not ' Tages
transplanted from Egypt,' but ' Tages born again in this new coun
try.' He belonged to the Resena, notwithstanding his gray hairs ;
he rose from their soil, and, while he appeared as the ruler of all
their chiefs, he was adopted by the nation as their own child. He
embodied himself in their spirit, he adapted himself to their situa
tion, and he bade them live henceforward as a new people, in the
land which God had given them."

Cicero and Censorinus say that Tarchun, on hearing the voice of
Tages, at first screamed in fear, but afterward received the genius
in his arms, learned his laws, which were delivered in verse, and
then wrote them down. Hence arose the Books of Tages, which
were twelve in number.

Some authors have, indeed, doubted whether these laws were im
mediately written, and suppose them to have been committed to
memory, and thus disseminated. But this hypothesis is at variance
with such a broad range of facts, that it is quite inadmissible.
Etruria was not simply one state, but twelve ; yet, throughout all
these, there was a perfect uniformity of religious doctrine, and an
entire unity of ceremony and discipline, — a state of things which
continued throughout successive ages. This could not have been
the result of merely vocal traditions. Variations in different states
would inevitably arise, and time would as certainly produce changes
and corruptions. Nothing but the existence of a written code could
have maintained this uniformity.

The laws of Tages were received with great reverence, diligently
studied and guarded, and so implicitly obeyed, that they not only
gave a character and spirit to the faith of ancient Rome, but main
tained their ascendency in Italy, until supplanted by Christianity.
In fact, to the Romans Tages was the same as Menu to the
Hindus, and, so far as the apprehension of the people extended,
what Moses was to the Hebrews. Miiller, indeed, calls his institu
tions " the Leviticus of the Romans." Servius states, that a nymph
received Tages before he disappeared; but this is understood to
refer to a celebrated priestess, named Bygoe, who afterward wrote a
commentary on some of these laws; and so greatly distinguished

462 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

herself by piety, learning, and zeal, that she was in consequence
said to have nourished Tages, and sung to him.

We feel a great desire to give an explicit statement of the theology
taught by the institutions of Tages ; but we fear that our informa
tion is less satisfactory respecting this particular than on any other
part of this religious system. We are told that "the Etruscans
acknowledged only one Supreme God ; but they had images for his
different attributes, and temples to those images. But it is most
remarkable, that the national divinity was always a triad under one
roof." — Mrs. Grays History of Etruria, vol. i, p. 147. Here we
have again a further proof of the spread of primitive tradition, and
the power which its truth had upon the minds of men, although
separated to the greatest distance from the common centre of the
world's primitive population. The Etruscan names for the three
elements of this sacred triad were Tina, " Strength," Talna,
"Riches," and Minerva, "Wisdom;" God being regarded as a
supreme union of these prevailing attributes.

Notwithstanding the explicit manner in which this triad is said to
represent these divine attributes, it seems certain that an impression
of distinct personality was equally recognised. Tina, and the other
gods, were called to witness on the most solemn occasions. He was
specially invoked in sacred ceremonies, as at the election of Nurna :
" Father Tina, if it be thy will." From the expressions used on this
occasion, it is certain that the Tina of the Etruscans became the
Jupiter of Rome. But that people had other deities. Janus was their
god of war ; and is supposed to have included, not only the attributes
of Mars, but also those of Saturn and Hercules. Sethlans, the "rod

of protection against fire and other evils, very nearly corresponded
to Vulcan. Pales was the Etruscan god of shepherds; Nortia, the
goddess of fortune ; Fides, the god of good faith : beside which, we
meet with the names of other deities, such as Viridianus, Valentia,
Vertumnus, Volumnus, Volumna, Yoltumna, Pilumnus, and others,
whose attributes are not now ascertainable. (Ancient Universal
History, vol. xviii, p. 205.)

Augury was an essential element of this religion. Cicero speaks
of it, in connexion with divination, as the ars Etrusca, and disciphna
Etrusca. Ovid affirms that Tages was the first who taught the
Etruscans a knowledge of the future; and Miiller says, "Augury
was considered as a covenant between God and man, where each
must act his part ; and the augur, in those early days, firmly believed
that his thoughts and words were inspired." The most ancient and
remarkable manner of Etruscan augury was by lightning. For
Tarchun clearly had the means of drawing lightning from the clouds ;

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 463

and the wide range of information collected by Miiller proves that a
command over the electric element was essential to Etruscan augury.
Another important feature of this divine science was, that no augur
could consult the gods, or ascertain their will, except in a place pre
viously consecrated ; and any spot so consecrated was regarded as a
fane or temple. But no place was considered as a temple without
such consecration. The responses obtained by lightning were
always either simply affirmative or negative ; while the omens fur
nished by the flight of birds were supposed to give more general
information.

The Vestal virgins were another part of the institutions of Tar-
chun. These were appointed to guard and maintain the sacred
flame, which was originally kindled by celestial fire,— either an elec
tric spark, or a solar ray. This, according to some authors, was
renewed every year on the first of March, and was, in the popular
notion, a symbol of pure divinity. Those, however, who have care
fully considered the manner of divine revelation to the primitive
patriarchs, will easily discern, in this part of these sacred usages, a
reference to the infolding fire of the primitive cherubim. If this
sacred fire should by any neglect or accident be extinguished, it
must be again relit by being drawn from heaven. These virgins
were endowed with special privileges. They had the highest seats
assigned them in places of public resort, and enjoyed the power of
pardoning criminals whom they might meet on their way to the
temple. They had the fasces carried before them, and were subject
to no authority but that of the pontifex maximus, or " sovereign
pontiff." These females were devoted to virginity during their term
of office, which extended over thirty years; ten of which were
employed in learning the duties of the office, — ten, in a performance
of its duties, — and ten more, in teaching the art to their successors.
If, during this term of thirty years, they were known to violate their
vow of chastity, they were on conviction buried alive.

Every city and town had a principal temple, consecrated to the
national triad of deities. Every city might have as many more
gods, temples, and gates, as the inhabitants might choose ; but it
was obligatory, wherever the laws of Tages were received, to have
one temple consecrated to this threefold divinity, and three sacred
gates to the city. The most sacred of all the Etruscan temples was
that in his own capital of Tarchunia. This, although dedicated to
the triad, was usually called "the temple of Tina," he being the first
of the three. Miiller has given us the manner of selecting the site,
and appointing the limits of the sacred spot. Tarchun, having
chosen the most elevated spot, as best adapted to his purpose, close

464 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

to the fortress of the city, — that the one might bless, and the other
defend, the capital, — then obtained his omen that this was in accord
ance with the divine will. The omen was most probably a flash of
lightning, which, as chief augur and pontifex maximus, he had the
power of procuring. " He then pronounced with a loud voice, in
the presence of a multitude of his people, these solemn words, in
the name of Tina of the Resena : ' My temple and my sacred land
shall extend so far as 1 please to make it holy, and to dedicate it by
the mouth that now speaks. That holy object ' (tree, or some other
limit named) 'which I name, shall bound my temple to the east.
That holy object which 1 name, shall bound my temple to the west.
Between them 1 limit this temple with the drawing of lines, having
surveyed it with the sight of mine eyes, after reflecting thereupon,
and establishing it according to my good will and pleasure.' The
augur then drew his lituus upon the ground, and was silent.

" This is probably what Plutarch and Tacitus call ' the prayer of
consecration ;' and it took place whenever the augur was called upon
to make ground holy. The Etruscan lines, both on the ground and
in the air, were in the form of a +, and were named cardo, or 'merid
ian,' Jccumanus, or 'horizon.' The four regions marked out by
these lines were called car dines; and hence our word ' cardinal/
and our denomination 'cardinal points.' Each region was again
divided into four ; so that the ground occupied by the building con
tained sixteen points, each giving its peculiar augury ; of which the
north- east was the most fortunate; and when the augur was con
sulted or officiated, he placed himself in the position of the gods,
who were supposed to inhabit the north.

' After the dedication of the ground was completed, the founda
tions which were marked out for the temple were surrounded with
fillets and crowns, and then the soldiers who had happy- sounding
names went in, and threw into the enclosed space branches of olive
and other sacred trees. Then came the Vestals, and the children
whose parents were alive; and they bathed the place in fountain
and river water. Tarchun then sacrificed a bull, a sheep, and a pig;
and, laying the entrails on the grass, he prayed to Tina, Talna, and
M. N. V. fa, to bless the place. Then he touched the garlands in
which the sacred corner-stone was bound, and raised it by a cord,
while all the people shouted, and helped him. They then threw in
metals, both worked and raw, of gold, silver, and copper, which were
not dedicated to other gods, or rather to other attributes ; and the
ceremony was ended." — Mrs. Gray's History of Etruria, vol. i,
pp. lf> 1-1 53.

It will now be necessary to direct more particular attention to the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 465

Sacred persons employed in connexion with this system ot re
ligion.

The first and principal of these was the augur. He was, in fact,
in a religious sense, the human head of the people, — the visible
representative of deity on earth. It was his high vocation to declare
with absolute and despotic power the divine will. It was blasphemy
to contradict him, — rebellion to disobey him. The augur ascer
tained the divine will by means prescribed in the sacred books, and
then authoritatively declared and expounded it to the people.
Without him there could be no election to any sacred or civil office ;
no king, dictator, pontifex, Vestal, fetial, or priest, could be called
into office, or enter on its duties, but through the instrumentality of
the augur. The foundation principle of all Etruscan civil and relig
ious policy appears to be best expressed in the Scriptural maxim,
" There is no power but of God : the powers that be are ordained of
God." Rom. xiii, 1. It is necessary to add that the character of
the deity, as exhibited by the augur, was of a highly elevated nature;
but he was especially represented as having a fatherly regard for all
the people, without distinction of rank or degree, — always open to
their prayers, watching over their interests, punishing their crimes,
rewarding their virtues, rendering it equally obligatory upon all to
walk by one law, to observe one rule.

The person of the augur was sacred, and his office endured for
life. Pie was thus raised above fear in the discharge of his duty ;
while he was supported at the public expense, that he might have no
temptation of yielding to bribery. He was always of a noble family,
no person of mean condition or low extraction being eligible to the
office. It was necessary, not only that the augur should possess
high birth, but also that he should be a man of sound judgment,
considerable knowledge, and varied acquirements : for no general
could march his army over a frontier, or across a river, engage in
battle, or make a division of spoil, without the augur's permission.
There could be no marriage or adoption in noble families without
his consent. He could dissolve any assembly, nullify any election,
and exercise a veto on all public business, by a declaration that such
was the divine will. The power of the augur was, indeed, so great,
that the danger to the state was only obviated by multiplying the
number of them, and thus interposing the power of one as a check on
the action of his colleague. When an augur died, his place was filled
by the remaining augurs, either with or without the approval of the
nobility. There was at least one augur in every city, and generally
three in the most important and populous places. From a considera
tion of the great deference paid by all classes of society to this office,

466 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

and the length of time the institution was maintained in paramount
influence in Italy, it cannot be doubted that a deep religious con
viction pervaded the people that the augur was, in truth, the authorized
exponent of the divine mind.

The institutions of Tages in one particular greatly resembled
the Hebrew dispensation. All that pertained to the national policy
and institutions, — indeed the whole range of political economy and
regal power, — were as much elements of divinely-appointed and
religiously-regulated matters, as the most sacred services of augury
or sacrifice.

Tarchun was the sovereign of the Etruscan nation. But afterward,
when large cities arose as the capitals of the different provinces, a
king was appointed to each of them : so that, while a common bond
of nationality was recognised, each state was virtually independent,
and each king absolute ruler in his own dominions, except so far
as he was limited by the national statute- code of Tages.

Tarchun, with each sovereign after him, was also pontifex maxi-
mus, or " chief-priest." The priesthood were not a separate caste,
or, indeed, a separated body from the rest of the people. In fact,
every Lucumo, or noble of Etruria, was a priest, and could take
auspices, being at the same time equally eligible to conduct affairs
of state or to command an army in war.

From these statements it will appear that the institutions of
Tages, as brought into operation by Tarchun, and made the basis
of the civil and religious statute-code of Etruria, exhibited a very
remarkable variety of that great spiritual assumption which we have
already found to pervade all the eastern nations. Here, as well as
in Assyria, Babylon, and Persia, we have a divinely-appointed and
absolute sovereign, — one, too, who, in addition to regal dignity, not
only holds in his own person the national high-priesthood, but is
specially consecrated the representative of Deity on earth, — an
authorized rcvealer and expounder of the will of God. We hear
nothing, indeed, of the grounds on which these claims to reverential
regard and divine knowledge are made to rest, — nothing of the
promised Son, or expected incarnation of Deity ; but, in every other
respect, we have, in the combination of those three offices, all the
powers and claims so proudly put forth by the sovereigns of the
primitive nations of the east.

Yet, while this identity is clearly seen, it is equally apparent that
it is brought before us in Etruria in a manner which seemed likely
to neutralize the pernicious effects of these claims, at least to a very
considerable extent. For, although all these offices centered in
Tarchun, and thus gave him a status nearly similar to that of an

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 467

Assyrian or Persian potentate, the most sacred office of the three,
namely, that of augur, was afterward given to another individual,
and thus separated from the head of the state. The division of the
nation into small states, or royal dominions, operated in the same
direction: so that, while we perceive, in the essential elements of
the Etruscan faith, a great similarity to the profane assumption
of the east, we see it so modified by future arrangements as to be
prevented from working out that intolerant spiritual despotism
which we have had to contemplate in those countries.

It will only be necessary to notice one other class of the sacred
persons of Etruria, — the fetiales. These were always Lucumones, or
nobles, and consequently priests. Their special function was to
preside over and direct national treaties, and to seek reparation for
national injury prior to the declaration of any war. When one
tribe of the Etruscan nation, or any foreign state, had offended or
injured any Etrurian government, the practice was to send to the
offending party a deputation of fetiales, who, attired in a state-dress,
and crowned with vervain, applied for admission to the senate.
Here they stated their grievance, and asked for redress within a
limited time. At the end of this period, if their representations were
not attended to, they took Tina and the other gods to witness that
they had performed their duty, and it was for their country to decide
upon the event. On their return home, they announced to their
own senate that war was now lawful. If this were resolved on, the
fetiales returned to the frontier of the offending country, and then,
casting a spear into the territory, called the gods to witness against
the want of justice in that people, and their obstinacy in refusing to
make reparation.

The Etruscans were a highly-civilized and well-educated people.
Their arts and sciences are even now attested by imperishable monu
ments in every part of western Europe. But, more than this, the
Etruscans were a religious people. They possessed, perhaps, as
pure a theology as any Gentile nation of that period. For, although
recognising a plurality of deities, they appear to have still retained
their knowledge and reverence of one supreme governing God, whose
will they professed to seek, and by whose laws they sought to walk.
To what extent their devotion and obedience were sincere and
effectual, we cannot now pretend to determine ; but thus much is
evident, — that they regarded God as the Father and Governor
of men. They recognised his watchful care, believed in his ever-
pervading providence, and continually taught the necessity of doing
everything, public and private,— things of the least concern, and of
the greatest magnitude,— in direct accordance with the divine will.

468 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

It is a remarkable fact, and one that has been too much over
looked, in the providential dispensations of God toward mankind, —
that, prior to the rise of Rome to fame and dominion, this people
were brought to Italy, established in power, and permitted to extend
the influence of their civilization, science, and religion throughout
that peninsula. From the Tiber, the southern frontier of Etruria
Proper, their authority extended to Cisalpine Gaul ; and their influ
ence, potent in every respect, had a far wider range.

It was not by accident or chance that the band of martial spirits
who began to rear up the fourth great monarchy, — which was to
extend its rule over all the nations of the world, and usher in the
glorious kingdom of God, — laid the foundation-stone of their politi
cal power in immediate proximity to this civilized and religious
people. It cannot be doubted that the influence of Etruscan civili
zation and religion formed the manners, and moulded the character,
of Rome. This being the fact, it would be very desirable to form a
correct estimate of the Etruscan system of faith : but we have not
information sufficient for this purpose. It is certain that this peo
ple retained among them a large portion of patriarchal truth ; that
by it they were led to a general and effective recognition of the
government and providence of God, and the vital importance of
entire subjection to the divine will ; that prayer was a well-ascer
tained and frequently-practised duty ; and, indeed, that they acknowl
edged that man's whole course of life on earth should be shaped
according to the will of Heaven. Now it is impossible to account
for the knowledge of such doctrines, and the existence of such prac
tices, without admitting the action of a considerable amount of
divine truth, and the presence of a large measure of divine influence.
It is true that the theology of the people was becoming corrupt, and
a multiplicity of inferior deities had begun to be introduced ; but,
prior to the foundation of Rome, it does not appear that this defec
tion had become either so extensive, or had so fatally infringed on
the prerogatives of the Supreme Deity, as to have materially affected
the faith of the people, or their confidence in the divine adminis
tration.

There is abundant evidence, in the pictures and sculptures of the
early Etruscan tombs, to attest the prevalent belief of the people in
the primitive traditions, and in the doctrines of the immortality of
the human soul, and of a future judgment. No eye familiar with
LayarcPs "Monuments of Nineveh" can look over the elegant
coloured plates of Mrs. Gray's "Sepulchres of Etruria" without
perceiving the constant recurrence of the symbolical tree of life.
Between every pair of figures in the painting or sculpture, in every

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 469

variety of form, in the frieze and other ornamental portions of the
architecture, the tree, its fruit and foliage, are always to be dis
cerned.

Then, as to the future existence of the soul, numerous most sig
nificant pictures convey the ideas entertained by this ancient people.
One or two instances will be sufficient to prove this. In the Grotto
del Cardinale there is a remarkable frieze, representing a procession
of souls to judgment, attended by good and evil angels ; the former
being represented white, and the latter black. In one instance, a
singular struggle is seen between a good and an evil angel for the
possession of a person, whose character was of such doubtful quality,
that while the evil angel endeavours to draw off the car on which the
spirit sits, the other interposes his power; and the group is seen
standing still during the progress of the contest. In the Grotto del
Tifone there is another remarkable painting, exhibiting a procession
of souls. This is led by a good angel with a flambeau, who is fol
lowed by several spirits. Then comes an evil angel, whose com
plexion is black, and whose features are an ugly distortion of a negro
countenance. Other souls follow this figure ; and the procession is
closed by another black evil angel, similar to the former. All the
angels, good and bad, have living serpents about their heads, or in
their hands. These have been supposed to symbolize eternity ; but
we rather incline to think them an intelligible and living exhibition
of that form under which the great tempter introduced death and all
its fearful consequences into the world.

However this may be, the angelic contest for the possession of a
spirit, and the joyous appearance of the souls near the good angel,
and the agonized aspect of those in proximity to the bad ones, clearly
evince a firm belief in the doctrine of future rewards and punish
ments. Surrounded with a civilized population imbued with these
religious views and doctrines, Rome was founded, and rose up into
power.

We will proceed to notice those stages in the progress of Roman
history which had a special influence on the foundation of the national
faith.

If we may rely on Plutarch, it seems that Numitor brought up
Romulus and Remus at an Etruscan college, and gave them all the
instruction usually imparted to princely Lucumones. They would,
therefore, be taught everything necessary to the performance of the
service of the priesthood, of which every Lucumo was a member.
When the two brothers, with their band of followers, went forth from
Alba to found a new settlement, they were attended by augurs ; and
the site of Rome was selected by the divination of augury, according

470 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

to the Etruscan usage. It has been remarked as a singular fact,
that the religious guides of the new settlers should not be Alban
augurs, or Latin priests, but Etruscans. Plutarch, in Vita Romuli,
adds, that Romulus sent to Etruria for special assistance, and had the
whole city and its arrangements and policy directed according to the
religious mysteries, ceremonies, and written laws, of that people.
So exact, indeed, was this attention to sacred guidance, that Home
from the first was called " the Holy City."

After the singular junction of the Romans and Sabines, as had
been distinctly stipulated in the treaty, the Romans were bound to
adopt the Sabine theology, laws, and customs, wherever these dif
fered from those previously in use : and as the religion of the Sabines
was essentially the same as that of Etruria, it followed that in future
the religion of Rome must be entirely Etruscan. Under this ar
rangement, twelve altars were built, on which sacrifices were offered
to the following deities, — Vidius, Jupiter, Saturn, Sethlans, Sum-
manus, Vesta, Terminus, and Vertumnus. These were all Etruscan
gods. To these were added Quirinus, or Mars, — a deity peculiar to
the Sabine people,— with Ops, Hora, Sol, Luna, Diana, and Lucina,
which were divinities common to the Sabines and the Latins.

From this statement it will be seen that while Rome secured all
the advantages derivable from the civilization, learning, and religious
doctrines of Etruria, she also received, at the very outset of her
national career, an increased tendency to polytheism, by the incor
poration of Sabine and Latin gods with those of Etruria.

Romulus also appointed two Vestals, — one from the Roman, and
the other from the Sabine nation, — who were installed priestesses
of Vesta. He also established a college of the Salii, or dancing
priests of Mars ; and he dedicated the Campus Martius without the
walls to Mars, who, as Quirinus Mavors, or Marte, was common to
the three nations. Temples were also built to the Etruscan Seth
lans and Janus, the latter of whom had henceforth two heads, to
represent the union of the two nations.

The prevalence of Etruscan institutions at Rome during the early
part of its history may be inferred from another important fact
Neither Plutarch nor any other author of credit ascribes one single
invention to Romulus : yet it is certain that in his time there were
kings, palaces, colleges, augurs, priests, temples, shrines, ceremonial
services, and, in short, all the elements of a state-religion in the full
development of a broad and efficient economy.

Numa, the Sabine, succeeded Romulus. He was an eminently
pious prince, and would not adorn himself with the ensigns of roy
alty, even when fully elected by the senate and people, until the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 471

augurs declared his appointment to this supreme office to be in
accordance with the divine will. He instituted a body of priests,
called pontifices, who were to have special charge of a bridge which
he caused to be built across the Tiber, and who were bound to keep
a feast of union on this bridge. Numa established a college of
fetiales, twelve in number. He also instituted several other col
leges, and appointed flamens, or hereditary priests, of particular
gods : such as the flamen of Quirinus and Romulus, the flamen of
Jupiter, the flamen of Mars,— whose wives were priestesses. This
sovereign also doubled the number of the Vestal virgins, and built a
circular temple to the goddess Vesta, where the fire was ever^kept
burning. .Numerous other additions were made by him to the insti
tutions of the religion of Rome ; and all these were done in the
spirit of the original books of Tages, that is, by professed revelation.
Numa alleged that he was divinely taught through the medium of
the nymph Egeria ; and, to render the laws which he founded on
these revelations of the greatest benefit to his people, he had them
written, and caused the priests of Rome to get them by heart. It is
a singular fact, and one which, fairly considered, greatly confirms the
view which has been taken in the foregoing pages,— that, although
Rome was a martial state, and acquired her supremacy by success
ful wars, yet the most prosperous of her early reigns, and those
which did most to consolidate the national power, were those of the
most peaceful and religious of her kings : and of these the rule of
JSluma is a remarkable example.

Some readers may imagine that the manner in which we speak
of this subject is in contradiction to the doubts which are expressed
in the preceding pages with respect to the history of Rome at this
period. We beg, however, to observe, that we think those doubts
to be perfectly warranted, and in fact imperatively called for, by the
nature of the evidence upon which the history of this period rests.
But it is very evident, that the civilized and religious condition of
Etruria prior to the foundation of Rome, and the influence of this
civilization and religion on the condition of Rome, and the religious
institutions brought into operation during the early period of Roman
history, are much more clearly authenticated than the names of
kings, or the marvellous and improbable exploits frequently ascribed
to them. If, therefore, it should be proved that no such prince as
Numa ruled in Rome, we should nevertheless be compelled to
believe that, about the time ascribed to his reign, the religion of
Rome, which had been previously raised on an Etruscan basis, was
greatly developed, extended, and strengthened by the addition of
many important rites and institutions.

47*2 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Plutarch mentions a tradition of this king,— that, while engaged
in a religious service, he was informed that the enemy was at the
gates; to which he simply replied, "I am sacrificing,"— as if to
intimate that, while engaged in the service of the gods, he felt per
fectly secure of divine protection. The same authority states, that
at this period there were no images of any deity in Rome ; 'from
which it has been inferred, that such images were common at that
time in other parts of Italy. But this is altogether unwarranted by
the language of this eminent biographer. Ilis words are : " Numa
forbade the Romans to represent the Deity in the form either of
man or beast. Nor was there among them formerly any ima^e or
statue of the Divine Being. During the first hundred and seventy
years, they built temples, indeed, and other sacred domes, but placed
in them no figure of any kind ; persuaded that it is impious to repre
sent things divine by what is perishable, and that we can have con
ception of God but by the understanding. His sacrifices, too,
resembled the Pythagorean worship; for they were without any
effusion of blood, consisting chiefly of flour, libations of wine, and
other very simple and unexpensive things."— Plutarch, in Vita
Nitma.

From this it appears that the absence of image-worship at Rome
arose from elevated views of the divine nature; that the several
deities worshipped were regarded more as separate attributes than
as truly divine personalities ; and that there is every probability
that these views extended as wide as the influence of the Etruscan
faith. The degeneracy of image- worship was brought into Rome
by Lucius Tarquin, who introduced figures in human form as objects
of adoration.

The remark of Plutarch, as to there being no bloody sacrifices at
Rome in the time of JSuma, must be taken with some limitation :
for the offerings of a bull, a sheep, and a pig were coeval with the
foundation of Rome, and were used under the sway of all her Latin
and Sabine kings. It was probably only meant to intimate that
Numa did not introduce any new sacrifices of this kind, notwith
standing his extensive additions to the ritual code in other respects.

The first Tarquinian dynasty is only remarkable, in respect of
religion, for the glimpse which it affords of the story of the Sibylline
Books. The account of the circumstance is as follows : — An old woman
presented herself before the king, and offered to sell him nine books for
three hundred pieces of gold. Being repulsed, she went away, burnt
three, and, returning, demanded the same price for the six which
remained. Being again refused, she burnt three more, and demanded
the same sum for the remaining three, threatening to destroy those,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 473

unless the money was paid. Struck with her manner, the king
repented, and purchased the books; after which the prophetess
vanished.

The reign of Servius Tullius exhibits the further progress ot
change in^the primitive elements of the national faith. We find
that at this period the simple Etruscan triad had sunk into oblivion,
and the idea was only retained in giving the designation of " the
triune Jupiter" to the great god whom the Tuscans and Albans
united to worship, both at Alba and Laurentum. It is further
observable, that in the space of a little more than a century, which
elapsed from the death of Numa to that of Servius, the progress of
image-making and of respect for images was such, that at the latter
period there was an image of the reigning monarch, made of wood
and richly gilt, standing in one of the temples of Fortune in the city
of Rome.

It would be vain to attempt to trace in detail the further
change and extension of the religion of Rome. That state having
entered on a career of conquest, every new province increased the
number of national divinities, and added to the common stock of
mythologic fable and religious doctrines, until at length, when the
Roman power became paramount throughout Egypt, the north of
Africa, and a great part of Asia, the religion of the Romans was, in
the widest sense, the religion of the world. In treating on this
subject, we must of course limit our consideration to that aggregate
of religious elements which had become recognised by the state, in
the imperial city, as the national religion. Of this it will be our
endeavour to convey some idea. But the subject is full of difficulty,
—not only from the immensity of its range, and from the fact that
the Romans themselves never reduced their religion to a system,—
but also because the information actually procurable can only be
collected in detached fragments, and is but seldom found connected
with any recognition of real religious principle or truth.

In proceeding to sketch the principal elements of this religion, it
will be necessary, as in other instances, to commence with its the
ology. But this at once presents to our consideration a range of poly
theism beyond anything witnessed in any other nation of the world.
The Romans divided their deities, as they did their senators, into
several sections or classes. The first or highest rank of divinities
were called dii majorum gentium. These were the great celestial
gods : they were twelve in number. Of these, 1. The first and chief
was JUPITER; 2. His wife and sister, JUNO; 3. MINERVA or PAL
LAS; 4. VESTA; 5. CERES; 6. NEPTUNE; 7. VENUS; 8. VUL-
CANUS; 9. MARS; 10. MERCURIUS; 11. APOLLO; 12. DIANA.

474 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

These are generally given with the genealogy according to the
Greek system of mythology ; but it is very certain that this hypoth
esis neither explains the origin of these deities, nor the opinions
of the Romans on that subject. JUPITER is set down as the son of
Saturn and Rhea, and is said to have been born and educated in
Crete, where he dethroned his father, and divided his kingdom with
his brothers. But nothing is more certain than that the Roman
Jupiter had his origin in the Tina of the Etruscans, sometimes wor
shipped as the triune Jupiter, and evidently the patriarchal deity of
Etruria. JUNO, according to the faith of ancient Rome, was merely
a female impersonation of the attributes of Jupiter. It does not
appear that those from whom the Romans received the elements of
their religious system had any deity corresponding to MINERVA ;
so that this divinity was probably imported from Greece. VESTA
was an Etruscan goddess, patroness of the sacred fire. CERES is
identical with the Greek goddess Demeter. NEPTUNE seems to be
equally an importation from Greece; and VENUS is another of the
same class. There is not the slightest trace of any such licentious
impersonation in the Etrurian Pantheon. The Roman original
VULCANUS was Sethlans, the Etruscan god who gave protection
against fire and other cognate evils. MARS, the martial deity, was
worshipped by the Etruscans as Janus, and by the Sabines under
the name Quirinus. These appear to have been united by the
Romans, and adored under the name of Mars, to whom were ascribed
the attributes and origin of the Greek Ares. MERCURIUS was the
Greek Hermes. APOLLO was introduced from Greece. DIANA, as
a goddess, was common to the Sabines and Latins ; but, after the
introduction of Greek manners, the worship of this divinity was
associated with the mythological account of the Greek Artemis, as
a female impersonation of the attributes of Apollo.

These twelve constituted the principal deities of Rome : they were
in fact the great gods of the nation, during the later period of its
history. They were also called dii consentes, — an epithet which
seems to cast light on the origin of Etruscan polytheism. The term
is supposed to be derived from the verb conso, that is, consiilo, and
to have been originally applied to the twelve Etruscan deities who
formed the council of the supreme god. It seems, therefore, that
the notion of a council subservient to the will of the great god hav
ing obtained currency, the supposed members of this body were, in
process of time, worshipped as divine, and termed dii consentes, —
a term which was afterward applied to the twelve superior deities
of Rome. The first ruling power ascribed by the Etruscans to these
deities, was the government of the world and of time ; a fact which

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 475

perhaps accounts for the attributes ascribed to the Roman deities in
after-times.

The Roman gods of the second section were termed dii selecti, and
were eight in number:—!. SATURNUS, the god of time; 2. JANUS,
the god of the year, who presided over the gates of heaven;
3. RIIBA, the wife of Saturn, who was also called Ops, Cybele,
Magna Mater, &c. ; 4. PLUTO, brother of Jupiter, and sovereign of
the infernal regions ; 5. BACCHUS, the god of wine ; 6. SOL, the
Sun, who was sometimes regarded as identical with Apollo, and at
others as of totally different origin ; 7. LUNA, a female imperson
ation of the moon, the daughter of Hyperion, and sister of Sol ;
8. GENIUS, the tutelary god supposed to preside over and protect
an individual, from his birth to the end of his life.

It will be necessary to remark further on this section of Roman
theology. SATURN, although generally identified with the family of
Olympus, was an Etruscan deity. JANUS, who is here set over the
year and the gates of heaven, was originally the Etruscan god of
war ; and hence, although, after the Romans conformed to the Greek
mythology, Janus is superseded by Mars as the deity of war, and
retires to the more peaceful presidency of rolling time, he is still, in
accordance with his primitive character, so far recognised as con
cerned in the peaceful or warlike condition of the nation, that his
temple was open in time of war, and shut during the season of peace.
RIIEA was generally described as a pregnant matron ; but, in the
later portion of Roman history, she was worshipped under the name
of Cybele, and was represented by the figure of a .cubical block of
stone, which was brought with great pomp from Pessinus in Phrygia
to Rome during the second Punic war.

PLUTO was the brother of Jupiter, and husband of Proserpine, the
daughter of Ceres, whom he carried off, as she was gathering flowers
on the plains of Sicily. Associated with this infernal deity were
other divinities of an inferior rank, such as the Fates or Destinies, —
Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos; the Furies, — Alecto, Tisiphone,
and Megsera, represented with wings, and snakes twisted in their
hair, holding in their hands a torch and a whip to torment the
wicked; Mors, "Death," and Somnus, "Sleep;" and others of less
note.

BACCHUS, the son of Jupiter and Semele, was attended by Silenus,
his nurse and preceptor, and by Bacchanals and Satyrs. Priapus,
the god of gardens, whose worship was celebrated by emblems of the
most gross indecency, was the son of Bacchus and Venus. SOL,
" the Sun," was painted in a juvenile form, attended by the Horce,
or four Seasons,— Ver, "the Spring;" ^Estas, "the Summer;"

476 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

Auctnmnus, "the Autumn;" and Hiems, "the Winter." LUNA,
" the Moon," is represented as the sister of Sol.

GENIUS, the demon or protecting god, was at first regarded as a
tutelary spirit, which was supposed to preside over and to direct the
actions of each individual. Some, indeed, held that there were two
such, — one good and the other bad, — attending each person through
out his whole life ; so that under this term we have a multitude of
spiritual existences. Although, in the early ages, these spirits were
regarded only as subordinate ministers of the gods, they were at
length elevated to be the objects of adoration, had altars and statues
reared to them, and extensively received divine honour.

Of the same kind as the Genii were the Lares and Penates, house
hold gods who presided over families. These have frequently been
confounded, as if they were identical ; but this is an error. The
Lares were human spirits, who were at first treated with reverence,
and afterward received adoration, either from members of their
family, — and, as such, were called Lares do??icstici, — or, on the con-
trar}T, from the people, who awarded them national honour for their
noble and patriotic conduct : these latter were consequently desig
nated Lares publici. The name Lar is Etruscan, and signifies
" lord," " king," or " hero." The Lares were, therefore, the honoured
or deified spirits of men who, after their death, were, either from
fraternal regard or patriotic gratitude, revered or worshipped.

The Penates, however, were divine, and must be regarded strictly
as household gods. Although sometimes spoken of as sustaining
the same character, the Lares and Penates differed in this important
particular :— there was never but one Lar revered in one family,—
the hero-deity of the family ; while the Penates are almost always
spoken of in the plural, there being several deities revered as the
guiding and protecting gods of the house.

We have next in order to mention the third section of Roman
deities, — the dii minorum gentium, or inferior gods. These were
of various kinds, and ranged over so wide an expanse of imaginative
creation, that only a few of the most prominent can have individual
notice.

The first portion of these were the dii indigetes, or heroes who
had been raised to the rank of deities.

Hercules may be named as one of the first of this class. His
name, character, and labours are well known, and require no par
ticular elucidation. Castor and Pollux, sons of Jupiter and Leda ;
2Encas, sometimes called Jupiter Indiges; and Romulus Quirinus,
with a host besides, belong to this class. Indeed, during the later
ages of Roman history, it was regarded as a usual and necessary

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

477

compliment to an emperor, to declare him a god immediately on his
death.

Another section of the dii indigetes were termed Semones, probi
bly from Semi-homines. Among these were Pan, the god of shep
herds, and inventor of the flute, represented with horns and goat's
feet ; Faunus and Sylvanus ; Vertumnus, an old Etruscan deity,
who presided over the change of seasons and merchandise ; Pomona,
the wife of Vertumnus, the goddess of gardens and fruits ; Flora,
goddess of flowers ; Terminus, an Etruscan deity, the god of boun
daries, whose temple was always open at the top ; Pales, a deity
who presided over flocks and herds ; Hymen, the god of marriage ;
and Laverna, the patroness of thieves. It is, indeed, difficult and
unnecessary to enumerate all these imaginative creations. Respite
from business was adored as a deity; bad smells,— common sewers,
—were each represented in this section of divinities. Here, also,
the Nymphs, who presided over every part of the earth, are found.
Every river had its presiding deity, and the head or source of each
was particularly sacred. Mountains and woods were equally
favoured.

The judges of hell also belong to the Semones. The Romans
worshipped°in the same category all the virtues and affections of the
mind,— Piety, Faith, Hope, Fortune, Fame; and even bodily dis
eases', such as Fever, &c., were adored as divine. It is scarcely
possible to conceive of a more widely spread polytheism than this;
which reached to such an extent that, notwithstanding the immense
population of the imperial capital in the season of its glory, it was
said that the gods were in Rome more numerous than men.

We proceed to notice, in the next place, the several orders of
sacred persons, or ministers of religion, who were appointed to con
duct the services of this religion.

Here it may be observed, as a preliminary remark, that in Rome
there was no holy caste. No man, however elevated the religious
office or appointment which he held, was thereby precluded from
pursuing the ordinary avocations of life. The chief of the augurs,
or the first priest of the nation, might at the same time be a soldier,
an advocate in courts of law, or fill any other public or private office.
It should be further noticed that the priesthood of Rome was of two
kinds,— the first being common to all deities, and the other being
limited to the service of some particular divinity. The superior
priests of Rome were called pontifices ; those of a more ordinary
character, sacerdotes.

The origin of the word pontifex is extremely doubtful. The most
probable solution is that it is formed from pons and face-re, (in the

478 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

signification of the Greek pe&iv, " to perform a sacrifice,") and that
it consequently signifies " the priests who performed sacrifices upon
the bridge." The ancient sacrifice to which this alludes was that of
thirty men, or in later ages images of men, which were cast from the
sacred or Sublician bridge, just after the vernal equinox, on the Ides
of May. (Dionysius Halicarnasseus, lib. i, cap. 38.)

These sacred officers were the most illustrious among the great
colleges of the priests. There can be no doubt that the institution
had an Etruscan origin. The first time we hear of it in Roman
history is in the reign of Numa, who, having built the Pons Sub-
licius across the Tiber, appointed pontifices to take charge of it, and
to offer annual sacrifices there. At first there were four pontifices,
Nurna being the first, or pontifex maximus, and Marcius, one of the
noblest of the Sabines, being one of the other four. For a long
time after the institution of this order, when one of the pontiffs
died, (for the office was always conferred for life,) the remaining
pontifices filled up the vacancy. In 800 B. C., the Ogulnian law
raised the number of pontifices to eight besides the pontifex maxi
mus, four of whom were plebeians. This number was continued
until the dictator Sylla raised the number to fifteen, and Julius
Cassar afterward to sixteen. In both these changes the pontifex
maximus is included in the number.

The vocation of the pontifices is explicitly stated by Dionysius
and Livy. It was their duty to act as judges in all matters pertain
ing to religion, whether private men, magistrates, or ministers of the
gods were concerned. The first pontifices received a code of written
laws from Numa. What was not thus exacted for every religious
ceremonial, the pontifices had to supply. They had to inquire into
the conduct of all persons to whom the performance of any sacrifice
or religious service was intrusted. The priesthood, of every order
or kind, were subject to their authority. Besides which, they were
the teachers of religious law, and the interpreters of everything con
nected with the ceremonial service of the gods. They had also to
take cognizance of all disobedience of religious rule, and inflict such
punishment as they might think fit. They were accordingly called
"teachers," "ministers," "guardians," and "interpreters, of holy
things." — DLonysius Halicarnasseus, lib. ii, cap. 73; Livy, lib. i,
cap. '20. In the execution of this important range of duties, the
pontiffs were entirely independent, and were not responsible cither
to the senate or to the people.

The original sacred laws of Numa, having received considerable
additions, were in process of time published, — at least, such parts
of them as related to ritual law. At first, the pontifex maximus,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 479

although, like the other members of the college, he might hold any
civil or military employment, was not allowed to leave Italy : but
P Licinius Crassus violated this usage ; and his example was fre
quently followed with impunity, as by Julius Caesar when he went
to his province of Gaul.

The great body of the Roman priesthood may be considered under
two distinct heads,— the first including, besides the pontifices, the
augurs and the fetiales ; the second, the famines. The augurs
were in Etruria called auspices, or harmpices. This, as we have
seen, was an Etruscan institution, and in Rome was coeval with the
first 'reign. Romulus appointed three augurs; Servius Tullius
added one more; the tribunes increased the number to nine, and
Sylla to fifteen. The practice continued long after the introduction
of Christianity, and was with difficulty set aside by the influence of
the gospel.

The duty of the augurs was to ascertain and make known the
will of the gods, mainly for the purposes of state, or the direction
of national affairs. The several augurs formed together a separate
sacred college, under the presidence of the chief augur, who was
called magister collegii. The augur usually made his observations
at midnight, or during twilight. Taking his station on an elevated
place, he offered up sacrifice and prayer, and then sat down with his
head 'covered, and his face turned toward the east. Then he fixed
his mind on the space, before he decided on the limits within which
he would look for the expected signification of the divine will. This
was gathered, according to their belief and practice, from five several
sources:—!. Thunder, lightning, meteors, comets, &c. ; 2. The chirp
ing or flying of birds ; 3. The manner in which the sacred chickens
took or refused their food ; 4. The peculiar appearance of certain
animals; 5. Sundry other particulars, termed dira. They were
directed in the performance of their duties by a threefold body of
law and instruction: 1. The formularies and traditions of the col
lege, which in ancient times met on the Nones of every month;
2. The Augurales Libri, which were regarded as divinely- authorized
directions for this sacred service; 3. The Commentarii Augurum,
such as those of Messala and of Appius Claudius Pulcher. ^ These
were studied as the best directions which the researches of wise men
could afford for the proper discharge of these duties.

The power of the augurs with regard to these supposed manifesta
tions of the divine will went far beyond that of the highest civil
magistrates. The first had the power to interdict any public pro
cedure by declaring the auspices to be unfavourable ; the latter could
only do so by giving previous notice of their intention. The influ-

480 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

ence of the augurs was greatest in the early ages of Roman history.
In later times, the power of the tribunes frequently interfered with
their authority ; and in many other respects the augurs were coerced
by the civil power.

The fetiales composed another sacred college, which was estab
lished on an Etruscan basis, and acted as protectors of the public
faith. In Rome, as before in Etruria, this section of the priesthood
was charged with the duty of conducting a kind of religious negotia
tion prior to any declaration of war. This was done just in the
same manner as that previously described as obtaining among the
Tuscans, The presence of the fetiales was so indispensable in the
ratification of a treaty of peace, that, on the termination of the
second Punic war, fetiales were sent over to Africa, who carried
with them their own verbena, and their own flint- stones, for smiting
the victim to be sacrificed.

These several kinds of priests were not devoted to any particular
deity, but were common to all the gods, and consequently stood con
nected with the whole range of the national faith, and identified with
all its wide scope of worship and ceremonial service.

On the contrary, the flamens were priests individually devoted to
the service of some particular divinity. The name was given them
from a cap, or fillet, which they wore on their head. The principal
of these were the following : —

1. Flamen Dialis, "priest of Jupiter." This order was first
appointed by Numa; but the priests were afterward elected to
office by the people ; after which they were solemnly inaugurated,
and admitted to the performance of sacred functions, by the pontifex
maximus. The flamen of Jupiter held an office of great dignity, but
one associated with many inconvenient restrictions. He was not
allowed to ride on horseback, nor to stay one night without "the
city, nor to take an oath, nor to wear a ring. He was forbidden to
touch, or to name, a dog, a she-goat, ivy, beans, or raw flesh ; with
many other restrictions of an equally incomprehensible kind. The
regulations respecting the faminica, or flamen's wife, were no less
stringent. He was required to wed a virgin according to the most
sacred rites of religion ; and he was not allowed to marry a second
time : consequently, as the assistance of the flaminica was essential
to the proper performance of some parts of the flamen's religious
duties, on the death of his wife he was obliged to resign his office.

2. Flamines Salii were priests similar to the preceding, but
devoted to the service and worship of Mars. They were twelve in
number, and were instituted by Numa. They received this name
lecause they were accustomed, in some of the sacred services, to go

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 481

through the streets of the city dancing, dressed in an embroidered
tunic, bound with a brazen belt, having on their head a cap rising to
a considerable height in the form of a cone, with sword, spear, and
one of the ancilia, or shields of Mars. They used to go to the
capitol, through the forum and other public parts of the city, sing
ing sacred songs as they went. The most solemn procession of the
Salii was on the first of March, in commemoration of the time when
the sacred shield was said to have fallen from heaven in the reign
of Numa. No one could be admitted into the order of the Salii,
unless he were a native of the place, free-born, and one whose father
and mother were alive. After the close of their solemn procession,
the Salii had a splendid entertainment prepared for them. Tullus
Hostilius doubled the number of these priests.

3 Flamines Luperci were the priests of Pan, and so called because
they were supposed to protect the sheep from wolves. Hence the
place where this deity was worshipped was called Lupercal, and his fes
tival Lupercalia, celebrated in February ; at which time the Luperci
ran up and down the city with only a goat- skin about their waists,
and thongs of the same in their hands, with which they struck those
whom they met, especially married women, who were supposed there
by to be rendered prolific. There were three companies of Luperci,
two of them of very ancient origin, named Fabiani and Quintiliana ;
and, in more recent times, the third was added in honour of Julius
Caesar. The first chief- priest of this section was Marc Antony;
and it was while acting in that capacity at the Lupercalia, that he
went almost naked into the Forum Julii, and, having delivered an
address to the people, tendered to Cassar a golden crown. The
Luperci were one of the most ancient orders of priests, it being said
that they were instituted by Evander.

The flamens of these three orders were also selected from Patricians.
At first they were appointed by Numa; but afterward they were
elected by the people. It is supposed that the pontifex maximus,
when there was a vacancy, selected three persons, of whom the people
chose one.

4. The fourth order of flamens were called Politii and Pinarii,
and were priests of Hercules. These are also said to have been
instituted by Evander. They jointly conducted the worship of
Hercules for a long time, until the Pinarii, by either the advice or
the authority of Appius Claudius, delegated their ministry to public
slaves, soon after which the whole race became extinct.

5. Flamines Galli were the priests of Cybele, Mother of the
Gods. They were so called because they were all mutilated.
They used to carry the image of Cybele through the streets of the-

482 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

city, imitating the actions and gestures of madmen, rolling their
heads and beating their breasts to the music of the flute, and making
a great noise with drums and cymbals. Sometimes they would gash
their flesh, and utter dreadful predictions. The rites of Cybele
were characterized by gross indecency.

The last sacred class which it will be necessary to mention, as
devoted to the worship and service of a particular deity, is the
Vestal virgins. Their original appointment and vocation have been
already noticed : they were priestesses of Vesta. At first they were
nominated by the king ; but, after the subversion of royalty, on the
occasion of a vacancy, the pontifex maxiinus selected twenty girls,
between the age of six and sixteen ; and from these one was chosen
by lot to the vacant office of Vestal.

It was the duty of the Vestals to keep the sacred fire always
burning, watching it alternately day and night. Whoever allowed it
to go out was scourged; and the extinguishing of the fire was
esteemed a great public calamity, and could only be expiated by
extraordinary sacrifices. The fire, after being extinguished, was lit
from the sun's rays, as it always was on the first of March in each
year. The senior or principal of the virgins was called Vestalis
maxima ; and to her care it is supposed the Palladium was con
fided. The sacred rites of the goddess were wholly performed by the
Vestals ; and their prayers and invocations were always regarded
as having efficient influence with the gods.

When a Vestal violated her vow of chastity, she was tried by the
pontifices, and, being convicted, was buried alive with due funeral
solemnities. Her paramour, if discovered, was scourged to -death.

These were the ministers of the national faith who held a leading
position in the metropolis, and were consequently regarded as pos
sessing an important religious character. But, necessary as it is to
understand their office and duty, it is even more important to have
a clear idea of the means adopted to pervade the public mind
throughout the land with religious sentiments, and to direct them
in their worship. In this respect the religion of Rome, from the
foundation of the city, presents an aspect of peculiar importance.
Here, as in many other instances, llomulus, adopting an Etruscan
institution, — by which, under the laws of Tages, the people and ter
ritory of Etruria were regularly divided into tribes and curia, — first
parted his citizens into three tribes, and then each tribe into ten
curia, — thus separating the people into thirty sections. Having
done this, we are told that "he divided the land into thirty equal
portions, and gave one of them to each curia, having first set apart
as much of it as was sufficient for the sacrifices and temples, and

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 483

also reserved some part of the land for the use of the public."—
Dionysius Halicarnasseus, lib. ii, cap. 7.

This series of divisions of both the land and the people was not
made merely for civil or political purposes, but also with a view to
the establishment of efficient religious institutions. Indeed, Romu
lus is celebrated as being without an equal in his care for the religion
of his people. " No man can name," says the author of the " Roman
Antiquities," " any newly-built city in which so many priests and
ministers of the gods were ordained from the beginning : for, without
mentioning those who were invested with family priesthoods, three
score were appointed in his reign to perform divine service, both in
the tribes and the curia. Whereas others generally make choice
of such as are to preside over religious matters in a mean and in
considerate manner; some thinking fit to make public sale of this
honour, others disposing of it by lot ; he would not suffer the priest
hood to be either venal or distributed by lot ; but made a law, that
each curia should choose two persons, both above fifty years of age,
of distinguished birth and virtue, competent fortune, arid without any
bodily defect. These were not to enjoy their honours during any
limited time; but for life, freed from military employments by their
age, and from the cares of civil government by this law." — Dio
nysius Halicarnasseus, lib. ii, cap. 21.

It is scarcely possible to overrate the importance of this statement.
We have here, at the very outset of Roman history, a geographical
division of that country, and two ministers of religion placed in
special charge of the religious interests of the people of each dis
trict. It must be freely admitted that this usage was adopted from
Etruria ; but whencesoever it was derived, is it not the first time we
ever meet with a territorial appointment of ministers of religion V
Here we have unquestionably the origin of parishes and of a paro
chial clergy. Nowhere else, either among the Hebrews or the Gen
tiles, do we find anything approaching to this geographical division
of the people into religious cures.

It does not appear that these priests, or, in fact, those of any
other order, received any regular stipend for the performance of their
religious functions. It rather seems that the honour and the status
thus obtained, were regarded as a sufficient remuneration. Romulus
is said to have set apart sufficient land to provide for the sacrifices
and sacred rites which were enjoined; and Livy also states that
Numa, who appointed the greatest number of priests and sacrifices,
provided a fund for defraying these expenses. But this outlay,
except in the case of the Vestal virgins, who had a regular salary,
must not be taken to include anything more than the repairs of the

484 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

temples, and the cost of sacrificial animals. In later times, indeed,
the priests claimed exemption from the payment of taxes, and the
pontifices and augurs for a while enjoyed this privilege; but at
length they were compelled to forego it. Augustus increased both
the honour and the emoluments of the priests. It seems to be
ascertained that everything necessary to the respectable maintenance
of religious institutions was provided, but that the private fortune of
the men elected to the priesthood rendered their having a salary
unnecessary. There can be little doubt that the wages of the ser
vants and assistants who waited on the temple, and the cost of sac
rifices, were defrayed out of the public funds.

We have next to direct attention to the sacred places and rites of
the Roman religion.

Even in the early portions of Roman history, we frequently hear
of the worship of numerous deities ; while, in much later times, we
are informed of temples being erected to these same gods ; and the
information is given in a manner which leads to the impression that
DO temple had previously , been erected to these divinities. The
solution of this apparent difficulty is probably found in the fact that,
adopting nearly the terms of Greece with her religious ideas, the
Romans called any place set apart for the sacred service of religion
a '• temple," even although it contained nothing more than an en
closed space and a simple altar. This, in fact, seems to have been
the primitive idea. For " temple," Latin, templum, comes from the
Greek re^evo^, from TCJKVW, "to cut off;" templum, according to
Servius, being any place which was circumscribed and separated by
the augurs from the rest of the land by a certain solemn formula.
So that, in the sense of the early Romans, a temple was not an
ecclesiastical building, but a consecrated place, whether containing
a building or not. The act of consecration by the augurs was, in
fact, the great essential necessary to constitute a place sacred. The
Roman temples in later times were built in the Greek style; the
entrance being, if possible, toward the west, while the statue of the
deity was always placed in the interior opposite the entrance. It
was also regarded as an important point, when practicable, to have
the entrance to the temple by the .side of a street or road ; so that
passers-by, without being diverted from their course, could offer their
salutations to the god.

The worship of the Romans consisted chiefly in prayers, vows,
and sacrifices.

Prayer was essential to every act of worship ; and the ordrr of
words employed in the supplications to deity was regarded as of the
utmost importance. These forms of prayer varied, of course, with

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 485

the nature of the sacrifice. The great importance attached to pre
cision in the forms of speech used in prayer, is supposed to have
given rise to the notion, that some special virtue pervaded certain
collocations of language ; and hence sprung belief in the efficacy of
charms and incantations. Those who prayed stood usually with
their heads covered, looking toward the east. A priest pronounced
the words before them : they often touched the altars, or the knees
of the images of the gods, turning themselves round in a circle
toward the right, sometimes putting their right hand to their mouth,
and not unfrequently prostrating themselves on the ground.

Vows were presented to the gods by the ancient Romans with the
same solemnity. In the hope of obtaining some desired good, they
vowed temples, games, sacrifices, gifts, a certain part of the plunder
of a city, and also what was called ver sacrum, that is, all the cattle
which were produced from the first of March to the end of April.
Among the Samnites, men were included in the things vowed.
Sometimes they used to write their vows on paper or waxen tablets,
to seal them up, and fasten them with wax to the images of the
gods ; that being supposed to be the seat of mercy.

Thanksgivings used always to be offered up to the gods for benefits
received, and upon all fortunate events. It was believed that the
gods, after remarkable success, used to send on men, through the
agency of Nemesis, a reverse of fortune ; to avoid which, it is said,
Augustus, influenced by a dream, was in the habit of begging alms
of the people once a year, in the hope that this feigned humiliation
and adversity would satisfy the resentment of the malign goddess,
and ward off real distress.

There was one peculiar manner in which the Romans testified
their gratitude to the gods for any signal deliverance or special vic
tory. When the senate decreed a lectisternium, as this service was
called, tables were provided, which were covered with the choicest
viands, as prepared for a sumptuous feast. Around these tables the
images of the gods and goddesses, removed from their pedestals, and
reclining on couches, were placed, as if enjoying a repast. The
splendid triumph of Cicero over the conspiracy of Catiline was
honoured with a public thanksgiving of this kind, — the only instance,
as that great orator used to boast, of its having been conferred on a
person without his having laid aside his robe of peace.

The most important part of worship consisted in sacrifice ; and
it was always necessary that those who offered it should be chaste
and pure ; that they should previously bathe, be dressed in white
robes, and be crowned with the leaves of that tree which was thought
most acceptable to the god whom they worshipped. It was essential

486 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

that the animal should be without spot and blemish, one never
yoked, but chosen from among a flock or herd approved by the
priests, and marked with chalk. It was then adorned with fillets,
ribbons, crowns, and gilded horns.

When these necessary preparations had been made, the victim
was led to the altar by the assistants of the priests, called the popce,
with their clothes tucked up, and naked to the waist. The animal
was conducted by a rope, which was not to be drawn tight, since it
was necessary, as far as possible, for it to appear to come willingly,
and not by force, which was always regarded as a bad omen. For
the same reason it was allowed to stand loose before the altar ; and
if it ran away, it was regarded as a most calamitous circumstance.

These preparations having been made, and silence commanded,
bran and meal, mixed with salt, were sprinkled on the head of the
animal, and frankincense and wine were poured between its horns,—
the priest first tasting the wine himself, and giving it to those near
est him to taste it also. This was called the "libation." The
priest then plucked a few hairs from between the horns of the victim,
and threw them into the fire. This being done, the animal was
struck with an axe or mall, by the order of the priest ; the assist
ant asking, Agone 1 " Shall I do it ?" to which the priest replied,
Hoc age, " So do." The victim was then stabbed with knives ; and
the blood, being caught in goblets, was poured on the altar. It was
then flayed ; and the carcass sometimes was wholly consumed with
fire : the sacrifice was then called holocaustum. Usually, however,
only a part was burnt, and the remainder divided between the priest
and the person providing the animal. Upon this division of the
sacrificed animal, the haruspices inspected the entrails, of which the
liver was the most prominent element, and supposed to afford the
most certain omens of future events. If the signs were favourable,
then it was said that an acceptable sacrifice had been offered to God:
if the contrary, then another animal was offered ; and so sometimes
several creatures were devoted before the desired appearances were
realized. After this inspection, the part of the sacrifice which was
devoted to the god was sprinkled with meal, wine, and frankin
cense, and burnt on the altar. When the sacrifice was finished,
the priest, having again washed and prayed, formally dismissed the
assembly.

At the close of the sacrifice followed a feast. If the rite was a
public one, the feast was provided by the epulones, who were officers
specially appointed to prepare banquets given in honour of the gods.
In private sacrifices the person offering feasted with his friends on
the parts assigned them. The victims offered to the celestial gods

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 487

were generally white ; their neck was bent upward, and the knife
was applied from above, the blood being afterward sprinkled on the
altar. On the contrary, the animals sacrificed to the infernal deities
were black, their heads were bent downward, the knife was applied
from beneath, and the blood was poured into a ditch. There was a
corresponding difference in the dress and demeanour of the persons
offering. Those who presented a sacrifice to the celestial gods came
dressed in white, having bathed the whole body : they made libations
by tossing the liquor out of the cup, and prayed with their hands
raised to heaven. Those who sacrificed to the infernal gods were
dressed in black, only sprinkled their bodies with water, made liba
tions by turning the hand, threw the cup into the fire, and prayed with
their palms turned downward, and striking the ground with their feet.
The ancient Romans sometimes offered human sacrifices. By
a law enacted by Romulus, which has been called lex perditionis,
persons guilty of certain crimes, such as treachery or sedition, were
devoted to Pluto and the infernal gods, and, in consequence, any
one might kill them with impunity. Afterward a dictator, consul,
or prsetor, might devote, not only himself, but any one of a particular
legion which was composed entirely of Romans, and slay him as an
expiatory victim. It seems that, in the early ages of Rome, human
sacrifices were offered annually. Pliny mentions a law made
A. U. C. 657, for prohibiting this horrid practice ; but it is reasonably
believed that this enactment referred only to private and magical
rites ; for fifty years after the enactment mentioned by Pliny, in the
time of Julius Caesar, two men were slain and sacrificed with the
usual solemnities in the Campus Martins, by the pontifices and
flamen of Mars. And, as a proof that this savage practice was not
renounced in the most glorious period of Roman history, it may be
stated, that Augustus, after having compelled L. Antonius to sur
render to Perusia, ordered four hundred senators and equitcs, who
had supported Antony, to be sacrificed as victims at the altar of
Julius Caesar, on the Ides of March, A. U. C. 713.

It will be necessary here to refer to some of the Roman festivals,
as they were intimately connected with religion, and exerted a very
considerable influence on the manners and morals of the people.
Our notice, however, will only extend to three of the principal of
these, — the Lupercalia, the Bacchanalia, and the Saturnalia.

The Lupercalia was a festival appointed to the honour of the
Lycian Pan, and was celebrated in Rome on the fifteenth day of
February. It was one of the most ancient Roman feasts, and was
celebrated on the spot where Romulus and Remus were supposed to
have been suckled by the she- wolf ; and where a temple was erected,

488 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

and a grove planted, in honour of this deity. The entire proceed
ings of this festival derived their character from the fact, that they
were appointed in honour of Pan as the deity presiding over fer
tility. On this occasion goats and young dogs were sacrificed, and
two noble youths selected, to whose foreheads the blood of these
victims was applied, and afterward wiped off with soft wool dipped
in milk ; during which process the youths were required to laugh.
After thosacritice, the Luperci partook of a meal, and were plenti
fully supplied with wine. They then cut the skins of the sacrificed
animals into pieces ; some of which they tied around their bodies,
and the others they used as thongs. They then ran naked through
the streets of the city, touching or striking all whom they met in
their way. Women rather sought than avoided these blows, as they
were supposed to promote fertility, and to diminish the pains of
child-bearing. The grossest impurity was practised in connexion
with these rites in Egypt ; and even in Rome they were promotive
of vile indecency, and were sometimes connected with displays of
shocking depravity.

The Bacchanalia was not, properly speaking, a Roman festival
established by law, although it evidently sustained that character,
and produced the same effects as if it had been so authorizpd. It
was, in fact, an adaptation of the mysteries of Dionysus, or Bacchus,
to Rome. It is said that they were introduced into Italy at an early
period; although, from the assertion of Livy, it would seem that
they were not known at Rome until a later date, and that even then
their celebration was kept a profound secret. When, however, we
state the nature and frequency of these orgies, this account will be
received with great suspicion. The Bacchanalia were celebrated, at
first, three days in every year, and that in the day-time, when women
only were admitted, and matrons performed the necessary priestly
offices ; until, at length, Paculla Minia, a Campanian matron, being
priestess, professed to have received a mission from the god, by which
she was charged to alter the time of celebration from three days in the
year to five days in the month, and also to allow men to be initiated
and to celebrate these orgies at night-time. Thenceforward, accord
ing to Livy, these rites became scenes of the most abominable pro
ceedings, of which the licentious intercourse between the sexes was
the least evil. In fact, the account of the Roman author is filled
with sickening details of the most revolting and abandoned villany.
(Hist., lib. xxxix, cap. 9-17.) How seven thousand persons (for
that is the number stated) could be initiated into a fraternity of this
kind, and hold nocturnal meetings monthly, five nights in succession,
without the knowledge of the public authorities, seems incredible.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 489

When these orgies were denounced by the senate, B. 0. 186, it is
said that Rome was almost deserted,— so many persons, feeling
themselves implicated in those proceedings, sought safety in night.
From this period these practices were forbidden by explicit law,
except in case of special application to the senate. The Liberalia
was devised as a pure and innocent festival in honour of Bacchus,
instead of that which had been abolished : but there is reason to fear
that the new institution soon sunk into all the abominations of the
old one; for St. Augustine denounces the extreme licentiousness
of this festival in his day. (De Civitate Dei, lib. vii, cap. 21.)

The Saturnalia was a festival to Saturnus, to whom was attrib
uted the introduction of agriculture and the arts of civilized life
into Italy. The whole of the month of December was regarded as
consecrated to this deity : but the feast was at first celebrated dur
ing one day, was afterward extended to three, and again by Caligula
to five. During the period assigned to this festival, universal feast
ing and merriment prevailed ; no public business was transacted ;
the law-courts were closed; the schools kept holiday; to commence
war was impious; to punish a criminal involved pollution. The
scourge kept for the punishment of slaves was, during this time,
locked up under the seal of the master. All distinction between
master and slave was laid aside : even public gambling was allowed
by the cediles ; and presents were generally interchanged between
friends. In fact, many of the circumstances attendant on the
Italian Carnival, and on the Popish mode of celebrating Christmas,
are evidently borrowed from the Roman Saturnalia.

It now becomes necessary to take a general view of this great
ecclesiastical establishment, in connexion with its theology, doc
trines, and rites, for the purpose of forming some definite opinion
of its moral and religious results upon the nation at large.

It is but just to admit, that we find in ancient Rome an ecclesi
astical institution which, for breadth of range, combined influence,
power, and completeness of detail, has no parallel in the ancient
Gentile world. The political isolation of the several Grecian states,
to a great extent, destroyed the unity of the national religious estab
lishments, by introducing not only division, but diversity. In Rome,
on the contrary, the very reverse was the case. Small in the begin
ning as were the Roman population and territory, the daring energy
of that state went forward in a continued career of aggression and
extension, until the world lay prostrate at the feet of the proud
republic. Remarkable as this extensive range of conquest is, it is
equally so that, while islands and continents submitted to the Ro
man power, the imperial government maintained, throughout, the

490 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

paramount influence of the seat of rule, and the identity and unity
of its religious system. Aggregating to itself, with equal facility,
territorial dominion and religious elements, grasping at the same
moment the kingdoms and the gods of the conquered, the whole was
still Rome, and all its adjuncts Roman. Whether in Greece or
Judea, Egypt or Britain, the highest attainable civil privilege was,
to be a citizen of Rome. So, when Greece, Egypt, and Phenicia
had extended the Pantheon of Rome by the addition of their divini
ties, the religion of Rome was as united as before. The imperial
state, exercising an irresistible power, moulded all these additions
into the Roman character, and fully fused them into the great body
of its ecclesiastical economy.

Looking at the external structure of this religious system, we can
scarcely find anything of the kind more grand or complete :— the
pontifices, headed by the pontifex maximus ; the augurs, by the
chief augur ; the flamens of the superior triad of deities, and of the
other gods and goddesses. When we contemplate these, composed
of the aristocracy of the power, intellect, wealth, and genius of
Rome, — supplemented by a weighty and influential parochial clergy,
spread over the whole extent of Italy, and laying hold on the man
ners, judgment, and sympathy of the people in every locality,— we
have brought under review a mighty ecclesiastical agency. And
when it is further considered that all the elements and powers of
this system were identified with the imperial government,— that the
martial prowess of Rome looked to her religion for guidance, direc
tion, and support,— that the national councils were always held in
the presence, and subject to the interposition, of the highest minis
ters of the national faith,— that the sacred persons, rites, and usages,
throughout the land, were recognised by the jurisprudence of "the
state, and incorporated into the entire policy of the empire:— when
all this is considered, it will appear that the ecclesiastical institu
tions of Rome were designed and carried into effect on a scale of
grandeur and completeness commensurate with the colossal power
and extent of that mighty empire.

Nor can it be denied that these religious arrangements, and this
system of ecclesiastical order, answered, to a great extent, the in
tended object. Under these influences, the Romans became a very
religious people. No affair of state was prosecuted, no enterprise
entered upon, without a diligent inquiry as to the divine will respect
ing it. No private individual of repute would build a house, take a
journey, or enter upon any important business, without sacrifice nnd
prayer. Religion, in fact, was continually recognised in all public
and private affairs. The nation had its temples, deities, and state

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 491

hierarchy. No office could be filled without the aid and action of a
minister of religion. Nor was this practical piety confined to public
affairs : on the contrary, it pervaded the community ; every family
had its gods, every house possessed its Lar and Penates. Marriage
was contracted with religious services; every social and relative
change and incident brought the parties into connexion with relig
ious rites ; and at death the funeral solemnities were equally asso
ciated with sacred ceremonies.

There is another important fact which deserves to be fully recog
nised and carefully considered in a review of the religion of Rome.
That religion was, as we have seen, based on many pure and sound
doctrines of patriarchal faith. It may be regarded as an undoubted
fact, that the religion introduced into ancient Etruria taught the
existence of one supreme God, insisted on the doctrine of his provi
dential government of the world, recognised the influence and power
of his Spirit on the mind and circumstances of man, admitted the
immortality of the soul, and, to a considerable extent at least, indi
cated the doctrine of a future state of rewards and punishments. It
was, therefore, the every- day doctrine of this people, that the divine
will is the only proper rule of action ; and that every one, both in
his private and in his public capacity, is bound to act in obedience
to the will of God.

Home was founded, and its institutions established, under the per
vading influence of these doctrines: and, as a proof that Romulus,
Numa, and their successors adhered to the spirit of these truths, it
must be remembered that, for about one hundred and fifty years
after the foundation of the city, no image- worship was seen within
its walls.

Still the question returns upon us, — What was the result of the
operation of such circumstances and doctrines upon the mind of the
Roman people, after their career of military conquest had filled
them with affluence and the pride of power? In other words, What
was the real religious condition of Rome when, sitting as a queen
among the nations, she had appropriated to herself the wealth of
many peoples, as well as the learning, refinement, and genius of
Greece ?

It is feared that a clear and candid solution of this question will
communicate most humiliating information. First, in regard of
theology, what did the Romans know and believe respecting the
divine nature and government ? It will be obvious, that we must
here discriminate between the learned and the ignorant, — the philos
ophers and the educated classes of society, and those who had no
information on these important subjects, beyond what was afforded

492 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

by the traditions floating in public report and the tales of the poets.
Of the latter we can say but little : they either believed the fictions
of Ovid and Virgil, and the corresponding legends, which had been
handed down from antiquity, or they did not. If they did, what
notion could they have of God? or, rather, of the endless variety
of gods ? To believe in the universal pantheism of Roman legends
and Latin poetry, would be to entertain such notions of the divine
nature as must inevitably prevent the mind from realizing any sound
opinion respecting the nature, government, providence, or attributes
of Deity: while, on the other hand, to disbelieve these, was to sink
into all the darkness and absurdity of atheism : for they had access
to no further information, nor any means of obtaining additional
enlightenment. This, it must be admitted, presents a deplorable
picture of the great mass of the Roman people. If anything on
earth deserves the name of superstition, it is a steady attention to
religious requirement in utter ignorance of God. This was the con
dition of the Romans. With a host of deities, a regularly consti
tuted hierarchy, countless temples, multifarious rites, and general
devotion, the people had no accurate knowledge of God, or, rather,
were utterly ignorant of his nature and attributes.

But it may be supposed that the learned and philosophical portion
of the Roman people must at least have had some tolerably clear
conceptions of the divine nature, and a reasonable faith in the good
ness and power of God. It is an unquestionable fact, that such
knowledge and affiance are very generally ascribed to them by the
educated classes in our own country. It is of importance, therefore,
that we obtain a solution of this difficulty, and ascertain what were
the views entertained on this subject by the best-informed among
the Romans in the later period of their history. Fortunately we
have ample means for the prosecution of this inquiry. On no por
tion of the religion of the ancient world have we such full and satis
factory information as on this. Cicero, who held for a long time
one of the most important offices in the ancient Romish hierarchy,
as being the chief of the augurs, and who was evidently one of the
best- informed men of his age, has written copiously on the subject
under discussion, and thus placed in our hands the knowledge so
much needed.

It will be necessary to sketch an outline of the works referred to,
and then to give the substance of the information which they com
municate.

Cicero treats of this subject in three works, which appear to have
been designed as a series of treatises on theology. The first is
entitled De Naturd Dcorum, " Of the Nature of the Gods ;" the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 493

second, De Divinatione, " Concerning Divination ;" and the third,
De Fato, " On Fate."

In the first of these Cicero introduces three eminent philosophers,
who argue at great length the subject indicated by the title. The
weighty matter is discussed in a brilliant series of addresses. Vel-
leius opens the debate. He gives a brief but forcible review of the
leading philosophers, beginning with Thales ; proceeds to enumerate
the schemes and creeds of twenty-seven of the most prominent teach
ers of different ages and countries ; and then exhibits and lauds the
system of Epicurus, because, as he contends, that philosopher placed
the existence of the gods on its proper foundation, — the belief im
planted by nature in the hearts of mankind ; and, secondly, because
he rightly pronounced their attributes to be happiness, immortality,
apathy ; representing them as " doing nothing, feeling nothing from
without, rejoicing in their own wisdom and virtue, and being, although
of mighty power, and infinite in their nature, as numerous as men."
— De Natura Deorum, lib. i, cap. 19. Cotta, who was pontifex
maximus at the time, is next introduced, as representing the New
Academy. He forcibly assails every part of the system advocated
by the preceding speaker; shows "that the reasons assigned by
Epicurus for the existence of the gods are utterly inadequate;
secondly, that, granting their existence, nothing can be less dignified
than the forms and attributes ascribed to them ; and, thirdly, grant
ing these forms and qualities, nothing more absurd than that men
should render homage or feel gratitude to those from whom they
have not received, and do not hope to receive, any benefits."

The second book contains an investigation of the subject by Bal-
bus. By him the matter is divided into four sections : 1. The exist
ence of gods ; 2. Their nature ; 3. Their government of the world ;
4. Their watchful care of mankind, or providence. The existence
of gods he advocates from the universal belief of mankind, — the
well- authenticated accounts of their appearances on earth,— from
prophecies, presentiments, omens, and auguries, — from the evident
proofs of design, and of the adaptation of means to a beneficial end,
in the arrangements of the material world, — from the nature of man
himself and his mental constitution,— from certain physical con
siderations, which tend clearly and unequivocally to the establish
ment of a system of pantheism, — and from the gradual upward
progression in the works of creation, from plants to animals, and
from the lower animals to man ; which leads us to infer that the
series ascends from man to beings absolutely perfect. In treating
of the nature of the gods, the pantheistic principle is again broadly
asserted : — God is the universe, and the universe is God ; whence

494 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

is derived the conclusion, that the deity must be spherical in form,
because the sphere is the most perfect of figures. But while the
universe is God as a whole, it contains among its parts many gods,
among the number of whom are the heavenly bodies. Then follows
a curious digression on the origin of the Greek and Roman Pantheon,
and on the causes which led men to commit the folly of picturing to
themselves gods differing in shape, in age, and in apparel, of assign
ing to them the relationships of domestic life, and of ascribing to
them the desires and passions by which mortals are agitated.
Lastly, the government and providence of the gods is deduced from
three considerations : — 1. From their existence ; which being granted,
it necessarily follows that they must rule the world. 2. From the
admitted truth, that all things are subject to the laws of nature ; but
nature, when properly defined and understood, is another name for
God. 3. From the beauty, harmony, wisdom, and benevolence
manifested in the works of creation. This last section is handled
with great skill and effect : the absurdity of the doctrine which taught
that the world was produced by a fortuitous concourse of atoms, is
forcibly exposed. The whole is wound up by demonstrating that
all things serviceable to man were made for his use ; and that the
deity watches over the safety and welfare, not only of the whole
human race collectively, but of every individual member of the
family.

In the third book, Gotta resumes the discourse, for the purpose,
not of absolutely demolishing what has been advanced by Balbus,
but of setting forth, after the manner of the sceptics, that the reason
ings employed by the last speaker were unsatisfactory, and not cal
culated to produce conviction.

The second work, De Divinatione, was intended as a continuation
of the treatise on the nature of the gods, out of which the inquiry
naturally arises. It exhibits the conflicting opinions of the Stoics
and the Academy upon the reality of the science of divination, and
the degree of confidence which ought to be reposed in its professors.
In the first book Q. Cicero defends the doctrine of the Stoics. He
divides divination into two branches,— the divination of nature, and
the divination of art. To the first he ascribes dreams, inward pres
ages and presentiments, and the ecstatic frenzy, during which the
mind inspired by a god discerns the secrets of the future, and pours
forth its conceptions in prophetic words. In the second are compre
hended the indications yielded by the entrails of the slaughtered
victim ; by the flight, the cries, and the feeding of birds ; by thunder
and lightning, by lots, by astrology, and by all those strange sights
and sounds which were regarded as the shadows cast before by com-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 495

ing events. Numerous examples are adduced to establish the cer
tainty of the various methods, cases of failure being explained away
by supposing an error in the interpretation of the sign, while the
truth of the general principles is confirmed by an appeal to the con
curring belief of philosophers, poets, and mankind at large. Hence
it is maintained that we are justified in concluding that the future is
revealed to us both from within and from without, and that the
information proceeds from the gods, from fate, or from nature.

In the second book of this work, Cicero himself adduces the argu
ments of Carneades, who held that divination was altogether a delu
sion, and that the knowledge which it pretends to convey, if real,
would be a curse, rather than a blessing, to men. He then^proceeds
to confute each of the propositions enunciated by the preceding
speaker, and finishes by urging the necessity of upholding and
extending the influence of true religion, and of waging a vigorous
war in every quarter against superstition in every form.

In the third of the works referred to, De Fato, it seems to have
been the object of the eloquent author to give a review of the opin
ions entertained by the chief philosophic sects upon fate, or destiny,
and the compatibility of the doctrine of predestination with free
will ; in which the most prominent place is assigned to the Stoics,—
who maintained that fate, or destiny, was the great ruling power of
the universe, the /loyo^, or anima mundi; in other words, the divine
essence, from which all impulses were derived; — and to the Aca
demics, who conceived that the movements of the mind were volun
tary, and independent of, or, at least, not necessarily subject to,
external control.*

It is scarcely possible to overrate the importance of these works
in assisting us to form a just estimate of the theology of heathen
Rome. We have here brought under our inspection all that the
most profound learning, exalted genius, and devoted research of
imperial Rome could discover respecting the gods which it wor
shipped, and the sacred services in which it took a part, as the most
essential elements of the national faith. And to what does all this
amount? What is the substantial information thus obtained? We
learn, indeed, that the philosophy of Greece had been imported into
Rome, and that its results abundantly justify the estimate given of
its influence in a preceding chapter. But, in respect of the theology
of Rome, we find that the doctrines of Epicurus had obtained such
an ascendency over the Roman mind, that an advocate of this sys
tem is put forth by Cicero as one of the most prominent representa-

°See a very able analysis of the works of Cicero in DR. WILLIAM SMITH'S " Dictionary
of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology," to which we have been indebted.

496 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

tives of the national religion: and this advocate maintains, "that
the gods must be acknowledged to be of human form ; yet that form
is not body, but something like body ; nor does it contain blood, but
something like blood." — De Naturd Deorum, lib. i, cap. 18. He
ridicules the idea of providence, as entailing too much labour on
God, insisting on the dogma, that ease is essential to happiness;
and he sneers at divine oversight and government, saying : " You
have imposed on us an eternal Master, whom we must dread day
and night. For who can be free from fear of a Deity who foresees,
regards, and animadverts on everything ; one who thinks all things
his own; a curious, ever- busy God?"— Idem, cap. 20. He closes,
exulting in a host of gods who take no thought of men : " Epicurus,
having freed us from these terrors, and restored us to liberty, we
have no dread of those beings, whom we have reason to think en
tirely free from all trouble themselves, and who do not impose any on
others." — Ibid.

From this near approach to atheism, we turn to the doctrines
of the Stoics, as advocated by Balbns : and what does he give us,
instead of this inert Epicurean deity ? He, indeedr insists upon
divine providence and government ; but when we come to look at
the deity who governs, we are told that, " as the idea we have of the
deity comprehends two things,— the one, that he is animated ; the
other, that nothing in nature exceeds him, — I do not see anything
more consistent with this idea than to attribute mind and divinity
to the world, the most excellent of all beings. Nor is it to be
doubted that whatever has life, sense, reason, and understanding,
must excel that which is destitute of them. It follows, then, that
the world has life, sense, reason, and understanding, and is conse
quently a deity."— De Naturd Deorum, lib. ii, cap. 17. But,
although the world is a god, it is not the only one. The philosopher
proceeds : " I cannot, therefore, conceive, that this constant course
of the planets, — this just agreement in their various motions, through
all eternity,— can be preserved without a mind, reason, and con
sideration ; and since we perceive them in the stars, we cannot but
place them in the rank of the gods." This applies to the planets;
but of the fixed stars he adds : " The fixed stars have their own
sphere, separate and free from any conjunction with the sky. Their
perpetual courses, with that admirable and incredible constancy, so
plainly declare a divine power and mind to be in them, that he who
cannot perceive their divinity must be incapable of perception." —
Ibid., cap. 21.

Our limits forbid further quotations : these simple facts are suf
ficient for our purpose. They inform us, that a man of the most

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 497

eminent station, learning, wisdom, and genius, while Julius Caesar
held the reins of empire, devoted himself of set purpose to present
to the world a fair exhibition of the opinions entertained by his coun
trymen on the most important and difficult of all subjects, — the
nature and attributes of God. And what are the great results of
this inquiry ? After the most profound and extensive research, it
comes to this, — that Cicero could find nothing better than the ab
stract, inert divinity of Epicurus, or the wild pantheism of Zeno, to
exhibit as the theology of Rome at the dawn of the Augustan era.
It is true that Cotta, the pontifex maximus, is introduced as one of
the interlocutors ; but he advocates no system : he demolishes the
arguments of the Epicurean, and doubts the conclusions of the Stoic,
but he has nothing better to give.

Let the reader mark with care the inevitable conclusion to which
these facts conduct us. They show, first, that the great system of
religion — sustained as it was by gorgeous temples, and elevated
hierarchy, a countless priesthood, continually recurring solemn rites
and ceremonies — was virtually repudiated by the intelligent, the
learned, and the cultivated classes throughout the land. They saw,
they sanctioned, they sustained a gorgeous system of faith as an
engine of government, and for political purposes ; while they did
not really believe in a single divinity whom they taught the people
to worship, and whom they pretended themselves to worship.

But in what respect were these educated and elevated classes
better informed than the ignorant and deluded masses upon whom
they looked down ? In no respect whatever. The deity of Epicu
rus, or the conception of Zeno, was no more an object of rational
worship than the Capitoline Jupiter. It must be added, that the
manner in which Cicero presents the subject to our view, suggests
even a darker shade than has been yet expressed. I allude to the
general prevalence of doubt as to all these doctrines. On every
hand a wide- spreading scepticism prevailed; and Rome, when at
the zenith of her glory, was rapidly gliding into the darkness of
atheism. What a fearful commentary does this afford to the asser
tion of the apostle respecting this people! "Professing themselves
to be wise, they became fools." Rom. i, 22. The primitive theology
of Rome contained, with some admixture of error, much patriarchal
truth. But, elevated to the highest point of wealth and power, and
possessing every means of acquiring information, instead of humbly
tracing out these simple truths, and adhering to them as grand way-
marks in their theological researches, they fell into the snare which
had ruined Greece :— they idolized human intellect. They adopted,
with great zest, the various systems of Grecian philosophy. The

498 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

result we have seen: theology became a subject of human specula
tion ; and thus, with the highest professions of wisdom, they descended
to the folly of worshipping the world, the stars, the universe, as
divine.

Our reference to other religious doctrines shall be brief: for, with
such theological doctrines, or to speak more correctly, with such
entire absence of sound theological knowledge, it is very evident
there can be no hope of finding clear views on any religious subject.
But it becomes important that we ascertain what were the opinions
entertained by the Roman people respecting the immortality of the
soul, and future rewards and punishments.

On this, as on the former subject, it is easy to say what were the
opinions of the ignorant and uneducated. It is admitted on all
hands, that the fables and legends which were the staple of the poets
floated on the public mind, and gave them the only ideas they entertained
as to religion. If the Roman populace, therefore, believed these,
the}7 would look forward to Tartarus and the Elysian Fields as the
future habitations of departed spirits ; and a more gloomy and less
influential result than that which would thus be obtained, can scarcely
be imagined. For, while the punishments of Tartarus were everlast
ing, the pleasures of Elysium were terminated by the drinking of the
waters of Lethe ; after which the spirit, perfectly oblivious of all past
events, returned to this world to inhabit another body. And as, in a
continual recurrence of trials and temptations, it may be supposed
that the spirit would in some one instance fail, there seemed no ra
tional ground of expectation for any, but that they would ultimately
terminate their career in Tartarean misery and darkness.

But the extent to which this view of future existence would influ
ence the public mind, must be measured by the hold which it had on
the judgment and feeling of the people. And this would be greatly
affected by the opinions entertained by the upper and educated classes
of society. It is not difficult to state their views on this subject. A
passage in Cicero's Oration for Cluentius casts important light on
them. Referring to the fables of the poets, he says, " If these are
false, as all men see they are, what has death deprived him of, besides
a sense of pain?"* It is clear from this statement, 1. That the
fables of the poets constituted the only foundation accessible to the
Romans for a belief in future rewards and punishments. For the
entire scope of the writer's argument is this, — that if there is no

0 The passage in the original is: Nam mme quidem, quid tandnn illi vxili mora
atttilit f Nini forte ineptiig ac fnbnlit ducimnr, nt cjcintimrnm* ilium a pud inferoa impio-
nim tiippticia per/are, <fc. Qtue sifalna «unt, ID QUOD OMNES IXTELLIGUNT, quid ei tan
dem aliiid mort eripuit prceter tensnm doloris f

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 499

future punishment, then death can only deprive us of all sense of
pain, and not inflict any. And to the fables of the poets he refers,
as the only authority on the subject. If these are false, then he
concludes, as of unavoidable necessity, that death is a prelude to
no painful infliction. So that, according to this high authority,
those who by education or intellect were raised above a belief in
these fables, together with all those who by ignorance or scepticism
were strangers to their influence, had no idea of future existence,
and simply regarded death as a release from the ills of life. But,
2. Cicero in this passage intimates that this was the general con
dition of his countrymen : "If these are false, — as all men see they
are, — then death can do nothing but afford relief from a sense of
pain."

Lest the reader should feel a difficulty in concluding that the great
body of the Roman people were thus ignorant of all the restraints
and motives afforded by the doctrine of a future life, I adduce fur
ther and, I think, conclusive evidence. In the debate in the senate
on the punishment to be inflicted on the criminals convicted of being
concerned in the conspiracy of Catiline, Julius Caesar argued against
the infliction of capital punishment. In the course of hia argument
he boldly advanced the Epicurean dogma, " that death was no evil,
as they who inflicted it for a punishment imagined ;" and thence
proceeded to insist on the doctrines of that sect respecting the mor
tality of the soul. Now, when Cato and Cicero, who were on the
other side, came to reply to this speech, how did they meet this pro
fane dogma ? Here, in a challenge so publicly and prominently put
forth, was a fine opportunity for these able and eloquent men to
uphold their own immediate opinions on this subject, and the inter
ests of morality at the same time. How did they answer this ?
They did not venture to vindicate a state of future rewards and
punishments either by urging the doctrines of any philosophical
sect, or by appealing to the judgment of their country. Their only
resource was the replication, that " the doctrine of a future state of
rewards and punishments was delivered to them from their ances
tors." This most illogical reply, as Bishop Warburton observes, is
a sufficient proof that there was not in the recognised philosophy of
Rome any clear assertion of a future life ; so that the licentious
dogma of Ccesar could only be met by a reference to doctrines prev
alent in ancient times. Nothing can more clearly illustrate the real
state of the case can this. Rome had enjoyed clear views on this
subject; the doctrine of a future state of rewards and punishments
had made a prominent element in the national faith : but while this
knowledge yet remained on record as an historical fact, to be ap-

500 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

pealed to by Cicero, it had passed away from the public mind.
Wild speculation and Grecian philosophy had united their influence
to obliterate the truth ; and Romans in the time of Caesar saw,
feared, hoped for nothing beyond the grave.

What were the consequences of this fearful change on the morals
and social life of this mighty and talented people, neither our limits
nor our inclination allow us fully to detail. Without the knowledge
of God and of a future life, man sunk to the level of a brute, or was
only distinguished from mere animal nature by an intellectual power
which enabled him to develop his impurity into an almost infinite
range of vice and folly.

The inspired apostle, describing the moral condition of the Roman
people, has placed on the sacred record a passage which so fully
exhibits the depths of impurity into which they sunk after having
renounced God, that it is seldom read, and it is to be lamented thai
its reading should be necessary. Yet such glitter and gaudy colour
ing has been thrown over the moral condition of Rome by its
acknowledged patronage of elegance and art, and possession of
wealth and power, that it becomes needful to state enough to justify
the strong language of the apostle. This is also necessary, since it
will show that the inevitable consequences of apostasy from God,
combined with unlimited idolatry, are in fact a surrender of the
human mind, individually and collectively, not only to the operation
of the vilest human passions, but also to the uncontrolled dominion
of Satanic power ; and this notwithstanding the utmost influence of
science, civilization, and martial prowess.

The first result of this general impiety that will be noticed, was
the effect produced on the family economy of Rome. The education
and cultivation of the female mind was almost universally neglected.
And this can scarcely be regretted, as the Roman lady did not
require cultivation for the part she had to act. The wife was placed
completely in the power of her husband : he could divorce her at
will, or, without that formality, lend her to a friend, receive her
back for a while, and then hand her to another. Such, in fact, was
the absence of interest and affection, in their proper sense, between
husband and wife, that the copious language of Rome had no word
to express jealousy. These facts tire important: they lie at the
foundation of all the bonds of society,— all the fabric of morals.
This unnatural and irreligious character of matrimonial life was
productive of an extensive system of adopting children,— a practice
which showed the weakness of the parental affections, and led to
other extensive evils.

Not the least of these ills was slavery, which, although not occa-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 501

sioned by these vicious domestic arrangements, was greatly aggra
vated by them. This political vice did in Rome most extensively
what it must always do to a certain extent, — it demoralized society.
The number of slaves in Rome was so great that, when debating the
propriety of enacting a peculiar dress by which slaves might be
known, the senate rejected the proposition, lest the badge, if adopt
ed, should make the slaves aware of their number and their power.
Slaves at Rome must, in fact, have made a large portion of the pop
ulation. An individual sometimes held above four thousand ; it was
by no means uncommon for one person to have two hundred ; and it
seems to have been a conventional rule, that a person was regarded
as having no claims to gentility, unless he had at least ten slaves.
These persons could not marry, nor hold property, and were, in fact,
notwithstanding much legislation on the subject, in the absolute
power of their owners. And, perhaps, in no age or country was this
power used with more barbarous cruelty. The whip which was
generally employed for their punishment (horribile jlagellum] is
described as a terrible instrument. It had several thongs, firmly
fastened to a strong handle : each of the thongs was weighted with
pieces of bone or bronze throughout most of their length, and some
times terminated with hooks, and were therefore significantly called
"scorpions." The application of this to the naked back of the
sufferer lacerated the flesh fearfully, and sometimes occasioned death.
These inflictions were as frequent as they were severe ; so much so,
indeed, that it was common for a slave to be nicknamed according to
the kind of flogging, or other punishment, to which he had been
subjected.

The cruelty of Vedius Pollio in throwing slaves into his fish
ponds to be devoured is well known, and often cited in proof of the
barbarities exercised by the Romans toward their slaves. But the
motives which induced this abominable conduct are not so generally
understood. It was not to feed his fishes,— nor merely to inflict the
punishment of death upon culprits,— that this course was adopted;
but rather to gratify an exquisite taste for a peculiar mode of inflict
ing torment. I will give the account in a literal translation of the
words of Pliny : " He caused certain slaves, condemned to die, to be
put into the stews where these lampreys or muraenes were kept, to
be eaten and devoured by them : not that there were not wild beasts
enough upon the land for this feat, but because he took pleasure to
behold a man torn and plucked to pieces all at once, which pleasant
sight he could not see by any other beast upon the land."— Hist.
Ncit., lib. ix, cap. 23. Is it possible to conceive of a more diabolical
passion than this ? It might be supposed that to see a fellow- crea-

502 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

ture lashed to death, or torn limb from limb by wild beasts in the
amphitheatre, would be a sufficient gratification for any savage ; but
this did not meet the cultivated taste for a sight of mortalttagony,
which animated the refined Roman in the days of Augustus*: he
must see every part of the victim simultaneously assailed, and the
flesh rent from the whole body at the same moment. To gratify
this horrid taste, a naked slave was occasionally thrown into his
fish-ponds, when the ravenous lampreys would instantly fasten on
every part of the body, and, by devouring the flesh of the devoted
wretch, gratify the fiendish passion of his inhuman master.

Nor did female slaves fare better at the hands of their mistresses.
Their being punished severely, and even flogged to death, became so
frequent, that laws were at length enacted to prevent these atrocities,
.t will, however, sufficiently indicate the feelings which influenced
Roman ladies, and the treatment which those unfortunate females
received, who were entirely subject to their will, to state that the
poets represent it as the common practice for the mistress to sit at
her toilet to have her hair dressed, with instruments of punishment
at her side ; and for the female slave charged with performing this
office, to be made to strip quite naked above the waist before com
mencing the operation, so that any fault, delay, or mistake in the
process, might be instantly punished with stripes, inflicted by leather
or twisted parchment scourges on the naked shoulders or bosom of
the slave. (Ovid, Artis Aman., lib. iii, 239, 240; Martial, lib. ii,
epig. 06 ; Juvenal, lib. vi, 498, &c.)

If it be necessary to add aught more to show the want of moral
feeling and prevalent cruelty which imbued the Roman institutions
under the first emperors, it may be supplied by the manner in which
the children of Sejanus were treated after the death of their father.
This man was the favourite minister of the Emperor Tiberius.
After revelling in the pomp and power, scarcely less than imperial,
with which his master endowed him, he was suspected, and, by a
sudden and artful stroke of policy of the same sovereign, charged
with high treason, and strangled in prison. His two children, a boy
and a girl, although too young to partake of their father's crimes,
were, on his account, also doomed to die. But what was called "the
religion" of Rome forbade the execution of a virgin: so the child
was first ravished in prison, and then brother and sister were put to
death, and their bodies, after being dragged by hooks through the
streets of the city, were cast into the Tiber. This took place dur
ing the life of our Saviour, and not long before his crucifixion. \

But the culminating point of Roman iniquity and pollution is
found in that abominable licentiousness so forcibly described by the

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 503

apostle. The Roman laws of marriage afforded no guarantee of per
manent union. The sacred tie might be dissolved at the whin^or
caprice of either party; which in practice gave a licence to libertin
ism in men, and also produced its effects on the female character.
This was stimulated by their religion. Little attention was paid to
the true character of deity ; but the incest and amours of the objects
of worship were gloated over with fatal avidity. Numerous services
«>f religion also strengthened this vicious bias. Laws had, indeed,
been made to check vice in females; but then a married woman
might avert the effect of all these by appearing before the aediles,
and registering herself as a common prostitute. This was actually
done ; and it was not until a married lady of rank publicly appeared,
tendered her name for registration, and claimed the legal privilege
of living a life of debauchery, that the senate interposed to check
this almost universal abomination. But then the new-made law
was no protest against the immorality of prostitution, but simply a
declaration that " no woman whose grandfather, father, or husband,
•was a Roman knight, should make her person venal."- -Tacitus,
Annal., lib. ii, cap. 85. We shall sufficiently exhibit the awful ex
tent of Roman licentiousness by giving the sentiments of two of
their most eminent men. Cato, the stern moralist, encouraged
young men to licentiousness, provided they abstained from adul
tery ; and Cicero, chief of the augurs of Rome, thus pleads,— that
" to find fault with meretricious amours, was an extraordinary sever
ity, abhorrent not only from the licentiousness of that age, but from
the customs and constitutions of their ancestors ;" adding, " When
was not this done? When was it found fault with? When was it
not allowed ? Can the time be named when the practice which is
now lawful was not accounted so?"— Cicero, Or at. pro J\L Ccelio,

cap. 20.

But, according to the apostle and to fact, merely gross licentious
ness did not constitute the reigning sin, the deadly plague-spot of
Roman manners. A lower deep, in fact, the lowest depth of infa
mous and unnatural lust, fearfully prevailed ; but on this most disa
greeable subject a few words must suffice. It must, then, be stated
that slave boys were reared for the express purpose of unnatural
impurity, and that handsome ones sold at most enormous prices.
So prevalent, indeed, was this detestable vice, that Cotta, who was
pontifex maximus, and is introduced by Cicero as one of the ablest
debaters on the nature of the gods, voluntarily, and without any
reason for doing so, in that very debate admits himself to be guilty
of this iniquity, and speaks of other eminent men as doing the
same, as though it called forth neither shame nor remorse. But the

504 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

language which most fully proclaims the unbounded range of this
turpitude throughout Roman society, comes from the lips of Epic-
tetus. That philosopher, contemplating the character of Socrates,
breaks forth into the following eulogy : " Go to Socrates :— consider
what a victory he was conscious of obtaining ! What an Olympic
prize ! so that, by Heaven, one might justly salute him, ' Hail !
incredibly great, universal victor !'" —Epictetus, Diss., lib.' ii, cap.
xviii, sect. 4. Now what had the Grecian sage done to call 'forth
this extravagant laudation? Will the reader believe it?— he had
remained in the same room with the young and beautiful Alcibiadcs
without committing the vilest iniquity which could disgrace human
nature. How common— how all but universal— must this vile con
duct have been among the Roman people, to have made a single act
of continence the theme of such extravagant praise !

Dark and terrible, therefore, as St. Paul's picture of Roman
society confessedly is, it is not, and scarcely could be, beyond the
reality. God and his truth had been renounced, and Satan reigned
in all the plenitude of his power. Religion, in its wide range of
operation, became an instrument of evil; religious rites and cere
monies sunk into agencies promotive of vice ; men of notoriously
abandoned character filled the highest places in the priesthood : and
thus, in the midst of unbounded power and wealth, — while Livy and
Plutarch wrote history, Cicero fascinated the world by his oratory,
and Virgil and Horace charmed all by the sweetness of their num
bers, — Satanic influence prevailed; vice triumphed, and preyed so
destructively on the vitals of the state, that an eminent living writer
observes, " Such a state of society already trembled on the verge of
dissolution ; and reflecting men must have shuddered at the frailness
of the bands which still held it together." — Merivale's Fall of the
Roman Republic, vol. i, p. 228. Truly, "the world by wisdom
knew not God."

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 505

CHAPTER XIII.

A GENERAL REVIEW OF THE HISTORY AND RELIGION OF THE
GENTILE NATIONS.

MISTAKEN Notions respecting the Accordance of ancient History with Holy Scripture —
The elevation of Man in his primitive State — Remarkable Corroboration of Scripture
by Facts in Ancient History — Gentile Religion an important Development of Mosaic
Teaching — It contains wonderful Revelations of the Power and Providence of God —
Ancient History, as a Fulfilment of Prophecy, a remarkable Attestation of revealed
Truth — Relation of Revelation to the Teaching of Science — The Testimony of ancient
History in Respect of Religion in remarkable Accordance with the Bible — Proofs of
the Existence and Power of Satanic Influence — Infinite Absurdity of Idolatry — Yet it
was universal — False Theories devised for the Purpose of accounting for the Existence
of Idolatry, considered and refuted — Satanic Aggression on the Purposes of God and
Happiness of Man — The Deluge one of its Results — Corruption of the patriarchal Faith
— Attempt to frustrate the divinely-appointed Dispersion — Miraculously defeated — The
Call of Abraham, and Election of the Hebrew People, still further show the Violence of
Satanic Aggression on the Purpose of God — The Succession of great ruling Empires
displays the Power of diabolical Influence — The World prepared for the Introduction
of the Kingdom of God.

THE history of the ancient heathen nations has been generally
regarded as entirely separate from and unconnected with the Hebrew
people and the Old Testament Scriptures ; and, being investigated,
especially in their most ancient periods, by the unaided light of
their own imperfect records and legends, has not unfrequently been
placed in an attitude hostile to the explicit declarations of revealed
truth. This seems to have produced an opinion which, if not often
avowed, has nevertheless obtained extensive currency and influence,
— namely, that the whole experience, knowledge, and power of the
Gentile world, prior to the birth of Christ, must be regarded as
totally isolated from the Bible, if, indeed, it does not stand out in
open protest against its teaching.

In some works of great talent and learning, efforts have been
made to disseminate such views : but even where nothing of this
kind is discernible, the history, chronology, learning, and prowess
of Egypt, Assyria, Babylon, Persia, and other ancient nations, are
spoken of as though they had nothing in common with 'the Hebrews,
and consequently as if the truth of revelation had no bearing or
relation whatever to them.

The collection of facts, both historical and religious, furnished in
this work, will, it is hoped, form an effectual antidote to this preva-

506 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

lent error. The history of the great primitive and powerful nations
has been carried up, in this and a preceding volume, to immediate
proximity with the dispersion of the Noachic tribes, as described in
the Book of Genesis ; and it has been clearly and fully shown, that,
instead of these peoples having subsisted throughout lengthened
periods, which bid defiance to any reconcilement with Scripture
chronology, they are all found to have arisen from patriarchs named
by Moses as descendants of Noah, their lineage and posterity being
thus fully identified with the sacred record. This result, it should
be observed, has not been obtained by a forced application of the
text of Scripture to these national histories, but has been mainly
elicited from the ancient and incorruptible monuments of those
nations. The pictorial literature extant on the monuments of Egypt,
and the disinterred sculptures of Assyria, Babylon, and Persia!
have been carefully studied ; and found to teach lessons of history i
religion, manners, and morals, in perfect harmony with, and in strong
corroboration of, the Scriptural account. Nor must it be overlooked,
in the consideration of this subject, that, brief as our sketches of
national history confessedly and necessarily are, they are not merely
one-sided selections of matter, but impartial condensations of
national annals. No facts of an opposite tendency have been ignored;
nor can any arrangement of authorized data set aside or neutralize
the effect of the account which has been here given. What, then, is
the general view which has been obtained of the history of these
Gentile nations?

It has been found that, instead of the speculation being true,
which obtained so much favour some time ago, — that man began his
career in barbarism, and gradually worked his way, through succes
sive ages of toilsome effort, to an acquaintance with the useful arts,
moral comfort, and intellectual dignity, — the earliest ages of every
primitive nation display a state of intelligence and civilization.

We have also found, in many points of conformity and agreement
between the annals of these ancient nations and the Hebrew Scrip-
tures. unmistakable proofs of the authenticity and integrity of the
Bible. Who can read the Mosaic account of the descent of Abraham
to the country of Ham. and that of the sojourn of Jacob and his
descendants there,— and compare the institutions, usages, national
laws, habits of thought, and conventional arrangements which they
exhibit with the disclosures of the hieroglyphics, and the revelations
afforded by the picture- sculptures of the Egyptian tombs,— without
being compelled to believe that he is pondering over truthful col
lateral accounts of the same people ? Let any candid person carefully
look at the representation of brick-making by captives on the tomb of

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 507

Rek- share ; and then, reading the Mosaic account of the Hebrews
under their taskmasters, and observing the physiognomy of even a
modern Jew, let him say if he has not before him a most striking
pictorial illustration of the historical fact.

The record of the triumph of Shishak, still extant on the external
wall of the hypostyle-hall at Karnak, where the " king of Judah " is
read among the names of those subdued by the prowess of the con
queror, is another proof of the same fact. Nor are the omissions of
reference to Palestine on Egyptian monuments less in point than
those existing records. Although the several tribes which inhabited
that country prior to its invasion by Joshua, are frequently found
figuring on Egyptian monuments before that time; yet, from the
period when the Hebrews possessed themselves of the land, nothing
of the kind occurs, until we meet with the triumph of Shishak over
the king of Judah in the days of Rehoboam. Facts like these,
while they attest the verity of Hebrew history, equally show the
truthful accordance of it with a sound interpretation of heathen
annals, and the suppression of truth in the latter.

Sennacherib's account of his wars with Hezekiah, and the auto
biography of the martial career of Darius on the Sacred Rock at
Behistun, might be referred to, as similar striking examples of the
concurrence and truth of these collateral histories ; but we prefer
here to dwell more particularly on those which identify the origin,
institutions, and usages of the primitive nations, with the early his
tory of the postdiluvian world according to the inspired record.

We may first refer to the similarity of names, which, to the extent
it is known to have existed, cannot have been accidental. In Assyria,
for instance, we not only find the Scriptural names of the patriarch
Asshur on the sculptures, as giving a designation to the whole land,
it being thence called " the country of Asshur ;" but this father of the
race stands before us, in these exhumed sculptures, as the deified hero
of the people, and, as such, worshipped as " Asshur, the king of the
circle of the great gods." — Layards Nineveh and Baylon, pp. 629,
637. We have a similar case at Babylon. The name of Nimrod
is as current in native history and legend, as in the pages of Scrip
ture. Berosus, from the preserved records of that city at the time
of Alexander, speaks of him as the first king of the country. His
figure stands in majestic attitude on the walls of the royal palace
at Khorsabad. The Birs-Nimroud evidently derives its appellation
from the same source. In fact, the name of this great usurper and
arch- apostate is alike imprinted on the soil of his country, and
embedded in all the traditions and legends of its inhabitants to the
present day.

508 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

But the most elaborate and decisive evidence that the Mosaic
account of the origin of nations is the only true one, is found in the
fact, that undoubted reference to the scenes of Paradise, to the
incidents of man's primeval history, and to the circumstances con
nected with the Deluge, enter into, and form the more prominent
elements of, the religion of the early era of these primitive nations.
To cite these instances in detail, would be to re- write a great part of
some of the preceding chapters. In respect of Paradise, we have
not only the perpetuation of the thing, but even the name, in its
application to the sacred park-like grounds which surrounded the
palace- temples of the eastern kings; while the water flowing from
the threshold, and meandering through the garden, — the trees which
grew in it, and which, represented in gorgeous sculpture, adorned
the interior of the sacred place, — the cherubic figures which stood
at every doorway, and elaborately ornamented all its parts, — with
the serpent- form, as the type of dominion and sovereign sway, — all
attest the undoubted origin of the people, and the foundation of their
civil and religious polity, to be a striking confirmation of the teach
ing of Moses, and of the general tenor of the word of God.

On this point I am bold to say, that the history and religion of
the primitive nations, as detailed in this volume, taken in connexion
with what was adduced in a preceding one of a cognate character,
so fully accord with the statements of Scripture, and are of such a
peculiar nature, entering into the vital elements of the constitution
of nations, and affecting the most sacred verities of their faith, that
the early Gentile nations thus stand before the mind as a grand
development of Mosaic teaching, and present to us a wide range of
important and undoubted facts, which are utterly irreconcilable with
any other account of the origin and early history of mankind : so
that, setting aside Hebrew history altogether, the Gentile nations
alone, fairly considered, from an irrefragable confirmation of the
verity of Holy Scripture.

But this is not all. The Bible not only extorts this evidence of
its truth from the most remote and the darkest period of Gentile
history : it brings us in contact with displays of divine power, in
respect of several of those nations, of a kind equally remarkable.
Who can estimate the effects which the plagues and the Exodus pro
duced in Egypt ? It is admitted that these events are not named
in Egyptian monuments : — it is not likely that such a national
humiliation would be thus recorded: — but they are clearly recog
nised as a part of Egyptian history by Manetho, as well as preserved
in the traditions of other countries. The punishment of Nebuchad
nezzar by the immediate power of Jehovah, is another instance, an'i

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 509

one clearly referred to in Babylonish annals. The defeat of Sen
nacherib in his attempt to capture Jerusalem, must have been known
by him to be of God. Perhaps sculptured monument was never
charged with a heathen testimony to the interposition and power
of Jehovah, more important as an attestation of revealed truth, than
when the Assyrian workman received the dictation of his proud
sovereign, and chiselled in the enduring slab the weighty words,
" Hezekiah King of Judah did not submit to my yoke ; but I left to
him Jerusalem his capital, and some of the inferior towns around it."
It can scarcely be doubted that the predictions respecting Cyrus
brought him equally into contact with the divine word, and the
infinite wisdom and power of God. Thus, to each of the old mighty
nations of the world did Jehovah gloriously reveal himself, while
they stood in all the pride of their power, and in possession of their
wide range of dominion ; showing himself to be the only true God,
whose will no earthly potentate could successfully resist : and— for
this is important to our argument — ample evidence of the certainty
of such interposition remains to the present time.

More than this : not only do the early history and religion of these
nations accord with Scriptural truth ; not only does their meridian
splendour stand associated with miraculous interposition ; but God
in his wisdom adopted a course of action and plan of government
which brought Greece and Rome equally within the range of his
influence, and completed the manifestation of his providence to the
Gentile world. How glorious is the prospect ! See the sacred seer
of God standing before Nebuchadnezzar, or placing on record his
wondrous revelations in the palace of Shushan. See him pointing
out, with a ray of heavenly light, the fate of empires, the destiny of
nations, from the day in which he speaks, through future ages.
Recognising all the glory and power of Babylon, the revealed pre
science passes on, and treats it as an extinct thing. Persia rises in
her strength, symbolized by animal forms and the silver portion of
the great image, until it also has accomplished its destiny, and the
heraldic representation of the nation — the ram — is trodden down by
the rough goat of Grecia, and the Macedonian conqueror rules the
world. The prescience of God falters not after revealing the grand
contingencies of two hundred and fifty years : onward the prophet
leads: the great horn of this power, "the first king," is broken.
His empire is divided into four less powerful states ; but they exist
only for a while : the prophet points out in the distance the rising
power of Rome, shows its diversity from the other kingdoms by its
republican form of government, exhibits its want of unity in conse
quence of consular rule and intestine division, even indicates the

510 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

means resorted to in vain for removing this evil by intermarriages
between the families of the chiefs and the heads of factions ; and,
above all, he predicts the iron power of this martial people, which
breaks in pieces and bruises all other nations, and spreads its colos
sal rule throughout the world. And then, as if to place before man
kind the grand object of this providential arrangement, this succes
sion of empires, this overruling and governing of heavenly power,
it is written, " In the days of these kings shall the God of heaven
set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed : it shall stand
forever."

The sacred record is, therefore, seen to lead us back to the dawn
ing day of time, — to read to us an outline of man's primitive history,
— to inform us respecting the wonderful influences to which he was
subjected, and their great results in his character and history. We
then turn from this teaching to the legends, records, and sculptures
of these ancient nations, and find everywhere undoubted proofs
exhibited by them in facts, doctrines, systems, and ceremonies,
which must have been derived from the circumstances which the
Bible records. The inspired volume conducts us to each of these
ancient kingdoms, and asserts, that in them God wonderfully inter
posed, by revealing his omnipotent power and omniscient wisdom,
in support of his own truth : and we find even these humiliating
events recognised in their national histories, and proved by col
lateral facts. Again, we see divine truth taking its stand arnid all
the splendour and power of the first great monarchy, and predicting
its fate, and the rise, character, progress, power, and destiny of every
other great nation until the advent of the kingdom of God. We go
to the histories of these empires, and we find these wonderful prophe
cies true to the letter in every instance, and so exactly exhibiting
the wonderful changes, revolutions, and conquests which took place
during this period, as to form an accurate outline of its general his
tory.

We direct attention to this for the purpose of showing the remarka
ble accordance between the sacred record and profane history, and
of proving that the origin, progress, and fate of ancient nations har
monize with the teaching, and both corroborate and illustrate the
history, contained in the sacred pages of the Bible. But we do
more than this. Finding in the Bible the germs of every heathen
institution, — seeing here the truth, which is found perverted and
distorted into frightful forms in their mythologies, — discovering his
tory which is the parent of all theirs, and which accords with it in
every essential clement, — we are bold to claim for the Bible a power
to afford men some information respecting the ancient Gentile

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 511

nations. We fearlessly assert that no man, whatever his learning,
or intellectual power, or station may be, when speaking of ancient
history, has any right to ignore the Bible.

But it is confidently urged, that the information afforded by the
Scriptures on subjects of science is incomplete ; and that therefore
we are not to go to their pages for instruction respecting astronomy,
geology, or even chronology. To a certain extent this is freely
admitted, and no man of information will go to the Bible hoping to
find an authorized catalogue of the dynasties of Egypt, or a list of
the kings of Assyria. But men of science must not presume on the
ignorance of devout students of the sacred volume, so far as to hope
to lead them, for this reason, to the wild inference, that what the
Bible says on these subjects is false, or undeserving of attention.
It is freely and fully admitted that the Bible does not afford a com
plete system of chronology ; and it may be difficult to pronounce
with certainty which of the three systems, founded on its different
versions, is undoubtedly correct. Our opinion, and the reasons on
which it is based, have been elsewhere given. But, however this
may be, there is a range within which, if the Bible is true, the truth
must be found. A shorter period than the Hebrew numbers, or a
longer one than those of the Septuagint, cannot accord with Scrip
ture teaching ; and men cannot travel beyond these limits without
impugning the integrity of revealed truth.

But we have sketched the history of these ancient nations to ascer
tain, not so much their political and civil, as their religious, condi
tion. And what has been the result of our researches in this respect ?
Man is found everywhere in possession of important elements of
truth. In fact, if one undoubted conclusion more than another is
clearly deduced by our researches into the primitive history of man,
it is that, instead of being a stranger to revelation, man derived his
knowledge of civil, relative, and religious duty immediately from
God. The circumstances respecting his food and clothing, and the
means of providing them, — the sacred institution of marriage and
its obligations, — the truth relating to Deity, and the manner of
serving him, — must all have been subjects of revelation. Hence,
we everywhere find man in possession of a substratum of divine
truth, forming the basis or platform on which all his individual hopes
and motives to action rest, and affording the great principle which
holds him in civil society, — relationship to his fellows.

Another general axiom may be propounded. Men everywhere are
found to be the subjects of divine influence. This is, indeed, one
of the most remarkable features in the condition of mankind. The
influence of God upon the mind, circumstances, and destiny of man

512 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

was everywhere fully admitted, — at least, until in the latter ages,
under the teaching of a false philosophy, atheism and scepticism
began to obtain in Greece. Nothing is more manifest than this :
we find it in Homer and Virgil, — in the autobiographies and bulle
tins of Divanubara, Sardanapalus, and Sennacherib, — in the sacred
inscriptions of the Persian kings, as well as in the native records of
those of Egypt. It was in this manner, more especially, that when
God, " in times past, suffered all nations to walk in their own ways,
nevertheless he left not himself without witness, in that he did
good;" (Acts xiv, 16, 17 ;) from which it must not be supposed that
unaided human nature was left to draw the inference of God and his
goodness; but rather that his Spirit taught them by his internal
operation on their mind. Hence it is said that they were " without
excuse, because that which may be known of God is manifest in
them ; FOR GOD HATH SHOWED IT UNTO THEM." Rom. i, 19, 20.
Destitute of outward teaching, they had more ample spiritual in
fluence.

The nature of man, however, was so corrupt, that, whatever might
be the case in individual instances, for the purpose of enlightening
and renewing men in general the means were insufficient to the end.
It is true that, under these circumstances, human nature flourished,
and the natural powers of man were cultivated and adorned ; so that
military prowess, intellectual culture, works of genius, and every
branch of science, elegance, and art, attained perfection. But then
man's moral and spiritual condition was one of darkness, degrada
tion, and ruin. And this, notwithstanding the ordinary influences
of the Spirit were sometimes seconded by marvellous interpositions
from heaven. Thus Egypt was favoured with the miracles of Moses ;
Nineveh, with the preaching of Jonah ; Babylon, with the prophecies
of Daniel, and the miracle of the three Hebrew youths ; Media, with
the deliverance of Daniel from the den of lions ; Persia, with the
revelations respecting Cyrus ; and Greece and Italy, with the preach
ing of Pythagoras and other philosophers. Yet, amid so much
divine influence, acting on this human greatness, man descended
into moral ruin. Why was this V

It was because there was an agent at work more potent for evil
than human infirmity, or even human depravity. If this had not
been the case, — if man in moral degradation and spiritual ruin had,
untouched by other influence, resisted the merciful impulses of
Heaven, and resolved to the utmost to gratify his base and wicked
propensities, — we might expect to find him wallowing in sensuality
and licentiousness : he might riot in rapine and blood; deceit, lying,
pride, passion, malignity, and violence, might be expected to pollute,

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 513

disorder, and spread misery and guilt over mankind : but it is not
easy to conceive that mere humanity would have devised such an
aggression on the honour due only to God, and at the same time
involving its own most extreme degradation, as is found to exist in
the practice of idolatry. There is something so opposed to all rea
son, so very absurd, in the idea that any natural object, or product
of human art or labour, can be divine, or that there can be a plural
ity of divinities, that the existence or prevalence of such opinions
in the ancient world has been generally regarded as an inexplicable
enigma. Hence writers have contented themselves with giving a
history and description of this great moral aberration, and its re
sults, rather than attempted to account for its origin.

One talented author, whose recent production is before us, specu
lates in this manner : " Man feels himself small and weak amid the
forces of nature : he sees a power in operation which even the wisest
cannot combat ; and the more ignorant, the more brutalized he is,
the more he feels his utter helplessness. But the wise man investi
gates causes, finds that the greater the force, the less it is visible
and tangible ; and therefore soon arrives at the conviction that the
Great First Cause must be still more remote from the grasp of the
senses. The philosopher of all ages, as far as we can trace back
with any certainty, has been a pure theist. Such was Zoroaster
among the Persians ; such were the great founders of the Greek
philosophy ; and such were the patriarchs described in the Hebrew
records. But the ignorant man, unable to follow the steps of the
philosopher, but equally sensible of the presence of a superior
power, looks only to the force in action, whatever it may be, and
holds that to be divine ; for, to the ignorant man, whatever or who
ever is stronger or wiser than himself, is an object of veneration."

We should feel much disposed to question the last-mentioned
premiss, — that "to the ignorant man, whatever or whoever is
stronger or wiser than himself, is an object of veneration." It ap
pears equally probable, and even more so, that it, or he, would be an
object of envy. But not to dwell on this objection, — does not this
theory of the origin of idolatry assume a startling aspect from the
fact, that it would lead to the impression that all the wise and en
lightened of mankind — those who, from their endowments and posi
tion, have always been the leaders of the public mind — are guided
and led by the ignorant and the obscure ?

Such a proposition seems utterly incredible. Here are the wise,
the cultivated, the influential, with right and truth on their side;
and here are the ignorant and vulgar, who have adopted a monstrous
and ridiculous absurdity : yet it is supposed that the latter induced

514 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

the former to adopt their views ; or, at least, that, against the opinion
and influence of the wise and great- minded, a grand system of doc
trines, rites, and usages was brought into operation, in every part of
the world, among every people. It may be regarded as bold to say
that such an hypothesis involves a positive impossibility : but we do
not shrink from asserting that such a mighty and universal revolu
tion was never known to result from such influence.

This, however, is not the principal objection which we have to
urge against this scheme. In common with all the theories of its
class, it overlooks the most important body of facts relating to
primeval history. Yet it is a great advance on the theories of the
cognate schools of the last century ; it does not place the first race
of mankind among the brutes, but allows them to have been culti
vated, civilized, and rational ; yet it leaves them utterly without
religion. Now we take leave to say, this was never the condition of
any human community; and we challenge an investigation into all
history for the decision of the question. A civilized community,
composed, on the one hand, of cultivated intellectual philosophers,
and, on the other, of sober, thoughtful, ignorant men, altogether
without religious views, practices, or opinions, but setting itself, in
its various individuals, according to their respective information and
powers of mind, to excogitate some definite idea of Deity, — one
class coming to the conclusion that God is one invisible and mighty
being ; the other, that the powers of nature, in all their wide vari
ety, are to be reverenced as divine, — this, I say, has no countenance
in actual fact ; nothing approximating thereto has ever been seen in
history ; and it can only exist in the dreamy speculations of those
who prefer to give prominence to the wildest vagaries, rather than
submit to receive substantial information from the word of God.

No! the truth is, that man entered on his career of existence more
fully identified and imbued with religious truth, and duty, and priv
ilege, than with aught else. And after his terrible fall, instead of
having the elements of religion diminished in number, or removed
further from him, he became still more intimately associated with
them. Then the promise and great purposes of redemption were
brought under his notice, and urged on his attention and observance
with redoubled force. He had before this time learned, by bitter
experience, the existence, subtilty, and power of his adversary the
devil ; and had been taught to apprehend somewhat of the spiritual
and endless ruin to which he stood exposed. He was informed of
the new relation of the woman, as the predicted mother of the great
Deliverer — of the promised Son, who was to endure suffering, and
finally to bruise the head of the serpent. With the tree of life, and

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 515

with whatever of a sacramental character was connected with it, he
was well acquainted ; and the tree of knowledge, with the dire con
sequences of eating its forbidden fruit, would he fully present to
his mind. Then he would understand the promise of redemption,
as it affected individual man in that day, on which Abel exercised
faith, and secured salvation; and the newly-appointed means of
access unto God,— the infolding fire, the cherubim, and the sacrifice,
— all these religious elements were known to the first race of men ;
and no believer in the verity of Holy Scripture can doubt that these
had a hold on the human mind, far beyond any ordinary fact or
communicated truth. These had all been ingrafted on human his
tory, and embedded in the memory, judgment, and feelings of man,
amid the pressure of the most fearful calamity that affected our
nature, in connexion with the most wondrous revelations of God,
and the mightiest efforts and triumphs of the powers of darkness.

It is equally clear that the immediate survivers of the Flood, in
commencing their new course of life and action, as the fathers of a
new world, and the progenitors of a new population, would have all
these religious realities impressed anew on their minds in the most
weighty and affecting manner. That this was so, — that they lived
in the memories of their descendants, influenced their character and
conduct, gave a tone to their views, were immortalized in their in
stitutions, and referred. to in their most solemn traditions, sacred
persons, and sacred places, until long after the establishment of
idolatry, — is proved most incontestably by the records, religions,
and undoubted remains of the most ancient heathen nations. It is
demonstrable, therefore, that idolatry did not arise out of such a state
of society, and in such a manner, as is supposed by the author
whom we have quoted; and it seems to be scarcely less than
demonstrable, that it arose as a perversion of truth under the
immediate agency and influence of Satanic power. The origin of
idolatry, indeed, forms the most prominent result of that great and
continued antagonism between truth and error, spiritual light and
spiritual darkness, which is discerned in every part of the history
of mankind in pre-Christian times. With our views of this con
flict and its results, — ranging as the subject does over the times
and persons whose history and religion have been treated of in the
present and the preceding volumes of this work, — our labours may
very suitably be brought to a conclusion.

That human history commenced as the battle-field of these
antagonistic powers is an established fact, to which every believer
in the Bible will yield a ready assent. Man and the partner of his
life, in pristine purity, innocence, and peace, enjoying hallowed in-

516 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

tercourse with God, lived in Paradise. Here they were assailed by
a, spiritual adversary, who is spoken of in the sacred record as the
" old serpent, — the devil." By his subtilty they were seduced from
their allegiance, and plunged into sin ; by which act man's innocent
and peaceful condition was terminated.

We here state most explictly, that this portion of the holy record
is understood by us as a detail of certain matter of fact. It is no
figurative, imaginative, or enigmatical account, but a plain narration
of history. As it has to do with, and to speak of spiritual beings,
whose attributes, appearances, and volitions must be expressed with
some measure of accommodation, when described in the language of
men, it may not, perhaps, be wise in us to scrutinize too critically the
import of such phrases as, " The voice of the Lord walking in the
garden," and, " The serpent was more subtle than any beast of the
field which the Lord God had made. And he said unto the woman,"
in regard of the exact appearances which they represent : but that
they truly speak of the presence of the Lord Jehovah, and of Satan,
no doubt whatever is entertained; and the effect of their communica
tion and influence on the human mind is, of course, regarded by us
as unquestionably real.

2s o sooner had this fearful aggression on human happiness suc
ceeded, than the predetermined and prepared scheme of redemp
tion was propounded. The man and woman are punished, yet are
cheered by a glorious promise : Satan is assured that his victory,
although giving him a short-lived power to inflict suffering on human
nature, shall certainly issue in his own preeminent abasement and
misery.

The leading elemenis of the new economy, in so far as they re
ferred to the instruction, faith, and practice of mankind, were then
1 propounded. Man, removed from the tree of life, to which, in his
new relative position as a sinner, he could no longer have access, is
made acquainted with a new way of approach unto God, — by the
cherubic emblems, the Shekinah, and animal sacrifice.

Under this teaching, and in this practice, the first pair proceeded,
until their children attained maturity, and their two sons had, on
their own account, and according to their own mind and judgment,
to approach God in worship. Here again we see the aggressions
of Satan, and the gracious influence of the Spirit of God. Abel,
coming in the appointed way with his mind spiritually enlightened,
offered his sacrifice in faith, and by that faith found salvation.
Cain, led away by the wicked one, rejected the appointed oblation,
and would do no more than present a thank-offering. His offering
vas rejected ; and the result is well known. Enraged at his rejec-

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 517

tion, still further urged on by the influence which he had followed,
he killed his pious brother. Although we have in this period but
few historic incidents, we must take these as types of the history of
the time. Other men grew up; and while some were obedient,
many rejected the influence of Heaven, and followed that which was
in more accordance with their own corrupt hearts. At length one
appeared who was fully devoted to God. So entirely did he subject
his heart to divine guidance, that he is said to have " walked with
God." But the brief notice of this holy man does not seem to be
recorded so much to make us acquainted with his character, as to
show the results of this spiritual antagonism at that day. Men now
became to a great extent ungodly : their ungodly deeds were mani
fest and general. They had gone beyond this : their conversation
was not only wicked, but directed against God ; they made " hard
speeches against him." Jude 15. Enoch endeavoured to stem this
torrent. He proclaimed the truth ; he denounced the evil conduct
and language which prevailed ; and he predicted a future judgment,
when the Lord should come to punish sinners. As if to give the
highest sanction to such a character, and the fullest attestation to
such a proclamation of truth, this saint of G od was removed directly
to glory.

Onward rolled the course of time, until another model of right
eousness and faith was presented in the person of Noah. But, by
this time, Satanic influence had so affected the world's population,
that God announced his purpose to destroy mankind by a Flood.
Noah was commanded to prepare an ark to save his house: he
entered upon the arduous task, and, during the one hundred and
twenty years this wonderful structure was being raised, he ceased
not to preach the truth, and warn the surrounding multitude of their
danger. But, unchecked in their career of sin, they went on, until
the day that he entered his appointed refuge : no further respite was
granted; the Flood came, and the population of the world was
destroyed.

Who can contemplate this event without seeing in it a fearful
result of this spiritual antagonism ? Satan tempts ; yet God reigns.
Men sin ; but God will punish. The continued success of the de
stroyer is cut short by this terrible judgment; while the signal
fidelity of Noah is honoured by signal and miraculous preservation.
Under the smile and benediction of Heaven, the redeemed family
commence their new career. But here again Satanic guile and
power are felt. Whatever may be the precise meaning of the lan
guage which describes that dark day in the life of the arkite patri
arch, there can be no doubt of its recording a successful Satanic

THE GENTILE NATIONS.

aggression. Nothing short of this could have called forth such a
malediction as Noah pronounced on that occasion.

It seems, from a general review of the whole narrative, that the
antediluvian population of the world lived in one general body, and,
as for as can be ascertained, without the institution of any regular
government, subject simply to the effect of communicated trutlfand
spiritual influence. In those circumstances, "men loved darkness
rather than light ;" evil passions and desires engendered evil actions ;
and " the earth was filled with violence," until universal depravity
ensued. It appears from several passages in Holy Scripture, and
from the traditions of the ancient world, that it pleased God to
command a totally different general economy for the new world.
As soon as a sufficient population was provided, it was divinely ap
pointed that the several tribes and families should separate, and
travel to the geographical districts which had been assigned them,
(Deut. xxxii, 8,) and which they were respectively called to occupy,
under the direction of their hereditary chiefs. In accordance with
this providential arrangement, the family of Noah dwelt in the
neighbourhood of Ararat for some centuries, until, having sufficiently
increased, they appear to have journeyed to Shinar, as a more eligi
ble locality for the appointed separation.

Prior to this, there is every reason for believing that important
innovations had been effected in the faith of this united body. Rep
resentations of paradisiacal scenes and figures had been made, and
incorporated into the place and manner of patriarchal worship;
while influential notions had been entertained respecting the prom
ised Incarnate Seed, and his appearing in a priestly and regal char
acter among men ; and a religious veneration was cultivated for the
first Great Father and his three sons, who were regarded as reap
pearing in the arkite patriarch and his three sons. These, with
many other errors in doctrine and practice, seem to have been
induced by the active agency of the evil one, prior to the arrival of
the human host at Shinar.

There a grand aggression was made on the preordained purpose
of God. Nimrod, the son of Gush, stirred up by the spiritual ad
versary, arose in proud rebellion against Heaven, and succeeded in
persuading the multitude to set aside the idea of dispersion, and to
locate in those plains, and to build a capital and a tower, which
should perpetuate their unity, and be the centre of their location.
There appears from Scripture and ancient tradition abundant reason
for concluding that Nimrod induced the people to adopt this course,
by putting himself forth as the Promised Seed, and, as such, entitled
to rule over the whole race of mankind. In this assumption, as in

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 519

other instances, the Satanic aggression only professed to aim at an
alteration in respect of one part of the divine appointment : govern
ment was to be established, and professedly by divine authority ; but
the Dispersion was to be prevented.

It pleased Jehovah by a miraculous interposition to defeat this
Satanic opposition: and the manner, brief as it is, in which this
interposition was put forth, seems to indicate that it was done by
some peculiar manifestation of the Holy Trinity,— perhaps similar
to that which we find made to Abraham when Sodom was destroyed.
"Let US go down," said the Lord, "and confound their language:"
and thus the Dispersion was enforced, and the several tribes, miracu
lously prevented from acting in concert, went forth to occupy their
respective territories. Still Nimrod and his adherents continued at
Babel, and there established a kingdom, dispossessing Asshur; to
whom, of right, that territory belonged, and who, in consequence,
went forth and built Nineveh on the River Tigris, and there founded
a sovereignty.

But the divine purpose was not only infringed by the disobedience
of Nimrod in remaining at Babel,— it was in great measure neutral
ized by the corruptions in religion which had been previously dis
seminated, and which, carried into every quarter, produced one
wide-spread range of wicked idolatry. By a subtilty and energy
which Satan alone could infuse, all the religious promises, circum
stances, and facts, connected with God's revelations to man and with
man's early history, were so systematically perverted, that they de
throned and dishonoured God, filled man with vain imaginations
and proud assumptions, and virtually handed over the several sec
tions of the human family to the overwhelming power of Satanic
error. It is a circumstance strikingly illustrative of the mighty in
fluence which gave this profane conceit energy and power, that we
find all the most ancient kingdoms of the earth fully adopting it,
and, indeed, making it the basis of their political constitutions. Not
only so, but the plan, as it appears to have been originally sketched,
is enlarged and rendered practicable; so that, when the several
primitive seats of human settlement were covered with national in
stitutions, everywhere idolatry prevailed. Although, in every in
stance, one common family type is discernible in this false religion
in all places, this was filled up and modified into an almost infinite
variety of detail : and, as if to show forth the real author of this foul
dishonour to God, and wickedness and folly in man, everywhere the
serpent-form was made a special object of adoration, and worshipped
as the symbol of power and dominion.

To rear up a standard of truth in opposition to this aggressive

520 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

error, Jehovah selected a pious individual, and called him out of the
very centre of this idolatrous population. Abraham obeyed, and
went forth, receiving great promises and wonderful spiritual instruc
tion from God. He journeyed far into the west, went down even
into Egypt, and everywhere raised an altar to the true God, and
worshipped him alone. To him the promise of an Incarnate Re
deemer, from his own seed, was made; and a covenant of mercy
was established with him, that he should be the progenitor of this
great Savioui. Isaac and Jacob followed in the same footsteps:
heirs of the same promise, they, too, maintained fidelity to God, and
each received fuller assurance of the coming of the Promised Seed.
The descendants of the latter patriarch, after having suffered
grievous persecution in Egypt, were delivered by the mighty power
of God. Here commenced a great and prolonged struggle between
the powers of darkness and the Spirit of God. Here, for the first
time on record, did the energy of Satan dare avowedly to meet, and
endeavour to match, the might of the Omnipotent. The issue 'cov
ered the gods of Egypt with shame, inflicted grievous calamity on
that unhappy country, and wrought out a wondrous deliverance for
Israel. This people, now a mighty host, are taken under the special
care of Jehovah. They are miraculously fed in the desert ; water
is brought for them from the granite rocks of Sinai. There also
they receive a religious economy, an ecclesiastical system, and a
political and moral code of laws, immediately from Heaven. In
deed, God not only made wonderful revelations of himself to the
Hebrews in the communication of this system, but actually came
down and dwelt among them in the form of a visible glory in the
holy tabernacle. By these means he led them forty years through
the wilderness, and at length brought them into the land whicli he
had promised to their fathers.

In this career of mercy, the power of the evil one was frequently
and fully apparent. Even while Moses was in the mount receiving
the law from God, Aaron was led to make a golden image for the
people to worship ; and afterward, so rebellious had they become,
that it seemed impossible to keep them from returning to Egypt,—
a Jolly from which they were prevented only by special revelations
of the Spirit of God given to seventy prophets, whose spiritual
ministry seems to have met the case.

When the children of Israel were located in Canaan, this dia
bolical aggression was renewed with fearful effect. The Hebrews,
who had been, by promise, prophecy, and miracle, wonderfully raised
up to bear before all the world a testimony for God against idola
try, themselves plunged into the vile practice to a great extent.

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 521

Throughout the rule of the Judges, their history is one continued
series of idolatrous apostasy, and repentance under the pressure of
galling affliction. At length, by the instrumentality of Samuel and
David, the evil seemed to be extirpated. Piety and prosperity
reigned in Jerusalem ; the Hebrew people rose to the highest pitch
of national greatness. God gloriously manifested his presence
among them ; and the victory over Satanic influence seemed to be
complete. Yet when the religion of God appeared to be most
secure, it was successfully assailed in what might have been thought
its strongest fortress. Solomon, the favoured of the Lord, sunk into
sensuality and pride, thence into licentiousness, and at length into
idolatry.

From this period, that foul sin was a plague-spot which destroyed
the vitals of Hebrew weal. From the time when the kingdom of
Israel was formed, its policy directly tended to the promotion of
idolatry. This evil influence was not allowed to reign unchecked :
the demon destroyer was frequently arrested in his fatal progress
by divine interposition. This was in general most efficiently accom
plished by the ministry of inspired prophets. On one occasion
particularly these antagonistic powers seemed fairly brought into
collision, and nothing human could present a more noble aspect than
the intrepid Elijah confronting the four hundred prophets of Baal,
and challenging the devotion of Israel for Jehovah as the only true
God. The triumphant issue is well known ; but it failed to destroy
the evil. Onward rolled the fatal influence of the prince of dark
ness : Israel became incorrigibly idolatrous, and was destroyed.

Judah, still enlightened by a glorious succession of prophets, and
held in check by the divinely-appointed services of the temple, fell
by slower degrees ;— but it did fall. Although Satanic influence was
repelled by numerous interpositions, and checked by several reform
ations of religion, all these agencies oflered a vain resistance to its
action on the corruption and depravity of the human mind. The
people, as a body, (for we do not at all in this review refer to indi
vidual faith or conduct,) gradually became pervaded by this delu
sion; their princes took the lead in the fearful apostasy; and even
the priesthood became corrupt ; until, at length, when the prescience
of God revealed the secrets of the sanctuary to the prophet EzekieL
every form of idolatry, with its foolish and filthy objects of adora
tion, in all their multitudinous detail, was found depicted on the
wall's of the chambers, even in the sanctuary of Jehovah ! This
appears to have been the culminating point of diabolical ascend
ency. The glorious Shekinah would no longer occupy a temple
where Satan had his seat, and so abandoned the sanctuary to its

522 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

fate. The terrible catastrophe came: Jerusalem, "the city of
David," " the holy city," was polluted, destroyed, and trodden down
by the heathen. The temple, which had been filled with the divine
glory, and whose sacred sanctuary had for centuries been irradiated
with the glorious Shekinah of God, was burned with fire. ICIIABOD
was engraven on every Hebrew institution, and the success of the
destroyer seemed complete, in blotting from the earth such an illus
trious witness for the truth and power of God as the Hebrew faith
and temple-service had been.

It is difficult to conceive of a more completely successful a^o-res-
sion on a divinely- appointed economy than that which is here pre
sented to the mind,— not only as it respected the Hebrew Church
itself, but also in its bearing on the covenant-mercy of God, and the
great scheme of redemption. All the promises and prophecies
which had been given subsequent to the Deluge respecting the great
Redeemer, his work, and kingdom, and glorious salvation, * had
identified these with the Abrahamic covenant, and the house of
David, and Mount Zion. The Hebrew sacred service had been
instituted with evident and marked typical allusion to the appointed
Saviour. Indeed, the entire political arrangements, the origin and
succession of the royal family of Judah, with the whole °Mosaic
ecclesiastical and religious appointments among the people, seemed
designed to prepare the way for Messiah, and to unite their various
agencies into one complete pledge and precursor of his coming.
And yet in the destruction of Jerusalem, and the subversion of the
throne of David, all these foreshadowings perished, and not a visible
type remained; not an element was left of this elaborate and com
plete typical economy, to adumbrate the promise of redemption.

But although Satan seemed to have fully accomplished his pur
pose, it was soon manifest that the grand scheme of redemption
rested not on the obedience of man, but on the unchangeable faith
fulness of God. Never did the world witness more glorious revela
tions of Jehovah in support of his Church and his truth, than when
his faithful remnant were captives, hanging their harps on the wil
lows of Babylon : never were more wonderful attestations given to
the promise of redemption, or more gracious displays of the divine
prescience afforded, than there. So gloriously, indeed, did Jehovah
work, that before a century had passed away the Hebrews were
again located in their own land, worshipping again on the sacred
mount, in a newly-erected temple, with the city of Jerusalem and
their general polity in progress to entire restoration.

But while the goodness and power of God had thus wrought
deliverance for his captive people, the power of the wicked one was

THE GENTILE NATIONS. 523

being mightily exerted in the Gentile world. Idolatry became every
where fully established. Babylon, intensely devoted to this Satanic
superstition, passed away : Persia arose to rule the nations ; but it
was under the same malign influence. The king there, too, was
worshipped as divine ; and although the good Spirit had given a
large communication of truth, it was so completely overlaid with the
profane assumption of king and priests, that the people were left
blindly to worship the sun, or the sacred fire.

Greece then arose to exercise supremacy over the world, and pre
sented a marked display of the continued collision between these
antagonistic powers. Highly endowed with intellectual might, richly
favoured with divine influence, possessing every element of human
greatness in most abundant measure, Greece was unfaithful to the
light of truth and the influence of God. " Sin reigned unto death ;"
a low, corrupt, sensual, and debased idolatry prevailed; until the
reasoning mind turned away in disgust, and disowned even the exist
ence of God.

Rome was but an unworthy representation of Greece. Starting
on her career of progress with much of truth and divine teaching,
Rome became infinitely corrupt. Her idolatry was as vast in its
range and as vile as was possible. Never rising so high in intellect,
or genius, or art, as Greece, Rome plunged deeper, if it could be, in
infamous impurity, until the inspired apostle declares, " God gave
them up." Thus Satan reigned, during successive centuries grasp
ing authority over the physical nature of man ; (Acts xix ;) directing
and endowing the human mind, until, notwithstanding the possession
of boundless power and immense learning, human nature in Rome
sunk to the lowest level of infamous degradation, so that it may be
questioned whether in any part of the world it can now be found so
very vile. So vast, indeed, was the acquired influence and power of
Satan, that he ostentatiously challenges universal sovereignty over
the world, and, exhibiting " all the kingdoms of the world, and the
glory of them," he proudly tells even the Son of God, " All this
power and glory is delivered unto me." Luke iv, 5, 6.

But does the reader ask, "What has become of the restored
Hebrews ? those for whom Jehovah had done so much, and to whom
he had given the most precious of his gifts, — the word of God?"
Alas! they no longer bear an efficient testimony for God. They
renounced the spirituality of his covenant ; they made even " the law
of God of none effect by their traditions;" they perverted the
promises of redemption ; they, while still professing to acknowledge
and worship God, exhibited, with a few solitary exceptions, as fearful
an instance of the triumph of Satanic guile over saving truth as

524 THE GENTILE NATIONS.

any other people. Hence, over them also Satan exercises a fearful
power, and reigns as " the god of this world."

Thus we see the human family, after so much revelation of truth
and mercy, so large an amount of divine influence and divine inter
position, proving the depth of human depravity by showing the
inefficacy of all these means, not for individual salvation,— that these
means could and did accomplish, — but to rear up and maintain in
the world a living, conquering, enduring church, which should per-
manently exhibit the power, the purity, and the truth of God.

For the accomplishment of this grand result, the world was driven
to the last great crowning promise of grace, — the establishment of
the kingdom of God. For this it panted, as in agony, under the
tyrant power of the destroyer. And the introduction of this glorious
dispensation, by the manifestation of the Son of God, broke the
power of Satan, brought in everlasting righteousness, and opened a
fountain of mercy, which shall flow on until the whole earth is filled
with his glory. Amen.

APPENDIX.

NOTE 1, page 18. — Antediluvian Idolatry.

THE idolatry of the antediluvians is not only taught in the traditions preserved
by Maimonides ; " the Assumption of Enoch " also says, that this patriarch
" prejudged both the worshippers and makers of idols and images, in his com-
mination against them." The apocryphal character of this book is fully admit
ted ; but it must be remembered that it was regarded by Tertullian with so
much respect, that he thought it, with other authorities extant in his time,
decisive on the subject of which this passage speaks. In addition to this, we
must call attention to the interpretation, given in a preceding volume, of Gen.
iv, 26. (Patriarchal Age, pp. 1G4-167.) In connexion with the observations
referred to, it may be remarked that this text was not read by the Hebrew
scribes, " Men profanely calling on the name of the Lord," as Kimchi and other
Hebrew scribes render it,— with which reading the Jerusalem Targum agrees :
jm Kin » That was the age in the days of which they began to err, and made
themselves idols," (yWB Mola, errorcs,) " and called their idols by the name of
the word of the Lord." (See Paulus Fagius in loc. Owen On Images, p. 21.)

An argument to the same effect has been drawn from the language used by
Moses, when writing on the subject of antediluvian wickedness. In Gen. vi, 12,
we are told, " God looked upon the earth, and, behold, it was corrupt" (nr.nffi3).
The same term is used in this and the following verse three times to specify the
evil of this age. It is worthy of observation, that Moses in many other places
uses this word as descriptive of idolatrous practices. When speaking of the
defection of the people in the case of the golden calf, he says, using the same
word, " They have corrupted themselves." Exod. xxxii, 7. It is again used in
the same sense, Dcut. iv, 25 : "And shall corrupt yourselves, and make a graven
image." Deut. xxxi, 29, and xxxii, 5, may be also cited as additional instances ;
thus affording strong presumptive evidence that the great' corruption of the
antediluvian age consisted of idolatry.

This conclusion is supported by Arabian traditions. The Koran makes the
existence of antediluvian idolatry an article of faith. Chapter Ixxi. It is taught
that in the days of Noah five false deities— Wadd, Sowa, Yaghuth, Yauk, and
Nesr— were generally adored, and that this wickedness occasioned the Deluge.
(See also Sale's Preliminary Dissertation, sect. 1.)

Nor must it be forgotten that the earliest Gentile writer, Sanchoniatho, details
various particulars which unite to sustain the authority of these traditions. He
ascribes the introduction of the worship of the sun to the second generation,
intimating that Cain himself indulged in this practice. Of the fifth generation
from the first man this writer says, They " consecrated two pillars to fire and
wind, and worshipped them, and poured out upon them the blood of the wild

526 APPENDIX.

beasts taken in hunting : and when these men were dead, those that remained
consecrated to them rods, and worshipped the pillars, and held anniversary
feasts in honour of them." Again, in the eighth generation we are told that
Chysor, who during his life had " exercised himself in words, and charms, and
divinations," was after his death " worshipped as a god." Thus does every
available source of information confirm the opinion that idolatry was introduced
before the Flood.

NOTE 2, page 20. — Was the Doctrine of the Trinity knoivn to the early Patriarchs 1

There is scarely any question which can be propounded respecting the religion
of mankind in remote antiquity of -more deep and general interest and import
ance than this. Reference has already been made to this subject, (Patriarchal
Age, pp. 2GG-272,) when reasons were assigned for believing that the assertion of
this doctrine having been held by the disciples of Plato, is not to be relied upon,
and that the notions which prevailed among the Platonists arose rather from the
prevalence of idolatrous triads among heathen nations than from " any divinely
revealed knowledge of the true nature of the divine hypostasis." Thus far
a careful and extended subsequent examination of the subject has served to
confirm the views previously advanced. If, however, this language is construed
not merely to apply to the origination of the Platonic dogmas, but to deny the
fact of any divinely revealed knowledge on this doctrine having been communi
cated to the early patriarchs, then I must be allowed to say that in this sense it
does not express the opinions which a careful and more mature investigation of
the evidence bearing on this subject has fully established in my mind. On the
contrary, there does not at present occur to me any reasonable cause for doubt
that the doctrine of the Trinity made one of the important religious revelations
to the first men, and that it, in connexion with the doctrine of the incarnation,
(respecting which also some knowledge was communicated,) led to the worship
of human nature, and the adoration of the three sons of each great father as a
sacred triad. This gave a distinctive colouring to the whole system of heathen
idolatry. It must not, bowever, from thence be inferred that Plato possessed a
knowledge of this doctrine. This philosopher, in fact, never taught the exist
ence of " three subsistences in one divine essence." Consequently Cudworth is
compelled to say, " We freely acknowledge, that as this Divine Cabala was but
little understood by many of those who entertained it among the Pagans, so was
it by divers of them much depraved and adulterated also. For, first, the Pagans
universally called their trinity ' a trinity of gods/ — rov Trpwror, rbv devrepov,
and Tpirov $e6v, 'the first, the second,' and the ' third god ;' as the more philo
sophical among them called it also ' a trinity of causes,' and ' a trinity of prin
ciple?,' and sometimes ' a trinity of opificers.' Thus is this cabala of the trinity
styled in Proclus, r] TUV rpiuv deuv Kapudooic., • the tradition of the three gods.' "
— Intellectual System, vol. ii, p. 814.

If, therefore, we apply the results of modern research into oriental countries
and religious doctrines to the data collected by Cudworth, the rseult will be,
that, instead of believing with that eminent man that " this mystery was
gradually imparted to the world, and that first but sparingly to the Hebrews
themselves, either in their written or oral cabala" — Intellectual System, vol. ii,
p. 314: — we shall find reason for concluding that some distinct intimation of the
triune nature was given to man at the beginning, — a knowledge which was
maintained in the Hebrew Church, increased by successive revelation, and finally

APPENDIX. 527

perfected by the discoveries of the gospel : while, on the other hand, the Gen
tiles, although receiving the tradition, prior to the general Dispersion, with
sufficient distinctness to impress a character upon all their idolatrous systems,
nevertheless in process of time lost sight of the true nature of the doctrine,
and at the period of the birth of Christ were destitute of all sound knowledge on
the subject.

It is too much to ask the reader to receive our ipse dixit on this important
case ; nor will space allow our citing the wide range of evidence which has led
us to this conclusion. In these circumstances a very brief abstract must be
supplied.

The learned Dr. Allix has elaborately argued, (Reflections, chap, xviii,) that
Moses, in the Book of Genesis, mentioned nothing but what was then generally
known. If this proposition had been satisfactorily established, the case would
have been settled, as it is an undoubted fact that Moses in this book uses lan
guage which clearly teaches a plurality of persons in the Divine Nature ; and,
when the promise of the incarnation, and the mention of the " Word of the
Lord " as a person, are considered, is such as could scarcely be used by those
who were ignorant of the doctrine of the Trinity. But even if this proposition
is not fully sustained, there yet remains sufficient evidence that some important
measure of knowledge on this subject was communicated, either to the first man,
(which is most probable,) or to the early patriarchs.

This will be seen if it be remembered that there exists ample reason for
believing that Moses compiled the beginning of the Book of Genesis from pre-
existent records ; (Patriarchal Age, pp. 67-70 ;) and that these contain the
allusions to a divine plurality to which reference has been made. The knowl
edge of this doctrine which these passages display cannot, therefore, be ascribed
to revelations made to Moses, but to some age long prior to the date of his writ
ing. But then it must be recollected that Moses, while writing for the purpose
of rooting out of the minds of men all notion of polytheism, yet, transcribes these
singular solecisms in language, " In the beginning," dTljDB 8*0 (bara Elohim)
" the Gods created." He might have said, Jehovah bara, or Eloah bara, and
thus have used a singular noun as the name of Deity. Instead of this, however,
he transcribes this plural appellation of God thirty times in the history of the
Creation. But then this plural noun is used in connexion with (bara) a singular
verb, thus clearly indicating that this divine plurality is one God. Nor is it to
be supposed that this was a peculiarity of manner or style of writing used by
Moses; for in other places he uses the singular Eloah, (Deut. xxxii, 15, 17,) and
frequently connects the plural Elohim with plural verbs and adjectives. Gen.
xx, 13, &c. ; xxxv, 10, &c. This conclusion is supported, and the knowledge
of the triune personalities rendered still more probable, by the language used in
other parts of the Book of Genesis. We are told (xv, 1) " that « the Word of the
Lord came unto Abram. in a vision, saying, Fear not, Abram ; I am thy shield
and thy exceeding great reward/ Here the Word of the Lord is the speaker :
' The Word came, saying.' A mere word may be spoken or said ; but a personal
Word only can say, ' I am thy shield.' The pronoun ' I ' refers to the whole phrase,
• The Word of Jehovah ;' and if a personal Word be not understood, no person at
all is mentioned by whom this message is conveyed, and whom Abram, in reply,
invokes as 'Lord God/"— Watson's Institutes, vol. i, p. 563. Again, Gen. xix,
24 : " Then the Lord " (Jehovah) " rained upon Sodom and Gomorrah brimstone
and fire from the LORD " (Jehovah) " out of heaven." We have here the visible
Jehovah, who had talked with Abraham, raining the storm of vengeance from

528 APPENDIX.

another Jehovah out of heaven, and who was therefore invisible. Thus two
Jehovah s are expressly mentioned : " The LORD rained from the LORD." This
language proves that a plurality of persons in the Deity was known to the
writer of the Book of Genesis : and that one of them held the peculiar relation
or title of "the Word of Jehovah :" and the manner in which this information
is communicated demonstrates that the persons spoken of, who lived long before
Moses, were familiar with this language.

As decisive evidence on this latter point we may refer to the words used by
Abraham to the king of Gerar : " When God caused me to wander," &c. Gen. xx, 13.
In the original it is, "When" EVl]:& (Elohim) "the Gods caused," &c. Jacob
uses similar language, Gen. xxxv, 7 : "Jacob built an altar, and called the place"
birr11:: ^J* "El-Beth-el, because there God" in the original, Qh!tb& Elohim,
" Gods ") " appeared unto him." These passages, regarded in their connexion
and scope, will be sufficient to prove that a Trinity, or at least a plurality,
of persons in the Deity was known to the early patriarchs, and probably even
from the beginning. The opinions formed under the guidance of this evidence
are greatly strengthened by the fact that important information was communi
cated to the first pair immediately after the Fall respecting the incarnation
and redemption through a Mediator: and throughout all ancient idolatry we find
this information blended with ideas of a Trinity, forming the leading elements
of every system.

It is, indeed, " generally agreed among divines that Adam in the state of
perfection knew God in Trinity and Unity." — De Gol's Vindication, page 105.
Epiphanius is most positive on this point ; and Jerome, Justin, Irenacus, Tertul-
lian, and many others, entertained and defended the same opinion. It therefore
seems reasonable to conclude, that some knowledge of a Trinity was communi
cated to the early patriarchs, and probably to Adam, either in his state of inno
cence, or immediately after the Fall.

NOTE 3, page 20.— The Worship of Man.

Few perversions of the truth by the corrupt imagination of fallen man are
more strange, in their nature and results, than that of worshipping some of his
own race. That an intelligent and rational creature should ascribe divine
honour and power to one of the same species seems an unaccountable folly. Yet
when it is examined, like every other wicked aberration of the human mind, it
is found to arise from a perversion of truth. The revelations of Paradise, in
their use or abuse, coloured and formed the religious doctrines of mankind in all
after-ages. The primitive promise, that the Seed of the woman should bruise
the head of the serpent, was evidently understood, not only so far as to form a
solid foundation for human hope, but also to some extent as it respected the
means by which the deliverance was to be effected. On one particular there can be
no doubt, namely, that the promised Redeemer would be an incarnation of Deity.

It is difficult to conceive how such an idea as this could have obtained a place
in the human mind, had it not been revealed. This topic has not received the
attention which it merits. An incorporation of the divine with human nature !
All analogy and all reason are against it Yet we find this notion not simply
propounded by any particular class of philosophers, but generally pervading the
heathen world.

It is, however, the manner and connexion in which this singular sentiment is
found among all heathen nations which so lucidly indicates its origin. In P

APPENDIX. 529

preceding volume, the principal sacred persons of heathen mythology are clearly
identified with traditions of Paradise. (Patriarchal Age, pp. 132, 133.) But if
Apollo, Chrishna, Hercules, Orpheus, Thor, and others, derived their religious
and mythological character from corrupted private tradition, how clearly
this shows that we have here the leading idea of the adoration of human
nature !

In all these instances it was believed that a union of the divine and the human
natures existed ; a union the most intimate and natural which the perverted
reason of man could comprehend. On this basis was reared every kind of pro
fane presumption, political and religious. Alexander, when greatly pressed for
time, thought it expedient to traverse Egypt, and cross the desert, in order to
have his divine paternity attested by the oracle, — believing this necessary to his
success ; while to this day the head of the Scythian Church claims the character
of God incarnate. Numerous examples of a similar kind, in every age and
country, might be adduced, (Patriarchal Age, pp. 331-333,) showing that the
original and ruling idea in all this assumption was the promised Incarnation.
It seemed, indeed, to have been an admitted fact, that a claim to the character
of the Incarnate One was essential alike to universal sovereignty and human
adoration. The sovereigns of Babylon united both these claims, and led the way
in this career of insane folly and awful guilt. Hence the word of inspiration
has said, " Babylon is a golden cup. The Gentiles have drunk thereof. Therefore
are the Gentiles mad."

Nor is it wonderful that such notions should have pervaded the heathen world,
when we find the expectation of the Incarnation so strongly asserted by our first
parents, and remember that, under Satanic influence, almost every element of
primitive truth was perverted in heathen idolatry.

It may be doubted whether we attach sufficient importance to the perfect
humanity which was evinced in the earliest manifestations of the Word of God.
The text, (Gen. iii, 8,) " And they heard the voice of the Lord God walking in the
garden/7 is rendered by the Targumists, "They heard the Word of the Lord God
walking ;" and the Jerusalem Targum paraphrases the beginning of the next
verse, "The Word of the Lord called unto Mam." The Word therefore that called,
was the Word or voice that walked. Vox enirn res est ilia, de qua dicilur, quod
ambulaverit in horto. Maim., Mor. Nevoch., par. 1, cap. 24. See also Tzeror Ham-
mor, sect. Beresh, apud Owen, Exerc. x, in Heb. vi,l. The gloss of this last work
is perfectly unequivocal : " They heard his voice walking." Now this clearly
shows that the Divine Word came to the first pair immediately after their sin,
possessing the attributes of Godhead for judgment and punishment, and at the
same time appearing as a man. So fully was this the case that the sound of
his footsteps first terrified the culprits, and they fled. (Faber's Eight Dis.,
vol. i, p. 28.)

Eve mnde a singular confession of her expectation of this Incarnate One, when,
on the birth of her first-born, she exclaimed, " I have gotten that man which is
Jehovah the Lord." Gen. iv, 1. Here, as Dr. Lightfoot observes, " the mother
shows her apprehension of the promise : ' For/ said she, ' I have obtained
the Lord to become man/" — Works, vol. ii, p. 12. "And it is very remark
able that Adam did not call his wife Chava, or Eve, 'the Mother of all
living/ till after he had received the promise of the Messiah. Before, he called
her Ischa, ' Woman ;' but when God had assured him of a Saviour, a Deliverer,
then he calls her Eve, or ' Life ;' for so the LXX. rendered it : Kal e/cd/lecrev 'Adafj,
TO ovoua TTJS -yvvaiKos avrov, Zuq. And why so ? Why must she be called ' Life '

530 APPENDIX.

who was the introducer of death ?" Evidently in reference to the Seed of the
woman who should give life to the world.

As the Word of the Lord appeared in Paradise as a man, so he came to Abra
ham as a man ; so he wrestled with Jacob as a man. Upon which a learned
author remarks : " In each case, we may observe the Angel of Jehovah, appear
ing indeed in the form of a MAX, but yet, though he is usually spoken of as sent
by Jehovah, declared to be the God Jehovah himself. By way of cutting otf all
occasion of dispnte, it may be proper to remark, that the human figure which
was thus exhibited, was no mere aerial phantom, but a substantial body pro
vided with the same organs that our bodies are. The MAX-JEHOVAH, who con
versed with Abraham, suffered his feet to be washed by that patriarch, and
literally ate of the butter, and the milk, and the calf, which was set before
him, — the MAX-JEHOVAH, who wrestled with Jacob, was palpable to the touch." —
Fabcr's Eight Dis., vol. i, p. 84. It was under the influence of such facts that
the ancients formed their ideas of the expected incarnation.

These impressions, which were perpetuated in the early ages of the world, at
once predisposed men to acknowledge and adore deified humanity, and afforded
opportunity for presumptuous and ambitious individuals to claim this divine
character, and to demand this adoration. (De Gol's Vindication, p. 108.)

NOTE 4, page 54. — The Geography and Population of Egypt.

Of all the countries which have obtained political power and importance,
Egypt seems the most peculiar in situation and geographical outline. Extend
ing southward from the Mediterranean where the Nile falls into the sea, follow
ing the course of that river, Egypt reaches to Philac, in the Cataracts of E'Sooan
or Syene, a length of about five hundred miles. This was the extent of the
country according to Strabo; and it has the advantage of having been oracularly
decided by the high-priest at the temple of Animon. (Herodotus, Euterpe,
cap. 18.) The breadth is very unequal. At the coast what may be properly
called Egypt is about one hundred and fifty miles wide ; but this part, which
includes the Delta, diminishes in breadth, until, reduced to the Valley of the
Nile, it becomes very narrow. Wilkinson has computed Lower Egypt, including
the irrigated land on each side of the Delta, as containing four thousand five
hundred square miles, although the whole arable land of Egypt Proper does not
much exceed two thousand two hundred and twenty-five square miles. The
Valley of the Nile, formed by a narrow slip of land on each side of the river,
and bounded either by rocky mountains or sandy deserts, is about eight or ten
miles in average width, as nearly as such an irregular outline can be estimated.
Besides this, there are many spots between the rocky hills suitable for cultivar
tion, which would greatly add to the capability of the country to provide for a
large population, especially in Upper Egypt. The Oases have also been some
times included : but there is no evidence to show that they were occupied by the
Egyptians in ancient time.

It is not easy to determine the complexion of the population. They were cer
tainly not negroes, although, from the proximity of Nubia, there is no doubt
that intermarriages frequently took place between the two nations. One of the
early sovereigns of Egypt, Amenophis I., is accompanied on the sculptures with
two wives, one of whom is always represented black. If the skin of the mummy
retains its original colour, the question of complexion would be easily settled :
but we do not know what effect embalming and the lapse of centuries have had

APPENDIX. 531

in this respect. It is a singular fact that on the exterior cases, as in the ancient
paintings, the men are represented of a red-brown and the women of a green-
yellow. But this, as Kenrick observes, must be conventional. The real colour
was probably brown with a tinge of red.

It is difficult to speak with accuracy as to the number of inhabitants who
were found in Egypt, since it is not always possible to ascertain whether ancient
writers refer to Egypt Proper, or to the entire territory which at the time was
brought under subjection to the Egyptian government. Theocritus reckons the
number of Egyptian towns as thirty-three thousand three hundred and thirty-
nine ; but then he includes in his calculation Ethiopia, Libya, Syria, Arabia,
Pamphylia, Cilicia, Caira, and Lycia, which were at that period subject to
Ptolemy Philadelphus. Herodotus gives no precise information on the subject.
Diodorus states the population of ancient Egypt to have reached seven millions ;
but the text is obscure, as it is doubtful whether he intended to say that
it continued so large to his own time, or was reduced to half the number.
Josephus reckoned the Valley of the Nile to contain seven millions in the time
of Vespasian, besides the population of Alexandria, which would make three
hundred thousand more. Tacitus informs us that when Germanicus visited
Egypt, he was told by a priest at Thebes, that this city formerly contained
within its walls seven hundred thousand fighting men. But this probably
applied to the whole country, and the passage is so understood by Kenrick.
It is possible, however, that the population of Egypt may have been overrated
on account of the number and magnitude of the public works which were exe
cuted in this country. The ability to construct these buildings would depend
not upon the number of men in the country, but rather upon the proportion of
time which each individual would require to provide for his own subsistence
and that of his family : and it is very probable that the necessary provision for
individual existence could be procured with more ease in Egypt than in any
country of the ancient world. Diodorus says, " It costs not a parent, to bring up
a child to man's estate, above twenty drachmas," which sum amounts to about
twelve shillings and sixpence. Some writers have supposed that Diodorus
meant the annual expense ; but even then the necessaries of life must have been
exceedingly cheap. Probably Egypt in her greatest glory might have contained
about eight millions.

This estimate of population would justify the apprehension which was felt
from the rapid increase of the Israelites. It has been shown, in a preceding
volume, that the Hebrews at the Exodus were probably far above three
millions. Such a number of persons, rendered enemies by oppression, at one
extremity of a kingdom five hundred miles long, would give great reason for
apprehension : hence the bloody measure adopted to check their increase.
(Diodorus Siculus, lib. i, cap. 80 ; Tacitus Ann., lib. ii, cap. 60 ; Kenrick's
Ancient Egypt, vol. i, chap, viii ; Wilkinson, vol. i, p. 217 ; Hamilton's JEgypti-
aca ; D'Anville's Ancient Geography, &c.)

NOTE 5, page 57. — The Chronology of Ancient Egypt.

It is not intended here to go into any critical analysis of those pretensions to
remote antiquity which appear to have been either designedly or ignorantly
made by the Egyptian priesthood, and which have been urged in modern times,
as placing Egyptian history in opposition to revealed truth. What was thought
necessary on this subject was said in the first part of this work. (The Patri-

532 APPENDIX.

archal Age.) And although, since the publication of that volume, a continental
scholar has laboured to sustain the cause of Egyptian antiquity against the
Bible, it is believed that a dispassionate consideration of a few simple facts will
be sufficient to vindicate revealed truth. When it is considered that we have the
works of no Egyptian author preserved to our day ; that the fragments of
Manetho were written B. C. 260 ; that the dynasties prior to the eighteenth
are in some instances known to be contemporaneous; that even in respect to the
eighteenth dynasty, the best Egyptian scholars are disputing as to its chrono
logical position, differing in opinion to the extent of two or three centuries ;
and that the first event in Egyptian history which certainly synchronizes with
that of any neighbouring nation, is the invasion of Judea by Shishak, B. C. 974 :
— I say, when all these admitted facts are considered, it may be safely asserted,
that no reasonable claim can be raised, from such materials as exist, respecting
early Egyptian history, of any weight against the explicit testimony of Moses,
even if we receive him only in the character of an authentic uninspired histo
rian. If Herodotus, or any other heathen author, had given the world as
explicit an account of the origin of nations, and fixed as accurately the genera
tion in which it took place, as Moses has done, the question would be regarded
as settled : but the pride of man will not submit to the teaching of God. If,
however, any further evidence of the truth of Mosaic teaching respecting this
country is required, it may be found in the remarkable agreement which sub
sists between it and the history of Egypt, when the latter is adjusted on sound
chronological principles.

With the eighteenth dynasty we enter upon the most flourishing era of
Egyptian greatness ; and at the invasion of Judea, B. C. 974, we have a sure
test of Egyptian chronology, as that event unquestionably took place in the
early part of the reign of Shishak. Besides these points, the expulsion of the
Shepherd-kings, and the Exodus of the Israelites, must be recognised. It is no
more possible to ignore these facts, than it is to ignore the Roman invasion or
the Norman conquest of Britain ; and, admitting them, they must more or less
influence any arrangement of Egyptian dynasties. In fact, as Mr. Cory says,
44 the great problem of Egyptian chronology is, to find the position of the eight
eenth dynasty. But in doing this, any attention to Holy Scripture is constantly
open to censure as unscientific and unphilosophical ; although it cannot be
denied, that neither Egypt nor any other ancient nation has given us a chro
nology so consecutive, intelligible, and authentic as the Bible. It is thus that
Eusebius is reflected on for attempting to reduce the chronology of other nations
to the standard of the Jews." It will be necessary briefly to give an outline of
the facts. Manetho was high-priest of the temple of Isis at Sebennytus in
Lower Egypt about 284 B. C. He was well versed in Greek learning, and cer
tainly had access to all the literary treasures of Egypt then extant. He wrote
a History of Egypt in three volumes, in each of which he gave in detail the
dynasties of the kings of whom the history treated. The work itself has per
ished, but the lists have been handed down to us in a tabular form. It is
uncertain whether Manetho wrote them in this manner, or whether they were
extracted by Christian writers from the body of the work, and arranged by
them in their present form. This work, by the confession of the author, was
not only derived partly from the sacred books, but also in part from popular
tradition.

The first Christian author who treated of Manetho's History was Julius, a
native of Africa, bishop of Nicopolis, commonly called Julius Africanus. He

APPENDIX. 533

wrote early in the third century, and seems to have aimed at exhibiting the
connexion which had subsisted between the histories of the Babylonians, the
Egyptians, and the Jews. His works are also lost, except a few fragments.
About one hundred years later Eusebius followed Africanus. His was a more
comprehensive work, although similar in object to that of his predecessor. Five
hundred years after the time of Eusebius, George the Scyncellus, a Byzantine
monk, wrote a general Chronology, which has come down to us in almost a
perfect state. This, together with an Armenian copy of Eusebius, is the only
means we at present possess of examining the dynasties of Manetho. Eusebius,
as lias been already intimated, has been censured because he regarded Scrip
tural chronology as a standard, and endeavoured to bring that of Egypt into
agreement with it : and it has been alleged that " this could be effected on no
sound principles ; — that he appears not to have scrupled at arbitrary and even
unfair expedients to attain this end." — Kenrick's Ancient Egypt, vol. ii, p. 91.
But when we inquire into the gravamen of this heavy charge, it is found to be
this : — Eusebius regards some of the early dynasties as reigning contemporane
ously in particular nomes. And this, we are told, is of " no authority," and
countenanced by " no other ancient author." (Ibid., pp. 96, 97.) But what is the
fact ? In 1849 a European scholar, writing from Egypt, and verifying his state
ments by actual inspection of the monuments, before he transmitted them to
Europe, avers, that he has found actual proof that two or more of these dynas
ties existed at the same time. (R, S. Pole's Horae ^Egyptiacse. See Literary
Gazette for 1829, p. 262.) The limits of this note do not admit the production
of this proof in detail ; but it is amply sufficient to justify the conduct of
Eusebius.

For the purpose, then, of testing the accuracy of this author, I take his num
bers entire. The eighteenth dynasty, as corrected by the old chronicle, lasted
three hundred and forty-eight years ; and in the chronicle of Eusebius, after the
ninth sovereign there is a note to this effect : " Under him Moses led the Jews in
their Exodus from Egypt." " If, then, this dynasty were arranged on this prin
ciple, and it were admitted that Amosis, after having expelled the Shepherd-
kings, reigned twenty-five years 'before the commencement of the eighteenth
dynasty, the early chronology of Egypt would stand as follows : —

B. c.
Expulsion of Shepherd-kings by Amosis 1845

He reigned afterward twenty-five years.
Commencement of eighteenth dynasty at his death 1820

Continued three hundred and forty-eight years.
Commencement of nineteenth dynasty 1472

Lasted one hundred and eighty-seven years.
Twentieth dynasty began 1285

Duration one hundred and seventy-eight years.
Twenty-first dynasty began 1107

Continued one hundred and thirty years.
Twenty-second dynasty began 977

The first sovereign of this dynasty was Sesonchis,— the Shishak of Scripture ;
and, according to this scheme, he invaded Judea in the third year of his reign,
B. C. 974. Besides this, oth'er important requirements are met by this adjust
ment. The Arundelian Marbles' state the fall of Troy to have taken «place B. C.
1184, and Pliny asserts that a Rameses then reigned in Egypt. Such was the
fact at that period, according to the preceding reckoning. The Exodus took

534 APPENDIX.

place, according to Russel and the chronology adopted in this work, B. C. 1G08;
and by the above plan Achenchases, the son of Horus, died in that year. Again :
there is a monumental sculpture, representing the Israelites under their task
masters making bricks, in the reign of Thothmosis III. According to the scheme
I have adopted, this would take place about one hundred and fifteen years before
the Exodus : and as the Israelites had been long oppressed before the birth of
Moses, — so long, indeed, that it became evident that their numbers rapidly
increased, notwithstanding their oppression, and the savage measure of destroy
ing the male infants was adopted in consequence, — and the Exodus took place
in the eightieth year of Moses, this is also a corroborating incident. Further :
the date of Joseph's going down into Egypt falls in the early part of the reign
of Amosis, after the expulsion of the Shepherds, and the descent of Jacob, three
years before the death of this Pharaoh. In this instance, also, the Scriptural
account which supposes the prince who made Joseph governor to be the same
who received his patriarchal father, is justified. And, lastly, this arrangement
places the accession of the eighteenth dynasty only two years later than the
time fixed by Champollion Figeac from independent astronomical and historical
data, which date is also supported by the authority of Mr. Osburn.

It would display a childish affectation to rest upon any exactitude of date to
a year or two in a case of this kind ; but confidence may certainly be challenged
for this scheme, on the ground of its general accordance with historical and
Scriptural fact, while it does not appear to be open to any serious objection.
Nor is it unworthy of observation that other schemes of chronological arrange
ment either altogether overlook the date of the Exodus, or place it in circum
stances atlogether irreconcilable with the Scripture narrative and with the facts
of the case. (Kenrick's Ancient Egypt; Cory's Chronological Inquiry; Wilkin
son's Ancient Egyptians ; Horse yEgyptiacrc ; Literary Gazette for 1829 ; Osburn 'a
Ancient Egypt, and his Egypt : her Testimony to the Truth.)

NOTE 6, page 06. — The Monumental Names of Kings.

In the oldest monuments, as those of the Pyramids and tombs of Gizeh, the
names of Egyptian kings are enclosed in oval shields or rings, and each king
has only one. The characters included in the oval are phonetic, and express
the name of the king as it was then pronounced. In later times, that is, in the
eighteenth and succeeding dynasties, each king has usually two such shields or
oval rings. Over the first there are generally delineated the figure of a bee,
and a branch of a plant ; over the second, a vulpanser, and the disk of the sun,
which are read, " Son of the Sun." Where two shields are found, it is generally
admitted that the second contains the proper name of the prince in phonetic
characters. As to the contents of the first of these rings, there has been some
little difference of opinion. Champollion considered these signs as symbolical
titles ; but perhaps Osburn has caught the correct idea, in regarding them as
the inaugural and distinctive title assumed by each king on his accession to the
throne. The name found in the second ring is that which corresponds to the
lists of Manetho. (Kenrick's Ancient Egypt; Osburn's Egypt: her Testimony to
the Truth.)

APPENDIX. 535

NOTE 7, page 65.— Sir Gardiner Wilkinson on the Date of the Exodus.
Nothing seems more extraordinary than the opinions expressed by this learned
Egyptologist on this subject. He maintains that the Exodus took place during
the reign of Thothmosis III., although he confesses that if it did, it must have
been in the early part of his reign. Without raising any question as to the date
of this event, which of itself would be sufficient to refute this notion, or refer
ring to the general interpretation of Biblical critics, that the Pharaoh who
ruled Egypt at the time of the Exodus was destroyed with his army in the Red
Sea,— which will by most persons be regarded as a fatal objection to this learned

writer's theory, I rest simply on the undoubted fact, that the deliverance of

Israel, and the consequent plagues of Egypt, arose out of a controversy which
Jehovah had with the idolatry of Egypt ; and that the result was a great pun
ishment of that proud and wicked kingdom. This was notorious for ages,— was
patent to the world. Hence the prophet asked so confidently, "Art thou not he
which smote Rahab, and wounded the dragon ?" Can it, then, be believed, as Sir
J. G. Wilkinson teaches, that the Exodus occurred just as Egypt was rising to
its greatest glory; that this event released Egypt from inconvenience, and
increased her strength? Surely this is impossible! The Exodus, with its
precursory plagues, must have been a fearful infliction on this land, and could
not have occurred just prior to a series of unexampled triumphs and national
successes.

NOTE 8, page 70. — The Providential Preparation for the Israelitish Invasion of

Canaan.

When the host of Israel encamped at Kaclesh-Barnea, and spies were sent to
ascertain the condition of the people occupying the land of Canaan, their fenced
cities and martial power overwhelmed the feeble faith of the Hebrews, and they
said, " We were in our own sight as grasshoppers ; and so we were in their
sight." Thus the purpose of God, that they should at that time take possession
of the land, was frustrated, and the conquest of Canaan delayed more than
thirty-eight years.

To insure the accomplishment of this purpose at that period, two measures
were devised, and carried into execution, both displaying marvellous condescen
sion and mercy. In order to teach Israel to rely more fully on Jehovah, and to
have confidence in the word of his power, they were led through the wilderness
during this long period, and had, on many most critical occasions, to obtain de
liverance from ruin by a sole and simple trust in the promise of God. On the
other hand, the nations of Palestine, so proud in their martial glory, were at
the same time assailed in successive campaigns by Sethos and his son Rameses
II. with all the military force of Egypt; so that many of their strongest fortresses
were destroyed, and their military power greatly diminished. By these means
the Lord graciously paved the way for the accomplishment of his purposes, — the
judicial destruction of the Canaanitish nations, and the establishment of Israel
as a separate and independent nation.

NOTE 9, page 71. — The Martial Career of Sesostris.

Mr. Osburn — a scholar whose immense learning, especially in respect of
Egyptology, coupled, as it is, with a deep religious reverence for Scripture

536 APPENDIX.

truth, entitles him to great deference and respect— has here advanced a scheme
which, after the most careful investigation, appears open to insuperable objec
tions with regard to his view of the route of this monarch, and the scene of his
conquests. Mr. Osburn, guided by his reading of the hieroglyphic sculptures,
supposes the Egyptian army, after the reduction of Punon, to go northward by
the Wady-el-Erabah, expelling the Arvadites and Jebusites ; and that they then
embarked on the Dead Sea, probably in the ships of the Arvadites. Having
reached the southern end of the sea, it is said, " the hieroglyphics seem to
indicate that the march of Sesostris lay through the countries of the Jebusites
and Hittites." Having, in fact, sailed from the south of the Dead Sea to the
north, he is considered to have made a double, and returned southward again to
Hadessah, which is supposed to lie near Jerusalem. This city he captured ; and
the conquest is spoken of as the most glorious event of the war. Having effected
this object, he is supposed to have gone north again, to embark on the Dead Sea,
and thus to return to Egypt. The following appear to be serious and valid
objections to this scheme :— 1. It is a notorious fact, attested not only by all
ancient history, but also by recent Assyrian discovery, that long before the days
of Sesostris the kings of Egypt had extended their conquests to the borders of
Assyria ; and that Sesostris is both by Egyptian monuments and general history
regarded as equal, if not superior, to any of his predecessors. 2. The Shetm
with whom Sesostris fought the great battle of this campaign, and whose subjec
tion was his greatest triumph, are always on the monuments associated with
Naharina, or Mesopotamia, and are so mentioned on the Assyrian Obelisk.

3. The manner in which both the monuments and the Greek writers speak of the
passage of Sesostris through Canaan, forbids the opinion that this was the great
scene of the war. On the monuments the king is described as forcing his
passage through the country ; and Herodotus speaks of it as if he molested none
but those who opposed him. Mr. Osburn, also, distinctly says, " It is sufficiently
apparent that nothing of great importance took place during the progress of
Sesostris to the land of the Shetin;" and certainly this was not in Palestine.

4. It seems altogether incredible that the Egyptian king should find a fleet able
to transport his army on the Dead Sea. Who ever heard of ships on that sea ?
This fleet, too, belonged to his enemies, who are supposed in each instance to
have made a peace with him, just exactly in time to place their fleet at his
disposal. For these reasons I feel compelled to differ in opinion from such an
accomplished scholar as Mr. Osburn, and to lay down in the text a different and,
as I believe, a more probable route for this conqueror. (Osburn's Egypt: her
Testimony to the Truth ; Kenrick's Egypt under the Pharaohs, vol. ii, pp. 260,
278, 288 ; Papers by Mr. Birch on Egyptian Obelisks, in the Transactions of the
Royal Society of Literature, New Series.)

NOTE 10, page 76. — The Cruelty exhibited in Egyptian Sculptures.

The importance of Egyptian sculptures to any extensive acquaintance with
the early history of the country is universally acknowledged ; but it is not so
generally known as it should be upon what principles these representations, so
far as relates to warlike triumphs, are constructed, nor the cruel and sanguinary
spirit which pervades them.

The walls of the temples and palaces which are covered with these immense
pictures are often sixty to eighty feet high, and from six hundred to ei.dit hun
dred feet long. A general rule may be laid down in respect of those winch refer

APPENDIX. 537

to military affairs. The first scene usually depicted is the battle and the victory
The conqueror, who is always one of the Pharaohs, is represented of gigantic
stature, accompanied by as many of his warriors as can be introduced. These
are pictured as slaughtering multitudes of their enemies, trampling upon the
fallen, driving over heaps of slain, taking and sacking their strong-holds, and
leading off male and female captives. This exhibition, which represents slaught
ering rather than fighting, is sufficiently coarse in its sanguinary character.

The next scene is the repose after victory. The conqueror sits in his chariot, and
calls upon his troops to rejoice ; while the prisoners are brought bound to his
feet, and the number of the enemy which have been slain ere estimated by the
number of their right hands which have been cut off, brought to the sovereign,
and counted over in his presence.

The next scene is laid in Egypt, and in the temple where the picture is found.
Here the conqueror offers to the gods the spoils which he has obtained,
and drags to their feet long lines of captives. These are represented nearly
naked, tied together by one cord, which passes round the necks of all of them.
As if this did not inflict sufficient degradation and suffering, their arms are
bound in a variety of ways, all calculated to produce intense agony. In fact,
this is done in a manner which plainly denotes an intention to inflict torture ; —
as if, says a learned writer, " the cries of the wretched sufferers formed an im
portant accessory to the diabolical ceremony."

Then we must not forget the common pictorial appendage to almost every one
of these representations, and which may be regarded as the title-page or table of
contents— or even as both combined — of the entire picture. In this part, one or
more of each of the conquered nations or tribes is placed in a kneeling posture
in a circular form, as if tied to a stake in the centre; while a gigantic figure
of the king gathers a portion of the hair of each into his left hand, and destroys
them with a scimitar or club, which he brandishes in his right hand.

The atrocious cruelty thus exhibited is magnified by other representations.
When Sethos, who reigned next after the Exodus, is represented as returning to
Egypt in triumph from his wars in Canaan, he is seen seated in his chariot,
leading in four separate cords as many strings of captives from the vanquished
tribes, whose arms are tied into forms which must have given exquisite torture.
Two of them, chiefs, have had their hands cut off ; while three heads, reeking in
gore, are suspended about the chariot ;— a representation by no means uncom
mon iii the sculptures of Egypt. When the great Sesostris is depicted as
returning in triumph to Egypt from his wars, not only is he accompanied by
the usual strings of captives bound in the most unmerciful manner, but three
of the chiefs of the vanquished tribes are represented suspended beneath the axle
of his chariot, in a posture of the greatest pain and utmost degradation.

It is, therefore, certain that the art, science, philosophy, and religion of the
Egyptians, in all their combined influence upon their great monarchs, failed to
inspire even common humanity, or to save them from the most enormous and
detestable acts of cold-blooded cruelty : and what gives the deepest stain to their
national morals is, that they did not hesitate to record and emblazon this diabol
ical torture in connexion with their noblest triumphs.

NOTE 11, page 125.— The Fulfilment of sacred Prophecy in the History of Egypt.

PROPHECY I. — The first of these wonderful manifestations of the divine pre
science respecting this nation, taking them in the order of their fulfilment, was

538 APPENDIX.

the interpretation given by Joseph to the dreams of Pharaoh; from which
he foretold the seven years of plenty, and the subsequent seven years of
famine. Gen. xli.

These predictions were literally verified : and all the extraordinary operations
of those fourteen years must have made known to the people at large the power
of Jehovah, and have challenged the recognition of all Egypt, as a standing
proof of the infinite prescience of the God of the Hebrews.

PROPHECY II we have in the divine declaration given to Abraham : " Know of
a surety that thy seed shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and shall
serve them ; and they shall afflict them four hundred years ; and also that
nation, whom they shall serve, will I judge : and afterward shall they come out
with great substance." Gen. xv, 13-10.

The long and painful bondage of Israel, and their triumphant Exodus, won
derfully fulfilled these prophecies.

PROPHECY III refers to the signal defeat of Pharaoh-necho at Carchemish. A
more spirited and graphic picture can scarcely be found than that which is
given hy Jeremiah (chap, xxvi, 1-12) of the martial parade of Egypt in this
campaign, and of its total failure. Our sketch of Egyptian history shows how
exactly this prediction came to pass.

PROPHECY IV. — We have here an important class of predictions, which foretold
the conquest of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar. When Jeremiah was forcibly carried
into Egypt after the rebellious Jews had slain Gedaliah, the word of the Lord
came unto him ; and having, in obedience to the divine command, hidden great
stones in the approach to the royal residence at Tahpanhes in the sight of the
men of Judah, he said, " Thus saith the Lord of hosts, the God of Israel ;
Behold, I will send and take Nebuchadrezzar the King of Babylon, my servant,
and will set his throne upon these stones that I have hid ; and he shall spread
his royal pavilion over them." Jer. xliii, 10. Again : the prophet, having, as
above, predicted the defeat of Pharaoh at Carchemish, adds : " The word that
the Lord spake to Jeremiah the prophet, how Nebuchadrezzar King of Babylon
should come and smite the land of Egypt." Chap, xlvi, 13-16. Ezekiel iterates
the same predictions. Far away in the east, on the banks of the Chebar, he
declared, " Thus saith the Lord God, I will also make the multitude of Egypt to
cease by the hand of Nebuchadrezzar King of Babylon. He and his people with
him, the terrible of the nations, shall be brought to destroy the land." Ezek.
xxx, 10, 11. The same prophet, also, by divine command, announces in express
terms the singular fact, that the spoil of the land should recompense the
Babylonish army for their long and unproductive siege and ruin of Tyre.
Chap, xxix, 18, 19.

Of the manner and extent in which these prophecies were fulfilled, we have
but slender information ; but the fact is unquestionable. Berosus declares that
Nebuchadrezzar, as soon as he had received intelligence of his father's death,
set in order the affairs of Egypt, and hastily crossed the desert to Babylon ;
(Cory's Fragments, p. 39 ;) clearly implying that Nebuchadnezzar had obtained
the government of that country prior to this period. Megasthenes, alffy
expressly affirms that this Chaldean warrior conquered the greatest part of
Africa ; and it is evident that no conquests could at that time have been made
in Africa, except through Egypt. On this point the testimony of Josephus is
decisive. He says, " Nebuchadnezzar, having subdued Ccele-Syria, waged war
against the Ammonites and Moabites : and, having conquered them, he
invaded Egypt, slew the king who then reigned, and appointed another." —

APPENDIX. 539

Josephus's Antiquities, book x, chap, ix, sec. 7. Thus were these prophecies also
fulfilled.

PROPHECY V exhibits several important particulars. Isaiah xix. First, it is
foretold that great and ruinous discords and civil dissensions shall arise.
Secondly, a complete conquest of the country is predicted, which is to be effected
by a very fierce and cruel warrior, who should be peculiarly severe against the
idols of Egypt. Thirdly, an extensive introduction and establishment of the
worship of Jehovah in the land of Egypt are set forth. See, on the first point,
verse 2 : "And I will set the Egyptians against the Egyptians : and they shall
fight every one against his brother, and every one against his neighbour ; city
against city, and kingdom against kingdom." This discord was uncommon in
Egypt. Usually they were a united people : but here, not only was it predicted
that1 they should come extensively into warlike collision with each other, but,
even in Egypt, kingdom is to be arrayed against kingdom. Yet this description
was verified to the letter, under the twenty-sixth dynasty, when the country
was parcelled out between twelve different kings ; and again, after a bloody war,
united into one sovereignty. The chronological relation of these civil wars is no
less remarkable than the fact of their existence. This dynasty, in precise agree
ment with the prophecy, is followed by the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses. Of
this the prophet speaks thus: "And the Egyptians will I give over into the
hand of a cruel«,lord ; and a fierce king shall rule over them." Isa. xix, 4.
This was abundantly fulfilled in the entire success and atrocious cruelties of
Cambyses. But this conquest was predicted to stand associated with a terrible
aggression on the idols of Egypt : " Thus saith the Lord God ; I will also destroy
the idols, and 1 will cause their images to cease out of Noph." Ezek. xxx, 13. Our
history of the Persian invasion has shown how fiercely Cambyses carried into
effect these threatenings. He slew Apis, burnt and demolished their temples,
and to a great extent proscribed the religion of Egypt.

Lastly, these predictions speak of the introduction of the Hebrew religion into
Egypt. It has been already shown that this actually took place. ("Hebrew-
People," p. 460.) It is a most remarkable fact, that all the old powerful mon
archies were thus placed in immediate proximity with revealed truth and the
pure worship of Jehovah -.—Babylon, Persia, and Media were thus favoured,
through the deportation of the Hebrews into these countries, — and Egypt,
through the permission to erect a temple for the celebration of Hebrew worship,
and through the authorized translation and circulation of the Old Testament in
the Greek language.

PROPHECY VI is a general prediction, which, for breadth of meaning and
extent of application, has but few parallels even in sacred prophecy. Ezekiel
declared, " They shall be there a base kingdom. It shall be the basest of the
kingdoms ; neither shall it exalt itself any more above the nations : for I will
diminish them, that they shall no more rule over the nations." Ezek. xxix, 14, 15.
Again he says, " I will make her rivers dry, and sell the land into the hand of
the wicked : and I will make the land waste, and all that is therein, by the
hand of strangers : AND THERE SHALL BE NO MORE A PRINCE OF THE LAND OF
EGYPT." Chap, xxx, 12, 13.

How wonderful is this prophetic revelation ! Egypt, the proud, the martial,
the wealthy nation ! Egypt, renowned for her wisdom, her commerce, her legisla
tion ! Egypt is to become the basest of nations, — is to exercise no longer dominion
over other nations : and, stranger still, there is no longer to be a prince of the
land of Egypt ! It is to be sold, with all it contains, into the hand of strangers.

540 APPENDIX.

But how do the facts, detailed by authentic history, and which even at this
moment exist, agree with these strange prophecies? The only reply which can
be given to this inquiry is, The accordance is perfect.

These revelations were uttered about 580 B. C. In 625 B. C. Cambyses con
quered the whole country, and brought it into entire subjection to Persia. Thus
it remained, with the exception of some brief intervals, in which an effort was
made to recover its independence, until again fully subjugated by Darius Ochus.
It was afterward seized by Alexander, and continued under his government until
his death, when it passed to the Ptolemies, — a succession of Grecian rulers. The
Pvomans followed, and made it a part of that great empire. Thus it remained,
until about A. D. G41, when it was subdued by the Saracens. It afterward
passed under the power of the Mamelukes, and is now governed by a Turkish
viceroy. Here, then, is the fact, that a country possessing the finest geograph
ical position in the world, has for the last 2,200 years been in uninterrupted
subjection to foreign government, and that government frequently conducted by
slaves, as in the case of the Mamelukes, and administered with the utmost
tyranny and rapacity. Thus has Egypt been sold to strangers, and become
the basest of nations ; nor, during this lengthened period, has a really native
prince filled the throne of Egypt.

Our limits only allow the citation of one more instance : —

PROPHECY VII. — This class refers to the total ruin and desola^on of the land.
Ezekiel, speaking in the name of the Lord, said, " I will also destroy the idols,
and I will cause their images to cease out of Noph. And I will make Pathros
desolate, and will set fire in Zoan, and will execute judgments in No. And I
will pour my fury upon Sin, the strength of Egypt ; and I will cut off the mul
titude of No. And I will set fire in Egypt. Sin shall have great pain, and No
shall be rent asunder, and Noph shall have distresses daily. The young men
of Avon " (Heliopolis) " and of Pi-beseth " (Pelusium) " shall fall by the sword:
and these cities shall go into captivity. At Tehaphnehes also the day shall be
darkened, when I shall break there the yokes of Egypt. And they shall know-
that I am the Lord." Ezek. xxx, 13-19. Again, we find it said, "The waters
shall fail from the sea, and the rivers shall be wasted and dried up, and they
shall turn the rivers far away ; and the brooks of defence shall be emptied and
dried up ; the reeds and flags shall wither. The paper reed by the brooks, by
the mouth of the brooks, and everything sown by the brooks, shall wither, be
driven away, and shall not be." Isaiah xix, 5-7. " I will make the rivers dry ;
and I will make the land waste." Ezek. xxx, 12.

In this summary of universal ruin and desolation, we have three prominent
particulars set forth : —

1. The total ruin of the great and ancient cities of Egypt. And here let it be
observed that no other nation ever employed such a massive and durable style
of architecture as the Egyptians did. Yet, in defiance of all that human art and
energy could accomplish, the Scriptures are in this instance fully verified. I
cannot do better than give the following passage in proof: " Though Herodotus
numbered the cities of Egypt by thousands, yet all those which existed in the
days of the prophets have long been in ruins. Egypt, of old exceedingly rich
and populous, is now—except where still partially watered by the Nile, and
cultivated— bare and depopulated. Its two great cities, Cairo and Alexandria,
are bordered by the desert. And, with the exception of Rosetta and Damictta,
and a few miserable villages, not a single town is to be met with, in traversing
Lower Egypt from Alexandria to El-Arish, or from one extremity to the other.

APPENDIX. 541

Thebes, once famed for its hundred gates, may be called, from the magnificence
of its remains, « The Metropolis of Ruins.' The mummies so abundant at Mem
phis remain, though the city has perished. Heliopolis has now a single erect
obelisk, to tell that the mounds around it were once the City of the Sun. At
Bubastis, the- Pi-beseth of Scripture, are lofty mounds and some remains of the
ancient city of Pasht. A single street, with its central square, of the city of
Alexandria, built after the era of the prophets, occupied a greater space than
the modern city ; while a small fishing-village, built of mud and brick, is the
only representation of the royal Zoan !" — Dr. Keith's Evidence of Prophecy,
p. 378.

2. These predictions announce a great alteration in the geographical confor
mation of the country. And this, too, is exactly verified. So greatly are the
extent and course, even of branches of the Nile, altered, that an ancient bed
now dry is shown at a distance of eighty miles from the nearest branches of
that river. The Pelusiac branch of the Nile, once so famous, is now choked up.
In fact, to a great extent, " the land is waste, and everything is withered,
where the rivers have been turned far away, and the brooks are emptied and
dried up."

3. It is predicted that these changes shall have a ruinous effect upon several
articles of commerce, and especially on the paper reed. This is most precisely
fulfilled. The papyrus, which for centuries afforded, not merely the best, but
almost the only material suitable for writing, and which accordingly constituted
a royal monopoly of great value, has become utterly useless. So minute and
exact has been the fulfilment of the divine word in every particular respecting
this ancient and wonderful country !

NOTE 12, page 128. — The progressive Development of this Idolatry.

That the religion of Egypt, while it remained in all its great principles
essentially the same, was marked in its details by progressive development, is
proved by a careful inquiry into any part of this remarkable system.

On this subject Mr. Kenrick says : " Herodotus observes that ' all the Egyp
tians do not worship the same gods in a similar manner, except Isis and OSIRIS,
the latter of whom is said to be Dionusos ; these all worship in a similar manner.'
His words do not imply that there was a diversity of belief, but of worship,
manifesting itself in the sacrifice of certain animals in some of the nomes, which
in others were held sacred to particular gods, and therefore never used for vic
tims." The learned author proceeds to show that this difference did not arise,
as has been supposed, from the fact that Osiris and Isis were national deities,
and others merely local ones. This notion, he asserts, "is not warranted" by
the words of the father of history ; but that this difference of worship was
rather to be attributed to " the later origin of the Osirian worship, which was
diffused from some one point, with a rapid development and a uniform system."
— Egypt, vol. i, p. 398.

Another evidence of this development is found in the introducion of the deity
Serapis. The historical account of this event states that the first Ptolemy
brought from Sinope in Pontus a statue of Jupiter Dis. On its arrival in Egypt,
the famous Manetho, the high-priest of Sebennytus, not wishing to refuse com
pliance with the king's command, nor to admit a foreign deity into an Egyptian
temple, pronounced the image to be the statue of Serapis. It seems evident from
this, that Serapis was a deity previously known in Egypt. But as it is not

APPENDIX.

found on any monument of the era of the Pharaohs, it could not have been one
of the pods of primitive times.

It is further observable that this Osirian worship, which was introduced in the
medieval period of Egyptian history, stood intimately connected with the Syrian
myth of Thammus and Adonis; and as both exhibit the same, "fundamental
idea of the suffering, dying, and resuscitated god," it becomes a question whether
we are to regard this simply as a result of primitive tradition, or whether the
light of subsequent revelation was used to embody a more perfect exhibition of
suffering divinity.

However this may be, it serves to show the development of this idolatrous
system. This is further seen in the following extract from a letter, which was
some time since placed in my hands, by a learned, talented, and pious lady, long
resident in Egypt, She says : " Among the tombs we entered belonging to the
early pyramidal group, although curious and diligent in search, we could not
find an instance of idolatrous worship ; not even an image of Ptha or Vulcan,
nor of Apis, nor of Lhem, nor any of the primitive gods of the Egyptians.
Amun or the Kam, Thoth or the Ibis, were not to be found ; neither Mnevis or
the Calf, nor Athor or the Cow. No form or similitude occurred to indicate that
they were deified. In fact no object met our eye that could in the slightest way
offend against the second commandment, — much less those compound bestial
forms which so deform the temples and tombs of the later dynasties in Upper
Egypt. The multiplied trinities of Egypt were not to be found in the sepulchres
of the earliest race of the Pharaohs. Osiris, Isis, and Horus, with the rest of the
vast hierarchy subsequently worshipped by this wisest of nations, were no
where to be seen. We carefully sought for some clew to identify the worship of
the eighteenth, nineteenth, and subsequent dynasties with the era of the pyra
mids, but found none."

It seems therefore certain that the pernicious errors which the apostasy at
Shinar engendered, and shed forth to poison the nations, were not for a very
considerable time so fully carried out to their final consequences as to parade a
visible and tangible idolatry before the eyes of the Egyptian public.

NOTE 13, page 129. — The Changes made, in the Egyptian Triad.

In no instance are identity of principle, and external titular change and
expansion, more observable than in the multiplicity of the Egyptian triads. On
this point I cannot do better than quote Mr. Osburn : " The primary form, or
antitype, of the entire mythology, is a triad of divinities composed of AMOUX
the father, Moux the mother, and CHOXS the infant son. This triad passes
through an immense number of intermediate triads, until it reaches the earth,
where, under the forms of Osiris, Isis, and Horus, it becomes incarnate. But a
curious device exhibits the unity and identity of the whole of this circle of
monadic triads. Horus, the lowest link, returns upward under a new emana
tion, Amoun Hor, and assumes the Amonian title, husband of his mother. Isis
is blended with Mout, and their son Malouli is invested with the attributes of
Chons, the infant son in the first triad.

" The triads intermediate to these two extremes presided over, and were wor
shipped in, the several nomes, or provinces, into which Egypt was anciently
divided. Scvck-ra-Hethor, the Egyptian Venus, and Chons-Hor form the triple
divinity of the Ombitic nomc. That of the nome of Edfou, or Apollinopolis, was
Har-hat, (the thrice great Hermes,) Hathor, and Harsout-tho (Horus the BUS-

APPENDIX.

543

tainer of the world.) The triad adored at Esne was Kneph, Neith, and the young
god Hake, under the form of an infant; at Hermonthis, as Mouthou, Kitho, and
Harphre; while at Thebes, the ecclesiastical capital of Egypt, the deity mani
fested himself under his primary and proper form of Amon-ra, Neith, and Chon
Thus each of the nomes into which Egypt was divided had its own religion, i
exhibited a separate triad under different names, and, in some instances, witl
different attributes. And thus we have before us a proof, that the essential
principle of the system was invariably maintained, while in names and details
changes and adaptations to circumstances are constantly found. (Antiquiti
Egypt, pp. 136, 137.)

NOTE 14, page 149.— Glass sent as an Article of Tribute from Assyria and Babylon

to Egypt.

The fact mentioned in the text was regarded by the learned translator as so
strange and improbable, that he marked the term - glass " with a note of inter
rogation between brackets [?] to indicate his doubt of its accuracy.

Subsequent discoveries have done much to remove this apparent improba
bility At the recent meeting of the British Association for the Advancement
of Science, Sir David Brewster said, " he had to bring before the section an
object of so incredible a nature, that nothing short of the strongest evidence was
necessary to render the statement at all probable :— it was no less than tl
ing in the treasure-house at Nineveh of a rock crystal lens, where it had f
centuries lain entombed in the ruins of that once magnificent city." After
givino- the exact size of this curious article, and describing its state, Sir David
concluded by expressing his opinion that this should " not be looked on as an
ornament, but a true optical lens."

Sir David then proceeded to exhibit some specimens of decomposed GLASS
in the same ruins, and expressed himself as prepared to describe the process of
decomposition ; he having directed his attention to the subject some years tgo,
on the occasion of having found a piece of decomposed glass at St. Leonard's.
Thus the fact of the manufacture and use of glass by the ancient Assyrians i
clearly established.

NOTE 15, page 1-49.— The Army sent from Assyria, under the Command of Memnon,
to assist Priam during the. Trojan War.

This statement has afforded matter for much cavil and disputation, although
it appears to be sustained by as ample an amount of evidence as can be expected
to be adduced in respect of an era of such remote antiquity, and in connexion
with events which, on the whole, rest on a very slender historical basis.

It may first be noted, that Herodotus states that the reason why tl
war was regarded as an aggression on the rulers of Asia was, because the whole
of Asia was considered as one country, while Greece and every other part of
Europe were regarded as entirely separate and unconnected with it. ( ho,
cap 4 ) This statement, coming from such an authority, renders the allegation,
that Memnon was sent by the Assyrian Court with an army to aid Priam, much
less improbable than it would otherwise appear to be.

But on the other side of the argument, great stress has been laid on the si
of Homer, who, in his enumeration of the Trojan forces and their allies, mat
no mention of Memnon, or his Assyrian contingent. It does not, however, se
reasonable to construe this omission, in a catalogue made at a certain per

544

APPENDIX.

of the war, into an argument of sufficient weight to rebut a positive statement
•fowedly copied by Ctesias from the national records ; especially as Homer in the
Odyssey not only mentions the presence of Memnon in the war, but says that ho
killed Antilochus, the son of Nestor. (Odyssey, iv, 250.)

This, however, is not the only evidence to the truth of this statement. Polyg-
notus. who flourished as a first-rate painter in Greece, about 440 B. CM depicted,
on the walls of the Hall of Strangers at Delphi, the capture of Troy. In this
great work of art, with most of the heroes of the Trojan war, we find Memnon,
who is painted with his hand resting on the shoulder of Sarpedon, another emi
nent ally of L'riam. Near Memnon was delineated an Ethiopian boy, because all
tradition represents Memnon as an Ethiopian. Pausanias reconciles the tra
dition with the statement of Ctesias, by saying that, although an Ethiopian by
descent, Memnon did not go to Troy from Ethiopia, but from Susa in Persia,
And, to complete the chain of evidence, Diodorus Siculus fully adopts the state
ment of Ctesias, and asserts that Memnon was sent on that service by Teutames,
King of Assyria ; and that he was the son of Tithon, Governor of Persia, and
marched from Susiana, his father's province, with ten thousand Ethiopians, as
many Persians, and two hundred chariots.

Perhaps the greatest obstacle to the reception of this account has arisen from
the confounding of this Memnon with the eminent man of that name who erected
several palaces, called Memnonia, at Thebes, Abydos, &c., and whose statue is at
present in the British Museum. If, however, the plausible conjecture of Jackson
be admitted, namely, that the great Memnon was ancestor of Tithonus,— prefect
of Persia under Teutames, — who named his son after his eminent progenitor,
the whole entangled mass of tradition is unravelled, and all cause for scepticism
appears to be removed. (Russel's Connexion, vol. ii, p. 536 ; Jackson's Antiqui
ties, vol. i, p. 252, note ; Pausanias, Phocis, cap. xxxi. ; Diodorus Siculus, lib. ii,
cap. 2.)

NOTE 16, page 150. — The remarkable Means by which the Reading of ancient Monu
mental Inscriptions has been recovered.

The statement in the text, that, to this extent at least, the magnitude of the
curse of Babel has wrought its cure, is fully borne out. It may be necessary to
inform some readers how this has been effected. The knowledge of the hiero
glyphics of Egypt which we now possess is mainly attributable to the famous
Kosetta Stone. This is a block of dark-coloured granite, which was found in
Egypt by the savans who accompanied Napoleon in his great expedition to that
country. Perceiving that it contained an hieroglyphic inscription, together with
another in the Egyptian enchoral character, and a third in Greek, they attached
great importance to the acquisition, and proposed to send it to France. Mean
time, however, the victory of the Nile, and the surrender of Alexandria to the
British army, placed this precious relic in the hands of Mr. Hamilton, author
of the JEgyptiaca, by whom it was sent to England ; and thus this curious block
of granite was transferred to the British Museum.

It immediately attracted attention ; and, on the obvious principle of proceed
ing from the known to the unknown, the Greek inscription was translated,
when, to the astonishment of the translator, the last clause was found to run
thus : " This decree shall be inscribed on a tablet of hard stone, in the sacred,
the vernacular, and in the Greek character." It was thus made known, that these
three inscriptions contained the same subject-matter : and from this hint the

APPENDIX. 545

perseverance and talent of Dr. Young and others elicited a key to the hiero-
glyphical records of Egypt.

The same thing substantially took place with respect to the monuments of
Assyria. They were found to be almost always trilingual and triliteral : that is,
they were on the same monument engraved in three different languages, each
language having its own peculiar alphabet. The object of this was, of course, to
make the inscription intelligible to the individuals of different races, to whom
these several alphabets and languages were familiar. Just as, in the present
day, advertisements, and even the names of streets, in the city of Brussels, are
posted or painted in French and Dutch; and just as now a governor of Bagdad
would have to publish a proclamation in Persian, Turkish, and Arabic ; so, in the
days of Cyrus and Darius, the same course was pursued. And as the Greek
translation on the Rosetta Stone, by giving a known exponent of every hiero
glyphic which it contained, led to the decipherment of these obscure symbols ; so
the Persian text of these trilingual inscriptions has enabled genius and industry
to obtain a tolerable acquaintance with the recondite matter veiled under the pre
viously unknown arrow-headed, or cunneiform characters of ancient Assyria.

Thus the extensive multiplication of languages has afforded means of decipher
ing unknown inscriptions, which could not have been obtained, had this variety
of language been less abundantly diffused.

NOTE 17, page 150. — The peculiar Difficulty of identifying Assyrian proper Names.

No portion of the vast range of inquiry opened up to us by the discovery of the
ancient Assyrian sculptures is more interesting than the attempt to identify
these exhumed revelations with persons and things previously known to us
through the medium of sacred or profane history. The temptation is, indeed,
almost irresistible to endeavour to fix on certain portions of personal or national
history from the monuments, and to regard these as identical with the sovereigns
spoken of in Scripture, or mentioned by ancient historians. But perhaps nothing
is more detrimental to the cause of truth and sound learning than a hasty yield
ing to this impulse. It is sufficient to deter any from this course, to know that
Mr. Rawlinson, after a most elaborate and successful investigation of the subject,
confidently asserts, that " beyond, however, a mere string of titles difficult to
understand, and possessing probably, if understood, but little interest, we know
nothing of those kings forming the early Assyrian succession but the names."
This is sufficiently discouraging, but is rendered much more so by what follows:
" When I say, too, that we know the names, I merely mean that such names are
recognisable wherever they occur : their definite phonetic rendering or pronunci
ation is a matter of exceeding difficulty, nay, as I think, of impossibility ; for,
strange as it may appear, I am convinced that the early Assyrians did not dis
tinguish their proper names by the sound, but by the sense ; and that it was thus
allowable, in alluding to a king by name, to employ synonymes to any extent,
whether those synonymes were terms indifferently employed to denote the same
deity, or whether they were different words used to express the same idea/*

In all probability, we have an instance of this in the alteration of the names of
Daniel and his three companions. The new appellations stated to have been
given to these four persons, seem to convey essentially the same sense as their
proper names, having in every instance the title of a Babylonish deity, instead
of the Hebrew word used to designate God, combined with some other terms which
appear to express a similar sense to the parallel words in the original names,

546 APPENI IX.

In such circumstances, nothing but clear and invincible evidence will justify-
any identification of the names of the monuments with Scriptural or historical
kings. (Rawlinson On the Inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia, in the Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xii.)

NOTE 18, page 150. — The proper chronological Succession of the Reigns exhibited
in the Assyrian Sculptures.

In making the statement in the text, confirming the superior antiquity of the
Ninirud sculptures, I am aware that I place myself in opposition to the opinions
which Mr. Bonomi has advanced in a learned and very useful work on the same
subject. 1 do so advisedly, believing that he has reasoned from false premises
in the argument to which I refer. (Nineveh and its Palaces, pp. 302-304.) The
most weighty of the arguments advanced in his work for the superior antiquity
of Khorsabad, are based upon the general idea, that the arts of social life, delinea
tion, sculpture, &c.f were rough, and coarse, and rude, in the early portions of
history ; but that they gradually advanced here, as they did in Rome and Greece,
until they attained perfection. I regard this notion as altogether fallacious. I
am of opinion that the earliest ages of the really primitive nations (that is, those
founded soon after the Dispersion, and whose founders had not sunk into barbar
ism by a long course of wandering and unsettled life) will be invariably found
highly cultivated. It was so in Egypt and Assyria : and this fact is in striking
accordance with Scripture.

In a question of this kind, however, I would not rely on any general induc
tion — much less on a mere opinion of my own. I cite in proof of my views the
following judgment of a competent authority, Dr. Layard: "It is impossible to
examine the monuments of Assyria without being convinced, that the people who
raised them had acquired a skill in sculpture and painting, and a knowledge of
design and even composition, indicating an advanced state of civilization. It is
very remarkable, that the most ancient ruins show this knoicledge in the greatest per
fection attained by the Assyrians. The bas-relief representing the lion-hunt, now
in the British Museum, is a good illustration of the earliest school of Assyrian
art yet known. It far exceeds the sculptures of Khorsabad and Kouyuujik, or
the later palaces of Nimroud, in the vigour of the treatment, the elegance of the
forms, and in what the French aptly term mouvcment. At the same time it is
eminently distinguished from them by the evident attempt at composition— by
the artistical arrangement of the groups. The sculptors who worked at Khorsabad
and Kouyunjik had perhaps acquired more skill in handling their tools. Their
work is frequently superior to that of the earlier artists in delicacy of execution —
in the details of the figures, for instance — and in the boldness of the relief; but
the slightest acquaintance with Assyrian monuments will show, that they were
greatly inferior to their ancestors in the higher branches of art, in the treatment
of a subject, and in beauty and variety of form. This decline of art, after sud
denly attaining its greatest perfection in its earliest stage, is a fact presented by
almost every people, ancient and modern, with which we are acquainted. In
Egypt the most ancient monuments display the purest forms, and the most ele
gant decorations. A rapid retrogression, after a certain period, is apparent ;
and the state of art serves to indicate approximately the epoch of most of her
.remains."— Xineveh and its Remain*, vol. ii, pp. 280, 281.

APPENDIX. 547

NOTE 19, page 162. — The chronological Position of the lower Line of Assyrian
Kings, and their Relation to the Median Revolt.

The only authority worthy of reliance who has furnished us with a list of
Assyrian kings is Ctesias, who, whatever be his defects as an author, in this
instance merely acted as a transcriber of public records which were fully open
to his investigation. His list has been adopted in this work, and it terminates
with Thonos Concoleros, who ceased to reign B. C. 821.

Besides this line of Assyrian kings, Ctesias gives a list of the kings of Media,
nine in number, whose united sovereignty extended from the former epoch, B.C. 821,
until after the capture of Nineveh, and the destruction of the Assyrian empire,
B. C. 606.

As it is a well-known fact, that during this latter period the Medes revolted,
and declared themselves independent of Assyria, many authors have hastily
inferred that Thonos Concoleros was the Sardanapalus who reigned when
Nineveh was taken by the united forces of Media and Babylon. The learned
Rollin, following Diodorus, has fallen into this error, in common with many
others. He makes Arbaces, the first Median king in the list of Ctesias, take and
destroy Nineveh, and give liberty and independence to the Medes. (Ancient
History, vol. i, p. 280. 8vo.)

But all this is in opposition to the fact, that Nineveh subsisted as an empire,
in all its power and dignity, and with sway over Media, long after this date. In
fact, all its aggression on Israel and Judah, its conquest of the former, and cruel
deportation of the Ten Tribes to the mountains of Media, took place subsequently
to the time of Arbaces. It is, indeed, certain that the Assyrian empire was not
dissolved, nor the Median kingdom separated from it, until a considerable period
after the reign of Thonos. To say nothing of the doubtful course to which this
hypothesis in other respects leads, (such as two destructions of Nineveh, under
two kings with similar names, by the same nations, at times far removed from
each other,) it is altogether inadmissible.

Russel has, I think, solved this problem, by suggesting that Arbaces, a Mede
by birth or office, succeeded to the throne of Nineveh, not by the subversion of
the empire and the destruction of the city, but by securing to himself the reins
of government, as they fell from the hands of Thonos Concoleros, and that he in
fact was a Median sovereign on the imperial throne.

This supposition reconciles all the otherwise conflicting elements of the history
of this portion of the Assyrian annals, — accounts for the rising power and mar
tial glory which the kings of Assyria who are mentioned in Scripture displayed, —
and unites the otherwise conflicting statements of Herodotus and Ctesias into
one homogeneous narrative.

There was enough to justify this conjecture of Russel in the fragments of his
tory which lay open to him ; but these are strikingly corroborated in an import
ant particular by the monumental inscriptions.

From these Layard concludes that he has ascertained the existence of "two
distinct periods of Assyrian history ;" that the people inhabiting the country at
those periods were of different races, or that, by intermixture with foreigners,
great change had taken place in their language, religion, and customs ; and that
this alteration took place between the building of the palaces of Nimroud and the
erection of those of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik. (Layard's Nineveh, vol. ii, p. 232.)

Rawlinson, too, thus speaks on this interesting point : " Owing to domestic

548 APPENDIX.

troubles, or to foreign invasion, there appears after this king (Adrammelech II.)
to have been an interruption of the royal line ; and in the interval which elapsed
before the succession was restored, a very considerable change may be shown to
have taken place in the manners and customs of the inhabitants of the country.
So complete, indeed, does the social revolution appear to Mr. Layard, that he
conjectures a new race to have peopled the country, or, at any rate, a new dynasty,
with a new religion, to have acquired the kingdom. On this point, however, I
am not altogether of Mr. Layard's opinion. I am willing to admit an interreg
num ; and I think it even probable, as the king who restored the empire is entirely
silent as to his genealogy, that he was not a member of the Old Imperial family
in the line of distinct descent : but at the same time I feel pretty certain, that
no very long period of time could have elapsed between Evechius II. and the
builder of Khorsabad." — Journal of the Royal .Asiatic Society, vol. xii, p. 449.

Thus remarkably do the inscriptions confirm this induction from history. Thus
do Rawlinson and Russel, each studying his own distinct source of information,
pronounce in favour of these separate and succeeding dynasties. And what is
equally remarkable, both of these scholars identify this second line of kings with
the sovereigns of Assyria of whom we read in Holy Scripture.

The establishment of a Median ruler, in the person of Arbaces, on the imperial
throne, may therefore be received as en undoubted fact. But further difficulties
meet us in respect of the succeeding reigns. It seems equally certain from the
concurring testimony of the numerous sculptures of Khorsabad and Kouyunjik
that the founder of the former city had been an officer of the palace, in no way
related to the imperial line of kings, but who succeeded in seating himself on the
throne, and bequeathing the government of the empire to his son Sennacherib.

The difficulty of the case is, properly to adjust the intermediate reigns. We
know, from the express teaching of Scripture, that certain kings ruled over
Assyria at given times ; and, even setting aside the authority of its inspiration,
the sacred record has in so many instances been abundantly confirmed by the
sculptures, that its testimony cannot be doubted. But while we know that these
kings reigned, we neither know their lineage, nor even the names by which they
were distinguished in their own country. While, therefore, the Scriptures record
facts, they do not afford sufficient information to solve the difficulty. I am fully
satisfied that we must wait further revelations from the historic treasure-houses
of the Assyrian mounds.

But until this additional light shines upon the subject, the conjecture of Mr.
Samuel Sharpe appears to meet the requirements of the case better than any
other I have seen or can devise, — namely, that " after the death of Arbaces the
Mede, the Assyrians were able to make themselves again independent." — Bono-
mi's Nineveh and its Palaces, p. C9.

On this principle our Chronological Table is founded, and the history of the
several reigns written : and thus, while the upper and lower lines of Assyrian
kings occupy their unquestionable position, the reigns of Pul and Tiglath-Pileser
harmonize fully with the teaching of sacred and profane history.

It may indeed be objected to this scheme, that the list given by Ctesias of the
successors of Arbaces is hereby repudiated. It is not so. It is probable that
these really or professedly remained kings of Media. Indeed, this hypothesis
seems to be confirmed by the fact, that Dejoces, who led what was, properly ^.fak
ing, the Median revolt, and asserted the independence of that kingdom, witli his
successors, is placed in the list as succeeding Arbaces, although none of them,
before Cyaxares, ruled over Assyria. It can scarcely be doubted that when the

APPENDIX. 549

Medes obtained the ascendency under the last-named king, they had the names
of those who had ruled in Media from the time of Arbaces entered on the records
as imperial monarchs.

NOTE 20, page 166. — Evidence of Sargina's Wars with Egypt, and the Kind of
Tribute sent thence to Assyria.

There is nothing in the term Rabek which would lead an English reader to
suppose it to be in any way connected with Egypt ; and yet the explanation
which Colonel Rawlinson gives in a very few words, renders this connexion
scarcely open to question. That the Ra-bek of the inscriptions must repre
sent On or Heliopolis, is rendered almost certain by the name of the Syrian
Heliopolis, which was vernacularly termed Baal-bek, the Phenician Baal being
exactly equivalent to the Egyptian Rd or "the Sun."

On the subject of the animals received from Egypt in tribute,—" horses and
camels," — the latter is evidently a doubtful translation, and may refer either to
camels, elephants, or any other large animal. But it is strange to find the
learned translator of the inscriptions doubt the exportation of horses from Egypt,
when we know that one hundred and fifty years before this time Egypt was the
great mart whence Solomon procured these animals in abundance. 1 Kings x, 28.
(Rawlinson on the Inscriptions of Babylonia and Assyria, in the Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xii, pp. 462, 463.)

NOTE 21, page 179. — The Fulfilment of Sacred Prophecy in the History of Assyria.

This kingdom was the subject of numerous predictions, peculiarly explicit in
their language, and equally so in the manner of their accomplishment. We shall
give a brief summary of the principal of these.

PROPHECY I. respects the Kenites and their captivity by the Assyrians : "And
he looked on the Kenites, and took up his parable, and said, Strong is thy dwell
ing-place, and thou puttest thy nest in a rock. Nevertheless, the Kenite shall be
wasted, until Asshur shall carry thee away captive." Num. xxiv, 21, 22. This
prediction was uttered by Balaam just before the people of Israel crossed the Jor
dan. About 1568 B. C., eight hundred years afterward, this prediction was veri
fied ; and, stranger still, two thousand five hundred years after that, Assyrian
sculptures are dug from ruined cities, which spread before our eyes the manner
in which this prediction was accomplished, and the agency by which it was
effected ! The peculiar j uxtaposition in which this prophecy stands, is worthy
of notice. Balaam had just said, " Amalek was the first of the nations ; but his
latter end shall be that he perish forever ;" while the Kenite was to be wasted,
until carried into captivity by the Assyrian. Now, these tribes dwelt in imme
diate proximity to each other ; and there seemed every human probability that
they would share the same fate. Yet, on the contrary, when Saul went to de
stroy the Amalekites, he issued this proclamation to the Kenites : " Go, depart,
get you down from among the Amalekites, lest I destroy you with them. — So the
Kenites departed from among the Amalekites ;" (1 Sam. xv, 6 ;) and Amalek was
destroyed. The Kenites remained subject to the terms of the prophecy. They
were wasted by several incursions and attacks, until at length, in the third year
of the reign of Sennacherib, they were completely reduced, and carried captives
to Assyria. Colonel Rawlinson declares, " The transportation of the Kenites to
Assyria — is duly related in the inscriptions." — Outlines of Assyrian History.

PBOPHECT II. The predictions respecting Sennacherib. — This remarkable mani-

550 APPENDIX.

festntion of divine prescience and power was given through the prophet Isaiah.
The Assyrians having completely subverted the kingdom of Israel, and carried
the Ten Tribes into captivity, Sennacherib marched into Judea in all the pride
of his power ; and, having taken most of the strong cities of Judah and the
principal fortified towns of the Philistines, regardless of the immense sum
which Hezekiah had given him as the purchase of his favour and peace, he sent
his officers to Jerusalem, demanding, in the most insulting and profane terms,
the instant submission of the Hebrew king and his capital. Hezekiah imme
diately preferred his earnest prayer to Jehovah, and Isaiah was commissioned to
give him an answer in the following terms : " Thus saith the Lord, Be not afraid
of the words that thou hast heard, wherewith the servants of the king of Assy
ria have blasphemed me. Behold, I will send a blast upon him, and he shall
hear a rumour, and return to his own land; and I will cause him to fall by the
sword in his own land. Thus saith the Lord God of Israel, Whereas thou hast
prayed to me against Sennacherib king of Assyria: this is the word which the
Lord hath spoken concerning him ; The virgin, the daughter of Zion, hath
despised thee, and laughed thee to scorn; the daughter of Jerusalem hath
shaken her head at thee. Whom hast thou reproached and blasphemed; and
against whom hast thou exalted thy voice, and lifted up thine eyes on high?
even against the Holy One of Israel. But I know thy abode, and thy going out,
and thy coming in, and thy rage against me. Because thy rage against me, and
thy tumult, is come up into mine ears, therefore will I put my hook in thy nose,
and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou
earnest. Therefore thus saith the Lord concerning the king of Assyria, He shall
not come into this city, nor shoot an arrow there, nor come before it with shields,
nor cast a bank against it. By the way that he came, by the same shall he re
turn, and shall not come into this city, saith the Lord." Isa. xxxvii, G, 7, 21-23,
23, 29, 33, 34.

Let the reader mark the tone of unqiialified assurance which pervades this
address, and remember that the person spoken to was virtually the master of the
world, All the east had submitted to his power: Egypt trembled at his approach,
as he ranged like a destroying lion over Syria and Palestine, while the Hebrew
king and God's sacred seer were shut up in Jerusalem. Let this be noticed, and
prophecy will stand before us in all the power and sublimity of divine truth.

It will not be necessary to go into any detailed proof of the fulfilment of this
prophecy : that has been sufficiently done in the history itself. But it may be de
sirable to point out .some of the most important particulars in this wonderful case.
The extended terms of the prediction clearly prove its divine origin. If the
strongest possible confidence in the resources of Hezekiah, and in the impre^aft-
bility of Jerusalem, had induced the prophet to indulge in the bitter irony which
he penned, he would certainly have confined himself to the safety of the city.
But he said, "He shall not shoot an arrow there, nor come before it with shields,
nor cast a bank against it." Isa. xxxvii, 33. Now no confidence in the strength
of the fortifications of Jerusalem would have justified, or could have called forth,
this language. As nothing but the power of God could have prevented the fierce
Assyrian from doing this, so nothing but the prescience of God could have dic
tated the declaration. Yet all was exactly fulfilled.

2. Attention is called to the manner in which Jehovah declares, that he will
lead away the haughty warrior from the accomplishment of his purpose : " I will
put my hook in thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back."
Verse 29. This must not be read as mere poetic imagery. It was the barbarous

APPENDIX. 551

usage of this age for a conqueror who had subdued a rebellious vassal king or
chief, to insert a ring in the upper lip or nose of the wretched captive, and, fast
ening a cord to this ring, to lead him about according to his pleasure in this
state of suffering and degradation. To this custom the terms of the text refer : —
and how exactly were they fulfilled ! Surely no captive thus brutally treated
ever suffered more than this proud king, when, after the loss of his great army,
he returned to his capital, and inscribed upon the imperishable record which we
can now read, " But I left to him [Hezekiah] Jerusalem, and some of the inferior
towns around it."

3. The entire prophecy was fulfilled. He heard a rumour of the approach of
the Egyptian army, and inarched to meet it. The Egyptians retreated : he pur
sued, until in the desert the blast of God came over his huge host, and they be
came dead corpses. (Hebrew People, p. 579.) He returned to his own land, as
had been foretold ; and there, where it might least be expected, according to the
exact terms of the prophecy, he perished by the sword. Who can trace such won
derful developments without feeling himself brought into contact with the arm
of Him who reigns in heaven, and doth what he will among the nations of the
earth?

PROPHECY III. The predictions respecting the destruction of Nineveh. — On
this particular we might quote the whole book of the prophet Nahum, which, in
a style as pure as its spirit is earnest and well sustained, breathes, from begin
ning to end, the doom of this great capital. We notice a few points : —

1. The cause of its ruin. This was twofold.

(1.) Its idolatry: "Out of the house of thy gods will I cut off the graven
image and the molten image : I will make thy grave ; for thou art vile." Na
hum i, 1-L

(2.) Its cruelty and injustice: "Woe to the bloody city ! it is all full of lies and
robbery ; the prey departeth not." Nahum iii, 1.

A glance at the history of this country in any age, or under any reign, will
prove this fact. Its idolatry was imprinted on all the usages of society, strongly
impregnated the entire national policy, and so fully entered into individual
affairs, that scarcely a man could be found whose name did not exhibit the ap
pellation of one or more of the national idol deities. The cruelty and injustice
of Assyria were as patent as its idolatry. Every nation and city and people
were regarded as lawful objects of plunder and rapine. To assail a weaker
power, rob them of their goods and wealth, and carry all who did not perish in
war into captivity, was the ordinary course of Assyrian policy toward every sur
rounding country. The terms of the divine accusation against this people are,
therefore, fully borne out by the facts given in their history.

2. The positive terms in which the ruin of this city was foretold.

"The burden of Nineveh. — God is jealous, the Lord revengeth, and is furious;
the Lord will take vengeance on his adversaries. The Lord is slow to anger, and
great in power." Nahum i, 1-3. " Behold, I am against thee, saith the Lord of
hosts ; — and it shall come to pass, that all they that look upon thee shall flee
from thee, and say, Nineveh is laid waste : who will bemoan her ; whence shall
I seek comforters for thee ? There is no healing of thy bruise ; thy wound is
grievous : all that hear the account of thee shall clap their hands over thee : for
upon whom hath not thy wickedness passed continually ?" Chap, iii, 5, 7, 19.

Thus spoke Nahum, and thus declared the purpose of Jehovah to destroy this
proud and wicked people. Nothing can be more explicit than the assertion that
these events were not to arise as ordinary operations of human policy, but by

552 APPENDIX.

the immediate interposition of divine power. The terms, "The Lord is slow to
anger, and great in power," may have a pointed reference to the readiness -with
which he turned aside the threatened punishment on account of the humiliation
of the people on the preaching of Jonah. In all probability, it was afterward
urged that Jonah's prediction would never have been fulfilled, if no repentance
or humiliation had taken place. To rebut this, God admits his slowness to pun
ish, and at the same time asserts his infinite power : and the whole issue of the
prediction stands out, in all its details, an abiding proof of the verity and accom
plishment of this divinely-declared purpose.

3. We call attention to the predictions which specify the agency by which all
this ruin should be effected. Here we have several particulars to notice, inas
much as there are several agents distinctly specified.

(1.) Water is spoken of as the first and prominent agent: "With an over
running flood shall the Lord make an utter end of the place thereof." Nahum
i, 8. " The gates of the river shall be opened, and the palace shall be dis
solved." Chap, ii, G. This was verified to the letter : for the history states
that the combined armies of Media and Babylon had invested the place two
years, and were still unable to take it, until the Tigris, swollen by unusual
floods, washed down many furlongs of the wall, and threw the city open to
its enemies. What makes this the more remarkable is the fact, that the
king of Nineveh is asserted to have relied on a prediction that the city should
not be taken until the river became its enemy. This suggests an interesting
inquiry : Did the Hebrew prophets communicate the subject of their predictions
to those heathen nations which were affected by their inspired revelations? And
was the prophecy of Nahum the prediction referred to, as giving confidence to
the king of Nineveh ?

(2.) Secondly, a noble array of martial prowess is spoken of, as engaged in
war against Nineveh and spoiling it : " He that dasheth in pieces is come up
before thy face : the shield of his mighty men is made red, the valiant men are
in scarlet : the chariots shall be with flaming torches in the day of his prepara
tion. The chariots shall rage in the streets, they shall jostle one against another
in the broad ways : they shall seem like torches, they shall run like the light
nings. — Take ye the spoil of silver, take the spoil of gold : for there is none end
of the store and glory out of all the pleasant furniture. She is emptv, and void,
and waste : and the heart melteth, and the knees smite together, and the faces
of them all gather blackness." Nahum ii. The history shows that the array of
the besiegers, the attack, and ruin of the city by the Modes and Babylonians,
perfectly accomplished these graphic predictions.

(3.) Fire is also spoken of as one of the agents employed in the consummation
of this ruin : " The gates of thy land shall be set wide open unto thine enemies :
the fire shall devour thy bars. — There shall the fire devour thee." Chap, iii,
13, 15. The history states that this was also accomplished ; the king himself,
with his concubines and treasures, being burnt in the centre of his palace.
Besides, the fact of an extensive conflagration is proved by Mr. Layard's first
discoveries among the ruins of this ancient city. He says : " We came almost
immediately to a wall, bearing inscriptions in the same character as those already
described ; but the slabs had evidently been exposed to intense heat, were cracked
in every part, and, reduced to lime, threatened to fall to pieces as soon as uncov
ered." — Nineveh and its Remaint, vol. i, p. 27.

We see, therefore, that the manner of the ruin of Nineveh was thus exactly
described by the prophet.

APPENDIX. 553

PROPHECY IV. — We here refer to those prophecies which speak of the total and
irrecoverable ruin of the city and empire. Several passages in the Book of
Nahum, many of which have been already referred to, are explicit on this point :
"With an overrunning flood He will make an utter end of the place thereof. —
Thus shall they be cut down.— The palace shall be dissolved. — She is empty, and
void, and waste.— All they that look upon thee shall flee from thee, and say,
Nineveh is laid waste. — There is no healing of thy bruise." Thus, under the
plenary influence of the Divine Spirit, Nahum wrote, while Nineveh sat as a
queen among cities, and Assyria was the most potent empire on earth. Some
time afterward Zephaniah, with equal point and power, foretold the doom of this
proud nation : —

" The Lord will stretch forth his hand against the north,

And will destroy Assyria, and will make Nineveh

A desolation, a dry place like the desert :

And the flocks shall lie down in the midst of her ;

And every kind of ivild beast, the pelican,

And the porcupine, shall lodge in her carved doors ;

Their cry shall resound in the windows ;

The raven shall be found in the porch.

For he hath laid bare her cedar-work.

Is this the joyous city? that sat in security ;

That said in her heart, lam, and, There is none

Beside me, ? How is she become a desolation !

A place for wild beasts to couch in !

Every passengSr shall hiss at her, and shake his hand !"

Dr. Ilalos's Translation.

Can anything be more explicit, pointed, or full, than these predictions ? A
ruin, entire, universal, perpetual ! And it should be observed that a doom like
this is not the usual fate of cities and nations. One or two, specially marked out
by God's providence, have met this fate ; but their number is very small. Yet,
against all probability, these express revelations of the Holy Spirit were com
pletely verified. Zephaniah prophesied about 640 B. C. : in GOG B. C. Nineveh
was destroyed : and so perfect, so utter were its abandonment and ruin, that it
never in any measure recovered from its fall; but continued to moulder in
solemn silence, until in a short time its site became unknown, and for two thou
sand years it has lain in thorough desolation.

NOTE 22, page 182.— The Era of Nabonassar.

The origin of this era is thus represented by Syncellus, from the accounts of
Polyhistor and Berosus, the earliest writers extant on Chakkean history and
antiquities : " Nabonassar, (King of Babylon,) having collected the acts of his
predecessors, destroyed them, in order that the reigns of the Chaldaeau kings
might be made as from himself."

If this statement may be relied on, it at the same time accounts for the
absence of all definite information respecting the preceding reigns, and shows
the lax manner in which the progress of events had hitherto been recorded.

NOTE 23, page 184.— Probable State of the Political Relation of Babylon to Assyria,

prior to the Reign of Nabopolassar.

All the accounts which have reached us concerning these countries, tend to
perplex and confuse the mind in respect to this question.

554 APPENDIX.

The chronicles of the imperial state, as given from the sculptures in the last
chapter, clearly prove that the paramount power of Assyria was maintained by
periodical visitations of an overwhelming military force. No political organiza
tion had been introduced, by which the different nations were placed in social
proximity with, and assimilated to, each other. Kings ruled by sufferance in
all the conquered countries; and while they paid the required tribute, and
evinced a suitable respect for the supreme governor, they appear to have been
allowed to govern their respective countries in their own way.

Babylon must have stood in the first rank of all these conquered nations
dependent on Assyria, Its revenues were calculated at one-third of those of the
whole Persian empire : and the exceeding fertility of the soil, combined with the
situation, wealth, and importance of the city, fully justifies this estimate. (Ho-

otus, Clio, cap. 192 ; Niebuhr's Lectures on Ancient History, vol. i, pp. 107, 108.)
To retain the ascendency over this country, great efforts would be made ; while
at the same time a kingdom possessed of such resources must have had ample
means of asserting its independence, except when coerced by the united power
of the other parts of the empire. As this could only be done on particular occa
sions, and subject to frequent interruption, throughout the period of her nominal
subjection to Assyria, Babylon would frequently, and sometimes fora long period
together, be really independent.

NOTE 24, page 188.— The Punishment of Zedekiah.

The remarkable and apparently conflicting prophecies delivered to Zedekiah
have seemed very enigmatical to general readers, and have afforded to ignorant
critics some imaginary ground for cavil. Jeremiah had told the king that he
should surely be taken prisoner ; that his eyes should see the king of Babylon ;
and that he should be carried captive to Babylon, and should die there, not with
the sword, but in peace, and with the burnings (or mode of interment) of hia
fathers, the kings of Judah : (Jer. xxxii, 4, o ; xxxiv, 3-5 :) while Ezekiel had
with equal explicitness declared, that he should be brought captive to Babylon,
yet should not see it, though he should die there. Ezek. xii, 13.

So far from these predictions being contrary the one to the other, they were
sufficient, if properly considered in relation to the usages of the Assyrians and
Babylonians, to have indicated the fate to which the faithless king would be
subjected in consequence of his apostasy and perjury.

Although there can be no doubt that Zedekiah was well informed on the sub
ject, it is only lately that the punishment usually inflicted on rebellious vassal
kings has been brought before our own observation. Among the recent discover
ies in Assyria we have a sculptured slab, taken from the ruins of Khorsabad.
In the centre of this there is represented the figure of the great king ; and before
him arc three persons, the foremost of whom is on his knees imploring mercy,
and the two others are standing in an humble posture. The king holds in his
left hand three cords, which are fastened at the other end to three rings, which
are severally inserted into the under-lips of these three captives. The cords
attached to the standing figures are held loosely ; but that fastened to the ring
in the lip of the kneeling figure is drawn tight : by which means his face is
brought nearly into a horizontal position ; and while he is held in this posture,
with lii.s hand raised supplicating mercy, the king, with his right hand, is delib
erately thrusting the point of a spear into the eye of the wretched sufferer.
(Bonomi's Nineveh and its Palaces, p. 169.)

APPENDIX. 555

It was thus, there can be little doubt, that the last king of Judah was presented
to the king of Babylon at Riblah ; and thus that he received that punishment
which, in so remarkable a manner, verified the apparently conflicting prophecies
which had been delivered by Jeremiah and Ezekiel.

NOTE 25, page 189.— The Median Princess whom Nebuchadnezzar married,— the

Queen Nitocris.

This wonderful female was daughter of Cyaxares, the King of Media, who, in
conjunction with Nabopolassar, destroyed Nineveh. As she was alive at the
death of Belshazzar her grandson, it is probable that she was betrothed to
Nebuchadnezzar when a child. She is celebrated in all ancient history for the
vigour of her intellect, and the number and magnitude of the works which she
accomplished for the improvement and defence of Babylon. She perfected the
works begun by her husband, and executed many others of a stupendous nature,
especially the alteration of the course of the Euphrates, which she changed so as
to make it offer great obstacles to any military operations against the city. Evil-
Merodach was her son ; and it is probable that the queen-mother directed many
of the operations of the government during his reign.

But the stormy period which elapsed from the death of Nebuchadnezzar to
that of Belshazzar, must have afforded ample scope for the talents of such a cel
ebrated queen : and the position in which she appears at the awful moment
when the hand-writing on the wall could not be read by. the wise men, clearly
shows that on every emergency, even when far advanced in age, Nitocris was
always ready to interpose her counsel and advice. (Clinton's Fasti Hellenici,
vol. i, p. 278 ; Ancient Universal History, vol. iii, p. 434 ; Herodotus, Clio, cap.
185-188.)

NOTE 26, page 190. — The Magnitude and Splendour of Babylon.

The accounts which have been given of the size and magnificence of this city
will naturally be received with caution : yet enough appears to be undoubtedly
true to excite astonishment and admiration. Babylon was laid out and built
upon a perfect plan. Considering that this was the first seat of the postdiluvian
population, and the site of their first monarchy, this fact argues the advanced
civilization of mankind in that age, and clearly indicates that the barbarism and
ignorance which afterward became so general, did not result from the original
condition of human nature, but was produced by the divisions, the journeying,
and the difficulties which many sections of mankind had to contend with, before
they reached the destination which Providence assigned them.

The city of Babylon was a perfect square. Each of its sides was fifteen miles
long: its compass was, therefore, sixty miles, and the extent of ground included
within the exterior line of walls two hundred and twenty-five square miles. It
stood on a level plain. The River Euphrates, passing through the middle of the
city, divided it into two equal parts, parallelograms in figure. The walls were
built of bricks, cemented with bitumen. Outside the outer wall was a deep broad
ditch, lined with a brick wall on each side, and filled with water ; over which
were bridges, to afford access to the several gates. The walls were eighty-seven
feet thick, and three hundred and fifty feet high. In these walls every side had
twenty-five gates, which led to as many streets. These ran in a straight line
quite through the city, at right angles to each other: so that Babylon contained
fifty streets, each fifteen miles long, and about one hundred and fifty feet broad.

556 APPENDIX.

The intersection of these streets divided the city into a great number of squares,
which were built on the four sides, leaving the inner parts of the squares for
courts, yards, and gardens. On each side of the river were quays, enclosed from
the city with high walls. In these, at the end of each street, were gates of brass,
and from them steps descending to the river. Spanning this river, and forming
a communication between the two parts of the city, was a bridge of very elegant
construction, thirty feet wide. There were two palaces, one on each side of the
river, of great size and splendour. These communicated with each other by a
subterranean passage, tunnelled under the bed of the river. Of the wonderful
pensile gardens mention has been already made. The gates of the city were of
very massy and splendid manufacture, and were constructed of brass.

The temple of Belus was one of the most wonderful ornaments of this city.
At its foundation, according to Herodotus, it stood on a square furlong. Bochart
is of opinion, that it occupied the same site and foundation as the primitive
tower, begun before the confusion of tongues. It had eight stories, approached
by stairs, or an inclined plane, on the outside. In each of these stories were
many large rooms with arched roofs, supported by pillars. Above the whole
stood a tower, on the top of which was an observatory for astronomical pur
poses.

The accounts of the ancients respecting the great extent of this city were
formerly discredited : they are, however, fully sustained by modern investigation
and research. But there is one observation necessary, in explanation. It does
not appear that the whole of this plan was filled up. Much of the ground laid
out for building was unoccupied, even in the days of its greatest glory. Quintus
Curtius tells us, that when Alexander took Babylon, a large portion of the space
within the walls was ploughed and sown : and there is reason for believing that
such was always the case. There was, indeed, even with some deduction, space
enough left for streets and palaces to form one of the largest and most populous
cities of the world. (Niebuhr's Lectures on Ancient History, vol. i, pp. 26, 27 ;
Ancient Universal History, vol. iii, p. 424; Hales's Chronology, vol. i, p. 453;
Herodotus, Clio.)

NOTE 27, page 198.— The chronological Succession of Babylonian Kings after

Nebuchadnezzar.

As this is the question of Babylonian history, it is thought necessary to add to
what has been already advanced on the subject in a preceding volume. (Hebrew
People, p. 582.) The point at issue is just this, — Was Babylon taken by Cyrus
at the death of Belsha/zar, or seventeen years after that event? It might be
safely said, that the learning and talent of modern times had decided upon giving
a verdict in favour of the latter proposition, had not Fynes Clinton dissented,
and placed the weight of his authority on the side of the former one. This renders
it more necessary to investigate the subject at greater length, especially as this
learned writer has failed to produce conviction in our mind in favour of his con
clusions. Clinton observes, "The sum of the whole is this: If we adopt the
system of Jackson and Hales, we suppose Herodotus and Xenophon to be both in
error, in order to sustain the credit of Berosus and Megasthenes ; and we obtain
a result not very conformable to the tenor of Scripture. If we adopt the arrange
ment founded upon Josephus, we sacrifice the account of Berosus as erro;,
but we find the narratives of Herodotus and Xenophon perfectly consistent \\ith
each other and with Scripture. I have therefore no hesitation in adhering to
this arrangement, as the least beset with difficulties, and in sacrificing Berosus

APPENDIX. 557

rather than Herodotus and Xenophon."— Fasti Hcllenici, vol. ii, p. 373. To this
judgment I demur, and think an examination of the points so prominently sc
forth by the learned writer will place the reader in possession of satisfactory
information on the subject. The limits of a note will not allow an extended
cussion; but I will first inquire, whether "the narratives of Herodotus
Xenophon" are " perfectly consistent with each other and with Scripture."
notorious that these historians are eminently diverse in their history of Cyrus.
Herodotus describes this prince as exposed to death in his infancy, in consequence
of the superstitious fears of his grandfather; and alleges that the person who
preserved him was compelled to eat the flesh of his own murdered son, in punish
ment for having saved him. (Clio, cap. 119.) Xenophon, on the other hand,
states that this same grandfather carefully and kindly brought up Cyrus.
(Cyropredia, lib. i, cap. 4.) Herodotus relates that Cyrus invaded Media, defeated
and deposed his grandfather, and kept him in prison until he died. (Clio, cap. 130.)
Xenophon, on the contrary, says, that his grandfather always patronized him, and
added a Median force to the Persian troops under the command of Cyrus, and
employed him in a war against Armenia. (Cyrop., lib. ii, cap. 3, 4.) These, it will
be seen, are not unimportant incidents, but facts of such magnitude as to affect
the structure of the entire history.

But I attach even more importance to the allegation, that these write
fectly a°ree with Scripture. Is this the case? Holy Scripture states, that, on
the death ofBelshazzar, the kingdom of Babylon was to pass to " the Medcs and
Persians " Dan. v, 28. How does this agree with Herodotus, who asserts that,
long before the capture of Babylon, Media was subdued by Cyrus ? Daniel affirms
that, on the death of Belshazzar, Darius the MEDIAN took the kingdom; when,
according to the Halicarnassean historian, at this time there was no king in
Media but a deposed captive in a prison. How, according to Herodotus, are the
rei-n of Darius, and the affecting circumstances in which Daniel was placed, to
be accounted for? Clinton supposes the two years of Darius to be included in
the reign of Cyrus: (Fasti, vol. ii, p. 369:) but, according to Herodotus, ther<
was no such king ; Cyrus was himself the sovereign.

Nor do I think that Xenophon comes much nearer the Scripture account,
there anything in the Cyroprcdia of this learned Greek to warrant the supposi
tion, that, on the taking of Babylon by Cyrus, Cyaxares of Media assumed any
power or authority over the conquered country ? According to Daniel, this Median
kino- took the kingdom. Let any one carefully peruse the last chapter of book vii,
and°chapters 1-4 of book viii, of Xenophon's "Institution of Cyrus," and judge
whether his account is at all compatible with the supposition of a Median king
administering the government of a great empire, and ruling over Babylon. Ac
cording to Xenophon, Cyrus, on the conquest of Babylon, stayed there a consider
able time ; and there and then he assumed the state and conduct of a king ; and
in that city he remained, until he had made a settlement of his empire ; nor was
it until he thought that his affairs were well settled in Babylon that he ventured
to leave it, and then it was not to visit Media, but Persia! It is, indeed, said,
that when Cyrus entered the Median territory, " he turned off to visit Cyaxares."
But does this language indicate that Cyaxares was regarded as the paramount
sovereign, and Cyrus his Commander-in-chief ? On the contrary, Cyrus t
« that there were domestics and palaces set apart for him in Babylon, that, when
he went thither, he might have what was his own to come to." Is this the lan-
gua-e of a general to his sovereign ? Nor does anything take place in this inter
view" incompatible with the meeting of two independent sovereigns. How, then,

558

APPENDIX.

it can be said that there is such an accordance between these authors and Scrip-
ture, I cannot understand.

But then we are told, that the result obtained by adopting Berosus and Megas-
thenes is "not very conformable to the tenor of Scripture." Far be it from n*
to disguise the difficulties of this very intricate portion of history. I think I
have already shown, that just thus much may be predicated of the accounts of
Herodotus and Xenophon. Then this becomes the question: "Which has the
greatest measure of conformity to Scripture ?" I will enable the reader to decide
The account of Berosus is as follows : « Nebuchadnezzar died after he had reigned*
orty-three years; whereupon his son, Evil-Merodachus, succeeded him in 'his
kingdom. His government, however, was conducted in an illegal and improper
manner, and he fell a victim to a conspiracy which was formed against his life
by Nenghssooras, his sister's husband, after he had reigned about two years.

1 Upon his death Neriglissooras, the chief of the conspirators, obtained posses
sion of the kingdom, and reigned four years.

" He was succeeded by his son Laborosaarchodus, who was but a child and
reigned nine months. For his misconduct he was seized by conspirators and put
to death by torture.

" After his death, the conspirators assembled, and by common consent placed
the crown upon the head of Nabonnedus, a man of Babylon, and one of the leaders
of the insurrection. It was in his reign that the walls of the city of Babylon,
which defend the banks of the river, were curiously built with burnt brick and
bitumen.

" In the seventeenth year of the reign of Nabonnedus, Cyrus came out of Persia
with a great army; and, having conquered all the rest of Asia, advanced hastily
into the country of Babylonia. As soon as Nabonnedus perceived that he was
advancing to attack him, he assembled his forces, and opposed him ; but was
defeated, and fled with a few of his adherents, and was shut up in the city of
Borsippus. Upon this Cyrus took Babylon, and gave orders that the outer walls
shoul.l be demolished, because the city appeared of such strength as to render a
icge almost impracticable. From thence he marched to Borsippus, to besiege
Nabonnedus; but Nabonnedus delivered himself into his hands without holding
out the place. He was therefore kindly treated by Cyrus, who provided him with
an establishment in Carmania, but sent him out of Babylonia. Nabonnedus accord
ingly spent the remainder of his life in that country, where he died."— Joseph™
Contra Apionem, lib. i, cap. 20 ; Eusebius, Prccp. Evang., lib. ix.
The brief account supplied by Megasthenes, and preserved by Abydenus, is to
same effect. It states that Nebuchadnezzar " was succeeded by his son Evil-
Maluruchus, who was slain by his kinsman Neriglisares : and Neriglisares left
Labassoarascus his son : and when he also had suffered death by violence, they
crowned Nabonnidochus, who had no connexion with the royal family ; and in
his reign Cyrus took Babylon, and granted him principality in Carmania."—
Cory's Fragments, p. 45.

We have in these accounts an outline of history, which I do not say perfectly
iconls with Scripture, since the Book of Daniel speaks of the third year of Bel-
shazzar, while one of these annalists gives him a reign of less than one year : but
they nevertheless exhibit a general agreement with the Bible. Here the Baby
lonian monarchy is, according to the explicit terms of Scripture, limited to
Nebuchadnezzar, his son, and his grandson. Then Darius succeeds, with Nabon
nedus as his vassal : and if we admit the statement, of Herodotus as to the con
quest of Media by Cyrus, (and if we do not we destroy the authority of the

APPENDIX. 559

father of history in respect of this case,) then the conquest of Media by Cyrus
•would, by the subjection of his lord paramount, release Nabonnedus from his
allegiance, and make him independent. Nor are the other objections, urged
against this view, of more weight. The surmise, that the dynasty of Nebuchad
nezzar should continue seventy years, is groundless. The difficulty of interposing
a reign of seventeen years between Darius the Mede and Cyrus, is not insuper
able. According to our scheme, Darius was acknowledged the supreme sovereign
at the death of Belshazzar, and Nabonnedus his vassal. This relation was con
tinued down to the conquest of Media. Daniel at Ecbatana would, therefore, see
nothing interposed between the Median sovereignty and Cyrus.

If I were disposed to take any liberty with the tables, I should feel inclined to
add two years to the reign of Belshazzar, thus bringing it up to the Scriptural
number,— a course which the account of Berosus would seem to justify ; since,
as it is asserted that he was slain for misgovernment, it can scarcely be believed
that he exposed himself to this violence in a reign of nine months. This emen
dation would conform the chronology to the sum of these reigns given in the
Astronomical Canon and to Scripture. As, however, it would betray a silly
affectation to attempt extreme accuracy in the dates of such a period of history,
I have followed Hales and Jackson in the length of these reigns.

Undue stress has been laid on the authority of Josephus. It is, indeed, true
that he calls Nabonnedus " Baltaser," and ascribes to him the events of the
fearful night when the miraculous hand wrote on the wall. But then, in other
respects, the Jewish historian is incorrect and contradictory. He makes the
reign of Evil-Merodach eighteen years, and that of Neriglissar forty years. He
says that the former was the son, the latter the grandson, of Nebuchadnezzar,
and that Labosoardochus was the great-grandson of that king. He does not
state whether Labynetus was of this line, or otherwise. But this is decidedly at
variance with Scripture, which expressly limits the Babylonish sovereignty to
Nebuchadnezzar, his son, and his grandson. Jer. xxvii, 7. Besides this. Jose
phus makes the capture of Babylon to follow Belshazzar's feast at some distance
of time. His words are: "Now, after a little while, both himself and the city
were taken by Cyrus." — Antiquities, book x, chap, ii, sec. 4. It is observable, he
does not say that he was slain ; while the Scriptures tell us that it was in the
same night that the catastrophe happened. Again : having given, in his work
against Apion, the account which I have quoted from Berosus, in which Nabon
nedus is said to have been taken at Borsippus, and sent to spend the residue of
his life in Carmania, Josephus adds: "These accounts agree with the true history in
our books." — Contra Apion., lib. i, cap. 21. It is, therefore, scarcely fair to place
Josephus in direct antagonism to the statement of Berosus.

But if Herodotus and Josephus are, to a great extent, reconciled with Berosus,
Xenophon remains opposed to him. I would seriously ask, however, Is this a
great objection? I am free to confess that I attach just the same amount of
importance to it, as if it were urged that a statement in any of Sir Walter Scott's
novels contravened Robertson and Hume. That I may not be accused of a hasty
judgment, I will give the opinion of a competent judge respecting the historical
credit due to this author. The Abbe Millot says on this subject: "Who, then, is
to be believed ? Xenophon's Cyropoedia is plainly the work of a philosopher
rather than a historian, a kind of moral and political romance. Is it not singu
lar, that people will expect to find truth with certainty in a work which is inter
woven with fables? After the learned Freret I must add, that Xenophon's con
formity with the Scripture is imaginary."— Gen. Hist., vol. i, p. 92. Indeed,

560 APPENDIX.

Xenophon, by a passage in his Anabasis, confirms the statement of Herodotus
respecting the conquest of Media by Cyrus the Great, and therefore entirely
destroys the authority of his Cyropcedia.

Our limits forbid the production of further evidence. But it is necessary to
observe the difference between the weight of the authorities who are adopted,
and of those whom we repudiate. Berosus and Megasthenes wrote from the
authentic annals found in the archives at Babylon ; while Herodotus set down
what he could collect as a traveller, and was, in consequence, often misled by
popular reports : which was the case in respect of this portion of history ; for
he knew nothing of Evil-Merodach or Neriglissar, and made Labynetus the son
of Nebuchadnezzar. (Clio, cap. 187, 188.) Now, it is perfectly true, as Clinton
observes, that despots might tamper with and falsify the records of preceding
reigns : and it is to this cause probably that we should attribute some of the
chronological difficulties which beset these subjects. But, admitting all this,
these annals must, after all, contain a broad substratum of fact, which commends
them to our regard as the safest general guides.

Much might be added here as to the views taken by eminent critics and chro-
nologers on these points ; such as that Scaliger and Petavius both thought that
Laborosarchod was Belshazzar. Ancient Christian writers generally seemed to
regard Neriglissar as the Belshazzar of Daniel. This was the opinion of Euse-
bius, Cedrenus, Sulpicius Severus, Zonaras, and Syncellus. These are followed
by Dr. Hales. But this scheme, although it obviates some difficulties, departs
more from the accounts given by the ancient annalists ; although, in common
with that which I have adopted, it recognises the reign of Darius before the
taking of Babylon, which 1 regard as the master-truth to be maintained
throughout this very intricate part of history. It is not, however, by minute
chronological criticisms, so much as by a comparison of the histories of Babylon,
Media, and Persia during this period, that a sound judgment can be formed ;
and 1 hope a reference to the chapters on these several monarchies will exhibit
KO much harmony of historical statement as to induce a general reception of the
views which I advocate.

NOTE 28, page 200. — The Geography of Borsippa, where Labynetus took Refuge.

Niebuhr, and several other authors, have spoken of this place, as if it had been
a sacred city not far from Babylon, — perhaps misled into this notion by the
phraseology of Berosus. Dr. Hales, however, conjectured that this Borsippa,
where Labynetus took refuge after the capture of Babylon, was no other than
the fortified citadel of that city.

This opinion appears to be amply confirmed by the researches of recent explo
rers and travellers. Those who have paid particular attention to the Assyrian
and Chaldaean ruins, are, I believe, unanimous in the opinion, that the Birs Nim-
roud is the remains of this Borsippa. And this appears to be confirmed by all
travellers. Buckingham says, while inspecting this identical ruin : " I inquired
particularly after the ruined site called Brousa, or Boursa, by the natives, and
supposed to mark the place of the ancient Borasippa of Strabo, the Barsita of
Ptolemy, and the Byrsia of Justin,— the place to which Alexander retired when
he was warned by the Chaldeans not to enter Babylon by the east. Near as
this place was to us, however, and commonly as it was thought to be known
among the people of the country, there was but one of all our party who did not
absolutely deny its existence, contending that Boursa, or Bir$, were but different

APPENDIX. 561

ways of pronouncing the same word, which was no other than the name of the
place on which we stood." From this statement I am inclined to conclude, that
Dr. Hales is perfectly correct in his conjecture, that Labynetus took refuge in
his fortified palace-temple, called Borsippa, at Babylon, which was regarded as
the citadel of the place, being strongly fortified ; and that modern authors have
been led into an error, confounding this fortress with a small city in the neigh
bourhood. (Buckingham's Travels in Mesopotamia, p. 476 ; Hales's Analysis of
Ancient Chronology, vol. i, p. 458, and vol. iv, p. 98.)

NOTE 29, page 200. — The Fulfilment of Sacred Prophecy in the History of Babylon.

The predictions respecting this kingdom and city are equally remarkable for
their great number, peculiar point and perspicuity, and wide range of applica
tion. It will be necessary to notice them under several heads.

I. Predictions respecting the exaltation and power of Babylon, delivered when
it was a sbate dependent on Assyria.

Isaiah speaks of the early weakness and obscurity of this people: "Behold
the land of the Chaldeeans : this people was not, till the Assyrian founded it for
them that dwell in the wilderness : they set up the towers thereof, they raised
up the palaces thereof." Isa. xxiii, 13. Yet, while it lay in this state of obscu
rity and vassalage, the divinely-illuminated seer realizes all the abundant
wealth and military glory which it afterward acquired, and calls Babylon " the
glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldees' excellency," (xiii, 19,) "the golden
city," (xiv, 4,) " the lady of kingdoms." (xlvii, 5.) Even the vain confidence of
Babylon, and her inordinate pride in vast military power, are at this early day
graphically portrayed : " 0 virgin daughter of Babylon, — thou saidst, I shall be
a lady forever. I am, and none else besides me ; I shall not sit as a widow,
neither shall I know the loss of children." Isa. xlvii, 1, 7, 8. What can surpass
the point and power of these prophecies ?

II. Prophetic declarations that Nebuchadnezzar should possess unlimited
power over the nations of Western Asia.

In the first year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, while he was yet struggling
to consolidate his kingdom, and to cooperate with the Modes in the subversion
and division of the Assyrian empire, Jeremiah thus wrote : " Therefore thus
saith the Lord of hosts ; Because ye have not heard my words, Behold, I will
send and take all the families of the north, saith the Lord, and Nebuchadrezzar
the king of Babylon, my servant, and will bring them against this land, and
against the inhabitants thereof, and against all these nations round about,
and will utterly destroy them, and make them an astonishment, and a hissing,
and perpetual desolations. Moreover I will take from them the voice of mirth,
and the voice of gladness, the voice of the bridegroom, and the voice of the bride,
the sound of the millstones, and the light of the candle. And this whole land
shall be a desolation, and an astonishment ; and these nations shall serve the
king of Babylon seventy years. — For thus saith the Lord God of Israel unto me ;
Take the wine-cup of this fury at my hand, and cause all the nations, to whom I
send thee, to drink it. And they shall drink, and be moved, and be mad, because
of the sword that I will send among them. Then took I the cup at the Lord's
hand, and made all the nations to drink, unto whom the Lord had sent me : to
wit, Jerusalem, and the cities of Judah, and the kings thereof, and the princes
thereof, to make them a desolation, an astonishment, a hissing, and a curse :
as it is this day ; Pharaoh king of Egypt, and his servants, and his princes, and

562 APPENDIX.

all his people ; and all the mingled people, and all the kings of the land of Uz,
and all the kings of the land of the Philistines, and Ashkelon, and Azzah, and
Ekron, and the remnant of Ashdod, Edom, and Moab, and the children of Am-
mon, and all the kings of Tyrus, and all the kings of Zidon, and the kings of.
the isles which are beyond the sea, Dedan, and Tema, and Buz, and all that are
in the utmost corners, and all the kings of Arabia, and all the kings of the
mingled people that dwell in the desert, and all the kings of Zimri, and all the
kings of Elam, and all the kings of the Medes, and all the kings of the north,
far and near, one with another, and all the kingdoms of the world, which are
upon the face of the earth : and the king of Sheshach shall drink after them.
Therefore thou shalt say unto them, Thus saith the Lord of hosts, the God of
Israel ; Drink ye, and be drunken, and spew, and fall, and rise no more, because
of the sword which I will send among you. And it shall be, if they refuse to
take the cup at thy hand to drink, then shalt thou say unto them, Thus saith
the Lord of hosts ; Ye shall certainly drink." Jer. xxv, 8-11, 15-28.

Again : " In the beginning of the reign of Jehoiakim the son of Josiah king of
Judah," or of Zedekiah, (for the text is doubtful,) this same prophet declared
to the ambassadors of Edom, Moab, Ammon, and Tyre, " Thus saith the Lord of
hosts, the God of Israel : Thus shall ye say unto your masters ; I have made the
earth, the man and the beast that are upon the ground, by my great power and
by my outstretched arm, and have given it unto whom it seemed meet unto me.
And now have I given all these lands into the hand of Nebuchadnezzar the king
of Babylon, my servant ; and the beasts of the field have I given him also to
serve him. And all nations shall serve him, and his son, and his son's son,
until the very time of his land come : and then many nations and great kings
shall serve themselves of him. And it shall come to pass, that the nation and
kingdom which will not serve the same Nebuchadnezzar the king of Babylon,
and that will not put their neck under the yoke of the king of Babylon, that
nation will I punish, saith the Lord, with the sword, and with the famine, and
with the pestilence, until I have consumed them by his hand." Jer. xxvii, 4-8.
False prophets, indeed, endeavoured to counteract the effect of these prophecies :
"And Hauaniah spake in the presence of all the people, saying, Thus saith the
Lord ; Even so will I break the yoke of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon from
the neck of all nations within the space of two full years." Jer. xxviii, 11. But
the falsehood was soon repelled with terrible effect : "For thus saith the Lord
of hosts, the God of Israel ; I have put a yoke of iron upon the neck of all these
nations, that they may serve Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon ; and they shall
serve him : and I have given him the beasts of the field also. Then said the
prophet Jeremiah unto Hananiah the prophet, Hear now, Hananiah ; the Lord
hath not sent thee ; but thou makest this people to trust in a lie. Therefore
thus saith the Lord ; Behold, I will cast thee from off the face of the earth : this
year thou shalt die, because thou hast taught rebellion against the Lord. So
Hananiah the prophet died the same year in the seventh month." Verses H-17.
The entire history shows how fully these predictions, in all their detail, were
fulfilled.

III. We refer to that range of symbolical imagery by which the position and
power of Babylon, as a universal monarchy, were set forth. It may, indeed, be
objected, that In respect of this nation these were scarcely prophetic, as they
were all enunciated after the rise of Babylon into power. But even then it must
be admitted that they were all of them predictive of the decline of this power.
They all stand as the first term of a series, — the first link of a chain : their

APPENDIX. 563

juxtaposition with the prophetic announcement of a succeeding monarchy, there
fore, clearly invests them here with a predictive character.

The first of these is " the head of gold " of the great image which Nebuchad
nezzar saw in his dream. Each part of this predictive figure has received the
most careful and critical attention ; but I am not sure that the unity of the
whole has been sufficiently noticed. Here, indeed, in the person and power of
Nebuchadnezzar, we see this " head of gold." Yet is this but the first element
in a grand series of providential evolutions, which are all ultimately to be
crowned with the fulness of the glory of the kingdom of God. Dan. ii.

The next announcement of a similar kind is that in which the four great
monarchies are represented as four great beasts, of which " the first was like
a lion, and had eagles' wings." Until recently, this seemed to be altogether an
arbitrary representation of Babylonia. We now know, from its being an exact
description of the most remarkable colossal sculptured figures found in the
ruined palaces of this country, that it sets forth a most notable national
type or emblem. In fact, no one who has seen those gigantic sculptures in
the museums of London or Paris, will doubt for a moment that these words set
forth the kingdom and power of Nebuchadnezzar in that day, as clearly as the
most careful account of the royal arms of England would at this time represent
our own monarchy.

IV. We refer to the prophecies which relate to the termination of this king
dom, and the destruction of its power.

While the prophecies of Isaiah respecting the rise of this kingdom are so
remarkable, Jeremiah with equal explicitness foretells her ruin : " I will punish
the land of the Chaldeans, and will make it perpetual desolations. And I will
bring upon that land all my words which I have pronounced against it, even
all that is written in this book, which Jeremiah hath prophesied against all the
nations. For many nations and great kings shall serve themselves of them
also : and I will recompense them according to their deeds, and according to the
works of their own hands." Jer. xxv, 12-14. "For, lo, I will raise and cause to
come up against Babylon an assembly of great nations from the north country :
and they shall set themselves in array against her ; from thence she shall be
taken : their arrows shall be as of a mighty expert man ; none shall return in
vain. And Chaldea shall be a spoil : all that spoil her shall be satisfied, saiih
the Lord. Your mother shall be sore confounded ; she that bare you shall be
ashamed : behold, the hindermost of the nations shall be a wilderness, a dry
land, and a desert. Because of the wrath of the Lord it shall not be inhabited,
but it shall be wholly desolate : every one that goeth by Babylon shall be aston
ished, and hiss at all her plagues." Jer. 1, 9, 10, 12, 13. "The word that the
Lord spake against Babylon and against the land of the Chaldeans by Jeremiah
the prophet. Declare ye among the nations, and publish, and set up a standard ;
publish, and conceal not : say, Babylon is taken, Bel is confounded, Merodach is
broken in pieces ; her idols are confounded, her images are broken in pieces.
For out of the north there cometh up a nation against her, which shall make
her land desolate, and none shall dwell therein : they shall remove, they shall
depart, both man and beast." Jer. 1, 1-3.

V. It will be desirable to notice some of the peculiarities of the ruin of Baby
lon which were prophetically set forth.

1. The manner of its first capture by Cyrus was exactly described by Isaiah,
and even the name of the conqueror was given : " Thus saith the Lord to his
anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before

564 APPENDIX.

him ; and I will loose the loins of kings, to open before him the two-leaved gates ;
and the gates shall not be shut ; I will go before thee, and make the crooked places
straight : I will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars
of iron : and I will give thee the treasures of darkness, and hidden riches of
secret places, that thou mayest know that I, the Lord, which call thee by thy
name, am the God of Israel." Isa. xlv, 1-3. And, as if to point out precisely the
diversion of the Euphrates from its bed, the expression is used, " That saith to
the deep, Be dry, and I will dry up thy rivers." Isa, xliv, 27. Thus did Jehovah
declare, nearly two hundred years before the event occurred, that he would neu
tralize all the efforts which the sovereigns of Babylon had made to render the
river a defence to the city. It was also predicted that the city should be taken
by surprise during a festival : " I have laid a snare for thee, and thou art also
taken, O Babylon, and thou wast not aware : thou art found, and also caught."
Jer. 1, 24. " And I will make drunk her princes, and her wise men, her cap
tains, and her rulers, and her mighty men : and they shall sleep a perpetual
sleep, and not wake, saith the King, whose name is the LORD of hosts." Jer.
li, 67. These scriptures were so exactly fulfilled, that Herodotus says : " They
who lived in the extremities were made prisoners before any alarm was com
municated to the centre of the place. It was a day of festivity among them ;
and while the citizens were engaged in dance and merriment, Babylon was foi
the first time thus taken." — Clio, cap. xci. Thus exactly does the prophecy ac
cord with the history.

!. The remnant of the Hebrews were charged by Jehovah to leave Babylon,
that they might not be involved in its ruin : " Go ye forth of Babylon, flee ye
from the Chaldeans, with a voice of singing." Isa, xlviii, 20. " Remove out of
the midst of Babylon, and go forth out of the land of the Chaldeans, and be as
the he-goats before the flocks. For, lo, I will raise and cause to come up
against Babylon an assembly of great nations from the north country : and
they shall set themselves in array against her; from thence she shall be
taken : their arrows shall be as of a mighty expert man ; none shall return in
vain. And Chaldea shall be a spoil : all that spoil her shall be satisfied, saith
the Lord." Jer. 1, 8-10.

3. The melancholy consequences to the city of its second siege under Darius.
—Of the city that said, " I shall not sit as a widow, neither shall I know the
loss of children," the prophet of God declared, " These two things shall come to
thee in a moment, in one day, the loss of children, and widowhood : they shall
come upon thee in their perfection." Isa. xlvii, 9. The manner in which this
was fulfilled is marvellous. Herodotus says, that when Darius invested the
place, determined to husband their provisions, " they took this measure, —
excepting their mothers, every man chose from his family the female whom he
liked best: the remainder were all of them assembled together and strangled.
Their reserve of one woman was to bake their bread ; the rest were destroyed, to
prevent a famine." — Thalia, cap. cl. Thus did " the loss of children and widow
hood " come on them in all their " perfection in one day."

VL We notice some of the prophecies which declared the full and final ruin
of Babylon.

" Come down, and sit in the dust, 0 virgin daughter of Babylon, sit on the
ground." Isa. xlvii, 1. "Babylon, the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the
Chaldees' excellency, shall be as when God overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah. It
shall never be inhabited, neither shall it be dwelt in from generation to genorrw
tion : neither shall the Arabian pitch tent there ; neither shall the shepherds

APPENDIX. 565

make their fold there. But wild beasts of the desert shall lie there ; and their
houses shall be full of doleful creatures ; and owls shall dwell there, and satyrs
shall dance there. And the wild beasts of the islands shall cry in their desolate
houses, and deagons in their pleasant palaces : and her time is near to come,
and her days shall not be prolonged." Isa. xiii, 19-22. "I will rise up against
them, saith the Lord of hosts, and cut off from Babylon the name, and remnant,
and son, and nephew, saith the Lord. 1 will also make it a possession for the
bittern, and pools of water : and I will sweep it with the besom of destruction,
saith the Lord of hosts." Isa. xiv, 22, 23. " Because of the wrath of the Lord it
shall not be inhabited, but it shall be wholly desolate: every one that goeth by
Babylon shall be astonished, and hiss at all her plagues. How is the hammer of
the whole earth cut asunder and broken ! how is Babylon become a desolation
among the nations ! Call together the archers against Babylon : all ye that
bend the bow, camp against it round about; let none thereof escape: recom
pense her according to her work : according to all that she hath done, do unto
her : for she hath been proud against the Lord, against the Holy One of Israel
Therefore the wild beasts of the desert with the wild beasts of the islands shall
dwell there, and the owls shall dwell therein : and it shall be no more inhabited
forever ; neither shall it be dwelt in from generation to generation. As God
overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah and the neigbouring cities thereof, saith the Lord ;
so shall no man abide there, neither shall any son of man dwell therein." Jer.
1, 13, 23, 29, 39, 40. " 0 thou that dwellest upon many waters, abundant in
treasures, thine 'end is come, and the measure of thy covetousness. And they
shall not 'take of thee a stone for a corner, nor a stone for foundations ; but thou
shalt be desolate forever, saith the Lord. And the land shall tremble and sor
row : for every purpose of the Lord shall be performed against Babylon, to make
the land of Babylon a desolation without an inhabitant. And Babylon shall
become heaps, a dwelling-place for dragons, an astonishment, and a hissing,
without an inhabitant. The sea is come up upon Babylon : she is covered with
the multitude of the waves thereof. Her cities are a desolation, a dry land, and
a wilderness, a land wherein no man dwelleth, neither doth any son of man pass
thereby." Jer. li, 13, 26, 29, 37, 42, 43.

The vast range of prophecy concerning this nation and city has compelled us
to make a selection-and, considering their number, a very brief selection— from
these predictions. But sufficient has been adduced to show to the most sceptw
mind that Jehovah reigns in heaven, and rules among all the nations of the
earth. We see here? proofs of every kind, that the rise, progress, power, con
quests, decline, fall, and final ruin of this proud nation, were all the results of
divine' appointment; that, arising out of ten thsusand operations of the human
mind purely contingent in their character, the whole series of Babylonish
tory which resulted from these was, nevertheless, in strict accordance with the
announced purposes of Heaven, and thus attested, at every stage of its progress,
the infinite providence of the eternal Jehovah.

NOTE 30, page 213.— The Testimony of Herodotus respecting the Temple of Mylitta

at .Babylon.

Much cavil has been raised against this statement of the Father of History ;
some arguing on the general ground of its improbability : and even Dr. Layard
throws doubts on it, because we find no indecent symbols on the Assyria:
Babylonish inscriptions. The judicious remarks of Larcher on the place afford

566 APPENDIX.

an ample reply to all this scepticism : " If this custom be hostile to morals, it is
no less at variance with modern usages. But that circumstance does not consti
tute a reason for reproaching Herodotus as a promulgator of falsehood. This
author had been to Babylon, and had been an ocular witness of it. Jeremiah
had, a century before, spoken of it. Strabo, who is as faithful an historian as
he is an exact geographer, has subsequently mentioned it ; and it would be rather
presuming, were we, two thousand years afterward, to insinuate a doubt as to
the fact. But to proceed to some details.

" I have observed, in the course of these Notes, that the temples of the ancients
were not like ours. They comprised courts, groves, pieces of water, sometimes
pieces of cultivated land for the support of the priests, and, lastly, the temple
properly so called, into which no one but the priest could enter. The whole was
enclosed by a wall, and was termed ' the sacred place/

" This brings me to an objection raised by Voltaire, who remarks, ' It must
certainly have been a rare festival, to see crowds flock together to have inter
course before the altar with the principal ladies of the city.'

" To this it may be answered, 1. It appears from Herodotus, that the women
did not wait in the temple properly so called. 2. Our historian has himself
anticipated the objection of Voltaire, by saying that the men took out of the
consecrated precinct the women that pleased them. Strabo affirms the same
thing : ' He has commerce with her, after having taken her out of the sacred
enclosure.'

• ' But/ continues Voltaire, ' can so infamous a practice have formed part of
the civil policy of any people ? Could the magistrates of one of the greatest
cities in the world have maintained such a regulation ? Could the husbands
have consented to the prostitution of their wives ? That cannot be true which is
contrary to nature.'

" This shameful practice was, in all probability, established among the Baby
lonians before they became a civilized people. It became afterward a point of
their religion. The magistrates, as superstitious as the rabble, would have
esteemed it a crime to abolish it: and the less credulous among them were
doubtless restrained from an expression of their opinion by the force of popular
prejudice.

" Voltaire proceeds to insist on the jealousy of the oriental nations : but to
this it may be answered in his own words, ' Superstition reconciles all sorts of
contradictions.'

" Jeremiah clearly enough alludes to this custom in the litter which he writes
to the Jews, who were about to be led captive to Babylon. Baruch vi, 42, 43.
By these women encircled with cords, we may understand those who, as Herodo
tus relates, sat in the alleys of the sacred precinct, enclosed with cords ; or per
haps the prophet meant to say, that their heads were bound with cords, as both
Strabo and Herodotus assert.

" But, however this may be, I know of no historical fact that appears better
established, or which we have less reason to doubt." — Larcher's Notes on Herod-
otu$, voL i, pp. 245, 246.

NOTE 31, page 21G. — What wot the true Principle and Meaning of Sabaan
Worship 1

It is not an easy matter to arrive at a clear and distinct idea of the purpose
and intention of those who introduced, and continued to practise, the worship of

APPENDIX

567

the heavenly bodies. If the opinion of Mr. Faber, quoted in the text, may be
depended on, the case is sufficiently intelligible. The quotation from Maimonides,
however, given in another volume, (Patriarchal Age, p. 235,) would lead to a
different conclusion ; namely, that God had created the heavenly bodies, to act
as his agents or ministers in the government of the world ; and that hence
they were regarded with idolatrous devotion ;— the error of Sabsanism b<
according to this theory, the attributing to the agent or minister the pos
sion of intelligent and independent powers, which reside alone in the great
Creator.

In deciding this question, however, we must not forget that the Chald;
who are ever celebrated for the worship of the heavenly bodies, are equally
famous for their knowledge and practice of astrology ; and that this was made
by them the means of unravelling mysteries, and of foretelling future events.
This science, therefore, in its profession, would be a fathoming of those powers
with which the heavenly bodies were supposed to be invested ; and the power
of so calculating the result of their combined influences as to be able to penetrate
the secrets of their government, and thus to elicit a knowledge of future events.
It is probable that both these solutions hold good in respect of different cases.
In respect of Assyria and Babylon, we incline to the opinion that both of these
were combined in the formation of their system of the worship of the heavenly
bodies, and of astrology. But whether Mr. Faber has succeeded in detecting and
explaining the causes which led to the origination of astrology, or otherwise, it
is certain that his representation accords with the latest manifestation of it. In
the last days of Paganism it was currently believed that the heavenly bodies were
animated and directed by certain deified mortals. Even Philo ventured to adopt
a philosophical notion almost amounting to this ; and Origen was induced to
assent to his opinion. (Faber's Origin of Pagan Idolatry, vol. i, p. 32, and note.)

NOTE 32, page 216.— The Assyrian Triad.

Much additional information may be expected on this recondite subject, when
we come to investigate the religion of the Persians. They adopted and expanded
the same symbol; and as they unquestionably received it from their more
ancient neighbours, the Assyrians, and have left us much more ample accounts
respecting their religious rites than that people, we may calculate on receiving
throuo-h them further light on the subject. But it seems certain, that the
earliest Gentile fragments which we possess contain allusions to the elements
found in this symbol. We are told in the remains of Sanchoniatho which have
been preserved by Eusebius, that " before these things the god Tauutus, having
portrayed Ouranus, represented also the countenances of the gods Cronus and
Dagon, and the sacred characters of the elements. He contrived also for Cronus
the° ensign of his royal power, having four eyes in the parts before, and in the
parts behind, two of them closing as in sleep ; and upon the shoulders four
wings, two in the act of flying, and two reposing as at rest. And the symbol of
Cronus, while he slept, was watching, and reposed while he was awake. And in
like manner with respect to the wings,— that he was flying while he rested ; yet
rested while he flew. But for the other gods, there were two winga only to
each upon his shoulders, to intimate that they flew under the control of Cronus ;
and there were also two wings upon the head— the one as a symbol of the
intellectual part, the mind, and the other for the senses."— Prap. Evang., lib. i,
cap. 10. This ancient extract renders it certain that it had become usual to

APPENDIX.

depict emblematic representations of the deities; and that Cronus or Time
3 more particularly and prominently set forth in connexion with expanded
wings.

NOTE 33, page 2lB.—Tht Cherubim of Ezekiel, and their Relation to the compound
Figures of the Assyrian Sculptures.

The hypothesis of Dr. Layard-that Ezekiel, being well acquainted with the
Assyrian figures, chose these forms for the purpose of presenting an imagery
amihar to his fellow-captives in Assyria-is so very extravagant, that it calls
for special notice.

In the first place, it is by no means certain that either Ezekiel, or the other Jew-
captives, were well acquainted with the gorgeous sculptures found in the royal
palaces of the great cities of Assyria, They were located, it is true, on the river
>ar, (now Khaboor,) which runs through the western part of Mesopotamia
falls into the Euphrates at Karkiiia, the Carchemish of Holy Scripture!
neveh, then in ruins, was one hundred English miles distant, and Babylon
above three hundred. It is true that, in the country towns, there might have
ations of these figures on a smaller scale : but certainly the fact is not
so clear as to allow of its being made the foundation of an argument.

But, however this may be, the hypothesis alluded to is utterly untenable ; for
neither Ezekiel nor the other prophets composed their sublime discourses 'in a
of cool, calculating accommodation to the circumstances and views of those
to whom they were immediately addressed ; but rather, borne along by the Holy
Ghost, they spake as they were moved by that divine agent. (Hebrew People, p.
•80.) And in this particular instance such was peculiarly the case. The prophet
i his book abruptly with the declaration: "Now it came to pass in the
eth year, in the fourth month, in the fifth day of the month, as I was
among the captives by the river of Chebar, that the heavens were opened and
saw visions of God." Surely one who has done so much toward the eluci
dation of sacred history as Dr. Layard, does not mean to say that this is mere
poetic imagery, carefully contrived previously in the mind of the prophet and
specially adapted to the case of those by whom he was surrounded. And this is
the manner,— or, if possible, with increased solemnity and the assertion of
more special revelation— in which the prophet records the account of his vision:
The word of the Lord came expressly unto Ezekiel the priest: and the hand
of the Lord was there upon him. And I looked, and, behold, a whirlwind came
out of the north," &c. Ezek. i, 1-4. Then follows the account of the cherubic
appearances. Afterward the prophet states that " he was carried in the visions
God to Jerusalem," and that there he saw the same glorious appearances
which he had seen on the banks of the Chebar. In the process of the wonderful
revelations that followed, Ezekiel, who, as a priest, must have been well
acquainted with the interior of the Hebrew temple, and consequently with the
form of the cherubic figures, says, " I knew that they were THE cherubitns "
Ezek. x, 20.

It is clear, then, from the whole scope of the subject, that the forms presented
the eye of the prophet were the results of pure revelation; that he knew they
were cherubim, from their identity with the figures seen in the temple ; and
that their resemblance to the Assyrian sculptures could only arise out of the
likeness of both to the primitive Edenic cherubim, the form of which had been
preserved throughout the patriarchal nge.

APPENDIX. 569

NOTE 34, page 220.— Imitations of Paradise attached to the royal Palaces of the

Assyrian Kings.

It has been already shown that the different ancient Gentile nations, when
scattered over the face of the earth, appointed and preserved, in connexion with
their temples or sacred places, gardens, with two trees in the midst, and having
a river frequently divided into four streams, in imitation, or as memorials, of
the primitive Paradise. (Patriarchal Age, pp. 129-131.) And if (as we know to
have been the case) this was done in Spain, Epirus, Campania, and other places
far remote from the seat of the earliest postdiluvian population ; what may be
expected from those who, locating at Shinar, or settling on the banks of the
Tigris, would have no temptation — scarcely, indeed, the opportunity— to throw
Off the recollections and associations arising out of the primitive history of man
kind, which had been instilled into their minds by the patriarchs ?

To say the least of these facts, they lead us to expect to find some paradisiacal
enclosures in Chaldsea and Assyria, rather than the reverse. This expectation
is justified by the statement in the text. But it is important that the certainty
of the allusive or memorial character of these paradises should be fully estab
lished. I will attempt this as fully as the limits of a note will allow.

In the first instance, we may direct attention to the name given to these places,
Paradise. This is not a native Greek term for " garden, shrubbery, or park."
It is of oriental origin ; and, as far as I can learn, was introduced into Grecian
literature by Xenophon, who mentioned it as the name applied to the grounds
attached to the residence of the Persian king. " Here Cyrus had a palace, and a
large paradise, full of wild beasts, which he hunted on horseback, when he wished
to exercise both himself and his horses. And the river Mosander flows through
the midst of the paradise ; the springs of it come out of the palace, and it flows
through the city of Cetenffi." Was this done without design ? The palace built
near the fountain which fed the river, and flowed from the residence of the king
into the midst of the paradise, and from thence into the city :— is there not here
a studied imitation of the Garden of Eden ? Had Ezekiel any reference to these
local paradises, when he said to the king of Tyre ?— " Thou sealest up the sum,
full of wisdom, and perfect in beauty. Thou hast been in Eden the garden of
God." Ezek. xxviii, 12, 13. Or had the prophet reference to the primitive para
dise, and to the imitations of it remaining in the land of his captivity, when he
gave his beautiful description of the river of God, which flowed from the right
side of the altar, and "issued out from under the threshold" of the temple ; as
the river flowed from the sacred residence of the oriental monarch to irrigate his
paradise, and thence ran through the city ? Ezek. xlvii, 1.

The Greek word Rapddeiooc, " Paradise," comes from an oriental root, proba
bly the Persic. But an equivalent Hebrew term is found in several texts in the
Old Testament. Nehem. ii, 8 ; Eccles. ii, 5 ; Canticles iv, 13. In the first of
these passages it is rendered, in our authorized version, " forests :" in the two
following, " orchards."

Thus stood the case in a philological point of view, when the translation of the
Seventy was begun. These men, fully versed in Hebrew literature and oriental
learning, and possessing a perfect acquaintance with Greek, proceeded to render
the sense of the Hebrew Scriptures into the Greek tongue, and came in due
course to the text which states that " the Lord God planted a garden eastward in
Eden. In what terms do they give this passage ? They had the Greek word,
a garden or plantation,"— which had been in use by their best writers

570

APPENDIX.

from the days of Homer,— and other cognate expressions. Not one of them, how
ever, is employed to designate in the Greek language the primitive Paradise ;
but, on the contrary, the newly imported word from Persia, or that used so
sparingly by the writers of the Hebrew Scriptures, rendered into Greek letters,
is adopted and employed for this purpose. This in itself is a curious and im
portant philological fact.

But the extraordinary aspect of the case does not terminate here. This is the
word used by our Redeemer to denote the separate abode of happy redeemed
spirits. Luke xxiii, 43. The inspired apostle employed this term to designate
that state of glory in the third heaven, to which his rapt spirit was taken by the
mighty power of God : and, what is still more remarkable, the same word is em
ployed in the Apocalypse to set forth that glorious antitype of the earthly Eden,
where the true and spiritual " tree of life" stands "in the midst of the para
dise of God." Rev. ii, 7.

I do not wish to attach undue importance to any isolated fact, much less to any
opinion of my own. But I submit it to the serious judgment of every one who holds
the inspired character of Holy Scripture, whether the plain statement of facts
given above does not clearly identify the royal garden-like enclosures of eastern
monarohs as memorial imitations of the primitive Paradise ? On what other prin
ciple can the Septuagint use of the term, and the New Testament adoption of it, be
accounted for?— to say nothing of its obviously intentional similarity in every
essential feature. In the absence of direct proof, I scarcely think it possible to
obtain stronger inferential evidence.

NOTE 35, page 232.— Babylon the Type of Papal Antichrist.
In the Apocalypse we have the following scriptures: "And great Babylon
came in remembrance before God, to give unto her the cup of the wine of the
fierceness of his wrath." Rev. xvi, 19. " I saw a woman sit upon a scarlet
coloured beast, full of names of blasphemy, having seven heads and ten horns.
And the woman was arrayed in purple and scarlet colour, and decked with gold
and precious stones and pearls, having a golden cup in her hand full of abomi
nations and filthiness of her fornication : and upon her forehead was a name
written, MYSTERY, BABYLON THE GREAT, THE MOTHER OF HARLOTS
AND ABOMINATIONS OF THE EARTH. And I saw the woman drunken with
the blood of the saints, and with the blood of the martyrs of Jesus : and when I
saw her, I wondered with great admiration." Rev. xvii, 3-G. "I saw an
other angel come down from heaven, having great power, and the earth was
lightened with his glory. And he cried mightily with a strong voice, saying,
Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen, and is become the habitation of devils, and
the hold of every foul spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird." Rev.
xviii, 1,2. " And a mighty angel took up a stone like a great millstone, and cast
it into the sea, saying, Thus with violence shall that great city Babylon be
thrown down, and shall be found no more at all." Verse 21.

These predictions, taken in connexion with the general scope of the book,
clearly refer to the great antichristian heresy introduced and maintained by the
Roman Popedom. Efforts have, indeed, been made to apply these passages to
Pagan Rome, and to other heathen states : but these have signally failed. In
addition to the arguments, which have been generally used to rebut such allega
tions, it may be conclusively observed, that the charge against this Babylon is
not idolatry, or cruel persecution, merely. This might have been alleged against

APPENDIX.

other heathen nations, as against Pagan Rome. The great allegation here is
whoredom, fornication : the state arraigned is the Mother of Harlots. Now, in the
spiritual sense in which these terms are used in the prophetic Scriptures, they
simply mean apostasy. Moab and Ammon, Tyre, Egypt, and Damascus, were
threatened and doomed to ruin by the Old Testament prophets ; but they wer<
not charged with spiritual whoredom ; and for this obvious reason,— they were
not by peculiar religious privilege called into a special covenant relation 1
Jehovah These did not, therefore, avow their devotedness, and pledge their
fealty to him, as their spiritual Lord. But Judah and Israel, who were espoused
unto the Lord, and afterward relapsed into idolatry, are charged in the Scrip
tures with spiritual adultery in the strongest terms. It is so here. The language
quoted amounts clearly to a charge of the most vile and aggravated apostasy.

The question to be settled, then, does not so much respect the means and extent
to which Papal Rome has exposed herself to the imputation of this character,
and its consequent malediction; but is rather— What was there so peculiar in
ancient Babylon, that it, above every other heathen nation, was made a standing
type of the great New Testament apostasy? I will endeavour to answer this
inquiry, and thus afford a brief comparison of the Old and the New Testament

Babylon.

1 The apostasy at Shinar began with a profession of advancing reh
was carried out by a most careful attention to all the rites, sacred things, and
consecrated practices of that dispensation.

The first clause of this statement has been sufficiently established in tl
liminary Dissertation : the second and third are manifest from the whole scope
of this religion. Let the reader consider how exact and comprehensive the
attention to primitive history and early religion must have been, when its results
were so permanently impressed on the faith and practice of Assyria and Babylon
for twenty centuries. Sacred places, persons, and things —Paradise, with the
tree of life, and all their accompanying emblems— the cherubic figures, in end
less variety— were all carefully treasured up as the means of spreading before
the public eye the elements of religion.

Was not this eminently the case with the Papal apostasy? Here is the same
attention to external things, the same veneration for ancient emblems, the same
visible and tangible religious mattrieL

2. The apostasy at ancient Babylon was established by the union in one pers
of the religious and political government of the country, with a claim to extend
its power throughout the world.

This was unquestionably the fact. It stands attested by every page of Assyrian
and Chaldtean history. The palace-temples, or temple-palaces,— the ordinances
of government,— and the cool and familiar manner in which projects for the
invasion of peaceful and unoffending nations were put forth, and executed,— all
show that this claim to politico-religious universal dominion was not an accident
sometimes occurring, but a ruling characteristic of this government.

It is so at Rome. Earthly government and religious supremacy centre in one
mind : although Christ said, " My kingdom is not of this world," the Papacy
unites both. And if this political rule is not felt throughout the whole world,
it is well known that the hinderance does not arise from the limitation of
pontiff pretension, but from what is called "the heresy and disobedience of
unfaithful states."

3. The grand element in the apostasy of Babylon was the claim to divinity
which was set up by the king, as the promised incarnate Seed.

572 APPENDIX.

This fact is fully attested, so far as the claim to divinity is concerned. The
manner in which the claim to identity with the Divine Son was put forth is not
so fully explained. In the case of one king of Babylon, it was undoubtedly
unqualified and absolute. Probably, in other instances, it was a claim to be the
vicegerent, or earthly representative, of this divine person.

We have this, too, at Rome. According to Papal language, God upon earth
sits enthroned at the Vatican. Divine powers are 'professedly exercised, and
divine acts are there ostensibly performed.

Our limits compel us to great brevity. But we may ask with confidence, —
Do the extensive range of history, the world-wide geography of earth, afford
another such parallel '? Other nations have followed Babylon : other Churches
have, in the most unaccountable manner, imitated Rome : but these two powers
stand out as the bold and daring originators of parallel apostasies, which, in
their respective times, have perverted truth, propagated error, and cursed the
world with persecution and bloodshed, beyond any other evil known to mankind.
Here they stand, type and antitype, as pencilled out by the revelation of God, —
alike in sin, — to be alike in ruin.

NOTE 36, page 245. — The Time of Anarchy, and the Accession of Dcjoces.

The chronology of this nation, from the period of its revolt, is universally
allowed to be one of the most obscure and perplexing to be found in history. It
is clear that the revolt of Media could not have taken place before 711 B. C.
On the other hand, it is an admitted fact that Xerxes ascended the throne B. C.
485 ; and that there were at least eight reigns from the accession of Dejoces to
that of the sou of Darius, and that these occupied at least two hundred and
sixteen years : so that the accession of Dejoces cannot be brought lower than
701 B. C. The entire margin for discrepancy or discussion is thus reduced to
ten years.

One important element in the adjustment of the chronology of these reigns ap
pears to have been generally overlooked, — namely, the period which elapsed from
the beginning of the revolt to the reign of Dejoces. Clinton very properly states,
" Herodotus, indeed, implies an interval of some space between the revolt of the
Mcdes, and the election of Dejoces to be king." — Fasti Hellcnici, vol. i, p. 259. But
this learned author is clearly unwarranted in the assertion, that " these anni
u6aaiA£v-oi could not have been prior to the fifty-three years of Dcjoces." The
contrary is as cleary implied by the ancient historian, as is the interval itself.
He says, " The Mcdes first of all revolted from their authority," (the Assyrians,)
" and contended with such obstinate bravery against their masters that they
were ultimately successful, and exchanged servitude for freedom. Other nations
soon followed their example, who, after living for a time under the protection of
their own laws, were again deprived of their freedom on the following occasion.
There was a man among the Medes of the name of Dejoces, of great reputation
for his wisdom," &c. — Clio, cap. 95, 9G. It cannot, therefore, be reasonably sup
posed that the time of the struggle for liberty, and the period in which it was
enjoyed, can be included in the reign of the man who is said by the writer to
have again deprived them of their liberty. I have therefore placed the begin
ning of the revolt B. C. 710, allowing nine years to elapse from thence to the ac
cession of Dejoces. This arrangement will place the subsequent reigns in perfect
accordance with the well-ascertained dates which follow.

APPENDIX.

573

NOTE 37, page 247.— The Period of Scythian Domination over Asia.

This has generally been set down at twenty-eight years, on the authority of a
passage in Herodotus. (Melpomene, cap. 41.) But that appears to be a very un
reasonable length of time. After so many years, they would certainly have set
tled in some district. It is, therefore, much more probable that Trogus a
tin are correct, who limit the period to eight years, and who most likely ol
a knowledge of the true period from Ctesias.

This term also agrees much better with the incident recorded by Herodotus
the principal element in the story. He says that, during the absence of the
Scythians in Syria, their wives had associated with their slaves ; and that, on
the return of the Scythian army, the fruit of this intercourse, now grown
manhood, appeared in arms to oppose its entry. Having sustained some skir
mishes with spirit, they felt prepared to continue the contest; until one of the
Scythians advised that they should lay aside their arms, and approach their op
ponents with horsewhips; saying, "While they see us with arms, they think
themselves our equals in birth and importance: but as soon as they shall per
ceive the whips in our hands, they will be impressed with a sense of their servile
condition, and resist no longer." They did so, and their opponents fled befo
them. Now this romantic account might be applicable to slaves cohab
their mistresses for a few years, but seems to be incredible when applied
Who had grown up to manhood in freedom. In fact, other passages in our author
clearly point out the shorter number to be the correct one ; which is also adopt*
and ably defended by Jackson. (Chron. Antiq., vol. i, p. 341, note.)

NOTE 38, page 248.— Chronology of the Eclipse of Tliales.
There has been much mistake and confusion introduced into the accounts gen
erally o-iven of this Lyclian war. It has been stated that this war arose out of
the massacre and expulsion of the Scythians from Media; that it was terminatcc
by the occurrence of the total eclipse, which had been predicted by Thalcs, ex
actly as the armies began to engage in a great and final struggle ; and that im
mediately afterward, the siege of Nineveh was renewed, and the city tf en, B. C.

6°The first of these statements, relating to the origin of the war, is undoubtedly
founded in fact: but the order of events subsequently needs correc
Hales has fully proved that the eclipse predicted by Thales couM not have oc
curred earlier than B. C. 603. (Analysis of Ancient Chronology, vo . i, p 76.) The
battle which was terminated by it must, in consequence, have taken pla
the fall of the Assyrian capital.

It seems certain, therefore, that after the Lydian war had begun Gyaxeres,
bavin* formed an alliance with Nabopolassar king of Babylon, suspended
erations, and resumed the siege of Nineveh; and, having succeeded in effect*
the ruin of that city, afterward prosecuted his warlike enterprii
which led to the remarkable circumstances mentioned in the text.

NOTE 39, page 249.— Who was the "Darius the Mede" of the Book of Daniel?

In the history of a nation which filled a very brief space in story, but which
nevertheless abounds in historical and chronological difficulties, this is after a:
the "Teat difficulty. On its solution hinges the entire arrangement of the reigns,
and&the judgment to be formed of some of the most important dates

574

APPENDIX.

riod. The question simply is, whether Astyages was the last king of Media,
who was deposed by Cyrus; or whether he was succeeded on the Median throw
by a son, Cyaxares II., who was "Darius the Mede," and ruled two years in Ihih-
ylon after the death of Belshazzar. This, like many other difficulties of this his
tory, arises out of the discrepancy which exists between the statements of Hero
dotus and Xenophon,— or rather from the interpretation which learned moderns
have put on the words of these authors. Herodotus states that Cyrus invaded
Media, defeated and deposed his grandfather, and kept him in prison until his
death ; and that this took place long before the capture of Babylon. (Clio, cap.
130.) According to the Father of History, therefore, Astyages was the last king
of the Medes, and there is no room for any other Darius ; while, according to
Xenophon, when Cyrus took Babylon, his uncle Cyaxares II., son of Astyages,
reigned in Media. It is therefore contended on the one hand by the authors of
the " Universal History," Dr. Hales, Dr. Prideaux, and Kollin, that Astyages was
succeeded by a son, Cyaxares II., who was the Darius of the Book of Daniel;
while the Abbe Millot, Lempriere, Jackson, Malcolmn, and Dr. Kussel hold that
Astyages was the last Median sovereign, and in consequence the person spoken
of as " Darius the Mede " by the Hebrew prophet.

I have been compelled to adopt the last-mentioned theory, both from its general
accordance with the scope of history, and the evidence by which it is supported.
On the first head, the reader will form the best opinion by a comparison of the
several chapters bearing on the history of this age. In respect of the authority
of the conflicting authors, it may be safely affirmed in the language of the Abbe"
Millot, that Xenophon's Cyroptedia is plainly the work of a philosopher rather
than of an historian, — a kind of moral and political romance : and even his Cyrc-
pa\lia is invalidated (in regard of this subject) by his history of the Expedition
of Cyrus the Younger, where he says that the great Cyrus got possession of the
empire of Media by gaining a victory over his grandfather Astyages, — a state
ment in accordance with the histories of Herodotus and Ctesias. (General His
tory, vol i, p. 92.) Clinton coincides in this judgment, declaring, " In the narra
tive of Xenophon, where historical facts are mingled with romance, the true
chronology of the reign of Astyages is not observed." — Fasti Hcllenici, vol. i,
p. 2G3, note i.

The indefatigable Jackson has, however, placed before us a condensation of
the evidence on this subject, which must be conclusive: "No ancient historian
or Greek writer, besides Xenophon, whose credit is questioned by Plato and
Cicero, appears to have known anything of this Cyaxarcs : and all agree that Asty
ages was the last king of the Medes, who was dethroned by Cyrus, and succeeded
by him in the Median kingdom: so that we may conclude that the second
Cyaxares is a merely fictitious king, and that Darius the Mede was another
person. Herodotus says that Astyages left no son ; and Ctesias agreed with
Herodotus, that Astyages was not succeeded in the Median kingdom by a son,
but was conquered and deprived of his kingdom by Cyrus: nor does even Xeno
phon say that Cyaxarcs ever reigned at Babylon ; so that, by even Xenophon's
account, Cyaxares could not be Darius the Mede. The ancient Jewish History
of Bel and the Dragon, says, that Cyrus succeeded Astyages, and jEschylus
makes Cyrus the third king from that king of the Medes who took Susa, and
conquered Persia; and he was Cyaxares the father of Astyages; and so Cyrus
must succeed Astyages in the Persian and Median kingdoms. Dionysius of Hali-
carnassus says, that the Median kingdom was destroyed under the fourth king :
the four kings were Dejoces, Phraortes, Cyaxares, and Astyages: so he knew

APPENDIX. 575

nothing of the second Cyaxares. Dinon in his Persic History related, that Cyrus
made war upon Astyages. Diodorus says, that Cyrus conquered and depos
Astyages. Plato and Aristotle agree in the same relation : and so do Strabo and
others? and with them Africanus, Eusebius, and other Christian writers. Lastly,
it was foretold by Jeremiah, (chap, xxv, 25,) that the Median kingdom should
be destroyed before the fall of the Babylonian empire ; but which was not true
if Cyaxares, son of Astyages, was king of Media when Babylon was taken by
Cyrus ; and it is certain that the Medes were never conquered unless by Cyrus,
when he dethroned Astyages; and all historians agree that this was several
years before the taking of Babylon. It is, therefore, clear and undoubted, that
the Cyaxares of Xenophon was not Darius the Mede, nor king of Media."-
Chron. Antiq., vol. i, pp. 411, 412.

It may be necessary to add, that the term " Darius " was not a Median proper
name, but a title, Daraivesh, " King." As used by the prophet Daniel, therefore,
it simply means "the king of Media." It is a singular fact, that the oldest
extant coins, Dane*, which are supposed to have been made in the rei|
last king of Media, bear a name precisely similar to that of our principal g
coinage. They were from the royal title called Danes, which is exactly equiva
lent, in derivation and import, to our term " sovereigns."

NOTE 40, page 249.— The Fulfilment of sacred Prophecy in the History of Media.
As Media, in its individual nationality, had but little intercourse with the
Hebrew people, it is not reasonable to expect a large amount of predictions in
Holy Scripture relating to this nation. Accordingly, we find a few, and but a
few, prophecies of this class. Yet even these are worthy of attention, as show
ing the perfection of the providential government of Jehovah, and the extent to
which, in that age, his will was revealed to mankind through his holy prophets.
I. We have a prediction that, to some extent, Media would be brought into
subjection or subserviency to Babylon.

This could not have been expected. Media took the lead in the subversion
of the Assyrian empire. Babylon was, indeed, associated with Media; but the
Chaldseans had never, like the Medes, dared alone to meet the full power of the
imperial state. Yet when the Lord so fully proclaims the ascendency to which
he has appointed Nebuchadnezzar, and directs the prophet to give the cup of his
fury to all the surrounding nations, that they may drink, and serve the king
of Babylon, — among those enumerated we find "the kings of the Medes."
Jer. xxv, 25.

We have no precise information respecting the conquest of Media by Babylon
under Nebuchadnezzar; but we know that he subdued Persia, which had been
subject to Media. In fact, during the supremacy of the great Babylonian con
queror, we hear nothing of Media in history. It perhaps owed its exemption
from a harsher fate to the fact, that Nebuchadnezzar's wife was sister of the king
of Media. It is, however, certain, that this kingdom was by Nebuchadnezzar not
only checked in its career of conquest, but stripped of its tributary states, and
shut up within the limits of its own territory, in timid and servile inaction,
during the period referred to by the prophecy— which thus received an ample
accomplishment.

II. It was predicted, nevertheless, that Media should assist in the rum
Babylon. Isaiah said when denouncing, in the name of the Lord, the burden
of Babylon, " Behold, I will stir up the Medes against them:" and again, "Go

576

APPENDIX.

up, 0 Elam; besiege, 0 Media." Isa. xii, 17; xxi, 2. And Jeremiah, in the
name of Jehovah, calls this nation to this duty : " Make bright the arrows ;
gather the shields : the Lord hath raised up the spirit of the kings of the Modes :
for his device is against Babylon to destroy it ; because it is the vengeance of the
Lord, the vengeance of his temple/'

These predictions also were exactly fulfilled. Cyrus, having conquered Media,
before he took Babylon, associated Persia (or Elam) and Media in the enterprise
of investing and subduing it. In fact, it was by the discipline and bravery of
the Medes, united with the Persians, that both Cyrus and Darius took Babylon.

III. Again, Media is designated by the prophet as one of the elements con
stituting the second great universal empire. Hence the angel said to Daniel,
" The ram which thou sawest having two horns are the kings of Media and
Persia," Dan. viii, 20: so that, according to the laws of Divine Providence, Media
and Persia stood associated as integral elements of this great empire, even to the
time when it was assailed and subdued by " the king of Greece." Consequently
all the prophecies referring to the rise, progress, and power of this second king
dom—such as that respecting "the breast and arms of silver" of the great
image, and the second beast like a bear— had a distinct and explicit reference to
Media in common with Persia— although it has been thought best to defer a
special citation of them to the next chapter.

NOTE 41, page 255. — The personal History of Cyms.

The personal history of this conqueror is involved in much obscurity. Reasons
have been already given for distrusting the statements of Xenophon ; but it does
not follow from thence, that we can fully rely upon Herodotus. As hinted in
the text, there is much, in the account of Cyrus given even by this writer, which
ap}tcar£ to be romantic, and, without good evidence to the contrary, would be set
down us the result of his imagination.

however, true, that we have the means of comparing the account of the
Greek Father of History with a native author, who had access to the same records
or traditions ; and the similarity in their statements is such, as to leave no doubt
whatever of their general accuracy, as respects the prominent events recorded.

Herodotus wrote about 45G B. C. He had not the advantage of a residence in
Persia ; and it can scarcely be believed that he understood any oriental language.
He was, however, an intelligent, persevering, and learned traveller, who visited
various countries for the purpose of collecting information for the composition of a
general history. He had a great advantage in respect of the date of his inquiries.
He was at Babylon about seventy-five years after Cyrus had ceased to reign over
that country. It could not, therefore, be very difficult for such a man, in such
a city, so soon after the death of a mighty conqueror, and the founder of an
empire, to have collected some authentic information respecting the principal
events in the life of Cyrus.

On the other hand, Firdusi was a native Persian, a poet of remarkable genius
and learning, who wrote in A. D. 1009, about 1445 years after Herodotus. Having
displayed uncommon powers, while residing in his native village of Shadab, he
was summoned to the court of Ghazni, where, at the command of the great Sultan
Mnhir.ud, he composed in verse his famous work of Shah Nameh, which has been
preserved, and is to this day read by all well-educated Persians with equal
admiration for the recondite information which it communicates, and the bril
liant poetry and purity of language in which its narrative is conveyed.

APPENDIX. 577

In this work we have a poetical history of the kings of Persia, from Kaiomars,
the first sovereign, to the conquest of the nation by the Mohammedan powers.
In such circumstances, and writing under such auspices, the writer would have
access to all available sources of information. We know that records of every
particular relating to the Persian sovereigns were carefully preserved. Esther
x, 2. Whether these remained to the time of Firdusi may be doubted ; but, at
all events, being a native of the country and a perfect master of its language,
he would have every advantage in acquiring a knowledge of the early history
and antiquities of his nation ; and it is strongly asserted by all Persian bio
graphers, that Mahmud placed in the hands of the poet the ancient chronicles of
the kings of Persia, and that from these he collected materials for his great work.

Whatever opinion may be formed as to the truth of these allegations, we have
to compare the story of Herodotus with that which is collected from the poetry
of Firdusi. There can be no doubt that the reader will agree with the learned
author who has collected the prominent points common to both in the following
judgment: "It is utterly incredible, that two different princes of Persia should
each have been born in a foreign and hostile territory; should each have
been doomed to death in his infancy by his maternal grandfather, in consequence
of portentous dreams, real or invented; should each have been saved by the
remorse of his destined murderers ; and should each, after a similar education
among herdsmen, as the son of a herdsman, have found means to revisit hia
paternal kingdom, and, having delivered it, after a long and triumphant war,
from the tyrant who had invaded it, should have restored it to the summit of
power and magnificence." — Sir William Jones's Works, vol. iii, p. 106.

In all these essential particulars the statements of Herodotus and Firdusi
agree, — an agreement which, considering the different circumstances and eras
of the authors, is sufficient to prove that here is a substratum of facts which may
be relied on as the basis of an authentic history of Cyrus.

Respecting the other point of difference, namely, whether Cyrus conquered
Media, and forcibly deposed Astyages, according to Herodotus, — or lived in har
mony with him, and succeeded to his throne on his death, agreeably to Xenophon's
Cyropsedia, — there can scarcely be a question ; for, first, the Father of History
is in this instance not only supported by Plato, Aristotle, Isocrates, Anaximenes,
Dinon, and Amyntas, but even Xenophon's own Anabasis may be quoted in
contradiction of his Cyroptedia. In the former work, speaking of the city Larissa,
he observes, " This city, when besieged by the king of Persia, when the Persians
were wresting the empire from the Medes," &c.: and, again, when speaking of
the city of Mespila, and its extraordinary fortifications, he states that "here
Media, the king's consort, is said to have taken refuge when the Medes were
deprived of the empire by the Persians." — Anabasis, lib. iii, cap. 4. Now as it is
certain that Cyrus was the person who raised the Persians to supremacy orer
Media, these statements are directly contrary to the romantic statement of the
Cyropsedia, where, without any struggle or contest, Cyrus is represented as
living in perfect harmony with his grandfather Astyages, King of Media, and
quietly succeeding to his kingdom on the death of his uncle, Cyaxares.

NOTE 42, page 260. — Was Cyrus made acquainted with the Prophecies of
Daniel ?

We have given in the text primd facie evidence that Daniel would make Cyrus
acquainted with those wonderful revelations which God had given to the world

578 APPENDIX.

through him respecting the succession of the four great empires that were
appointed to exercise universal rule, before the introduction of the kingdom of
God. Many collateral proofs might be found in the history of this monarch
confirmatory of this view ; but attention will here be confined to two; namely,
the inscription on his tomb, and his edict in favour of the Jews.

" Pliny notices the tomb of Cyrus at Pasargada? in Persia. Arrian and Strabo
describe it ; and they agree with Curtius that Alexander offered funeral honours
to his shade there ; that he opened the tomb, and found, not the treasures he
expected, but a rotten shield, two Scythian bows, and a Persian scimitar.
And Plutarch records the following inscription thereon, in his Life of Alex
ander : ' 0 man, whoever thou art, and whenever thou comest, (for come I
know thou wilt,) I am CYRUS, the founder of the Persian empire. Envy me
not the little earth that covers my bones.' " — Hales's Ancient Chronology, vol.
iv, p. 102.

It may be observed here, that the fact of the tomb of Cyrus being found in
this identical spot cannot be open to doubt. I presume, no statement supported
by the unanimous testimony of Pliny, Arrian, Strabo, Curtius, and Plutarch,
would be questioned by any person at all competent to give an opinion on such
a subject as this. Then comes the inscription. What does it mean ? Who is
the person addressed, and addressed, too, as having the power of depriving the
occupant of the tomb of earth to cover his bones ; and whose coming is spoken
of as such an established certainty? Plutarch says that "Alexander was much
affected at these words, which placed before him in so strong a light the uncer
tainty and vicissitude of things." This might be the best solution which the
heathen biographer could offer respecting the emotion of Alexander. But to the
person who has carefully studied the predictions of Daniel, and to the great
Macedonian who had these prophecies read to him by the high-priest at Jerusa
lem, would the words of the inscription appear to indicate not uncertainty, but
rather the certainty of the divine appointment, — the obvious and undoubted opera
tion of a supreme over-ruling Providence, before whose power all earthly poten
tates are as nothing.

In short, no pointed sense, no worthy meaning, can be given to this inscrip
tion, except we suppose Cyrus to have been informed of the succession of the
four great empires, and the consequent subversion of Persia by Greece. Then,
we see who is addressed by him as the man certainly coming : then the ref
erence to his power is intelligible. In fact, on this principle of interpretation,
the inscription is worthy of Cyrus ; and the emotion of the conqueror, worthy
of Alexander.

The edict issued in favour of the Hebrews is* a similar proof of the acquaint
ance of Cyrus with these predictions. In the first instance, we cannot bring
ourselves to believe that the language of this edict ran in the usual terms of the
royal Persian proclamations, namely, " By the grace of Ormuzd." Ezra would
never have rendered such a phrase by the terms " the JEHOVAH God of heaven."
In fact, he never could have rendered such words into " JEHOVAH God of Israel."
It would be impossible for any Hebrew — not to say, a pious and inspired priest —
thus to prostitute the most glorious and ineffable name of the Eternal. Besides,
it has been shown that the Hebrew name of God was recognised as a divine
appellation both at Nineveh and Babylon, and it would undoubtedly be so like
wise in Persia,

We have, therefore, in this passage precisely the same recognition of the true
God as we find extorted from Nebuchadnezzar. Dan. iii, 28 ; iv, 37. And it

APPENDIX. 579

seems certain that this was done by the same means, — namely, a communication
of those glorious revelations which God had made to Daniel respecting the provi
dential appointment of a succession of great empires to rule over the world ;
accompanied, there can be no doubt, by those parts of Isaiah's prophecies in
which Cyrus was pointed out by name, long before he was born, as a chosen
instrument for the accomplishment of the divine purpose.

The mind loves to dwell on the intercourse between the martial Persian — with
the world lying at his feet and waiting his commands — and the aged prophet,
who had taught Nebuchadnezzar, and warned Belshazzar, and received from the
all-prescient Jehovah an outline of the world's destiny, from the day of Jerusa
lem's ruin to the end of time. When will history be fairly and fully studied in
the light of revealed truth ?

NOTE 43, page 262. — The successful Opposition of the Governors of Syria and
others to the Building of Jerusalem, and the Evidence thereby afforded of the
Integrity and Perfection of the national Records at the Court of Persia.

The correspondence on this subject preserved by Josephus is important, not
only as casting light on the position and difficulties of the pious Hebrews during
the times of Ezra and Nehemiah, but also as evincing the completeness with
which historic registers were kept at the court of Persia. The Jewish historian
says : " But when Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, had taken the kingdom, the gov
ernors in Syria, and Phenicia, and in the countries of Ammon, and Moab, and
Samaria, wrote an epistle to Cambyses, whose contents were as follows : ' To
our lord, Cambyses : we thy servants, Rathumus the historiographer, and Semel-
lius the scribe, and the rest that are thy judges in Syria and Phenicia, send
greeting. It is fit, 0 king, that thou shouldst know, that those Jews which were
carried to Babylon are come into our country, and are building that rebellious
and wicked city and its market-places, and setting up its walls, and raising up
the temple. Know, therefore, that when these things are finished, they will not
be willing to pay tribute, nor will they submit to thy commands, but will resist
kings, and will choose rather to rule over others, than be ruled over themselves.
We, therefore, thought it proper to write to thee, 0 king, while the works about
the temple are going on so fast, and not to overlook this matter, that thou may-
est search into the books of thy fathers : for thou wilt find in them, that the Jews
have been rebels, and enemies to kings, as hath their city been also, which, for
that reason, hath been till nowlaid waste. Wre thought proper also to inform
thee of this matter, because thou mayest perhaps be otherwise ignorant of it, —
that if this city be once inhabited, and be entirely encompassed with walls, thou
wilt be excluded from thy passage to Ccele-Syria and Phenicia.'

" 2. When Cambyses had read the epistle, being naturally wicked, he was
irritated at what they told him : and wrote back to them as follows : ' Cambyses,
the king, to Rathumus the historiographer, to Beeltethmus, to Semellius the
scribe, and the rest that are in commission, and dwelling in Samaria and Pheni
cia, after this manner: I have read the epistle that was sent from you; and I
gave order that the books of my forefathers should be searched into ; and it is
there found that this city has always been an enemy to kings, and its inhabitants
have raised seditions and wars. We also are sensible that their kings have been
powerful and tyrannical, and have exacted tribute of Coele-Syria and Phenicia.
Wherefore I give order, that the Jews shall not be permitted to build that city,
lest such mischief as they used to bring upon kings be greatly augmented.'

580

APPENDIX.

When this epistle was read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe, and their asso
ciates, got suddenly on horseback, and made haste to Jerusalem : they also
brought a great company with them, and forbade the Jews to build the city and
the temple. Accordingly these works were hindered from going on till the
second year of the reign of Darius, for nine years more : for Cambyses reigned
six years, and within that time overthrew Egypt ; and when he was come back,
he died at Damascus/'— Antiquities, book zi, chap, ii, sec. 1, 2.

wephus evidently attaches greater effect to this correspondence than it
for it is clear that this is the interference referred to by Ezra ; (chap,
iv, 6 ;) and there can be little doubt that it availed during the reign of Cam
byses. But the same sacred writer distinctly refers to other efforts to stay the
proceedings of the Hebrews, which were made in the following reign ; and a
letter of the opponents is given by him at length, addressed not to " Ahasuerus,"
Cambyses is called by Ezra, but to " Artaxerxes," who must have been
Smerdis the Magian. Either, therefore, Josephus has misstated the case in refer-
the correspondence which took place with Smerdis to the preceding sover
eign ; or, which scarcely seems probable, such communications took place in
both reigns, one being cited by the historian, and the other by the sacred writer.
It cannot be doubted that by "Ahasuerus " Ezra means Cambyses, as he imrae-
iately followed Cyrus ; and it seems equally certain that Artaxerxes was the
Magian, he having preceded Darius,— all four being specifically spoken of by the
sacred scribe.

But the correspondence, as given both in the Scriptures and by the historian,
ffords important information respecting the national records. The complain
ants appeal to these in proof of the independence, valour, and determined spirit
7 the Hebrews, in their previous history. Now, Jerusalem was destroyed before
Persia had existence as a paramount state. Indeed, whatever records had been
made of the resistance of the kingdom of Judah to the imperial power must at
latest have been made at Babylon. But the seat of empire had been removed
•om this city to Ecbatana in Media, and again from Ecbatana to Susa in
Persia : and yet so carefully had the imperial archives been transferred and pre
served, that the sovereign, on an appeal from a distant province, could instantly
ascertain its character previously to its being subdued by the imperial power,
fact speaks volumes as to the means which Berosus, Ctesias, Firdusi, and
>thers, who in their respective ages had access to these records, would have of
collecting authentic facts respecting the early times of the empire.

NOTE 44, page 2GG.— The Deliberations of the Conspirators as to the future Govern
ment of Persia, and the Appointment of Darius Hystaspes to be King.

It is curious to find, in the deliberations of these seven Persian nobles, every
kind of government advocated which has obtained among men. According to
Herodotus, Otanes argued in favour of democracy, as zealously as could any
American of modern times, and testified the sincerity of his address by with
drawing altogether from any claim to govern, when he found that none of his
Companions shared his sentiments. Megabyzus advocated an oligarchy, and
strongly urged the propriety of intrusting the ruling power to a select number
f individuals eminent for their talents and virtues. Darius, on the other hand,
Mgued in favour of monarchy ; and adduced various reasons for maintaining
the same kind of government which had previously existed in the country.

It cannot escape observation, that although the advocates for these different

APPENDIX. 581

kinds of government seem to have been fully conversant with all the argu
ments since urged in favour of these several schemes of national polity, not
one of them appears to have had the remotest idea of that happy blending of
each which is so directly adapted to neutralize their respective evil tendencies,
and to elicit the good qualities of all ; as is seen in the constitutional govern
ments of modern times.

The result was, that of the seven, four were in favour of monarchy, two of
oligarchy, and one of democracy. It was therefore decided that monarchy should
be continued, and that one of the seven should be the first king. Having pre
viously made sundry regulations, conferring special privilege on Otanes, as the
first instigator -of the measures taken against the impostor Smerdis, and on the
members of their own body, " they agreed to meet on horseback at sunrise in
the vicinity of the city, and to make him king whose horse should neigh first.
Darius had a groom, whose name was (Ebares, a man of considerable ingenuity,
for whom on his return he immediately sent. ' (Ebares/ said he, ' it is deter
mined that we are to meet at sunrise on horseback, and that he among us shall
be king whose horse shall first neigh. Whatever acuteness you have, exert it on
this occasion, that no one but myself may attain this honour.' ' Sir,' replied
(Ebares, ' if your being king or not depend on what you say, be not afraid. I
have a kind of charm, which will prevent any one's being preferred to yourself.'
' Whatever,' replied Darius, ' this charm may be, it must be applied without
delay, as the morning will decide the matter.' (Ebares, therefore, as soon as the
evening came, conducted to the place before the city a mare, having previously
ordered Darius's horse to be taken there.

" The next morning, as soon as it was light, the six Persians assembled, as
had been agreed, on horseback. After riding up and down at the place appoint
ed, they came at length to the spot where, on the preceding evening, the mare
had been brought : here the horse of Darius instantly began to neigh, which,
though the sky was remarkably clear, was immediately succeeded by thunder
and lightning. The heavens thus seemed to favour, and, indeed, to act in con
cert with, Darius. Immediately the other noblemen dismounted, and, falling at
his feet, hailed him king."

Such is the account given by Herodotus of the election of Darius to the sover
eignty of Persia. (Thalia, cap. 80-84.) The truth of this statement is attested
by an equestrian statue, on which was placed an inscription celebrating his ele
vation to the throne, and containing the name of the groom and also of the horse.

NOTE 45, page 272. — The Succession of Xerxes to the Throne of Persia.
The account given in the text is taken from Herodotus. Plutarch and Justin
give a different version of the case, which, as being received by the emperor Ju
lian as authentic, is worthy of notice. According to this statement, the case was
not decided by Darius ; but on his death both brothers claimed the sovereignty,
and each was supported by numerous friends. Pending the settlement of this
question, Ariamenes (called by Herodotus Artobazanes) went into Media, but
not in a hostile manner. While he was there, Xerxes assumed the crown and
robes of royalty. But on the return of his brother he put these off, and sent him
presents, with a friendly message to this effect: " Thus your brother Xerxes hon
ours you ; and if the Persians should declare me king, I will place you next to
myself." Ariamenes replied, "I accept your gifts, but presume that I am enti
tled to the throne of Persia. Yet for my brothers I shall have posts of distinc
tion, and for Xerxes the first."

582 APPENDIX.

On the day fixed for the determination of the right to the crown, the Persians
appointed Artabanus, the brother of Darius, to make the decision. Xerxes ex-
cepted to this, and preferred leaving it to the popular will: but his mother re
proved him for the objection, and he withdrew it. Artabanus then, after re
viewing the conflicting claims of the candidates, decided in favour of Xerxes ; upon
which Ariamenes rose up immediately, did homage to his brother, and placed
him on the throne.

NOTE 46, page 273.— The Behistun Inscriptions, containing Darius's own Account

of his Wars.

The following Inscriptions possess great interest, as being to some extent an
autobiography of Darius Hystaspis. Reference will be made to their contents

ainly in the chapter treating of the Religion of Persia : but the reader will
find, that besides the light which they throw on Persian theology, they present
some historical notices of importance, such, for instance, as the claim of Darius
to the crown of Persia on hereditary grounds, which will be recognised as a cu
rious piece of state-policy.

I. I am Darius the great king, the king of kings, the king of Persia, the
king of (the dependent) provinces, the son of Hystaspes, the grandson of Arsames
the Achoemenian.

Says Darius the king:— My father was Hystaspes ; of Hystaspes the fa-
•r was Arsames ; of Arsames the father was Ariyaramnes ; of Ariyaramnes
the father was Teispes ; of Teispes the father was Achajmenes.

. Says Darius the king :— On that account we have been called Achcemenians ;
from antiquity we have been unsubdued ; (or, we have descended ;) from anti
quity those of our race have been kings.

" 4. Says Darius the king:— There are eight of my race who have been kings
before me ; I am the ninth : for a very long time we have been kings.

"5. Says Darius the king:— By the grace of Ormazd I am (I have become)
king ; Ormazd has granted me the empire.

5. Says Darius the king :— These are the countries which have fallen into my
hands :— by the grace of Ormazd I have become king of them :— Persia, Susiana,
Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt; those which are of the sea, Sparta and
Ionia; Armenia, Cappadocia, Parthia, Zarangia, Aria, Chorasmia, Bactria, Sog-
diana, the Sacae, the Sattagydes, Arachosia, and the Mecians ; the total amount
being twenty-one (twenty-three?) countries.

*• 7. Says Darius the king : — These are the countries which have come to me ;
by the grace of Ormazd they have become subject to me ; they have brought tri
bute to me. That which has been said unto them by me, both by night and by
day, it has been performed by them.

Says Darius the king : — Within these countries whoever was of the true
faith, him have I cherished and protected ; whoever was a heretic, him I have
rooted out entirely. By the grace of Ormazd these countries, therefore, being
given to me, have rejoiced. As to them it has been said by me, Thus has it been
done by them.

M9. Says Darius the king:— Ormazd has granted me the empire. Ormazd has
brought help to me until I have gained this empire. By the grace of Ormazd I
hold this empire.
"10. Says Darius the king:— This (or the following) (is) what was done by

APPENDIX.

583

me before I became king. He who was named Cambyses, (Kabujiya,) the son
of Cyrus, of our race, he was here king before me. There was of that Cambyses
a brother named Bartius; he was of the same father and mother as Cambyses.
Cambyses slew this Bartius. When Cambyses slew that Bartius, the troubles of
the state ceased which Bartius had excited. (?) Then Cambyses proceeded to
Egypt. When Cambyses had gone to Egypt, the state became heretical; then
the lie became abounding in the land, both in Persia and in Media, and in the
other provinces.

" 11. Says Darius the king :— Afterward there was a certain man, a Magian,
named Gomates. He arose from Pissiachada, the mountains named Arakadres;
from thence, on the fourteenth day of the month Viyakhna, then it was, as he
arose, to the state he thus falsely declared : ' I am Bartius, the son of Cyrus, the
brother of Cambyses.' Then the whole state became rebellious ; from Cambyses
it went over to that (Bartius), both Persia and Media, and the other provinces.
He seized the empire ; on the ninth day of the month Garmapada, then it was he
thus seized the empire. Afterward Cambyses, unable to endure his (misfor
tunes), died.

" 12. Says Darius the king -.—That crown, or empire, of which Gomates, tl
Magian, dispossessed Cambyses, that crown had been in our family from the
olden time. After Gomates the Magian had dispossessed Cambyses of Persia
and Media and the dependent provinces, he did according to his desire,— he
became king.

" 13. Says Darius the king -.—There was not a man, neither Persian, nor Mec an,
nor any one of our family, who would dispossess of the empire that Gomates the
Ma°ian. The state feared to resist him. He would frequently address the
state, which knew the old Bartius ; for that reason he would adress the state,
saying, ' Beware lest it regard me as if I were not Bartius the son of Cyrus/
Theresas not one bold enough to oppose him ; every one was standing obediently
around Gomates the Magian, until I arrived. Then I abode in the worship of
Ormazd ; Ormazd brought help to me. On the tenth day of the month Bagaya-
dish then it was, with the men who were my well-wishers, I slew that Gomates
the Magian, and the chief men who were his followers. The fort named Siktak-
hotes in the district of Media named Niscea, there I slew him; I dispossessed
him of the empire. By the grace of Ormazd I became king; Ormazd grant

me the sceptre.

« H Says Darius the king :— The crown that had been wrested from our race,
that I 'recovered ; I established it firmly, as in the days of old ; this I did. The
rite* which Gomates the Magian had introduced, I prohibited. I re-instituted
for the state the sacred chants and (sacrificial) worship, and confided them to the
families which Gomates the Magian had deprived of those offices. I firmly estab
lished the kingdom, both Persia and Media, and the other provinces, as in the
days of old ; thus I restored that which had been taken away. By the grace of
Ormazd I did this. I laboured until I had firmly established our family as m
the days of old. I laboured, by the grace of Ormazd, (in order) that Gomates
Magian might not supersede our family.

"15. Says Darius the king:— This is that which I did after that I became

. Says Darius the king:— When I had slain Gomates the Magian, then a
certain man, named Atrines, the son of Opadarmes, he arose; to the state of
Susiana he thus said: 'I am king of Susiana.' Then the people of Susiana
became rebellious; they went over to that Atrines ; he became king of Susiana.

584

APPENDIX.

And a certain man, a Babylonian, named Natitabirus, the son of ^Ena he arose

The state of Babylonia he thus falsely addressed : • I am Nabokhodrossor the son

f Nabonidus.' Then the entire Babylonian state went over to that Natitabirus

Babylon became rebellious. He (Natitabirus) seized the government of Babylonia

•• 17. Says Darius the king :-Then I sent to Su8iana ; that Atrines was brought

to me a prisoner. I slew him.

•• 18 Says Darius the king:-Then I proceeded to Babylon (marching) against

t Natitabirus, who was called Nabokhodrossor. The forces of Natitabirus

1 the Tigris; there they had come, and they had boats. Then I placed a de-

fcchment on rafts ; I brought the enemy into difficulty ; I assaulted the enemy's

on. Ormazd brought help to me; by the grace of Ormazd I succeeded in

sing the Tigris. Then I entirely defeated the army of that Natitabirus On

the twenty-seventh day of the month of Atriyata, then it was that we thus

fought.

"19. Says Darius the king:— Then I marched against Babylon. When I
d near Babylon, the city named Zazana upon the Euphrates, there that
Natitabirus, who was called Nabokhodrossor, came with a force before me offer
ing battle. Then we fought a battle. Ormazd brought help to me : by the grace
' Ormazd, I entirely defeated the force of Natitabirus. The enemy was driven
into the water; the water destroyed them. On the second day of the mouth
An&rnaka, then it was that we thus fought the battle."

[End of column I, which extends to ninety-six lines, and the writing of which
is generally in good preservation.]

"1 Says Darius the king :-Then Natitabirus, with the horsemen who were
him, fled to Babylon. Then I proceeded to Babylon ; I took Babylon
and seized that Natitabirus. Afterward I slew that Natitabirus at Babylon

'2. Says Darius the king:— While I was at Babylon, these are the countries
which revolted against me: Persia, Susiana, Media, Assyria, Armenia Parthia
Margiana, Sattagydia, and Sacia.

3. Says Darius the king :— A certain man, named Martius, the son of Sisicres ;
a city of Persia, named Cyganaca, there he dwelt; he rose up; to the state of
Susiana he thus said : < I am Omanes, the king of Susiana,'

"4. Says Darius the king :-Upon this (?) I was moving a little way in the
direction of Susiana : then the Susians, fearing (?) from me, seized that Martius
who was their chief, and they slew him. (?)

"5. Says Darius the king :— A certain man named Phraortes, a Median, he
rose up; to the state of Media he thus said: I am Xathrites, of the race' of
Cyaxares.' Then the Median forces, which were at home, (?) revolted against
me. They went over to that Phraortes ; he became king of Media,

"6. Says Darius the king:— The army of Persians and Medes that was
with me (on service) that remained faithful to me. Then I sent forth these
troops. Hydarnes by name, a Persian, one of my subjects, him I appointed their
leader. I thus addressed them : ' Happiness attend ye ; smite that Median state
which does not acknowledge me.' Then that Hydarnes marched with his army.
When he reached Media, a city of Media, named Ma..., there he engaged the
Medes. He who was leader of the Medes could not at all resist him. (?) Ormazd
brought help to me : by the grace of Ormazd, the troops of Hydarnes entirely
defeated the rebel army. On the sixth day of the month Anamaka, then it was
that the battle was thus fought by them. Afterward my forces remained at
Kapada, a district of Media, according to my order, (?) until I myself arrived in
Media.

APPENDIX. 585

" 7. Says Darius the king : — Then Dadarses, by name an Armenian, one of my
servants, him I sent to Armenia. I thus said to him : ' Greeting to thee : the
rebel state that does not obey me, smite it.' Then Dadarses marched. When he
reached Armenia, then the rebels, having collected, came before Dadarses, array
ing their battle. by name, a village of Armenia, there they engaged.

Ormazcl brought help to me ; by the grace of Ormazd, my forces entirely defeated
that rebel army. On the eighth day of the month Thurawiihara, then it was a
battle was thus fought by them.

" 8. Says Darius the king:— For the second time the rebels having collected,
returned before Dadarses arraying battle. The fort of Armenia, named Tigra,
there they engaged. Ormazd brought help to me ; by the grace of Ormazd, my
troops entirely defeated that rebel army. On the eighteenth day of the month
of Thurawahara, then it was a battle was thus fought by them.

" 9. Says Darius the king :— For the third time the rebels having assembled,

returned before Dadarses arraying battle. A fort of Armenia named , there

they engaged. Ormazd brought help to me ; by the grace of Ormazd, my forces
entirely defeated the rebel troops. On the ninth day of the month Thaigar*chish,
then it was a battle was thus fought by them. Afterward Dadarses remained
away from me ... until I reached Media.

" 10. Says Darius the king :— Then he who was named Vomises, a Persian,
one of my servants, him I sent to Armenia. Thus I said to him : ' Hail to thee :
the rebel state which does not acknowledge my authority, bring it under submis
sion.' Then Vomises marched forth. When he had reached Armenia, then the
rebels, having assembled, came again before Vomises in order of battle. A dis
trict of Assyria named , there they engaged. Ormazd brought help to me ;

by the grace of Ormazd, my forces entirely defeated that rebel army. On the
fifteenth day of the month Anamaka, then it was a battle was thus fought by
them.

" 11. Says Darius the king : — For the second time the rebels having assembled,
came before Vomises in battle array. The district of Armenia named Otiara,
there they engaged. Ormazd brought help to me : by the grace of Ormazd, my
forces entirely defeated that rebel army. In the month Thurawuhara, upon the
festival, (?) then was a battle fought by them. Afterward Vomises remained in
Armenia apart from me, until I reached Media.

" 12. Says Darius the k'ing : — Then I departed : from Babylon I proceeded to
Media. When I reached Media, a city of Media named Gudrusia, there that
Phraortes, who was called ' king of Media/ came with an array before me in
battle array. Then we joined battle. Ormazd brought help to me ; by the grace
of Ormazd, I entirely defeated the forces of Phraortes. On the twenty-sixth day
of the month of Askhama, (?) then it was we thus fought in battle.

" 13. Says Darius the king :— Then that Phraortes, with the horsemen who
were faithful to him, fled from thence to the district of Media named linages.
Subsequently I despatched forces in pursuit, by whom Phraortes was taken and
brought before me. I cut off both his nose and ears and his lips, (?) and I

brought him to . He was held chained at my door ; all the kingdom beheld

him. Afterward, at Ecbatana, there I had him crucified ; (?) and the men who
were his chief followers at Ecbatana, in the citadel I imprisoned (?) them.

" 14. Says Darius the king: — A certain man named Sitratachmes, a Sagartian,
he rebelled against me. To the state he thus said : ' I am the king of Sagartia,
I am of the race of Cyaxares.' Then 1 sent forth an army, composed of Persians
and Medians. A man named Camaspates, a Median, one of my subjects, him I

580

APPENDIX.

appointed their leader. Thus I addressed them : « Hail to ye : the state which is
in revolt, which does not acknowledge me, smite it' Then Camaspates marched
with his army. He fought a battle with Sitratachmes. Orrnazd brought help
to me ; by the grace of Ormazd, my troops entirely defeated the rebel army, and
took Sitratachmes, and brought him before me. Then I cut off his nose and his

ears, and I brought him to . He was kept chained at my door. (?) All the

dngdom beheld him. Afterward I had him crucified at Arbela.

Says Darius the king;— This ia that (which) was done by me in Media.

Says Darius the king:— [The rest of this paragraph is illegible in the

cription, except in a few detached words. A connected translation is

given from the Median transcript, which is perfect.] Parthia and Hyrcania"

(\Narkan in the Persian, Vehkaniya in the Median) "revolted against me ! they

iclared for Phraortes. Hystaspes, who was my father, the Parthian forces rose

llion against him. Then Hystaspes, with the troops who remained

faithful to him, marched forth. Hyspaostisa, a town of Parthia, there he

the rebels. Ormazd brought help .... by the grace of Ormazd,

« entirely defeated the rebel army on the twenty-second day of the

month Viyakhna:" (Viyahnas in the Median:) "then it was the battle was

fought by them."

[End of Column II, which extends, like the preceding, to ninety-six lines. The
writing is a good deal injured by a fissure in the rock, which extends 'the whole
length of the tablet. j

"Says Darius the king:— Then I sent from Rhages a Persian army to Hys-
When that army reached Hystaspes, he marched forth with those
troops. The city of Parthia named Patigapana, there he fought with the rebels.
Ormazd brought help to me ; by the grace of Ormazd, Hystaspes entirely defeated
that rebel army. On the first day of the month of Garmapada, then it was the
battle was thus fought by them.

" 2. Says Darius the king:— Then the province submitted to me. This is what
was done by me in Parthia.

Says Darius the king :— The province named Margiana, that revolted (?)
against me. A certain man named Phraates, the Margians made him their
leader. Then I sent to him one who was named Dadarses, a Persian, one of my
subjects, and the satrap of Bactria. Thus I said to him : • Hail to thee : attack
that province which does not acknowledge me.' Then Dadarses marched with
his forces ; he joined battle with the Margians. Ormazd brought help to me ; by
the grace of Ormazd, my troops entirely defeated the rebel army. On the twenty-
third day of the month Atriyatiya, then it was the battle was thus fought by
them.

. Says Darius the king : — Then the province submitted to me. This is what
was done by me in Bactria.

" 5. Says Darius the king :— A certain man, named Veisdates ; a city named
Tarba, in the district of Persia named Yutiya, there he dwelt. He rose up a
second time ; to the state of Persia he thus said : « I am Bartitfs, the son of Cyrus.'
Then the Persian forces which were at home being removed (?) from connexion
with me, they revolted against me. They went over to that Veisdates ; ho
became king of Persia.

" 6. Says Darius the king :— Then I sent forth the Persian and Median forces
which were with me. Artabardes by name, one of my servants, him I appointed
their chief. Another Persian force proceeded after me to Media. Then Arta
bardes, with his troops, marched to Persia. When he reached Persia, a city of

APPENDIX. 587

Persia named Racha, there that Veisdates, who was called Bartius, came with a
force before Artabardes in battle array. Then they joined battle. Ormazd
brought help to me ; by the grace of Ormazd, my troops entirely defeated the
army of Veisdates. On the twelfth day of the month Thurawahara, then it was
the battle was thus fought by them.

"7. Says Darius the king:— Then that Veisdates, with the horsemen who
remained staunch to him, fled from thence to Pissiachuda. From that place,
with an army, he came back arraying battle before Artabardes. The mountains
named Parga, there they fought. Ormazd brought help to me ; by the grace of
Ormazd my troops entirely defeated the army of Veisdates. On the sixth day of
the month of Garmapada, then it was that the battle was thus fought by them.
Both that Veisdates they took, and also they took the men who were his prin
cipal adherents.

" 8. Says Darius the king :— Then that Veisdates and the men who were his
chief followers, the town of Persia named Chadidia, there I impaled (?)
them.

" 9. Says Darius the king -.—That Veisdates, who was called Bartius, he sent
troops to Arachotia, against one named Vibanus, a Persian, one of my servants,
and satrap of Arachotia ; and he appointed a certain man to be their leader.
He thus addressed them : ' Hail to ye : smite Vibanus, and that state which
obeys the rule of King Darius.' Then those forces marched which Veisdates had
sent against Vibanus, preparing for battle. A fort named Capiscania, there
they fought an action. Ormazd brought help to me ; by the grace of Ormazd, my
troops entirely defeated that rebel army. On the thirteenth day of the month
Anamaka, then it was the battle was thus fought by them.

" 10. Says Darius the king :— Another time, the rebels having assembled came
before Vibanus, offering battle. The district named Gadytia, there they fought
an action. Ormazd brought help to me; by the grace of Ormazd, my troops
entirely defeated the rebel army. On the seventh day of the month Viyakhna,
then it was the battle was thus fought by them.

"11. Says Darius the king: — Then that man who was the leader of those
troops which Veisdates had sent against Vibanus, that leader, with the horsemen
who were faithful to him, fled away. A fort of Arachotia, named Arshada, he
went beyond that place. Then Vibanus with his troops marched in pursuit (or,
to Nipatiya). There he took him, and slew the men who were his chief fol
lowers.

"12. Says Darius the king:— Then the province submitted to me. This is
what was done by me in Arachotia.

" 13. Says Darius the king : — While I was in Persia and Media, for the second
time the Babylonians revolted against me. A certain man named Aracus, an
Armenian, the son of Nafiditus, he arose up ; a district of Babylon named Dobafia,
from thence he arose ; he thus falsely proclaimed : ' I am Nabokhodrossor, the
son of Nabonidus.' Then the Babylonian state revolted against me ; it went over
to that Aracus ; he seized on Babylon ; he became king of Babylonia.

" 14. Says Darius the king -.—Then I sent troops to Babylon. A Median of the
name of Intaphres, one of my servants, him I appointed their leader. Thus I
addressed them:— Hail to ye: smite that Babylonian state, which does not
acknowledge me/ Then Intaphres with his forces marched to Babylon. Ormazd
brought help to me; by the grace of Ormazd Intaphres took Babylon...0n the
second day of the month... then it was he thus "...[The three last lines are
entirely lost in the Persian, with the exception of the concluding words, " Then

588

APPENDIX.

he was killed;" and I have not the Median translation of this part of the
inscription.]

"2. Says Darius the king:— [This column is throughout greatly defaced:
in many parts the writing is wholly obliterated, and can only be conjecturally
restored ; the translation, therefore, is given with much less confidence than that
of the preceding columns.] This is what I have done. By the grace of Ormazd
have I done everything. As the provinces revolted against me, I fought nineteen
battles. By the grace of Ormazd, I smote them, and I made nine kings captive.
One was named Gom4tes, the Magian : he was an impostor : he said, • I am Bar-
tius, the son of Cyrus :' he threw Persia into revolt One, an impostor, was
named Atries, the Susian : he thus said, 'I am the king of Susiana:' he caused
Susiana to revolt against me. One was named Natitabirus, a native of Babylon :
he was an impostor: he thus said, ' I am Nabokhodrossor, the son of Nabonidus :'
he caused Babylonia to revolt. One was an impostor named Martius, the Per
sian : he thus said, ' I am Omanes, the King of Susiana:' he threw Susiana into
rebellion. One was named Phraortes, the Median : he assumed a false character :
he thus said, 'I am Xathrites, of the race of Cyaxares:' he persuaded Media to
revolt. One was an impostor named Sitratchmes, a native of Sagartia : he thus
said, * I am the king of Sagartia, of the race of Cyaxares :' he headed a rebellion
in Sagartia. One was an impostor named Phraates, a Margian : he threw Mar-
giana into revolt. One was an impostor named Veisdates, a Persian : he thus
said, • I am Bartius, the son of Cyrus :' he headed a rebellion in Persia. One
was an impostor named Aracus, a native of Armenia : he said thus, « I am Nabok
hodrossor, the son of Nabonidus :' he threw Babylon into revolt.

"3. Says Darius the king: — These nine kings I have taken in these battles.
" 4. Says Darius the king :— These are the provinces which became rebellious.
The evil one (?) created lies, that they should deceive the state : afterward...
caused. ..to be subdued by me. (?) As it was desired by me, thus. ..did (?)

"5. Says Darius the king:— Thou, whoever may be king hereafter, exert thy
self to put down lying : the man who may be heretical, him entirely destroy.
If it shall be thus kept up, (?) my country shall remain entire (or prosperous.)

" 6. Says Darius the king :— This is what I have done. By the grace of Ormazd,
have I achieved the performance of the whole. Thou, whoever hereafter mayest
peruse this tablet, let it be known to thee, that which has been done by me, that
it has not been falsely related. (?)

"7. Says Darius the king:— Ormazd is my witness, (?) that this record (?) I
have faithfully made of the performance of the whole.

" 8. Says Darius the king :— By the grace of Ormazd, there is much else that
has been done by me that upon this tablet has not been inscribed. On that
account it has not been inscribed, lest he who may hereafter peruse this tablet,
to him the many deeds (?) that have been done by me elsewhere, it should seem
that they are falsely recorded. (?)

" 9. Says Darius the king :— Those who have been former kings in Persia in
succession, (?) to them it is done, as by me ; by the grace of Ormazd has been the
performance of the whole ; so it has been recorded. (?)

" 10. Says Darius the king : — Be it known to thee, my successor, (?) that
which has not been done by me, thus publicly, (?) on that account that thou con
ceal not. If thou publish this tablet to the world, (?) Ormazd shall be a friend
to thee, and may thy offspring be numerous, and mayest thou be long-lived.

•• 11. Says Darius the king: — If thou conceal this record, thou shalt not be thy
self recorded ; (?) may Ormazd be thy enemy, and mayest thou be childless.

APPENDIX. 589

" 12. Says Darius the king :— This is what I have done ; the performance of the
whole, by the grace of Ormazd, I have achieved it. Ormazd has brought help to
me, and the other gods which are (brought help to me.)

" 13. Says Darius the king : — On that account Ormazd brought help to me,
and the other gods which are, (because) that I was not a heretic, nor was I a
liar, nor was I a tyrant. ..My offspring above their place (?) above. ..by me with
the tribes... was done. Whoever was an evil-doer, (?) him I entirely destroyed.
[These lines are much defaced.]

" 14. Says Darius the king :— Thou, whatsoever king who mayest be hereafter
the man who may be a liar, or who may be an evil-doer, (?) do not cherish them ; (?)
cast them out into utter perdition.

" lo. Says Darius the king : — Thou, whosoever hereafter mayest behold this
tablet which I have inscribed, and these figures, beware lest thou dishonour them :
as long as thou preservest them, so long shalt thou be preserved. (?)

"16. Says Darius the king: — As long as thou mayest behold this tablet and
these figures, thou mayest not dishonour them; and if from injury thou shalt
preserve them, (?) may Ormazd be a friend to thee, and may thy offspring be
numerous, and mayest thou be long-lived ; and that which thou mayest do may
Ormazd bless for thee in after times.

" 17. Says Darius the king :— If, seeing this tablet and these figures, thou shalt
dishonour them, and if from injury thou mayest not preserve them, may Ormazd
be thy enemy, and mayest thou be childless ; and that which thou mayest do,
may Ormazd spoil thee.

" 18. Says Darius the king :— These are the men who alone (?) were there
when I slew Gomates, the Magian, who was called Bartius. These alone (?) are
the men who were my assistants :— [The names are almost obliterated in the
Persian, and several of them are imperfect in the Median. I have been able,
however, to recover the following:] Intaphernes by name, the son of Hys...a
Persian; Otanes by name, the son of.. .a Persian; Gobryas by name, the son of
Mardonius, a Persian; Hydarnes by name, the son of... a Persian; Megabyzus
by name, the son of Zopyrus, a Persian; Aspathines by name, the son of... a
Persian."

[There is one more paragraph in Column IV, consisting of six lines, which is
entirely obliterated in the Persian, and appears to be without any Median trans
lation.]

Of the thirty-five lines which compose a supplementary half-column, it
sible to give a complete translation, one side of the tablet being entirely destroyed.
From such portions as are decipherable, it appears to contain an account of two
other revolts; one in Susiana, conducted by a man named... imin; and the other
by Saruk'ha, the chief of the Sacae, who dwelt upon the Tigris.

Darius employed Gubar'uwa, (Gobryas,) the Persian, against the former rebel;
and he marched in person against the latter, having previously returned from
Media to Babylon. The details of the campaigns cannot be recovered, but they
both terminated successfully.

The inscription then concludes with further thanksgivings to Ormazd, ai
injunctions to the posterity of Darius to preserve uninjured the memorial of
his deeds.

The events described in the supplemental column must have taken place
the process of engraving the preceding record, and after the tablet containing
the sculptured figures was finished. By a further smoothening of the face of the
rock, Darius was enabled add the Sacan Saruk'ha, whom he had defeated in per-

590

APPENDIX.

son, to his exhibition of captive figures ; but there was no room in the tablet for
the figure of the Susian rebel, who was discomfited by his lieutenant Gobryas.

TRANSLATION- OP THE DETACHED INSCRIPTIONS WHICH ARE APPENDED TO EACH OF THE
FIGURES EXHIBITED ON THE UPPER TRIUMPHAL TABLET.

Above the head of Darius is an inscription of eighteen lines, marked A in the
engraving, containing an exact copy of the first four paragraphs of Column I,
which have been already given. The writing is perfect ; and the portions, there
fore, of the lower tablet, which have been effaced, can be determinately restored.

is needless, I conceive, to repeat the translation. A Median translation, also
quite perfect, adjoins the Persian original, but the Babylonian transcript is
wanting.

B. Tablet attached to the prostrate figure on which the victor king tramples :-
This Gomdtes, the Magian, was an impostor: he thus declared, 'I am Bartius

the son of Cyrus; I am the king."'

C. Adjoining the first standing figure :— " This Atriues was an impostor; he
thus declared, ' I am king of Susiana.' "

D. Adjoining the second standing figure:— "This Natitabirus was an impos
tor: he thus declared, 'I am Nabokhodrossor, the son of Nabonidus ; I am kinjr
of Babylon.' "

E. Adjoining the third standing figure (the Persian legend is engraved on the
of the figure) :— " This Phraortes was an impostor : he thus declared, ' I am

Xathrites, of the race of Cyaxares ; I am king of Media.' "

F. Above the fourth standing figure:— "This Martius was an impostor: he
thus declared, • I am Omanes, the king of Susiana,' "

G. Adjoining the fifth standing figure :— " This Sitratachmes was an impostor:
he thus declared, • I am king of Sagartia, of the race of Cyaxares.' "

II. Adjoining the sixth standing figure :— " This Veisdutes was am impostor : he
thus declared, • I am Bartius, the son of Cyrus. I am king.' "

I. Adjoining the seventh standing figure :— " This Aracus was an impostor: he
thus declared, 'I am Xabokhodrossor, the son of Nabonidus. I am the king of
Babylon.' "

J. Adjoining the eighth standing figure :— " This Phraates was an impostor : he
thus declared, ' I am the king of Margiana.' "

K. Above the ninth, or supplemental figure with the high cap:— "This is Sa~
ruk'ha the Sacan."

^ [The name of Nebuchadrezzar is written indifferently Nabukhadrachar and
Nabukhudrachar.J

NOTE 47, page 274.— Did the Jews fight in the Army of Xerxes?

This question has been largely debated by the learned; but it seems scarcely

open to reasonable doubt. It is perfectly probable that, in a general draft on the

iveral provinces of the empire, the Jews, few in number as they were com para-

; this time, would be included. And this probability almost amounts to

ity, when it is considered that, from the geographical position of the scat

of war, the principal levy of troops must have been from Western Asia.

Besides, Josephus explicitly declares that this was the case, and quotes in fa
vour of his opinion the statement of Cheulus the poet, who, in the enumeration
is army, says, "At last there passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld ;
for they spake the Phenician tongue with tlicir mouths ; they dwelt in the Soly-

APPENDIX. 591

mean Mountains, near a broad lake ; their heads were sooty."— Contra Apion,
lib. i, sec. 22. The learned Prideaux thus explains and defends the passage :
"Jerusalem having also had the name of Solyma, (by abbreviation for Hiero-Soly-
ma,) and all the country thereabouts being mountainous, and lying near the
great Lake Asphaltitis, commonly called 'the Lake of Sodom ;' this description
seems plainly to suit the Jews, especially since it is also mentioned that they
spake the Phenician language, the Syriac being then the vulgar language of the
Jews."— Connexion, vol. i, p. 264. It is admitted that Scaliger and Bochartu
attribute this to Solyme in Pisidia : but Eusebius and Salmasius being on the side
of Josephus,the balance of authority, as well as evidence, is clearly in his favour.

NOTE 48, page 278.— The Inscriptions relating to the Reign of Xerxes.

These inscriptions relating to the reign of Xerxes, although tolerably nume
rous, possess no great variety or particular interest. They are found at llama-
dan, at Persepolis, and Van. We here give them from the translation of Col
onel Rawlinson : —

" The great god Ormazd, the chief of the gods, (he it is) who has given this
world, who has given that heaven, who has given mankind, who has given life
(?) to mankind, who has made Xerxes king, both the king of the people, and the
lawgiver of the people. (2.) I am Xerxes the king, the great king, the king of
kings, the king of the many-peopled countries, the supporter also of this great
world' the son of King Darius the Achsemenian."

" Xerxes, the great king, the king of kings, the son of King Darius the Achoe-
menian."

" The great god Ormazd, the chief of the gods, (he it is) who has given
world, who has given that heaven, who has given mankind, who has given life
(?) to 'mankind, who has made Xerxes king, both king of the people, and law
giver of the people. (2.) I am Xerxes the king, the great king, the king of
kings, the king of the many-peopled countries, the supporter also of this great
world, the son of King Darius the Achoemenian. (3.) Says Xerxes the great
king:— By the grace of Ormazd I have made this house. May Ormazd protect
me, together with the (other) gods, and my empire, and that which has been

done by me."

"The great god Ormazd, (he it is) who has given this world, who has given
that heaven, who has given mankind, who has given life to mankind, who has
made Xerxes king, both the king of the people, and the lawgiver of the people.
(2 ) I am Xerxes the king, the great king, the king of kings, the king of the
many-peopled countries, the supporter also of this great world, the son of King
Darius the Achsemenian. (3.) Says Xerxes the great king:— That which has
been done by me here, and that which has been done by me elsewhere, all of it
have I accomplished by the grace of Ormazd. May Ormazd protect me, together
with the (other) gods, both my empire and my works " (literally, " that which
has been done by me.")

"The great god Ormazd, (he it is) who has given this world, who has giv
that heaven, who has given mankind, who has given life to mankind, who has
made Xerxes king, both king of the people, and lawgiver of the people. (2.) I
am Xerxes the king, the great king, the king of kings, the king of the many-
peopled countries, the supporter also of this great world, the son of King Darius
the Achtemenian. (3.) Says Xerxes the king:— By the grace of Ormazd I have
made this gate of entrance (or, this public portal) There is many another

592

APPENDIX.

noble work besides (or, in) this Persepolis which I have executed, and which my
father has executed. Whatsoever noble works are to be seen, we have executed
all of them by the grace of Ormazd. (4.) Says Xerxes the king :— May Ormazd
protect me and my empire. Both that which has been executed by me, and that
which has been executed by my father, may Ormazd protect it."

The great god Ormazd, the chief of the gods, (he it is) who has given this
world, who has given that heaven, who has given mankind, who has given life (?)
to mankind ; who has made Xerxes king, both king of the people, and lawgiver
of the people. (2.) I am Xerxes the king, the great king, the king of kings, the
king of the many-peopled countries, the supporter also of this great world, the
son of King Darius the Achaemenian. (3.) Says Xerxes the king :— King Darius,
who was my father, he by the grace of God executed many a noble work ; he
also visited this place ; in celebration (?) (of which) why did he not cause a
tablet to be engraved ? After that I arrived here, I caused this tablet to be
written." . . .

NOTE 49, page 284,— The Inscriptions relating to the Reign of Artaxerxes.
" The great god Ormazd, (he it is) who has given this world, who has given
that heaven, who has made mankind, who has given life to mankind, who has
made me Artaxerxes king, both the king of the people, and the lawgiver of the
people. (2.) Says Artaxerxes, the great king, the king of kings, the king of the na
tions, the king of this world :— I am the son of King Artaxerxes, Artaxerxes (being)
the son of King Darius, Darius (being) the son of King Artaxerxes, Artaxerxes
(being) the son of King Xerxes, Xerxes (being) the son of King Darius, Darius
(being) the son of one named Hystaspes, (and) Hystaspes (being) the son of

one named Arsames, an Achaemeiiian. (3.) Says King Artaxerxes : I have

made this well-sculptured piece of masonry for my own convenience. (4.) Says
King Artaxerxes :— May Ormazd and the god Mithra protect me : (may they
protect) both this province and that which I have done.

"ARTAXERXES THE GREAT KINO."

It will be sufficient to observe of this inscription, that the orthography of the
name of Artaxerxes, regardless altogether of etymological precision, and fol
lowing to a certain extent the corrupted pronunciation by which the Medes and
Babylonians sought to adopt the compound Persian articulations to their
peculiar organs of speech, is decisive, I think, as to the foreign origin of the
legend ; and I would infer also from the same circumstance that the relic must
be assigned even to a later date than that of the latest Acheemenian inscrip
tions at Persepolis.

NOTE 50, page 285.— The Fulfilment of sacred Prophecy in the History of Persia.

In a brief review of the predictions accomplished in the history of this nation,
it may be best to notice, —

1. The predictive representation of the second universal empire given to the
prophet Daniel under different symbols ; and, first, as " the breast and arms of
silver," in the great image which Nebuchadnezzar saw in his dream. This pre
dictive symbolism was explained by the prophet, " Thou art this head of gold
And after thee shall arise another kingdom inferior to thee." This, therefore,
could refer to no power but the Medo-Persian empire of Cyrus, which succeeded
the Babylonian monarchy. Various conjectures have been put forth respecting

APPENDIX. 593

the inferiority of this kingdom to the preceding, which are generally of a most
unsatisfactory kind. It was certainly not inferior in extent, nor— if the expla
nation of Daniel with respect to the first kingdom is received — in duration : and
no argument can be drawn with propriety (although it has frequently been
attempted) from the value of the metals ; for the kingdoms represented by brass
and iron are in some respects distinctly stated to be superior to those set forth
by gold and silver.

I freely confess I feel doubts as to whether the term " inferior," used by our
translators here, conveys the true sense of the original. It is the only instance
in which the word is thus rendered, although it frequently occurs in Scripture.
In eighteen other places in this Book, it is translated " the earth." If some
thing of this kind, however, is the meaning of the term, I presume it must
be understood as referring to the unequalled magnificence of the Babylonian
kingdom during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar. The fact is, however, specially
worthy of attention. There was Nebuchadnezzar in all the pride of his power ;
yet to him the prophet says, " After thee shall arise another kingdom." And
BO it was. Babylon sunk into ruin, and Persia rose into power in her place.
Dan. ii, 39.

Secondly, the Persian empire is described as the second beast, "like to a
bear." This appears to have been intended to signify the inordinate rapacity
and cruelty of Persia. For " it had ribs between the teeth of it :— and they
said thus unto it, Arise, devour much flesh." And surely no nation ever dis
played more of these qualities than did this. From India to Egypt and Greece,
it went forth to devour ; and the punishments systematically inflicted by these
kings were of unequal severity. Dan. vii, 5.

Thirdly, this empire is set forth under the symbol of a ram with two horns.
"Then," says the prophet, "I lifted up mine eyes, and saw, and, behold, there
stood before the river a ram which had two horns : and the two horns were
high ; but one was higher than the other, and the higher came up last. I saw
the ram pushing westward, and northward, and southward ; so that no beasts
might stand before him, neither was there any that could deliver out of his
hand: but he did according to his will, and became great." Dan. viii, 3, 4.
This symbolism is thus explained to the prophet by the angel : " The ram
which thou sawest having two horns are the kings of Media and Persia."
Verse 20.

Remarkable as is this prophetic symbolism, it is so plain as to leave little room
for comment. Of all the great monarchies, this alone was distinguished as a
junction of two kingdoms. One of these, Media, was the most ancient and
famous in history ; the other, Persia, of recent rise to power, yet of surpassing
potency. Hence the two horns of unequal heights— the last being the highest.
Here, as in the case of Babylon, it seems very probable that the figure employed
was a well-known symbol. The ram's head, with two horns made of gold, was,
we are told, worn by the Medo-Persian kings instead of a crown. The national
banner was a ram ; and rams sculptured with two horns, one higher than the
other, are found on the ruins of Persepolis. The rapid conquests of this power
are vividly set forth by the ram " pushing westward, and southward, and
northward," while there was no ability in any people to stand before him. It
is not possible to conceive of a more exact prophetic symbolism than this.

II. We notice the special predictions relating to Cyrus, the founder and hero
of this empire. The adaptation of this prophecy to Babylon has been already
noticed. It will, therefore, here be only necessary to mention the date?, and, to

594 APPENDIX.

quote a few lines of this wonderful prediction. Cyrus ascended the throne of
Persia B. C. 559 ; Isaiah ceased to prophesy B. C. 698 ; so that, at least one hun
dred and forty years before the accession of this warrior to the throne of his
native country, the Hebrew seer published these remarkable lines : —

•' Thus saith the Lord, thy Redeemer, (0 Jacob,)

And he that formed thee from the womb, (0 Israel :)

I am the Lord who made all things ;

Who stretch out the heavens alone,

And spread out the earth by myself : —

"Who saith to CYRUS, He is my shepherd,

And shall perform all my pleasure :

Who saith to Jerusalem, Thou shalt be built ;

And to the temple, Thou shalt be founded." Isa. xliv, 24, 28.

41 Thus saith the LORD to his anointed,

To CYRUS, whom I hold by the right hand,

To subdue before him nations,

And uugird the loins of kings ;

To open before him (palace) folding-doors ;

Even (river) gates shall not be shut." Isa. xlv, 1.

Dr. Ilales's Translation.

"When it is considered that this was not only written before Cyrus was born,
but while Jerusalem stood in all her glory, and the temple in all its beauty, we
see the full force of the prophecy. The sacred seer — realizing, under the teach
ing of the Holy Spirit, coming events — places himself in the midst of the deso
lations of the captivity, and calls Cyrus to the work which Divine Providence
had assigned him.

III. We refer to the predicted invasion of Greece by Persia.

Daniel gives this prophecy in the following language : " Behold, there shall
stand up yet three kings in Persia ; and the fourth shall be far richer than they all :
and by his strength through his riches he shall stir up all against the realm of
Grecia." Dan. xi, 2. The prophet is careful to tell us that this was spoken in
" the first year of Darius the Mede ;" and consequently when Cyrus was reigning
in Persia, it being the year before he subdued Media. Those three kings must
therefore be Cambyses, Smerdis, and Darius ; and the fourth, Xerxes. The his
tory shows the boundless extent of his resources, and the intensity with which
" he stirred up all against the realm of Grecia." There are few predictions on
the sacred record more full and exact in terms, or which have been fulfilled in a
more complete and elaborate development of historical events.

IV. We glance at predictions which set forth the defeat and captivity of Persia.

Here we might cite the invincible prowess of the Grecian goat, and his un
qualified success. Dan. viii, 5-7. But this belongs rather to the history of Greece.
It will here be only necessary to refer to a prophecy of Jeremiah : " Thus saith
the Lord of hosts ; Behold, I will break the bow of Elam, the chief of their might.
And upon Elam will I bring the four winds from the four quarters of the heaven,
and will scatter them toward all those winds; and there shall be no nation
whither the outcasts of Elam shall not come. For I will cause Elam to be dis
mayed before their enemies, and before them that seek their life : and I will bring
evil upon them, even my fierce anger, saith the Lord ; and I will send the sword
.after them, till I have consumed them : and I will set my throne in Elam, and will
destroy from thence the king aud the princes, saith the Lord." Jer. xlix, 35-38.

APPENDIX. 595

Elam generally signifies Persia; and that it does so here, is evident by the
reference to the bow of Elam, — the favourite and most formidable weapon of Per
sian warfare. Here, then, even before Persia is raised to power, does Jehovah
predict her ruin. So it was with Babylon. Thus did the Lord guard the purity
of his government, and show that, however nations or individuals might be
raised by providential appointment to elevated power, this formed no sanction
for their sin, which was sure to bring upon them divine judgment.

The exactitude with which these prophecies were fulfilled by the conquests of
Alexander is so obvious, that they do not call for special remark.

NOTE 51, page 287. — The conflicting Opinions and Controversy respecting Zoroaster
and his Doctrines.

For the reasons stated in the text, it becomes necessary to present, in as
condensed a form as possible, an outline of the opinions promulgated by the
learned respecting the character and teaching of this person.

To begin with a statement sufficiently startling : — it may be observed that M.
Huet, a celebrated French bishop, put forth the opinion that Moses was Zoroas
ter ; or that the latter was a fictitious personage, invented by the Persian Magi,
for the purpose of introducing into their country the theological system which
they had borrowed from the Jewish lawgiver.

The controversy respecting this sage, however, arises out of the statements
advanced by the learned Dr. Thomas Hyde in his elaborate work on this subject.
(Veterum Persarum et Parthorum et Medorum Religionis Historia.) In this
work it is maintained, that the religion of the ancient Persians arose out of the
doctrines taught by Zoroaster, a Magian sage who lived in ^ the reign of Darius
Hystaspis ; and that this was the only person of that name.'

Dean Prideaux, who has given in his valuable " Connexion " a lengthened
epitome of Zoroaster's life and doctrines, adopts and defends the sentiments of
Hyde, and is quoted as the great authority on that side of the question to the
present day. This is done, however, with singular impropriety, and exhibits a
remarkable instance of neglect in the continued publication of a standard work
without correction. It is true that Prideaux in his " Connexion " maintained
that there had been but one Zoroaster ; but it is equally true that, being pressed
by the arguments of his erudite cousin, Walter Moyle, Esq., of Bake, in Cornwall,
he was led to alter his opinion, and admit the existence of two Zoroasters.
"But your other answer," says the learned dean, "is far better, and I think you
are extremely in the right to suppose two Zoroastres. I think it impossible to recon
cile the Grecian and Persian accounts upon any other hypothesis."-^Moyle's Works,
vol. ii, p. 75. Surely, after this, some notice of this change of sentiment should
have been inserted in the subsequent editions of Prideaux's great work. But
this has uot been done ; and the learned dean stands before the world, to this
day, in direct contradiction to himself, and with this disadvantage, — that his
error is in a popular work, but its correction is one very little known.

It is, however, argued in opposition to this opinion, that the Greek and Latin
writers speak of several Zoroasters. Some of these are placed in such remote
antiquity as to be altogether fabulous. Pliny says that Eudoxus placed Zoroas
tres six thousand years before the death of Plato, alleging that Aristotle concur
red in that opinion. Hermippus and others say, that this sage was taught
magic five thousand years before the siege of Troy ; while Pliny himself expresses
an opinion that Zoroastres lived many thousand years before Moses. Xanthug

596 APPENDIX.

of Lydia reckons six hundred years from Zoroastres to the time of Xerxes ; nnd
Justin says that he flourished eight hundred and fifty years before the Trojan war.

There is no less diversity of opinion as to the number of persons of this name
than there is as to the times when they lived. Sir Walter Raleigh observes,
" Of Zoroastres there is much dispute. Arnobius remembereth four to whom
the name of Zoroaster or Zoroastres was given : the first, Arnobius calleth the
Bactrian, which may be the same that Ninus overthrew ; the second, a Chaldican,
and the astronomer of Ninus ; the third was Zoroaster Pamphylius, who lived fn
the time of Cyrus, and his familiar ; the fourth, Zoroaster Armenius, the nephew
of Hostianes, which followed Xerxes into Greece." — History of the World, book i,
chap, xi, sec. 1.

Again: "Some eastern writers," says Mr. Richardson, "place Zerdusht
thirteen hundred years after the Flood. Some make him the disciple of Elijah, or
Elisha ; others Ozair, Ezra, or Ezdras. Some consider him as Abraham ; others,
as the usurper Zohah ; and some have conceived him to be Srnerdis Magus." —
DIM., p. 231.

And, lastly, Dr. Thomas Burnet says, "Zoroaster was the prince and chief of
the Magi, as many authors testify ; but they differ much in the history of this
Zoroaster, or of the Zoroasters. Some reckon one, some two, and some several.
It seems to be certain, first, that there were at least two Zoroasters, both emi
nent for wisdom and Magism ; one a Chaldcean or Bactrian, mentioned by many
authors ; the other a Persian, or Medo-Persian, concerning whom there is no
doubt. Secondly, I clearly perceive that the affairs, ages, opinions, countries,
writings, of these two are often confounded and blended together, both by the
ancients and moderns."

Thus much respecting the personality of this sage, and the period when he
lived. We append a few words concerning his doctrines. Here, too, we find
equal difference of opinion. The authors of the " Universal History," following
in the steps of Dr. Hyde, earnestly contend that after the reformation of Zoroas
ter the Persians were pure theists, — " zealous adorers of the one all-wise and
omnipotent God, whom they held to be infinite and omnipresent ; so that they
could not bear that he should be represented by either graven or molten images;
or that the Creator and Lord of the universe should be circumscribed within the
narrow bounds of temples." — Ancient Universal History, vol. iv, p. 8-i. Dr. Hyde,
indeed, goes further than this, contending that, taught by Zoroaster, the Per
sians not only maintained " the worship of the true God," but also " a rightly
constituted Church, with a well-regulated hierarchy, with its triple order of
priests and prelates, and also arch-prelates." This piece of naivete strongly
reminds me of the reply of a gentleman of Girgenti, (the ancient Agrigentum,)
in Sicily, to a friend of mine. When asked if Girgenti was not an ancient bish
opric, he answered, " Yes, sir ; it was a bishopric some centuries before Christ .'"

On the other hand, many erudite authors contend that Zoroaster introduced or
continued the worship of fire, — the adoration of two conflicting independent prin
ciples, the one perfectly good, the other equally evil. Thus antagonistic are the
sentiments of authors respecting the Persian sage and his doctrines.

NOTE 52, page 292. — Probable Theology of Persia before Zoroaster.

The learned Mosheim is of opinon that at first the Persian triad was formed
of three hero-gods ; and that afterward Zoroaster, in order to carry out his relig
ious reformation, applied the names of these hero-divinities to other objects ;

APPENDIX. 597

namely, Oromasdes to the divine principle of purity and goodness, Ahrimanius
to the evil principle, and Mithras to the mediator deity. We insert his views at
length : —

" In the first place, then, I lay it down that the gods of the most ancient Per
sians were three : Oromasdes, Jlrimanius, and Mithras : secondly, that these three
were heroes, kings, and leaders, illustrious for good deeds and for the greatness
of their achievements, and exalted to the rank of gods by the favour and rever
ence of the people. For, as all nations paid divine honours to the first founders
and ancestors of their race after death, I see no reason why we should not sup
pose the same of the Persians. That Arimanius and Oromasdes [on the etymology
of whose names see Beausobre, Hist, de Manich., p. 160] were mighty men and
most renowned leaders in war, is shown by G. Wil. Leibnitz among others, Essais
de Theodicee, par. i, sec. 138, p. 285. Add the recent German edition of Casp.
Abel's Teutonic and Saxon Antiquities, cap. i, sec. 6, p. 22. I shall therefore
confine my inquiry to Mithras. In my opinion, he was a strong and mighty man
or king, who delighted chiefly in horses, dogs, and hunting, and who gave peace
and security to his countrymen by ridding the Persian province of wild beasts,
robbers, and other pests. His soul they imagined to have been transferred after
death to the sun, and, from a grateful recollection of past benefits, paid to it
divine honours, so as to seem to worship the sun itself. That this is, not a rash
assumption, but an opinion resting upon no slight foundation, will, I think, be
shown by the arguments I am now about to adduce. I pass over what I have
already more than once intimated, that the ancestral gods of every country were
no other than the authors and founders of the race ; nor shall I dwell upon the
well-known fact, that Mithras belongs to those names which in Persia and the
neighbouring countries were appropriated to men, [Mithra, the son of Labda-
CUS)_Disp. of Archelaus with Manes, in Zacagnius's Monum., p. 67 ; Hagenbuch's
Epistol. Epigraph., pp. 241, 242, 246,] because many, I know, suppose it to be
probable, that those who bore this name received it from their parents from
motives of religion toward the god. But, in order to establish my point, I shall
appeal to the evidence of the images, mysteries, and sacrifices of Mithras. In
the first place, the ancient Persians represented Mithras as a strong and power
ful man, guarded with a sword and wearing the Persian turban, who, seated on
the back of a bull, restrains, overpowers, and despatches the fierce beast, which
is at the same time attacked by dogs. (See some representations of the kind in
Anton. Van Dale's Diss. Novem in Antiq. et Marmora, diss. i, p. 18, &c.) In
some images there are also a tame lion, a serpent, and a scorpion. [The ancients
say that Mithras was a stealer of oxen, and a robber. See Hist, de PAcad. des
Inscript., torn, vi, p. 365, &c., where Maffeius also attempts an explanation of the
words Nama Sebesion, found on some stones dedicated to Mithras.] Now, I
ask of any one possessing even a slight acquaintance with such matters, whether
anything could better represent a hunter and tamer of wild beasts. If there was
nothing else, this image alone would in my mind sufficiently show the origin and
exploits of Mithras. Very learned men, I am aware, following the example of
the ancient scholiast of Statius, contend that these are symbols of natural things ;
namely, that the man signifies the sun, the bull the moon, and that the whole
group represents the superiority of the sun to the moon. Sol, says this scholiast,
lunam minorem potentid sud et humiliorem docens, taurwn insidens cornibus torquet.
« The sun riding on a bull turns it by the horns, showing thereby that the power
of the moon is inferior to his own.' (See Vossius, De Idololatrifi, lib. ix, p. 776 :
Martini, Religion des Gaulois, lib. ii, cap. 34, p. 456.) But let those who are

598

APPENDIX.

unwilling to employ their reason assent to interpretations like these. For my
part, I conceive yre ought to aim at simplicity in expounding the religions of an
tiquity, nor do I consider that ancient nations possessed so refined and subtle an
intellect as to conceal things which are obvious to every one, under I know not
what symbols and images. The superiority of the sun to the moon is evident to
the sight, and known even to the most ignorant and uninformed. What man in
his senses, then, would believe that the Persians, to impart a knowledge of this
truth, with which all but the blind must be familiar, had recourse to so far
fetched a symbol ? And what relation does a bull bear to the moon ? What is
meant by the dogs that are at the same time attacking the bull ? What by the
rest ? If the bull be a symbol of the moon, because, like the moon, it has horns,
others, I fear, by the same rule, may take it to be represented by a ram or a goat.
And what shall we say of the notion itself imagined to be conveyed in this sym
bol ? I ask whether it be possible for any reasonable man to suppose that a man
slaying a bull is an apt image to show the sun to be superior in dignity to the
moon. The same may be said of the other explications of this image. It is a
custom among the later philosophers and grammarians to make their own con
ception the standard in judging of the notions of antiquity ; hence, they insist that
their monuments are symbols of other things, lest, forsooth, the ancients should
appear to have entertained absurd and foolish notions respecting the gods, or at
least cherished different opinions from their own. And yet learned men set the
highest value upon these interpretations : whence it very often comes to pass,
that they altogether misrepresent the ancient solemnities, and exhibit those bar
barous nations as much wiser than they really were. Whereas, if they had duly
sifted and examined the whole matter, they would no doubt have perceived that
there are few of the explications afforded by Plotinus, Proclus, Jainblichus, and
BO many others, which do not themselves betray their own weakness and insuffi
ciency. The victims recorded to have been sacrificed by the Persians to Mithras
furnish me with another argument. Horses were sacred to this god, and publicly
offered to him, as is manifest from innumerable testimonies of the ancient
authors, Xenophon, Philostratus, Herodotus, and others. (See Vossius, De
IJolulatria, lib. xi, cap. 9, p. 132 ; Sam. Bochart. Hierozoic., lib. ii, cap. 10, p. 132.)
This I interpret as follows ; Mithras in his lifetime was passionately fond of horses,
as their aid cannot well be dispensed with cither in subduing savage animals or
encountering with enemies. Hence the Persians, after his death, decreed that
horses should be held sacred to his memory. Moreover, it was the popular belief
in antiquity, that the shades of the dead retain in another world a fondness for
the objects which they prized in this life. Among the Germans and other nations,
as is well known, horses were slaughtered at the funeral piles of chieftains and
warriors, to be employed by them for pomp or pleasure in the eternal abodes.
In like manner, the Persians, knowing their king Mithras to have delighted in
horses, judged it right to sacrifice to him, from time to time, fresh troops of
horses, to enable him still to enjoy his ancient gratification in the empire of the
eun. This view, indeed, is very far from being in accordance with those either
of the ancients or moderns. Herodotus, Ovid, and others, suppose horses to have
been consecrated to the sun on account of their swiftnest.

Placat equo I\rei» radii* Hypcriona due turn,
Ne detur oeleri victima tarda eko.-— OVID. Fcut., lib. i, 885.

But this reason I hold to be altogther out of the question, and never once thought
of till all memory of by-gone times had become obliterated. For if the Persians

APPENDIX.

599

had regarded only the swiftness of the victim, it would have been much more ap
propriate to sacrifice to their god Mithras an eagle or some other bird, as in th
respect far superior to horses. Or why should they not have selected the hare
or the sta- proverbial for their swiftness, or some other more worthless am
in preference to the generous, valuable, and most useful horse? The longer,
indeed, I ponder over this matter, the more rooted is my conviction, that no mor<
probable cause can be assigned for this worship of Mithras, than the one I
hazarded. I can easily fancy, however, that the Persians themselves by degi
naturally lost sight of the true reason why their ancestors offered this sacrifice;
and, in the confusion in which, from various causes, ancient religions became
involved, came to substitute a spurious one in its stead.

" Such was the religion of the ancient Persians before the time of Zoroaster.
Arimanius, Oromasdes, and Mithras, men illustrious for their achievements, and
supposed to have been translated after death to the stars, were the popular gods,
and received public homage and worship. Among these, Mithras held the high
est place, whose soul, owing to his pre-eminent virtues, was believed to have mi
grated to the sun.;;— Cudioorth's Intellectual System, Mosheim's Notes, vol. i, pp.
475-477, 479.

NOTE 53, page 298.— The Origin of Fire-Worship.

Few particulars connected with the abstruse subject of ancient idolatry seem
more strange than the entire absence of all reference to patriarchal tradition ^or
Scriptural truth in the efforts to account for the origin and object of fire-worship.
Herodotus, Plutarch, and Strabo, with their entire ignorance of primitive history,
would, when considering the elements of oriental religion, naturally reason out
to their own satisfaction the probable motives that led to certain observances.
But that these speculations should have been adopted and followed by those who
hold the Bible in their hands, and who possess a far more broad and accurate
knowledge of the early history of Asia than those sages could obtain, appears
very remarkable.

Let us for a moment refer to the appointment of the cherubim and the infolding
fire before Paradise, as intimately associated with the worship of mankind im
mediately after the Fall. (Patriarchal Age, p. 147.) Observe that the prominent
elements connected with this fire —the ark, the cherubim, the sacred tree, the
Paradise, &c.,— were all preserved in traditional remembrance, and incorporated
into the 'religion of the primitive nations, after their fall into idolatry. Let it
be further remarked, that this luminous appearance, identical with the Shekinah
of Hebrew history, was so prevalent in the patriarchal age that Jehovah was in
consequence called « the God of GLORY." Acts vii, 2. Let all these unquestion
able facts be considered, and it will surely appear more probable that this cause
led to the adoration of this. element, than that it resulted from abstruse philo
sophical induction.

The account of the origin of fire-worship, as given by Firdusi, is as follows :
" One day the king (Houshang) retired to the mountains, accompanied by some
of his attendants: something appeared at a distance, of enormous magnitude,
black, tremendous, and glossy. Its two eyes seemed fountains of blood: the
smoke which issued from its mouth obscured the air. The prudent Houshang
contemplated it circumspectly ; he seized a stone, and prepared to assail it.
threw it with the force of a hero, and the serpent no longer annoyed the world.
The stone struck upon a rock, and both fell to pieces by the percussion. A bril-

APPENDIX.

liant flame sprang from the contact ; and thus fire became the production of
stone. The king prostrated himself before God, and offered devout supplication
for having thus obtained the sacred fire ; for which he erected a sanctuary in
that spot. He said, ' This fire is a divinity : let it be worshipped by all/ Mght
came ; the mountain was covered with fire ; it was surrounded by the king and
his attendants. The event was celebrated by a feast, the name of which became
that of the auspicious hero."— Malcolmn'* Persia, vol. i, p. 185. It may not be
possible to elicit much truth from a statement so romantic in its texture ; yet
we have here many of the usual elements of paradisiacal tradition. The royal
hero,— the gigantic serpent, the attack of the latter by the former— the destruc
tion of the serpent,— and the sacred fire,— all these would lead us to suppose an
allusion to man's primitive history in this case, however adorned with fiction and
fable. It must be added, that while this exhibits the account furnished by the
Persian historian of the origin of the worship of fire in that nation, the Zenda-
>sta declares that Zoroaster received the sacred fire in heaven, when he received
that divine volume from Ormuzd, and that he brought both at the same time to
the earth.

In addition to this, the wide range of this worship— in fact, its almost, if not
entire, universality— is in favour of my position. In Chaldea, India, Asia Minor,
even in Mexico, as well as in Greece, Rome, and Persia, this superstition is
known to have prevailed. The sacred fire of Hestia in Greece was never allowed
to be extinguished ; or if by accident it expired, it was not to be rekindled
by ordinary fire, but by that produced by friction, or drawn by burning-glasses
from the sun. And the origin of this veneration of fire is not obscurely intimated
by the fact, that the goddess Hestia, who presided over it, was also the patroness
of sacrifices ; and on that account was the first deity invoked during these sacred
rites.

Similar opinions prevailed in Rome in connexion with Vesta. ^Eneas was said
to have brought the sacred fire from Troy, along with the images of the Penates.
No statue of this goddess stood in her temple ; but the eternal fire on the altar
was regarded as her living symbol, and was kept up by the Vestal virgins, her
priestesses. Every house, indeed, had a fire-altar of its own ; and if we may

trust Ovid, (Fast, vi,) it is from her name that we derive our term " vestibule,"

that being the place where the sacred fire of the family was continually burning.

All these customs appear to me to have had their origin in one and the same
thing,— the infolding fire which stood connected with the primitive cherubim.
The worship of the Chaldeans and Persians, as we have seen, was made up of
continual allusions to man's primitive history; and the early patriarchs had
access to God by some means analogous to the primitive cherubim and the Hebrew
sanctuary. Even Balaam, when he went to meet the Lord, " went to meet the
appearances in fire." (See my Doctrine of the Cherubim, p. 59.) A traditional
regard for the manner of primitive worship, therefore, led men, when they had
turned away their hearts from the true God, to adore the several subsidiary ele
ments which had been connected with the appointed way of access unto him ;
and fire, as one of the principal of these, was thus made the object of worship.

NOTE 54, page 308.— The Rewards of Heaven, and the Punishments of Hell, accord
ing to Zoroaster.

"Sorush then bore me off to Kurutaman, or • Paradise/ in the light of which
I became bewildered in astonishment : I knew none of the precious stones of

APPENDIX.

601

-which it was composed. The angels, by the command of the Almighty, took me
round every part of it. I next came to a place where I beheld an illustrious
assemblage enveloped in Khurah, that is, 'radiance and pomp.' Surush Ashu
said : ' These are the spirits of the munificent and noble-minded.' After this I
saw a great multitude in all magnificence. Surush explained to me : ' These are
the spirits of all who have observed the Nau Roz.' Next them I beheld an as
semblage in the enjoyment of all magnificence and happiness. Surush observed :
' These are the spirits of just princes.' After this I beheld blessqd spirits in
boundless joy and power. Surush explained : ' These are the Dusturs and Mobeds :
my duty is to convey that class to this honour.' I next beheld a company of
women rejoicing, in the midst of great pomp. Surush Ashu and Ardibahest ob
served : ' These are the spirits of women who were obedient to their husbands.'
I then beheld a multitude of majestic and beautiful persons, seated along with
angels. Surush said : ' This class consists of Hirbuds and Mobeds, the attendants
on fire temples, and the observers of the Yasht and Yazisht of the Amshasfands/
After these I saw an armed assemblage in a state of the highest joy. Surush
informed me : ' These are the spirits of the champions who fought in the ways
of God, maintaining their country and the husbandmen in a state of prosperity
and tranquillity.' I next beheld a great assemblage in the enjoyment of all
delight and gladness. Surush observed : ' These are the spirits of the slayers of
the Khurdstdr (or noxious animals).' After this, I witnessed a people given up
to sporting and happiness. Surush observed : ' These are the spirits of the hus
bandmen, over whom Safdndarmuz is set ; he consequently presides over this
class, as they have propitiated him by their acts.' I next beheld a great com
pany surrounded by all the appliances of enjoyment. Surush said : ' These are
the spirits of shepherds.' After this, I beheld great numbers in a state of repose
and joy, and the elemental principles of Paradise standing before them. Surush
observed : ' These are the heads of families, friends to building, who have im
proved the world by gardens and water-courses, and held the elements in rever
ence.' I next came to another class, endowed with prophet-like radiance, of whom
Surush remarked: 'These are the spirits of Jdddngois.' By Jddanguis is meant
one who solicits money from the wealthy to promote the way of the Lord, and
who expends it on noble foundations and holy indigent persons.

" What can I say concerning the black-eyed nymphs, — the palaces, offspring,
and attendants, — the drinks and viands ?— anything like which I know not of in
this elemental world.

" After this Suruch and Ardibehest, taking me out of Paradise, bore me off to
behold the punishments inflicted on those in hell. First of all, I beheld a black
and gloomy river of fetid water, with weeping multitudes falling in and drown
ing. Surush said : ' This water is collected from the tears shed by relatives on the
death of a person ; and those who are drowning are they whose relatives after
their death, break out into mourning, weeping, and tears.' I next proceeded
toward the bridge of judgment, where I beheld a spirit rent from the body, and
mourning for its separation: there arose a fetid gale, out of which issued a
gloomy figure, with red eye-balls, hooked nose, hideous lips, teeth like columns,
a head like the kettle of a minaret, long talons, spear-like fangs, snaky locks,
and vomiting out smoke. The alarmed spirit having asked, 'Who art thcu?' he
answered, ' I am the personification of thy acts and deeds.' On saying this, he
threw his hands around the spirit's neck, so that his lamentations came to the
bridge of judgment, which is sharper than a razor: on this the spirit having
gone a little way with great difficulty, at last fell into the infernal regions. I

602

APPENDIX.

then followed him, accompanied by Suruch and Ardibehest : our road lay through
snow, ice, storms, intense cold, mephitic exhalations, and obscurity, aim.- a
region full of pits: into these I looked, and there beheld countless mjriad»«f
spirits suffering tortures. They all wailed bitterly, and the darkness was so
thick that one was unable to perceive the other, or to distinguish his lamenta
tion : three days' such punishment is equal to nine thousand years, and the
same calculation applies to the other pits, in all of which were serpents, scorpions,
stinging and noxious creatures : whatever spirit falls into them

Was stung by one and torn by another,
Was bit by this, and pierced by that.

" Surush having taken me below, I there beheld a spirit with a human head
and serpent-like body, surrounded by many demons, who were applying the tor
ture to his feet, and smiting him in every direction with hatchets, daggers, and
maces, while noxious creatures were biting him on all sides. Surush observed :
• This was a man of vile passions.' I then beheld a man wailing piteously,
whose head they were scalping with a poniard. Surush said : « This was a shed-
der of innocent blood.' I next saw a man who was forced to swallow blood and
corrupted matter, with which they were continually supplying him. The demons
in the mean time tortured him, and placed a heavy mountain on his breast.
Surush stated this to be ' the spirit of a dissolute man, who seduced the wives of
other men.' After this, I beheld a spirit weeping through hunger and thirst : so
intense was his craving, that he drank his own blood and devoured his own flesh.
Surush stated : « This is the spirit of one who observed not the Bdj, (religious
silence,) when partaking of food, and who on the day of Aban partook of water,
fruit, and bread, so that the angels Khurddd and Murdad were displeased with
him.' I next beheld a woman suspended by her breasts, and noxious oreatures
falling on her. Surush said : ' This is a woman who deserted her husband, and
went after another man.' I then saw a great multitude of spirits, furiously
assailed by rapacious animals and noxious creatures. Surush stated thus :
4 These are persons who adopted not the Kashti or sacred cincture, as worn by
professors of the excellent faith.' I next beheld a woman hung up, with her
tongue protruding from the hind part of her neck. Surush observed : ' This is a
woman who obeyed not her husband, and replied to him with harsh answers and
opposition.' I then saw a man eating with a ladle the most noxious things ; of
which if he took too small a portion, demons smote him with wooden clubs.
Surush observed : : This is the spirit of one who betrayed his trust.' I after this
beheld a man hung up, surrounded by seventy demons, who were lashing him
with serpents instead of scourges ; and meanwhile the serpents kept gnawing
his flesh with their fangs. Surush Ashii said : « This is a king who extorted
money from his subjects by torture.' I next beheld a man with wide-opened
mouth and protruding tongue,

With serpents and scorpions covered all over,
The one lacerating with fangs, the others lashing with their tails.
Surijsh said: 'This was a tale-bearer, who by his lies caused dissension and
strife among mankind/ After this I saw a man, every ligature and joint of
whose body they were tearing asunder. Surush said: 'This person has slain
many four-footed animals.' I next beheld a man exposed to body-rending
torture, concerning whom Surush said : ' This was a wealthy, avaricious man,
who employed not his riches for the useful purposes of either world.' I then
saw a person to whom were offered all sorts of noxious creatures, while one

•

APPENDIX. 603

foot was free from all kind of suffering. Surush said concerning him : 4 This ia
the spirit of a negligent person, who did not in the least attend to the concerns
of this world or the world to come. As he once passed along the road, he
observed a goat tied up in such a manner that it was unable to get at its food :
with that foot he tossed the forage toward the animal ; in recompense of which
good act that foot is exempt from suffering/ I next beheld a person whose
tongue was laid on a stone, and demons kept beating it with another. Concerning
him Surush observed : ' This person was an habitual slanderer and liar, through
whose words people fell into mischief/ I then saw a woman whose breasts the
demons were grinding under a millstone. About her Surush observed : 4 This
woman produced abortion by means of drugs.7 I next beheld a man in whose
seven members worms had fixed themselves. Concerning him Surush said:
' This person gave false witness for money, and derived his support from that
resource.' After this I saw a man devouring the flesh of a corpse and drinking
human gore. Surush observed : ' This is the spirit of one who amassed wealth
by unlawful means. I afterward beheld a great multitude with pallid faces, fetid
bodies, and limbs covered with worms. About these Surush Ashu observed:
' These are hypocrites of Satanic qualities, whose hearts were not in accordance
with their words, and who led astray the professors of the excellent faith, divest
ing themselves of all respect for religion and morality/ I next saw a man, the
members of whose body hell-hounds were rending asunder. Concerning him
Surush said : ' This man was in the habit of slaughtering water and land dogs/
I next beheld a woman hurled into snow and smitten by the guardians of fire.
About her Surush said : ' When this woman combed herself, her hairs fell into
the fire/ After this I beheld another woman tearing off with a poniard the flesh
of her own body and devouring it. Surush said : ' This is an enchantress who
used to fascinate men/ Next her I saw a man whom the demons forced by
blows to swallow blood, corrupted matter, and human flesh. Concerning him
Surush said : 'This man was in the habit of casting dead bodies, corrupted mat
ter, nails, and hair into fire and water/ 1 afterward beheld a person devouring
the flesh and skin of a dead body. Surush said : ' This person defrauded the
labourers of their hire/ I next beheld a man with a mountain on his back,
whom with his load they forced through terror into the midst of snows and ice.
Surush observed : ' This was an adulterer, who took the wife from her husband/
I afterward saw a man, the flesh of whose shoulders and body they were scraping
off with a comb of iron. Concerning him Surush said : ' This man was an egre
gious violator of promises and breaker of engagements/ I then beheld a great
multitude whose hands and feet they were smiting with bludgeons, iron maces,
and such like. Concerning these Surush observed: 'This class is composed of
promise-breakers and the violators of covenants, who maintained friendship with
Darwands, or those hostile to the faith/' — The Dabistdn, or School of Manners,
translated from the Persian by Shea and Troyer, vol. i, pp. 290-301.

NOTE 55, page 319.— The Jlrgonautic Expedition.

The substance of this legend in brief is this. Pelias was the reputed son of
Neptune by Tyro, who concealed his birth, and was afterward married to Cre-
theus, King of lolchis, by whom she had three children, of whom .Eso was the
eldest. Pelias visited his mother, and was received into her family; and, after
the death of the king, expelled the children, and seized the throne. In order to
guard as much as possible against losing this prize, he consulted an oracle,

604 APPENDIX.

which told him to beware of a man who should come to him with only one san
dal. When Jason, a son of ^Eso, arrived at maturity, he came to lolchis to de
mand his father's throne, and on his way lost one sandal in crossing a river.
This circumstance excited the apprehension of Pelias, who, while appearing dis
posed to comply, urged Jason first to go to Colchis, and recover the Golden Fleece.
This fleece had belonged to Phryxus, a prince of Thebes, who had fled to Colchis,
married the daughter of the king, and was murdered by his father-in-law, that
he might possess this treasure. Jason, full of youthful ardour, consented, and
gathered to himself the most daring spirits of Greece for his companions on the
expedition. The details are of the most extravagant and mythological charac
ter. The ship Argo, in which they sailed, was built by Argus, the son of Phryx
us, directed by the goddess Athene. A piece of the celebrated oak of Dodona
was inserted in the prow, and this was endued with the faculty of speech.
Among the Argonauts we find the names of the principal demigods and heroes of
ancient Greece ; namely, Hercules, Theseus, /Esculapius, Castor and Pollux, Tel-
amon and Peleus, Zetes and Calais, Nestor, Laertes, and others. Typhys was the
pilot ; Idmon the son of Apollo, and Mopsus, attended as prophets ; while Or
pheus cheered and harmonized his companions with his harp.

The incidents of the voyage are as strange as the equipment of the expedition.
Lemnos was the first place at which they touched. Here, it is said, at this time
there were no men. The women, maddened by jealousy and ill-treatment, had
put to death all their fathers, husbands, and brothers. The Argonauts were,
after some difficulty, kindly received, and admitted to such intimacy that they
supplied a future population for the island. They then proceeded along the
coast of Thrace, up the Hellespont, to the southern coast of the Propontis, in
habited by the Doliones and their king Cyzicus. Here they were hospitably en
tertained ; but afterward in an accidental night-affray, Cyzicus was killed by
Jason. The Argonauts thence proceeded along the coast of Mysia, where Her
cules was separated from his companions, having gone in search of his friend
Hylas. Jason with his crew next stopped in the country of the Bebrycians,
where a boxing contest took place between the king Amycus and Pollux.

The Argo then sailed to Bithynia, where the blind prophet Phineus resided.
He had been struck blind by Poseidon, because he told Phryxus the way to Col
chis : he had, besides, been tormented by harpies. From the latter he was de
livered by Zetes and Calais, the winged sons of Boreas. Grateful for this deliv
erance, the prophet forewarned the Argonauts of the dangers which opposed
their progress, and informed them of the measures necessary to their safety ; by
which means they were enabled to effect the terrible passage between the rocks
called Simplegades. These rocks alternately opened and shut with great force, so
that it was difficult even for a bird to fly through. When the Argo arrived at this
dangerous passage, Euphemus let loose a dove, which flew through, and escaped
with the loss of a few feathers of her tail. This was regarded by the Argonauts
as a happy presage, according to the prediction of Phineus. Encouraged by the
omen, they rowed with all their might, Athene aiding them by interposing her
powerful arms to retard the closing of the rocks, which came together just in
time to crush the ornaments on the stern of the vessel. As the gods had decreed
that when a vessel should pass through in safety, the rocks should cease to move,
they immediately afterward became fixed in their separate places, and thus in
future afforded a safe and easy passage between them.

After a short stay in the country of the Mariandynians, and another in that
of the Amazons, they passed by Mount Caucasus, — where they saw the eajrle

APPENDIX.

605

that gnawed the liver of Prometheus, and heard the groans of the sufferer,-and
at length arrived at Colchis. Application was immediately made to tl
JEetee, th«t he would grant the Argonauts possession of the Golden Fleece, they
promising in return their aid against his enemies. This application was urged
on the ground that the Argonauts were heroes of divine parentage, and had been
sent forth on this mission by the mandate of the gods. ^Eetes received this
prayer in great anger; but, although he did not absolutely reject it, he clogge
his consent with conditions which seemed to render their success impos
These obstacles were, however, interposed with some show of reason, as 1
their divine origin and mission. Two untameable bulls, which Ilephosstos had
given to JEetcs, were to be yoked; and with these a large field was to be plough
ed and sown with dragons' teeth. Although nothing could be more dreadful
than the appearance of these animals, with brazen feet and fiery breath, Jas
undertook the task. Hera and Aphrodite greatly aided him: but he i
have owed his success mainly to the passion with which Medea, the daught
of JEetes, was inspired, when she saw him in audience with her father. This
princess had been endowed by Hecate with pre-eminent magical powers, which
she exerted to the utmost to promote the success of Jason. By powerf
guents prepared by her, his body was rendered invulnerable; and, thus prot<
ed he yoked the bulls, ploughed the field, and sowed it with dragons'
And when hosts of armed men sprang from the furrows, acting upon tl
structions of Medea, he cast a rock into the midst of them ; upon which they be
gan to fi-ht with each other, so that he was easily enabled to subdue them all.

Yet although the prescribed conditions were complied with, the king not only
refused to give Jason the Golden Fleece, but actually took measures for destroy
ing the Argo, and murdering the Argonauts. The watchful care of Aphrodit
prevented him from accomplishing his design; while Medea, having lulle
sleep by a magic potion the dragon who guarded the fleece, placed the pri:
board the vessel, and, taking her younger brother with her, accompanied Jas
and his companions in their flight.

On hearino- of this, ^etes was afflicted and enraged, and immediately put t
sea in pursuit. He soon overtook the Argo ; but Media again interposed. She
slew her brother, and scattered his limbs around on the sea, JEetes stayed to
gather up the fragments of his son's body, and meanwhile the Argonauts escaped.
The fratricide of Medea, however, was so offensive to Zeus, that he doomed the
Argonauts to a long and perilous voyage before they were permitted to return
home. The Argo had in consequence to sail up the river Phasis into the ocean,
which was supposed to surround the earth as far as its junction with the Nile.
By this river they sailed to Egypt, from whence the hero-crew carried the Argo
on their shoulders to the Lake Tritonis in Libya. After having been kindly
treated here by the god Triton, they departed, being once more on the water
the Mediterranean. After staying a while with Circe at the Island of .Eoca,—
where Medea was purified from the murder of her brother,— cnclurin,
vicissitudes at sea, and encountering great danger on the coast of Crete, tl
and crew safely reached lolchis.

Here Jason was informed that Pelias had put to death the father, mother, and
infant brother of Jason during his absence. These crimes he resolved
but he saw that this could only be done by stratagem. He accordingly remai
some short distance from the town, while Medea, as if the victim of his isage
entered the place alone as a fugitive, and soon procured access to the daughtei
Pel'as, over whose minds she obtained an unlimited ascendency. Bent on tho

606 APPENDIX.

accomplishment of her object, she selected from the flocks of Pelias a ram in the
extremity of old age, cut him up, and boiled him in a caldron with herbs, and by
her magical powers brought him out in the shape of a young and vigorous lamb.
From this the daughters of Pelias were made to believe that their father could
in like manner be restored to youth. They accordingly cut him up with their
own hands, and placed him in the caldron ; upon which Media pretended that
she must go to the house-top to offer an invocation to the moon, which she de
scribed as a necessary part of the ceremony. When there, she kindled the fire-
signal agreed on between herself and the Argonauts, who immediately burst in,
and possessed themselves of the place. Satisfied with this revenge on the guilty
person, Jason allowed Acastus, the son of Pelias, to rule the principality of
lolchis, and retired with his wife Media to Corinth, where they lived many years
in great prosperity.

It seems now to be admitted by scholars that no basis of fact can be satisfac
torily elicited from the entire mass of these poetical and mythological legends :
all that can be given is mere conjecture. That which appears to be most proba
ble has been indicated in the text ; to which we now add a brief abstract of the
principal opinions propounded by the learned.

Jacob Bryant regards the account as a manifest tradition from the ark of Noah.
Sir Isaac Newton traces it to the expedition sent by the Greeks to Amenophis,
or Mcmnon, King of Egypt, Dr. Gillies supposes that it arose out of the wish of
the young chieftains of Greece to visit foreign parts, and to retort on the inhabit
ants the injuries which the Greeks had suffered from strangers. Dr. Hager con
jectures that the fleece was raw silk, which often resembles fine threads of gold.
Knight regards the whole as a fable, derived, " not from vague traditions of the
Deluge, but some symbolical composition of the plastic spirit on the waters, signi
fied in so many various ways in the emblematical language of ancient art." The
opinion which we have ventured to express, though it be opposed to all these
authorities, is not destitute of ancient and modern support. Strabo, being fully
aware of the geographical impossibilities of the narrative, nevertheless believed
that the Golden Fleece was typical of the great wealth of Colchis, arising from
the gold dust washed down by the river ; and that the voyage of Jason was in
reality an expedition at the head of an army, with which he plundered the
country, and made extensive conquests in the interior. And this surmise has
been countenanced by Justin, (xlii, 2, 3,) and Tacitus (Annal. vi, 34). Dr.
Leonard Schmitz observes, " The story of the Argonauts probably arose out of
accounts of commercial enterprises which the wealthy Minyans made to the
coasts of the Euxine." (Strabo, vol. i, p. 45 ; Smith's Die. of Greek and Roman
Biog. and Myth.; Lempriere's Classical Die., art. Jtrgonautce ; Grote's Hist, of
Greece ; and Thirlwall's Hist, of Greece.)

NOTE 56, page 319. — The Theban Legends.

In the later period of the reign of Cadmus at Thebes, we are told that Dionysus
arrived there, in company with a troop of Asiatic females, to obtain divine
honours, and establish his peculiar rites in his native city. The venerable Cad
mus, his daughters, and the prophet Tiresias, at once acknowledged the god,
and joined in the worship which he enjoined. But Pcntheus, the grandson of
Cadmus, and son of his daughter Agave, who had married one of the Sparti, and
who now reigned at Thebes, violently opposed the new ceremonies, and ill-treated
the god who had introduced them. Persisting in this conduct, notwithstanding

APPENDIX. 607

the miracles wrought by Dionysus, Pentheus followed the female company which
had gone to Mount Cithceron, and, in order to witness their sacred solemnities,
ascended a tall pine. There he was discovered by the feminine multitude, who,
under the influence of the Bacchic frenzy, pulled down the tree, and tore him to
pieces. Even his mother joined in this outrage ; and, losing all consciousness
maternal relationship under the madness of the excitement, she carried back
Thebes the head of her murdered son. Upon this Cadmus and his wife retired
among the Illyrians, and Polydorus and Labdacus successively reigned at Thebes.
The last of these at his death left an infant son, Laius, who was deprived of
his throne by Lycus. He also was slain, and was succeeded in the throne by his
nephews, Amphion and Zethus. The first of these died of grief for the loss of
his wife : the second either killed himself, on the destruction of all his children
by Apollo, or was slain by that deity ; after which Laius obtained the crown,
and married Jocasta, daughter of Menoeceus. This king was forewarned by the
oracle, that any son whom he might beget would kill him. In consequence
of this, on the birth of his son, whom he called (Edipus, he caused him to be ex
posed on Mount Cithreron, where the child was found by the herdsmen of Polybus,
King of Corinth. They took him to their master, who brought him up as his
own chUd. When arrived at manhood, finding himself exposed to taunts in con
sequence of his unknown parentage, he went to Delphi, and consulted the oracle
on the subject. He received in answer an admonition not to return to his country,
as, in case he did so, it was his destiny to kill his father, and become the husband
of his mother. Knowing no country as his but Corinth, he determined not t
return to that city, and departed from Delphi by the way leading to Boeotia and
Phocis. On arriving at the spot where the road divided toward those countries,
he met Laius in a chariot. The insolence of the king's servant produced a quar
rel, in which (Edipus killed Laius, being utterly ignorant that he was his father.
On the death of Laius, Creon, the brother of Queen Jocasta, succeeded to the
kingdom of Thebes. At this time time the kingdom was under the displeasure
of the gods, and in consequence laid waste by a monster called Sphinx, which
had the face of a woman, the wings of a bird, and the tail of a lion. This creature
had obtained from the Muses a riddle, which she proposed to the Thebans : and
on their being unable to resolve it, she took away one after another of the citi
zens, and ate him. This continued cruelty reduced the king to such distress,
that' he offered the crown and the queen to any one who would deliver the
country from this monster. At this juncture (Edipus arrived, undertook the
task, and solved the riddle ; upon which the Sphinx threw herself from the Acro
polis, and disappeared. (Edipus thereupon assumed the sovereignty of Thebes,
and became the husband of his mother.

On one part of this personal narrative these legends afford conflicting informa
tion. It is on all hands admitted that (Edipus had four children— Eteocles,
Polynices, Antigone, and Ismene. The question is, whether they were the chil
dren of Jocasta, or of a subsequent wife. Sophocles and other Attic poets adopt
the former opinion; and Homer, and an ancient epic called (Edipodia, the latter.
The gods it is stated, made known to mankind the relationship existing between
(Edipus and Jocasta. According to the Attic tragedians, this was done " quickly "
after their marriage : if the opposite opinion is adopted, Jt must have been revealed
only after the lapse of some years. On receiving this information, Jocasta, in an
agony of sorrow, hanged herself; and (Edipus suffered a series of miseries, in
flicted by the Erinnyes, while a curse of deep and weighty woe rested on his
children; and even this appears to have been aggravated by the denunciation

APPENDIX.

of (Edipus on his sons, in consequence of their conduct toward him in his old
•§»

On the death of their father, the sons of (Edipus quarrelled respecting the suc-
cession. Polynices was in consequence obliged to flee from Thebes, upon which
he sought refuge at the court of Adrustus, King of Argos. Here he was kindly
received, and married to a daughter of the king, who at the same time engaged
to establish Polynices on the throne of Thebes by force of arms.

When Adrastus proposed this enterprise to the chieftains of Argos, he found
most of them ready to join in the war. Amphiaraus, who had distinguished
himself as an Argonaut, and at the Calydonian hunt alone dissented, and de
nounced the project as unjust and impious : and, being of a prophetic stock, he
predicted the failure of the attempt, and the death of the principal parties who
undertook it. Full of this conviction, Amphiaraus endeavoured to secrete him
self, that he might take no part in the war. But Polynices having bribed his
wife by presenting her with the gorgeous robe and necklace given by the gods to
Harmonia on her marriage with Cadmus, the sordid wife for this showy prize
betrayed the retreat of her husband ; and he, after charging his sons to revenge
him, accompanied the expedition. It was led by seven noble chiefs, each of whom
assailed one of the seven gates of Thebes. The prediction of Amphiaraus was,
however, justified : the attempt failed : all the leaders perished, except Adrastus',
who escaped by the fleetness of his steed. In this war the two sons of (Edipus
killed each other in single combat.

After this, Creon again assumed the reigns of government, and decreed that
the Argives who had fallen in the war, and especially Polynices, should remain
unburied ; and that any one detected in violating this edict should be buried
alive. Antignone, sister of Polynices, dared the danger, and attempted to inter
her brother ; but was detected in the effort, and was buried alive on the spot.
Haemon, the son of Creon, having endeavoured in vain to save her, killed him
self on her tomb ; in consequence of which, his mother perished by her own hand.
Adrastus, moved by the inhumanity which deprived his fallen comrades of the
rites of sepulture, applied for aid to Theseus, King of Athena. This hero com
plied with his request, invaded Thebes, killed Creon, and effected his object.

The calamities of Thebes did not terminate with this war. The sons of the
seven chiefs who had been defeated determined to avenge the fate of their sires.
Adrastus, who still survived, took the command ; ^gialeus, his son, Thersander,
son of Polynices, Alcmrcon and Amphilochus, sons of Amphiaraus, Diomedes, son
of Tydeus, Sthenelus, son of Capaneus, Promachus, son of Parthenopajus, and
Euryalus, son of Mecistheus, under the title of Epigoni, took part in this assault.
They were aided by Corinth and Megara, as well as Messene and Arcadia. On
reaching the river Elissas, they were opposed by the Theban army under Laoda-
mas, son of Eteocles, who now ruled in Thebes. Here a battle took place, in
which the Theban leader killed ^Egialeus, son of Adrastus, but was himself
totally routed with his army, and driven within the walls, principally by the
valour and energy of Alcmaeon. After this defeat, the Thebans consulted the
prophet Tiresias, who informed them that the gods had decreed the success of
the assailants. By his advice they sent a herald to the Epigoni, offering to sur
render the town, while they conveyed away their wives and children, and fled
under the command of Laodamas to the Illyrians. The Epigoni then entered
Thebes, and established Thersander, son of Polynices, on the throne.

APPENDIX. 609

NOTE 57, page 320. — The Trojan Wars.

This, says Mr. Grote, is "the capital and culminating point of the Grecian
epjC) — the two sieges and capture of Troy, with the destinies of the dispersed
heroes." " It would," observes this profound and elegant author, " require a
large volume to convey any tolerable idea of the vast extent and expansion of
this interesting fable, first handled by so many poets, epic, lyric, and tragic, with
their endless additions, transformations, and contradictions, — then purged and
recast by historical inquirers, who, under colour of setting aside the exaggera
tions of the poets, introduced a new vein of prosaic invention, — lastly moralized
and allegorized by philosophers." — Hist, of Greece, vol. i, p. 386. We can only
attempt a brief outline of this in a note.

The Trojan kings reckoned their descent from Dardanus, the son of Zeus by
Electra, daughter of Atlas. Tros, the grandson of Dardanus, gave his name to
Troy. Zeus, having taken the beautiful son of Tros, Ganymedes, to be his cup
bearer, gave to the father in return a team of immortal horses. Besides Gany
medes, Tros had two sons, Ilus and Assaracus. The first became the father of
the Trojan line of kings, Laomedon, Priam, and Hector; the second, of the Dar-
danian sovereigns, Capys, Anchises, and /Eneas. Ilus founded in the plain of
Troy the holy city of Ilium. His brother and his descendants remained sover
eigns of Dardania.

While Laomedon, son of Ilus, reigned at Troy, Poseidon and Apollo were subject
ed to a temporary servitude by command of Zeus, during which the former built
the walls of the town, and the latter tended the herds. When the stipulated
period had expired, they claimed the promised reward ; instead of paying which,
the king treated the gods with indignity, and threatened to sell them for slaves.
To avenge this ill-treatment, Poseidon sent a sea-monster, which ravaged the
fields, and destroyed the subjects of Troy. This infliction reduced Laomedon to
such straits that he oifered the immortal horses as a reward to any one who
would destroy the monster. But an oracle declared that a virgin of noble blood
must first be given to him ; and the lot fell on Hesione, the daughter of Laome
don. Heracles arrived at the moment when the princess stood exposed to de
struction ; and by the aid of Athene and the Trojans he killed the monster, and
delivered both Hesione and the country. Yet Laomedon gave him mortal horses,
instead of those which had been promised. Heracles, thus defrauded, equipped
six ships, sailed to Troy, stormed the city, and killed Laomedon, giving Hesione
to his faithful and brave ally, Telamon, by whom she had Teucros, the celebrated
archer.

As Priam was the only one of all the sons of Laomedon who had protested
against the injustice of his father, Heracles placed him on the throne of Troy.
This king was blessed with a numerous progeny. Among his sons we find Hec
tor, Paris, Deiphobus, Helenus, Troilus, Polites, Polydorus; and among the
daughters, Laodice, Creiisa, Polyxena, and Cassandra.

The birth of Paris was accompanied with such terrible omens, that his father
consulted the soothsayers on the subject : they informed him that this son would
prove fatal to him. Priam in consequence ordered the child to be exposed on
Mount Ida, as soon as he was born. The gods, however, preserved him ; and he
grew up very beautiful in person, fostered by the shepherds, and specially loved
by Aphrodite. It was to this prince, while living in this rural solitude, that
the three goddesses, Here, Athene, and Aphrodite, were conducted, in order that
he might determine the dispute which had arisen between them, at the marriage

610 APPENDIX.

of Pcleue, respecting their comparative beauty. Paris awarded the prize of
beauty to Aphrodite, who promised him in return the most beautiful woman of
the age, — Helen, the daughter of Zeus, wife of Menelaus, King of Sparta.

The manner in which this promise was fulfilled is too well known to need re
citation. Paris went to Greece, and visited Menelaus, who had at that time to
leave his home for Crete. During his absence Paris carried off Helen and a
large amount of treasure, and safely reached Troy. The injured husband was
informed in Crete of the perfidious conduct of Paris, and the infidelity of his
wife ; and hastened home to consult his brother Agamemnon, King of Mycenae
and Argos, and the venerable Nestor. The result was a determination to assem
ble the entire strength of the Grecian states, and avenge this outrage on the
rites of hospitality. This was the more easily effected, because in her youth
Helen had been sought for, on account of her beauty, by thirty-one of the princi
pal chieftains of Greece, who, seeing they had individually a very slender chance
of securing the desired prize, bound themselves by a solemn oath to leave Helen
to her free, unbiassed choice in respect of her selection of a partner, and, when
married, to defend her person and character against any attempts to snatch her
from the arms of her husband.

For the accomplishment of this purpose, Nestor, Palamedcs, and others went
round to solicit the aid of the Greek chiefs. The result is known : eleven hun
dred and eighty-six ships, and above one hundred thousand men, were at length
assembled at Aulis, and sailed for Troy. This expedition contained all the dite
of the warriors of Greece; foremost among whom stood Palamedes, Ajax, Di-
omedes, Nestor, Ulysses, and Achilles. The first, although not mentioned by Ho
mer, is celebrated by other early Greek writers as one of the wisest and bravest
of his day. He is even supposed on this account to have been treacherously cut
off by the envy and malignity of Ulysses and Diomedes.

The Trojans had assembled a grc«at army of auxiliaries, to oppose this inva
sion ; but the attempt to prevent the landing of the Greeks was vain. The Tro
jans and their allies were routed, mainly by the valour of Achilles, and driven
within the walls of the city. But these were invulnerable ; great delay was a
necessary consequence ; a large portion of the invading army was engaged in
providing supplies of provision for themselves and their companions : years of
siege and casual warfare therefore rolled on.

At length, however, in the tenth year of the siege, the Greeks, having stormed
and sacked some towns in the neighbourhood of Troy and in alliance with that
city, divided the prisoners among the principal chiefs. Achilles, for his prom
inence and valour in this exploit, received a beautiful damsel, — the fair Brisels ;
while another, a daughter of a priest of Apollo, Chrysels, was awarded to Aga
memnon. The father of the latter lady, distressed by the loss of his daughter,
besought the deity to avenge his injury. Apollo complied, and sent a plague
among the Greeks. In a great council the cause of the evil was revealed by
Calchas the seer. The result was the sending back of Chrysels to her father ;
and, to repair his loss, Agamemnon demanded Brisels from Achilles, — a require
ment which so offended that hero, that he immediately withdrew himself and his
troops from the Grecian army.

The loss of Achilles subjected the Greek army to terrible reverses. Diomedes,
Ulysses, Agamemnon, and other heroes exerted themselves to the utmost, but in
vain. Hector led his conquering Trojans to successive victories, until at length
he actually set fire to the vessel of Protesilaus, the first Greek who had lan<lfl
at Troy. The desperate condition to which the Greeks were thus reduced led

APPENDIX. 611

Patroclus, the friend of Achilles, to obtain that hero's leave to lead his troops
against the Trojans. This reinforcement for a while turned the tide of victory,
until Patroclus was slain by Hector. This melancholy event at once diverted
the flow of the anger of Achilles, and directed it against the Trojan prince. He
accordingly returned to the war, defeated the Trojans, and killed Hector.

The hopes of Troy, which seemed to die with the death of Hector, were revived
by the arrival of successive bands of auxiliaries. Penthesilea, Queen of the Ama
zons, first arrived, at the head of her troop of female warriors. She was the
daughter of Ares, and had been hitherto invincible. At first her efforts were
successful ; but she fell by the hand of Achilles. Memnon next came to sustain
the cause of Troy. He was the son of Tithonus and Eos, and the most stately of
men. He destroyed great numbers of the Grecian troops, and slew the noble and
popular Antilochus. But after a desperate, and, for a long time, doubtful con
test, he also perished by the prowess of Achilles.

The fate of this hero now approached. As Achilles was chasing a troop of
routed Trojans into the town, he was slain by an arrow from the bow of Paris,
which had been guided by Apollo, and struck the mighty Greek in the only vul
nerable part of his body, — his heel. The fall of Achilles occasioned still further
loss to the Greeks. Ajax and Ulysses having quarrelled as to which should
possess the armour of the deceased hero, and the decision having been given in
favour of the latter, Ajax slew himself in a frenzy occasioned by grief and disap
pointment.

The crisis of the war now drew near. Ulysses, having captured Helenus, the
son of Priam, who possessed the gift of prophecy, learned from him that Troy
could not be taken unless Philoctetes, who held the bow and arrows of Heracles,
and Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, could be persuaded to join the Greek army.
This was effected by the address of Diomedes and Ulysses. Philoctetes soon
after killed Paris in single combat ; while Neoptolemus killed Eurypylus, King
of Mysia, who had marched an army to the succour of Troy.

But although the Trojans were now so weakened by successive losses that they
dared no more to meet their enemies in the field, the city could not be captured
while the Palladium — a statue given by Zeus himself to Dardanus — remained in
the citadel. Great care had been taken of this statue by the Trojans : they not
only did their utmost to conceal this valuable gift, but made many others so like
it as to mislead any person who might attempt to steal it. Ulysses, however,
the unfailing resource of the Greeks when craft and cunning were required in
union with great daring, essayed this difficult task. Disguising himself in mis
erable clothing and with self-inflicted injuries, he succeeded in entering the
city, and carrying off the Palladium. It is said that Helen recognised him,
while thus engaged ; but that she, now anxious to return to her husband, not
only did not betray him, but actually concerted with him the means of cap
turing the city.

To accomplish this object, the Greeks had recourse to stratagem. At the sug
gestion of Athene, Epeus made a large wooden horse, sufficiently capacious to
contain one hundred men in the inside of it. Here were placed that number of
the most celebrated warriors of the Greek army, including Neoptolemus, Ulysses,
Menelaus, and others. This being done, and the horse placed before the gates
of Troy, the Greek army pretended that they had abandoned the siege, burned
their tents, and sailed away, — remaining, however, at Tenedos. The inhabitants
of Troy, overjoyed at this deliverance, sallied out, and were amazed at the huge
wooden structure which their enemies had left behind them.

612 APPENDIX.

Various opinions were propounded respecting it. Some proposed drawing it
into the city, and dedicating it to the gods, as a trophy of victory : others dis
trusted the gift of an enemy. Laocoon, the priest of Neptune, sharing in this
feeling, launched a spear against the side of the horse, when the sound revealed
the hollowness of the construction. But even this warning was lost on the
infatuated Trojans ; while LaocoOn, with one of his sons, perished by two ser.
pents, which were sent out of the sea expressly to destroy him. The Trojans
were seized on by the artifices of Sinon, a perfidious traitor, who had been left
by the Greeks to promote their object. He told Priam that he had fled from his
countrymen because they had determined to offer him a sacrifice to the gods, in
order to insure themselves a safe voyage to Greece. Being favourably received
by the kind king, he strongly urged him to bring the wooden horse into the city,
and consecrate it to Athene. This advice was followed. A breach was made in
the walls, and the horse brought into the city with tumultuous joy, the Trojans
devoting the night to riotous festivity. While they were thus engaged, Sinon
made the appointed fire-signal, which being seen by the Greeks at Tenedos, they
immediately returned. He then unbarred the entrance to the horse, and allowed
the Greek heroes to come forth. The city was thus assailed from within and
without. The aged Priam perished by the hand of Neoptolemus, having sought
refuge in vain at the altar of Zeus. Deiphobus, who, after the death of Paris, had
become the husband of Helen, died, after a desperate resistance, by the hands
of Ulysses and Menelaus. Antenor and JEneas escaped, as it is said, by the
connivance of the Greeks. Thus was the city totally sacked and destroyed.
Astyanax, the infant son of Hector, was cast from a high wall, and killed ; and
Polyxena was immolated on the tomb of Achilles. Helen was restored to her
husband, who appears to have received her very cordially. Andromache and
Helen us were both given to Neoptolemus; Cassandra was awarded to Aga-
uiemnon.

The utter improbability of the legend, especially in the part respecting the
wooden horse, led to other versions than that of Homer. The principal of these
is that related by the Egyptian priests to Herodotus, to this effect,— that when
Paris lied from Greece with Helen, he was driven by adverse winds on the coast
°f Egypt, where the king, learning the baseness of his conduct, sent him awayf
detaining Helen ; and that consequently, when the Greeks demanded Helen at
Troy, the Trojans could not give her up, as she was not there. At the same
time they could not convince the Greeks of this truth, the gods having decreed
the ruin of Ilium.

The return of the heroes to Greece would require extended notice. AVe can
only observe that Nestor, Diomedes, Neoptolemus, Idomeneus, and Philoctetes
soon reached their homes in safety. Agamemnon also reached his palace at
Argos, but to perish by the hand of his wife Clytemnestra. The adventures of
Ulysses have been fully given by Homer in a separate epic. Every part of
Greece, Italy, and of the surrounding countries, bears names, or stands identi
fied with circumstances relating to this war. (Grote's History of Greece ; Thirl-
wall's History of Greece ; Homer ; Virgil ; Herodotus ; Thucydides, &c., &c.)

NOTE 58, page 320.— The Return of the Heraclida.

There is scarcely any portion of the legendary history of Greece which so
clearly and so fully develops the peculiar character of its mythology, and at
he same time serves as a key to some of the most curious problems in the sub-

APPENDIX. 613

sequent annals of the country, as the account famished by the poets respecting
Heracles and his descendants.

Perseus, son of Zeus and Danae, having accidentally killed his grandfather, and
being unwilling to remain as the sovereign of the country, exchanged the king
dom of Argos with Megapenthes for that of Tiryns ; and afterward, fixing on a
spot about ten miles from Argos, he founded the famous city of Mycenae, seating
here his descendants as the celebrated Perseid Dynasty. Perseus left a numer
ous family : of these, Alcaeus was father of Amphitryon ; Electryon, of Alcmene ;
and Sthenelos, of Eurystheus. After the death of his grandfather, Amphitryon,
in a fit of passion occasioned by a quarrel about some cattle, killed his uncle
Electryon. The sons of this chief having been killed by some pirate Taphians,
Alcmene was the only surviver of this family. She was engaged to marry
Amphitryon, but refused to do so until he had avenged the death of her brothers.
Compelled to leave his country on account of the murder of his uncle, Amphit
ryon sought refuge in Thebes, whither he was accompanied by Alcmene, thus
leaving Sthenelos, the only surviving son of Perseus, King of Tiryns. Amphit
ryon, having obtained the aid of the Cadnieians and others, chastised the Taphi
ans, and returned to claim his wife. On the wedding-night, however, Zeus,
having conceived a passion for the bride, had intercourse with her before the
husband. The result was that Alcmene bore twins, — Heracles, the son of Zeus,
and Iphicles, the offspring of Amphitryon. When the time drew near for deliv
ery, Zeus, who had determined that this offspring of his should be superior to
all his other human children, — " a specimen of invincible power both to gods and
men," — boasted in the Olympian assembly, that there was that day to be born
on earth a descendant of his who should rule over all his neighbours. Stung
with the remark, his wife Here pretended to make light of it, and provoked Zeus
to confirm his declaration by an oath. This being done, Here instantly descended
to the earth, and, by the aid of the goddesses presiding over parturition, delayed
the delivery of Alcmene, and hastened that of the wife of Sthenelos, who was
seven months advanced in pregnancy. This feat accomplished, Here returned to
Olympus, and announced the fact to Zeus, saying, " The good man Eurystheus
is this day born of thy loins, and the sceptre of the Argeians worthily belongs to
him." Zeus was intensely astonished and afflicted at the news ; but his word
had passed, and he could not prevent its accomplishment. Hercules was there
fore throughout his life subject to Eurystheus, and compelled to do his bidding.

It will not be necessary to detail the exploits of Heracles, under the designa
tion of his " Twelve Labours." The principal of them are now universally
known. It may suffice to say, that he always evinced irresistible power, whether
on behalf of friends, or against declared foes and the most savage beasts. His
deeds were spread over all parts of the world then known to the Greeks,— from
Gades in Spain to the banks of the Euxine, and even to Scythia ; while their
magnitude was such as to fill the world with their fame, and to vary them into
an endless range of poetic myths.

After the death of the hero, and his apotheosis, his son Hyllos, and his other
children, were expelled and severely persecuted by Eurystheus. So violent was
his animosity, that the Thebans and other neighbouring states feared to afford
them refuge. Athens alone evinced sufficient humanity a»d daring, and pro
tected the refugees. To punish this generous conduct, Eurystheus invaded
Attica, and not only failed in the effort, but perished with all his sons in the
contest. In consequence, the sons of Heracles became the only representatives
of the Perseid family. Hyllos, the eldest son of Heracles, regarding Pelopon-

614 APPENDIX.

nesus as his rightful inheritance, gathered together an army, and endeavoured
to enforce his claim by arms. This invasion was met by the united troops of
Ionia, Achaia, and Arcadia; upon which Hyllos proposed that the contest
should be decided by single combat between himself and any hero of the opposing
army. The challenge was accepted, and the terms arranged, which provided
that in case Hyllos triumphed, the Heracleids should be restored to their pos
sessions ; but that, in case he fell, they should abandon all their claims for a
given period, which is variously stated by different authors as having been three
generations,— fifty years,— and one hundred years. Hyllos was slain in this
conflict by Echemos, the Arcadian hero; and the Heracleids in consequence
retired, and dismissed their army.

It is said that, in violation of this engagement, Clodeeus, son of Hyllos, made
an attempt to recover the territory, which was equally unsuccessful ; and that
his son, in a similar effort, perished on the field of battle.

The time specified in the engagement which issued in the death of Hyllos, at
length passed away, and left the Heracleids free to assert their claim to their
ancient and rightful patrimony. The manner and means by which this was
effected are worthy of attention. It appears that when the Dorian King
.Egiraius was severely pressed by the Lapithae, Heracles interposed, defeated the
invading force, and killed their King Coronus. In grateful return for this act
of heroism, ^Egimius assigned to his deliverer one-third part of the whole terri
tory of his state, and adopted Hyllos as his son. Heracles desired that this gift
should be retained until his children stood in need of it. After the death of
Hyllos, this boon was claimed and allowed. The Heracleids became thus inti
mately associated with the Dorian race. When, therefore, Hyllos, his son Clo-
d«ms, and grandson Aristomachus, were all dead, and the Heracleids were
represented by Temenus, Cresphontes, and Aristodemus, they resolved, with the
aid of the Dorians, to make another attempt on the peninsula. In this case a
new mode of attack was adopted. Instead of a long and hazardous land-march
along the coast and through the Isthmus of Corinth, they resolved to prepare
vessels, and cross over from Antirrhium on the southern promontory of JEtolia,
to Rhium on the north coast of Achaia. This attempt was completely successful.
Tisamenes, the grandson of Agamemnon through Orestes, then the great sover
eign of the peninsula, and the representative of the Pelopid race, fell in the
conflict Oxylus, who had efficiently served the expedition as a guide, was
rewarded with the fertile territory of Elis; while the three Heracleid families
cast lots for the remainder of the country. In this distribution Argos fell to
Temenus, Messene to Cresphontes, and Sparta to the sons of Aristodemus. It is
alleged that Cresphontes obtained his more eligible portion by fraud. As each
family offered solemn sacrifices upon this division, it is said that a miraculous
sign appeared on each altar, — a toad on that belonging to Argos ; a serpent on
that of Sparta ; and a fox on the altar representing Messene. The prophets, on
being consulted, thus explained these omens: The toad, being a creature slow
and stationary, imported that Argos would not succeed in enterprises beyond its
own limits : the serpent denoted the formidable and aggressive character which
Sparta would sustain : and the fox set forth the career of wily and deceitful
policy which Messene would pursue. However historical fact may be obscured
by ancient legend, it is evident that the entire subjugation of Peloponnesus to
the sway of the Heracleids and Dorians must have occupied a very considerable
portion of time, during which extended period the vanquished were continually
seeking refuge in northern Greece, Asia Minor, or the islands.

APPENDIX.

615

NOTE 59, page 325.— The Seven Wise Men of Greece.

<Uthou"h these Grecian worthies are usually said to have been seven, ancient
writers are by no means agreed as to their number or their names. Dicaearchi
counted ten ; Hermippus, seventeen ; and Plato, seven. The names of Solon the
Athenian, Thales the Milesian, Pittacus the Mitylenian, and Bias the Pnei
are found in all the lists. The remaining names given by Plato are C
of Lindus, Myson of Chene, and Chilo of LacedtBmon. (Protagoras, sec. 82.)

It will be necessary to give a brief sketch of these individuals, in order to con
vey a general idea of their character as the Wise Men of Greece.

SOLON in his youth devoted himself to the study of philosophy and political
science. In consequence of the reduced state of his family through the prodi
gality of his father, he was for some time engaged in trade ; but he at length
devoted his life to the good of his country, and introduced those political and
fiscal reforms which laid the foundation for the future glory of Athens. Like all
the cultivated Greeks of his day, he studied poetry, and propounded his political
reforms in verse.

THALES was born at Miletus, of Phenician parents. Like Solon and others, he
travelled in pursuit of knowledge; and visited Crete, Phenicia, Egypt, and the
East —acquiring in his progress a knowledge of geometry, astronomy, and phi
losophy He is said to have made additions to the knowledge of the Greeks m
mathematical science,-most likely from information he obtained in the East.
He is also said to have been the first who insisted on the necessity of scientu
proof and attempted it in philosophy and mathematics. He is known to have
predicted the occurrence of an eclipse; but whether he possessed a sufficient
knowledge of mathematical astronomy to make the calculation himself, o
obtained the result of it in the East, has been doubted. Thales is said to have
displayed great political sagacity, and to have used his scientific acquirements
in diverting the course of the river Halys at the request of Croesus,
instituted a federal council at Teos, to unite and strengthen the lonians, when
threatened by the Persians. He was the founder and father of the Ionic school
of philosophy, which produced Anaximander, Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, and
Archelaus, the master of Socrates.

PITTACUS of Mitylene was highly celebrated as a warrior, a state an, a phi
losopher, and a poet. He is first mentioned in history as an opponent of the
tyrants who had succeeded in fastening their rule on his country. In conjunc
tion with the sons of Alcseus, he succeeded in delivering the island from tl
oppression. He afterward appeared at the head of his countrymen, to resist the
Athenians, when they made war on Lesbos. In this struggle he challenged the
Athenian general to single combat, and slew him. He was afterward made gov
ernor of his native city, with unlimited authority. After holding this dignity
for ten years, governing with justice and moderation, devising and enforcing
salutary laws, and greatly promoting the public good, he voluntarily re
private life.

BIAS of Priene.-Little is known of this sage, except that he appears to have
attained his distinguished reputation by the long-continued exercise of his e
as an advocate, and by his uniform and generally successful maintenance of the
cause of right and justice. He died at a very advanced age, after pleading suc
cessfully in behalf of a friend. Just as the judges gave their decision, the ven
erable advocate fell dead into the arms of his grandson. The case of Bias is an
unquestionable proof that the fame of the Wise Men was derived, not from the

616

APPENDIX.

possession of abstract science, but from the exercise of practical wisdom and
judicious experience in respect of moral and political affairs.

CLEOBULUS of Lindus was remarkable for the beauty of his person. His fame
as a Wise Man seems to rest on the success with which he governed Lindus in a
season of peculiar difficulty. He is also celebrated for having acquired an
acquaintance with the philosophy of Egypt, and for having written some lyric
poems, as well as riddles in verse.

MYSOX of Chene.— Scarcely anything is known of this person, except that he

n humble circumstances ; and that when Anacharsis consulted the oracle at

)elphi to know which was the wisest man in Greece, he was told in answer, « He

who is now ploughing his fields :" this was Myson. In some of the lists the

name of Periander stands instead of Myson.

CHILO of Sparta— Nothing is known of this person but his name.

NOTE 60, page 326.— The Amphictyonic Council.

This institution is one of the most remarkable and influential of ancient
Greece. It appears to have arisen, in remote times, out of the very peculiar
political disunion and religious unity which prevailed among the Grecian people.
Since, from the beginning, it was customary for the several cities and even
towns, as well as states, to be self-governing, while they were closely allied
together by a national feeling and a common faith, it became necessary to estab
lish some means of communication between these independent bodies, and some
efficient mode of adjudication, in the event either of the national interests being
infringed, or of the ordinance's of the established religion being violated. This
was effected by the instrumentality of the Amphictyonic Council. There were
consequently several of these confederations in different districts, and among
the Grecian settlements in Asia Minor; but the principal, and that which was a
model for all the others, was called, by way of eminence, "the Amphictyonic
League." This body met either in the temple of Demeter in the village of
Anthelae near Thermopylae or in that of Apollo at Delphi.

We have but a small amount of information on which reliance can be placed
respecting the origin of this institution. That it arose very early, is clear from
the fact that neither cities nor states, but tribes, were represented in it. These
were originally twelve : lonians, Dorians, Perrhaebians. Boeotians, Magnesians,
Achasans, Phthians, Melians, Dolopians, yEnianians, Delphians, and Phocians!
In process of time, cities and states, as they rose into importance, were admitted
into the League ; so that in the age of Antonius Pius the number of represented
tribes was increased to thirty. The primitive nature of tbU compact, and the
simplicity of manners and of means which then obtained, are clearly shown by
the terms x>f the oath which was administered to the membero of this League
severally, as preserved by JEschines: "We will not destroy any Amphictyonic
town : we will not cut off any Amphictyonic town from running water." It
seems, at least in later times, that the members sent to this council were of two
kinds or grades ; which has led to the opinion that two assemblies w«re held,—
one a larger, and the other a smaller, body. This distinction is indicated in the
preamble of a decree preserved by Demosthenes: "When Cleinagorus WM priest
at the spring-meeting, it was resolved by the Pvlagonc and their assessors, and
the general body of the Arnphictyons," &c. It was this body which decreed those
severe and generally cruel crusades which are found in Greek history, under U*
name of " Sacred Wars."

APPENDIX. 617

It was, in fact, the special function of the Amphictyonic Union to watch over
and protect the safety, interests, and treasures of the Delphian temple. This
point is set forth in another oath taken by the members- of this council, and
preserved by JEschines : " If any one shall plunder the property of the god,
or shall be cognizant thereof, or shall take treacherous counsel against the
things in the temple, we will punish him by foot, and hand, and voice, and every
means in our power." At the same time, the truly national character of this
council is proved by the fact, that, on the death of Leonidas and his brave com
panions at Thermopylae, this council held an extraordinary meeting, and offered
a reward for the life of Ephialtes the traitor. They also afterward set up
pillars in the Straits to the memory of the Spartans who fell there.

This institution remained, as the last vestige of Hellenic nationality, until the
second century of the Christian era; 'but its power and importance had long
been lost. Even in the days of Demosthenes, the great orator complained that
it was then only the shadow of its former self.

NOTE 61, page 327. — Mortgage Pillars.

These were stone pillars, which were required to be set up in a field, or some
other conspicuous part of the mortgaged property. They served instead of a
legal instrument or bond: but they answered this purpose in the most objection
able manner that can be conceived. It was essential that these pillars should
bear a legible inscription, stating the amount of the debt with which the prop
erty was burdened, and setting forth the name of the creditor to whom the
money was owing. These erections were abundantly numerous in Attica at the
time referred to, and were so many public advertisements that the former owner
of the soil had lost his independence, and was in danger of sinking into a still
more degraded and miserable condition.

NOTE 62, page 329. — The Judicial Court of Areopagus.

This celebrated judicial body usually held its sittings in an open, uncovered
space on the top of a small eminence at Athens, called Mars' Hill, because Mars
was said to have been tried there for the murder of Halirrhothius, the son of
Neptune. The origin of this court is lost in remote antiquity : some ascribe its
institution to the time of Cecrops. The number of the judges is equally uncer
tain. But we know that they were for a long period persons of the highest pro
bity and religious character ; and that any one of them who was convicted of
immorality, had been seen sitting in a tavern, or was known to have used inde
cent language, was expelled from the assembly. They took cognizance " of
murders,°impiety, and immoral behaviour ; particularly of idleness, the cause of
all vice." They possessed power to reward the virtuous, and to punish crime,
particularly blasphemy against the gods, and all sins against the national faith.
Their authority continued until the time' of Pericles. At a later period the
Areopagites lost much of their respectability of character,— to such an extent,
indeed, that, having censured the conduct of a citizen, they were told that " if
they wished to reform, they must begin at home."

NOTE 63, page 338.— Banishment by Ostracism.

This was a peculiar mode of enforcing exile, which obtained in many of the
Grecian states, and was several times carried into effect at Athens. Strictly

618

APPENDIX.

•peaking, it was not a punishment, but a precautionary measure, demanded, as
was supposed, by the public safety. Ostracism differed from ordinary banish
ment in that it did not affect the property of the individual exiled ; and also,
that it always fixed the time when the party would have liberty to return. It
was, in fact, a means devised for removing from the republic, for a given time,
any individual whose position, energy, wealth, or ambition, might render him
an object of envy, distrust, or danger to the government. The mode of carrying
it into effect was, by convening the tribes, when each citizen wrote the name of the
man whom he wished to have ostracized. The bearer of the name which occurred
most frequently, in case it had been written by six thousand citizens, was com
manded to leave the state within ten days. The greatest men of Athens were
exiled by this means,— Themistocles, Aristides, Cimon, and Alcibiades. Plutarch
called ostracism " a good-natured way of allaying envy."

NOTE 64, page 339.— The curious Mode employed to count the Army of Xerxes.

The account furnished by Herodotus of this enumeration is so terse and full,
that it may be given in the language of his popular translator: " I am not able
to specify what number of men each nation supplied, as no one has recorded it.
The whole amount of the land-forces was 1,700,000. Their mode of ascertaining
the number was this : they drew up in one place a body of ten thousand men ;
making these stand together as compactly as possible, they drew a circle round
them. Dismissing these, they enclosed the circle with a wall breast high : into
this they introduced another and another ten thousand, till they thus obtained
the precise number of the whole. They afterward ranged each nation apart."—
Polyhymnia, cap. 9. Yet, notwithstanding the particularity of this account,—
coupled with the important fact, that Herodotus might have conversed with those
who saw the army numbered,— it is generally believed that the numbers given
above are far too great.

NOTE 65, page 344.— The Rebuilding of the City of Athena and its Fortifications.

There is scarcely any circumstance in the whole period of the suffering and
peril to which Greece was exposed during the Persian invasion which makes a
more painful impression on the mind, or produces a conviction more disparaging
to Greece, than the mean, the atrocious conduct of Sparta toward Athens. This
is sufficiently apparent in the studied delay which abandoned Attica to the mer
ciless ravages of the enemy.

But even this is exceeded by the opposition offered by Sparta to the restora
tion of Athens. No city or state in Greece had either done or suffered so much
to defeat the object of the common enemy as the inhabitants of Athens ; and,
after this, they persisted in rejecting the most splendid offers of a Persian alli
ance ; and, influenced by a patriotic devotion to the cause of Grecian nationality,
they returned, after all their sufferings and losses, to the charred walls and ruins
of their temples and their dwellings, to restore and rebuild them by their own
efforts and means. On a review of all the circumstances, the reader will fully
expect that Sparta and other states— which had suffered nothing by the war
but the loss of a few citizens, while they had obtained their share of the booty
—would have spontaneously offered liberal aid to restore the capital of Attica
to its former condition. Instead of this, however, it is certain that the JEgi-
notans and Spartans were prepared to resist the proper restoration of Athens

APPENDIX. 619

by a parricidal war, and would, in all probability, have succeeded, had they not
been circumvented by the superior policy and craft of Themistocles.

NOTE 66, page 358.— The Fulfilment of Scripture Prophecy in the History of

Greece.

The historical events of this country do not fill a very large place in the pre
dictions of Holy Scripture ; but the inspired prophecies relating to them are,
nevertheless, exceedingly interesting and important.

I. We will notice the reference to this people in the prophetic exposition of
Nebuchadnezzar's dream respecting the great image.

Having previously spoken of the head of gold, and the breast and arms of
silver, Daniel proceeded to say, " And another third kingdom of brass, which
shall bear rule over all the earth." Dan. ii, 39. The position of this passage deter
mines its meaning and application. As the head of gold is explicitly stated to
represent the Babylonian power, and the breast and arms of silver to exhibit the
Persian monarchy, by which the Babylonian was superseded and followed ; so the
belly and thighs of brass must refer to the Macedonian Greeks, by whom the
Persian empire was subdued, and whose dominion was extended, not only over
all the countries formerly subject to Persia, but also over a great part of Europe
in addition. On this subject there can be no dispute. Hence Bishop Newton
says, " That this third kingdom therefore was the Macedonian, every one allows,
and must allow." And the fulfilment of this prophecy will be regarded by every
considerate reader as one of the most wonderful displays of the prescient wisdom
and almighty power of an overruling and directing Providence. When Nebu
chadnezzar, invested with paramount power, and surrounded with every earthly
glory, received this prediction, the Grecian states were scarcely known among
the nations of the world ; and, for centuries afterward, they were so isolated
from each other, that any extensive military or political combination among
them seemed all but impossible. Yet, just precisely at the time when this
prophecy had to be accomplished, a military genius arose, who, with ^ magic
celerity, extended his sway over Greece ; and then, arming himself with its
united power, he went forth and subjected the eastern world to his will. The
accomplishment of this prophecy was as circumstantially exact and complete, as
the means by which it was effected were unlikely and unexpected.

IT. There is further prophetic reference to the Grecian monarchy of Alexander,
in Daniel's vision of the four great beasts.

After having symbolized the Babylonian kingdom by a lion with eagle's wings,
and the Persian by a bear with three ribs in its mouth, the following, or Mace
donian, monarchy is represented as a beast "like a leopard, which had upon the
back of it four wings of a fowl ; the beast had also four heads ; and dominion
was given to it." Dan. vii, 6. The principal features of this figurative repre
sentation are sufficiently evident, although they have been sometimes applied to
an extent which seems rather fanciful than solid.

The leopard form seems very clearly to indicate the daring courage which dis
tinguished the Macedonian conquests. Small as the leopard is, it will sometimes
attack even a lion : and when the limited resources of Alexander, and the small
ness of his army, are considered, it must be acknowledged that the figure exactly
predicted the character of the Greek sovereignty. This leopard had « four wings,"
—a circumstance that marks with peculiar force the rapidity with which Ato
ander in the short space of twelve years, subdued the vast range of territory

620 APPENDIX.

from filyricum to the Indies. Again: the beast had "four heads:" these un-'
doubtedly refer to the four great divisions into which the empire of Alexander was
divided soon after his death. This interpretation is not arbitrary, but in perfect
accordance with inspired authority. So, in the following part of the same chap-
ter, the ten horns of the fourth beast are explained to mean " ten kings that sliall
arise :" (verse 24 :) and here the four heads are four kings who arose after the
death of the great founder of the kingdom, and who divided the dominions amonz
them.

III. A third remarkable prediction respecting the Grecian empire is contained
m the eighth chapter of Daniel's prophecy, where the Persian power is repre
sented as a ram with two horns, standing on the banks of a river; and the Gre
cian king as a he-goat with a " notable horn between his eyes." Verse 5. Here
also we have an unerring guide to the interpretation of this prophecy ; for the
angel informed the prophet " that the ram which thou sawest having two horns
are the kings of .Media and Persia, and the rough goat is the king of Grecia ; and
the great horn that is between his eyes is the first king." Verses 20, 21. There
can, therefore, be no mistake in applying this prophecy to Alexander. While
is undoubted, it is most remarkable that the figurative prediction of Daniel
should so exactly represent the conduct of the two kings, and the issue of their
ision. The ram stood on the banks of a river, " pushing westward, and
northward, and southward ; so that no beasts might stand before him neither
was ^there any that could deliver out of his hand; but he did according to his
' Verse 4. How graphically these words show the state of Persia, and the
unquestioned power of her kings before the Macedonian invasion ! The following
is equally truthful in description : "A he-goat came from the west on the face
e whole earth, and touched not the ground ; and the goat had a notable horn
between his eyes. And he came to the ram that had two horns, which I had
seen standing before the river, and ran unto him in the fury of his power. And
I saw him come close unto the ram, and he was moved with choler against him and
smote the ram, and brake his two horns: and there was no power in the ram to
stand before him, but he cast him down to the ground, and stamped upon him,
and there was none that could deliver the ram out of his hand." Verses 5-7*
How forcefully does this set before us the power of Darius, arrayed on the banks
of the Granicus, the impetuous onslaught of the Greeks, and the entire prostra
tion of Persia, from that day, before her irresistible conqueror !
Equally remarkable is the conclusion of this prediction as to the ultimate des-
' the Macedonian monarchy : » Therefore the he-goat waxed very great •
and when he was strong, the great horn was broken; and for it came up four
notable ones toward the four winds of heaven." Verse 8. Clearly as this teaches
the same truth as we found indicated by the four heads of the beast, in this case
the interpretation is rendered undoubted by explicit inspired explanation. With
reference to this part of the vision the angel said: "The great horn that is be
tween his eyes is the first king. Now, that being broken, whereas four stood
up for it, four kingdoms shall stand up out of the nation, but not in his power "
We have here a speaking picture of the results of Alexander's
death upon the empire which he had created. A few years after the death of
the great Macedonian, all his family were cut off, and his dominions divided into
ir portions. Cassander held Macedon and Greece; Lysimachus had Thni.-e,
Bithynio, and the north ; Ptolemy ruled Egypt and the south ; and Seleucus
governed Syria and the east. So literally did the division into four parts stretch
toward " the four winds of heaven."

APPENDIX. 621

How wonderfully does all this display the prescience and the power of God !
Here is a proof that he knows the end from the beginning, and that he can fully
accomplish the purpose of his will.

NOTE 67, page 364.— The Grecian Theogony, a poetic and corrupted Version of
primitive History and of the Scenes at BabcL

The cosmogony of the poet is simply a repetition of tho Scripture narrative,
with this alteration : here the powerful operating cause is supposed to beN the
energy of natural elements, and their affinity for one another, in the place of the
potency of the Divine Word. With this exception, the Scriptural order is mainly
adhered to : first chaos, then the earth, the deep, the heaven, the mountains, and
the sea.

Ouranos is unquestionably Noah. This myth gives an extended version of the
conduct of Ham toward the arkite patriarch. (See Patriarchal Age, p. 311.)

The principal part of these legends refer to the war of the Titans, and many
conflicting views have obtained on this subject. Professor Stoll asserts that this
war " represents the struggle between the rough, unbridled powers of nature,
and the gods, who introduced order and civilization into the world." The Rev.
George Stanley Faber maintains that the Titanic war " relates to the events of
the Deluge." And the learned Jacob Bryant supposes it to be the war of the
Pentapolis spoken of by Moses, in which Lot was taken prisoner, and rescued by
Abraham. The principal ancient authority bearing on this subject is found in a
fragment of sibylline poetry, which is referred to by Josephus, and quoted by
Athenagoras and Theophilus Antiochenus, and of which Jacob Bryant says, " It
is undoubtedly a translation of an ancient record found by some Grecian in an
Egyptian temple."— Bryant's Ancient Mythology, vol. iv, p. 99- A portion of this
was printed in a preceding volume. (Patriarchal Age, p. 325.) The remainder
is here given : —

" 'T was the tenth age successive, since the Flood

Ruin'd the former world ; when foremost far

Amid the tribes of their descendants stood

Cronus, and Titan, and lapetus,

Offspring of heaven and earth. Hence in return

For their superior excellence they shared

High titles, taken both from earth and heaven.

For they were surely far supreme ; and each

Ruled o'er his portion of the vassal world,

Into three parts divided ; for the earth

Into three parts had been by Heaven's decree

Sever'd ; and each his portion held by lot.

No feuds had yet, no deadly fray arose :

For the good sire with providential care

Had bound them by an oath : and each well knew

That all was clone in equity and truth.

But soon the man of justice left the world,

Matured by time, and full of years. He died :

And his three sons, the barrier now removed,

Rise in defiance of all human ties,

Nor heed their plighted faith. To arms they fly,

Eager and fierce : and now, their bands complete,

Cronus and Titan join in horrid fray ;

Rule the great object, and the world the prize.

62-2

APPENDIX.

" This was the first sad overture to blood,
When war disclosed its horrid front, and men
Inured their hands to slaughter. From that hour
The gods wrought evil to the Titan race :
They never prospered."

Bryant's Ancient Mythology, vol. iv, pp. 101-103.

The greatest difficulty which arises in the application of these verses is found
in the phrase, "The tenth age successive since the Flood." If the original
requires us to understand by this ten generations, as the learned Analyst of
Mythology seemed to suppose, then it will be scarcely possible to cite any events
which will meet the requirements of the whole case. It would even then be
impossible to apply these lines, as he did, to the war of the " four kings against
five." For nothing is more evident than that the war here described was between
the three primitive postdiluvian tribes or clans; while this was not the case with
the war of the Pentapolis, any more than in the case of the invasion of Judea
by Pharaoh-IIophra.

If, however, we are at liberty to construe this phrase less rigidly, as applica
ble to a decade of stages in the progress of society, of indeterminate periods, or
of half-centuries, then we find the other parts of this ancient piece capable of a
clear and consistent sense.

In that case we find the three tribes, after the Confusion of Tongues, coming
into collision with each other : for one of them, having failed in the proud and
irreligious attempt to prevent the appointed dispersion by policy, now endeavours
to acquire universal dominion by conquest. It is worthy of observation, that
although in general terms the three tribes are spoken of as parties to the war,
Cronus and Titan are alone mentioned as mixing in " horrid fray." This is in
precise accordance with the Scripture account. For when the purpose of Nimrod
was defeated by the Confusion of Tongues, he did not abandon his design, but
made " Babel, and Erech, and Accad, and Calneh, in the land of Shiuar," the
" beginning of his kingdom." Gen. x, 10. Now it is well known that this was in
the land assigned to the tribe of Shem, or Titan. It was therefore taken by vio
lence ; and Asshur, the head of that house, unable to resist the power of his
more martial opponent, was obliged to go forth " out of that land, and builded
Nineveh." Verse 11. Thus the sibylline verses and the writings of Moses are in
exact accordance.

The humiliation of the Titans, or Shemitic tribe, and the dominant power of
Cronus, or the Cuthic, is in equally exact correspondence with every account of
the early ages.

At the same time these legends, by showing that the heads of the tribe of
Ham, after this triumph, were reverenced as divine, stands in direct confirma
tion of all that has been said as to the place where idolatry originated, and also
as to the profane and idolatrous assumption of Nimrod, whose extravagance in
this respect equalled his violence and worldly ambition. (See Patriarchal Age
pp. 39f>-398.)

NOTE 68, page 384.— The Divine Inspiration of Gentile Prophets.

The conclusion which has been adopted in the text,— that God does on some
occasions specially reveal his will to wicked men, and even to idolaters,— may
require some further proof, which it has seemed best to give in this note.

First, it may be shown that this divine gift has been communicated to wicked

APPENDIX. 623

men. The case of Balaam is here fully in point. His wickedness does not
require to be detailed : yet his predictions are among the most glorious to be
found in the book of God ; and, what is specially worthy of note, he was known
and recognised as an inspired prophet. Indeed, so fully was this the fact, that
his fame had extended from Mesopotamia to Canaan. Balak sent for him from
this distant country, that he might come and curse Israel. The objection, that
this instance forms a very special exception to the general rule, cannot be received as
of any weight ; for the sacred narrative does not indicate it to be an exception.
There, on the contrary, we find the whole affair detailed, as though the inspira
tion of Balaam had nothing in it of a remarkable character. His access unto
the oracle of Jehovah is spoken of as an undoubted fact, and as a privilege
which he could exercise at will. Here, then, is one undeniable case of Gentile
inspiration, by which undoubted intercourse with Jehovah is maintained, and
splendid prophetic revelations uttered, although the prophet is a wicked man,
loving the wages of iniquity. The prophecy of Caiaphas might also be men
tioned. It was certainly enunciated as a divine prediction ; and such, in the
highest sense, it certainly was. Then we call attention to the persons spoken of
by3 Micah, (iii, 11,) as " the prophets " that " divine for money/' Indeed, our
Saviour himself fully bears out this opinion by teaching us that he will say to
some who " have prophesied in his name," " I never knew you : depart from me,
ye that work iniquity." Matt, vii, 22, 23. Proofs of this point might be multi
plied ; but they cannot be necessary, it being abundantly manifest that the gift
of prophecy has been frequently communicated to very wicked men.

" But then," it is alleged, " not to idolaters." We do not exactly see the force
of this objection. On the principle that " to obey is better than sacrifice/' we
might conclude that a deliberate rebellion against the divine will, as in the case
of Balaam, would form as powerful a barrier to the reception of such divine
influence as any act of idolatry. Let us, however, pursue our Scriptural inquiry.
It cannot be denied that God was pleased to make wonderful revelations from
himself to the mind of Nebuchadnezzar. It is true, he required the teaching of
the inspired Daniel : but this in no respect affects the truth, that God made
direct revelations to the mind of the idolatrous king. The case of the king of
Gerar is similar. But what we regard as most important is the fact that the
earliest of the Christian Fathers not only saw no difficulty in this matter, but
fully recognised the doctrine for which we contend. Justin Martyr, having asked
the question, "Since there were true prophets among the Greeks as well as
among the Christians, and divinations of future events were given by both par
ties, by what marks can we distinguish the Christian prophets to be more excel
lent?" He replies, "All these, the prediction of words as well as the event of
things, are of the same God ; who both foretold by the holy prophets and apostles
what he was about to do, and in like manner foreshadowed future events by those
who were strangers to the true worship." After other remarks on the subject,
he adds, " In like manner he " (God) " foreshadowed by the Greek prophets
whatever was fulfilled by the event."

Without pressing unduly on any branch of the argument, it does appear to be
an established verity, that Gentile prophets were sometimes endowed with the
divine gift of prophecy; and that this laid a broad and firm foundation of opin
ion in the Greek mind, that God spake to men by man.

624

APPENDIX.

NOTE 69, page 385. — The certain Presence of Satanic Energy in Grecian Sooth
saying and Oracles.

Perhaps in no instance is the devout student at the present day called upon to
evince a more self-sacrificing devotion to the cause of truth than when discussing
the doctrine of the influence of the evil one on the most intellectual and refined
of the ancient nations. That which would fain pass for philosophy and rapidly-
progressing intelligence, but which is really either a low latitudinarianism or
direct neology, cannot endure the presence of supernatural agency. God must,
as far as possible, be excluded from the providential government of his own
world ; and if that cannot be fully effected, there must be no recognition of the
existence and energetic influence of Satan. We must, however, endeavour dili
gently to ascertain the truth, and firmly to declare it.

That the power of evil spirits to work wonders in support of their lying delu
sions is clearly taught in Holy Scripture, seems plain from the following argument
of the learned Cudworth : " Accordingly in the New Testament do we read that
our Saviour Christ forewarned his disciples, that 'false prophets and false
Christs should arise, and show great signs or wonders, insomuch that, if it were
possible, they should seduce the very elect.' And St Paul foretelleth concerning
the Man of Sin, or Antichrist, that ' his coming should be after the working of
Satan, with all power, and signs, and wonders' (or 'miracles') 'of a lie.' For
we conceive, that by ripara r[>£i>6ovc in this place are not properly meant ' feigned
and counterfeit miracles,' that is, mere cheating and juggling tricks, but ' true
wonders and real miracles,' (viz., of the former sort mentioned,) done for the
confirmation 'of a lie/ as the doctrine of this Man of Sin is afterward called;
for otherwise how could his coming be said to be 'according to the working of
Satan with all power?' In like manner also, in St. John's Apocalypse, where
the coming of the same Man of Sin, and the mystery of iniquity, is again de
scribed, we read (chap, xiii) of a two-horned beast, like a lamb, that he ' shall do
great wonders, and deceive those that dwell on the earth, by means of those mir
acles which he hath power to do in the sight of the beast ;' and again, (chap.
xvi,) of certain 'unclean spirits like frogs, coming out of the mouth of the
dragon, and of the beast, and of the false prophet, which are the spirits of devils
working miracles, that go forth to the kings of the earth ;' and, lastly, (chap,
xix,) of ' the false prophet that wrought miracles before the beast.' All which
seems to be understood, not of feigned and counterfeit miracles only, but of true
and real also, effected by the working of Satan in confirmation of a lie, that is,
of idolatry, false religion, and imposture." — Cudworth's Intellectual System, voL
iii, p. 6. And that the same rule applied to the pre-Christian idolatry as to that
which afterward arose from the working of Antichrist, is plain from the em
phatic command given to the Hebrews : " If there arise among you a prophet, or
a dreamer of dreams, and giveth thee a sign or a wonder, and the sign or the
wonder come to pass whereof he spake unto thee, saying, Let us go after other
gods, which thou has not known, and let us serve them ; thou shalt not hearken
unto the words of that prophet, or that dreamer of dreams : for the Lord your
God proveth you, to know whether ye love the Lord your God with all your heart,
and with all your soul" Deut. xiii, 1-3. It is clear from this passage that the
reality of some superhuman communication or work is here distinctly assumed.
And it in observable that the word here rendered " prophet " (iOSs) is precisely
the same as that which is applied to Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the other proph
ets of God. It cannot, therefore, be maintained that mere jugglery is intended.

APPENDIX. 625

From a review of the whole argument, Mosheim admits, " I do not understand
Low a man is to be refuted who reasons in this manner : With some predictions
of the ancients the facts and events corresponded ; with others they did not cor
respond : some oracles were clear and perspicuous ; others, again, doubtful and
ambiguous : therefore sometimes demons, with the permission of God, predicted,
by means of their slaves, the events which were about to happen to nations and
individuals ; but at others the priests and soothsayers beguiled and imposed upon
the unwary vulgar. Those responses of the gods and oracles which were con
firmed by the event, I consider to have proceeded from demons ; but those which
I observe to be of another character, I ascribe to the impostures of men." —
Cudworth's Intellectual System, vol. iii, p. 21, note.

It is, in fact, freely admitted on all hands, that demons, or evil spirits, supe
rior to man in intellect, agility, the knowledge of recondite causes, and, indeed,
of many other things, exist and act ; and that, by these means, with the divine
permission, they may communicate through their human devotees a knowledge
•which, in respect of time and space, may be altogether superhuman ; although
it is equally agreed that they possess neither omnipotence nor omniscience,
and therefore cannot, like Jehovah, " see the end from the beginning," and are
consequently circumscribed as to the limits of their power and intelligence. The
judicious author above quoted finds but one flaw, as he alleges, in the argument;
•which is this, — that whereas many cases of fraud have been clearly proved, no
case of demon agency has, either by argument or example, been made evident.
We meet the learned writer on this his chosen ground, and contend that no case
of fraud or guile has been more clearly proved than that of demon agency in the
soothsaying Pythoness of Philippi. We put our finger on this case, and claim its
reception as a type of general demon agency in the heathen world, in accordance
with the teaching of Scripture and history.

NOTE 70, page 389. — The sacred nocturnal Scenes of the Eleusinian Mysteries.

The procession on this day was formed after a particular investigation into
the claims of each individual ; strict care being taken that none joined but those
who had been previously initiated, or had at least borne a part in the lesser
mysteries, and were therefore called mysta. As these successively passed the
barrier which excluded the rejected applicants, their ears were saluted by the
sweetest sounds of music and song. Following on by the narrow path, they soon
emerged to an open space, where stood a beautiful marble altar, on which lay a
slaughtered pregnant sow,— the symbol of fruitfulness and parturition,— the
appointed sacrifice to Demeter. This animal had been slain, and lay on the altar
consuming with fire, and covered with fragrant herbs. A troop of virgins danced
around the altar ; while the chief priestess, habited in gorgeous attire, scattered
showers of holy water over the crowds of worshippers. Here, amid the smoke
of the victim, and the rolling peals of music, a hymn in sweetest strains was-
chanted to Demeter, while every heart seemed excited to enthusiasm, as libations
of wine were poured on the consuming victim.

Engaged in this service of sacrifice and song, the multitude lingered, until the
shades of evening gathered over the scene, and each individual prepared to enter
upon the nocturnal service, which was at once invested in their thoughts, feelings,
and expectations, with the most holy awe and sacred solemnity. Removing
from their dress all the appendages suitable to the joyous employments of the
morning, with their feet covered with sandals of skins instead of shoes, each

626 APPENDIX.

passed under the gloomy portal of the sacred temple ; and, as he dipped his hand
into the bowl of holy water at the entrance, and endeavoured to throw his vision
into the darkness of the interior, a shudder of involuntary horror pervaded each
individual. Some hesitated a moment; but, gathering strength for the grand
occasion, one after another passed into the sacred sanctuary.

At first nothing was seen, — intense darkness reigned ; and nothing was heard
but the footsteps on the floor. After proceeding a short distance, some glimmer
ing rays of light were observed ; but these were scarcely sufficient to afford any
idea of the character of the structure. It seemed rather an excavation than a
building ; green moisture dripped from the walls ; an earthy smell affected the
atmosphere ; creatures like bats or winged lizards flitted to and fro, and some
times struck the body of the person to be initiated. On each side of this gloomy
place were arranged what appeared to be all kinds of beasts, remarkable for
excessive ugliness of form, or repulsiveness of manner ; while, to add to the
horror inspired by these appearances, every conceivable discordant sound echoed
in constant succession through the vaulted temple. At one time shrieks were
heard ; these would be succeeded by yells as of derision ; then would come the
most strange combination of disagreeable animal sounds ; and amid the whole
it seemed as if illusory phantoms incessantly glided about.

At length all this ceased, and the novice seemed impelled forward through an
aperture, which led into an enormous building. Here were pillars of vast height
and size, supporting a concave roof, the interior of which was striped with bur
nished metal, and adorned with stars and constellations of polished copper. In
the far interior of this vast building, the smouldering embers of an almost con
sumed sacrifice still glowed on the altar, and, when fanned by the breeze, would
emit a transient flame, which gave a momentary illumination to the whole struc
ture. By this means the mystce discovered that they stood in the great temple of
Demeter. In the centre was the colossal statue of the goddess ; around it the
worshippers gathered, and knelt in silent awe. Dimly visible amid the gloom
were perceived the figures of the sacred servants of this sanctuary, — the torch-
bearer, with his flambeaux, — the sacred herald, in armour, — the altar-priest,
habited in white ; while, high above all his assistants, distinguished as much
by his lofty bearing as by the elevation of his stature, stood the great hiero-
phant, — the revealer of secrets, — the chief priest of Demeter, — the holiest person
in the consecrated assembly. Besides these, other officers and magistrates
appeared, engaged in their several peculiar duties, as the expiring flame shot
up from the altar ; and as it died away, the whole was enveloped in thickest
darkness.

As soon as this took place, the sacred herald sent his voice through the build
ing, in the loud and earnest inquiry, " Who is here ?;; To which the crowd, in
a subdued tone, said in reply, " Many, and good." The hierophant immediately
added, " Let us pray." No sooner were these words uttered, than a noise like
that of a great hurricane shook the building ; the floor trembled, as if in agony ;
the people staggered with overwhelming dread. A silence, like that of death,
succeeds for a moment : again the building trembles ; thunder rolls in fearful
clamour above ; vivid lightnings shoot through the fane, and play among the
gigantic columns. Amid this unearthly clamour, yells and howlings are heard ;
and phantom forms of every classic apparition appear in all their savage de
formity, — Briareuswith his hundred hands, the Centaurs, Hydra, the skeleton of
Gyges, the Dine, Gorgon, and Cerberus ; while the Chimaera vomits flaming poison,
aud Minotaur wildly tramples in every direction.

APPENDIX. 627

Terrible, however, as were these scenes, they were but preludes to what fol
lowed. Whilo the crowd stood trembling, the floor divided ; a chasm yawned at
the feet of the awe-stricken worshippers, revealing all the sights and scenes of
the infernal regions. Deep in the vast profound are seen the waters of Phlege-
thon, washing the foundations of a tower of steel, — the palace of Pluto. There
Tisiphone and Ilhadamanthus are seen dispensing judgment and ministering
punishment to the lost in Tartarus. Here are discernible Cocytus, Lethe, Ache
ron, and Styx. Charon is seen in his boat ; and Pluto, with all the pomp of
infernal dominion ; and Persephone, as beautiful as when taken from the side of
her mother. Thus the multitude, from the edge of the yawning gulf, realized all
that their religion had taught, — that their poets had sung, — that their minds
had conceived, — of the unseen world, and all its horrors : and while they gazed
again and again, the thunders again rolled, the building shook, the disparted
floor closed, and all was silence and darkness.

A second time the voice of the hierophant was heard, proclaiming, " Let us
pray ;" and on the utterance of these magic words, another change comes over
the place. The darkness is removed : the gorgeous building is gloriously irradi
ated with the richest sunlight : from tempestuous night they are translated into
a serene and brilliant day. It was at this time that the principal revelations
were made to the votaries of Demeter. Here the great divinities were revealed
to the spectators, surrounded with a divine radiance, and invested with surpass
ing glory. Jupiter, Apollo, Neptune, Mars, Mercury, Vulcan, Juno, Minerva,
Diana, Demeter, Venus, and Vesta, were seen, each attended by symbols of their
power, and visible exponents of their attributes. After these deities had passed
in panoramic vision before the crowd, while they stood enraptured at the celes
tial sight, other inferior deities followed, — the Naiads, Potamides, Oreads, Bac
chus, Cupid, and Aurora. During the progress of the visions, revelations were
made respecting these divinities, the exact purport of which must always bo
matter of conjecture. But whether this was eulogistic or derogatory to the char
acters of these deities, — as the learned have argued on both sides, — it cannot
be doubted that it was strongly in support of the great system of national idol
atry which these rites tended so greatly to consolidate and conserve. After this
was exhibited the story of Demeter and Persephone. Then followed strains of
the sweetest music ; after which the hierophant ascended a rostrum in front of
the pedestal, and read from a sacred book what is supposed to have been con
densed, and given at least in substance, by Virgil, as follows : —

"Know first, that heaven, and earth's compacted frame,
And flowing waters, and the starry flame,
And both the radiant lights, one common soul
Inspires, and feeds, and animates the whole.
This active mind, infused through all the space,
Unites and mingles with the mighty mass.
Hence men and beasts the breath of life obtain ;
And birds of air, and monsters of the main.
The' ethereal vigour is in all the same,
And every soul is fill'd with equal flame ;
As much as earthy limbs, and gross allay
Of mortal members, subject to decay,
Blunt not the beams of heaven and edge of day.
From this coarse mixture of terrestrial parts,
Desire and fear, by turns possess their hearts ;

APPENDIX.

And grief, and joy : nor can the grovelling mind,

In the dark dungeon of the limbs confined,

Assert its native skies, or own its heavenly kind.

Nor death itself can wholly wash their stains ;

But long-contracted filth ev'n in the soul remains;

The relics of inveterate vice they wear ;

And spots of sin obscene in every face appear.

For this are various penances enjoin'd ;

And some are hung to bleach, upon the wind ;

Some plunged in waters, others purged in fires,

Till all the dregs are drain'cl, and all the rust expires.

All have their manes, and those manes bear :

The few so cleansed to the' abodes repair,

And breathe, in ample fields, the soft Elysian air.

Then are they happy, when by length of time

The scurf is worn away of each committed crime.

No speck is left of their habitual stains :

But the pure ether of the soul remains.

But when a thousand rolling years are past,

(So long their punishments and penance last,;

Whole droves of minds are, by the driving god,

Compell'd to drink the deep Lethsean flood ;

In large forgetful draughts to steep the cares

Of their past labours and their irksome years :

That, unremembering of its former pain,

The soul may suffer mortal flesh again."

^Encid, lib. vi, 724-751, Dryden's Tram.

While the people listened in wonder to these revelations, the surrounding sun
light passed away ; darkness and thunder succeeded, until, amid its fearful din
and the rumbling earthquake, the hierophant gave the word, "Depart;" when
they emerged from the grand portal by which they had entered, and found it

irly morning, with the dew hanging on the green leaves around them.

On no subject connected with the religion of Greece has more labour or more
learning been employed than on this ; and the above is the substance of what has
been thus elicited. Our limits forbid extended comment on a subject so tempt
ing to speculation. Thus much is clear,— that, whatever science and scenery
might have done here, or whether anything beyond physical agency was called
into requisition, or otherwise, it was found necessary to forbid all discussion of
me subject on pain of death. No one was permitted to speak of what took place
•ithin the sacred enclosure ; and we are told that, as certainly as this law was
, the body of the criminal might be seen, soon after, hanging dead from
one of the neighbouring pinnacles, with an announcement stating that the dead
man had perished for divulging the mysterious secrets of the celebration.

For an able, accurate, and eloquent account of the subject sketched in this
note, see Blackwood's Magazine, February, 1853 ; to which we have been to some
•-•xtent indebted.

NOTE 71, page 39S.-The Doctrine, of Plato respecting the Soul and its Transmi-

gration.

Plato appears to have taken up, and given the sanction of his great name and

?ter to, a notion which prevailed in the most ancient times among the

; namely, that man had two souls : one, the seat and residence of animal

APPENDIX. 629

life, the senses and desires, sentient; the other, partaking of reason and intelli
gence, or rational: the latter, of divine origin, and therefore immortal; the
former, of a far inferior nature, and consequently not incapable of utterly per
ishing. The first was the part which is spoken of as made of the ethereal sub
stance of which the soul of the world is composed ; the second, as the immortal
emanation from Deity. The opinion received all kinds of modification from tl
allegorizing tendencies of the poets, and was entertained by the common people
in connexion with many gross additions and corruptions.

It is these semi-spiritual and semi-corporeal souls which assume the human
figure, and render the departed visible as shades in the regions of Pluto's reign.
But one of the most curious results of this doctrine is, the notion that vice de
formed, discoloured, and disfigured this external sentient soul, and philosophy
and virtue purified and cleansed it. Plutarch states this doctrine : " But the
scars and seams remain from the several vices, in some greater, in some less.
Now behold those various and diversified colours of souls. The dark and squalid
are the taint of illiberally and avarice ; the blood-red and fiery, of cruelty and
barbarity; the green, of intemperance in pleasures; the violet-coloured and
livid, like the ink of the cuttle-fish, of envy and malignity. For there the wick
edness of the soul, influenced by the passions, and influencing the body, produces
the colours : here it is the end of purification and punishment. When these
colours are thoroughly purged away, the soul becomes bright and unsullied."
See a poetic version of this in VIRGIL, JSneid, lib. vi, 735, quoted in the prece
ing pages.

Plato fully adopts and uses this doctrine. It is on this ground that ]
» The bodies of the dead, (that is, their outer or more corporeal souls,) we must
suppose, are rightly called • images.' >'—De Legibus, 11. Plato also agrees with
Plutarch in respect of the judgment of the soul : " All things are visible in
soul when it is denuded of the body, both those of nature, and the affections
which a man has implanted in the soul by the pursuit of each particular object.
When they come, therefore, before the judge, he inspects the soul of each, but
knows not to whom it belongs ; but oftentimes, taking that of the great and
potent king, (of the Persians,) he finds no soundness in it, but sees it lashed all
over, and full of scars, through perjuries and injustice, such as the practice of
each vice has impressed upon the soul, and all made crooked by falsehood and
vanity.7'— Gorgias. These marks of sin it was the province and power of phi
losophy to remove : hence we read a description by Lucian of the final judgment
of a philosopher, a cobbler, and a tyrant. The philosopher being first placed
naked before Rhadamanthus, he is considered to be pure, but nevertheless has
three or four marks of healed ulcers; and, on seeing these, the judge asks how
he had managed to efface the imprints of crime. To this he replies, " Having
been formerly depraved and wicked through ignorance, and by that means
marked with many spots, as soon as I began to philosophize, I gradually wiped
away all stains from the soul." The cobbler is found pure and free from spots.
But when the tyrant is stripped, the judge says, "Why, really, this man is all
over livid and spotted ; nay, is rather black with spots."

Plato, in accordance with all this, observes, "The judge, therefore, having
inspected the soul so affected, straightway commits it with ignominy into cu
dy, where it is to undergo the merited punishment." But this sage clearly
teaches that this punishment is intended to be meliorative ; hence he adds,
« Those who profit by the punishment they suffer, both among gods and men, are
such as have committed remediable sins; who are benefited by pains and tor-

630

APPENDIX.

ments both here and in Orcus; for it is impossible otherwise to be freed from
njustice. But whoever are guilty of the worst of crimes, and by reason of such
come incurable, of these examples are made, and they no longer are
themselves, as being incurable : but others are benefitted, who behold
em suffering for their sins the greatest, and most painful, and most frightful
ishments for everlasting, and held up there, in their prison in hell, as exam
ples, and spectacles, and warnings, to the unjust that from time to time come
thither."

A peculiar feature in this system was the energetic virtue of philosophy. It

only purged away sin, but insured consummate blessedness. Hence Plato

says, " Those who are found to have lived a preeminently pious and holy life,

>eing freed and released from terrestrial places, as from a prison, ascend upward

into a pure habitation, and dwell above the earth ; and among these whoever have

een sufficiently purified by philosophy, live altogether without bodies hereafter,

tain habitations even more beautiful than the others."— Phado. That is,

those who are thus purified lose altogether the lower sentient soul, and live ever^

igly in the bliss of perfect intellectuality. To this effect is another passage

our author: "No one is allowed to enter into the family of the gods (after

i but the lover of learning alone, who has devoted himself to philosophy

and died perfectly pure."— Ibid.

A part of this remedial punishment was believed to arise from the location of
in successive human and animal bodies. But with regard to this doc
trine there was an important difference between Pythagoras and Plato. The
•rmer thought that the successive transition of the soul into other bodies was
il and necessary, and exclusive of all moral designation whatsoever. But
the contrary, taught that "these changes and transmissions were the
>f impure minds, unfit, by reason of the pollutions they had contract
ed, to reascend to the place from whence they came, and rejoin that substance
from whence they were discerped; and consequently that pure, immaculate
souls were exempt from this transmigration."

NOTE 72, page 408.— The Credibility of the earliest Roman Historians.

In the investigation of history, two opposite errors must be steadily avoided,
if we would arrive at a clear and trustworthy knowledge of facts. These are,—
general scepticism, on the one hand,— and an indiscriminate reception of reports,
on the other. These errors are not imaginary, but have been actually adopted
d on to a great extent. We have seen the most undoubted historical
facts cavilled at and questioned, while the most extravagant legends and idle
tales have been received as authentic history.

In order to our maintaining the safe via media, in respect of the early Roman

?torians, it will be necessary to inquire into their means of obtaining accurate

uformation, and their ability and disposition to make an honest and intelligent

use of what they secured. This investigation need not be a very extended one.

,-, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, are the only ancient writers who pretend

to give detailed and connected histories of the early ages of Rome. Plutarch, in

biographies of Romulus, Numa, Publicola, Coriolanus, Camillus, and Pyrrhus,

affords some information respecting particular periods; while Polybius and C\o-

ero give incidental notices of independent and isolated facts. No other author,

living at a period when authentic information was accessible, has handed down

his productions to posterity. Of course, poets have been excluded in this sum-

APPENDIX. 6

mary, as the nature of their productions prevents our relying on them for sober

historical detail.

Let us first examine the claims of Livy. He wrote during the reign of Augus
tus nearly three hundred years after the close of the period whose annals we
question: and this period, be it remembered, ranged over five preceding c
turies Livy must therefore have collected the materials for his history ft
the several sources of information to which he had access. These were f<
number :-the works of preceding authors; inscriptions remaining on ancient
monuments; the genealogical records of private families; and, probably, so
public registers preserved in the care of officers of state. From such documents
this celebrated writer must have gathered his information ; and the cred
of his history must depend on the judgment and discretion with which he i
his selection. But he has unfortunately left us no means of judgin
head, inasmuch as he very seldom informs his reader whence he has
his information, or on what authority he relies.

Our limits forbid an extended examination of the use which Livy mac
these several sources of knowledge, as indicated by his works ; but i
briefly observed that Fabius, the most ancient writer and his favourite authority,
is very slightingly spoken of by Polybius. Nor does Livy appear to have exer
cised a sounder judgment in regard to the quoting of other authors,
scriptions and monuments he could not have obtained much informati
carnalities to which Rome was frequently exposed, and the burning of the capi-
tol must have greatly limited his resources of this kind. Family records are
not unfrequently of the greatest assistance to the historian. But then tl
only be useful when faithfully drawn up and honestly guarded. Unfortunately
there is ample evidence that family vanity had corrupted these records, so as
ascribe exploits and honours entirely fictitious to their ancestors,
too much reason for believing that even public documents were <
the same motive.

Nor have we any proof that Livy made the best use of the slender material
that lay within his reach. On the contrary, it is evident that, instead of com
pensating for the scarcity of information by caution in arriving at conclusions,
and brevity in the detail of particular incidents, his history is as replete with
minute particulars and full-length speeches, as if he had been writing an autc-
Hooraphy, and describing events which came under his personal observation.
Nor does he afford better evidence of possessing any correct acquamtanc
the state of his country, in the early period of its history.

Upon the whole, I quite agree in the judgment which an able writer has pro
nounced on this subject : « Considering, then, the deficiency of all good materials,
the very indifferent character of those which were in his power, and the instances
given of his own ignorance, carelessness, and deviation from truth in points
of importance, it is not too much to assert, that Livy's evidence, as
corns the first ten books of his History, is altogether unworthy of credit. Many
of the facts reported by him may be true, and many are probable; but we have
no ri-ht to admit them as real occurrences on his authority. The story of many
well-written novels is highly probable, yet we do not the less regard
fiction; and the narrative of Livy, even where its internal evidence is most
its favour, is so destitute of external evidence, that although we would not assert
that it is everywhere false, we should act unwisely were we anywhere to argue
upon it as if it were true."— JSncycZo/««Ka Metropolitan^ art. '• hty of

early Roman History."

632

APPENDIX.

DIOXYSICS OP HALICARNASSUS stands next to Livy as an historian of ancient
lome, and was contemporary with him. His means of information would, there
fore, be the same: it will, then, only be necessary to notice his individual abili
ties. And m this respect we certainly cannot find in him anything of a more
trustworthy character than was discovered in Livy.

DIODORUS evinces even greater prolixity, pretending to furnish the minutest

Is respecting the most remote and obscure periods of history; while his

judgment and opinions on subjects that are well known,— such as his criticism

Thucydides,— are even ridiculously absurd ; and he confidently quotes authors

:om other writers of credit speak of as notoriously untrustworthy. Indeed

orus, as an historian, scarcely equals Livy, whose authority has been found

open to very serious exception.

PLUTARCH lived more than a hundred years after these two authors, and was
consequently so much further removed from the sources of original information.
J appears to have been equally ready with them to adopt and propagate cur
rent reports, however distored by personal prejudice, or suggested by national
ambition. Reasoning here from the known to the unknown, we can have no
confidence in his statements. For, in the compilation of his Grecian biographies,
he has certainly used in common the best and the worst authorities, without
exercising any sound judgment or careful discrimination.

POLYBIUS presents to the mind a totally different character. Few historical
works, of either ancient or modern times, will bear a comparison with his. He
prosecuted his preparatory studies with great energy and perseverance. He col-
d with the utmost care the best accounts of the events which he intended to
.arrate ; investigated with laborious ardour the nature of the Roman constitu-
ion, that he might be able to understand its early history; and made long and
dangerous voyages and travels, that he might have the best means of knowing
the countries of which he had to write. And, above all, he is allowed to have
I in the greatest of all qualities,— truthfulness. He did not, like many
others, write merely to amuse his readers by the strangeness of his facts, or to
fascinate them by the elegance of his diction, but to instruct them in the com
munication of a true exhibition of past history; that a knowledge of the future,
and those lessons of practical wisdom which its exigencies required, might
thence be deduced. Yet, notwithstanding these great qualities, we cannot expect
from Polybius anything like a complete exhibition of early Roman history. He
was a foreigner, and was in consequence placed at very considerable disadvan
tage on that account. But, what is of much greater importance, he does not pro
fess to narrate the events of the early ages of Rome. Of his own time, and the
age immediately preceding, he has written ably and fully ; but of the antique
era of Roman history he only spoke briefly and incidentally. He cannot, there-
>re, be relied on as furnishing a full and connected account of this period,
although in several instances his sagacity and veracity have corrected the popu
lar legendary reports, which earlier and less scrupulous authors incorporated
into their narratives.

As an instance, reference may be made to the heroism of Horatius Codes,
recorded by Polybius, lib. vi, cap. 55, and Livy, lib. ii, cap. 10. The former
describes this hero as keeping the enemy in check, until the bridge was broken
down behind him, when, armed and wounded as he was, he leaped into the river
and perished, "having preferred the safety of his country, and the future fume
that was sure to follow such an action, to his own present existence." Livy,
however, says that he succeeded in swimming across the stream, and that he

APPENDIX. 633

lived to receive applause and reward. It is in such additions as these, which set
all probability at defiance, and convert pretended history into romantic 1(
that the real difficulty lies. And such cases abound so frequently in tl.
accounts of this period, that its incidents, while probably affording a tolerably
correct outline, cannot be received as historical detail.

NOTE 73, page 408.— The Legend of &neas.

Perhaps nothing in ancient history is more remarkable than the extent to
which traditions have prevailed of settlements being formed in western Europe,
by fu-itives that had been engaged in the Trojan war. Tacitus mentions the
opinions of the Germans, that Ulysses was driven into the Northern Ocean, and
built there Asciburgium ; and that an altar dedicated to Ulysses, with the name
of LsK-rtes his father, had been found there. Solinus notices a tradition of
Ulysses having reached a bay in Caledonia, "which," he adds, "an altar with^a
Greek inscription shows." A Trojan colony is stated to have founded Trapani m
Italy Virgil intimates that Antenor founded Padua, and led his Trojan fo
ers into Illyria and Liburnia, and to the springs of the Tiniavus, or into Sclavo-
nia Croatia, and Friuli. Pliny stations Dardani in Moesia, which he extends
the' Pontus Euxinus to the Danube; and Strabo enumerates the 1
amono- the Illyrians; while Pindar ascribes the settlement of Cyrene in Afn
also to Antenor. Another tradition connects Ulysses with Lisbon. Livy d
scribes Antenor as likewise founding the Venetian population. Ammianu
cellinus states that some Trojans, flying from the Greeks, occupied parts
coast of Gaul which were previously uninhabited; while Nennius, the ancient
British historian, says that Brutus, the grandson of Ascanius, driven from Italy
and the Tyrrhenian Sea, went to Gaul, and founded Tours, and from t
came to Britain, which he colonized, and gave it his own name, about the time
that Eli was judge in Israel. (Turner's History of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. i,

PPTh7 it-end which teaches the descent of the Romans from JEneas, whatever
may be its claims to historical truth, was unquestionably received and believed
at Home at an early period. One thing is certain.-that the preservation of a
remnant of the Trojan race, which was ruled over by this hero, is taught by the
Homeric poems. But then this teaching goes no further than the existence
this section of the Dardan race in the neighbourhood of Troy, after the d
of the Greeks. But, with respect to the settlement of JEneas and his descend
ants in Latium, Niebuhr has satisfactorily established two points :-first, that the
notion was not imported into Roman history from Grecian literature, but arose
amono- the Roman people themselves in an early age; and, secondly, that, how
ever specious and plausible it may appear, it has not the least hist
(History of Rome, vol. i, p. 189.)

It is however, a question of some interest,-What is the light in which this
legend' should be regarded? Dr. W. C. Taylor states, that wherever Pelasgic
settlements are found, there we find a city named ^nus, which he from hence
re-ards as a generic, rather than an individual, name. From hence it
red that " if any of the Pelasgi on the hills at the south side of the Tiber came
from ;Enus, they most probably retained their ancient name of JEneada
the signification of that patronymic being forgotten in process of tune it was
confounded with another similar name preserved by an independent t
the ,Enead», or followers of .Eneas, who survived the destruction of their coun-

634

APPENDIX.

try."— Ancient History, p. 390. Niebuhr says that this legend and its cognate

traditions " may safely be interpreted as designating nothing more than national

affinity:" (History of Rome, vol. i, p. 190:) and Dr. L. Schmitz apparently coin-

! in this judgment ; for he observes, that ".Eneas himself, such as he appears

in his wanderings, and final settlement in Latium, is nothing else but the person-

ilea of one common origin."— Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Muth &o

art. .Eneas.

NOTE 74, page 408.— The Legend of Alba.

This is so intimately interwoven with the account of JEneas, that what is elicited

respecting the historical character of the one, must be, in great measure, true

: the other. On this point Niebuhr observes, "I am not bringing forward an

sis, but the plain result of unprejudiced observation, when I remark that

Lavinium, as its name implies, was the seat of congress for the Latins, who were

I Laviues, as Panionium was that of the lonians in Asia. When a

contains names supposed to belong to individuals, this goes far toward

it the look of being something more than fiction. Hence many who

herwise might still insist that the Trojan legend ought not to be absolutely

, may perhaps change their opinion, when they discern that Lavinia and

Turnus are only personifications of two nations, and that Lavinium was a more

recent city than Alba."— History of Rome, vol. i, p. 201.

NOTE 75, page 409.— The Legends of Romulus and Remus.

We cannot do better here than transcribe the brief, accurate, and eloquent
summary of these legends, given by Niebuhr : —

" Prucas, King of Alba, left two sons. Numitor, the elder, being weak and
spiritless, suffered Amulius to wrest the government from him, and reduce him
to his father's private estates. In the enjoyment of these he lived rich, and, as
he desired nothing more, secure : but the usurper dreaded the claims that might
be set up by heirs of a different character. He had Numitor's son murdered, and
appointed his daughter Sylvia one of the Vestal virgins.

" Amulius had no children, or at least only one daughter : so that the race of
Anchises and Aphrodite seemed on the point of expiring, when the love of a god
prolonged it, in despite of the ordinances of man, and gave it a lustre worthy of
ts origin. Sylvia had gone into the sacred grove, to draw water from the spring
for the service of the temple. The sun quenched his rays ; the sight of a wolf
made her fly into a cave ; there Mars overpowered the timid virgin ; and then
consoled her with the promise of noble children, as Poseidon consoled Tyro, the
daughter of Salmoneus. But he did not protect her from the tyrant ; nor could
her protestations of her innocence save her. Vesta herself seemed to demand
the condemnation of the unfortunate priestess ; for, at the moment when she was
delivered of twins, the image of the goddess hid its eyes, her altar trembled, and
her fire died away. Amulius ordered that the mother and her babes should be
drowned in the river. In the Anio, Sylvia exchanged her earthly life for that
of a goddess. The river carried the bole, or cradle, in which the children were
lying, into the Tiber, which had overflowed its banks far and wide, even to the
foot of the woody hills. At the root of a wild fig-tree— the Fiais Ruminalia,
which was preserved and held sacred for many centuries,— at the foot of the
Palatine, the cradle overturned. A she-wolf came to drink of the stream : she
heard the whimpering of the children, carried them into her den hard by, made

APPENDIX.

635

a bed for them, licked and suckled them. When they wanted other food than
milk, a woodpecker— the bird sacred to Mars— brought it to them. <
consecrated to auguries hovered over them, to drive away insects. This marvellous
spectacle was seen by Faustulus, the shepherd of the royal flocks. The she-woli
drew back, and gave up the children to human nurture. Acca Larentia, his
wife, became their foster-mother. They grew up, along with her twelve sons, on
the Palatine Hill, in straw huts which they built for themselves. That of Rom
ulus was preserved by continual repairs, as a sacred relic, down to the time of
Nero. They were the stoutest of the shepherd lads,— fought bravely against wild
beasts and robbers, maintaining their right against every one by their might,
and turning might into right. Their booty they shared with their comrades.
The followers of Romulus were called Quinctilii ; those of Remus, Fabii. The
seeds of discord were soon sown among them. Their wantonness engaged them
in disputes with the shepherds of the wealthy Numitor, who fed their flocks on
Mount Aventine ; so that here, as in the story of Evander and Cacus, we find
the quarrel between the Palatine and the Aventine in the tales of the remotest
times. Remus was taken by a stratagem of these shepherds, and dragged to
Alba as a robber. A secret foreboding— the remembrance of his grandsons,
awakened by the story of the two brothers— kept Numitor from pronouncing a
hasty sentence. The culprit's foster-father hurried with Romulus to the city,
and told the old man and the youths of their kindred. They resolved to avenge
their own wrong, and that of their house. With their faithful comrades, whom
the danger of Remus had brought to the city, they slew the king; and the
people of Alba again became subject to Numitor."— Niebuhr's History of Rome,
vol. i, pp. 220-222.

NOTE 76, page 410.— The Legend of Tarpeia.

It is vain to question the allegations of pure poetry and fable, or we might
stay to investigate the relative probability of the conflicting versions which are
given of this legend. That which is given in the text, although generally
received, is sufficiently absurd. That an invading force, just prepared to occupy
an important military post, should cast away their shields at the very moment
when they would most need them for their personal protection, is manifestly
improbable. But it is not more improbable than the version given by Niebuhr,
—that the Sabines fulfilled their engagement by throwing on the traitress such
an immense quantity of jewelry and gold ornaments, that it was beneath the
weight of these that she perished. The fact is, that we have here no approxima
tion to historical data.

NOTE 77, page 413.— The Etruscan Origin of Roman Power and Civilization.

From this particular incident, taken in connexion with the tenor of the pre
ceding history, it can scarcely be open to reasonable doubt, that Etruria was t
real parent of Roman greatness. We have everywhere in the ancient records
and leo-ends proofs that, long prior to the foundation of Rome, the Etruscans
were ft highly civilized and powerful people. In immediate proximity w!th tl
country and copying their political code and religious institutions, Rome grew
up to maturity, until sufficiently powerful to assert an independent position, and
finally to subue its former patron.

This fact forms a key to the principal portions of the legendary history oi

636 APPENDIX.

rising empire. It was to conceal the dependent condition of Rome in the early
ages of its career, and to mystify very obvious indications of its Etruscan ehar-
acter and institutions, that facts have been distorted or concealed, and the most
puerile fancies have been incorporated into the history. It is deeply to be regret
ted, that a nation possessing so much real power and greatness should have
stooped to such means of misrepresenting its true origin.

NOTE 78, page 417.— Tlie Origin and Character of the Dictatorship.

The frequent appointment of an officer, invested, for a limited time, with
absolute power, in a state professedly republican, is an anomaly which merits
attention. Niebuhr seems to have shown clearly, that the office was of Latin
origin, and was found in some of these states at a very early period. He also
places the appointment of the first dictator of Rome ten years after the appoint
ment of the first consuls.

The power of the dictator continued only six months, whether the business
which occasioned his election was finished, or not. But usually the office ceased
after being held a very short period. Cincinnatus and Mamercus .Emilius
resigned their power on the sixteenth day, and Q. Servilius on the eighth. The
powers with which the dictator was intrusted were very extensive, and, in cer
tain respects, absolute. He knew no superior, and was not even limited by the
laws of the country. He could proclaim war, levy forces, lead them against the
enemy, and disband them, at his pleasure. During his sway, all other officers,
except the tribunes of the people, were regarded as suspended ; and the dictator,
with power to punish at his will, with no appeal from his judgment, was master
of the republic. While holding this office, he was not allowed to leave Italy, or
to ride on horseback, without the permission of the people ; and, on retiring from
the dignity, he might be called to account for the manner in which he had con
ducted the government. This was, in fact, the principal check against the abuse
of such extended powers.

The object aimed at in the appointment of this officer was, evidently, to afford
the Patricians an effective power over the Plebeians, especially in seasons of
excitement and turbulence. Hence, we find that the dictator was not appointed
by the suffrages of the people, as the other magistrates were ; but one of the
consuls, by order of the senate, named as dictator whatever person of consular
dignity he thought proper. The choice usually took place after a religious ref
erence to the auspices.

NOTE 79, page 417.— The first standing Army of Rome.

In the first efforts of Rome to obtain political existence and territorial sover
eignty by martial prowess, the military operations were conducted by the body
of the people under the conduct of their hereditary leaders; the troops being
supported by their own resources, or by the patriotic aid of their generals. In
the war with Veii, the foundation was laid for the future warlike greatness of
the mighty republic by the incorporation of a standing army, paid by the state
from taxes levied on the people. As this city was well fortified, it could only be
reduced by being regularly and permanently invested. And this could not be
done by troops who were fed by such precarious means as obtaining provisions
from their own homes. For, during the intervals in which they would be
obliged to return to obtain fresh supplies, the besieged would not only bo able

APPENDIX. 637

to destroy the works raised against their town, but also to carry ruin and devas
tation into the Roman territory.

In order to counteract this, the Romans levied an income-tax, and
vided means for affording regular pay to the soldiers. They were thus enab
to prosecute the war without intermission, and to secure an entire <
the devoted city.

NOTE 80, page 418.— -0 general View of the legendary History of Rome, to the
Capture of the City by the Gauls.

It is with great reluctance that we are bound to admit, that in the whole of
this period we have the few grand separated facts of the history supplement**
and adorned by poetry and fable. As such we are compelled to regard
accounts furnished by the most respectable authorities concerning 1
his wars with the Latins and Sabines; Ancus Martins, his legislation a
conquests ; the Tarquins, their pride and power, crimes and punishment, to.
with their allies, and efforts to recover the throne of Rome ; Porsenna, and
victory and subjugation of Rome; the wars with the Volscians, /Equians, ai
Veii • the conquest and abandonment of the latter city ; the irruption of t
Gaul's their success and departure fron Italy. In all these narrations there is
an evident substratum of historical fact. Most of them refer to events which
certainly happened, and the certainty of which is attested by indubitable evi
dence • while, at the same time, it is as evident that the account furnished by
the historians is so distorted by the dictates of national vanity, political artifice,
and local partiality, that what we read can only be regarded as a political novel,
reared on a basis of historical fact.

NOTE 81, page 418.— The oppressive Laws of ancient Rome respecting the Poor.
"It was only when the debt assumed the form of a nexum, that a creditor
could exact it summarily. Care was taken, however, to protect his right in all
other ca«es and to afford him the means of converting a common debt ir
nexum We meet with a very great variety of instances of such debts, arising
out of services performed, out of commercial transactions, out of a settlemen
of accounts, out of inheritances : it is impossible to enumerate them all.
these the law likewise added judicial sentences -not merely those which
listed debts contracted in any of the afore-mentioned ways, but also those wh,
imposed damages or fines for any crime or trespass. On this head the decemvirs
enacted,-what again was probably a mere repetition of an old aw.-that 1
,uch debts a respite of thirty days should be granted. When this term was over,
the creditor was authorized to arrest his debtor and bring him into court ]
did not discharge his debt then, or find some one to be security for him, the c:
itor was to take him home, and put him in fetters or chains, which were i
Wei"h less than fifteen pounds, but might be heavier. The prisoner was allowe
to provide himself with food : if he did not do so, the creditor was bound to give
him a pound of corn a day ; which he might increase, if he pleased This impn:
onment lasted sixty days, during which the debtor, or his friends, might i
measures for procuring his release. If it was not effected the prisoner was to
be led before the prsetor in the comitium on three consecutive market-days, and
the amount of his debt was to be proclaimed. Should no one take compas
Mm even then, his master might put him to death, or sell him on the c

638 APPENDIX.

of the Tiber. If there were several creditors, they might share his body among
them : nor, if any one chopped off a larger part than was proportionate to his
debt, was he punishable for doing so.

" This last provision obviates the difficulty which stood in Shylock's way under
a similar legal title : and it shows how completely in earnest the legislators were
that the law should be executed. Even in case that among several creditors one
was inexorable, his right was secured to him. He was allowed, if not to slay
the common debtor at a blow, yet so to mutilate him that death was sure to
ensue. Every attempt to explain away the inhumanity of this law is a waste
of labour in the cause of falsehood. It was quite as revolting as its literal
meaning." — Niebuhr's History of Rome, vol. ii, pp. 659, 660.

NOTE 82, page 457. — The Fulfilment of sacred Prophecy in the History of Rome.

As all the other great kingdoms were the subjects of divine prophecy, and
had their character, prominent events, and ultimate destiny, predicted in the
word of God, it might be expected that Rome, the last and the lai-gest empire,
and the one which exercised universal sway through the longest period of time,
would also be noticed in the prophetic record. This expectation is amply justi
fied. The inspired seer, taught by the Holy Spirit, has placed before us very
clear and precise prophecies, which mark out the character, power, and fate of
this mighty nation.

I. The first prediction to which we refer is that which has been quoted with
regard to the other universal governments,— namely, Daniel's exposition of Neb
uchadnezzar's dream of the great image : " His legs of iron, his feet part of iron
and part of clay. Thou sawest till that a stone was cut out without hands,
which smote the image upon his feet that were of iron and clay, and brake them
to pieces. And whereas thou sawest the feet and toes, part of potters' clay, and
part of iron, the kingdom shall be divided ; but there shall be in it of the
strength of the iron, forasmuch as thou sawest the iron mixed with miry clay.
And as the toes of the feet were part of iron, and part of clay, so the kingdom
shall be partly strong, and partly broken. And whereas thou sawest iron mixed
with miry clay, they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men : but they
shall not cleave one to another, even as iron is not mixed with clay. And in the
days of these kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never
be destroyed: and the kingdom shall not be left to other people, but it shall
break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms, and it shall stand forever.
Forasmuch as thou sawest that the stone was cut out of the mountain without
hands, and that it brake in pieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver, and
the gold ; the great God hath made known to the king what shall come to pass
hereafter: and the dream is certain, and the interpretation thereof sure." Dan
ii, 33, 34, 41-4o.

This portion of sacred prophecy will be found to convey very important infor
mation. It first asserts the unequalled power of this empire : " Strong as iron,
forasmuch as iron breaketh in pieces and subdueth all things." The whole his
tory of Rome is a fulfilment of this prophecy. The martial power of this peo
ple, unlike the meteor flashings of Macedonian conquest, went forth in aggres
sion on every surrounding state, quietly poising its power against neighbouring
nations, and doing this with such daring skill and steady determination that it
was seldom forced to relinquish its prey, but persevered in its object, until,
after a steady progress in power for five hundred years, it ultimately bent to its

APPENDIX. C39

rule every other nation, so that it was in fact what the Roman writers delighted
to call it terrarum orbis imperium, "the empire of the world.

rl Id important element of this prophecy is the co-existence of disunion
and strength in the Roman government. This was not an accident affecting any
particular period, but rather the character of the national administration From
[he days of Romulus and Remus to those of Augustus, Rome was proverbial for
intestine disunion and division. Under the sway of the early kings, t
and Sabine factions were always in opposition, sometimes one m"
and sometimes the other. After the expulsion of the Tarqums, and the

ometmes e oer.

of royalty, the appointment of two consuls with equal power perpetuated
d v n, which was greatly aggravated by other causes. And even when Rome
stood forth before the world as on the threshold of universal empire, tins smgu
ar fatality was more than usually displayed. What other nation ever survived
such suicidal contests, proscriptions, and slaughter, as were connected with
factions of Sylla and Marius,-the establishment of the two trmmvirates,-i
struggles between Pompey and Csesar, Antony and Brutus and Cassms, and Au
gustus and Antony? I am not aware of anything in the whole range of sacred
prophecy more striking than the continued disunion which reigned in Lome m
juxtaposition with boundless power. That which was fatal everywhere else,
here rioted with the greatest fury, up to the moment when Rome sat down

ut IrangTas was the fact of this internal discord, and remarkable as was
its prediction, no less so was the utter failure of the means adopted to prevent
it- ''They shall mingle themselves with the seed of men." This reads more
like literal history than prophecy. How many intermarriages took place in
Rome to cement the heads of the body politic into union! and how fruitless did
thev prove! Pompey married Julia, the daughter of Julius Caesar,— Antony,
Octavia, sisier of Augustus,-and Augustus himself first married, and afterward
divorced Scribonia. Numerous other political alliances might be mentio
but they invariably failed to secure the object aimed at,-union ir

ay prediction is remarkable for specifying most distinctly, that, un

der the prevalence of this dominion, the kingdom of God was to be set up m the
world- ''In the days of these kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom/
Nothin^ can exceed in importance the truth enunciated in these words
Nebuchadnezzar reigned in Babylon-while Jerusalem was in rums, and Judea
was a desert and the remnant of Israel were captives, groaning in b
neath the rod of the oppressor-the prescience of God marked out to human ol
servation that chapter of his providential government which was to be evolved
during the succeeding six or seven centuries. The fall of Babylon, the rise of
Persia the prowess and conquests of the Macedonian king, with the subversion
of the Persian empire,-the progress of the Roman power, and the establishment
of its supremacy-all these great events, arising out of, and connected with, ten
thousand remote contingencies, are thus explicitly predicted, as preparing the
way for the kingdom of God. We do not speak of this as displaying a wonderful
amount of knowledge in the eternal Jehovah. He could as easily have predicted
the whole history of the world from its creation to its final conflagration, as have
specified this small portion of it. But this text is of grand consequence, as
showing the great religious object, for the accomplishment of which the govern-
Lent of this world has always been directed ; and proving that, during all these
successive revolutions of empires, the kingdom of God was the great institution

640

APPENDIX.

to which the sympathy and design of Heaven were directed. And how perfect
was the fulfilment of this part of the prophecy ! Although Rome won univ.-rsal
empire under a republican form of government, it reigned supreme as a mon
archy : it was therefore under the "KINGS" of this nation that the kingdom of
heaven was founded.

Again, it should be observed, that the changes in Hebrew history during the
interval between the publication of this prediction and its fulfilment were no
less remarkable than those which took place in the empires of the world. Yet
all were made to harmonize, and, during the reign of Tiberius Csesar, the Mes
siah's forerunner was heard in the wilderness of Judea, proclaiming, "The king
dom of heaven is at hand : repent ye, and believe the gospel." And soon after
ward the glorious announcement was made by the Son of God himself: "The
time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of heaven is at hand." Mark i, 15. And Jesus,
having died a ransom for the world's sin, and risen again from the dead, com
missioned his disciples to preach his gospel under the constant guidance of his
own Spirit and power. Thus was the kingdom of God set up in the world.

II. We notice, further, Daniel's prophecy of the fourth beast : " After this 1
saw in the night visions, and behold a fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and
strong exceedingly; and it had great iron teeth: it devoured and brake in
pieces, and stamped the residue with the feet of it : and it was diverse from all
the beasts that were before it : and it had ten horns. I considered the horns,
and, behold, there came up among them another little horn, before whom there
were three of the first horns plucked up by the roots: and, behold, in this horn
were eyes like the eyes of man, and a mouth speaking great things. Then I
would know the truth of the fourth beast, which was diverse from all the others,
exceeding dreadful, whose teeth were of iron, and his nails of brass ; which de
voured, brake in pieces, and stamped the residue with his feet; and of the ten
horns that were in his head, and of the other which came up, and before whom three
fell ; even of that horn that had eyes, and a mouth that spake very great things,
whose look was more stout than his fellows." Dan. vii, 7, 8, 19, 20. In these
words we have clearly another important class of predictions of the Roman empire.
^ In the first instance, it may be observed, that this prediction asserts the pecu
liar character of this fourth dominion, in respect of the preceding empires.
These were so much in the usual order of nature, although remarkable for great
power, that they were represented by well-known animal figures, with such ad
ditions to their natural conformation as were adapted to mark out their extra
ordinary qualities. Hence the lion had eagle's wings ; the bear had three ribs
in its mouth ; and the leopard had four wings of a fowl. But, in the case of the
fourth beast, it seemed that the monstrous creation defied description, being alto
gether so unlike everything previously known. This was wonderfully fulfilled
in the Roman empire ; arising not from an old primitive tribe or family, nor
owing its transcendent glory to the genius and energy of a single sovereign.
Rome began as a petty minor state, surrounded by many others of greater power,
even in the Italian peninsula, and progressed by assimilating these to itself;
and thus, either by power or policy, gradually acquired preponderance in Italy.
Then, again, another important point of diversity in the Roman state was its re
publican form of government. Nothing like this had been seen in the preceding
great powers : they were monarchies of the most absolute and autocratic charac
ter. Rome, diverse from all, arose into power under the legislation of the senate,
and through the administration of a succession of pairs of consuls, ruling with
equal powers.

APPENDIX. 641

Secondly, a very remarkable characteristic of this empire is its amazing
strength, fierceness, and implacable disposition. It was " dreadful and terrible,
and strong exceedingly ; and it had great iron teeth : it devoured and brake in
pieces, and stamped the residue with the feet of it." How graphically does this
portray the conduct of the Romans toward Carthage, Greece, and many other
countries ! No reverses quenched their ardour ; no success satisfied their am
bition. Steady to their purpose, they endured every disaster, and dared all
resistance, until they triumphed over all. The imperishable words, Dclenda est
Carthago, form a striking comment on, and fulfilment of, this prophecy. When
the Punic city had renounced all pretensions to supremacy, and even to govern
ment, so insatiable was the rabid power of the dreadful and terrible Roman
beast, that Carthage was denied even existence. The subdued and powerless
"residue" was devoured, broken in pieces, and stamped under the feet of the
beast.

The further portion of the prophecy relates to a period later in the world's
history than that to which our inquiries refer. But it may be briefly stated, that
it was most minutely and circumstantially fulfilled. Rome having accomplished
its destiny as a great empire, its dominions were divided into ten kingdoms.
These have been diiferently enumerated by learned men, according to the date to
which their inquiries have been directed; but these differences are not import
ant. The following statement may be regarded as substantially correct : 1. The
senate of Rome ; 2. The Greeks in Ravenna ; 3. The Lombards ; 4. The Huns ;
5. The Alemans in Germany ; 6. The Franks ; 7. The Burgundians ; 8. Spain ;
9. The Britons ; 10. The Saxons.

But the most striking and important portion of this prediction relates to the
little horn. According to the prophecy, one new and separate horn, or power,
arose up, as it were, unobserved among these ten horns ; and, having attained
power, it plucked up three of the horns by the roots, and ruled in their stead, —
"having eyes like the eyes of a man, and a mouth speaking great things."
Nothing can exceed the exactitude with which this sets forth the rise of the
papal power. By successive claims, well covered with humble pretences, the
bishops of Rome attained a status as possessing temporal rule. They then pro
ceeded onward, until the government of Rome, the exarchate of Ravenna, and
the kingdom of Lombardy, were entirely lodged in the hands of the pontiff, in
reference to which possessions he to this day wears a triple crown, as if to point
himself out to the whole world as the subject of this part of the prophecy. As
to the greatness of his claims, professions, and requirements, nothing need be
said, when it is known that " as God he sits in the temple of God, claiming to be
God."

Surely Rome, wonderful in her origin, her power, and her extent of dominion,
is no less wonderful as the object of great and glorious Scripture prophecies,
which were fulfilled in her history and ruin.

GENERAL CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX.

B. C.

Creation of the world 5507

Enoch translated to heaven 4020

Noah born 3845

The universal Deluge 3245

Death of Noah 2895

The Dispersion, about 2730

Nimrod established kingly government at Babel 2718

The Misraim settle in Egypt 2613

Job's trial took place about 2350

Kaiomars king in Persia 2253

Abraham born 2113

Isaac born ,. 2013

Esau and Jacob born 1953

The Shepherds expelled from Egypt 1845

Joseph governor in Egypt 1832

Jacob and his family settle in Egypt 1823

Moses born 1688

The Exodus 1608

The spies sent into Canaan 1606

The rebellion of Korah 1588

Ramesis III. (Sesostris) reigns in Egypt 1569

Israelites pass the Jordan 1568

Tabernacle set up at Gilgal 1561

Death of Joshua 1543

Israelites brought into subjection to Mesopotamia 1533

Israelites delivered by Othniel 1525

Sethos king of Egypt 1472

Ehud and Shamga/judges in Israel 1395

Teutames reigns in Assyria 1214

Troy taken and destroyed 1183

Samson and Eli judges in Israel 1152

Return of the Heracleids to Peloponnesus 1103

Saul anointed king over the Hebrews 1099

David king over all Israel 1052

The ark of God placed in the tabernacle of David 1043

Solomon born 1039

The temple begun 1016

The temple finished 1009

Solomon carries out his great scheme of commercial policy and navigation 995

Shishak, king of Egypt, plunders Jerusalem 974

Abijah succeeds Rehoboam in Judah 962

The king of Israel defeated by Abijah 961

Jehoshaphat, King of Judah, provides for the instruction of his people 915

The Philistines and Arabians ravage Judea 887

Arbaces, a Mede, ascends the throne of Assyria 821

Lycurgus legislates in Sparta 817

Jonah prophesies against Nineveh 806

Era of the Olympiads 776

Tiglath-Pileser king of Assyria 753

Era of the building of Rome —

Era of Nabonassar 747

644 CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX.

B. O.

Hezekiah king of Judah 705

$ Numa king of Rome 716

Sennacherib invades Judah 713

Samaria taken, and the kingdom of Israel destroyed 710

Josiah, King of Judah, slain at Megiddo 630

Tarquinius king of Rome (Sibylline Books) 618

Nineveh taken, and Assyrian empire destroyed 606

Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon 604

Solon reforms the constitution of Athens 694

Jerusalem taken and destroyed. Captivity of Judah 58tJ

Cyrus king in Persia 560

Belshazzar's feast and death 553

Cyrus subdues Media, and reigns there 551

Cyrus conquers Babylon, and establishes the Mcdo-Persian empire.. 636

The first caravan of Hebrews return to Jerusalem.-. 535

The second temple begun 534.

Carabyses reigns in Persia 529

Darius Hystaspis king 521

The second temple finished 516

Tarquin expelled, and monarchy abolished at Rome 509

Pythagoras dies 497

The Persians defeated at Marathon 490

Xerxes invades Greece 485

Xerxes is completely defeated 479

Artaxerxes ascends the throne of Persia . 464

Artaxerxes sends Ezra to Judea 457

Artaxerxes marries Esther —

First Peloponnesian War 431

The Romans besiege Veii 405

Joiada, high priest of Jerusalem, murders his brother in the temple —

Athens taken by the Spartans 404

Death of Socrates 399

Plato and Aristotle flourish- at Athens 397

Alexander conquers the Persian empire 333

Alexander dies at Babylon 323

Simon the Just high priest at Jerusalem 300

Septuagint translation made 278

Agis III., attempting the reformation of Sparta, is slain 244

Second Punic War. — Hannibal in Italy 218

Jerusalem sacked, and the temple plundered, by Antiochus 170

Macedonian kingdom destroyed by the Romans 168

Mattathias and his sons resist the Antiochian persecution 167

Carthage destroyed 146

The Jews obtain their independence 143

Tiberius Gracchus slain 133

Idumeans subdued and incorporated with the Jews. 129

Caius Gracchus slain 123

Aristobulus assumes the title and state of a king at Jerusalem 106

Julius Caesar born 100

Civil war in Rome between the factions of Marius and Sylla 88

Civil war in Judea between Alexander Janneus and the Pharisees , 86

Pompey the Great triumphs at Rome for his numerous conquests 62

First Roman Triumvirate, — Ciesar, Pompey, and Crassus 60

Julius Caesar rules supreme at Rome 48

Julius Ctcsar slain....... 44

Herod made king of Judea... :.;:.;;...... 40

Octavius, under the title of Augustus, rules the Roman empire 31

The temple of Janus shut at Rome.. 29

Herod begins the rebuilding of the temple......... 17

The temple finished. 7

Jesus Christ born............;..... 4

Vulgar Christian Era 0

INDEX TO SCRIPTURES

WHICH ARE MORE OR LESS ILLUSTRATED.

Chapter

GENESIS.

Vol Pa^e

Chapter.
vii

Verse.
2

VoL
i,

Page.
170

1 2

i, 99

2-5

i, 101

15, 19, 21

?56

6-8

i, 103

viii

298

9-13

i, 103

14-19

?,5?

20-25

i, 106

299

i 107

20-22

303

27 28

i, 122

?'>3

i 107

3 4

228

•3

i 108

399

7_9

i, 122

11-17

306

8 25 15

i 141

18 19

. ... i

311

i, 142

20-27

309

10-14 ....

i, 141

8-10

330

i 149

.... i

329

21-25

i, 122

11 12

435

iii

i 128

21 24

i, 215

3?1

21 . .

i 162

345

i, 143

1,2

39!2

147

1-9

i, 200

301

2 3 4 17

i 162

3-9

3*4

3 7

i 203

335

3 12

i 213

3-^6

i, 233

337

iq 04

i 168

20 21

i 177

26 32

370

i, 178

xii

1,2

ii,

23 24

i 66

376

i 362

xiii

14-17

ii,

i, 164

13-21

ii,

i 56

13 14, 16

ii,

2-26

i, 18

13-16

iii,

538

i 214

383

237

xvi

11 12

388

i, 164

421

i 36

xvii

2-8

ii,

i, 199

15-21

ii,

i, 187

xviii

6,7

ii,

189

xxi

17 20

38ft

5 7 12 13 17 19

xxiii

20 22

i 69

7 .. ..

407

12 13

i 240

XXV

391

13 21

i 244

16 18

3ft?

vii

1-3

i 249

499

1-5...,

i. 69

22...

395

646

INDEX TO SCRIPTURES ILLUSTRATED.

GENESIS.
Chapter. Van*
xxvi 9-11

Vol. Pag
. ii, 9

NUMBERS.
Chapter. Verse,
viii 4

Vol. Paga
ii 9Q

xxvii 1-4

. ii, 1

x 2378

noje:

xxviii 13-15

ii 1

xi 12 1/i 1ft 91 9^

18,19

. ii, 2

xii 1

11, iO
ii 71

20,21

ii, 2

xiii 27 28 33

:: 70

xxx 3

i 38

xvi 2357

Hirer

xxxi 2

ii, 23

28-30

ii 7K

3, 14-16

ii, 24

xx 9-12

ii 77

xxxii 1, 2

ii, 25

xxi 4 6

ii 7Q

24-29

ii, 25

ii 7Q

xxxv 11,12

ii 17

28 29

i C\7

i, 424

xxiv 21 22

mKAQ

xxxvii 3, 4

ii, 26

xxv 4

ii 81

xii 1^36

iii, 538

xxvii 16 17

ii R3

xlvii 11

ii, 47

xxviii 11 12

:: 1 1 Q

1 29

iii, 62

xxxiii 41

ii 7Q

EXODUS,
i 8

ii 29

DEUTERONOMY.

9,10

ii 91

iv 15

ii fi4

13, 14...

ii 30

xi 16, 17... .

ii 279

iii 16

ii 55

xvi 21 . .

i 130

iv 30,31

ii, 35

xvii 2-5

ii 92

vii 8,9

ii 36

16, 17 ..

ii 290

11,12

ii 37

xxvii 4

i 9Q

x 22

ii 44

4-26

ii 1^^

xii 30, 33, 37, 38

ii 46

xxxi 26 . .

i 1/5

40 . .

i 23

xxxii 16 17

ii Q2

ii 4(59

i 30

xiii 19

ii 29

xxxiii 8

ii 10ft

ii 47

i 91

xiv 1, 2

ii 48

xxxiv 10

ii 97

xv 1-21

ii 50

ii 56

xvi 4, 22, 23, 25-28
9-12

i, 220
ii, 58

JOSHUA.

i? 1 Of

9,33,34

ii, 94

9 11

11, I-')

ii Art

ii, 59

vi 3 r.

xvii 3,4

ii, 60

ii, 61

Ill 1 fi

11, lOl

i, 64

11, 134

;; -I OQ

six 8-8

ii, 116

11, lOO
ii 9.1 <*

4-8

ii, 62

\ i v 1 1

UO4

xx 2

ii 466

, V4

xxiv 9-11

ii 63

xxv 1-8

ii 103

JUDGES

10-22

i 146

xxviii 30

HI A7

1, 2

ii, 142

XXX ft

ii, 232

xxxiii 8 9

11, 4ob
11 Qfi

i 7

ii, 235

Ifi

;? 1 1 f

ii, 147

TV \-viii 9-1—31

11, HO

v 1

ii, 147

11, OU

i 2

ii 149

ii 150

LEVITICUS.

ii 150

ix 23,24

ii, 67

i 9-H

ii 154

rrii 7

iii, 18

iii 19 20

ii 155

ii, 111

vi 8

ii 1/59

xxiii 15-20

ii, 112

viii 5 6 19 20

Hoqq

34-44

ii, 111

xx 27, 28,...

ii. 243

INDEX TO SCRIPTURES ILLUSTRATED.

647

a*..

vii
ix

xii

xvi

xix
xxiii

vii

xiv
xix

viii
ix

xii
xiv

xvii
xix
xxi

xxii

viii
ix
xiii
xiv
xvi

xvii
xviii

1 SAMUEL.

Verse.
710

VoL Page,
ii 161

hapter.

xi
xxviii

i
ii
iii

xi
xiv

1 CHRONICLES.
Verse.
1, 2

VoL Page,
ii, 243
ii, 244
ii, 244
ii, 246
. ii, 244

1 q

i 224

31-48

ii 167

2-15

TO in

ii 244

ii, 168

1 2

ii 244

. ii, 244

i 224

. ii, 403

ii 172

. ii, 208

26 27

.. ii, 173

2 CHRONICLES.
7 10

ii, 206

.. ii, 173

.. ii, 177

K -M

i 224

1 9

ii 177

11 14

. ii, 249

04.

ii 180

1-42

. ii, 258

Ifi 1Q

ii 181

. ii, 250

2 SAMUEL.
19

... ii, 187

17 is

. ii, 217

1 9

. ii, 217

. ii, 220
ii, 224

4 -in n

... ii, 95

1617

ii, 273

... ii, 189

q A

ii, 306

... ii, 192

6 ••••

.. ii, 310

... ii, 194

10 ~\°i 19

.. ii, 311

... ii, 244

OK OJ

ii, 287

1 KINGS.

15
28
12 60

ii, 197
ii, 205
ii, 258

H91 9

xxi
xxiv

XXV

xxvi
xxviii
xxxii

.. ii, 315

.. ii, 318

27
16
20
31

ii, 324
ii, 323
ii, 330
.. iii, 183

17, 18
26-28
6,7
16-19
28

, ALA

... ii, 214
ii, 216
ii, 220
... ii, 220

xxxiii
xxxiv

vi
.vii

V
X

xii
xiii

vii
ix
xiii
xiv

11
12
14

EZRA.
1 12

iii, 176
ii, 337
ii, 339

... iii, 268

28 29

... iii, 8'

97 28

ii, 259
.. ii, 222

31 38
38

.... ii, 222
.... ii, 271

NEHEMIAH.
8

.. ii, 369
ii, 372

•• q7O

28 29

.... ii, 27<

6
22 24

ii, 276
.... ii, 303

17
1

10 14 18

ii, 276
ii, 279

. . ii, 283

29
32,35,36
27-43

ii, 373

... ii, 372

19,23
7 ft

ii, 28
.... ii, 28

4,5

JOR
1

... ii, 373
i, 357

2 KINGS.

ii 29

... i, 404

q-l

ii 27

i, 402

ii 29

8,9

i, 400

OJ.

ii 29

... i, 489

iii, 16>

15-21

i, 485
i 4.14.

15 18

, ., ii, 32
iii 8

17
4-10

... i, 400

ii' 33

... i, 411
... i, 412

Of) OK

iii 22

10-15

1...

ii, 33

... i, 426

648

INDEX TO SCRIPTURES ILLUSTRATED.

JU13.
Ch»pter. Versa
xvi 12-14

Vol. Pac
i 49

JEREMIAH
Chapter. Verse,
xxiii 18

Vol. Pag*.

iviii

T1X *>'} OJ

. i 49

xxv 8-11

i, 427
iii, 662

23-27

TT 91

i 6
i 40

18,26
25

iii, 187
iii, 675

xxi 28-30

i 48
i 41

xxvi 1-12
xxvii 4-8

.... iii, 538
iii 1 87

xxiii 10
xxvi 6, 22, 26
7,8
xxvii 22
xxviii

. i 41
. i, 40
i, 49
i, 40
i, 48

6-8....
xxviii 11
xxxii 4
xxxiv 3

562
.... iii, 194
.... iii, 562
.... ii, 345
.... ii, 346

26,27
28
xxxiii 23,24
xxxiii 24

i, 41
i, 35
ii, 9
i, 41
i, 41

xliii 10
xliv 17-25
xlvi 13
xlviii 45,46

1 8-1O

.... iii, 638
.... iii, 213
.... iii, 638
.... i, 67

xxxviii 4-11

i, 40

.... iii, 564

i 57

... iii, 664
m/>f54.

PSALMS.

7,17

iii 1Q

viii 6,6

i 1°

13, 26, 29, 37, 42,

43 iii, 565

i 303

xxxiv 22

, 14

n2'"j4.

Ivi 10-13

ii 254

EZEKIEL.

lix 16,17

ii 254

viii 7

HOQO

Ixxviii 60, 67

ii, 244

x 4, 19

, OOO

ii ^IQA

ex 1

ii 463

xi 22,23

l, lib
ii 3<}fi

ISAIAH

xiv 14,20

i 2QR

i 29...
iv 6
vii 14
viii 19....

i, 129
ii, 331
ii, 329

iii 3Q'>

xx 7, 8
xxviii 13, 14....
xxix 14,15
18,19

... ii, 92
... i, 148
... iii, 539
... iii, 538

ix 6
xiii 17
19-22
xiv 13,14

ii, 463
iii, 576
iii, 565
i, 334

18-20
xxx 10,11
13
13-19
xxviii 2, 15

... iii, 98
... iii, 538
... iii, 539
... iii, 640
i 348

22, 23
xix 2-4

iii, 665

m/rqq

6-7

mAin

DANIEL.

xxi 2

iii ATA

xxiii 13

m/rfil

17-20

ii 359

xxxvii 6, 7, 21-23, 28 29

28-45

ii 352

33,34

mKKf)

353

xli 21-23

mr,f\

31-45

mAfiQ

xliv 24,28 „

ii 3HO

33, 34, 41-45

.. iii 638

mAQ.1

iii A()3

, oy-t
iii Afti

619

xlv 1-3

mAfiJ.

i 4,6

iii 2°S

iii AQ4.

v 7, 8, 19, 20

. iii 640

1-6

nOPA

25,30

iii 229

xlvii 1, 6 7, 8

111 AA1

25-28

ii S57

iii Afi.1

iii 198

liv 9

i 9QR

ii 358

Ixiii 9, 10

i, ^yb

:: 07

i 6,20

iii 693

o.«.

m*'* filQ

JEREMIAH

9, 10

i 4.97

ii 6-7

iii AQ1

i 16, 18, 19
vii 12

ii, 381

. iii, 274

, 243

14 ..„,. .

. ii, 415

INDEX TO SCRIPTURES ILLUSTRATED.

ACTS.

649

Chapter.

i
ii
iii

i
ii

iii
vi

i
iii
iv

xii
xxii
xxiv

iii
xi
xvii

iii
vii

Verse.
28 32

VoL 1
ii

'age.
392

30
345

552

552
552

553

268
471

461
462

462

462
462

216
470
296

22
216
296

227
?1fi

hapter.
ii

vi
iii
ii

xiii

ii
iii

iv
xiii
xvii

Verse.

Vol. Page,
ii, 33
i, 30
i, 131

i, 224
i, 23
i, 399
i, 32

i, 202
ii, 105
i, 202
i, 30
i, 156
ii, 90
i, 197
i, 297
i, 405
ii, 26
i, 226

i, 416

i, 248
i, 29
i, 97

ii, 474
i, 66
iii, 143

i, 145
i, 202
i, 327
iii, 19
iii, 19

AMOS.
11, 12

• i»

16 17

1 CORINTHIANS.
10

MICAH.
6

GALATIANS.
17

NAHUM.
8

.. iii,

EPHESIANS.
2

6 7

.. iii,

TO I K

ZEPHANIAH.

1 THESSALONIANS.
15 17

lo— lo
HAGGAI.

HEBREWS.
9

6, 8-11
7 9

.. iii,
.. ii,

ZECHARIAH.
8,9 :

ii,

12
5

4 5

.. ii,

MALACHI.
11

ii,

8 10

1 PETER.
10 12

.. ii,

.. ii,
.. ii,

MATTHEW.
42

2 PETER.
5

An Afi

07 on

2 13

LUKE.
35 36

JUDE.
14

26, 27

... i,

JOHN.
51 63 55

, 15

REVELATION.
6 11-

ACTS.
21

... i,

2-4

370

XVlll

41°

GENERAL INDEX.

Aaron, appointed high-priest, ii, 105 —
his death, 79.

Abimclech, king in Shechem, ii, 152.

Abraham, history of, i, 369-387— the
promises made to him, ii, 14.

Absalom, his rebellion, ii, 192— is defeat
ed and slain, 193 — his treason, 554.

Achan, his sin and punishment, ii, 129.

JEneas, legend of, iii, 633.

Ahab, his reign over Israel, ii, 278— his
death, and the fulfilment of Elijah's
prophecy, 287.

Ahaz succeeds to the throne of Judah,
ii, 328 — Isaiah's mission to hiin,f329
— his inveterate idolatry, 330 —
mighty prophetic influence employed
to sustain true religion during his
reign, 330.

Ahaziah succeeds his father Jehoram as
king of Israel, ii, 316.

Ai, the city of, taken, ii, 130.

Alba, legend of, iii, 634.

Alcimus, the apostate high-priest, his
remarkable death, ii, 430.

Alexander the Great, his visit to Jeru
salem, where he is informed of the
prophecies of Daniel, ii, 409.
Alexander Janneus succeeds to the He
brew throne, ii, 442— saved from ruin
by Cleopatra of Egypt, 443— defeated
by the combined Pharisees and Syr
ians, 444— recovers his strength, and
completely destroys the rebellious
Pharisees, 445.
Alexandra reigns queen in Jerusalem

ii, 446.

Alphabet, its origin discussed, I 46, et
seq. — early traditions respecting it
54_proof of the early knowledge of
an, 58— Hartwell Home's opinion of
59.
Amalekites, Israelites' conflict with, ii, 61

— their origin, 519.

Amaziah, King of Judah, invading Is
rael, is defeated and taken prisoner
ii, 294 — reigns over Judah, 320.
Ammonites tyrannize over Israel, ii, 153.

Amon reigns over Judah, ii, 338.

Amorites resist Israel, and are destroyed
ii, 80— two tribes expelled by hornets
545.

Amos prophecies, 296.

Amphictyonic Council, the, iii, 616.

Animal figures, the compound, of As
syria, derived from the cherubim, iii,
218.

Animals, miraculously led into the ark,
i, 250 — worship of, according to Diod-
orus, iii, 23.

Anointing of kings, public and private,
ii, 551.

Antediluvians, first generation, i, 159 —
second, 162 — third, 163— fourth.,163 —
fifth, 167— sixth, 168— seventh, 168—
eighth, 177— ninth, 180— tenth, 180
— their religion not destitute of law
or revealed truth, 196 — were ac
quainted with the being and govern
ment of God, 197— and the fall and
depravity of man, 197 — had the
means of believing on a promised
Redeemer, and offered sacrifices typ
ical of his death, 199— believed in a
state of future existence, 210 — pos
sessed divine laws, 215— observed the
Sabbath, 220 — intellectual character
of, 228-231— addition to their history
from the Targums, 233.

Antigonus placed on the Hebrew throne
by an anti-Roman party, ii, 455,

Antiochus proscribes the Hebrew faith,
and persecutes the faithful to death,
ii, 421.

Antipatcr, his origin and character, ii,
448— he supports Hyrcanus, 448 —
rules under the nominal direction of
Hyrcanus, and extricates Cresar from
great peril in Egypt, 453.

Antony, Marc, appointed executor of
Julius Csesar's will, iii, 452— seduced
by Cleopatra, 454 — is defeated, and
kills himself, 457.

Apostasy of the Hebrews, cause of na
tional ruin, ii, 393.
Apparition of Samuel, ii, 552.

652

GENERAL INDEX.

Ararat, the ark rested on, i, 300— it
geography, 302.

Architectural skill of the patriarcha
age, i, 502.

Areopagus, the judicial court of, iii, G17

Jtrgonautic expedition, the, iii, 603.

Jlrittolndu* wrests the government fron
his mother, whom he imprisons an
starves to death, ii; 441 — defeats hio
brother Hyrcanus, and becomes king
of the Hebrews, 447.

Aristotle, his character and doctrine, iii

Ark of God, taken by the Philistines, ii
163 — wonders wrought before it in
Philistia, 1G7— restored to the Israel
ites, 167 — but not returned to the
tabernacle, 243.

Ark of Noah, strange opinions held re
specting, i, 246— a wonderful struc
ture, 247.

Army, first standing, of Rome, iii, 636.

Artaxcrxes, inscription relating to his
reign, iii, 592.

Asa reigns over Judah, ii, 306— effects
a religious reformation, 307 — induces
the Syrians to invade Israel, 308 — is
reproved by a prophet, whom he
casts into prison, 309 — the burning
for, 387.

Assarac, the great national idol deity of
Assyria, iii, 217.

Asshur, his deification in Assyria, im
portance of, iii, 211.

Assyria, foundation of the kingdom of,
i, 43-5 — early history of, 437, 441 — the
king of, at the instigation of Ahaz,
invades Israel, ii, 299— connexion of
sacred history with the history of, 578
— army of, miraculously destroyed,
579— early intercourse with Egypt,
iii, 149— history of, 150— important
aid afforded by recovered sculptures
of, 150 — commencement of connected
history, 151 — Sardanapalus, his reign
and exploits, 151 — account furnished
by the Obelisk, 154 — termination of
the old line of kings, 162 — Arbaces,
a Mede, ascends the throne, 162 —
reigns of Pul and Tiglath-l'ileser, 163
— Kawlinson's arrangement of the
sculptures which refer to the later
period, 164— Sargon (of Isaiah) his
reign, 165 — account of it from the
sculpture8,166— Sennacherib, account
of his reign from the sculptures, 168
— his own account of his campaign
against Hezekiah, 171— Esarhaddon,
his reign, 172 — conquers Israel, and
carries the Ten Tribes into captivity,
1"6 — Nabuchodonosor, his reign, 176
— Sarac, his reign, 178 — assailed by

the Medes, 178— subdued by the
Modes and Babylonians, 179 — ruling
element of its religion, 241 — pecu
liar difficulty of deciphering proper
names, 545.

Assyrian sculpture, chronological suc
cession of kings, iii, 546.

Assyrians invade Judah under Holofer-
nes, ii, 338 — the general slain by
Judith, and the army routed, 338.

Astronomical science, early knowledge
of, in China, i, 75 — Persia, 75— Chal-
dea, 76— Bailly's and Brewster's opin
ion of the early existence of, 77, 78 —
general view of the evidence respect
ing the early knowledge of, 80, 81.

Athaliah, daughter of Jezebel, reigns
wickedly in Judah, ii, 316— is slain,
317.

Athens, the rebuilding of, iii, 618.

Atonement, great day of, ii, 109— neces
sity for, believed by the later He
brews, 488.

Augustus, left heir to his uncle Julius
Ccesar, iii, 452 — elected consul, 453 —
with Antony defeats Brutus and Cas-
sius at Philippi, 454 — supreme sover
eign of the Roman empire, 457.

%aal-peor, plague at, ii, 81.

Baasha, his reign over Israel, ii, 276.

3abcl, kingdom of Nimrod at, i, 431.
Babylon, kings of, succeeding Nimrod,
i» 431 — history of, possesses special
interest, iii, 181— subject to Assyria,
182— Nabonassar, king of, his reign,
182 — Nadius, Chinzirus, Porus, and
Jugaeus successively reign, 182 — Mar-
docempadus reigns, and resists As
syria, 183 — again subdued by Assyria,
184 — Nabopolassar king, 184 — in con
junction with the iMedes, takes Nin
eveh, 184 — Nebuchadnezzar king, 186
—his reign, 186-195— Evil-Merodach
king, 196 — favours the captive king
of Judah, 196— Neriglissar, having
slain Evil-Merodach, succeeds him,
197 — Laborosarchod, the Belshazzar
of Daniel, king, 197 — his cruelty, pro
fane feast, and death, 198 — be'comea
subject to Media, 199— Labynetus,
the governor, revolts, but is subdued,

and the city taken by Cyrus, 200

probable state of political relation
to Assyria before the reign of Nabo
polassar, 553 — its magnitude and
splendour, 555 — chronological succes
sion of kings after Nebu.-hadin-y.zar,
556 — fulfilment of sacred prophecy
in the history of, 561 — the type of
Papal Antichrist, 570.

GENERAL INDEX.

653

Bacchanalia, infamous rites of, iii, 488.

Balaam, his conduct, ii, 81.

Barak defeats Sisera, King of Canaan,

ii, 148.
Bel, the Belus of Assyria, iii, 211— of

Babylon, 213.

Belshazzar's feast and death, ii, 357—
his case more particularly consider
ed, 582.

Benhadad invades Israel, and is mirac
ulously repulsed, ii, 284— besieges Sa
maria, and reduces it to great straits ;
but his army, by the interposition of
God, is dispersed, 288 — in his sick
ness consults the prophet Elisha, 290
Bethel taken, ii, 133.
Beth-shcmesh, sin and punishment at, n

546.
Bondage of the Israelites in Egypt, 11

70.

Books, Chaldoean traditions of the earl)
existence of, i, 71 — Persian, 71— In
dian, 72.
Borrowing by the Israelites from th

Egyptians, ii, 514.
Borsippa, where Labynetus took refuge

its geography, iii, 560.
Boies, made of steel or brass, mentione
in Job, i, 489.

Cassar, Julius, policy of, in Egypt an
Judea, ii, 453— subdues Gaul, iii, 4-1

inarches on Rome in defiance of th

senate, 448 — defeats Pompey, an
becomes master of the Roman em
pire, 449— is adored at Rome as_
demi-god, 450— is assassinated, 45
— his vast designs, 452.
Caleb, his faithful conduct as one o
the spies, ii, 74— his brave behaviou
142.

Calf, the . golden, of Aaron, ii, 3o— n
ble and pious conduct of Moses r
specting, 65.
Camillus delivers Rome from the Gau

and restores the city, iii, 418.
Camp, order of the Israelites in the

ii, 68 — described, 87.
Canaan, promised to Abraham, ii,
to Isaac, 22— to Jacob, 46— thirty-o
kingdoms of, subdued, 133— pro
dential preparation for Israelitish in
vasion of, iii, 535.

Caravans in use in the time of Abra
ham, i, 484.
Carchemish, route of Pharaoh-Necho to,

ii, 581.
Carthage, first war of Rome with, m,

420— destroyed, 435.
Chaldcean oracles, the information they
afford, iii, 207.

herubic elements, foundation of animal
worship, iii, 24— figures of, origin of
animal worship in Egypt, 132.
lerubim in Paradise, nature of, i, 143;
ii, 529— of Ezekiel, their relation to
Assyrian sculpture, iii, 568.
hina, early history of, i, 442— religion
of, 447.

hronological arrangement of Nebu
chadnezzar's dreams, ii, 582.
hronological position of the lower line
of Assyrian kings, iii, 547.
hronological table of Egyptian history,
iiit 126— Assyrian, 180— Babylonian,
201— Median, 250— Persian, 286—
Grecian, 359 — Roman, 458.
hronology, importance of a knowledge
of^ jf 12 — of the early ages, discuss-
e(lf 13— of the Israelites' sojourn in
Egypt, ii, 515— of the Judges, 164 —
of the Hebrew monarchy, 270— of
Hebrew history during the Captivity,
376— of Hebrew history from restora
tion to independence, 433 — from in
dependence to time of Christ, 459 —
of the deliverance of Jerusalem by
Judith, 580 — of Daniel, 587.
Chushan-Rishathaim, tyranny and defeat

of, ii, 146.

Cicero, his exposition of Roman theolo
gy, iii, 494.
Circumcision, its divine appointment,

ii, 509.
Civilization of first early population of

the world, 191, 192.

Clothing, moral effect of its origin, i, 162.
Cloudy pillar, wonderful effect of the,

ii, 47.

Coins of Simon Maccabeus, ii, 596.
Commerce, extensive range of ancient, i,

492.

Commercial voyages, early date of Phe-
nician, i, 493— policy of Solomon, ef
fect of, on the conductof Egypt toward
Israel, ii, 560.

Confusion of Tongues, the Mosaic account
of, i, 337— the Scriptural account con
firmed by learned investigation, 338
— a great miracle, 344.
Cosmogony of the Phenicians from San-
choniatho, i, 109-of the Chaldeans,
by Berosus, 110— the Hindus, 11
Persia, 112— Pythagoras, 116— Ovid,

117 review of the Gentile account of,

in comparison with the Mosaic, 118.
Council of God, i, 426.
Creation, sublimity of, i, 89— not known
by reason, but by revelation, S
importance of the knowledge of, 91—
geological and Scriptural accounts of,
considered, 97— state of the case 97—
Mosaic narration of, considered, 10U.

654

GENERAL INDEX.

Cynu, Isaiah's prophecy concerning,
359 — his tomb, important inscriptio
on, 303 — his proclamation of Hebre
emancipation, 3G3 — personal histor
of, iii, 576 — was he acquainted wit
Daniel's prophecy ? 577.

Daniel carried to Babylon, and enrolle
among the Magi, ii, 352 — prophet
cally declares and explains Nebi
chadnezzar's dream, 352— made chie
of the Magi and governor of Babylon
353 — delivered from the den of lion
358 — his notation of prophetic tim
690.
Danites, the, prepare the way for idola

try, ii, 232.
Darius Hystaspis, his own account o

his wars, iii, 582.

Darius the Mede, who was he ? iii, 572
David, anointed king, ii, 178 — build
a tabernacle on Mount Zion for wor
ship, and places the ark there, 244
— his religious conduct and experi
ence, 253 — kills Goliah, 179— mad
king of Judah and Israel, 185— take
Jerusalem, and makes it his capital
186 — prosecutes extensive and sue
cessful wars, 188 — is guilty of mur
der and adultery, 190— is convinced
and repents, 191 — sins by numbering
the people, 195 — greatness of, display
ed in his final arrangements, 198 —
difficulties in the Scripture narrative
of his entrance on public life, 551.
Deborah, prophetess and judge, ii, 14£

— her noble ode, 238.
Decalogue, proper division of, ii, 527.
Deity, neither the unity nor the purity
of, shown by idolatry, iii, 29— lan
guage used by the Hebrews when
speaking of, ii, 579.
Dejoces, his accession to the Median

throne, iii, 572.

Deluge, history of the, i, 241 — a punish
ment for sin, 242 — not to be repeated,
399 — Scripture narrative of, explain
ed, 242 — peculiar circumstances
which preceded it, 251 — objection to
the Scriptural account of, considered,
254 — its universality proved, 256 —
philosophical refutation of objections,
260 — heathen traditions respecting,
267 — commemorated in the heathen
world, 272 — Chaldtean tradition of,
876— Greek, 276— Apamten medal,

878 — Hindu traditions, 279-284

Chinese, 285— Persian, 285— Egyp
tian, 2*6— Edda, of the, 286— Jewish,
287 — modern traditions found in
heathen nation*: Peruvians, 289 — |

Cuba, 290— Brazil, 290—Otaheite, 291
—Britain, 291, 292— manner of ita
infliction intended to teach the future
races of mankind, 298.
Demon agency, the means by which the
magicians of Egypt wrought wonders,

Dictatorship, origin and character of,
among the Romans, iii, 636.

Dispersion, history of the, i, 324— the
earth, by divine appointment, divided
among the sons of Noah, 322 — Scrip
tural account of, attested by heathen
traditions, 325 — the location of the
several tribes, 344— <Jate of the, 479.

Division of Canaan among the tribes, ii,
138 — of the Hebrew kingdom, divine
purpose in, 570.

Divine influence essential to religious
prosperity, ii, 240.

Edomites refuse to allow the Israelites
to pass through their territory, ii, 78.
Eglon slain by Ehud, ii, 147.
Egypt, early history of, i, 458, 469—
religion of, 470-477— the Israelites'
sojourn in, ii, 28 — monumental proof
of, 47— its history, iii, 53 — was a na
tion, not an empire, 54 — has not left
materials for a complete history, 54
— outline of its early state, 56 — Eigh
teenth Dynasty of, its government, 58
—advanced state of the arts, 59 —
warlike operations of Thothmosis III.,
C4 — exodus of Israelites from, 69 —
Ramses III. ascends the throne, 70 —
his successful martial career, 71 —
combination of elegance and excessive
cruelty, 76— Nineteenth Dynasty :
Rameses, monumental record respect
ing, 78 — Twentieth Dynasty, 79—
Twenty-first Dynasty, 81— Tanis or
Zoan, 81 — contemporary with David
and Solomon, 82— Twenty-second Dy
nasty, 84— Judea invaded by Shishak,
84 — Twenty-third Dynasty, 86 —
Twenty-fourth, 87— Twenty-fifth, 88
— Ethiopian power paramount, 89 —
Twenty-sixth Dynasty, 91— The Dode-
carchy, 91 — Psammetichus, 92 — Pha-
raoh-Necho defeats Josiah, and exer
cises the power of appointing a king
at Jerusalem, 95 — architectural works
of great splendour built, 101— Twenty-
seventh Dynasty, or rule of Persian
kings, 103 — cruelty of Cambyses, 104
— visit of Herodotus, 107 — Twenty-
eighth Dynasty, native rule, 107 —
Twenty-ninth, native kings, 108 —
Thirtieth Dynasty, native kings, 108
—Thirty-first, Persian kings, 111—

GENERAL INDEX.

655

Thirty-second, Macedonians, 111 — Al
exandria built, 111— Thirty-third Dy
nasty, the Ptolemies, 112 — wise gov
ernment of Ptolemy Soter, 113 — a Ro
man province, 125 — great degeneracy
of, under the later Ptolemies, 121 —
its geography and population, 630 —
chronology of its ancient history, 531
— monumental names of its kings, 634.

Egyptian idolatry, progressive develop
ment of, iii, 541.

Egyptian sculptures, cruelty exhibited
on, iii, 536.

Elah, his reign over Israel, ii, 277.

Eleusinian mysteries, nocturnal scenes
of, iii, 625.

Eli judges Israel, ii, 160 — his history,
161.

Elijah prophecies, ii, 279— his letter to
Jehoram, 577 — his conduct and mira
cle at Carmel, 282 — anoints Hazael
king of Damascus, and Jehu to suc
ceed to the throne of Israel, 283.

Elim, Israelites arrive at, ii, 67.

Elisha enters upon the prophetic office,
ii, 287.

Empires, their origin, i, 481.

Enoch, history and prophecy of, i, 171 —
piety and end of, 237.

Epicurus, his character and doctrines,
iii, 401.

Esau sells his birthright, ii, 610.

Essenes, the origin and character of the
sect, ii, 485— were they Christians ?
605.

Esther, queen of Persia, ii, 375.

Etruscan origin of Roman power and
civilization, iii, 635.

Etruscans, primitive, iii, 460 — ancient
faith of, 460 — theology of, 462 — re
ligious doctrines of, 467.

Evil-Merodach succeeds to the throne of
Babylon, ii, 356 — king of Babylon,
iii, 196.

Exodus, wonderful character of the, ii,
46 — knowledge and effect of, on sur
rounding nations, 50 — Sir Gardiner
Wilkinson on the date of the, iii, 635.

Faber, the Rev. G. S., his account of the

origin of idolatry, iii, 22.
Faith of the Hebrews, violent

sion on, by Nebuchadnezzar, ii,

Fall of man, Scriptural account of, i

142 — Hindu tradition respecting

136 — Persian, 136 — religious conse

quences of, 149 — direct agency of

Satan in respect of, 155.
Fctichism, unscripturally and absurdly

called " the original religion of man

kind," iii, 17.

Fire-worship, Assyrian, iii, 234 — origin

of, 599.
Fohee, first sovereign of China, whether

the same as Noah, i, 480. ^
Future judgment, believed in Assyria,

iii, 240 — rewards and punishments

according to Zoroaster, 600.
Future rewards and punishments, why

mention of them omitted by Moses in

the law, ii, 85.
Future state of existence believed by

the postdiluvian patriarchs, i, 412.

Gauls, the, sack Rome, iii, 417.
edaliah appointed governor of-Judea
after the destruction of Jerusalem,
ii, 350.
Gems and precious stones in use in Job's

time, i, 487.
Geographical extent of the kingdoms

of Judah and Israel, ii, 574.
Geography, knowledge of, in patriarchal

times, i, 499.

Geologists, their objections to the De
luge met, i, 294.
Giants, meaning of the term in Genesis,

, 165, 187.
Gibeonites, their craft and doom, ii,
131 — their case investigated, 142 —
their slaughter and its punishment,
654.

Gideon, his call and conduct, ii, 149 —

his call clearly shown to be of God,

234— following the example of, 234—

his ephod, 563.

Glass sent as tribute from Assyria and

Babylon to Egypt, iii, 543.
God, manifestation of, in the Mosaic

dispensation, ii, 96.
Goliath, his profane challenge and

death, ii, 179.

Goodness, compassion, and love of God,
believed by postdiluvian patriarchs,
i, 403.
Gracchus, Caius, his public conduct and

death, iii, 437.
Gracchus, Tiberius, his reforms, iii, 436

—his death, 436.

Greece, history of, iii, 313 — wonderful
character of, 314 — geographical out
line of, 315 — patriarchal origin of,
317 — Pelasgians and Hellenes, 317 —
traditional period, 319 — peculiar state
of Greece, 320— in early times divid
ed into many and dependent states,
religiously united, 320 — institutions
of Lycurgus at Sparta, 323— of Solon
at Athens, 325 — the Solonian code in
abeyance at Athens while Pisistratus
reigned, 329 — laws of Solon restored,
330 — condition of the states and col-

656

GENERAL INDEX.

onies of, 331 — first Persian invasion [ agency, 498— means for carrying out
defeated, 336 — second, also, at Mara- \ the purposes of redemption, 502.
thon, 338 — third, of Xerxes, vast ; Hcraclidee, return of the, iii, 612.
preparation for, 339— completely re- Herodotus, value of his testimony re
pulsed, 344— rapid progress of useful i specting the temple of Mylittu, iii,

565.

and elegant arts, 345 — gained much
aid from foreign countries, 346 — in
tellectual elevation of Athens, 347 —
first Peloponnesian war, 347 — Athe
nian armament against Sicily totally
destroyed, 348 — second Peloponnesian
war, 349— Athens subdued, 349—

Herod made king of Judea by the sen
ate of Rome, ii, 545 — endeavours to
extirpate the Asmoneau family, 456
— is favoured by Augustus, 457 —
reigns with great cruelty, 457 — do
mestic cruelty and misery of, 458.

martial power of Thebes, 351— Philip Hezekiah ascends the throne of Judah,

of Macedon makes himself suprem,
in Greece, 353 — Alexander succeeds
his father at Macedon, 354 — invades
Asia, 354 — establishes a mighty em
pire, and dies, 354 — Antipatcr rules
in Greece, 355 — Cassander succeeds
to the government, 356 — the Achceai-
League under Aratus, 357 — the Ro
mans establish their dominion, anc
make Greece a Roman province, 358,

Greek language, prevalence of, ii, 592.

Groves, sacred, what, ii, 680.

Hailstones, miraculous shower of, ii, 541.

Handicraft arts brought to great perfec
tion in patriarchal times, i, 492.

Hannibal invades Italy, iii, 425.

Hazael becomes king of Syria, as pre
dicted by Elisha, ii, 290— his case
considered, 573.

Heathens, a knowledge of their religion
essential to a sound acquaintance with
their history, iii, 15 — religion of, not
an error, but the work of Satan, iii,
16 — history and religion of the an
cient nations of, 608.

Heber, house of, ii, 546.

Hebrew community in Egypt, ii, 593.

Hebrac monarchy, general views of, at
the death of David, ii, 199.

Hebrew people, remarkable historical
account of their origin, ii, 14 — their
views of Deity, 266 — immortality of
the soul, 267— faith, peculiar attesta
tion to the truth of, 661 — hyssop, fig
urative import of, 570 — several de
portations to Babylon, 349 — regain
their independence, 432 — their gov
ernment, horrid wickedness of, 442 —
the later, the views they entertained
of the promised Redeemer, 463 — the
effect of their views of the Deity on
the doctrine of redemption, 468.
Hebrew religion, historical sketch of,
from the time of Israel to Christ, ii,
477 — dispensation given of, 493 — re
ligion an important development of
divine government, 494 — a remedial

ii, 331 — labours to abolish idolatry,
and refuses to pay tribute to Assyria,
332 — his sickness, prayer, and re
covery, 333 — his vanity, and its pun
ishment, 335.

Hieroglyphics, subsequent to alphabet
writing, i, 52, 53.

High places, sacred, their origin and
character investigated, ii, 674.

History of the Hebrews, peculiar relig
ious character of, ii, 571.

Hosea prophesies, ii, 296.

Hoshca kills Pekahiah, and reigns over
Israel, ii, 299.

Human nature, deification of, a ruling
element of heathenism, iii, 22 — had
its origin in the promised incarna
tion, iii, 529.

Hunting, referred to by Job, i, 491.

Hyrcanus succeeds his mother Alexan
dra as king at Jerusalem, ii, 447.

Idolatry, antediluvian, i, 234 ; iii, 525 —
vast extent of, introduced into the
Hebrew temple, ii, 383 — its author
and character, iii, 17 — must have
arisen before the Dispersion, 18 —
postdiluvian, the place of its origin,
and principal seat, 19 — in Egypt, an
titype of its mythology, 22 — univer
sal, established in the world, 25 — a
grand effort to neutralize the scheme
of redemption, 26 — its ruling agency,
26 — affords man no knowledge, 28 —
reduced to an established form, 205 —
important passage respecting pro
gress of, 206— of Assyria and Baby
lon, arose out of patriarchal truth
and Edenic representation, directed
by him who, as king, aspired to be
God, 231 — exhibits a gradual, but
great, deterioration in the objects of
worship, 232 — false notions of its
origin confuted, 513.

Idumeans subdued, circumcised, and
united with the Hebrews, ii, 440.

Itmnunuel promised, ii, 578.

Intellectual character of the patriarchal

GENERAL INDEX.

657

age, fairly represented in the Book
of Job, i, 601.

Isaac, history of, i, 392 — the blessinjr
of, ii, 510.

Isaiah, his prophetic ministrations, ii,
327.

Ishmael, history of, i, 392.

Israel and Syria combine to destroy the
house of David, ii, 298.

Israelites, national career of, to their
passage through the Red Sea, ii, 52 —
infidelity of, at Kadesh-Barnea, 74 —
their flagrant rebellion, 74— unfaith
ful conduct of, 143 — lapse into idola
try, 143, 235— number of, who left
Egypt, 514 — their claims to Canaan,
640— taught and trained by God 5G2.

Jabal and Jubal, their works, i, 177.

Jabin tyrannizes over Israel, ii, 147.

Jacob, his personal history, ii, 19, 28—
pottage of, 509 — his wrestling with
the angel, 511.

Jair, judge of Israel, ii, 153.

Jason purchases the high priesthood,
but is deposed and banished, ii, 417
— labours to set aside the Mosaic in
stitutions, and to introduce heathen
practices and games, 419.

Jehoahaz reigns in Israel, ii, 293 —
reigns over Judah, 343.

Johoiachin succeeds to the throne of
Judah, and is led into captivity by
Nebuchadnezzar, ii, 344.

Jehoiakim reigns over Judah, and be
comes tributary to Babylon, ii, 344.

Jehoram succeeds to the throne of Isra
el, ii, 287 — succeeds his father as
king of Judah, 315 — his cruel fratri
cide, 315 — enforces the practice of
idolatry, 315 — warned and threat
ened, and miserably dies as predict
ed, 316.

Jehoshaphat forms an alliance with
Ahab, ii, 286 — ascends the throne of
Judah, 310 — his religious reforma
tion, and system of treating the peo
ple, 310 — defeats his enemies, 313.

Jehovah, who appeared to the patriarchs
a divine person and the promised
Messiah, i, 420, 425.

Jehu rebels, kills Jehoram, and reigns
in Israel, ii, 291 — by craft destroys
the supporters of idolatry in Israel,
292.

Jephthah, his history, ii, 154 — his vows,
239— his daughter, 565.

Jericho rebuilt "" by Kiel, ii, 279 — the
malediction of Joshua, and its accom
plishment in Hiel, 572.

Jeroboam, king of Israel, his banish-
42

ment, ii, 223 — becomes king of Israel,
224 — his reign over Israel, 271 — his
religious unfaithfulness, 272 — the
worship which he establishes, 274 —
miraculously afflicted and restored,
27.3 — his sin considered, 571.

Jerusalem visited with pestilence, ii, 196
— its ruin removed much error from
the Hebrew mind, 388 — sacked by Ptol
emy, who carries one hundred thou
sand captives to Egypt, 411 — stormed
by Antiochus, and subjected to horri
ble cruelty, 420— besieged by Anti
ochus Sidetes, 439— taken by Herod,
aided by a Roman army, 456 — taken
and destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar,
iii, 189.

Jesus Christ condemned to die, not for
claiming Messiahship, but for assert
ing his divinity, ii, 471.

Jethro, his suggestion for the organiza
tion and government of the Israelites
adopted, ii, 68— his visit to Moses,
520.

Jezebel causes the murder of Naboth, ii,
285 — her death, and the fulfilment of
prophecy therein, 291.

Joab, his daring energy sustains David,
ii, 195.

Joash succeeds his father as king of
Israel, ii, 294 — reigns piously over
Israel, 317.

Job, history of, i, 351, 363 — Book of, 364
368.

John Hyrcanus, alienated from the
Pharisees, and favours the Saddu-
cees, ii, 440 — subdues the Idumeans,
and, on their being circumcised, in
corporates them with the Hebrews,
•440 — dying, bequeaths the govern
ment to his wife, 441.

Jonah prophesies, ii, 293— his mission
to Nineveh, iii, 236— its great result,

Jonathan, his love for David, ii, 181.

Jones, Sir William, on the Confusion of
Tongues, i, 339.

Joseph, his personal history, ii, 27.

Joscphus, his testimony, ii, 591.

Joshua succeeds to the government of
Israel, ii, 125— leads the Israelites
over Jordan, 127 — favored with an
extraordinary divine revelation, 128.

Josiah, king of Judah, ii, 338 — his re
formation of religion, 341 — resists the
progress of the king of Egypt through
his dominions, and is slain in battle,

Jotham reigns over Judah, ii, 327.
Jubilee, year of, ii, 113.
Jitdah, kingdom of, religious character
of, ii, 302 — relapses into idolatry,

653

GENERAL INDEX.

303— invaded by Egypt, 304— this
event commemorated on Egyptian
monuments, 305— placed in danger
by an alliance with Israel, 312 —
threatened by Moab and Ammon, 313
— spoiled by the Philistines and Ara
bians, 315 — almost wholly devoted to
idolatry, 320 — total subversion of the
kingdom, 345 — the survivors led into
captivity, 345 — religious view of the
ruin of, 378.

Judas Maccabeas, his splendid military
career, ii, 424 — effects an alliance
with Home, 42!)— falls in battle, and
is succeeded hv his brother Jonathan,
429— character of, 429.

Judca, virtually a Roman province, ii,
450.

Judges, their character and power, ii,
14G — extent of their authority, 146.

Judgment, future, how represented in
the religion of Egypt, iii, 139.

Jugurtka, his character and conduct,
iii, 438.

Julius Caesar. See C

Kadesh-Barnea, Israelites at, ii, 71 — its
geography, 521.

Karaites, the sect of, ii, 604.

King, the Israelites demand a, ii, 170.

Kings of Assyria, regarded as divine,
iii, 224 — identical with the Sacred
Son, 225-227— this proved, 227-230
—Babylon, 229— Persia, 291.

Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, their re
bellion, ii, 75.

Lamech, his history, i, 168.

Languages, three primitive families of,
i, 339.

Law, the given, ii, 64.

Legendary history of Rome, general
view of, iii, 701.

Literature, the religious, of the He
brews, ii, 597.

Longevity of early races of mankind
proved, i, 184-186.

Lupcrcalia, infamous rites of, iii, 487.

Macedonia subdued by the Romans, iii,

433.
Magi, originally a Median tribe, iii,

290.
Magicians of Egypt, real wonders

wrought by them, ii, 511.
Makkcdah, Joshua's victory at, over the

five kings, ii, 132.
Man, his origin, according to the Chal-

dteans, i, 120— Hindus, 121— Scandi

navians, Romans, and Holy Scripture,
122 — his primitive condition, accord
ing to Scripture, 122 — Jewish tradi
tion, 123 — Mohammedan, 124 — the
Hindus, 124 — the ancient Persians,
124 — Egyptians, 125 — elevated condi
tion of the first, even after the fall,
160 — his original condition, iii, 18—
the worship of, 528.

Manasseh reigns over Judah, ii, 336 —
his apostacy and cruelty, 336 — is car
ried into captivity, repents, and is
restored, 337.

Manna given to the Israelites, ii, 58 — a
miracle, 518.

Manoah visited by an angel, ii, 155.

Marah, Israelites arrive at, ii, 66 — heal
ing the waters of, 516 — laws given at,
617.

Mar ins appointed consul, iii, 440 — and
Sylla, their rival factions introduce
great disorders at Rome, 444.

Marriage of Solomon with Pharaoh's
daughter, ii, 556.

Material elements, worship of, intro
duced, iii, 26.

Mattathias, his noble resistance of the
Antiochian persecution, ii, 422.

Medcs, their origin and history, iii, 243
— their early character, 244— Dejoces
raised to the throne, 245— Phraortes,
his reign, 245 — is slain in battle, 246
— Cyaxares succeeds to the throne,
247 — forms an alliance with Babylon,
248 — the united army destroys Nine
veh, 248 — Astyages reigns in Media,
249— is subdued by Cyrus, 250.

Menahem defeats and kills Shallum, and
reigns over Israel, ii, 297.

Menclaus outbids Jason, and thus ob
tains the high priesthood, in which
office he promotes heathenish prac
tices still further than his predeces
sors, ii, 418.

Messiah, a clear apprehension of the
prophecies respecting, necessary to a
just knowledge of Hebrew faith, ii,
390— teaching of the Old Testament
respecting, 468 — notwithstanding the
explicit teaching of the Old Testa
ment, the later Hebrews did not be
lieve the divinity of, 469 — Scripture
proof of this, 470.

Metals, working in, common in the days
of Job, i, 486.

Micah, his innovation in worship, ii,
143 — how far it was corrupt, doubt
ful, 233.

Midianites, their tyranny over Israel, ii,
149.

Mining, remarkable description of, by
Job, i, 486.

GENERAL INDEX.

659

Miracle of Joshua, the sun standing

still, ii, 542.
Miracles which preceded the Exodus,

ii, 32.
Miriam and Aaron resist Moses, ii, 71 !

— her character, 522.
Mithridates makes war on Rome, iii, 441.
Mizjteh, great meeting of Israelites at,

ii, 168.

Moab, the plains of, ii, 522.
Moloch, sacrifice of children to, ii, 577.
Monarchy, cause of the Hebrew, ii, 549.
Money, in use in patriarchal times, i, 483.
Monumental inscriptions of Assyria, the, |

iii, 164 — remarkable means by which i

their reading has been effected, 544. j
Morals of ancient Egypt, iii, 134 — of

Assyria, 240.
Morison, his " Religious History of

Man," quoted, i, 43.
Mortgage pillars in Greece, iii, 617.
Mosaic economy, effect of, ii, 124^1aws,

harmony of, 535.
Moses, his history, ii, 33 — his meekness,

521— born, iii, 68.
Murmuring of the Israelites for flesh,

ii, 69.
Musical instruments used by the ante- j

diluvians, i, 177.
Mylitta, a Babylonian goddess, abomina- ,

tions connected with the worship of,

iii, 212.
Mysteries, the heathen, Warburton's

views of, iii, 33 — refuted by Leland,

34 — conflicting opinions respecting, i

35 — their origin, object, and charac- j

ter, 39, et seq. — essential requisites

to their celebration, 43 — sacred in

Greece, 388.

Nabonassar, Era of, iii, 553 — his reign
over Babylon, 182.

-Nadab and Abihu, their rebellion and J
punishment, ii, 67.

Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, reigns over
Israel, ii, 276.

Nahash, his cruel threat, ii, 550.

Nahor, account of, i, 368.

Nebuchadnezzar, his impious arrogance,
i? 334 — destroys Jerusalem, ii, 349 —
his golden image, 354— terrible in
fliction on, 355 — rationale of, 586 —
reduces Palestine during his father's
life, iii, 185 — succeeds to the throne
of his father, 186 — carries away the
Hebrews captive, 187 — takes Jerusa- j
1cm, and destroys it, 188 — takes Tyre, [
189 — greatly improves and beautifies
Babylon, 190 — his dream of the great
image, 190 — his golden image, 192 — I
his dream of the great tree, 194 — its \

prophetic interpretation and fulfil
ment, 195 — his death, 195— his pun
ishment, audits design, 229— effect of
this on the national religion, 239.

Nehemiah goes to Jerusalem as govern
or, ii, 371 — renews the observance of
the Sabbath, 373.

New moons, reverence for, ii, 113.

Nimrod, his daring rebellion, i, 328-
his profane assumption of religious
character, 333— his kingdom at Ba
bel, 431.

Nisroch, the deified Asshur, iii, 211.

Nitocris, the Median princess whom
Nebuchadnezzar married, iii, 555.

Noah, prophetic import of his name, i,
240 — his mission and ministry, 248
— revelation made to him after the
Deluge, 306 — God's covenant with,
306 — his prophecy, and strange cir
cumstances connected therewith, ex
amined, 309 — died in Armenia, 320.

Numa, King of Rome, his reign, iii, 411.

Numbering the people, ii, 525 — sin of,
555.

Obadiah, his faithful conduct, ii, 281.

Omnipotence of Deity, known and be
lieved by the postdiluvian patri
archs, i, 400.

Omniscience, equally recognised, i, 401.

Omri, his reign over Israel, ii, 278 — the
statutes of, 672.

Onias, the deposed high-priest, murder
ed at Antioch, ii, 419.

Ophir, geography of, and trade with, ii,
558.

Oracles of Greece, iii, 385 — of the hea
then, considered, 44 — absurd objection
to their supernatural character, 45
— evidence to show they were some
times attended by demon agency, 46
— result of the inquiry respecting, 50.

Ostracism, banishment by, iii, 617.

Othnicl judges Israel, ii, 146.

Paradise, heathen reference to the
events of, i, 129-133— geographical
position of, 141 — imitated in the tow
ers and high places of the heathen,
336 — imitation of, in the grounds
surrounding the palace-temples of the
East, iii, 221 — the subject further
discussed, 569.

Parochial priests, origin of, iii, 483.

Passover, the, instituted, ii, 45 — feast
of, 112.

Patriarchal age, general view of the his
tory and religion of, i, 505-522 —
place of worship, ii, 525.

660

GENERAL INDEX.

Patriarchs, postdiluvian, history of, to
Arphaxad, i, 316 — Canaan, 318 —
Salah, 319— history of, from Disper
sion to the death of Isaac, 351-397.

Pckahiah reigns over Israel, ii, 298.

Pckah kills Pekahiah, and reigns in his
stead, ii, 298.

Persecutions, wonderful issue of Nebu
chadnezzar's, ii, 398.

Persia, early history of, i, 449 — religion
of, 456 — history of, resumed, iii, 251
— peculiar interest of, 252 — Rawah
obtains independence of, 252 — annals
of early reigns, 253 — Cyrus, his early
history, 255 — his successful war of
independence, 256 — continued career
of success, 258 — his conduct to the
Hebrews, 259 — allows their return to
Palestine, 261— his death, 262— Cam-
byses, King of Persia and Media, 262
— invades and subdues Egypt, 263 —
cruelty and death, 265 — Smerdis the
Magian reigns, and is slain, 266 —
Darius Hystaspis reigns, 266 — pro
motes the building of Jerusalem, 268
— Babylon revolts, and is subdued,
269 — Darius resolves to invade Greece,
271 — inscription at Behistun, 273 —
Xerxes invades Greece, 274 — his
forces entirely defeated, 276 — his dia
bolical conduct, 277 — Artaxerxes,
King of Persia, 278 — marries Esther
the Jewess, 278 — Xerxes II. is king,
and slain, 279 — Darius Ochus secures
the crown, 280 — demoralized state of
the government and court, 280 — Ar
taxerxes III. obtains the throne, 283
— Darius Codomannus loses his em
pire by the invasion of Alexander,
284 — deliberation as to mode of gov
ernment, 580 — succession of Xerxes
to the throne of, 581 — the religion of,
287— difficulty of the subject, 288—
essentially the same in its foundation
as the Assyrian, 288— divinity of the
king fully maintained, 291 — in other
respects similar to the Assyrian, 291
— doctrines held respecting the su
preme God, 294 — Ahriman, his ma
lignity and power, 296 — origin of the
sun and fire-worship, 298 — antago
nism of Ormuzd and Ahriinan, 300 —
account of creation analogous to the
Mosaic, 301 — nature of the human
soul, 302 — universal restoration, even
of devils, 304— priesthood, 305— their
profane claims, 309— festivals, 306 —
morals, 307 — merit, 309— general ob
servations on, 311 — probable theology
before Zoroaster, 696 — predicted in
vasion of Persia by Greece, 619.
Pharitee* and fcadducees become rival

sects, ii, 440 — origin and character
of the sect, 479.

Philistines oppress Israel, ii, 153— de
feat the Israelites, 162 — miraculously
defeated at Mizpeh, 169.

Philosophy, irreligious result of the
Grecian systems of, iii, 403.

Plagues of Egypt : water turned into
blood, ii, 38— frogs, 38 — lice, 39— flies,
40 — murrain, 41 — boils, 41 — thunder
and fire, 42 — locusts, 43 — darkness,
and death of the first-born, 46.

Plato, his character, iii, 397 — doctrines.
399.

Poetry, beautiful specimen of, in the
Song of Moses, ii, 50.

Poisoned arrows in use in Job's time, i,
489.

Pornpey interferes in the affairs of Ju-
dea, ii, 449 — storms Jerusalem, and
appoints Hyrcanus high-priest, 450 —
his military success, iii, 446 — rupture
with Caesar, 447 — his defeat and
death, 449.

Poor, the oppressive laws of Rome re
specting the, iii, 637.

Population, progress of, among ante
diluvians, i, 182 — entire postdiluvian,
journeyed to Shinar, 32(£ — early post
diluvian, 313.

Prayer, how practised by the Hebrews,
ii, 486.

Preaching of Ezra, ii, 475 — before and
after the time of Ezra, 475.

Priest, the special appointment of Aaron
to the office of, ii, 105 — Jonathan the
high, kills his brother in the court of
the temple, 407.

Priesthood, the patriarchal, ii, 523 — the
Levitical, 533— of Rome, iii, 478.

Profane identification of Jehovah with
idolatry, iii, 30.

Prophecy of Ahijah, ii, 222 — of Isaiah
respecting Cyrus, 359 — of Daniel con
cerning the restoration of the He
brews, 360— of Ezekiel, 361— of Jere
miah on the doom of Jerusalem, 382
— of Ezekiel on the apostasy of Ju-
dah, 382 — its effect on the Hebrew
faith, 391— of the four empires in
Nebuchadnezzar's dream, 399 — of the
precise time of Messiah's coming, and
its object, 400 — when were the books
of sacred, written and collected ? 688
— the Hebrews returned from captiv
ity, and had their religious economy
reconstructed, under the immediate
direction of, 460 — of Haggai and
Zechariah, 461 — of Mal.uln, 462 —
the divine intention of, frustrated by
tradition, »'.( >C,— fulfilment of, in the
history of Egypt, iii, 637 — Assyria,

GENERAL INDEX.

661

649— Babylon, 561 — Media, 575—
Persia, 592— Greece, 619— Rome, 038
— wonderful influence of, on the poli
cy of Judea, toward the neighbouring
nations, 187.

Prophets, schools of the, ii, 170 — sons
of the, 566 — of Greece, iii, 381 — Gen
tile, divine inspiration of, 622.

Providence, views entertained of, by the
post diluvianpatriarchs, i, 406 — views
of the Egyptians on, iii, 143.

Punic war, the second, iii, 425.

Quails given to the Israelites, ii, 71 —
the wonder explained, 517.

Rainbow, conjecture as to its origin, i,

308— deified, 308.

Rationalistic interpretation, its absurd
ity, ii, 99.
Redeemer, the promised, believed in by

the postdiluvian patriarchs, i, 408.
Redemption, primitive promise of, how

understood, i, 155.

Red Sea divided for the Israelites, ii, 49.
Rehoboam succeeds his father as king of
the Hebrews, and by his folly alien
ates the Ten Tribes, ii, 224 — his con
duct considered, 570.
Religion of the antediluvians, i, 362
404 — of the early period of the prim
itive nations, 431-478 — of the post
diluvian patriarchs, 398-430 — of the
Hebrews in the wilderness, ii, 89-124
— while in Egypt, 92-95 — important
extent and peculiar nature of, 228 —
undoubted evidence of its truth, 229
— of Judah, mighty agencies employ
ed to sustain it during Hezekiah's
reign, 334 — of the Gentiles, its^ gen
eral uniformity accounted for, iii, 1C
— promised elements of patriarchal
20 — perverted to idolatrous purpo
21 — of Egypt, general view of, 14
general view of the progress of its
declension, 204.
Religious institutions, similarity be
tween Hebrew and heathen, account
ed for, ii, 526 — doctrines believed in
the latter period of Hebrew history
463.
Repentance recognised as a doctrine ol

the Hebrew faith, ii, 487.
Rephidim, Israelites at, ii, 60.
Restoration of the Hebrews to their own
land, of vast importance as fulfilmen
of prophecy, ii, 406.
Revelations, special divine, given to He

brew captives, ii, 394.
Rock, the, smitten at Horeb, ii, 519.

Rod of Moses, miracle of, before Phara
oh, ii, 37.

lome , legendary history of, iii, 407 — the
rising power of, 419.

Roman historians, the early, credibility
of, iii, 630.

?oman religion complete as an ecclesias
tical system, iii, 490 — its theology in
later periods of its history, 492 — its
effect on female treatment and man
ners, 500 — countenanced intolerable
cruelty, 501 — sanctioned the vilest
licentiousness, 503 — did not prevent
the most unnatural impurity, 503.

Romans, their early religion, iii, 470 —
had no images of God in the time of
Numa, 472 — their sacred places, 484
— worship and sacrifice, 485 — offered
human sacrifices, 487.

Romulus, his public character, iii, 409 —
religious education of, 470— and Re
mus, legend of, 634.

Route of the Israelites from Egypt, ii,
515.

Sabbath, the, ii, 113.

Sabbatical Year, ii, 113— computation
of, 563.

Sabean worship, its true principle, iii,
566.

Sacrifice, divinely appointed, i, 201 —
nature of Jewish, 223 — flesh of, the
only animal food eaten before the
Flood, 273, et seq. — under the Hebrew
law, propitiatory, ii, 261.

Sacrifices, human, of the Egyptians, ii,
514.

Sadducees, the origin and character of
the sect, ii, 483.

Samaritans, the sect of, ii, 595 — violent
party contest between, and the He
brews in Egypt, 596.

Samson, his history, ii, 156.

Samuel, his birth and character, ii, 161
— his judicial circuit, 548 — recognised
as the prophet and judge, 166 — the
instrument of a great religious refor
mation, 168.

Sanhedrim, origin of, ii, 592.

Sargina's wars with Egypt, and the
tribute he received thence, iii, 549.

Satan of the Book of Job, i, 427—
knowledge of the Hebrews respecting,
increased during the Captivity, ii,
403— proof of, 590.

Satanic energy, certain presence of, in
Grecian soothsaying and oracles, iii,
624.

Saturnalia, Roman festival of, iii, 489.
Saul, made king of the Hebrews, ii,
173 — defeats and destroys the Am

662

GENERAL INDEX.

monites, 174— defeats the Philistine
and Amalekites, 176 — transgresse.
the divine command, 177 — jealous of
David, 180— fiercely persecutes him
181 — and his sons defeated and slain
184.
Scales, alleged discovery of the use of

i, 483.

Schools of the prophets, ii, 548.
Science of patriarchal times, i, 501.
Scipio invades Africa, iii, 429.
Scriptures, the, ought to be regarded by

historians, iii, 610.
Scythian domination in Asia, period of

iii, 573.

Semiramis deified, iii, 212.
Sennacherib, his profane and insolent

menace, ii, 334.

Septitagint, in some instances corrects
the Hebrew, i, 29 — chronological tes
timonies in favour of, 38 — version
made by order of Ptolemy Philadel
phus, ii, 412.

Serpent, regarded in ancient tradition
as the cause of the Flood, i, 138 —
worship of, 139, 140— miracle of
Moses's rod and Egyptian magicians,
ii, 37 — fiery plague of serpents, 79 —
the brazen serpent, 522 — the form in
which Satan seduced mankind into
Bin, universally worshipped, iii, 27 —
in Egypt, symbol of dominion, 130 —
sacred in Assyria, 224.
Semg, history of, i, 368.
Sesostris, his martial career, iii, 635.
Shalhim kills Zechariah, king of Israel,

and reigns, ii, 297.
Shamgar, his exploits, ii, 147.
Sheba, its geography, ii^ 559.
Shekinak, the, ii, 531 — of God abandons

the temple, ii, 386.
Sibylline Books, iii, 472.
Silk, alleged discovery of its use, i,

483.

Simon the Just, high-priest, ii, 412.
Simon Maccabeus, recognised as sover
eign prince of Judea, ii, 433 — invest
ed with sovereign power by the peo
ple, 437 — with two of his sons, base
ly assassinated, 439.
Socrates, the Grecian philosopher, iii,

393 — demon of, its nature, 395.
Solomon ascends the throne, ii, 204 — his
wisdom, 205 — builds the temple, 206
— prosecutes other extensive works,
210 — his commercial policy, 211 — his
magnificence and religious declension,
220— his idolatry and death, 223—
his piety and inspiration, 259.
Soul, immortality of, believed in Assy
ria, iii, 215 — the, and its transmigra
tion, doctrines of, 628.

Spies sent to survey Canaan, ii, 73 —
their evil report, 73.

Spiritual religion of patriarchs, reason
why not more fully recorded by Mo
ses, ii, 560.

Succoth, halting of the Israelites at, ii,
47.

Synagogues, worship of the later He
brews in, ii, 475 — their origin, 251,
569.

Syria, governors of, oppose the rebuild
ing of Jerusalem, iii, 679.

Tabernacle of Moses, contributions to
ward, ii, 66 — erected, 67 — described,
99 — filled with the divine glory or
Shekinah, 103 — important advantages
of this manifestation, 103 — Mosaic,
528 — of David, manner of worship in,
246 — typical importance of, 567 — im
portance of its worship to Hebrew
religion, 477.

Tabernacles, feast of, ii, 111.
Tagcs, religious lawgiver of Etruria,

iii, 461— institutions of, 466.
Tarpeia, legend of, iii, 635.
Tarquinius, Lucius, King of Rome, his

origin, iii, 413.

Tarshish, and its ships, ii, 656.
Temple, the, glorious revelation of God
on consecrating, ii, 249 — building of
the second, commenced, 365 — Samari
tans oppose its progress, 366 — fin
ished, 367 — Hebrew worship of the,
472.
Temples, were the royal palaces of the

east such ? iii, 223.
Terah, account of, i, 369.
Teraphim, Laban's, ii, 510— the, 663.
Thcban legends, the, iii, 606.
Theocracy, the Hebrew, ii, 115.
Theogony, the Grecian, iii, 621.
Tlieology of Egypt, iii, 133— of Assyria
and Babylon, 208 — outline of, from
Col. Rawlinson, 208 — Dr. Layard's
views respecting, 211— of Greece, 362
— of Rome, 474.

Three Hebrew youths, the, nobly refuse
to worship the great image, are cast
into the fiery furnace, and delivered,
iii, 193 — religious effect of this divine
interposition, 193.
Tola, judge, ii, 152.

Tradition, fatal effects of its adoption
on Hebrew faith, ii, 491 — unfounded
claims of the Mishmaic, 601 — patri
archal, special providential provision
for perpetuating, iii, 235.
Transmigration of souls, how represent
ed in Egypt, iii, 142.
Tree of life, i, 142.

GENERAL INDEX.

663

Trees, creation of, i, 104.

Triad of Zoroaster, i, 268 — of Egypt,
sometimes refers to Noah and his
sons, 269 — but more generally to the
promised Incarnation, iii, 129 —
changes made in, 542— the Assyrian,
567 — its symbol disappears in the
later times, 234 — its nature and ori
gin, 216 — importance of, 217.

Trinity, the doctrine of the, whether
known to Plato, i, 266 — to what ex
tent understood and believed by the
later Hebrews, ii, 464 — opinions of
Philo respecting the, 464 — Targum
of Onkelos on, 466 — Abraham under
stood the doctrine of, 467 — was the
doctrine of, known to the patriarchs ?
iii, 626— symbol of, in Assyria, 206.

Trojan wars, the, iii, 609.

Trumpets, feast of, ii, 113.

Typical character of Mosaic economy,
ii, 123.

Orim and Thummim, ii, 107, 633.

Uzziah reigns over Judah, ii, 321 — his
improvements in exigencies of war,
392 — his profane attempt to invade
the priest's office punished with lep
rosy, 323.

Valerius, King of Rome, his reign, iii,

415.
Vestal virgins, the, Etruscan, iii, 463.

War reduced to a science in the time
of Job, i, 490 — with Benjamin, chro
nology of, ii, 145— of six years between

the factious Pharisees and the govern
ment, 444.

Wise men of Greece, the Seven, iii,
615.

Worship, patriarchal, place of, ii, 625 —
idolatrous, its vain and corrupt char
acter, iii, 32 — of Greece, 377.

Writing, the art of, essential to civiliza
tion, i, 46 — early origin of, 49 — by
the early patriarchs, 61, 60 — among
the antediluvians, 62 — employed to
give an account of the Flood, 63 —
first mention of, in the Scriptures, 64
— probably used by Noah, 66 — Jew8
had traditions respecting its antiqui
ty, 68.

Xerxes, did Jews fight in his army ? iii,
590— inscriptions relating to his
reign, 591 — curious mode of counting
his army, 618.

Zechariah reigns in Israel, ii, 297.

Zechariah, the high-priest, martyred at
Jerusalem, ii, 319.

Zedekiah placed on the throne of Judah
by Nebuchadnezzar, ii, 344— rebels,
is subdued, and, having his eyes put
out, is led away captive, 345— his
punishment, iii, 554.

Zeno, his character and doctrines, iii,
400.

Zerah, his invasion of Judah defeated,
ii, 307.

Zimri, his reign over Israel, ii, 277.

Zoroaster, the first, who? iii, 290— the
theology of, 293— his creed, 296— con
flicting opinions respecting, 595.

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