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HISTORY OF THE POPES.
VOL. X.
v.io
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THE
HISTORY OF THE POPES,
FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER
ORIGINAL SOURCES.
FROM THE GERMAN OF
DE. LUDWIG PASTOR,
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF INNSBRUCK, AND
DIRECTOR OF THE AUSTRIAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE IN ROME.
EDITED BY
RALPH FRANCIS KERR
OF THE LONDON ORATORY.
VOLUME X.
LONDON :
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LD.,
DRYDEN HOUSE, GERRARD STREET. _
1910.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME X.*
Table of Contents
List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix
CLEMENT VII., 1523-1534.
Clement VII. in exile at Orvieto and Viterbo. The
Imperialists leave Rome. Disaster to the French
army in Naples. The weakness of the Pope's
diplomacy. His return to Rome
Reconciliation of the Emperor and the Pope. The
treaties of Barcelona and Cambrai
The meeting of Clement VII. and Charles V. at
Bologna. The last Imperial Coronation.
Restoration of the Medicean rule in Florence
The religious divisions in Germany ....
Negotiations as to the Council, to the Pacification
of Nuremberg, 1532 .
Clement VII. 's efforts to protect Christendom from
the Turks .
Clement the Seventh's second meeting with the
Emperor at Bologna. The Conciliar question in
the years 1532-1533. The Pope and Francis I.
at Marseilles. The marriage of Catherine de'
Medici .... •
The divorce of Henry VIII. and the English Schism .
* For Bibliography see Volume VII.
PAGE
vii
xxxi
I-31
32-67
68-105
106-140
141-169
170-203
204-237
238-287
vi CONTENTS.
PAGE
The Protestant revolt in Scandinavia and Switzerland.
Heretical movements among the Latin Races . 288-315
The close of the Pontificate of Clement VII. His
position towards Literature and Art . . . 316-363
Clement VII. and the internal affairs of the Church.
His attitude towards the questions of the Council
and Reform ... ... 364-387
The beginnings of the Catholic Reformation. The
Oratory of the Divine Love. Gaetano di Tiene
and Carafa 388-423
Gian Matteo Giberti. The Somaschi and the
Barnabites . . . . . . . . 424-453
Reform of the older Orders. The Capuchins . . 454-477
Appendix of Unpublished Documents . . . 479-510
Index of Names . . . . . . .. 511
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME X *
CHAPTER I.
CLEMENT VII. IN EXILE AT ORVIETO AND VITERBO. THE
IMPERIALISTS LEAVE ROME. DISASTER TO THE FRENCH
ARMY IN NAPLES. THE WEAKNESS OF THE POPE'S
DIPLOMACY. — HIS RETURN TO ROME.
A.D. PAGE
1527 Deplorable situation of the Pope at Orvieto
(December) . . . . . . . i
And of the Cardinals ...... 2
Bull relating to graces bestowed during the captivity
(December i8th) ...... 3
Poverty of the court at Orvieto ..... 3
Clement VII. receives congratulations on his
deliverance ....... 4
He is compared to the Popes of the infant Church,
but still represents a mighty power ... 5
Eager competition to obtain his patronage. Corre
spondence with the Emperor (January 1528) . 5
Who as early as December proposes a formal
alliance 6
Clement unwilling to give pledges to the League or
to the Emperor ; writes to Francis I. (December
i4th) . . 6
And to Henry VIII. and others, describing his
afflictions ........ 7
1528 The Pope urged to join the League (January) . . 7
Which makes tempting promises ; but Clement refuses
a decided answer, as he fears the Emperor . . 8
Other motives for not trusting the League ... 9
The Papal envoys arrive in Paris (January) and appeal
to Francis to put pressure on Venice and Ferarra 10
* Unpublished documents are marked by an asterisk (*) ; documents to be
published in "Acta Pontificum Romanorum" are designated by two
asterisks (**,\
viii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
1528 Mission of Pucci to Spain— his instructions
Lautrec leaves Bologna on the loth of January .
And enters the kingdom of Naples .
The Imperialists recognize their peril
Their army, ravaged by the plague, leave Rome,
rendering the neighbourhood like a wilderness . 1 3
A rabble under the Abbot of Farfa enter the city
(February lyth) . • M
Efforts of the Pope to mitigate the distress . 14
Deputation to invite the Pope to return to Rome . 1 5
The officials of the Curia return (end of April) . . 15
Harassing position of Clement VII. . .16
Re-appearance of Brandano (March); his prophecies 16
Operations of Lautrec in Naples • 1 7
The Imperial fleet destroyed by Doria (April 28th) . 17
Alarm in Rome and anxiety of the Pope . .18
Famine in Orvieto . • T 8
Clement VII. moves to Viterbo (June ist). Cardinal
Farnese appointed Legate in Rome (June 8th) . 1 9
Unsuccessful attempt of the French fleet to take
Civita Vecchia . .20
Provocation given by Venice to the Pope . .20
Who complains to Contarini . .21
His displeasure also with Francis I. . 21
Arrogance of the French and firmness of the Papal
representative, who insists on the surrender of
Ravenna and Cervia . . .22
The scene of war in Naples — great distress in the
city ... . -23
Naples set free by sea (end of July), and Genoa is lost
to France (September 1 2th) . . 24
Death of Lautrec (August isth) and disorderly retreat
of the French army from Naples (August
2Qth) 25
Complete triumph of the Emperor, to whom Clement
VII. determines (September) to make approaches 26
Assurances of Orange to the Pope (September
1 8th) 27
Who decides to return to Rome in spite of Contarini. 28
Attempts of Francis I. to thwart the understanding
between the Pope and the Emperor . . .29
Clement VII. leaves Viterbo on the 5th of October
and the following evening enters Rome . . 29
Horrifying picture of the misery of the city . . 29
The Pope orders all Cardinals to return (October
1 4th) and writes to Charles V. (October 24th) . 30
TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX
CHAPTER II.
RECONCILIATION OF THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE. THE
TREATIES OF BARCELONA AND CAMBRAI.
A.D. PAGE
1528 Care of the Pope to restore order in Rome . . 32
Wretched plight of the inhabitants — lack of church
ornaments ....... 33
Quinones nominated to the Cardinalate 33
Clement VII. between the League and the Emperor . 34
Quinones arrives in Rome (December 30th) . . 35
1529 Interview of Contarini with the Pope (January 4th) . 35
His suggestions ....... 36
Reply of Clement VII 37
The Pope sends Quinones and Schonberg to negotiate
at Naples (January) ...... 38
Illness of the Pope (January 8th) — Ippolito de' Medici
created Cardinal (January ioth) 39
Critical condition of the Pope ; dismay in Rome . 40
Anxiety of the Cardinals as to the freedom of the
conclave . . . . . . . .41
Opinion of Mai, the Imperial envoy . . . .41
The Cardinals kept as hostages in Naples are set free 42
The Pope recovers 43
But on February the i8th has another attack; his
alarm at report of the Emperor's descent upon Italy 43
The Pope, the occasion of a diplomatic struggle
between the League and the Emperor . . 44
Giberti with the Pope. Anger of Mai ... 45
Report of da Burgo to Ferdinand I. (March 2nd) . 45
Clement insists on his duty of remaining neutral . 46
Efforts of both parties to gain the Pope, who has a
relapse brought on by excitement ... 47
Restoration of Ostia and Civita Vecchia (March) . 47
Promises of the Imperialists concerning Florence,
Cervia, and Ravenna ; but Clement still hesitates 48
Report of Cardinal Trivulzio (April 9th), who is
mistaken ........ 49
Clement VII. makes up his mind .... 49
And appoints a new Nuncio to the Imperial court . 50
The League seems deliberately to drive the Pope
towards their adversary . . . . 51
Giberti leaves Rome (April 26th) . . . 52
The Pope's attitude influenced by Florentine affairs . 52
State of things in Florence ; everything done there to
exasperate Clement . . . . . -53
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
1529 Anger of the Pope ; his conversation with the English
envoy and with Contarini . • 54
He writes to the Emperor on May the yth and sends
as Nuncio, Girolamo da Schio. Reports of Mai
and da Burgo (May) . • 55
Schio arrives in Spain on the 30th of May and con
cludes with Charles V. the treaty of Barcelona
(June 29th) .... • 56
Terms of the alliance between the Pope and the
Emperor .
The conditions are favourable to the Pope
The friendship of Clement a necessity to Charles V. . 58
The treaty accelerates peace negotiations between
Francis I. and the Emperor • 58
The Archduchess Margaret and Louisa of Savoy . 59
Conclude the treaty of Cambrai (August 5th) .
Its terms disadvantageous to Francis I. .60
The Pope rejects all the offers of the League (June
1 7th) ... . 61
Schonberg and Salviati at Cambrai .
The treaty of Barcelona made known in Rome on
the 1 5th of July. On the following day, Papal
decision in the matter of divorce of Henry VIII . 62
Envoys from the Emperor have audience with the
Pope in bed ... • 63
Rejoicings in Rome at the conclusion of peace
(August ist) .... 63
Negotiations concerning Florence . • 64
The Abbot of Farfa ; his capture of Quinones (August) 65
Agreement on the question of subjection of Florence
and Perugia . . .66
Gattinara created Cardinal (August 1 3th) . . 66
CHAPTER III.
THE MEETING OF CLEMENT VII. AND CHARLES V. AT BOLOGNA. THE
LAST IMPERIAL CORONATION. RESTORATION OF THE MEDI-
CEAN RULE IN FLORENCE.
1529 On August the I2th Charles V. lands at Genoa. The
Pope sends his nephew and three Cardinals to
meet him .... .68
On account of the Turks, Charles obliged to act with
caution towards Venice ; his rude treatment of
the Florentine envoys ... .69-
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi
A'D- PAGE
1529 Expedition against Perugia ; its capitulation on Sep
tember the loth .... 70
Cardinal del Monte takes possession in the Pope's
name (September nth) 70
The Imperialist army advances on Florence . . 71
And arrives before the city on October the 24th . 72
The Florentines prepare to fight to the death . . 72
Michael Angelo, overseer of the fortifications . . 73
Popular excitement fanned by the Dominican
preachers ^
Gibes against the Pope. Hatred of the Medici .' 73
Request of Charles to be crowned at Bologna . . 74
Opposition of the Cardinals and Romans . . 74
On September the igth the treaty of Cambrai an
nounced in Rome. The Pope announces his
intention of going to Bologna . . . .75
The Florentines send an envoy to Rome (September
22nd). Their obstinacy ..... 76
The Pope leaves Rome (October ;th). His route . 77
Wish of Charles to settle Italian affairs quickly, on
account of the advance of the Turks . . . 77
A Florentine deputation meet the Pope at Cesena .' 78
His solemn entry into Bologna on October the
24th. 7g
Holds a Consistory (October 29th) to make the pre
parations for the coronation. The Turks abandon
the siege of Vienna 79
Charles V. leaves Piacenza on November the 5th ; at
Reggio meets Alfonso of Ferrara . . .80
Makes his entry into Bologna on November the 5th . 80
Prodigality of the decorations . . . . .81
Clement and Charles face to face . . . .82
Careful preparation made by Charles for his con
ference with the Pope 83
Impression of Contarini. The Pope's advisers .' . 84
Clement VII. still distrustful of the Emperor . . 84
Views regarding Milan, Ferrara, and Florence . . 85
Sforza summoned to Bologna; he is invested with
Milan (December 3rd) .... 86
Venice makes concessions . 87
1530 Treaty of peace proclaimed in the Cathedral at
Bologna on January the 6th .... 88
The two points still left unsettled . . . ! 89
The Pope's irritation against Alfonso of Ferrara . 89
Reasons for the coronation taking place at Bologna
rather than in Rome ' . 89
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A D
x
PAGE
The Pope confirms the election of Charles (February
j\ Q2
22nd) ...... ' '
The coronation takes place in the church ot ban
Petronio (February 24th) .
Description of the ceremony . -93
Florence remaining stubborn, Clement makes two
further concessions to Charles V.
Appoints three Cardinals .
And permits Alfonso of Ferrara to come to Bologna .
Influence of Charles V. over the Papal States . . 97
Italian independence at an end. The Emperor is
Qo
supreme ..•••• • •
Charles and Clement leave Bologna (March 22nd and
3ist) ... -99
The Pope impatient for the capitulation of Florence.
Deplorable state of his finances .
" Would that Florence had never existed ".
Battle of Gavinana (August 3rd)
At last Florence capitulates (August i2th)
Savage reprisals of the Medicean party .
Clement VII. settles the government of the city . 105
CHAPTER IV.
THE RELIGIOUS DIVISIONS IN GERMANY.
1523 Steady increase of Lutheranism • i°6
Consistory of the 2nd of December .
Clement invites Eck and Aleander to furnish him
with reports . .107
Aleander on the means to be employed to suppress
heresy in Germany .
The report of an anonymous writer .
The Pope decides to appoint Campeggio as legate ;
sends Rorario (December) as Nuncio to prepare
the way , . . - • I09
Aleander prepares instructions for the Legate . .109
Campeggio reaches Nuremberg on the i4th of
March ...
Popular feeling against him on the journey
His great caution, and first speech in the Diet
(March 1 7th) .
" The complaints of the German nation " .
The Estates demand a National Council .
Campeggio objects to this • IX3
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1524 But promises to use his influence in favour of a
General Council IJ4
And holds an assembly at Ratisbon (June) for the
reform of the national clergy . • IT4
Importance of this meeting. Ordinances published in
a legatine decree (July yth) . 1 1 5
Consultation of Clement VII. with the Cardinals
Determination arrived at . . . .116
Charles V. prohibits the National Council and orders
the observance of the Edict of Worms . 1 1 6
1525 Campeggio's successes brought to an end by the out
break of the social revolution . • J 1 7
Delusion in Rome as to the real state of affairs .
Recall of Campeggio (October) . .118
His hopes soon shown to be entirely futile . 119
Absurd reports that obtain credence in Rome . . 119
Even in Consistory (September 6th) . .120
Apostasy of the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order i2<
Consternation of the Pope • I2°
1526 Who appeals to King Sigismund and to the Emperor
(January 3ist) ... • I21
"Cujus regio illius religio." Development of the
Lutheran State Church system . .122
Political troubles cause relations between Germany
and Rome to be broken off 123
1529 Representation of the Holy See in Germany resumed 123
Extraordinary alteration in state of affairs . .124
The protesting party appeal (April 25th) to a "free
council" ... • .124
1530 Charles V. appoints (January 2ist) a diet to be held
at Augsburg. He arrives at Innsbruck (May 3rd) 125
Campeggio's letter to Rome of May the 4th .126
A General Council or a National Council ? .126
Written opinion of Campeggio laid before the
Emperor ... • I27
Opening of the Diet of Augsburg (June 2Oth) . .127
Speech of Campeggio (June 24th). The " Augsburg
Confession " presented by the Protestants (June
25th) ... • I28
False reports of the decline of Lutheranism
Optimism of the Roman Curia (July i oth) . 129
Campeggio reports the three Protestant demands 130
Which are deliberated upon in Consistory, and
rejected .... • 13°
Opinions of Campeggio and of the Emperor's council
on the treatment of the religious question . . 131
XIV TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1530 His conversation with Charles V. on the subject of a
General Council . . . . . .132
And declares a Council would be of no avail . 132
But advocates firmness of action . . . 133
The Emperor sends (July i4th) to Clement VII. a
full account of the negotiations at Augsburg . 133
The Pope calls together the Cardinals to consider
the question of a Council . . . . . 134
Did Clement VII. really wish for a Council ? Opinion
of Loaysa. Conduct of Cardinal de Gramont . 135
The Pope states the conditions under which he
consents to summon a Council .... 136
These conditions must be accepted by the Protestants 137
Great differences of opinion in the Curia . . .137
"God grant a reformation may not be brought about
by the Turks instead of by a Council" . .138
Delusive hopes of Charles V. . . . , .139
His discussion with Campeggio (September 23rd) . 139
The Protestant princes reject the Emperor's message
and leave the Diet (September) . . . .140
CHAPTER V.
NEGOTIATIONS AS TO THE COUNCIL, TO THE
PACIFICATION OF NUREMBERG, 1532.
1530 The transactions of the Diet, followed with strained
attention in Rome. The Pope willing to give
way on two points ...... 141
All attempts at union miscarry — force the only
resource . . 142
The patience of Charles V. exhausted ; he determines
to punish ........ 143
And requests (October 4th) the Pope to invite other
princes to co-operate with him . . . .143
Indecision of Clement VII. He ultimately calls on
the Italian States to help . . . . .144
They show no enthusiasm in the matter : Venice
refuses . . . . . . . .145
The Emperor abandons the whole scheme . .145
And sends Cueva to Rome to renew the demand for
a Council ........ 146
Arguments used by Charles in support of this request 147
Clement VII. replies (November i8th) without com
mitting himself definitely . . . . .148
A.D.
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV
PAGE
1530 The "pros " and " cons " considered by the Cardinals 148
The secret Consistory of the 28th of November . 149
Opinion of Loaysa on the vote of the Cardinals. . 149
And on the aim of the Pope . . . . .150
The Pope declares (December 6th) he has made up
his mind to conform his opinion to that of
Charles ...... z r0
And sends Gambara on a mission to the Emperor . 151
The six objections against a Council, presented by
the Envoy . . . . . . • 151
And the five conditions attached by Clement to the
convening of a Council . . . . .153
1531 Charles delays replying to the Legate until the 4th of
April .... -154
And thinks it necessary to sound Francis I. . • 1 54
The sincerity of whom is very questionable . . 155
The Emperor gives his answer touching the five
conditions ..... IC-6
Gambara draws up a counter reply . . . Icj
Clement agrees to summon the Council if the King
of France consents (April 25th) . . .158
The Cardinals determine that the Council be sum
moned for dealing with specific objects only . 159
Unfavourable answer from the King of France . .159
Cardinal Gramont arrives in Rome on May the i;th . 160
His instructions show the intention of Francis I. to
thwart the Council jgo
Charles expresses to the Pope his displeasure at the
hindrances raised against it (July) . . .161
And suspects Clement of a secret understanding with
Francis I jgj
The responsibility for the failure of the Council '. 162
The Emperor announces his intention of holding a
Diet at Spires * . 163
Campeggio of opinion that force is the only method
to pursue with the heretics. Clement VII. in
clined to give way on three points, and is sup
ported by Cajetan !63
Aleander appointed Nuncio to Germany (end of
. ... . 3
Clement recommends caution in regard to concessions 164
The Diet postponed f£4
Aleander's interview with the Emperor on November
, thei4th I64
.balse report of the reconciliation of the Elector of
Saxony (November i5th)
xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
1532 Clement assures the Emperor he is straining every
nerve to ensure the Council (May) .
The League of Schmalkald
The Diet opens at Regensburg on April the lyth
Fear of the Turks . • • l66
Efforts made at Rome to find some via media (April
i9th) ... . • I67
Indignation of the Nuncio at the Emperor s negotia
tions with the Protestants . .167
Memorial of Aleander denouncing the concessions
(June ist). . l67
The Catholic Estates blame the Emperor and demand
a Council .... • ™
Charles attributes the delay to the King of France . i6b
Division of opinion in Rome and Germany as to the
policy to be pursued . .169
CHAPTER VI.
CLEMENT VII.'S EFFORTS TO PROTECT CHRISTENDOM FROM
THE TURKS
1523 Clement deals with the question of Hungary in his
first Consistory (December 2nd) • 17°
ic 24 He sends Burgio as Nuncio to Hungary with a sub
sidy (April) . - -i?i
Burgio's experiences. The country torn by party
strife .... .172
At Ofen (in August) he finds utter chaos, and appeals
to deaf ears at the Diet
The Turks take Severin . i?3
1525 Tomori and the Archbishop of Kalocsa alone faithful 174
The former goes to the defence of Peterwardein
(February) ... .174
Gathering of the nobles at Hatvan (July 2nd) . . 175
Zapolya and Verboczy overthrow the existing Govern
ment . • • J75
But nothing is done for the defence of the kingdom . 175
1526 Alarming reports from Burgio (January) . 176
Clement urges the Christian princes to come to the
aid of Hungary (February) . .176
Indolence of King Louis . • J77
" The magnates are afraid of each other, and all are
against the King " . . • • J77
The Sultan sets out from Constantinople (April) . 178
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xvii
A.D. PAGE
1526 The resolutions of Hatvan annulled and Verboczy
deposed 178
The Pope alone sends help. Fall of Peterwardein
(July 28th) 179
Disastrous defeat at Mohacs (August 29th) . . 179
Flight and death of King Louis .... 180
The Sultan enters the capital (September loth) . 180
1527-8 Rival competitors for the Hungarian crown . . 181
1529 The Sultan sets out for the capture of Vienna (May) . 182
Measures taken by the Pope (August 27th) . .183
The Turks invest Vienna (September), but after a
final assault (October i4th) withdraw . .183
Letter of Suleiman to the Venetians (November loth) 184
1530 Increased military preparations of the Turks . . 185
Speech of Clement VII. to the Ambassadors, who
nearly all make excuses (June 24th) . . .185
He again sends Briefs to the princes of Christendom
(August) 186
But all his efforts are unavailing . . . .187
The Pope and the Knights of St. John. Bestows
Malta upon them (March 23rd) . . . .188
1531 The Turkish difficulty "the only topic of conversa
tion " (February 20th) . . . . .189
Peril to middle and lower Italy. . . . .189
The Pope endeavours to utilize the power of
France . . . . . . . .190
And urges the necessity of raising funds . . .191
Allegations against the house of Hapsburg . . 191
Difficult position of Ferdinand's Ambassador . . 192
The Pope promises a subsidy (September i6th) . 192
Intelligence of preparations by the Turks for attack
on Italy and Hungary (December) . . .193
1532 Clement resolves to fortify the Papal seaports
(January) . ... 194
Party strife in Hungary. Repeal of Zapolya's excom
munication refused by the Pope . . .194
Refusal of the Venetians to interrupt the peace with
the Turks . . . . . . . 195
" The God of Venice is their own aggrandizement" . 196
Panic in Rome (March) . . . . . .196
Measures taken by the Pope . . . . -197
Bad behaviour of King Francis I. His threats. . 198
The fortification of Ancona by Ant. da Sangallo . 199
Firmness of Clement in Consistory (June 2ist). The
Cardinals to be taxed 199
Cardinal Ippolito de' Medici despatched to Germany 200
VOL. X. b
xviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1532 The Sultan advances to the Austrian frontier, but has
to fall back on Belgrade . . . . .201
Maritime successes of Andrea Doria .... 202
The hopes thus raised come to nothing . . . 202
The Italian soldiers refuse to go into Hungary . . 202
And the Protestants object to strengthen the Catholic
Ferdinand ....... 203
Charles V. decides on an interview with the Pope . 203
CHAPTER VII.
CLEMENT THE SEVENTH'S SECOND MEETING WITH THE EMPEROR AT
BOLOGNA. THE CONCILIAR QUESTION IN THE YEARS 1532-
1533. THE POPE AND FRANCIS I. AT MARSEILLES. THE
MARRIAGE OF CATHERINE DE' MEDICI.
1532 Questions upon which Clement VII. and Charles V.
are at variance ....... 204
Predominance of the Emperor in Italy . . . 204
Charles arrives in Italy (October). His anxiety to
soothe the Pope ...... 205
He has but few adherents in Rome .... 205
Character of Cardinal de Loaysa ; his quarrel with Mai 206
Negotiations in 1531 about the creation of Cardinals . 207
Giberti refuses the Pope's proposal to recall him to
his service ....... 208
Whatever Clement does, the rival parties complain . 209
He complains of the conduct of Loaysa . . . 209
Dissensions between the Emperor's representatives . 210
1531 Tact of the French envoy, de Gramont . . .210
Who tries to bring about an alliance between the
houses of Valois and Medici . . . .211
The Pope, after long indecision, favours this project . 211
And consents to it by treaty of June the 9th, 1531 . 212
But will not break with the Emperor, and evolves a
scheme to reconcile Charles and Francis . .213
1532 Cueva arrives in Rome (October) to arrange for the
conference between the Pope and Charles . .214
Bologna fixed upon as the place of meeting . .214
Clement VII. leaves Rome on the i8th of November 215
And arrives in Bologna on December the 8th . . 215
Where Charles V. makes his entry on the 1 3th . . 216
Eagerness of the Pope to reconcile Francis I. and
Charles V. . . . . . . .217
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix
A.D. PAGE
1533 Arrival of the French representatives (January) . . 217
The Emperor wishes Catherine de' Medici to marry
Sforza 218
When Francis I. at once ratines the marriage con
tract with his son, and invites the Pope to meet
him 218
Treaty between the Pope and the Emperor signed on
February the 24th . . . . . .218
Negotiations with the Italian envoys concluded
(February 2yth) . . . . . .219
Clement refuses to draw back from the French
marriage agreement . . . . . .219
Creation of Cardinals. The Imperialists little
pleased . . . . . . . .220
Negotiations and resolutions concerning the
Council . . . . . . . .221
Briefs sent to the Christian princes inviting their
consent . . . . . . . .221
Unsatisfactory reply from Francis I. . . . .223
Instruction drafted by Aleander for Rangoni, the
Nuncio for Germany (February 27th) . . 223
This contains eight conciliar conditions . . .223
Charles agrees with the Pope's intentions and quits
Bologna (February 28th) ..... 224
The Pope also leaves (March loth) .... 224
Agreement of Ferdinand and of George of Saxony
(April and May) 224
The Nuncio visits all the Electors . . . .225
Who on the whole give a ready consent . . .225
Opinions of Melanchthon and Luther . . . 226
The Protestant princes demand a " free council " . 226
And reject the Pope's articles in offensive terms (June
30th) 226
Clement VII. returns to Rome (April 3rd) . . 227
Salviati sent to the relief of Koron .... 227
Francis I. presses for a conference . . . .227
Continued enmity between the Emperor's envoys . 228
Cardinal Tournon turns this to advantage . . .228
Opposition of the Curia to a conference with
Francis . . . . . . .229
But Clement refuses to withdraw . . . .229
Catherine de' Medici starts on her journey (September
*st) 230
Departure of the Pope (September Qth). He avoids
Florence . . . . . . . .231
Makes his entry into Marseilles on October the i2th . 232
XX TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1533 On the 28th marries Catherine de' Medici to the
Duke of Orleans 232
Nomination of French Cardinals (November 7th) . 233
Secrecy of the transactions with Francis I. . . 234
Falseness of the accusations against Clement . .235
Who is deceived by Francis . . . . .236
The Pope's exhortations to a reconciliation with
Charles X. fail . . 236
Substantial success for Francis I. . -236
Transactions about the Council . .236
Pliability of Clement, who returns to Rome (No
vember) ........ 237
CHAPTER VIII.
THE DIVORCE OF HENRY VIII. AND THE ENGLISH SCHISM.
Separation of England from the Holy See not like
that of Germany 238
Character of Henry VII. His work . . 238
Popularity of his successor, Henry VIII. . . 239
Exceptional position of Wolsey. His leniency to
heretics ... ... 239
Henry VIII. no convert to Luther . . . 240
Marriage of Henry with Catherine of Aragon . .240
Her character ..... .241
Henry's early adulterous relations . .241
1526 His scruples about the validity of his marriage . . 241
Anne Boleyn. Her protectors are enemies of Wolsey 242
Who hope for his downfall by means of the divorce . 243
Wolsey not the originator of the divorce scheme . 243
Henry's cunning dishonesty . . . 243
1527 Words attributed to the French Ambassador . . 244
Wolsey initiated for the first time (May 8th) . . 244
With War ham holds a court of justice (May i7th) . 245
Opinions invited from Bishops and Canonists . .245
Fisher's reply causes Wolsey to reflect . . . 245
Wolsey dare not oppose Henry . . 246
Brutal order to Catherine (June 22nd). Her reply . 246
Wolsey starts for France (July 3rd) .... 247
Tries to win over Warham and Fisher . . . 247
Wolsey's project of marriage for Henry (August) . 248
Wishes to be made Papal Vicar-General (September) . 248
Mission of Knight to Rome 249
Wolsey kept in ignorance of its real object . . 249
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxi
A.D. PAGE
1527 He hurries back to England, and at last perceives
Anne Boleyn's position ..... 249
And implores Henry to depart from his resolve . 250
The King again deceives Wolsey . . . .250
The two drafts for a Bull of dispensation carried by
Knight to Rome 250
The Bull given (December 23rd) to Knight by the
Pope is conditional only . . . . .251
And therefore valueless . . . . . .251
Five points raised by Henry to invalidate the dis
pensation of Julius II. . . . . .252
The Decretal Bull which Wolsey asks for . . -253
Unheard-of powers demanded for Wolsey . . -253
Knight and Casale unsuccessful . . . ,254
Two fresh envoys from England, Gardiner and Fox . 254
1528 Their negotiations with the Pope (March and April). 255
Insolence of Gardiner's demands . . . -255
But Clement VII. not to be shaken . . . .256
No justification for the charge against the Pope . . 256
Bull of Commission (June 8th) to Wolsey and
Campeggio. Powers conferred by it . . . 257
Wolsey not satisfied . . . . . . .258
His last effort to obtain the Decretal Bull . . .259
And to deceive the Pope 259
Who promises to send it by Campeggio . . . 260
The Bull, withheld from the free disposal of Henry
and Wolsey, is rendered useless . . .261
Campeggio arrives in England. His audiences with
Henry and Catherine (October 22nd and 27th) . 262
Wolsey dissatisfied. His falsehood .... 263
The Pope remains firm and refuses to do more. His
declaration about the Decretal Bull (December
i?th) 264
Catherine produces the Brief of Dispensation of the
26th of December 1503 ..... 265
Wolsey's attempts to nullify this .... 266
1529 Important letter from Campeggio to Salviati (Feb
ruary i8th) ....... 267
Wolsey makes a last attempt for an extension of his
legatine powers . . . . . . .268
The court of the Legates constituted (May 3ist) . 268
The pleading is on one side only. Courage of Bishop
Fisher 269
Campeggio on the 23rd of July adjourns the court . 269
The case transferred to Rome. Departure of
Campeggio 270
xxii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1529 Downfall of Wolsey (October) . . . 270
1530 His arrest and death (November) . .271
Wolsey as a statesman and as a churchman . 272
Rise of Cranmer. Mission of Anne Boleyn's father
to the Pope and the Emperor . . . .273
Opinions of the universities . . . 274
Address to the Pope by the English prelates and nobles 275
The proposal of the "double marriage" (September) 275
Henry's violent complaints to the Pope (December) . 277
1531 The convocation of the English clergy (January) . 278
Catherine banished from court (August) . . 279
1532 Clement VII. remonstrates with Henry (January) . 279
Meeting between Henry VIII. and Francis I. at
Boulogne (October) . .280
The Pope threatens excommunication . .280
Henry's retort .281
1533 His marriage with Anne Boleyn (January) . 281
Cranmer becomes Archbishop of Canterbury (March) 282
And declares Henry's marriage with Catherine to be
null and void (May 23rd) . . 282
Excommunication of Henry VIII. . . 283
1534 Anti-Papal Acts of Parliament . . .284
Final sentence of the Pope (March 24th) . . 285
Pusillanimity of the English clergy . . . 286
Oppressive measures of Henry . . . .286
An " outburst of despotic caprice and adulterous
passion." Its result ...... 287
CHAPTER IX.
THE PROTESTANT REVOLT IN SCANDINAVIA AND SWITZERLAND.
HERETICAL MOVEMENTS AMONG THE LATIN RACES.
1523 Frederick I. and Gustavus Wasa encourage Lutheran
teaching . . . 288
The capitulation of the 3rd of August at the election
of Frederick. Its anti-papal decrees . . .289
1526 Tausen appointed as chaplain to the King (October) . 289
The Diet of Odense (November) .... 290
1530 Lutheran preachers present a Confession of Faith at
the Diet of Copenhagen . . . .290
They are supported by Frederick . .291
1533 Death of Frederick (April loth). Want of energy by
the bishops during the interregnum . .291
1525 Gustavus Wasa introduces Lutheranism into Sweden . 291
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XX111
A.D. PAGE
1525 His system of spoliation ...... 292
Five sees uncanonically occupied. Johann Brask
stands alone ....... 292
The revolt in Dalekarlien quelled by the King . . 293
1526 Clement VII. addresses (September i9th) the bishops
of Linkoping and Vesteras . . . -293
Catholics in Sweden completely cowed . . 294
1527 Execution of Knut and Sunnanvader . . . 294
The Diet of Vesteras (June). Weakness of the bishops,
except Brask . . . . . . .294
Complete surrender to the King. Exile of Brask
(November) ....... 295
1528 Schismatical consecration of bishops (January 5th) . 295
1529 National Council at Orebro ..... 295
1531 Worldliness and servility of the clergy . . .296
Ease with which Gustavus Wasa destroyed the ancient
Church ........ 296
1523 Rise of Ulrich Zwingli in Switzerland . . 297
1525 The Pope sends Filonardi to Switzerland (February).
Failure of his mission ..... 298
The Curia pay little attention to the Church affairs in
that country ....... 298
1531 Defeat of the Zurichers at Kappel (October nth).
Death of Zwingli ...... 299
Papal relief comes too late. The Catholic cantons
make peace with Zurich (November 20th) . . 300
1532 The reports of Filonardi (July) . .... 301
1533 His recall (October i yth) . ..... 301
1523 Activity of the Lutherans in France . . . .302
1525 Firmly opposed by the Sorbonne and Parliament . 302
1528 Catholic feeling in Paris ...... 303
1529 Execution of L. de Becquin (April) .... 303
1534 Doubtful attitude of Francis I. . . . . . 304
Impediments to the diffusion of Protestantism in
Italy 305
1519-20 First appearance of Luther's writings in Upper
Italy 306
1524-28 Vigilance of the Pope . ..... 307
1530 His decree to the Inquisitor Butigella (January ijth) 308
Protestant tendencies in Geneva . . . .310
1528-30 Luther's followers in Venice .... 309
1532 Memorial from Carafa to the Pope (October) . .310
Carafa draws up a programme for reform of the
clergy 312
1533 Is warmly supported by Aleander (March) . -313
Outside Venice, only isolated Lutherans to be found . 315
xxiv TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER X.
THE CLOSE OF THE PONTIFICATE OF CLEMENT VII. — HIS
POSITION TOWARDS LITERATURE AND ART.
A.D. PAGE
1533 Return of Clement VII. from Marseilles . . .316
Is viewed with suspicion by the Imperialists . .316
Spread of anti-papal feeling in Germany . .31?
State of Bohemia . 317
Strange attitude of the Pope and the Curia . .318
Inadequate support of deserving Catholic scholars . 319
Craftiness of the King of France . . . .319
1534 Who supports the Landgrave of Hesse . . 320
And misleads the Pope . . . 320
Clement VII. refuses to support Ferdinand (June) . 321
And determines to defer the Council . . -321
Bitterness aroused in Germany by this . . .321
Clement VII. taken ill (June) . . . 322
Changes in his condition. Deaths among the Cardinals 323
The Pope has a renewed attack (August i8th).
Receives extreme unction (August 24th) . . 324
Rallies on September the 8th. Is visited by Giberti . 325
His death on September the 25th .... 326
Up to the last is occupied with the prospects of his
nephews. His Brief to the Emperor . . .327
Description of his tomb 327
Clement VII. quickly forgotten in Rome . . . 328
Severity of contemporary judgments upon him . . 329
Not altogether fair. His character .... 329
His absorption in the interests of his family . 331
And his temporizing and dilatory policy . . 331
His conduct of English affairs . ... 332
In all great questions his policy breaks down . -333
1523 Delight in literary circles at the election of Clement
VII.. . . . 334
His earliest secretaries . . . . . .335
His measures to increase the Vatican Library . .336
3526 The mission of Johann Heitmers .... 336
Relations of Clement with Erasmus . . . -337
Sannazaro and Vida . . . . . . -338
Services rendered by Guicciardini to the Pope . -339
Clement VII. and Machiavelli 340
Agnolo Firenzuola — Francesco Berni . . . 340
Quarrel between Berni and Aretino . . . .341
The latter banished from Rome .... 342
The number of literati associated with Clement . . 342
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXV
A.D. PAGE
1526 Disastrous consequences of the sack for art and
literature ........ 345
At the election of Clement artists flock to Rome . 346
Cellini, Giulio Romano, and others .... 346
The decoration of the Stanze resumed . . . 347
The work of Penni ....... 348
Giulio Romano and his pupils ..... 349
Experiences of artists during the sack . . . 350
1530-31 Giovanni da Udine and Sebastiano del Piombo . 350
The illuminator, Giulio Clovio . . . . 351
The works at St. Peter's . . . . .351
The "Fabbrica di S. Pietro." Peruzzi appointed
architect for life . . . . . -352
Completion of the court of St. Damasus . . -353
Works at castle of St. Angelo . . . . -353
Restorations in many churches. Construction of
streets . . . . . . . .354
Quick revival of the city after the sack . . -355
Fortifications in the States of the Church . . -355
Clement's patronage of goldsmiths' work . . -356
Benvenuto Cellini . . . . . -357
Medallists and workers in intaglio . . . -358
Works of sculpture in Rome ..... 359
And on the Holy House at Loreto . . . -359
Baccio Bandinelli's work at Florence . . . 360
Michael Angelo and Clement VII 361
The painting of the Last Judgment suggested by
Clement ........ 363
CHAPTER XI.
CLEMENT VII. AND THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH.
— HIS ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE QUESTIONS OF THE
COUNCIL AND REFORM.
The converts of the New World .... 364
Two hundred friars sent to the East Indies . -365
1524 Creation of the Patriarchate of the West Indies
(May nth) 365
1530-31 And of other Sees ...... 365
1524-28 Negotiations with Russia ..... 366
Clement VII. and the Maronites and Armenians . 367
Embassy from the King of ^Ethiopia . . . 367
The Jubilee of 1525. Regulations for it . . . 368
The Passion Play in the Colosseum . . . -369
xxvi TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1524-28 Protestants ridicule the Jubilee . .... 369
Beatification of saints ...... 369
The Rosary encouraged. Special Bulls of this time . 370
Clement obliged to make concessions to temporal
princes . . . . . • • 371
The Inquisition in Portugal. The Pope protects the
Jewish Christians against the King . . .371
"Clement, the gracious friend of Israel" . . 372
Disputes with Venice about bishoprics . . -373
Appointments to the Cardinalate. Ruling motives in
Clement's creations ... . 374
Political character of these appointments . . . 375
Manner of life of the Cardinals 377
1524 Clement VII. on the reform of the Curia (January) . 378
His three administrative proposals (September) . . 378
Appoints a visitation commission. Urges the observ
ance of the Lateran decrees . . . 379
Decree against vagrant Minorites .... 380
Instructions to Carafa concerning candidates for holy
orders . . . . . . . .380
Enactments for reform of the clergy in many dioceses 380
1525 And of the Carmelites and Humiliati . . 381
But these measures lay almost dormant. The cause
of this .382
Things drift back into a contrary course . . 384
The demand for a Council. Clement shrinks from this 385
His objections to a Council. The recollection of
Constance and Basle. ..... 386
The influence of the Emperor and of Francis I. . 387
Painful feelings aroused by the Pope's attitude . .387
CHAPTER XII.
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CATHOLIC REFORMATION. THE
ORATORY OF THE DIVINE LOVE. GAETANO DI TIENE AND
CARAFA.
True reformers always to be found in the Church . 388
The work of Ximenes in Spain . . . . . 388
The one thing lacking to the Lateran decrees . . 389
Yet when all seems lost a change begins in perfect
quiet . 389
Rise of the Oratory of the Divine Love (c. 1517) . 390
Its unpretentious beginnings and main principles . 391
Strong Catholic feeling of its members . . . 391
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXV11
A.D. PAGE
Raphael and the Oratory ..... 392
The " Confraternita della Carita" (founded in 1519
by Clement VII. when a Cardinal) . . . 393
Is endowed by Clement VII. with the church of
S. Girolamo . . . . . . .394
Many officials of the Papal household members of it 394
1524 Valerio Lugio describes its work .... 394
Rise of other institutions . ... . 395
Increase in members of the Oratory of Divine Love.
Some of its most illustrious associates . -395
Sets an example to other Italian cities . . . 396
And causes a revival of spiritual life . . . -397
Gives rise to the Theatine Order . . . -397
Gaetano di Tiene, his birth (1480) and early life . 398
His work in Vicenza, Verona, and Venice . . -399
-1523 His return to Rome and intercourse with Carafa . 400
Different characters of the two men . . . .401
Birth (1476) and early life of Gian Pietro Carafa . 402
Made bishop of Chieti (1504) and Nuncio to Naples
(1506) . . . 403
Labours to set his diocese in order .... 404
Sent to England (1513), and Nuncio to Spain (1515) 404
Great importance of his residence in Spain . . 405
His intercourse with Ximenes and Adrian of Utrecht 405
His occupations on his return from Naples (1520) . 406
Adrian VI. calls him to Rome. The impression he
makes ........ 406
His close intimacy with members of the Oratory of
the Divine Love ...... 407
With Gaetano matures plans for founding the Theatines 408
Fundamental ideas of the founders .... 408
Opposition and difficulties. Carafa resigns his two sees 410
1524 Papal Brief founding the new Order (June 24th) . 410
Gaetano and Carafa distribute their property and take
solemn vows (September 1 4th) . . . .411
Carafa chosen Superior. Manner of life of the
Theatines. . . . . . . .412
1525 Deep impression they make in Rome . .413
And the change wrought by their quiet labours . .414
Tommaso Campeggio and Carafa . . . -415
1527 At the sack of Rome the Theatines escape to Venice 415
Their life in Venice. Relations with Contarini, Pole,
and Cortese 416
1530-33 Rules of the Order drawn up by Carafa . . 416
1533 Clement VII. enjoins the erection of a house in Naples 417
Strictness in the reception of new members . .418
xxviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
A.D.
I533 The Order a "Seminary for bishops " .
The Pope encourages the Theatines. Carafa is in
defatigable ... . 4J9
His correspondence with Bishops . . . 420
Important position he acquires in Venice . . 420
Where he combats heresy . . .421
His reports of abuses among the clergy . . 422
And unprincipled titular bishops . • 423
Corruption of the religious orders. All need regenera
tion, especially the Franciscans . . . . 423
CHAPTER XIII
GIAN MATTEO GIBERTI. — THE SOMASCHI AND THE BARNABITES.
Early piety of Gian Matteo Giberti (born 1495) • • 424
Enjoys the friendship of Leo X. and Cardinal Medici 425
His relations with the humanists, especially Vida . 425
Clement VII. appoints him Datary . . . 425
1524 And Bishop of Verona (August). His irreproachable
conduct ........ 426
His intimacy with Carafa and loyal devotion to the
Pope .... . 427
1528 Withdraws to his diocese. State of things he en
counters there . . . . . . .428
Begins the task of reform. Change in his char
acter. Embraces a strict asceticism . . .429
Report of the change in Verona (November) . . 430
1529 Undertakes the visitation of his diocese . . . 43°
His mode of procedure . . • 43 J
And stringent enactments . . 432
Regulations for confessors, even in externals . '433
1530 Strong edict on preaching (April zoth) . . . 433
His visitation of the religious orders. Clement VII.
gives him special powers ..... 434
1531 His regulations for nunneries confirmed by the Doge
of Venice ...... 435
Difficulties with his Chapter. Their stubbornness . 435
Conflicts with the corrupt clergy. He receives steady
support from the Pope . ... 436
Social activity of Giberti . . . 437
Founds the Society of Charity to cope with mendicancy 438
His only recreation is study .... 439
The "Accademia Gibertina." His private printing
press .... ... 439
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxix
A.D. PAGE
1531 Many other prelates follow his example . . . 440
Revival of Synods in Italy and in other countries . 441
Popular character of the Catholic reformation begun
by Giberti ....... 442
The distresses of the time give it an impetus . . 442
The sack marks the end of the Renaissance . . 443
" A world had disappeared ; a new one had to arise " 443
Admission by Pierio Valeriano ..... 444
Sadoleto on the gleam of a new dawn . . . 445
Speech of Stafileo on the reassembling of the Rota
on May i5th, 1528 ...... 446
The sack had "cleared the air" . . . 446
Misery and distress in Lombardy .... 447
The Venetian noble Girolamo Miani (born 1481) . 448
Becomes a priest (1518). His labours in the year of
famine and plague (1528) . . . . . 448
His work among the poor children. Supported by the
Venetian government ..... 4.4.9
Orphanages founded in Brescia and Bergamo . . 4.49
The Somaschi ; their special characteristics . . 44.9
Miani extends the work into the Milanese territory . 450
Tommaso Nieto introduces a procession of the Bl.
Sacrament ....... 4.50
Antonio Maria Zaccaria (born 1502) goes to Milan . 451
1530 Joins the confraternity of the Eternal Compassion . 451
1533 Founds the Barnabite Order 451
Constitutions and manner of living of its members . 452
In what they differ from the Theatines . . .452
CHAPTER XIV.
REFORM OF THE OLDER ORDERS. THE CAPUCHINS.
1517-23 Paolo Giustiniani and the Camaldolese Hermits . 454
Egidio Canisio and the Augustinian Hermits . -455
The Benedictine reform of S. Justina. and Gregorio
Cortese . . . . . . . -455
Efforts at the reform of Franciscan Observants . -455
1525 The " Riformati " supported by Quiiiones . . . 456
Opposed by the General, Pisotti .... 457
1532 Clement VII. issues a Bull in their favour (November) 457
Rise of Matteo da Bascio (b. 1495, d. 1552) . . 457
His early life and entry into the Observants . . 458
1523 His self-denying activity at Camerino attracts the
attention of Caterina Cibo .... 459
XXX TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1523 His strict observance of the rule. Change in the habit 460
1525 Goes to Rome. His petition to Clement VII. . . 460
The Provincial orders him to be incarcerated . .461
Is set free and joined by Lodovico and Raffaello da
Fossombrone ....... 462
They are empowered to set up houses of their Order . 463
1528 The Brief confirming the new branch of Franciscans
(Capuchins) ... . 4^4
Foundation of the first houses ..... 465
Bernardino da Colpetrazzo's account of their manner
of life .... . 466
They are "preachers of repentance" to the common
people ... • 467
1528-29 Their heroic self-sacrifice during the plague . . 467
1529 The first General Chapter at Alvacina . 468
Matteo da Bascio chosen Vicar-General . . . 469
Constitutions of the new institute . . 469
First Capuchin settlement in Rome . . . . 4/0
Rapid extension of the new community . . 470
Opposition of the Observants ... . 47 1
Unreflecting zeal of Lodovico . . . 47 1
1532 Papal decision (August i4th) in favour of the Capuchins 472
1534 Ochino and Bernardino of Asti join them . . -473
The Observants again complain to the Pope . -473
The Capuchins banished from Rome (April) . 474
Indignation of the Roman people at this . . -475
Action of Vittoria Colonna and Caterina Cibo . -475
Clement VII. sanctions the return of the Capuchins . 476
Ignatius Loyola at Montmartre begins the Society
of Jesus ........ 476
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
IN APPENDIX
PAGE
I. Pope Clement VII. to Donate de Marinis . .481
II. Safe-conduct of Pope Clement VII. for Johann
Heitmers ....... 482
III. Pope Clement VII. to the Dominicans of Ghent 484
IV. Remarks on the oldest sources for the history of
the Capuchins, and on the criticism of Boverius 485
V. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Marquis
of Mantua ....... 488
VI. Cardinal Trivulzio to Girolamo N. 489
VII. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Marquis
of Mantua . . . . . . 492
VIII. Consistory at Bologna on the 2 2nd of December
........ 492
IX. Pope Clement VII. to Cardinal Farnese . . 493
X. Consistory of the 4th of February 1530 . . 493
XI. Andrea da Burgo and Martin de Salinas to
Ferdinand I. . . . . . . . 493
XII. Pope Clement VII. to the Duke Charles of Savoy 494
XIII. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua ....... 496
XIV. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua ....... 496
XV. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua ....... 497
XVI. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua ....... 498
XVI L Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua ....... 499
XVIII. Girolamo Cattaneo to the Duke of Milan . . 499
XIX. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua ....... 500
XX. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua ....... 500
xxxii LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN APPENDIX.
PAGE
XXI. Pope Clement VII. renews the appointment of
Baldassare Peruzzi as architect for St Peter's . 501
XXII. Fabrizio Peregrine to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua . • 502
XXIII. Andrea da Burgo to Ferdinand I. . 502
XXIV. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga,
Duke of Mantua . • • 5°3
XXV. Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua ... • 5°3
XXVI. Pope Clement VII. to Johann von Metzenhausen,
Archbishop of Treves . • 5°3
XXVII. Pope Clement VII. to the Dominicans of Ghent 504
XXVIII. Pope Clement VII. to Petrus Eras . 5°5
XXIX. Pope Clement VII. to Cardinal Albert, Arch
bishop of Mayence . • 5°5
XXX. Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua ... - 5°6
XXXI. Pope Clement VII. to his Nuncio in Naples . 507
XXXII. Giovanni Maria della Porta to the Duke of Urbino 507
XXXIII. Pope Clement VII. to Baldassare Peruzzi . . 508
XXXIV. Pastron to the Marchioness of Monferrato . . 508
XXXV. Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua . • 5°9
XXXVI. Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke
of Mantua 5*°
CHAPTEE I.
CLEMENT VII. IN EXILE AT ORVIETO AND VITERBO. — THE
IMPERIALISTS LEAVE ROME. — DISASTER TO THE FRENCH
ARMY IN NAPLES.— THE WEAKNESS OF THE POPE'S DIPLO^
MACY. — His RETURN TO ROME.
IN the old town of Orvieto, guarded by its strong citadel
on the cone-shaped hill which separates, like a boundary
stone, the Roman and Tuscan territory, the personal
freedom of the Pope was secure ; yet his situation must still
be described as a deplorable one. His ecclesiastical rank
excepted, he had lost all he could call his own : his authority,
his property, almost all his states, and the obedience of the
majority of his subjects.1 Instead of the Vatican adorned
with the masterpieces of art, he was now the occupant of a
dilapidated episcopal palace in a mean provincial town.
Roberto Boschetti, who visited the Pope on the 23rd of
January 1528, found him emaciated and in the most
1 In consequence Clement VII. was not able to keep his promise to
Cardinal Colonna with regard to the Legation of the March of Ancona ;
see the "^despatch of G. M. della Porta to the Duchess of Urbino, dated
Lodi, 1528, Jan. 24: *Da Orvieto s' intende quelli di la Marca non
haver voluto obedire alii brevi del papa che comandava accettassero
per legato il card. Colonna. Senza ch' io dicho altro la Ex. V. si deve
imaginare il dispiacere che ne piglia S. Sta, la quale fu gran favore al
sig. Malatesta Baglione, che sta in Orvieto (State Archives, Florence).
As a compensation, Cardinal Colonna was appointed Governor of
Tivoli for life on January 18, 1528. *Min. brev., 1528, III., vol. 20, n.
1706 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
VOL. X. I
2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sorrowful frame of mind. "They have plundered me of
all I possess," said Clement VII. to him; "even the canopy
above my bed is not mine, it is borrowed." x The furniture
of the Papal bedchamber, the English envoys supposed,
could not have cost twenty nobles. They describe with
astonishment how they were led through three apartments
bare of furniture, in which the hangings were falling from
the walls.2 In this inhospitable dwelling Clement was
confined to bed with swollen feet; there were suspicions
that poison had been given him by the Imperialists, but
the mischief was caused by his unwonted exertions on
horseback on the night of his flight.3
At first only four Cardinals,4 then, on a special summons
from the Pope,5 seven betook themselves to Orvieto. Their
position was also a hard one, for no preparations had been
made for the fugitives in the town ; provisions could only
be got with difficulty and at the highest prices, and there
was such a scarcity of drinking water that the Pope had
at once to give orders for the construction of four wells.6
1 See Boschetti's remarkable report of January 24, 1528, in BALAN,
Boschetti, II., App. 41-42.
2 See Gardiner and Fox, report of March 23, 1528, in State Papers :
Henry VIII., VII., 63, and in BREWER, IV., 2, n. 4090.
3 OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 19-20.
4 In a *letter of Bonaparte Ghislieri, dat. Orvieto, 1527, December 20,
Monte, Pucci, Accolti, and Spinola are mentioned as being present
(State Archives, Bologna).
6 See the *Briefs, dat. Orvieto, 1528, January 4. Min. brev., 1528,
IV., vol. 21, n. 6 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
6 FUMI, Orvieto, 188-189. Cf. BALAN, Boschetti, II., App. 44 ;
SANUTO, XLVI., 580, 662. Ghislieri remarks in his better of December
20, 1527 : « It is not supposed that the Pope will remain long in Orvieto
on account of the angustia e carezza. II star di S. Sta qua dipende
della speranza di ridrizzar le cose di Roma." On February 2, 1528, he
reports that lodgings and provisions are not to be had, and that all wish
to get away (State Archives, Bologna). G. M. della Porta writes on
THE COURT AT ORVIETO. 3
In spite of the distress in Orvieto, little by little numer
ous prelates and courtiers made their way thither. The
business of the Curia, for a long time almost wholly
suspended, was again resumed. On the i8th of December
1527 a Bull relating to graces bestowed during the
captivity was agreed to in secret Consistory.1 The
conduct of the more important affairs lay in the hands of
Jacopo Salviati and of the Master of the Household,
Girolamo da Schio, Bishop of Vaison.2
The poverty and simplicity of the new court at Orvieto
were such that all who went thither were filled with com
passion. " The court here is bankrupt," reported a
Venetian ; " the bishops go about on foot in tattered
cloaks; the courtiers take flight in despair; there is no
improvement in morals ; men here would sell Christ for
January 31, 1528, from Lodi to the Duchess of Urbino : *Qua si sta in
expettatione desideratissima d' intender che resolutione habbiano da far
gli nemici di Roma da li quali questi nostri qua pigliaronno indrizo del
governarsi et levarsi di questo allogiamento nel quale piu non si po
stare essendosi quasi in tutto mancato il modo del viver senza che al
mondo non fu veduta mai la piu noiosa stanza (State Archives,
Florence).
1 The *Bull contained the following : " During our captivity, owing
to the insistence and incessant entreaties of ecclesiastics and laymen,
many graces, privileges, dispensations, etc., were agreed to and granted
more under compulsion than of our own free will, to the scandal, injury,
and prejudice of the Church and contrary to the example of our pre
decessors. Now, being at liberty, dictae sedis honorem conservare et
futuris scandalis obvtare volentes, we repeal collectively, in agreement
with and on the advice of the Cardinals, all privileges, graces, dispensa
tions, etc., granted to clergy and laity, excepting those conferred on veri
et antiqui familiares, continui commensales^ and on Cardinals and lay
men bearing the title of Duke or other higher degree. D. Orvieto, 1 527,
XV. Cal. Januar. A° 5°. Clement VII. Secret A., I.-VL, Regest., 1437
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See the report in BALAN, Boschetti, 1 1., App. 42-43.
4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a piece of gold."1 Of the Cardinals only Pirro Gonzaga
was able to live as befitted his rank ; the rest were as
poor as the Pope himself, who, in the month of April, was
still without the most necessary ecclesiastical vestments.2
The congratulations on his deliverance, addressed to him in
writing by the Cardinals assembled in Parma,3 personally
by the Duke of Urbino,4 Federigo Bozzolo,5 and Luigi
Pisani, and in letters or by special envoys from nearly
all princes and many cities, must have seemed to him
almost a mockery.6 As Clement had only a few troops
at his disposal and the neighbourhood of Orvieto was
rendered insecure by the bands of soldiery,7 he was
1 SANUTO, XLVI.,488.
2 SANUTO, XLVIL, 394; cf. XLVL, 488. See also FOSSATI-
FALLETTI, 33.
3 "^Letters of Cardinals Farnese, Passerini, Cibo, Ridolfi, and E.
Gonzaga to the Pope, dat. Parma, 1527, December 15, in Lett. d. princ.,
IV., f. 170. *That of Cardinal Salviati, dat. 1527, December 27, in
Nunziat. di Francia I., f. 138-139 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 As a consummate diplomatist Clement VII. received the man, who
had contributed so much to his misfortune, in a friendly way ; see
UGOLINI, II., 243 ; REUMONT, III., 2, 223.
6 Clement VII. had soon to deplore his death ; see MOLINI, I., 287
seq., and SANUTO, XLVL, 447 seq.
6 Cf. BONTEMPI, 325. The letter from Venice in SANUTO, XLVL,
401-402. The *reply of Clement of December 30, 1527, in Min. brev.,
1527, IV., vol. 17, n. 414 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Clement
wrote to the Marquis Federigo Gonzaga from Orvieto, 1527, December
24 : *Haud necessaria nobiscum, tamen summe grata nobis fuit tuae
Nobiltis gratulatio, quam nobis de nostra liberatione per dil. fil.
Capynum de Capys amantissime exhibuisti (original in Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). Even Alfonso of Ferrara sent congratulations.
Cf. the diplomatic reply of Clement of December 28, 1527, in FONTANA,
Renata, I., 431.
7 "No one can come to us without peril of his life," complained
Clement in a *Brief, dat. Orvieto, 1528, January 1 1, to the dom. de Vere.
Min. brev., 1528, IV., vol. 21, n. 24 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
"THE CARE-LADEN POPE." 5
practically shut up in his mountain fortress. He had to
complain repeatedly that even communication by letter
had become difficult,1 while any attempt to escape into
the surrounding territory was out of the question. The
care-laden Pope, wearing the long beard which he had
allowed to grow during his captivity, was seen passing
through the streets of Orvieto with a small retinue.2
Rumour exaggerated his poverty still further ; he was
compared to the Popes of the infant Church.3
In spite of spoliation and exile the Pope continued to
represent a mighty power. This was best seen in the eager
competition of both the forces inimical to him to obtain
his patronage. The attempts of France and England in
this direction were well known to the Emperor, who
made it a matter of express reference in the letter of
congratulation addressed to Clement. In his answer of
the nth of January 1528 Clement thanked him for the
restoration of freedom, assured him that he had never held
him guilty of the occurrences in Rome, and declared him
self ready to do all that lay in his power to aid him in
the questions of peace, the Council, and all other things
which Charles desired for the highest good of Christendom ;
1 *See the Brief to F. Alarcon, dat. Orvieto, 1528, Januar. 16, loc. cit.
n. 131.
2 " Ha una barba longa canuda, cavalca con 8 cavalli et 30 fanti di la
sua guardia. Sta sempre maninconico." Report in SANUTO, XLVIII.,
226. A coin of Clement VII. shows him with the beard, and on the
obverse Peter and the Angel with the inscription : " Misit Dominus
Angelum suum. Roma" ; see ClNAGLi, 98, n. 52, and Vol. IX. of this
work, page 467, n. i. It had become forgotten that Julius II. wore a
beard, and now offence was given by Clement wearing one. Pierio
Valeriano therefore published in 1533 an "Apologia pro sacerdotum
barbis " dedicated to Cardinal Ippolito de' Medici. Cf. Vol. VI. of this
work, page 591, and STEINMANN, II., 38, n. i.
3 SEGNI, I., i (ed. 1830, I., 47). Cf. the Sienese reports in FOSSATI-
FALLETTJ, 32-33.
6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Emperor, moreover, would see for himself how power
less the Pope was, as long as the hostages were retained and
the ceded cities still occupied ; Francesco Quifiones would
report in detail on all other circumstances under considera
tion.1 To an Imperial envoy who had come to Orvieto
as early as December 1527 to propose a formal alliance
with Charles on the basis of the restoration of the States
of the Church, the answer was given that the question
could not be considered until the occupied cities had been
given back and the hostages set at liberty.2
Clement was as little willing to give definite pledges to
the League as to the Emperor. In the autograph letter in
which, on the I4th of December 1527, he announced his
release to Francis I., he certainly thanked the King for
the help he had rendered, but showed in no ambiguous
terms how insufficient, in reality, it had been. Yet
Lautrec's army had not hastened a step. It was clear
from this letter that the Pope had no intention of giving
pledges to France ; he excused his treaty with the Im
perialists as a measure wrung from him by force. " For
months, together with our venerable brethren, we had
endured the hardest lot, had seen all our affairs, temporal
and above all spiritual, go to ruin, and your well-
intentioned efforts for our liberation end in failure. Our
condition grew worse, indeed, day by day, the conditions
imposed upon us harsher, and we saw our hopes threaten
1 LANZ, Korrespondenz, I., 257-259; also 256-257, the premature
letter of congratulation from Charles of November 22, 1527. Cf.
SANUTO, XLVI., 584, 588; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen 71, and WADDING,
2nd ed., XVI., 243 seqq. The text of the Pope's letter in Lanz is in
correct ; see BALAN, Clemente VII., 86.
2 SANUTO, XLVI., 382. After the above had passed through the
press appeared FRAIKIN'S important article : La Nonciature de France
de la delivrance de Clement VII. a sa mort (Decembre 1527 a 25
Septembre 1534) in the Mel. d'Archeol, 1906, 513 seqq.
THE POPE'S LETTER. 7
to vanish away. Under these circumstances we yielded
to the pressure of a desperate state of things. Neither our
personal interest nor the peril in which each one of us
stood was the mainspring of our action; for eight long
months we suffered ignominious imprisonment, and stood
daily in danger of our lives. But the misery in Rome,
the ruin of the States which had come down to us
unimpaired from our predecessors, the incessant affliction
in body and soul, the diminished reverence towards God
and His worship, forced us to take this step. Personal
suffering we could have continued to endure ; but it was
our duty to do all in our power to remove public distress.
Our brothers, the Cardinals, have not shrunk from sub
mitting, as hostages, to a fresh captivity in order that we,
restored to freedom, may be in a position to ward off from
Christendom a worse calamity." The bearer of this letter
was Ugo da Gambara, who together with Cardinal Salviati
was to give fuller information by word of mouth.1 On
the same day (December 14) Clement wrote in similar
terms to the Queen, Louisa of Savoy, to Montmorency,
Henry VIII., and Cardinal Wolsey, referring also in these
letters to Gambara's information.2
Ever since January 1528 Clement had been besieged
with the most pressing entreaties to join the League,
whose army persisted in its wonted inactivity. In com
pany with Lautrec, who had advanced as far as Bologna,
were Guido Rangoni, Paolo Camillo Trivulzio, Ugo di
Pepoli, and Vaudemont.3 In February they were joined
1 MOLINI, I., 280-282. Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 224-225.
2 MOLINI, I., 283-285 ; RAYNALDUS, 1527, n. 49-51 J EHSES, Doku-
mente, 10-11, and the **Brief to Cardinal Du Prat of December 17,
1527, in the National Archives, Paris.
3 See Lautrec's letter to Clement VII., dat. Reggio, 1527, December
14. (His joy at the deliverance. Sends P. C. Trivulzio and G. Casale
8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
by Longueville, who brought the good wishes of Francis I.
As envoys of Henry VIII., Gregorio Casale, Stephen
Gardiner, and Fox were active ; the last-named was
especially occupied with the question of the divorce on
which the English King was bent.1
The League made the most tempting promises to the
Pope. Not only should he receive back the Papal States,
but also designate to the kingdom of Naples and be
compensated for all damages and costs of the war.2
But the events of the past year had made Clement very
cautious.3 Despite all the pressure brought upon him, he
would give no decided answer, and insisted that he was of
more use outside the League than within it.4 His inmost
sympathies at this time were certainly with the League,5
for he feared the power of the Emperor, who, in
possession of Naples and Milan, was the " Lord of all
to express the same and with other messages. Will do everything
for the Pope.) Lett. d. princ., IV., f. 261 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican). Cf. **Lautrec's letter of January i, 1528, ibid., V., f. i,
and the ^reports of G. M. della Porta to the Duchess of Urbino,
dat. Lodi, 1528, January 25 (Stamane e gionto qua il conte Guido
Rangone mandate da M. di Lautrech a N. S., etc.) and February 6, in
Florentine State Archives. Cf. also the Brief to Lautrec in FONTANA,
Renata, I., 434 seq.
1 State Papers: Henry the Eighth, VII., 63; BREWER, IV., 2, n.
4090, 4118, 4120; Lett. d. princ., III., I seq. Cf. infra, Chap. VIII.
Montmorency announced Longueville's mission to the Pope in a letter
dat. St. Germain, 1528, January i ; Lett. d. princ., V., f. 2 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 281.
3 SCHULZ, Sacco, 161 seq.
4 Cf. SANUTO, XLVI., 410, 490, 543, 554 seq., 557 seq., 592;
REUMONT, 1 1 L, 2, 229. See also the report of *N. Raince, January 28,
1528, in RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 24. MS. Beth. 8534, now
marked frang. 3009 in the National Library, Paris.
5 See SANUTO, XLVI., 507, 508 ; cf. also FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 40.
CLEMENT VII. AND THE LEAGUE. 9
things,"1 and wished for the expulsion from Italy of those
who had done him such unheard-of wrong.2 But from any
attempt of this kind he was deterred by weighing closely
the actual state of things ; a waiting attitude, giving to
both parties a certain amount of hope, appeared to the
Pope to be the best, and this policy was also in accordance
with his natural indecision.3
Perhaps the conduct of the League itself had even more
influence on Clement than his feeling of helplessness when
pitted against the victorious Spaniard. He could not trust
a confederacy, the members of which, each engrossed in his
own interests, had left him to his downfall in the year of
misfortune 1527. Might not this trick be played again at
any moment? Above all — and this was decisive — the
League had assumed a character which made it quite
impossible for the Pope to enter into it. Florence, from
which his family had been expelled, was supported by
France, Venice had seized Ravenna and Cervia, the Duke
of Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio. Both were unwilling to
give back their plunder, and yet such were the allies
whom Clement was to join against the Emperor ! 4
1 " Omnium rerum dominus " ; see report of iGregorio Casale in
FIDDES, Life of Wolsey, 467.
2 Cardinal Salviati represented to the Regent Louisa : *che io era
certo che S. B., se bene haveva come catholico perdonato ogni injuria,
non poteva desiderare alcuna cosa piu che veder fuori d' Italia et delle
sue terre quelli che havevono fatte tante impieta et tante scelerateze
et offese a Dio et alia chiesa, se non per altro per non haver piu
da temere, etc. * Letter to Jacopo Salviati of January i, 1528. Nuziat.
di Francia I., f. 142 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 SANUTO, XLVL, 490. Cf. Casale's report cited supra, n. i. See
also GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 5, and FONTANA, 108.
4 Cf. SANUTO, XLVL, 543, 557, f. 592. Venice had expressly
promised to restore Ravenna and Cervia as soon as the Pope was set
free ; see Salviati's ^report of January i, 1528, cited infra, p. io, n. i.
10 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In view of this situation, the Pope and his diplomatists
directed their efforts towards securing the restoration
of the States of the Church under a guarantee of
neutrality.
On New Year's Day 1528 Cardinal Salviati informed
the French Government that the League must be satisfied
with a benevolent neutrality on the part of the Pope,
deprived, as he was, of all material resources. At the
same time he made it clear that Clement insisted on the
restoration of the cities taken by Venice, and would consent
to no dishonourable agreement with the Duke of Ferrara,
the originator of all the misfortunes of the Church.1 On
the 1 2th of January Gambara arrived in Paris; and,
together with Salviati, made the most urgent appeals to the
French Government to compel the Venetians and Ferrara
to surrender their plunder ; if they failed to do so, then the
Pope would be forced to try soYne other means of getting
back his possessions.2 Salviati did not let the matter
drop, but afterwards forcibly renewed his representations.
But he gained little at first, since the French were afraid
that Venice might quit the League, and hesitated to take
any steps.3 It was not until France and England had
formally declared war against the Emperor that a stronger
pressure was put on Venice.
It was almost coincident with this turn in affairs that
Clement determined to send a new Nuncio to Spain in the
person of Antonio Pucci, Bishop of Pistoja, who together
^Report of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati, January i, 1528.
Nunziat. di Francia I., f. 142 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See the *report of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati, January 16,
1528. Nunziat. di Francia I., f. 152 seqq. (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
3 Cf. the ^reports of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of February
i, 1528, and to Gambara, February 13, 1528, loc. cit.
CLEMENT VII. AND THE LEAGUE. II
with Castiglione was to open up the way to a general peace.1
If Charles, declared Sanga,2 now Clement's chief adviser in
place of Giberti, would not agree to Pucci's conditions of
peace, then the Pope would join the League, but only after
his own just grievances had been redressed. The League,
so ran the fuller instructions, must undertake to restore
Ravenna, Cervia, Modena, and Reggio, settle upon whom
Naples should devolve, and finally bring about a general
pacification in Florence. Pucci was to travel through
France, to treat personally with Francis I., and explain
why the Pope was obliged, for the time being, to remain
neutral. The French King, however, was by no means
disposed to carry out the wishes of which Pucci was to
be the exponent; the mission of the new Nuncio to
the Emperor made him uneasy, and he made a plan to
put obstacles in his way.
Lautrec's successes certainly encouraged Francis in his
projects. The former had at last left Bologna on the
10th of January 1528, and was pressing towards Naples
through the Romagna. Clement now recovered Imola,
and, somewhat later, Rimini also.3 On the loth of
1 See the Papal credentials, dated Orvieto, 1528, February 10, in
Gayangos, III., 2, n. 337, 338, and the plenary powers for Antonio,
episc. Pistorien. prelato et nuntio nostro. Dat. Orvieto, 1527 (st. fl.),
V. Id. Febr. A° 5°. Clem, VII., Secret. Regest., 1437, f. 30 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 Letter to Gambara, dat. Orvieto, 1528, February 9, together with
the answer to Longueville, in Lett. d. princ., I., 111-114.
3 When Lautrec came to Imola on January 11, Giov. da Sassatello
at once surrendered the town ; SANUTO, XLVI, 478. There were
greater difficulties with Rimini (see ibid., 514, 617; GUICCIARDINI,
XVIII., 5 ; BALAN, Boschetti, II., App. 52-53. and the *report of G. M.
della Porta, dat. Orvieto, 1528, May 19, State Archives, Florence).
The Pope did not recover this city till June; see SANUTO, XLVIII.,
132 seqq. ; YRIARTE, Rimini, 366; ADIMARI, Sito Riminese (Brescia,
1616), II., 59 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 89.
12 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
February the French army crossed the Tronto and entered
the kingdom of Naples. In Rome, and throughout Papal
circles generally, this advance of the French was coupled
with the hope that a final deliverance from the dreadful
incubus of the landsknechts was at hand.1 Lautrec gave
assurances on all sides that, after reducing Naples, he would
set free the Papal States; since his whole course of action
was only undertaken in the interest of the Pope, he renewed
his insistent entreaties that Clement would now resume his
place in the League.2
The Imperialists, at first, had not feared Lautrec ;3 now
they recognized the peril threatening them. If they were
unable to move their army from Rome, then Naples
would fall without a blow into the hands of the enemy.4
Philibert of Orange, who had been in chief command since
January, Bemelberg, and Vasto negotiated with the
mutinous troops. Money was scraped together in every
possible way,5 and even Clement had to raise 40,000
ducats.6 Thus, on the i;th of February 1528, the
1 Cf. OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 32 seqq., and the certainly
exaggerated report in FossATi-FALLETTi, 44. How delighted Cardinal
Ridolfi had been already by the appearance of Lautrec in October 1527
is shown by his letter in Mel. d'archeol., XVI., 417 seq.
2 Cf. the ^letters of Cardinals Numai and B. Accolti, dat. Ancona,
1528, January 28 and 29, to Clement VII. Lett. d. princ., V., f. 75 seqq.
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 This is proved by the intercepted letters of Lope Hurtado de
Mendoza in SANUTO, XLVL, 584.
4 See SANUTO, XLVL, 648.
6 Cf. SCHULZ, Sacco, 166.
6 Lautrec complained of these sums ; see GUICCIARDINI, XVIIL, 6.
20,000 ducats were paid in the name of the Roman people and 20,000
for the release of Cardinals Orsini and Cesi, detained as hostages by the
Colonna. This release, fervently urged by Clement (*Min. brev. 1528,
IV., vol. 21, n. 118 and 147, Briefs to Cardinal Colonna of February
13 and 20, Secret Archives of the Vatican), is mentioned by
THE LANDSKNECHTS LEAVE ROME. 13
soldiery, who up to the last indulged in acts of violence
and depredation,1 were induced to move.2 The army, which
eight months previously had numbered twenty thousand
men, had melted down to one thousand five hundred
cavalry, two or three thousand Italians, four thousand
Spaniards, and five thousand Germans ; so great had been
the ravages of the plague among the troops. On the
1 3th of January Melchior Frundsberg fell a victim; his
tomb in the German national church of the Anima recalls
one of the most terrible episodes in the history of Rome.3
" The troops," says a German diarist,4 " had destroyed and
burnt down the city ; two-thirds of the houses were swept
away. Doors, windows, and every bit of woodwork even
to the roof beams were consumed by fire. Most of the
inhabitants, especially all the women, had taken flight."5
The neighbourhood for fifty miles around was like a
wilderness.6 The columns of flame, rising up from Rocca
Priora and Valmontone, showed the road which the lands-
knechts had taken for Naples.7
The sufferings of the unfortunate Romans were even
G. M. della Porta in a ^report, dat. Orvieto, 1528, February 26.
Cardinal Colonna now went to Naples ; see *his report of February 27,
1528, in the State Archives, Florence. Cesi and Orsini went at once to
Orvieto ; see SANUTO, XLVIL, 28.
1 Cf. the statements in the diary in OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome,
29; GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 262, 289, 302, and BALAN, Boschetti, II.,
App. 42, 44.
2 SANUTO, XLVI., 602, 613, 616, 645, 662. Cf. ORANO, I., 345 note.
The Italian and some of the Spanish soldiers were already withdrawn
by the i4th ; see OMONT, 37; ROBERT, 170. The news reached
Orvieto on the 2Oth ; see SANUTO, XLVI., 662.
3 GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 6 ; Cf. SCHMIDLIN, 277.
4 CORNELIUS DE FINE in his *Diary in the National Library, Paris.
6 Cf. also GUALDERONICO, 92 ; ALBERINI, 360-361.
6 MOLINI, II., 21.
7 ALBERINI, 360. Cf. OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 40.
j^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
then not yet at an end. On the afternoon of the same day
(February the i;th) on which the Imperialists departed,
the Abbot of Farfa, with a leader of a band from Arsoli,
accompanied by a pillaging rabble, who were soon joined
even by Romans themselves, entered the city. The streets
rang with shouts of " Church, France, the Bear (Orsini) ! '
and plundering began anew, where anything was left to
plunder, especially in the houses of the Jews. All
stragglers from the Imperial army were put to death, even
the sick in the hospitals were not spared.1
On hearing of these fresh outrages Clement sent Giovanni
Corrado, and afterwards a detachment of troops under
the Roman Girolamo Mattei, to restore order.2 At the
same time the Pope made strenuous efforts to mitigate the
distress in Rome caused by the scarcity of provisions and
to guard against the danger of plague. The letters of
Jacopo Salviati to the Cardinal-Legate Campeggio, who
had remained in Rome, throw light on the difficulties
which had to be encountered in re-victualling the city ;
transport on land as well as by sea was extremely
difficult, and there were those in Rome who did not
scruple to take advantage of the existing necessity to sell
corn at prices advantageous to themselves. But Clement
VII. persevered; the extortionate sale of corn came under
the sharpest penalties, and to ensure free carriage to Rome
Andrea Doria was appointed to guard the coasts.3
1 See the reports in SANUTO, XLVL, 646, 649, 663. Cf. ALBERINI,
361 ; OMONT, 38 seqq., and GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 289.
2 Cf. the **letters of G. M. della Porta of February 20 and 27, 1528 :
" Intendendo N. S. che in Roma si continuava piu che mai di far ogni
sorte disordine, S. B. ha spedite a quella via compagnie de fanti et de
cavalli : capo Hieronymo Matteo Romano" (State Archives, Florence).
Cf. OMONT, 43.
3 Cf. the ^letters of Jacopo Salviati to Campeggio, written from
Orvieto, from the ist to 24th March, especially those of March i, 5, 6,
THE ROMANS INVITE THE POPE TO RETURN. 15
In the beginning of March a deputation came from
Rome to Orvieto to invite the Pope to return to his capital,
where the desecrated churches had already been purified.1
Clement replied that no one longed more eagerly than he
to return to Rome, but the scarcity and disorder then
prevailing, as well as the uncertainty of the issue of the war
in Naples, made any immediate change of residence im
possible. Thereupon the Roman delegates begged that
at least the officials of the Rota and Cancelleria might
go back.2 Clement, after long hesitation, gave way, on
the advice of Cardinal Campeggio ; but the officials in
question delayed complying with the Papal orders3 on
account of the famine in the city. But by the end of April
the majority of the officials of the Curia had to return',4
though the situation in Rome continued to be critical,5 and
Cardinal Campeggio's6 position was beset with difficulties.
8, 9, ii, 12, 14, 15, and 24; Litt. divers, ad Clement VII., Vol. III.
See also the *letter of Campeggio to Clement VII., dat. Rome, 1528,
March 21 ; Lett. d. princ., V., f. 148 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
For Campeggio as Legate in Rome see EHSES, Dokumente, XXVIII.,
seq.
1 Cf. the *letter of T. Campeggio, dat. Orvieto, ult. febr. 1528 (State
Archives, Bologna), and also for the expiatory procession then held.
Cf. also the *Diary in Cod. Barb. lat. 3552, Vatican Library.
2 Cf. the*letters of Jacopo Salviati to Campeggio, dat. Orvieto, 1528,
March 5, 9, and 12, loc. cit. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). T.
Campeggio reports on the "carestia"in Rome in a ^letter, dat. Orvieto,
1528, March 5 (State Archives, Bologna). "
3 Cf. the **report of G. M. della Porta of March 14, 1528 (State
Archives, Forence).
4 *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Library, Paris.
5 The scarcity in particular was excessive. *Calamitas intolerabilis
ita quod multi pauperum fame interirent, writes C. de Fine, loc. cit.
See also T. Campeggio's ^letter, dat. Orvieto, 1528, April 8 (State
Archives, Bologna).
6 BONTEMPI, 337, calls him -vice-papa.
!6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Pope's own position was so harassing that Jacopo
Salviati wrote to Cardinal Campeggio, "Clement is in
such dire necessity that, like David, he must, perforce,
eat the loaves of proposition" (i Kings xxi. 6).1 In the
beginning of March, Brandano, the prophet of misfortune
of the year 1527, appeared in Orvieto. He foretold
for Rome and Italy new and yet greater tribulations;
these would continue until 1530, when the Turk would
take captive the Pope, the Emperor, and the French
King and embrace Christianity ; whereupon the Church
would enter on a new life.2 The Papal censures,
the hermit went on to say, were void, inasmuch as
Clement, having been born out of wedlock, was not
canonically Pope. When Brandano proceeded to incite
the people of Orvieto against the Pope, the latter
gave orders for his arrest.3 On Palm Sunday (April 5)
Clement addressed the Cardinals and prelates then
present in earnest language on the need for a reform
of the Curia, exhorted them to a better manner of life,
and spoke emphatically of the sack of Rome as a
chastisement for their sins.4 On Holy Thursday the
customary censures on the persecutors of the Church
were published.5
Lautrec, in the meanwhile, had achieved successes beyond
all expectation. The towns of the Abruzzi hailed him as
1 *Letter, dat. Orvieto, 1528, March 14; Litt. div. ad Clem. VII.,
Vol. III. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Above statements are taken from **reports of G. M. della Porta
of March 9, 1528 (State Archives, Florence).
3 So reports Tizio, printed in Novelle Letterarie, 1746, and PECCI,
Brandano, 44.
4 Letter of A. Lippomano of April 6, 1528; see SANUTO, XLVII.,
235-
5 SANUTO, XLVII., 269 seq. The Bull "In Coena" was at once
printed in Rome ; see OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 60.
THE NEAPOLITAN WAR. I?
their deliverer; but after that his operations came to a
standstill, for Francis I. sent no money for his troops ;
besides, this valiant soldier was deficient in promptness of
decision. Consequently, the Imperialists found time to
put Naples in a state of defence ; they judged rightly that
here the decisive issue must be fought out. Lautrec did
not realize this, and wasted time in reducing the towns of
Apulia, and not until the end of April did he approach
Naples from the east. But the luck of the French did
not yet desert them ; dissensions, especially between
Orange and Vasto, divided the Imperialist generals, the
landsknechts were as insubordinate as ever, and hated
the Spaniards.1 On the 28th of April the Imperial fleet
was totally destroyed by Filippino Doria off Capo d'Orso,
between Amalfi and Salerno. Moncada and Fieramosca
fell in the battle ; Vasto and Ascanio Colonna were taken
prisoners.2 The fall of Naples, where great scarcity of
food was already making itself felt, seemed to be only a
question of time. The Emperor's enemies were already
busy with the boldest schemes, and Wolsey, through the
1 See SANUTO, XLVII., 241, 279, 350, 360.
2 For the sea-fight off Capo d'Orso see the detailed account by
P. GIOVIO (Lett. volg. di P. Giovio, Venetia, 1560, f. 4-8 ; also a more
correct account in SANUTO, XLVL, 664 seq.) ; the accounts in SANUTO,
XLVII., 381 ^.,387 seg.t 389, 391, 411 seq., 415, 467 seq., and BALAN,
Boschetti, II., App. 56 seq. ; *Vita di D. Alfonso d' Avalos, Marchese del
Vasto, in Cod. 34, E 23, f. 1 56 seq. of the Corsini Library, Rome ;
JOVIUS, Hist, XXV., 45 seq. ; GuiCCiARDiNi, XIX., 5. See also BALAN,
ClementeVII.,93 ; DE BLASIIS, Maramaldo,!!., 351 ; Arch. Napol., XII.,
41 seq. ; GAVOTTI, La tattica nelle gr. battaglie navali, I., Roma, 1898,
180 seq. ; ORANO, I., 356 n. ; Atti d. Soc. Lig., X. (1876), 659 ; Giorn.
stor. d. Liguria, 1900, 457 seq. ; ROBERT, 189 seq. F. Doria excused
himself on July 17, 1528, for not having acquainted Clement VII. with
his naval victory ; *Lett. d. princ, V., f. 200 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
VOL. X. 2
!g HISTORY OF THE POPES.
English envoys, called upon the Pope to depose the
Emperor without delay.1
Clement VII. watched with strained attention the
result of the great contest, on which for him so much
depended.2 The Neapolitan war filled the unfortunate
Romans with renewed alarm; they dreaded a repetition
of the sack ; the landsknechts had, in fact, threatened
to return and burn the whole city to the ground.3
Clement sent Cardinal Cesi to support Campeggio,
and later on some troops.4 The Pope's anxieties were
increased by the stormy demands of the English envoys
insisting on the dissolution of their King's marriage,
and by the not less stormy entreaties of the League,
especially of Lautrec, to declare immediate war on the
Emperor.5 To crown all came the pressure of famine
in Orvieto, which the Sienese would -do nothing to
relieve on account of their enmity towards the house of
Medici.6 Since a return to the capital, so much desired
by the Romans, was impossible,7 owing to the insecure
state of the country, the Pope was counselled to
change his residence to Perugia, Civita Castellana, or
1 See in STRYPE, Eccles. Memorials, V., 427, some undated accounts
belonging, according to RANKE (Deutsch. Gesch., III., 26), to April 28,
1528.
2 Cf. the ^letters of Jacopo Salviati to Cardinal Campeggio, dat.
Orvieto, 1528, March 9, n, 15, and 16. Litt. divers, ad Clement. VII.,
Vol. III. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 For the plans for the defence of Rome see Casale's account in
MOLINI, II.. 2oseqq.
4 SANUTO, XLVIL, 235, 336.
6 Cf. the refusal of Clement to Lautrec in the *Briefs, dat. Orvieto,
1528, March 31, April 7, and May 15. Min. brev., 1528, vol. 21, n.,
288, 310, 418 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
6 FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 35 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 94 seq.
7 SANUTO, XLVIL 359. Cf. BALAN, Boschetti, II., App. 56.
CLEMENT VII. AT VITERBO. 19
Viterbo;1 it was decided to remove to the last-named
place, the fortress having come into the Pope's possession
at the end of April.2
On the ist of June Clement reached Viterbo3 and was
received by the pious and aged Cardinal Egidio Canisio ;
he first occupied the castle, and afterwards the palace
of Cardinal Farnese. Here too, at first, suitable furniture
was wanting,4 while, at the same time, there was great
scarcity in the town ; 5 but a return to Rome seemed im
possible until the Pope should be again master of Ostia
and Civita Vecchia. In place of Campeggio, who was under
orders to go to England, Cardinal Farnese was appointed,
on the 8th of June., the Legate in Rome; three hundred
men were to garrison the castle of St. Angelo,6 and Alfonso
di Sangro, Bishop of Lecce, was sent to the Emperor to
effect the release of the three Cardinals detained as
hostages in Naples7
On the 4th of June Gasparo Contarini, as Venetian envoy,
1 With SANUTO, XLVIL, 235, 260, 280, 351, 529, 537, cf. the *letter
of G. M. della Porta, dat. Orvieto, 1528, May 19 (State Archives,
Florence).
2 SANUTO, XLVIL, 242 ; BALAN, Clemente VI L, 94 ; *letter of G.
M. della Porta, dat. Orvieto, 1528, May 25 (II papa e resoluto esser
nanti pasqua in Viterbo), in the State Archives, Florence.
3 Cf. Blasius de Martinellis in GREGOROVIUS, VI II., 3rd ed., 584, and
Storia del Duomo d' Orvieto, 77 ; see also ^Despatch of Fr. Gonzaga,
dat. Viterbo, 1 528, June 2 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Bussi, 306,
is wrong in dating the Pope's arrival in Viterbo, June n.
4 Cf the ^report of G. M. della Porta, dat. Viterbo, 1528, July 7
(State Archives, Florence).
5 SANUTO, XLVIL, 128; FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 35.
6 *Brief to Farnese of June 8, 1528 ; Min. brev., 1528, vol. 22, n.
471 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. Acta Consist, in EHSES,
Dokumente, 205 ; SANUTO, XLVIIL, 127.
7 Clement VII. to the Emperor, 1528, June 13 ; GAYANGOS, III., 2,
n. 452 ; HlNOJOSA, 62.
20 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and Giovanni Antonio Muscettola, commissioned by the
Prince of Orange, made their appearance in Viterbo ; the
latter was instructed to try and induce Clement to return
to Rome. The Pope, shrinking from thus placing himself
in the hands of the Spaniards, laid the matter before the
Cardinals, who were unanimous in declaring the return
to Rome desirable but impossible of execution so long as
the Spaniards were masters of Ostia and Civita Vecchia.1
Just then a prospect of recovering these places was opened
up ; a French fleet appeared off Corneto, and Renzo da
Ceri made an attempt, but an unsuccessful one, to take
Civita Vecchia ; the Pope, unmindful of his neutrality,
gave material assistance towards this attempt.2
In the meantime Contarini had done all he could to
persuade the Pope to surrender his claims on Ravenna and
Cervia, but his endeavours were unsuccessful ; Clement
stood firm, and insisted that he was pledged by honour and
duty to demand the restoration of those towns.3 The
support lent by Venice to the Pope's enemy, Alfonso of
Ferrara,4 and the provocation given to Clement himself by
the excessive taxation of the clergy of the Republic and
the usurpation of his jurisdiction, did not lessen the
difficulties of Contarini's position. On the i6th of June
the Pope complained to Contarini of such actions as con
stituting a breach of the treaty made with Julius II.; he
had bestowed the bishopric of Treviso on Cardinal Pisani,
but the Republic had not allowed the latter to take
1 Report of Contarini of July 3, 1528, in DlTTRiCH, Regesten, 32.
Cf. SANUTO, XLVIII., 187, 231. The famine prevailing in Rome was
also a weighty consideration. Cf. the *letter of T. Campeggio to
Bologna, dat. Viterbo, 1528, July 10, in the State Archives, Bologna.
2 SANUTO, XLVIII., 276, 320, 323.
3 DlTTRiCH, Contarini, 128 seqq.
4 Cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 93, and Boschetti, II., 49 seqq.
CONDUCT OF VENICE AND FRANCE. 21
possession of his see. His disposal of patronage was entirely
disregarded in Venice, and it seemed as if the Venetians
wished to show him how little he was considered by them.
" You treat me," he said, " with great familiarity ; you seize
my possessions, you dispose of my benefices, you lay taxes
upon me." The Pope's irritation was so great that, a
few days later, in the course of another interview with
Contarini, he said to himself in a low voice, but so that the
Ambassador could understand him plainly, that, strictly
speaking, the Venetians had incurred excommunication.1
All doubt as to Clement's determination to recover the
captured towns vanished in the course of Contarini's com
munications with Sanga, Salviati, and other influential
personages of the Papal court. The Master of the
household, Girolamo da Schio, informed the Venetian
Ambassador that he had spoken in vain to the Pope of
some compensation in the way of a money payment ;
Clement had rejected the suggestion at once with the
greatest firmness and, moreover, had complained not only
of the conduct of Venice but also of France.2
Clement VII. had good grounds for displeasure with
Francis I., who had supported Alfonso of Ferrara3 and
at last taken overt measures against the Pope. Seized
with alarm lest the new Nuncio, Pucci, should prepare the
way for an understanding between Pope and Emperor,
Francis I. determined to detain the Papal envoy by force.
1 Cf. Contarini's letter in DE LEVA, II., 503, n. 3, and DiTTRlCH,
Regesten, 33. Clement's violent language about Venice is also con
firmed by a ^report of Salimbeni, dat. Viterbo, 1528, June 29 (State
Archives, Siena) ; according to the latter (cf. FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 35) the
Pope exclaimed : " Costoro vogliono ch' io faccia 1' Imperatore Signore d'
Italia e io lo faro." For the encroachments of Venice on ecclesiastical
territory cf. also SANUTO, XLVIL, 200.
2 DITTRICH, Regesten, 32.
3 Cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 94.
22 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
To this, however, his English ally would not agree;
Henry VIII., who had more need than ever of the Pope's
favour in the matter of his divorce, was doing all in his
power to arrive at some accommodation with Clement in
his demands on Venice.1 The French Chancellor, on the
other hand, told Pucci that Francis I. could not permit
him to make his journey to Spain, since he was certain
that he would otherwise lose the support of Venice,
Ferrara, and Florence; rather than give up such in
dispensable allies, France would sooner dispense with
the aid of the Pope and England.2 The arrogance
of the French increased with the news of Lautrec's
successes.
At the end of April the French Chancellor gave the
Nuncio, Pucci, to understand that the king insisted on an
immediate declaration from the Pope. Salviati replied
that his master would make his intentions known if
Ravenna and Cervia were surrendered at once, and
Modena and Reggio after the war.3 In consequence of
the firm behaviour of the Papal representative the French
court at last became aware that something must be done,
at least in the case of Cervia and Ravenna. Strong repre
sentations were made to the Venetians ;4 but at the same
moment a grievous wound was inflicted upon Clement by
the formation of an alliance of the closest kind with the
Pope's bitterest enemy, Ferrara: Renee, the daughter of
1 See the *letter of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of March I,
1528. Nunziatura di Francia I. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 255 seq.
2 Cf. the letter of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of April 4,
1528, in EHSES, Dokumente, 257.
3 ^Letter of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of May 5, 1528.
Nunziatura di Francia I., f. 201 seqq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 Cf. the *letter of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of May 25,
1528. Ibid.) I., f. 223 seqq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
ATTITUDE OF CLEMENT VII. 23
Louis XII., was betrothed to Ercole, the hereditary Prince
of Ferrara.1
The French proposals to the Venetian Government 2
proved futile. Contarini had, as hitherto, to try and justify
the robbery. The Pope, however, prone as he was in
other respects to give way, showed in this instance in
flexible determination. He repeated his declaration that
an agreement with.the League was impossible while Venice
and Ferrara withheld from him his legitimate possessions.
Contarini thought he saw signs of a leaning towards the
Emperor on the part of Clement, although the latter feared
,the power of Charles and placed little trust in him.3
A step, however, in this direction was taken after the
opening of hostilities on the scene of war in Naples. The
victory of the 28th of April had destroyed the Imperialist
fleet, and since the TOth of June Naples had been completely
cut off at sea by Venetian galleys ; the necessaries of life
were hardly procurable in the great city.4 With the rising
heat of summer came a new enemy with whom not only the
besieged but also the besiegers had to engage. Typhus and
a bad form of intermittent fever broke out and spread daily.5
1 See SANUTO, XLVIII., 219, 260 seqq.\ DECRUE, Montmorency,
128 seq. ; Histor. Zeitschrift, XXV., 132 seq. ; FONTANA, Renata, I.,
45 seq., 50 <>eqq. Cf. Lett. d. princ., III., 22.
2 Cf. for this the ^report of the French Ambassador in Venice,
J. de Langeac, to Clement VII., dat. Venice, 1528, June 25. *Lett. d.
princ., V., f. 186 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 DITTRICH, Contarini, 136-137. For the Pope's behaviour with
regard to the acceptance of the "chinea" see Contarini's report in
SANUTO, XLVIII., 402, cf. also 382; FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 39-41, and
Lett. d. princ., III., 29 b seqq.t 32.
4 SANUTO, XLVIII., 161, 174.
6 See SANUTO, XLVIII., 282, 301, 302, 365. Cf. Morone's report
in DANDOLO, Ricordi, 270 ; ALBERINI, 363 ; SANTORO, 95 seq., and the
*Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris). For the
nature of the plague see HAESER, III., 358.
24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In July, when the disease was at its worst, an event
occurred bringing with it far-reaching results ; this was
the rupture between Francis I. and his Admiral, Andrea
Doria. Charles consented to all Doria's demands ; the
Genoese squadron set sail,1 and Naples, which the French
had looked upon as certain to fall into their hands by the
end of July,2 was thus set free by sea. Later, Genoa also,3
so important on account of its situation, was lost to France.
Lautrec had made the greatest exertions to bring about
the fall of Naples. By the 5th of July it was believed, in
the French camp, that further resistance was impossible.4
But the Imperialists held out and defended themselves so
skilfully that Philibert of Chalon, Prince of Orange, who
had succeeded on Moncada's death to his command, was
able to report to his master : " The French in their entrench
ments are more closely besieged than we in the city."5
The Imperialists' best ally, however, was the sickness
which made great strides in the marshy encampment of the
French. " God," said a German, " sent such a pestilence
1 See SISMONDI, XV., 389 seq. ; DE LEVA, II., 475-481 ; DECRUE,
H2 seqq.\ FONTANA, Renata, I., 61 seq. ; PETIT, 75 seq.-\ ROBERT,
214 seq. ; RANKE (Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 19, note 2), without
particularizing more precisely, commented on the accounts in a
"manuscript biography of Guasto in the Chigi Library." There is
certainly some mistake here, as the passages mentioned by Ranke are
in the *Vita di Don Alfonso d'Avalos, Marchese del Vasto, in Cod.
34, E 23 (Corsini Library, Rome).
2 " Costoro sono in certissima speranza che Napoli a questa hora sia
del Christianissimo, et Madama ha usato di dir haverne tal sicurta
che non ne dubita punto et gia ragionono chi debba essere vicere."
•^Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati, 1528, July 26. Nunziatura di
Francia I., f. 255 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 On September 12, 1528. DE LEVA, II., 486 seq. ; BALAN,
Clemente VII., 108 seqq.
4 Florentine account in SANUTO, XLVIIL, 223.
5 REUMONT, Vittoria Colonna, 92.
THE DEFENCE OF NAPLES. 2$
among the French hosts that within thirty days they well-
nigh all died, and out of 25,000 not more than 4000
remained alive."1
Vaudemont, Pedro Navarro, Camillo Trivulzio, and
Lautrec fell ill, and on the night following the Feast of
the Assumption Lautrec died.2 As Vaudemont also was
carried off by the disorder, the Marquis of Saluzzo
assumed the chief command He soon perceived that
the raising of the siege had become inevitable, and on the
night of the 29th of August, amid storms of rain, began
his retreat. The Imperial cavalry at once rode out in
.pursuit ; Orange, with his infantry, turned back to meet
them ; but the sickly French soldiers could not face the
onslaught ; quarter or no quarter, they were forced to
yield ; they were stripped and disarmed and then left to
the mercy of God and to the peasantry, " who put nearly
all of them to death." 3 The wretched scattered remnant
of the great French army wandered about in beggary ; a
few bands made their escape as far as Rome, where they
1 See RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 20. According to
Morone (in DANDOLO, Ricordi, 269) more than half the army died.
CORNELIUS DE FINE reckons the number of dead at about 14,000.
*Diary in National Library, Paris.
2 SANUTO, XLVIIL, 403, 409; Lautrec's body (see portrait in
YRIARTE, Rimini, 365) was buried in camp (see DE BLASIIS,
Maramaldo, II., 369) and later brought to Naples by a Spaniard and
laid in the church of S. Chiara ; see SANTORO, 115. Ferrante of
Cordova, Duke of Sessa, "humanarum miseriarum memor," ordered
a monument to be raised to the French general in S. Maria la Nuova.
In Rome the Senate commanded funeral solemnities for Lautrec, and
for long afterwards masses were said for one who was looked upon
as the " liberatore di questa alma citta." TORRIGIO, Grotte, 263 ;
ORANO, I., 359, note ; ROBERT, 222.
3 REISSNER, i62b. Cf. SCHERTLINS, Biography, 25-26 ; SANUTO,
XLVIIL, 484; SEPULVEDA, I., viii., c. 43; BALAN, Clemente VII.,
104.
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
were compassionately succoured,1 but forced to depart by
the landsknechts. A German resident in Rome relates
how he had supplied the sick and naked with food and
clothing, and how in the streets and environs the corpses
of those who had perished miserably lay exposed.2
" Victoria, victoria, victoria," wrote Morone on the 29th
of August 1528 to the Imperial envoy in Rome. "The
French are destroyed, the remainder of their army is flying
towards A versa." 3 Cardinal Colonna and Orange at once
informed Clement of the victory, and at the same time sent
more special messages. Orange added that he had tried
persistently to describe as faithfully as possible the position
of affairs, and had always foretold the issue as it had come
to pass; he besought the Pope to attach himself as much
as possible to Charles V.4 The complete triumph of the
Emperor was, in fact, no longer in question. Although
the campaign still lingered on in Apulia and Lombardy,
yet, such was the weakness of the French and the luke-
warmness of the Venetians, that the end could be foreseen
with certainty.
Clement thanked God that he had not accepted the
baits of the League. " If he had acted otherwise," wrote
Sanga, " in what an abyss of calamity should we now
be."5 In the beginning of September Clement VII. and
Sanga determined, in spite of Contarini's warnings, to
make serious approaches to the victorious Emperor. " The
1 ALBERINI, 363 seq.
2 *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris).
3 MOLINI, II., 81, and SANUTO, XLVIII., 458 seqq. ; cf. Riv. stor.,
XII., 419-
4 Both ^letters, that of Colonna, dat. Gaeta, 1528, August 30, and
that of Orange, dat. Naples, August 31, I found in Lett. d. princ., V.,
f. 232 and 233 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
5 Letter to Campeggio (undated) in Lett. d. princ., III., 4ib.
ORANGE AND THE POPE. 2?
Pope," as Contarini expressed it on the 8th of September
1528, "is accommodating himself to the circumstances of
the hour."1 His own position, as well as that of Italy,
left him, in fact, no other choice.2 In letters and
messages Orange expressed his loyalty to the Pope ; he
assured Clement, in a letter of the 1 8th of September, that
he might look upon the Imperial forces as his own and
return without anxiety to Rome: "in case of necessity we
are ready to sacrifice our lives in defence of your Holiness."3
1 DlTTRlCH, Regesten, 34 ; cf. Lett. d. princ., III., 4ob.
, 2 REUMONT'S opinion, Toscana, I., 23. Cf. FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 40.
3 Cf. the important and hitherto unknown ^correspondence in *Lett.
d. princ., V., f. 248 : Orange to Clement VII., dat. Naples, 1528,
September 12 : Announcement of the mission of Count Guido Rangoni.
f. 254: ^Cardinal Colonna to Clement VII., dat. Naples, 1528,
September 13 : After the hard-won victory he had gone at the request
of Orange to Naples, " et trovando che per anchora non era expedito
alia S. V., si come il debito ricercava, ho procurato che si mandi il sig.
conte Guido Rangone.'3 f. 255: *Ascanio Colonna to Clement VII.,
dat. 1528, September 17 : Assurances of loyalty ; he is rejoiced to hear
of the Pope's return with the court to Rome. f. 256 : *Orange to
Clement VII., dat. Torre del Greco, 1528, September 18 : The Abbate
di Negri, sent by Andrea Doria, had recently come with a report
corresponding to the personal information given by the Nuncio Girol.
Rorario. As Negri was about to return to the Pope he would not
write a long letter. Negri is to be relied on. " Non perho tacer6 che
V. S. po interiamente fidarsi de li exerciti o ministri de la Ces. Mta
non altramente che de li soi proprii et io o con to exercito o con mia
persona sempre la serviro et faro soi mandati non altramente che si
fosse la Mta Ces. Et cerco al venir de V. S. in Roma la supplico che
venghi senza sospecto alcuno et stia in sua sede come li conviene che
noi bisognando moririamo tutti per mantenercela et N. S. Dio la
revma sua persona et soi stati guardi et augmenti come per epsa se
desidera." f. 261: ^Cardinal Colonna to Clement VII., dat. Naples,
1528, September 18 : Thanks for the two briefs ; assurances of loyalty,
f. 263: *Orange to Clement VII., dat. Torre del Greco, 1528,
September 29 : He had heard of the Pope's great displeasure at the
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Charles also tried to gratify the Pope in circumstances
of a different sort, for he gave a promise, through Orange,
to restore the Medicean rule in Florence.1 But from
Venice came the tidings, through the French envoy, that
all his efforts to induce the Signoria to give back Ravenna
and Cervia were unavailing. So great was the acquisitive
ness and lust of possession of the Venetians that, instead
of giving back the Pope his own, they were more likely
to make further aggressions.2
In September Clement made up his mind to return to
Rome, in accordance with the Emperor's strong desire,
although Civita Vecchia and Ostia were still occupied by
the Spaniards. Contarini vainly tried to dissuade him.
Orange had given his solemn oath to protect the Pope, if
the latter would only go back to Rome and save the
Emperor, who was actually and in intent a faithful son
of the Church, from the contumely which would certainly
accrue to him if Clement VII. refused, from distrust, to
return to his See.3 Already, on the i/th of September
expedition of Sciarra Colonna to take Paliano and against other places
held in sequestration by the Pope. He was himself much displeased,
as he wished in everything to be in accordance with the Pope ; he had
therefore addressed to Ascanio as well as Sciarra Colonna the most
urgent injunctions to respect all property subject to the Papal claims
until the final decision should be pronounced. He hoped that the
matter would thus be settled ; in any case he would deal with the
circumstances in such a way as to relieve the Pope of all anxiety
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 Sienese report of September 22, 1528, in FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 41,
' note 2. Cf. SANUTO, XLVIII., 485, 490 seqq.
2 -^Letter of J. de Langeac to Clement VII., dat. Venice, 1528,
August 29. *Lett. d. princ., V., f. 231 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
3 DITTRICH, Contarini, 139. "The departure for Rome was certain,
the day not fixed," reports *T. Campeggio on October 2, 1528, to
Bologna (State Archives, Bologna).
CLEMENT VII. RE-ENTERS ROME. 29
1528, the Pope had sent Cardinals Sanseveririo and Valle
to Rome.1 His own return was delayed owing to a violent
feud between the Colonna and Orsini, whereby the
neighbourhood of Rome was laid waste.2
At the last hour France made an attempt to thwart this
beginning of an understanding between the Pope and the
Emperor. On the 1st of October a messenger from Carpi
approached the Pope. He brought a promise of the
immediate restoration of Ravenna and Cervia as soon
as Clement gave his adhesion to the League ; while
Modena and Reggio would be given back simultaneously
with his acting in the interests of France. The Pope
sent a refusal.3 On the 5th of October he left Viterbo
with his whole court, under the protection of about a
thousand soldiers, and on the following evening, amid
torrents of rain, re-entered his capital. He forbade
any public reception on account of the distressing
state of the times ; he first paid a visit to St. Peter's,
to make an act of thanksgiving, and then repaired to
the Vatican.4
The city presented a truly horrifying picture of misery
and woe. Quite four-fifths of the houses, according to the
computation of the Mantuan envoy, were tenantless ; ruins
were seen on every side — -a shocking sight for anyone who
had seen the Rome of previous days. The inhabitants
themselves declared that they were ruined for two genera-
1 SANUTO, XLVIII., 542; XLIX., 18. Cf. also 19 and 21 for the
probable departure of the Pope.
2 ALBERINI, 366 seqq. \ cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 97 seq., 113.
3 GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 589.
4 See SANUTO, XLIX., 49 ; Contarini's report in DITTRICH,
Regesten, 36 ; GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 576 ; the **letters of F. Gonzaga
of October 7, 1528 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and *Diary of BLASIUS
DE MARTINELLIS in Cod. Barb. lat. 2799, Vatican Library.
30 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
tions to come.1 The same authority, quoted above,
emphasizes the fact that of all his many acquaintances,
inmates of or sojourners in Rome, hardly anyone was left
alive. " I am bereft of my senses," he says, " in presence
of the ruins and their solitude."2 The churches were one
and all in a terrible condition, the altars were despoiled
of their ornaments, and most of the pictures were destroyed.
In the German and Spanish national churches only was
the Holy Sacrifice offered during the occupation of
the city.3
A Papal Encyclical of the I4th of October 1528 sum
moned all Cardinals to return to Rome.4 Clement wrote
in person to Charles, on the 24th of October, that, relying
on the promises of Orange and the other representatives
of his Majesty, to whom this intelligence will be certainly
acceptable, he had returned to Rome, " the one seat " of
the Papacy. " We too," he added, " must rejoice on coming
1 F. Gonzaga thus reports in his **letter of October 7, 1528, in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; cf. LANCELLOTTI, III., 410, 449, and Lett,
d. princ., III., 46, 56b. The Ricordi di Bontempi, 238, puts the number
of houses destroyed by the Imperialists at 13,600. GREGOROVius,
VIII., 3rd ed., 590, thinks this an exaggeration.
2 See in Appendix, No. 5, *F. Gonzaga on October 12,1528 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). " lo no saprei con qual formula di discorso narrare
le miserie di Roma dopo il sacco e quali fossero le lacrime de' cittadini,
quali i sospiri profondi che durarono nel petto de' mortali, poiche tutti
universalmente si lagnavano, chi piangeva la madre, chi il fratello e
chi il padre e chi gli.altre suoi piu prossimi consanguinei," so runs the
*Relazione delle miserie dopo il sacco in Cod. R, 6, 17 (Angelica
Library, Rome).
3 See the *Relazione quoted in note above : " Erant enim Romae
omnes ecclesiae derelictae atque omnia sacra profanata, et in tota urbe
noncelebrabantur missae nisi in hospital! Teutonicorum et Hispanorum."
*Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Library, Paris.
4 Min. brev., 1528, II., vol. 19, n. 898 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
PAPAL LETTER TO CHARLES V. 31
safe to shore, after so great a shipwreck, even if we have
lost all things ; but our grief for the ruin of Italy, manifest
to every eye, still more for the misery of this city and our
own misfortune, is immeasurably heightened by the sight
of Rome. We are sustained only by the hope that,
through your assistance, we may be able to stanch the
many wounds of Italy, and that our presence here and
that of the Sacred College may avail towards a gradual
restoration of the city. For, my beloved son, before
our distracted gaze lies a pitiable and mangled corpse,
and nothing can mitigate our sorrows, nothing can build
anew the city and the Church, save the prospect of that
peace and undisturbed repose which depends on your
moderation and equity of mind." 1
1 RAYNALDUS, 1528, n. 15. Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 232, who remarks
that the Pope's words were so many reproaches to those who were the
chief culprits. The letter to Castiglione sent together with this Brief is
undated in Lett. d. princ, III., 56 seqq.
CHAPTER II.
RECONCILIATION OF THE EMPEROR AND THE POPE. — THE
TREATIES OF BARCELONA AND CAMBRAI.
ON the day after his return to Rome, Clement assembled
the Cardinals and conservators in order to confer with them
on the restoration of the city.1 The Pope's first care was
to provide for the most pressing necessity, the import of
articles of food, of which there was the greatest scarcity.
Steps were also taken to set in order the despoiled churches,
and to repair the destruction wrought on buildings. The
business of the Curia now resumed its regular course;
persons belonging to the court tried to install themselves
as best they could.2 Life in the city showed signs of
a complete change ; the luxury and frivolity of previous
days had vanished, for the general poverty stamped an
1 See the **letter of F. Gonzaga of October 7, 1528 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
2 Cf. SANUTO, XLIX., 96, 134, 155; report of Contarini of
December 19, 1528, in BROSCH, I., 118 ; letter of Salviati in SERASSI,
II., \yseq. ; LANCELLOTTI, III., 449 ; *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE
in the National Library, Paris. A terrible picture of the gran carestia
which continued in Rome is given by G. M. della Porta in a ^letter to
the Duchess of Urbino, dat. Rome, 1529, January 9 : " Ogni giorno si
veggono gli morti per le strate — non si sente per la citta altra voce che
questa de poveri gridando ; aiutatemi ch' io moro della fame " (State
Archives, Florence). The Pope's endeavours to give succour are
•^reported by F. Gonzaga on January 7, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). Cf. also Studi e doc., III., 89 seq.
32
CONDITION OF ROME. 33
impress of seriousness and gloom on everything.1 In
stead of the throng of showy equipages, religious proces
sions made their way through the deserted streets.2 The
unlucky inhabitants were in want not only of nourishment
but of clothing ; traders from Venice and other places came
in numbers, but hardly anyone had money to make
purchases.3 Strangers were especially struck by the
wretched plight of most of the Cardinals.4 Ecclesiastical
ceremonies, even those in which the Pope took a part, were
shorn of their splendour owing to the lack of ornaments
and vestments.5 Yet, notwithstanding the general misery,
the Pope was glad to be back in Rome, his own See.6
While in Viterbo, Clement had published the nomination
of Quinones, the General of the Franciscans, then at the
Emperor's court, to the Cardinalate.7 He awaited his
1 *Relazione delle miserie dopo il sacco in Cod. R, 6, 17 (Angelica
Library, Rome).
2 Thus on November 25, 1528, in order to solemnize the restoration
of the plundered relics ; see BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 Relazione, etc , loc. cit.
4 See LANCELLOTTI, III., 449.
6 *24 Decemb. 1528 fuerunt vesperae papales'in capella magna,
quia ob defectum mitrarum et paramentorum papa in consistorio sic
ordinaverat On December 25 also the service was held in the capella
magna. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
0 Report of F. Gonzaga of October 20, 1528, in SANUTO, XLIX., 134.
7 PANVINIUS, 367, gives no day, and makes it appear that Quinones
had already been nominated together with the Cardinals mentioned
above (see Vol. IX. of this work, p. 465). This is a mistake.
According to ClACONlUS, III., 495 seq., and CATALANUS, 303,
Quinones' nomination took place on December 7, 1527, but the
publication, as SANUTO, XLIX., 20, proves with certainty, was deferred
until September 25, 1528. This is in agreement with the *letter of T.
Campeggio, dat. Viterbo, September 28, 1 528 (State Archives Bologna).
VOL. X, 3
34
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
return, with more precise information as to the Emperor's
intentions, with anxious impatience.1 In the meanwhile
the agents of the League, led by Contarini, were active
in trying to hinder the advances of the Pope to the
Emperor, and a new French envoy was also busy in the
same direction as Contarini.2 These attempts were not,
at the time, altogether without hope of success, for
Charles V., with icy reserve, let the Pope feel that he was
dependent on his favour.3 The Emperor's servants in
Italy did not fail their master in keeping up this impres
sion.4 The return of Quifiones was delayed in such a
remarkable mariner that the Pope was nearly worn out
with impatience.5 Expressions made use of by Clement
VII. and by his advisers as well, in November and the
first half of December, show how heavily the Emperor's
preponderance weighed upon him, and how gladly he
would have seen a weakening of the Imperial power,
whether from the side of Bavaria or from that of the
Voivode of Siebenbiirgen.6
1 Cf. *Lett. d. princ., III., 56h seq., 61 seqq., 63 seqq., 67 seqq. ;
RAYNALDUS, 1528, n. 15; SANUTO, XLIX, 95, 133, '55 seq. Cf. the
^reports of T. Campeggio, dat. Viterbo, October 2, and Rome,
November 5, 1528 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 See DiTTRlCH, Contarini, 138 seq.
:! Gregorovius' opinion, VIII., 3d ed., 605.
4 This was seen most clearly in the negotiations for the surrender of
Ostia and Civita Vecchia. Charles had already, on September 1 6, 1 528,
given orders that Civita Vecchia should be restored to the Pope ; see
VILLA, Italia, 249-250.
» Cf. SANUTO, XLIX., 158, 186, 218, 279, 280.
6 Cf. along with the report of Giov. Joachim [Passano] of November 7,
1528, in MOLINI, II., 122, those of *Raince, December 14, 1528, and
of Bellay, January I, 1529 (National Library, Paris), made use of by
RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 21 seq. The titles of the
MSS. in question, missing in Ranke, are in DE LEVA, II., 494, where it
is to be remarked that MS. Beth. 8534 now bears the sign, franc. 3009.
QUINONES IN ROME. 35
The Pope had begun to despair of Quinones' return
when, on the i^th of December 1528, came the intelligence
that the latter had landed at Genoa in the company of
Miguel Mai.1 This was welcome news, for now there
seemed a certainty of ascertaining the Emperor's position.
On the 3Oth of December Quinones reached Rome, and
was immediately provided with a lodging close to the Papal
apartments.2 The hopes that the Emperor's attitude would
now be clearly explained proved illusory, for Quinones
brought with him only civil speeches ; all matters of detail
were to be discussed with the Viceroy of Naples.3
Contarini considered this a favourable moment for
expending all his gifts of eloquence on the Pope in order
to persuade him to renounce his claims on Cervia and
Ravenna, and to win him over to the League. He thought
it necessary to show all the more energy in the matter as
a report was current that the Pope had a mind to lay
Venice under an interdict. On the 4th of January 1529
he entered the Papal presence ; he announced that he
had come not as the envoy of Venice, but as an Italian,
1 Report to the Marquis of Mantua of December 17, 1528, in SANUTO,
XLIX., 281, cf. 331, and Lett. d. princ., I., 118. In the ^letters of
credence of Charles V. for M. Mai, dat. July 17, 1528, the Emperor
wrote to the Pope : " Si praesentes S. V. praesentem alloqueremur,
non facilius animum nostrum ea perspiceret quam ex magnifico equite
Michaele Mayo, consiliario et oratore nostro, quern ad S. V. mittimus."
Lett. d. princ., V., f. 202 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
" SANUTO, XLIX., 348 seqq. For the causes which delayed the
arrival of Quinones see R. ANCEL, D'un recueil de docum. appart. a
1'heritage du Card. A. Trivulzio, Bruges, 1906-7.
3 BROWN, IV., 1 86. Contarini's relation in ALBERT, 2 Series, III.,
262. It is interesting and explanatory of Charles's conduct as described
above that, as Mai told Andrea da Burgo, he should have lost confidence
in Quinones since the latter became a Cardinal ; see the ^report of A.
da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat, Rome, March 2, 1529 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
36 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
as a private personage and as a Christian, in order to
submit to his Holiness his opinion on the state of affairs.
The Pope having invited him to speak freely, Contarini set
forth, in impressive language, that the whole question
resolved itself into one point, namely, that at that given
moment the Head of the Church should not, like the rulers
of secular states, pursue particular interests only, but fix
his eyes on the general welfare of Christendom, and thereby
divert the other princes of Europe also from their purely
selfish systems of policy. Proceeding further, Contarini
suggested to the Pope nothing less than the renunciation
of a portion, nay, even of the entirety, of the Papal States.
" Let not your Holiness suppose," he said, " that the welfare
of the Church of Christ stands or falls with these morsels
of worldly dominion. Before their acquisition the Church
existed, and, indeed, existed at her best. She is the common
possession of all Christians ; the Papal States are like any
other states of an Italian prince, therefore your Holiness
must set in the forefront of your responsibilities the welfare
of the true Church, which consists in the peace of Christen-'
dom, and allow the interests of the temporal states to fall
for a time into the background." The Pope made answer :
" I well perceive that you are speaking the truth and that I,
as one faithful to his trust, ought to act as you exhort me ;
but then, those on the other side ought to act in like
manner. Nowadays it has come to pass that the craftiest
man is held to be the most capable, and wins most
applause in this world ; of anyone who acts otherwise, all
that is said is that he is a good-natured but impracticable
fellow, and, with that, they leave him to himself."
Contarini rejoined: "If your Holiness were to explore
all the contents of Holy Scripture, which cannot err,
you would find that nothing is prized therein more highly
than truth, virtue, goodness, and a noble purpose. On
REPLY OF THE POPE TO CONTARINI. 37
many private occasions I have tested this standard
and found it true. Let your Holiness take courage and
go on your way with a good intention, and God, without
doubt, will support you and give you glory, and you will
find the right path without toil and without intrigue."
In his reply the Pope kept to his former standpoint.
He referred to the danger of an alliance of the Emperor
with Florence, Ferrara, and Venice. "You," he added,
"would be allowed to keep all that you have got, while I,
as the good-natured man, who has been robbed of all his
belongings, would be left where I am without a chance of
recovering one single thing." To Contarini's assurance
that Venice would not conclude a separate treaty with
Charles apart from the other members of the League, the
Pope replied with the remark, " With you everything
depends on a single ballot." All further representations
of the Ambassador were in vain, although his words had
not been without a certain effect. " I admit," said Clement,
" that the course you recommend would be the right one ;
otherwise Italy falls entirely into the power of the
Emperor, and you will try to get some advantage from
the Turkish danger. But I tell you, we have no common
ground to meet on, and the good-natured man is treated
as a simpleton." l
Contarini's advice certainly sounds like that of an
idealist ; but a dispassionate critic will admit that the
Venetian was confusing the interests of his native city and
the still unrecovered independence of Italy with the wel
fare of Christendom.2 The Medici Pope did not try to
conceal that he was a practical politician to the core ; if,
1 Contarini's account of his famous audience, dated January 4,
1529, was first given in a summary by DE LEVA, II., 503-505 ; then
more fully by DITTRICH, Regesten, 41-46.
2 BAUMGARTEN is of the same opinion, Karl V., II., 676.
38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in an age when hardly anything was respected except
material power, when political considerations controlled
every question, even the purely ecclesiastical, he refused
to renounce his secular sovereignty, he certainly was acting
intelligibly from a merely human standpoint;1 but higher
and more Christian conceptions were demanded in one
holding the office of the Vicar of Christ. The pursuit
of temporal power was to a certain extent fully justified,
but ought always to have been subordinated to the supreme
interest, that of devotion to the supernatural claims of the
Church. That Clement only too often forgot this, throws
a heavy shadow over his pontificate.
In January 1529 Quifiones went to Naples in order to
negotiate on the spot for the surrender of Ostia and Civita
Vecchia, the liberation of the hostages, and an understand
ing between the Emperor and the Pope. Clement also
appointed Schonberg as his colleague,2 and sent a token
of high distinction to the Viceroy.3 At this time Miguel
Mai arrived in Rome to represent the Emperor, "a bold,
unscrupulous character, wholly devoted to his master's
interests."4 Mai announced that he had full powers to give
1 Cf. DITTRICH, Contarini, 152. " If the Venetians treat me already
in this way, now that they have need of me," said Clement, " what will
they do later on!" Contarini's report of November 14, 1528, in
DITTRICH, Regesten, 38.
2 Contarini's relation in ALBERI, 2 Series, III., 262. Cf. SANUTO,
XLIX., 350, 384, and Salviati's letter of January 3, 1529, in the Lett,
d. princ., I., I2ob.
3 A consecrated hat and sword (*Brief of January 8, 1529, Min.
brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 7, Secret Archives of the Vatican) which,
owing to the Pope's illness, were not presented until April 28, 1529 ;
see DE BLASIIS, Maramaldo, III., 335, n.
4 BAUMGARTEN, II., 685. For Mai's arrival see SANUTO, XLIX.,
415, and SERASSI, II., 165 ; for his personal relations, GAYANGOS,
IV., i, Introd., x.
ILLNESS OF THE POPE. 39
back Ostia and Civita Vecchia; the restitution would
take place as soon as he had spoken with the Pope.1
This was impossible, for, just at this juncture, Clement
was taken with a serious illness, the consequence,
very probably, of the agitation and suffering of the
previous year.
In spite of a cold, contracted on the Feast of the
Epiphany, in the Sixtine Chapel, Clement VII. had held a
Consistory on the 8th of January;2 thereupon he fell ill;
on the evening of the Qth he was in a state of high
fever, and the following morning his life was despaired of.3
Although an improvement set in, the case seemed to give
so clear a warning of his approaching end that on the
night of the loth of January the Pope summoned the
Cardinals to him and with their approval bestowed the
purple on Ippolito de' Medici.4 Somewhat earlier the
same honour had been intended for Girolamo Doria, nephew
of Andrea Doria, who had promised to relieve the scarcity
of food in Rome. After some hesitation, all the Cardinals
1 SERASSI, II., 165.
'2 See F. Gonzaga's ^letter, January 7, 1529, in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua, and Contarini's report in DlTTRlCH, Regesten, 46.
3 *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of the
Vatican and Cod. Barb. lat. 2799, Vatican Library.
4 *Die dominica X. ianuarii 1529 prima hora noctis cum Sanctitas
Sua egrotaret fuit congregatio in qua fuit receptus rmos sancte Crucis
ad osculum ab omnibus dominis. Deinde clausum est [os] et statim
appertum preter consuetudinem propter Sanctitatis Sue egritudinem.
Deinde fuit assumptus ad cardinalatum dominus Hipolitus Medicis
Sanctitatis Sue nepos ex statim publicatus cui fuit data in adminis-
trationem ecclesia Avinionensis cum retentione tituli sancte Praxedis.
*Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor (Consistorial Archives). The
Bull by which Ippolito was made Cardinal (*Regest, 1438, f. 9 seg.}
was published on January 22, 1529 ; see Varia polit, 47, f. 109 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican). Cf. the **report of F. Gonzaga of January
10, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and SERASSI, II., 164.
40 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
assented to this nomination also.1 On this occasion Clement
declared to the Sacred College that if God restored him to
health it was his intention to journey into Spain in order
to restore peace to Christendom.2 During the next few
days the condition of the sick Pontiff continued to be
very critical,3 and on the evening of the I5th of January
Clement was so weak that it was not believed he could
live through the night.4
The sudden assembling of the Cardinals at the Vatican
had already thrown the Romans into dismay, and the
excitement was increased by the spread of more and more
alarming accounts of the Pope's illness. Not a few believed
that he was already dead;5 the citizens began to arm.
The Cardinals met together in the Palazzo Monte for con
sultation, as the doctors had for the moment given Clement
1 SANUTO, XLIX., 368-369, 384, 386, and DITTRICH, Regesten, 46.
From Blasius de Martinellis in CIACONIUS, III., 501, it appears that
Doria was nominated before Medici ; the consent of the Cardinals
to this came later, according to SANUTO, XLIX., 386, but before
January 15, 1529.
2 So Quinones reported to the Emperor on February 15, 1529.
GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 625.
3 Cf. BOURRILLY DE VAISSIERE, Amb. de J. du Bellay, 548, n. 2.
4 See Sanga's letter in SERASSI, II., 162.
6 DITTRICH, Regesten, 46; cf. Luzio, Aretino a Venezia, 31, and
Rom. Quartalschrift, XIV., 257, 263 seq. As no one was admitted to
the sick man's chamber, many contradictory reports arose. In the
•^despatches of F. Gonzaga the following bulletins were given : — Rome,
1529, January 12 : The Pope is feeling better. January 13: In the
notte passata the Pope had a parossismo. January 1 5 : The Pope
shows a marked improvement. January 16 : The Pope is ill.
January 17 : Since yesterday the Pope's condition has greatly im
proved ; he has risen from the dead. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.)
For the physicians of Clement VII. and Berni's verses upon them, see
GIORDANO, App. 65, and MARINI, I. seqq. According to ALBERINI,
368, Mariano de Doxis della Palma cured the Pope in this illness.
ASSEMBLY OF THE CARDINALS. 41
up. Since Ostia and Civita Vecchia were still in the
Imperialists' hands, and the unruly host under Orange was
still encamped at Naples, the freedom of a Papal election
seemed in serious danger. The majority of the Cardinals
were therefore of opinion that the conclave ought not to
be held in Rome. Even Quinones, with his Imperialist
sympathies, took this standpoint, and feared a schism, the
responsibility for which would be thrown on the Emperor.
Miguel Mai declared later that Wolsey had roused the
anxiety of the Cardinals as to the freedom of the conclave
in order to induce them to transfer it to Avignon, where
this ambitious churchman considered his election would
be sure.1
However that may be, it is a fact that the Cardinals
took into consideration the issue of a Bull in which the
seat of the conclave should be assigned to Bologna, Verona,
Civita Castellana, or Avignon. Cardinals Enkevoirt and
Quinones approached Mai secretly, and told him that if the
fortified places were not given up immediately there would
be an uproar in Rome. Almost all the Sacred College
threatened him with dismissal in the event of the Pope's
death. " The majority of the Cardinals," Mai was forced to
inform the Emperor, " are unfriendly to me on account of
the ruthless havoc committed by our soldiery throughout
1 Report in cipher of Mai of March 16, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III.,
2, n. 653. Cf. also Valdes' letter in HOMENAJE A MENENDEZ Y PELAYO,
399; EHSES, Dokumente, 263; SAGMULLER, 164, seq., the extract
from A. da Burgo's ^report, dat. Rome, 1529, March 7. Here with
reference to the recent occurrences (for in February the question
of a Papal election was still prominent) : " Circa electionem novi
pontificis scribit nihil aliud fuisse nisi confusionem et dubium de
scismate, quum major pars sit de factione Gallica et quae decreverat
ire in Avenionem et card. s. Crucis non erat alienus, sed orator
Caesaris bono modo corripuit eum" (Court and State Archives,
Vienna).
42 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Italy, from Piedmont to Apulia."1 It was seen on the
Imperialist side that something must be done to allay the
excitement Accordingly, the Cardinals kept as hostages
in Naples were set free, and the order was given for the
surrender of Ostia and Civita Vecchia.2
In the meantime Clement had made a remarkably quick
recovery from his illness,3 although the fever did not wholly
leave him ; his condition varied from day to day, but
remained so far stationary that it was impossible for him
to grant audiences.4 It was feared in the Vatican that the
constantly recurring fever would at last wear out the Pope's
strength,5 and a commission of Cardinals was appointed
1 Mai's report of March 22, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 657. In
a cipher despatch of March 16, Mai said to the Emperor he feared
the almost universal hatred, called forth by the excesses of the Spanish
soldiery, more than all the allied forces together. GAYANGOS, III., 2,
n. 654. Francis I. also declared himself in favour of Civita Castellana
as a meeting-place for the Cardinals ; see DESJARDINS, II., 1044.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XLIX., 384, 386, the report of Quinones in GAYANGOS,
III., 2, n. 625, and the **letter of Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga of January
1 8, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The *Acta Consist, of the
Camerarius note under January 26, 1529 : " Congregatio cardinalium :
R. dom. Augustinus s. Hadriani diaconus cardinalis de Trivultiis ex
Neapoli, ubi per aliquot menses detentus fuerat per capitaneos Caes.
Majestatis exercitus, egit gratias s. collegio pro liberatione sua." Cod.
Vat., 3457, P. II., Vatican Library.
3 Cf. with SANUTO, XLIX., 386, 415, and SERASSI, II., 163, the
Cardinal E. Gonzaga's **report of January 18, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
4 See SANUTO, XLIX., 415, 424, 432, and the ^letters of F. Gonzaga,
dat. Rome, 1 529, January 22 and 27 ; The Pope has fever. February 2 :
The Pope is still ill. February 3 : Parossismo. February 4 : Improve
ment (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). See also the *letterofT.Campeggio,
dat. Rome, 1529, January 31 (State Archives, Bologna).
6 Report of Guido da Crema of February 4 in SANUTO, XLIX., 433.
In Rome many believed that the Pope had been poisoned ; see * Diary
of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Library, Paris.
ALARM OP" THE POPE. 43
to despatch the most pressing business.1 On the i8th of
February Clement had another bad attack, and the question
of the freedom of election came once more to the front.
The negotiations of the Cardinals over the delivery of
Ostia and Civita Vecchia proved as fruitless as ever, for,
in spite of the orders from Orange, communicated by Mai,
the commandants of the fortresses refused to evacuate
them until their soldiers' clamours for pay had been
satisfied.2 " If the Pope were to die," reported Quinones to
the Emperor, " before the fortresses belonging to him are
given up, a schism will be inevitable."3
. By the middle of February the report gained ground
that the Emperor was making serious preparations for
his descent upon Italy. These tidings aroused great
excitement among the diplomatists resident in Rome ;
the Pope was greatly alarmed, and declared himself
ready to visit Spain and France in person, accompanied
by six or seven of the Cardinals, on a mission of peace
making, in order to show his impartiality towards King
and Emperor alike. 4
The Pope's neutrality was displeasing to the representa
tives of the Emperor and of the League. The former saw
in the Pope's projected journey only an attempt to thwart
1 *Briefs for Antonio Portuen. et Laurentio Prenest. episcopis ac
Augustino tit. s. Ciriaci in thermis. presb. card, camerario, dat. Rome,
1529, February 7. Min. brev. 1529, vol. 23, n. 79 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
2 SANUTO, XLIX., 496-497, 506; cf. Mai's report in GAVANGOS,
III., 2, n. 636, 643; SERASSI, II., 165, and the *Acta Consist, of the
Camerarius of January 26 and February 3, 1529 (Vatican Library).
3 Report of March i, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III. ,2, n. 635. On March
22 Quinones reports his renewed attempts to convince the Cardinals
that Charles would not bring influence to bear on a Papal election.
Ibid., n. 658.
4 GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 636, 642 ; cj. DITTRICH, Contarini, 158.
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the expedition of Charles ; the latter hoped that Clement,
in his alarm at the Emperor's coming, might be drawn to
their side. Thus the Pope, not yet wholly recovered from
his illness, became the occasion of a sharp diplomatic
struggle in which neither threats nor enticements were
spared on either side.1
The Emperor's agent, Miguel Mai, had been com
missioned to obtain the Pope's consent to an offensive, or,
if this was not possible, at least to a defensive alliance.2
The League hoped to attain its object by inviting Giberti,
who had so often already won Clement over to France, to
come to Rome.3 On the 23rd of February the Bishop of
Verona arrived. He was at once able to corroborate
Contarini, that Clement was now more inclined to a general
peace. But, he added, two things are necessary : in the
first place, no one must try to force him to change his
views; and, secondly, no one must give him cause for
fresh complaint. This last hint referred to Ravenna
and Cervia, which the Venetians, in spite of the pressure
1 *The Acta Consist, of the Camerarius note under February 8,
1529; "Orator imperatoris praesentavit sacro collegio litteras Caes.
Mtis quibus hortatur rev. dominos, quod studeant et assistant S. D. N.,
ut universalis pax tractetur et concludatur." Cod. Vat., 3457, P II.,
Vatican Library. Mai himself informed the Emperor on March 6,
1529, of the threat he had used towards one of the Cardinals; see
GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 643.
2 " Dixit [Mai] praeterea se habere commissionem a Caesare pro-
curandi ligam cum pontifice offensivam, quam si non posset obtinere,
Caesarern esse contentum de defensiva." See infra, note 3, extract
from A. da Burgo's ^report of March 2, 1529 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
3 * Andrea da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, March 2. The
letter consists only of a contemporary extract made in Ferdinand's
Chancery in which it says : " Joh. Math. Giberti venit ad urbem
suasu aliquorum ex parte ligae " (Court and State Archives,
Vienna).
ANXIETY OF THE IMPERIALISTS. 45
brought to bear on them, especially by England, had
no intention of giving up.1
Giberti was almost all day with the Pope, who was
showing marked improvement.2 Even though their
conversation has not been reported, it is yet easy to con
jecture its import. The Imperialists were fully aware of
the danger threatening them. Miguel Mai wrote angrily
to the Emperor that "these devils of Leaguers are
besieging the Pope might and main, and spinning round
him a web of lies and artifices of all sorts." 3 Andrea da
Burgo, the representative of Ferdinand I., also saw with
anxiety how the Pope, in his alarm and indecision, was
being plied with every possible promise by the French and
English, and encouraged in his distrust of the Emperor.
Already, on the 2nd of March 1529, he reported that the
French were promising Cervia and Ravenna, and anything
else that the Pope wished, if he would only declare himself
for the League. From his timidity, and the wholly French
character of his surrounding influences, Andrea, and many
others with him, inferred that Clement would certainly
not make any advances towards the Emperor and
Ferdinand I. ; they ought to be glad, thought Andrea, if
he remained neutral.4
In the meantime the Pope's condition had improved so
much that on the 7th of March he was able to leave his
bed,5 and his audiences, although on a limited scale, were
1 See Contarini's report in SANUTO, L., 13-14; cf. DITTRICH, Con-
tarini, 159.
2 SANUTO, L., 14, 16.
3 Report of March 6, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 643 ; cf. BARDI,
Carlo V., 27.
4 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 1529, March 2 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna, Romana).
5 F. Gonzaga in a ^report of the Pope's health, March 3, 1529: "S. Sta
sta ben." In another of March 7 : " S. Sta si puo metter par sana.
46 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
resumed. On the Qth of March Burgo sent a report to
Ferdinand on Mai's negotiations with the Pope and
Schonberg. Clement, in his conversation with Charles's
envoy, insisted on his duty of remaining neutral, and on his
poverty, which was so great that he was hardly able to
afford the upkeep of his household. He refused an alliance,
offensive or defensive, with the Emperor. At the same
time he again went over his plan of visiting France and
Spain in person, and, with this object in view, he spoke of
sending Schonberg to the Emperor, and Giberti to Francis
I. To Burgo the absence of Schonberg seemed dangerous,
for the latter was the Emperor's most loyal representative
in Rome,1 and in his audiences with the Pope expressed
himself in the same way.2
Miguel Mai was in close communication with the
o
Cardinals as well as with the Pope ; but he found out
that the former were for the most part inclined towards
France.3 Even if Mai, occasionally, had recourse to threats,
Hoggi ha dato principio a levarse de letto " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
Cf. also the *report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529,
March 7 : " Papa X. diebus fuit sine febre, et hodie exivit ex lecto et
incipit aliquid audire" (Court and State Archives, Vienna, Romana).
1 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 1529, March 9 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna). Cf. GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 636, 647.
2 A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 1529, March 18 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
3 Mai also complains of the inactivity of the Imperialist Cardinals.
Report of March 22, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 657. On March 16
he wrote in cipher to Charles V. : "I cannot deny that the Pope at
present shows a certain amount of goodwill towards your Majesty and
has a just conception of your Majesty's power and wisdom, whereby
he distinguishes himself from the allied princes, whose hatred of your
Majesty is deeply rooted. The Pope at the same time fears the
members of the League ; looking upon both parties as his natural
enemies, he would gladly see the Ultramontanes, as he calls them, quit
Italy. In this sense the Pope declared himself to Quifiones in past
EFFORTS TO GAIN THE POPE. 47
yet his chief endeavour was, by meeting the Pope's wishes,
especially in financial matters, to induce him to renounce
his neutrality and ally himself with Charles.1 But in
all their efforts to gain the Pope, the Imperialists sought
to drive home the argument that Charles could give
assistance towards the restoration of the Medici as rulers
of Florence.2 To play on Clement's fears, the League
made use of the reports, then taking definite shape, of the
approaching arrival of the Emperor in Italy. He was
told that in the end Charles would make himself master
of the whole of the Papal States.3
The excitement occasioned by these transactions and
the more threatening aspect of the divorce suit of Henry
VIII. brought on a relapse, and Clement was unable to
celebrate Mass in St. Peter's on Easter Day. On Easter
Monday 18,000 ducats were paid into the hands of the
Imperial envoy, whereupon Ostia and Civita Vecchia were
restored to the Pope.4 At the same time came the sorrow
ful news of Castiglione's death ; this was a heavy loss for
the Pope, for none stood higher in the Emperor's favour
than this gifted diplomatist.5
years when the latter was leaving for Spain ; he had added, however,
that if he were forced to choose between Charles and Francis, he would
certainly decide in favour of the former. On the other hand, he seems
to fear the usual unsettled state of things in Spain where, as he says,
promises are never kept." GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 653.
1 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, II., 687.
2 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., March 9 and 18, 1529 (Court and
State Archives, Vienna).
3 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 1529, March 28 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
4 SANUTO, L., 124 seq., 126, 134 seqq., 136 seqq.^ 166 ; cf. the
^Despatches of Romeo of March 27 and 28, 1529, to the Duke of
Ferrara (State Archives, Modena).
5 See the report of March 29, 1529, in SANUTO, L., 127. Castiglione
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The repeated promises of the Imperialists to render
service l to the Pope both in respect of the restoration of
the Medici as rulers in Florence, and of the restitution of
Cervia and Ravenna, could not fail to make a deep im
pression on Clement. But, amid the uncertainty of affairs
in Italy, nothing was less easy than a decision,2 and thus
he continued to hesitate. The feeling that, notwithstand
ing the surrender of Ostia and Civita Vecchia, his hands
were as much tied as before, weighed heavily in the
balance in favour of procrastination. On the whole, shrewd
diplomatist that he was, Clement did not betray this ; but
sometimes his emotion had the mastery of him. Thus on
the Qth of April he complained to Cardinal Trivulzio, whose
had already, on January 22, 1529, ^written from Toledo to G. Calandra :
" lo sto, Dio gratia, sano, cosa che non sono stato sempre in Hispagna
che molte volte sono stato valetudinario" (copy in the Mantuan
Library). Soon afterwards he had a bad attack of fever which caused
his death on February 7, 1529. His last days were overcast by
the reproaches of Clement VII. that he had trusted too much in
Charles V. and had therefore incurred complicity in the sack of Rome.
Castiglione tried to vindicate himself in a dignified letter from Burgos
on December 10, 1527 (SERASSI, II., 147-152). His remains were
brought home and laid in the famous resort of pilgrims, S. Maria delle
Grazie in Mantua. Giulio Romano designed his tomb and Bembo
wrote his epitaph ; see MARTINATI, 56-57. Castiglione's mother re
commended her grandchildren to the Pope ; see her beautiful ^letter,
dat. Mantua, April 3, 1529, in *Lett. d. princ., VI., f. 21 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican). In his ^answer Clement warmly acknow
ledges Castiglione's services in Spain, and promises to befriend the
children. The *Brief is dated Rome, 1529, April 27 ; Min. brev., 1529,
vol. 26, n. 143 ; ibid) n. 155, *a Brief to the heirs of Castiglione, dat.
Rome, 1529, May 5, telling them to hand over to the Nuncio G. da
Schio all monies, papers, and writings relating to his nunciature
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 Cf. the *report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529,
April 2 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
2 BAUMGARTEN rightly lays stress on this, Karl V., II., 688.
THE POPE AND THE EMPEROR. 49
sympathies were French, of the way in which the Emperor's
agents tried to hurry him into a treaty with Charles. He
would gladly withstand them if he could, but his position
in this matter was still just as bad as it had been during
his imprisonment in St. Angelo ; the only difference con
sisted in this, that now, at least, he had personal liberty ;
in the former condition of things he had no other choice
left him than to fly from Rome, leaving the Papal territory
to its fate, or to come to the least disadvantageous terms
with those whose troops were so close at hand that they
might at any hour have overwhelmed him. " What the
Pope will do in the last resort, I do not know," wrote
Trivulzio ; " it is certain that he is in the greatest anxiety
and perplexity, and will avoid a settlement as long as
possible. When at last he does make one he will be driven
to it by main force, pulled along, as it were, by the hairs
of his head."1
Trivulzio was mistaken, for a few days after his despatch
was written, the Pope made up his mind. He had been
greatly influenced by a personal letter from the Emperor,
dated Toledo, the 28th of February, the contents of which
were communicated to Contarini by the Pope on the I2th of
April. Charles first of all congratulated his Holiness on
his recovery, and then announced definitely his speedy
voyage to Italy ; he wished to start from Toledo as early
as the 8th of March, since personal negotiations with his
Holiness could alone conduce to that general peace for
which the initial preparations must begin in Italy, the
victim of so much calamity.2 Therefore by the i6th of
1 See Trivulzio's interesting ^report of April 9, 1529, in App., No. 6
(National Library, Paris). Cf. also the anonymous cipher report of
April 8, in MOLINI, II., 164 seq.
2 Contarini's ^report of April 13 (Cod. Marc., 1043, St. Mark's Library,
Venice), runs : . . . " lo heri per intender meglio le nove di Spagna mi
VOL. X. 4
50 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
April a new Nuncio to the Imperial court with full
legatine powers was appointed to succeed Castiglione ;
this was Girolamo da Schio, Bishop of Vaison, Master of
the Papal Household.1 This staunchly Imperialist diplo-
son conferito alia Santitk del Pontce. Et per piu d' un hora ho ragionato
cum sua Beatne, ma in brevitk refferiro la summa di quello che da lei ho
inteso ; mi ha ditto haver lettere scritte de man propria delo Imptor
de 2 del mese preterito da Tholedo, per le qual sua Maesta li scrive
che per uno istesso corriero havea inteso la nova dispiacevole dela
morte di S. Santtjl et 1' altra che li era sta gratissima dela sua convale-
scentia, dil che ne ringratiava Dio et si congratulava cum quella ;
doppoi li scrive che per il revmo card, de S. Cruce [Quinones] li era
fatto intender quanto alia venuta sua in Italia, che alhora non havea
fatto rissolutione alcuna, ma subito che si havesse rissolta, non lo
haria fatto intender ad alcuna altro prima che a Sua Beatne. Et pero
che hora li significhava che essendo desiderosissimo de venir ad una
pace universal et parendoli che non ci fusse modo di condurla se non
si trovasse personalmente cum Sua Beatne, pero havea deliberato venir
a vederla in Italia et che dovea partir da Tholedo adi 8 del preditto
mese preterito et pensava ritrovarsi a mezo il presente mese a Barzelona,
dove poi secondo come ritrovasse le cose disporte et le nove, delibereria
quel che dovesse far circa questa sua venuta. Disseme etiam Sua
Santita che in preditte lettere si conteniva una altra particularitade la
qual scriveva, che lui havea gran compassion de le miserie de Italia et
che li pareva conveniente, si come li travagli sonno principiati prima in
Italia che in altri loci dela christianitk cosi dovesseno prima quietarsi
in Italia." This shows that there were not (as DITTRICH supposes,
Regesten, 51) two letters of Charles V., but only one. The original of
this letter, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, is dated, however :
" De Toledo el postrero de hebrero." The contents are correctly reported
by Contarini, only the passage about Quinones is wanting. The letter
has the Chancery endorsement : Ricevuta 1 5 Aprile. This cannot refer
to the first receipt of the letter, but only to the day of registration by
the Chancery clerks. The letter of Charles V., assigned by LANZ, I.,
296, to April 1529, belongs to the year 1526 (see Vol. IX. of this work,
p. 350, n. 2). LEVA, II., 521, requires correction on this point.
1 See*Regest., 1438, f. 81 seq., 85 seq. Cf. EHSES, Concil. IV., xxvii.
§ee also MORSOLIN, Girol. da Schio, Vicenza, 1875, 37 Se9- Ehses
RECONCILIATION WITH THE EMPEROR. 5 1
matist,1 who had kept up assiduous intercourse with
Miguel Mai and Andrea da Burgo, received secret instruc
tions from the Pope.2
The complete reconciliation, the alliance between Emperor
and Pope, was now close at hand, and with good reason,
since the members of the League seemed deliberately to
be doing their best to drive Clement into their adversary's
arms.3 Venice and Ferrara, now as before, refused to
hand back their spoils, while France kept up a lingering
warfare in upper and lower Italy, encouraged the obduracy
of Florence, and even gave trouble to Clement in his own
territory by protecting his enemies Malatesta Baglioni and
the domineering Abbot of Farfa.4 "The misdeeds which
can be laid to the account of the Leaguers," said Salviati,
remarks very conclusively that the question of the Council did not
influence Clement's decision to the extent ascribed to it by Mai in his
report of May 11, 1529 (in HEINE, Briefe an Karl V., 520 seq. ; again
in BAUMGARTEN, II., 715 seq., but unnecessarily and in ignorance of
Heine's publication). I do not think it is conclusively proved that Mai
was right in taking credit to himself in this matter. It is in any case
remarkable that Burgo, in the report to Ferdinand I. (Court and State
Archives, Vienna), makes no mention of the audience of the 24th of
April, in which he and Mai set the Pope at rest about the Council and
which Mai represents as having had such important results.
1 Mai lays stress on this ; see GAYANGOS, IV., 2-6. For Schio see
GIORDANI, App. 90, and Vol. IX. of this work, p. 460.
2 Cf. **A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. 1529, April 22 (Court
and State Archives, Vienna).
3 REUMONT, III., 2, 325.
4 Clement VII., whose bodily health was better (cf. the ^report of N.
Raince of April 21, 1529 : " N. S. Pere fait bonne chere et se porte tres
bien," Fonds franc;., 3009, f. 33-34, National Library, Paris), had on
May 3 appointed Cardinal Ippolito de' Medici Legate at Perugia (*Acta
Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor in Consistorial Archives and Secret
Archives of the Vatican). Malatesta attempted to murder the bearer of
the Brief; see BONTEMPI, 333.
52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
" are such that they must force the Pope to side with the
Emperor."1
In addition to these considerations, it had been known
in Rome since the begining of April that France was
prepared to make, single-handed, conditions of peace with
the Emperor. Even Giberti said at the time, " I am afraid
that the French may make a treaty of their own with the
Emperor, arid then put off their allies with fair speeches."
Contarini was not willing to believe this, but it was soon
made evident that Giberti had discerned aright.2 With a
full knowledge of the state of affairs, a further sojourn in
Rome seemed superfluous to this skilled politician ; under
the pretext of compliance with the duty of residence in
his diocese, he earnestly begged for permission to return.
Contarini and the Pope detained him for some time
longer,3 but he soon gave up all hope, and on the 26th of
April, regardless of the entreaties of his friend Contarini,
left Rome.4
Undoubtedly the Pope's attitude towards the Emperor
was greatly influenced by the hope that, through the help
of Charles, Florence would once more be governed by the
Medici. With what dissimulation Clement tried to dis
guise this anticipation is described in the reports of
Contarini5 and other diplomatists.0 He tried to keep the
plan a secret even from his most trusted and intimate
friends,7 but without success, for in the beginning of March
1 Report of Contarini, April 26 ; see DlTTRlCH, Regesten, 53.
2 DlTTRlCH, Regesten, 51 ; cf. also EHSES, Dokumente, 265.
3 DlTTRlCH, Contarini, iboseq.
4 SANUTO, L., 279 ; DITTRICH, Regesten, 52.
a DlTTRlCH, Contarini, 165.
6 Cf. e.g. Report of Mai in GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 647.
~ Cf. **report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., March 2, 1529
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). Also GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 191.
FLORENTINE AFFAIRS. 53
Girolamo Balbi said to Andrea da Burgo that Clement
wished nothing so much as a change of government in
Florence.1
Just at this moment news reached Rome of a turn in
Florentine affairs which Clement attributed wholly to the
help of Charles.
For a long time the Pope had hoped to attain his object
in Florence by peaceable means. As long as Capponi, a
well-disposed and moderate man, stood at the head of
affairs there, this expectation was by no means altogether
visionary, especially when the timid character of the Pope,
then in such sore distress, is taken into consideration.
Capponi formed a scheme for freeing his native city by
means of an arrangement with the Pope ; with Jacopo
Salviati as a go-between, he opened up secret communica
tions with Rome ; 2 their discovery led to his fall on the
I7th of April I529.3 His successor was Francesco Carducci,
a violent partisan, in whose circle Clement was spoken of
only as the tyrant and bastard. The hatred of this
democrat towards the Medici made any accommodation
impossible. The fate of Florence was thus decided ;
everything was done there to exasperate the Pope to
the utmost. The half-forgotten fact of his illegitimate
birth was dragged to light ; he was made the butt of scorn
1 " Balbus retulit Andreae, pontificem nihil plus appetere quam
mutationem status Florent." Extract from a *report of A. da Burgo
to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, March 7 (Court and State Archives,
Vienna).
2 CAPPONI, III., 226 seq. ; REUMONT, Toskana, I., 23 seq. ; CIPOLLA,
950 seq. ; PERRENS, III., 1 86 seq.
3 The disclosure was conveyed in a letter which Capponi lost. The
text of the letter, still preserved in the State Archives, Florence, is in
BIGAZZI, Miscell. storica, Firenze, 1840, Arch, stor., Append. VII.,
259 seq. and in FOSSATI-FALLETTI, Assedio, I., 232 ; cf. also Rossi,
Guicciardini, I., 118 seq., 126.
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and ridicule in verses and pictures, and his Papal authority
was often repudiated.1
On the 1 8th of April, Clement, as feudal lord of
Perugia, had forbidden all its citizens, under threat of the
severest penalties, to take foreign service. Nevertheless,
on the 4th of May the Florentines appointed as their
captain Malatesta Baglioni; further, they paid two hundred
soldiers to occupy Perugia.2 Clement was carried away
by anger, and declared to the English envoy he would
rather be the Emperor's chaplain or equerry than allow
himself to be insulted by his rebellious subjects and vassals.3
To Contarini he declared that the disgraceful mortifications
inflicted on him by the Abbot of Farfa and Baglioni were
instigated by the French and Florentines. They had
compelled him to look to his private interests and no
longer to maintain an indeterminate position. He did
not wish to be made prisoner a second time and be
carried off to Florence. To the counter-representations of
Contarini the Pope replied, " What ought I, in your
opinion, to do ? I have taken no decided course, and
thereby given satisfaction to none ; rather have I exposed
myself to the contempt of all." He feared that the peace
negotiations between France and the Emperor would
end badly for Italy, that both one and the other would
leave him in the lurch as one who could not be safely
relied on. " For appearance' sake there will be a stipula
tion that I am to be the protector of the peace, and with
that they will rest satisfied. I tell you, Ambassador," said
1 Jovius, Hist., XXVII., 90; VARCHI, I., 248 seq., 492; PERRENS,
III., 267.
2 Cf, **A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, May 17
(Court and State Archives, Vienna) ; BONTEMPI, 332 ; PERRENS, III.,
201 seq.
3 Report of Casale in HERBERT, 233 ; cf. RAUMER, Briefe, I., 256.
PAPAL MISSION TO CHARLES V. 55
Clement in conclusion, " I am forced to act as I do.
What do you wish me to do? I cannot act otherwise."1
The decisive step was taken in the first days of May.2
On the /th of that month the Pope sent to the Emperor
an autograph letter of thanks for the restoration of the
fortresses. His illness had hindered him from sending an
earlier answer ; he now sends to him his Master of the
Household, Girolamo da Schio, Bishop of Vaison, whom
his Majesty can trust as he would Clement himself, since
the Nuncio knows all the secrets of his heart.3 Schio, who
carried together with this letter the Bull of the Cruzada
and other tokens of grace, had full powers to conclude a
treaty with the Emperor ; he left Rome on the Qth of
May.4 Two days later, Andrea da Burgo reported to
Ferdinand I. this mission of such decisive importance,
and the favourable dispositions of the Pope.5 Miguel Mai
wrote at the same time to Charles V. that the choice of a
Nuncio could not have fallen on a better man than Schio,
since he was a person of marked distinction, and a good
Imperialist at heart.6
1 Contarini's report of June 7, 1529; see DITTRICH, Regesten, 57
segg., and CONTARINI, 166 seq.
2 Lett d. princ.,IIL, 72; the *pass for G. da Schio is dated Rome, 1529,
May 5, Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 154 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 In the Lettere di principi, where the letter is printed in I., I22b, the
date is given as May 7; BUCHOLTZ, III., 137, gives May 8. The
official **letter to Charles V. with credentials for G. da Schio is actually
dated May 5 ; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 160 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
4 Cf. the cipher **report of A. da Burgo of May 11, 1529
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). See also GAYANGOS, IV., i, n.
2 and 6. For Schio's task see also MOLINI, II., 164. For the Bull of
the Cruzada see EHRENBERG, Fugger, I., 128.
5 Cf, the **report of A. da Burgo of May n, 1529 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
6 GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 6.
56 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Schio embarked on the 25th of May at Genoa for
Barcelona, where Charles had been staying since the 3<Dth
of April. The Emperor ordered preparations to be made
to receive the Papal Nuncio with every mark of honour.1
He arrived on the 3Oth of May ; the negotiations began
at once, and ran very smoothly, and on the loth of June
Charles committed to Mercurino di Gattinara, Louis de
Praet, and Nicholas Perrenot the necessary powers.2 By
the 23rd of June a compact relating to the marriage of
Alessandro de' Medici with Margaret, the Emperor's
natural daughter, had been concluded.3 There was no
longer any possible doubt for whom Florence was intended.
On the 29th the signatures were attached to the treaty,
to which the Emperor on the same day bound himself by
oath before the splendid high altar of the Cathedral of
Barcelona.4
In view of the Turkish encroachments and the trouble
arising from heresy, a defensive alliance was struck
between Pope and Emperor. The Emperor promised his
help towards restoring the Medicean rule in Florence and
reinstating the Church in her temporal possessions, by
insisting on the restitution of Ravenna and Cervia on the
part of Venice, and of Modena, Reggio, and Rubbiera on
the part of Alfonso of Ferrara, the rights of the Empire
being left unimpaired. The Duke of Ferrara was to be
declared forfeited of his duchy, a fief of the Church, and
the Emperor's support was to be given to the execution of
the Papal sentence. In taking possession of the Duchy
1 DITTRICH, Regesten, 54 ; SANUTO, LI., 19 seq.
2 GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 39.
3 GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 51 ; cf. n. 59. For the young bride see
RAWDON BROWN, Margaret of Austria, Venice, 1850. Cf. REUMONT
in Arch. Stor. Ital., 1880.
4 GAYANGOS, IV. i, n. 56.
TERMS OF THE TREATY OF BARCELONA 57
of Milan, "the fountain-head of the troubles of Italy,"
Charles, in the event of Sforza being found guilty of felony,
would act in conjunction with the Pope, although not bound
to do so legally. All arbitrary usurpation of the patronage
of the Neapolitan bishoprics on the part of the Imperial
Government would cease. All amicable means of dealing
with the reform in Germany having been exhausted,
Charles and Ferdinand, his brother, who was included in
the terms of the treaty, were to take forcible measures
for the suppression of that movement. The Pope, on
his side, supported these undertakings. In the renewed
assumption of the Neapolitan fief he contents himself with
the palfrey tax (chinea, in Spanish hacaned], hands over to
the Emperor and his successors the nomination to four-
and-twenty Neapolitan bishoprics, and permits the passage
of Imperialist troops through the Papal territory. Two
additional articles relate to the Pope's support of the war
against the Turks. Besides the spiritual means at his
disposal, Clement promises to further the work by
guaranteeing to Charles and Ferdinand, for this purpose,
a fourth of the ecclesiastical revenues of their countries,
on the same scale as under Adrian VI., and absolves the
Imperial army from all the ecclesiastical penalties incurred
in consequence of the attack on Rome. Lastly, Clement
increases the privileges of the recently issued Bull of
the Cruzada.1
At the first glance it seems astonishing that Charles
should have conceded such favourable terms to the de
spoiled and vanquished Pope. But on closer inspection
the leniency of the Emperor admits of an easy explana-
1 DUMONT, IV., 2, 1-7; cf. SANUTO, LI., 120, 127, 252. See also
DE MARTINIS, Le 24 chiese del trattato di Barcelona, Napoli, 1882,
and CALENZIO, Metropolis eccl. Neapolit. provisiones consistoriales,
Romae, 1878.
58 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
tion. In spite of all humiliation, the status of the Papacy
in human society was still one of high importance. The
friendship of Clement was an imperative necessity to
Charles, unless his interests in England, in Scandinavia,
in Switzerland, in Hungary, and Germany were to suffer
the most grievous injury.1 Moreover, the exhaustion of
the Imperial finances and the doubtful outlook of the
continuation of the campaign in Italy came into con
sideration. Lastly, Charles hoped that his alliance with
the Pope would deal a mortal blow to the League; and
even if his concessions to Clement were considerable,
his own interests in Italy were not nullified by the
treaty.2
The treaty of Barcelona accelerated the peace negotia
tions between Francis and Charles.3
The contradictory reports from Lombardy had caused
the French king to fluctuate between one policy and
another. Sometimes he unfolded before the Italian envoys
far-reaching plans of campaign, and spoke of attacking the
Emperor in Spain or of leading in person a great army
into Italy.4 But these were passing paroxysms of war
like ardour. One look at his kingdom would have told
Francis that the burdens of war were no longer endurable.5
1 More fully in RANKE, Deutsche Geschichte, III., 6th ed., 74 seqq. ;
cf. DE LEVA, II., 535.
2 Cf. SISMONDI, XV., 447 seqq ; ClPOLLA, 953. Charles V. tacitly
renounced his claims on Parma and Piacenza, but not in express terms ;
see SUGENHEIM, Kirchenstaat, 414.
3 That Clement, not merely through Schonberg, but personally, tried
to influence the negotiations at Cambrai, is plain from the *Brief of
July 24, 1529, to the Regent, the Archduchess Margaret (Secret
Archives of the Vatican, Min. brev., vol. 26, n. 310).
4 See Cardinal Salviati's ^letter to Jacopo Salviati, dat. January 23,
1529. Nunziat. di Francia I., f. 385 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
5 BAUMGARTEN, II., 695 seg.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE. 59
Then there was the dissatisfaction of the French Govern
ment with their English allies, who were liberal of criti
cism but not of money. The scheme for entering on peace
negotiations grew in popularity at the French court. In
November 1528 there were thoughts of appealing to the
Pope's mediation, but the notion was soon given up.
There was a greater leaning towards the Regent of the
Netherlands, the Archduchess Margaret, and the Queen
Mother, Louisa of Savoy, entered into direct com
munication with the Archduchess in order to bring about
a peace.1 Cardinal Salviati, in May 1529, was still dis
inclined to believe in the seriousness of these negotiations.2
Nevertheless, these two women, distinguished alike for
intellectual qualities and political experience, succeeded in
their difficult task.
The French Government showed consummate skill in
concealing their transactions from the other members of
the League. On the 23rd of June 1529 Francis declared
to their envoys that he would sacrifice his own life and
that of his son to save the allied Leaguers ; the Queen
and the Admiral, Anne de Montmorency, spoke in the
same sense. On the loth of July the latter made the
most solemn disclaimer of the report that France in
tended to desert Venice. Twelve days later the King,
with equal solemnity, swore that Florence would be
included in the treaty of peace, and on the 3rd of
August Francis still affirmed that nothing would be
concluded without the consent of his allies.3 On the
1 Cf. DECRUE, Anne de Montmorency, 123.
2 Letter to Jacopo Salviati, May 2, 1529. Nunziat. di Francia I.,
f. 430 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See Baldassare Carducci's reports from June 23 to 26, July 9, 10,
and 22, and August 3, 1529, in DESJARDINS, II., 1064^^.,
1078 seqq., 1081 seg., 1087 seq.y 1098 seqq. ; cf. DE LEVA, II., 544.
60 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
5th the treaty was signed at Cambrai in which he com
pletely threw them over.1 Up to the last there were
still great difficulties to be overcome,2 but matters were
brought quickly to a conclusion by the news that
de Leyva's victory over St. Pol at Landriano (2ist of
June) had made Charles master of Lombardy and at
one with the Pope.3
The treaty concluded by Francis was highly disadvan
tageous ; he saved nothing except the integrity of his
own country. He had to promise that thenceforward
he would abstain from all interference in Italian and
German affairs ; within six weeks all his troops were
to be withdrawn from Italy ; he was to compel Venice
and Ferrara to surrender the stolen cities ; in case of
necessity to expel with arms the Venetians from Apulia ;
he was to pay Charles for the expenses of his corona
tion journey 200,000 thalers and furnish him with twenty
galleys, and his son was to be set free at a ransom of
two million crowns.4
In Rome the result of the negotiations at Barcelona and
Cambrai had been watched with anxious attention, above
all by Contarini, who, with the tenacity of a born diplo
matist, had up to the last moment urged the cause of the
League, but without the least success,5 on the Pope, who
1 Cf. the despairing despatch of Carducci on the treachery of the
French King, dat. St. Quentin, 1529, August 5, in DESJARDINS, II.,
1 1 02 segq.
2 Louisa of Savoy even wished to leave on July 24, but was pre
vented by the Papal envoy. DECRUE, Anne de Montmorency,
131-
3 Cf., for what Francis I. said to Schonberg, SANUTO, LI., 372.
4 DUMONT, IV., 2, 7-17; cf. SANUTO, LI., 373 seq., 377 seq.,
388 seq. GUICCIARDINI, XIX., 5 ; LAVISSE, Hist, de France, V., 2,
62 seq.
5 DITTRICH, Contarini, 167 seq. For Clement's continued ill-health
NEGOTIATIONS AT CAMBRAI. 6l
was still unwell. On the I7th of June Andrea da Burgo
could report that Salviati, by order of the Pope, had told
him that the latter rejected all the offers of the League.1
Two days earlier Schonberg had left Rome in order to
take part in the negotiations at Cambrai.2 On the Feast
of SS. Peter and Paul the Pope, in presence of all the
Cardinals, received the " Chinea " from Miguel Mai ; on the
same day came the news of the overthrow of the French
at Landriano.3 The reports then current as to the
see GAYANGOS, IV., I, n. 4, 17 : *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat.
Rome, 1529, May 15 ("Papa nulli adhuc dat audientiam nee oratori-
biis nee cardinalibus ; dicunt ex consilio medicorum." Court and
State Archives, Vienna); Lett. d. princ., III., 72b, 92; SANUTO, L.,
320, 346, 385, 386 seqq., 426, 458. Not till June 8 did G. M. della
Porta report : " N. S. sta assai bene " ; SANUTO, L., 477. The accounts
of Clement's condition were so disquieting that Charles V. was
seriously occupied with the question of the Papal election ; see
GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 17, 6 1, 63.
1 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinard ., dat. Rome, June 17, 1529 (Court
and State Archives, Vienna).
2 Schonberg's mission was a certainty on June 5 ; see the *Brief to
Charles V. of June 5, 1529 (Secret Archives of the Vatican, Min. brev.,
vol. 26, n. 204). Schonberg left Rome on June 15 (GAYANGOS, IV.,
I., n. 42) and reached Cambrai on July 6, where his appearance was
not welcome (SANUTO, LL, 168, 177; cf. DESJARDINS, II., 1080, and
PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 75). The outcome of his action at Cambrai is
not yet fully cleared up ; Carducci ascribes it to him that the result
was unfavourable to the League. Schonberg left Cambrai on August 2
(SANUTO, LL, 323) and returned to Rome on September 19 (not as
early as the I2th, as Pieper [75] supposes) ; see SANUTO, LL, 602, 604,
and the ^despatches of N. Raince, dat. Rome, 1529, September 21,
"Schonberg came on Sunday" (Fonds Frangais, 3009, f. 43-44,
National Library, Paris). Cardinal Salviati, who was at Cambrai at
the same time, was displeased at Schonberg's mission ; he would have
liked to have concluded the peace himself. Nuziat. di Francia, I., f. 325
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 SANUTO, LL, 19 seqq., and GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 96,
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Emperor's frame of mind justified Clement in having the
best hopes.1 On the I5th of July the conclusion of the
treaty with the Emperor was made known for certain in
Rome through the Abbate de' Negri.2 On the following
day came the decision on the divorce suit of Henry VIII.,
which the Pope cited before the court of the Rota in
Rome.3
The treaty of Barcelona was conveyed to Italy by the
Emperor's special messenger, Louis de Praet,4 who
arrived in Rome on the 22nd of July, where he was visited
at once, by command of the Pope, by Salviati, Sanga,
Alessandro de' Medici, and Cardinal Ippolito. Nor was the
remainder of the Sacred College, the majority of whom
now showed Imperialist leanings, wanting in marks of
attention. In the afternoon of the 24th of July, Praet,
together with Mai and Burgo, had an audience of the Pope,
whom they saw in bed, bearing evident traces of his long
illness. Clement read the Emperor's letter, brought to him
by Praet, and expressed his delight at the peace, and his
hope that Charles, on his arrival in Italy, would be a pro
tection to the Holy See. For Florentine affairs he referred
the Imperial envoys to Cardinal Pucci. After a conver
sation with this Prince of the Church, whose devotion
to the Emperor and the Medici was entire, they had a
1 Cf. the "^despatches of G. M. della Porta of June 29, 1529 (State
Archives, Florence).
2 DITTRICH, Regesten, 57, and SANUTO, LI., 107, 109 ; MOLINI, II.,
230 seq. Still, the Briefs in which Clement announced to Francis I.
and Henry VIII. the conclusion of the treaty, are dated July 15 ; see
RAYNALDUS, 1529, n., 65, 66.
3 This is treated more fully in cap. VIII.
4 Praet delivered an ^Imperial letter, dat. Barcelona, July 8, 1529
(Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. XL, caps. L, n. 180) ; cf. EHSES,
Concil., IV., xxviii. GREGOROVius, VIII., 3rd ed., 608, is mistaken in
making Praet the bearer of the Treaty of Cambrai.
TREATY OF BARCELONA PUBLISHED. 63
second audience, on the 25th of July, in which the
Pope, still forced to keep his bed, swore fidelity to
the Treaty of Barcelona Salvos of musketry from the
Vatican, St. Angelo, and the palaces of the Imperialists
announced the great event to Rome. Clement's con
dition having much improved by the end of July, the
envoys were able to discuss with him personally the
Florentine enterprise which Praet had warmly advocated
with the Emperor. On Sunday, the 1st of August,
the Pope participated in person at the thanksgiving
service in St. Peter's on the occasion of the conclusion
of peace.1
Some days before, Philibert, Prince of Orange, had made
his entry with a body of fifteen hundred foot.2 The nego
tiations concerning the submission of Florence, with which
those relating to Perugia were combined,3 now reached a
1 *i Aug. 1529 Papa de improvise voluit interesse missae ex officio
propter publicationem foederis cum Caesare, etc.; *Diarium of B. DE
MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of the Vatican. Cf. the important
despatches of Praet to the Emperor of July 30, August 3 and 5, 1529,
in LANZ, I., 318 seqq.\ see also DiTTRiCH, Regesten, 59 and 60;
SANUTO, LI., 282, 292, 294 seqq.\ *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552,
of Vatican Library, and BARDI, Carlo V., 39 seqq. For Clement's
opinion of the Treaty of Cambrai see the latter and DE LEVA, II., 546.
The absolution bestowed on all those who took part in the sack of
Rome as agreed to in the Treaty of Barcelona was published on
August 6, 1529 ; see GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 400, and FONTANA, Renata,
I., 449 seq. The public announcement of the treaty with Charles V.
is dated as far back as July 24 ; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 312 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican). In the *Mandati secreti, 1529-1530, f. 45%
dat. October 10, 1529, there is a bill for the wax used "pro missa publi-
cationis pacis " (State Archives, Rome).
2 See SANUTO, LI., 244 seq. ; *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE,
(National Library, Paris) ; VARCHI, I., 363 ; ROBERT, 283.
3 Already, on July 11, 1529, the Border was sent to Perugia for the
withdrawal of all hostile troops from the city, otherwise the Imperialists
64 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
definite stage. Since the Treaty of Barcelona contained
no terms relating to the cost of the war with Florence,
serious difficulties were not wanting. It was said that the
ambitious Orange demanded for himself nothing less than
the hand of Catherine de' Medici, the Pope's niece — a
marriage which would have made him master of Florence.
In Clement's immediate circle it was pointed out to him
that he would be exposing his native city to great peril
if he turned against her an army composed of such
different nationalities. Among those who opposed the
Florentine expedition, Jacopo Salviati, Roberto Pucci, and
Sanga were named — those, in fact, who were in the Pope's
confidence.
No wonder that Clement fell back on his usual vacil
lation.1 If there were difficulties in coming to an under
standing, the blame lay to a great extent with the
Florentines, who kept up their methods of provocation
towards the Pope. They were not only in the closest
alliance with Malatesta Baglioni, but also with that Abbot
of Farfa who had already caused Clement so much trouble.2
would advance. This order was repeated on July 24 in a *Brief
calling on the city to return to obedience. In a *Brief of August 5
complaint is specially made that Perugia tolerates the rule of Malatesta
Baglioni, after the latter " nobis inconsultis et invitis ante exactum
stipendii tempus" had gone over to another's service, although the
Pope had done all that he could to retain him ; also bitter reproaches
that the Perugians, without informing the Pope, had accepted the offer
of the King of France, the Florentines, and the other allies to send
reinforcements into their city. Up to the present he had observed
leniency, but in the end he would be forced to deal severely with a
contumacious city. Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 281, 313, and 324
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 Cf. LANZ, I., 326^.; REUMONT, Caterina von Medici, 132 seq., and
Rom, HI., 2, 239 seq.
2 See Vol IX. of this work, p. 367. The ^excommunication of
Napoleone Orsini, on account of the kidnapping of some Franciscans,
THREE CARDINALS TO GREET CHARLES V. 65
To this turbulent leader of faction they sent 3000 ducats
towards the recruiting of troops ; this sum, however,
was intercepted by the Papal party, whereupon the
Abbot determined on revenge. In the beginning of
August Clement had sent Cardinals Farnese, Medici, and
Quifiones to greet the Emperor on his arrival at Genoa.1
Quinones was set upon in the hill forest of Viterbo and
kept prisoner until the 3000 ducats were repaid.2 How
is dated July 8, 1529. Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 269 (Secret Archives
of the Vatican).
1 The designation of the three Cardinals had already taken place on
-July 24, 1529 ; see *Acta Consist, in Consistorial Archives and Secret
Archives of the Vatican and the *deed of nomination, dat. Romae,
1529, IX. Cal. Aug. in Regest., 1438, f. I32b-I33a ; ibid., f. 146-147, the
*legatine faculties for the above, dat. Romae, 1529, VIII. Id. August.
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). On August 3 Clement VII. informed
the Emperor of the mission of the three Cardinals (Min. brev., 1529,
vol. 26, n. 322, Secret Archives of the Vatican ; cf. RAYNALDUS, 1529,
n. 70, and GAYANGOS, IV., I, n. 93) ; and on August 8 he recommended
the three Cardinals to Gattinara and other Imperial office-bearers
(Min. brev., loc. tit., n. 329). In the *Mandati secreti, 1529-1530,
f. 20, looo ducats are entered on August 2, 1529, for Farnese for his
journey to the Emperor's court and the same amount for Quinones
(State Archives, Rome). For the departure see SANUTO, LL, 295-296.
On August n, 1529, Clement addressed from Rome an ^autograph
letter to Charles V. containing good wishes for the peace of Cambrai
and his journey into Italy. The original letter in the Pope's hand, but
without signature, in Lit. divers, ad Clement. VII., vol. I. (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 GUICCIARDINI, XIX., 5; cf. also SANUTO, LL, 313; ALB&RI,
Relaz., 2 Series, I., 196 ; *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, of the Vatican
Library, and ^letter of T. Campeggio, dat. Rome, 1529, August 10 (State
Archives, Bologna). In a *Brief of August 10 Clement informed
Cardinal Farnese of the capture of Cardinal Quinones, and ordered
him to hasten his journey as the Emperor had already landed. A
*Brief of August 12 to the Cardinals Farnese and Medici contains a
similar command; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 334 and 337 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
VOL. X, 5
66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
bitterly the Pope must have resented this unprecedented
occurrence1 can easily be understood.2 An agreement on
the question of the subjection of Florence and Perugia
was arrived at by the special interposition of Cardinal
Pucci, who from his private resources advanced such a
considerable sum that Clement was able to dispose of
36,600 scudi.3 But with this he could only at first clear
off a small instalment of his obligations, for, on the i;th
of August, Clement had to concede the demands of
Orange : 80,000 scudi to be paid down, 50,000 to be
added after the capture of Florence, and a final 150,000
to be raised by taxation on the city.4 The Pope,
besides, was to support Orange with artillery and
recruits, and once more Rome and the Papal territory
became the scene of active military movements. The
Pope's thoughts henceforward were absorbed in this un
happy enterprise against his native city.5 On the I3th
of August Mercurino da Gattinara received from Clement,
now fully restored to health, the long-coveted rank of
1 "Res inaudita," says BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in his *diary
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 *Acta Consist., 1529, August 10 : " Stas Sua multum conquesta est
de abbate [Farfae] propter capturam revmi d. s. Crucis legati de latere
ad Mtem Caesaris et consuluit collegium, quid in hac causa sit agendum,
super quo conclusum fuit quod S. Sua capiat penas de abbate capta
occasione " (Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Napoleone Orsini was treated as a rebel ; Farfa supported Fr. de'
Orsini; cf. the ^documents of August 21 and 28 in Min. brev., 1529,
vol. 26, n. 353 and 354.
3 DE BLASIIS, Maramaldo, III., 339, n. 3.
4 Lettere di G. Busini a B. Varchi (ed. MlLANESI, Firenze, 1861), 65.
In BARDI, 50, there is mention of an earlier agreement of August 12
fixing other amounts.
5 " Quant a Paffaire de Florence ils sont tousjours en leur deliberacion
de pousser oultre," "^reports N. Raince from Rome on August 24, 1529.
Fonds franc.., 3009, f. 41 (National Library, Paris).
THE REWARD OF GATTINARA. 67
Cardinal, as a reward for his services in bringing the Treaty
of Barcelona to a conclusion.1
1 *Deed of nomination, dat. Romae, 1529, Idus Aug., in Regest., 1438,
f. 152-153 (Secret Archives of the Vatican); cf. **Clement VII. to
Charles V., dat. 1529, August 18 (Secret Archives of the Vatican);
SANUTO, LI., 350, 376, and the ^Despatches of F. Gonzaga of August
15, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The red hat was sent to
Gattinara in September 1529; see GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 149, and
^Clemens VII. Mercurino tit. s. Joh. ante port. lat. presb. Card., dat.
Romae, 1529, III. Non. Sept. in Regest., 1438, f. 209 and 1440, f. 34.
The three Cardinal-Legates at the Imperial court were commissioned,
in a *Brief of September 14, 1529, to invest Gattinara with the insignia
of the Cardinalate as far as was admissible ; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 24,
n. 249 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
CHAPTER III.
THE MEETING OF CLEMENT VII. AND CHARLES V. AT BOLOGNA.
— THE LAST IMPERIAL CORONATION. — RESTORATION OF THE
MEDICEAN RULE IN FLORENCE.
ON the 1 2th of August, 1529, Charles V., with a stately
retinue of Spanish grandees, had landed at Genoa, where
he was welcomed with shouts of " Long live the Ruler
of the World ! " l The coming of the Emperor raised the
hopes of his followers to the highest pitch. Typical of the
pride with which Charles was regarded by the Germans in
Rome is the diary of Cornelius de Fine, who even associates
the plenteous harvest of the autumn of 1529 with the
coming of the Emperor.2 By command of the Pope,
Cardinals Farnese, Medici, Quifiones, and his nephew
Alessandro de' Medici 3 awaited his coming at Genoa. The
Imperial troops, twelve thousand infantry and two thousand
cavalry, landed for the most part at Savona. With this
force Charles might have attacked Venice and Sforza
1 See ROMANO, Cronaca, 79 segq., and SANUTO, LI., 398 seqq.
Charles V. informed the Pope of his arrival by a ^letter, dat. Genoa
[1529], August 13 (Secret Archives of the Vatican), Arm., XL, caps. i.
2 CORNELIUS DE FINE praises Charles beyond measure ; he is " vir
rectus atque timens Deum et Deus cum eo in omnibus negotiis "
(*Diarium in the National Library, Paris).
3 ROMANO, Cronaca, 88 seq. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga and Giberti
also went to Genoa ; but Giberti was received so ungraciously by
Charles that he at once returned to Verona ; see SANUTO, LI., 379,
415 ; DlTTRlCH, Contarini, 176.
68
CAUTION OF CHARLES V. 69
successfully, had not his brother Ferdinand at this very
moment reported the threatening advance of the Turks in
Hungary. This intelligence forced Charles to act with
foresight and caution ; he gave up the idea of an aggres
sive movement against the Venetians and expressed himself
in a pacific sense.1 The hopes of the anti-Imperialists in
Italy, those of Venice before all, were, in fact, based on the
victory of the Turks ; the Venetian Senate instructed their
Ambassador at Constantinople, on the 25th of August, to
stir up the Moslem to push on against Ferdinand.2 In
this state of things Charles was thrown more than ever on
his friendship with the Pope ; this accounts for the rude
treatment of the Florentine envoys at Genoa who had
come to plead for a postponement of the expedition against
the city. Charles refused this peremptorily as an engage
ment undertaken without the cognizance of the Pope ; he
exhorted them, but certainly in vain, to come to terms
with Clement. Gattinara spoke even more clearly, since
he told the Florentines that they would have to reinstate
Clement and his family in their former position.3 This,
indeed, was the whole end and aim of the Pope; heedless
of all warnings and dangers, he pursued without scruple
the policy of the aggrandizement of the house of Medici.4
Orange had left Rome in the middle of August5 His
1 Cf. the important and strictly confidential letter of Charles V. to
Ferdinand I., dat. January n, 1530, in LANZ, I., 366 seq.
2 ROMANIN, V., 462.
3 SEGNI, I., 171; VARCHI, I., 358; REUMONT, III., 2, 243;
PERRENS, III., 222 seqq. The letters of Charles in BARDI, Carlo V.,
51 seqq., show that the Emperor was in close understanding with the
Papal Nuncio before meeting the Florentine envoys.
4 PALLAVICINI (I., II., c. 16) had already condemned this policy.
Among the moderns BROSCH (I., 113 seq.} is the most severe.
5 See Praet's letter in BARDI, Carlo V., 42, and ROBERT, 293. At
first the expedition against Perugia was not believed in at Rome ; cf.
70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
troops were gathered in the flat country between Foligno
and Spello ; there were three thousand landsknechts,
the remnant of Frundsberg's army, and four thousand
Italians under Pierluigi Farnese, Camillo Marzio, Sciarra
Colonna, and Giovan Battista Savelli ; the Spanish infantry
were to be brought up from Apulia by Vasto.1
The expedition against the rebellious Malatesta Baglioni
was carried out swiftly. While reconnoitring near Spello,
Giovanni d' Urbino, the bravest of the Spanish captains,
was indeed killed, but Spello surrendered in September.
Vasto had now come up ; on the 6th of September the
army crossed the Tiber and pitched camp before Perugia,
and by the loth this stronghold had also capitulated.
The conditions were very favourable to Malatesta Baglioni :
he was allowed free egress for himself and his artillery,
protection for his property, and permission to take service
for Florence. Perugia returned to its former relations with
the Holy See, retaining its privileges, and, on the evening
of the nth of September, Cardinal del Monte took posses
sion of the city in the Pope's name.2
the **despatch of F. Gonzaga of August 17, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
1 GUICCIARDINI, XIX., 5.
2 Along with contemporary accounts in SANUTO, LI., 386 seqq., 463,
494, 508, 542, 559, 562 seqq.) see especially BONTEMPI, Ri-cordi,
335 seq., and also the *Diary of Cornelius de Fine in the National
Library, Paris. Cf. also VERMIGLIOLI, Vita di Malatesta IV.
Baglioni, Perugia, 1839, 66 seg., XXXIX. seqq. ; FABRETTI, Capitani
venturieri, IV., 77, 113 sey., and Documenti, 528 seqq.^ 541 seqq. ;
PELLINI, III., 499 seqq.\ FONTANA, Renata, I., 451 seq.\ ROBERT,
300, and Lett, et Uocum., 339 seq. For the ravages of the war see
the *Diary of Cornelius de Fine. The *Monitorium against
Malatesta, dat. Rome, 1529 (without day of month), in Regest., 1437,
f. 314-318 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Also Lett. d. princ.,
VI., f. 65, a *letter of Orange to the Pope, dat. 1529, September 11, in
which he begs for a ratification of the treaty with Malatesta Baglioni.
CAMPAIGN AGAINST FLORENCE. 7 1
The hopes of the Florentines, that the campaign would
be concentrated on Perugia, were thus baffled ; once more
the war was confined exclusively to their own territory.
They also failed completely in their attempts to drive
Orange off by means of negotiations. Since Malatesta had
betaken himself to Montevarchi without giving a thought
to the protection of the Florentine frontier towns, little
resistance was offered to the Imperialist troops. In a
short time they became masters of Cortona, Castiglione
Fiorentino, and finally of Arezzo. The further advance
of Orange into the valley of the Arno was very slow ;
this gave the inhabitants of Florence time to defend
themselves.1 Orange laid himself open to the suspicion
of acting with a view to his own interests rather than to
those of the Pope, but there is no adequate proof of this ;
on the contrary, his delay arose from altogether different
causes. The letters of Charles V. to Orange show that the
former expressly wished for a protracted advance against
Florence, in order that, if possible, an agreement might be
reached between the Pope and the citizens of his own town.
Only in the case of this being altogether unsuccessful did
the Emperor, that he might not incur the loss of Clement's
friendship, consent to carry the expedition through.2
Clement VII. grants this at once ; see the *letter of thanks to Orange
of September 13, 1529, in Min. brev., 1529, vol. 24, n. 247 ; cf. vol. 26,
n. 378, 379, and 380, the *briefs dated on the same September 13 to
Perugia, Malatesta Baglioni, and the Cardinal del Monte.
1 The work was carried on day and night ; see Capello's report of
September 24, 1529, in ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, I., 121.
2 See Charles V.'s important letter to Orange in BARDI, Carlo V.,
56 seqq., b^seqq. Before the publication of these documents PERRENS
(III., 266) had already, on the evidence of the Sienese reports (in
FOSSATI-FALLETTI, Assedio, II., 21, 42, 55, 76), rejected the imputation
that Orange was pursuing personal aims; also ROBERT, 315 seq.
Charles V. also instructed his envoy in Rome to obtain from the Pope
?2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Orange's advance, moreover, was retarded, since he had
to wait for artillery from Siena. Not until the 2Oth of
October did he reach Ripoli, and at last, on the 24th, he
took up his position on the lovely chain of hills by which
Florence is bounded on the south-east.1
Up to the last, Clement had hoped that the Florentines,
isolated from all help, would surrender and avoid the issue
of a struggle with the fierce soldiery. He was doomed to
see how far he had deceived himself. With admirable
heroism, the Florentines had made preparations to fight
for their freedom to the death.2 With their own hands
they had devastated the fair surroundings of their city in
order to deprive the enemy of any points of advantage.
By every means in their power, even to the sale of Church
property, money had been raked together to provide pay
for the troops. They would rather, declared some, see
their city in ashes than stoop to obey the Medici.3 The
walls were manned by soldiers ready to resist any assault
of the Imperialists. Orange had to make up his mind to
invest the city, and at the end of October his artillery fire
an arrangement with Florence, and declared himself ready to make
over to the Duke Alexander, as a compensation, a portion of the Duchy
of Milan ; see Despacho que el Emperador Carlos V. mando escribir a"
sus Embajadores en Roma, para que procurasen arreglar con Su
Santidad los asuntos de Milan y Florencia, i Octubre de 1529. Pubbl.
da G. DE LEVA, Padova, 1859 (per nozze).
1 GUICCIARDINI, XIX., 6; REUMONT, III., 2, 241 seq. ; ROBERT,
319^.
2 The earlier literature on the siege of Florence in GIORDANI, App.
24 seqq., and REUMONT, III., 2, 850. Of modern works the most
important is that of FOSSATI-FALLETTI, already quoted ; for criticism
of the latter^ Arch. stor. Ital., 4 Series, XVIII., 139 seq., and Rev.
hist, XXXII., 408 seqq. For the Russian work of V. PISKORSKY
(Kiev, 1892) see Arch. stor. Ital., 5 Series, IX., 372 seqq.
3 Cf. ClPOLLA, 957.
EXCITEMENT IN FLORENCE. 73
was trained upon the heights of San Miniato. Michael
Angelo, who, on the 6th of April 1529, had already been
appointed l overseer of the fortifications, had transformed
the noble basilica, on its lofty eminence, into a bulwark
of such strength that the fire from Orange's guns was
ineffectual.
The success of their measures of defence filled the
Florentines with fresh courage. Preachers of the order of
which Savonarola had been a member sought zealously
to revive the old belief in the inviolable security of the
city ; the holy angels, it was declared, would be the
saviours of Florence ; to gainsay such teaching was
deemed a transgression against the State. The popular
excitement was fanned especially by the Dominicans Fra
Zaccaria of San Marco and Benedetto da Fojano. Like
Savonarola, once the object of their heated adulation,
these religious made their pulpits resound with politics.
Their sermons, according to the testimony of Varchi, were
filled with derisive gibes against the Pope and flattery of
the government in power. The hatred of the Medici in
some amounted at last to madness. It reached the
length of a proposal that vengeance in a shameful form
should be visited on Catherine de' Medici, a child of ten,
who was then detained as a hostage in a convent2
While in Genoa, Charles V. had sent a request to the
Pope that his coronation might be solemnized at Bologna.
1 See decree in Giorn. stor. d. arch, toscan., II., 66-67.
2 Cf. GRIMM, Michelangelo, II., 95 seq. • REUMONT, Caterina de'
Medici, 120 seq. ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 160. For the Dominican
Preachers see VARCHI, I., 292 ; PERRENS, III., 241 seq. ; CAPPONI,
III., 266; cf. also SANUTO, LIL, 327. For the demand for a revision
of Savonarola's case see FOSSATI-FALLETTI, I., 445. The "Epistola"
addressed to Clement VII. by Girolamo Benivieni, in defence of
Savonarola, was published by MILANESI as an appendix to his edi
tion of Varchi and in pamphlet form, Florence, 1858.
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Such threatening intelligence had come from Germany
that it became more necessary than ever that the head of
the Empire should speedily have recourse thither. The
pressure to which Ferdinand was exposed from the Turks
had altered the situation in such a way that it appeared
impolitic for Charles to be at too great a distance from
the hereditary domains of the Hapsburgs.1 Nor could
Clement deny the force of this argument ; but the state
of his health, only just restored, and the cost of the
journey were against it. Moreover, an Imperial corona
tion outside the walls of Rome was something unknown,
contrary to all precedent, the closest adherence to which
was in Rome a fixed and unchanging principle. Many
of the Cardinals, the Curia, and the Romans, almost with
out exception, were against the journey.2 But the Legates
who had followed Charles to Piacenza supported him in his
wish, to which he gave renewed expression in a letter of
the 20th of September 1529.* They also announced that
Charles had sworn at Piacenza, as at Parma, to undertake
nothing to the detriment of Holy Church.4 Clement
was strongly influenced by the knowledge that he was
dependent on Charles for the Florentine enterprise and
1 ROMANO, Cronaca, 94.
2 DITTRICH, Regesten, 64.
3 I also found this autograph *letter of Charles V.'s to Clement, " de
Piacenza de XX. de Setiembre," in the Secret Archives of the Vatican,
Arm., XL, caps. 7.
4 ROMANO, 95 ; cf. DITTRICH, Contarini, 177. On August 29, 1529,
Charles V. wrote from Genoa to the Pope, how glad he was to make the
acquaintance of Ippolito and Alessandro de' Medici, and informed him
of his departure for Piacenza (Lett. d. princ., L, I23b, and GiORDANl,
App. 2 seqq.\ which took place on the 3oth ; see Capello in ALBERI,
Relaz., 2 Series, L, 207. On August 23 nothing had been decided as
to the Pope's departure for Bologna ; see the ^report of F. Gonzaga
from Rome on that day (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
THE POPE DECIDES TO GO TO BOLOGNA. 75
the restoration of the Papal territory. He had also
repeatedly previously announced his intention of going
into Spain in the cause of peace. How could he now
decline to make a comparatively trifling journey? By
the end of August1 he had made up his mind to gratify
the Emperor's wish ; but he kept his resolve a secret for
some days, and allowed the belief to prevail that the
notion of a Roman coronation had not been given up.2
On the iQth of September the Treaty of Cambrai was
officially announced in Rome ; before the Pope proceeded
to the ceremony of its publication he made known to
the Cardinals his intention of going to Bologna, but he
left it optional to the members of the Sacred College
whether they accompanied him or not. On that the
Cardinals withdrew any opposition, and the Romans were
pacified by the arrangement that the Rota and Cancelleria
were to remain in Rome.3
The date of the journey, for which preparations were
now4 beginning to be made, depended a good deal on the
1 Cf. the Papal ^injunction, dated August 29, 1529, with regard to
the necessary quarters for soldiers and the Papal suite at Bologna
during the approaching visit. Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 404 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
2 See GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 140 ; Lett. d. princ., III., 98b ; ^report of
F. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, 1529, September 17 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). Cf. Contarini's letter of the same date in DITTRICH,
Contarini, 177.
3 SANUTO, LI., 601 seqq., and LII., 16; *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat.
3552 (Vatican Library) ; *Diary of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS (Secret
Archives of the Vatican); CLARETTA, Carlo V. e Clemente VII., 9.
Clement's joy at the Peace of Cambrai and the reasons for his
rejoicing are laid before the Emperor in a letter, in BARDI, Carlo V.,
39 seqq.
4 Report of F. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, 1529, September 20 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). The "Gubernator generalis curiae" during the
journey was Francesco Pesaro ; see GARAMPI, 246.
76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
news from Florence. The frightful danger hanging over
his native city was a source of increasing agitation to
Clement. He still hoped for a peaceful solution, and
this hope was encouraged by Contarini.1 On the 22nd
of September a Florentine envoy arrived in Rome. As
he was the bearer only of general expressions, the Pope
determined to send Schonberg to Orange and to Florence
with the task of arranging a peaceful settlement, if such
were by any means possible. Schonberg, who had only
returned from Cambrai on the iQth, was once more on
his way by the 23rd. But his mission was as unsuccess
ful as was that of one of the Papal Chamberlains despatched
by Clement when he was already on the road to Bologna.2
The obstinacy of the Florentines occasioned alterations
in the Pope's travelling arrangements. Instead of going
through Tuscany, he had to take the road through the
Romagna. Before starting, Clement drew up a series of
precautionary regulations. By a special Bull the freedom
of the Papal election, in case he died at Bologna,3 was
secured. Cardinal del Monte was made Legate in Rome,4
1 See DITTRICH, Regesten, 65, and Contarini, 178 seq. ; BARDI,
Carlo V., 42, 44. For the Pope's indignation against Florence see in
App., No. 7, *the report of F. Gonzaga (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 See DITTRICH, Contarini, 178 seq. For Schonberg's departure
see SANUTO, LI I., 15. The *pass for Schonberg, as well as the letter
recommending him to Orange, is dated September 22 ; Min. brev.,
1529, vol. 26, n. 392 and 393 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 DITTRICH, Regesten, 65, and Contarini, 179. The text of the Bull
in RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 75 seqq. ; cf. SAGMULLER, Papstwahlen, 12.
4 On October i. See *Acta Consist, of the Camerarius in Cod.
Vatic., 3457, P. II., Vatican Library, and the ^report of F. Gonzaga, dat.
Rome, 1529, October 2 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cardinal del
Monte came to Rome on October 10, according to the Diary in Cod.
Barb., lat. 3552, Vatican Library. The " Tavola di li prezzi del vivere"
published by this Cardinal on October 25, 1529, is in the Studi e
docum., III., 89 seq.) and shows that scarcity still continued in Rome.
CLEMENT VII. STARTS FROM ROME. /?
and special Nuncios were ordered to go to France and
England to acquaint their respective governments with
the circumstances of the Pope's journey, and to ask that
full powers should be sent to Bologna for dealing with the
Turkish question.1 Cardinal Cibo was instructed to make
the necessary preparations in Bologna.2
On the afternoon of the /th of October the Pope left
Rome amid torrents of rain. In immediate attendance
were Cardinals Accolti, Cesi, Cesarini, and Ridolfi;3 most
of the remaining Cardinals as well as the Ambassadors
followed. The insecurity of the road made an escort
necessary and considerably impeded the progress of the
journey, which the Emperor, with renewed insistence,
begged might be accelerated. The Pope's route lay by
Civita Castellana, Orte, Terni, Spoleto, and Foligno to
Sigillo on the Via del Furlo.4 On the way, important
despatches were brought by members of the Imperial
court. They contained Charles's wish that the settlement
of Italian affairs might be made as quickly as possible,
seeing that the Turks were advancing on Vienna. He
therefore would give up Parma to the Pope, although
still in his (the Emperor's) possession, and would deal
with the affairs of Milan in conformity with Clement's
advice.6 At Sigillo the new Imperial envoy, Gabriele
1 PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 85. Cf. A. da Burgo's ^report to Ferdinand I.
of October 7, 1529 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
2 STAFFETTI, Cybo, 88.
3 *Diarium of Blasius de Martinellis de Caesena mag. caerem. Bibl.
Barb., XXXV., 45 (now lat. 2801), f. I seq. (Vatican Library and Cod.
12547, National Library, Paris) ; cf. RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 78 ; SANUTO,
LII, 78.
4 *See Diarium, loc. cit. ; SANUTO, LII., 118 ; BONTEMPI, 338. The
Itinerary was as follows : October 8, Civita Castellana ; 9, Orte ;
10, Terni ; 11, Spoleto; 12, Foligno; 13, Nocera ; 14, Sigillo.
6 See Contarini's report, October 15, 1529, in DITTRICH, Regesten,
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Merino, Bishop of Jaen and Archbishop of Bari,1
together with Praet and Mai, had his first audience
with the Pope, whom he found full of confidence in the
Emperor's good intentions.2
On the 2oth of October Clement was at Cesena, where
a Florentine deputation appeared, to announce that their
city would make a willing submission if honourably treated.3
On the 2 1st the distinguished travellers were welcomed
at Forli by the Bolognese envoys. On the 23rd feux
de joie and peals of bells informed the inhabitants of
Bologna that the head of the Church had reached the
convent of the Crociferi,4 one mile distant from the
city. On the following day the solemn entry, for which
preparations on a vast scale had been undertaken,
was made.
The road to San Petronio was overspread by draperies
from which hung green garlands enclosing the arms of the
Medici. Magnificent triumphal arches in the Doric order
61 ; cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 183, 184, and 186. See also F. Gonzaga's
•^despatch, dat. Spoleto, 1 529, October 16 : " S. Sta si mantien benissimo
et per il piu del tempo cavalca lassando de andar in lettica : si continua
li viaggio e forse si accelererk alquanto piu che non s' haveva pensato
per queste male nove del Turco, quali hanno penetrate nel cor di
S. Bne" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
1 Charles V. recommended him to Clement VII. in an *autograph
letter, " De Placencia VIII. de Octubre" (Secret Archives of the
Vatican, Arm., XL, caps. i).
2 See Merino's report of October 16, 1529, in GAYANGOS, IV., i,
n. 190. "in sigello" is incorrectly translated "in secret." " In castro
Sugelli Perus. dioc.," October 14, 1529, is the date of the ^instruction of
Clement VII. to the officials of the Cam. Apost, that during his
absence from Rome no interdict was to be pronounced in cases of
debt; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 434 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
3 Cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 137.
4 GIORDANI, 6.
THE POPE'S ENTRANCE INTO BOLOGNA. 79
of architecture, with allegorical reliefs,paintings, and stucco
groups of figures, had been constructed at the Porta
Maggiore, the Palazzo Scappi. and on the Piazza Maggiore.
The Pope made his entrance borne on the sedia gestatoria ;
sixteen Cardinals, numerous Archbishops and Bishops, as
well as bodies of Bolognese officials, went with him to
San Petronio, from whence, after giving his solemn benedic
tion, he betook himself to the Palazzo Pubblico, where
splendid apartments had been prepared for him.1 A
special messenger of the Emperor, Pedro de la Cueva,
greeted Clement VII., a compliment acknowledged by the
-Pope in an autograph letter.2
In a secret Consistory held on the 2Qth of October, six
Cardinals were appointed to make all the needful prepara
tions tor the Emperor's coronation, and it was decided, in the
event of the rite being performed in Bologna, that a Bull
should be issued declaring the solemnity to have the same
validity as it would have had if carried out in Rome.3 At
the same time the Pope was able to proclaim the joyful
news that the Turks had abandoned the siege of Vienna.
In celebration of this event a solemn function was held
in San Petronio on the last day of October, at which
the Pope gave his benediction and absolution.4
1 To the sources used by GIORDANI, 6 segq. (especially MSS.
chronicles of Negri and Ghiselli), have more recently been added
ROMANO, Cronaca, 100 seqq. ; SANUTO, LI I., 138, 142 seg., 144 seqq.,
and the report in CLARETTA, Carlo V. e Clemente VII., 14 seqq.
2 Printed in Lett. d. princ., I. I22b. The autograph ^letter of
Charles V. to Clement VII., "Dy Martes, XXVI. d' Octubre,"
delivered by P. de la Cueva (Secret Archives of the Vatican, loc. cit.\
3 This Bull was issued on the coronation day; see Bull. Vat, II.,
402 seq.
4 RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 81. Clement VII. congratulated Charles
on the deliverance of Vienna, October 29, 1529 ; see Lett. d. princ., I.,
123.
8O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The entry of Charles V. was looked for on the 5th of
November. He had left Piacenza on the 2/th of October.
In Borgo San Donnino he received a letter from his
brother announcing the complete failure of the Turkish
attack on Vienna.1 Thus Charles's position in Italy was
remarkably improved, and his enemies, who had reckoned
on the Turks, lost spirit.2
With renewed hopes Charles went by Parma3 to Reggio,
where the Duke Alfonso of Ferrara besought him on his
knees to support him against the Pope. This crafty Prince
made lavish promises in order to gain the favour of the
powerful Emperor, whom he accompanied as far as Modena.4
The personal intercourse between them was destined to
have important results. When Charles reached Borgo
Panigale on the 4th of November, he found almost all
the Cardinals and a numerous company of prelates there
assembled ; Cardinal Farnese welcomed him in the Pope's
name and escorted him to Certosa.5 On the following
day the Emperor made his state entry into the second
city of the Papal territories.
On this occasion the decorations of Bologna far surpassed
those employed on the arrival of the Pope. If on the
1 ROMANO, Cronaca, 102. Ferdinand I.'s letter from Linz of October
19, 1529, in GEVAY, Urkunden u. Aktenstiicke zur Gesch. der Verhandl.
zwischen Osterreich, Ungarn und der Pforte. Gesandtschaft an Sultan
Suleiman I., 1529, Vienna, 1840, ^seg.
2 J. PITTI. Apol. de' Cappucci in Arch. stor. Ital., I Series, IV., 2, 362.
3 From here on October 31, 1529, Charles V. wrote to Clement VII.:
"Yo continuare my camyno con el deseo que traygo de bazar los pies
de V. Sd como dira su camarero a quien me remyto." ^Original in
Secret Archives of the Vatican, loc. dt.
4 See ROMANO, Cronaca, 108 seq.] cf. CAMPORI in Arch. stor. Ital.,
App. VI., i^seqq.
8 Together with GiORDANi, 21 seq., see the report in CLARETTA,
loc. cit., 1 5 seq.
ARRIVAL OF THE EMPEROR. 8 1
former occasion the ecclesiastical element was the most
prominent, the chief place was. now occupied by secular
pomp. In correspondence with the character of the
Renaissance, now at its zenith, the festal decorations
were marked by the utmost prodigality. Architects,
sculptors, and painters competed in the creation of a
scheme of ephemeral decoration striking the eye with
magnificence and colour and transporting the spectator
into the very heart of ancient Rome. From the windows
of every house hung coloured tapestries, and awnings
overspread the streets ; garlands of green leaves formed
an admirable contrast to the arches which make Bologna
a city of arcades. On the ravelin of the Porta S. Felice,
through which Charles was to enter, was seen, on one
side, the triumph of Neptune surrounded by tritons,
sirens, and sea-horses, and on the other, Bacchus in the
midst of satyrs, fauns, and nymphs, with the inscription,
" Ave Caesar, Imperator invicte ! " On the gateway itself
were conspicuous the Papal keys and the Imperial
eagle, inscriptions in imitation of those of ancient Rome,
medallion portraits of Caesar, Augustus, Titus, and Trajan,
and lastly the equestrian statues of Camillus and Scipio
Africanus. The architectural illusions were also, on
this occasion, of exceptional splendour; the triumphal
arches erected in the Doric style were all profusely adorned
with stucco figures and paintings, mostly in chiaroscuro.
Besides the painters of Bologna, those of other cities, such
as Giorgio Vasari and a Flemish pupil of Raphael, were
employed on these works.
At three o'clock in the afternoon the head of the Imperial
procession reached the Porta S. Felice : first came lancers,
then the artillery, two hundred landsknechts, cavalry, and
again numerous foot-soldiers, followed by many princes and
knights on horseback and in gleaming armour. Cardinal
VOL, X. 6
82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Campeggio, recently returned from England, as bishop of
the city, met the Emperor at the gate, before whom were
borne the standard of the Empire, the banner of St. George,
and an unsheathed sword. Surrounded by Spanish
grandees in magnificent attire rode Charles, on a white
charger, in flashing armour inlaid with gold. His balda-
chino was carried by nobles and senators of Bologna.
Behind him came the Count of Nassau, Alessandro de'
Medici, the Marquis of Montferrat, Andrea Doria, the
Cardinal Chancellor di Gattinara, Cles, Bishop of Trent,
Bishop George III. of Brixen, Antonio Perrenot, Bishop of
Arras, his confessor Garcia de Loaysa, and numerous ecclesi
astical and secular dignitaries ; the rearguard was composed
of Spanish troops. While treasurers flung coins and medals
to the closely packed crowds, who were shouting " Cesare,
Imperio," the procession slowly made its way to San
Petronio, before which a richly decorated platform had
been raised ; here the Pope, in full pontifical garb, the
triple crown upon his head, with five - and - twenty
Cardinals around him, awaited the Emperor, on whose
approach fanfares from trumpets were blown, all the city
bells pealed, and the cannon thundered forth salutes.
Two members of the Sacred College led Charles to the
platform, where he knelt, and kissed the foot, hand, and
forehead of the Pope. Thus, for the first time, the two
men came face to face who had been engaged in such a
long and bitter contest until their common interests
brought them together. Charles addressed the Pope
briefly in Spanish, and Clement made a friendly reply.
The Emperor was then conducted to the church by the
Pope, who afterwards withdrew. A Te Deum was sung
in San Petronio.
It was six o'clock in the evening when the Emperor left
the church and betook himself to the Palazzo Pubblico,
IMPRESSION MADE BY CHARLES V. 83
where his lodgings also had been prepared.1 His apart
ments immediately adjoined those of the Pope. A private
door of communication enabled them both to hold inter
course, at any time, free from interruption and observation.2
A well-known picture in the palace of the Signoria in
Florence represents the Emperor and Pope in animated
conversation.3
Charles as a politician was more than a match for
Clement in shrewdness ; nevertheless he made most
careful preparation on each occasion of conference with
the Pope, noting down on a slip of paper all essential
points.4 Italian writers of despatches were struck in
Charles, who was not yet full thirty years old, by his
seriousness, his sense of religion, and a certain slow
1 For the decoration of Bologna and the Emperor's entry see
GIORDANI, 12 seqq., where the rare work, II superbo apparato fatto in
Bologna alia incoronazione della Ces. Mta di Carlo V. (copy in the
Trivulzio Library, Milan) is made use of, and other sources are given in
App. 13 seqq. For the preparations of the Master of Ceremonies,
Blasius de Martinellis, see Mel. d'archeol., XXIII., 170 seq. Cf. also
for the entry ROMANO, Cronaca, 113 seqq.\ CLARETTA, Carlo V. e
Clemente VII., 16 seqq.\ SANUTO, LI., 180 set?., 182 seq., 184 seqq.,
187 seqq., 192, 195 seq., 197 seqq., 205 seqq., 209, 259 seqq., 266 seqq.,
273 seq., 275 seqq.\ VANDENESSE, Journal d. voyag. de Charles V.,
II., 85; V. DUYSE in Bull, de la Soc. d'hist. de Gand, 1898. The
allocution of Charles to the Pope (touched up in ULLOA, Vita di Carlo
V., Venice, 1566, 118) is given accurately in a letter of Isabella of Este
in Arch. stor. Ital., App. II., 320. For the understanding of the
decorations of the city, cf. BURCKHARDT, Gesch. der Renaissance,
372 seq.
2 ROMANO, Cronaca, 124 ; cf. SANUTO, LI I., 267.
3 Reproduced in HEYCK, Die Mediceer, 120.
4 Contarini in ALBERI, Relazioni, 2 Series, III., 269 seq. That
Clement had a very good memory is clear from A. da Burgo's
*report to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, March 18, in Court and
State Archives, Vienna.
84 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
deliberation of speech. Contarini, who had followed the
Pope to Bologna, was impressed by the Emperor's absorp
tion in affairs while there; he seldom left the palace
except in order to hear Mass. Of the Pope, then in
his fifty-first year, he says that the traces of the long
and dangerous illness he had gone through were
plainly visible on his countenance. Among the Pope's
advisers the Venetian Ambassador mentions as the most
influential Jacopo Salviati, French in his sympathies,
but now accommodating himself to the conditions of
the time ; then Sanga, the friend of Giberti ; Cardinal
Pucci, entirely occupied with the Florentine business ;
as well as Schonberg and Girolamo da Schio, both
Imperialists.1
The negotiations of Clement VII. with Charles were
made easier by the conclusion of the treaties of
Barcelona and Cambrai. But there still remained certain
points which were very difficult of adjustment between
them. The Pope was still distrustful of Charles, and,
if Contarini is to be believed, it was not until after long
intercourse with him at Bologna that Clement's opinion
in this respect underwent a change.2
Clement insisted, as was to be expected, on an exact
fulfilment of the stipulations in his favour of the Treaty
of Barcelona.3 Charles, for his part, was determined to
1 Contarini in ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, III., 265 segg.,26g seqq.\
cf. for Charles V., SANUTO, LI I., 210. See also GIORDANI, App. 100.
For J. Salviati cf. DESJARDINS, II., 787, 794 ; REUMONT, III., 2, 266 ;
EHSES, Dokumente, 266.
2 Contarini in ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, III., 266.
3 Gregorio Casale told Contarini that Clement VII. had threatened
that, if Charles broke his word, he would return to Rome and
there have the Treaty of Barcelona publicly printed, so that all
the world might know that he had been duped (DiTTRiCH,
Regesten, 70).
NEGOTIATIONS AT BOLOGNA. 85
retain the Pope's friendship l in any event, on account of
the Turkish danger, not as yet by any means extinct,
the condition of Germany, and the exhaustion of his
resources. But his views regarding Milan and Ferrara
differed essentially from those of Clement.2 The expedi
tion against Florence gave rise to difficulties only in
so far as Orange was incessant in his demands for money
and reinforcements ; an understanding on this point was
made easier because Charles saw in the Florentine alliance
with France a standing menace to his supremacy in Italy.3
It was otherwise with the Milanese question, to a favour-
1 Cf, the very important and interesting private letter, already quoted,
from Charles V. to Ferdinand I., of January n, 1530, in LANZ, I., 367
seq. " Je desire," says Charles, " ne plus perdre son amyte et pour le
moings, si je ne lay pour amy, qu'il ne me soit ennemy."
2 For the peace negotiations at Bologna the best source is Niccolo
da Ponte's Maneggio della pace di Bologna in ALBERT, Relaz., 2 Series,
III., 147 seqq., the importance of which GACHARD (Relations, VIII.
seq,} rightly insists upon. Contarini's reports are more complete than
those in SANUTO, LI I., although the latter is of importance as enabling
one to fix the dates of individual reports and in giving (LIL, 376
seqq.) a number of new Mantuan despatches. Cf. also Contarini's re
lation in ALBERI, loc. cit., 264 seq., and the accounts in ROMANO,
Cronaca, 126 seqq., which confirm N. da Ponte's statements. The
author of the Cronaca edited by ROMANO is, as the latter shows (59
seq. and 285-286), Luigi Gonzaga di Borgoforte, who, in parts, uses
the words of the Mantuan envoys. For an understanding of the Pope's
views on the peace there is important evidence in the Lett. d. princ.,
III., 95-99, where a letter is published addressed to the Bishop of
Vaison, G. da Schio, while staying at the Emperor's court, coming,
as RANKE (Deutsch. Gesch., III., 6th ed., 153) rightly supposes, from
Sanga.
3 Cf. LANZ, I., 367 ; GUICCIARDINI, XIX., 6 ; and BARDI, Carlo V.,
31) 34> 72- F°r the unsuccessful negotiations with the Florentine
envoys see FOSSATI-FALLETTI, Assedio, I., 373 seqq. For the con
sultations with Orange, who came to Bologna, see ROMANO, 132 seqq.;
cf. CLARETTA, 20.
86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
able settlement of which Charles attached the greatest
value. Previous to the meeting at Bologna, negotiations
on this matter had already begun. In September and
October the Imperialist envoys had proposed to Clement
that Alessandro de' Medici should be given Milan ; but
they received the negative reply that the Pope could not
commit himself to so great an undertaking, productive as
it would be of perpetual difficulties to those of his own
house. Nevertheless, the Emperor at Bologna returned
to this proposal, but with no better success; on the other
hand, influences were at work to secure Milan for Federigo
Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua.1 As things were, any
investiture of the duchy on another than Francesco
Sforza would have kindled afresh another war in Italy.2
It was therefore fortunate that Charles listened to the
representations of the Pope, Gattinara, and Contarini,
and summoned Sforza to appear at Bologna to vindi
cate his claims. On the 23rd of November 1529 Sforza
had his first audience with the Emperor; he conducted
his case with such skill that the Pope succeeded in
bringing Charles completely round. By the 3rd of
December the investiture of Sforza with Milan was
practically settled.3
The Venetian Government having already, on the roth
1 NICCOLO DA PONTE, Maneggio, 178 seqq.\ ROMANO, Cronaca, 134.
See DITTRICH, Contarini, 186, 192; DE LEVA, II., 573; DAVARI in
Giorn. ligust, 1890, 461, according to documents in the Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. The Marquis of Mantua came to Bologna on
November 20; see the *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in
Cod. Barb., XXXV., 45 (now lat. 2801), Vatican Library.
2 NICCOLO DA PONTE, Maneggio, 183-184.
3 ROMANO, Cronaca, 139, 140, 142 ; *Diarium of BLASIUS DE
MARTINELLIS, toe. cit. ; NICCOLO DA PONTE, Maneggio, 179 seg.,
189, 192, 199 seg., 212 seqq. Cf. SANUTO, LIL, 304, 332 seq. \
Giorn. ligust, 1891, 101 ; BARDI, Carlo V., 33 seq.
CONCESSIONS BY VENICE. 87
of November, given full powers1 to Contarini to restore
Ravenna and Cervia to the Pope, now declared themselves
also ready to evacuate the Apulian towns ; they objected,
however, at first to enter into, the defensive Italian league
desired by the Emperor. On the 26th of November the
Senate determined to make this concession also, in the
hope that Charles would then make reductions in his
demands for money from Milan and Venice. On the
representations made to him by Contarini, the Emperor
consented to a substantial reduction of the war indemnity
payable by the Republic ; but from Sforza he demanded as
before, together with enormous sums of money, the castles
of Milan and Como as security for payment. On the I2th
of December a messenger from Venice arrived with in
structions to Contarini to comply with the Emperor's
wishes.2
The Pope, yielding to the requests of Venice, recognized
1 NlCCOLO DA PONTE, Maneggio, 171 seq. \ cf. ROMANIN, V., 465
seqq. ; DE LEVA, II., 585 seq. Even in Bologna, Contarini had re
peatedly endeavoured, but in vain, to induce the Pope to waive the
restitution of the cities ; see DITTRICH, Contarini, 181 seq. On
November 14, 1529, Clement VII. thanked Venice for the restitution
as decided on, and promised to use his influence with the Emperor on
behalf of peace. The Brief is published in PASOLINI, Documenti
riguard. antiche relazione fra Venezia e Ravenna, Imola, 1881, 108-
109 ; cf. Libri com., VI., 203 seq. The *Acta Consist, of the Vice-
Chancellor note on November 15, 1529: "Item relatum fuit, Venetos
velle restituere terras ecclesiae ut puta Cerviam et Ravennam per eos
occupatas " (Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Rome, January 21, 1530, is the date of Clement's order to " Leonello
Pio praesidenti Romandiolae" to take charge of Ravenna and Cervia
with their citadels until further orders ; Min. brev., 1530, vol. 27, n. 23
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. DITTRICH, Contarini, 193 seqq. Como and Milan were to be
delivered over to a Spaniard chosen by the Pope out of five nominees
of Charles ; see Casale in MOLINI, II., 265.
88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the right of the Duke of Urbino to the possession of his
entire dominions. The Emperor, made uneasy by the
news from Germany and the renewal of danger from
Francis I., now decided to bring the negotiations to an end
at once. The interests of Ferdinand were no longer
considered, and his representatives were obliged, perforce,
to agree with the Emperor's determination. Thus, on
the 23rd of December 1529, it became possible to
conclude a treaty of peace, the parties to which were
Clement, Charles, Ferdinand, Venice, Sforza, Mantua,
Savoy, Montferrat, Urbino, Siena, and Lucca. On New
Year's Day the treaty was solemnly proclaimed in the
Cathedral of Bologna, and on the 6th of January 1530
ratified on oath by all the contracting parties.1
The only points still left unsettled were the dispute
between Clement and Alfonso of Ferrara, and the con
clusion of a confederacy against the Turks. The Pope's
antagonism to Alfonso had been made all the more
vehement by the encroachments of the latter on purely
ecclesiastical matters.2 With regard to political contro
versies, Clement let Alfonso understand that he was quite
1 ROMANO, Cronaca, 151 seqq., 161 seqq., 174 seqq., and the reports in
SANUTO, LI I., 307 seg., 309 seq., 438 seqg., 445 seqq., 475, 477. The
text of the League in DUMONT, IV., 2, 56 seqq. Cf. GIORDANI, Doc.,
38 seqq,; SUDENDORF, III., 195 seg.; Libri Com., VI., 204 seq. For
the treatment of Ferdinand's envoys, SlOEGMANN, 180 seg., gives
information from the letters of A. da Burgo to Cles in the Court
and State Archives, Vienna. Use has not been made *of the reports
of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., in the same collection, partly in cipher,
dated Bologna, 1529, December 26; cf. also that of December 29,
1529. Clement VII. gave permission in a *Bull of January 17, 1530,
to the Duke of Milan to raise a full tithe on all the benefices of the
duchy in order to raise the large sums which he had to pay on his
investiture.
2 See FONTANA, Renata, I., 452 seqq.
ALFONSO OF FERRARA. 89
willing not to interfere with him, but if he were to renounce
his claim to Modena and Reggio, Parma and Piacenza
would then be separated from the Papal States in such a
way that it would be almost equivalent to their alienation.
Clement appealed expressly to the promises given by
Charles at Barcelona ; but in vain, for Alfonso had
succeeded in completely winning over to his side the
Emperor's advisers, as well as the Emperor himself. In
this he was greatly helped by the secret intention of
Charles to curb the power and independence of the Papal
States. In public Charles spoke threateningly to Alfonso's
envoys; but they knew very well that his anger was all
assumed.1 The Pope, in his irritation, said to the French
Ambassador, " I am being betrayed, but I must act as if I
were unaware of it."2 Yet he declared expressly that
under no circumstances would he allow Alfonso to parti
cipate in the coronation of the Emperor.3
For a long time the claims of Rome to be the scene of
this solemnity had been seriously considered ; but at last,
after lengthy deliberation, the choice had fallen on Bologna.
The reason for this decision was principally the gloomy
account of the state of Germany sent by Ferdinand I.,
which rendered necessary the presence of Charles, as
speedily as possible, in that portion of his empire.4
1 Cf. ROMANO, Cronaca, 171-173, 181, where two very interesting
reports from the Gonzaga Archives are published. The Papal griev
ances against Alfonso were collected together in a special document
for Charles V. It is printed in SUDENDORF, III., 187 seq.
2 Letter of Gramont, Bishop of Tarbes, dat. Bologna, February 25,
1530, in LE GRAND, Divorce, III., 386.
3 ROMANO, Cronaca, 196.
4 The question whether Rome should be the place of coronation was
again brought forward on account of Charles's wish to visit Naples and
the difficulties raised by Gattinara against the choice of Bologna. For
the Chancellor was afraid that the " Lutherans and others '; might call in
go HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Charles was desirous that a certain number of the princes
of the German Empire should attend his coronation ; but
question the validity of the rite. (See the despatch of G. B. Malatesta of
November 4, 1529, in ROMANO, Cronaca, 145, n. i ; cf. also GAYANGOS,
I47n.,2o8; SANUTO, LIL, 192 ; and GiORDANi, App. 71.) Charles V.,
who received the consecrated sword on Christmas Day (see Jahrbuch
der kunsthistor. Samml. des osterr. Kaiserhauses, XXII., 135 seq.\ did
not make up his mind for some time. On December 26, 1529, A. da
Burgo ^reported to Ferdinand I. : " De loco coronationis et tempore
adventus imperatoris in Germaniam adhuc res stat in suspense "
(original in Court and State Archives, Vienna). Ferdinand's repre
sentative, A. da Burgo, was opposed to the coronation in Rome,
since the Emperor's visit to Germany would be delayed, where the
danger was very great. (See Burgo's *report to Ferdinand I., dat.
Bologna, 1 529, December 29. The answer of B. von Cles to this is given
by BUCHOLTZ, III., 427 seq.} Some of Charles's advisers dissuaded
him from going to Germany, the risks being too great. They advised
him to return to Spain by Rome and Naples. Burgo strongly opposed
them (see STOEGMANN, 1 83 seq.}. Charles for his part wished, on account
of the Florentine undertaking, to go to Siena and from there to his
coronation in Rome. On January 4, 1 530, Burgo informed Ferdinand I. :
"The Emperor is in recessu^ (*report of this date in Court and State
Archives, Vienna; cf. SANUTO, LIL, 483); on January 14: "The
Emperor and Pope are going to Siena" (*report of this date; Cj.
SANUTO, LIL, 490, 495, 497, 499, 501-503). On the nth, in a long
autograph letter (in LANZ, I., 360 seqq.\ Charles V. asked his brother's
advice on this important matter. As Burgo informed Ferdinand by
letter on January 30, 1530, Charles impatiently awaited his answer.
As the Emperor was unwell on the 22nd of January, the journey to
Rome had to be put off (SANUTO, LIL, 531 ; cf. 530). Burgo made
use of this time to work for the coronation at Bologna. On January
28 (^letter of this date) he was able to tell Ferdinand that the Pope
was prepared to comply ; but Charles still clung to the Roman journey.
On January 22 he wrote to Margaret of Austria that he was determined
to be crowned at Rome (BARDI, 34). On January 30 Burgo made
counter-representations to Charles which were so effectual that the
former wrote to Cles that he had good hopes that the coronation
would take place at Bologna (STOEGMANN, 184) ; and so, in fact, it
was settled (cf. the information in GIORDANI, 87, from Negri, Annali
THE IMPERIAL CORONATION. 91
Burgo and Salinas, representing Ferdinand I., convinced
him that there was no longer any time to await their
arrival.1 Ferdinand, wrote the envoys on the I2th of
MSS. for February i, 1530). On February i, 1530, Burgo informed
his master : " The Emperor is not going to Rome. He remains in
Bologna." (A p.s. dated Febr. 2, to *letter of Febr. i, 1530, says:
" Some are advising the Emperor to have himself crowned in Germany
by a Papal Legate as soon as he is certain of Ferdinand's election as
King of the Romans. Ferdinand must forward his view speedily.")
On February 2 he ^writes : " Hoc mane post deliberationem externam
Caesar fecit expedire mulos quos conduxerat pro profectione Romae,
et hie fiet coronatio die S. Mathie"; cf. SANUTO, LIL, 553, 562,
and in Appendix, n. 9, the *Brief of February 2, 1530, to Cardinal
Farnese, who was summoned to Bologna for the coronation (Min. in
Secret Archives of the Vatican ; original in State Archives, Naples).
On February 4 : " A congregation of Cardinals was entrusted with the
business of the coronation" (see in App., No. 10, *Acta Consist,
Consistorial Archives). In a ^letter of Burgo's to Ferdinand I. of
February 4, 1530, he says : u Si Mtas V. non dissuadebit coronationem
hie fiendam, melius hie fiet, sed si scribit non esse fiendam hie,
credimus Caesar omittet non obstante quod alii venerint." At last
on February 5 came Ferdinand's answer, dated January 28, 1530
(in BUCHOLTZ, III., 430 seqq.) in extract; given entire in GEVAY,
Urkunden und Aktenstucke v. Gesandtschaft Konig Ferdinands I.
an Suleiman I., Vienna, 1838, 59 seqq.\ In a ^report of February 8,
1530, Burgo relates how Charles behaved on receiving this, the
decisive answer (see Appendix, No. 11). He ^reports on the I2th :
"Caesar perseverat omni celeritate in provisionibus suae coronationis
hie Bononiae" : cf. also a **second letter of this date. On the I3th
Charles informed Margaret, " After long deliberation Bologna has
been chosen as the place of coronation" (BARDi, 35). The reason
given by JOVIUS, Hist., XXVI I., 105, that Rome was unsuitable for
the occasion owing to its recent destruction, is not mentioned in
any of the documents. The whole of the ^letters of A. da Burgo
quoted above, some of which are countersigned by Salinas, I found
in the Court and State Archives, Vienna.
1 See the p.s. of February 2 to Burgo's letter of the previous day.
(Court and State Archives, Vienna).
Q2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
February 1530, could make excuses for his brother to the
German princes and show them that it had not lain in
Charles's power to fix beforehand the date of the corona
tion, which he was now compelled to proceed with without
preparation in order to accelerate his arrival in Germany.1
All the necessary arrangements were, in fact, made in
great haste.2 On the i6th of February the Pope confirmed,
in a Bull, the election of Charles and his coronation at
Aix-la-Chapelle, and gave orders that he should be
crowned with the iron and the golden Imperial crowns.3
As early as the 22nd of February, the festival of St Peter's
Chair at Antioch, Charles received in the chapel of the
Palazzo Pubblico the iron crown of Lombardy,4 which had
been brought from Monza.5 Two days later the coronation
as Emperor was to take place in San Petronio ; Charles had
chosen this day because it was his birthday and the anni
versary of the victory of his forces at Pavia.6
Except as regarded the customary place for the enact
ment of this solemn rite, all other observances of the
1 Cf. A. da Burgo's **report of February 12, 1530, loc. tit. The
electors protested to safeguard their rights, on July 29, 1530, that the
Imperial coronation had taken place in their absence and that others
had partially fulfilled their duties. RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., VI.,
6th ed., 139.
2 See *Acta Consist, of February 16, 1532 (Consistorial Archives
and Secret Archives of the Vatican), and *Diary of BLASIUS DE
MARTINELLIS, loc. tit.
3 RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 5, 6.
4 Together with Blasius de Martinellis in RAYNAI.DUS, 1530, n. 7 (cf.
GIORDANI, 99 segg., and Mel. d'archeol., XXIII., 171 seq.}, see
SANUTO, LI I., 604 seq., 610 seqq., 633 seqq., and ROMANO, Cronaca,
202 seqq. ; see also KROENER, Wahl und Kronung der deutschen
Kaiser in Italien, Freiburg, 1901, 96 seq.
5 Cf. GIORDANI, 95 seqq.
6 It is worth noticing as a curiosity that FONTANA, Renata, I., 135,
gives February 7 as the date of the coronation.
THE IMPERIAL CORONATION. 93
coronation were carried out with painstaking exactitude.
In San Petronio the very side-chapels and the rota
porphyrea itself were copied from St. Peter's, so that
the entire ceremony could be held as if at the tombs of
the Apostles Peter and Paul in Rome. A wooden bridge
decorated with tapestries and garlands, and high enough
to allow the passage of vehicles beneath, led from the
palace to the church, which was adorned with Flemish
tapestries of great value. Four hundred landsknechts
guarded the bridge, two thousand Spaniards and ten pieces
of artillery were drawn up on the piazza. All the city
gates also were guarded by landsknechts and Spaniards.
At nine o'clock the Pope, clad in a mantle embroidered
with gold and studded with precious stones, and wearing
the triple crown, was borne to the church ; the Cardinals
and all the members of his court followed him. In the
meantime the secular dignitaries, all, especially the Spanish
grandees, wearing the most costly garments, had assembled
in the palace to meet the Emperor. Pages and servants
of the princes and the Emperor opened the procession ;
then came the nobles, the Imperial bodyguard, and all the
envoys. Before the Emperor, the Marquis of Montferrat
carried the golden sceptre; the Duke of Urbino,the sword ;
the young Count Palatine Philip, the nephew of the
Elector, the orb of the Empire ; the Duke of Savoy, the
kingly crown. Charles wore the iron crown of Lombardy ;
having on his right Cardinal Salviati, and on his left
Cardinal Ridolfi ; the Counts of Lannoy and Nassau
followed with a great train of nobles, mostly Spanish.
Before the church, on the right-hand side, a wooden
chapel had been erected, representing S. Maria in Turri at
Rome. After the Papal Bull relating to the coronation
had here been read aloud by the Bishop of Malta, Charles
swore on a book of the Gospels held before him by Cardinal
94 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Enkevoirt, to be the faithful champion of the Holy Roman
Church, whereupon he was received into the Chapter of
St. Peter's. Charles had hardly crossed the wooden bridge
when a portion of it fell in. In spite of this perilous
incident he maintained his composure, and knelt down in
the portal of the church, where two Cardinals recited the
customary prayers. He was then conducted into yet a
second chapel, to which the Roman name of S. Gregorio
had been given, and was there clad in the Deacon's tunic
and dipluviale sown with pearls, rubies, and diamonds. He
then took his place at the rota porphyrea, going on to a
spot arranged in imitation of the confession of St. Peter's,
and finally passing into a chamber, representing the chapel
of S. Maurizio at Rome, to be anointed with the holy oil.
During these proceedings a sharp dispute arose between the
envoys of Genoa and Siena as to precedence ; not until
this had been composed could the ceremonies proceed.
The solemn act of the coronation itself was reserved
for Clement. After the reading of the Epistle, Charles
was girt with the sword ; then he likewise received
from the hands of the Pope the orb and sceptre, and
lastly the Imperial crown ; whereupon Clement spoke
the words : " Receive this symbol of glory and the diadem
of the Empire, even this Imperial crown, in the name of
the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, that
thou, despising the ancient enemy and guiltless of all
iniquity, mayst live in clemency and godliness, and so one
day receive from our Lord Jesus Christ the crown of His
eternal kingdom." Before the oblation the Emperor
offered the three customary gold pieces and served as
Deacon, bringing to the altar the paten with the wafers
and the cruet of water, " in so seemly and devout a fashion,
as one long accustomed to fulfil such services, that all
standing around were filled with wonder and joy." After
THE IMPERIAL CORONATION. 95
receiving Holy Communion the Emperor kissed the Pope's
forehead, after which the latter bestowed the benediction.
Together the two heads of Christendom, in all the pomp
of their respective dignities, left the Church. Although
Clement tried to prevent him, the Emperor insisted on
holding his stirrup and on leading his palfrey a few paces
forward ; then with youthful alacrity he mounted his own
charger.
Then came the great cavalcade. " Under the same golden
canopy," says a contemporary, " shone, like sun and moon,
these two great luminaries of the world." In the pro
cession, the gorgeous outlines of which the artists of the
day were swift to fasten on their canvases, were con
spicuous, first the banners of the Crusade, then those of
the Church and of the Pope, followed by the standards of
the Empire, of the city of Rome, Germany, Spain, the New
World, Naples, and Bologna. Treasurers flung gold and
silver coins among the vast crowds with which all the
streets were filled. At San Domenico the Pope left the
procession, while the Emperor from a throne conferred
knighthood on about a hundred persons. Not until four
o'clock in the afternoon was Charles, amid the jubilant
greetings of his troops, able to regain his apartments. The
coronation banquet brought the celebrations to an end.1
1 The chief source for the solemnities of the coronation is the Diary
of Blasius de Martinellis, the Papal Master of Ceremonies, the most im
portant passages of which are in RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 17 seq. Many
other accounts, some rare and unpublished, have been collected by
GiORDANl for his description, in seqq.\ here (Doc., 176 segq.) also is
printed the " Lettera inedita del Bolognese Ugo Buoncompagni (after
wards Pope Gregory XIII.) nella quale si descrive la incoronazione di
Carlo V." This had been printed previously in Bologna in 1841.
Giordani was not acquainted with the German account in BUCHOLTZ,
III., 441 seq., nor with two other authorities recently made accessible :
(i) the Cronaca, edited by ROMANO, 207-223, and (2) the contemporary
96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
At nightfall bonfires blazed everywhere. The Duke
of Milan, although suffering from illness, allowed these
demonstrations to last three days. On the ist of March a
Papal Bull was issued declaring the coronation as fully
valid as it would have been if solemnized at Rome, and
renewing the dispensation permitting Charles to combine
the possession of Naples with that of the Imperial dignity.1
Since Florence remained stubborn in her resistance,
Clement saw that he must make two further concessions
of great importance to Charles; first of all by nominating
three Cardinals acceptable to the Emperor. The appoint
ments were made public on the igth of March. These
were Bernhard Cles. Bishop of Trent, on whose behalf
Burgo had been active for some time past ; 2 the Emperor's
notices in SANUTO, some of which are of great interest ; see LI I.,
624 seqq., 628 seqq., 638 seqq., 640 seqq. The curious statement of
GUICCIARDINI (XX., i), that the coronation took place "con piccola
pompa e spesa," has already been refuted by GIANNONE, XXX., 6 ; cf.
also GiORDANl, App., 73. This laborious compilation also treats
thoroughly the pictorial representations of the great event (App., 117,
and Doc., 69 seqq., 165 seqq., 175 seqq.\ The finest of these pictures,
still well preserved and often reproduced, is that of the Cavalcata,
painted in the Palazzo Ridolfi, Verona, by the Veronese, Domenico
Ricci, called Brusasorci ; cf. G. B. DA PERSICO, Descriz. di Verona, I.,
Verona, 1820, 181 seq. Hogenberg's representation of the Cavalcata
(cf. BLANC, Bibliographic, I., 597, 604, 612) has been recently
reproduced in 250 copies only : The Procession of Pope Clement VII.
and the Emperor Charles V. after the Coronation on February 24,
1530. Designed and engraved by Nic. Hogenberg, and now repro
duced in facsimile with an historical introduction by W. Stirling
Maxwell, Edinburgh, 1875.
1 RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 46 seqq. Here also is the second Bull of
March i, concerning the ratification, with the consent of the Cardinals,
of the Imperial election and the subsequent coronation.
2 See the ^reports of A. da Burgo of October 1 5, i 529, January 4 and
February 12, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
AGREEMENT WITH FERRARA. 97
confessor, Garcia de Loaysa ; and the Savoyard, De
Challant1 With much greater reluctance Clement granted
his permission that Alfonso of Ferrara should, after all, come
to Bologna. But although on this point also he gave way,2
the Duke was not allowed to make his entry in state.3
Clement also demanded once more the restoration of
Reggio, Modena, and Rubbiera. An agreement was at
last reached on the 2ist of March; Alfonso was to cede
Modena to the Emperor, who, on the expiration of six
months, should pronounce a final decision as to the owner
ship of the three towns and the computation of the assess
ment of Ferrara.4 This gave Charles, who had never
acquired a real trust of Clement,6 a decided influence
over the fortunes of the Papal States ; the exceptional
favour shown by him to the Duke of Urbino was also of
service in this direction.6
1 The Spaniard Stunica was also nominated on March 9, according
to the*Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor, but not publicly announced.
On March 19 Clement VII. nominated a French Cardinal, F. de
Tournon, in order not to give too much offence to Francis I. ; see
CIACONIUS, III., 506 seqq., 518; NOVAES, IV., 115 seq. Cf. the
**report of A. da Burgo of March 9, 1530 (Court and State Archives,
Vienna), and the *Diary of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, loc. cit.
2 The decision was given on February 27 ; cf. the **report of A. da
Burgo of February 27, 1530, loc. cit.
3 *Et licet instantiam fecerit, ut sibi honor fieret in introitu, papa
denegavit ; ille autem noctis tempore ingressus magna quidem nobilium
suorum comitiva. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium, loc. cit. ; cf.
ROMANO, Cronaca, 223 seq., 229. The *Salvocondotto of Clement VII.
for Alfonso, dated Bologna, 1530, March 2 (State Archives, Modena).
4 MOLINI, II., 295 seqq. ; SANUTO, LI 1 1., 67; MURATORI, Ant.
Esten., II., 237.
5 Cf. the letter of Charles V. to Ferdinand I. of January u, 1530,
quoted supra, p. 69, n. i.
6 Francesco Maria came to Bologna on February 22, 1530
(GiORDANi, 1 06 seqq.\ " with the intention of weakening the solidarity
VOL. X. 7
98 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Charles, moreover, knew how, in a masterly way, to
widen the firm foundations of his power in Italy by means
of the possession of Naples and the dependent position
of the Duke of Milan, and to link closely to himself the
minor states of the Peninsula. In order to secure
Alfonso absolutely he invested him with the fief of
Carpi, wrested from Alberto Pio as a punishment for
his attachment to France. He gave Asti to his brother-
in-law, the Duke of Savoy, who was at Bologna during
his stay, and the marquisate of Mantua was erected
into a duchy. He could reckon besides on the re
publics of Siena, Lucca, and Genoa with certainty. For
centuries no Emperor had wielded so much power
in Italy ; 1 national independence was practically at an
end. By no means the least share in this guilt belongs
to Clement VII., even although a good deal may be
said to excuse his ultimate reconciliation with Charles.
But the Pope was not the only culprit; all the heads of
the Italian states without exception contributed towards
the subjection of their fair lands to the supremacy of the
alien Spaniard.2 Yet in the existing state of things even
this was a boon ; for otherwise Italy must have fallen
of the Papal monarchy." BROSCH well remarks, I., 115, "Charles
consented also, evidently with satisfaction, to the recognition of the
Duke of Urbino, although he pretended that he was only giving way
to pressure from Venice ! "
1 RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 160 seq. ; SISMONDI, XV.,
473 seq. For the journey of the Duke of Savoy to Bologna see
ROMANO, Cronaca, 196 seq. The investiture of Federigo Gonzaga
with the ducal title is dated April 8, 1530; see VOLTA, Storia
di Mantova, II., 352; C. D'ARCO, Studi intorno al municipio di
Mantova, IV., Mantova, 1872, 38; DAVARI in Giorn. ligust, 1890,
467.
2 REUMONT, III., 2, 237 seq.; cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 127^.,
129.
CONTINUED RESISTANCE OF FLORENCE. 99
a prey to the Turks,1 to whose aid not only Venice but
even Florence had appealed.2
When Charles left Bologna on the 22nd of March to
take his journey into Germany he was able to do so with
feelings of satisfaction.3 Not so the Pope.4 The Papal
territories had certainly been restored in essentials, but in
many respects they were dependent on the Emperor.
More galling even than this was the continued resistance
of Florence, for when he made his way to Bologna,
Clement had expected its speedy subjection. During
his residence there his impatience had grown greater
day by day;5 now, after five months, the heroic spirit
of the Florentines flouted, as at the first, all the efforts
of their besiegers. It was reported that as Clement's
distrust of Orange grew more intense the latter might
have fallen upon him in Bologna and renewed the
lessons of the sack of Rome, and that this suspicion
hastened the Pope's departure.6 He left early on the
3 ist of March, touching Urbino, Gualdo, and Foligno on
his way, and by the 1 2th of April he was once more in
1 See Histor. Zeitschr., N.F., XIV., 273.
2 With regard to the Florentines see Capello in ALBERI, Relaz., 2
Series, I., 279. With regard to Venice see supra, p. 69.
3 ROMANO, Cronaca, 234^.; cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 273.
4 "Papa Clemente," says VARCHI, II., 37, "trovandosi senza danari
e senza riputazione, si parti tutto malcontento."
6 See ROMANO, Cronaca, 144.
6 According to Negri, Annali manoscritti di Bologna (GiORDANl,
Doc., 182, and App. 173), this danger was discussed in Consistory;
but there is no mention of it in the *Acta Consist. The latter, how
ever, for this period, are certainly very incomplete. A. Soriano, in his
report of March 23, remarks on the sudden decision of the Pope to
take his departure (the cause of which Salinas could not find out) ; see
GAYANGOS, IV., I, n. 282 and 283 : " Ha dubito di qualche incon-
veniente atento le gente del campo voleno danari."
100 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Rome; his entry, however, was unaccompanied by any
public reception.1
Consumed with impatience, Clement now waited daily for
the capitulation of his native city, whose inhabitants were
defending themselves with the courage of despair.2 The war
was consuming vast sums of money ; besides, since June, the
Pope had been engaged in attempts to suppress the Abbot
of Farfa,3 so that his finances, deplorable enough in any case,
were threatened with total bankruptcy.4 There was also the
fear that France and England might help the Florentines ; 5
1 VARCHI, II., 37, names the 9th; A. Soriano, in SANUTO, LI 1 1.,
149, gives the I2th April as the date of the Pope's arrival I prefer
the latter statement, as it coincides with the *Diary in the Cod. Barb.,
lat. 3552 (Vatican Library), and Varchi, as regards dates, is inaccurate :
thus, for example, he incorrectly gives October 25 as the date of the
Pope's arrival in Bologna.
2 The fact that no quarter was given to prisoners throws light on
the mutual bitterness of the contending parties. Capello's report in
ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, I., 242.
3 Cf. SANUTO, LI 1 1., 330, as well as the reports of *A. da Burgo of
June 26, July 12, and August 30, 1530 (Court and State Archives,
Vienna), and GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 319, 349, 352, 356, 361, 363, 374,
398, 404, 418, 420, 428, 452, 476, 535, 567.
4 A. da Burgo "^reported from Rome on June 13, 1530: "S. Stas ita
laborat in impensa hujus expeditionis Florentinae quod vix providet
in victu curiae suae." On July 3 Burgo relates a conversation with the
Pope, who remarked that he hardly knew how to provide for his financial
needs any longer (quo vertere caput), " quia in ilia necessaria expeditione
Florentina usque nunc expendit supra septem centum millia ducatorum,
quam speraverat posse finire cum 80,000." Both letters in Court and
State Archives, Vienna. The total expenses, according to Soriano's
(ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, III., 312) information, amounted to 1,900,000
gold guldens ; cf. also the *Mandati of the Roman State Archives in
GORi'S Archivio, IV., 112 seqq.
6 Cf. for this GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 319, 320, 349, 361, and the ^reports
of A. da Burgo, dat. Rome, June 26 and July 12 and 23 (Court and
State Archives, Vienna).
CONTINUED RESISTANCE OF FLORENCE. IOI
but, on the other hand, in the city on the Arno
things might be pushed to the last extremity and
Florence be stormed and plundered.1 What would then
happen might be presaged from the frightful havoc and
cruelty perpetrated by the ungovernable troops of the
besieging army.2 With these fears mingled the con
sciousness of the heavy reproaches levelled far and wide
against this almost fratricidal enterprise. When the
French envoy, Gabriel de Gramont, Bishop of Tarbes,
in April 1530, represented this fully to Clement and
earnestly exhorted him to come to terms, the Pope
exclaimed distractedly, " Would that Florence had never
existed!"3
Yet this same Florence still held out. As it was in
May, so it was in June ; as it was in June, so it was in July.
Neither the enemy without nor dissension within, neither
hunger nor pestilence, could break down the desperate
resistance of the inhabitants. They were resolved to carry
it on to the last extremity ; better that Florence should
be reduced to ashes than that their city should fall into the
hands of the Medici.4 There were even rumours that a
plot had been made to put the Pope to death by poison.5
Affairs began to take a final turn after the failure of
Francesco Ferruccio in his heroic attempt to raise the
1 GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 342, 356, 374, 560.
2 The *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris) is
here very detailed.
3 " II me dist qu'il estoit contant que Florence n'eust jamais este."
Gramont to Francis I. from Rome, 1530, April, in Arch. stor. Ital.,
App., I., 476.
4 See Capello in ALBERT, Relaz., 2 Series, I., 306 ; see supra^ p. 72.
6 SANUTO, LIIL, 299-300, 302, 367 ; LANZ, I., 390; HEINE, Briefe,
12 seq. Cf. DE LEVA, II., 631 ; ROBERT, 391 seq. The matter was
inquired into but without discovery of any certain grounds for further
proceedings ; see EHSES in the Rom. Quartalschr., XVIII., 360.
102 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
siege.1 On the 3rd of August an engagement was fought
at Gavinana, in the hills of Pistoja, in which Ferruccio, as
well as Orange, met their death.2 Florence, ravaged by
1 The life of this commander, whom ClPOLLA, 962, compares with
the generals of the first period of the French Revolution, was written
by FR. SASSETTI, published in Arch. stor. Ital., I Series, IV., 2, 467 seqq.
2 See ALVISI, La battaglia di Gavinana, Bologna, 1881, and D. CINI,
La battaglia di Gavinana, Firenze, 1890; cf. further DE BLASIIS,
Maramaldo, III., 367, and Fr. Ferruccio e la guerra di Firenze 1529-
1530, race, di scritti e doc. rari ed. F. CURZiO, Firenze, 1890, and
ROBERT, 423 seq. Clement VII. received the news of the battle on
the afternoon of August 5 ; see *A. da Burgo's report of August 5,
1 530, in the Court and State Archives, Vienna. The attempt of ALVISI
to rehabilitate Maramaldo has been met by VILLARI (Rasseg. settim.,
VIII., 278, repeated in Arte storia e filosofia, Firenze, 1884), RENIER
(Preludio, V., 237), and LuziO (Maramaldo, 32 seqq.} : it is certain that
Maramaldo assassinated Ferruccio during his captivity ; cf. also BALAN,
Clemente VII., 168, n. I ; G. SFORZA, F. Maramaldo, Parma, 1898 ; and
RODONI, L' Animo e la famadi F. Ferruccio, Firenze, 1899. The place
of Orange in Naples was taken by Cardinal P. Colonna, whose viceregal
dignity had already been foretold in the autumn of 1528 (SANUTO,
XLVIII., 543). A*Brief of the Pope's to Cardinal Colonna touches
on this. It is dated Viterbo, 1528, September 22 : "The Pope rejoices
that the Cardinal is going to Naples : he is certain to attain a high
position in the Emperor's service : Girolamo Rorario will give him
fuller information " (copy in the Colonna Archives, Rome, Brevi, n.
69). Cardinal Colonna died at the end of June 1 532, not from poison
(see REUMONT, Carafifa, II., 35). The contrary grounds adduced by
AlDA CONSORTI (II Card. P. Colonna, Roma, 1902, 112) prove nothing.
Cf. in App., No. 25, the ^letter of F. Peregrine of June 29, 1532 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). Colonna is said to have instigated a plot to poison
Clement VI I. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS relates: *Circa principium
Augusti [1532] decretum fuit et diffamatum, qualiter card, de Columna
conjuraverat in mortem pontificis in die assumptions b. Mariae de
mense Augusti praesentis. Propter hoc d. Innocentius, secretarius d.
cardinalis, incarceratus, deinde quidam Augustinus de Monteferrato
et successive r. d. archiepisc. Surrentinus [F. Strozzi], qui est Floren-
tinus, similiter re^enti et incarcerati. D. Bernardus de Alexandris
CAPITULATION OF FLORENCE. IO3
famine and plague, was now lost. Malatesta Baglioni,
who since the beginning of the year had chief command
of the Florentine troops, made further resistance impossible
by turning his guns against the city. On the i2th of
August the final capitulation was agreed upon : within four
months the Emperor was to appoint a constitution with
" safeguards of freedom " ; the exiles were to return home,
80,000 scudi to be paid to the Imperial troops, and the
Florentine territory preserved without diminution ; a
complete amnesty to be declared for all who had acted as
opponents of the house of Medici.1
ob timorem tails materiae aufugit et contra eum proceditur (Cod.
Barb., lat. 2799, Vatican Library.) Pedro de Toledo now became
Viceroy, and did more than anyone else to establish firmly Spanish rule
in Naples and to beautify the city ; cf. along with Giannone, especially
REUMONT, Caraffa, I., 49 seq. The post of Vice-Chancellor was held
by Ippolito de' Medici ; see the *Bull with the signatures of Clement
VII. and twenty -four Cardinals, dated Rome, 1532, V. Non Julii [=3
July], in Regest., 1440, f. 268b seq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 VARCHI, II,, 137 seqq. ; FOSSATI-FALLETTI, Assedio, I., 458 seqq.
Cf. also RANKE, Studien, 373. Clement VII. sent Domenico Centurione
to Malatesta with a Brief of August 13, 1530, to thank him for having
saved the city from a sack. (This Brief and a second, of August 23, are
in VARCHI, II., 149-150.) The fear that the city might be plundered
was the cause, as REUMONT, Toskana, I., 29, specially remarks, of
Clement's negotiations with Malatesta, " who, if not to all intents and
purposes a traitor, as many have accused him of being, nevertheless
did all he could to keep the resistance of the besieged within such
limits as should prevent a final and decisive struggle." Cf. also BALAN,
Clemente VII., 171, n. i. For the question of Malatesta's behaviour,
the letters of Ferrante Gonzaga to his brother Federigo, given by Varchi,
are of importance. RANKE, Zur Kritik, 84,* has thrown doubts on their
authenticity ; but without grounds, as REUMONT, in a recension which
has fallen into undeserved oblivion, points out (Allg. Zeitung, 1875,
No. 103, Biel.). VARCHI only gives the letters in part : they were first
published in full from a Strozzi MS. in the Magliabecchiana Library
by ALBERI, Docum. sull' assedio di Firenze, Firenze, 1840, 307 segq.,
104 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
After Malatesta's departure (i2th of September) two
hundred landsknechts, under the Count of Lodron, occupied
the city, where the Medicean party, in shameful violation of
the terms of capitulation, began to take savage reprisals on
their enemies. Carducci, Bernardo da Castiglione, and
four other members of the former government were
beheaded ; numerous sentences of exile and confiscation
were passed.1 The Dominican, Benedetto da Fojano, who
had inveighed heavily against the person of the Pope, was
handed over to Rome by Malatesta, where, if Varchi is to
be believed, Clement allowed him to suffer lingering im
prisonment, on bread and water, in the foul dungeons of
St. Angelo.2
The Pope, at first, gave Bartolomeo Valori, Francesco
Guicciardini, and Roberto Acciaiuoli permission to rule
the sorely visited city as they thought best, but afterwards
he took things into his own hands. Valori was made
governor of the Romagna, Guicciardini of Bologna ; but
in February 1531 Schonberg was sent to Florence.3 The
and with more correct text by CAPPONI, III., 377 segq. A letter from
Clement VII. to Orange, of August 4, points also to an understanding
between the latter and Malatesta (in FONTANA, Renata, I., 460-461).
SANESI (Arch. stor. Ital., 5 Series, IX., 67 segq.} shows that Malatesta
on his departure from Florence was presented with no gifts, but was
only paid what he asked in order to be got rid of. On the question of
his guilt Sanesi says: "Nessun dubbio ch' egli tradi." For Clement's
further dealings with Malatesta, who died on September 24, 1531,566
VERMIGLIOLI, Vita di Malatesta, doc. XXX. seqq., and BALAN, loc.
ctt., 174, 177 seq.
1 Cf. RASTRELLI, Alessandro de' Medici, I., Firenze, 1781, 221 seq. ;
REUMONT, Toskana, I., yoseqg. ; BARDI in Arch. stor. Ital., 5 Series,
XIV., 9 seqq. ; ROSSI, Guicciardini, I., 223 seq., 231 seq.
2 VARCHI, II., 154 ; cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 173, n. 2.
3 REUMONT, Toskana, I., 31-32; PERRENS, III., 351 seqq. For
Guicciardini's appointment as Vice-Legate of Bologna see Rossi in
Arch. Stor. Ital., 5 Serie, V., 51 seq., and GUICCIARDINI, Op. I., 269 seq.
ALESSANDRO DE' MEDICI IN FLORENCE. IO5
Emperor made no haste to despatch Florentine affairs ;
he allowed nearly a whole year to pass before paying
attention to the wishes of the Pope, whose impatience grew
from day to day. In the summer of 1531 he at last issued
a decree which secured to the Medici " a sort of hereditary
presidentship" in the Florentine republic, but also con
tained a reassertion of the Imperial supremacy. Ales-
sandro de' Medici, bearing the decree, appeared in Florence
in July 1 53 1.1 In the following year Clement succeeded in
doing away with the Republican forms of the constitution,
although their preservation was recognized by the Emperor's
decree. In attaining this end he acted, as in other cases,
according to the well-known saying of Varchi, that " he
could sling a stone so that no one should see the hand of
the slinger." On the 2/th of April 1532 the new constitu
tion was made known, whereby Alessandro de' Medici
became hereditary Duke of Florence. The actual reins of
government remained, none the less, in the hands of
Clement VII.2
1 See DUMONT, IV., 2, 72 seqq. ; RASTRELLI, I., 75 seqq. • REUMONT,
Toskana, I., 34 seq. ; RANKE, Studien, 378 ; PERRENS, III., 357 seqq.
2 Cf. REUMONT, op. cit.t I., 37 seqq.\ PERRENS, III., 368 seqq.\
CAPPONI, III., 327 ; ROSSI, Guicciardini, II., 34 seg.t 60.
CHAPTER IV.
THE RELIGIOUS DIVISIONS IN GERMANY.
THE grave political complications with which the first six
years of the Pontificate of Clement VII. were filled reacted
with decisive influence on the spread of the Lutheran
heresy throughout Germany.
Immediately after his election Clement received dis
quieting reports on the subject ; the adherents of the new
belief were steadily increasing in numbers, and, the decen
tralization of the Empire having made great strides, it was
practically impossible to put the Edict of Worms into
execution.1 Consequently, in his first consistory,2 held on
the 2nd of December 1523, Clement spoke of the dangers
menacing Christendom, quite as much from the side of the
Lutherans as from that of the Turks. In accordance with
his own proposal, a commission of Cardinals, which soon
included the names of Egidio Canisio and Numai, was
appointed to3 deal with both aspects of the question.
1 Cf. the ^letter of V. Albergati, Rome, 1523, November 24 (State
Archives, Bologna).
2 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 86. In a *Brief to
Cardinal Lang, 1523, December i, Clement expressed the hope that
the Cardinals would give him their help against the German heresy :
"ut Germania, fortissima et piissima semper provincia et Rom. Imperil
sedes inclyta, his venenis, quibus inficitur, libera christiano candori tua
quoque praestanti opera restituatur." Arm., 39, vol. 43, n. 8 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
3 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 86 ; cf. Quellen und
Forsch., III., 2-3, and SANUTO, XXXV., 278.
1 06
MEMORANDUM BY ALEANDER. IO7
The immediate result of their deliberations was, that the
commission, on the I4th of December, recommended the
despatch of two Nuncios, one to Germany and a second
to Switzerland.1
Clement, in his anxiety concerning the advance of
Lutheranism,2 also invited men thoroughly acquainted
with German affairs, such as Eck and Aleander, to furnish
him with reports as to what should be done with regard
to the heretical movement. While Eck laid before him
what was substantially a summary of his conversations
with Adrian VI.,3 Aleander composed a special memor
andum on the means to be employed to suppress heresy
in Germany. In this he requested the Pope to remove
the abuses in the Curia, and to punish unworthy priests
with the extreme penalty of deprivation; he further ad
vised him not merely to summon the Emperor and the
other temporal princes to take steps against the heretics,
but also to exhort, under pain of censure, the negligent
German bishops to the performance of their duties. The
concordats should be strictly observed, and diocesan and
provincial synods held under the presidency only of men
of approved loyalty to the Holy See. The Inquisition
Aleander wished to see transferred, not to princes or
monks, who were objects of popular hatred, but to the
bishops. He deprecated the total abolition of indulgences,
but urged that they should be issued sparingly and with
caution. The Nuncios in Germany should narrowly watch
the monks, the men of learning, and the printers, since
with these classes they would have to reckon before all
others if they wished to provide an effectual antidote to
the diffusion of poisonous doctrine. He then made very
1 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 86.
2 SANUTO, XXV., 320, 339, 348.
3 See our remarks, Vol. IX. of this work, p. 108 seqq.
108 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
detailed proposals for dealing with the above-named classes
of persons in order to foster the good in them and counter
act the evil. In cases of contumacious heresy, Aleander
counselled, with a reference to the procedure of a Gregory
VII. and an Innocent III., the application of the severest
penalties : the interdict and an embargo on trade for the
cities of the Empire, withdrawal of privileges from the
University of Wittenberg, and the proclamation of the Ban
of the Empire and deposition against the Elector of Saxony.
Since all the good-will of Leo X. and Adrian VI. had
proved fruitless, lenient measures were no longer of any
avail ; they only helped to spread the evil, until it had at
length reached Rome itself. For the sins of Christendom
God had permitted this affliction to fall upon the Church ;
therefore the only real and lasting succour must be sought
in the revival of her ancient virtues.1
The report of an anonymous writer is occupied with a
thorough examination of the complaints of the German
nation presented to the Diet of Nuremberg in the year
1523. The author, evidently a member of the Curia, seeks
to throw the responsibility, for the most part, on the
German Bishops. With a strange hallucination, he will
admit no guilt on the part of the Roman Curia, and only
recommends an improvement of the existing system in a
few points. The report comes to a point in the proposal
to send a Nuncio of unimpeachable character and eminent
learning, with the powers of a Legate a latere, to the
1 DOLLINGER'S version is not quite correct, Beitrage, III., 268 to
284. Cf. DITTRICH, Kath. Reformation, 367 seg., and HEFELE-
HERGENROTHER, IX., 347 seq. The latter has also more in detail
concerning the advice of J. Haner, published by BALAN in Mon. ref.,
n. 141. The opinion of the Bishop of Breslau is given by EHSES in
Histor. Jahrb., XIV., 834 seq. ; for that of Cochlaus see SPAHN,
109 seq.
DIRECTIONS FOR THE LEGATE. 109
German Empire, there to use his authority with modera
tion and firmness towards the patrons of the erroneous
teaching.1
Clement VII. followed the advice given in this document,
but it was not easy to find the personage fully qualified for
the German legation. The Pope's choice fell at last on
Cardinal Campeggio, who had proved himself to be an
experienced diplomatist and to have a knowledge of
German affairs; a staunch Churchman, he was yet pro
foundly convinced of the necessity of thorough reforms. At
the same time, at the end of December 1523, Clement VII.
determined to send his chamberlain, Girolamo Rorario, as
a Nuncio to Germany, to be Campeggio's forerunner and
to prepare the way.2
For the instruction of the Legate, Aleander prepared
a memorandum on the measures to be adopted in
dealing with Luther. He here lays great stress on the
necessity of the Legate and those with him being con
spicuous for their good reputation and observance of all
the laws and customs of the Church. The Legate himself
must use his faculties with moderation and circumspection ;
all benefices are to be conferred only on good and learned
men of German birth ; in his demeanour he must show
the utmost modesty, friendliness, seriousness, and dignity,
and, above all, discretion ; he is not to be drawn into
disputations concerning truths of the Faith ; he must be
thoroughly acquainted with the points of controversy, and
draw his proofs from the Scriptures and the Fathers rather
than from the scholastic system, then in great odium in
1 *Cod. Vat., 4896, f. 218 segg., in Vatican Library. Extracts in
DITTRICH, Kath. Ref., 359 seq.
2 BALAN, Mon. ref.,n. 136-140. Nuntiaturberichteaus Deutschland,
I., xlvi.; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 88 seq. ; Reichstagsakten, IV., 476, n.
2, cf. BAUER, Anfange Ferdinands L, 221.
110 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Germany; and especially he must avoid sophistries and
paradoxes. Aleander examines in close detail the
grievances of the German nation, declaring them to be
only in part justifiable ; for these redress should be
promised ; but he complains of the superfluous trouble
caused to the Holy See by the manufacture of gravamina.
For the refutation of unfounded complaints he gives full
and thorough recommendations. He does the same with
regard to dealings with the bishops and the mendicant
Orders. On no account whatever is the Legate to show
his instructions to anyone, so that he may not undergo
experiences similar to those of Chieregati at Nuremberg.
He is neither to promise nor refuse a Council ; if he calls
attention to the difficulties standing in the way of one,
let him point out, in that connection, that, in the mean
time, the laws against heresy must be put in force.
Aleander tries to refute in detail the objections made to
the collection of annates, and then concludes by once
more imparting counsels to the Nuncio concerning his
behaviour : he is not to be arrogant or violent, neither
is he to show timidity, but to maintain a steady courage
and, above all, a wise discretion. Especially must he
and his personal following avoid all cause of scandal
or offence, adapt themselves as much as possible to the
customs of Germany, and with unbiassed minds recognize
the existing good in that nation.1
Campeggio, whose appointment as Legate a latere for
the whole of Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, and
the three northern kingdoms was ratified 2 in a consistory
1 DOLLINGER, Beitrage, III., 243-267. For the date of composition
see DITTRICH, Kath. Ref., 361 ; cf. Reichstagsakten, IV., 471.
2 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forsch., 87 ; Bull of January n, 1524 ;
*Regest, 1242, f. 153 scq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. Reich
stagsakten, IV., 471, n. i, and Giorn. d. lett Ital, XXXVI., 373, n.
MISSION OF CAMPEGGIO. Ill
held on the 8th of January 1524, was primarily and before
all other considerations to represent the Catholic interests
in the forthcoming Diet at Nuremberg, but also to urge
on the support of Hungary against the Turks. In order
to make fitting preparation for Campeggio's mission, and
in support of it, Clement VII. undertook a series of steps
the success of which had at first to be waited for.1 For
this reason the Legate did not leave Rome until the ist
of February,2 and then travelled slowly ; on the 26th of
February he was at Trent, on the 3rd of March at Innsbruck,
on the Qth at Augsburg, and on the I4th he reached
Nuremberg.3 In the course of this journey he had already
an opportunity of realizing the critical and increasing
alteration in popular feeling, due to the unscrupulous
agitation conducted against Catholic institutions from the
pulpit and the printing press, at the instigation of the
Lutheran leaders. In Augsburg he was made the object
of popular derision. At Nuremberg the ecclesiastical
ceremonies of his reception were omitted, while the
preacher Osiander was allowed to discourse on the
Roman Antichrist.4
Campeggio received monthly 500 ducats ; see *Lib. deposit, gen. 1524
(State Archives, Rome).
1 Cf. RlCHTER, Reichstag zu Niirnberg, 92 seq.
2 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forsch., 87.
3 The previous accounts of his journey (Reichstagsakten, IV., 471,
n. i) were enlarged in important particulars by a **report of some
length (also interesting from a literary point of view) from Eremita
[Girolamo Rigini] to B. Castiglione, dat. Nurenberga il 3° di di
Pasqua, 1524 (Mantuan Library), which I intend to publish in the Acta
pontif.
4 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI., 279-280 ; UHLHORN, U. Rhegius, Elber-
feld, 1861, 58 seq. ; FORSTEMANN, Neues Urkundenbuch, I. (1842),
153 seq., 158, 160; WILKEN, A. Osiander, I. (1844), 49; Reichstags
akten, IV., 467 seq.) 727.
H2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the presence of these hostile dispositions towards the
Holy See, which were almost general throughout the
Empire, and were specially dominant in Nuremberg,1
Campeggio thought it wise to proceed with great caution.
His first speech in the Diet, on the i;th of March, was
therefore conciliatory in tone ; nevertheless he spoke quite
distinctly of the task assigned to him, for he called for the
execution of the Edict of Worms. To the question of
the Princes concerning the joint complaints of the German
nation presented at the Diet of the previous year,
Campeggio explained that the Pope had no official
knowledge of the document, which had been transmitted
to Rome only in a private manner; he, Campeggio, had
seen a copy, but did not believe that a document of
such "exceeding impropriety" could have been agreed
to by the Estates. If he had no present instructions
concerning this particular missive, yet he had full
powers to treat with the Estates on the question of
the national grievances ; in his opinion, it was to be
recommended that the Germans, like the Spaniards,
should send envoys to Rome; he did not doubt that
the Pope would meet the just demands of their nation.
Thereupon the old complaints, with some fresh ones
added, were presented.2
Although Campeggio, supported by learned Italians and
Germans, such as Cochlaus and Nausea,8 was zealously
1 Eremita in the *letter cited supra, p. 1 1 1, n. 3, remarks : " Certo e
che queste genti sono pessimamente disposte verso la chiesa Romana"
(Mantuan Library). For the hostile feeling in Nuremberg, see also the
*letter of an intimate friend of Campeggio in TIZIO, *Hist. Senen. G
II., 39 (Chigi Library, Rome).
2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, II., i8th ed., 353 seq. ; RICHTER, 98 seq.\
Reichstagsakten, IV., 468 seg.t 487 seq.
3 Cf. DE LEVA, III., 326; OTTO, Cochlaus, 138; GESS, Cochlaus,
26 ; SPAHN, 115 seq. ; RICHTER, 93 ; METZNER, Nausea, 24.
active in the Diet,1 the negotiations over the new doctrines
entered upon a new phase which was, to him, highly
unacceptable. The Estates did not, indeed, deny their
obligation to carry out the Edict of Worms, but at the
same time they demanded a National Council empowered
to deal, not merely with the complaints against the Curia
and the complaints of the laity against the clergy, but
with the controversies on religious doctrine. This proposal,
full of danger to the Catholic cause, if not directly put
forward by Bavaria, was at any rate supported by that
Catholic country.2
The Cardinal-Legate, who represented the view that
the reformation of the Church would be better carried out
in any other way than by a General Council, must have
been still more averse to an independent authoritative
National Council. In consequence of his opposition, con
cessions were so far made that, in the resolutions presented
at the recess of the Diet, only a provisional settlement of
controversial questions was assigned to the National
Council, the final ruling being reserved for the General
Council ; also the expression " National Council " was
dropped, and " General assembly of the German nation " —
to meet at Spires in November — substituted for it. To
this also the Legate objected, but without result. The
Lutheran towns and nobles protested, on their side,
against the renewal of the Edict of Worms in the final
decree, although to please the Estates the execution of the
1 What great hopes were built on his ability and enthusiasm is shown
by a ^letter from Nuremberg to Clement VII. of March 23, 1524,
describing vividly the danger from Lutheranism (original in Lett. div.
ad Clem. VII., Vol. I., Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. V. DRUFFEL in Abhandl. der Munch. Akad., 3 Klasse, XVII.,
659 ; RiCHTER, 104 seg. ; RlEZLER, IV., 101 ; Histor. Zeitschr., LXIV.,
204.
VOL. X. 8
114 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Edict was qualified by the significant phrase " as far as is
possible."1 Campeggio disclosed his attitude towards the
decree of the Diet by promising to use his influence with
the Pope in favour of a General Council, and declaring
himself ready to enter into negotiations over the German
grievances and the reform of the clergy ; to the assembly
at Spires he refused to give his approval. His stand
point seems to have been, so far, the correct one; for, if the
Edict of Worms held good, a fresh investigation of the
doctrines therein repudiated was an absurdity.2
During his stay in Nuremberg, Campeggio was kept
closely informed of the serious defects of the German
Church by men who had the Catholic cause deeply at
heart ; he had also convinced himself of the pressing
necessity for that reform of the German clergy demanded
by so many of the princes, if Lutheranism was to be
successfully encountered.3 On the receipt of his report
at Rome, Clement VII., on the I4th of April 1524, gave
him full authority to hold a convention in Germany for
the reform of the national clergy.4 This Assembly,
in which the Archduke Ferdinand, the Bavarian Dukes,
many bishops of South Germany, and the most important
literary champions of German Catholicism (Cochlaus,
Eck, Johann Faber, and Nausea) took part, opened
in June at Ratisbon. A scheme of clergy reform
prepared by Campeggio and already produced at Nurem-
1 See WEIZSACKER in the Histor. Zeitschr., XLIV., 200; cf.
FRIEDENSBURG in Quellen und Forsch., III., i.
2 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 152, and also EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xviii.;
HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 359 seq.\ RICHTER, 109 seq.\ Reichs-
tagsakten, IV., 521 seq.
3 Cf. the proposals of the Franciscan A. Bomhouwer for encountering
the Lutheran heresy, published by KIRSCH in the Histor. Jahrb., X.,
807 seq,; see also GESS, Kirchenpolitik Georgs von Sachsen, 653.
4 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 148 ; cf. RICHTER, 101.
CAMPEGGIO AT RATISBON. 115
berg was here discussed, accepted, and published for the
whole of Germany in a legatine decree with full apostolic
authority on the /th of July. The ordinances formed a first
and important step towards a reformation of the Church
from within ; in carrying them out she would be freed
from many defects, and many grievances would be removed.
At the same time Campeggio succeeded at Ratisbon in
combining for the first time the forces of at least the South
German Catholics (the Archduke Ferdinand, the Bavarian
Dukes, and twelve bishops) by an act of union. The
above-named pledged themselves to uphold the Edict of
Worms, and to resist all religious innovations.1
At Rome the proceedings at Nuremberg had been
followed attentively. The fatal delusion that only Saxony
was on the side of Luther 2 had soon to give way in the face
of facts.3 In the beginning of May, Clement and the
Cardinals consulted as to the measures to be taken to meet
the resolutions of the Diet, and Cardinals Monte and Numai
drew up special reports. It was determined not to refuse
the demand for a General Council absolutely ; attention, of
course, was to be drawn to the hindrances in the way
arising from the warlike complications in Europe, but at
the same .time the prospect of negotiations was to be held
out. With regard to the grievances, redress was promised
1 For the Regensburg Reformation and Union see JANSSEN-PASTOR,
II., i8th ed., 360^.; FRIEDENSBURG, Regensburger Konvent, 502 seq.-y
DITTRICH, Kath. Ref., 382 seq.\ HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 374 seq.
See also STOY, Biindnisbestrebimgen (1888), 6 ; BRISCHAR, I., 63 seq.\
SPAHN, 117 seq., and NECKERMANN in the Augsb. Postzeitung, 1905,
Beil. 23 and 25. For the great difficulties standing in the way of the
Bishops' reforms cf. HAUTHALER, Kardinal M. Lang und die religios-
soziale Bewegung seiner Zeit, II., Salzburg, 1896. The Protestants
attacked the Legate's reforms in pasquinades ; see BUCHOLTZ, II., 67.
2 SANUTO, XXXVI., 232.
3 Ibid., 268.
Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
by the suspension of the regulations of the Lateran
Council, and the appointment of a commission of Cardinals
to investigate further. If on these two important questions
an understanding was come to with the German opposition,
the execution of the Edict of Worms was all the more
strongly insisted on, and the National Council at Spires
was not the less strongly opposed. Not merely the
Emperor, but even foreign sovereigns, such as the kings of
England, France, and Portugal, were asked to protest,1 and
a series of briefs, couched in this sense, was despatched in
May. At the same time also the Nuncios were ordered
to take action ;2 especially full instructions were sent to the
Papal representatives at the Emperor's court.3
This action of Clement had as its result that Charles V.
repeatedly and in sharp and peremptory terms prohibited
the National Council of Spires, and ordered the observance
of the Edict of Worms and the avoidance of all religious
innovation.4 If Charles directed his envoys at Rome to
acquaint the Pope with these measures, he made it plain
at the same time that he considered that it would be
of advantage to summon a General Council ; he recom
mended Trent, a place which was practically a German
1 Cf. PALLAVICINI, II., 10 ; EHSES, Cone. Trid.. IV., xviii. seq.\
FRIEDENSBURG in Quellen und Forsch., III., 2 seq., 6 seq.; SANUTO,
XXXVI., 346, 387, 412. The Bull *In Coena, dat. 1523 (st. fl.) 9 Cal.
April, condemns all heretics and especially Luther and his adherents ;
Regest., 1245, f- 1S2 Se9- (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. PALLAVICINI, II., 10 ; RAYNALDUS, 1524,11. 15 seq.\ EHSES,
Cone. Trid., IV., xix.; BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 157 ; WEIZSACHER in the
Histor. Zeitschr., LXIV., 205 seq.; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 363 ;
and BRASSE, Die Geschichte des Speierer Nationalkonzils (Diss.), Halle,
1890.
3 BALAN, Mon. ref., 154 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 365 seq.
4 Cf. Notizenblatt zum Archiv fiir osterr. Gesch., II., 97 set?., 245,
and also Histor. Zeitschr., LXIV., 208 seq.
ACTIVITY OF CAMPEGGIO. II?
town, although within Italian territory ; but the Pope
would be at liberty to transfer the Council to Italy at some
later date.1
The union of Ratisbon and the reforms undertaken
there, the Emperor's strict insistence on the observance
of the Edict of Worms, and the obstruction of the
National Council at Spires were undoubtedly remarkable
successes. Campeggio, who remained in Vienna until the
8th of December, actively engaged from thence in his
campaign against the Lutherans in Germany and in his
reconciliation of the Bohemian Utraquists,2 might well be
proud of them ; he believed that half of his principal task
had been achieved.3 But the great social revolution so
soon to break out in Germany brought all his fair hopes
again to an end.
Clement VII. was thoroughly informed by the reports
of Girolamo Rorario, Nuncio to Ferdinand I., and through
various private persons, of the bloodshed which was turning
Germany into a second Bohemia. Campeggio also, who
remained in Ofen till well on in June, sent him numerous
communications.4 The Pope was greatly alarmed,5 and in
formed Ferdinand on the 29th of May of the despatch of a
subsidy to the amount of 20,000 ducats ; the Emperor, who,
unfortunately, was still lingering in Spain, he exhorted
to more strenuous action in order to avert yet greater
1 See HEINE, Briefe, 518 seq., and EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xix.
Sessa was convinced on political grounds that it was better not to
carry out the injunctions concerning the Council ; see BERGENROTH, II.,
n. 675.
2 Cf. Lett. d. princ., I., 79b, and BALAN, Mon. ref., pp. 365, 371, 392
seq., 395 seq., 402.
3 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 164, p. 362 ; cf. FRIEDENSBURG, Regensb.
Konvent, 531 seq.
4 Cj. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 435.
5 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVIII., 293, 348, 356 ; XXXIX., 19.
Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dangers.1 The disorders in Germany and the enmity
between France and Spain were adduced by the Pope as
reasons which prohibited him from convening a Council.2
Notwithstanding the detailed reports received in Rome,
as in foreign countries generally, of the peasants' in
surrection, there was no correct conception of the real
state of affairs. The accounts that came in were fatally
misleading, and men were under the delusion that Luther-
anism had, to all intents and purposes, been suppressed
simultaneously with the sanguinary extinction of the social
revolution, in which both friends and foes of the new
teaching had co-operated.3 The only person who did
not share in this delusion, Campeggio,4 was recalled5
because, in the opinion of many, his mission had not been
sufficiently successful,6 and also, as is most probable,
because his sympathies were too Imperialist.
The functions of the Nunciature were now concentrated
in the person of Rorario, the Nuncio to Ferdinand. And
yet, in face of the difficult and -complicated situation, not
1 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 210, 216, 222 ; cf. Acta Consist, in KALKOFF,
Forsch., 91 ; SANUTO, XXXIX., 9, 19 seq. Why only half of the 20,000
ducats was paid is explained by Sessa's ^despatch to Charles V., dat.
Rome, 1525, December 10, in Col. Salazar, A 35, f. 255 seq., Biblioteca
de la Acad. de Historia, Madrid.
2 See SADOLETI, Epistolae, appendix, Romae, 1767, XXII.; cf.
EHSES, XXI.
3 Cf. Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forsch., 91 seq.; see also G. de'
Medici's *letter, dat. Rome, 1525, July 8 (State Archives, Florence).
4 Campeggio had announced the end of the peasants' war on August
5, 1 525, " but " — so he added — " things are not going well, as the princes
and nobles are turning their advantage to account." LAEMMER,
Mon. Vat., 23.
6 His return was under consideration on October 13, 1525 ; see *Acta
Consist, in Consistorial Archives. Campeggio did not return to Rome
until October 20 ; *Acta Consist, loc. cit.
e Cf. SANUTO, XXXIX., 33.
LACK OF CORRECT INFORMATION. lip
merely was the presence of a permanent Cardinal-Legate
necessary, but also the despatch of a fresh Nuncio
in the interests of accurate information. How defective
information was as to the real state of affairs in Germany
is best shown from the fact that, when Clement VII. on
the 23rd of August 1525 wrote numerous letters of con
gratulation l to the German princes on their victory over
the Lutherans, one of those thus addressed was the
Landgrave Philip of Hesse.2 The Pope, and the Cardinals
appointed to sit as a commission on Lutheran affairs had
evidently not the slightest notion that since the end of
1523 Philip had been a patron of the new teaching.3 The
affairs of Bohemia also had been grossly misrepresented in
Rome. The sanguine hopes fostered by Campeggio of the
return of the Utraquists to the Church and of the defeat of
Lutheranism were soon shown to be entirely futile.4
What random and, in some instances, nonsensical reports
obtained credence in the Curia, is illustrated by the circum-
1 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 247, 248.
2 See GEISTHIRT, Hist, schmalcald. in the Zeitschr. fiir henneberg.
Gesch., III., Suppl.-Heft (1885), p. 68. In this letter, composed by
Sadoleti and hitherto overlooked by all investigators, the peasants
and the "impii et nepharii Lutheran!" are completely identified.
3 Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., 1 8th ed., 58, n. i. Of the commission of
Cardinals, consisting of fourteen members, there is, unfortunately,
only a general mention in the ^letters of G. de' Medici of the 24th
and 27th May 1525 (State Archives, Florence).
4 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forsch., 90, and Relat. orat, ed.
FRAKNOI, 148 seq. Cf. also ^letter of G. de' Medici, dat. Rome, 1525,
February 25 (State Archives, Florence), and the Brief of Clement VII.,
quoted by WIEDEMANN, Gesch. der Reformation im Lande unter der
Enns, I., Prag, 1879, 292. For the destruction of these hopes cf.
PALACKY, V., 2, 537 seq. ; FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 84 seq. ; BUCHOLTZ, IV.,
446 ; GiNDELY, Bohm. Briider, I., 182 seq. For the ignorance of
German affairs in Rome see also KALKOFF in Archiv fur Reformations-
geschichte, III., 70.
120 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
stance that in the consistory of the 6th of September 1525
it was stated that Catholic worship had been restored at
Wittenberg and that Luther had narrowly escaped capture.1
It was excusable that the sentiments of the Grand Master
of the Teutonic Order should long have deceived the
Roman court ; for this prince had allayed with consum
mate ability the early awakened distrust of Clement VII.2
The first certain intelligence of the apostasy of Albert of
Brandenburg was brought to Rome in letters from German
bishops in the latter half of March 1525.3 Of the alliance
of the Grand Master with King Sigismund of Poland so
little was known that the Pope intended to present 4 the
latter with the consecrated sword on the 2/th of March.
It was not known until the beginning of May that Albert
had broken his oath to the Church, the Order, and the
Empire, that he had constituted himself secular lord of
the territory of the Order, and had received the latter as a
fief from the Polish king.5 The consternation of the Pope
and his advisers was very great 6 on the subsequent receipt
of a letter from King Sigismund, in which he tried to justify
his behaviour and made protestation of his Catholic zeal.7
1 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 92.
2 Cf. JOACHIM, III., 91 Seq. • TSCHACKERT, I., 29 seq., II., 81 seq.,
105 ; JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., iSth ed, 77 seq.
3 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 90.
*Acta Consist, in Consistorial Archives ; cf. Acta Tomic., VII., 295.
1 See Acta Tomic., VII., 283 seq., and Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 91.
6 Acta Tomic., VII., 283.
7 THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 429 seq. ; BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 212. Cf.
DITTRICH, Gesch. des Katholizismus in Altpreussen, I., Braunsberg,
1901, n seq., 19 seq. *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor note on
July 3, 1525 : " Fuerunt lectae binae litterae ser. regis Poloniae, alterae
continentes causam concordiae initae inter Majest. suam et magnum
magistrum olim ord. Theutonic., alterae vero continentes indutias initas
cum tyranno Turcarum " (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican).
THE TEUTONIC ORDER. 121
Clement comforted himself with the assurance that the
king, whose intentions were so good, would, if he could once
more gain the ascendancy over Prussia, make amends for
his faults and again help on the ancient faith to victory.1
In a Brief of the 2Oth of July 1525 he urgently appealed
to Sigismund to this effect.2 On the 3ist of January 1526
the Pope approached Charles with the entreaty that he
would not give his sanction to Albert's alteration of the
constitution of the Order.3 A commission of Cardinals
examined the whole case thoroughly,4 whereon Clement,
on the 2 ist of January 1527, empowered the loyal remnant
of the Teutonic knights to elect a new Grand Master.5
Although the Bishop of Trent and the Nuncio Rorario
himself had asked in August 1525 for the despatch of a
special representative of the Holy See to Germany,6 this
1 Acta Tomic., VII., 333 ; DITTRICH, loc. cit., 20.
2 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI, 165 seq. (n. 123).
3 RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 121.
4 Cf. Acta Consist, of January 14, 1527, in KALKOFF, 92. The
Commission had been appointed on November 28, 1526: " S. D. N.
deputavit rev. d. A. de Monte ep. Portuen., L. Campegium et de Cesis
super rebus ordinis B. Mariae Theutonic. Prusiae et Livoniae " (*Acta
Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor in Consistorial Archives). For the
spread of the new teaching in Livonia, and Clement's anxiety to
maintain the Catholic Church in that country, see PFULF'S articles in
Stimmen aus Maria Laach, LI I., 413 seqq., 536 seqq.
5 See v. PETTENEGG, Die Urkunden des Deutschordens-Zentral-
archivs, L, Prag, 1887, 616. Cf. KARGE in the Altpreuss. Monat-
schrift, XXXIX., 394. Here, as well as in Pettenegg, the Brief has
been assigned incorrectly to 1 526. In the copy in the General Archives
of the Teutonic Order in Vienna the date is clearly given : " Romae
die 21 Jan. 1527 pont. nostri anno quarto." Clement's *Brief of
January 21, 1527, to Ferdinand I. refers to the same circumstance
(original in Court and State Archives, Vienna).
6 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 239, 242 ; cf. 257. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER,
IX., 450-453-
122 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had not been done. Consequently the final decrees of
the Diets of Augsburg and Spires (gth of January and
2/th of August 1526) were framed in a sense unfavourable
to Catholic interests. The resolution of the Diet of
Spires, that in the matter of the Edict of Worms each
Estate, pending the summons of a General Council, should
act in such a way as they could answer for before God
and the Emperor, did not certainly afford a legal basis
for the self-development of the Protestant system of State
Churches, but it was used as a starting-point for their
formation.1 A change was in process of accomplishment,
the vast scope of which was hardly understood in Rome,
where purely political concerns were more and more
absorbing men's attention. Luther conceded to the
princely and civic authorities a power over their territories
far greater than that hitherto possessed by the Pope.
Not merely the constitution and government, but the
worship and doctrine of the Church were surrendered
to the princes and civic magistrates as State bishops;
the latter forthwith determined what their subjects had
to believe as their " Evangelium." From this absolute
episcopate of the rulers of the State was reached,
as a logical conclusion, the application of the axiom
which flouts all freedom of conscience: " Cujus regio
illius religio."
The development of the Lutheran State Church system
and the forcible suppression of the Catholic Church, first
in Hesse and the Saxon Electorate, and then in many
of the territories belonging to the princes and cities of
Germany, were singularly favoured by the unhappy strife
between Emperor and Pope ; while they were alternately
checkmating one another, the half-political, half-religious
opposition unfriendly to them was securing a firm
1 See JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 31 seqq., 52 seqq.
CAMPEGGIO'S LABOURS WASTED. 123
footing in Germany. The Protestants rejoiced to see the
heads of Christendom at warlike variance with each other,
and made full use of this circumstance to spread their
doctrines and apply coercive measures against Catholics.
The conflict between Emperor and Pope weakened also
the resistance of the Catholics, and checked the progress of
the reform of the Church from within begun by the latter
in 1524, and thus the fruits of Campeggio's labours were,
for the most part, again wasted. In consequence of the
same struggle, the activity of the Catholic scholars in
defence of the ancient faith, so zealously encouraged by
the Cardinal, and the significant action of Erasmus in
taking part openly against Luther,1 failed to have the
anticipated effect. Political troubles made such claims on
the attention of the Curia that the affairs of Germany
gradually passed out of sight. It was a sign of the times
that the Papal briefs dealing with Germany became fewer
and fewer ; 2 for a considerable length of time the relations
between Germany and the Roman Curia were practically
broken off.3
At last, in 1529, the regular representation of the Holy
See in Germany was resumed by the mission of Gian
Tommaso Pico della Mirandola, a layman, to the Diet
1 Cf. the literary references in JANSSEN-PASTOR, I4th ed., 576, and
MAURENBRECHER, Kath. Ref., 247 seq.
2 Belonging to the year 1526, I noticed also ^instructions to the
Abbots of Tegernsee, Altaich, and so forth, to take strong proceedings
against the Lutherans, and a *Brief to the Dominicans of Augsburg " Ad
perseverandum adversus Lutheranos," dat. February 26 ; likewise *to
the Convent of St. Catherine in that city, dat. February 27, and
on the same date a *Brief for " Hebrardo de Chicis mag. provinc.
per totam Germaniam ord. praed. (hortatorium in re Lutherana)."
Min. brev., 1526, vol. 46, n. 59, 118, 119, 122 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
3 FRIEDENSBURG, Nuntiaturberichte, I., xlvii.
124 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Spires.1 This nobleman announced on the I3th of
April that the Pope was prepared to give hearty support
to Germany against the Turks, to make efforts for the
restoration of peace, and, finally, to summon a Council for
the ensuing summer. But this declaration made no im
pression on the Estates.2 To what an extraordinary
extent things had altered to the disadvantage of Catholics
was shown in the deliberations on the recess of the
Diet. Although the latter confirmed to the Protestant
States the retention of the new forms of doctrine and
Church order within their own boundaries, and only
asked for toleration towards the Catholics among them,
a protest was raised on the iQth of April by the
Elector of Saxony, the Margrave George of Brandenburg-
Kulmbach, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, the Dukes
Ernest and Francis of Liineberg, and Prince Wolfgang
of Anhalt. On the 25th of April the protesting party
appealed from all existing and future grievances to
the Emperor and the forthcoming free council. This
set the seal on the religious severance of the German
nation.3
Two months later came the conclusion, at Barcelona,
of the treaty of peace between Charles V. and Clement
VII., coupled, in the February of the following year, with
the meeting of the Emperor and the Pope at Bologna.
At this conference, Charles, who had never lost sight of
1 RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 15 ; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 90. Important
additional information about Rorario is given in a *Brief of Clement's
to Duke Henry of Brunswick, dat. Viterbo, 1528, June 12, announcing
Rorario's arrival (Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm., 40, vol. 22,
n. 477).
2 REY, Gesch. der Reichstags zu Speier im Jahre 1529, Hamburg,
1880, 207 seg.
3 JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 153 seqq.
CHARLES V. ARRIVES IN GERMANY. 125
the conciliar question even during the recent troubles,1
obtained Clement's consent to a General Council, to be
held as soon as this means of overcoming heresy and
restoring the unity of the Church should be proved to be
necessary. It was the Emperor's object to induce the
Protestants to submit temporarily to the authority of the
Church, so that on this basis some reasonable expectation
might be founded that the Council would terminate once
for all the religious divisions of Germany. In the hope of
attaining this end with the co-operation of the States of
the Empire, Charles wrote from Bologna, on the 2ist
of January 1530, appointing a Diet to be held at
Augsburg on the 8th of April.2
Charles left Bologna on the 22nd of March on his
journey to Germany. He was accompanied by Cardinal
Lorenzo Campeggio, who had been appointed Legate to
Germany in the Consistory of the i6th of March 1 53<D.3 At
Innsbruck, where the Emperor arrived on the 3rd of May
with the intention, at first, of staying a few days in order to
acquaint himself more fully with the state of affairs in
Germany, his halt lasted until the 6th of June. Here
Charles was awaited by his brother Ferdinand and the
1 Cf. DE LEVA, III., 1 6.
2 Cf. for what follows, especially EHSES, Concilium Tridentinum, IV.,
xxvii. to cxi. ; also EHSES, Kardinal Lorenzo Campeggio auf dem
Reichstage von Augsburg, 1530, Rom. Quartalschr., XVII., 383-
406, XVIIL, 358-384, XIX., 129-152, XX., 54-81; PASTOR, Die
kirchlichen Reunionsbestrebungen, 17-89; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER,
Konzilengeschichte, IX., 699 seqq.
3 Acta Consist, in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxii. Already on
February 12, 1530, A. da Burgo had ^reported to Ferdinand I. from
Bologna : " Papa omnino vult mittere cum Caesare unum legatum
et sermo est de card. Campegio, tamen adhuc ille non acceptavit.
Apud Mtem V. vult S. Stas quod nuntius suas perseveret" (Court
and State Archives, Vienna),
126 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinals of Salzburg and Trent, while the Dukes of
Bavaria and George of Saxony came later.1 Charles found
special gratification in the reconciliation to the Church
of his brother-in-law, Christian of Denmark,2 which took
place in the capital of the Tyrol. On the other hand,
the reports brought in from the States of the Empire as to
the religious conditions there existing were disquieting.
On the ground of the information then received, Campeggio
wrote on the 4th of May to Rome, to the Pope's private
secretary, Jacopo Salviati, that Germany was, as he had
supposed, in great disorder. A principal difficulty con
cerning the Council wished for by both parties was
whether it should now be a General Council of the Church
or a council of the nation ; the Dukes of Bavaria, prominent
Catholic princes, especially looked upon the council as the .
most effectual means of salvation. There were weighty
reasons for opposing a national council ; as regards a
General Council, he would do his duty.3 On the 8th of
May the Emperor asked Campeggio to lay before him a
written opinion on the most suitable means to be resorted
to for the removal of the religious contentions — a request
which was complied with on that or the following day.4
1 EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., XVII., 384 seq., 387, 388.
2 See infra, cap. IX.
3 EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., XVII., 385. The Italian text in EHSES,
Cone. Trid., IV., xxxii. seq.
4 Campeggio on May 9 to the Papal private secretary, Giov. Batt.
Sanga : see EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., XVI I., 386 seq.t and on May
13 to Salviati : see LAEMMER, Monumenta Vaticana, 35. The Italian
text of this document, along with an appended " Sommario " (marked
"Parecer sobre las cosas de Alemaiia"), has been published from a copy
in the Spanish Archives at Simancas by MAURENBRECHER, Karl V.
und die deutschen Protestanten, Diisseldorf, 1865, 3*-! 6*. For other
copies cf. EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., IX., 406 seq., XVII., 387 seq. ;
Cone. Trid., IV., xxxii.; PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 65.
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. I2/
Campeggio did not expect much from the good-will
of the Protestant princes ; he was much more in favour
of decisive measures against the innovators. He advised,
in the case of failure to restore unity by measures of
kindness,1 the use of force, especially by the execution of the
terms of the Edict of Worms. He also expressed himself
in the same sense a few days later in conversation with
the Emperor and King Ferdinand.2 He was particularly
opposed to negotiations on the subject of the Council ;
the Protestants, in demanding one, were not actuated
by an honourable intention of submitting to its decisions,
but only of keeping the Emperor in check so that, during
his sojourn in Germany, he could take no serious measures
against them. Thereupon the Emperor himself explained
to him that he had come to an agreement with the Pope at
Bologna that the Council should be held at a time of
general peace and quiet in Christendom ; but he hoped
that, despite the many difficulties, all would yet go well,
if the Kings of England and France did not encourage
the Protestants in their opposition. Campeggio also
discussed the circumstances with the other Catholic
princes in Innsbruck, who were in favour of a council
being held ; he was successful in convincing Duke George
of Saxony of the dangers therein involved.
On the 1 5th of June the Emperor entered Augsburg, and
on the 20th the Diet was opened. After the Mass of the
Holy Ghost the Papal Nuncio, Vincenzo Pimpinella, who
had accompanied Campeggio, delivered an oration on the
war against the Turks, and the unity of belief which that
1 Clement had consented to employ such in the first instance ; see
*A. da Burgo's report of January 28, 1530, in the Court and State
Archives, Vienna, in part in BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., III., 24 n.
2 Campeggio to Salviati on May 20, 1530; see EHSES, Rom.
Quartalschr., XVII., 388 seq. ; Cone. Trid., IV., xxxiii. seq.
I28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
undertaking demanded.1 In the second session, on the
24th of June, Campeggio made a speech on the removal of
disunion, in which he avoided any expression likely to
offend the Protestants.2 On the 25th of June the Augs
burg Confession, as it came to be afterwards called, was
read to the Diet. It began with a demand on the part of
the Protestants that a "general free Christian council"
should be held in the event of their failing to come to an
agreement in the present Diet. The document, which was
signed by the protesting princes of the Diet of Spires, and
on behalf of the cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen,
attempted to mitigate and disguise,3 as much as possible,
the deeply rooted points of controversy, in order to keep
up the delusion that the innovators only formed a party
within the Church, which could easily be reconciled by
means of a mutual understanding. Immediately after the
presentation of the Confession the Emperor had written to
Rome declaring that it afforded an excellent beginning for
the return of the Protestants to the Church.4 In Papal
circles the arrival of the Emperor in Germany and his accord
with Campeggio on the religious question had given great
satisfaction.5 As early as the 3rd of June, Clement, in a
letter addressed to the Emperor, had expressed the hope
that the latter, after the expected fall of Florence, would
devote himself without interruption to the Turkish war
1 Contemporary publication ; see KUCZYNSKI, Thesaur. libell. hist,
ref. ill., Lipsiae, 1870, n. 2156. For the oration cf. also PASTOR,
Reunionsbestrebungen, 19-20.
2 Cf. SCHIRRMACHER, Briefe und Akten, Gotha, 1876, 362 ; HEFELE-
HERGENROTHER, IX., 704.
3 Cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 23 seqq.
4 HEINE, Briefe, \$(cf. Docum. ined., XIV., 36 seq., 43 se9-) 5 PASTOR,
Reunionsbestrebungen, 52.
6 See Salviati's letters of May 23 and 24, 1530, in EHSES, Rom.
Quartalschr., XVII., 390.
OPTIMISM OF ROMAN OPINION. 129
and the cleansing of Germany from heresies. With
reference to the reconciliation of Christian of Denmark
through Charles's influence, the Pope remarked that already,
on his first appearance, his resplendent virtue had begun
to scatter the darkness. Christian's example would have
an incalculable influence; he hoped in God that Charles
would bring to a glorious conclusion an undertaking so
happily begun for the welfare of Christendom and the
Apostolic See.1
This sanguine hope was stimulated by false reports of
the decline of Lutheranism,2 as well as by the Catholic
attitude of the Emperor, who was acting hand in hand
with the Cardinal-Legate, and by the moderate terms of
the Augsburg Confession. How great the optimism of
the Roman Curia had become is shown by a report of the
Venetian envoy on the loth of July ; it was hoped that the
Emperor's appearance on the scene would soon make short
work of Lutheranism.3 Another noteworthy symptom of
Roman opinion is apparent in a letter of Charles's former
confessor, Garcia de Loaysa, who relates that in a
Consistory held on the 6th of July the Emperor was
hailed by almost all the Cardinals as an angel sent from
heaven for the salvation of Christendom.4 In this Con
sistory a despatch from Campeggio, dated the 26th of June,5
1 Lett. d. princ., I., 123. Cf. Salviati's letter of June 5, 1530, in
EHSES, loc. tit., 392.
2 Cf. SANUTO, LIIL, 256, 266.
3 SANUTO, LIIL, 368 ; cf. 330.
4 HEINE, Briefe, 16 ; cj. 10, and Docum. ined., XIV., 36. Already,
on July 3, 1530, A. da Burgo had ^reported to Ferdinand I.: " Et habuit
S. Stas magnam voluptatem ex scriptis quod res bene sint inceptae
in dieta " (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
5 Best copy in EHSES, loc. tit., 395. The entry affixed to the letter
" il 14 detto" (July) as the date of its receipt is a clerical error. The
letters did not, at the most, take more than ten days, and in the *Acta
VOL. X. 9
130 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was read, containing the triumphant announcement that
the Protestant princes had agreed to the Emperor's pro
hibition of Protestant preaching in Augsburg. Campeggio,
who saw in this a first and hopeful step towards the attain
ment of his object, reported further that the Emperor, in
matters of religion, and in a scheme for confuting the
Augsburg Confession, was acting on his, the Legate's, advice.
" I cannot write more to-day," he added, " but this I can
say: things are in a good way." With regard to the
Protestant demands, Campeggio in the same letter reports
that they concern, apart from the Council, three points :
communion under both kinds, the marriage of the clergy,
and the reformation of the Canon of the Mass and many
ecclesiastical ceremonies.
The concession of these demands was the subject of close
deliberation in the Consistory of the 6th of July ; the
decision arrived at was a refusal. The demands were in
compatible with faith and discipline, and in contradiction
to the principles of the Church ; they must therefore be
rejected. It was decided further, however, to thank the
Emperor for his zealous endeavours to bring back the
adherents of error to the truth.1 In order to accomplish this
there was a willingness to make concessions, but none so
prejudicial as those just dealt with could be considered.2
Consist, it says expressly July 6, 1 530 ; " Lectae litterae Campegii in
causa haeresis Luth." (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.)
1 The fullest account of the Consistory of July 6, 1530, is in PALLA-
VICINI, III., 4, who relies on the authority of a Diario in the Ludovisi
Library. By this is certainly meant some more detailed version of the
Acta Consist, for which, unfortunately, I have looked without success
in the Roman collections of MSS. Cf. also Mai's report in DE LEVA,
III., 13, and in Appendix, No. 13, the ^report of Gonzaga of July 18,
1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Cf. Appendix, No. 13. In 1529 Clement was still willing to make
some concessions to the Protestants ; see DE LEVA, III., 16.
NEGOTIATIONS AT AUGSBURG. 131
All other decisions would depend on the course of the
negotiations at Augsburg, where the Cardinal-Legate was
indefatigable in his exertions, not only with the Catholic
members of the Diet and the theologians engaged on a
rejoinder to the Confession, but with the Emperor.
Campeggio, to whom Charles had given a Latin copy of
the Confession, wrote for him on the 28th of June an
opinion in Italian and Latin on the treatment of the
religious question.1 In this he opposed the Council in
terms similar to those employed in his letter from Innsbruck
of the 2Oth of May.2 On the receipt of this memorial from
'the Legate Charles summoned his council, who handed him
a written opinion3 on the 3Oth of June or thereabouts. In
this the Emperor was strongly advised to ask the signatories
to the Confession if, in the first place, they would accept
his adjudication on the religious questions. If they
declined to do so, and if it appeared that a betterment
could only be reached by means of a General Council, then
the proposals for the latter would be made at the suitable
time, but on condition that in the interval all innovations
contrary to the belief and institutions of the Catholic
Church should be put on one side and the Edict of
Worms observed to the letter. Besides this, it seemed
absolutely necessary, in order to gain the Lutherans more
easily, that by means of the Papal and Legatine authority
a stop should be put as soon as possible to the abuses in
the Church and in the lives of the clergy. No public dis
putation was to be allowed ; but the Legate might choose
men of learning to examine the articles of the Confession.
1 The Italian text published by K. LANZ, Staatspapiere zur
Geschichte des Kaisers Karl V., Stuttgart, 1845, 45 seqq. A frag
ment of the Latin text in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxv. scq.
2 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxvi.
3 First published by EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxvi. seq.
132 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Not until the Protestants showed themselves unwilling to
submit either to the authority of the Emperor or to that
of the Council, and remained stubbornly contumacious,
should forcible measures against them be considered,
subject to the express opinion of the Legate.
Campeggio, with whom the Emperor had a long con
versation as to this view of his advisers, gave a general
assent, but declared himself decidedly against a Council,
while the Emperor explained that he still held to the stand
point agreed upon at Bologna between himself and the
Pope ; namely, that a Council would be good and useful
if Christendom were at peace, but not under present
circumstances, and that the convening of such a synod
might be effective for good, provided that there was a
recurrence to the former state of things.1
On the 4th of July, Campeggio handed to Charles V. his
written reply to the Imperial suggestions.2 In this he
proceeded to show in detail that a Council would be of
no avail to restore religious order, even if, at first sight,
the contrary appeared to be the case. As the Lutherans
had openly discarded previous Councils and their decisions,
it was not probable that they had any serious intention
of submitting themselves to a future synod. They
persisted in their demand for one only in order to
gain time in the meanwhile to push forward without
hindrance their monstrous schemes, since they knew well
that it would be a very long time before the Council itself
could assemble. But the Emperor, if such were his
pleasure, might consult the Pope further on the matter.
Campeggio was in full agreement with the Emperor and
the Catholic princes in their intention to insist on the
1 Campeggio's letter, July 5, 1530 ; the chief sources in EHSES, Cone.
Trid., IV., xxxvii. ; in full in the Rom. Quartalschr., XVIII., 358-361.
2 In Latin text in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxvii.-xxxix.
DEMAND FOR A COUNCIL. 133
observance of the Edict of Worms. As regards the removal
of abuses, he recommended that men of approved virtue
and pure life should be sent to Rome to report on these
matters to the Pope ; there was no doubt that the latter
would prescribe remedies where proof of actual abuses was
forthcoming, and he, as Legate, would not be wanting in
his co-operation when cases were presented to him which,
on due examination, were shown to be genuine abuses.
To bring the religious division of Germany to an end,
Campeggio held that the right and necessary way was to
act with requisite firmness.
The Catholic princes, to whom Charles presented the
answer of the Legate on the 5th of July, approved, in their
reply of the 7th, and also in a second communication on
the 13th,1 of the Emperor's proposal concerning the Council.
On the evening of the i3th of July, Campeggio once
more stated his objections, in the sense of his former
declarations,2 to Granvelle, who had been sent by the
Emperor to inform him that he was on the point of writing
to the Pope on the subject of the Council. Thereupon, on
the i4th, the Emperor sent to Clement a full account of the
state of the negotiations at Augsburg.3 As things then
stood, the Protestants refused to accept the Emperor as
judge in religious questions ; on the contrary, they held
out for the Council, and if their wishes were not granted
in this respect they would grow yet more obdurate ;
1 BRIEGER, Zeitschr., XII., 130 seqq., 134 seqq. Cf. EHSES, Cone.
Trid., IV., xxxix.
2 Campeggio to Salviati on July 14, 1 530, in EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr.,
XVIII., 362 set?., and Cone. Trid., IV., xxxix.
3 In original Spanish text in HEINE, Briefe, 522-525 ; German trans
lation, ibid., 284-289. Cf. also PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 52-54.
A contemporary Italian translation in Arch. Stor. Ital., 5th series, VIII.
(1891), 129-134.
134 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
therefore the Emperor, in agreement with the Catholic
princes, was also of opinion that this should be promised
them on the condition that, in the meanwhile, they
returned to the obedience of the Church.1 Charles had
also written shortly before to his Ambassador in Rome
in similar terms.2 On the 24th of July he again had a
long conversation with Campeggio, in which he gave his
opinion on the seat of the Council, expressing his strong
preference for an Italian city, in opposition to the view
of the princes, who were desirous that it should be held
in Germany. He mentioned Mantua in particular, that
city having already been spoken of in his discussions with
the Pope at Bologna.3
On the 1 8th of July, immediately after the receipt of
the Emperor's letter to the Ambassador, Clement called
together the twelve Cardinals specially commissioned to
deal with German affairs to hear their views on the
question of the Council ; no final decision was come to, as
the Cardinals held that the matter was one for the full
Consistory to consider. " Although many of the Cardinals,"
wrote Loaysa, one of the twelve, on the same day,4 in his
report of the conference to the Emperor, " object to the
Council for factitious reasons, yet the most of us in this con
gregation held it fitting that a Council should be promised,
on the condition that the Protestants in the meanwhile
abandon their errors and live as their forefathers lived before
them. It would be much better, however, if the Protes
tants would accept the Emperor as their arbitrator, since
1 HEINE, Briefe, 532.
2 Q. the letter of Cardinal Loaysa of July 18, 1530, in HEINE, Briefe,
1 8 seq. and 357 seq.
3 Campeggio to Salviati on July 29, 1530, in EHSES, Rom. Quartal-
schr., XVI 1 1., 367 seq. Cf. Cone. Trid., IV., xl.
4 HEINE, Briefe, 18-20, 359-361. Cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xl.
OPINION OF LOAYSA. 135
the success of a Council is in itself doubtful, and even its
meeting perhaps impossible, owing to the difficulties that
other Christian princes may in some way raise, and to the
dangers of the Turkish invasion." Loaysa feared, however,
that they would not accept the Emperor's arbitration with
a good will, and that in the end no other means would
remain but to have recourse to force.
On the arrival of the Emperor's letter of the Hth of
July, Clement, at the end of the month, once more
assembled the twelve Cardinals and acquainted them with
its contents. Both the Pope and the Cardinals received
k, as Loaysa wrote to the Emperor, with great satisfaction.
Loaysa had not, indeed, been present at the meeting
owing to illness, but he had a private interview with
Clement afterwards, to whom he spoke in support of the
Emperor's opinion. Clement replied that Charles was
right, the Council could not be avoided ; it was Loaysa's
opinion, however, that Clement wished in his heart of
hearts that it might not take place. He would certainly
agree to one, and even go the length of convoking it, but
in the meantime he would secretly use his influence with
the Christian princes in order to put hindrances in the way.
He was led to this presumption by the conduct of the
French Cardinal, Gabriel de Gramont, Bishop of Tarbes,
who in the first meeting of the Cardinals had spoken
strongly in favour of a Council, while in the second
conference he dwelt on all the difficulties, especially on
those which had arisen on the part of the King of France ;
this inconsistency, Loaysa surmised, was due to the
influence of the Pope. In spite of this "evil" suspicion,
as he himself calls it, Loaysa was still in hopes that
Clement, " on perceiving the truthfulness and uprightness
of your Majesty's behaviour in this matter, and how
necessary a Council is for the quieting of his conscience
136 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and the avoidance of lasting dishonour," would eventually
control events in accordance with the Imperial wishes.1
In two audiences held on the 28th and the 3<Dth of July,
Clement addressed Andrea da Burgo in terms favourable
to the Council, provided that the conditions fixed by
Charles should be fulfilled, namely, that until it assembled
the Lutherans should desist from their innovations ; Rome
he considered suitable as the seat of the Council ; but,
if the Emperor objected, he would propose Mantua,
Piacenza, or Bologna.2 In this sense Clement sent a
reply to the Emperor on the 3ist of July.3
He first of all went thoroughly into the reasons against
a Council adduced by some of the Cardinals, but, trusting
to the good sense and insight of the Emperor, whose
sojourn in Germany had made him a better judge of the
situation than those at a distance, he promised to convene
the Council when he deemed it necessary, and under the
conditions of which he had already written, namely, that
the Protestants should renounce their errors and return
immediately to the obedience of their Holy Mother the
Church and the observance of her customs and doctrine,
so long as it was not otherwise appointed by the Council,
to the decisions of which in all points and unreservedly
they were willingly to submit. Apart from these con
ditions, a Council could only cause scandal and set a
1 Loaysa to the Emperor on July 31, 1530, in HEINE, Briefe, 21-24,
359-361. Cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xl. seg., and **letter of A. da
Burgo to Ferdinand I. of July 28, with P.S. of July 29. The **letter of
da Burgo to Ferdinand of July 23, 1 530, shows the tone of gratification
in which Clement spoke to him about the Emperor's correspondence.
2 See the ^reports of A. da Burgo of July 28 and 31, 1530, in the
Court and State Archives, Vienna.
3 The Italian text in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xli.-xliii. Also Archivio
storico Italiano, 5th Series, VIII., 134-138. Cf. HEFELE-HERGEN-
ROTHER, IX., 759-763.
PROPOSALS BY THE POPE. 137
most evil example. It was therefore absolutely necessary
that the Emperor should insist on these conditions being
accepted, so that there might also be certainty of their
actual fulfilment ; for otherwise, not the removal of error,
but only pernicious and deadly effects, were to be expected.
The Pope then promised that, as soon as the Emperor
informed him of the acceptance and observance of these
conditions by the Protestants, he would summon a Council
at such time as appeared to him suitable ; the Emperor
might feel assured that the earliest possible date would be
appointed, and that certainly no postponement would be
allowed. Regarding the seat of the Council, since it was
highly necessary that it should not be held anywhere else
than in Italy, Rome had the first claim to consideration —
a claim, moreover, favoured by the circumstance that,
after all the misfortunes the city had undergone, another
lengthened withdrawal of the Curia would involve total ruin.
But if Rome were not acceptable, then the Pope proposed
Bologna, Piacenza, or Mantua. Concerning abuses, Clement
remarked in conclusion, he was waiting for the reply of
the Legate, who would report wherein a reformation was
called for ; on receipt of this reply he would take such
measures that everyone would acknowledge his intention
to reform what was amiss, and to meet where it was
possible the wise and charitable exhortations of the
Emperor.
In the Curia the greatest difference of opinion on the
question of the Council prevailed. Clement VII., partly
from personal and partly from higher reasons, had such
strong apprehensions that it seemed to him even less dan
gerous to tolerate the prolongation of the existing state of
affairs in Germany than to summon a Council.1 That the
Pope's anxiety was to a certain extent justified was admitted
1 HEINE, Briefe, 360.
138 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
by the Imperial envoy Mai himself.1 On this account many
doubted whether the Council would be held; but others
looked upon this as certain.2 It was not surprising that such
an assembly, bound to take into consideration the question
of reform, should be displeasing to the many prelates of a
worldly type. The latter took comfort in the supposition
that the Protestants were not in earnest in their demands
for a General Council. The envoy of the Duke of Mantua
had special satisfaction in knowing that his city was eligible
as a meeting-place. "A reformation," he said in closing
his report, " is certainly necessary in view of the great
corruption. God grant that it may not be brought about
by the Turks instead of by the Council."3
The Papal letter of the 3ist of July reached Augsburg
on the /th of August, where a few days before the refuta
tion of the Augsburg Confession had been publicly read.4
This important document was presented by Campeggio to
the Emperor on the Qth ; but, in consequence no doubt
of Loaysa's letter of the 3ist of July already mentioned,
he found Charles biassed against the Pope and distrustful
of his good intentions.5 The Emperor himself no longer
held to his former tenacious insistence on the Protestant
acceptance of the conditions, but now asked that, waiving
the latter entirely, the Council so necessary for the general
welfare of Christendom should, under any circumstances,
1 See DE LEVA, III., 19-20.
2 Cf. the **report of Guido da Crema to Isabella d'Este-Gonzaga of
Mantua, dated Rome, 1530, July 28 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 See **report of Francesco Gonzaga to the Duke of Mantua, dated
Rome, 1530, July 24. Ibid.
4 Cf. FiCKER, Die Konfutation des Ausburger Bekentnisses, Leipzig,
1891, and JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 190 n.
5 Campeggio to Salviation August 11, 1530, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat,
49-54 (here dated August 10 ; for the correct date see EHSES, Cone.
Trid., IV., xliii.).
CHARLES V. DESIRES A COUNCIL. 139
be summoned as soon as possible, without prejudice to the
objections and representations made by Campeggio in the
sense of their former agreement. As regards the seat of
the Council Charles avoided any definite pronouncement
on the choice of Rome, as desired by Clement and
recommended by the Legate, by calling attention to the
Pope's own alternative suggestion of Bologna, Mantua, or
Piacenza.1
Charles, meanwhile, was still possessed by the delusive
hope2 that he might succeed in arriving at a temporary
suspension of the religious strife until such time as a
general synod should assemble. On the 7th of September
he once more ordered the promise of the Council under
the specified conditions to be tendered to the protesting
Estates, who thanked him for his exertions and urged
speedy action, but refused in round terms the abandon
ment for the time being of the innovations.3 On the 23rd
of September Charles once more had a discussion with
Campeggio on the Council ; 4 after his experience, during this
very month of September, of the obstinacy of the Protestant
princes, he again declared to the Legate that the Council,
quite irrespective of the Lutheran situation, was absolutely
necessary, or otherwise, within the space of ten years,
there would be no obedience left in Germany. He added,
however, that, if Clement nevertheless thought otherwise,
he, as an obedient son, would submit ; but in that case he
hoped the Pope would inform him openly and as soon as
possible, as this would be better than that the Council
should be hindered by the King of France, when in the
1 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xliii. seq.
2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 193^^.
3 PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 54.
4 Campeggio to Salviati, September 23, 1530, in LAEMMER, Mon.
Vat, 56-58 ; cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV. xliv.
140 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
general opinion the blame would still be laid upon the
Pope.1
In the draft of the decree of the Diet which Charles laid
before2 the protesting Estates on the 22nd and 23rd of
September, he once more charged the latter "to discuss
and consider among themselves, until the I5th of April of
the forthcoming year, whether, as regards the articles on
which there was still disagreement, they would reunite
themselves with the Christian Church, the Pope, the
Emperor's Majesty, and the princes of the Empire and
other heads and members of Christendom at large, until
such time as the future Council should open its discussions."
The protesting princes rejected this message finally ; their
spokesman, the Elector of Saxony, at once left the Diet,
from which the Landgrave of Hesse had already with
drawn on the 6th of August in precipitate haste. Duke
Ernest of Liineburg, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, the
Chancellor Bruck, and the Saxon theologians also left
Augsburg. They thus destroyed all further possibility of
reconciliation.
1 This groundless suspicion of the Pope's integrity was aroused in
Charles by Loaysa's letter mentioned above, see supra, p. 135.
2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, i8th ed., 214 seg.
CHAPTER V.
NEGOTIATIONS AS TO THE COUNCIL, TO THE PACIFICATION
OF NUREMBERG, 1532.
IN Rome the transactions of the Diet had been followed
with strained attention. Even if as early as the begin
ning of August the provocative attitude of some of the
Protestant princes had made the armed interference of the
Emperor a possibility to be reckoned with,1 there was still
a desire to await fuller information,2 and a temporary
hope of a peaceful agreement, especially as Melanchthon
continued to show his previous conciliatory disposition.
When afterwards the Catholic princes succeeded in once
more setting in motion negotiations for a settlement,3
Salviati wrote, on the 8th of September, to Campeggio that
the Pope was ready to permit communion in both kinds
and the marriage of the clergy if the protesting party
would give way on the remaining points.4
Clement VII. wished by these means to facilitate the
Emperor's negotiations for a settlement. At this time
1 Cf. ^report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat Rome, 1530,
August 4 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
2 See F. Gonzaga's ^letter to the Duke of Mantua, dat. Rome, 1530,
August 1 8 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 45 seq.
4 *Salviati to Campeggio, dat. Rome, 1530, September 8, *Lett. d.
princ., X. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Clement had already
expressed himself in similar terms at the end of July ; see GAYANGOS,
IV., i, n. 386.
141
142 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he was especially active in his endeavours to gratify the
wishes of Charles V. j1 only in the matter of the Council did
he raise difficulties. " This," wrote the Roman correspondent
of the Duke of Mantua on the 7th of September, " will be
a tedious matter, even if the Council takes place, which I
do not believe."2 The longer the question was treated in
the Diet the greater grew the suspense in Rome.3 On the
4th of October came the announcement of the departure
of the Elector of Saxony ; 4 it was now as clear as day
that all attempts at union had miscarried. To the whole
Sacred College it now appeared that force was the only
resource available,5 and it was hoped that Charles would
have recourse to it.
The Emperor had certainly promised the Pope, in the
Treaty of Barcelona, that, in the case of contumacy on
the part of the Protestants, he would terminate the schism,
which had been the cause of so much violence towards
Catholics, with the sword. But such a policy was alien
to his character ; nor was he adequately prepared for it,
and the support of the Catholic Estates was by no
means certain. Urgent as were the recommendations of
Campeggio to apply force, Charles still persisted in his
1 *E cosa incredibile la osservantia chel Papa porta allo Imperatore
e come S. Sta vadda reguardata e timorosa in tutte le cose che possino
portar una minima molestia a S. Mta, writes F. Gonzaga on September
24, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 *Letter of F. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, 1530, September 7 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
3 *Hic sunt omnes in mirabili expectatione conclusionum illius
dietae circa fidem et alia, writes A. da Burgo on September 23, 1530
(Court and State Archives, Vienna).
4 *Letter of A. da Burgo, October 5, 1530 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
6 **Report of F. Gonzaga, October 6, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
DETERMINATION OF CHARLES V. 143
preference for peaceful methods.1 His patience seemed
to have no limits, and only when he could no longer shut
his eyes to the fruitlessness of all his efforts at peace did
he turn his thoughts to a policy of repression, but
without being able even then to come to a firm decision
in its favour. "Force," he wrote to his Ambassador in
Rome on the 4th of September 1530, "would certainly
be the most productive of results, but the necessary
weapons are not forthcoming."2 The insulting departure
from the Diet of the Elector of Saxony was certainly the
cause of this change in the Emperors feelings. Further
obstinacy on the part of the Protestant princes, so he
declared to the Cardinal-Legate, he was determined to
punish, but it was an undertaking which he could not carry
out single-handed.3 On the 4th of October he addressed
a letter to Clement VII. in which he expressed himself
still more clearly and incisively. In it he announced his
intention of putting forth all his power to subdue in open
warfare the contumacious Protestants ; the Pope would see
that the other princes were invited to co-operate with him
and support him with contributions in money.4
Clement VII. met this communication in a most
characteristic way. Already, on the I3th of October, when
the Ambassador Miguel Mai made known the contents of
1 Cj. Campeggio's report, August 11, 1530, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat.,
51, and more exactly in EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., XIX., 129 seq.
2 SANDOVAL, Carlos V., Barcelona, 1625, II., 103.
3 Campeggio on September 24, 1530, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat. 57-58.
For the discussions in the Imperial Council see MAURENBRECHER,
Karl V., App. 16 seq.
4 The Emperor's letter of October 4, 1530, is missing in the Secret
Archives of the Vatican. Its contents are to be found not merely in
N. Raince's report (given by RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 2nd ed.,
307) but also in the important "^despatch of F. Gonzaga, October 19,
1530, in Appendix, No. 14.
144 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Imperial letter, Salviati had emphasized the Pope's
confidence in the Emperor's course of action, since the
latter had already exterminated by his might other and
even greater heresies than those of Luther.1 But after
the letter had been received Clement relapsed into his
habitual indecision and pleaded various objections.
Besides the considerable pecuniary resources required he
referred to the danger of an invasion of the Turks, with
the Lutherans as confederates ; but, on the other hand,
the Pope realized the extreme danger of allowing the
Lutherans to remain unpunished ; the Imperial authority
as well as the Catholic cause would, in such a case, suffer
incalculable injury.2 Soon afterwards Charles ordered
Muscettola to unfold his plans more minutely in Rome.
The defiance of the Lutherans, he was charged to explain,
had been on the increase since the disbanding of the
Imperial army; he therefore intended to collect a force of
ten thousand Spaniards and Italians for service in Germany,
in order not merely to strike fear among the Lutherans
but also, if circumstances should call for it, to act on the
offensive towards the Turks ; to keep up such an army he
must have financial help from the Pope and the princes of
Italy.3 Clement now called on the Italian States to help,4
while Charles, in a letter of the 25th of October, in which
he requested the Cardinals to further the cause of the
Council, solemnly declared that he would, in the affair
1 Salviati to Campeggio, October 13, 1530 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
2 See in Appendix, No. 14, the ^letter of F. Gonzaga, October 19,
1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 See in Appendix, No. 15, the*letter of F. Gonzaga, October 27, 1530
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 459, 462, 472.
4 See Salviati's *letter to Campeggio, dat. Rome, October 26, 1530
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 470
475> 476.
CLEMENT VII. AND VENICE. 145
of Luther, spare neither kingdoms nor dominions in order
to accomplish what was necessary.1
Immediately after the Emperor's first announcement
Clement had invited the opinion of the Venetian Govern
ment concerning warlike operations against the Protestants ;
that their answer would be in the nature of a refusal he
was led to infer from the objections previously tendered by
the Ambassador of the Republic.2 The remaining Italian
states showed no enthusiasm in the matter, notwithstand
ing the Pope's advocacy,3 and to Clement's great disgust
the Republic sent a direct refusal.4 The whole scheme fell
through, for the Emperor, in view of the unreliability of
the Catholic Estates,5 soon abandoned it. On the 3Oth
1 *Lettre de PEmpereur au college des Cardinaux. Copy in MS.
Frang., 3014, f. 8 (National Library, Paris). Cf. RANKE, Deutsche
Gesch., III., 2nded., 308.
2 Cf. in Appendix, No. 14, the ^letter of F. Gonzaga, October 19, 1530
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 See *Salviati's letters to Campeggio, October 21 and 26, November
5 and 13, and December 6, 1530 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 See GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 476, 484, 499, and in App., No. 16, the
^letter of F. Gonzaga, November 13, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
5 Cf. Tiepolo in ALBERI, ist Series, I., 69 seq. ; and JANSSEN-PASTOR,
III., 1 8th ed., 220 seq. The final resolutions of the Diet of Augsburg
deferred the decision (BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., III., 36 seq.}. Concern
ing the Council the official document runs thus : " Seeing that for
many years a general Council of the Catholic Church has not been
held, and that during this long period various abuses and troubles
have arisen in Christendom, we, on .the common advice and motion
of our councillors and of the electors of the Holy Roman Empire and
other princes and states, as well as of their representatives, here in
Augsburg assembled, and indeed in answer to their humble request
and petition, have therefore determined, in full accordance with them,
to propose to the Holy Roman Pontiff and all Christian kings and
potentates that a Christian Council should be convoked in a suitable
place within six months from the end of this present assembly, and
held as soon as possible, at the utmost within a year from the issue
VOL. X, 10
146 . HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of October he sent his majordomo, Don Pedro de la
Cueva, to Rome to inform the Pope that owing to the
advanced season of the year it was no longer possible to
think of an immediate undertaking against the Lutherans,
for which Clement might be engaged in preparations.
Cueva was also instructed to represent to Clement
that, since all hopes of converting the heretics by
friendly means had been shattered by their obstinacy,
the summons of a Council was the only means remain
ing of saving Germany from permanent apostasy ; his
Holiness should therefore take the necessary steps to
convene the same as soon as possible, since every delay
was detrimental. The choice of locality was left by
the Emperor to the Holy Father; but the Ambassador
was to do his best to secure the choice of some place
as near as possible to German territory, say Mantua
or Milan.1
Charles spoke in a similar sense in the letter to Clement
to be personally handed to him by the Ambassador.
He thanked the Pope for his reply of the 3ist of July,2
and showed him that he had left nothing undone to bring
the Protestants to accept the conditions on which the
Council was to depend. But notwithstanding the failure
of this summons, in the good hope and confidence that we thereby
may bestow lasting and happy unity and peace on the spiritual and
temporal affairs of Christendom,'' HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX.,
743> 745 J see here also 737 seq. on the renewal of the gravamina and
the negotiations concerning them ; also cf. EHSES in the Rom.
Quartalschr., XVIII., 369 seq., 373 seq. The resolutions of the Diet
contained a promise that the Imperial Ambassador should treat with
the Pope regarding the redress to be given.
1 Istruccion original que did ei Emperador a don Pedro de la Cueva
in HEINE, Briefe, 525-529; in German, 289-295. Cf. PASTOR,
Reunionsbestrebungen, 74.
2 See supra, p. 136.
CHARLES V. WRITES TO THE POPE. 147
of these endeavours he was now 01 opinion that the
Council, the demand for which came not only from the
Protestant but also from the Catholic princes, must not be
abandoned as, in view of these very circumstances, it
offered the only remaining means of salvation. He held
it to be his duty to declare plainly and distinctly " that the
meeting of the Council must take place for the cure of the
present errors, the welfare of Christendom, the settlement
of belief, the elevation of the Apostolic See, and the
personal honour of your Holiness ; failing this, no adequate
course is open, and far greater are the evils contingent
on the Council not taking place than those which,
it is supposed, would accrue from its deliberations, for
the present errors are many, various, and daily increas
ing in number." Nor could the danger of the Turkish war
be made a valid argument against the Council, for, on the
contrary, it would afford the best means of uniting
the whole of Christendom in effectual opposition to the
infidels. Charles V. therefore begged the Pope, in the
most urgent terms, to sanction the summons of the
Council as soon as possible, and to obtain the agree
ment of the other Christian sovereigns. In the meanwhile
Clement might also consider what steps could be taken
against the Lutherans. The Emperor accounted for his
wish that the Council should be held near German territory
on the ground that, in this way, the Lutherans would be
deprived of any excuse for non - attendance.1 Cueva
reached Rome on the I5th of November, and on
the following day he waited on the Pope together with
the Imperial Ambassador. In addition to the letter already
referred to, he presented a second touching the election
1 In HEINE, 530-533, 295-390 ; cf, PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen,
74, and EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xlvi. seq. See "also Loaysa'sMetter
to the Emperor, November 18, 1530, in HEINE, 386-389, 62-68.
148 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Ferdinand I. as King of the Romans, and a communica
tion on Florentine affairs.1
Clement VII. sent an answer to Charles as early as the
1 8th of November, without at first committing himself
definitely. He had so much confidence in the Emperor's
sympathy and discretion that he would like nothing better
than to be guided by his advice entirely ; but, as a matter
of decorum, he must first consult the Cardinals; yet, seeing
how important the matter was for Christendom in general,
he would give a definite reply as soon as possible.2
Accordingly the deputation of Cardinals was summoned to
meet on the 2ist of November. The "pros" and "cons"
were thoroughly considered. Opinions differed so greatly
that the final vote was postponed until the 25th of
November.3 The interval was made use of by the
Imperialist Cardinals and envoys in trying to bring
about a speedy decision favourable to the policy of
Charles.4 At the second meeting of the deputation the
Cardinals who shirked reform again brought forward
the dangers involved in a Council; still, the majority
1 Cf. Cueva's report in GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 497 seg.t and a ^letter of
A. da Burgo, November 17, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
2 HEINE, 533 seq., 301 seq. Cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xlvii.
Clement VII. told the Mantuan agent F. Gonzaga, before the meeting
of Cardinals on November 21, that the holding of the Council would
be determined upon; ^letter of F. Gonzaga of November 21 in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. A. da Burgo reports thoroughly on the
dangers feared by Clement in his "^letter of November 20, 1530
(Court and State Archives, Vienna).
3 Cf. A. da Burgo's ^letter of November 22, 1530 (Court and State
Archives,* Vienna).
*Interea Card. Osmen. et S. Crucis et alii Caesarei et ego non
desumus praestare officia convenientia, ut fiat bona et celeris conclusio
et quod principale et gravius periculum imminens sit si concilium non
fieret aut differatur. \ A. 'da Burgo, loc. cit.
CONSISTORY OF NOVEMBER 28. 149
were of opinion that the Emperor's advice should be
followed, since still greater dangers were to be expected
if the Council did not take place; yet, if the presence
of the Emperor were called for, that of the other
Christian princes ought also to be invited.1
On the 28th of November the Pope, who had still the
gravest apprehensions, laid the matter before a secret
Consistory, in which Cardinals Farnese, Monte, and Canisio
spoke so warmly in favour of a Council that all the six-
and-twenty Cardinals present gave their unanimous
support.2 Nevertheless Loaysa, and with him Mai and
Cueva, did not alter their opinion that the Pope and
Cardinals shrank from a Council and were working
against it. " If they now vote otherwise," wrote Loaysa,
" it is because they see that, in your Majesty's opinion, all
is lost if the Council is not held; they realize that the
consequence of their rejection would be to offend all
Christian people and especially your Majesty. These
Cardinals in thus voting are acting like merchantmen, who
fling their goods into the sea in order to save their own
lives. With the exception of five or six, among whom is
Monte in particular, I do not know one among them whose
heart is really in the matter. So true is this, that although
the Pope has said exactly what I have written, I am yet
afraid that, under the condition of inviting the other
1 Along with passages from Salviati's letter of November 26, 1530,
given by EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xlvii., and GAYANGOS, IV., i, n.
510, 512, 517, 518, I have also made use of A. da Burgo's cipher
*report of November 26, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
2 Loaysa to the Emperor on November 30, 1530, in HEINE, 391, 70
seq. Cf. the extract from the Acta Consistoria in EHSES, xlviii. seg.,
the **report of Francesco Gonzaga to the Duke of Mantua, dat. Rome,
1530, November 28, and **that of Guido da Crema to Isabella d'Este-
Gonzaga, dat. Rome, 1530, December 2 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua);
see also GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 518.
150 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
princes to the Council, opportunities will be sought and
made to hinder and destroy the objects which your
Majesty, as the servant of God, is aiming at. The Pope is
so astute and crafty that we shall only find this out when
your Majesty comes yourself to recognize the impediment,
and to say that the Council is impossible ; then the blame
will not fall on the guilty party, but, with much greater
probability, will be dealt out to the innocent." l On the
other hand, there were those who believed that Clement
really wished for a Council. One was the agent of the
Duke of Mantua, to whom the Pope had spoken approv
ingly of Mantua as the place of assembly.2
On the 3Oth of November the deputation of Cardinals
was consulted on the form of the briefs to be addressed
to the princes. Already, on the following day, the 1st
of December, the work of composing and despatching
them began.3 On the 6th of December the Pope sent
a brief communication to the Emperor that he had
written to the princes, and had made up his mind to
conform his opinion to that of Charles.4 Even Loaysa's
unfavourable view of Clement underwent a change.5
1 See HEINE, 392, and DE LEVA, III., 29. Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i,
n. 520, 523.
2 See **F. Gonzaga's reports of November 28 and December 4
and 6, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 EHSES, xlix.
4 HEINE, 302, 534. Cf. Salviati's letter of December 6 in EHSES,
xlix.
6 He wrote on December 6 (HEINE, 397) : " The affair of the Council
depends on this : Should your Majesty set the Pope's mind at rest as
to the difficulties, and your Majesty be of opinion that these would not
arise out of the Council and that you are willing to be present at it,
then one may take it as well-nigh certain that his Holiness will
summon it with heartfelt joy. . . . My supposition is that he has a
great dread and dislike of the Council, but that after reading your
OBJECTIONS TO THE COUNCIL. 15 l
For the purpose of closer verbal communication, Clement
sent Uberto da Gambara, Bishop of Tortona, to the
Emperor,1 in place of Nicolas von Schonberg, Archbishop
of Capua, originally nominated for the mission, but pre
vented by illness2 from making the journey. In his
instructions,3 drawn up by Cardinal Cajetan, the objec
tions to the Council; which the envoy was once more
to lay before the Emperor in the name of the Pope and the
Cardinals, held a special place. They were six in number,
(i) If the heretics were allowed to raise fresh dis
putations concerning their errors, already condemned by
several councils, a bad and dangerous precedent would
be established; but if they were forbidden discussion
they would complain that they had been condemned
Majesty's letters and those of Don Pedro de la Cueva and hearing the
various reasons adduced by all your Majesty's ministers, I venture
to declare that he will be profoundly influenced and, I believe, that
already he is almost entirely persuaded, for he sets the highest value
on the truthfulness, the virtue, the consistency, the good intentions, and
the feelings of religion and honour in your Majesty's heart."
1 Cf. the ^letter of A. da Burgo of December 28, 1530, ibid. ; in App.,
No. 17, the *letter of F. Peregrine of December 10, 1530 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua), and EHSES, xlix., l.-lxxiv. ; see also PASTOR,
Reunionsbestrebungen, 76 seq., and HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX.,
767 seq. For Gambara cf. GARAMPI, 252.
2 According to A. da Burgo's account in a *letter of December 12,
1530, Schonberg said to him that, even if he had been in good health,
he would not have gone : k' cum non videat viam rei bene gerendae nee
per concilium nee per arma." Pope and Emperor certainly are sincere
as to the Council, but not the rest. Yet a war against the Lutherans
is not to be recommended. Better to come to a peaceful agreement
with them, conceding some things, while retaining intact the main
articles of belief (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
3 Printed in EHSES, lii.-liv. Cf. the statement of contents in
HEINE, 106 ; PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 76 seq. j HEFELE-
HERGENROTHER, IX., 767 seq.
IS2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
unheard, and, while repudiating the decrees of the Council,
would adhere more closely to their errors. (2) If they
refused to acknowledge the authority of previous councils
what ground was there for the hope that they would submit
to the forthcoming one? But, this being so, the situation
would be changed very much for the worse if conciliar
decrees were to be passed which could not be put into
execution. (3) The Protestants would stand by the letter
of the Bible, and, rejecting the authority of councils and
fathers, refuse to be convinced with the obstinacy habitual
in heretics. (4) The whole conduct of the heretics at the
Diet of Augsburg showed that in their demand for a
Council, they were only carrying out their intention of
persisting in their tenets up to the moment of its summons
and decisions, in the hope that in this way much time would
be consumed and that eventually the Council might be
dissolved without coming to any general decision. (5) If,
as might easily happen, the old controversy as to the
supremacy of the Pope or Council were to be revived, a
schism might thus be brought about and great injury
would be inflicted on the authority of the Emperor as well
as on that of the Pope. (6) It was open to question whether
the other princes would attend a Council held under the
protection of the Imperial power, while, on the other hand,
the Pope could only preside if that protection were given.
The dangers arising from the Turks, and the objections
put forward on this score, were also urged for further
consideration. Gambara, who had left Rome on the 3Oth
of December 1530, reached Aix on the i5th of January
1531, just as Charles V. was taking farewell of his brother
Ferdinand, and preparing to begin his journey into the
Netherlands ; on the i6th or i;th of January, in Liege, he
had the first opportunity of speaking to the Emperor;1 he
1 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., li. seq., liv. seg.
CONDITIONS FOR A COUNCIL. 153
handed him the Pope's letter and unfolded to him his
objections in accordance with his instructions.1
It is impossible to say definitely whether, on the occasion
of this interview, Gambara also laid before the Emperor
the five conditions attached by Clement to the convening
of the Council, or whether this took place at some other
time.2 These five conditions were: (i) The Council was
to be summoned and held only for the discussion of
the affairs of the Turkish war, the reconciliation of the
Lutherans, the extirpation of heresies, and the adequate
punishment of the contumacious. (2} The Emperor
was to attend the Council in person from its beginning
to its end, and on his departure the sessions were to
terminate. (3) The Council was to be held in Italy and
nowhere else, the Pope nominating beforehand a city for
its seat. (4) Those only to have a decisive vote who
were canonically qualified. (5) The Lutherans were to
sue formally before the Council and to send their
plenipotentiaries with proper mandates, a course which
appeared to be of great use towards facilitating their
safe return.3
The effect of Clement's present mood, who, during the
deliberations with the Cardinals in November 1530, was
prepared to carry out the Emperor's wishes in reliance
on the latter's friendly dispositions, was to throw the re
sponsibility of a decision entirely on Charles. If he gave a
1 See EHSES, op. cit., Iv.-lvii.
2 This apparently took place on the occasion of the second audience
on January 25, 1531, at Brussels, when Bishops Gambara and da Schio
were present. Cf. EHSES, op. cit.) Ivii.
3 "Capitula sive conditiones a Clemente VII. per Ubertum de
Gambara episcopum Dertonensem Carolo V. exhibita," in EHSES, xlvii.;
with the Emperor's reply in LAEMMER, Meletematum Romanorum
mantissa, 137, and in HEINE, 537 seg., cj. PASTOR, Reunionsbestre-
bungen, 77 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 769 seq.
154 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
favourable reply and accepted the conditions, then without
doubt the speedy summons of the Council would have
been decided on.1
But it was now the Emperor who, by his delay in
sending the anxiously expected answer to Rome,2 hindered
the further progress of affairs. It was not until the 4th
of April 1531 that Charles, who was then in Brussels,
caused his reply to be made known to the Legate,
Cardinal Campeggio, and to the Bishops Gambara and
Girolamo de Schio in Ghent through Covos and Granvelle.3
He had, as he here explains, first informed his brother
Ferdinand of the hindrances and objections to a Council
as set forth by Gambara, and by Ferdinand they were to
be made known to the other Catholic princes of Germany.
The result of their consultation was that the princes
declared themselves " bound by their former determination,
and that no other adequate method of healing the existing
disorders was to be found except in the Council ; even if
the matters to which the Pope had called attention were
of great importance and significance, yet it appeared to
them that neither the existing errors nor those to be
looked for in the future could be met by any other means ;
nor had the evils in question reached such a pitch as to
justify the abandonment of the Council." Charles showed
less discernment in thinking that it was necessary to sound
Francis I. beforehand on his opinion with regard to the
Council.
Charles V., as well as the Pope, had allowed himself
to be deceived for a while as to the real sentiments of
his wily adversary by the letter written by Francis to
1 EHSES, Iviii.
2 Cf. the letter of Loaysa to Charles V. on February 25, 1531, in
HEINE, 410, 102.
3 In HEINE, 535-538, 303-308.
POLICY OF FRANCIS I. 1 55
Clement VII. on the 2ist of November I53O,1 and com
municated in December to the Emperor at Mayence. The
French King's policy had been directed unfalteringly to
frustrating a Council which was to heal the disunion in
the German Empire. In his letter he seemed to proclaim
his thorough good-will towards such a project, but he
expressed himself in such a way that, in the event of the
Council becoming a serious probability, many pretexts
should remain open to him whereby he might yet nullify
the action of that assembly. But when the letter was
read in Consistory on the 5th of December 1530, such an
impression was made that the Pope and Cardinals were
filled with joy and thanked God that the two greatest
rulers were now of one mind on this weighty topic.2
On the 1 3th of December, Clement wrote a letter of
thanks to Francis, full of lavish praise for having shown
himself worthy of the title of "most Christian King."3
Trusting to the present sincerity of Francis, Charles sent
to him, on the ist of February 1531, Louis de Praet to
inquire of him how he stood with regard to the question
of the Council. Francis kept the Emperor waiting two
months for an answer ; when at last it was received at
Ghent, on the 28th of March, it was seen to contain
the demand that the agreement of all princes to the
Council should first be invited, and that for this object
a convention should be held at Rome to which all
Christian kings and princes should send their repre-
1 In EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., 1.
2 Loaysa to Charles V. on December 6, 1530, in HEINE, 396, 79 sgq.
Cf. *the report of F. Gonzaga of December 6, 1530, in Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua, and the ^letter of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I.,
dat. Rome, January 12, 1531, in the Court and State Archives,
Vienna.
3 EHSES, 1.
156 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sentatives.1 " That," wrote Loaysa to the Emperor, when
the terms of this answer were made known in Rome on
the I4th of April, " makes the Council quite impossible
and shows a determination that it shall not take place."2
The further negotiations of Charles with the King had
also no better success.3
The Emperor, in the answer already mentioned, which
was at length given to the Papal Ambassador on the
4th of April, accounted for the long delay, for which he
was not to be blamed, on the ground of his previous
negotiations with Francis I., and announced that he left
it to the Pope to make a final decision, with the petition
that the latter would avoid the scandal which must be
expected if the Council were delayed ; he gave his
assurances that the Pope might count upon him and his
brother Ferdinand.4 At the same time, Covos and
Granvelle gave the Emperor's answer touching the five
conditions under which the Council was to be summoned.6
On the first point the Emperor remarked that, in order to
safeguard the procedure hitherto observed in the Holy
Councils and strictly regulated by law, as well as to obviate
any opportunity for depreciating or calumniating a Council
1 EHSES, lix. Loaysa's report of March 27 on the difficulties of
Francis I., in Doc. ined., XIV., 134. Cf. also, for the sudden hesitation
of Francis I., with the answer, the ^report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I.,
dated Rome, March 20, 1531 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
2 HEINE, 416, 112 seq. Cf. the **reports of Guido da Crema from
Rome to Isabella d'Este-Gonzaga of April 8, 1531, and of F. Peregrine
to the Duke of Mantua of May 3, 1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 EHSES, lix.
4 HEINE, 536 seg., 305 seq.
6 In EHSES, lx. Also in LAEMMER, Melet. Rom. mantissa, 137 seq.,
and in HEINE, 537 seq. (German, 306-308), together with the text of the
Capitula. Cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 77 ; HEFELE-HERGEN-
ROTHER, IX., 770.
REPLY OF THE EMPEROR. 157
held under such limitations, it seemed to be more fitting
that it should be summoned simply and without restric
tions. Having been summoned, the Pope could then
decide what matters were to be brought forward and
dealt with. To the second condition the Emperor assented,
and, putting his own affairs in the background, promised
to attend the Council so long as this was deemed to be
conducive to favourable results. As to the seat of the
Council, he expressed himself as personally satisfied with
all the cities proposed by the Pope, but the German
princes and others of that nation asked for Mantua or
Milan. On the fourth point, the Emperor observed that
the laws and usages of the Holy Councils must be
observed in accordance with former precedents. The
fifth condition had been already dropped by the Bishop
of Tortona himself. The Emperor added that there was,
besides, no object in disputing with the heretics in cases
of recognized contumacy.
Gambara, on the receipt of this answer, should, in
accordance with the Emperor's intentions, have left
immediately for Rome,1 but he wished to speak with the
latter once more on the affair of the Council. He went to
him at Brussels, Charles having deferred his journey from
thence to Ghent, from which former place, on the ipth of
April, he was dismissed, after an interview, with a letter for
the Pope.2 At the same time, Gambara had drawn up,
while in Brussels, for the Imperial Council a counter
document to the Emperor's reply on the five conditions ;
he explained, in particular, how much better it would be
to restrict the synod to a definite task than to assign
to it an entirely general purview.3
1 See Charles's letter to the Pope on April 2, 1531, in EHSES, lx.
2 EHSES, Cone. Trid. IV., Ixi., n. 5.
3 EHSES, Ixi.-lxiv,
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
When the Emperor's answer was at last received in
Rome, it was understood that the strange delay was not
due to him, but that the obstacle standing in the way
of the Council was Francis I., and that all efforts were
unavailing if it proved impossible to bring that monarch
to another mind. Clement VII. therefore agreed that
the Emperor should continue his negotiations through
Louis de Praet, and wrote himself to the Nuncio in France,
Cesare Trivulzio, as to the methods for winning Francis.
He also conceded to the Kings of England and France,
who were preparing to raise difficulties about the seat of
the Council, that to Milan and Mantua, already proposed by
the Emperor, the choice of Piacenza and Bologna should
be added, places to which no objection could be taken.1
On the 25th of April 1531, Clement VII. wrote to the
Emperor that if the consent of the French King were
procured, he would summon the Council at once; but
if Francis were unwilling or made difficulties it would
be better to refrain, since a Council held in the face of
disagreement between two such sovereigns would only
embolden the Lutherans to be more obstinate.2 At the
same time the Pope, through Salviati, informed the Legate
Campeggio of the deliberations in Consistory.3 The
1 Cf. Salviati to Campeggio on April 24 (25), 1531, in HEINE, 541,
312. On April 20, 1531, A. da Burgo wrote from Rome to Ferdinand I. :
*Disputav.imus cum S. Sta multa de malis secuturis si amplius differatur
providere istris periculis imminentibus ex Lutheriana et aliis sectis. In
fine conclusit S. Stas me vere dicere quod opus sit vel medio concilii
vel medio armorum vel per concordiam cum Lutheranis providere, sed
dolere se quod videat in omnibus tribus illis tot difficultates quod
nesciat quid faciendum, tamen ex latere suo se non defuturum in
quolibet illorum trium suprascriptorum mediorum (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
2 Cf. EHSES, Ixv.
3 HEINE, 540-554, 309-316 ; EHSES, Ixv. seq.
DISSATISFACTION OF THE CARDINALS. 159
Cardinals were determined that the Council should not
be summoned for general purposes, but with the specific
object of dealing with matters of belief and the Turkish
war. Moreover, the Cardinals, dissatisfied with the general
terms of Charles's announcement, wished him to give a
direct promise that he would assist at the Council
throughout its entire duration, and they requested that
the fifth point, too easily granted by Gambara, that the
Lutherans should be represented, should be again with
drawn. If the Emperor made these concessions and
the King of France agreed to its summons, then the
Council would take place. But if Francis (and Henry
VIII.) were not willing, then it would be better that
the Council should fall through and no more time be
wasted, and other steps taken to restore order in
Germany, either by the Emperor endeavouring to
suppress Lutheranism by force, in which case the Pope
would assist him with all the means in his power, or by
trying to bring them back to obedience by means of
Confessions of Faith stated in terms not detrimental
to Catholic belief. These letters were so long on the
way that Campeggio could not discuss them with the
Emperor before the 5th of June, and then without making
any progress, for the latter was stubborn in his determina
tion regarding the summons of the Council and his own
attendance at it.1 At the same time, he was informed by
Charles that an answer had come from the King of France
which was even more unfavourable than his previous
communication on the subject.
Gambara returned from his mission on the I3th of May,
1 Cf. Campeggio's letter to Salviati from Ghent, June 13, 1531, partly
given in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat., 71 seq. The portion relating to the
negotiations with Francis I., wanting in Laemmer, is given by EHSES,
Ixvi.
l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and gave a full report to the Pope.1 Four days later
Cardinal Gramont, whose coming was eagerly desired,
arrived ; on his instructions the fate of the Council
depended.2 Unfortunately, they no longer left it doubtful
that Francis was determined to thwart the general assembly
of the Church. He would never consent in any way to the
Council, unless it were held in Turin and he present in
person. If the Emperor also wished to attend, well and
good, but in that case each of them must be attended by an
equal number of armed men. To the question of Clement
VII. : Why then did the king object to Piacenza or Bologna ?
Gramont answered, because His Majesty did not wish to
travel through the Duchy of Milan if it did not belong
to him. To the Pope's further remark that it was not
really necessary that Francis should be present in person,
and that he could send a representative in his name, Gramont
rejoined that that was impossible. The Emperor must not
suppose that he can lay down laws for the French.3 That
Clement VII. was not in any underhand way connected
with this French policy, as has often been asserted without
proof,4 is shown also by Salviati's letter of the 3ist of July
1531 to Campeggio on the subject of French practices.5
On the 23rd of June Charles V. informed Campeggio that
1 See Guido da Crema's ^letter, May 13, and that of F. Gonzaga,
May 17, 1531, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, as well as A. da Burgo's
*report of May 17, 1531, in the Court and State Archives, Vienna.
2 See A. da Burgo's *report of May 20, 1531, in the Court and State
Archives, Vienna, and that of F. Gonzaga *of May 20, 1531, in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
3 Loaysa's letter to the Emperor, May 26, 1531, in HEINE, 424 seqq.,
126 seqq.) and *that of F. Gonzaga of May 20, 1531, in Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. Cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 78 ; EHSES,
Cone. Trid., IV., Ixvii.
4 Cf. contra, PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 78.
f>^In EHSES, -Ixviii.
DISPLEASURE OF CHARLES V. l6l
he intended to assemble a new Diet before his return to
Spain. He expressed, indeed, a doubt whether he would
be able in this way to produce any effect on the obstinate
Lutherans; but he wished to hold the Diet, for he had
promised at Augsburg that the Council should be held, and
the latter was still a remote contingency.1 On the question
of the Council the Emperor held out the prospect of an
answer at a later date ; this was presented to the Legate by
Covos and Granvelle on the i/th of July,2 and on the 27th
it was forwarded to Rome with a letter from the Emperor.3
.Charles expressed his displeasure at the hindrances always
being raised against the Council ; he did not fail to recog
nize their importance, but begged that the Pope would
persevere in his efforts to remove them, since he knew of
no other remedy than a Council. He would soon visit
Germany in person and exert himself to the same end.
Other expressions of the Emperor4 showed that at this
time he very strongly suspected that the Pope was
in secret understanding with the French policy of
obstruction. This suspicion was nourished by the French
proposal for a marriage between Catherine de' Medici,
Clement's niece, and the second son of King Francis,
Henry, Duke of Orleans, by which alliance the French
King thought to draw the Pope over to his side.5 But on
this occasion even Loaysa, who in prior circumstances had
spoken his mind so sharply,6 defended Clement's sincerity
against the suspicions of Charles V. in letters of the pth of
1 Campeggio to Salviati, June 24, 1531, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat., 72-
74 ; cf. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 771 seq. ; EHSES, Ixviii.
2 Campeggio to Salviati, July 17, 1531, in EHSES, Ixviii.
3 The Spanish in HEINE, 544 ; German, ibid., 317 seqq. ; EHSES, Ixix.
4 Cf. EHSES, Ixix.
5 Cf. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 795 seq., 797.
6 See supra, pp. 135, 149 seq.
VOL. X. II
l62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
June and the 26th of July.1 Loaysa also informed the
Emperor that the arrangement of this marriage, so far as
it depended on the Pope, was not by any means an
accomplished fact.
The responsibility for the failure of the Council under
Clement VII. falls undoubtedly in the first instance on
Francis I. But it certainly was a great mistake on the
part of the Pope to have been drawn into negotiations with
the King of such a kind that he was bound to incur the
suspicion of complicity with Francis in this question. In
any case the prospects grew worse and worse, so that even
Loaysa wrote to the Emperor, on the I2th of September,
that he could only entreat him a thousand times "to
withdraw as soon as possible from this dark undertaking,
the Council ; for on many grounds," he went on to say,
" which are clear to me, I see no advantage in it for your
Majesty, and what has hitherto taken place has only
brought you harm. Your intentions could not be
better ; . . . but since you perceive plainly that you are
here opposed by envy and pusillanimity, rest satisfied with
having secured the favour of God, and lead your affairs
some other way by which you will quicker attain your own
advantage ; the blame of having abandoned the good which
you might have done will fall on others to their con
demnation, while your glory will remain unimpaired."'
The communication to Clement of the Emperor's
intention of holding a Diet at Spires on his return to
Germany was received by the former with joy, which
found expression in his letters to Charles on the 24th and
26th of July.3 In the latter he even assented to certain
concessions being made to the heretics in Germany, if
1 HEINE, 429 seqq., 136 seqq., 443, 157.
2 Ibid., 447, J63 seq.
3 EHSES, Ixxi.
ALEANDER NOMINATED AS NUNCIO. 163
there were good hopes that by this means their obedience
could be secured, in order that undivided attention might
be given to the Turkish question.1 The Legate Campeggio
held other views on the latter point. Having had
opportunities of studying events close at hand, he could
not discard his opinion that armed force, and armed force
alone, was the only method to pursue with the heretics.2
The Pope was inclined to give way on three particular
points : communion under both kinds ; the marriage of
the clergy as practised by the Greeks ; and, further, that in
respect of the transgression of ecclesiastical ordinances,
only that which was forbidden de jure divino was to be
looked upon as mortal sin.3 Cajetan was especially in
favour of an agreement based on such far-reaching terms,
while other Cardinals were opposed to it.4
In the Consistory of the nth of August 1531 it was
determined that a special Nuncio should be sent to the
Diet. A resolution was passed that the Pope should
apply himself to the removal of the hindrances which
stood in the way of the meeting of the Council. At the
end of August, Aleander, who had been nominated Nuncio
by the Pope, left Rome with Briefs for the Emperor, King
Ferdinand, and other temporal and spiritual princes of
the Empire.5 In his Brief to the Emperor, Clement VII.
1 EHSES, Ixxi.
2 Campeggio to Salviati, June 24, 1531, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat., 73 ;
EHSES, Ixxi.
3 EHSES, Ixxii. ; HEINE, 154 seg., n. Cf. MAURENBRECHER,
Katholische Reformation, 329, 413.
4 See FRIEDENSBURG in Quellen und Forsch., III., 4 seq.^ 15 seq.
6 Aleander's credentials are of August 29; see RAYNALDUS, 1531,
n. 6 ; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 78. Aleander had left Rome by August 27 ;
see *F. Peregrino's letter of August 28 in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua;
Aleander, in a ^letter of Girolamo Gonzaga (Aug. 27) in this collection,
is spoken of as " e molto caro a S. Sta et e persona stimata assai."
164 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
spoke especially of his wish, on which point the Nuncio also
had received full instructions, to support Charles in his
good intentions concerning the Council. In another letter
to the Emperor, which reached Aleander when he was
already on his way, Clement recommended special caution
in the contingency of any concessions being made; if the
Emperor were convinced of the necessity of such con
cessions, in order to avoid greater evils, he must take care
that they were not entered into recklessly, for otherwise
scandal might be given to the rest of Christendom. Charles
must make such a settlement in Germany as should render
a return to the former disorders impossible. Moreover, any
concessions allowed to the Germans must be of such a
character as not to give an impetus to other nations to
make similar demands for themselves.1
As the Diet appointed to be held at Spires was post
poned and transferred to Regensburg at a later date,
Aleander at once betook himself to the Netherlands to
meet the Emperor, to whom he presented the Papal
messages at Brussels on the 6th of November 1531. On
the 1 4th Aleander had a long interview with* the Emperor,
to whom he read the Brief.2 To the expressions of
the Pope relating to the Council, Charles observed that
he "thanked God that his Holiness kept true to his
promise and gave the lie to those who asserted that he
wished with heart and soul to be rid of the Council."
Aleander replied that the Pope had no wish to be rid of it,
if only it could be held in a befitting manner ; that is,
if Charles, before all things, were always present in
person, as were the Emperors of old at oecumenical
1 PALLAVICINI, III., 6 ; EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., Ixxii. seg.; PASTOR,
Reunionsbestrebungen, 86 seq.\ BUCHOLTZ, IV., 285 seq.\ cf. IX., 22.
2 Aleander to Sanga, November 19, 1531, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat,
86-88. Cf. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 773 seq.\ EHSES, Ixxiii.
FALLACIOUS REPORTS. 165
councils ; if, further, there were solid grounds for hoping
that the Lutherans would consent and return to the
bosom of the Church, that no other schism with Catholic
nations arose, as would happen if France, England, and
Scotland did not join, and finally, that a good and holy
reformation of the whole Church of God in head and
members would be taken in hand. To this the Emperor
replied that the Pope's first hope was well grounded ;
that, on the other hand, the fear of a schism had no
foundation ; with the desire for a reformation he was in
entire agreement — the laity, indeed, stood in need of one
themselves.
On the 1 8th of November 1531 the report reached
Rome that the Elector of Saxony had become reconciled
and had ordered the restoration of Catholicism throughout
his territories. As this astonishing announcement came
from the Imperial Court, it obtained credence with Clement.1
But subsequently it proved just as fallacious2 as the other
numerous reports of Lutheran advances towards the
Church, which were occasioned not a little by the vacil
lating and often ambiguous attitude of Melanchthon.
Clement VII. in his hours of weakness gave only too
ready an ear to such fantastic rumours.3 In the beginning
1 See in App., No. 22, the ^report of F. Peregrino of November 19,
1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; cf. also, ibid.) the ^letter of Girolamo
Gonzaga of November 21, 1531, and the ^letter of V. Albergati, dated
Rome, 1531, November 28 (State Archives, Bologna).
2 Salviati's doubts are first strongly expressed on December 9, 1531,
in his **letter to Campeggio (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See SCHLECHT, Ein abenteuerlicher Reunionsversuch, in the
Rom. Quartalschr., VII., 333 seq. ; KOLDE in the Zeitschr.
fur Kirchengesch., XVI I. , 258 seq.\ and KAWERAU, Die Versuche,
Melanchthon zur katholischen Kirche zuriickzufiihren, Halle, 1902.
Cf. Histor. Jahrb., XXI 1 1., 628 seq., and Rom. Quartalschr., XVIII.,
361, 363; for Melanchthon's negotiations with Campeggio, 1530, see
166 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of May 1532 Clement VII. again wrote to the Emperor that
the Council must in any case be held, and that he was
straining every nerve to ensure its assembling, only the
consent of the French King must be obtained, for without
that it might lead to results contrary to those hoped for.1
In the meantime the Protestants in Germany had created
a strong political organization. This was the League of
Schmalkald, formed in February 1531. Confident of their
strength, they not only let the term allowed for their sub
mission (i5th April 1531) by the decree of Augsburg to
pass by, but they also refused to give any help to the
Emperor in his struggle with the Turks, now a serious
menace to Austria and Hungary. Thus, at the opening of
the Diet of Regensburg, on the i/th of April 1532, Charles
found himself compelled to enter on fresh negotiations.
In these Campeggio, who had come in the Emperor's suite,
took a part. The reports of the small attendance of
princes at Regensburg had from the first the most
depressing effect on the hopes aroused at Rome on this
occasion.2
In his crying need for help against the Turks, Charles
was prepared to make extraordinary concessions to the
Protestants. He was strengthened in this resolve by his
fear lest the latter should put their threats into execution
and turn their arms against the Catholics during an attack
of the infidels.3 Even in Rome this danger was fully
now also KOLDE, Die alteste Redaktion der Augsburger Konfession,
Gutersloh, 1906 ; the Consistory placed by BuCHOLTZ, IV., 286, in the
year 1531 belongs to the previous year, see EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV.,
xlviii., n. 2 ; Zeitschr. fiir Kirchengeschichte, XXVII., 333 seqq.
1 Lett. d. princ., III., 129 ; BUCHOLTZ, IV., 290, n.
2 Cf. the ^report of G. M. della Porta, dat. Rome, 1532, March 10
(State Archives, Florence).
3 See Aleander's report in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat, 131, 135.
THE NUNCIO DENOUNCES CONCESSIONS. l6/
understood. Consequently Clement VII., as Muscettola
relates, urged the Emperor, in March, to persevere in his
negotiations with the Protestants : if he could not get all
that he wished, he might at least get what was then prac
ticable, so that, if the Turks should come, they would be met
by a resistance not in any way weakened by the dissensions
of Germany ; although their opponents were Lutherans,
they were yet, for all that, Christians. It is clear from a
report of Muscettola, of the ipth of April, that efforts were
being made at Rome at this time to find some via media
whereby the German troubles might be disposed of.1
- When the Papal Nuncio became aware of the Em
peror's negotiations with the Protestants for a temporary
religious peace, he gave way to an outburst of indigna
tion. Campeggio, who, on other occasions, in opposition to
Aleander, had advocated a policy of procrastination, was
now entirely at one with his colleague. On the 1st of June
he presented a memorial to the Emperor in which he pro
nounced the concessions offered to the heretics, especially
the permission to adhere to the Augsburg Confession until
the next Council should meet, to be pernicious in the
highest degree ; he also objected that no express statement
about the Council had been made to the effect that it was
to be held in conformity with the ancient oecumenical
councils, and that submission to its decrees was to be
promised. By the agreement as proposed, so Campeggio
declared, the return of the erring would be made more
difficult and the path of the Protestants' advance more
easy.2
In spite of this urgent warning, the Emperor, taking into
consideration the invasion of Hungary by the Turks,
guaranteed his toleration to the members of the Schmal-
1 See HEINE, Briefe, 257 ; cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 86.
2 LAEMMER, Mon. Vat., 123 seq.
1 68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
kaldic League, as well as to Brandenburg-Culmbach, and
the cities of Nuremberg and Hamburg, to the greatest
portion, that is to say, although not to all, of the Protestant
Estates, " until the next general, free, Christian Council as
decided on by the Diet of Nuremberg." He added that he
would devote all his energy to having the Council sum
moned within six months and held within a year from then ;
should circumstances turn out to the contrary, a fresh
Diet would be assembled to deliberate. These ample
concessions were not made, however, on the authority of
the Empire; the Emperor guaranteed them on his own
personal responsibility.1 Of this agreement he only laid
before the Estates at Regensburg the stipulation concern
ing the Council. This gave rise to heated debate ; the
Catholic Estates, under the influence of the Bavarian
Chancellor, Eck, an old enemy of the house of Hapsburg,
demanded a Council with unwonted vehemence, and cast
upon the Emperor the blame for its delay. They even
went so far as to abandon the Catholic standpoint alto
gether and to call upon the Emperor, if the Pope did not
soon summon the Council, to exercise his Imperial authority
by convoking one, or, at least, a council of the German
nation.2
Charles informed the Estates that the delay in holding a
Council was not to be attributed to the Pope, but to the
King of France, from whom, regardless of all the letters
and embassies sent to him, no agreement could be obtained
either regarding its character or the place where it should
be held. He would do all in his power to urge the Pope
to send out his summons within six months and to hold
the Council within a year. Failing this, he would convene
a fresh Diet, lay before the Estates the causes of the
1. See MAURENBRECHER, Kath. Ref., 339, 414.
2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 280; ERSES, Ixxvii., Ixxix.
DIVIDED OPINIONS. 169
delay, and take counsel with them as to the best means
of relieving the pressing needs of the whole German
people, whether by a Council or by other means, and in a
decisive way.1 To the suggestion that he should call a
.Council on his own responsibility, the Emperor declined to
listen, as it was not any affair of his.2
In Rome, as in Germany, opinion as to the policy to be
pursued towards the Protestants was much divided. It
seems that Clement personally, confronted with the appal
ling danger threatening Christendom from the Turks, was
in agreement with the Emperor's policy of indulgence.3
Aleander therefore from the first had pledged himself to
the Pope to refrain from any approval of the religious com
promise and to recommend complete neutrality on this
very delicate question.4 Clement VII., on his part,
abstained from any express approval of the pacification of
Nuremberg, which was followed by the participation of the
Protestants in the war of the Empire against the Turks.
1 Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 280 seq.\ HEFELE-HERGEN-
ROTHER, IX., 783. In a subsidiary agreement of August 2, 1532,
concealed from the Catholics, Charles also promised that cases con
nected with belief should be carried before the Imperial private
tribunals. HORTLEDER, Von den Ursachen des deutschen Krieges
Karls V., I, 11.
2 Cf. Aleander's report in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat, 143.
3 See the *letter of G. M. della Porta to the Duke of Urbino, dat.
Rome, 1532, August 17 (State Archives, Florence).
4 Cf. LAEMMER, Mon. Vat, 134 seq.\ MAURENBRECHER, Kath.
Ref., 341-
CHAPTER VI.
CLEMENT VII. 's EFFORTS TO PROTECT CHRISTENDOM
FROM THE TURKS.
FROM the beginning of his pontificate, Clement VII.,
like his predecessors, was repeatedly occupied with the
Eastern question.
Already, in his first Consistory, on the 2nd of December
1523, the Pope dealt with the dangerous position of
Hungary, of which kingdom he had, when Cardinal,
been the Protector. A special Commission of Cardinals was
appointed to deal with the conduct of Turkish affairs
and the restoration of peace.1 In view of the prevailing
financial distress, it was exceptionally difficult to raise the
sums necessary for the Turkish war. Clement VII., in
extreme disquietude2 on account of the powerful military
preparations of the enemy, did what lay in his power.
When he learned that the garrison of Clissa in Dalmatia
was hard pressed, he sent thither considerable help, thus
rendering possible the relief of that important frontier
stronghold. To the Hungarian King Louis he gave the
assurance that he would continue to do all that his pre
decessors had done in the interests of his kingdom.3 The
1 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 86 ; cf. SANUTO,
XXXV., 278.
2 See the "^reports of G. de' Medici, dat. Rome, 1524, January 18
and 26, February 15 and 20, in State Archives, Florence.
3 FRAKN6i, Relat. orat. pontif., xxx.
170
PAPAL MISSION TO HUNGARY. I? I
Cardinal-Legate for Germany, Campeggio, also accredited
to Hungary, was commissioned to urge upon the Diet of
Nuremberg the community of interests between these two
countries and to work for the sanction of a liberal grant
towards the expenses of the Turkish war.1 Clement
also sent a special Nuncio to Hungary in the person
of Giovanni Antonio Puglioni, Baron of Burgio, in place
of Cardinal Cajetan,2 recalled on the 28th of January 1524.
This accomplished diplomatist knew the country from
former residence there, and was accurately informed on
the extremely difficult circumstances of the situation.3
Clement, like previous Popes, also formed an alliance
with Achmed of Egypt, one of the intestine enemies of the
Turk.4
Burgio was instructed to convey to the King of Hungary
the subsidy, collected with difficulty by Clement, and the
Papal permission to sell Church property in order to
maintain the war against the infidel. In the beginning
of April 1524 he reached Ofen, and was at once successful
1 RiCHTER, Regensb. Reichstag, 91 ; also 112 seq. for the nego
tiations relating to the help against the Turks. For the pleasure with
which King Louis hailed Campeggio's mission see *Copia d' una
lettera d' Ungheria de 29 Marzio as a supplement to the ^letter of G.
de' Medici, dat. Rome, 1524, April 20 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 87.
3 Cf. FRAKN6l, Le Baron Burgio, nonce de Clement VII. en
Hongrie, Florence, 1 884, 6 seqq. The very interesting reports of Burgio
and Campeggio, imperfectly and incorrectly given in THEINER, Mon.
Hung., II., have been edited in full by FRAKN6i in Mon. Vat. hist.
Hung, illustr. Relationes orat. pontif., I., Budapest, 1884.
4 RAYNALDUS, 1524, n. 76 seq. Proposals on a large scale against
the Turks were brought in March 1524 by a Jewish envoy from
Arabia ; see together with SANUTO, XXXVI. , 76 seq., and VOGEL-
STEIN, II., 42 seq., the full report in *Tizio, Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II.,
39, f. 243, Chigi Library, Rome. The safe-conduct for this envoy in
BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 28 seq.
172 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in dissuading the King from his scheme of making peace
with the Turks. For his remaining task, the organization
of the defensive forces of the Hungarian kingdom, circum
stances could not possibly have been less favourable. The
country was torn by fierce party strife, and her ruler,
youthful, pleasure-seeking, and empty-headed, was the
personality the least fitted to counteract the elements
of disruption working in the kingdom. The saying
applied by his contemporaries to the last of the Jagellons,
" Woe to the country whose sovereign is a child ! " was
about to receive a frightful fulfilment.1 But among the
magnates there was none who could have superseded the
King. Party spirit, want of patriotism, combined with
widespread corruption, held sway everywhere.2 On his
arrival at Zengg, where Burgio first set foot in Hungarian
territory, he found that of all the stores of grain sent by
Adrian VI. for the provisioning of the Croatian border
castles, only the scantiest portion of each had reached
the place of its destination, for the Captain of Zengg and
his officials had sold the greater part and spent the
proceeds on themselves.3 In Ofen the Papal repre
sentative had no better experience ; during his sojourn
there of four months, he had convinced himself that
neither from the King nor from the magnates at the head
of the Government was the deliverance of the country to
1 Cf. P. PlCCOLOMiNi, Due lettere di Ludovico II. re di Ungheria,
Siena, 1904, 8.
2 Together with the reports, unfortunately incomplete, of Clement's
representative, cf. especially those of the Venetian, V. Guidoto, in FIRN-
HABER, Quellen und Forschungen zur vaterland. Gesch., 105 seq.,
and Magyar tort. ta"r.,xxv.; and among more recent, FRAKN6i, Ungarn
vor der Schlacht bei Mohacs, German translation by Sch wicker,
Budapest, 1886, 40 segg.
3 Clement VII. took measures against the Captain; see FRAKN6l,
Ungarn, 40.
CHAOS IN HUNGARY.
be looked for. Therefore in the beginning of July he
left for Cracow in order to obtain help from Sigismund of
Poland, the King's uncle. This mission also was a
complete failure, for Poland was suffering from the same
conditions of internal dissolution and decay as Hungary.1
In August 1524 Burgio returned to Ofen. There he
found utter chaos ; the nobility were in vehement
opposition to the King and his associates, and were busy
with the scheme of invoking, on their own authority, the
intervention of a Diet. Meanwhile the danger in southern
Hungary grew apace : the Turks were already besieging
the fortress of Severin, the last bulwark of the kingdom
on the lower Danube. Burgio did all he could to obtain
relief for the besieged, but he appealed to deaf ears.
The King referred him to his council ; the council sent
him back to the King ; everywhere the most short
sighted selfishness prevailed. Burgio, during the Diet
held on the Rakosfeld at Ofen, with emotion adjured the
nobility to lay aside their old dissensions and come to the
rescue of the kingdom in the hour of trouble. On this
occasion he promised, if the Estates would do their duty,
to place at once at the disposal of the kingdom the Papal
subsidies deposited in the banking house of the Fuggers
at Ofen. His words died away in a storm of party hatred,
and thus Severin was lost, a calamity which only gave rise
in Hungary to an outburst of mutual recrimination.2
On Burgio's invitation the Cardinal-Legate, Campeggio,
left Vienna for Ofen in the beginning of December 1524.
1 Relat. orat. pontif., ed. FRAKN6l, XXXV., 6 seqq. Sigismund of
Poland, although urgently called upon by Clement to give assistance,
left Hungary in the lurch on the pretext of his armistice with the Turks ;
see RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 61 seq. ; cf. FRAKNOI, Ungarn, 47 seq.
2 See Relat. orat. pontif., ed. FRAKN6l, 30, 36, 49 seq. ; FRAKN6I,
Burgio, i$seq.) and Ungarn, 50 seq.
1/4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
There he was received by King Louis with marks of
friendship on the i8th of the same month.1 Both the
Papal representatives worked together to induce the King
and the magnates to take steps to equip the border
fortresses and to raise an army ; but in Paul Tomori alone,
the excellent Archbishop of Kalocsa and commandant of
the troops in the southern division of the kingdom, did
they find a faithful and self-sacrificing ally. When the
latter, in the beginning of January 1525, came in despair
to Ofen, bent on his resignation, they prevented him
from taking this step, and also insisted on his receiving
support in money from the Government. Campeggio, at
his own cost, raised three hundred foot-soldiers for the
defence of Peterwardein. These Papal troops were the
only force which Tomori was able to take back with him
from Ofen in the beginning of February 1525 to the hard-
pressed fortress. As they marched out, the populace
gathered on the banks of the Danube raised their voices
in praise of the Pope who had not forsaken their country
in its extremity.2
In the Diet also, held in May 1525, it was recognized
that Clement VII. and his Ambassadors were doing all
they could to help the kingdom. Stephen Verboczy, the
head of the national party among the nobles, praised in
enthusiastic terms the services rendered to Hungary by
the Holy See. But Burgio's summons to war against the
Turks, in obedience to the mandate of Clement VII.,
was uttered in vain. The Diet could attend to nothing
but the complaints against the Palatine Stephan Bathory,
1 Cf. Relat. orat. pontif., 101 seq. See also *Acta Consist. (December
14, 1524) in Consistorial Archives, Vatican.
2 See Relat. orat. pontif., 114 seq., 119 seq., 125 seq., 136 seq., 141
seq. Cf. FRAKN6I, Burgio, 17 seq., and FRAKN6i, Leben Tomoris, in
Szazadok, 1881.
PARTY STRIFE. 1/5
the Primate Ladislaus Szalkay, the Treasurer Emmerich
Szerencses, and the hated German courtiers. The removal
of the latter was angrily demanded by the followers of
Johann Zapolya, the richest and most powerful of all the
magnates. As the King's answer to this request was to
some extent evasive, the resolution was passed that the
combined nobility should meet in arms on the 24th of
June at Hatvan, to the north-east of Ofen, to take counsel
for the interests of the kingdom.1 On the 2nd of July
King Louis appeared in person at this gathering ; he was
accompanied by Burgio, now, on the recall of Campeggio,
the sole representative of the Pope. The assembly,
in which Zapolya's adherents had a majority, overthrew
the whole existing government ; the disloyal councillors
were deposed, and Verboczy acclaimed as Palatine.2 With
regard to the most pressing need of all, the defence of
the kingdom against the Turks, nothing was done then
or even subsequently — only the Pope sent sums of money
for the pay of the troops upon the frontier.3 In Hungary
itself the bitterness of party strife continued.
While this political chaos, productive of the gravest
crisis in the State, prevailed, the Sultan Suleiman con
tinued his offensive preparations on the most compre
hensive scale. Burgio sent reports on these to Rome, on
the i8th of January 1526, while at the same time deploring
the deficiencies in the Hungarian defences. Not even the
1 Relat. orat. pontif., 184^^., 188 seq.\ FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 101 seq.\
HUBER, III., 527.
2 Cf. RANKE, Deutsche Geschichte, II., 6th ed., 288; FRAKNtii,
Ungarn, 146; HUBER, III., 528^.
3 See the reports of Burgio of August 9 and 30, 1525, in Relat. orat.
pontif., 251, 257 seq. ; cf. POPESCU, Die Stellung des Papstums und des
christl. Abendlandes gegenuber der Tiirkengefahr, Leipzig, 1887, 67
seq.
1 76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
garrisons of the border strongholds could be paid ; the
King was so poor that he even often suffered from want
of food ; the great as well as the lesser nobility were
split into factions. Moreover, there was little prospect of
assistance from the powers abroad, or of a federation of
the Christian princes. " Thus," said Burgio in conclusion,
"your Holiness alone can give help; yet I know full well
the hardships of the Church and that there is but little in
her power to do, deserted as she is by all. My intelligence
cannot fail to depress your Holiness ; but it is my duty to
write truthfully ; willingly would I forward to you more
favourable reports."1
In Rome, throughout the whole year (1525), the anxiety
caused by the Sultan's preparations was intensified by
the danger to which the Italian coasts had for some time
been exposed from the attacks of Turkish pirates.2 In
November it was determined to send to Hungary fresh
support in the form of liberal supplies of money, pro
visions, and ammunition.3 On receiving Burgio's alarming
reports, Clement called together the Sacred College in
the beginning of February, 1526, and received on this
occasion the representatives of the Christian princes. He
communicated to them the reports that had reached him, and
called upon them to urge their rulers to come to the aid of
Hungary ; as the time of year no longer permitted the
despatch of troops, they might forward supplies of money
1 Relat. orat. pontif., 305-306.
2 Cf. the ^reports of G. de' Medici, dat. Rome, 1525, May 14 and 30,
June i and 20, and July 8 (State Archives, Florence). In Cod. Vat.,
3901, f. 184, Vatican Library, there is a "^report belonging to the year
1525, by a traveller in Turkey, on the state of things there.
3 See *Acta Consist. (November 6, 1525) in Consistorial Archives,
and a *letterof G. de1 Medici, dat. Rome, 1525, November 17 (State
Archives, Florence).
APATHY OF KING LOUIS. \JJ
for recruiting. The Pope set in this respect a good
example ; he addressed invitations to the Emperor, to
the King of France, and to many other Christian princes
to come to the assistance of Hungary.1 Clement VII.
informed King Louis of these steps taken on his behalf
and exhorted him to perseverance and a vigorous resist
ance. When Burgio, on the 4th of March 1526, informed
the Council of State, assembled round the King, of the
Pope's proceedings, many of his hearers were moved to
tears ; they vied with each other in expressions of
gratitude and passed excellent resolutions to defend
their country.2 But this conversion to patriotism soon
proved to be only a short-lived flare of excitement; the
resolutions were never more than a dead letter. Even
when there was no longer any possible doubt of the
imminent approach of the Turks, no decisive measures
of resistance were taken. In the Council of State, which
met in the afternoon, when the King had thrown off his
slumbers, nothing was done save to indulge in mutual
accusations. Burgio, who reports this, adds : " Here there
is neither preparation for defence nor obedience ; the
magnates are afraid of each other, and all are against
the King; some even are unwilling to take precautions
against the Turk." No wonder that the Nuncio repeatedly
begged to be recalled. Of what use was he to a country
that was rushing headlong to its ruin ? " The spirit of
faction grows more bitter every day," reported Burgio ;
"the King, in spite of my remonstrances, has gone
hunting as if we were living in the midst of profound
peace." 3
1 See THEINER, Mon. Hung., II., 659, 66 1 ; RAYNALDUS, 1526,
n. 57 ; FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 218 seq.
2 Cf. Relat. orat. pontif., 327 seq.
3 Cf.ibid., 346 j^., 355, 360.
VOL. X. 12
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the day after the King's departure, on the I3th of
April, Tomori arrived with the alarming news that the
Sultan had left Constantinople with the intention of
making himself master of the capital of Hungary. The
Nuncio thereupon betook himself at once to the King,
and, representing to him the greatness of the danger,
induced him to return to his capital. There a Council
of State was at once held and Tomori, who had to
defend Peterwardein, was promised ample help. The
Nuncio supplied him with fifteen hundred infantry, two
hundred hussars, and thirty small pieces of artillery ; but
his example produced little effect ; the Council relapsed
into their previous indolence. " If the Sultan really
comes," wrote Burgio on the 25th of April 1526, ''then
I repeat what I have so often said before : your Holiness
may look on this country as lost. Here the confusion
is without bounds ; every requisite for the conduct of a
war is wanting; the Estates are given over to hatred
and envy ; and if the Sultan were to emancipate the
subject classes, they would rise against the nobles in a
bloodier insurrection than that of the Crusade (the
Hungarian peasants' war of 1514); but if their emancipa
tion were to come from the King, he would then alienate
from himself the nobility." l
Some still hoped that a remedy would be found in the
Diet then about to assemble. Here the victory of the
court party was complete; Verboczy was deposed and
fined ; Bathory was restored to the office of Palatine ; the
resolutions of Hatvan were annulled and a sort of dictator
ship conferred on the King. But Louis had no means of
enforcing obedience, for the authority of the Crown had
fallen into desuetude, and the finances of the country were
as bankrupt as its defences. How could absolute power be
1 Cf. Relat. orat. pontif., 363 seg., 368.
BATTLE OF MOHACS. 179
wielded by a king whom nobody obeyed, whose credit was
gone, and who, in the presence of overwhelming danger,
slept undisturbed until midday?1
Neither the Diet nor the King brought deliverance.
The foreign powers also, to whom the country had
turned, did nothing; the Pope alone made the affairs
of Hungary his own. He turned anew to the princes
of Europe, gave his consent to a Crusade indulgence,
sent 50,000 ducats, and permitted the taxation of ecclesi
astical benefices and the sale of a large amount of Church
property.2 Had the King and the Estates of Hungary
shown the same ready self-sacrifice and energetic action,
the catastrophe then threatening might perhaps have
been yet averted. Unfortunately, this was not the case ;
thus the doom drew nearer every day, and on the 28th
of July 1526 Peterwardein fell. The garrison, half of whom
were Papal troops, died like heroes. The Pope's repre
sentative continued up to the last to do all that was
possible, and raised 4000 soldiers.3 The forces of the
King, with the reinforcements brought in at the last
hour, amounted to 28,000 men. With them he moved
southwards to the plain of Mohacs. Here a battle
was fought on the 29th of August which decided in an
hour and a half the fate of the Hungarian kingdom.
Many magnates, five bishops, and the Archbishops of
Gran and Kalocsa, were left lying on the field of battle.
Two thousand heads were ranged as trophies of victory
before the tent of the Sultan ; on the following day
1 See FRAKN6I, Ungarn, 235 seq. ; HUBER, III., 530-531.
2 Cf. THEINER, Mon. Hung., II., 670 ; RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 58 seq. ;
FRAKN6I, Burgio, 37, and Ungarn, 254 seq. Cf. also *Acta Consist.
(April 20, May 7 and 16, June 13, 1526) in Consistorial Archives,
Vatican.
3 FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 286 seq., 289.
l8o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
fifteen hundred prisoners were slaughtered.1 King Louis
was one of the few who succeeded in saving their lives
by flight ; but in crossing a small brook swollen by
heavy rains his horse stumbled from exhaustion and
buried the King in the watery morass.2
On the 10th of September 1526 the Sultan made
his entry into the Hungarian capital; far and wide, as
far as Raab and Gran, his hordes swarmed over the
unhappy kingdom, and there was already a fear lest
they should attack Vienna also.3 But the approach
of the colder season and the tidings of revolts in
Asia Minor caused Suleiman to retire at the end of
September, without leaving a garrison behind him in a
single place.4
The forward advance of the Turks and the catastrophe
of Mohacs caused the greatest alarm in Rome, as in the
rest of Christendom.5 Clement VII. gave expression to
1 Cf. the report of Steph. Brodarics, in KATONA, XIX., 616 seq.\
HUBER, III., 355 seq.\ KApOLNAi, in Szdzadok, XXIV. (1890), Heft 10 ;
KUPELWIESER, Die Kampfe Ungarns mit den Osmanen, Vienna, 1895,
239 seqq. A contemporary estimate of the fallen in Cod. Vat., 3924,
P II., f. 252 seq. ; cf. Acta Tomic., VIII., 228 seq.
2 See Burgio's account taken from the description of an eye-witness
in Relat. orat. pontif., 451.
3 The same fear was also prevalent in Rome. On "^October 1 1, 1526,
Landriano wrote from there: "Vienna is exposed to great danger" ;
and on ^October 12: "Vienna tiensi perduta secondo li advisi si
hanno perche il Turco li era vicino et nulla o pocha provisione li
era fatta." This report in cipher is in the State Archives, Milan.
4 Cf. ZINKEISEN, II., 655 seq.\ SMOLKA, in Arch, fur 6'sterr. Gesch.,
LVIL, i6seg.
6 Cf. *Acta Consist, of June 18 and 25, July 4, 13, 20, and 27, August
8, 17, and 24, 1526 (Consistorial Archives), and the Briefs in BALAN,
Mon. saec., XVI., 236 seq. ; CHARRIERE, I., 152 seq. See also the*re-
ports of F. Gonzaga of June 19, 1526, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua,
and that of G. de' Medici of July 4, 16, 27, and August 17 and 22, 1526,
CIVIL WAR IN HUNGARY. l8l
his grief in a Consistory held on the iQth of September,
when he called on all Christian princes to recover their
unity and give their aid, and declared himself ready to
go to Barcelona to negotiate in person for peace.1 On
the following day the Pope saw himself plundered in
his own capital by the troops of the Emperor ! 2
If the dissensions between the two heads of Christen
dom had hitherto reacted most injuriously on the project
of a Crusade against the Turks, so now the danger from
the latter was almost entirely forgotten amid the raging
flames of the present conflict between Pope and Emperor.3
But in Hungary civil war was raging. The brother-in-law
of Louis, Ferdinand I., and the Voivode Zapolya were
rival competitors for the crown ; the Sultan soon found
himself the recipient of solicitations from both parties.4
All the enemies of the Hapsburgs, especially France and
Bavaria, favoured Zapolya, who also lost no time in
making strenuous efforts to gain the Pope. Clement
cannot be absolved from the reproach of having been
drawn for a time into transactions of doubtful import5
in the State Archives, Florence. The first news of the battle of Mohacs
was received by the Venetian envoy on the evening of September 18.
See G. de' Medici's ^letter of that date, who further reports that the
Pope was greatly overcome, but was in no way responsible, as he had
done all that lay in his power (State Archives, Florence).
1 See *Acta Consist in Vol. IX., Appendix, No. 35. Cf. RAYNALDUS,
1526, n. 65 ; SANUTO, XLIL, 68 1 seq.
2 Cf. our remarks, Vol. IX., 328 seqq.
3 Clement VII., Charles V., and Francis I. were all equally to blame.
Acciaiuoli, in his ^reports from Amboise, September 9, 1526 (Ricci
Archives, Rome), and Poissy, February 5, 1527 (FRAIKIN, 253), throws
the blame, in a one-sided way, entirely on the Emperor.
4 ZiNKElSEN, II., 656 seq.
5 Cf. SMOLKA, in Archiv fiir osterr. Gesch., LVIL, 118, and
FRAIKIN, I., xlii., note.
1 82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with this man ; but the statement of one of his bitterest
enemies, that he had given pecuniary support1 to the
Voivode, is without confirmation; on the contrary, there
exists a Papal letter, of the 3Oth of August 1528, in
which Clement refuses a request of this kind.2
The warlike condition of Italy and the contest for the
throne in Hungary, whereby the spread of Protestantism
in that country was promoted,3 encouraged the Sultan to
mature his plan of striking a blow at the heart of Christian
Europe. In the beginning of May 1529 "the ruler of all
rulers," as Suleiman styled himself, left Constantinople at
the head of a mighty host, bent on the capture of Vienna
and the subjugation of Germany. Fortunately his advance
was so slow, owing to heavy rainfalls and the consequent
inundations, that he did not reach Belgrade until the I7th
of July.4
Ferdinand I., whose forces were quite inadequate to
cope with those of the Turks, looked round on every side
for help. His Ambassador in Rome and that of the
Emperor made the most urgent representations on the
pressing danger.5 Clement VII. therefore determined to
send Vincenzo Pimpinella, Archbishop of Rossano,6 as
1 Ziegler in SCHELHORN, II., 308; RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., II.,
6th ed., 293, rightly considers this account as lacking confirmation.
2 RAYNALDUS, 1528, n. 44.
3 Cf. SZLAVIK, Die Reformation in Ungarn, Halle, 1884, 7 seq.;
FESSLER-KLEIN, III., 632 seq.\ HUBER, IV., 105 seq.; Mon. eccl.
temp, innov. in Hung, relig. illustr., I., Pest, 1902.
4 Cf. Suleiman's Diary of his march on Vienna, edited by
BEHRNAUER, Vienna, 1858.
5 Cf. the numerous ^reports of A. da Burgo (Court and State
Archives, Vienna), beginning from March 2, 1529. See also
F. Gonzaga's ^report of April 30 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
6 Already reported by *G. de' Medici on May 30, 1529 (State
Archives, Florence).
THE TURKS WITHDRAW FROM VIENNA. 183
permanent Legate to the court of Ferdinand.1 The sub
sidies in money, subsequently approved by the Pope
and Cardinals, were perforce slender owing to the limited
means at their disposal.2 On the other hand, it was of
importance that in the Treaty of Barcelona (29th June
1529) the Pope agreed to give the Emperor, for the
expenses of the Turkish war, a fourth of the incomes of
the ecclesiastical benefices to the extent already conceded
to him by Adrian VI.3 A Bull of the 2;th of August
1529 gave full authority to Pimpinella to dispose, in
upper Germany, of the treasures, and, in case of necessity,
even of the landed property of churches and convents, in
order to levy an army to meet the Turks,4 who, welcomed
by Zapolya, had captured Ofen on the 8th of September,
and before the end of the month had invested Vienna.
But all their attempts to take possession of this bul
wark of Christendom were frustrated by the heroic spirit
of the defenders. After a final ineffectual assault on the
I4th of October, the Sultan withdrew, warned by the
approach of adverse seasons and the news that relief
was close at hand.5 For the first time he saw an enter-
1 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 32 seq.\ FRIEDENSBURG, Nuntiatur-
berichte, I., xlviii. seq. ; PIEPER, Nuntiaiur.en, 91 seq.
2 See RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 33 seg., and *Acta Consist. (July i, 1529}
in Cod. Vat., 3457, P II. The contributions of the Cardinals in *Min.
brev., vol. 22, n. 321. Cf. also the *Brief of July 9, 1529, to the
Cardinals Farnese, del Monte, Piccolomini, Cupis, Cibo, and E.
Gonzaga (Min. brev., vol. 26, n. 274, Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See supra.) p. 57, and *Regest. Vatic., 1438, f. 148 seq. (Secret
Archives of the Vatican) ; cf. Lett. d. princ., III., 91.
4 *Regest. Vatic., 1438, f. 234 seq. Cf. EHSES in the Rom. Quartal-
schr., 1904, 381. In a ^Brief to Ferdinand I. of August 31, 1529 (Court
and State Archives, Vienna), Clement expresses his sorrow at being
able to do nothing more against the Turks.
5 Cf. HAMMER, Wiens erste tiirkische Belagerung, Pest, 1829 ;
1 84 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
prise, on which all his resources had been brought to
bear, broken by an enemy whom he had likened to
"the dust."1 Hungary, certainly, was still in his power,
and to the Venetians, who had done him service con
tinually as spies, Suleiman wrote on the loth of November :
" I have overcome this kingdom and bestowed its crown
upon Zapolya."
After the disasters of the year 1529, a cessation of the
Turkish lust of conquest was not to be thought of; the
capture of Vienna was only postponed. In the West there
were no illusions on this score. During the conferences
between the Pope and Emperor at Bologna, the Turkish
question played an important part. Clement VII.
promised, on this occasion, to pay a subsidy of 40,000
ducats, a sum which certainly could not be raised
without great difficulty.3 Another and not less important
result of the Imperial policy was the sentence of excom-
NEWALD in the reports of the Wiener Alterthumsverein, XVIII. ;
HUBER, IV., 23 seq. Further literary references in KABDEBO, Biblio
graphic zur Gesch. der beiden Tiirkenbelagerungen Wiens 1529 und
1683, Wien, 1876 ; HOFFINGER, Beitrage zur Gesch. der Tiirken-
belagerung Wiens (Programm), Budweis, 1897 ; Gesch. der Stadt Wien,
II., i, 334 seq. ; Mitteilungen des k. und k. Kriegsarchives, 1882. The
news of the deliverance of Vienna was communicated to the Cardinals
in a consistory of October 29, 1529 (see *Acta Consist., Camer. III.,
in Consistorial Archives). Cf. supra^ p. 79. Mention is made of a
procession in Rome on November 11, 1529, to celebrate the with
drawal of the Turks, in the *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552 (Vatican
Library).
1 RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 147.
2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 172.
3 Cf. the *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor for December 10 and
17, 1529, in Consistorial Archives; GIORDANI, App., 31 ; GAYANGOS,
IV., i, n. 227, 251, 272 ; BONTEMPI, 340. See also the ^reports of A.
da Burgo of January 4, 6, 14, 15, 28, and 30, February 8, 16, and 18,
April 12, 24, and 28, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
EXCUSES OF THE AMBASSADORS. 185
munication passed on Zapolya on the 2 1st of December
I529-1
As the consultations at Bologna on the comprehensive
measures of defence to be taken against the Turks had
led to no final result, it was determined to pursue the
matter further at Rome.2 This was all the more necessary
as in the spring of 1530 news had arrived of increased
military preparations on the part of the Turks.3 A con
gregation of six Cardinals was entrusted, in the beginning
of June, with the consideration of the whole matter.4 On
the 24th of that month the Pope assembled these six
Cardinals and the Ambassadors, all of whom, including
even the Venetian envoy, were present. Clement VII.
made an opening speech, in which he insisted upon the
necessity for taking steps to meet the attack which the
Sultan was making vast preparations to deliver in the
coming year. To the question of the Pope, whether the
Ambassadors were furnished with the requisite mandates,
only the representatives of Charles V. and Ferdinand I.
replied in the affirmative. Cardinal Gramont and the
English envoys announced that they had none ; the
Portuguese Ambassador made excuses for his sovereign,
who was actively engaged in Africa ; the Milanese envoy
assured Clement that it would be impossible for his
master to raise any extra taxes this year. When the
1 Cf. *Acta Consist, of December 22, in Appendix, No. 8 (Con-
sistorial Archives), and A. da Burgo's report in STOEGMANN, 182, 231.
2 Cf. A. da Burgo's ^report of April 28, 1530 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
3 See the Brief of April 8 in RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 71, and Rom.
Quartalschrift, XVII., 391. Cf. also the ^letters of Bernhard Poma-
zaniki from Constantinople, March 5 and 8, 1530 (State Archives,
Brussels, Dietes).
4 Cf. A. da Burgo's "^reports of June 5 and 21, 1530 (Court and
State Archives, Vienna).
1 86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
envoy of Ferdinand, Andrea da Burgo, observed that
three things were necessary: money, money, and always
money, Cardinals Farnese and del Monte agreed, with
the remark that unity among the Christian powers was
equally essential. It was resolved that the Pope should
address himself to all the Christian princes and call upon
them to support the holy war with all their might and
supply their envoys with the fullest powers.1 Briefs to
this effect were drawn up on the 2;th of June.2 Since the
answers of the princes were long in coming, Andrea da
Burgo asked the Pope to make up his mind at once as to
the sums to be guaranteed to Ferdinand I.3
Clement VII. was obliged to insist that his resources
had been so drained by the war with Florence that he
had no means left at his disposal. He made sanguine
representations to the Ambassador as to the time when
Florentine affairs would be settled;4 once the city had
fallen, the Turkish Crusade would be taken up again
with energy. By the gth of August fresh Briefs had
been despatched to the princes of Christendom;5 it was
1 Above according to **A. da Burgo's reports of June 25, 1530
(Court and State Archives, Vienna).
2 See Min. brev., 1530, vol. 31, n. 221 seq., in Secret Archives of the
Vatican, and RAYN ALDUS, 1530, n. 178.
3 ^Report of A. da Burgo, July 18, 1530 (Court and State Archives,
Vienna).
4 *A. da Burgo's report, July 12 and 31 (Court and State Archives,
Vienna). *Clement VII. then said: " Notum omnibus esse quod
exposuit et exponit sanguinem in hac expeditione Florentina et
superesse jam solummodo spiritum."
5 See Min. brev., 1530, vol. 31, n. 335 and 337 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican). RAYN ALDUS, 1530, n. 182, gives the Brief to Lucca
without date. From a copy in the Court and State Archives, Vienna,
this must have been August 20. The original Brief *to Federigo of
Mantua is dated August 19 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
WANT OF SUPPORT. l8/
proposed that a monthly levy of 80,000 ducats should
be paid towards the war; of this the Pope and Cardinals
were to raise 10,000, the Emperor and Francis I. 20,000
each, Henry VIII. 10,000, the Kings of Portugal, Scotland,
and Poland jointly 15,000, the Italian States 5OOO.1 All
these efforts were unavailing; on the 23rd of August
not one of the Ambassadors, except those of Charles
and Ferdinand, had received full powers from their
sovereigns.2 Neither the Italian powers,3 England or
France were willing to support the Crusade;4 the Pope
alone gave Ferdinand assistance.5 At a later date the
Turkish war and the proceedings against the Lutherans
were combined — but still no results were obtained.6 The
Pope, da Burgo reported from Rome on the nth of
December 1530, wished to raise funds for the Turkish
war, but he had no means of so doing.7 His relations
with Ferdinand I. remained friendly, and it was of great
value to the latter that Clement VII. promoted in every
way the Hapsburg candidature for the kingship of the
Romans and gave his recognition ungrudgingly.8 In
1 Cf. A. da Burgo's ^report, August 9, and the P.S. of the i8th to
that of August 17, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). See also
F. Gonzaga's ^letter of August 18, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 ^Report of A. da Burgo, August 23, 1530 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
3 See A. da Burgo's ^report, August 30, 1530 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna), and the *Brief to the Duke of Urbino, December
14, 1530 (Min. brev., 1530, vol. 31, n. 600, Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
4 See GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 486, cf. 414.
5 Cf. ^Ferdinand's letter of thanks to Clement, Augsburg, November
13, 1530, Lett. d. princ., VI., 156 seq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
6 Cf. supra, p. 144.
1 *A. da Burgo's letter, December u, 1530 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
8 Cf. BUCHOLTZ, IX., 17 seq. ; LANZ, I., 406 seq ; RAYNALDUS, 1531,
1 88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
March, 1531, he sent the King a consecrated sword and
hat1 by the hands of Albertus Pighius.
Of late the Pope had been repeatedly occupied with
the affairs of the Knights of St. John. Clement VII.
gave them hearty support in their efforts to reinstate
themselves in the possession of Rhodes ; 2 on their failure
to do so he asked the Emperor to bestow Malta on the
Knights as a residence. It was an excellent suggestion,
for the central situation of the island made it a place of
high strategical importance. Charles V. was favourable
to the Pope's request ; on his return journey from
Bologna, on the 23rd of March 1530, at Castelfranco,
he issued the document by which he bestowed on the
Knights of St. John, Malta and its adjacent islands as a
n. 2, and Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch., VI., 147 seq. ; see also
Acta Consist., January 23, 1531, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 93.
Under ^February 12, 1531, is entered the reading to the Sacred
College [of the letter of Ferdinand I. on his election (Consistorial
Archives).
1 See the ^Brief of March 8, 1531,10 Ferdinand I. (Min. brev., 1531,
vol. 37, n. 122, Secret Archives of the Vatican), and *that of the same
day to Cardinal Cles (Arch. ep. Trid. in Vice-regal Archives,
Innsbruck) ; cf, Jahrb. der Kunsthistor. Samml. des osterr. Kaiser-
hauses, XXII., 144. This distinction was already resolved on by
February 5, 1531 ; see BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium, in Secret
Archives of the Vatican.
2 VERTOT, III., 401 seq.\ BALAN, Clemente VII., 153 seq. Cf.
*Macharii cujusdam litterae ad Clementem VII. de insul. Rhodi
iterum ad manus Christianor. reverti facienda, 1526, in Cod. Vatic.,
3924, f. 244 seq. The plan of an expedition against the Turks met with
Clement's full encouragement in a ^letter to the Grand Master of the
Knights of St. John, dated Rome, 1528, November 24 (Secret Archives
of the Vatican, A. 44, t. 9, f. 347 seq.}. For Leone Strozzi, appointed
Prior of Capua 1527, who became a Knight Hospitaller, see PlERO
STROZZI e ARNALDO POZZOLINI, Mem. p. 1. vita di L. Strozzi, Firenze,
1890 (Nozze Publ.).
PERILS OF MAHOMMEDAN ATTACKS. 189
Sicilian fief.1 The Order, now known as that of the
Knights of Malta or the Maltese Order, fortified the new
bulwark of Christendom in accordance with all the rules of
military science as then known, and defended it with the
utmost valour. Through the Knights the Pope was kept
closely informed of the intentions of the Turks.2
In 1530 Clement VII. found the Turkish difficulty even
more engrossing than in the previous year. For a time
this filled the foreground of affairs so completely that all
other considerations, even the threatening aspects of the
Lutheran movement, seemed to become of minor import
ance. " This is the only topic of conversation here," wrote
an envoy on the 2Oth of February I53I.3 In March all
preachers within the Papal States were directed to explain
to the people the dangers to which they were exposed
from the Turks.4 The perils of the Mahommedan attack
on Christendom were felt all the more keenly in middle
and lower Italy, for the navigation of the Mediterranean
was so insecure owing to the corsairs of Barbary that in
many places, even in Rome, the difficulty of importing
1 LUNIG, Cod. It. dipl., IV., 1494; VERTOT, III., 406 seq.\ BALAN,
Clemente VII., 154; CHARRIERE, L, 133; REUMONT, Beitrage, IV.,
ii. The Papal Confirmation in Bull. VI., 140 seg.t the date, " Kal.
Maii,'' is here incorrect. According to *Regest. Vatic., 1440, f. 99-102
(Secret Archives of the Vatican), it should rather be, "7 Kal. Maii"
(April 25).
2 In order to obtain more accurate information, Clement sent a
secret emissary to Constantinople ; see A. da Burgo's ^report,
August 17, 1 530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
3 " Nuovo non ci e da dar perche non si parla se non delle cose del
Turco," ^writes B. Buondelmonti on February 20, 1531 (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. also the letter in MOLINI, II., 362.
4 " Papa facit praedicare religiosos hie Romae et in aliis locis et terris
ecclesiae de periculis Turcarum in Italia et alibi," "^reports A. da Burgo,
March 12, 1531 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
190 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
provisions was beginning to cause distress. As a measure
of relief the Pope was planning the despatch of a fleet
under the command of Andrea Doria.1
Clement was assiduous in taking counsel with the
Ambassadors and Cardinals on the subject of the Crusade.
The question was especially considered whether the war
should be carried out on defensive or offensive lines.2
Francis I. let it be understood that he would take part
only in operations of the former class ; thereupon the
Genoese and others withdrew from their previous agree
ments concerning the support to be given to the Emperor's
forces. "The Pope alone," wrote Andrea da Burgo,
"adheres to his promise to pay 12,000 ducats per month;
in this case," he added, " I certainly cannot see how,
wanting money as he does, he can give any help to
your Majesty."3
In spite of the pretensions of Francis I., Clement was
never weary of making plans to utilize the power
of France on behalf of the common undertaking,
as well as to raise the necessary sums for the pro
tection of the Italian seaboard and the support of
Charles and Ferdinand.4 He met with not a little
1 Cf. SANUTO, L1V., 302, 308, 329, 336, 360 seq., 378, 385, 427 seq.,
481, 550 ; ^letters of F. Gonzaga of January 31 and March 22, 1531, in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; ibid.) ^report of Giiido da Crema, March
1 8, 1531, in which the scarcity in Rome is said to be so great that
the court can hardly remain there ; ^reports of A. da Burgo, February
26, 1531, and May 17, 1531 (Court and State Archives, Vienna);
*Salviati's letter to Campeggio, March 24, 1531, Lett. d. princ., X.
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. the ^report of A. da Burgo, February 26, 1531 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
3 BUCHOLTZ, IX., 90.
4 See *A. da Burgo's reports of February 16 and March 13, 1531
(Court and State Archives, Vienna), and of March 2, 1531, in
ENVY OF THE HAPSBURGS. IQI
opposition on the part of some of the Cardinals.
When the Pope urged the necessity of raising funds in
presence of the common danger, it was put forward in
reply that the princes had very often expended such levies
for totally different purposes, and that, on that account,
no one in Italy was willing to contribute. Clement VII.
proposed that the sums intended for the protection of the
coasts of Italy against the attacks of Mohammedan pirates
should be collected and then forwarded to the spot where
the most immediate succour was required. All the
Cardinals were unanimous that the funds for the Crusade
should not be raised by the creation of new Cardinals or
the sale of Church property.1 It was at last agreed that
there should be a tax on grain.2
The enemies of the Hapsburgs pointed to the general
policy of Charles V. and the increase of his brother's
power by the acquisition of the Hungarian and Bohemian
crowns, as standing in the way of the aggrandizement of
Italy and of the Pope in particular. It was said plainly
that the empire and monarchy of the Hapsburgs threatened
to establish a world-power even more dangerous than that
of Turkey : their agents in Italy were, it was alleged, on
the one hand, always asking the Pope for money and,
on the other, by their incessant demands for a Council,
frustrated the very means by which money could be raised,
and sowed the seeds of endless difficulties for the Holy
See in Italy.3 In addition, there was also the Emperor's
BUCHOLTZ, IX., 90 seq.', also the ^letters of F. Gonzaga of March 4
and 22, 1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
1 Cf. the reports of A. da Burgo in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 93 seq.
2 See SANUTO, LIV., 330, 336, 361 ; ^report of Guido da Crema,
March 24, 1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and A. da Burgo's
^letter, May 26, 1531 (Court and State Archives, Vienna).
3 A. da Burgo in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 94 seq.
192 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
decision in the dispute with Ferrara, which must have
offended the Pope in the highest degree. Since Charles V.,
in spite of the counter-representations of Ferdinand I.,
clung obstinately to this determination, the negotiations
over the subsidy against the Turks came to a standstill.1
Andrea da Burgo, Ferdinand's Ambassador, was in a
difficult position. Repeatedly in the course of these
negotiations he had been made to understand by the
Pope that no serious arrangement could be come to in
this matter unless the Emperor consented to some relaxa
tion of the too rigid conditions of the treaties of Madrid
and Cambrai.2 In spite, however, of the imprudence of
the Imperialists and the constant intrigues of the French,
this indefatigable diplomatist achieved a great success in
the autumn of 1531. In a Brief of the i6th of September
of that year, Clement VII. promised Ferdinand, in view
of the menacing reports of Turkish preparations,3 the
payment of 100,000 ducats in six months in the case
of invasion, unless Italy itself were visited by a like
calamity.4
Contradictory as the reports often were concerning the
Turkish plans,5 yet in the second half of December they
1 Cf. STOEGMANN, A. da Burgo, 186, 195 ; BUCHOLTZ, IX., 99 seq.\
SANUTO, LIV., 475.
2 STOEGMANN, A. da Burgo, 207.
3 Cf. the ^letters of V. Albergati, dated Rome, 1531, August 5, 10,
and 20 (State Archives, Bologna).
4 See reports of A. da Burgo, September 10 and 17, 1531 (Court
and State Archives, Vienna) ; the Brief in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 103 seq.
Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 614, and the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, dat.
Rome, 1531, September 20 (State Archives, Florence).
6 A. da Burgo reported on ^November 11, 1531, that the Pope had
received letters saying that the Sultan had been thrown from his
horse ; according to other reports he had gone mad (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
CLEMENT VII. URGES SPEEDY ACTION. 193
all agreed in announcing for the coming spring a fresh
attack from the Sultan, for which he was making prepara
tions in force.1 On the first receipt of this information
Clement showed great zeal.2 On the i6th of December
he informed a full Consistory of Cardinals that, accord
ing to most trustworthy intelligence, a Turkish fleet of
three hundred ships, with forty thousand men on board,
would in the early spring set sail for Italy, while at the
same time the Sultan, at the head of a hundred and fifty
thousand, would advance on Hungary.3 On the 26th of
December the Cardinals again met to deliberate on the
Turkish question.4
Two days later the Pope assembled the Cardinals and
Ambassadors ; of the latter none were absent except the
Venetian envoy, whose Government was determined not
to break the peace with Turkey, and the envoy of
Ferrara. The Pope made a long speech, showing that
a combined attack by sea and land was in preparation
by the Turks for the coming spring, and urging the
necessity of speedy assistance. The representatives of
the Emperor and King Ferdinand gave the strongest
assurances; those of Henry VIII. and Francis I. only
proffered fair speeches, although the Pope had been
urgent and even threatening in his appeal. In his
closing words Clement again warned his hearers that
1 The accounts came from L. Gritti ; see, together with the letter of
Burgo cited by STOEGMANN, 238, and HEINE, Briefe, 208, 210, 213
seq., also Gritti's letter in HATVANI, Briisseli okmdny-tar, I., 81, and
B. Buondelmonti's *report, dated Rome, 1531, December 26, in State
Archives, Florence.
2 See ^report of G. M. della Porta, dated Rome, 1531, December
10 (State Archives, Florence).
3 Cf. **the letter of F. Peregrine, written in great alarm, dated
Rome, 1531, December 17 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
4 Cf. the **letter of F. Peregrino, December 27, 1531 (loc. tit.}.
VOL. X. 13
194 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
not a moment should be lost, and declared himself
ready to do his utmost.1
In the beginning of January 1532 the Pope's calls for
help addressed in the preceding August to the Christian
princes2 were emphatically renewed.3 At the same time
it was resolved to fortify the Papal sea-ports, especially
Ancona, the most exposed to danger, and to support with
ample supplies of money the two Hapsburg brothers,
whose extremity was the greatest. A commission of
twelve Cardinals was appointed with full powers to deal
with the whole Turkish question.4 The coming invasion
of the Turks seemed all the more perilous as there were
three opposing parties at strife in Hungary; Ferdinand
and his adherents, Zapolya, and a party of independence
led by Peter Perenyi.5 The friends of Francis I. in Rome,
including many of the Cardinals, had been trying for a
long time to obtain from Clement the repeal of Zapolya's
excommunication. In spite of all the pressure brought
to bear on him by the French party, Clement refused
to give way, but, on the other hand, he told " several
Cardinals that Ferdinand, who was not in a position
to subjugate Hungary, might hand over that kingdom to
the Voivode, as the latter, once in tranquil possession
1 For the above see *A. da Burgo's letter, dated Rome, 1531,
December 29 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). Cf. also HEINE,
Briefe, 210; GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 871, and the *letter of G. M.
della Porta, dated Rome, 1531, December 28 (State Archives,
Florence).
2 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1531, n. 68 ; Corp. dipl. Port., 332 seq.
3 Min. brev., 1532, vol. 41, n. 4-8 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1532, n. 2-5 ; THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 485 seq.
4 Cf. SANUTO, LV., 309, and LVI., 176, where the names of the
members of the Commission are given.
5 Cf. KRETSCHMAYR in Archiv fur osterr. Gesch., LXXXIII.,
38 seq.
DIFFICULTIES WITH VENICE. IQ5
of the country, would willingly break with the Turk and
ally himself with the Christians. But the Pope took no
decided step in favour of Zapolya.1 His intervention in
the troubles of Hungary was confined to the despatch of
a letter on the i/th of February 1532 exhorting all the
inhabitants of the country to unite in their own defence
against the infidels ; their danger had reached the present
pitch, he said expressly, owing to some among themselves
having courted the favour of the Turks ; but they must
not allow themselves to be deceived, only dishonourable
subjection awaited them if they did not at once put aside
their delusions.2
It would have been of exceptional importance if Venice
had taken a part in the Turkish war. In January 1532
Clement had already instructed Giberti to make represen
tations in this sense to the Signofia. The answer given to
the Papal agent cut off all hope ; Venice had no intention
of interrupting the peace with the Turks.3 The tension
between Venice and Rome on the question of the bishoprics
was thus strained much further, and the Signoria went the
length of imposing war taxes on the clergy without asking
for the approval of the Pope. Clement felt himself deeply
aggrieved by such conduct ; he issued a Brief threatening
excommunication to all rulers who demanded taxes of the
clergy on their own sole authority. Attempts were made
in vain on the part of the Republic to move Clement ; he
often said that the Republic had never shown respect to the
1 See STOEGMANN, Andrea da Burgo, 191 seq.
2 BUCHOLTZ, IV., 104.
3 Cf. SANUTO, LV., 345; ZINKEISEN, II., 717; GIBERTI, Opera,
XXIV. In Venice, however, every preparation was made for the
war ; cf. SANUTO, LV., 559 seq., and the *Discorso di Ventiani sopra la
guerra che preparava il Turco contra Don Carlo d' Austria 1' Imperatore
in Cod. 35, B 8, f. I seq. (Corsini Library, Rome).
I96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Apostolic See.1 Once before, on an earlier occasion, he
had remarked that the God of Venice was their own
aggrandizement, they always tried to fish in troubled
waters.2 How steady he was in his enmity to the over
weening policy of Venice is shown by the fantastic schemes
propounded by him in May 1532 to Andrea da Burgo,
concerning the reconstruction of political conditions in
Hungary and Italy.3
The intentions of the infidels continued to be the subject
of the most varying reports in Rome during the spring of
1532. The Imperialists declared that all the rumours of
Turkish invasion were inventions of the Venetians and
French in their own interests.4 They gave this as their
opinion until a letter arrived from the Emperor which
left no further doubt as to the gravity of the situation.5
A Turkish fleet of two hundred vessels was bound for
Sicily and Apulia and a large army was to attack Hungary.
The result of this news was a regular panic in Rome.6 The
Pope declared on the I3th of March that he intended
to levy taxes at the rate of 80,000 ducats a month for
1 Cf. SANUTO, LV., 595, 627 seq., 630, 632 seq., 660 seq., 679 seq.-,
HEINE, Briefe, 217 seq.\ ^reports of G. M. della Porta of March 17,
20, and 31, 1532 (State Archives, Florence) ; betters of F. Peregrino,
March 14 and 25, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 HEINE, Briefe, 432.
3 For these see A. da Burgo's reports in BUCHOLTZ, IX., no seq.,
and STOEGMANN, 208 seq.
4 See the ^reports of F. Peregrino of January 5 and 8, February 1 7
and 22, and March 3, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
6 Cf. the report of F. Peregrino, March 14, 1532 (loc. «'/.)•
fi See ^reports of G. M. della Porta, March 10 and 17, 1532 (State
Archives, Florence), and the *letter of A. da Burgo, March 16, 1532
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). Cf also the *letter of Salviati to
Campeggio, March 16, 1532 (Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; HEINE,
219, 221-223, and CHARRIERE, I., 197.
ACTIVITY OF THE POPE. 1 97
three months ; it was matter of daily consultation how
this sum was to be raised.1 Although at the Pope's
command processions passed through the streets 2 offering
up prayers of intercession, the fickle-minded Romans very
soon recovered their tranquillity.3
In the beginning of April Clement received letters from
Constantinople dated the i8th of February; according to
these an attack on Hungary was certainly impending ;
from the fleet, further reports declared, there was nothing
to fear, as the ships would only make a demonstration.4
In May these reports were confirmed;5 nevertheless,
Clement declared that all the measures of defence must
be taken ; he wished nothing to be omitted.6 He was
active in three directions. In the first place, he pushed on
the equipment of a fleet at Genoa under the command
of Doria to ensure the safety of the Mediterranean. At
the same time he was anxious for the protection of the
coasts of Italy ; Ancona in particular was to be strongly
fortified. Lastly, the Emperor and his brother were to
receive 40,000 ducats monthly as a subsidy.7 All this
1 Cf. the letter of F. Peregrine, March 14, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua), the ^report of G. M. della Porta, March 17, 1532 (State
Archives, Florence); and Burgo's ^letter, March 26, 1532 (Court and
State Archives, Vienna).
2 See the *report of A. da Burgo. March 27, 1532 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna) ; HEINE, 234 seq., 327; GuGLiELMOTTi, Guerra, I.,
295 seq.
3 Cf. the ^reports of F. Peregrine, March 25 and April 8, 1532
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
4 ^Letters of G. M. della Porta, April 3 and 8, 1532 (State
Archives, Florence). Cf. also HEINE, 224 seq.
5 ^Letter of G. M. della Porta, May 25, 1532 (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. CHARRIERE, I., 202.
6 See ^letter of G. M. della Porta, June 7, 1532 (State Archives,
Florence). Cf. SANUTO, LVL, 388.
Cf. the report of G. M. della Porta, June 10, 1532 (State Archives.
198 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
demanded an immense outlay of money, and innumer
able difficulties arose in obtaining it.1
The situation was still further complicated by the bad
behaviour of King Francis, whose intentions with regard
to Italy scarcely admitted of doubt. He had demanded
from the Pope, under a threat of apostasy, the grant of a
double tithe on the Church revenues in consideration of
the danger from the Turks. Clement gave his consent,
but added the condition that ten French galleys should
join the Imperial fleet under the command of Doria.
The French King replied that this would be inconsistent
with his honour. He had likewise, on first hearing of the
Pope's naval undertaking, launched out against Clement
in very violent terms, in the presence of the Nuncio ; he,
the Pope, allowed himself to be plundered by the Emperor,
who, under the cloak of the Turkish war, concealed designs
against France ; when the proper time came he, Francis,
would come down on Italy with such a power that he
would be able to drive thence Pope and Emperor. Let
Clement look to it lest his protection of Genoa did not
one day cost him the loss of Florence. All the Pope's
attempts to make Francis give way were unavailing.
Urged and harassed by the Imperialists, distrusting the
French, Clement at last had no other course open to
him than to withdraw his consent, already given, to the
appropriation by France of the ecclesiastical tithes.2
Florence). Cf. HEINE, 229, 339. At the end of May the Corsairs had
carried off about 100 of the inhabitants of Ostia, among them a number
of Dominicans who had come to Rome for a general chapter of the
Order. ^Letter of F. Peregrine, June i, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
1 See G. M della Porta's report, June 7, 1532 (State Archives,
Florence) ; that in Corp. dipl. Port., II., 402 seg.t and the ^letters of F.
Peregrine, June 8 and 14, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 HEINE, 243, 248, 253, 255 n., 320 seq., 332 seq.\ SxoEGMANN,
FORTIFICATION OF ANCONA. 199
The Pope addressed himself with all his energy to the
fortification of Ancona, Ascoli, and Fano. Antonio da
Sangallo was appointed master of the works; his plans
for the fortification of Ancona are still to be seen in the
Ufftzi ; a huge citadel arose manned in September by
Papal troops. To the extreme dissatisfaction of Venice,
the independence of Ancona was thus brought to an end,
and the direct Papal authority established. This proceed
ing was uncommonly characteristic of the Pope ; not less
so was the sale of the legatine government of the marches
of Ancona to Cardinal Benedetto Accolti for the sum of
19,000 ducats.1
All manner of proposals were made to raise money for
the Turkish war, but no one showed any readiness to
make sacrifices for the cause, and the Cardinals refused to
hear of a reduction of their incomes. But Clement on
this point stood firm, and in a Consistory held on the 2ist
of June 1532, carried a resolution that the Cardinals
should be included in the Bull imposing on the whole
216 seq. ; SANUTO, LVI., 294, 387, 399, 454, 553, 986; ZINKEISEN, II.,
720 seg. ; DECRUE, 187. For the threats of Francis I. see in Appendix,
No. 23, the ^report of A. da Burgo, June 5, 1532 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna), and the ^letter of Cardinal E. Gonzaga, June 10, 1532
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
1 Cf. PERUZZI, Storia d' Ancona, II. ,442 seq. ; SANUTO, LVI I. ,24^^. ;
BALAN, Clemente VII., 188 seq.; and STORIA, VI., 247^.; BROSCH, I.,
120 seq.; COSTANTINI, II Card, di Ravenna, 2$seqg., 45 seq. ; GUGLIEL-
MOTTi, Fortificazioni, 511. That Antonio da Sangallo drew up the
plans for the fortification of Ancona is stated *by G. M. della Porta
from Rome, March 20, 1532 (State Archives, Florence). The mission
of A. da Sangallo had been already announced by Clement VII. to the
Governor of the March on January 19, 1532, *Min. brev., vol. 41, n.
39 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). For the dissatisfaction of the
Venetians see the ^letters of R. Maggio to J. Salviati, dated Venice,
1532, September 26 and December 16 (Nunziatura di Venezia, I., in
Secret Archives of the Vatican).
200 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
body of the Italian clergy the payment of half their yearly
incomes.1 Later on a hearth-tax of one ducat was levied
throughout the Papal States.2
In the same Consistory of the 2ist of June the despatch
of Cardinal Ippolito de' Medici to the Emperor and
Ferdinand I. was agreed to; the latter received 50,000
ducats for the pay of troops.3 The preparations for his
journey were hurried on as quickly as possible.4 The
Cardinal, who had always lived in the most secular
manner, now assumed the Hungarian dress ; he has thus
been painted in a masterpiece of Titian's, now one of the
ornaments of the Pitti Gallery. A robust figure clad in a
reddish-brown garment with gold buttons; on the head
a red biretta with peacocks' feathers ; the left hand grasps
a scimitar, with the right he rests a Hungarian mace upon
his knee.5 Ippolito de' Medici, whose mission gave rise
1 See A. da Burgo's ^report, June 21, 1532 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna). Cf. also F. Peregrine's letters of June 11, 20, and
21 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). A copy of the *Bull, dat. Rome,
June 21, 1532, in Colonna Archives, Rome, and in State Archives,
Florence, MS. Torrig.
2 Cf. the *Brief to Perugia, July 28, 1532 (Communal Library,
Perugia).
3 Cf. A. da Burgo's *report, June 21, 1532 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna); *that of F. Peregrino, June 21, 1532 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua); and that of Buondelmonti, June 21, 1532 (State
Archives, Florence). See also RAYNALDUS, 1532, n. 21 seg. ; Lett. d.
princ., III., 131 ; *Briefs to Ferdinand I. of July 4 and 7, 1532, in Vice
regal Archives, Innsbruck, Arch. ep. Trid. ; SANUTO, LVL, 456, 480,
512; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 80; FERRAI, Lorenzino de' Medici, 131.
Clement VII. first informed the Imperialists of Medici's mission on
June 1 6, and begged that they would keep the matter as yet secret ;
see ^cipher of A. da Burgo, June 16, 1532 (Court and State Archives,
Vienna).
4 F. Peregrine's ^letter, June 21, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
5 Cj. JUSTI in the Zeitschr. fur bildende Kunst, N.F., VIII., 37.
OPERATIONS OF THE SULTAN. 2OI
to various conjectures,1 left Rome on the 8th of July,2 and
travelled by rapid stages to Regensburg, which he reached
on the 1 2th of August.3
A few days before, the Sultan with the bulk of his
army had arrived before Guns, a few miles distant from
the Austrian frontier. He at once opened the siege,
but met with a very stout resistance. Nicholas Jurischitsch
defended the small town with heroic determination and
held out against the enemy until the 3Oth of August.
The Sultan, who had set forth in true oriental pomp,
reckoned on an easy victory on account of the divisions
in Germany. On closer consideration he did not deem
it advisable to risk a decisive battle at so advanced a
season of the year and at such a distance from home ;
the accounts he had received of the strength of the
Imperial army did not justify him in expecting a swift
and certain triumph. Therefore the Turkish forces, after
having made a rush forward as far as Oedenburg, fell
back through Styria on Slavonia and Belgrade, suffering
terrible losses on their way. In the Wienerwalde the
1 Cf. in Appendix, No. 24, Cardinal E. Gonzaga's opinion of June
23? J532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Q. A. da Burgo's report, July 9, 1532 (Court and State Archives
Vienna), and the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, July 9, 1532 (State
Archives, Florence) ; BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium (Secret
Archives of the Vatican); GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 971. C. Calcagnini
was in Ippolito's suite ; Ariosto declined to go with him ; see Giorn. d.
lett. Ital., XXXV., 242. In the *Mandati, VIII. (1531-1534), of
Clement VII. there is an entry on August 20, 1532, of due. 20,900 auri
for Cardinal Medici (State Archives, Rome).
3 Cf. SANUTO, LVL, 817 seq. ; Lett. d. princ. (Venetian edition), III.,
i9b; CASANOVA, Lett, di Carlo V., 18 seq • Ferdinand's autograph
^letter of thanks to the Pope for sending Medici, dated Regensburg,
1532, July 25, in the Lett. d. princ., VII., 167 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) ; ibid., an autograph letter of Medici to the Pope, dated
Regensburg, 1532, August 21, describing Ferdinand's helpless condition.
2O2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
army corps commanded by Kasimbeg was almost
annihilated.1
Misfortune also overtook the Turks by sea ; for Andrea
Doria was successful in sweeping the Ottoman fleet from
the Ionian waters as well as in capturing Koron and
Patras.2 To both these successes the Pope had materially
contributed by his aid. Unfortunately, the hopes3 thus
raised came to nothing; Doria did not think his forces
sufficient for further enterprises, and returned to Genoa
after plundering the territory of Corinth. Charles V. also,
notwithstanding the exhortations of Clement and Loaysa4
to follow up the advantages of the fortunate opening of the
campaign, remained inactive. The accounts that reached
him of the unruly and undisciplined spirit of his army,
composed as it was of the most incongruous elements,
made it appear to him inadvisable to persevere in the war
except under the most urgent necessity. Not merely the
Italian soldiers but many troops of the Empire refused to
go into Hungary; the Protestants took up the cry that
the aid supplied by the Empire was intended exclusively
1 Cf. HUBER, 41 seq. To the literary references here given must
be added HOMENAJE A MENENDEZ Y PELAYO, 408 seq., and
TORTENELMI-TAR, 189!, l6o seq.
- Cf. together with SANUTO also Jovius, Hist., XXXI. ; LANZ, II.,
16; ZINKEISEN, II., 735 seq.; GUGLIELMOTTI, Guerra, I., 319 seq.\
BALAN, Clemente VII., 194 seg., and Storia, VI., 252 seq.; PETIT, 142
seq. His departure from Messina and the superior equipment of the
Papal ships described by A. Doria to the Pope in a ^letter, Dat. di
galera al Zante, 1532, September 6 ; Lett. d. princ., VII., 347 ; ibid.) f.
477 seq. Andrea Doria's report, entirely in his own handwriting, Dat.
di galera nel golfo di Corone^ 1532, September 16, on the taking of
Coron (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 Cf. G. M. della Porta's ^report, September 11, 1532 (State
Archives, Florence), and F. Peregrine's letters, September 17 and 28,
1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
4 Cf. HEINE, 264 seq.; STOEGMANN, 219 seq.
DIFFICULTIES OF CHARLES V. 2O3
for the defence of Germany ; they objected to strengthen
the Catholic Ferdinand.1 Above all there was the danger
threatening the Emperor from France and England,2
as well as the unfavourable condition of Italian affairs.3
The latter as well as the question of the Council seemed
to call imperatively for a personal discussion with the
Pope. Therefore Charles made up his mind that on his
journey to Spain he would take Italy on his way.
1 Cf. ALBERI, 2nd Series, V., 342 seq. ; ZINKEISEN, II., 733 seq. ;
HUBER, IV., 46; EANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 310; DE
LEVA, II., 84; Luzio, Pronostico, 85 seq.
2 Cf. HAMY, 153 seq.\ LAVISSE, V., 2, 74.
3 See DE LEVA, III., 85 ; BAUMGARTEN, III., 112.
CHAPTER VII.
CLEMENT THE SEVENTH'S SECOND MEETING WITH THE EMPEROR
AT BOLOGNA. — THE CONCILIAR QUESTION IN THE YEARS
1532-1533. — THE POPE AND FRANCIS I. AT MARSEILLES.—
THE MARRIAGE OF CATHERINE DE' MEDICI.
ALTHOUGH Pope and Emperor were drawn into a position
of close interdependence on account of the dangers
threatening them from the Turkish and Protestant side
alike, there were yet, at the same time, many questions
open between them which, unfortunately, gave rise to
disagreement and friction. Arbitrary enactments concern
ing Neapolitan benefices, excesses and hostile behaviour of
the Imperialist troops in Italy, drew forth many complaints
from Clement, and in addition to these grievances he and
Charles were at variance on the question of the Council.
The political predominance of the Emperor in Italy and
the dependence of the Papacy on Spain, as the great world-
power, were felt all the more bitterly by the Pope as
Charles had, without any disguise, favoured the Duke
Alfonso of Ferrara in every way, and confirmed to him
in April 1531 the entire possession of his states as well
as of Modena and Reggio, to which the Pope had a
counter-claim. This decision, which was contrary to the
Emperor's previous engagements, was disapproved of even
by Ferdinand's representative in Rome.1
1 C/GUlCCIARDINIjXX., 2; FONTANA,I.,I5I seq.\ BUCHOLTZ, IX., 99
seq.-} HEINE, Briefe, 125 seg., 132, 150 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 181 seq.
204
REACTION AGAINST CHARLES V. 205
This was a blow that Clement could never get over ; his
relations with Charles were henceforward destroyed.1 In
order to reconcile the Pope, to promote the cause of the
Council in accordance with the promises of Regensburg,
and to restore some order in the unsettled condition of
Italy, Charles was anxious to meet Clement personally ;
therefore, in October 1532, he came into Italy from Friuli.
His anxiety to soothe the Pope would have been still
greater if he had known how badly his affairs had been
represented in Rome.
The number of Cardinals in the Curia on whom the
Emperor could count was not great ; most of the Italians
adhered to France. The principal cause of this was the
fear, only too well grounded, of the supremacy of Charles,
which was a pressing burden on Italy and the Holy See.
The Italian national feeling grew restive under the Spanish
supremacy, represented by men who did nothing to wipe
out the remembrance of the sufferings endured by the
Romans during the sack of their city. Many of the
Roman prelates were under obligations to Francis I. on
account of pensions and preferments. Further causes of
unpopularity were the insistence of the Hapsburgers on
the dreaded Council, and injudicious demands on the
part of Charles and Ferdinand which would have had
the effect of diminishing the Cardinals' incomes.2 As
Cardinal Quinones had almost altogether withdrawn from
affairs, and Charles's close adherent Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci
1 See Agnello's ^report, May 15, 1531, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ;
Jovius, Hist., XXXI., 218, cf. 223; GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 725,747;
BALAN, Clemente VII., 199.
2 STOEGMANN, Andrea da Burgo, 187 seq. For the French pensions
see Jovius, Hist., XXXI., 225. Cardinal E. Gonzaga was also won by
French benefices : it was only after the second meeting between
Charles and Clement at Bologna that he became an Imperialist.
206 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was dead (September I53I),1 the conduct of the Imperial
interests was in the hands of Cardinal Garcia de Loaysa.
He was without doubt a remarkable man, of high moral
character and a great ecclesiastic, full of energy and
ability, and thoroughly loyal to the Emperor, but wanting
in the qualities of statesmanship ; he showed a lack of
consideration and a rigid hardness, not uncommon in
Spaniards, which gave general offence.2 Loaysa was
entirely wanting in the one great essential of a diplomatist
— tact ; he was at the mercy of his impetuous tempera
ment. He soon found himself in difficulties with everyone,
even with the Emperor's Ambassador Mai, calling him
in his despatches a blockhead in plain words,3 and de
manded of the Emperor his recall. The indignation of
Mai, who was acquainted with all this, can be imagined.
Andrea da Burgo, Ferdinand's clever representative, and
much esteemed by Clement VII., had great difficulty in
preventing an open breach between Mai and Loaysa ; all
the deeper on this account was the secret grudge between
them.4
It cannot be matter of surprise that Loaysa should
have also given free vent to his vehement nature., even
towards the Pope, to whom he repeatedly gave open
offence.5 This was especially the case in the transactions
over the appointment of fresh Cardinals, when the
1 He was buried in the choir of S. Maria Sopra Minerva, near his
patron LeoX.; see FORCELLA, I., 441 seq.
2 For the following cf. STOEGMANN, loc. cit.; see also ESCHER,
Glaubensparteien, 281; DITTRICH, Contarini, 198; GAYANGOS, IV.,
i, Introd., xii. seq., and HEIDTMANN, G. de Loaysa, Neustettin,
1850.
3 HEINE, Briefe, 40 note ; cf. 52, 76 nn.
4 Cf. Burgo's reports in STOEGMANN, 188 seq., 232 seq.; see also
BALAN, Clemente VII., 199.
6 Cf. HEINE, Briefe, 341.
CREATION OF CARDINALS. 2O?
Imperialist and French parties measured their strength.
Clement VII. was averse to new creations chiefly because,
if he made concessions to the Emperor's wishes, England
and France would at once put forward claims of their
own.1 In March 1531, after the creation of two Spaniards,
Alfonso Manrico and Juan Tavera, the Pope was exposed
to the gravest reproaches; the English Ambassador told
him outspokenly that he had become the Emperor's slave.2
In May 1531 the Consistory again became the scene of
agitating negotiations ; Francis I. demanded the nomina
tion of a Cardinal, whereupon the Imperialists put forward
claims for two. As no agreement could be come to, the
matter was left in suspense.3 In order to pacify Francis I.
to some extent, Clement VII. determined, in June 1531,
1 A. da Burgo ^reported in cipher on March 12, 1531 : " Tantum
institerunt card. Osmen. et D. Petrus apud Pontificem quod consensit
tandem ultra cardinalem, quem alioquin est obligatus facere ad
omnem requisitionem Caesaris, etiam nunc facere alium Hispanum ad
voluntatem S. Mtis, sed quod permittant Suam Stem quod illud possit
facere sine scandalo, quia sunt multi alii, qui instant habere cardinales,
eta quo S. Stas abhorret." After the nomination (decided upon March
21 and published on the 22nd according to the *Diary of Blasius de
Martinellis, while the *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor, II., 182
[Consistorial Archives] give February 22 ; cf. RAYNALDUS, 1531, n.
92 seq.; CIACONIUS, III., 519 seq.; CARDELLA, IV., 124 seq.) A. da
Burgo ^writes on March 26, 1531 : " Incredibiliter laborarunt in eo
cardinales Osmen. et D. Petrus. Papa erat aversus ob multa non
minus pro bono Caesaris ut demonstrabat quam ne magis incenderet
reges Franciae et Angliae, qui continue instant, ut Papa faciat etiam
unum pro ipso rege Franciae et alium pro rege Angliae " (Court and
State Archives, Vienna).
2 " Longe pejora dicunt oratores Anglici, v. quod Papa dederit se in
praedam Caesari nee audeat S. Stas facere nisi quod Caesar vult.';
*A. da Burgo on March 26, 1531, loc. tit. Cf. MOLINI, II., 364, 366
seq.
3 Cf. HEINE, Briefe, 133 seg.t and the ^reports of A. da Burgo, May
25 and 27, 1531, in Court and State Archives, Vienna.
208 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in spite of Loaysa's opposition,1 to concede to the
French monarch the right of nomination for life to those
abbacies which in virtue of their privileges had hitherto
enjoyed powers of free election.2 Soon afterwards
Clement proposed to recall Giberti to his service. The
Imperialists viewed the plan with anything but satisfaction,
and the Pope's intentions were frustrated by the refusal
of Giberti, who met this pressing invitation with the
plea that his presence was necessary in Verona.3
As Clement in the following year showed himself ready to
make special efforts to support the Emperor and his brother
in their urgent need of aid against the Turks, the French
were again in the highest degree dissatisfied with him.4
1 See A. da Burgo's ^report, June 2, 1531. According to this,
Cardinal Gramont was the principal agent in the matter (Court and
State Archives, Vienna).
2 A. da Burgo's second ^report, June 2, 1531 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna). Cf. for Clement's concessions : STAUDENMAIER,
Bischofswahlen, 347 ; G^RARDIN, 147 ; MADELIN, 164 ; BAUDRIL-
LART, 93 seq. Clement made another concession in the Consistory
of September 6, 1531 : *S. D. N. ad supplicat. duels Albaniae egit
cum rev. dominis de concedendis litteris in forma brevis ipsi duci, in
quibus illi polliceretur, cum primum aliqua cardinalium promotio fieret,
creare unum ex fratibus ipsius ducis, in quo consenserunt omnes prae-
dicti mei revmi (Consistorial Archives).
3 Cf. the cipher ^"despatch of A. da Burgo, July 19, 1531, in Court and
State Archives, Vienna ; it says : " Papa autem de eo confidit et eum
mirifice diligit." The ^letter of Clement VII. to Giberti, dat. Rome,
1531, May 18, contains a postscript in the Pope's own handwriting:
"VeniaSj si nobis satisfacere cupis, habita tamen tuae valetudinis et
commodi ratione" (Cod. Barb., lat. 6508, f. i, Vatican Library). On
the 30th of January 1532 Clement VII. again made proposals to
Giberti to settle in Rome; see Sanga's letter of January 30, 1532,
with autograph postscript by the Pope (Cod. Barb., lat. 5698, Vatican
Library). Cf. GIBERTI, Opera, XXIII.
4 Cf. supra, p. 198, and G. M. della Porta's report, June 10, 1532
(State Archives, Florence).
CLEMENT VII. AND LOAYSA. 209
He fared in the same way in the negotiations relating
to the divorce of Henry VIII.1 Whatever Clement might
do, one of the rival parties was sure to complain of his
conduct.2
In May 1532 Clement was willing to bestow the purple on
G. A. Muscettola, the Imperial agent. Although the Sacred
College objected to this, as generally to every other creation,
Clement held to his resolve, for Muscettola stood high in
his favour. But France now demanded the elevation of
Giberti at the same time. Clement was quite willing, but
found a strong opponent in Loaysa ; Giberti, the latter
protested, was a bastard, and on that account could not
become a Cardinal ; that this was a grave affront to the
Pope did not trouble him a whit. Clement VII. com
plained of Loaysa's conduct to the Emperor's representative;
he would rather live in a desert than endure such behaviour.
Loaysa was so little conscious of his stupidity that he
stubbornly declared that he had only done his duty, and
would not depart from it ; if the Pope showed his dis
pleasure, he would then take up his residence in Naples
until the Emperor came!3 The costs of this wanton
outburst fell upon his friend Muscettola, who had already
1 Cf. infra, Cap. VIII.
2 Cf. the report of F. Peregrine, June 8, 1532 : " L' Imperial! dicono
haver sospetto che N. S. habbia intelligentia con Francesi et mostrano
di dolersene, da 1' altro canto Francesi dimostrano mala satisfation
verso di loro di S. S. Hor veggia V. E. in quanti dubbiosi pensieri
debbia rimaner S. S. et che via o modo ella possi tenere a dover
contentar 1' una et 1' altra parte, che e cosa quasi impossibile, ce
ritroviamo fra li calci et 1' muro" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 Together with the ^reports of A. da Burgo, May 25, 1532, in Court
and State Archives, Vienna, made use of by STOEGMANN, 188 seq.t
see BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, 1532, May 22 and 24. Also the
**letter of G. M. della Porta, May 10, 1532, in State Archives, Florence,
and HEINE, Briefe, 341.
VOL. X, 14
210 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
given orders for his Cardinal's insignia ; for the Pope now
gave up all idea of a creation.1
The breach between Loaysa and Mai also showed itself
in their opinion of the Pope, concerning whom their views
were in direct contradiction. While the former accounted
and made excuses for Clement's constant vacillation by his
character and the circumstances in which he was placed,
Mai saw in all the Pope's dealings only duplicity and
dangerous craft. His hatred of Clement was also ex
tended to Muscettola, who was regarded favourably by
the Pope. The relations between the two assumed in
time the character of an actual feud. Things had gone
so far in the autumn of 1530 that Muscettola applied
for his recall ; but he nevertheless remained two years
longer in Rome. Obviously a dissension of this kind
between the representatives of the Emperor must often
have given a very unwished-for turn to his affairs in the
Roman Curia.2
The French envoys worked with much greater tact, and-
they had also this advantage over the Imperialists, that,
being supplied with plenty of money, they were able to
keep up a great establishment and make handsome presents.
Their leader, Gabriel de Gramont, Bishop of Tarbes, a
Cardinal since the 8th of June IS3O,3 understood admirably
how to play constantly on the Pope's distrust of the
Emperor, and even to intimidate him in case of necessity
1 " La nova creation de cardinali per questa volta e ita a niente non
ostante che chel Musettola s' havesse fatto fare gli habiti cardinaleschi
et la mazza d' argento ancora." G. M. della Porta, May 25, 1532 (State
Archives, Florence).
2 Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., 2, Introd., vii. seqq.
3 Cf. *Acta Consist, in Cod. Vat, 3457, P II., of the Vatican Library.
Gramont was with the Pope at first, from June 1529 till November
1530, then together with Tournon from November 1532 until autumn
1533 ; see BOURILLY-DE-VAISSIERE, Du Bellay, 53.
CATHERINE DE MEDICI. 211
by open threats.1 Gramont at the same time was trying
to bring about a family alliance between the houses of
Valois and Medici which should bind Clement inseparably
to France. The second son of Francis I., Henry, Duke of
Orleans, was to marry Catherine de' Medici, born in 1519,
daughter of Lorenzo of Urbino.2 When Gramont brought
the matter forward in the autumn of 1530, he also hinted
that Parma and Piacenza might go with the bride as her
dowry. Clement VII. refused to agree to such an alienation
of Church property, and indeed acted as if the whole scheme
were not seriously meant ; evidently he did not wish then
to go further into the affair out of regard for Charles V.,
who, on his side, looked with favour on a marriage
between Catherine and the Duke of Milan.3 Clement
for a long time acted in the matter with his habitual
indecision. That finally he decided in favour of France
cannot cause surprise. What comparison was there between
the Dukedom of Milan, with its precarious tenure, and
the brilliant alliance with the royal house of France, which
at the same time guaranteed a hope of firm support against
the Spanish supremacy in Italy ! The Venetian Am
bassador Soriano was also of opinion that another induce
ment to incline the Pope in favour of this marriage
was the hope of gaining thereby the French partisans in
1 STOEGMANN, A. da Burgo, 189 seq. How also in the summer of
1531 (the *diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, dates his arrival on August 18)
the French Ambassador to Rome, Francois de Dinteville, Bishop of
Auxerre, forwarded \ti\spolitique d* intimidation, is shown by DECRUE,
Anne de Montmorency, 184 seq. For Dinteville (the ^credentials from
Francis I., of April 25, 1532, are in Lett. d. princ., VII., Secret Archives
of the Vatican) see also Rev. d. Bibl., IV., 84 seq ^ and Rev. d. quest,
hist., 1902, I. 490. He was recalled on January 26, 1533 ; see the letter
*of Francis I. to Clement VII. in *Lett. d. princ., VIII., loc. cit.
2 For earlier plans see Vol. IX. of this work, p. 269.
3 BASCHET, Catherine de Medicis, 276 seq.
212 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Florence.1 In addition, the project of marriage was espoused
by the French themselves with the greatest eagerness. In
the beginning of November 1530 John Stuart, Duke of
Albany, arrived in Rome on a mission from Francis to push
forward the arrangements initiated by Gramont. Catherine
had left Florence in October, where she had lived with her
aunt, Lucrezia Salviati. The Milanese envoy who saw her
in the streets of Rome thought her tall and comparatively
good-looking, but still of such a tender age that he was of
opinion her marriage could not be thought of for another
year and a half.2 Nevertheless, the affair was negotiated
more ardently than ever. Clement's indecision was in
creased by his fear of Charles' and Albany's great demands.
As Gramont in the meantime was once more in Rome,
the Pope gave his consent in secret to the marriage and
to the conditions which Francis attached to his " gift of
the Danai." In a treaty of the gth of June 1531 Clement
VII. declared himself ready to give Catherine, after her
marriage with the Duke of Orleans, Pisa, Leghorn, Modena,
Reggio, and Rubbiera, and also to hand over Parma and
Piacenza in return for a compensation to be agreed upon.
He even was willing to assist in the reconquest of Urbino ;
only as regards Milan and Genoa, which Francis had also
demanded for the young bridal couple, he gave no con
clusive answer.3 A few days later Cardinal Gramont
returned to France : the Pope gave orders that he should
be received in Florence with all honour.4
1 ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 291.
2 BASCHET, 279 seq>., 282. Albany's arrival took place on November
3, 1530 ; see *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, Vatican Library.
3 Cf. BASCHET, 285, 309 seq.\ RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th
ed., 313 ; STOEGMANN, A. da Burgo, 204.
4 Cf. the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, June 13, 1531, in State Archives,
Florence.
DIPLOMACY OF CLEMENT VII. 213
The members of the French court were under a great
delusion if they believed that the old influence over
Clement VII. had been regained and that he was once
more securely in their hands. When the Pope weighed
more closely the conditions of the agreement of June, he
was alarmed at having committed himself in advance to
such an extent ; he now tried, under different pretexts, to
have the marriage postponed. So little was the " astute,
circumspect, and timid " Medici thinking of a breach with
the Emperor, that, on the contrary, he determined to work
with all his power for the reconciliation of Charles and
Francis. On this he brought to bear all his penetration
and all his diplomatic ability.1 Thus was conceived the
visionary plan of bringing the two rivals together at the
expense of Venice ; 2 a project, however, which nowhere
met with a favourable reception. As the Ottoman in
vasion later on drew attention in another direction
altogether, the Pope bethought him of a fresh scheme
applicable to the wholly altered state of affairs. Charles
V. and Francis I. were to be reconciled and unite all
their military forces in one comprehensive onslaught on
the Turks, after whose destruction Ferdinand I. should
receive Hungary and the adjoining territories, Venice
the possessions taken from her in the Levant, and, finally,
France should receive Milan, which until then should
be retained by the Emperor and the Pope, as the
friends of both parties ! 3
But the situation had once again entirely changed ;
on the withdrawal of the Sultan the Emperor had
abandoned the Turkish war and undertaken his journey
1 STOEGMANN, 206 seq.
'2 Cf. supra, p. 196 seq.
3 STOEGMANN, 218 seq.\ and at 245 seq. is the important ^despatch
of A. da Burgo of October 8, 1532.
214 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to Italy to meet the Pope. For the place of conference
Bologna, Parma, Piacenza, then also Genoa and Pisa, had
been proposed ; particulars were to be settled by Pedro
della Cueva at Rome.1 While the negotiations were in pro
gress an accident threatened to interfere finally with the
proposed meeting. On the 25th of October 1532 the Pope
received a report of which he complained, with tears in his
eyes, to Mai and Burgo : the Emperor had placed Cardinal
Medici under arrest for a day ; for the latter, displeased with
the suspension of the Turkish war, had foolishly tried to
play the part of commander-in-chief. The incident led to
no further results,2 owing to the apologies of the Imperialists,
who wished to ward off a misunderstanding, and the hopes
of Clement that the meeting would be efficacious in bring
ing about a peace with France.
Cueva reached Rome at the end of October and
announced that the Emperor wished the conference to be
held at Piacenza. The matter was discussed in Consistory ;
most of the Cardinals, Farnese at their head, declared it
fitting that Charles V. should come to Rome. This was
hotly opposed by the Imperialist group and was also
contrary to Clement's own wishes. Since in the mean
time Medici made it known that Charles agreed to
Bologna, as proposed by the Pope, the departure of the
latter thither was fixed for the I2th of November in a
Consistory held oh the 4th. Owing to the necessary
1 Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 46, 97, 126, 133, and the ^reports of G. M.
della Porta, dated Rome, October 13 and 14, 1532 (State Archives,
Florence).
2 See the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, dated Rome, 1532, October
25, in State Archives, Florence. Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 197; GuiCCi-
ARDINI, XX., 2; ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 301 • STOEGMANN, A. da
Burgo, 239 ; GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 1007, 1009, 1014 ; FERRAI, Lorenzino
de' Medici, 132 ; Luzio, Pronostico, 84.
THE POPE'S JOURNEY. 215
preparations the departure was put off until the i8th,
and before this a Bull was issued making regulations
in the event of a Papal election ; Cardinal Salviati
acted as Legate in Rome.1
The late season of the year, unfavourable weather, and
the bad condition of the roads made the journey a very
arduous one for the Pope, who was hardly recovered from
the gout. Six Cardinals travelled through Tuscany,
and six others went with the Pope. Their way was
by Castelnuovo, Civita Castellana, Narni, Terni, Trevi,
Perugia, Citta di Castello, S. Sepolcro, S. Agata, Cesena,
Forli, and Castel S. Pietro. On Sunday the 8th of
December he entered Bologna on horseback, where he
was received with the customary solemnities.2 On the
following day a Consistory was held in which it was
1 SANUTO, LVII., 198, 217 seq., 258. *Report of F. Peregrine,
October 17, 1532, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. GAYANGOS, IV., 2,
n. 1014. *Letter of G. M. della Porta, dated Rome, 1532, October 28
(*Gionse finalmente in Roma quel D. Petro della Cova expettato tan to
tempo per la resolution dell' aboccamento di S. M. con N. S., col quale
e stato hoggi), and November 4 (*N. S. dice esser resolute partire ad
ogni modo per Bologna alii 12), in State Archives, Florence. *Report
of Cardinal E. Gonzaga of November 4, 1532, in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua. Already on November 2, 1532, Clement VII. had asked the
Italian States to send representatives to the meeting at Bologna ; see
Min. brev., 1532, vol. 41, n. 375, dated incorrectly in Raynaldus on
October 2. Cf. the *Briefs to the Duke of Milan (State Archives,
Milan) and to the Duke of Mantua (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), both
of November 2. On November 5, 1532, Clement VII. wrote about the
meeting to the city of Bologna, and again on November 23 ; see Min.
brev., loc. cit., n. 563 and 592.
2 Cf. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium in Archives of the
"Ceremonieri" in the Vatican, also in Cod. Barb., lat. 2801 (formerly
XXXV., 45), and Cod. lat., 12547, National Library, Paris ; RAYNALDUS,
i532,n. 55*??.; BONTEMPI, 350 ; SANUTO, LVII., 335, 365 ; E. Bonner's
report in State Papers, VII., n. 337 5 N. D. TUCCIA, 429 seq.
216 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
resolved to send Cardinals Grimani and Cesarini to meet
the Emperor.1
Charles, on the I3th of December 1532, made his
entry into Bologna with military pomp and was received
with great ceremony by the Papal court and the most
prominent citizens. Over five thousand men-at-arms
escorted him; he rode between Cardinals Farnese and
Spinola; in his suite were noticed the Dukes of Milan,
Mantua, and Florence. The Pope awaited him in San
Petronio on his throne, in full pontificals and wearing a
costly tiara. Charles made the customary triple obeisance
on bended knee and kissed the Pope's foot. The latter,
waiving the kissing of his hand, rose and embraced the
Emperor. After the Emperor's suite had paid their
reverence to his Holiness, Clement led the Emperor to
the state apartments prepared for them in the Palazzo
Publico. On the following days also there was no lack
of demonstrative friendliness between Pope and Emperor,
the latter receiving on Christmas Eve as a gift of honour
a sword and hat.2 Great as were the confidence and
friendship displayed in public between the two potentates,
in the long conferences, held almost always in private, it
was only too evident that there was a lack of unanimity.3
In Bologna the influx of strangers4 had given rise to a
high cost of living,5 and the Emperor, on this account,
would have been glad to quit the city soon,6 but the
1 SANUTO, LVIL, 363, 365 ; LANZ, II., 43.
2 RAYNALDUS, 1532, n. 57 seq.\ SANUTO, LVIL, 388.
3 SANUTO, LVIL, 368, 384, 385 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 201.
4 Titian also was then there ; see GIORDANI, App., 150, 153.
6 *Letter of G. M. della Porta, dat. Bologna, 1532, December 24
(State Archives, Florence).
6 *Letter of G. M. della Porta, dat. Bologna, 1532, December 29
(State Archives, Florence).
WISHES OP' CLEMENT VII. 21?
negotiations shaped themselves with such difficulty that
his departure was deferred from week to week.1
Clement VII. was eager to make a reconciliation
between Francis I. and Charles V.2 The Emperor con
sidered this quite hopeless, and thought only of securing
Milan and Genoa against any French attacks ; with this
object he proposed the formation of an Italian defensive
league. On his instructions Granvelle, Covos, and Praet
conducted the matter with Cardinal Ippolito de' Medici,
Francesco Guicciardini, and Jacopo Salviati. It was soon
evident that such a confederacy was little in keeping
with the policy of a Pope who was considered neutral;
his representatives asserted that Venice would absolutely
oppose such a league; they also made it clear that
Clement still clung to the restoration of Modena and
Reggio, and would not suspend his claims on this score
during the existence of the League.3 But the influence
which bore with most force on Clement VII. was the
threatening attitude of Francis I., the ally of Henry VIII.,4
when the representatives of the former, Cardinals Gramont
and Tournon, appeared in Bologna in the beginning of
January I533.5
1 The following ^statement by G. M. della Porta, Bologna, 1533,
January 6, is noteworthy : " S Sta remanda la maggior parte della
famiglia sua a casa e remane con pochi volendo continuar appresso S.
Mta per accompagnarla sino a Genoa entro la galera" (State Archives,
Florence).
2 See SANUTO, LVIL, 369, 383 seq.
3 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XX., 2; PALLAVICINI, III., 12.
4 See the ^reports of G. M. della Porta of December 23, 1532, and
January 7, 1533, in State Archives, Florence. Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 389.
5 Cf. ^letter of G. M. della Porta, dat. Bologna, 1533, January 2,
in State Archives, Florence; *Acta Consist., Camer. III., in Consis-
torial Archives of the Vatican; SANUTO, LVIL, 418, and BASCHET,
290 seq.
2l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
To make sure of Milan the Emperor wished Clement
to give his niece Catherine de' Medici in marriage to
Francesco Sforza. The Pope's objection to this was that
the contract with Francis had priority, and the King
would feel it to be an extreme affront if the intended
wife of one of his sons were to wed his declared
enemy. Unfortunately, the Emperor was under the
impression that Francis I. had not been in earnest over
the marriage contract ; he therefore asked the Pope to
urge upon Francis that the marriage should speedily take
place. He assumed in this that Francis would refuse,
and then the Pope would convince himself that he
had been the dupe of vain words. In this case the
friendship of Clement for Francis would certainly have
been turned into bitter enmity. But the contrary came
to pass ; Francis, perceiving the impending danger, sent
at once to the Cardinals above-named full powers to ratify
the marriage contract of his son with Catherine de'
Medici ; at the same time he sent an invitation to the
Pope to meet him in Nice. Clement VII. now declared
that such a wish was all the more to be complied with as
he had already on two occasions undertaken a journey in
order to meet the Emperor. Thus the latter saw the
connection between the Pope and France only further
strengthened. He suspected that Clement would combine
with Francis in order to conquer Milan for the Duke of
Orleans, but the Pope did all he could to convince him that
such a suspicion was groundless.1 Thus a secret treaty
between Pope and Emperor was signed on the 24th of
February, a day of momentous significance to Charles,
for it was the date of his birth, of his victory at Pavia, and
of his coronation. Clement VII. and Charles gave mutual
pledges not to form alliances with other princes ; they
1 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, XX., 2 ; PALLAVICINI, III., 12.
NEGOTIATIONS AT BOLOGNA. 2IQ
exchanged promises as to the holding of the Council, help
against the Turks, the maintenance of the existing state
of things in Italy, and the hearing of the English divorce
case in Rome.1
The negotiations with the Italian envoys, already begun
in January,2 were brought a few days later to a conclu
sion. On the 27th of February Clement VII., Charles V.,
Ferdinand I., the Dukes of Milan, Mantua, and Ferrara,
with Siena, Lucca, and Genoa, united themselves on ac
ceptance of certain contributions of troops and money to
defend Italy against any attack. The difficulty with
Ferrara was removed in this way, that Clement VII.
undertook, only for eighteen months, to leave the Duke
in peace. Florence and Savoy, and above all Venice,
were not named in the bond.3 If this was annoying
to the Emperor, much more so was the failure of his
then renewed attempts to draw Clement out of the
French marriage agreement. The Pope stood firm ; in
this he could take no backward step.4
The negotiations concerning the nominations of
Cardinals demanded by the Emperor went also contrary
to his wishes. He had proposed Schonberg, Muscettola,
and Stefano Gabriele Merino, Archbishop of Bari. The
Pope's nominees were Giberti, Simonetta, Auditor of
1 The text of the secret treaty after the original in Secret Archives
of the Vatican (Arm. XL, Caps. II., n. 67) has been published by
EHSES in the Romischen Quartalschrift, V., 301 seq.
2 Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 481 seq., 486 seq.^ and the ^reports of G. M.
della Porta of January 21, 24, 25, and 30, 1533 (State Archives,
Florence).
3 Pap. d'Etat de Granvelle, II., 7 seq.\ SANUTO, LVIL, 564, 567, 574,
577, 600 seq.; GUICCIARDINI, XX., 2 ; JOVIUS, Hist., XXXI. ; BALAN,
Clemente VI L, 203.
4 Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 506, and the *report of G. M. della Porta, dat.
Bologna, 1533, February 18 (State Archives, Florence).
220 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Rota, and the Bishop of Faenza, Rodolfo Pio. But
at the same time Francis I. and Henry VIII. demanded
the purple for three of their dependents. The general
feeling of the Sacred College was against new creations ;
an effort was therefore made to defer the question until
the Pope had returned to Rome, and Clement, who inclined
to this view, handed over the matter to Cardinals Farnese,
Campeggio, and Cesi to report upon.1 On the I9th of
February the Consistory debated the subject far into
the night without coming to a decision. Loaysa took
up the cause of Muscettola with all his energy but
met with the most decided opposition.2 On the 2ist
of February the Cardinals voted for the elevation of
Merino in order to defeat the creation of Muscettola and
Schonberg. Also, as a satisfaction to France, the nomina
tion of Jean d'Orleans to the Sacred College was soon
afterwards made public.3 The Imperialists were little
pleased with this result.
Not less stirring were the negotiations at Bologna on the
question of the Council. On the I5th of December 1532
Charles had already discussed the question with Clement
in an interview lasting two hours. On the following
day the Consistory was consulted ; only a few Cardinals
1 Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 537, 539; *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTI-
NELLIS in Secret Archives of the Vatican ; ^letter of G. M. della
Porta, 1533, February 18 (State Archives, Florence). See also
SAGMULLER, 167.
'2 ^Letter of G. M. della Porta of February 10, 1533 (State
Archives, Florence). Cf. SANUTO, LVII., 553.
3 *Acta Consist, in Cod. Vatic., 3457, P II. (Vatican Library);
SANUTO, LVIL, 547, 551, 585, 590; Jovius, Hist., XXXI. , 219;
CIACONIUS, III., 523 seq.\ NOVAES, IV., 129 (with wrong date). The
concession of two-tenths on February 10, 1533, shows that Clement
VII. wished also in other ways to ingratiate himself with Francis L;
see CHARRIERE, L, 239 note.
THE QUESTION OF THE COUNCIL. 221
were in favour of an immediate summons ; the majority
were of the opinion that peace must first be restored to
Christendom and the agreement of all the princes be
secured ; a decision was postponed until the next sitting.1
In this, held on the 2Oth of December, the whole matter
was once more thoroughly considered. The use of the
temporal sword against Protestants was also made subject
of remark. Only a few, however, voted for such measures ;
the majority of the Cardinals were for a Council ; they
certainly objected to it being held in Germany, and still
more to a national council of that nation, as the latter
would only give occasion to the Kings of France and
England to bring about a schism. The final resolution was
that the Council should be held in a suitable place, and
after the consent of all Christian princes had been invited.2
For the execution of this decision a congregation was
formed in which the Pope was represented by Farnese,
Campeggio, Cesi, and Aleander, and the Emperor by
Merino, Covos, Granvelle, and Mai.
After the Emperor had agreed to the Council meeting
in Italy, it was possible, as early as the 2nd of January
1533, to prepare the Briefs to the Kings of France and
England, and to other Christian princes inviting their
consent to and presence at the Council.3 More protracted
negotiations were occasioned by the question whether the
princes and States of the German Empire should also be
written to at the same time. This was agreed to, for
1 SANUTO, LVIL, 368, 369. Cf. the letter of the Bishop of Auxerre
in RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 316, and DE LEVA, III., 104 ;
see also EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., Ixxxii.
2 Besides SANUTO, LVIL, 385, and the letter of the Bishop of
Auxerre cited in note above, cf. also in Appendix, No. 32, the ^report
of G. M. della Porta, December 23, 1532 (State Archives, Florence).
3 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., Ixxxii.
222 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Aleander was strongly in favour of such a step. Accord
ingly, about the loth of January, letters of the Emperor were
addressed to all the States, as well as from the Pope to
King Ferdinand I., the six Electors, and the six Circles of
the Empire.1 In these letters the Pope praised the
Emperor's zeal on behalf of the Council, whereby he had
been led to consent to its summons, although for other
reasons he was not yet quite prepared for it. But as it
was necessary that all members and nations of Christendom
should participate, he would not neglect to procure the
consent of other princes than those of Germany by means
of letters and Nuncios While the answers, that of France
in particular, were awaited, the Emperor did not desist in
the course of negotiations in demanding through his
deputies that the Council should be summoned at once,
for he had given his promise on this point to the German
princes, and in no other way could the desire for a national
German council be successfully opposed. On the other
hand, the Papal deputies insisted that Clement was ready
to proclaim the Council in accordance with the usage
hitherto observed by the Church, and on condition that the
dogmatic decrees of earlier synods were acknowledged
by all, and that all promised their willingness to submit to
the decrees of the forthcoming assembly ; but in any case
the answers of the princes must still be waited for.
As the Emperor was always insistent and the time of
his return was drawing near, while no answers had as yet
been received, the Papal deputies proposed that under
these circumstances Nuncios should be sent to Germany,
France, and England, an arrangement with which Charles
expressed his agreement. The Nuncio appointed for
1 EHSES, Ixxxiii. The text of the letter to the Electors and Circles
of the Diet is given by RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 6 ; that to King Ferdinand,
in some parts differently drawn up, in EHSES, Ixxxiv.
THE CONCILIAR CONDITIONS. 223
Germany was Ugo Rangoni, Bishop of Reggio; for
France and England the Papal chamberlain and proto-
notary, Ubaldino de Ubaldinis.1 On the 2Oth of February
the two Nuncios were presented with the Briefs of which
they were to be the bearers.2
In the meantime Cardinals Tournon and Gramont had
presented the long-expected answer of Francis I. It was
short, cold in tone, and insisted on the necessity of the
questions of religion being dealt with in a becoming manner,
in accordance with the wishes of those taking part in the
Council assembled in a place agreeable to them, and of the
decrees being of such a kind that no one afterwards would
refuse his consent to them.3 This reply was all the more
unsatisfactory as Francis, besides these general observations,
said nothing about his wishes regarding the representation
at the Council.
The Instruction drafted by Aleander for the Nuncio
Rangoni on the 2/th of February 1533 contained the
conciliar conditions under eight articles: — (i) The Council
is to be free, and to be held according to the customs
obtaining in the Church since the first General Councils.
(2) The members of the Council are to promise obedience
to its decisions and their unbroken observance. (3)
Members unable to be present for legitimate reasons are
to send deputies with full legal powers and satisfactory
mandates. (4) In the meantime, no fresh matter of con
troversy is to be introduced into the religious questions
in debate in Germany until the Council shall have given
its decisions. (5) A choice, on which all should agree,
1 EHSES, Ixxxiv. seq. Cf. ^report of G. M. della Porta, February
10, 1533 (State Archives, Florence).
2 The Brief addressed to King Ferdinand, with which the others
agree in essentials, in EHSES, Ixxxvi.
3 Cf. EHSES, Ixxxvi. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 80 1.
224 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
must be made of some suitable place ; the Pope pro
poses Mantua, Bologna, or Piacenza. (6) Should any
princes, without just cause, reject the summons and
meeting of the Council, the Pope is nevertheless to pro
ceed with the same. (7) Against those princes who wish
to put obstacles in the way of the Council, the remainder
are to support the Pope in its favour. (8) On receipt of
the consenting replies the Pope shall convene the Council
within six months and take steps for opening it within
a year.1 To Lambert von Briaerde, who accompanied
Rangoni as Imperial orator, Charles communicated
special instructions2 agreeing with the Pope's intentions.
The Emperor left Bologna on the 28th of February and
the Pope on the loth of March.3
Rangoni and Briaerde first visited the court of Ferdinand
I. at Vienna and stayed there from the ist of April to the
1 3th of May. Ferdinand expressed his full agreement with
the meeting of the Council and the articles. Duke George
of Saxony did likewise, whom they visited at Dresden
on the 25th of May.4 Thence they made their way to
Weimar, where on the 3rd of June they were courteously
received by the Elector John Frederick5 and listened to
by him; in his answer to the Nuncio, communicated on
the following day, he expressed his joy at the prospect of
1 The text of the Instruction in EHSES, Ixxxvii. seq. Cf. PASTOR,
Reunionsbestrebungen, 87 seq. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 801
seq. Rangoni received 240 ducats for two months; see *Introit. et
Exit., 1 533-1 534, in State Archives, Rome.
2 EHSES, Ixxxviii. seq.
3 SANUTO, LVII., 568, 571 seq., 574. *Diarium of BLASIUS DE
MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of the Vatican.
4 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., Ixxxix. seq.
5 Authentic documents on the Nuncio's address to the Electors and
the answer of the latter published in EHSES, xc.-cxiii., from the
Vatican Archives,
REPLIES OF THE ELECTORS. 225
a Council but explained that, greatly as he wished personally
to give a definite answer at once, he could only do so in
company with his allies, who in the approaching assembly
of Protestant princes at Schmalkald would take counsel on
the matter. With this message Rangoni and Briaerde left
Weimar on the 5th of June and proceeded to Mayence
to Cardinal Albert, who expressed personally his full
agreement and his adhesion to everything that the Pope
and Emperor might further determine, even with regard
to the meeting-place of the Council, but for a definite
answer he referred them to the Congress of the Catholic
Electors about to be held at Mayence. The same answer
was given by his brother, the Elector Joachim of Branden
burg, with whom the envoys discussed the question at
Berlin on the I7th of June.1 Through Brunswick, where
they missed Duke Henry, they came to Cologne on the
5th of July, and on the 9th at Bonn had an interview
with the Elector Hermann of Wied ; on the I3th they were
similarly occupied at Coblentz with Johann von Metzen-
hausen, the Elector of Treves, and on the 2Oth at
Heidelberg with the Elector Palatine Louis.2
After all the Electors had thus been visited, the
Imperial envoy Briaerde, having accomplished his mission,
returned to the Netherlands, while the Nuncio Rangoni
went yet further to Munich in order to treat also with
the Dukes William and Louis of Bavaria.3 To the
meeting of a General Council all the princes interro
gated had, on the whole, given their ready consent ; in
respect of the articles enumerated above, only the two
Bavarian Dukes were unwilling to give a final reply
on their own responsibility. The Nuncio and Briaerde
were not without grounds for indulging in hopes on the
1 EHSES, xciii. seq. 2 Ibid^ xciv. seg.
3 Ibid.y xcv. seq.
VOL. X. 15
226 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
close of their round of inquiries. In the course of the
foregoing deliberations the principal question under
discussion had been the meeting-place of the Council.
On this as on the other points, by the exercise of a little
good-will on all sides, there ought not to have been
difficulty in coming to an agreement. This was especially
the case as the Elector of Saxony himself had shown
apparently the best intentions, and in all probability at the
last would have given his final decision in a favourable
sense. But his theologians and the other princes of
Protestant Germany were of a different way of thinking.
John Frederick, in the first place, asked the theologians of
Wittenberg to give their opinion and furnish him with
reports. Melanchthon, indeed, declared that on account of
the other nations the Council could not well be refused,
nor had he any objections to Protestants appearing there
under a safe-conduct, but he repudiated in the most express
terms the article on the duty of submission to the conciliar
decrees.1 Luther spoke in the same sense, only in a much
more offensive manner, for he called the Pope a "liar" and
a "cursed bloodhound and murderer."2 This position of
the theologians corresponded therefore with the answer,
dated the 3<Dth of June 1533, of the Protestant princes
and Estates3 assembled at Schmalkald. They demanded
a "free council" to be held in Germany, with the Bible
as the only standard ; the Pope's articles were rejected
in coarse and offensive terms. By this declaration all
previous exertions on behalf of a Council were brought to
nothing.
No better success attended the mission of the Nuncio
1 EHSES, xcvi. ; PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebtmgen, 88 seq, ; HEFELE-
HERGENROTHER, IX., 803.
2 EHSES, xcvi. seq. ; PASTOR, 88.
3 In EHSES, xcvii.-ci.
RETURN OF THE POPE. 22J
Ubaldino to Francis I. of France and Henry VIII.
of England, Both monarchs avoided any definite
declaration.1
On leaving Bologna Clement VII. had gone first to
Fano in order to compose the disorders which had broken
out in that place ; he then paid visits to Ancona and the
sanctuary of Loreto; on the 3rd of April 1533 he was
once more in Rome.2 Here awaited him a mass of
business which had accumulated in his absence. There
was, moreover, anxiety on account of Koron, hard pressed
by the Turks,3 and still greater anxieties arising from
the divorce suit of Henry VIII.4 The Pope's nephew
Bernardo Salviati was sent to the relief of Koron with
twelve galleys.5 Francis I., meanwhile, was pressing for
the conference agreed to by the Pope, and the conclu
sion of the family alliance;6 his representatives, the
Cardinals Gramont and Tournon, encountered, however,
unsuspected difficulties. These were in part the outcome
of the intrigues of the Imperialists, who were naturally
doing all they could to frustrate the dangerous inter
view and still more dangerous marriage.
Before the conference at Bologna was over, a funda
mental change had taken place in the diplomatic service
of the Emperor at Rome. Charles V. had at length come
1 EHSES, ci. seq.
2 Besides the sources cited by RAYNALDUS, 1 533, n. 36 seq., cf. also
SANUTO, LVIII., 11 seq.t 27, 35, and BALAN, Clemente VII., 204.
The Pope's return to Rome had been eagerly expected j see the
^reports of F. Peregrine of March i and 23, 1533 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
3 Cf. SANUTO, LVIII., 35, 56, 194, 227, 240.
4 See infra, Cap. VIII.
6 BALAN, Clemente VII., 206.
6 Cf. the *report of F. Peregrino, April 30, 1533 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua),
228 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to see that Loaysa with his immoderate temper, and Mai
with his brusque ways, were not the men to conduct his
affairs aright. With Loaysa fell also Muscettola. In their
place Fernando da Silva, Count of Cifuentes, was appointed
Ambassador, and Rodrigo Davalos as agent ; in the
Sacred College the place of Loaysa was taken by the
Cardinal of Jaen, Stefano Gabriele Merino, as representa
tive of the Imperial interests. Charles soon found out that
the change was in no way a fortunate one, for the evil of
disunion had been handed on and made itself felt with
undiminished intensity, as the enmity between Cifuentes
and Merino was acute.1
The French party reaped the advantage of this feud.
Cardinal Tournon played his part with great skill ; he
knew how to paint in the most glowing colours the
advantages of the French alliance to Clement, and even to
encourage in him the hope that this connection would be
a means of bringing order into the tangle of the English
divorce. Personally the Pope was strongly inclined to an
alliance with France in order to secure a counterpoise to
the Emperor's power in Italy.2 But unexpected hindrances
now arose on the side of the Cardinals. Farnese and
others adduced the most various objections ; Cardinal
Gramont declared haughtily : " The Pope has more need of
my king than my king of him."3 Meanwhile a letter came
from Charles to the effect : " Since his Holiness persists in
1 See BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., 1 1 1., 1 22. Cifuentes had come to Rome
on April 17, 1533 ; R. Davalos not until June 14; see GAYANGOS, IV.,
n. 1059, 1083.
2 Cf. Jovius, Hist., XXXI., 223, whose information is confirmed by
two cipher reports of **F. Peregrine of September 4 and December
28, 1533 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
3 See SANUTO, LVIII., 135, 163, 228. Cf. the ^report of Agnello,
dat. Venice, 1533, May 5 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
OPPOSITION TO THE VISIT TO FRANCE. 22Q
his interview with Francis, he (the Emperor) makes no
further difficulties but warns him to look to the pre
servation of peace in Italy." On the 25th of May 1533
Clement showed the letter to a full Consistory; but
although he used every argument to prove the necessity
of the conference, the majority of the Cardinals remained
quite unconvinced. As the question was one of such
great importance, a decision upon it was deferred.1
Notwithstanding the almost general opposition of the
Curia, Clement did not in the least abandon the plan of
the conference, but put it off until the month of September.2
On the 28th of May he wrote in this sense to Francis I.3
At the same time he sent to him the Bishop of Faenza
to settle the details of the interview which was to take
place at Nice.4 A fresh postponement was subsequently
caused by the breach with England which took place in
July, at the very moment when the marriage treaty signed
by the French King reached Rome.5 Francis I. would
now have willingly put off the interview, but Clement
refused to withdraw.6
1 Besides SANUTO, LVIII., 241, see the **report of G. M. della
Porta of May 25, 1533, in State Archives, Florence. Cf. also Rossi,
Guicciardini, II., 53, and CASANOVA, Lett, di Carlo V., 20.
2 See the ^letters of F. Peregrine of May 24 and 27, 1533, in Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. Cf. the ^report of G. M. della Porta of May 27,
1533, in State Archives, Florence.
3 *Brief of May 28, 1533, in Min. brev., 1533, vol 46, n. 254 (Secret
Archives of the Vatican). The answer of Francis I. in Lett. d. princ.,
I., 126 seq.
4 Lett, and pap. of Henry VIII., VI., n. 548 ; GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n.
1082 ; SANUTO, LVIII., 241, 278 ; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 87.
5 See the **letter of G. M. della Porta of July 17, 1533 (State
Archives, Florence). Cf. BAUMGARTEN, III., 123 seq.
6 Cf. the ^letter of Ant. Maria Papazzoni of July 21, 1533, in State
Archives of Bologna, and the ^report of G. M. della Porta of July 24,
1533, in State Archives, Florence. On July 31, Clement VII. said he
230 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the 1st of August the Papal officials were formally
notified that their presence would be required at Nice on
the 3rd of September.1 As no reply came from France
concerning the ship on which the Pope was to be conveyed
to the latter place, many looked upon the journey as
doubtful, but the majority believed that it certainly would
take place.2 The Pope also expressed himself in the same
way.3 Then there was a rumour that Marseilles would be
the place of meeting, as the Duke of Savoy, in considera
tion of the Emperor, had made difficulties about Nice.4
This was unacceptable to the Pope, for on French soil
Francis could bring to bear upon him a preponderant
influence. Meanwhile the bride's dowry was settled ; on
this occasion Clement laid aside his usual parsimony ;
the jewels alone were valued at more than 30,000
ducats.5 On the ist of September Catherine de' Medici
set forth on her journey, accompanied by Caterina Cibo,
Duchess of Camerino, Maria de' Medici-Salviati, the
widow of Giovanni " delle Bande Nere," Filippo Strozzi,
and the historian Guicciardini. At Portovenere the
galleys of the Duke of Albany awaited her.6
would leave at the latest on September 8 ; *report of F. Peregrine of
July 31, 1533 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
1 " II Papa fece intimar alia Cancelleria et altri offitiali che si
devessero trovar in Nizza alii 3 di Settembre." G. M. della Porta on
August i, 1533 (State Archives, Florence).
2 Cf. the **letter of G. M. della Porta of August 11, 1533 (State
Archives, Florence).
3 *Report of G. M. della Porta of August 22, 1 533 (State Archives,
Florence).
4 Cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., ciii.
5 See the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, July 17, 1533 (State Archives,
Florence), and BASCHET, 176 seq. Cf. Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XII., 376
seqq.
6 See BASCHET, 186 seqq.
THE POPE LEAVES FOR FRANCE. 231
The departure of the Pope, who at the end of August
had heard with delight of the relief of Koron,1 took place
on the gth of September.2 Three days before, the death
had taken place of the man who, among the Pope's
relations, had been his peculiarly trusted adviser, Jacopo
Salviati.3 Cardinal del Monte remained behind in Rome
as Legate, and Salviati's place, whose death was generally
lamented, was taken by Alessandro Farnese.4 The Pope's
departure was a hard blow for the Romans; their city
had now the appearance of being deserted.5 Clement
on this journey6 avoided his native city, Florence, and
passed slowly through Sienese territory to Pisa, which
he reached on the 24th of September, remaining there on
1 Andrea Doria announced this success to the Pope in a ^letter
dated Koron, August 9, 1533 ; *Lett. d. princ., VIII. (Secret Archives
of the Vatican). C/. the Brief to Ferdinand I. in RAYNALDUS, 1 533,
n. 93, and Nuntiaturberichte, I., 118.
2 See Gualterius in RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 78, and the *Diarium of
BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of the Vatican.
3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 119 seq. For Salviati's position and
the jealousy in Clement's circle see Soriano in ALBERI, 2nd Series,
III., 286 seq. See also Histor. Jahrbuch, V., 631.
4 Cf. *Acta Consist, in Cod. Vatic., 345 7, P II. (Vatican Library) ;
see *Regest. Vatic., 1451, f. 322 seq., 326 seq. (Secret Archives of the
Vatican) ; SANUTO, LVIIL, 676, 750 ; RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 78. For
Monte see the ^report of F. Peregrino, September 24, 1533 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
6 See the complaints in F. Peregrine's ^letters of September 19 and
24, 1533,^- a*-
6 For the journey to Marseilles see Gualterius in RAYNALDUS, loc.
cit., the *Acta Consist., Camer. III. (Consistorial Archives), and
BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Itineratio in Archives of the "Cere-
monieri" of the Vatican, in Cod. Barb., lat. 2801, f. 187 seq. (Vatican
Library), and Cod. lat. 12547 (National Library, Paris). Cf. also
BALAN, Clemente VII., 208 seq. ; Luzio, Pronostico, 40 seq. ;
Nuntiaturberichte, I., 130; DECRUE, 212 seq., and MAZZINI, Cat.
de' Medici e Clemente VII. alia Spezia nel 1533, La Spezia, 1901.
232 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
account of bad weather until the 3rd of October. On
the 22nd of September, at San Miniato al Tedesco in the
valley of the lower Arno, he saw Michael Angelo for the
last time.1
Not until the 5th of October did Clement set sail from
Leg-horn. The Papal galley was entirely covered with
gold brocade; ten French vessels, and many others, especially
those of the Knights of St. John, accompanied the Pope,
in whose suite were nine Cardinals. A favourable wind
carried the stately fleet— consisting in all of sixty sail-
to Villafranca on the ;th of October, where Catherine
de' Medici was taken on board. On the nth the fleet
entered the harbour of Marseilles, in which city the
Grand Master Anne de Montmorency had made splendid
preparations for the solemn entry of the Pope. This took
place on the I2th of October. Fourteen Cardinals and
nearly sixty prelates surrounded the Pope, who was
carried on the sedia gestatoria by nobles of the highest
rank. On the following day Francis I. made his state
entry, after having had already a secret interview with
Clement. Both were lodged so near to each other that
visits could be exchanged without remark.2
Despite the youth of Catherine de' Medici, her marriage
with Duke Henry of Orleans took place on the 28th of
October; the Pope himself performed the ceremony.3 In
1 GOTTI, I., 225.
2 Cf. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium (Secret Archives of the
Vatican); Jovius, Hist., XXXI.; GUICCIARDINI, XX., 2; FONTANA,
I., 170 seq. ; DECRUE, 212, and HAMY, Entrevue de Frai^ois Ier avec
Clement VII. a Marseilles, Paris, 1900. See also J. PELISSON,
Panegyricus de dementis VII. ad christ. regem in terram Franciam
magnifico adventu etc., Lugdun., 1534.
» See the reports in BASCHET, 319 seq. ; in Arch. Stor. Lomb., I.,
20 seq.-, in Luzio, Pronostico, 42 seq.\ FONTANA, I., 174 seq., and
HAMY, loc. cit., 17 seq. Cf. for the solemnities, which Vasari
CREATION OF FRENCH CARDINALS. 233
the brilliant festivities of the wedding Cardinal Medici was
conspicuous ; his display of magnificence surpassed even
that of the King himself.1 On the 7th of November
three French Cardinals were nominated in Consistory
(Jean Leveneur de Tillier, Claude de Languy, and Odet
de Coligny) ; a fourth (Philippe de la Chambre) was
publicly declared as such.2 Long and animated trans
actions had preceded this act, for Clement himself seems
to have had objections to this large increase of the
French element in the Sacred College.3 The Imperial
envoys objected that a creation should only take place in
Rome; the majority, however, led by Gaddi and Sanseverino,
and under pressure from Francis I., determined otherwise ;
Clement gave his consent reluctantly.4
Pope and King vied with each other at Marseilles in dis
plays of friendship and exchanged rich gifts.5 During the
immortalized in a painting in the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence, the
*letter of G. M. della Porta of October 28, 1533, in State Archives,
Florence. The Emperor's good wishes, bound up with the credentials
of the envoy sent on behalf of Ferdinand I. in his appeal for help
against the Turks, in the *letter to Clement VII., November 4, 1533,
in Lett. d. princ., VI II., 163 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 ^Letter of G. Sanchez to Ferdinand I. of December 20, 1533, in
Court and State Archives, Vienna.
2 Cf. Acta Consist., Gamer. III., in Consistorial Archives ; Gaulterius,
*Diarium in Secret Archives of the Vatican ; CiACONiuS, III., 525 seq.\
CARDELLA, IV, 132 seq. ; DECRUE, 214 seq. ; MARCKS, Coligny I., 16.
3 GUICCIARDINI, XX., 2.
4 Cf. the "^report of Sanchez of December 20, 1533 (Court and State
Archives, Vienna), who names as opponents Quinones, Piccolomini,
and Pucci.
5 See the ^report of T. Cardi, dat. Marseilles, 1533, October 18, in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; Sanchez' letter of December 20 in
BUCHOLTZ, IX., 122 ; JoviUS, Hist., XXXI., 225 ; Arch, stor dell'
Arte, I., 1 8 seq. ; the Bull of Absolution in CHARRIERE, I., 240 note,
was also a present.
234 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ecclesiastical ceremonies Francis made an ostentatious
show -of his subjection to the Papal authority.1 Notwith
standing the numerous festivities, Clement and Francis,
during their meeting of more than four weeks' duration,
completed numerous negotiations, the nature of which,
however, was kept a profound secret.2 All the accounts
given by envoys and chroniclers of these oral transactions,
carried on without any intermediary, are mere conjectures.
The only written document of importance is the draft of
a secret treaty drawn up in Francis' own hand ; according
to this not merely Urbino, but Milan also, was to be taken
possession of for the Duke of Orleans, whereupon Clement
would raise no difficulties even on account of Parma and
Piacenza.3
1 Blasius de Martinellis reported November i, 1533: "Post
evangelium Papa osculatus est librum, rex vero noluit, licet porrectus
sibi fuerit, ob reverentiam papae et honorem Sedis Ap., quando-
quidem multum laudabile ex magna humilitate et devotione quam
habebat, non sic alter Bononiae" (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See besides, State Papers, VII., 522, and Jovius, Hist, XXXI.,
224 ; also the reports of G. M. della Porta, dat. Marseilles, October 16
(*I1 Re e stato ogni giorno una volta in secreto longamente con S. Sta ,
ma persona insin qui pare non si trovi che penetri queste loro
trattationi, tanto vanno secrete), and October 24, 1533 (*I1 Papa et il
Re cenaro heri insieme in secrete soli), in State Archives, Florence,
and the ^letter of Sanchez, December 20, 1533, cited supra, p. 233, n. 4.
3 Text in BASCHET, 325-326. BAUMGARTEN (III., 124 seq.) is of
opinion that one may labour in vain to arrive at any accurate know
ledge of the conversations held between the Pope and King Francis
at Marseilles. Yet in contradiction hereto he assumes a knowledge of
what Clement consented to on these occasions. Cf. for a criticism of
Baumgarten also EHSES, Dokumente, 273, note 3. In a *report, half
written in cipher, to the Duke of Urbino, dated Marseilles, October
30, 1533, G. M. della Porta dismisses the reports concerning the
promises supposed to have been made by Clement to Francis I. on
the following grounds : " Questo raggionamento par ch' abia del
colorato assai, ma in una cosa parmi ben tutto contrario al verisimile,
FALSE ACCUSATIONS AGAINST CLEMENT. 235
How far Clement agreed to demands of this kind is
uncertain ; in any case he cannot here have gone beyond
verbal assurances, since no written agreement was com
pleted ; l but even in conversation so experienced a
politician would most certainly have observed the utmost
caution.2 The enemies of Clement VII., at a later date,
brought against him, among other accusations, the charge
of having acquiesced at Marseilles in the alliance between
Francis I. and the Turks and Protestants ; the onus of
proof rests with them. Clement VII. was so little in
agreement with the shameful project of giving support
to the hereditary foe of Christendom, spoken of by
Francis at their conference, that he had information
of the same conveyed to the Emperor.3 As to the
support given to Philip of Hesse in his forcible restora
tion of the Protestant Duke Ulrich of Wiirtemberg, the
communications of Guillaume du Bellay4 appear to
che non e da credere, ch' el papa huomo cauto sopra tutti gli huomini
del mondo s' habia lasciata uscir di bocca una minina parola che li
possa portare danno appresso hie [ = Cesare], et tanto piu e verisimile
cosi quanto che si sa ch' el papa ne la negotiation sua non s' e fidato
d' altro che di se medesimo, e il cardinal de' Medici m' ha giurato,
che ne il Guicciardini reputato consultor d' ogni suo secreto ne huomo
del mondo sa 1' intrinsico di questa negotiatione col re, col quale molte
volte S. Sta e stata da solo a solo in secreto le quatro e cinque hore
continue, mostrando pur nel dir suo che vi potesse essere qualche
extravagante, ma che nol sapea. lo poi me credo che [u]na parte
bona di questa trattatione cosi secreta sia stata sopra la materia del
Concilio" (State Archives, Florence).
1 GUICCIARDINI, XX., 2 ; cf. Rossi, Guicciardini, II., 56. See also
SOLDAN, I., 126.
2 See G. M. della Porta's ^despatch, October 30, as above.
3 See Pap. de Granvelle, 1 1., 341. Cf. the critical paper especially
directed against DE LEVA (III., 114) in the periodical, Bessarione, III.,
489 seq.\ see also BALAN, Clemente VII., 209 seq.
4 HERMINJARD, Corresp. de ReTorm., III., i%$seq.
236 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
exonerate " Clement VII. as having been deceived by
Francis."1
All the Pope's exhortations to a reconciliation with
Charles fell on the French King's pugnacious temperament
like seed on a barren soil. It is undoubted that during
the conference Clement exerted himself to bring about a
peace between the two; very well-informed envoys state
this expressly.2
Substantial successes for Francis I. were, besides the
above-mentioned nomination of Cardinals, the gift of the
last tithe for the Crusade3 and the recall of the Swiss
Nuncio Filonardi.4 Clement excused himself to Ferdinand
I. for this act of submissiveness by suggesting that he had
found himself at Marseilles in the French King's power, and
that the latter had threatened him with apostasy from
Rome.5
Very important transactions also took place on the
subject of the Council. Francis was inflexible in his
opposition to one held in Italy; he also insisted that in
the actual condition of Christendom such an assembly
should be deferred until more propitious and peaceable
1 Opinion of BROSCH, Kirchenstaat, I., 126 note. See also
BUCHOLTZ, IV., 297 seq., and BRISCHAR, I., 80 seq. Cf. in Appendix,
No. 35, the report of F. Peregrine, March 6, 1534 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
2 See especially the *report of G. M. della Porta, dat. Marseilles,
1533, October 19, in the State Archives, Florence; the *report of
F. Peregrine, dated Rome, 1533, September 10; and that of *Pastron,
Marseilles, 1533, November 10, in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; see
Appendix, No. 34. Cf. Clement's interesting letter to Charles V. in
EHSES, Dokumente, 274 seq.
3 Cf. the *Bull of November 4, 1 533 ; original in National Archives,
Paris, L 937.
4 See WlRZ, Filonardi, 94 seq.
5 See A. da Burgo's report in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 122 seq.
PLIABILITY OF THE POPE. 237
times. His arguments succeeded in inducing Clement,
with feeble pliability, to consent to a postponement.1
Even in the divorce suit of Henry VIII. he yielded
to the request of Francis I., and on the 3ist of
October 1533 consented to a fresh respite of a month
before giving effect to the threatened excommunication.2
Clement VII. left Marseilles on the I2th of November
1533, whereupon Francis started for Avignon. The Pope's
voyage to Spezia was made under difficulties owing to
heavy storms ; as far as Savona he made use of French
vessels ; from thence he was conveyed to Civita Vecchia by
Doria's squadron, and three days later he re-entered his
capital, where he was joyfully received.3 Soon afterwards
an event occurred of vast consequence to the Church and
the world. The complete separation of England from the
Holy See, long threatened, became an accomplished fact.
1 See EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., civ. seq.
2 Consistory of October 31, 1533. *Acta Consist., Camer. III., in
Consistorial Archives. Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 214.
3 See *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of
the Vatican, and *Acta Consist, Camer. III., in Consistorial Archives.
Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 88 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 210 ; FONTANA,
I., 181 seg., 485 seq.] PETIT, 145.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE DIVORCE OF HENRY VIII. AND THE ENGLISH SCHISM.
THE separation of England from the Holy See was not like
that of Germany, the result of a combined movement of
the common people and the learned classes ; it arose rather
from the sensual passion and autocratic temper of the
sovereign, and consequently for a considerable length of
time had a schismatical rather than an heretical character.
The separation was favoured by the ecclesiastical and
political development of the nation, which since the four
teenth century had begun to slacken its ties with Rome.1
The dependence of the clergy on the throne had already
become close under the first Tudor, Henry VII., whose
accession, in 1485, not only put an end to the "War of the
Roses " of the houses of York and Lancaster, but was the
beginning, especially for England, of a new epoch. Henry
VII. resembled in character Ferdinand the Catholic. A
man with strong gifts of government, imbued with a sense
of the prerogatives of the Crown, he let the weight of his
authority fall heavily on the nobility and the Church.
When he died, on the 2 1st of April 1509, he had laid deep
the foundations of absolute monarchy in England; the
Parliament had learned docility, the nobles and church
men submission. His successor, Henry VIII., then in his
eighteenth year, determined in these respects to walk
firmly in his father's footsteps. The capricious and
1 See Vol. I. of this work, p. 159 seqq.
238
POSITION OF WOLSEY. 239
despotic side of his character was at first kept in the back
ground ; all the more conspicuous was his love of pleasure
and enjoyment. Good-looking, expert in all chivalrous
accomplishments, the youthful King made a most favour
able impression on the people by his spendthrift liberality,
his splendid appearance, and the endless succession of
festivities at his court. Nor was England long in playing
a great and often successful part in the politics of Europe.
After the dissolution of Parliament in 1515 the King and
his Chancellor, Cardinal Wolsey, governed without it.
Wolsey's position, not only as a politician but as an
ecclesiastic, was an exceptional one. Since 1518 he had
held the rank of Papal Legate ; this office had been con
ferred on him at first for one year, and the tenure of it was
afterwards prolonged to three. The extensive faculties
thus acquired, and the extraordinary plenary powers, as
visitor of monasteries, wrung by him from Leo X. in
August 1518, gave him an altogether abnormal influence
over Church affairs. He made use of it without scruple to
gratify his love of power and wealth.1 Still dissatisfied
with what he had already attained, this ambitious man
demanded from Adrian VI. that his legatine office should
be extended to the term of his natural life.2
Luther's new doctrine had found adherents also in
England. Wolsey was comparatively lenient in his
punishment of such ; he indeed threatened them with the
laws against heresy, but was restrained from enforcing
them by his temperament of man of the world.3 The
1 Cf. GASQUET, Henry VIII., I., 67 seq., and BROSCH, England, VI.,
1 06.
2 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 180. Clement VII. confirmed his pre
decessors' concessions ; see GASQUET, I., 74 seg.
3 BROSCH, VI., 135 ; cf. ZIMMERMANN, Die Universitaten Englands
in 1 6 Jahrhundert, Freiburg i. Br., 1889, 38.
240 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinal endeavoured to maintain discipline and order
among the clergy. Worthy also of recognition are his
benefactions to the University of Oxford, where he raised
a lasting memorial to his name in the truly regal foundation
of Christ Church. It was characteristic of him that he
obtained the necessary means by the dissolution of
monasteries, under special powers obtained after a struggle
from Clement VII.1
The English King, in recompense for his book against
Luther, had received from Leo X. the title of " Defensor
Fidei," from Clement VII. the golden rose, and from
Luther, on the other hand, a " counter-reply of unspeakable
coarseness and obscenity." ' Henry complained of
Luther's insults to the Elector of Saxony, and employed
Thomas More and John Fisher to compose fresh refuta
tions of the reformer. Nevertheless, Luther for some
time afterwards indulged in the flattering hope that he
might make a convert of the King of England, to whom
with this object he addressed a very servile letter in
September 1525 begging for pardon. But Henry dis
missed his approaches with contempt.3 Ten years later
the same King tried by flattery to obtain from the doctor
of Wittenberg an opinion favourable to his divorce. Only
this one circumstance, only the desire to discard his
lawful wife in order to marry a wanton, was the cause that
led Henry to rend asunder the links that for nearly a
thousand years had bound his kingdom to the See of Peter.
Soon after his accession, Henry VIII. had married the
widow of his brother Arthur, Catherine of Aragon, who,
as a daughter of King Ferdinand the Catholic, was the
1 Cf. GASQUET, I., 72 seg.
2 Opinion of K. MlJLLER, II., i., 514.
3 WALCH, XIX., 470 seq,\ ENDERS, Luther's Briefwechsel, V., 229
412 seqq.
HENRY VIII. AND CATHERINE. 241
aunt of Charles V. On the 26th of December 1503 Pope
Julius II. had issued a Bull1 granting the necessary
dispensation from the obstacle to a valid marriage caused
by the first degree of affinity. Catherine was five years
older than Henry, but from the first the marriage appeared
to be a perfectly happy one. Five children, three boys
and two girls, were born, but the only one who lived was
Mary, born in 1516. The Queen, as pious and virtuous as
she was tender-hearted, bore these successive losses with
Christian resignation. Like others of her countrywomen
she aged early ; she also had frequent illnesses, and the
hope of a male heir vanished. Consequently the passionate
King turned to other women. As early as 1519 he had
adulterous relations with Elizabeth Blount and later with
Mary Boleyn. Yet so little did the thought of a divorce
occupy his mind that in 1519 he commissioned the
Florentine sculptor, Pietro Torregiano, who had also
executed the monument of his father, to prepare for him
and his wife a common tomb.2
That Henry VIII. had other mistresses besides the two
already named is probable, but not proven. According to
his own testimony, conjugal relations between him and
the Queen had ceased since 1524. The King, moreover,
asseverated that serious scruples had arisen in his mind
regarding the validity of his marriage; as the Scripture
forbade marriage with a brother's wife, he feared that he
1 For the Brief of Dispensation and its close connection with the
Bull of Dispensation see infra, p. 265. There is no important
difference between the two documents ; in each case the impediment
of affinity by marriage is removed and the way opened for the
possibility of a valid declaration of consent.
2 Cf. BREWER, III., i, 2; BROSCH, VI., 212-213; LINGARD, VI.
130 seq. See also JuSTl in Jahrb. der preussischen Kunstsamml.,
XXVII. (1906), 2$4seg.
VOL. X, 1 6
242 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
might have been living incestuously with Catherine. It
became evident only too soon that this scruple coincided
with the passion, amounting almost to an obsession, which
seized him in 1526. A lady of Catherine's court, Anne
Boleyn, had by her attractions aroused the King's sensual
admiration. Her resistance to his unlawful addresses,
mingled as it was with coquetry, kindled her suitor's ardour
to the highest pitch. Anne was sister of that Mary
Boleyn who had previously been Henry's mistress. A
marriage with her was confronted by exactly the same
obstacle, only in an intensified degree, as that which now
so grievously troubled the tender conscience of the King
with regard to his union with Catherine.
The bold thought of ousting the legitimate Queen and
supplanting her could hardly have entered into the head
of Anne Boleyn.1 Behind her stood two members of the
great English nobility : her uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, and
the Duke of Suffolk. For long these two had looked with
jealousy and hatred on the position of Cardinal Wolsey
in the councils of the King. From this quarter came
the notion of a divorce ; the idea itself originated in a
subtly contrived plan to overthrow the all-powerful
1 This " frivolous, pert, and intriguing young woman," says EHSES
(Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 610 seq.\ "insignificant both in intellect and
character, was personally and morally no better than her sister Mary,
who had been seduced by Henry VIII. If Anne Boleyn had not been
taken aback by the contemptuous brusqueness with which the Royal
libertine and niggard brushed aside the discarded instruments of his
lust, she would have had as little need to play off upon the King her
feigned prudery and affected maidenliness as upon any others who
before or after sought her favours." For the actual existence of an
illicit intercourse between Henry VIII. and Mary Boleyn (b. after 1503,
married 1520, in the Queen's service since 1523) see POCOCK, Records
of the Reformation: The Divorce, Oxford, 1870. Cf. GAIRDNER,
Engl. Hist. Review, 1893, 53 seq.
WOLSEY KEPT IN THE DARK. 243
Chancellor. Should the divorce and the marriage with
Anne succeed, the downfall of the Cardinal would follow
upon them ; if they did not succeed, then Wolsey would
incur the King's wrath on account of their miscarriage, so
that in either case the fall of the hated favourite seemed
certain.1 In entire contradiction to the facts is the theory,
at one time often upheld, that Wolsey, who was at first
antagonistic, had, against his better conscience, and to
his own undoing, consented to become the King's tool in
carrying out the business, and was the originator of the
scheme of divorce.2
It is impossible to say precisely at what moment the
thought of divorce in order to remarry with Anne Boleyn
took possession of Henry, at first as a secret between him
and his advisers of the Norfolk party, and without Wolsey's
previous knowledge ; the scheme can be traced back
as far as the spring of 1527, when Henry took the first
steps towards its realization.3 With a cunning dishonesty
he managed at first to conceal the design lurking in his
heart from those who were not initiated, even from Wolsey.
The strange circumstance that, all at once, after eighteen
years' marriage with Catherine, conscientious objections
to the validity of that union should have arisen within
him, he explained by referring to expressions used by the
French Bishop, Gramont of Tarbes, who, in March and
1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 610 seq.\ HEFELE-HERGEN-
ROTHER, IX., 590; BUSCH, in Histor. Taschenb., 1889, 280 seqq.
2 Against this view see also GAIRDNER in Engl. Hist. Review,
1896, 674 seqq.
3 Brewer's view (BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 163 seq.) that already in
1526 negotiations with Rome concerning the divorce were in progress,
is based on an erroneous construction of a document relating to an
entirely different circumstance. Cf. for the contrary view EHSES in
Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 614; GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review,
1896, 676.
244 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
April 1527, stayed in England as head of an embassy to
the English court, and then discussed a proposal of marriage
between Mary, Henry's daughter, and Francis I. or one
of his sons. The Bishop, so Henry asserted at a later
date, had given utterance to suspicions of the legitimacy
of the Princess Mary, as the marriage of Henry and
Catherine had not been valid. There can be no doubt
that the words attributed to the Bishop of Tarbes were
a pure invention and Henry's pretended scruples sheer
hypocrisy.1
On the day after the departure of the French Ambassador
(May 8th) Wolsey appears to have been initiated, for the
first time, into the secret of the divorce, but not in any way
into the ulterior object, the fresh marriage with Anne
1 Historians of more recent date, however, have still been taken in
and take both statements as of genuine value ; thus REUMONT,
Beitrage, III., 75. See on the other hand EHSES, in Histor. Jahrb.,
1888, 612 seq.\ BAUMGARTEN, Charles V., III., 637; GAIRDNER in
Engl. Hist. Review, 1896, 675 seq. BUSCH (Histor. Taschenb., 1889,
285 seq.} says "that pangs of conscience on account of a sinfully
contracted marriage with his brother's widow led the King to suspect
the validity of his marriage is hypocrisy and falsehood. It would
have required a sensitively scrupulous conscience to have raised
religious objections to the immunity given by the Church itself. The
Pope and the Church did all they could and offered all they could to
allay any existing scruples of conscience, but Henry, with ever-
increasing irritation, waived such attempts aside : for he did not wish
his conscience to be set at rest. He wished the divorce. ... In the
whole process the most pitiable part played was that of the King."
BREWER- GAIRDNER, II., 178: "Granting that the King was troubled
with thoughts of his succession, and doubts of the legitimacy of his
marriage with Catherine, can anyone imagine that a pure and
scrupulous conscience would have adopted such a method as this for
removing his perplexities?" Cf. also DREUX, Le premier divorce de
Henry VIII., in Posit, de theses de 1'ecole d. chart, 1900, 42 seq., and
BOURILLY-DE-VAISSIERE, Amb. de J. du Bellay, 464 note.
THE FIRST STEPS. 245
Boleyn. If at first he made objections and pointed out
difficulties, later events showed that his opposition could
not have lasted very long nor have been of great import
ance; l for on the i/th of May he was already holding, after
previous arrangement with Henry, as Apostolic Legate,
with Archbishop Warham of Canterbury as assessor, a
Court of Justice before which the King was cited " to
answer for eighteen years' sinful cohabitation with
Catherine."2 The whole business had been precon
certed ; by means of this farce a sentence of divorce in
Henry's favour was to be concocted, so that the King,
by contracting a fresh marriage, might establish as soon as
possible an accomplished fact.3 After two further sittings,
on the 2Oth and 3ist of May, it became evident that this
was not the way by which the desired end was to be
reached. It was now determined to try to obtain, as far
as possible, episcopal sanction for the divorce. Opinions
were invited from bishops and canonists, but not with
the wished - for result ; the reply of Bishop Fisher in
particular — and he did not stand alone among the rulers
of the Church — was unconditionally in favour of the
validity of the marriage. This probably caused Wolsey
to reflect; but the Cardinal had taken the first fatal
step, and he could now withdraw only with the greatest
difficulty. As he allowed the whole month of June to
go by without carrying the matter any further, Henry
showed him clear signs of his dissatisfaction, so that
he thought it well henceforward to beat down all objec
tions and pursue the business with the utmost energy.4
The Cardinal had now come to be pointed at generally
as the originator of the whole affair, and his enemies lost no
1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 614.
2 EHSES, toe. cit, 614 seq. 3 Ibid, 615. * Ibid., 615 seqq.
246 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
time in spreading this report in all directions. In reality
Wolsey had entered only with great reluctance into a
matter which appeared to him almost hopeless. As he
knew the King's obstinate will, he held that no other choice
was possible for him than to maintain his position. On
former occasions he had always bowed before Henry's
expressed wishes, and only ruled his master by convincing
him that in a given case the conduct of his servant was
the means most suitable for attaining the royal end.
Confronted with the fierce passion of the King it now
never entered his mind to offer a direct opposition ; and
to exhibit negligence seemed a course full of danger.
On the 22nd of June 1527, Henry, in a brutal manner,
ordered Catherine to separate from him ; he told the
unhappy woman in plain words that after questioning
various theologians and canonists he had become certain
that during the whole of their married life she had been
living in mortal sin. Catherine refused with determina
tion to admit the charge, and in her rejoinder she brought
into prominence a point which hitherto had been over
looked. Even if it were granted that serious objections
might be raised against the Papal dispensation permitting
a marriage with the wife of a deceased brother, yet in her
case they could not apply, for, as her husband well knew,
she had been Arthur's wife only in name, for their
marriage had never been consummated.
For this disclosure Wolsey and the other advisers of the
King were not prepared. They consulted as to what
should now be done. On the ist of July, just as the
Cardinal was on the point of starting for France, the King
caused him to be told that he was no longer deceived,
that he, the Cardinal, seemed to be calling in question
the justice of the King's "secret business." Wolsey at
once replied with the assurance that this was not the
WOLSEY'S JOURNEY TO FRANCE. 24?
case. Even on the assumption that the marriage with
Arthur had never been consummated, the fact still
remained that he and Catherine had been married " in
facie ecclesiae"; this established the impediment of open
wedlock from which the Papal Bull gave no dispensa
tion. Therefore the invalidity of the King's marriage
could be asserted as much as ever, for the dispensation
had been insufficient.
After Wolsey had thus completely identified himself
with the King's cause he started on his journey to France
on the 3rd of July, in order to meet Francis I. at Amiens,
and as representative of his master conclude the treaty
with the French King. On his way from Westminster
to Dover he made an attempt to win over, or rather to
circumvent, Archbishop Warham and Bishop Fisher. To
the latter he alleged, with total want of truthfulness, that
the recent steps had been taken only in order to refute the
objections to the validity of the marriage. He had another
object in view as well : to blacken Catherine in the eyes
of Fisher, who possessed the Queen's confidence, by suggest
ing that it was a totally unjust supposition on her part
that Henry was aiming at a divorce, and that by her
violence and impatience she was thwarting the good
intentions of the King.1 Wolsey, in acting thus dis
honestly, had not the least suspicion that he himself
throughout the whole affair was playing the part of the
duper duped ; he was still in entire ignorance of Henry's
ulterior aims and of the sordid character of the business
of which he had made himself an agent. He therefore
believed that he would achieve a masterpiece of political
ability if, when in France, where his mission, besides its
main and avowed task, had also the secret object of
1 Cf. EHSES in Hist. Jahrb., 1888, 617 ; GAIRDNER in Engl. Hist.
Review, 1896, 679 seq. ; BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 194 seqq.
24-8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
cautiously initiating Francis into the scheme of divorce,
he were to pursue, on his own responsibility, the project
of preparing the way for a second marriage at some future
time between Henry and a French Princess, Renee, the
daughter of Louis XII.1 As he remained in France after
the conclusion of the treaty with Francis (i6th of August
1527) up to the middle of September, it is presumable
that during that month he set his plan in motion. He
believed that under the circumstances of the hour he could
carry the divorce through before the Pope became aware
of it. His ambitious scheme was nothing less than this :
he wished during the continuance of the imprisonment of
Clement VII. to be appointed Papal Vicar-General, with
the fullest conceivable powers, and by means of this
delegated authority to settle the marriage question in
Henry's favour.2 To secure this appointment he sent, on
the 1 5th of September 1527, the Protonotary Uberto da
Gambara to the Pope.
Meanwhile Henry VIII. himself was about to take steps
totally destructive of the schemes of the Cardinal, who
hitherto was under the belief that he held in his hands the
conduct of the whole affair. In the beginning of September
Wolsey was informed that Henry was on the point of
sending his secretary Knight to Rome. Anticipating
mischief, he wrote on the 5th of September to the
King dissuading him from this step ; nevertheless Knight
arrived at Compiegne on the loth of September. As
Wolsey himself had despatched agents to Rome on the
King's behalf, he hoped that Knight's mission would be
regarded as superfluous, and that the next King's messenger,
Christopher Mores, would bring with him his recall. In
1 EHSES, loc. tit., 620 seqq.\ GAIRDNER, he. cit., 680 seqq.
2 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 221 seq.\ GAIRDNER in Engl.
Hist. Review, 1896, 680. Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 440 seq.
WOLSEY'S SUSPICION AROUSED. 249
order to avoid suspicion, Knight consented to wait
for Mores' arrival ; as the latter did not bring with
him Knight's recall, the Cardinal had, on the i3th of
September, to allow the latter to continue his journey
to Rome. To deceive Wolsey, Knight was enjoined to
take instructions from him ; therefore the Cardinal gave
the King's secretary the draft of a Bull conferring on
him the appointment of Vicar-General of the Pope.1
But Wolsey was carefully kept in ignorance of the real
object of Knight's mission. Henry, in fact, had given
the latter a draft of a Bull by which the King should
obtain a dispensation to contract a fresh marriage, and
that too either without a dissolution of his marriage with
Catherine — in other words, to commit bigamy — or after a
legal divorce.2
Knight's mission must have convinced Wolsey that
the intention now was to take the management of the
whole affair out of his hands. Now for the first time
the suspicion arose that Anne Boleyn was the person
designed to supplant the Queen. Accordingly he
changed his plans and determined to return to England
as quickly as possible, in order to regain that place
in the King's confidence now imperilled by the secret
intrigues of his enemies. Before leaving Compiegne he
addressed, on the i6th of September, together with four
other Cardinals, a letter to the Pope praying him to
delegate his authority during the period of his captivity ; 3
then, on the following day, he began his journey to
England. On his first reception at court he at once
perceived what a recognized position Anne Boleyn now
1 In POCOCK, I., 19-21.
2 Cf. BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 224; EHSES, loc. ciL, 224 seq.\
GAIRDNER, loc. cit.> 684 seq.
3 EHSES, Dokumente, 6 seq.
250 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
held with the King.1 The Cardinal's eyes were at last
opened to the real state of things. Then it was that he
remained upon his knees long imploring Henry to
depart from his resolution. Bitterly he repented the
willingness with which he had flung himself from the
first, under mistaken suppositions and unconditionally,
into the scheme of divorce ; but now it was too late
to draw back ; he saw that his position and his life
depended on this issue.
The only point on which Wolsey was able to move
Henry was that the latter should at least at first abstain
from the scandalous demand for a dispensation involving
bigamy, to which the Pope, even if he were in the last
extremity, could not be expected to consent. Consequently
the King agreed to send Knight a fresh draft of a dispensa
tion to take the place of that previously given him. But
even now the King was again deceiving Wolsey. While
Henry and Wolsey between them drew up a new draft of
dispensation, destined for Knight, the King had already
secretly despatched another draft, of the contents of which
Wolsey knew nothing ; moreover, Knight had received a
strictly confidential intimation not to make use of the
draft concocted with Wolsey until the secret draft should
prove impracticable. The Bull of dispensation which
Henry asked for in order to contract marriage with Anne
Boleyn after divorce from Catherine, was to contain a
clause dispensing from the impediment of affinity in the
first degree caused by his previous illicit and adulterous
intercourse with Anne Boleyn's sister.2
Knight reached Rome in November 1527, but owing to
the Pope's confinement in St. Angelo he could not gain
1 Cf. FRIEDMANN, I., 58 seq.\ EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 625
seq.
2 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 224 seq.
BULL OBTAINED BY KNIGHT. 2$ I
access to him. Through intermediaries, however, he
received Clement's assurance that, if he would withdraw
from Rome and wait at Narni, he should obtain all that he
asked for.1 After the Pope's liberation Knight went with
him to Orvieto, and here he actually obtained, after some
hesitation, the Bull desired by Henry. It certainly had
been revised in form by the Pope and the Grand Peni
tentiary Pucci, but in substance was in agreement with
Henry's draft. The Bull was drawn up on the i/th of
December 1527 and sent off on the 23rd.2 It was only
a conditional Bull dependent on the proof of the in
validity of the marriage with Catherine. Before this
proof was clearly established, the Bull was absolutely
valueless. Its contents were unimpeachable. The only
evil results that might follow from it were that it tended
to harden the King's determination to procure a divorce,
and gave him a hope that Clement would be ready to
give a prompt adhesion to his wishes.3 The King was
all the more prone to indulge in such expectations as
the political situation was highly favourable to him.
1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 225.
2 Printed in EHSES, Dokumente, 14-17 ; cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb.,
1888, 226 seq. In opposition to BREWER-GAIRDNER (II., 231 seq.)
and FRIEDMANN (I., 64 seq.\ who speak severely of Knight's stupidity
and incompetence in drawing up a document, without any value, as
long as Henry's first marriage was binding, EHSES maintains (loc. cit.,
227 seq.) that Knight on his first visit to Orvieto secured all that he
was commissioned to obtain. His task was not to obtain the divorce
but simply a dispensation for Henry's marriage with Anne Boleyn in
the event of the union with Catherine being at a later date legally
dissolved. The whole transaction was certainly inept (cf. GAIRDNER,
in the Engl. Hist Review, 1896, 687), but the ineptitude lies rather on
the shoulders of the King than on those of his agent.
3 BROSCH, VI., 217, well describes the dispensation as a knife
without blade or handle.
252 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Pope, smarting from the deep injuries inflicted on
him by the Emperor, was, together with Francis I., still
his ally. The material and moral support guaranteed
to him by France was subsequently of still greater im
portance.1 On his journey home Knight met, near
Bologna, an English courier carrying fresh instructions
for him, Gregorio Casale, and the Protonotary Gambara.
He was therefore obliged to return to Orvieto.
The instructions contained the above-mentioned draft
of dispensation, as jointly composed by the King and
Wolsey, but also a document of much greater importance,
by which Wolsey, in accordance with an original plan of
his own, sought to intervene decisively in the whole train
of circumstances. This was the draft of a Decretal Bull to
be signed by the Pope, transferring to Wolsey the entire
adjudication of the case. On the English side five points
were raised to invalidate the dispensation of Julius II.
of the 26th of December 1503 : — 2
1. The Bull states falsely that Henry VIII. wished for
the marriage with Catherine, whereas his father, Henry
VII., without his son's knowledge, had procured the Bull.
2. The reason adduced for the issue of the dispensation,
the maintenance of peace between England and Spain, was
null or at least insufficient, as the two States had not been
previously at war.
3. Henry VIII. was at the time (1503) only just
twelve years old, and therefore not yet capable of a
marriage dispensation.
4. The dispensation had lapsed, for at the time of the
consummation of the marriage one of the persons, between
1 This with special reference to the decisive years 1531-1534; see
TRESAL in the Rev. d. quest, hist., LXXIX., $& seqq.
2 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 216; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER,
XI. 600.
THE DECRETAL BULL. 253
whom peace was to be maintained by this alliance,
Isabella, Queen of Castille, was dead.
5. Henry VIII. had protested against the marriage
with Catherine before its consummation, and thereby
had renounced the benefits of the dispensation.
In the Decretal Bull which Wolsey asked Clement
to publish, the Pope was to declare that these five
points, if capable of substantiation, were sufficient to
invalidate the dispensation of Julius II. and therewith
the marriage itself.1 Nothing therefore now remained
to be done but to test the soundness of these five
points, and if their validity were established in one
single instance only, then Wolsey, either alone or along
with the Illyrian prelate Stafileo, was to have full powers
given him to declare null and void the dispensation of
Julius II., and therewith the marriage of Henry and
Catherine ; for this decision, placed in Wolsey's hands,
the Papal ratification was to be guaranteed unconditionally
and irrevocably. Never before had such a demand as
this of Henry's been submitted to a Pope and his spiritual
authority.2
The draft of this decretal commission was laid by
Knight and Gregorio Casale before the Pope at Orvieto
at the end of December. They appealed to the King's
submissiveness towards the Church and urged that if the
1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 217, 231 ; HEFELE-HERGEN-
ROTHER, IX., 597 seq.
2 EHSES, loc. tit., 231. Cf. BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 236: "Never
was a more extravagant demand made on a Pope's good nature, and
never was a stronger proposal submitted to the highest spiritual
authority of Christendom. A man of even less firmness than Clement
VII. and less regard for justice would have resented the suggestion
that he should abdicate his functions of supreme judge and lend
himself a willing and unresisting instrument to such a gross act of
injustice."
254 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
doubt concerning the dispensation of Julius II. were not
laid to rest there was the greatest danger in England of
a contested succession. Greatly as Clement appreciated
the dangers that threatened England from the failure of
a male succession to the crown, yet it appeared to him
impossible to accede to the immoderate demands of the
English envoys. He first of all referred them to Cardinal
Pucci, who was charged with the management of this affair.
The envoys had no greater success in this quarter; an
attempt to bribe Pucci failed. The latter moreover
declared, after an examination of the draft, that the Bull
as it then stood could not be granted without bringing
indelible disgrace on the Pope as well as on Henry VIII.
and Wolsey.1 The envoys obtained instead a commission
for Wolsey and Stafileo, drawn up by Pucci, from which
the very point was omitted on which Wolsey set the
greatest value, namely, the declaration that the five points
laid down, if substantiated, would suffice to annul the
marriage, so that he was also deprived of the wished-for
possibility of a final decision being given in England.
As a matter of fact the plenary powers conferred on
Wolsey were thus made worthless.
Two fresh envoys were therefore sent to Orvieto, Dr.
Stephen Gardiner, Wolsey's chief secretary and one of
the most gifted canonists in England, and Dr. Edward
Fox, with instructions to obtain the decretal commission
in its original form, only, this was no longer to be drawn
up for Wolsey alone or in conjunction with Stafileo, but
a Papal Legate, if possible Campeggio, was to be sent in
order to decide the case together with Wolsey. In the case
of the decretal commission being unobtainable, the envoys
were instructed at least to secure a general commission
1 EHSES, loc. cit., 232 ; GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review, 1896,
690.
MISSION OF GARDINER AND FOX. 255
of the most comprehensive character possible for Wolsey
and Campeggio, or even for Wolsey alone, or for him and
Archbishop Warham of Canterbury.1 Gardiner and Fox
left London on the nth of February 1528, and on the
2 1st of March, at Orvieto, met the Pope, now stripped of
every vestige of temporal power. The negotiations began
on the 23rd of March and lasted until the I3th of April.
During their progress the English envoys were unceasing
in their efforts to wring from Clement the plenary powers
as specified in the English drafts. Almost daily the Pope
and Cardinals held discussions of from three to four hours'
duration, and on one occasion a conference of five hours
lasted until one in the morning. According to his own
reports, Gardiner, even if he exaggerated a good deal in
order to emphasize his own zeal, displayed towards the
Pope the most unblushing arrogance ; but he did not
succeed thus in extorting a full consent to the English
demands.2
The Pope and the Cardinals were on their guard, and
met the importunity of the English officials with great
calmness and self-control. In spite of the insolence of
Gardiner's demands, Clement never for a moment allowed
himself to give way to a hasty expression. He as well as
the Cardinals were firm in their rejection of terms which
they could not and dared not concede.3
1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 234 seq. ; HEFELE-HERGEN-
ROTHER, IX., 598.
2 The reports of Gardiner and Fox in POCOCK, 1.595-140. One of
Cardinal Pucci addressed to Clement himself, written with thorough
knowledge of the affair, and clear exposition of the negotiations, is in
EHSES, Dokumente, 22-27. Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 217
seqq. See also GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review, 1896, 696 seqq.
3 GAIRDNER, loc. tit., 696 ; the Pope and Cardinals were determined
" never to make such concessions as would enable injustice to be done
with the sanction of the Holy See."
256 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Pope was not shaken even by the intervention of
Francis I., who, in a special letter, gave his advice on the
affair of Henry VIII. There is no justification for the
charge then brought against Clement by the English party,1
and renewed in our own days by recent historians,2 that
throughout the whole matter he was actuated entirely by
political motives, that fear of the Emperor was the only
ground on which he resisted the claims of England. The
fear of the Emperor was a catchword constantly in men's
mouths, and it was often used by the Pope himself as
an excuse for his lack of acquiescence in the English
demands. But in this particular case this was not the
ruling motive ; that was to be found in his conscientious
regard for the duty of the chief ruler of the Church. What
Gardiner had at last perforce to content himself with were
1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 241 seq., 641 seqq.
2 BuSCH in Histor. Taschenb., 1889, especially 307. Against him
EHSES, in Histor. Jahrb., 1892, 470 seqq, BROSCH, who (221 seq} takes
the same standpoint, at least admits (222), " If the Pope's attitude was
open to censure, some excuse at least was to be found for him in his
precarious situation and the fear which haunted him since the sack of
Rome. When, on the other hand, Wolsey made every effort to bring
about the divorce, and in the same breath overflowed with solemn
protestations of the sanctity of wedlock, this was sheer hypocrisy and
inexcusable."— " Even," says EHSES (loc. tit., 1888, 242), "if Clement
had had nothing to expect or fear from Charles, was he not bound, in
a matter so highly affecting the honour of the Emperor, to avoid the
least semblance of partiality ? Even if it had been possible to dissolve,
in accordance with law and justice, the union between Henry and the
Emperor's aunt, it would have been imperative to have done this in a
way congruous with the strictest law and precedent. . . . Henry
could not have demanded of the Pope that he should take into con
sideration all the pleas he put forward on his own behalf and entirely
ignore those of the Emperor." GAIRDNER also (Engl. Hist. Review,
1896, 699 seq.} rejects the charge against Clement VII. that he and his
advisers were influenced by fear of the Emperor in their decisions in
the English divorce suit.
THE BULLS OF COMMISSION. 257
the Bulls of commission of the I3th of April and the 8th of
June 1528 respectively, which, in order to leave an opening
for two possibilities, were drawn up in similar terms for
Wolsey and Warham as well as for Wolsey and Campeggio.1
The first Bull was despatched at once on the I3th of
April, the second, also dated from Orvieto, the I3th of
April, with the commission for the two Cardinals, was not
officially executed until the 8th of June, at Viterbo.2 As
the mission of Campeggio to England was a certainty, the
second Bull only was made use of. By this Bull the
Cardinals received full powers thoroughly to examine
whatever could be brought forward for or against the
marriage of Henry and Catherine, and especially for or
against the dispensation of Julius II.; then, after hearing
both sides, to take summary proceedings, to declare the
dispensation and the marriage severally, according to the
just circumstances of the case and their convictions, to be
valid and legal, or invalid and null, if judgment should be
called for by one of the parties. In case of invalidity, in
the same summary proceedings, the decree of divorce was
1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 245 seqq.
2 The Bull of commission for Wolsey and Campeggio is given in
POCOCK, I., 167-169, and in EHSES, Dokumente, 28-30 ; ibid., 30
seq., the Promissio dementis VII. , with which Rom. Quartalschr.,
XII., 225 seq., may be compared. Under the date of April 13, 1528,
yet a second and more comprehensive Bull of dispensation for a fresh
marriage on Henry's part was prepared in the event of that with
Catherine being declared invalid j published by GAIRDNER in the
Engl. Hist. Review, 1890, 544-550, and by EHSES, Dokumente, 33-37;
cf. also GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review, 1896, loc. cit. For the
matter still pending this Bull also was without practical importance.
It did not come near the question of the validity of the marriage with
Catherine ; see Katholik, 1893, II., 309. Gairdner says justly that
Henry's conduct in submitting such a proposal to the Pope was a
piece of incredible effrontery. If Clement had entered into it this
would have been the culmination of subserviency.
VOL. X. 17
258 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to be declared and liberty be given to the King and
Queen to contract a fresh marriage, but in suchwise that,
if it seemed good to the Cardinals, the children of the first
marriage, as well as those of the second, should be declared
legitimate, and their legitimacy protected from all question
under the usual punishments and censures of the Church.1
The two Cardinals were jointly delegated for this exam
ination and adjudication; the English envoys, however, had
carried the clause that either of the two would be justified
in carrying on the proceedings alone, if the other were
either unwilling or prevented by death or by some other
just cause. Against the procedure of the Cardinals no
objection, no appeal would be admissible ; on the contrary,
they were the representatives of the full and unlimited
Papal authority. But the Bull did not contain that which
for Wolsey had become the essential thing. There was no
guarantee that the Pope would confirm the decision of the
Cardinals ; there was no specification of the ground on
which the invalidity of the dispensation and of the marriage
in the given instances was to be pronounced.2
When Fox returned to England with these results he
was received on the 3rd of May by Henry and Anne
Boleyn with great delight; it seems that both were of
opinion that the goal was now almost reached. Wolsey,
on the contrary, who saw deeper, knew that from the
results brought back by Fox nothing was gained for the
final decision of the case in England ; but on closer re
flection he concealed his dissatisfaction in order at least
to gain time and postpone as far as possible the downfall
that he knew to be inevitable.3 He therefore immediately
1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 247 seq.
2 Cf. ibid., 248 seq.
3 Cf. ibid., 249 seq. ; GAIRDNER in Engl. Hist. Rev., 1896, 702 ;
FRIEDMANN, I., 70 seq.
ARTIFICE OF WOLSEY. 259
made a last effort to obtain the Decretal Bull by means of
Gardiner, who had remained behind in Italy. In connection
with this scheme Wolsey, on the loth of May 1528, arranged
a curious scene.
In the presence of Henry VIII., Fox, and several of the
King's procurators, he gave utterance to the solemn declara
tion : Although no other subject was so devoted to his
prince as he was to his King, and though, on that account,
his obedience, truth, and loyalty to Henry were so stead
fast that he would willingly sacrifice goods, blood, and life
to satisfy his "just desires," yet he felt that his duty
towards his God was greater, before whom he must once
for all give an account of his actions, and therefore in this
matter he would rather incur the King's gravest displeasure,
rather allow himself to be torn limb from limb, than do any
act of injustice, or that the King should demand of him in
this question anything that justice could not sanction.
On the contrary, if the Bull (of Julius II.) should be pro
nounced sufficient, he would declare it so to be.1 It was
a pure piece of acting, got up simply in order that Fox,
who was taken in by it, and on the following day was to
send Wolsey 's new instructions to Gardiner, should send
an account of it to the latter, who would in turn relate the
incident to the Pope. In this way Clement would be
brought round to such an assurance of Wolsey's conscien
tiousness and love of justice that he could have no further
objections to granting him the Decretal Bull.2
The instructions sent by Fox to Gardiner on the nth
of May were to the effect that he must carry through in
any possible way the secret execution of the Decretal Bull.
It must be represented to the Pope that Wolsey's esteem
1 Fox to Gardiner, May 11, 1528, in PococK, I., i^seg. ; GAIRDNER,
loc. tit., 1897, 3 ; EHSES, loc. cit., 629 seq.
2 Cf. EHSES, loc. cit.^ 629 seq. ; GAIRDNER, loc. cit., 3 seq.
260 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and influence with the King, and therewith the esteem
attaching to the Holy See itself, are greatly dependent on
the granting of such a Bull. In order to remove the
Pope's objections Gardiner and Casale were instructed
solemnly to declare and swear in Wolsey's name that the
latter would " never on the ground of this Bull begin the
process of divorce, nor show the document to a single
person or in any way make use of it so as to expose the
Holy See to the least prejudice or scandal. He would
only show it to the King, and then keep it in his own
private custody simply as a pledge of the Pope's fatherly
disposition towards Henry, as a token of personal confi
dence in himself, as a means of maintaining and strengthen
ing his position in the King's esteem with a view to the
best interests of the Pope."1 There is no doubt that these
solemn promises were only attempts to deceive, and that
they would not have been kept if the Pope had committed
the blunder of placing unreservedly such a compromising
document in the hands of so unscrupulous a diplomatist
as Wolsey ; 2 for, if the promised secrecy were observed,
the Bull, on the whole, would be useless.
After repeated and lengthy negotiations and much
pressure from the English envoys, Gardiner was at last able,
on the nth of June 1528, to report to Henry VIII. that
Campeggio's mission to England was settled and that the
Pope had promised to send the Decretal Bull by him.3 In
granting the Bull, Clement had carried consideration for
Henry and Wolsey to its furthest limits, but he had taken
1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 628 seq.
2 Cf. EHSES, loc. tit., 634 seq.
3 EHSES, loc. tit., 635. GAIRDNER in Engl. Hist. Rev., 1897, 6.
On the earlier controversies as to the existence or not of such a
Decretal Bull cf. EHSES, loc. tit., 28 seqq. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER,
IX., 607 seq.
THE DECRETAL BULL. 26l
the precaution to do so under such conditions that in
reality it could never be anything more than what Wolsey,
in asking for it, had pretended it to be. The latter saw to
his great disgust that he had, in the strictest sense of the
words, been taken in.1 The object, put forward by Wolsey
as a pretext, that the Decretal Bull was only a means of
protecting his position as much as possible and proving to
the King that he had done all that lay in his power to carry
out his wishes, was attained when Campeggio showed the
document and read it aloud to the King and Chancellor.
But the misuse of the Bull, in spite of all Wolsey's promises,
could only be prevented by Campeggio keeping the
document in his own hands and destroying it at the right
moment. The contents of this document can only be
conjectured, but it must have been of such a character as
to have made the divorce between Henry and Catherine
possible and even an accomplished fact, had not the Pope
entirely withheld it from the free disposal of Henry and
Wolsey.2 Even if Clement, in granting this illusory docu
ment, which confirmed the demands of Henry to their full
extent, was guilty of incredible weakness, yet he was acting
under the belief that the grievous blunder thus committed
could be repaired by depriving the Bull of any possible
practical use, and that he could avoid all difficulties and
misunderstandings, by declaring firmly and clearly that
he could never have allowed it to be put into execution,
since, as the guardian of faith and truth, he must have
repudiated its contents.3
Campeggio, who entered on his mission in July I528,4
was instructed to prolong his journey as much as possible,
1 Cf. EHSES, loc. cit., 636 seqq. ; GAIRDNER, loc. tit., 6 seq.
2 EHSES, loc. tit., 640.
3 Ibid., 643.
4 Cf. the Itinerary in EHSES, Dokumente, xxix. seq.
262 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to defer crossing the channel as long as he could, and
even when in England to do his utmost to protract the
process of the divorce, and if possible to bring about a
reconciliation between the King and Queen, but in no
case was he to pronounce a final verdict without fresh
and express faculties from the Pope ; for it was hoped that
in the meantime God's saving grace would perhaps incline
the heart of the King to abstain from asking the Pope to
grant what could only be granted with injustice, danger,
and scandal.1 Campeggio reached London on the 7th of
October, suffering severely from gout.2 Although the court
rejoiced, his reception by the people was cold and even
unfriendly. He appeared, among other aspects, to be the
harbinger of a closer approximation to France. Men said
openly that he came to be the ruin of England and to
complete a deed of injustice.3 After several interviews
with Wolsey he had his first audience of Henry on the
22nd of October.4 On the very next day the King in his
impatience came to Campeggio, and in a long conversa
tion announced his inflexible resolve to separate from
Catherine. He urged strongly that in order to facili
tate this step the Queen should spontaneously renounce
her rights and retire into a convent. Campeggio and
Wolsey were on the following day to begin to use
all their arts of persuasion on the unfortunate woman.
Before seeing her they were both received by the King;
1 Sanga to Campeggio on September 16, 1528 ; see EHSES in Histor.
Jahrb., 1888, 643 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 609 seq.
2 Campeggio to Salviati, October 17, 1528, in EHSES, Dokumente,
47-
3 EHSES, Dokumente, 259; BROSCH, VI., 226.
4 See for this and the events of the next day Campeggio's report to
Salviati, October 26, 1528, in EHSES, Dokumente, 53 seqq. Cf. EHSES
in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 36 seq. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 610
seq. ; GAIRDNER, loc. «'/., 13 seqq.
CATHERINE IMMOVABLE. 263
in this audience, held on the 24th of October, Campeggio
read both the Bulls, of the I3th of April and the 8th of
June respectively, in which the examination of the case
was entrusted to the two Cardinals. Afterwards Henry
expressed a wish to see the Decretal Bull; Campeggio
showed it to him and read it aloud, but did not let it leave
his hands, nor did anyone see it except the King and
Wolsey. If no other order came from the Pope the
document, after it had achieved its object, was to disappear.
After this the Cardinals repaired to the Queen, who
received them with deep distrust ; the proposal that she
should betake herself to a cloister was refused decisively
on this as well as on a second occasion on the 2/th of
October.1 Nothing would have been gained even if she
had consented, for the question of the validity of the
marriage was still open. That Catherine should have
clung to her rights is quite intelligible. A Spaniard, a
daughter of the Catholic King, she certainly could not
have admitted to all the world that she had been anointed
and crowned unlawfully, that for four-and-twenty years
she had been her husband's concubine, while in her inmost
heart she believed in the validity of her marriage.
She therefore was convinced that she durst not endanger,
by an act of surrender, the right of her only child to the
succession to the throne.
Wolsey, much dissatisfied with the course things had
taken up to this time, made yet another attempt to obtain
the Pope's permission that the Decretal Bull should be
shown also to the King's advisers, for in the instructions
to Gregorio Casale of the ist of November 1528 he wrote
down the deliberate falsehood that it was the Pope's
intention that the Bull should be used for the information
1 End of the report to Salviati, October 28, 1528, in EHSES,
Dokumente, 59 seq.
264 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Cardinal Campeggio and the King's councillors. The
Pope, who now clearly perceived how imminent the
danger was that the English double-dealing might lead
to some misuse of the Bull, bitterly bewailed, when Casale
presented to him Wolsey's demands, his previous com
plaisance, accused the English Cardinal of falsehood, and
declared that if it were possible he would willingly lose
a ringer of his hand to undo what he had done. All
Casale's further representations were useless, even his
suggestion of the evil results which would follow on
the Pope's refusal, the apostasy of the King and with
him that of the country. But Clement now stood firm
and disclaimed the responsibility for the effects upon
England of Henry's action ; he had done all that he
could do, reconcilable with his conscience, to serve the
King.1 According to a later report from J. Casale to
Wolsey of the i/th of December 1528, he repeatedly
declared that he had drawn up the Decretal Bull in
order that it might be shown to the King and after
that burned forthwith.2
If from the date of Campeggio's arrival in October 1528
until far on in the following year nothing essential was
done, not even the Court of Justice itself being con
stituted, this delay was certainly in correspondence with
the Legate's intentions. It was, however, on the whole,
occasioned by Wolsey's persevering efforts to guard
the decision to be given in England from any un
certainty regarding its legality and to be forearmed
against any appeal, before the suit began. In order to
secure this he was bent either on obtaining the Papal
confirmation beforehand or on so tying the Pope's
1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 638 seq.\ HEFELE-HERGEN-
ROTHER, IX., 611 ; BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 320 seqq.
2 Cf. EHSES, loc. «'/., 38.
THE BRIEF OF DISPENSATION. 265
hands that it would be impossible for him to refuse
his ratification.1
An incident highly unfavourable to Henry's case and at
the same time the cause of further delays was the sudden
appearance in England of a hitherto unknown Brief of
Dispensation of the 26th of December 1503, a copy of
which Catherine had procured from Spain from Charles V.
and produced, probably, in November 1528. By this
document Henry's plea against the validity of the
dispensation resting on the phraseology of the Bull of
Dispensation was shaken. This Brief, auxiliary to the
Bull of Dispensation, differed from the latter in certain
particulars. In the Bull the actual consummation of the
marriage of Catherine with Arthur was left open to doubt,
by the addition of the word " perhaps," while in the Brief
this word was absent, the consummation of the marriage
thus being taken for granted ; again, in the Brief, after
stating the grounds on which the dispensation was given, the
words were also added, " and on other definite grounds." :
1 EHSES, loc. cit., 40 seq. "Whoever," says EHSES (p. 40), "will
give himself the trouble to examine closely the policy of Wolsey and
his agents in Rome, will not dispute our assertion that in the English
demands the regard for law and admissibility was pushed into the
background, and their one underlying practical motive was the un
bridled passion of Henry, who was determined at any cost to be
divorced from his wife Catherine. On this point also Wolsey stood
firm, not because he approved of the King's passion but, at least from
the year 1528, because he foresaw the apostasy of the Church of
England if Henry was baffled in forcing his will on Rome."
2 Cf. HERBERT THURSTON, The Canon Law of the Divorce, in the
Engl. Hist. Review, XIX. (1904), 632-645, who sees in this latter point,
not in the presence or absence of the "forsan," the essential difference
between Bull and Brief and the particular ground why, in the eyes of
Henry VIII. and Wolsey, the Brief was viewed as dangerous to their
intentions. For the genuineness of the Brief, on which Froude has of
late thrown doubts, cf. EHSES, Das Dispensbreve Julius II. fur die Ehe
266 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Wolsey exerted himself to render the Brief innocuous1
in two ways. He first tried to obtain possession of the
original, the Queen herself being treacherously induced,
as though it were in her own interest, to obtain this from
the Emperor. As this attempt failed, an endeavour was
then made to get the Pope to declare that the Brief was a
forgery ; this was the main object of the mission of Bryan
and Vannes at the end of November 1528, who were
followed by Knight and Bennet on the same errand. The
dangerous illness of Clement VII. in the beginning of
1529, when his death seemed not improbable, once more
aroused Wolsey's longing for the tiara and in Henry
the hope that all he wished for might be obtained
without trouble ; but the progress of negotiations was
thereby suspended. On his recovery the Pope declared
definitely that he could not pronounce the Brief to be
a forgery.2
Even Campeggio felt so certain of the reports from
various quarters of the Pope's death that on the 4th of
February 1529 he discontinued his despatch of reports to
Rome. He did not again resume them until the i8th
Heinrichs VIII. von England mit Katharina von Aragonien, in the
Rom. Quartalschr., 1893, 180-198; also in his Dokumente, xxxi.-
xliii. Further, BELLESHEIM in Katholik, 1893, II., 305 seq., and in
the Histor.-polit. Blattern, CXXIV. (1899), 578 seqq. Cf. also FRIED-
MANN, II., 328-337 ; BOREE, 34 seqq. ; POCOCK, I., 181-201.
1 Cf. BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 307-333. GAIRDNER in the Engl.
Hist. Review, 1897, 237 seqq.
2 BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 332 seqq. " It is not easy to see at what
other conclusion the Pope could have arrived consistently with the
least respect to himself or his high position. Even a man of much less
firmness and self-respect than Clement would have hesitated before he
committed himself to such an extraordinary step as to pronounce a
Brief of his predecessor to be forged, on an ex parte statement, when
he had not yet seen the original."
CAMPEGGIO'S LETTER. 267
when he addressed a letter1 to the Secretary of State,
Jacopo Salviati. This document, written for the most part
in cipher, is in many respects of great importance and
throws a very interesting light on the " whole tragic
wretchedness of the subject." It relates how Wolsey with
clasped hands adjured the Legate to co-operate with him so
that the Pope, at any price, might give a decision favour
able to the King, as in no other way could the impending
calamities be kept back. " And in fact," Campeggio
continues, " so far as I can see this passion of the King's is
a most extraordinary thing. He sees nothing, he thinks of
nothing but his Anne ; he cannot be without her for an
hour, and it moves one to pity to see how the King's life,
the stability and downfall of the whole country, hang upon
this one question."
1 Campeggio's letter, February 18, 1529, was first published by
EHSES in an article in the Rom. Quartalschrift, 1900, 263 seg., who
has finally relegated to the sphere of fable the assertion of several
historical writers, derived from untrustworthy sources, that Clement VI I.
proposed to the King as a way out of his difficulties that the latter
should pronounce an arbitrary and to a certain degree bigamous dissolu
tion of his marriage. The original letter in the Carte Fames., f. 689,
litt. C, of the Neapolitan State Archives, was published by Ehses from
a copy made by one of the other side and in many places incorrect.
The necessary corrections kindly put at my disposal by Mgr. EHSES
are as follows : — Page 264, line 9, insert after Rmo : " Eborancense et
etiam a questa Mta con la giunta del Rmo." In line 14, after che : " N.
Sre omnino indicat inducias biennales et poi." Line 28, instead of
" mostrano" read " S. Mta monstro." Line 30, " sua" instead of " sola."
Line 31, instead of "han" read "ha." Page 265, line i, instead of
"in cio" read "tune si." Line 4, instead of "nell; ultimo caso"
read "in illud tempus"; line 6, instead of "possa" read "ponno";
line 35, insert "che" after "potendo." Page 266, lines 17-18, instead
of "sato restarda gi" read "ma usato questo stratagema." Page 267,
line 13, instead of "A.," read "lei." Line 16, instead of "in termine,"
read "per pentirsene." Line 21, instead of "meo saltern a terra et
regno perpetuo exilio" read "me o saltern me terriano perpetuo exule."
268 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Wolsey made through Gardiner one more attempt to
obtain from the Pope an extension of the legatine powers
so as to include absolute power of decision ; but Clement
now stood firm against any further concessions.1 In the
meantime also Charles V. had intervened at Rome on
behalf of Catherine, with such success that already in April
the question had arisen of revoking the powers given to the
Legates in England, and transferring the whole case to
Rome. In presence of this danger Wolsey found it
advisable to abstain from pushing any further his un
attainable demands, and to open the suit and bring it as
quickly as possible to an end.2
On the 3 1st of May the court of the two Legates was
constituted,3 and the King and Queen were cited to appear
on the 1 8th of June.4 Catherine appeared on the first
summons only in order to protest against the tribunal.5
At the next sitting, on the 2ist of June, at which the King
and Queen were present, the latter repeated her protest,
threw herself at the King's feet to entreat him once more
to have compassion, declared that she would lodge an
appeal with the Pope, and withdrew,6 never to appear again
1 Cf. GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review, 1897, 243 seqq.
2 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 41 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER,
IX., 613 seq. ; BROSCH, VI., 231.
3 For his negotiations, see Campeggio's reports in EHSES, Dokumente,
98 seqq. Other papers in POCOCK, I., 206 seqq. Cf. BREWER-
GAIRDNER, II., 338 seqq. ; BOREE, 49 seqq. ; EHSES in Histor. Jahrb.,
1888, 41 seqq. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 614 seq. ; BUSCH in
Histor. Taschenb., 1890, 65 seqq. ; GAIRDNER in The Cambridge
Modern History, 1 1., 43 1 seqq. See also STEVENSON, Henry VI 1 1. and
Card. Campeggio, in The Month, 1882, October.
4 Campeggio to Salviati, June 4, 1 529 ; EHSES, Dokumente, 99.
5 Campeggio to Salviati, June 18, 1529 ; ibid.) 103 seq.
6 Cf. the two reports of Campeggio to Salviati, June 21, 1529 ; ibid.^
1 06, 1 08 seq.
FIRMNESS OF BISHOP FISHER. 269
before the Legates' court. She was consequently declared
to have acted in contumaciam, and the case proceeded with
out her with great rapidity and on the pleading of one side
only. In a cipher despatch to Salviati, Campeggio com
plained : " In the house of a foreigner one cannot do all
one wishes ; the case has no defence. A king, especially
in his own house, has no lack of procurators, attornies,
witnesses, and even laity who are hankering after his
grace and favour. The Bishops of Rochester and St. Asaph
have spoken and written in support of the marriage, also
some men of learning have done the same, but in fear and
on their own responsibility ; no one comes forward any
longer in the Queen's name." 1 The only person who
championed the unhappy princess with unfaltering courage
was John Fisher, the saintly Bishop of Rochester. The
marriage of Henry and Catherine, so he declared in the
fifth sitting, on the 28th of June, was indissoluble, no
power could break their union ; for this truth he was ready,
like John the Baptist, to lay down his life.2 Contrasted
with the diplomacy and temporizing of almost all the
rest, this declaration roused twofold sympathy. But all
Fisher's determination was powerless to effect anything.
Notwithstanding Campeggio's objections, the case was
hurried on with precipitate speed and the decision was
already looked for on the 23rd of July.3 This, however,
Campeggio prevented, for in the sitting of that date he
adjourned the court during the Roman law vacations
until the 1st of October. The sittings were never resumed,
and in this way Wolsey was defeated.
1 EHSES, Dokumente, 119-120.
2 See the report of Campeggio's Secretary, Floriano, June 29, 1529,
in EHSES, loc. cit., 116 seq. Cf. BRIDGETT (German translation by
Hartmann), 178^^.
3 Campeggio to Salviati, July 13, 1529, in EHSES, loc. cit., 119.
270 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It was high time for the case to be transferred to Rome ;
there had been too much delay. Not until Clement VII.
felt that he was strongly backed by his alliance with
Charles V. did he urge him to take decided steps. A
Consistory of the i6th of July 1529 determined that on
the ground of the Queen's appeal the case should be
brought before the judicial court of the Rota at Rome.1
This did away with the powers of the English Legates.
On the 1 9th of September Campeggio had his farewell
audience of Henry and took leave of him on friendly
terms.2 His journey was delayed by an attack of gout;
he had intended to leave Dover, where he had been since
the 8th of October, on the 26th of that month, but before
he could do so he had to submit to treatment of a most
disrespectful kind ; his luggage was searched on the
pretext that he might be taking to Rome treasure and
compromising letters from Wolsey ; the real reason, at all
events, was that it was hoped in this way still to get
possession of the Decretal Bull. As this, however, had
been long since destroyed, this inquisition was without
result.3
Before Campeggio left, the news of Wolsey's downfall
had already reached him. The latter was now paying for
the miscarriage of the divorce suit ; by the 9th of October
the proceedings against him had begun; on the i6th he
was called on to deliver up the Great Seal. Robbed of
1 The appeal presented in the Queen's name and countersigned by
the Pope in EHSES, loc. cit., 122-123. The ratification of the transfer
of the case to the Rota was communicated to the Queen and Wolsey
on July 19; see the letter in EHSES, loc. cit., 120 seqq. ; the further
letters of the Pope of August 29 and September 4, ibid., 125 seqq.
2 Campeggio to Salviati, dated Canterbury, October 7, 1 529, in EHSES,
loc. cit., I33-I35-
3 Cf. BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 375 seq.\ FRIEDMANN, I., 96 seq.\
EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 46 seq. ; EHSES, Dokumente, 137 seq.
DEATH OF WOLSEY. 2/1
his property and forbidden the court, again for a brief
moment appearing to be restored to his sovereign's favour,
he was finally charged with high treason. Arrested at
Cawood on the 4th of November 1530, he died on the
29th of that month at Leicester Abbey, a house of
Augustinian canons, on his way to London, where, it
may well be, the supreme penalty awaited him.1
Together with Henry VIII., whose adulterous passion
would submit to no check, Wolsey, by his base servility
to the King, undoubtedly shares a great portion of the
guilt of the severance of England from the Church.2 He
himself passed judgment on his conduct in the words
spoken shortly before his death : " If I had served God
as diligently as I have done my King, He would not have
given me over in my grey hairs. But this is the just
reward I must receive, for in my diligent pains and studies
to serve the King, I looked not to my duty towards God,
but only to the gratification of the King's wishes." 3
1 Cf. especially in BREWER-GAIRDNER (II., 378-464) the full account
of Wolsey's fall ; see also STEVENSON'S excellent article in the Month,
1883, January. For Wolsey generally cf., apart from the literature of
the divorce, the article "Wolsey" by BELLESHEIM in the 2nd ed. of
Wetzerand Welte's Kirchenlexikon, XII., sp. 1747-1756; among earlier
writers A. V. REUMONT, Kardinal Wolsey und der Heilige Stuhl, in his
Beitragen zur italienischen Geschichte, III., Berlin, 1855, i-ioo ;
FOLKESTONE WILLIAMS, Lives of the English Cardinals, II., London,
1868, 246 seq.\ HOOK, Archbishops of Canterbury, N.S., I., London,
1868 ; CREIGHTON, Card. Wolsey, London, 1888.
2 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 644 seq.
3 As related by Cavendish ; see EHSES, loc. cit., 647, and REUMONT,
loc. cit., 98. "A severe but nevertheless certainly the justest epitaph
which could be placed upon his monument," says EHSES, loc. cit.
Shakespeare has made use of the words in his Henry VIII., Act III.,
Scene 2. If the recent publication of original documents has brought
to light in all its grandeur the hitherto insufficiently appreciated states
manship of Wolsey, this ought not to lead to a one-sided admiration for
272 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the light of history Wolsey stands out as the
powerful statesman to whom the England of Henry VIII.
was indebted for her greatness and importance, but also
his whole personality, viewed from this side exclusively, so as to make
us forget that the very same documents in equal proportion reveal him
to us in a saddening light as a servant of the Church. EHSES, loc. cit.,
647 seq., sums up : " So long as it was only a question of external policy
and calm, diplomatic calculation, so long as only his qualities as a
statesman were called into action, Wolsey's position was a brilliant and
lofty one, if not in the achievement of conspicuous successes, yet in
the constant defence and elevation of the influence and reputation of
England. The period subsequent to his fall, as has often already been
remarked, offers his best panegyric. But where moral character and
inner personal consistency ought to have shown themselves, there was
revealed a deplorable weakness which places him in sharp contrast to
a great predecessor in a similar position, Thomas Becket. With the
frivolous king he could, when occasion called for it, be frivolous him
self ; proud and arrogant both above and below the surface, he was
obsequiously devoted to his sovereign and therefore could not sub
ordinate the glamour of the court and the favour of the wayward king
to the thorny conflicts of conviction and duty. When Henry's passion
proved itself stronger than the Cardinal's craven tears and abject en
treaties, he preferred to lower himself beneath that passion and, re
luctantly indeed and with protesting wishes in his heart, but outwardly
at the hazard of all his ecclesiastical and political position, to become
the contemptible agent of a contemptible job." BELLESHEIM writes
in the Kirchenlexikon, XII., 2nd ed., 1755 : "Misunderstood amid the
pressure of the religious passions of the i6th century, Wolsey, judged
by the various collections of State papers, is to the modern historian
one of the greatest statesmen of his age and a founder of England's
present position in the world. His private life, however, was not free
from shadows, and Campeggio's despatches give us the picture of a
minister who was double-tongued, dishonest and servile, and dissem
bling before his king. Wolsey's services to the Church were wholly bad,
for, by his repeated threats to the Holy See, his combination in himself
of the highest temporal and spiritual power as Legate and Lord
Chancellor, and his disgraceful dissolution of monasteries, he taught
Henry VIII. a lesson which the latter carried still further into practice
by the introduction of the Royal supremacy and the dismemberment
CRANMER'S SCHEME. 273
as the pliant and unconscientious prelate who, by his un
worthy obsequiousness in subserving the King's shameful
desires, became in a degree responsible for the unhappy
rupture in the Church which he wished to avoid. Too
willing courtiers and servile diplomatists, even when
clothed in ecclesiastical garb, have in all ages only been
a cause of misfortune to the Church.
After Wolsey's fall, Anne Boleyn, as the French
Ambassador clearly pointed out, wielded through her uncle
and father an influence in the Cabinet as unlimited as that
which she had hitherto for long held over her suitor, the
King. There now appeared gradually on the scene another
counsellor not less ambitious and not less unscrupulous
than Wolsey, who was ready to shrink from nothing that
could serve the purposes of the lustful king. This was
Thomas Cranmer, the domestic chaplain of the Boleyns.
He eagerly pursued the scheme of procuring from the
most famous universities of Europe opinions favourable
to the divorce. In England the same attempt was made
by the issue from the press of writings unfit for publica
tion. In France and Italy recourse was had to bribery.1
At the same time Henry made a fresh effort to win
over to his side the Emperor as well as the Pope. In the
beginning of 1530 he sent Anne Boleyn's father, recently
raised to the earldom of Wiltshire, to Bologna with the
ostensible mission of conferring with the Pope and Emperor
on the general peace and confederation against the Turks ;
in reality he was sent in the interests of the divorce.2 He
of his kingdom from the unity of the Church." See also BELLESHEIM
in the Histor.-polit. Blattern, CXXIV. (1899), 582.
1 Cf. FERET in the Revue des quest, hist, 1898, II., 63 seq., 66
seqq., 72 segq.
2 Cf. FRIEDMANN, I., 105 segg.-, BUSCH in Histor. Taschenb., 1890,
81 seg.-, GAIRDNER, The Cambridge Modern History, II., 433 seq.
VOL. X. 1 8
2/4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was to lay before the Emperor strong arguments against
the validity of Henry's marriage with Catherine, but
Charles made short work of his representations. He was
not more successful with the Pope, who eight days before
Wiltshire's arrival had, by a Brief of the 7th of March
1530, transferred the matter of the English marriage to
Capisucchi, Auditor of the Rota.1 A Brief of the 2ist of
March prohibited anything being said or written against
the validity of the marriage. The presence of the English
Ambassador was made use of to deliver to him the citation
summoning Henry to appear at Rome before the tribunal
of the Rota. Yet the Pope consented to a postponement
of the case, if Henry would promise in the meantime not
to make any alteration in the state of things in England,2
and the King accepted the offer upon this condition.3
In the meantime the opinions of the universities, ex
torted by force and cunning, were coming in. Henry's
delight at the favourable replies, many of which he was
particularly successful in obtaining from French seats of
learning,4 was diminished by the fact that other universities
declared that the dissolution of his marriage with Catherine
was only justifiable on the ground of the consummation
of her marriage with Arthur, which the Queen denied on
oath and the King was unable to prove. The hope also
that the favourable opinions of the universities would
move the Pope to give way proved idle. It now occurred
to Henry VIII. that a meeting of Parliament might bring
pressure to bear on the Holy See. On the I3th of July
1 Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 139 seq.
2 Clement VII. and Henry VIII., Bologna, March 26, 1530, in
EHSES, loc. cit., 140-142.
3 April 10, 1530; ibid.) 143-145.
4 See HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 809 seq., and BOURRILLY,
99 seq.
IMPORTUNITY OF THE ENGLISH ENVOYS. 2/5
1530 an address to the Pope, composed at Henry's insti
gation, was issued by the English prelates and nobles.1
In it, with a reference to the opinions of the universities,
the demand was put forward that Clement without delay
should pronounce the dissolution of the King's marriage ;
with this was coupled the threat that otherwise England
would settle the question unaided. The Pope's answer, of
the 27th of September,2 was a calm refusal of this demand.
His decision would be given with such speed as was
consonant with justice ; neither the King nor his subjects
could demand any other treatment.3
About this time the English envoys seem again to have
importuned the Pope with a demand for his sanction of
a double marriage. Gregorio Casale, on the i8th of
September 1530,* sent a report on the matter giving the
impression that the proposal had come from the Pope, and
that the latter was inclined towards such a solution of the
difficulty. Casale represents himself as having, " with an
astonishing semblance of sanctimoniousness," 5 replied
that he durst not write in such terms to the King, as he
1 In POCOCK, I., 429-433 ; cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 153 seq.
2 In POCOCK, I., 434-437 ; cf. EHSES, loc. cit., 161 seq.: on p. 163 seq.
another rendering, in substantial agreement, of this answer.
3 "We shall not go wrong," remarks BROSCH (VI., 244), "if we see
in this correspondence between Parliament and Pope the opening of
the period in which Henry's marriage controversy became a conflict
between England and Rome. For even if all hope of a mutual under
standing had not yet disappeared, it is still obvious that Henry at this
time had in view the possibility of a breach with Rome, although with
out any fixed plan, and Parliament was prepared to follow the King if
he were willing to take the first steps towards a rupture."
4 POCOCK, I., 428 : " Superioribus diebus Pontifex secreto, veluti
rem quam magni faceret, mihi proposuit conditionern hujusmodi,
concedi posse vestrae Majestati, ut duas uxores habeat." Cf. EHSES
in Histor. Jahrb., 1892, 477 seq.
5 So characterized by EHSES, loc. cit.
276 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
feared that the Royal conscience, which it was the main
object in this whole affair to pacify, would not consent to
such an issue.
How unreliable this account was is shown by the
despatch of William Bennet, in any case a more trust
worthy man, sent to Henry on the 2/th of October I53O.1
Soon after his arrival 2 Clement had engaged him in con
versation on the subject of a dispensation to have two
wives, but his remarks were so ambiguous that Bennet
suspected that the Pope either intended to draw from
Henry a recognition of the unlimited nature of the dispens
ing power — since a dispensation to contract a bigamous
marriage was at least no easier matter than the previous
one for the marriage with Catherine — or that he wished in
this way to keep the King in check in order to gain time.
"I asked Clement VII.," Bennet continued, "if he were
certain that such a dispensation was admissible, and he
answered that he was not ; but he added that a distinguished
theologian3 had told him that in his opinion the Pope
might in this case dispense in order to avert a greater evil ;
he intended, however, to go into the matter more fully with
his council. And indeed the Pope has just now informed
me that his council (known as the Consistory of Cardinals)
had declared to him plainly that such a dispensation was
not possible." If Clement had thus really hesitated for a
1 In POCOCK, I., 458 seq. Cf. EHSES, loc. cit., 479 seq. ; with
PAULUS in the Histor.-polit. Blattern, CXXXV. (1905), 89 seq.
2 PAULUS, loc. cit., 89, "therefore well on in summer 1529, for
Bennet had his first audience of Clement VII. on June 21."
3 Cajetan is very likely meant, for he held the view that polygamy
was not against the law of nature and nowhere forbidden in the Old
Testament, although he did not share Luther's standpoint regarding its
admissibility under the law of Christ. Cf. PAULUS, Cajetan and
Luther on Polygamy, in the Histor.-polit. Blattern, CXXXV., 81 seqq.^
90 seq.
HENRY'S VIOLENT LETTER. 277
time over the possibility of a dispensation for a dual
marriage, his uncertainty was soon brought to an end1
by this categorical denial of its admissibility, and there are
not the remotest grounds for speaking of a parallel be
tween Clement's attitude and that of Luther towards
double wedlock.2
On the 6th of December 1530 Henry VIII. wrote a letter
to the Pope containing violent complaints and taunting
him with complete subserviency to the Emperor.3 Cardinal
Accolti was instructed to send a reply. " As," said Clement,
" we stand between the Defender of the Faith on one hand
and the Advocate of the Church on the other, no suspicion
1 PAULUS, loc. cit., 90.
2 Cf. EHSES, article in literary supplement to Koln. Volkszeitung,
September 11, 1902, No. 37. See ibid., 1903, No. 48 (November 26),
NIK. PAULUS on Luther and Polygamy. W. KOHLER (Die Doppelehe
Landgraf Philipps von Hessen, in the Histor. Zeitschr., N.F., LVIIL,
1905, 407) admits frankly : " It cannot be doubted that Catholicism
in puncto bigamy comes off better than Luther. Pope Clement VII.
who, in the case of King Henry VIII. of England, had to face the
problem of bigamy, did not declare for the possibility of a dispensation
to contract a double marriage, although to all appearance he was not
convinced of its impossibility : his Cardinal, Cajetan, had certainly laid
down that polygamy was not contrary to the law of nature and was
nowhere forbidden in Holy Scripture, but he did not on that account
come near to asserting its admissibility. 'For,' it has been rightly
observed (by NIK. PAULUS in the literary supplement of the Koln.
Volkszeitung, April 30, 1903, No. 1 8), ' together with the authority of
Holy Scripture there exists for the Catholic that also of tradition and
the Church. But Cardinal Cajetan never thought of disregarding the
canon law, which most strictly forbids polygamy.' It is quite clear
that on this point the legitimation by the State, society, and civiliza
tion under the law of nature are on the side of Catholicism, while
Luther's view, as is to be noticed in other instances, was much more
sharply dualistic."
3 Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 167-170; Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 244 seq. ;
HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 811.
2/8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ot partiality ought to be raised against us, since we are
governed by the same sentiment of affection towards
the one as towards the other. Besides, we call on God
as our witness and give the surety of our pontifical
word that the Emperor has never asked of us any
thing except simple justice. For he said to us that
if the Queen's cause was unjust it was not his inten
tion to uphold it, rather must he in that case cast the
burden of the matter on those who were the means
of bringing such a marriage about. But if the Queen
was in the right he would then be doing shameful
despite to his honour if he allowed her to be unlawfully
oppressed. Whether the English envoys have demanded
justice from us in like way is a matter of which the
King cannot be ignorant." The Pope protested that
his decision would be given only in accordance with
justice.1
A Papal Brief of the 5th of January 1531 renewed the
edict of the /th of March 1530 containing the threat of
ecclesiastical punishments and censures for Henry VIII.
and any female who should contract marriage with him
while the case was under adjudication by the Rota.2
Henry, who had now no further hope of bending Clement
to his will, took, without further delay, the first step on the
road leading inevitably to the total separation of England
from the Holy See. A general convocation of the English
clergy, held in the middle of January 1531, was called
upon to acknowledge the King as supreme head of the
Church and clergy of England, to which declaration con
vocation, now forced to abandon their previous opposition,
1 EHSES, Dokumente, 172 ; Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 244 seq. ; HEFELE-
HERGENROTHER, IX., 811.
2 In POCOCK, II., 104-108. Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 175 seq.\
BROSCH, VI., 246.
CATHERINE BANISHED FROM COURT. 2/9
added at least the clause "so far as the law of Christ
permits." 1
The inquiry set on foot in Rome made no advance of
any importance in the year I53I.2 Henry neither appeared
in person on his citation nor did he send a representative,
but he protested through his Ambassador and Dr. Carne,a
who had been sent to Rome as "Excusator" for his non-
appearance and to demand that the case should again be
remitted to England. The proposal, by way of compromise,
emanating from Rome that the case should be transferred
to4 some neutral locality, such as Cambrai, was rejected
both by the English King5 and by the Emperor as
Catherine's representative.6 Henry then proceeded to
discontinue the recognition of Catherine as Queen de facto,
for in August 1531 he banished her from court, while the
apartments formerly belonging to her were occupied by
Anne Boleyn.7
On the 25th of January 1532, Clement, according to an
agreement with the Emperor, addressed a Brief to Henry
containing earnest but temperate remonstrances against
his course of action and exhorting him to recognize
Catherine as his lawful wife and to dismiss Anne Boleyn
until the decision in the case was given.8 This Brief was
1 Cf. BROSCH, VI., 247 seq. ; BRIDGETT (German translation by
Hartmann), 200 seqq.
2 GAIRDNER, Cambridge Modern History, II., 436^.
3 Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 195 seq. ; GAIRDNER, foe. cit., 436 seq.
4 Cf, Salviati's letter to Campeggio, June 9, 1531, in EHSES, foe. cit.,
176 seq.
5 Henry VIII. to the Pope, December 28, 1531, in POCOCK, II.,
148-151. Cf. EHSES, foe. cit., 191.
6 Cf. EHSES, foe. cit., 179.
1 Cf. FRIEDMANN, I., 149 ; BROSCH, VI., 248 seq.
8 In POCOCK, II., 166-168. Cf EHSES, foe. cit., 192 seq. ; BROSCH,
VI., 249-
280 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
delivered to the King on the I3th of May, but produced
no effect. On the contrary, in the spring of this year he
took another and more important step hostile to the Holy
See, for he carried an Act of Parliament abolishing annates,
the execution of which was left to the King's discretion.1
At the end of October 1532 a meeting between Henry VIII.
and Francis I. took place at Boulogne. The former hoped
at that time that Francis would succeed in inducing the
Pope to lay aside his opposition to the divorce. France in
that case might depend on the support of England in the
event of a war with the Emperor.2
Francis entered into this plan. He sent Cardinals
Gramont and Tournon to Rome with instructions to
threaten the apostasy of the Kings of France and England
if the Pope did not assist the one in his schemes for the
acquisition of the Duchy of Milan and the other in his
marriage with Anne Boleyn. In consequence, however,
of Charles's successful campaign against the Turks, the
terms of this message were considerably toned down.3
Before leaving Bologna the Pope once more addressed an
admonition to Henry4 which was also couched throughout
in gentle language. This was occasioned by the elevation
of Anne Boleyn on the 1st of September 1532 to the rank
of Marchioness of Pembroke, and her journey in company
with Henry to Calais in October, when she was presented to
Francis I. as the future Queen. The Pope threatened the
adulterous couple with excommunication if they did not
1 Cf. BROSCH, VI., 249 seq.; GAIRDNER, loc. cit., 437, 439.
2 Cf. the detailed description in HAMY, Entrevue de Frangois Ier
avec Henry VIII. a Boulogne-sur-Mer en 1532, Paris, 1898.
3 PALLAVICINI, III., 11. The original instructions for the two
Cardinals in the Preuves des Libertez de FEglise Gallicane, 630 seq.
4 In POCOCK, II., 378 seqq. Cf. EHSES, loc. cit., 200 seq.; BROSCH,
VI., 252.
HENRY MARRIES ANNE BOLEYN. 28 1
separate before the expiration of a month and Henry did
not return to his legitimate consort ; at the same time he
renewed all former enactments against attempts to procure a
divorce in England and the marriage with Anne Boleyn, and
declared afresh the nullity of all such proceedings. Henry
retorted by the strict prohibition " of the publication of
anything whatever against the Royal authority if coming
from Rome, or any attempts to hinder the execution of
those Acts passed in the last Parliament for the removal
of abuses abounding among the clergy."1
On the 25th of January 1533 Henry VIII. was secretly
married to Anne Boleyn, whose pregnancy as affecting the
future child's right of succession made further delay
impossible, although of the final decision regarding the
dissolution of his marriage with Catherine not a syllable
had hitherto been uttered.2 On the I2th of April (Easter)
Anne Boleyn appeared publicly for the first time as his
consort.3
In the meantime the death of Archbishop Warham of
Canterbury, in August 1532, was of great advantage to
Henry, for he was thus enabled to appoint a successor to
1 BROSCH, VI., 253.
2 Cf. FRIED MANN, I., 182 seq., 338 seq. \ BROSCH, VI., 253.
Several historians have given November 14 as the date of the
marriage ; this ante-dating, however, rests on purposely false state
ments made later by the court party in order to make it appear that
Elizabeth, born on September 7, 1533, was conceived in wedlock and
not in adultery. The undutiful priest who performed the ceremony
has usually been spoken of by earlier writers as Dr. Lee. According
to FRIEDMANN (II., 183 seq.\ he was more probably the Augustinian,
George Brown, Prior in London in the spring of 1533, Provincial 1534
(afterwards Protestant Archbishop of Dublin). GASQUET (Henry VIII.
and the English Monasteries [German translation by ELSASSER,
Mainz, 1890, I., 131]) also thinks this likely.
3 FRIEDMANN, I., 199.
282 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the see on whose entire subserviency he could depend.
His choice fell on Thomas Cranmer,1 who had become his
secretary through Anne Boleyn's influence. He was
" an obsequious servant and an intriguer, fertile in ideas,
whose services were also at the disposal of his master's
wishes." 2 Although for long alienated at heart from the
Church, this immoral priest succeeded in deceiving the
Pope as to his position, so that after receiving the confirma
tion of his appointment on the 3Oth of March 1533, he
was able to be consecrated. In him Henry and Anne
found a worthy instrument ready to carry out all their
wishes. Henry, in previous collusion with Cranmer, went
through the farce of a judgment on his marriage.3 Cranmer
cited Henry and Catherine before his court at Dunstable,
where the proceedings began on the loth of May.
Catherine, however, only signed two protests, for she
refused to recognize Cranmer as judge, and took no further
notice of his proceedings. On the 23rd of May Cranmer
pronounced the marriage of Henry with Catherine null
and void, and on the 28th he declared the marriage with
Anne Boleyn valid. Thereupon the latter was, on June
the ist, crowned with great pomp as Queen.
On being informed of these proceedings, Clement VII.
hesitated in characteristic fashion for some time, and then
at last, on the nth of July 1533, he gave sentence against
Henry,4 pronounced the marriage with Anne Boleyn null
1 FRIEDMANN, I., \
2 Thus the author of the article on Anne Boleyn in the Allgemeine
Zeitung, 1893, Supplement No. 195. Cf. STEVENSON, Cranmer and
A. Boleyn, in Hist, pap., of J. Morris (S.J.), L, London, 1892 (Publicat.
of the Cath. Truth Society).
3 Cf. FRIEDMANN, I., 201 seqq. ; GAIRDNER, Cambridge Modern
History, II., 439 seq. \ EHSES, Dokumente, 202; Briefs and
Documents in POCOCK, II., 473 seqq.
4 In EHSES, loc. cit., 212 seq. ; less accurately in POCOCK, II., 677 seq.
EXCOMMUNICATION OF HENRY VIII. 283
and void, and the offspring, if any, of the union illegitimate,
and laid the King under the greater excommunication.
But even yet a time of grace was given him up to the end
of September. The excommunication was not to take full
effect until he showed his final disobedience in retaining
Anne Boleyn and refusing to restore Catherine to her
rightful place as Queen and wife. Cardinal Tournon
succeeded in obtaining from Clement a further respite of a
month l from the 26th of September. The latter hoped, it
would seem, that a reconciliation might be brought about,
although all hope of one had for long been abandoned,2
and consented, on his meeting Francis I. at Marseilles, to a
yet further postponement to the end of November at that
King's request arid out of regard for the new English envoys
whose arrival was expected. The mission, headed by
Gardiner, treated Clement, to the great disgust of Francis,
For the Consistory see also the ^report of F. Peregrino, dat. Rome,
July n, 1533, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. BROSCH, VI., 262
seqq. The latter remarks : " The Pope himself was no longer under
delusion as to the importance and consequences of this sentence; he
was aware that Henry would renounce his obedience and estrange
England from the Apostolic See, and he said so often. ' I am sure,'
he declared (Bishop Merino's despatch to Charles V., August 18, in
GAYANGOS, IV., 2, 772), 'that I have now lost the obedience of
England for good and all.' " On this Brosch observes from his one
sided, purely political view of the Pope's behaviour : " But Clement
durst not oppose his 'just insight into the position of things to the
wishes of the Emperor. For Charles was lord of Italy ; at a sign
from him the rule of the house of Medici in Florence would have
vanished." This criticism entirely overlooks the fact that if the Pope
had acted otherwise than he did he would have committed a gross
outrage on his sacred office.
1 LE GRAND, III, 569 ; EHSES, loc. tit., 214.
2 In August the English envoys were recalled from Rome (cf.
BROSCH, VI., 263 seq.}. ^Letter of F. Peregrino of August 16, 1533,
in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
284 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with extreme insolence and demanded the withdrawal of
the sentence against Henry. To the Pope's friendly
proposal that the whole case should be reheard at Avignon
by special Legates, on condition that Henry recognized the
Papal authority and promised to accept the final decision,
Gardiner replied that he had no powers. On the 7th of
November 1533 the English envoys presented to the Pope
Henry's appeal to a council.1
In the session of Parliament opened on the i$th of
January 1534 Henry passed a series of resolutions of an
anti-Papal tendency ;2 the annates and other payments to
Rome were finally abolished ; the power of jurisdiction
hitherto exercised by the Pope was transferred to the
King ; the bishoprics were to be filled by capitular
election, which, however, was to be determined in favour
of the person chosen by the King. A further Act con
tained a declaration against the " usurped authority of
the Bishop of Rome," as the Pope henceforward was
to be designated. By the Act of Royal Succession the
marriage with Catherine also was declared null from
the beginning and the Princess Mary illegitimate, while
on the other hand the children of Anne alone were in
the rightful succession to the throne. The sanguinary
measures against the opponents of Henry's policy began
with the trial of the "Maid of Kent"; the execution of
this nun and her fellow-sufferers opened up a period which
lasted throughout the following thirteen years of Henry's
reign and may well be described 3 as a " reign of terror."
1 FRIEDMANN, I., 247-253. Cf. also HEFELE-HERGENROTHER,
IX., 812, and HAMY, Entrevue a Boulogne-sur-Mer, 194 seq.
2 Cf. BROSCH, VI., 271 seq.
3 BROSCH, VI., 270. Cf. GASQUET, Henry VIII. and the English
Monasteries (Elsasser's German translation), I., 96-126; BRIDGETT
(Hartmann's German translation), 248-277.
THE POPE'S FINAL SENTENCE. 285
Almost simultaneously with Henry's last step, so long
dreaded l by the Roman Curia, towards severing the bonds
which for a thousand years had linked England with the
Church and the Papal authority, came the final decision in
the Rota on the question of the divorce. If the Pope,
hoping that the King's passion would cool down with
time, had previously carried compliance to too great a
length and repeatedly arrested the course of true justice,
while also exposing himself by his imperturbable silence
to the unjust reproaches of the English envoys, there
was one thing still remaining which he would not
sacrifice at any cost, namely, the sanctity of the marriage
bond. Even at the risk of losing England to the
Church he withstood the tyrannical king on this point
from the consciousness of a higher duty. After long and
thorough deliberation 2 Clement, on the 24th of March
1534, pronounced in secret Consistory the final sentence,3
in which the marriage with Catherine was declared valid
and lawful and the King bound in duty again to receive
and honour the unhappy woman as his wife. As a
rejoinder thereto Henry VIII. and Thomas Cromwell
now proceeded to carry out without scruple the recent
Parliamentary enactments.4 Those who, like Sir Thomas
1 Cf, the **reports of F. Peregrine of November 30 and December
16, 1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Besides EHSES, Dokumente, 214 seq.^ and 228, cf. also the
"^reports of F. Peregrino of January 10 and March 22, 1534,
in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and **those of Andreasius of
January 14, February 6, 14, 24, and 27, 1534, in State Archives,
Milan.
3 In EHSES, loc. cit., 215 seq. ; less accurately in POCOCK, II., 532
seq. Cf. BROSCH, VI., 278. A printed copy of the Sententia diffini-
tiva in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, as a supplement to F. Peregrino's
* report of May 10, 1534.
4 BROSCH, VI., 278 seq.
286 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
More and Bishop Fisher of Rochester,1 refused the new
oath of the Royal succession, containing by tacit implication
a recognition of the King's supremacy over the Church,
fell victims to the tyrant's wrath. The severity of Henry's
action surprised his people, who had not anticipated so
extreme a crisis, and in a credulous optimism had hoped
that the storm would soon pass over.2 In addition there
was the unfortunate circumstance that the exceptional
position long held by Wolsey as Chancellor and Legate
had habituated men's minds to the combination in
one person of the highest temporal and spiritual
power.3
The boundless pusillanimity of the majority of the
clergy was fatal. The full significance was now made
clear of the principle of the supreme authority of the
English Crown in matters spiritual which was involved in
the so-called statute of Praemunire passed as long ago
as 1365. If so learned a man as Thomas More held
erroneous and perverted views on the Primacy4 until
closer study brought him to the light, we can measure
the extent to which such views were current among
the majority of Englishmen. The oppressive measures
of Henry, unflinchingly carried out, did the rest. When,
in the summer of 1534, the oath was tendered to the
whole of the secular and regular clergy, abjuring the
Papal and acknowledging the Royal supremacy over the
Church, almost all Submitted. The Observants of the
Franciscan Order were conspicuous in their resistance, but
among the secular clergy the threat of the confiscation
1 Cf. BRIDGETT, 277 seqq.
2 Cf. CAMM, Lives of the English Martyrs, I., London, 1904, Introd.
3 Cf. MARTIN, 87.
4 Cf. CAMM, I., 194, and ZIMMERMANN in Wissenschaftl. Beilage
zur Germania, 1906, n. 6.
ACCOMPLISHMENT OF THE ENGLISH SCHISM. 287
of their benefices had for the most part the desired
effect.1
When Clement VII. died on the 25th of September 1534,
the English schism had become an accomplished fact.2
The Parliament and most of the clergy were in complete
subjection to the King, who now held the temporal and
spiritual authority combined, and had raised his mistress to
the throne. If Henry, in dragging down the English Church
to a state of schism in an outburst of despotic caprice and
adulterous passion, had not at first thought of more inward
revolutions in faith and worship, yet assuredly it was only
a matter of time that by the further exercise of the arbitrary
power of the sovereign, that Church should be transformed
into a community based on principles of Protestantism.
1 Cf. BROSCH, VI., 278 seq. ; GASQUET, I., 130 seq.
2 Henry VIII. is said to have remarked on hearing of Clement's
death : " Whoever is elected Pope, I will take no more notice of him
than of any priest in my kingdom." BROSCH, VI., 282.
CHAPTER IX.
THE PROTESTANT REVOLT IN SCANDINAVIA AND SWITZERLAND.
—HERETICAL MOVEMENTS AMONG THE LATIN RACES.
THE separation of the Scandinavian kingdoms from the
centre of Christian unity had a close affinity with the
same movement in England. In the former case as in
the latter the momentous change originated with and was
accomplished by the despotic authority of the Crown.
One feature, however, differentiated the two ; while Henry
VIII. was an opponent of the teaching of Luther, the
latter was encouraged by all the means in their power by
Frederick I. of Denmark and Gustavus Wasa of Sweden.
That the overthrow of the ancient Church among the
vigorous peoples of the Scandinavian kingdoms was
carried out in a comparatively short space of time is more
easily understood if we reflect that Christianity was of
late growth in those regions and that, lying at the further
most bounds of the sphere of Papal authority, they felt but
feebly the influence of the Holy See. Other circumstances
leading up to an apostasy and making it easier were the
secular lives of so many of the clergy, the great riches of
the Church exciting the covetousness of needy kings, and
last, but not least, the deep implication of the episcopate
in political affairs.1
In order to ward off the dangers threatening the
1 Cf. V. SCHUBERT in the Zeitschr. fiir schleswig-holstein. Gesch.,
XXIV., 104 seq., and SCHAFER, IV., 136, 138.
288
THE "CAPITULATION" OF AUGUST 1523. 289
Catholic religion, the bishops of Denmark had inserted
in the capitulation on the election of the new King,
formerly Duke Frederick of Holstein, not merely a
promise to protect " Holy Church and her servants," but
also the express stipulation never to permit a "heretic,
whether a follower of Luther or others, to spread his
teaching privately or publicly" in his kingdom. The
capitulation of the 3rd of August 1523 established further
that only Danish nobles were to be appointed to
bishoprics, only Danish subjects to benefices, and that
no foreigner — thus not even the Pope — should dare
take proceedings against Danish prelates, or pronounce
any decision in Rome in connection with the Danish
episcopate on any ecclesiastical matter. These decrees
can only be partially explained and excused on the
ground of the abuses in the Roman Curia, but they shot
far beyond the mark ; indeed, they opened the road to a
Danish National Church on the lines of the Gallican,1
and that at a moment when it was of vital importance
that the ties of Church unity should not be relaxed
From this time onwards the spirituality were compelled,
in their opposition to the Protestant teaching already
permeating Denmark, to seek their only support in the
nobles and the Crown. That no reliance could be placed
on either was, only too quickly, to be shown.
As soon as King Frederick I. felt himself secure on his
throne, he began with great caution and shrewd calculation
to take steps prejudicial to the Church. He broke his
oath and gave assistance to the Protestant movement ;
on the 23rd of October 1526 he appointed as his
chaplain2 Hans Tausen, a Knight. Hospitaller who had
1 See PALUDAN-MULLER, 515. For Clement's foresight with regard
to Denmark cf. MARTIN, Gustave Vasa, 191 seq.
2 Cf. RON, J. Tausens Liv, Kopenhagen, 1757 ; SCHAFER, IV., 134
VOL. X. 19
290 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
broken his vows. At the Diet at Odense in November of
the same year he demanded that the fees on presentation
to livings paid to the Papal treasury, as well as the annates,
should in future be spent on the defences of the kingdom.
The Royal Council agreed, and, as it seems, the Bishops
also, who hoped to save the main position by making
concessions. Their endeavours to win over the nobility
through a "questionable servility" to take part against
Luther's "unchristian teaching" also came to nothing, and
all further compliance proved useless.1 The King ex
tended his protection to the Protestants in an increasing
degree, tolerated their violence towards Catholics, and
filled vacant sees with creatures of his own, who were
neither consecrated, nor acknowledged by the Pope. At
the Diet at Copenhagen in 1530 upwards of one-and-
twenty Lutheran preachers appeared and presented as
their Confession of Faith forty-three articles containing
passionate and injurious attacks on Catholics.2 The
Catholic prelates, who were accompanied by their ablest
theologians, in particular by the Carmelite Paulus Helia,3 a
noted disputant, raised bitter complaints of their unjust
seq. ; SCHMITT, Der danische Luther, in the Hist.-pol. Bl., CXIV.,
629 seq. ; J. Tausen, by the same, Koln, 1894, and Sthyr's Theologisk
Tidskrift, VII.
1 SCHAFER (IV., 138) says: "It leaves a sorrowful impression to
trace in detail the helplessness and defencelessness of the Danish
clergy, oppressed on every side and curtailed of their rights, retreating
step by step, always hoping that the surrender of untenable positions
would at least secure the safety of essentials, while the enemy, cheered
by success but never satisfied, kept up their relentless pursuit."
2 See PONTOPPIDAN, Annal., II., 836 seq. ; MiJNTER, Kirchengesch.
von Danemark, III., 308 ; SCHAFER, IV., 163.
3 See L. SCHMITT, Der Karmeliter P. Helia, Freiburg i. Br., 1893.
Cf. also his Verteidigung der katholischen Kirche in Danemark gegen
die Religionsneuerung in 16 Jahrhundert, Paderborn, 1899.
THE KING FAVOURS LUTHERANS. 291
treatment. They appealed to the election capitulation, and
demanded the suppression of the Protestant movement.
It was all in vain. Frederick I. came forward openly on
the side of the Lutheran preachers and declared that
throughout the kingdom " he who had grace " should have
permission to teach.
Under cover of the King's favours the Protestants in
Copenhagen and other places took possession by force
of churches and convents l A further impetus was given
to the Lutheran cause by the unsuccessful attempt of
Christian II.,2 who had ostensibly become reconciled to the
Church, to recover his kingdom. After the death of
Frederick I. (loth of April 1533) an interregnum ensued
in the hands of the nobles and bishops, who deferred
the election of a new king. While this lasted the
majority in the Royal Council who were still Catholic
tried to restore the Church to her ancient rights, but the
attempt was a complete failure from the beginning, for the
higher clergy thought more of power and property than
of the old faith. Although the recess of the Diet in June
1533 afforded legitimate opportunity for strenuous action
against the preachers, the bishops showed no energy.
Therefore the Lutheran agitation, even if not quite
openly, was able to pursue its course.3
Almost at the same time as Denmark, Sweden was
torn from the Catholic Church. Here also the decisive
steps were taken by the Crown ; Gustavus Wasa knew
that the introduction of Lutheran teaching was the surest
1 Cf. SCHAFER, IV., 169 seq.
2 Cf. LAEMMER, Mon. Vatic., 35; Rom. Quartalschr., XVII., 391 ;
RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 58 seq.\ SCHAFER, IV., 172 seq.; MARTIN,
427 seq.
3 Cf. SCHAFER, IV., 212 seq., and SCHMITT, in Hist.-pol. Bl., CVI.,
660 seq.
292 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
method of breaking down the power of the bishops and
improving his scanty revenues from Church property.1
Although Clement VII. showed a very conciliatory spirit,
and at the end of 1525 confirmed Johann Magni in
the administration of the Archbishopric of Upsala2 until
the affair of Trolle should be settled, the King gave
powerful support to everyone who showed hostility to
Catholicism ; members of religious orders especially who
were disloyal to their vows could be sure of his protection.
At the same time, on the plea of the " revolutionary axiom
that necessity knows no law, human or divine," he set to
work, by a system of open spoliation, to destroy the
material foundations of the ancient Church.3
It was a circumstance of great advantage to the King
that five sees (Upsala, Strengnas, Vesteras, Skara, and
Abo) were uncanonically occupied and that Bishop
Ingemar of Vexjo was aged and compliant, so that the
noted Bishop Johann Brask of Linkoping, " the cleverest
and most learned Swede of his day and the truest friend
of his country," stood alone.4 Yet the majority of the
1 "
The King," says WEIDLING (156), "made his compact with the
reformation with the intention of pocketing the pecuniary results,
and, with the acute perception of the practical man, saw that a
reformation in Luther's sense gave him the means of breaking up
the hierarchy and appropriating their riches to himself. How well
Gustavus understood how to look after his own advantages is best
proved by the circumstance that at the end of his reign 12,000 former
Church properties had passed into the Royal treasury." Allgem.
Zeitung, 1893, Suppl., 29.
2 Cf. MARTIN, Gustave Vasa, 300.
3 See WEIDLING, i$oseg.t 152 seq., 162 seq. ; GEIGER (II., 42) says
that Gustavus Wasa, in introducing the new doctrines, acted with a
characteristic mixture of cunning pliancy and audacity ; cf. ibid.^
45 seq.
4 GEIGER, II., 49. 54-
GUSTAVUS WASA AND THE CHURCH. 293
nation, especially the country folk, held fast to their old
faith. The brave and stubborn inhabitants of the province
of Dalekarlien, with whose help Gustavus Wasa had once
gained his victory over the Danes, were, in particular, roused
to serious revolt. Their uprising was fanned by former
favourites of Gustavus who had quarrelled with him : the
deposed Bishop Peter Sunnanvader of Vesteras and his
capitular provost Knut. The poverty and suffering among
the people was a punishment, they declared, for the conduct
of the King, who although, on his election, he had sworn
to defend the Church, was now despoiling churches and
convents, priests and monks, and carrying off monstrances
and chalices and shrines of saints.1
Gustavus Wasa, however, knew well how to get the upper
hand of the movement in Dalekarlien ; judicious leniency
and promises of money quelled the rebellion ; Sunnanvader
and Knut fled to Norway. Yet the King only displayed
greater ruthlessness towards the property of the Church,
and the truly catholic Johann Magni he got rid of by
sending him on an embassy to Poland and Russia.2
On the I9th of September 1526 Clement VII. addressed
the Bishops of Linkoping and Vesteras. He complained
that the Swedish clergy took wives, changed the ritual of
the Mass, gave Communion in both kinds, and neglected
Extreme Unction ; he ordered the bishops to invoke the
aid of the secular arm, and adjured his beloved son
Gustavus and the nobles of Sweden to take up the cause
of the endangered faith.3 That the Pope even now con
tinued to hope in Wasa shows strikingly how insufficiently
they were informed at Rome as to the true state of things
in the north. By the next year all illusions on the subject
1 WEIDLING, 164 seq.
2 Ibid., 173 seg., 179 seq. ; MARTIN, 308 seq.
3 RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 128 ; MARTIN, 325 seq.
294 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the Swedish King's position were at an end. The
conflict between the Pope and Emperor had entered on
its most acute phase when Gustavus broke away. On
this occasion as on others he had grasped, with the
intuition of genius, the appropriate moment to choose.
With no less skill he knew how to turn opinion against
Clement VII.1
At this time the Swedish Catholics were completely
cowed. Under letters of safe-conduct Gustavus had
enticed into Sweden the two leaders of the Dalekarlian
rising : first Knut and afterwards Sunnanvader as well.
As soon as they were there he gave them over to the
harshest insults and later ordered their execution.2 While
the impression made by these vindictively penal measures
against two great ecclesiastics was still fresh, the separation
of Sweden from Rome ensued by means of the coup rfetat
of the Diet of Vesteras in June 1527. Before the assembly
had yet opened the bishops drew up a protest against the
threatened persecution of the Church ; but none had the
courage to present it ! In the Diet itself, the Bishop of
Linkoping, Johann Brask, alone at first had the spirit to
speak out against the proposals of the King ; without the
Pope's assent he could not agree to alterations in doctrine
and the existing condition of the Church. After the leader
of the nobles had spoken in the same sense, the King
announced with tears that he must abdicate the crown
and leave the country he had freed from Danish servitude
to its fate. This " brilliant piece of acting " did not fail
of its efTect. As the Bishop-elect of Strengnas, Magnus
Sommar, weakly counselled compliance, and the nobles saw
a vision opening before them of a share in the plunder of
the Church, the acceptance of the King's demands was
1 Cf. MARTIN, 345.
2 GEIGER, II., 53 ; WEIDLING, 196 seq. ; MARTIN, 250 seq.
SECULARIZATION IN SWEDEN. 295
not withheld. Accordingly the Crown took free possession
of the appointment to bishoprics, chapters, and convents,
with the disposition of their revenues. "The pure word
and Gospel of God " was also to be preached within the
realm ; the nobility were empowered to demand back gifts
made by their predecessors since 1454, and the bishops
declared in a special decree that " they rejoiced to leave
their riches or their poverty to the King's will."1 By a
special enactment the Church in Sweden was thus at once
made dependent in every respect on the will of the
sovereign. The first step that followed was a great
spoliation of churches and convents in which the victims
were specially enjoined to submit to secularization " without
making much fuss." Bishop Brask went into exile, and
on the /th of November 1527 Gustavus instructed the
Bishop-elect of Strengnas that, as the common people
would not be contented with unconsecrated bishops, he
might take steps for his early consecration, although the
rite in itself was not necessary.2 Thereupon the above-
named, together with two others, had himself consecrated
by Bishop Magni of Vesteras on the 5th of January 1528.
Magni had given his consent to this schismatical act on
receiving a written promise from the consecrandi that they
would afterwards seek confirmation from Rome.3 Naturally
the matter was never heard of again. In February 1529
a " National Council " held at Orebro agreed to the reten
tion of many Catholic externals in order to deceive the
people, the majority of whom were averse to a change of
faith. Nevertheless, the people on the whole refused to
1 GEIGER, II., 66 seq. ; WEIDLING, 201 seq. ; MARTIN, 351 seq.
2 Gustav d. Forstes Registratur, IV., 368.
3 MARTIN, 378. The validity of Swedish orders is challenged in
Mem. hist, sur la pr6tendue succession apost. en Suede, par Msgr.
DE FORTEMPS DE WARRIMONT, 2nd ed., Liege, 1854.
296 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
be deceived. In many provinces, especially in Smaland,
East and West Gothland, and also in Dalekarlien, risings
occurred ; but the King, by judicious kindness in some
cases, by merciless severity in others, was able to overcome
such troubles.1
In 1531 Gustavus ordered the election to the
Archbishopric of Upsala of Laurentius, younger brother
of Olaus Petri. The Bishops of Vesteras and Strengnas,
who at heart were still Catholics, drew up a protest against
it. Indeed, even the Bishops of Skara and Vexjo declared
that they only consented because otherwise they had
nothing to expect but imprisonment and the ruin of their
churches — a clear evidence that Lutheranism had not sunk
deep into the Swedish clergy.2 Still, the opposition of the
Catholic-minded clergy could only be expressed in private.3
For their overthrow the Swedish clergy were not free
from responsibility. Weak-spirited servility and worldli-
ness of life4 made it easy for a monarch gifted intellectually
and possessed of all the resources of an effective monarchy,
to destroy the ancient Church and from its wealth bestow
on the Crown a solid basis of material power. In Sweden
as in Denmark the monarchy had of course to surrender to
the nobility a share of the plunder of the inheritance of
the Church ; for the great bulk of the people the social and
1 Cf. GEIGER, II., 6gseg.; WEIDLING, 247 seqq., 283 seq.\ MARTIN,
399 segq., 438 seq.
2 Cf. MARTIN, 416 seqq. The recently discovered protest of the
Bishops of Vesteras and Strengnas, in the Svensk. Hist. Tidskrift,
1897, 61. Johann Magni, finally appointed by Clement VII. Arch
bishop of Upsala, naturally was unable to take possession of his see ;
see RAYNALDUS, 1532, n. 88.
3 WEIDLING, 288.
4 Cf. Olaus Magnus in RAYNALDUS, he. cit.\ see also GEIGER,
II, 39-
ULRICH ZWINGLI. 297
political consequences of the change of religion were
highly unfavourable.1
The Swiss were more fortunate than the Swedes in their
opposition to the introduction of the new teaching. The man
who headed the Protestant movement in Switzerland, Ulrich
Zwingli, had certainly come under Luther's influence, but in
many respects was entirely independent of him. There
were points of essential difference in their doctrines. This
man, who at the same time was flinging himself into
schemes of vast scope and of grave danger to the existence
of the Confederation,2 went far further than Luther, and
in his antagonism to the Catholics was more uncom
promising. The movement for the overthrow of the
Catholic Church let loose in Zurich by Zwingli had spread
itself very soon over a considerable portion of German
Switzerland, yet Lucerne, Zug, and the three forest cantons
Schwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden, the original nucleus of
the Confederation, remained true to the Catholic faith.
Clement VII. had already turned his attention to Swiss
affairs in a Consistory held on the Hth of December 1523.
The Swiss Nuncio Ennio Filonardi was recalled to Rome
to make a report and receive fresh instructions. At the
end of February 1524 Filonardi returned to his post, but
he was obliged at first to remain at Constance, for
the French envoys were working against him in the
Catholic cantons; but in Zurich, now given over to
the new teaching, the very mention of a Papal represen
tative was scouted.3 Clement, on his part, made the
payment of the outstanding arrears of pay to Zurich
1 Cf. the evidence in D6LLINGER, Kirche und Kirchen, 97 seq.> 102
stg.
2 See GHINZONI in Boll. d. Svizz. ital., XV. (1893), and Theol.
Zeitschrift a. d. Schweiz, XIII., 131 seq.
3 WIRZ, Filonardi, 62-63.
298 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dependent on the fidelity of the canton to the Catholic
religion.1
The Catholic cantons, in view of the wide dissemination
of the new doctrine, wished a learned theologian to be
sent them who should make head against Zwingli and at
the same time have full powers to provide for the reforms
to be taken in hand for the remedy of ecclesiastical evils.
To the latter request Clement gave an evasive answer,2
and in February 1525 once more delegated Filonardi, a
man who had proved himself a clever diplomatist in
secular affairs but who, notwithstanding all his knowledge
of the situation in Switzerland 3 was wanting in the deeper
understanding of the ecclesiastical question. No wonder
that his mission was a failure.4 How little the real state of
things was understood in Rome is shown by Clement's
action in sending in 1526 a summons to the Government of
Zurich to send deputies to Rome to discuss the settlement
of questions in dispute.5 The Curia was at that time so
engrossed in high policy of state that it was impossible to
bestow the necessary attention on the Church affairs of
Switzerland. For this reason the success obtained by the
Catholics in May 15 26 at the Disputation of Baden was
1 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 192 seq.\ RIFFEL, III., 43 ; WIRZ, 64.
2 The Catholic statesmen of central Switzerland — but without
success — tried to take in hand the work of reform without the Pope
and in opposition to him. Cf. ROHRER in Geschichtsfreund der fiinf
Orte, XXXIII., 27 seq.\ OECHSLI, Das eidgenossische Glaubens-
konkordat von 1525, in Jahrb. fiir schweiz. Gesch., XIV., 236 seqq.,
and in Anz. fiir schweiz. Gesch., XXI. (1890), 18 seq.
3 This is emphasized by Clement VII. in the Brief in BALAN, Mon.
saec., XVI., 78, 81, 84, 88.
4 WIRZ, Filonardi, 66 seq., 68 seq. Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb.,
XV., 469, who also refers to Acta in the Secret Archives of the
Vatican, still left unnoticed by Wirz.
5 See the Brief in BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 246 seg.
BATTLE OF KAPPEL. 299
never adequately followed up ; support from Rome was
lacking ; communication with the Holy See grew less
and less,1 while the ecclesiastical revolution sped upon
its way.
Even after the settlement of Italian affairs the Pope,
irresolute and parsimonious, did not give sufficient support
to the champions of the Catholic cause in Switzerland.
Even when Zurich laid an embargo on the transport of
provisions to the Catholic cantons, thus conjuring up the
outbreak of the civil war, Clement confined his assistance
to the despatch of briefs and recommendations. Things
reached a climax when at last he forbade the transport of
grain and salt, and tried to rouse the Catholic princes,
especially the Emperor, to intervene with military force.2
Charles V., summing up the situation coolly, refused to
be drawn in. Although the Catholic cantons were thus
thrown on their own resources, the wager of battle was in
their favour. On the nth of October 1531 the men of
Zurich were defeated at Kappel, and Zwingli, who had
taken part in the fight in full armour, was among the slain.
The illusions already cherished3 by Clement VII. regard
ing the Zurichers now acquired fresh strength ; he hoped
that the success just gained would bring to an end the
Swiss revolt from Rome.4 " Now," after the Catholic
victory, wrote Loaysa from Rome on the 24th of October
1 It at last ceased altogether ; see WlRZ, Filonardi, 70.
2 See the Briefs in Archiv fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch., II., 16 seq.
Cf. ESCHER, Glaubensparteien, 256, 260 seq.; WlRZ, Akten, 230 seq.\
HYRVOIX in the Rev. d. quest, hist, 1902, I., 499.
3 See the flattering Brief to Zurich of May 7, 1531, in RAYNALDUS,
1531, n. 22, and WIRZ, Bullen und Breven, 331 seq.
4 Proof is furnished by the letter of good wishes of October 23, 1531
(Archiv fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch., II., 17), described by HYRVOIX,
loc. tit., as "banal." See also Albergati's ^report, dated Rome, 1531,
November 28, in State Archives, Bologna.
300 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
1531, "Clement will persevere in trying to persuade them
to return and retrace their steps"; only if the other
cantons are determined on revenge, should help, in the
Pope's opinion, be given to the Catholic cantons.1
When this proved to be the case, Clement at last, on
the 2Qth of October 1531, sent 3000 ducats to the gallant
defenders of the Catholic cause.2 In November, after long
consultation, he gave orders for the enlistment of four
thousand men, and appointed Filonardi Legate to the
Swiss and Commissary-General of the Catholic forces.
Further generous help would be raised by a tax on the
Italian clergy in general ; this plan, however, was frustrated
by the opposition of Venice,3 and the Papal relief came
too late, for by the 2Oth of November 1531 the five cantons
had made peace with Zurich on very moderate conditions
—so moderate that Luther deeply deplored that "they
had left any room in their treaty for the continuance of
Zwinglism, and had not even condemned that error, but
allowed it to exist alongside of what they call their
ancient, unquestioned faith."4 Clement also regretted
that the Catholics had not followed up their victory more
completely, and expressed the hope that the unity of
Switzerland might be restored by the return of the
1 HEINE, Briefe, 177.
2 See the ^letters of Girol. Gonzaga, dated Rome, 1531, October 29
and 31, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua; *Mandati, 1531-1532, in State
Archives, Rome ; WIRZ, Akten, 237 ; Archiv fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch.,
II., 1 8, and FONTANA, I., 477 seq. Cf. Eidgenossische Abschiede, IV.,
ib, 1305 ; ESCHER, 295 ; HYRVOIX, loc. cit., 500.
3 Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 557; LV., 126, 195, 241, 338 ; HEINE, Briefe,
180 seq., 199; ^letter of F. Peregrino, November 19, 1531 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua), in Appendix, No. 22; WIRZ, Akten, 243 seq.\
Geschichtsfreund der fiinf Orte, XII., 226; BROSCH, I., 125, note 2;
WIRZ, Filonardi, 75 ; ESCHER, 304.
4 DE WETTE, IV., 349.
THE NUNCIO, FILONARDI. 3OI
separated members to the Church.1 What took place
in the latter respect was greatly exaggerated by Filonardi.
His despatches2 to Rome show how his judgment on affairs
was influenced by his optimism.
The Swiss Catholics also overestimated the success at
first secured in a series of places by the restoration of
Catholic order.3 Only gradually did the Nuncio, who had
hoped to recall the rebellious to their obedience by means
of friends and money, begin to realize the deeper significance
of the movement of revolt.4 Once more despatched to
Switzerland in July 1532, Filonardi's reports dwelt no
longer on the reconquest of the lapsed cantons by the
Church ; on the other hand, his presence in the country
proved to be of even greater utility for the religious
strengthening of those portions which remained true to
the faith.5 Since he was the rallying-point for the true
elements of the Catholic system, his recall, ordered from
Marseilles on the i/th of October 1533, out of considera
tion for Francis I., was a measure bound to do harm to
the interests of that system in Switzerland.6
If the Swiss Catholics did not make as good a use of
their victory as they might have done, this was due, in great
part, to the envoys of Francis I., who, in pursuit of their
master's policy of conquest, encouraged the religious
1 Brief of December 10, 1531, in Archiv fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch.,
II., iZseq.
2 See Acta Consist, in WiRZ, Akten, 250.
3 SANUTO, LV., 378.
4 See Relatio V. N. Joannis Basadone, in RANKE, Deutsche Gesch.,
III., 6th ed., 265. Cf. SANUTO, LV., 377.
5 WiRZ, Filonardi, 80, 91.
6 HYRVOIX, loc. cit., 533. Out of consideration for the Emperor,
Clement VII. withdrew the recall later on, but Filonardi refused to
remain; see Nuntiaturberichte, I., 160, 182.
302 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dissensions of Switzerland as well as those of Germany.1
In his own country, in which Luther's followers had
already begun to be active,2 although at first only within a
narrow circle, the King's attitude from the beginning had
been an undecided one. As a man " in whom an insatiable
love of pleasure was joined with a thoroughly Gallic
frivolity," Francis was entirely wanting in that genuine
catholicity of feeling which animated his rival Charles V.
The King's sister, Marguerite of Angouleme, was in open
sympathy with the reformers. The French Catholics had
strong support in the Parliament and the Sorbonne ; the
latter had immediately declared against Luther,3 and, not
withstanding an attitude by no means friendly to the
Papacy, was stoutly opposed to the Protestant doctrine.
Also the Chancellor Du Prat, since 1525 Archbishop
of Sens, and the Grand Master of France, Anne de
Montmorency, stood firm for Catholic interests.4 The
captivity of Francis I. appeared to earnest Catholics to be
a punishment for his previous negligence regarding the
heretics. The Queen Regent now associated herself with
the Pope in taking penal measures, and the Parliament took
several steps against the reformers, two of whom were
executed.5 In December 1527 the clergy demanded, in
return for their financial support of the King, among
other things, the "destruction of the Lutheran sect," to
1 Cf. HYRVOIX, loc. cit., 521.
2 Besides SOLDAN, I., 85 seq.^ cf. STHYR, Reformationens forbere-
delse og begyndelse i Frankrig indtil 1523, Kopenhagen, 1870, and
Lutheranerne i Frankrig 1524-1526, Kopenhagen, 1879. See also
FRAIKIN, 397 seq., 428 seq.
3 See our remarks, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 39.
4 See DECRUE, 217 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 627 seq.
5 See BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 344 seq., cf. 146 seg.; SOLDAN, I.,
104 seq.} HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 629; Mel. d'Archeol., XII.,
316 seq.
LUTHERANISM IN FRANCE. 303
which Francis had to agree.1 In several provincial synods,
to the satisfaction of Clement VII., measures were taken
for the reform of ecclesiastical evils and the punishment of
the new teachers.2 The latter injured their cause seriously
by seizing, on a night in May 1528, in Paris, a picture of
Our Lady and the Infant Christ, and throwing it in the
mud. The Catholic feeling of the populace was aroused
by this impiety to such a degree that even Francis I.
found it advisable to take part in the procession of
reparation which followed.3 As the total defeat of the
French army in Naples in August 1528 forced the King
to seek the friendship of the Pope, the Government com
pletely threw over the Protestant party. The Lutheran,
Louis de Becquin, who had on two occasions been pro
tected by Francis (1523 and 1526), was now condemned
and executed (April I529).4
That Francis I., in questions of religion, was governed
by motives of political expediency only, is proved by his
alliance in 1531 with the German Protestants, whose
support seemed to him valuable since they were a source
of weakness in the Emperor's dominions. It is worth
noting in this connection that immediately after his meet
ing with the Head of the Church at Marseilles, Francis
engaged in a conference with the most enterprising of all
the leaders of Protestantism in Germany, Philip of Hesse.5
1 *Letter of Cardinal Salviati, December 28, 1527, Nunziatura di
Francia, I., f. 127 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 See HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 629^.; Mel. d'Archeol., XII.,
315^?.
3 See the ^letter of Cardinal Salviati, June 16, 1528, loc. cit. (Secret
Archives of the Vatican), and the Brief in RAYNALDUS, 1528, n. 80.
4 Cf. ROLLAND in Mel. d'Archeol., XII., 314 seq., 324 seq. For the
severe proceedings against Lutherans in Toulouse in June 1532, see
SANUTO, LVL, 527.
6 SOLDAN, I., 124, 127.
304 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On his way back from Marseilles, where Clement VII.
had issued a Bull against the French Lutherans,1 he sent
written instructions to the Archbishop of Paris to take
proceedings against heresy in the capital.2 But six
months later the King's Councillor, Guillaume du Bellay,
was opening up negotiations with Melanchthon to bring
about an agreement on the religious question.3 Du Bellay
gave the German Protestants to understand that Francis
was inclined to approve of the Lutheran doctrine and
prepared to enter into an alliance for the protection of
that sect from the attacks of the Emperor.4
Such was the position of things in the spring of 1534,
when Clement VII., who with an eye to the spread of
heresy in France had sharply prohibited 5 preaching with
out episcopal permission, died. The attitude of the French
Kino- was more than doubtful, while the Sorbonne con-
o
tinued as before to maintain a strongly Catholic position.6
At this juncture two circumstances combined to the
advantage of the Catholic cause ; the Church, bound up
with the greatest traditions of the French nation, was dear
to the bulk of the population ; an opposition between the
1 *Bull, dated Marseille, IV. Id. Nov. (November 10) 1533, in
National Archives, Paris, L. 333, 13.
2 Letter of December 10, 1533, in Bull, de la Soc. de 1'hist. des
protest, frang., I., 436.
3 Cf. SCHMIDT in the Zeitschr. fur histor. Theolog., XX., 25 seq. ;
SCHMIDT, Melanchthon, 268 seq., and HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX.,
877 seq.
4 Cf. LANZ, II., 144
5 *Bull, dat. Rome Id. Febr. (13 Februar) 1534, in National Archives,
Paris, L. 333, 15.
6 How strong was the opposition of the Sorbonne not merely to
every sign of Lutheranism but to the writings of Erasmus is shown by
DELISLE, Notice sur un registre des proces-verbaux de la fac. de
Theol. de Paris 1505-1533 (Notices et Extr. des MSS. de la Bibl. Nat,
XXXVI.), Paris, 1899.
THE CATHOLIC INSTINCT OF ITALY. 305
people and the clergy, such as was to be found in many
places in Germany, did not exist.1 Another factor of not
less importance was the absence, owing to the Concordat,
of any temptation for the Crown to lay hands on Church
property ; on the contrary, it was to the advantage of the
monarchy that the status quo should be maintained in France.
Like France, Italy did not escape the impact of the new
teaching ; but in the latter country there were almost
insuperable impediments to a widespread diffusion of the
Protestant doctrine. In the first place, throughout the
length and breadth of the Italian people there existed, in
spite of all ecclesiastical abuses, a great body of traditional
religious feeling of a genuine Catholic character.2 This
raised a barrier against any defection on a large scale from
the Church of the past ages. In no other country in
Europe, with the exception of Spain, had the Catholic
faith struck deeper roots and knit itself more completely
into the fibres of national life. The manifold development
of Christian beneficence and, not less, the magnificent
creations of art, bore witness to the living energy of this
Catholic force.3 The genuine Catholic instinct, resident
in all classes of the Italian people, taught them to dis
tinguish, with precision, between persons and things.4
Therefore the dangerous feeling of hostility to the
secularized Papacy was kept within strict limits and in all
matters of importance was limited to the middle and higher
ranks of society. Yet the latter were influenced by material
and national points of view which made any idea of a
breach with the Holy See abortive. The Italian saw with
pride that Italy comprised the central point of Christendom
1 Cf. MARCKS, Coligny, I., 268 seq.
2 Our remarks, Vol. V. of this work, pp. n seq., 21 seqq., 89 seqq.
3 Cf. ibid., pp. 59 seqq., 67 seqq.
4 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, pp. 181-182.
VOL. X. 20
306 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
together with the highest civilization in art and learning,
and thus acquired the sure position of leader among all
the countries of the West. Again, there were the countless
but very tangible advantages, especially to the middle and
higher classes, accruing from the fact that the " magisterium "
of the Church was wielded on Italian soil. Granted that
indignation at the secularization of the Papacy was some
times acute, a sober consideration of actual facts brought
men back to the conviction that the general interest lay
not in the destruction but in the maintenance of the Holy
See. Again, the Pope and the deeply Catholic-minded
Emperor possessed a political power in Italy which made
any support of Lutheranism by the minor principalities of
the peninsula a sheer impossibility. Lastly, it was a point
of vital importance that Clement VII. was thoroughly
informed on Italian affairs and was therefore in a position
to intervene in them with success.
The first intrusion of Lutheran views began, naturally
enough, in upper Italy, where communication with Germany
and Switzerland was always active. A constant stream
of travellers, drawn mainly from the mercantile and student
classes, passed to and fro and very early brought
Lutheran notions and Lutheran writings into these locali
ties. As early as 1519 and up to 1520 Luther's writings
were sold not only in Venice but also in Pavia and even in
Bologna,1 and in the spring of 1520 a monk named Andrea
da Ferrara, who followed Luther's doctrine, preached
sermons in Venice;2 a similar preacher in Milan was
1 Cf. BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 2, where read 1519 for 1518.
There is a very complete bibliography of the history of the Reformation
in Italy in HERZOG, Realencyklopadie, IX., 3rd ed., 524 seq. ; cf. also
BENRATH, Uber die quellen der ital. Ref.-Gesch., Bonn, 1876.
2 For Andrea cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 41, note, where the
literature is given.
MEASURES AGAINST HERESY. 307
mentioned in despatches in the following year.1 Leo X.,
as well as the Patriarch of Venice, was not slow in taking
preventive measures corresponding to the occasion.2 Nor
was Clement VII. deficient in vigilance; on the 24th of
January 1524 he urged on the Nuncios at Venice and
Naples that the decrees of the Lateran Council concern
ing preachers and printers should be observed.3 At
the same time the Pope took measures against those
who were suspected of heresy in Mirandola, Padua, and
Naples.4
Not merely Luther's views but the far more advanced
tenets of Zwingli found early acceptance in Italy. Letters
of the Augustinian Egidio della Porta of Como prove that
he and some of his associates were prepared in 1525
to quit Italy and throw in their lot with Zwingli.5 In
November 1526 Clement VII. instructed the Chapter of
Sitten, and in January 1527 the Minorite, Tommaso Illyrico,
to take proceedings against the Lutherans in Savoy.6 A
Papal Bull of July 1528 ordered the Bishop and Inquisitor
of Brescia to support the gratifying activity of the citizens
of that city against Lutheranism, and in particular to
pronounce judgment on the Carmelite Giambattista
Pallavicini, who in the preceding Lent had proclaimed
Lutheran doctrines from the pulpit.7 In Bergamo the
1 See the epigramm of 1521, in SCHELHORN, Amoenit., II., 624. Cf.
also Arch. Stor. Lombard., VI., 480.
2 BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 2 seq.
3 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 76 seq., 80 seq.
4 Ibid., 78 seq., 85 seq., 87 seq.
3 See HOTTINGER, Hist. Eccl. Saec. XVI., VI., 2, 611 ; M'CRIE,
History of the Reformation in Italy, 38 seq. ; CHRISTOFFEL, H. Zwingli,
Elberfeld, 1857, 179 seq.
6 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 96-101 (read here 1527, not 1547).
1 Bull. VI., 115 seq. Pallavicini, who also caused scandal in Chieri
(Arch Stor. Ital., 3rd Series, XXIII., 442 seq.\ laid before the Pope in
308 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
excellent Bishop Pietro Lippomano had been busy
since 1527 in preventing the spread of Lutheran
writings smuggled in from Switzerland.1 On the 27th
of August 1528 Clement addressed from Viterbo a
circular letter to the bishops of Italy exhorting them
as good pastors of the flock of Christ to suppress the
heresy now beginning to penetrate the fold ; the
penitent were to be treated graciously, but the obsti
nate punished severely with the help of the secular
power.2
The decree sent by Clement VII. from Bologna on the
1 5th of January 1530 to the General of the Dominicans,
Paolo Butigella, inquisitor in Modena and Ferrara, had
also a general character. In it the Pope dwelt on the
spread of Lutheran error among clergy and laity in
various parts of Italy, so that some by speeches, some
even by sermons in church, were trying to turn away
the faithful in Christ from their obedience to the Church.
The Arian heresy, at first merely a spark, had, because
unsuppressed, become a conflagration embracing the
whole world ; he wished therefore to take measures in
time. Butigella and all inquisitors of his order were
therefore exhorted to act vigorously against Luther's
adherents ; at the same time full powers were given for
the reconciliation of the penitent as well as spiritual graces
for the associations founded by the inquisitors for the
prevention of erroneous teaching.3 Besides these general
directions special orders were also sent in individual
a ^letter dated Turin, 1529, June 8, a penitent statement of his errors
(Lett. d. princ., VI., 47, Secret Archives of the Vatican).
1 Cf. UCCELLI, Deir Eresia in Bergamo, in La Scuola Catt., Milano,
1875.
2 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 103.
3 RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 51 seq. Cf. GIORDANI, 68, and App. 46.
TENDENCIES IN GENEVA. 309
instances, and these especially concerned the Duchy of
Savoy and the Venetian Republic.
The propagation of Lutheran views in the Duchy of
Savoy was another outcome of the proximity of Switzer
land. Clement VII. called on the inquisitors, the
bishops, the Nuncio, and before all the Duke Charles III.,
to take measures.1 Charles viewed the whole situation
from a purely political point of view. The outbreak
of Protestant tendencies in Geneva was very advan
tageous to him, as he was now able to invest his
long-standing dispute with that city with a religious
character.2 His reports to Clement of the state of
things in Geneva were so bad that the Pope, in his in
creased anxiety, placed at his disposal a portion of the
Church revenues for the subjection of the city.3 Clement
was not aware that Charles had greatly exaggerated the
danger to Catholicism in Geneva, nor had he perceived
that the Duke, working only in his own interest, was
rendering a sorry service to the Church by mixing up the
political question of Genevan independence with that of
the religious innovations.4 The Pope only saw in the
Duchy of Savoy a strong bulwark against the intrusion of
Protestantism into Italy, and therefore issued exhortations
in all directions to give support to Charles III.6
While Clement VII. was alarmed at the introduction
of Protestant views into the west of upper Italy, their
1 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 104, 109, no.
2 KAMPSCHULTE, Calvin, I., 100.
3 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 105 seq. Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1531, n. 21.
4 KAMPSCHULTE, Calvin, I., 101. Cf. ibid., 107 seq., for the bad
results of Clement's declaration of the general Jubilee Indulgence,
"unwarned by the experience of his predecessor," in Geneva in 1532.
5 RAYNALDUS, 1531, n. 23-25 ; FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 119 seq.
Cf. REN ATA, I., 488 seq.
310 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
influence had already become firmly established in the
east. Notwithstanding the repeated burning of heretical
books 1 and the sermons of Dominican preachers,2 Luther's
followers had increased to such an extent that at Easter
1528 he was able to give public expression to his delight.3
In March 1530 the Council of Ten expressly refused to
take action, as the Republic of Venice was a free state.4
The purveyors of Lutheran teaching were, in the main,
members of religious orders who had broken their vows.
The activity of such Protestant " brothers " was not con
fined to Venice ; they were busy in many other places
as well.5 The attitude of the Venetian Government made
the position of the Nuncio and his sympathetic predecessor
Gian Pietro Carafa by no means an easy one. The latter,
in October 1532, had sent the Pope a memorial which
made the dangers of the situation clear as day.6 Herein
Carafa, in the plainest terms, drew the Pope's attention to
the half-hearted fidelity of the Venetians to the ancient
faith shown in their neglect of fasts and the confessional,
and in their toleration of heretical teaching and heretical
1 Cf. BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 4. See also ELZE, Gesch.
der protest. Bewegung in Venedig, Elberfeld, 1883, 3 seq.
2 SANUTO, XXXV., 449.
3 DE WETTE, III., 289.
4 SANUTO, LI 1 1., 66.
6 See F. Negri's letter in CANTU, Eretici, III., 153, in full in the Riv.
Cristiana, 1872, 122 seq. ; cf. BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 40
seq. Lutheranism was spread in Padua by Michael Geismayr, the
peasant leader who had fled from Salzburg ; see BUCHOLTZ, IX., 650.
There is exaggeration in a *letter of Jerome Ferrus, dated Venetiis,
1 531, VI. Cal. Dec. (November 26) : " Patavium quoque haec impridem
invasit pestis, ut jam nemo in ea civitate litteras scire videatur qui
Lutheranus non sit." Cod. Vatic., 3922, f. 241 (Vatican Library).
6 There is a copy of this important document in *Caracciolo, Vita di
Paulo IV., II., 9 (Casanatense Library). It is printed in part in
HERETICS IN VENICE. 31 1
books. The leaders of the movement were members of
religious orders, many of whom had broken their vows
and were roaming about. Carafa named some of them,
disciples of a deceased Franciscan. He announced that
the Franciscans Girolamo Galateo and Alessandro of Pieve
di Sacco were in confinement, while their associate and
sympathizer Bartolomeo Fonzio had fled to Augsburg.1
The latter had powerful friends in the Curia2 who had
procured for him a Papal Brief; to this Carafa opposed
earnest remonstrances. " A heretic," he said, " must be
treated as such ; the Pope lowers himself if he writes to
him and flatters him or even allows graces to be procured
for him ; it is, indeed, possible that in this or that instance
some good result may follow, but as a rule the recipients
of such favours are only made more obdurate and gain
fresh adherents." He then urged the Pope to hold the
reins more tightly on his officials and to be less generous
in the matter of apostolic Briefs. In the cause of God's
honour and his own responsible office he must apply
BROMATO, I., 101 seq., 191 seq., 205 seq., and in RANKE, Papste, III.,
App., No. 29 ; given in full in Riv. Cristiana, Firenze, 1878, 281 seqq.
but not by any means correctly. The best text is that of the authentic
copy in the Carafa papers which I found in *Cod. Barb., lat. 5697,
f. i- 10 (Vatican Library). BENRATH (Reformation in Venedig, 8) places
the memorial "about 1530," which is a mistake, for A. Averoldo, who
did not die till November i, 1531, is spoken of in the document as dead.
The exact date I venture to establish from the credentials of the
bearer, P. Bonaventura, Provinciale de' minori osservanti (without date
in BROMATO, I., 205); it is the 4th of October 1532. I found the
credentials among the Carafa papers in *Cod. XIII., AA 74, n. 3, of
the National Library, Paris.
1 Q. for the persons mentioned, BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig,
8 seq. ', Riv. Cristiana, I., 18, and COMBA, I nostri Protestanti, II.,
Firenze, 1897.
2 Pietro Carnesecchi, Clement's influential private secretary, is
probably meant.
312 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
himself to measures of opposition ; in times of danger
such as the present, it is inadmissible to remain in the old
grooves. On the outbreak of a war every day some
new preparations for defence are called for, so also
in the spiritual contest in which the Church is now
engaged the Pope must be ever on the alert. His
Holiness should provide an able inquisitor, such as was
Martino da Treviso, and despatch a special Papal Legate
to Venice. Since heresy, in most cases, is the product of
erroneous writings and preaching or of evil living, the
attack should be made in that direction. Owing to the
apathy of the bishops and heads of religious orders
the Pope should insist strongly on the faculties for preach
ing and hearing confessions being exclusively confined to
priests of blameless character. Moreover, it is absolutely
necessary that an end should be made to the monstrous
prevalence of vagrant monks — "the apostates," as Carafa
calls them. The Penitentiary should abstain henceforth from
dispensing permissions to leave the cloister ; for these
" apostates," to the incalculable scandal of religion, had
unfortunately become masters within a wide circle of the
cure of souls and only too often were the servants of
heresy and men of evil life. The Pope therefore would
do well to reserve to himself the permission to leave the
cloister, and only grant such permission in cases of pressing
necessity ; but to the " apostates " no pastoral charge
should be given. Carafa, in addition, drew up a formal
programme of reform of the secular and regular clergy,
of which further mention will be made later on.
As a fountain-head of heresy Carafa noted the dis
semination of heretical writings which were sold in Venice
without any attempt at concealment, were bought by
many persons, clerical and lay, by whom they were read,
sometimes in contempt of the ecclesiastical censures
EFFORTS OF CARAFA. 313
thereby incurred, and sometimes on appeal to the
possession of the necessary permission. Such licences
must in future be granted very rarely, while those already
issued should be recalled.
Clement VII. was not the man to carry out such
stringent precautions ; in single instances, e.g. with regard
to the sale of heretical writings, he certainly directed his
Nuncio to take steps,1 and also renewed some earlier
ordinances against itinerant monks.2 But the compre
hensive regulations for reform called for by Carafa,
especially in the case of the regular and secular clergy,
came to nothing. Since in this way the sources of heresy
were not dammed up, repressive measures, such as the
appointment of the Augustinian Callisto da Piacenza as
Inquisitor-General for the whole of Italy,3 gave only a
superficial help. Although Carafa in his struggle with
heresy was warmly supported by Aleander, sent as Nuncio 4
to Venice in March 1533, the situation continued to be
dangerous.
Aleander's reports as Nuncio contain many complaints
both of the corruption of the clergy and of the growth of
heresy, now making its way in Venice even among the
lower classes.5 Among the preachers of Lutheran
opinions there was a carpenter6 who, on being brought to
trial at the instance of Aleander, defended himself by
1 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 128.
2 Ibid., 114, n. i.
3 January 4, 1532 ; FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 127 seq.
4 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 3, 37 seq.
5 *Nunziatura di Venezia, I. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf.
BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 114 seq., 116 seq. (instead of 1523
read 1533, instead of 1524 read 1534), and TOLOMEI, Nuziat. di Venezia,
eqq.
Cf. Aleander's **report, May 9, 1533 (State Archives, Munich).
3 14 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
quoting sentences from the Bible. In October 1533
Aleander set in motion a Papal prohibition against the
misuse of the Pauline epistles as commented upon from
the pulpit in Italian by some illiterate members of the
mendicant Orders.1 The ferment in the city was increased
by the preaching of the Florentine, Fra Zaccaria, who
publicly depicted in glowing colours the corruption in the
Curia, and even spoke of the Pope in insulting terms.
The Signoria, then on strained relations with Clement VII.,
took no steps against the offender,2 and in the matter of
heresy Aleander repeatedly had to complain of their
indifference. Not until an improvement took place in the
Pope's relations with Venice, consequent on the change in
his political and ecclesiastical position, did an alteration
begin.3 The trial of the Lutheran carpenter, who had
found many protectors,4 now came to a close after having
dragged on through a whole year, and ended in the
condemnation of the accused to perpetual imprisonment.
The same punishment befell Pietro Buonavita of Padua,
who held Lutheran views.5 While Aleander was occupied
in contending with other promoters of Lutheranism, among
them being a French glovemaker,6 he received the news
in June 1534 of the appearance of the new doctrines in
1 See FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 137 seq. Cf. Meander's *edict in
Cod. Vatic., 3889, f. 1 7 seq. (Vatican Library).
2 Cf. TOLOMEI, 45.
3 See ibid.) 43 seq. Cf. BENRATH, 115.
4 " Questo heretico mastro di legnami ha molti favori da ogni banda."
* Aleander, May 29, 1 533 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
5 Cf. TOLOMEI, 50. Aleander's *Sententia contra Antonium fabr.
lignarium haereticum, dat. June 2, 1 534, I found in Cod. Vatic., 3889 ;
also f. 25 : *Articuli haereticales de quibus judicio meo magister
Antonius Marangonus delatus convictus est per testes (Vatican
Library),
6 Cf. Aleander's ^report, July 2, 1 534 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
LUTHERAN WRITINGS IN ITALY. 315
Istria.1 In Venice itself the announcement of the success
of the Protestants in Wiirtemberg reacted on the Govern
ment and their zeal against the Protestants slackened.2
Outside Venetian territory, in the closing days of
Clement VII., only isolated followers of the German
teachers were to be found in Italy,3 although writings by
Luther and Melanchthon, in Italian translations, were
scattered about among the people, sometimes under false
names.4
1 See Meander's *report, June 28, 1534 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican), also *Cod Vatic, 3889, f 21 (Vatican Library), and Vergerio's
letter, August 30, 1534, in the Nuntiaturberichte, I., 301 seq.
2 See Aleander's ^report, June 20, 1534 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
3 This was the case in 1529 in Florence, where Cerretani, as early as
1520, had declared himself a Lutheran (see Vol. VIII. of this work,
p. 179 seq.). For G. Buonagrazia, who was banished from Florence as a
Lutheran on December 19, 1531, see Arch. stor. Ital., 4th Series, III.,
337 seq. For the crypto-protestant P. A. Manzolli of Ferrara see
BURCKHARDT, Kultur, I., 7th ed., 289; II., 7th ed., 263 seq. For
Lutherans in Rome in Clement VII.'s time see SANUTO, LIV., 284,
as well as the evidence quoted by HYRVOIX in the Rev. d. quest, hist.,
1902, L, 497. Unfortunately authentic information in fuller detail is
wanting. For the burning of a witch on the Capitol in September
1525 see the account in BERTOLOTTI, Martin del libero pensiero,
Roma, 1892, 13, and Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXIII., 33 seq.
4 Luther's letter to the Christian nobles appeared in 1533 under the
title : Libro de la ernendatione et correctione dil stato christiano (cf.
BENRATH, 11 seq., u$seq.; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 166, 170; Wissen-
schaftl. Beil. zur Germania, 1896, No. 4, 1897, No. 17), Melanchthon's
Loci, as : I principii della teologia di Ippofilo da Terra Nigra (see Corp.
Ref., XXXII., 654 seq.) ; cf. also M'CRIE, Reformation in Italy, 37 seq.
CHAPTER X.
THE CLOSE OF THE PONTIFICATE OF CLEMENT VII.— His
POSITION TOWARDS LITERATURE AND ART.
WHEN in December 1533 Clement VII. returned from
Marseilles to Rome, a Milanese envoy reported that the
Holy Father was in such good health that he looked as if
he had only come back from an excursion to his villa on
Monte Mario.1 No one suspected, at that moment, that
the life of this man of fifty-three was nearing its end.
Least of all did it occur to the French party that all the
far-reaching schemes interwoven with the marriage of
Catherine de' Medici were destined to come to nothing.
On the Imperialist side this alliance had been looked upon
with the greatest suspicion. Both before and during the
conference at Marseilles, Vergerio, the resident Nuncio at
the court of Ferdinand I., "had sent reports of his distrust " 2
—a distrust which grew although Clement laboured to
counteract it. The Nuncio found his position one of in
creasing difficulty. Little fitted for diplomacy,3 this repre
sentative of the Pope was surrounded by the worst feelings
of suspicion and by bitter animosity against Clement himself.
1 BASCHET, 296. Cf. F. Peregrine's ^report of December 12, 1533,
in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and *that of Ant. Maria Papazzoni of
January 10, 1534, in State Archives, Bologna.
2 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 115 seq., 129, 132, 139, 144, 146 seq.t
158 seq.t 176 seq., 192 seq.
3 Cf^ Nuntiaturberichte, I., 29, and besides, Mitteilungen aus der
historischen Literatur, XXL, 34.
VERGERIO ON GERMAN AFFAIRS. 317
Vergerio's communications on German affairs were a
source of grave anxiety. In the very first despatch sent
to Rome after his arrival in Vienna he had to report the
advance of Lutheranism and the evil plight of the Catholic
Church in Germany.1 The anti-Papal feeling which had
taken possession even of circles loyal to the old faith was
intensified by various ill-sounding rumours concerning the
Marseilles conference. " It is my belief," he wrote on the
1 8th of November 1533 to the Papal private secretary,
Carnesecchi, " that here not only the Pope and Italians,
but also the Catholic faith and Jesus Christ, have many
enemies ; but in Rome they have no real notion how
corrupt the minds of almost all men here have become." 2
From Prague, whither he had followed the court, he sent
on the 28th of December to Rome a despatch of a very
agitating character. " Listen," he appealed to Carnesecchi,
" to the state of the Church of Christ in this country. In
the whole kingdom of Bohemia at this time only six
priests have been ordained, and these are quite poor men
to whom, on account of their necessity, I gave gratuitously
the dispensations enabling them to receive their orders
from any bishop. The Bishop of Passau told me that
in his entire diocese within four years only five priests
have been ordained. The Bishop of Laibach said that
out of his diocese in eight years only seventeen had
become priests. The reports of benefices standing
empty on account of this lack of clergy are quite in
credible. But this is not the case merely in schismatical
Bohemia, but in the whole of Austria and the whole of
Germany." 3
With his reports on the existing decline of the Catholic
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 84, 85, 86; cf. 88, 97, 99, 145.
2 Ibid., I., 140.
?> Ibid., I., 152. Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, VIII., i4th ed., 419 seq.
3l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
faith in Germany, Vergerio combined urgent representa
tions that efforts should be made in Rome to supply so
many endangered souls with the needed succour ; he
recommended especially the support of the literary
champions who, like Eck in Bavaria, Cochlaus in Saxony,
Nausea on the Rhine, and Faber in the Austrian patri
monial states, were courageously defending the Catholic
faith.1 The behaviour of Clement in this particular matter
is only too significant of his ecclesiastical policy. Already
in 1530 Campeggio, and in 1532 Aleander, had called
attention to the necessity of giving substantial help to
these writers who were, for the most part, men of very
slender means.2 Cardinal Cles had discussed the matter
personally with the Pope at Bologna and received the
best assurances; nevertheless, by the spring of 1533
practically nothing had been done. Cles therefore made
serious representations to Vergerio, and the Nuncio
himself left nothing undone to advance the matter at
Rome. He was even ready, he said, to spend 200 ducats
from his own pocket on these learned men, if he could
entertain the hope of being repaid.3 The attitude of the
Curia also was a strange one. There was certainly no
attempt to deny the necessity of supporting the Catholic
men of learning, but a warning was given not to exceed
the strictest economy in so doing, since the finances were
in a very distressed condition ; Ferdinand I., it was
suggested, could do something much more easily.4 It is
stranger still that even when the opportunity arose of
contributing to the support of these scholars it was not
made use of. In conformity with an evil custom of
1 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 84, 141, 156.
2 See LAEMMER, Mon. Vatic., 59, 99, 119.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 84, 89.
4 Ibid., I., 120. Cf. BlRCK in the Preuss. Jahrb., LXXXV., 279.
PROTESTS OF VERGERIO. 319
long-standing, rich livings continued to be given to men
who had no need of them. Thus in October 1533 a
man who had already an income of 4000 ducats received
1000 ducats more in rents by the transference of some
German benefices. Vergerio protested against this with
justice ; such a proceeding would give occasion of fresh
complaint to numerous enemies of the Church, and drive
the few deserving Catholic scholars to despair in their con
tinual supplications for benefices.1 Nevertheless, the Curia
withheld any adequate support. In the following spring
Vergerio could still report that the poor Catholic scholars
were being starved to death ; still, something might be
done for them in Rome, for in Germany there were no
benefices to dispose of; the few that were vacant he
had bestowed upon them, but on account of certain
reservations they were of no use. It was therefore
urgently requisite that the Pope should supply them
with support in hard cash;2 no guarantee for such
was given. Further, the Nuncio himself was so badly
paid that he was not in a position to give pledges to
any great extent.
All this proves how lacking in earnestness Clement VII.
was as regards duties of an essentially ecclesiastical kind, and
at the same time it shows how greatly he underestimated
the danger with which the Papacy was threatened from
the side of Germany. In this he was encouraged by
the crafty King of France, who succeeded in producing the
impression in Rome that the leaders of the Lutheran
cause were dependent on France, and that French media
tion would easily bring about an agreement with them.3
1 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 134.
2 Ibid., I., 184.
3 See A. Soriano in ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 304. The report was
also then current in Rome that Francis intended to marry two of his
320 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
How little Clement appreciated the full significance of
the politico-religious tendencies in Germany and how
blindly in this respect he trusted in Francis I., is shown by
his behaviour in a matter of g$eat moment to the existence
of the Church in southern Germany. In the spring of
1534 the Landgrave of Hesse, who received French
support, began war for the restoration of the Protestant
Duke Ulrich of Wiirtemberg to his duchy. Francis I.
managed to conceal so cleverly from the Pope that the
successful issue of this conflict would be the surrender of
Wiirtemberg to Protestantism that Clement looked upon
the Landgrave's whole enterprise as merely a counter-stroke
to the private interests of the Hapsburgs, involving no
danger to the Church.1 The Ambassadors of Ferdinand I.
sought in vain to turn him from this erroneous view, and in
vain appealed to him for help. Clement assured them of
his sympathy, but excused himself on the score of his
exhausted treasury. The war, the Pope considered, misled
by French misrepresentations,2 was a personal contest in
which he could not interfere unless the Landgrave did
something against the Catholics ; also, without the consent
of the Sacred College, no such support as he was called
upon to give would be possible.3 But among the Cardinals
daughters to Protestant German princes and thereby convert them
to Catholicism; see the ^letter of F. Peregrino of February 28, 1534
(in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), who certainly had reasonable doubts
on the matter.
1 Cf. SUGENHEIM, Frankreichs Einfluss auf Deutschland, I., 57 seq.
RANKE (Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 332, n.) supposes that
Francis I. had given his word to the Pope that the Landgrave's
enterprise would not entail any consequences to the Church.
2 See HEYD, Ulrich von Wiirtemberg, Tubingen, 1841, II., 490-
491.
3 See Sanchez' report of June 15 (not July), 1534, in BUCHOLTZ, IX.,
247 seq.
COMPLAINTS OF THE GERMAN PRINCES. $21
Francis had secured a certain majority by means of liberal
pensions,1 thus preventing any help being given to
Ferdinand.2
Accordingly, in a Brief o^ the i6th of June 1534, any
support of Ferdinand was flatly refused.3 This inexcus
able conduct called forth not merely at the courts of
Charles and his brother, but also among the most loyal
adherents of Rome in Germany, strong expressions of
disapproval.4 Finally came Clement's behaviour in the
question of the Council. In accordance with the engage
ments made at Marseilles the Pope had already, in March
1534, officially declared his determination to defer, until a
more propitious and peaceable season, the Council
announced in the previous year.5 In a letter from Duke
George of Saxony to Vergerio the clearest expression
is given to the bitterness aroused in the German Catholics
at this fresh postponement by the Pope, under the
influence of fear and his French sympathies. In this
document the most Catholic of all the Catholic princes
of Germany complains with vehemence that the Pope,
in the question of the Council, has allowed himself to
be befooled by Francis, the inveterate enemy of Germany.
If the Roman Church, he exclaims in his indignation, were
1 On October 19, 1533, G. M. della Porta ^reported from Marseilles :
" II Re ha publicato voler dar pensione a tutti li revmi ch' anno
seguitato N. Sre qua. (Medici was said to have had 10,000 franchi,
Salviati and Ridolfi 5000 each, and so forth.) Se Roma non fosse
ruinata, potriasi dir quelle parole : Urbem venalem cito perituram si
emptorem invenerit" (Florentine State Archives).
2 Cf. BUCHOLTZ, IX., 251 ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 271, n.
3 RAYN ALDUS, 1534, n. 16.
4 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 271 seq., 274 seq.
5 Cf. the letter of March 20 to Ferdinand I. in LAEMMER, Melet,
144 seq., and that to the German Circles in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV.,
cvi.-cviii.
VOL. X. 21
322 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to lose 10,000 ducats of her revenues, excommunications
would be hurled and swords drawn and all Christendom
called upon for aid; but if a hundred thousand souls,
through the fraud of the devil, are brought to ruin, the
Chief Shepherd listens to the counsels of him who is
continually bent on injuring and enslaving Christendom.1
Utterances such as these, the violence of which could
hardly be surpassed, were dictated by a genuine anxiety
for fatherland and religion.
Under these circumstances it must be considered
fortunate for the Church that the Pope's days were
numbered.2
In June 1534 Clement VII. was taken ill ;3 this was attri
buted to the agitation caused by the senseless conduct of his
nephew Ippolito de' Medici.4 After a short improvement5
his condition changed for the worse, and gave rise to great
anxiety. The doctors were uncertain as to the nature of
the malady ; some thought that the Pope had been poisoned
on his journey from Marseilles, and accusations were
not wanting in which the Florentines on one hand and
the French on the other were charged with the crime.6 In
1 See GESS, Die Klostervisitationen Herzog Georgs von Sachsen,
Leipzig, 1888, 48 seq,, and Nuntiaturberichte, I., 266, n.
2 For Clement's weak behaviour towards the Margrave George of
Brandenburg-Kulmbach see GESS in the elucidations to Janssen's
Gesch. des deutschen Volkes, edited by Pastor, V., 312.
3 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, Op. ined., IX., 297, and A. M. Papazzoni's
^letter of June 20, 1534, in State Archives, Bologna. The first signs
of indisposition were announced by him as early as May 30.
4 Cf. F. Peregrine's cipher ^reports of June 19 and 25, 1534, in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
5 Cf. A. M. Papazzoni's ^letter of June 27, 1534, in State Archives,
Bologna.
6 Cf. Sanchez' ^letter of July 25, 1534, in Court and State Archives,
Vienna.
ILLNESS OF THE POPE. 323
reality his complaint was probably a gastric one, perhaps
of a malignant character. As the doctors were unable to
agree, Clement lost confidence in them ; l his condition
meanwhile underwent extraordinary changes. At the
beginning of July he seemed to have recovered,2 but then
followed a relapse of such a dangerous kind that he was
reported to be dead,3 but this rumour, in consequence of
which all Rome had taken to arms, was premature ; the
strong constitution of the Pope was once more victorious,
and by the beginning of August he showed a marked
improvement.4 On the 3<Dth of July he had made his will,
by which Florence was left to Alessandro and all his
remaining possessions to Cardinal Ippolito.5
Rome was not then in a healthy condition, and many
deaths occurred in the ranks of the Sacred College. On the
1 9th of July 1534 Enkevoirt died;6 on the 4th of August
1 Cf. the ^report of July 25, 1534, published by TEZA in the Atti. d.
1st. Venet, 6th series, VII., 902 ; here also for information on the Pope's
physicians. A. M. Papazzoni speaks expressly of a gastric complaint
in his ^reports of June 20, 1534, in the State Archives, Bologna. That
Clement VII., like Leo X., also suffered from a fistula, is mentioned
by Card. Gonzaga in a ^report of October 19, 1532, in Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
2 See F. Peregrino's ^letter of July 6, 1534, in Appendix, No. 36.
3 See Sanchez' ^report of July 28, 1534, in Court and State Archives,
Vienna. " Omnia Romae armis scatent," he says.
4 See the ^letter of C. H. Denonville, Bishop of Macon, dated
Rome, 1534, August 4, in MSS. franc.. 2968, f. 86, National Library,
Paris ; the ^report of Sanchez of August 8, 1534, in Court and State
Archives, Vienna, and Peregrino's ^letters of August 10 and 14, 1534,
in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf, TEZA, loc. «'/., 905 seq.
5 Giorn. d. Arch. Toscani, II., 126 seq. ; cf. Carte Strozz., I., 106.
For his anxiety about Ippolito see also Appendix, No. 36.
6 ^Letter of Sanchez of July 25, 1534, in Court and State Archives
Vienna. *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, Vatican Library. Cf.
SCHMIDLIN, 290 seq.
324 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he was followed by Cardinal della Valle.1 The renowned
Cajetan was also stricken with grievous illness, and died
in the night of the gih or early on the loth of August.
It was the wish of this high-minded and learned Cardinal
to be buried in the simplest manner.2
The Pope, meanwhile, continued to improve, although
he was still very weak.3 On the i8th of August, while the
Romans were filled with alarm 4 at the news of the sack
of Fondi by the pirates employed by Chaireddin Barbarossa,
the city was moved to its depths by the announcement
that the Pope was lying between life and death owing to
a renewed attack of fever and sickness.5 On the following
day Clement's condition seemed so dangerous that on the
evening of the 24th of August he received Extreme Unction.
The day after that death seemed certain ; fever was ex
hausting his strength, and as he lay writhing in cramp
1 *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, loc. cit. Sanchez, who announced
the decease on August 8, speaks in the *letter with anxiety of the
preponderance of Frenchmen in the Sacred College (Court and State
Archives, Vienna).
2 According to Sanchez' *letter to Ferdinand I. of August 17, 1534,
Cajetan died on the loth (ECHARD, II., 15, gives the 9th) : "jussit se
sepeliri sine ulla pompa" ; he was " homo integer vitae et servitor V. et
Ces. Mts" (Court and State Archives, Vienna). For Cajetan's tomb
see CARDELLA, IV., 45, and FORCELLA, I., 443.
3 See Trivulzio in MOLINI, II., 370, and Sanchez' *letter of August
17, 1534, in Court and State Archives, Vienna.
4 Cf. the ^reports of F. Peregrino of August 10 and 14, 1534, in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and Sanchez, loc. cit. Cf. also GUICCIAR-
DINI, XX., 2 ; Corp. dipl. Port., III., 85 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 214 ;
FUMI, Ippolito de' Medici, 66.
5 See Sanchez' ^report in Court and State Archives, Vienna, and
*that of F. Peregrino of August 18, 1 534, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
For the excitement and fear of Turkish invasion in Rome during the
Pope's long illness see FANTINI, Lettera dei successi di Roma per
P infermita di Clemente Vil., Roma, 1534.
ILLNESS OF THE POPE. 325
he rejected all nourishment.1 But again, in the beginning
of September, there was another sudden change for the
better. Notwithstanding their patient's great exhaustion,
the doctors believed that he would make another rally.2
The vital crisis lasted until the 8th of September;3 after
that his condition daily became more hopeful.4 Giberti
visited the sick man, whose delight at seeing his old and
trusted friend was intense.5 " The improvement continues,"
reported Ferdinand's Ambassador on the 2ist of
September : " The Pope talks with those about him and
laughs over the manoeuvres and ambition of the Cardinals.
He still has a certain amount of fever ; the court oscillates
between hope and fear; but the former predominates so
greatly that all conclave intrigues have ceased."6 But on
1 See the full "^reports of F. Peregrine of August 19, 22, 23, 24, and
25, in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. F. Chieregati's ^letter of
August 26, 1 534 (the Pope received Extreme Unction "et S. Sta per
due volte rispose Amen"), loc. cit. Also BASCHET, 352 seq. ; TEZA
loc. cit., 909 ; FUMI, Ipp. de' Medici, 67 ; Carte Strozz., I., 104.
2 See besides F. Peregrine's ^letter of September 4, 1534 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua), the *copy of a letter dated Rome, 1 534, August 28,
in the Romano, of Court and State Archives, Vienna. Cf. ibid.,
Sanchez' *report of August 30, 1534 ; the *Diarium of P. P. Gualterius
in Secret Archives of the Vatican ; Corp. dipl. Port., III., 87, and
FUMI, 67 seq.
3 See the ^letter of Sanchez of September 18, 1534, in Court and
State Archives, Vienna. Cf. COSTANTINI, Card, di Ravenna, 225.
4 See F. Peregrine's ^letters of September 15 and 17, 1534, in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
5 See Sanchez' ^letter of September 18, 1534, in Court and State
Archives, Vienna. Cf. the ^letters of Cardinal E. Gonzaga to Covos
and G. Agnello of September 19, 1534, in Cod. Barb., lat. LXIL, 48,
Vatican Library, and the * Aviso of September 14, 1534, in Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
6 The last remark is in cipher. ^Sanchez on September 21, 1534
(Court and State Archives, Vienna).
326 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
this very 2ist of September there came a permanent
change for the worse. The fever increased in intensity and
day by day his strength ebbed away.1 On the 25th of
September, three hours after midday, Clement VII. was
released from his sufferings after hovering for a month
between life and death.2
Many troubles had combined against him during his last
days. While corsairs were plundering his coasts and fill
ing Rome with terror,3 his own position between Francis I.
and Charles V. was one of acute anxiety.4 Then a
dangerous quarrel threatened to break out in his own
family ; Cardinal Ippolito, whose dissolute life had already
1 See the "^reports of F. Peregrine of September 22 and 25, in
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua; of *Sanchez, September 23 and 25, in
Court and State Archives, Vienna, and the ^letters of Cardinal E.
Gonzaga to the Duke of Mantua of September 23 and 24, 1534, in
Cod. Barb., cit. Cf. FUMI, 70.
~ " Hora tertia post meridiem," says Sanchez in his first ^letter,
September 25, 1534, in Court and State Archives, Vienna. Cf.
Cardinal E. Gonzaga's ^letter of September 25, 1534, to G. I. Calandra,
in Cod. Barb., lat. LXIL, 48, Vatican Library ; F. Peregrine's *report
of September 25, 1534, and *that of Guido da Crema of the same day
(he died "christianamente et quietamente ") in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua ; the *Diary of P. P. Gaulterius in Secret Archives of the
Vatican and the *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, Vatican Library. See
also GATTICUS, 442; Firmanus in STEINMANN, II., no. Cf.
STAFFETTI, 126 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 215, and Storia, 272 ; Corp.
dipl. Port., III., 116 seq.\ GORI, Archivio, IV., 248 seq. ; Rime e
lett. di v. Gambara, 211, note; FUMI, 70, and L. Granae oratio in
funere Clementis VII., in Anecd. litt, IV., 255 seq.
3 On February 22, 1534, Clement VII. addressed a ^letter to all
the authorities of the Papal States with reference to preventive
measures. Min. brev., vol. 48, n. 83, in Secret Archives of the Vatican.
4 See Soriano in ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 308-309. The Colonna
were also a trouble to the Pope in the summer of 1534 ; see ALBERINI,
382 seq. There was also the insolent behaviour of B. Accolti ; see
Giorn. di lett. Ital., XXXIX., 229.
DEATH OF CLEMENT VII. 327
caused him many hours of care,1 wished to renounce the
purple in order to expel Alessandro de' Medici from
Florence.2 In order that this "foolish devil," as Clement
once called his nephew, might be otherwise employed he
bestowed upon him, on the 5th of September 1534, the
Legation of the Marches, which Accolti was obliged to
vacate.3 In the delirium of fever Clement was still
occupied with the prospects of his nephews, and one of
the last briefs of the dying Pope, addressed on the 23rd of
September to the Emperor, contained, besides the entreaty
that he should care for the interests of Italy and the
Church, a warm recommendation of Ippolito and Aless
andro.4 The trusted Carnesecchi was to be the bearer of
the letter.6
The mortal remains of Clement VII. were at first laid
in St. Peter's and afterwards transferred to S. Maria sopra
Minerva. There on the right side of the choir, opposite
the tomb of Leo X., Baccio Bandinelli, from plans drawn
up by Sangallo, erected a monument to Clement VII. in
the form of an antique triumphal arch in white marble
that might be mistaken for the monument of his cousin.
In the central niche is a seated statue of Clement,
1 See the ^report of G. M. della Porta of May 15, 1532, in State
Archives, Florence, and LuziO, Pronostico, 143 seq.
2 See Soriano, loc. tit., 309. Cf. REUMONT, Toskana, I., 58 seq. ;
ROSSI, Guicciardini, II., 66, and LUZIO, Pronostico, 143 seq.
3 Acta Consist, in BALAN, Clemente VII., 214.
4 In RAYNALDUS, 1534, n. 67. The last sentence here missing
runs : " Sed haec Mtl Tuae dicet copiosius et particularius idem proto-
notarius, cujus verbis ilia haud minorem fidem habere velit quam si
nos praesentes earn alloqueremur." Dat., etc., Blosius. Min. brev., vol.
48, n. 341, in Secret Archives of the Vatican. Cf. also the ^letter of
Cardinal E. Gonzaga in Cod. Barb., cit.
r> Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 120, note, and AGOSTINI, P. Carnesecchi,
Firenze, 1899.
328 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sculptured by Nanni di Baccio Bigio, surmounted by a
relief representing the coronation of Charles V. In the
niches on either side are statues of St. Jerome and St.
John the Baptist ; the reliefs above show the former
saint in the desert, and the Baptist in the act of preaching.1
There is hardly another spot in Rome conducive to more
serious reflection than these tombs of the two Popes of
the house of Medici. Differing widely in character and
fortunes they were both, in their pontificates, of
momentous import to the Church.
Clement has been called the most unlucky of all the
Popes.2 This verdict is justified not merely as regards
his reign but as regards his memory. It was astonishing
how quickly he was forgotten in Rome.3 The Romans
remembered only the misfortunes of his reign, his financial
disasters, and his heavy taxation ;4 they no longer recalled
1 Cf. CIACONIUS, III., 473 seq.\ LITTA, Medici, 124; KENNER,
145, and Zeitschr. fur bild. Kunst., XL, 141 segq. For the first sketch
see WICKHOFF in Jahrb. der kunsthistor. Samml. des osterr. Kaiser-
hauses, XI II., cclxxx., No. 212.
2 RANKE, Papste, I., 6th ed., 82. Cf. GUICCIARDINI in Arch. Stor.
Ital., 5th Series, V., 51, note i. See also MATHIEU, Pouvoir Temp,
des Papes, Paris, 1863, 496.
3 See Rossi, Guicciardini, II., 70. Cf. F. Peregrine's *letter of
September 24, 1534, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
4 Clement VII., whose total income is computed by Foscari m 1526
at 499,000 ducats against an expenditure of 412,250 ducats (ALBERi,
2nd Series, III., 139), suffered from the first from the prodigality of
Leo X. (see op. cit., 269) and from the stoppage of the sums of money
which, in earlier days, had come in from Germany (cf. on this point
SANUTO, LI 1 1., 16). The gravest incident, from the financial side,
in Clement's reign was the duplication of the public debt, for in
addition to the " offici vacabili," which ceased with the death of the
owner, there were the " monti non vacabili " or simply " monti." A
beginning was made in 1526 of raising money through consolidated
loans by the erection of the "monte della fede" with a capital of
FINANCE AND AGRICULTURE. 329
the judicious regulations of the deceased Pope for the
commissariat of the city.1
Clement VII. has had no biographer, and almost all
the historians of his time, with Guicciardini and Giovio at
200,000 ducats and 200 "luoghi" (shares), with interest at ten per cent,
paid through the Customs (cf. COPPI, Discorso s. finanze d. stato pontif.
dal sec. xvi al xix, Roma, 1855, 3, and RANKE, Papste, I., 6th ed., 266
seq.). To 1 526 also belongs the "monte di sale ed oro" (284,000 ducats,
interest at 8 per cent.). These loans were totally inadequate to meet
the enormous ransom demanded by the Imperial army in 1527. A
third loan, on the " monte del macinato " (290,000 ducats), had to be
taken up, thus raising the new public debt to 774,800 ducats (COPPI,
loc. «'/., 3-4). The sack of the city, the expedition against Florence,
on which two millions must have been spent, and the Turkish war
also led to fresh burdens of expense and to the sale of Church
property and Legations (see REUMONT, III., 2, 285 seq. \ cf.
ADEMOLLO in the Riv. Europ., 1877, II., 421). Much of the aversion
to Clement VII. in Rome (cf. the *Diary of Cornelius de Fine,
National Library, Paris, even from the year 1526, and JOVIUS,
Columna, 157) and elsewhere (cf. TIZIO, Hist. Senen. in Cod. G II.,
39, f. 366, of the Chigi Library, Rome) was due to the levies of
taxation. Even the Italian clergy offered, in many places, a violent
opposition to the Papal demands for tithes ; see LANCELLOTTI, IV.,
310 seq., 325 seq., 332 seq., 370 seq.
1 Clement's agricultural policy has generally been praised as
enlightened ; cf. BENIGNI, Getreidepolitik der Papste, 25, 32 seq.,
123; REUMONT, III., 2, 289 seq. ; NAUDE in Schmoller's Jahrb. des
Deutschen Reiches, 1899, N.F., XXIII., 3, 10. The famous " Bulla de
agricultura in districto urbis " of February 26, 1524 (Bull. VI., 56-62,
incorrectly dated ; according to *Regest. Vatic., 1245, f. 269-277, we
ought to read IV. Cal. Martii), for which TRIPEPI (Papato, VII., 221),
ZAMA (Agro Romano, Roma, 1879, 54 se9-)> an(^ ARDANT (Papes et
Paysans, 47, 127 seq.} are still consulted, was enlarged by a second
constitution on August I, 1524; see DECUP1S, Per gli usi civici nell'
agro Romano, Roma, 1906, 20. The troubles of the war made these
excellent regulations of no effect. In 1529 a "carestia incredibile"
was reigning in Rome ; see Contarini in ALBERT, 2nd Series, III., 262 ;
REUMONT, III., 2, 290.
330 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
their head, pass severe judgments upon him.1 Even
those who recognize his praiseworthy qualities, his piety,
purity of life, and indefatigable love of work, blame " the
coldness of his heart, his indecision, his weakness coupled
with duplicity, his pettiness of spirit."2 To judge with
fairness it ought to be borne in mind that Clement in
many instances had to expiate the sins of his predecessors,
that only too often he was the victim of circumstances for
the existence of which he was not responsible. Terrible
was the retribution brought on him for the introduction
of the Spaniards into Naples by Alexander VI. Vettori
has already pointed out that "Clement VII. was not
cruel, nor proud, nor a simonist, nor avaricious, nor
dissolute, but temperate, simple, pious, zealous in the
fulfilment of his religious duties — nevertheless, upon
him and Rome came dire calamity, and others who were
full of vices lived and died happily as far as this world
goes." 3
Even granting that this eulogy is just, yet the second
Medici Pope cannot escape the reproach that during
his eleven years' pontificate he never showed himself
competent to deal with the difficulties of the situation.
Incapable of large calculations, he allowed himself to be
led by petty considerations when great interests were
at stake. Timid in the extreme, he only arrived at a
decision slowly and then was easily induced to alter it,
for he was only too prone to substitute for every good plan
some other that he considered better. With him " the fresh
hues of determination were sicklied o'er with the pale
1 Both certainly are by no means impartial; see BALAN, Clemente
VII., 216. For the pasquinades on the Pope's death see Giorn. d.
lett. Ital., XXXI. , 401, 402, 405.
2 REUMONT, III., 2, 266.
3 VETTORI, 381 ; GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 641.
CLEMENT'S LACK OF DECISION. 331
cast of thought." He was entirely wanting in masterly
initiative and courageous decision. What the reign of so
irresolute a personality must inevitably produce has been
hit off to perfection by Berni in an epigram of excessive
bitterness : 1
" Un papato composto di rispetti
Di considerazioni e di discordi,
Di piu, di poi, di ma, di si di forsi
Di pur, di assai parole senza effetti."
The most regrettable feature of Clement's pontificate
was his absorption in politics and family interests, whereby
he was blinded to the specially spiritual tasks of the Papacy,
the most essential thing of all. Consequently he must
undoubtedly bear a share of the blame for the loss of
great portions of Germany to the Church. Clement was
not sufficiently informed on German affairs, and therefore
did not realize the momentum with which events were
developing. If Germany was the central point of the
interest of Adrian VI., the very reverse was the case with
Clement VII. At first greatly disturbed by Luther's
success, he was too much a Medici to allow anxiety for
Germany to take precedence of political and Italian pre
occupations.2 By making himself the centre of resistance
to Charles V. he allowed the politico-ecclesiastical up
heaval in the German Empire to have full scope. Later
on he swung between two extremes, between plans of
forcible suppression of the reformers and plans of mutual
agreement. A temporizer by nature, he was incapable of
1 BERNI, Rime, ed. Virgili, 43 seq. ; cf. VlRGlLi, Berni, 100 seq., and
REUMONT, III., 2, 268.
2 I refer in this connection to a hitherto unnoticed remark of
Vergerio's. He wrote on July i, 1535, to Aretino : "Tutte le faccende
di Clemente erano rivolte in ogni altro luogo che in Germania " ; Lett,
al Aretino, I., 179. Cf. also CREIGHTON, V., 249.
332 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a strong, clearly defined course of action, all the more so
as the King of France cleverly kept him deceived as to
the dangers in Germany.
His conduct in English affairs is also open to objection.
The charge that the Pope, by his precipitate sentence of
excommunication on Henry VIII., made himself respon
sible for the separation of England from the Holy See is
certainly without justification.1 On the other hand, it does
not admit of doubt that he was wanting in the necessary
resolution to intervene firmly and, before it was too late,
place an imperative alternative before Henry VIII.2 As
the King had come forward decidedly against Luther his
threats of apostasy had not been taken seriously at Rome
where, hoping against hope, it was thought that time
would cool the adulterous passion which had reached a
pitch almost of frenzy. The Pope therefore adopted a
dilatory policy, did not speak out at once and unmistak
ably, made unintelligible concessions, and even consented
to the elevation to the episcopate of opponents of the
Holy See. While the Curia still clung to the empty
expectation that sooner or later some settlement must
be reached, Henry was paving the way towards separation.
However much Clement's weakness may admit of ex
planation from the point of view of human nature, it was
inconsistent with the ideal of the high office with which he
was invested,3 and did injury to the interests of the Church.4
1 Against this view (see Histor. Zeitschr., XXXIX., 451 seq.\ cf.
PlEPER in the Histor.-polit. Bl., XCIV., 482 seq.\ which later was
also widely spread in Rome, see LINGARD, VI., 226 seq., note, and
FERET in the Rev. d. quest, hist., 1898, II., 85 seq.
2 Hist. Jahrb., XIV., 923.
3 RANKE (Englisch. Gesch., I., 177) calls attention to this.
1 " What a different shape things would have taken " is the opinion
of ZIMMERMANN (Wissensch. Beil. zur Germania, 1906, No. 6), "if
BREAKDOWN OF CLEMENT'S POLICY. 333
Clement had no greater success in his European policy
than he had in Church affairs. Employing with restless
activity all the arts of a diplomatist of the Renaissance
and conducting all his undertakings with cleverness and
acumen, he yet achieved nothing. His constantly shift
ing policy, the outcome of over-subtlety and a lack of
courage and stability, could produce only small results.
In all great questions his policy completely broke down,
and involved him in incessant discomfiture.1 Clement VII.
dug the grave of Italian freedom, while the great political
authority of the Papacy moved steadily to its downfall.
Nothing but misfortune attended Clement's purely political
machinations, so much so that one might be tempted to
see therein a sign that Providence was bent on once more
leading back the Papacy to its special vocation. This
much was evident when Clement passed away; all his
political schemes had come to nothing ; the road along
which he had travelled was henceforth closed. A radical
change was necessary if the Church was not to lose still
more than she had already lost within the last few years.
The ill-fortune which set its stamp on the pontificate of
Clement VII. also threw its shadow over his relations to
literature, science, and art.
True to the traditions of his family, the Pope, during his
Cardinalate, had already gathered round him a throng of
poets and men of letters. To this day the Vatican Library
preserves an imposing series of works dedicated to him at
this period.2
Rome had made public the document so deeply compromising to the
King, if the Pope had exposed to light the whole course of the marriage
proceedings."
1 Cf. VoiGT-HAUCK in Herzog's Realencyklopadie, IV., 3rd ed.,
147.
2 Cod. Vatic., 3641 ; *Francisci Priscianensis in hymnos secundum
334 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It is easy to imagine the delight with which, on the
death of the unsympathetic Adrian VI., the election of
such a man as Giulio de' Medici was hailed in literary
circles.1 Amid eulogies of the house of Medici, always
Romanam Curiam Castigationes cum metrorum reformatione (dat.
ex Florentia Nonis Sextilib. 1517).
5797 : *Veturii Rubei Lictii Carmen sive somnus de Italia et
Insubria a Gallis oppressa.
5798 : *Andr. Daxii Sylva.
5800 : *Christ. Marcelli (archiep. Corcyr.) Dialogus de fato Julidas
inscriptus.
5801 : *Christ. Marcelli (archiep. Corcyr.) Quaestio de cadentis
Angeli ordine.
5802 : *Luciani Dialogi maritimi interprete Livio Guidolacto
Urbinate.
5803 : *Octavii Roscii Carmina (with his miniature : the poet
presenting his work to the Cardinal).
5804: *Zachar. de Rhodigio, Quaestio de donatione Constantini
(the latter still exists de jure !).
5805 : *Opusculum incerti auctoris contra medicos qui negligunt
astronomiam in medendis aegritudinibus.
5806 : Pii Bononiens. Tropheum Julii Card. Medicis de victoria
contra Gallos habita in Insubria (carmen bucolic.).
5807 : *Bernardi Guicciardini (monachi) Opusculum angelicum (on
the angels, after S. Thomas Aquinas).
5808 : *Aegidii Viterbi (ord. S. Aug. gen.) Explanatio litterar.
hebraicar.
5809-5810: *Guidi Posthumi Silvestr. Elegiar. lib.
5811 : *Jacobi Argyropuli Epistola (dedicating to him the work of
his father Johannes, De institutione eorum qui sunt in dignitate).
5812: *Franc. Speruli Villa Julia Medica versibus fabricata.
Almost all these MSS. are the original dedication copies. To this
period also belongs the work of P. Bembo : " Prose nelle quali si
ragiona della volgar lingua scritte al Card, de Medici (poi Clemente
VII.)," Firenze, 1549, and often reprinted. Cf. NARDUCCI, Catal., 632 ;
Atti d. Lincei, 4th Series, X., 15; Lett. d. princ., I., ii7b;
TIRABOSCHI, VII., 2, 382 ; REUMONT, III., 2, 364.
1 Cf. Lett. d. princ., I., 101, 102.
CLEMENT AND MEN OF LETTERS. 335
the patron of the learned, the return of the golden age was
proclaimed in prose and verse, and many voices began to
celebrate the events of the new reign.1
Clement VII. had every wish to continue the traditions
of Leo X. In spite of the misfortunes of the time he did
more in this respect than is commonly supposed.2 Among
his secretaries names of note appear early : Angelo Colocci,
Blosio Palladio, Evangelista Tarasconio, Giovanni Battista
Sanga, Sadoleto.3 The latter, however, returned in April
1527 to his diocese of Carpentras. Pietro Bembo also
had friendly relations with Clement VII. through letters
and dedications, and saw the Pope during the Jubilee
year of 1525, and afterwards at the first meeting of the
latter with Charles V. at Bologna.4 On this occasion
Romolo Amaseo delivered before the Emperor and Pope
his oration on the Latin language which excited an admira
tion that is hardly intelligible at the present day.5
1 Cf. *Capit. in laude del S.S. N.S. P. Clemente VII. et della sua
ill. et fel. casa de Medici composto et scripto per Jacomo Bartholi,
1523; Cod. Vatic., 3700, of the Vatican Library. Raimondo Lepido
da Sulmona published in 1523 a poem on the coronation of Clement
VII. ; see PANSA in the Rasseg. abruzzese, IV., 10. See also C. Silvani
Germanici In pontificatum Clementis VII. panegyris prima, Romae,
1524, and C. Ursini Velii Germani ad Rhodum gratulatio ob Clementis
VII. electionem, Romae, 1524. Ant. Ferrosius* says already in 1524 :
" Reversa sunt Saturnia regna"; Cod. Vatic., 4125, f. 206 (Vatican
Library). How quickly Clement's parsimony dispelled the illusion,
see SANUTO, XXXVI., 388.
2 See ClAN in Giorn. d. lett. Ital, XVII., 386.
3 See TIRABOSCHI, VII., 3, 214; RENAZZI, II., 81 ; GIORDANI,
App., 122, 124, 126 ; JOLY, 134 seq. • Histor.-polit. Bl., XCV., 929 seq.
4 See MAZZUCHELLI, II., 2, 743 ; a mark of favour of Clement VII.
for P. Bembo in the *Regest. Vatic., 1527, f. 88 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
5 See FLAMINI, 98, and CIAN in Miscell. in onore di A. Graf.
Bergamo, 1903.
336 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The attention bestowed by Clement VII. on the Vatican
Library1 is shown remarkably in this; that, following in
the steps of Leo X. he took measures, notwithstanding the
necessitous times, to increase the printed and manuscript
treasures of this collection Thus, in the year 1526,
Johann Heitmers, who had already been entrusted with a
literary mission in 1517, was again sent to the North to
make fresh discoveries.2 He was assisted by the Dominican
Wilhelm Carnifex, whose activity Clement sought to
encourage in every way.3 The Pope on this occasion was
not merely recalling the exertions of Leo X.; he bore
expressly in mind those of Cosimo, Giuliano, and Lorenzo
de' Medici in finding out new Greek, Latin, and Hebrew
manuscripts.4 If the Pope hoped by these searches after
manuscript treasures to confer an advantage also on
religion in the hour of danger, this may be explained by
the fact that a clue was supposed to have been found to
the existence of a valuable manuscript of St. Paul's
Epistles.5 From the Gonzaga, Clement borrowed a
manuscript of Eustathius to which Lascaris had called his
attention.6 The Pope, who was also interested in the
reform of the calendar,7 is entitled to special honour for
1 Cf. MiJNTZ, Bibl., 65 seq.
2 Cf. the Brief of January 17, 1526, to Christian of Denmark in Dipl.
Norvegic., VI., 2, 736 seq.
3 Cf. the *pass for Carnifex and the *Brief to the Dominicans in
Ghent, January 17, 1526 (Secret Archives of the Vatican), in Appendix,
Nos. 3 and 27.
> 4 See in Appendix, No. 2, the remarkable *pass of January 17,
1526.
5 Dipl. Norvegic., VI., 2, 736 seq., 756-
6 See Giorn. d. lett Ital., XXXIII., 25 seq.
* 7 See MARZI, 215 seq.\ also 51, for the dedication of a writing by
P. a Middelburg. Cf. Atti d. congress, stor. di Roma, III. (1906),
649, for the dedicated works of R. Cervini.
CLEMENT VII. AND ERASMUS. 337
the attitude he assumed towards the new system of
Nicolas Copernicus; in 1533 he ordered the learned
Johann Albert Widmanstadt to explain it in the gardens
of the Vatican.1
Clement VII. also had friendly relations with Erasmus,
who tactfully greeted the Pope on his accession by
presenting him with a copy of his paraphrase of the Acts
of the Apostles; he also wrote a very respectful, letter in
which he apologized for the imprudent tone of his earlier
writings by saying that at that time he could not have
anticipated the outbreak of the religious divisions.
Clement VII. thanked him in a very kind letter on the
3rd of April 1524, accompanied by a present of 200 gold
gulden ; he exhorted Erasmus to place his talents at the
service of the Church, and assured him that his enemies
would be ordered to hold their peace.2 On this friendly
footing they continued to stand, all the more so when
Erasmus, in the autumn of 1524, attacked the heart of
the Lutheran doctrine in its denial of the freedom of the
will.3 Clement so highly appreciated4 the outspoken
opposition of Erasmus to Luther that in 1527 he im
posed silence on the Spanish opponents5 of the former,
'• l See MARINI, II., 351, and Histor.-polit. BL, LXIIL, 497 seq.\
PROWE, I., 2, 273 seq. Cf. COSTANZI, La Chiesa e le dottrine cop.,
Roma, 1893.
2 See ERASMI, Opp., III., i, 783, VII., 651 seq., and BALAN, Mon.
ref., 324, and Mon. saec., XVI., 10 seq., 12 seq.\ cf. HARTFELDER, 148.
3 Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, VII., i4th ed., 576. There is an *entry in
the account books under October 24, 1524: " 10 due. a uno chorier
che porto uno libro di Erasmo a S. Sta " (State Archives, Florence, S.
Maria Novella, 327).
4 Cf. BALAN, Mon. ref., 380.
5 See VILLA, 253 ; BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 631 ; EHSES in the
Rom. Quartalschr., 1894, 477 ; MAURENBRECHER, Kathol. Ref., 270,
406. That Maurenbrecher attributes much too great a part to Erasmus
VOL. X. 22
338 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and kept silence himself regarding Erasmus' own attempts
to bring about a reconciliation, which were in part not
easy to understand, and the objections to which had been
brought before the Pope's notice.1 If Clement had hitherto
always kept himself aloof from the learned controversies
between the friends and foes of Erasmus, he now thought
it a counsel of expediency that such a man should be
spared as much as possible and that he should express
himself satisfied with his assurances of loyalty.2
Among the poets to whom Clement VII. extended his
favour, Sannazaro and Vida hold the first place. The
former dedicated to the Pope, in the autumn of 1526, his
celebrated poem on the Nativity of Christ, to the appearance
of which Leo X. had looked forward so eagerly. Seripando
had the honour of presenting the work to the Pope, who,
in a Brief composed by Sadoleto, thanked the poet,
for whom he foretold an immortality of renown.3 The
Pope's invitation to come to Rome was declined by
Sannazaro on account of the period of calamity which
had begun to break over the Eternal City. He remained
in Naples, where he found his resting-place in the
church of his own foundation, S. Maria del Porto on the
Mergellina. His monument, the work of Giovanni Angelo
Montorsoli, does not discredit the pupil of Michael Angelo.
The tomb is flanked by marble statues of Apollo and
Minerva;4 inscriptions added by a later hand have
is well brought out in the Histor. Zeitschr., LI 1 1., 155. For the
Spanish affair of Erasmus see HESS, Erasmus, I., 317 seq., and
MENENDEZ Y PELAYO, Hist, de los heterodoxos expafi., II., 36 seq.
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 138, 139. For the proposals of media
tion see JANSSEN- PASTOR, VII., i4th ed., 576 seq., and DITTRICH, in
Histor. Jahrb., II., 613 seq.
2 Cf. BuCHOLTZ, I., 469 ; Histor. Zeitschr., LI 1 1., 155.
3 Cf. ROSCOE-HENKE, III., 87 seq., 533 seq.
4 Cf. B. CROCE, La tomba di G. Sannazaro, Trani, 1892.
VIDA, GIOVIO, AND GUICCIARDINI. 339
transformed these figures into a David and a Judith.
Strange as is the admission into a Christian church of
these two pagan deities, they are yet strikingly appropriate
in the case of a poet like Sannazaro, who in his works
indulged to excess in illustrations drawn from heathen
mythology.1
Vida, still at work on his Christiade, begun under
Leo X., was made Bishop of Alba2 by Clement VII.
However fitting this post may have been for the poet, the
bishopric of Nocera de' Pagani was certainly not the place
for Paolo Giovio the historian, appointed in IS28.3 Giovio
badly requited the favour shown to him by Clement.
Early in 1524 Francesco Guicciardini was made
President of the Romagna, where a very bad state of
things prevailed ; he succeeded, although his task was
often made difficult from Rome, in restoring order.4
The part taken by him in the campaigns subsequent
to the League of Cognac has been already narrated.
After a short interval of rest he re-entered the Papal
service in 1530 and gave valuable assistance towards the
1 See the remarks, Vol. V. of this work, p. 141 seq., and Vol. VIII.,
p. 202 seq.
2 See Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 200 seq., the writings quoted, and
VAIRINI, Mon. Crem., II., 8 seq., 109.
3 See Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XVII., 300 ; cf. ibid., XXXVL, 385 seq.,
the characteristic letter of Giovio of 1524. On July 6, 1527, Clement
wrote ex arce to Lannoy that he had chosen the eminent physician and
historian P. Giovio for the vacant bishopric of Nocera ; Lannoy might
see to it that Giovio obtains possession. In that way he can confer an
obligation on the historian of present events (*Min. brev., 1527, vol. 14,
n. 132). A "licencia testandi usque ad 2000 due." for "P. Jovius" in
*Brev., 1533, vol. 53, n. 407. Other favours shown to P. Giovio in
*Regest. Vatic., 1252, f. i^ seq., and 1438, f. ii8a and I29b (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
4 BROSCH, I., 77 seq.
340 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
restoration of the Medicean rule in Florence. From June
1531 Guicciardini was Vice-Legate of Bologna, and not
merely here but in other directions also, especially against
Ferrara, he rendered most important services to the policy
of the house of Medici.1
Machiavelli visited Clement VII. in 1525 in order to
present him with the five books of his Florentine history.
His reception was gracious, and a gift of 100 ducats was
accorded him. He made use of this occasion to recommend
to the Pope his old plan of a national militia. Clement for
a moment seemed disposed to enter into the scheme, but he
very soon drew back from the dangerous undertaking.2
In spite of their dissolute lives Agnolo Firenzuola and
Francesco Berni 3 received tokens of favour from the Pope.
From 1524 Berni was secretary to the Datary Giberti, who
with extraordinary patience and certainly with too great
indulgence put up for a considerable time with the
eccentric behaviour of the highly talented poet; but at
last he had to be dismissed. At a later date Berni
attached himself to the court of Ippolito de' Medici, of all
the Cardinals the most devoted to pomp, enjoyment, and
secularity.4
1 Cf. ZANONI, Vita pubbl. di F. Guicciardini, Bologna, 1896; Nuova
Antologia, 4th Series, LXVIL, 459 seq.\ Rossi, F. Guicciardini e il gov.
fiorent., Bologna, 1896 seqq. (2 vols.); Arch. Stor. Ital., 5th Series, V.,
20 seq., XL, 386 seq. For the Bolognese Legation see TEZA in the
Atti d. 1st. Venet, 6th Series, XI I L, 897 seq.
2 See VILLARI, Machiavelli, III., 2nd ed., 326 seq.
3 Cf. GUERRINI, Le novelle di A. Firenzuola, Firenze, 1886, 173,
and Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XIX., 172 ; see also KRAUS, Geschichte der
christlichen Kunst, IL, Bd. II., i, 18 seq.
4 See VIRGILI, 95 seq., 120 seq., 433 seq., and REUMONT in the
Allgem. Zeitung, 1881, Beil. 250; cf. also FERRAJOLI in Giorn. d.
lett. Ital., XLV., 67 seq. For Ip. de5 Medici's brilliant court see JOVIUS,
Elogia vir. bell. virt. ill., Florentiae, 1551, 273 seq.
BERNI AND ARETINO. 341
Berni's irreconcilable enemy appears in the person of
Pietro Aretino, the master of the art of scandalous
pasquinade, of which he considered himself to have the
monopoly.1 The friction between the two dated from the
very beginning of Clement's reign, into whose favour
Aretino had already insinuated himself. Berni liked Giberti
as much as Aretino detested him. Although Giberti's
opponents, Girolamo da Schio and Schonberg, took sides
with Aretino, whose pen inspired fear, the latter got the
worst of it and had to fly from Rome at the end of July
1524; but he was back again in November, now singing
the praises of Clement 2 and receiving rewards for so doing.3
On a night in July in the following year Aretino was
implicated in a stabbing affair and was wounded in
several places. As his assailant was in Giberti's service
and went unpunished, Aretino attacked the Datary in the
bitterest terms and finally went on to revile the Pope also.4
The scandal was so great that he left Rome and joined
Giovanni " delle Bande Nere." After the death of the latter
he lived at the court of the Marquis of Mantua, from
whence he launched forth such biting invectives against the
Pope and the Roman court that Clement's confessor com
plained to the Mantuan envoy.5 Meanwhile Aretino had
found a safe refuge in Venice. Here he displayed a most
remunerative industry, for, by sending his poisoned shafts
in every direction, he extorted huge sums of money from
1 See Luzio, P. Aretino e Pasquino, Roma, 1890.
2 Laude di Clemente VII. (copy in the State Library, Munich) ; cf.
Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXIX., 231 seq.
3 ^1524 December 13 : " 50 due. a Piero Aretino d' ordine di S. Sta"
(State Archives, Florence, Sta. Maria Novella, 327).
4 See VIRGILI, 102 seg.t and BERTANI, 42, 45, 48 seq.\ cf. Giorn. d.
lett. Ital., XLIIL, 193^?.
5 See Luzio, P. Aretino, 8 seg.t 62 ; cf. BERTANI, 32.
342 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
those highly placed in the world and the Church. The
sack of Rome gave Aretino an opportunity for composing
a touching elegy and a pasquinade of savage ferocity. The
latter was of such a tenor that Clement flung it to the
ground exclaiming, with tears : " Is it to be borne that a
Pope should be spoken of in such cruel terms ! " l This time
Clement's displeasure lasted longer. Aretino's attempts,
through influential persons, to obtain pardon were unavailing.
It was only when no less a personage than the Doge Gritti
himself applied to the Pope that he succeeded, in September
1530, in obtaining an official reconciliation. But the banish
ment from Rome continued in force, and so for a long time
to come did the feelings of rancour and hatred in the mind
of Aretino.2
The great throng of literati of all sorts, poets and men
of learning, who since the days of his Cardinalate had been
associated with Clement, would form a catalogue too long
to enumerate. The following only may be mentioned :
Zaccaria Ferreri,3 Bernardo Accolti,4 Giangiorgio
Trissino,5 Giovanni Rucellai,6 Fra Sabba da Castiglione,7
Pietro Alcionio,8 Giglio Gregorio Giraldi,9 Andrea
1 See Luzio, loc. cit., 13 seg.
2 See Luzio, loc. cit., 29 seg., 34 seg., 50 ; cf. also MORSOLIN, G. da
Schio, 68 seq., and LUZIO, Pronostico, XVIII., 12, 79. For a con
demnatory edict of Clement's of 1525, which certainly was not strongly
enforced, see BONGI, Annali di Gioliti, I., xxxiv., II., 469 seg., 483
seq.) and Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XX., 507 seq.
3 Cf. our remarks, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 208 seqq.
4 See GUARNERA, Accolti, 1 1 7.
6 MORSOLIN, 117 seqq., 125, 131 ; see also Vol. VIII., 218 seq.
6 Cf. MAZZONI, Opere di G. Rucellai, Bologna, 1887.
7 Cf. v. RANIERI, Fra S. da Castiglione, Lugo, 1821 ; GIORDANI,
App. 11, and the articles quoted by FLAMINI, 569.
8 MAZZUCHELLI, I., i, 378.
9 Cf. WOTKE, L. G. Gyraldus de poetis nostri temp, (preface),
Halle, 1894.
MEN OF LETTERS. 343
Fulvio,1 Maria Fabio Calvo,2 Pierio Valeriano,3 Johann
Eck,4 Santes Pagnino,5 Cardinal Cajetan,6 Cristoforo
Marcello,7 Antonio Pigafetta,8 Achilla Bocchi,9 Stefano
Joanninense,10 Giovanni Gennesio Sepulveda11 Albert
Pighius,12 Giano Lascaris,13 and many others.14
1 See A. Fulvii Antiquitates Urbis Romae, Praef. The licence is
the composition of Sadoleto ; cf. LANCIANI, I., 229.
2 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, pp. 244, 248 ; GlORDANI, App. 65 ;
CIACONIUS, III., 474, and LANCIANI, I., 240 seq.
3 See CALI, Valeriano, 27 seq.
4 CIACONIUS, III., 474.
5 For his translation of the Bible see ROSCOE, II., 165 ; ECHARD,
II., 114, and Frieb. Kirchenlexikon, II., 2, 138, IX., 2, 1270.
6 Comment in Pentateuchum, Romae, 1531, and De fide et operibus
adversus Lutheranos, both dedicated to Clement VII.; see NIEDNER,
Zeitschr. fur Theol., 1858, 455 seq.
7 Ch. Marcelli *In psalm : Diligam te Domine, fortitude mea,
expositio ad Clementem VII., Cod. Vatic., 3649, Vatican Library.
8 Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXIII., 39 seq. WIESER, Magelhaenstrasse,
48 seq.
9 Cf. GlORDANI, App. 62 seq., and the *Brief of March 6, 1533,
Arm., 39, vol. 53, n. 106, in Secret Archives of the Vatican.
10 In Mediceam Monarchiam Penthatheucus ad div. Cle. Mediceum
VII. P. M., Anconae, 1524. Very rare and of importance for history
of Leo X.
11 Graces for him of 1528 and 1 530 in *Regest. Vatic., 1271, f. 19 seq.,
and 1447, f. 175 seq., of Secret Archives of the Vatican. On September
24, 1524, the ^account books enter: "50 due. a Giov. Sepulveda
philosopho che traduce" (State Archives, Florence, S. Maria Novella,
327).
12 *Cod. Vatic., 4575, and 6176 : A. Pighius, De progymnasmatis
geographicis, and 7804 : Adversus Graecorum errores, both dedicated
to Clement. Payments to Pighius in the ^account books (Florentine)
for 1526.
13 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 209 seq.\ NOLHAC, Bibl. de F. Orsini,
156 seq.
14 The following may be briefly mentioned: G. V. Bonomi (see
MAZZUCHELLI, II., 3, 1683 ; FANTUZZI, II., 308) Cl. Tolomei (ibid.,
344 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The sack of Rome brought ruinous loss to all men of
58), Cinzio de' Fabnzi (GRAF, Cinquecento, 378), G. Casio (see our
remarks, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 217 n. ; FANTUZZI, III., 131, and
Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXVIII., 59), Matteo Franco (NARDUCCI,
Cat., 394), I. F. Ferretti (KEHR, Rom. Berichte, 1903, 87, 91). In
addition to the dedications mentioned above (see supra, p. 334 n.) I
also call attention to the following: —
Cod. Vatic., 3577 : *Caroli Pinelli ord. praed. Epist. ad Clem VII.
(dedication copy with miniature).
3665 : *Ad. S. D. N. Clem. VII. Petri Albiniani Tretii De confessione
epistola (against the Lutherans ; dedication copy with miniature).
3709 : *Callisti Placentini [can. reg.] Dialogus ad Clem. VII. de recte
regendo pontificatu (dedication copy).
3721 : *G. T. Galli Epist. ad Clem. VII.
3728 : *Hieron. Maripetri In. d. Francisci vitam, I. IX. ad Clem. VII.
3742 : *Ant. Allii ep. Vult. de vitis et gestis sanctor, I. X. ad Nic. V.
unacum epist. A. card, de Monte ad Clem. VII., cui hoc opus denuo
transscriptum in melioremque formam reductum dedicat. See our
remarks, Vol. II. of this work, p. 206.
3743 : Hier. Balbi ep. Gurc. De virtutibus liber tertius ad Clem. VII.
(cf. CiACONius, III., 474, and RETZER, 97 seqq., 103 seg., 107 seq.\
ASCHBACH, Wiener Universitat, II., 159).
5795 : *P. Martyris Epist. ad Clem. VII. (cf. RAYNALDUS, 1523, n.
5799 : *A. Admoracti Granarien. Civitis Florentiae Mediceorumque
laudes (poem) ad Clem. VII.
5828 : *J. Ferretti, Defensorium fidei sive de max. Sed. Ap. auctoritate
contra omnes haereticos, with Praef. ad Clem. VII.
5829 : *J. Ferretti, De ecclesia Dei in haereticos omnes ad
Clem. VII.
Reg. 1980. Jacobi Flori (presb. Samnitis e Fonte Roseo), Fasti
christiani sive de sanctor. gestis ad Clem. VII. versu hexametro.
Barb. XXIX., 166 (lat. 1822) : *Balac Arimin. Epist. ad Clem. VII.
(1528).
Barb. XXXIV., 64 (lat. 2747) : *Evangel. Tarasconii Parmen. ad
Clem. VII. in calamitatum Italiae comment., lib. IV.
Barb. XXXII., 73 (lat. 2282) : *Io. Staphylei In bullam Julii II. super
elect. Rom. pontif. (dedicated to Clement VII.).
To Clement VII. and Giberti is dedicated *the History of the Turks
CONSEQUENCES OF THE SACK. 345
letters living there, while many perished.1 The humanist
Pierio Valeriano described the fate of individuals in his
well-known treatise "On the Misfortunes of the Learned."2
The Roman University was completely ruined. Clement
VII. had shown the greatest interest in its erection, and
gave orders that the buildings should be restored. He
failed, indeed, in securing the services of Erasmus, but was
successful in his invitations to many other scholars.3
The Papal archives and the Vatican Library also suffered
badly in the year of misfortune 1527, but Clement VII.
made vigorous efforts to make good the losses.4
The consequences of the sack were perhaps more
disastrous for art than for literature. Not merely had the
whole brilliant group of painters, sculptors, and goldsmiths
been scattered in all directions, and many of their works
destroyed, but the exhaustion of the finances was injurious,
for it made all work impossible for a great length of time,
and then, when the worst difficulties had been overcome,
no one was able to come forward as a general patron of
the arts. In this respect, too, Clement VII. differed from
by Teod. Spandugnino Cantacusino in Addit. MS. 15316 of the British
Museum, London. Gammarus dedicated to Clement VII. his Com
mentary on the Bull of Julius II. on the Papal election ; see PAULUS
in Katholik, 1899, II., 379 seq. For Folengo and Clement VII. see
Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXI 1 1., 454.
1 Besides REUMONT, III., 2, 369 seq., and GREGOROVIUS, VIII.,
3rd ed., 594 seq., see also Rev. d. Bibl., V., 16 ; KALKOFF, Forsch., 28 ;
FANTUZZI, 278 ; ROSSI, Pasquinate, ill seq., and VOGELSTEIN, II., 49.
2 De Infelicitate Litteratorum, Venetiae, 1620.
3 See RENAZZI, II., 82 seq.\ MARINI, Lettera; 117 seq.t 119; Arch.
Veneto, N.S., I., 2 (1901), 134 seq.
4 Seethe Brief of 1529 that CIAN published in Giorn. d. lett. Ital.,
IX., 454, and for the search for MSS. in 1532 the Brief of that year,
July 22, in Dipl. Norvegic., VI., 2, 756 seq., and in Appendix, Nos.
26-29, the *Briefs of 1532.
34^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his cousin Leo X. The heedless prodigality of the
latter was as foreign to Clement as his rich versatility
of culture; dry, earnest, sparing of his purse, he was
not the man to act the Maecenas for whom the world
of art had been hoping; they were soon to undergo a
great disappointment.
On the announcement of the election of Clement VII.
most of the artists who had been driven from Rome by the
death of Leo X. and the pontificate of Adrian VI. at once
returned. Their recollections of the reign of the first
Medici filled them all with the most pleasing hopes for the
future. To have survived the day of the " barbarian "
Pope and of the plague filled the joyous band with fresh
spirit. " Friends sought each other out again," says
Benvenuto Cellini, " and embraced and greeted with
cheering words those whom they once more met alive.
Painters, sculptors, and goldsmiths, the best in Rome, drew
closer together in a society founded by the jovial Michael
Agnolo of Siena, and held joyous festas in which Giulio
Romano and Penni also took part." l What Cellini tells
us of these festas makes it clearly evident that the austere
Adrian VI. would have nothing to do with such folk.
Clement VII. himself was soon obliged to take steps
against Marcantonio Raimondi for having made copper
plates of some obscene drawings of Giulio Romano ; had
the latter not already made his way to Mantua, the anger
of the Pope would have fallen upon him heavily.2
In spite of the financial difficulties which Clement VII.
1 CELLINI, Vita, I.,- 5 ; DOLLMAYR, 352.
2 See DOLLMAYR, 353, and DELABORDE, M. A. Raimondi, Paris,
1888, 52 seg., 238 seq. Vasari's story, that Aretino at that time had
composed for his scandalous pictures still more scandalous sonnets, is
not in accordance with the dates of Aretino's life. His sonnets must
belong to a later period.
WORKS OF PAINTING. 347
had to contend with from the first, in spite of the political
embarrassments and the unprecedented blows of fate which
were so soon to overwhelm him, he had set on foot
many works of importance, while in another direction his
pontificate saw the development in Rome of artistic
activity on no small scale.1 The most remarkable work of
painting belonging to this reign was undoubtedly the
decoration of the great hall leading to the Stanze, then
called the Papal Hall, and later the Hall of Constantine ;
for the victorious entry of Christianity into universal
history under that Emperor is there depicted.
The programme of this monumental work was, as regards
essentials, settled under Leo X.2 But as yet nothing had
been executed, except the general division of subjects and
the figures of Virtue and Justice which Raphael's pupils,
Giulio Romano and Penni, had painted in oil on the wall ;
besides this the background of the Battle of the Milvian
Bridge had been begun. This, however, was taken down
when Clement gave orders for the resumption of the work
interrupted by his cousin's death. The new method of
painting chosen out of consideration for the co-operation of
Sebastiano del Piombo was now given up and the customary
use of fresco retained. In this great undertaking Giulio
Romano executed the " Apparition of the Cross " and the
battle-piece, while the " Baptism " and " Donation " of
Constantine fell to Penni.
These great frescoes are painted apparently in the style
1 REUMONT, III., 2, 433 seq.^ where the buildings of private persons,
especially the most beautiful, the Palazzo Massimo, are commented
upon. More will be said of the Palazzo Farnese (see GEYMULLER, Les
Du Cerceau, 13) in the next volume. The villa Salone of Cardinal
Ag. Trivulzio has been excellently treated of by v. FABRICZY in the
Jahrb. der preuss. Kunstsamml., XVII., 190 seqq.
2 Cf. GOTTI, I., 138; WOLTMANN, II., 653.
348 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of vast tapestries stretched along the walls, an evidence how
fashionable this kind of decoration had become since the
production of Raphael's famous hangings. Only the incom
parable " Battle of Constantine" was sketched by the great
master himself, and it was his thought that placed in the
centre of this colossal picture, at the head of the band of
horsemen pressing forward in the irresistible onset of
victory, the youthful Emperor mounted on a noble white
charger, with lance in poise, while the angels hovering
over him point to his opponent Maxentius, who falls head
long into the rushing Tiber. The turning-point in this
world-famed battle is thus most happily indicated. All
around rages the turmoil of battle with its thrilling episodes
represented with vivid fidelity to truth.1
The results of the victory, the " Baptism " and " Donation "
of Constantine, were painted by Penni ; in both frescoes
St. Sylvester is represented with the features of Clement VI I.
The former event takes place in the baptistery of the
Lateran ; the " Donation," which by a stroke of genius is
symbolized by the presentation of a golden figure of Rome,
gives an admirable sketch of the interior of the old church
of St. Peter.2
Between these two powerful frescoes are throned in
painted niches under baldachini the figures, larger than
life size, of famous Popes of the early Church, among whom
Clement I. and Leo I. bear the traits of the two Medici
1 A good description of the " Battle of Constantine " by GRIMM,
Leben Raphaels, 482 seq. Cf. also PASSAVANT, II., 365 seq.\ WOLT-
MANN, 655 ; MOLTKE, Wanderbuch, 131 ; LlLiENCRON in the Allgem.
Zeitung, 1883, Beil. 309; GRAF VON SZECSEN in the Ungar. Revue,
IX. (1889), 560.
2 BURCKHARDT'S favourable criticism (Cicerone, 671) of the
" Baptism " and " Donation " requires to be considerably discounted
in the light of Dollmayr's arguments. In the "Baptism" Clement
appears with, in the " Donation" without, a beard.
THE PAINTERS. 349
Popes.1 Around these likenesses of the predecessors of
Clement VII. are grouped angels and allegorical figures,
whose crudely realistic forms as well as the almost nude
mythological figures on the pilasters are characteristic of
the age.2 Giulio's pupils, Giovanni da Lione and Raffaello
del Colle of Borgo San Sepolcro, executed the orna
ments and arabesques which border the frescoes as well
as the caryatides with the badges of the Medici on the
brackets.3
According to the account books the above-named painters
were engaged for the greater part of the year 1524 in the
Hall of Constantine, which might perhaps be better named
after St. Sylvester. The last instalment of the stipulated
1000 ducats was paid on the 3rd of July 1525,* but
the work, in all essentials, was finished as far back as
September I524.5 Giulio Romano thereupon left Rome in
October 1524, for no more work of importance was to be
expected there. Clement VII. was not merely struggling
with his money difficulties, but politics were making increas-
1 The Popes, whose names are often incorrectly given, are Peter,
Clement I., Urban I., Silvester I., Damasus I., and Leo I. Cf.
PALIARD, Remarques sur les Papes representes dans la salle de
Constantin au Vatican, Chronique des Arts, Paris, 1884. Here also
the indentification of two figures with Felix III. and Gregory VII. is
rejected, although it is overlooked that the inscriptions under the
figures are in some instances incorrectly attributed. As a proof,
the inscription under Clement I., who unmistakably bears the features
of Leo X. It is not to be supposed that the painter here meant
Clement I., but his intention certainly was to represent Leo I.
2 DOLLMAYR, 348, says that the Popes with the allegorical figures
were always painted by the same artist who executed the principal
picture on that wall.
3 Cf. DOLLMAYR, 348.
4 See Arch. Stor. dell3 Arte, I., 447 seq.
5 This is proved by a hitherto unnoticed letter of B. Castiglione in
SERASSI, I., 142.
350 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ing claims on his attention ; l thus it was that Penni and
Giovanni da Udine also came to be engaged on tasks of only
a trivial character, the painting of banners in particular.2
The catastrophe which befell the artistic world in the
sack of Rome was so terrible that it must once more be
considered. The few, such as Benvenuto Cellini and the
sculptors Lorenzo Lotto and Raffaello da Montelupo, who
were able to find occupation as gunners on St. Angelo,
were to be counted lucky. The remainder underwent the
hardest experiences. The painter Maturino died of the
plague; Perino del Vaga, Marcantonio Raimondi, Giulio
Clovio, and many others were tortured and robbed of all
they had. Those who could took refuge in flight, and the
school of Raphael was completely broken up.3 Although
Clement VII., after 1530, made strenuous efforts to restore
the patronage of art, the life-blood of art itself had been
drained. The gifted Giovanni da Udine was now exten
sively employed. He restored, in 1531, the mosaics in the
apse of St. Peter's, and painted, two years later, the ceiling of
the sacristy of S. Lorenzo in Florence ; the glass windows
of the Laurentian Library are, probably rightly, also attri
buted to him.4 The artistic activity of Sebastiano del Piombo
was affected by his appointment in 1531, by Clement VII.,
to be a " Bullarum plumbator" or medallist of Papal Bulls,
a remunerative function. After that this distinguished
painter confined himself almost entirely to portraits.5
1 See DOLLMAYR, 358. Giulio Romano was not paid for finishing
the "Transfiguration" until 1526; see Arch. Stor. dell' Arte, I., 449.
2 Arch. Stor. dell' Arte, 448 seq.
3 MUNTZ, Hist., III., 232; REUMONT, III., 2, 445 seq.\ GREGOR-
OVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 593 seq. ; Graphische Kiinste, 1883, 91.
4 Arch. Stor. dell' Arte, L, 448 ; GOTTI, I., 170.
5 See CROWE, VI., 410 seq.; REUMONT, III., 2, 444. Here and in
Arch. Stor. dell' Arte, L, 450, for other painters of that period. For
Master Andrea see also RofcSi, Pasquinate, 106 seq.
ILLUMINATION AND ARCHITECTURE. 351
Clement VII. had always taken a special interest in the
art of illumination.1 He ordered several specimens to be
executed for the choir books of the Sixtine Chapel.2 But
in the account books, which, to be sure, are not in com
plete preservation, the name of Giulio Clovio, the greatest
illuminator of the age, does not appear.3
The troubles of the time were the principal cause why
Clement, in the domain of architecture, had to restrict
himself to what was absolutely necessary. The reconstruc
tion of St. Peter's had a prior claim to anything else.
One of the Pope's first acts of administration was the
appointment of a commission of sixty members for the
special purpose of seeing that the money collected for
this purpose was not diverted to other objects.4 To raise
the necessary sums, the right application of which was a
matter of such extreme importance with the Pope,5 the
same measures were used as under Leo X.;6 but the same
1 For his missals that he had executed when Cardinal (now in the
cabinet of copperplates in Berlin;, see Repert. fur Kunstwissensch.,
VII, 84.
2 See MtiNTZ, Bibliotheque, 73 seq., and HABERL, Bausteine f.
Musikgesch., II., 66. Cf. PASINI-FRASSONI, Armorial des Papes,
Rome, 1906, 34.
3 Cf, KUKULJEVIC-SAKCINSKI, Leben des J. Clovio, 3rd ed, Agram,
1868; Atti Mod., III., 259 seq.; BERTOLOTTi, G. Clovio, Modena,
1882 ; BRADLEY, G. Clovio, London, 1891.
4 Bull., VI., 48 seq. A contemporary printed copy of the Bull
(dated 1523, December 12) in TiziO, *Hist. Senen. in the Chigi
Library, Rome.
5 See F. Gonzaga's ^report of December 31, 1524, in Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
6 Cf. Bull, ed. COCQUELINES, IV., i, 49 seq. ; WADDING, XVI.,
2nd ed, 206, 213; LANCELLOTTI, IV., 179 seq. Numerous pieces
relating to this in the volumes of *Briefs : cf. vol. 44 (1524), n. 18,
329, 621 ; vol. 45 (1525), n. 65, 444; vol. 46 (1526), n. 164; vol. 52
(1532), n. 79, 348, 351, 478, 479; vol. 53 (1533), n. 107 (Secret
352 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
difficulties had also to be met.1 As the clumsy machinery
of the College of Sixty proved unsuccessful, a special
congregation of the " Fabbrica di S. Pietro " was afterwards
appointed.2 The seal of the Fabbrica was the work of
Benvenuto Cellini.3 The accounts from 1525 have been
preserved,4 and afford a good survey of the slow progress
of the work, the completion of which, as the Venetian
Ambassador remarked in 1523, would hardly be seen by
the generation of their grandchildren.5 Giuliano Leno
continued to be master of the works under Clement VII.
Before the sack Baldassare Peruzzi had been appointed
architect of St. Peter's for life ; during the catastrophe
he saved his life with difficulty, and on the 1st of July
1531 Clement VII. renewed his former appointment.6
Archives of the Vatican). That Clement VII. was lukewarm towards
the rebuilding of St. Peter's is one of the many unproved assertions
of H. GRIMM, Michelangelo, II., 5th ed., 379.
1 See Sessa's ^report, October 5, 1525, in the Biblioteca de la Acad.
de Hist., Madrid, Salazar, A 36.
2 See VESPIGNANIUS, Compend. privileg. fabricae S. Petri, Romae,
1762, 9, cf. 1 06 seq.
3 PLON, 193 seq., only gives two entries for this seal for 1531. In
the *" Conti," however (p. 3a), mentioned in note below, we find, as
early as January 30, 1527, seven scudi paid to Benvenuto Cellini for
a seal of the Fabbrica.
4 The most important is a folio volume entitled : *Conti della
Fabbrica sino al tempo di Clemente VII., from 1525 to 1529 inclusive.
Here are to be found the payments made to Antonio da Sangallo,
Baldassare Peruzzi, Francesco da Sangallo, and Giovanni Francesco
da Sangallo. Also a folio volume with the title : *Entrata et uscita
del 1529 sino al 1542. A more thorough examination of the archives
of the Fabbrica of St. Peter's would be well worth the trouble. The
extracts in Cod. H, II. 22, of Chigi Library, are insufficient.
6 See ALBERT, 2nd Series, III., 103. In the raid of the Colonna the
money-chest of the Fabbrica was stolen ; see SANUTO, LII., 727.
6 See in Appendix, No. 21, the important Brief of July i, 1531
(Secret Archives of the Vatican), by which the hitherto accepted
WORKS AT ST. ANGELO. 353
Although the nomination in this instance also was
for life, Peruzzi withdrew himself from Rome for a long
time, so that in April 1533 Clement VII. had to summon
him back.1
In the palace of the Vatican Clement VII. completed
the court of St. Damasus. Here 2 as well as in the castle
of St. Angelo3 many minor works and improvements were
carried out. In the castle, the defences of which were
strengthened, two chambers are shown at the present
day, one of which served as the Pope's bedroom. The
most recent restorations have also brought to light the
Pope's bathroom ; it contains mythological scenes from the
life of Venus very characteristic of the licence which marked
the spirit of the age.4 The decoration also of the Papal
villa on the eastern slope of Monte Mario, which was
view, that Peruzzi occupied a subordinate position (BURCKHARDT-
HOLTZINGER, Gesch. der Renaissance, 127), is upset. Peruzzi's name
disappears from the ^account books in 1527 and reappears in February
1532, not 1535, as given by JOVANOVITS, 75.
1 See in Appendix, No. 33, the ^Brief of April 30, 1533. Min. brev.,
1533, vol. 46, n. 162 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. *Introit. et Exit., 561, f. 205*: "Juliano Leno civi Rom. pro
fabrica palat. apost. due. 160" (monthly statement), Secret Archives
of the Vatican. See also the *Mandati of 1527 in State Archives,
Rome, and S. Maria Novella, 329 (payments for work on the
Belvedere, 1528-9), in State Archives, Florence, as well as STEIN-
MANN, II., 8. The collapse of the corridor leading to the Belvedere,
wrongly placed by Michaelis (Jahrb. des deutschen archaol. Instituts,
V., 32) in the year 1534, caused great talk at the time. Cf. the ^letter
of Girol. Cattaneo of January 7 in State Archives, Milan, and of
F. Gonzaga of January 9, 1531, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua; see
Appendix, Nos. 18-19.
3 Cf. CLAUSSE, II., 297 seq. ; BORGATI, 121.
4 Over the marble doorway of the entrance to the " Bagno," formerly
used as a latrine, is the inscription : Clemens VII. P. M. The paint
ings are in the style of Giulio Romano.
VOL. X. 23
354
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
partly destroyed by fire during the sack, was purely
mythological in character.1
In Rome itself, besides the rebuilding of the Mint (now
Banco di S. Spirito) 2 restorations were undertaken by
Clement in the baptistery of the Lateran,3 in S. Agostino,
S. Maria sopra Minerva, S. Pietro in Montorio, S. Pietro
in Vincoli, S. Maria Maggiore, S. Matteo in Merulana,4
S. Gregorio de' Muratori,5 S. Maria in Domnica,6 and in
the cloister of S. Maria in Ara Coeli.7 On S. Giovanni
de' Fiorentini, Jacopo Sansovino was employed. On the
northern portion of the Campo Marzio Clement VII. in
1525 finished Leo X.'s construction of the three streets
leading to the Porta del Popolo.8 The Pope also did a
great deal for the improvement of traffic in Rome.9 The
sack, which had reduced the population from 55,000 to
32,000 ;10 the plague, and the great inundation of the Tiber
in I53011 had done heavy damage to the Papal capital.
1 Cf. for the Villa Madama, Vol. VIII. of work, p. 370 seqq.
2 By Antonio da Sangallo ; see CLAUSSE, II., 152; cf. SCHULTE,
I., 209.
3 This is recalled by the inscription on the fresco of the Baptism of
Constantine: Clemens VII. | Pont. Max. | a Leone X. | coeptum | con-
summvait. | 1524.
4 See ARMELLINI, Chiese, 465.
5 LANCIANI, I., 244.
3 CIACONIUS, III., 476.
7 The arms of Clement VII. were still there in 1879. Since then
all has been destroyed to make room for the monument to Victor
Emmanuel.
8 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 127. The inscription of 1525 in
REUMONT, III., 2, 873.
9 Cf. LANCIANI, I., 226, 247 ; II., 10.
10 See GNOLI in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XVII., 382, and GREGOROVIUS,
VIII. , 3rd ed., 592. The statement in LANCELLOTTI, III., 459:
20,000, is certainly exaggerated.
11 Cf. SANUTO, XXX., 54 seq. See also FORCELLA, I., 441.
FORTIFICATIONS. 355
Notwithstanding these calamities Rome had revived with
comparative alacrity, and at the time of Clement's death the
condition of the city was fairly satisfactory.1 For fortifica
tions in Rome 2 and elsewhere throughout the States of the
Church Clement VII. availed himself of Antonio da
Sangallo and Michele Sanmicheli.3 The former, at his
orders, constructed at Orvieto the great well (Pozzo di San
Patrizio) which, after the cathedral, the inhabitants look
upon as the second wonder of their city.4 In Fano the
reconstruction of the harbour, and in Loreto the erection of
the apostolic palace were undertaken.5 In Florence in
1533 the erection of the citadel of S. Giovanni Battista was
set on foot.6
1 See REUMONT, III., 2, 449, and Luzio, Pronostico, 107.
2 " N. S. fa fare certe bastioni verso la porta di S. Spirito e su quelle
colline di S. Onofrio et anche a lo ponte Syxto." ^Letter of Casella
of October 2, 1526 (State Archives, Modena).
3 See RAVIOLI, Notizie s. lavori di arch, milit. d. Sangallo, Roma,
1863, 46 seq. ; A. Sangallo (il giov.) e Sanmicheli, Relaz. sullo stato
delle rocche di Romagna nel 1526, Milano, 1902. Cf. the scarce publi
cation : Intorno alia relazione delle rocche della Romagna pontificia
fatta nel 1526 da Ant. Picconi da Sangallo e da Michele Sanmicheli,
Roma, 1855. For the fortifications of Parma, Modena, Piacenza, and
Ancona see LANCELLOTTI, II., 341 seq., and CLAUSSE, II., 291 seq.,
294. See for Ancona also supra, pp. 197, 199. On December 22, 1529,
Clement VII. sent Antonio da Sangallo to the army, as he had recom
mended his capacity to the Imperial generals; *Min. brev., 1529,
vol. 26, n. 494, in Secret Archives of the Vatican.
4 Besides CLAUSSE, II., 255, cf. also Hist.-polit. Bl., LXXIX., 366
seq. ; PlCCOLOMlNl-ADAMi, 233 seq. ; NOHL, Tagebuch, 135 ; FUMI,
Orvieto, 189 seq., and PARDI, Guida storico-artistica di Orvieto,
Orvieto, 1896, 36 seq. For a strengthening for the cathedral at
Foligno see FALOCI-PULIGNANI, XVII0 centenario di S. Feliciano,
210 seq.
5 *Brief of June 16, 1526; see Cod. Barb., XXXIL, 219, of the
Vatican Library.
6 LANDUCCI, 371.
356 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Clement VII. was too true a Medici to neglect the
adornment of the Vatican with noble tapestries,1 costly
faience,2 carved doors,3 and gold and silver vessels. Here
also the sack caused serious losses, but it was not long
before the work of restoration began. This was especially
the case with regard to the goldsmiths' art, which under
Clement VII. was in a most flourishing condition. As
soon as to any extent his finances permitted it, the Pope
began to renew his personal appointments.4 His principal
commissions were for the golden roses, swords of honour
and other Papal gifts, and for articles of ecclesiastical use.
Besides Caradosso, who died in 1527, his most famous
workmen were Benvenuto Cellini, Valerio Belli, and
Giovanni Bernardi da Castel Bolognese. In the accounts
many other names occur of more or less note.5
1 Cj our statements, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 298. BERTOLOTTI,
Artisti Urbinati in Roma, Urbino, 1881, 54; MlJNTZ, Tapiss. de
Raphael, 36 seq., 41 seq., and Hist, de la tapiss., 139 seq. ; Athenaeum
1896, July, 72 seq. ; Carte Strozz., II., 647, as well as FARABULINI, 35,
and DOLLMAYR, 325 seq., 350. Cf. in Appendix, No. 31, the *Brief
of November 12, 1532 ; LANCIANI, II., 29.
2 Cf. State Archives, Florence, S. Maria Novella, 329, f. 20.
Many pieces of this work perished in the sack ; see Rev. d. Bibl., IV.,
86. A fine plate of Master Giorgio of Gubbio, with the arms of the
Cardinal del Monte, of 1531 in the Museo Art.-Indust, Rome; cf-
Riv. d' Italia, 1898, II., 341. Clement VII. supported a "fabbrica di
vetri' in Bologna ; see Arch, dell' Arte, II., 169.
3 The carved doors in the Loggie, with the arms of Clement VII.
and great lions' heads are, according to BURCKHARDT-HOLTZINGER
(Renaissance, 314), perhaps the finest existing pieces of work of this
description. One of the doors has the inscription : Munificentia
Clementis VII. P.M. "Payments for G. Barile, see State Archives,
Florence, S. Maria Novella, 327, f. 50, 52, 59, 70, 77.
4 In March 1529 a new tiara was ordered ; see MUNTZ, Tiare, 78.
6 Cf. BERTOLOTTI in Gori's Archivio, I., 31 seq., 78 seq., and Artisti
Lombardi a Roma, Milano, 1882 ; MUNTZ in Arch, dell' Arte, I., 14
BENVENUTO CELLINI. 357
This brilliant coterie of artists does not, perhaps, always
appear in the most favourable light ; fierce, reckless
characters predominate, and acts of violence were frequent.
The well-known autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini1
reveals with a startling fidelity to nature the sharp con
trasts between culture and savagery, faith and superstition,
the fantastic mixture of outward splendour and moral
laxity which gave the tone to these artistic circles. In
June 1529 Clement bestowed on this versatile genius
the post of an engraver in the Roman Mint.2 Vasari
considers that no such beautiful coinage had ever been
designed for the Popes before ; the pieces that have been
preserved are certainly splendid works of art.3 The bust
of Clement reproduces with remarkable fidelity his cold
though handsome features; many of the designs drawn
by Cellini for Papal coins are uncommonly original. Thus
on a gold doubloon the Pope and Emperor are represented
upholding the cross together ; on the reverse side of a
silver piece a very effective composition shows the Saviour
rescuing Peter from the waves, with the inscription,
" Wherefore hast thou doubted ? " A medal with Moses
bringing water from the rock refers to the well made by
seqq., 35 seg., 68 seq., VII., 372 seqq., and PLON, Cellini, 10 seg.t cf.
143 seq., 162, 316 seq. For the " Necessaire de toilette" with Clement
VI I. 's name and arms, see BARBIER, Bibl. Vatic., 109. A sword sent
by Clement to Charles V. in the armoury at Madrid. Cf. supra^ p. 90,
note.
1 Vita di B. Cellini, testo critico con introd. e note storiche p.
c. di Bacci, Firenze, 1890-1891 ; cf. REUMONT, Beitrage, III.,
333 segg., and FLAMINI, 563. Goethe's translation is unfaithful
literally and artistically ; cf. VOSSLER in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1900,
No. 253.
2 Cf. MtJNTZ, L' Atelier monetaire de Rome, Paris, 1884, 35 seq., and
PLON, Cellini, 194 seq.
3 Fine specimens in the Papal collection of coins in the Vatican.
358 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Clement at Orvieto; another medal of 1534 celebrates the
then prevailing peace.1
As a medallist Giovanni Bernard! da Castel Bolognese
held an even more distinguished place than Cellini.2 In
the art of " intaglio " Valerio Belli of Vicenza surpassed all
his contemporaries.3 Distinguished also as a medallist,
this artist executed for Clement VII. the costly crystal
reliquary presented to the basilica of S. Lorenzo in
Florence.4 But his most famous work was the magnificent
casket of which the principal adornment was scenes from
the life of our Lord cut in crystal ; this, executed on the
occasion of the marriage of Catherine de' Medici, is now an
object of admiration in the galleries of the Uffizi.5
The best-known work of sculpture in Rome, belonging
to the reign of Clement VII., is Lorenzetto's not very
successful statue of St. Peter placed, at the Pope's command}
1 See FRIEDLANDER, Miinzen und Medaillen des B. Cellini, Berlin,
1885 ; CIABATTI in Period, di numismatica, I., Firenze, 1868 ; HABICH
in the Frankfurter Zeitung, 1900, No. 300 ; PLON, 196 seg.t and
ARMAND, I., 148. Cf. ARMAND, I., 136, 138 seg., 141 ; II., 165 seq.,
302 ; III., 144, 227, 231, for other medals of Clement VII. ClNAGLl
(94 seq.} enumerates 120 coins of Clement VII. See also KOCH-
LOCHNER, Samml. merkwiirdiger Medaillen, XXII. (1744); GIORDANI,
Docum., 176 ; GENTILI DI ROVELLONE, Di una moneta ined. di
Clemente VII., Camerino, 1882, and MONTI, Motti sopra ale. monete
di pontefici, in Period, di numismatica, V., 3.
2 Cf. LIVERANI, Gior. da Castel Bolognese, Faenza, 1870; Atti
Mod., IV., i seq. ; ARMAND, I., 137 seq. ; MUNTZ, L' Atelier, 36 seg.,
and Hist, III., 711.
3 MUNTZ, III., 711.
4 See LANDUCCI, 370 ; RICHA, Chiese fiorent, V., 45 seg. ; MORENI,
S. Lorenzo, I., 188, 277, 347 ; cf. Chronique des Arts, 1895, 72. About
other gifts for Florence see PELLI, Saggio stor. d. Galleria di Firenze,
II., 14, 53-
5 See VASARI-MILANESI, V. 379 seq. ; BASCHET, 180 seg. ; PLON,
296, 389.
THE HOLY HOUSE OF LORETO. 359
in 1530, alongside of Paolo Romano's statue of St. Paul at
the lower end of the bridge of St. Angelo.1 For the fortress,
Raffaello da Montelupo executed a new angel of colossal
size to take the place of the bronze effigy which had been
melted down.2 At Monte Cassino the sepulchral monu
ment of Pietro de' Medici was begun in 1531 and only
completed in I559-3 At Loreto, Sansovino made progress
with work on the Holy House remarkable for beauty and
truly Christian feeling; as early as 1523 he had finished
the relief of the Annunciation, which is conspicuous for
its dramatic movement; the relief of the Adoration 01
the Shepherds with its noble group of angels, set up in
1528, is full of sincerity; the Adoration of the Kings,
the Birth and Espousals of Mary, already begun by
Sansovino, were finished by his pupils after his death in
1529; to his drawings is also to be referred the panel of
the Visitation. Of the statues placed in the twenty
niches, that of Jeremias belongs for the most part to
Sansovino; all the others came from his pupils. The
latter also carried out the subordinate decoration of the
structure. Tribolo, Sangallo, and Montelupo have here
left work which is very effective. The lions' heads, eagles
and festoons of Mosca are especially good, and the same
can be said of the panels with pictorial decorations intro
duced at the sides and at the foot of the doors. The
former contain the arms of the Medici, and the latter
ornamental figures of angels praying, tritons, sphinxes,
birds, vases, and candelabra.4
1 See CIACONIUS, III., 456.
2 VASARI-MILANESI, IV., 545 ; Studi e docum., XIII., 302.
3 Cf. GAVE, II., 356 seq.\ CARAVITA, I codici e le arti a Monte
Cassino, III., 80 seq.\ CLAUSSE, II., 277 seg., and Orig. Ben6dict,
Paris, 1899, 154.
4 SCHONFELD, Sansovino, 27 seq. ; LtJBKE in the Zeitschr. fur bild,
360 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Pope's predilection for Baccio Bandinelli was un
fortunate.1 The latter, ambitious and self-seeking, tried to
enter into a discreditable competition with Michael Angelo
which was only productive of unpleasing creations.
Bandinelli's best work was the copy of the Laocoon
executed for Leo X. and placed, under Clement VII., in
the second court of the Palazzo Medici at Florence. It is
now in the Uffizi.2 On the right of the principal entrance
of the Palazzo Vecchio stands Bandinelli's marble group
of "Hercules slaying Cacus," as a pendant to Michael
Angelo's " David." The satirical wit of the Florentines
soon made a butt of this pompous composition.
Another work entrusted to Bandinelli, the Archangel
Michael triumphing over the seven deadly sins, and
intended to adorn the castle of St. Angelo, was never
executed.3
Like Bandinelli, Giovanni Angelo Montorsoli had an
apartment set apart for him in the Belvedere. Montorsoli
Kunst, VI., 158 seq. ; Kolner Domblatt, 1862, No. 211-212; BURCK-
HARDT, Cicerone, 412 ; GRAUS in Kirchenschmuck, 1891, 37 ; Arte,
III., 254; CLAUSSE, II., 242 seq., III., 145 seq., Jahrb. der preuss.
Kunstsamml., XXVI., 100. See also CIACONIUS, III., 475, Rassegna
naz., 1884, and SACCONI, Relaz. dell' ufficio reg. p. 1. conservaz. d.
monum. delle Marche e dell' Umbria, 2nd ed., Perugia, 1903.
1 Cf. PERKINS, Sculpt. Ital., II., 442 seq.
2 See REUMONT, Beitrage, III., 445 seq.\ Kunstblatt, 1849, No. 7 ;
Arch, dell' Arte, II., 108 seq.\ Repert. fur Kunstwissenschaft, XIX.,
163; Jahrb. des deutschen archaol. Instituts, V., 30; Jahrb. des
preuss. Kunstsamml., XXVII., 160. The copy of the Laocoon was
brought to Florence earlier than is usually supposed. Cf. Cod.
Barb., XXXII. , 219, and *Introit. et Exit., 561; " 10 Dec. 1524.
due. 144 auri de camera de mand. sub die prima pres. Earth,
merciario S. D. N. pro pluribus expen. factis in conducendo statuam
marmoream Laocoontis ex urbe Florentiam " (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
3 Cf. A. JANSEN in the Zeitschr. fur bild. Kunst, XL, 98 seq.
MICHAEL ANGELO AND CLEMENT. 361
was accounted a master in the art, then coming into re
pute, of restoring antique statues by additions which
were often the result of a correct calculation. At
Clement's bidding he added the left arm to the Belvedere
Apollo and the right to the figure of Laocoon. The
Pope, who liked to visit the Belvedere in the morning
when saying his office, took great interest in the progress
of this work.1
Like many other artists, even the greatest of all saw in
the elevation of Clement to the Papacy ground for far-
reaching expectations. "You will have heard," wrote
Michael Angelo on the 25th of November 1523 to a friend,
"that Medici is chosen Pope. This, it seems to me, has
been a matter of general congratulation, and I believe we
shall see great things." Clement VII. had, in fact,
throughout the whole of his pontificate a strong apprecia
tion of the worth and greatness of this unique genius.
The letters in particular of Sebastiano del Piombo and
Giovan Francesco Fantucci bear eloquent testimony
to this feeling. In the letters of the latter we have often
verbatim reports of the conversations he had with Clement
VII. Full of kind feeling, the Pope bore with truly
astonishing patience the rudeness and ill-temper of the
irascible artist. On one occasion he asked him to remem
ber two things; first, that he is not able to make
everything himself; and secondly, that we have only a
short time to live. The thought that Popes do not for
the most part have long reigns was recalled by Clement on
another occasion in a postscript written in his own hand,
in which he begged that he would make as much speed as
1 See REUMONT, III., 2, 439; Jahrb. des deutschen archaol.
Instituts, V., 30 seq. In the account books for September 30, 1525, is
the *entry : "Due. 500 a M. Jac. Liryco per certe maschere antiche"
(State Archives, Florence, S. Maria Novella, 327).
362 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
possible in the execution of some work on which he was
engaged.1
Three tasks of great magnitude were entrusted by
Clement to Michael Angelo : the construction of the Medici
memorial chapel (Sagrestia Nuovo) of S. Lorenzo, the
execution of the monuments to be placed therein, and
the erection of the Laurentian Library in Florence.2
At first Michael Angelo devoted himself with all his
energy to this new and fascinating work, but the political
events between 1527 and 1529 deprived him of all artistic
capacity. Inflamed with love of the freedom of his native
city, he flung chisel and hammer aside and undertook the
indispensable service of providing defences for Florence,
especially for the protection of San Miniato. When
the Medici finally prevailed Michael Angelo was in
very great danger; but Clement not only shielded him
1 See FREY, Sammlung ausgewahlter Briefe an Michelangelo
Buonarotti, Berlin, 1899, 271. Cf. GOTTI, I., 199 seq., 211 seq., 215,
217, 226; JUSTi, 308 seq., and STEINMANN, II., 478 seq., where on
p. 742 there is the Brief of November 21, 1531, also published by H.
Pogatscher, showing the paternal interest of Clement VII. in the great
artist's failing health. The *two letters of F. Gonzaga of June 5 and 24,
1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), are also of importance for the rela
tions of Clement VII. with Michael Angelo; see Appendix, No. 20.
2 See MORENI, Descriz. stor. crit. d. cappella de' principi nella
basilica di S. Lorenzo, Firenze, 1813 (also p. 36 seq. for the building of
the Laurentiana). Cf. MORENI, S. Lorenzo, I., 260; GAVE, II., 222
seq., 229 seq. ; RIEGEL, Beitr. zur Kunstgesch. Italiens, 131 seq. ; RlO,
IV., 378 seq. : Allgem. Zeitung, 1898, Beil. 61 ; GRIMM, I., 5, 504 seq.,
II., 5, 157 seq., 176 seq., 224 ; MtJNTZ, Hist, III., 396 seq. ; SPRINGER,
380 seqq., 402 seq. ; GOTTI, I., 150 seq., 164, 166, 200; FREY in
Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunstsamml., XVII., 5 seq. While this volume
was in the press STEINMANN'S Das Geheimniss der Medicigraber
Michelangelos, Leipzig, 1906, appeared. For the Laurentiana cf.
CIACONIUS, III., 456; BLUME, Iter Ital., II., 46, and BIGAZZI, Iscriz.
di Firenze (1887), 120 seq.
MICHAEL ANGELO. 363
from the injuries instigated by a pitiless party hatred, but
preserved unimpaired the old terms of intercourse. With
what deep sorrow and anger Michael Angelo once more
grasped his chisel can be seen clearly in the immortal
verses laden with despondency which he composed for his
statue of Night. At the end of his reign Clement had
in his mind yet another work to be executed by Michael
Angelo in Rome : the painting of the Last Judgment.1
It was certainly his greatest service to art that he should
have suggested this magnificent subject for the display of
the great painter's Titanic power.
1 Cf. GOTTI, I., 225 ; CROWE, VI., 414 ; STEINMANN, II., 479. As
the accounts of the beginning of the great work are meagre, importance
attaches to the extract from a letter contained in a ^report of Agnello,
dated Venice, March 2, 1534, and running thus : " Del Nino [probably
Rodrigo Nino, Imperial Ambassador in Venice] alii 20 [febr.] : Chel
Papa ha tanto operate che ha disposto Michelangnolo a dipinger in la
capella et che sopra 1' altare si fara la resurrectione, si che gia si era
fatto il tavolato" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua)
CHAPTER XL
CLEMENT VII. AND THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF THE CHURCH. —
His ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE QUESTIONS OF THE COUNCIL
AND REFORM.
WHILE in Europe the ancient Church was suffering loss
upon loss, many thousands were coming within her
obedience in the newly discovered countries beyond the
Atlantic.1 Exposed in her former domains to the
bitterest reproaches and insults, from the lips of the
converts of the New World came blessings for their
deliverance from the darkness of heathendom, gratitude
for protection from the cruelty of their conquerors.2
To the sons of St. Dominic and St. Francis this
beneficent work was mainly due. The two Orders vied
with each other in sending out a continuous stream of
devoted missionaries to the continent of America, and in
this work were supported in many ways by Clement VII.
How ample were the measures taken by the Pope to
forward the missionary work in Spanish America may be
1 In a *letter of March 25, 1534, directed to " Balth. episc. Scalen,"
Clement VII. thanks him for the accounts of the new discoveries
which may be of such importance for the spread of religion, and adds :
"Agimus igitur Deo omnipotent! gratias quod in dies temporibus
nostris illud propheticum implere dignatur : In omnem terram ex. son.
eorum." Min. brev., 1533, vol. 46, n. 119, where the date is pasted
over and the document is therefore wrongly included in the year 1533.
2 Already in 1 524 America had felt the first pulsation of the conciliar
life of the Church ; see HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 389 seq.
364
THE NEW WORLD. 365
clearly seen from a letter written on the ipth of October
1532 to Charles V., empowering him to choose a hundred
and twenty Franciscans, seventy Dominicans, and ten
Hieronymites for the East Indian colonies, and to send
them there, in case of necessity, even if contrary to the
wishes of the rulers of the Orders.1
Clement VII. gave strong support to the Christianizing
of the newly discovered portions of America by constituting
a hierarchy for the purpose of providing regular ecclesias
tical guidance for those who had become converts. On
the nth of May 1524 he created the new Patriarchate of
the West Indies, entrusting this post to Antonio Rojas,
Bishop of Palencia.2 On the 28th of December 1528 the
two dioceses of Haiti were consolidated into the single
bishopric of San Domingo.3 The autumn of 1530 saw the
creation of the see of Mexico and the appointment of
Gabriele Merino as Patriarch of the West Indies; in 1531
sees were erected in Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Honduras,
and in 1534 S. Marta and Panama in Colombia were made
bishoprics.4 Clement bestowed similar attention on the
1 Bolet. de la R. Academia de la Hist, XXL, Madrid, 1892, 380.
Cf. Docum. selecta e tabul. sec. Vatic, quae Romanor. Pontif. erga
Americae populos curam ac studia . . . testantur phototypia descripta,
Typis Vatic., 1893 (only 25 copies printed), n. 23, p. 42 ; ibid., n. 22, p.
41, a letter of Clement VII. of July 7, 1526, to the General of the
Franciscan Order, Fr. Quinones, encouraging the latter to adhere to
his intention of visiting in person the missions of the Order. The great
successes of the Franciscans in Mexico, described in 1532, by N.
Herborn ; see PAULUS, Dominikaner, 157. Much material in
WADDING, XVI.
2 The date, wanting in Gams (138), from the Acta Consist, of the
Vice-Chancellor, II., 24 (Consistorial Archives).
3 Acta Consist, of Vice-Chancellor, II., 145 loc. cit.
4 Acta Consist, edited by EHSES, in the Rom. Quartalschr., VI., 225
seq. Cf. HABLER in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1894, Beil. 285 ; F. SOSA,
366 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
possessions of Portugal. The bishopric of Funchal in
Madeira, created by Leo X., was elevated on the 3 1st of
January 1533 into an archbishopric, with four suffragan
bishoprics attached to it.1 These were San Miguel in the
Azores, the island of Santiago in the Cape Verde group,
St. Thomas in Ecuador, and Goa in the East Indies.
This formed certainly the largest Metropolitan see in the
world.
In harsh contrast to the happy results in the New
World was the complete failure of the attempts to re
unite Russia and the Holy See. Clement had already
written on the 25th of May 1524 to the Grand Duke Vasili
calling upon him to recognize the Roman Primacy and
appealing to the negotiations that had already taken place
under Alexander VI. and Leo X. This recognition he made
conditional to his bestowing upon him the kingly title.
Thereupon in the autumn of 1525 Demetrius Gerasimov
appeared in Rome as Russian Ambassador and was
treated with the most marked attention. Gerasimov was
admirably fitted to foster the Pope's optimism with regard
to the views prevalent at the Russian court. At the end
of 1525 he went back to Russia accompanied by the
Minorite, Francesco da Potentia, Bishop of Skara, as
Papal Legate. The latter certainly was successful in
arranging an armistice between Poland and Russia, but
on the other hand he failed in the question of ecclesiastical
union. In 1527 another embassy visited the Pope from
El episcopado mexicano, Mexico, 1877, and ICAZBALCETA, Fray Juan
de Zuma"rraga, primer obispo de Mexico, Mexico, 1881. For Texas
Juan Xuarez was nominated in 1528 to the newly created bishopric;
see E. J. P. SCHMITT, A Catalogue of Franciscan Missionaries in
Texas, Austin (Texas), 1901, 5 and 12 seq.
Acta Consist., edited by EHSES, loc. cit., 230 ; cf. also Corp. dipl.
Port., II., 416 seq., 418 seq.
RUSSIA AND THE ARMENIANS. 367
Russia, and a meeting took place at Orvieto in January
1528. From the Briefs handed to them by Clement VII.
on their return, it is clear that the Pope's illusions concerning
Russia were as strong as ever. The true state of affairs
remained hidden from the Roman Curia ; this was not
surprising on account of the great distance and the
difficulty of means of communication.1
Clement VII. tried to confirm the Maronites and
Armenians in their loyal adherence to the Union of
Florence, and with this object he wrote many Briefs and
sent many special messengers.2 During his second meeting
with Charles V. at Bologna he received an embassy from
the King of ^Ethiopia bearing letters and gifts and tender
ing solemn obedience.3
In the year 1525 the great Jubilee took place. Although
the disturbed state of ecclesiastical and political affairs
1 Besides FIEDLER, Ein Versuch der Vereinigung der russischen
mit der romischen Kirche (Sitzungsber. der Wiener Akad., 1862), 38
seq., cf. especially PIERLING, I., 291-315. See FRAKN6i, Ungarn,
75 seq, and UEBERSBERGER, I., 205 seq.
2 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 79 seq., 1532, n. 77 ; *Brief, dat. January
25, 1531, A. 8°, to the Patriarch of the Maronites (Min. brev., 1532,
vol. 41, n. 55), in Secret Archives of the Vatican ; ASSEMANNI, Bibl.
Orient, I., 523 ; Ttibinger Theol. Quartalschrift, 1845, 4&. For the
delegation of the envoy to the Maronites see *Acta Consist, of July 20,
j 526, in Consistorial Archives. The ^appointment of the " Nuntius ad
regem Armeniae, dat. 1526, XIII. Cal. Aug.," in Regest. Vatic., 1439,
f. 207 seq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See Bottschaft des grossmechtigen Konigs David aus dem grossen
und hohen Morenland, den man gemeinlich nennet Priester Johann,
an Papst Klemens den Siebenden, zu Bononia verhort in offenem
Consistorio am XXIX. tag Januarii A° 1533, Dresden, W. Stockel,
J533- Cy. for this extremely rare pamphlet HARRISSE, Bibl. Americ.,
n. 177, and HEIRSEMANN, Bibl. Mejicana, n. 542. See also for the
./Ethiopian Embassy, RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 20 seq. • ClACONlUS, III.,
459 seq., and GIORDANI, App., 69.
368 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
made it seem to many injudicious to hold this solemnity,
Clement had already decided on the i8th of April 1524
that it should take place.1 Nor did the outbreak of the
plague in Rome move him from this decision.2 He took
account of the altered circumstances by a reform of the
Roman clergy3 and by setting aside the obligation of
paying a sum of money to obtain the Jubilee indulgence.4
Stringent regulations were enacted to ensure the safety
of pilgrims.6 Nevertheless, principally on account of the
rupture of peace and terrible confusion in Germany, the
pilgrims came in smaller numbers than at any previous
Jubilee.6 Some alterations in the ceremonial were intro-
1 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 88.
2 For the plague and the fast ordered by Clement to avert it cf. the
"^reports of Castiglione of June 18 and 28, 1524, in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua, and the ^letters of G. de' Medici, dated Rome, 1524, April i,
6, 8, 11, 17, 20, May 7, 9, 11, 14, 16, 21, 25, 27, June i, 3, 9, 12, 14,
17, 20, 22, 25, and 28, July 13 and 29, in State Archives, Florence.
According to them the plague diminished from June 20; in July it
ceased.
3 Cf. infra, p. 378 seq.
4 See RAYNALDUS, 1525, n. i. On the other hand, those who did
not come to Rome, while obtaining by an exceptional privilege the
Jubilee indulgence, were expected to pay a sum of money ; see the
Brief in FONTANA, Renata, I., 419.
6 See the *Bando in Tizio, Hist. Senen. in Cod. G, II., 39 (Chigi
Library, Rome). Cf. *Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 657, in Secret Archives
of the Vatican.
6 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVII., 350, 357 seq.\ MANNI, 107; NOTHEN,
88 seq. : PRINZIVALLI, Anni Sand, 240. The statement in TARTINIUS,
I., 1027, about a great concourse of people is without value when set
against other evidence. The close of the Jubilee (cf. also RAYNALDUS,
loc. cit. ; RODCANACHI, Capitole, 64 ; THURSTON, 52 seq., 80 seq.,
224) is described by the Mantuan envoy in his ^reports of December
24 and 27, 1525, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The warlike aspect
of the Holy Year is dwelt on by Cornelius de Fine in his *Diary
(National Library, Paris). For a little book on Rome of the
THE JUBILEE OF 1525. 369
duced on this occasion ; among others the Pope, on opening
the Holy Door, made use of a golden hammer.1 A note
worthy feature was the resumption of the impressive
Passion Play in the Colosseum during the year of Jubilee.2
To the hindrances already mentioned were soon added the
perils of a Turkish 3 descent on the coasts of Italy and a
fresh outbreak of the plague in August 1525.* Almost
up to the end of the Jubilee year the plague prevailed in
Rome. Also during the extension of the Jubilee into the
following year the Pope insisted that the money con
tributions of the faithful should be left to their free
discretion.5 Nevertheless, the Protestants continued to
declare that the Jubilee was instituted only to gain money,
ridiculing it in coarse and odious satires.6
The Bull announcing the beatification of Archbishop
Antonino of Florence, delayed owing to the death of
Adrian VI., was published by Clement VII.7 He
canonized the Venetian, Lorenzo Giustiniani and the
year 1525 see MOLL, Kirchengesch. der Niederlande, II., 734 seq.
For the memoir of Bernhard von Luxemburg see PAULUS, Domini-
kaner, no.
1 THURSTON, 218 ; MORONI, LI I., 69.
2 See VATASSO, Per la storia del dramma sacro in Italia, Roma,
1903, 84.
3 Cf. the *reports of G. de' Medici, dat. Rome, 1525, March 17,
June 20, July 8, in State Archives, Florence.
4 Cf. ^reports of G. de' Medici, dat. Rome, 1525, August 13, 15, 20,
21, 23, 30, September i, 5, 15, 19, 22, 25, 29, October 4, 18, 21, 24, 28,
31, November 4, 5, in State Archives, Florence.
5 See SANUTO, XL., 754 ; THEINER, Mon. Slav., I., 590 seq. ;
NOTHEN, 90.
6 Cf. PANTZER, II., 395, 2836; GODEKE, II., 280; THURSTON, 83 ;
KAWERAU, H. Sachs, 61. That Luther's (Erlanger Ausg., XXIX.,
297) opinion, that the Jubilee originated only in greed, has no historic
foundation is shown by KRAUS in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1900, Beil. 76.
" Bull., VI., 26-38.
VOL. X, 34
370 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cardinals Aleman and Peter of Luxembourg.1 The Pope
also sanctioned the cultus of St. Hyacinth of Poland and the
office composed by Bernardino da Busti in honour of the
Name of Jesus.2 In many ways he encouraged devotion
to Our Lady and the recitation of the Rosary.3 Special
Bulls dealt with the Rota, the Vice-Chancellorship, the
observance of the German Concordat, and the prohibition
of duelling.4
In ecclesiastical policy Clement repeatedly found him
self forced to make great concessions to temporal princes
who, like the sovereigns of Spain,5 France,6 Poland,7 and
Bavaria,8 did not yield to the inducement to apostatize.
Owing to his powerlessness when opposed to the Emperor,
his representations of the constantly recurring encroach
ments on the freedom of the Church in Spain,9 and especially
1 Cf. Acta Sanctorum, January 8, September 5 ; ClACONlUS, III.,
459 ; SANUTO, XXXVI., 509 seq. ; MANNI, Vita e culto del b. L.
Alemani, Firenze, 1771 5 Freib. Kirchenlexikon, IX.2, 1924; ROBERT,
331 seq.
2 RAYNALDUS, 1527, n. 105; Freib. Kirchenlexikon, IX.2, 27;
THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 468 seq. Other enactments in CIACONIUS,
III., 475 seq., and WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 348- Decrees against
witches in HANSEN, Quellen, 36 seq. For exemptions from episcopal
authority see Rev. d'hist. eccles., I., 482 seq.
3 Cf. CIACONIUS, III., 475 seq., and Bull, VI., 168 seq.
4 Bull., VI., 81 seq., 153 seq., 169 seq. The *Bulla contra duellium
facientes, dated 1524, Id. Febr. A° 2°, in Regest. Vatic., 1276, f. 8oa seq.
(Secret Archives of the Vatican).
5 Cf. supra, pp. 55, 57, and PHILLIPS-BERING, VIII., 201. See
also SANUTO, LIV., 191, and HEINE, Briefe, 90.
6 Cj. supra, p. 208.
7 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 437 seq.
8 Cf. SUGENHEIM, Bayerns Volkzustande, 184 seq. ; M. RlTTER,
Deutsche Gesch., I., 303.
» Cf. BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 226 seq., 228 seq.\ SERASSI, II.,
33 seq. ; HERGENROTHER in Archiv fur Kirchenrecht, X., 28.
THE INQUISITION IN PORTUGAL. 3? I
in Sicily, produced no effect.1 In this respect the Pope had
many causes of complaint against other princes, Francis I.
in particular.2 Even King John III. of Portugal, otherwise
so friendly to him, had to be strongly admonished in the
year 1524 for the arbitrary imprisonment of two bishops.3
At the end of his pontificate the question of the estab
lishment of the Spanish Inquisition in Portugal gave rise
to serious differences.4 Clement only gave a partial assent
to the wishes of King John when, on the i/th of December
1531, he appointed a Commissary Apostolic and Inquisitor
for the whole of Portugal, to institute, in conjunction with
the bishops, an inquiry into the accused Jewish Christians,
with orders to punish the guilty. As the King, on the
I4th of June 1532, by a new law tried to subject the Jews
and Jewish Christians to his arbitrary authority, they
appealed to the Pope, complaining of the violent treatment
and the unjust and harsh proceedings of the King and the
Inquisition.
Clement would not associate himself with the King's
unjust treatment of his subjects. He first suspended, on
the I7th of October 1532, the Bull of December 1531. As
all his representations remained ineffectual, on the 7th of
April 1533, to the entire exclusion of the Portuguese Inquisi
tion, he cited the guilty before his own special court and gave
the Nuncio full powers to effect the reconciliation on the
easiest terms possible. He thus declared expressly that
1 Cf. CARUSO, Discorso d. Monarchia di Sicilia, ed. Mira, Palermo,
1863,71, 240, 242.
2 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1524, n. 99 seq.; BALAN, loc. tit., 22 seq.
3 BALAN, loc. tit., 20 seq. For his friendly behaviour in other
respects towards John III., whose rights over the Orders of Knight
hood were extended, see MACSwiNEY, III., 187 seq., 195 seq. Cf.
also Vol. IX. of this work, p. 433, n. i.
* The whole matter will be discussed later on under Paul III.
372
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Jews who had been treated so severely were not to be
punished as heretics. John III. raised objections to these
injunctions, and forbade their publication. The Pope
therefore instructed his Nuncio to defer the publication of
the Bull for a while ; in a Brief he justified himself against
the King's complaints by explaining the reasons for his
clemency towards the Jewish Christians. Already nearing
his end, on the 26th of July 1534 he ordered the Nuncio to
execute the orders of April 1533, which were as just as they
were merciful.1
In other instances as well the Pope showed such
tenderness and large-hearted good-will towards the Jews
that a learned member of their nation of that day did not
refrain from calling him " Clement, the gracious friend of
Israel." The position of the Jews in Rome as well as in
the Papal States was, in consequence, a prosperous
one.-
The absolutism of the Venetian Republic was a source of
repeated and angry conflict. Towards the jealous Signoria,
Clement, in several questions of ecclesiastical policy, showed
1 Cf. Corp. dipl. Fort., II., 319 seq., 335 seq., III., I seq., 64 seq.,
76 seq. ; KUNSTMANN in Munch. Gel. Anz., XXIV., 638 seq. ; HEINE
in Schmidt's Zeitschr. ftir Gesch., IX., 162 seq.\ SCHAFER, III., 336
seq. ; ERLER in Archiv fiir Kirchenretht, LI II., 26 seq. ; TANNER
in Kath. Schweizerbl., I. (1885), 33? seq. ; HERCULANO, Inquisicao
em Portugal, I.6, Lisboa, 1897, 259 seq. ; MACSwiNEY, III.,
210 seq.
2 See VOGELSTEIN, II., 38 seq. ; BERLINER, II., 82 seq., 86, 91 seq.,
98, 104 ; Arch. Stor. Ital., 5th Series, XL, 398 seq. Cf. VERNET in
L'Universite Cath., XIX. (1895), 100 seq.\ LEVI, Clement VII. et les
juifs du comtat Venaissin, in Rev. d. etudes juiv., 1896, 63 seq. Vernet
made use principally of the Cameralia ; I collected numerous docu
ments bearing on this question among the registers of Briefs in the
Secret Archives of the Vatican ; they will be published in another
place.
CLEMENT VII. AND VENICE. 373
great readiness to conciliate ; 1 nevertheless, the Venetian
Government renewed their claim, abandoned expressly
in the treaty of peace of 1510, to the right of appoint
ing to bishoprics within their territory. This treaty
was infringed with the utmost disregard of obligations,
and treated as if it were non-existent. The disputes
about the possession of bishoprics began as early as
I524.2 Afterwards,3 particularly between 1530 and 1532,
the question played a prominent part and, in the
latter year, became acute owing to the Venetian Govern
ment taxing, on its own initiative, the clergy of the
Republic for the purposes of the Turkish war.4 In
this question of nomination to bishoprics Clement
showed great steadfastness ; the consequence was that
the Signoria finally yielded in June 1533 as far as
five bishoprics were concerned,5 but would make no
concession concerning Treviso or Corfu, although Clement
VII. in May had already threatened the heaviest ecclesias
tical penalties.6 The Pope made passionate complaints to
the Venetian Ambassador ; in Venice itself the procurator
Francesco Donato said that " Christ had deputed the
pastoral office to Peter ; do not let us interfere in questions
of Church benefices which belong to the Pope." Others
1 Cf. CECHETTI, Venezia e la corte di Roma, I., 321 seq., and 440
seq. ; Libri Comm., VI., 207, and CANTU, Scorsa di un Lombardo,
negli archivi di Venezia, Milano, 1856, 107. For the Clementina cf.
also LEBRET, Venedig, II., 2, 1180 seq.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI., 508, 511, 522.
3 Cf. supra, p. 20. For 1 527 see SANUTO, XLV., 636, 650 seq.
4 Cf. SANUTO, LIIL, 120, 193, 279, 379, 484; LIV., 19, 120, 152
seq., 224, 266, 402, 423, 523, 557, 572, 582, 615 ; LV., 72, 102, 142, 679
seq. and supra, p. 20 seq.
5 SANUTO, LVIII., 361 seq.
6 Cf. F. Peregrine's ^report, May 14, 1533, in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
374 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
pointed to the danger of Clement, in his approaching
conference with Francis I., making terms unfavourable
to the Republic. The majority therefore decided
in favour of giving way as regarded Corfu ; on the
other hand, the controversy over Treviso, which had
been in suspense since 1527, remained unsettled. Up
to the last the Venetian diplomatists hoped that from
political motives the Pope would in the end give
way.1
The appointments to the Cardinalate made by Clement
VII. are uncommonly characteristic of his reign. The
assertion, however, that, of all his nominations, he did not
make one as a free agent, is an exaggeration; but, in
justice, it must be admitted on the other hand that in the
majority of cases the ruling motive in his creations was
political expediency or compulsion.2
In the first four years of his reign Clement VII. was
especially reluctant to increase the number of the Sacred
College.3 Although the Emperor had already, in June 1525,
asked for the appointment of two new Cardinals, and there
was repeatedly talk of approaching creations,4 the Pope
always deferred as long as possible the decisive step.
His first creation was not made until the eve of the sack of
Rome. To the six Cardinals then appointed seven others
1 Cf. SANUTO, LVIIL, 270, 363, 485 seg.t 537 seq., 560 seq., 570,
579, 601, 610 seq.\ ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 311 ; LEBRET, II., 2,
1183 se<l"> and GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 529.
2 See REUMONT, III., 2, 273.
3 He appealed at first to the necessity, in accordance with the
election capitulations, of agreement on the part of the Cardinals. See
*Brief to Archduke Ferdinand, October 25, 1524, Min. brev., 1524,
vol. 8, n. 477 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 Cf. the *reports of G. de' Medici, April 27, June 14, and October
4, 1525, in State Archives, Florence, and Sessa's ^letter, October 5,
1525, in the Biblioteca de la Acad. de Hist, Madrid.
CREATIONS OF CARDINALS. 375
were added1 on the 2ist of November of the same year,
with whom on the ;th of December Quinones,2 and on the
20th of December 1527 Francesco Cornaro were associated.3
In the beginning of 1529 Ippolito de' Medici, who had
only entered his eighteenth year, and Girolamo Doria, were
made Cardinals. The nomination of Mercurino di Gattinara
took place on the i3th of August of the same year.4
During the first conference at Bologna on the 9th of March
1530, Clement agreed to the elevation of four Imperialists
(Cles, Loaysa, de Challant, and Stunica). To satisfy
Francis I., Tournon was received into the Sacred College
on the iQth of March and Gramont on the 8th of June.5
1 Q. Vol. IX. of this work, pp. 384 and 465. The publication of
Cardinal Grimani, nominated in petto on May 3, 1527, did not take
place until later. See the letter of thanks from Grimani to Clement VI I.
on his elevation, dat. Venice, 1528, February 19, *Lett. d. princ., V.,
1 1 1 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
2 Cf. supra, p. 33.
3 See CATALANUS, 503 ; CIACONIUS, III., 500, and *CONTELORIUS,
De Pontif. et Cardinal, Miscell. Arm., XL, 48, in Secret Archives of
the Vatican.
4 Cf. supra, pp. 39, 66 seq. Gattinara died soon after, on June 5, 1 530 ;
see EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxx., n. 4. Cf. also CLARETTA in Mem.
de la Soc. Savoisienne, XII., Chambery, 1898 ; HUART, Le Card, de
Gattinara, Besan$on, 1876; BORNATE, Ricerche intorno alia vita di
M. Gattinara, Novara, 1899. On Ip. de' Medici, *Contelorius, loc. ctt.,
remarks : " Hie in 18 anno creatus Card, diaconus cum tune temporis
esset tantum clericali caractere insignitus de quo mentio facta non
fuerat nee fuit dispensatus sup. defectu aetatis nee se fecit promoveri ad
diac. vel subdiaconatus ordinem licet pluries monitus fuisset, quare
Clemens absolvit a censuris et poenis, restituit ad beneficia, ecclesias
et cardinalatum et declarat eccles. presbyt. s. Laurentii in Dam. esse
tenendam uti diaconalem ut in brevi D. R. 30 Julii 1534" (Secret
Archives of the Vatican).
5 Cf. supra, p. 96 seq. B. Cles well deserves a monograph. The Vita,
by GAR, Trento, 1856, is not satisfactory ; cf. BAUER, Anfange Ferdi
nands I., 173 seq.
376 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
On the 24th of March 1530 Clement VII. promised the
Duke of Savoy that he would make his son, then a child
of three years, a Cardinal as soon as he had reached the
lawful age.1 This very strange engagement was never
carried out, for the person whom it concerned preferred
later on to follow a secular career. The influence ot
Charles V. secured the nomination, on the 22nd of March
1531, of'the Spaniards Alfonso Manrico and Juan Tavera ;
on the 25th of September Antonio Pucci was made Cardinal.
During the second conference at Bologna the Emperor
only carried one candidate, instead of three, in the person
of Gabriele Merino ; soon afterwards the Frenchman, Jean
d'Orldans, was appointed. Francis I. was luckier than
Charles V., for at the conference of Marseilles in 1533 he
secured the elevation of four of his dependants.2
The total number of Cardinals made by Clement, in
fourteen creations, amounted to thirty-three, of whom nine
were Spaniards, with an equal number of Frenchmen, one
a German, and all the rest Italians.3 The preponderating
political character of these appointments shows that
spiritual fitness for the post was not made of much account
in the selection. Even if all were not personally so
unworthy as the youth Ippolito de' Medici,4 yet the greater
1 Cf. C.IACONIUS, III., 259, and *CONTELORIUS, loc. cit. See the
*Brief in Appendix, No. 12.
2 Cf. supra, pp. 207, 220, 233.
3 STOEGMANN (232) gives incorrect figures. Cf. CIACONIUS, III.,
477 seqq., and MAS LATRIE, 1214.
4 Ippolito de' Medici, who was nominated in 1529 by Clement, when
he was dangerously ill, under pressure from the Medicean party (see
supra, p. 39), refused to receive deacons' order as his heart was set
on Florence. Clement in vain sought to bring him round by the
bestowal of the Vice-Chancellorship and the Legation at the court
of Charles V. (see supra, p. 200 seq.\ This refusal, along with his
debts and immoral life (see MOLMENTI, Vita di Venezia 287, and
CLEMENT VII. AND REFORM. 3/7
number consisted of worldly men of conspicuous rank.
Many of them were only ecclesiastics in garb, and were
occupied with any other interests than those of the Church.1
How accustomed men had become to such incongruous con
ditions is shown by a very suggestive remark in the report
of 1531 of Antonio Soriano, the Venetian envoy: "I will
not say that the present Cardinals are saints ; yet I cannot
but speak of them with respect as of men of lordly rank
who live in a manner worthy of their noble station." 2
But how was this manner of life to be reconciled with the
stringent decrees of the Lateran Council ? This question
is closely connected with the attitude assumed by the
Pope towards the very necessary removal of ecclesiastical
abuses. From the very first it was disastrous that under
Clement VII. Church affairs did not, as in the days of
Adrian VI., rank before all others. Medici, to his own
misfortune and that of the Church, was eminently a political
Pope; the necessity of a reform could not have escaped
the observation of so clear-sighted an intelligence.
The activity displayed by Clement as Cardinal and
Archbishop of Florence in carrying out the reformatory
decisions of the Lateran Council 3 led to the hope that
as Pope he would also prosecute his work in this sphere.
Luzio, Pronostico, 61), was for the Pope a constant cause of trouble.
The Cardinal, of whose eccentric conduct the strangest things were
related, was a typical figure of his time. He was a genuine Medici in
his love (see Jovius, Elog., I., vi.) of musicians, poets, savants, and
artists ; his circle deserves to be subject of an essay.
1 REUMONT, III., 2, 275.
2 ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 289. The consequences for the Cardinals
were incalculable. The twenty-one Cardinals who passed through
the experiences of the sack had a suite of 3108 persons. Under
Clement VII. the Papal court numbered about 700; see GNOLI in
Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XVII., 386 seq.
3 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 411.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
As a matter of fact, in the first year of his pontificate he
showed himself a zealous reformer, acting evidently under
the influence of the excellent Giberti.1
Already on the i8th of January 1524 Clement had
addressed a Consistory on the reform of the Curia and
invited the Cardinals to make proposals.2 Together with
this went a scheme for a general reform of the conditions of
the Church ; for this purpose prelates and bishops of Italy
and other countries, such as Spain, were summoned to
Rome,3 and a special commission of Cardinals was formed
to consider the question of reform.4 On the 24th of
February 1524 the Pope made more detailed proposals
to the Cardinals on a reform of the Curia and ordered the
decisions of the Lateran Council bearing on this point to
be strictly enforced.5 In the autumn of 1 524 the conditions
of reform were dealt with in a series of consistories and
drawn up with greater precision.
With express reference to the coming Jubilee the Pope
introduced, on the Qth of September, three administrative
proposals : first, a general visitation of the churches of
Rome ; secondly, an examination of the Roman secular
clergy ; those among them who were found to be unfitted
for their functions should be prohibited from saying Mass
at least during the Jubilee year ; thirdly, precautions were
to be taken to procure qualified confessors during this
sacred time. These proposals were carried,6 and were at
1 See Engl. Hist. Review, XVIII., 272.
2 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 87.
3 This is clear from the Brief to Charles V., July 31, 1524, in
BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 26 seq. Cf. also Engl. Hist. Review,
XVIII., 271 seq.
4 Cf. Quellen und Forschungen, III., n. 3.
5 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 87. Cf. SANUTO, XXXV., 423.
6 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 88 seg., and EHSES, Cone. Trid.,
xvii. See also ATANAGI, Lett, facet, I., 144. Cf. the proposals in
MEASURES AGAINST ABUSES. 379
once put into operation. A strict supervision was also
made of the observation of the rules appertaining to the
dress of the priesthood and the disuse of the beard. The
measures taken were so stringent that those ardent for
reform began to indulge in the brightest hopes.1 Many of
the laxer prelates submitted only with great reluctance to
these ordinances, but they did submit.2 For the visitation
a special commission was appointed, which met every
Sunday and at the same time exhorted the Cardinals to
support this salutary work, and to set good examples
to those under their authority. Strong measures were
also taken against open immorality.3 On the 7th of
November 1524 Clement again called the attention of the
Consistory to the reform of the Curia. He insisted
primarily on the observance of the Lateran decrees of
the 5th of May 1514 on reform being pressed home, for
they were weapons against a legion of abuses. He en
trusted Cardinal Pucci with the drawing up of a Bull
on this subject4 which was agreed to on the 2ist of
November and forthwith published.5
*Cod. Vat, 3924, II., f. 234 seq. (Vatican Library), and the ^letter of
A. Germanello from Rome, September 24, 1524, in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
1 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVII., 88 seq.
2 Cf. G. B. Sanga's characteristic letter of October the 29th, 1524, in
ATANAGI, Lett, facet, I., 144. See also*F. Gonzaga's letter, November
1 6, 1524, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
3 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVII., 89.
4 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 89, and EHSES,
Cone. Trid., IV., xvii. For the decrees of the Lateran Council see,
besides Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 410, the admirable treatment of
the subject in GUGLIA, Studien zur Gesch. des fiinften Lateran-
konzils, N.F., Wien, 1906, 21 seq.
5 I found in TIZIO, *Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II., 39 (Chigi Library,
Rome), a contemporary copy of the Bull " Meditatio cordis nostri,
dat. Romae, 1524, XI. Cal. Dec." (Nov. 21).
380 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the execution of these reforms Giberti and Sadoleto
were Clement's supporters.1 In the beginning of
December the Cardinals were exhorted to take care of
their churches;2 soon after three commissaries were
appointed to visit all churches, convents, and hospitals
in Rome.3 Already on the 8th of September the Pope had
issued an emphatic decree to remove the scandal of the
Minorites frequenting Rome without wearing the habit
of their Order. On the 3Oth of November he commanded
the Roman magistrates to throw such vagrants into prison.4
A wholesome measure for the improvement of the
clergy was the issue of instructions to Bishop Gian Pietro
Carafa, then resident in Rome, concerning the candidates
for holy orders, by which every form of simony was
repressed.5 In certain cases also Clement showed himself
averse to the accumulation of benefices ; while recogniz
ing the gravity of this abuse, he was yet often compelled
to yield to the force of circumstances.6 A whole series of
Papal enactments for the year 1524 dealt with the reform
of the secular and regular clergy of the dioceses of
1 See DITTRICH, Kathol. Reformation, 389.
2 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 89. On February 25, 1524, Cardinal
de Valle, archipresb. S. Mariae Maj., received the *facultas reformandi
statuta ejusdem basilicae ; Brevia, 1524, Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 194, in
Secret Archives of the Vatican.
3 There is also a contemporary copy in TIZIO, loc. tit., of this Bull,
"Romanus Pontifex, dat. Romae, 1524, VI. Id. Dec." (Dec. 8).
4 *Brief to "Almae urbis baricello, capitaneis caeterisque justitiae
ministris, Dat. Romae, ult. Nov. 1524." Arm., 39, vol. 55, f. 15, in
Secret Archives of the Vatican.
5 *Brief of May 2, 1524; Brevia, 1524, Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 340,
in Secret Archives of the Vatican. Cf. Bzovius, 1524, n. 35, and
BROMATO, I., 93 seq., 99 seq.
6 Cf. Corp. dipl. Port, II., 214 ; MACSwiNEY, Portugal, III., 191, and
BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 39 seq.
THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 381
Florence, Parma, Naples, Venice, Milan, Burgos, and
Mayence.1 In the same year the Pope gave orders for a
general reform of the Carmelite Order,2 and in 1525 similar
measures were taken in regard to the Order of the
Humiliati.3
Unhappily these hopeful beginnings had no correspond
ing results. Political distractions soon absorbed more and
more the attention of the Pope, and, in consequence, the
measures of reform slackened.4 On the 2nd of March
1 Cf. for 1524, Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 241 : *Facultas abbati monast.
Casinen. s. Benedicti alias Justinae reformandi prioratum s. Mariae
Angel. Camaldul. Flor., dat. March 26 ; n. 247 : *Vincentio archi-
episcop. Neapolit. (against bad clerics), dat. April i ; n. 253 : *Ex-
communicatio contra omnes intrantes monasteria monialium sub cura
fratr. cong. Lat sine licentia generalis dicti ord., dat. April 2 ; n. 341 :
*Patriarchae Venet. committitur reformatio clericor. et religios. in
dominio Venet., dat. May 5 (cf. the Brief of January 13 in SANUTO,
XXV., 449) ; n. 385 : *Patriarchae Aquilej. facultas visitandi omnes
ecclesias et monasteria monial. etiam exemptu eccl. Aquil. subject, et
reformandi tarn in capite quam in membris, dat. June 8 ; n. 403 :
Reform of the Observantines in Navarre, dat. June 22 (WADDING, XVI.,
2nd ed., 568) ; n. 493 : *Bull pro correctione cleric, in toto dominio
ducis Mediol. delinquent., dat. September 17 ; n. 573 : *Card.
Maguntino, dat. November 15 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Here
also belongs the *Brief of March 28, 1524, for the reform of the
monastery of the Paradise (State Archives, Florence, Bonifazio).
Reform of the French monasteries is treated in a *Brief of Clement
VII., November 3, 1524 (National Archives, Paris). About the reform
of the nuns of Parma see the * letter of Cardinal G. Salviati to
Clement VII., dat. Parma, 1524, November 28; *Lett. div. ad Clem.
VII. in Secret Archives of the Vatican.
2 See the *Briefs to the General, February i and April i, 1524.
Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 136 and 250 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 See the *Briefs to the General, June i and November 10, 1525.
Arm., 39, vol. 45, n. 210 and 312 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
4 Besides the Briefs for Verona, to be noticed later on, I noticed
for 1525, in Arm., 39, vol. 45., n. 99 : *Episcopo Suessano, dat. February
382 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
1526 Clement stated in writing that he had certainly not
abandoned his plans for a reformation of morals but that,
owing to the adverse conditions of the time, he was forced
to defer their execution.1 During the troubles that after
wards arose practical measures of reform lay almost
entirely dormant.2
That Clement VII. had always realized the necessity of
raising the standard of life within the Church is evident
from the earnest address made to the Cardinals at Easter
I528,3 when he spoke of the sack of Rome as a
judgment of God. But he still held back from decisive
and comprehensive action.4 Political and ecclesiastical
troubles of every kind beset him but, over and above,
he was preoccupied by the interests of the house of
Medici.
The years 1529 and 1530 were marked, however, by a
23; n. 118: *Episc. Conchensi, dat. March 15; vol. 55, f. 22:
^General! et provincialibus ord. fratr. min. b. Francisci convent,
dat. January 25 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). See also
WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 583 ; THEINER, Mon. Slav, merid., 587,
and FONTANA, Docum. Vat, 92. For 1526 see Arm., 39, vol.
46, n. 34 : *Vicario episc. Papien., dat. January 19 ; n. 67 :
*Vicario gen. fratr. ord. min. conv., dat. February 9; vol. 55,
f. 41 : *Francisco Angel, totius ord. fratr. min. gen. ministro, dat.
January 5 ; f. 208 : *Ministro prov. s. Francisci fratr. min. de
observ., dat. December 10. See also the two Briefs in FONTANA,
93 and 94.
1 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 222.
2 For 1527, except three documents in WADDING (XVI., 2nd ed.,
603), I found only one *item : " Franc, fingo. can. eccl. Burgi s.
Sepulcri facultas corrigendi monachos prioratus s. Victoris extr. mur.
Gebennen. Cluniac. ord., dat. ex arce 1527, Aug. 6." Arm., 39, vol.
47, n. 248 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). The Brief in FONTANA
(101) relates to 1528.
3 Cf. supra^ p. 1 6.
4 Cf. DlTTRlCH, Kathol. Reformation, 390.
ENACTMENTS FOR REFORM. 383
series of special enactments of reform,1 but inadequate to
existing circumstances. There was no vigorous attack on
abuses in the Curia, no thorough application of the
measures already laid down.2 In this respect Clement lies
1 Besides the orders relating to Giberti we may mention for 1529
Arm., 39, vol. 49, n. 215 : *Card. Pisano (Reform of clergy in Padua
and Treviso), April 16 ; n. 235 : *Io. de Zanettis et Aurelio de Durantis
et Thomae de Capreolis, can. eccl. Brixien. (Reform of a convent of
nuns), April 27 ; n. 240 : *Card. Pisano (Reform of nuns in Padua),
April 28 ; n. 242 ; ^Priori et antianis et deputatis sup. reform, monast.
monial. civit. nostr. Placent., April 29 ; n. 287 : Herculi Card. Mantuan.
(Reform of convent of S. Marco, Mantua), May 13 ; n. 378 : *Vicario
epis. Parmen. (Reform of the clergy there), June 16 ; n. 435 ; *Alto-
bello nuntio Venet. (Reform of nuns), July 16 ; n. 450 : *Item, July
24 ; n. 592 : *Pro Ragusinis (Reform of nuns), September 23 ; n.
801 : *Abbati monast. S. Spiritus prope Sulmon. ord. Coelest. (closure),
dat. Bononiae, December 10 ; n. 818 : *Generali ministro fratr. min.
de observ., dat. Bononiae, December 14 (Mendicants in Poland,
see THEINER, Mon. Pol, II., 461 seg.}.
For 1530 see Arm., 39, vol. 50, n. 446: *Ludovico episc. Barchin.
(Reform of convents of nuns), September 5 ; n. 451 : * Franc. Card.
Pisano (Reform of convents of nuns), September 6 ; n. 769 : *Generali
et prov. provinc. ord. heremit. s. August., July 4 ; n. 780 : ^Priori
prov. prov. Hispan. ord. regul. observ. (Convent in Aragon), August
12 ; n. 801 : ^Priori prov. fratr. ord. praed. prov. Tholos., September
28; n. 811 : *Archiep. Arelat. (Reform of the Poor Clares), October
20; n. 812 : *Episc. Magalon. (Reform of Benedictine nuns), October
20; n. 817: *Jacobo de Ancona ord. fratr. min. conv. vie. generali
(Reform of Poor Clares), November 14 ; n. 825 : *Didaco episc.
Ovetan. (Reform of fratr. min. conv.), November 24 ; n. 826 : *Abbati
monast. s. Georgii Venet. (Reform of Benedictine nuns), November 26.
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. also OLIVIERI, Carte p. 1. storia
Genovese, 224. For discussions on reform, in August, 1 530, see HEINE,
Briefe, 37 n. Here also belongs the Bull against the sons of priests,
June 3, 1530, in Bull., VI., 143 seg.
2 In this connection F. Peregrine remarks in a ^letter of October
26, 1531, in which he reports on the discussion held in Consistory on
the previous Friday concerning reform : " L' ordini sono belli, buonj
3^4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
open to the grave reproach of having receded from the
path opened by Adrian VI. ; he allowed things to drift
back into a contrary course.1 Outside Rome itself the
condition of things was no better.2 The evils had passed
beyond the reach of special regulations,3 and the cure lay
et laudevoli, se dureranno et non si facci all' usanza di Roma, dove un
ordine et un bando suole durare tre giorni et non piu" (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
1 For the harsh opposition to Adrian VI. see GOMEZ, Comment, in
reg. cane., Paris, 1547, 26.
2 Cf. opinions of Sadoleto and Caracciolo in DiTTRlCH, Kathol.
Ref., 390-
3 In the Secret Archives of the Vatican I noted for 1531, Arm., 39,
vol. 5 1, n. 1 1 8 : *Ferd. ep. Venusin. (Visitation and reform in Apulia and
the Basilicata), February 4 ; n. 190 : *Electo Fesalun. Nuncio (Reform
of convents in Piedmont and Savoy), February 27; n. 241 : *Franc.
Card. Pisano (Reform of nuns in Treviso), March 15 ; n. 249 : *Vicar.
gen. min. conv. facultas reformandi moniales s. Clarae in Italia et
extra, March 18 ; n. 702 : *Convent reform in Benevento, October 29 ;
n. 860 : *Visitatio et reformatio conv. ord. min. in Spain, France, and
Portugal, December 29. See also the Brief to the Bishop of Cracow
(convent reform) in THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 475 seg., and for the
Roman clergy, F. Peregrine's ^letter of September 2, 1531, in Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
1532. Arm., 39, vol. 52, he. cit.\ n. 112 : *Vincent. Card. Neapolit.
(Reform of convents of nuns), February 23 ; n. 142 : *Jacobus de
Ancona vie. gen. fratr. ord. min. conv. destinatur reformator fratr.
ejusd. ord. et monial. s. Clarae in regnis Hisp., Franc, et Portug. ac
civit. Aven. et comit. Venassin., March 10 ; n. 171 and 207 : *Thomae
Guerrierio (Reform in Reg. Sicil.), March 19 and April 5 ; n. 177 : ^Re
form of Dominican nuns in Parma, March 22 ; cf. n. 406 (June 3) ; n.
210 : *Nic. Audet gen. Carmelit. committitur reformatio ordinius totius,
April 5 ; cf. n. 222 (s.d.), n. 229 (April 9), n. 239 (April 12), n. 508
(July 10), n. 509 (July 14) ; n. 263 : *Episc. Camerin. (Reform of
clergy), April 16 (Fontana, Docum., 129) ; n. 438 : ^Reform of the fratr.
min. in Spain, June 1 1 ; n. 440 : ^Reform of Benedictine nuns in Bene
vento, June 74 ; n. 463 : ^General! fratr. praedic. ituro ad visit, et ref.
dom. int. et ext. Italiam, June 21 ; n. 476 : Vic. ep. Mantuan. com-
INDECISION OF CLEMENT. 385
beyond the scope of ordinary remedies. Far and wide the
demand for a Council was raised ; but this was an heroic
measure from which Clement shrank with the utmost
misgiving.
Clement dared not openly refuse a Council ; but with
the innate diplomacy of an Italian he tried by a policy of
delay to weaken the necessity of convoking one ; he was
afraid that more harm than good would result from such
an assembly. He weighed beforehand all the dangers
that a Council undoubtedly might involve, and in his
treatment of the whole matter showed such timidity and
indecision that, in the end, he forfeited the belief of all
mittitur reformatio monast. s. Benedicti de Palodirone, June 28 ; n. 484 :
*J. foggio fac. visitandi in regnis Hisp. et Nav. eccl. saec. et regul. et
exemptas, July 7 ; cf. n. 703 (Nov. 14) ; n. 617 : *Card. Cornelio (Reform
of loca exempta eccl. Brixien.), October 19; n. 706: *Card. Ispalen.
(Reform of nuns), November 15. See also Min. brev., 1532, vol. 41, n.
188 : *To Francis I. (Reform of the fratr. ord. min. conv.), April 27 ; n.
323 : *To the Doge A. Gritti (Reform of the Carmelite congreg. Mant.
by the General, Jac. de Ancona), October 4.
1533. Min. brev., vol. 46, n. 47 : *Card. Trident., March I ; n. 157 :
*Ministro gen. ord. min. de observ., April 27 ; n. 160 : *Vicario gen.
ord. min. convent, April 30; Arm., 39, vol. 53, n. 134: *Honorius
Chaianus de Florentia ord. fratr. min. de observ. deput. commiss. ad
visit, prov. Bonon. ejusd. ord., March 8 (cf. n. 170 : *Card. Cornelio,
April 8) ; n. 296 : *Card. Pisano (Reform of convents in the dioceses
of Padua and Treviso), June 30 ; n. 297 : *Archiep. Bremen, committ.
ref. monast. Verden. et Bremen, dioc., July i ; cf. n. 298 : *Joachimo,
march. Brandenburg., July i.
1534. Arm., 39, vol. 54; n. 126: *Joh. archiep. Paris, fac. visit, et
corrigendi monachos monast. s. Honorati insulae Lirinen. ord. s.
Benedicti, April 22 ; n. 262 : *Vicario gen. Carmelit. de observ., April
13 ; n. 268 : To Aleander, February 9 (in Fontana, Docum., 139 j^.).
In addition there are the Briefs to Giberti to be mentioned later on,
to E. Gonzaga, and so forth, and the Curial **Reformatio vestimen-
torum praelat. et clericor. of January 11, 1534, in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
VOL. X. 25
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
men in his sincerity.1 The Pope's objections to the
Council were, in the main, half religious and half political.
Nor was he unaffected by personal considerations; his
illegitimate birth and certain defects of character counted
for something, but this could not, as Charles V. and his
party believed, have formed the decisive motive for the
Pope's behaviour;2 that was partly grounded on politics
and partly on religion.
The synods of Constance and Basle, with their aggressive
attempts to weaken Papal authority, were still fresh, with
their ominous import, in the memory of the Roman See.
What security was there that the controversy over
conciliar authority might not revive again ? Should this
happen, developments beyond the ken of man were to be
feared.3 To the Pope, always a prey to anxiety, a not less
serious consideration was the reaction which a thorough
going system of reform would effect in the conditions of
life in Rome. If we grasp that the mere rumour of the
summons of a Council caused a sudden fall in the price
of all saleable offices,4 we can estimate the amount of
pressure brought to bear on the Pope in his financial
necessity by the officials of the Curia. Further, there was
the serious apprehension that the all-powerful Emperor
would exercise a preponderant influence in the Council
and practically annul the independence of the Holy See.5
Again, how often during the previous century had the
1 See EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., cix.
2 Cf. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 584.
3 Cf. REUMONT (V. Colonna, 125), who shows forcibly how compli
cated the conciliar question was. See also DlTTRiCH'S (Histor.
Jahrb., II., 616) arguments against Maurenbrecher.
4 Lett. d. princ., III., 121.
5 See RANKE'S (Papste, L, 6th ed., 76) defence of Clemente VII.;
VOIGT-HAUCK go further, perhaps too far, in their vindication of the
Pope in Herzog's Realencyklopadie, IV, 3rd ed., 149.
NEED FOR CAUTION. 387
demand for a Council been basely misused by the Pope's
enemies to subserve the worst purposes.1 Already in 1526
Charles V. had not disdained, in his political contest with
Clement, to employ the Council as a weapon against
him. How easily might such proceedings be repeated !
And a factor of great influence was the policy of the
King of France, who laboured assiduously to prevent a
general assembly of the Church, and in pursuit of this
object did not seem to shrink even from schism.
Finally, the conditions tendered by the Protestants with
regard to the participation in "a free Christian Council"
not merely of the temporal princes but even of heretical
preachers, were such that no Pope could entertain them.2
Thus there was urgent need for the greatest caution.
Nevertheless, the most painful feelings were aroused 3 by
the Pope's opposition to a general Council, and especially
by his unnatural subordination of the religious and
ecclesiastical tasks of his office to those which were
political. This unfavourable impression was only
partially mitigated by the encouragement given by
Clement, in a measure, to the efforts at reform which
took practical shape in the hands of men such as Gaetano
di Tiene, Giberti, Carafa, Miani, Zaccaria, and others.4
1 Cf. our remarks, Vol. III. of this work, 129 seq. ; IV., 359 seq. ; VI.,
35 seq., 201 seq., 428 seq.t and SCHLECHT, Zamometic, 75 seq.
2 Cf. PALLAVICINI, II., 8 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 584.
3 See REUMONT, III., 2, 257.
4 TUCKER (Engl. Hist. Rev., XVIII., 275) has raised a protest, with
reference to the encouragement given to Giberti, against MAUREN-
BRECHER'S (Kathol. Reformation, 231) view that Clement took up a
position of complete indifference towards reform. Our statement of
the case has adduced much fresh evidence to the contrary.
CHAPTER XII.
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CATHOLIC REFORMATION, — THE
ORATORY OF THE DIVINE LOVE. — GAETANO DI TIENE AND
CARAFA.
EVEN in times of deepest depression true reformers have
arisen within the Church. In spite of abuses and secularity
in high places they have never sought occasion to renounce
their loyalty to the divinely appointed authority, but have
striven to bring about the necessary ameliorations in
lawful ways and in closest adhesion to Catholic dogma
and the Holy See. Working in this direction, they have
rejected every change incompatible with the permanent
and divine institutions of the Church, and with her authority
and doctrine.
During the fifteenth century, in every country in Europe,
men of high character were pursuing reforms in this spirit
on the firm foundations of the Catholic faith. But nowhere
were these efforts to secure a completely satisfactory
renewal crowned with success. In Spain itself, where
Cardinal Ximenes, that powerful and far-seeing Franciscan,
was achieving, comparatively speaking, the most remark
able results in Catholic reform, his work was lamentably
injured in its permanent effect by the absolutism of the
Royal power.1
1 Cf. DITTRICH in Histor. Jahrb., II., 608, who refers expressly to
the inadequate representations of MAURENBRECHER in his Kathol.
Reformation, 41 seq. It is difficult to understand how Maurenbrecher
388
NEED OF REFORM. 389
In Italy Egidio Canisio of Viterbo had laid down the
programme of the Catholic reformation at the opening of
the Lateran Council in words of weighty meaning : " Men
must be transformed by religion, not religion by men."
Even if the Council drew up its decrees of reform in agree
ment with this principle, yet the most important thing of
all was wanting: the practical execution of the same.1
Even the outbreak of the religious severance did not draw
Leo X. into a different course; consequently the state of
the Church became so menacing that many despaired of
a remedy. When all seemed lost a change for the
better was coming to pass in perfect quietness, and this
proceeded from the inner circles of the Church. It was
essentially a new expression of the indwelling element of
the divine life and an evident witness to the protection
promised by Christ to the Church for all time.
While almost the whole official world of the Curia was
given up to politics, and the Italian clergy, conspicuous
among whom were the Roman prelates, to corruption and
frivolity to an alarming degree,2 while Leo X. himself,
heedless of the threatening signs of the times, was sunk
in aesthetic enjoyment amid the whirl of a gorgeous secular
life, a certain number of men, clerics and laymen, noted
for virtue and knowledge, had united themselves, under
the guidance of the spirit of God, in a confraternity under
could have ignored HOFLER'S important work "Die romanische
Welt und ihr Verhaltniss zu den Reformideen des Mittelalters," which
was published as early as 1878. For criticism of Maurenbrecher, who
greatly overestimates Spanish reform (cf. 153), see also BELLESHEIM
in the Hist.-polit. Bl., LXXXVIII., 608 seq., and GOTHEIN, Ignatius,
781. For Ximenes cf. HEFELE, Der Kardinal Ximenes, Tiibingen,
1853; ULRICH, Ximenes, Langensalza, 1883, and NAVARRO Y
RODRIGO, El Card. Cisneros, Madrid, 1869.
1 See Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 410 seq.
2 Cf. CARACCIOLO, Vita di Paolo IV., in JENSEN, Caraffa, 191-192.
390 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the protection of St. Jerome bearing the significant name
of the Society or Oratory of the Divine Love.1 Deeply
penetrated by the extent of the corruption around them,
they started as true reformers with the view that they
ought not to indulge in useless lamentations, but begin the
much-needed reformation of the whole body with a reform
of themselves and their immediate surroundings. From
1 The accounts hitherto known of the " Compagnia ovvero Oratorio
del Divino Amore " are contained in the description by A. Caracciolo in
his Vita di Paolo IV. (one passage in RANKE, Papste, I., 6th ed., 89,
the rest in JENSEN, Caraffa, 190 seg.} and in Collect, de Paulo IV.,
181 seg. These are the sources for the Vita Cajetani by J. B. CARAC
CIOLO in the Acta Sanctorum, Aug., II., 283 ; Bzovius, Annal. ; SlLOS,
Hist. cler. regul., I.; BROMATO, I., 83 ; RANKE, I., 6th ed., 89 seg.;
KERKER, Kirchl. Reform., 8 seg.; DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., 345 seg., and
BENRATH in Herzog's Realencyklopadie, XIV., 2nd ed. 424. In the
Secret Archives of the Vatican is to be found in the compilation of J. A.
Brutius (Arm., 6, vol. 27, f. 64-65), otherwise so full of valuable
material, only a fragment of a report on the " Stato della chiesa parro-
chiale di S. Dorotea" not bearing on our subject. On the other hand,
in the Secret Archives of the Vatican I succeeded in discovering im
portant information in Garampi's files and in a memorandum (see
Vol. VIII. of this work, Appendix No 5) of the time of Morone which
form an important addition to the meagre statements of A. Caracciolo.
To these sources can be added a hitherto unnoticed and very character
istic letter of one " Hieronimus de la Lama, presbyter indignus Ispanus,"
dated Rome, 1524, October i, describing his reception into the "Societa
divini amoris" (SANUTO, XXXVII., 35 seg.). The earliest testimony,
the important Bull of Leo X., is unfortunately only preserved in the
following ^register of Garampi's : " Pro confraternitate presbyterorum
et clericorum ac laicorum sub invocatione divini amoris nuper in urbe
instituta unio parochialis SS. Silvestri et Dorotheae regionis Transtib."
Arch. bull. Leonis X. [A] 4 [= March 11, 1516, to March 10, 1517] T.
24, p. 177. The subsequent dissolution of this parochial union by
Clement VII., with the consent of the members of the confraternity, is,
on the other hand, twice preserved (see Appendix, No. i). The archives
of the confraternity apparently disappeared during the first French
occupation. In the Roman State Archives, into which much matter of
ORATORY OF THE DIVINE LOVE. 391
these small and unpretentious beginnings they, in the
fulness of their holy enthusiasm, laid the foundations of
a citadel for the observance of the means of grace, for
the contest against vice and abuses, and for the exercise
of works of charity.1
— — -I
The main principle of the members of the Oratory of
the Divine Love, to begin with the inward renewal of
their own lives through religious exercises, common prayer,
and preaching, frequentation of the sacraments and works
of neighbourly love, and to point the right way to reform
by means of example, was a thoroughly Catholic one ; for
the Church, in accordance with the will of her Founder, has
always considered and set forth inward sanctification as
the essential thing. All the members of the Oratory were
also united by a strong Catholic feeling. Not one of these
men thought even remotely of abandoning the foundations
of Church doctrine on account of defects in the clergy, high
and low, or of seeking reforms in unlawful ways.2 Their
this kind has found its way, I came across, in the series " Chiese," only
the "^following: "SS. Silvestro e Dorotea. Busta IV. L' archicon-
fraternita del Divino Amore di S. Gaetano fu istituita dal medesimo
Santo P anno 1517 nella Chiesa di S. Dorotea in Trastevere e sus-
sequentemente 1' anno 1750 ai 13 Settembre fa trasferita nella Chiesa
di S. Andrea della Valle gia de' Padri Teatini, dove -fa le sue funzioni,
specialmente quelle che riguarclano la devozione di S. Andrea Avellino
nella sua capella ivi esistente."
1 See A. CARACCIOLO, Vita di Paolo IV. (Casanatense Library,
Rome).
2 With the doubts, now generally abandoned, of Contarini's ortho
doxy (who besides, as KERKER had already pointed out in the Tub.
Theol. Quartalschr., 1859, 8 seg., was not one of the founders of the
Oratory) was connected RANKE'S (Papste, I., 6th ed., 88 seq.} inclusion
of the Oratory among the "analogies of Protestantism in Italy." This
fundamental error of the great historian (cf. besides KERKER, loc. cit.,
also Buss, Die Gesellschaft Jesu, 601 seq., and LAEMMER, Miseri-
cordias Domini, Freiburg, 1861, 98) is now rejected on the Protestant
392 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
place of meeting was the little church of SS. Silvestro
and Dorothea, which, near to S. Maria in Trastevere, lay
in a quarter of the city to which the then existing tradition
assigned the dwelling-place of St. Peter ; on the adjoining
slope of the Janiculum the Prince of the Apostles had, as
was then believed, suffered martyrdom. Thus when the
members of the confraternity betook themselves to their
meetings the loftiest associations of Christian Rome were
called up before their eyes.
As the Oratory was founded in 1517 at the latest,1 it is
probable that its institution was an echo of the intensified
religious feeling connected with the Lateran Council closed
on the 1 6th of March of that year. This religious feeling had
found incomparable expression in the visions of Christian
art displayed in the masterpieces of Raphael. What
devotion radiates from the forms of the Sixtine Madonna
and the Divine Child whom she shows to mankind from
her height of glory! It has been said with justice that the
great lustrous eyes with which the infant Christ meets
the gaze of the beholder might well urge an unbeliever to
confess the faith.2 The same deep life of faith and grace
side (see MAURENBRECHER, Kath. Ref., 208 and 399 seq. \ cf.
BENRATH in Herzog's Realencyklopadie, XIV., 3rd ed., 424, and
HARNACK in Schiirer's Theol. Literatur-Zeitung, 1882, 254). Doctrines
alien to Catholic dogma cannot be attributed to any member of the
Oratory. It is quite as erroneous when Ranke represents the Oratory
as "a literary reunion tinged with religion." There is no evidence
in support of this view. It was a confraternity, and as such subsists
to this day.
1 This follows from the Bull of Leo the Tenth quoted supra, p. 390, n.
i, and is in agreement with the fact that Gaetano di Tiene left Rome
as early as 1518 (Acta Sanctor., Aug., II., 244). The early date of the
foundation shows clearly that this was not connected, as GOTHEIN
thinks (Ignatius, 99), with the dangers of the Lutheran movement.
2 WOLTMANN, II., 670. Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 333 seq.
CONFRATERNITY " DELLA CARITA." 393
is mirrored in the Transfiguration. The ancient Umbrian
piety speaks here in the more powerful accents of the art
of a new age.1 There is certainly no evidence that Raphael
was a member of the Oratory of the Divine Love; but
with two of its most distinguished members, Sadoleto and
Giberti, he was on terms of friendship and spiritual
sympathy. It may be said at least that these, his greatest
masterpieces, were executed in the spirit of the Oratory.2
The greater elevation of religious feeling in those days
found expression also in the foundation of yet other con
fraternities which, together with the encouragement of a
Christian tone of life, especially devoted themselves to works
of practical charity. In the first rank mention must here be
made of the " Confraternita della Carita." It had been
founded in 1519 by no less a man than Cardinal Giulio de'
Medici, afterwards Clement VII., for the support of poor
persons above the mendicant class, for the visiting of
prisoners, and the burial of the destitute. As early as
1520 this association numbered more than eighty members,
including bishops, prelates, and officials of the Curia.
Leo X., on the 28th of January 1520, raised it to the status
of an archconfraternity and bestowed upon it indulgences
and spiritual graces.3 In the first year of his pontificate
Clement provided for this, his own institution, by endow-
1 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 336 seq.
2 This connection was first pointed out by BURCKHARDT (Cicerone,
659), later by HETTNER (Studien, 236 seq.\ SELL (Raffael und
Diirer, Darmstadt, 1881, 15), SCHNEIDER (Theologisches zu Raffael,
Mainz, 1896), and SPAHN (Cochlaus, 35). The last-named goes some
what too far (cf. KALKOFF, Capito, 46). It is certain that Raphael
enrolled himself in a confraternity in Urbino ; see PUNGILEONI, 147.
3 See the Bull of January 28, 1520, in Bull. ed. Cocquelines, III.,
473. Cf. also BERTOLOTTI, Le prigioni di Roma, Roma, 1890, 5, and
the *Cenni sulle Confraternita di Carita in Cod. Vat., 5796, f. i seq.
(Vatican Library).
394 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ing it with the Church of S. Girolamo,1 in the neighbour
hood of the Farnese palace, and ever since known as
''della Carita," together with the buildings belonging to it.
The protectorate, which Clement as Pope had to resign,
was held by Cardinal Antonio Ciocchi del Monte ; he
was followed by Enkevoirt (1529), Cupis (1533), Carafa
0 537)9 and Morone (i553).2 During Clement's lifetime
we find among the deputies of this confraternity, together
with lesser officials, the Pope's Master of the Household,
Girolamo da Schio, and the Cardinals Enkevoirt, Quinones,
and Ercole Gonzaga.3
The Confraternity of S. Girolamo della Carita was, by
the autumn of 1524, in such prosperity that Valerio Lugio
saw therein the hand of God. " Twelve chaplains," he
reported to Venice, " attend to divine worship in the
church ; the members are unwearied in visiting the
hospital, the poor, the wounded, the sick, the imprisoned ;
they bestow burial on the dead and perform every imagin
able work of charity."4
The members also of the Oratory of Divine Love did not
restrict themselves to purely religious exercises. They
were not less diligent in offices of neighbourly charity, and
there is an express tradition that in the days of Leo X.
1 Bull of September 24, 1524, in Archives of the Compagnia di S.
Girolamo della Carita, Rome. Cf. WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 574 seq.
Previously the meetings had been held in S. Andrea in Arenula.
2 List of Protectors in Archives of S. Girolamo della Carita.
3 In the*listof the "deputati charitatis" I noted: — 1524: Giov. Pietro
Crivelli, Milanese. 1525 : Fr. Pallavicino, episc. Alerien. ; Evangelista
Tarasconi, segret. del papa ; G. B. Gibraleon, scritt. apost. ; Eduardo
Cicala, abbrev. ; Aless. de Cesena, doctor. 1526: Card. Enkevoirt;
Biagio di Cesena. 1530: Bald, de Pescia. 1532: Card. s. Crucis
and Card. E. Gonzaga. 1536: Giberti, vesc. di Verona (Archives of
the Compagnia di S. Girolamo della Carita).
4 SANUTO, XXXVII., 88.
FIRST MEMBERS OF THE ORATORY. 395
they devoted themselves to the maintenance of the ancient
Hospital of S. Giacomo degli Incurabili. Here arose
another confraternity in which Leo X., all the Cardinals,
and many prelates and courtiers were enrolled.1 The
convent for female penitents on the Corso owed its origin
to the Oratory of the Divine Love.2 Cardinal Medici
obtained the sanction of Leo X. for this institution, and
when Pope continued his support3
The members of the Oratory of the Divine Love, whose
numbers rose in course of time to between fifty and sixty,
were men differing from one another considerably in
culture and social position. Together with those whose
interests lay exclusively in ecclesiastical life, such as
Giuliano Dati, parish priest of SS. Silvestro and Dorotea,4
Gaetano di Tiene, Gian Pietro Carafa, Luigi Lippomano,
with whom, later on, in the person of Giberti, a politician
and diplomatist also became associated, we find several
humanists like Sadoleto, Latino Giovenale Manetti, and
Tullio Crispoldi.5 The influence of these latter explains
1 This hitherto unknown fact rests on the memorandum of 1553 in
Vol. VIII. of this work, Appendix, No. 5.
2 See Vol. VIII. of this work, Appendix, No. 5.
3 See Bull., V., 742 seq. ; VI., 92 seq. Clement VII. conferred on
the ancient Confraternity of the Gonfalone the distinction of the gift
of the golden rose , see RUGGERI, L' Archiconfraternita del Gonfalone,
Roma, 1866, 209 seq.
4 Cf. UGHELLI, IX., 514; the inscriptions in FORCELLA, II., 344,
VII., 429, IX., 359, 362, and Caracciolo in JENSEN, Caraffa, 191.
G. Dati and the Romans Bernardo di Mastro Antonio and Mariano
Particappa composed for the Brotherhood of the Gonfalone the
oldest Passion play. First printed at Rome, 1515; last edition,
Amati, Roma, 1866.
6 It is uncertain when the individual admissions took place. Gaetano
certainly was one of the first members, but he was no longer living in
Rome in 1518, and Sadoleto left the city in 1523. The letter of
396 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to some extent the curious form of the single contemporary
memorial that brings back to day in Rome the memory of
the Oratory at S. Dorotea. This is a holy water vessel
in stone in the shape of an ancient heathen altar, bearing
on the front side the name, title, and arms of Giuliano Dati,
who died previous to 1524. The inscription on the right
side shows that it was composed by persons who delighted
in expressing their thoughts in the language of classical
antiquity.1 Here, if anywhere, is evidence that the em
ployment of phraseology not only classical but even pagan
in tone, does not warrant the conclusion that this was the
outcome of unchristian sentiment.
It was of great importance that the quiet activity of the
Oratory of the Divine Love, the members of which,
under Clement VII., also showed care for the poor class of
pilgrims to Rome,2 should have set an example to different
cities of Italy, Verona, Vicenza, Brescia, and Venice being
among the earliest to imitate the Roman model.3 These
Hieronymus de la Lama, in SANUTO, XXXVII., 36, shows that
Giberti was not a founder, as GOTHEIN (Ignatius, 180) thinks, but
joined the society subsequent to October 1524.
1 The inscription on the front of this stone, now standing on the
right side of the lower floor of the Presbytery adjoining the church,
runs thus : Julianus || de Dathis || penitentiarius || et rector ; on the right :
D. O. M.||Divo Silve||stro ac dive||Dorothee v.||manibus la||ribusq. avi
||tis sacrum || an. jubilei. Not given correctly in FORCELLA, IX., 361.
2 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, Appendix, No. 5.
3 Gaetano di Tiene at once procured a Brief from Leo X. for the
Confraternita segreta del SS. Corpo di Cristo, founded about 1517 in
Verona; see BARZIZA, S. Gaetano in Verona, Mantova, 1719, 24 set?
At the end of 1518 the Olive tans handed over to this confraternity,
which still exists to this day and has comprised many artists among
its members (see Jahrb. der preuss. Kunstsamml., 1903, 63), the church
of SS. Siro and Libera, standing on the upper half of the Roman theatre.
Cf. V. SALVARO, La Chiesa dei SS. Siro e Libera e la ven. compagnia
in essa eretta, Verona, 1882, 16 seg., 40 seg., 43 (Ratification of the
WORK OF THE ORATORY. 397
communities were connected with their brethren in Rome.
They held to the same genuine Catholic principle that the
sanctification of the individual must necessarily precede
any attempt to bring a reforming influence to bear on
others. How important for the revival of the inner life of
the Church was the Oratorian practice of the frequent use
of the sacraments of penance and of the altar, long before
the days of Jesuit activity had come, is evident from the
well-authenticated fact that, prior to this, the number of
those who approached the altar more than once a year,
namely, at Easter, was very small.1
Important and full of blessing as the work of the Oratory
and its offshoots proved to be, yet, from their very nature,
associations of this kind were debarred from exercising a
wider and more penetrating influence. As confraternities
they lacked a strict organization. In addition to the
constant fluctuation in the number of members, there were
the repeated claims of duties and business of other sorts
calling them away from the good work for the sake of
which they had united together.2
The recognition of these drawbacks led to a plan for
the formation of a special order of regular clergy, the
so-called Theatines. This Order, which was essentially a
product of the Oratory of the Divine Love, soon won a
position of exceptional importance in the progress of
Catholic reform and restoration. We can thus understand
the enthusiastic praise lavished by the historian of the
conveyance by Leo X., 1521, July 29). Here also for the Brotherhood
of S. Girolamo in Vicenza (cf. infra, p. 398 seq.). The existence of
confraternities in Brescia and Venice is shown from the letters of
Hieronymus de la Lama in SANUTO, XXXVI I., 35 seq.
1 See CARACCIOLO, *Vita di Paolo IV. (Casanatense Library) ;
BROMATO, I., 5.
2 See CARACCIOLO, loc. cit.
398 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Theatines on the Oratory of the Divine Love as the cradle
of their society.1 If at first the Oratory was only a hopeful
omen of the quiet reaction towards reform 2 working within
the Church, its full significance became known at last
through the new and powerful organization which owed to
it its birth.
To two men of very different character the foundation
of the new Order was due ; they were Gaetano di Tiene and
Gian Pietro Carafa.
The ancestors of Gaetano di Tiene were nobles of
Vicenza who bore the title of Count.3 Born about 1480,
he studied jurisprudence at Padua and came to Rome in
1505, where he was appointed Protonotary- Apostolic by
Julius II. Not until he had reached his thirty-sixth year,
in the autumn of 1516, did he receive minor and sacred
orders. It is evident from the letters of this devout priest
to the Augustinian nun Laura Mignani of Brescia that he
had hitherto held back from entering the service of the
sanctuary from humility and a holy fear of that high voca
tion. Gaetano, who devoted eight hours a day to prayer,
dwells in these letters in touching language on his un-
worthiness to offer up the sacrifice of the Mass wherein he,
" a poor worm of earth, mere dust and ashes, passes, as it
1 SILOS, Hist. Cler. Regul., I., 6.
2 Cf. KERKER, Kirchliche Reform., 9.
3 See Acta Sanctor., Aug., II., 240 seq., also 280 seq., for the older
biographies, of which the most important, that of A. Caracciolo,
published 1612, is reproduced. Cf. also J. B. CARACCIOLUS, Vita,
Pisis, 1738; MAGENIS, Vita, Napoli, 1749 (reprint, ibid., 1845);
ZINELLI, Mem. Stor., Venezia, 1753; BARRAL (Paris, 1789);
DUMORTIER (Paris, 1882); LUBEN (Regensburg, 1883); DE MAULDE
LA CLAVIKRE (Paris, 1902; cf., for this unsuccessful work, SCHRORS
in the Lit. Rundschau, 1904, 4 seq.}. Documents concerning the
Tiene family in Cod. 152 of the Library of Ferrara. Cf. also
BORTOLAN, S. Corona, Vicenza, 1889, 360 seq.
GAETANO AT VICENZA. 399
were, into heaven and the presence of the Blessed Trinity,
and dares to touch with his hands the Light of the sun and
the Maker of the universe." Such a priest must have
found in the Oratory of the Divine Love the expression of
his innermost soul. If Gaetano nevertheless left Rome as
early as 1518, it was in obedience to a call of filial duty
bidding him return to Vicenza, where his mother had just
undergone a heavy loss in the death of a second son.
There he worked in the spirit of the Oratory in Rome and
urged worthy and repeated reception of the sacraments.
In this direction Gaetano's efforts were specially effective,
for he infused fresh life into the Confraternity of S.
Girolamo.1 It was he also who induced this society to
take over the administration of a decayed hospital for
incurables. On this work of compassion he spent large
sums of money, and also obtained for it from Leo X. all
the privileges and indulgences belonging to the great
Hospital of S. Giacomo in Rome.2
In the summer of 1519 a brotherhood at Verona, the
Secret Confraternity of the Most Holy Body of Christ,
which had also been one of Gaetano's revivals,3 addressed
a petition to the confraternity at Vicenza to be admitted
into fellowship with them in spiritual possessions, prayers,
and good works. In his great humility Gaetano inverted
the petition and requested admission to the brotherhood
in Verona, whither he went, accompanied by the leading
members of the community of Vicenza. When it came to
the signing of the form of aggregation he made his
1 Diarium Vicent. Sodalit. from Caracciolo in Acta Sanctor., Aug.,
II., 283. BARZIZA, loc, cit., 22. The confraternity founded 1494 was
originally called the Compagnia segreta della Misericordia ; see
BORTOLAN, Nozze Bottazzi-Bertolini, Vicenza, 1887, 1888.
2 Cf. the documents in BORTOLAN, loc. cit., 11-12.
3 Cf. the work of Salvaro, cited supra, p. 396, n. 3.
400 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
companions take precedence. His own subscription was as
follows : " I, Gaetano di Tiene, wholly unworthy to be a
priest of God, have been received as the last among the
members of this holy community in July I5I9/'1
From 1521 to 1523 Gaetano, with the exception of a
short visit to Brescia where he saw Laura Mignani, devoted
himself to works of spiritual and temporal compassion in
the city of Venice. There also he bestowed much atten
tion on the hospital for incurables, and in an astonishingly
short time brought it into a better condition.2 In spite
of this success he was not satisfied ; the worldliness
of life in the city of the lagoons grieved him deeply.
From thence on the 1st of January 1523 he wrote to
his friend Paolo Giustiniani : " How pitiful is the state
of this noble city ! One could weep over it. There
is indeed not one who seeks Christ crucified. Jesus waits
and no one comes. That there are men of good will among
this fine people I do not deny. But they will not stand
forth ' for fear of the Jews.' They are ashamed to be seen
at confession or Holy Communion."3
These discouraging conditions probably led to Gaetano's
return to Rome at the end of 1523. There, in the Oratory
of the Divine Love, he found Bonifazio da Colle, Paolo
Consiglieri, and Gian Pietro Carafa all full of reverence for
his own ideals. His intercourse with Carafa especially was
to be followed by most important results.
Seldom have two such different characters combined in
the pursuit of the same aim as these two men whose
1 See SALVARO, loc. cit. In Cod. DCCLXXXIIL, f. 252, Chapter
Library, Verona, there is a copy of the registration with the date July
10, 1519.
2 Cf. the quite unbiassed testimony of SANUTO, a thorough man of
the world, XXXI 1 1., 299 ; XXXIV., 38 ; XXXVI., 103.
3 LUBEN, 6 1 ; DE MAULDE LA CLAVIERE, 59 seq.
GAETANO AND CARAFA. 4OI
activity in the beginning of the great movement of the
Catholic reformation was fertile in influence. A waft of
sacred poetry breathed through the life of Gaetano, who,
like the saint of his deep veneration, Francis, glowed with
a mystic love for the poor Child in the manger. Amid all
the fire of his religious emotion he was yet a personality
of exceeding gentleness and tenderness. Yielding, given
to self-communing, silence, and reserve, it was only with
great reluctance that he took a public place. He thus
gave rise to the remark that he wished to reform the world,
but without letting the world know that he was in it.1 A
beautiful saying, and the best description of the peculiar
character of a man who was filled with a boundless trust
in the providence of God. In long hours of meditation
Gaetano prepared for the sacrifice of the Mass. He was
often seen to burst into tears at the moment of consecra
tion. Daily, in the sacrament of penance, he clad his
soul in the purest wedding garment, and was himself
unwearied in the duties of the confessional and in the
visitation of the sick and poor.
Carafa also was full of love towards God and his
neighbour. His sense of religion was not less deep than
that of Gaetano ; but in him, the typical southern Italian,
it found a very different expression. Brimming over
with eloquence, impetuous, glowing with a zeal not always
tempered with wisdom, capable of inconsiderate obstinacy
and hardness, he flung his whole being into the work that
seemed to him to be necessary. The embodiment of
strength of will, and driven by an irresistible urgency to
work and originate, he formed a striking supplement to
Gaetano, the tranquil servant of prayer and meditation.
Carafa's career was also much more troubled and full of
1 See RANKE, Papste, L, 6th ed., 114.
VOL. X. 26
402 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
vicissitude than that of his friend.1 Born on the vigil of
the Feast of SS. Peter and Paul (June 28) 1476, this scion
of one of the oldest, noblest, and most influential families
in the kingdom of Naples wished, while yet in his twelfth
year, to enter the Dominican Order, but was prevented by
his father, Gian Antonio, Baron of S. Angelo della Scala
and, in right of his wife, Vittoria Camponesca, also Count
of Montorio.2 Gian Pietro's sister Maria, eight years his
senior, felt the same vocation for the cloister. On Christ
mas night 1490 they both escaped from their parents' house.
The brother sought out the Dominicans, the sister the nuns
of the same Order. Once more the father snatched his son
from the cloister ; but, on the other hand, he gave him
permission to study theology for, as the nephew of an
Archbishop and Cardinal, brilliant advancement seemed
certain. On completing his studies in 1494 Gian Pietro
received the tonsure, and in accordance with his father's
wishes he went to Rome to his uncle, Cardinal Oliviero
1 For the early lives of Carafa see C. BROMATO (Bartol. Carrara),
Storia di Paolo IV., I., I segq. The most valuable materials on
which Bromato relied for the greatest part of this work are in Ant.
Caracciolo's (d. 1642) industrious compilation of sources: (i) Collect.
Hist, de Vita Pauli IV., Coloniae, 1612 ; (2) *Vita di Papa Paolo IV.
(2 vols., frequently in manuscript, as in Cod. 993 of the Casanatense
Library ; Cod. Barb., lat. 4953, 4961, 5370 ; Secret Archives of the
Vatican, XL, 101 ; British Museum, 20011-20012). Three MSS. of
the Vita, one of which is apparently from the hand of Caracciolo, are
in the Library of the National Museum in the Certosa di S. Martino,
Naples. This exceedingly important life is based partly on original
papers of Carafa. I was successful in finding two volumes of such
original papers which often give additions to Caracciolo ; in the first
place, one ought to mention here the "^Collection of letters in Cod.
Barb., lat. 5697, Vatican Library, and in the second that in Cod. XIII.,
AA 74, of the National Library, Naples.
2 Cf. PANSA in the Rassegna abruzz., IV. (1900).
GIAN PIETRO CARAFA. 403
Carafa. The latter wished at once to procure a bishopric
for the lad of eighteen, who conscientiously refused to
entertain the notion. Even later (about 1500), when a
Papal chamberlain, he only accepted benefices to which the
duty of residence was not attached. Entirely given up to
study, prayer, and works of charity, he passed through the
corrupt court of Alexander VI. pure and unspotted. The
keen insight of Julius II. soon recognized his worth;
by 1503 he had appointed him a Protonotary and in 1504
Bishop of Chieti in the Abruzzi. Carafa accepted this
honour unwillingly. From this and from the opposition of
the Spanish government to the appointment of an offshoot
of a family always inimical to their interests, we can explain
why Carafa's consecration did not take place until 1506.
Immediately afterwards he was sent by Julius II. as
Nuncio to Naples to welcome Ferdinand the Catholic on
his arrival from Barcelona. On this occasion also Carafa
had to experience the hardness of the Spanish character.
Ferdinand flatly refused to pay the annual tribute on in
vestiture with the kingdom demanded by the Nuncio in the
Pope's name. He rejoiced when, in 1507, his mission
came to an end, and at once returned to Chieti to find his
diocese in an evil plight.
Carafa as a genuine reformer began to introduce an
improvement by his own example and the change of
behaviour in his household, in accordance with the motto
adopted by him at this time : " For the time is, that judg
ment should begin at the house of God."1 In his new
position Carafa had often to resist the encroachments of
the Spanish officials on his own jurisdiction. But no
obstacle turned back this man of iron purpose. In
every way, especially by his visitations, he laboured for
1 Cf. i Petr. iv. 17.
404 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
five toilsome years to raise the standard of the diocese ;
so intent was he on this work that he did not attend the'
irst four sittings of the Lateran Council. As soon as
his diocese was to some extent set in order he went to
Rome in the beginning of 1513 where, as a member
of the commission for the restoration of peace and the
removal of the schism, he soon attracted the attention
of Leo X., who in 1513 appointed him Legate to
Henry VIII. During his stay in England he came
to know Erasmus, on whom he urged the duty of pre
paring an edition of the works of St. Jerome. Erasmus
praised Carafa in a letter, speaking with admiration of
his dignity, his eloquence, and his knowledge of Latin,
Greek, Hebrew, and theology.* Leo X. in 1515 sent him
as Nuncio to Spain. On his journey thither he formed a
friendship in Flanders at the court of Margaret of Austria
with the Dominican, Juan Alvarez de Toledo, an earnest
supporter of reform. At first his reception at the court of
Ferdinand the Catholic was of the best ; the King gave him
a place on his Council and made him Vice Grand Chaplain.
Carafa tried to make his influence felt in Aragonese affairs,
on behalf of the independence of Naples. But all his
attempts to move Ferdinand to a renunciation of that
kingdom were unsuccessful. He appealed in vain to the
conscience of the dying King, reminding him of his broken
pledges to Frederick of Naples and his sons. This attitude
also reacted on his relations with the new King, Charles.
Although Carafa was on the King's side during the revolt
of the Comuneros, he was viewed with dislike at court.
He was suspected of disclosing State secrets to the Pope,
1 BROMATO, I, 63 seg. Since Erasmus could not at that time
expect much from Carafa, his praises were sincere ; see GOTHEIN,
Ignatius, 171. The Episcopal Archives at Chieti, so far as they have
been arranged, unfortunately contain nothing relating to Carafa.
CARAFA IN SPAIN. 405
and one of his colleagues on the Council even taunted
him with the words: " If the Neapolitans had their deserts,
they would get dry bread and a stout stick." l When, on
the appointment of a new Grand Chaplain, Carafa was
passed over, he requested leave to retire. Charles V.
tried to reconcile him by appointing him Archbishop of
Brindisi, but Carafa withdrew from the court in bitter
displeasure. Henceforth a deep-rooted distrust and dis
like of the Hapsburg King of Spain took possession
of him.
But in other respects his long residence in Spain had
been of great importance to Carafa. While it lasted he
had formed friendly relations with the men who were
anxious to carry out a scheme of reform on sound Catholic
principles and without making a breach in the established
order of things. He was in near touch not merely with
Cardinal Ximenes but with Adrian of Utrecht and the
Neapolitan, Tommaso Gazella di Gaeta. Powerful as
the Spanish influences were in this connection, yet they
must not be overrated. Like Adrian, Carafa had been
a friend of reform long before he had come to know
in Spain the fruits of the activity of a Ximenes.2 In
one important point his plan of reform differed from
the Spanish programme. He abominated any intru
sion of the secular power into the ecclesiastical sphere,
and had, especially, a higher sense of his position
as a churchman than the Spanish prelates. What was
the amazement of the latter when Carafa once in the
Chapel Royal replied to a court official who had asked
him to delay beginning Mass until the King arrived :
" Within these sacred walls I represent the person of
Christ, and therefore, vested with such an office, would
1 Cf. BROMATO, I., 74.
2 Cf. DITTRICH in Histor. Jahrbuch, II., 610 seq.
406 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
deem it an indignity to await the coming of an earthly
king."1
Carafa returned to Rome from Spain by Naples, where
he restored the Confraternity of the Bianchi, who ministered
to persons lying under sentence of death.2 When in 1520
he reached Rome, the affair of Luther was being discussed.
Leo X. made use of him during the deliberations; he also
may have had a share in formulating the Bull of Con
demnation,3 otherwise his chief occupation in Rome was
the pursuit of works of charity ; he was most constantly
seen in a hospital for incurables he had founded earlier with
the help of Ettore Vernacci,4 and in the Oratory of the
Divine Love. Devoted as he was to the objects of this
association, agreeing as they did with the motto of his
choice, yet he was soon once more in his dioceses of
Brindisi and Chieti, where a great field lay open for his
reforming energies. He did not return to Rome until an
express summons from Adrian VI. called him back in
1523. He gladly obeyed the request of the Pope, who was
determined to give practical shape to his idea of reform.
Of the impression made in Rome by Carafa we have some
information from a letter of Paolo Giustiniani in which he
gives an account of some of the devout men whose
acquaintance he had made in the city. Carafa, he says,
was a man of learning and humility, and so holy in his
manner of life that no one in Rome could be compared
1 CARACCIOLO, *Vita di Paolo IV., loc. cit.
2 Ibid., *Vita di Paolo IV. ; BROMATO, I., 76.
3 Ibid., *Vita di Paolo IV. ; BROMATO, I., 77 ; BENRATH in
Herzog's Realencyklopadie, XV., 3rd ed., 41 ; A. SCHULTE (Quellen
und Forschungen, VI., 39) has overlooked Carafa's participation in
this matter. It seems to me doubtful whether Carafa's treatise " De
justificatione " had yet appeared.
4 BROMATO, I., 36, 83.
CARAFA IN ROME. 407
with him.1 How much might have been hoped if such a
man had been permitted to co-operate for long with the
lofty-minded German Pope in his reforming efforts ! But
Providence had decreed otherwise. Carafa, in July 1523,
had just obtained for Paolo Giustiniani a confirmation and
extension of plenary powers for the congregation of the
hermits of Camaldoli when Adrian died.2
Carafa, with the penetration which was peculiar to him in
such matters, perceived that Clement VII., notwithstand
ing his previous good intentions, could not be expected to
follow the course on which his predecessor had entered.
For a moment he dwelt on the thought of withdrawing
himself into the solitude of the hermits of Camaldoli :
fortunately for the Church, the bent of his character towards
energetic work had the upper hand. Carafa was not
mistaken in supposing that political interests would more
and more predominate at the court of Clement VII.
In closest intimacy with the members of the Oratory of
the Divine Love, and especially with Gaetano, he drew up
new plans. With all their enthusiasm for the Oratory,
these two friends were well aware that a mere confraternity
offered no guarantee for a comprehensive and permanent
renewal throughout the Church. Besides, since all
ordinances from higher authority and all Papal decrees of
reform were almost a dead letter, the idea was pressed
home to them that, by the force of example, the deeply
needed improvement might be begun first of all among
the ranks of the secular clergy. Thus there ripened in the
conversations of Carafa and Gaetano, to which some other
friends, such as Bonifazio da Colle of Alessandria and the
Roman Paolo Consiglieri had been admitted, the plan of
1 The letter, addressed to Gaetano di Tiene, is in SANUTO, XXXV.,
252.
2 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 1 17 seq.
4°8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
substituting for the Oratory a special foundation with fixed
rules and a life in community consisting of regular clerics
in immediate dependence on the Holy See.1 Instead of
the old orders which, partly from deterioration, partly from
their organization, were no longer adapted to the needs of
the times, a new institution, instinct with life, was to arise,
the members of which, as simple priests of blameless life
and faithfulness to their vocation, were to shed a guiding
light of example before the great mass of the secular clergy,
numbers of whom were sunk deep in the prevailing corrup
tion. The fundamental idea of the founders was to form
a society of devoted priests who should give themselves up
entirely to the administration of the sacraments, the work
of preaching, and the conduct of ecclesiastical ceremonies
so as to set an example before the Church. Of friars there
were plenty, and many were disreputable men ; the
members of the new Order, therefore, were not to bear
names, many of which had fallen into wide discredit. At
their head there was to be neither prior nor guardian, but
simply a superior. Attention was also paid to the form
and colour of their clothing ; the customary black garment
of the ordinary priest seemed the only suitable one for a
community with the primary task before it of effecting by
example and hard work a thorough reform in the secular
clergy, and a return to apostolic standards of life.2
1 The first idea certainly came from Gaetano ; Caracciolo himself
(*Vita di Paolo IV., II., i) says this, appealing to the lost biography of
Gaetano by G. A. Prati. The Bull of Beatification therefore rightly
speaks of Gaetano as the founder (Acta Sancton, Aug., II., 246.
Carafa, therefore, cannot be called (CARACCIOLO, loc. cit., II., 2),
"autore et fondatore " ; but he is justly entitled to be regarded as
joint founder of the Theatines ; see ZlNELLl, Memorie, 38.
2 See CARACCIOLO, *Vita di Paolo IV., II., i, 2, 3. Cf. CARACCIOLO
in the Acta Sancton, Aug., II., 285, § 19, and BROMATO, I., 109 seqq.
His intention in founding the Theatine Order is very clearly expressed
THE THEATINES. 409
While any imitation of the externals of the existing orders
was thus avoided, Carafa and his associates were all the more
anxious to be true to the inner character of lives devoted to
a religious rule. They therefore demanded a secluded com
munity life and the observance of the three vows of chastity,
obedience, and poverty. On this last point they went much
further than the followers of the poor man of Assisi. The
members of the new institution were to practise poverty
in its most rigorous form. They were to have no capital,
no income; they might not even once ask for alms.
Depending calmly on the divine providence, they were to
wait for spontaneous gifts and in this way bring back clergy
and people to the enthusiasm of the first Christians. A
fountain-head of evil in the Church was the immoderate
striving after possessions, whereby so many were enticed
without vocation into the sanctuary. This grievous abuse
was to be torn up by the roots by an association of priests
subject to vows, and leading lives of poverty in the fullest
sense. This idea had taken possession of two men sprung
from families of noble descent, who thus sought to make
expiation for the scandals brought on the Church by others
in their own station in their pursuit of worldly possessions.
This summons to absolute poverty aroused in the Curia
of Clement VII., where most men were absorbed in money
in a ^letter to Giberti, dated Venice, 1533, January i, in which he asks
him to obtain from Clement VII. a fresh and, in some points, revised
Bull of approval ; he *says : " Et per ricordo riverentemente si fa
intender a V. S. che nella detta bolla tra le principal cose si voria
contenire la approbatione di questo institute clericale talmente, che non
paresse che si volesse far nova religione, si como in verita non volemo
ne potemo, et si ben potessimo non voriamo perche non volemo esser
altro che chierici viventi secondo li sacri canoni in commune et de
communi et sub tribus votis, perciocche questo e il mezzo convenien-
tissimo a conservare la commune vita clericale." Cod. Barb., lat. 5697
f. 32 (Vatican Library).
410 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and the acquisition of money, general observation and great
opposition. If amid the chilling of Christian love the
mendicant Orders were hardly able to exist, how could a
new order maintain itself by repudiating the appeal to
the alms of the faithful ? To such objections Gaetano re
plied in the words of Christ : " Be not solicitous for your life,
what you shall eat ; nor for your body, what you shall put
on." So fervently did he dwell on God's providence in the
presence of the Pope that the latter exclaimed : " I have
not found such faith in Israel." But difficulties of a more
serious kind were not wanting. Gaetano had scruples in
allowing Carafa to become a member, as he was already a
bishop. Clement VII. on his side saw with reluctance
so capable a man, to whom he had given an important
function in respect of the reform of the Roman clergy,
removed from his service. The Pope also feared the
difficulty of finding a substitute for him in the dioceses
of Chieti and Brindisi. But the fervent Carafa, supported
by his old friends Giberti, Sadoleto, and Schonberg,1 gave
Clement no rest until he yielded and consented to his
resignation of the two sees.2 The decisive Brief, drawn
up by Sadoleto, was issued on the 24th of June 1524. It
gave permission to Carafa, Gaetano, and their associates,
after solemnly taking the three essential vows, to live in
community as regular clergy while wearing the garb of
the ordinary ecclesiastic. They were to be in immediate
subordination to the Pope, to choose a superior holding
office for a period not longer than three years, while
secular clergy and laymen were to be admitted to the
vows after a probation of one year ; they, moreover, held
all the privileges of the Canons of the Lateran, together
1 Cf. BROMATO, I., 96.
2 Cf. Lett. d. princ., II., 52 ; SANUTO, XXXVI., 326.
THE THEATINES. 411
with permission to accept benefices with a cure of souls.
The special constitutions were not to be presented for
acceptance until later, when greater experience of their
working had been acquired.1
Gaetano now resigned all his benefices and handed over
his patrimony to his kinsfolk. " I see Christ in poverty
and I am rich," he wrote on the 24th of August 1524;
" He is despised, and I am honoured. I wish to draw
one step nearer to Him, and therefore have resolved to
renounce all yet remaining to me of this world's goods." f<
Carafa also distributed his property among needy
relations and the poor; at the same time he resigned
both his sees. This instance of a self-sacrifice unpre
cedented in that age created a great sensation ; to many
such a heroic step was simply unintelligible ; others in
dulged in depreciation or ridicule,3 but Gaetano and Carafa
went on their way unheeding. On the Feast of the
Exaltation of the Holy Cross (September 14), 1524, in
company with Bonifazio da Colle and Paolo Consiglieri,
after receiving Holy Communion they presented, at the
tomb of St. Peter, to Bonziano, Bishop of Caserta, as
Apostolic Commissary, the Brief by which their institute
was recognized as an Order, and then proceeded to take
the solemn vows.4 Carafa was immediately afterwards
1 Bull., VI., 73 seq. Cf. BROMATO, I., 112, 115, 117 seq. The original
Brief is in the General Archives of the Theatine Order in Rome.
2 Copies were very soon circulated of this beautiful letter, justly
extolled by the saint's biographers (see LuBEN, 89), and signed " Frater
Gaietanus miser presbyter." One of these old copies is in the General
Archives of the Theatine Order in Rome.
3 BROMATO, I., 105 seq.
4 The notarial deed in SILOS, 37, and Acta Sanctor., Aug., II., 248 seq.
Cf. also SANUTO, XXX VI I., 35 ; ATANAGI, Lett, facet., I., 138, and the
*report of Germanello of September 24, 1524, in Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
412 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
chosen Superior, retaining, according to the desire of
Clement VII., his title as Bishop. The new foundation
was in closest communication with the Holy See, and its
members, directly subject to the Pope, looked upon St. Peter
as their special patron.1
The new regulars, who were called Theatines or
Chietines from Carafa's first see, and sometimes Cajetans
or Clerks Regular of the Divine Providence, were clad
entirely in black ; they always wore the cassock, high collar,
and white stockings, and their head covering was the clerical
biretta. Carafa strictly required them to be clean shaven
and wear a large-sized tonsure.2 They lived, as much as
possible, in seclusion ; but when they appeared in public
their demeanour was full of dignity. They began with a
small house in the Strada Leonina, leading to the Campo
Marzio, once the property of Bonifazio da Colle.3 On the
3Oth of April 1525 the first novice was received; he
was the learned priest Bernardino Scotti, afterwards a
Cardinal.4
Before the close of I5255 Giberti provided the
Theatines with a new dwelling on the Pincian, then quite
unbuilt upon, where the Villa Medici now stands.0 There
1 Cf. Carafa's characteristic ^letter to Giberti of March i, 1533, in
the Vatican Library, Cod. Barb., lat. 5697.
2 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI I., 90.
3 The house was near the little church S. Nicola di Campo Marzio,
and was given to the Order on September 13, 1524. CARACCIOLO,
*Vitadi Paolo IV., II., 3.
4 CARACCIOLO, Vita di Paolo IV., II., 4 ; BROMATO, I., 131 seq.
5 Cf. the *Dichiaratione di bona fede di Giberti che la vigna comprata
a Monte Pincio per il prezzo di due. 1000 fu comprata di denari prop,
della congreg. Teat, dat. October 7, 1525 (original in General Archives
of the Theatine Order, Rome).
6 In the deed of sale (in CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 4) the situation is
^described : " Inter moenia urbis, in loco qui dicitur lo monte de' Pinci,
WORK OF THE THEATINES. 413
they gave themselves up assiduously to prayer, meditation,
the study of Holy Scripture, and the care of souls.
Especially were they diligent in preaching, avoiding all
profane alloy in their sermons and fervently teaching
devotion to the Blessed Virgin and the frequentation of
the sacraments. At the same time they aroused violent
enmity and vulgar contempt ; Carafa in particular suffered
in this respect,1 for he stood high in Clement's favour and,
being the Superior of the community, was a representative
personality.2 The worldly-minded ridiculed the new Order
as a collection of laughable eccentrics who were neither
monks nor simple clergy,3 but among the people respect
for them increased on account of their mortified lives and
their exemplary devotion to the sick and the poor pilgrims
during the outbreak of the plague in the Jubilee year of
1525. A deep impression was made by the sight of men
of illustrious and noble lineage, to whom all the enjoy
ments of life might have lain open, choosing of their
own accord the strictest poverty and, without fear of
infection, visiting the poor and plague - stricken in
hospitals and private houses, to tend, cheer, and succour
them in the pains of death. It was then that a nun
cui ab uno latere sunt res s. Mariae de populo, ab alio vinea, quae nunc
possidetur per dom. Emilium de Capisucchis, ab altero moenia urbis et
ante viculos vicinales"; cf. BROMATO, I., 133. Clement VII. wished
to assign S. Girolamo to the Theatines, but this church seems to have
been in an unquiet neighbourhood ; see the ^letter of A. Germanello,
September 24, 1524 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and SANUTO,
XXXVII., 10.
1 See SANUTO, XXXVII., 357. Cf. Rossi, Pasquinate, in, and
Luzio, Pronostico, 8, 12, 16, 30, 62.
2 Cf. *Annales Venetae domus (General Archives of the Theatine
Order, Rome).
3 See CARACCIOLO in the Acta Sanctor., Aug., II., 287, and SANUTO,
XXXVII., 37-
414 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Ravenna declared that God was now sending His
saving help to reform the Church and renew the lives
of men.1
Whoever led a more interior life, with greater piety and
strictness than others, was spoken of as a Theatine.2 Even
among the Roman clergy the earnestness and asceticism
of the new Order, whose members, notwithstanding the
almost insupportable scarcity, never lacked the necessaries
of life, began to produce a wholesome effect. What a
change was brought about in Rome by the quiet, plodding
labours of the first Theatines is seen from a letter written
on the 5th of January I52/3 by one of themselves to their
friends of like mind in Venice, who had charge of the
Hospital for Incurables there. " Christ," he says, " is now
more feared and honoured here than in days past. The
proud humble themselves, the good praise God, the wicked
are without hope. Let us pray for their conversion,
pray for the fathers, and specially for Carafa ! God is
making use of his own in the Church. Bethink you, the
first prelates and lords in Rome, who at first despised us
in their pride, now come daily to us with such submission,
as if they were our servants, that I am quite ashamed.
They show a willing spirit of penitence, prayer, and pious
works. They do all that the fathers bid them. And yet
m0re — daily the Holy Father asks for the prayers of us
poor wretches." He then goes on to relate how the great
Tommaso Campeggio came one day to Carafa and asked him
very humbly to bestow on him the episcopal consecration,
which he had hitherto deferred, as he desired henceforward
1 See CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., i and 4; BROMATO, I., 128 seq.\
RANKE, Papste, I., 6th ed., 115, and DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., 392 seq.
2 CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 3, in DITTRICH, 393. Cf. ATANAGI,
Lett, facet., I., 24 ; Lett, volg., I., 178 seq.
3 SANUTO, XLIII., 609 seq.
T. CAMPEGGIO AND THE THEATINES. 415
to be a true bishop of the see of Feltre. Although
Campeggio was a man of learning, Carafa examined him
as if he had been a simple priest. He submitted with
touching humility, and might have received all the
grades at once, and even have asked for consecration
at the hands of the Pope himself; but he preferred to act
in obedience to Carafa's wishes. He fasted with the
Theatines, kept the canonical hours along with them,
and at each ordination communicated with such humility
that all present were put to shame. Giberti too, at that
time next to the Pope the most influential man in
Rome, visited Carafa daily, and often shared with him
his frugal meals. Just then Clement VII. showed his
attachment to the Theatines by the bestowal of new
indulgences. The new community grew day by day in
men's regard, but their labours in support of the
hospitals and other benevolent institutions did not
diminish in zeal.1
Carafa and Gaetano looked to the future in hope and
joy. Then came the catastrophe of the sack of Rome ;
Carafa, Gaetano, and their twelve associates were brutally
treated by the soldiers and thrown into prison.2 They
managed, as by a miracle, to escape from the hands of their
tormentors. The Venetian envoy, Venier, took compassion
upon them in Ostia and was the means of enabling them
to make the journey to Venice, which they reached in
June. The Confraternity of the Hospital for Incurables,
with whom they had always had close ties, procured for
them in their entire destitution a refuge at S. Eufemia.3
Thence they migrated to S. Gregorio, and finally found
1 SANUTO, XLIIL, 611-612 ; cf. 533.
2 CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 5 ; BROMATO, I., 153 seq.
3 SANUTO, XLV., 343. For the connection with the Hospital for
Incurables see BROMATO, I., 138 seq.
416 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a suitable community house in the Oratory of S. Nicola
da Tolentino.1
The Theatines, who had, on the I4th of September 1527,
chosen Gaetano as Superior, lived as retired a life in Venice
as in Rome, so that they were spoken of as the " hermits."
They continued to urge the frequent use of the sacraments ;
they were also occupied with raising the observance of
divine worship to a higher level of solemnity and with
the improvement of the Breviary by the excision of
unhistorical narratives.2 Their pastoral zeal, their heroism
amid the famine and plague of 1528, won them an increase
of friends, and one of their greatest benefactors was the
Doge Andrea Gritti.3
It was of the greatest importance for the Theatines
that in Venice they came into closer relations with such
eminent advocates of Catholic reform as Gasparo
Contarini, Reginald Pole, and the regenerator of the
Benedictine Order, Gregorio Cortese. The garden of
S. Georgio Maggiore, Cortese's monastery, was the scene
of many learned and pious conversations, for which reason
Bruccioli chose it as the background for his " Dialogue on
Moral Philosophy." 4
Carafa drew up the earliest rules for the Theatines,
over whom he was again Superior from 1530 to 1533-
The object of these statutes was the formation of a
1 Cf. CARACCIOLO in the Acta Sancton, Aug., II., 290, and *Vita,
II., 6 ; see also SANUTO, XLVI., 193, 333, 418, and BROMATO, I., 160
seq., 163 seg., 173-
2 Cf. CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 7 ; BROMATO, I., 174 seq., 180 seq. ;
BAUMER, 412 seq.
3 Cf. *Annali del Teatini della casa di Venezia (General Archives
of the Theatine Order, Rome).
4 Cf. DITTRICH, Contarini, 212 seq. A fine eulogy on Pole in
*Carafa's letter to Giberti, January I, 1533, in Cod. Barb., lat. 5697,
. 33 (Vatican Library).
THE THEATINES IN NAPLES. 417
blameless type of priestly character enjoying the utmost
possible freedom for the exercise of the different branches
of the pastoral office. The several rules were not to bind
the members of the Order under sin.1
Carafa showed great prudence in his guidance of the
Order. When Clement VII., in February I533,2 enjoined
the erection of an affiliated house in Naples, the Superior
raised difficulties, for he feared lest his slender forces should
be broken up.3 The Pope, in entire confidence, left the
matter to Carafa's sole decision. The latter did not make
up his mind until August, and then sent two of his best
colleagues, Gaetano and Giovanni Marino, to Naples, where
the Theatines, supported by Gian Antonio Caracciolo,
soon secured a firm footing. Gaetano, who was the
Superior in Naples, although in other respects a gentle
character, was inflexible in the observance of the strictest
poverty, as he showed in his resistance to the Count of
Oppido, who wished to press upon the Neapolitan house
settled revenues. In order to escape from him Gaetano
moved into the Hospital for Incurables. Afterwards he
obtained a new house through the good offices of the
devout Maria Laurenzia Longa, who was to become the
foundress of the Capuchin nuns.4
1 See BROMATO, L, 143 seq. There is nothing in the earliest rule
in support of BENRATH'S statement (Herzog's Realencyklopadie, XV.,
3rd ed., 41) that "the peculiar characteristic of the new Order" was
that the members should devote themselves to detecting and encounter
ing heretics.
2 Acta Sanctor.. Aug., II., 291 seq.
3 See the letter to Fuscano in BROMATO, I., 234. The missing date
(March 29, 1533) is in Cod. Barb., lat. 5697.
4 Cf. *Annali della casa di Napoli in the General Archives of the
Theatine Order; CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 8 and 10; Acta Sanctor.,
loc. cit. ; BROMATO, I., 229 seq. ; VOLPICELLA, Studi, Napoli, 1876,
214.
VOL. X. 27
41 8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Gaetano was also quite as strict as Carafa in the re
ception of new members.1 This and the requirement of
complete poverty accounts for their numbers not having
exceeded, after nine years, one -and -twenty persons.2
Consequently the burden of work falling on the individual
members became so heavy that Clement VII., in 1529,
ordered other forms of prayer to be substituted for
the daily office to relieve those who were already over
charged with the duties of study, visiting the sick, and
the confessional.3
The system of scrupulous selection observed by the
founders of the Order had thoroughly justified itself.
The great success of the Theatines undoubtedly is to be
attributed to no small extent to this characteristic, that
here a small, carefully chosen circle of men, deeply schooled
in obedience to the Church, formed, as it were, a corps
d'elite with which Carafa won his victories. Thus the
Theatine Order was not so much a seminary for priests,
as at first might have been supposed, as a seminary for
bishops who rendered weighty service to the cause of
Catholic reform.4 One of the chief causes of the failure
attending the efforts of Adrian VI. was the want of a
suitable organism to carry into effect the right measures ;
such an organism was found in the new Order.
In Rome Carafa had many opponents, especially among
the worldly minded Cardinals.5 It is to the credit of
Clement VII. that he almost always was on the side of
1 Cf. BROMATO, I., 115, 145 seg., 224 seq., 236 seq.
2 Letter to Silvago in BROMATO, I., 236. The date (March 23,
1 533X according to Cod. Barb., lat. 5697 (Vatican Library).
3 BROMATO, I., 173; further facilities, 1533; see Bull., VI., 161.
4 Cf. BROMATO, I., in. A copious ^collection of lives of Theatine
bishops is preserved in their General Archives in Rome.
5 See SANUTO, LV., 171 ; CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 10.
ZEAL OF CARAFA. 419
Carafa in his many encounters, and that he fostered the
development of the Order by means of extensive privileges.1
In the presence of the secularized character of the
episcopate, Carafa held it to be of the greatest importance
that his community should remain in direct dependence on
the Holy See.2 He knew no rest until this vital point was
expressly settled by a Brief issued on the 7th of March
!533» which also contained yet other graces and privileges.3
Full of rejoicing and encouragement at the Pope's
support the Theatines worked, as Carafa expressed it in
writing, day and night4 Although often visited with ill
ness5 Carafa was indefatigable in hearing confessions and
preaching ; an ardent lover of souls, he sought out the
erring, thinking the conversion of sinners the priest's first
task.6 It is astonishing how he also found time for other
occupations as well. From the time when Clement VII.,
in 1529, had appointed him to bring order into the com
plicated situation of the Greeks in Venice7 and to renew
a better life in the eremitical settlements in Dalmatia,8
his activity had gone on increasing ; where the question
of reform arose he was at once active. He endeavoured to
influence the Pope through Giberti, and made representa-
1 CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 10.
2 See *Carafa's letter, March I, 1533, in Cod. Barb., lat. 5697
(Vatican Library).
3 Bull., VI., 161. Cf. *letter to Giberti, March 31, 1533, in Cod.
Barb., lat. 5697 (Vatican Library).
4 ^Letter to the Theatines in Naples, dat. Venice, 1534, January I, in
Cod. Barb., cit.
5 See ^letters, September 15, 1530, and December i, 1531, in Cod.
Barb., cit.
G See a very beautiful ^letter, August 25, 1530, in Cod. Barb., lat. 5697.
7 Cf. SANUTO, XLIX., 93, and BROMATO, I., 170 seg. Material
belonging to this period in Cod. Vat., 9464 (Vatican Library).
8 See CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 17 ; BROMATO, I., 172 seq.
420 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
tions to him with frankness and courage. In his correspond
ence he addressed himself not merely to members of
religious orders l who had gone astray, but to bishops who
neglected their duties. " Why do you not preach ? " he
wrote to one of them, " it you are not able to, you ought
not to have taken the bishopric."2 In Verona, again at the
Pope's special request, he supported the work of Giberti.
In Naples in 1530 his advice was of powerful aid to his
sister in her reform of the Dominican convents.3 In the
same year Clement entrusted him with the process against
the Lutheran Galateo and with the much-needed reform
of the Franciscans of the province of Venice.4 A more
suitable choice seemed impossible, for Carafa was on
excellent terms with the Venetian authorities and he
praised the Republic as the seat of Italian freedom and
the bulwark against the barbarians. In course of time
he acquired in Venice a peculiar and important position.
He intervened in the politico-ecclesiastical disputes between
the Republic and the Pope ; in this as in other instances
it was to his advantage that the Signoria preferred the
services of a man uninfluenced by private interest, who was
more than a prelate merely in name and not absorbed in
ecclesiastical affairs only, to those of the Nuncio.5 Carafa's
reputation in the highest circles stood so high that the
ambitious Signoria, even in purely political affairs, such as
the boundary disputes with Ferdinand L, made use of his
1 See BROMATO, L, 202 scq. (according to Cod. Barb., lat. 5697,
p. 44, this letter belongs to 1531, not to 1532).
2 *Letter dated Venice, 1532, October 9 ; Cod. Barb., lat. 5697.
3 BROMATO, L, 177 seq.^ 184 seq.
4 SANUTO, LI 1 1., 212 ; BROMATO, I., 190 seq. Many ^letters in
Cod. Barb., cit.
5 Cf. GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 174. Carafa's letter to Contarini, dated
Venice, 1533, October 17, printed in Zeitschr. fiir Kirchengesch., V..
586, is characteristic of him as a strong censor of morals.
CARAFA IN VENICE. 421
services 1 and asked him to draw up for them a memorial
on the reform of ecclesiastical conditions. Even if his
intention to punish heresy before all things 2 met with no
response, his position in the Republic was none the less a
most influential one.8
Carafa was not discouraged when his endeavours to
meet heresy in Venice with severity fell through.4 He
now had recourse to Rome, for in October 1532, in an
exhaustive memorial to the Pope, he drew a deplorable
picture of the religious condition of Venice and with the
greatest candour made far-reaching proposals for the removal
of abuses.5 Together with stringent measures against
heretics Carafa called most emphatically for a thorough
reform of the degenerate Venetian clergy ; for he knew well
that mere measures of repression would only touch the
symptoms of the disease without being able to cut at its root.
Carafa laid down that the sources of heresy were three
fold : bad preaching, bad books, and bad ways of living.
What he had already for three or four years been calling
the attention of his Holiness to, he once more exposed :
a commission, consisting of the Patriarch, the bishops,
and some men of approved piety, should be appointed to
examine all clergy desirous of preaching and hearing
confessions, with regard to their probity and manner of
life, their vocation, and the Catholic faith. Those only who
were found worthy should be allowed in future to exercise
pastoral functions. Henceforth no exceptions should be
1 Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 26, 33, 138. But Ferdinand refused Carafa as
sospetto ; ibid., 266.
2 CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 8 ; cf. BENRATH, Ref. in Venedig, 6.
3 Cf. SANUTO, LIIL, 311, 568.
4 Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 239, 241.
5 For this memorial, to which GOTHEIN (Ignatius, 17 5) rightly attaches
much importance, see our remarks supra^ p. 310 seq.
422 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
made to this rule. Carafa, without hesitation, gives a
warning against these examinations being left in the hands
of the generals of orders. He dismisses as absolutely
unworthy of notice the fear that monks suspended from the
pulpit and the confessional would become heretics, or that
the number of qualified priests would be a small one ;
better that they should be few but good. How much
depends on the preacher requires no illustration. Of still
greater importance is the function of the confessor ; what
Carafa here reports of the abuses that had crept into this
institution make his indignation intelligible. There
were convents of Conventuals in which friars, who were
not even priests, installed themselves in the confessionals
in order to filch a couple of soldi. In consequence of the
horrible scandals caused by such proceedings, the majority
of the Venetian upper classes neglected their Easter
confession. In this connection Carafa went on to speak
of the monstrous abuse of the vagabond monks, against
whom the strongest measures should be taken. The
penitentiaries, greedy of fees, must be restrained from the
heedless issue of dispensations to leave the cloister. A
new Grand Penitentiary1 having just been appointed, now
was the exact moment to take steps, and monks who had
become secularized should be deprived of all pastoral
charges.
Carafa saw a further source of grave abuses in the
decay of the episcopate. The great majority of the
bishops neglecting the duty of residence, the office of
chief shepherd had become an unreality. Ambition led the
bishops from court to court, while they relegated their
1 The aged Cardinal Grand Penitentiary L. Pucci (see Vol. VII. of
this work, p. 83) had died in the autumn of 1531 ; see ClACONlUS,
III., 338. For Pucci and the affairs of M. Bandello in the year 1526
see Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXIV., 85 seq.
SCANDALS AND ABUSES. 423
diocesan duties to degenerate monks who called them
selves titular or suffragan bishops. These subordinates
conferred orders in many instances for money on unworthy
and incompetent men, even on boys of sixteen. Hence
the contempt for the priesthood and the Holy Mass among
the people. In the presence of such scandals, what reply
could be made to the heretics who saw in them cause of
exultation ? So noisome is this state of things, exclaims
Carafa, that every place reeks with its foulness. If, in
spite of the excellent enactments of 1524, there are still
to be found in Rome many who will without conscience
bestow holy orders, what measure can one take of the state
of things in Venice? All these unprincipled titular
bishops should be deprived of ordaining faculties, but
those already ordained must be thoroughly examined, and
all who are unworthy be suspended.
Carafa ends by speaking once more of the incredible
corruption of the religious orders, on whose condition the
salvation or the ruin of mankind depends. That Carafa
does not exaggerate in his description of the disorders
here prevailing is proved by the contemporary reports of
the Nunciatures. But deep as the wounds of the Church at
large were. Carafa still saw the means of healing if only the
Pope would make use of them. Two things, above all, were
necessary : in the orders in which abuses prevailed, further
decay must be arrested ; a free hand must be given to the
few good remaining by separating them from the bad.
Thus only can a real reform be opened up, as even
Eugenius IV. had perceived in his day, and as Spain
and Portugal have attempted with good results in more
recent times. Although every Order has need of a regenera
tion, yet this is especially the case with the Franciscans ;
therefore with them a beginning might be made, and that
certainly at once in Venice.
CHAPTER XIII.
GIAN MATTEO GIBERTI.— THE SOMASCHI AND THE BARNABITES.
THE comprehensive reform of the secular and regular
clergy as demanded by Carafa for Venice in his memorial
of 1532, had already been begun since 1528 in the diocese
of Verona by a member of the Oratory of the Divine
Love. The man from whom, in this case, came the
impetus towards improvement was one of Carafa's most
sincere friends, and at the same time deep in the confidence
of Clement VII., Gian Matteo Giberti.1
He was born at Palermo in 1495, the illegitimate son
of a Genoese admiral, and while yet a youth of eighteen
became a secretary to Cardinal Medici, greatly against
his wish, for, being of a pious disposition and fond of
retirement, he had longed to enter some religious order.
1 Cf. the still valuable biography by P. Ballerini in J. M. GIBERTI,
Opera (Veronae, 1733, and Hostiliae, 1740, together with the docu
ments there collected), as well as KERKER, Kirchl. Reform., 13 seq.,
and DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., I seqq. Cf. also SPOTORNO, Stor. lett. di
Lijguria, III., 112 seq. ; TUCKER in the Engl. Hist. Review, XVIII.
(1903), 24 seq., 266 seq., 439 seq. Much fresh material was recently
produced by G. B. PiGHl, Gian Matteo Giberti, Verona, 1900, where
in Appendix, III. seqq., there is also a revised copy of Giberti's
" Giustificazione " to the Venetian Government, a document of great
importance for the history of his life. Papers not yet made use of
referring to Giberti exist in the archives of the Missini-Giberti family
at Orvieto ; unfortunately they are not accessible.
424
RISE OF GIBERTI. 425
He submitted, however, to his father's wishes.1 As
secretary to the Cardinal, Giberti showed such devotion
to his work that he not only won the entire confidence
of his master, but also the special favour of Leo X.2 As
time went on he was initiated into the most important
political and ecclesiastical business, In the completion
of the offensive alliance of the 8th of May 1521, between
the Pope and the Emperor, he took a part of no small
importance.3 Notwithstanding his many political pre
occupations, Giberti found time as well for his spiritual
and mental development. He was in close relations with
many of the humanists of Leonine Rome, who were glad
to find a rallying-point in his house ; one of his particular
friends was Vida, who had also celebrated Giberti's ordi
nation to the priesthood in a beautiful ode.4
After Leo X.'s death Giberti continued to be of the
household of Cardinal Medici, who sent him on a mission
to Henry VIII. and Charles V. On his return from Spain
he came with Adrian VI. to Rome. Even then, although
he looked young in years, he seemed to have the wisdom
and virtue of the aged;5 it therefore caused no surprise
when Clement appointed him his Datary and at once
made use of him as his first minister.6 Giberti would
have preferred the quiet fulfilment of his priestly duties
to his novel position, which, although highly influential,
was also an agitating one. But he did not possess
1 See " Giustificazione," in PIGHI, VI.
2 Cf. our remarks, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 142.
3 " Giustificazione," in PlGHl, VII.
4 GIBERTI, Opera, V. ; cf. ibid., 332 seg.t other poems to Giberti. For
his relations with M. A. Flaminio see CUCCOLI, 53 seq., and Atti d.
1st Vcneto, LXV. (1905-1906), 208 seq.
5 ORTIZ, 224.
6 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 254.
426 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
enough determination to say "No" with firmness; his
loyalty to his master turned the scale against himself.
For the same reason, from having been in the highest
degree friendly to the Emperor, he became one of the most
ardent champions of the League of Cognac.1 In these
years of unresting political activity at Rome, as well as
on foreign embassies, he displayed astonishing capacity
for work ; but the excessive strain sowed the seeds of great
irritability. As Datary his conduct was irreproachable;
in other respects also he gave evidence of a sterling
character in close sympathy with the noblest personages of
his time, among others with Vittoria Colonna.2 The Pope
was justified in placing full confidence in him.
In August 1524 Clement had already bestowed upon
him, to his great reluctance,3 the bishopric of Verona.4
He would now gladly have broken with Rome, and
devoted himself to the administration of his neglected
see ; but the Pope held back his trusted servant. Giberti
from Rome did all he could to regenerate morally and
intellectually the regular and secular clergy of Verona,
a work in which Clement gave him ready support5 He
1 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 286 seqq. How Giberti apprehended
his position comes out very clearly from the "Giustificazione" in PiGHi,
VI. seq.
2 Cf. GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 180, and REUMONT, V. Colonna, 45> 84^.
See also Lett, di V. Colonna to G. M. Giberti, ed. GIULIARI, Verona,
1868 (Nozze-Publ.}\ FERRERO-MULLER, Carteggio di V. Colonna,
Torino, 1892, and P. D. PASOLINI, Tre lettere ined. di V. Colonna,
Roma, 1901 (Nozze-Publ.}.
3 Cf. Lett. d. princ., II., 49b.
4 See *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor in Consistorial Archives.
Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI., 522 seq., 526 seq., 584- For a poem then
published, "Verona ad Clementem VII.," see GIORDANI, App. 7.
fi Cf. Ballerini in GIBERTI, Opera, IX. seq. \ PIGHI, 51 seq.\ see
also SANUTO, XLI., 82, 142, 289.
GIBERTI AND CLEMENT VII. 427
also took an active share in the efforts at reform during
the opening years of this pontificate, as well as being the
animating spirit of all that was good in Rome.1 With
Carafa he was on terms of closest intimacy, and rendered
him most important services in connection with the
founding of the Theatine Order.2 His greatest delight
was to pass his time in their pious circle and that of
the Oratory of the Divine Love, regretting that there
was so little of it to spare from the hard claims of his
political engagements.
Notwithstanding his increasing distaste for political life,3
Giberti persevered in his loyal devotion to the Pope ; with
him he passed through the calamitous years 1526 and 1527
in Rome, and shared the captivity in St. Angelo. Thence
he went as a hostage to the Imperialist camp, where
he was placed in chains and narrowly escaped execution.4
During those terrible days the old unquenched longing
for a life of tranquil occupation in sacred things revived
with increased energy. He now reproached himself
bitterly for not having listened earlier to the voice of
God calling him to carry out his duties as a bishop
resident amid his people. From his captivity, he begged
Carafa, on the i$th of November 1527, to go to
Verona in his stead and reform that diocese ; at the
same time he expressed the hope that his misfortunes
might open a way for that which had so long been
the object of his desire — to withdraw from political
life and give himself up entirely to his ecclesiastical
work. "Willingly will I carry these fetters," he added,
" if they should become the occasion for freeing myself
1 Cf. supra, pp. 378, 380, and KERKER, Kirchl. Ref., u.
2 Cf. supra, p. 407 seq., and SANUTO, XLIII., 533.
3 Cj. the letter in PiGHl, 40 and xxix.
4 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 463.
428 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
from other bonds which I have found not less heavy
to bear."1
Giberti succeeded in escaping from his persecutors,
and at Orvieto informed the Pope of his resolve to with
draw to his diocese ; 2 Clement tried in vain to keep him
at his side. On the 7th of January 1528 he had already
reached Venice. One of the first whom he visited was
Carafa,3 with whom he was in full agreement on the points
of Church reform, the better preparation and closer ex
amination of the clergy, and the radical restoration of
discipline in the religious orders.4 If Carafa had been
formerly his counsellor in spiritual matters, so was he
also now when the arduous work was about to begin
of transforming a diocese given over to the secular
spirit into an example of what a reformed bishopric
should be.
What he did in this respect is best understood from a
description of the state of things he had to encounter on
entering his see. Many of the clergy were non-resident,
leaving the cure of souls to hirelings who, for the most
part, were persons of demoralized habits. The ignorance
of many of them was so great that Giberti had to order
the rubrics of the Missal to be translated into Italian for
the sake of those who knew no Latin. Preaching in many
places had been given up altogether. The confessional
was treated with laxity, and the churches were so neglected
that they looked like stables. There was a corresponding
1 GIBERTI, Opera, 239-240. Cf. BROMATO, I., 166 seq.
2 See *Salviati's letter to Castiglione of January 29, 1528, in Nunziat.
di Francia I., 159 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 Cf. SANUTO, XLVL, 463.
4 The great resemblance between the ideas of reform of these two
men has been well brought forward by BENRATH in Herzog's
Realencyklopadie, VI., 3rd ed., 657.
ASCETICISM OF GIBERTI. 429
disorder in the lives of the people, who had sunk into the
worst vices.1
Giberti entered on the difficult task of reform with great
courage, but with even greater wisdom and calmness.
First and foremost he relied on the influence of his personal
example. In accordance with the bad custom of his times,
even Giberti had gone further than was right in the
accumulation of benefices;2 now he resigned all those to
which a cure of souls was attached. The incomes of the
rest, which he conscientiously believed himself entitled to
retain, he spent only on worthy objects.3 But in other
respects also he underwent a great change of character.
The geniality, which no burdens of statecraft could destroy,
disappeared, and he embraced the strict asceticism for
which he became famous.4 His day was divided between
prayer and work, and his table was one of the most frugal.
In the performance of his ecclesiastical functions he set the
best example.5 Unwearied in giving audience, he first gave
access to the poor, then to country-folk, and lastly to the
citizens of Verona. Naturally prone to impulsiveness, he
listened with the utmost patience to everything brought
before him ; in deed and word he was at every man's
disposal.6
1 See GIBERTI, Opera, Ixi. seq., and KERKER, Kirchl. Reform.,
14 seq.
2 Cf. besides 'Giorn. d. lett. Ital., VI., 273, and XLV., 68, Clement's
*bestowal of graces in Regest. Vatic., 1244, f. 17 ; 1245, f. 4, 41 ; 1246,
f. 69; 1247, f. 42b; 1248, f. 217; 1260, f. 106; 1263, f. 235; 1275,
f. 245 ; 1283, f. i62b ; 1291, f. 220 ; 1297, f. 4 (Secret Archives of the
Vatican).
3 See GIBERTI, Opera, IX., and PIGHI, 65 seq.
4 Cf. FERRAJOLI in Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XLV., 68 seq.
5 Cf. SANUTO, XLVL, 604, and LV., 96.
6 See GIBERTI, Opera, 304 seq., 312 seq. In SANUTO, XLL, 289,
Giberti is described as " colerico."
43°
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In his diocese he at once started on trenchant reforms
in which he displayed the practical sense acquired during
long years of experience of affairs. How much depended
on the presence of a resident bishop was now made
apparent. Formerly he had made attempts at reform
through his representatives, but in an inadequate way;
now, under his own eye, a different state of things was set
in motion. In November 1528 it was already reported
from Verona: "The priests in this diocese are marked
men ; all are examined ; the unworthy or unsuitable sus
pended or removed from their offices ; the gaols are full
of concubinarii ; sermons for the people are preached
incessantly ; study is encouraged ; the bishop, by his life,
sets the best example." 1
In January 1529 Giberti undertook the visitation of his
diocese.2 He wished in this way to carry into practical
effect his numerous ordinances, and devoted the closest
attention to the visitation, which was partly conducted in
person and partly by delegates.3 With a small retinue he
1 SANUTO, XLIX., 161.
2 See PIGHI, 71, 99 seq. Cf. for the following, especially BALLERINI,
De restituta per Gibertum ecclesiastica disciplina, and P. F. ZINI, Boni
pastoris exemplum, in GIBERTI, Opera, Ixi. seq., 253 seq., as well as
the excellent accounts in KERKER, 15 seq., and DITTRICH, 28 seq.
The former describes the visitation of his diocese as the nerve of
Giberti's episcopal administration. Giberti has laid down his principles
in the famous " Constitutiones Gibertinae" (Opera, i seq.\ which will
be discussed in our next volume.
3 In the Episcopal Archives of Verona the following volumes of
•^visitation deeds are still preserved: (i) Documents of the fifteenth
century; (2) Visitatio dioc. Veron. facta per rev. d. vicar. Calist.
Amadosi A. 1525 et 1527 sub rev. ep. J. M. Giberto (interesting
illustrations of the moral degradation of the laity) ; (3) R. d. J. |M.
Giberti ep. visitatio ecclesiarum Veronae, 1529, 1530-1 53 1, 1534, 1537 ;
(4) Visitatio dom. Marcelli episc. commiss. et vicar., 1529; 5 and 6
VISITATION BY GIBERTI. 431
went from village to village undeterred by any obstacle, so
great was his holy zeal ; on one occasion he was nearly
drowned in a flooded stream. When he reached a
parish he chose in preference the worst quarters for
the night, and went into a minute examination of the
conduct of the clergy, the condition of the churches, and
the lives of the common people. In a volume specially
set apart for this purpose he noted down the actual facts
of each case. That his information might not be one-sided,
he also heard laymen and gave them practical encourage
ment in their troubles. In order to bring long-standing
enmities to an end, this man of refined culture did not
shrink from seeking out the rudest peasants and exhorting
them on his knees to be reconciled to one another. He
had a wonderful way of combining gentleness with strength.
In cases of gravity he was inexorable in using excom
munication and public penances. With his clergy he was
urgent in insisting on the exact observance of the duty of
residence and the maintenance of irreproachable conduct.1
Whoever failed in these respects was dismissed without
regard to the patron, even if he were a bishop. At first
Giberti refused to allow any female, not even a sister, to be
the inmate of a priest's house ; but at a later date he
were wanting in 1897 when I visited the Archives ; (7) Visit, rev. d.
episc. Veronen. inc. die 18 Aprilis 1532, usque ad diem 17 Aug. 1533
facta per rev. d. Philippum Stridonium deleg. a rev. d. Giberto ; (8)
Visitationes Veronen. dioc. a J. M. Giberto (begins thus : " In nomine
dom. amen. A° 1541 die vero mere. 4 mensis Maii rev. J. M. Gibertus
Dei et apost. sedis gratia episc. Veron. et ejusdem s. Sedis legatus post
generalem visitationem civitatis factam intendens similiter visitare
diocesim contulit se primo ad hospitale aurificum," etc.) ; (9) Visit, dioc.
Veron. facta per J. M. Gibertum begins with May 30, 1541. Further
documents for Giberti's time are not forthcoming.
1 The edict of 1535 in GIBERTI, Opera, 234 seg.t shows how very
difficult it was to put in force the duty of residence.
432 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
somewhat relaxed on this point, and permitted women of
whose integrity he was personally convinced to act as
housekeepers. In order to put a stop to the tenure of a
plurality of benefices with cure of souls attached, he caused
all dispensations, hitherto given in such cases by Rome, to
be revoked. The execution of the visitation orders was to
be carefully watched over by his vicarii foranei \ in addition
to which the parish priest or preacher was to send him
reports.
In order to ensure a regular and continuous dis
charge of the cure of souls, Giberti took particular pains
to restore the former dignity of the office of parish priest.1
He therefore forbade stringently any encroachment on
their rights by the religious orders, and insisted on
parishioners attending on Sundays and festivals the
parish priest's Mass, while the latter was not to be
celebrated in the other churches. The erection of new
chapels and the saying of Mass in private houses he tried
to limit as much as possible.2
The worship of the parish church was to be conducted
with the utmost possible solemnity and dignity ; therefore
the closest observance of the ritual and due reverence on
the part of the celebrant were strictly enjoined. Giberti's
exactitude in these respects is shown by his reprimanding
such an apparently insignificant offence as a priest laying
his biretta on the altar. But of greater importance to him
than any externals were inward piety and purity of heart.
He therefore enjoined on all priests weekly confession. He
sought to ensure a faultless administration of the sacra
ments by numerous instructions, some of which went into
minute details. The reservation of the Holy Eucharist in
1 Cf. GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 189, who rightly calls attention to this
point.
2 See GIBERTI, Opera, Ixxvi. seq.
VISITATION BY GIBERTI. 433
a locked tabernacle on the high altar, and the ringing
of the bell at the elevation seem to have been introduced
first by him.1 He also sought to promote the adoration
of the most Holy Sacrament by means of confraternities.
He subjected confessors to the strictest discipline, and by the
suspension of all who were unfit and by repeated examina
tions he cleansed their ranks inexorably. Here also he
was not indifferent to externals; confessors were always
to exercise their office wearing cotta and stole and seated
as judges, not standing, as often happened when the
penitents were persons of high station. It is not improbable
that the confessionals of the shape now generally in use
originated with Giberti.2
Parish priests were also exhorted to administer con
scientiously the revenues of their churches, and to keep a
watchful eye over the schools, hospitals, associations and
confraternities, the poor, the widows and orphans ; but
especially he bade them lay to heart the need of a fruitful
ministry of preaching. This was well timed in view of the
danger of Lutheran teaching being introduced, against
which Giberti had already issued a strong edict on the
loth of April I53O.3 In every parish church throughout
the year on Sundays and festivals the Gospel of Christ
was to be preached to the people in " love and simplicity
of heart, without superfluous quotations from poets or the
discussion cf theological subtleties." Without the permis
sion of the bishop, preaching was not to be allowed
preachers from without were enjoined to consult the parish
priest as to the special requirements of the congregation.
Giberti tried to secure the best preachers in Italy for
1 See Zini in GIBERTI, Opera, 272 ; DiTTRlCH, Kathol. Ref., 34 ;
cf., however, PROBST in Freib. Kirchenlexikon, I., 2nd ed., 591.
2 Cf. ZINI, loc. cit., 273, and DITTRICH, 36.
3 GIBERTI, Opera, 232 seq.
VOL. X. 28
434
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the cathedral and conventual churches of Verona. He
often despatched them into country places where the
priests were frequently not competent to preach ; he also
instituted instructions for children on Sunday afternoons.
Even the peasants gathered round the church doors
before the beginning of divine service were not forgotten
by this zealous bishop ; an acolyte was to be sent out to
them to read aloud from some sacred book.
Together with the reform of the secular clergy went that
of the Orders. There were certainly still some monasteries
of excellent character, but in many others corruption had
reached an unbearable pitch. Giberti entered on the
campaign with spirit.1 Clement VII. gave him special
powers with regard to the exempt convents of men.
All preachers and confessors were put under the same
strict regulations as the secular clergy, and visited with the
severest punishment in cases of moral delinquency.2 With
great vigour Giberti also set himself against the abuses
connected with the system of indulgences, which for the
most part was carried on by monks. Through his re
presentations to the Holy See it was settled that in future
no quastor was to collect alms in the diocese of Verona
without Giberti's permission, and all powers to the contrary,
even if they originated with the Pope himself, were to
be declared null.3 In the autumn of 1528 Giberti had
already begun the visitation of the convents of nuns. He
often made his appearance at an entirely unexpected hour.
He collected detailed information on all points. Some
convents he closed ; others he improved by the introduc
tion of good elements ; in all he took care, as a matter of
1 Q. PIGHI, 89 seq.) 93 seq.
2 Examples in SANUTO, LVIII., 67, 70.
3 " Constitutiones Giberti" in the Opera, 129 seq. ; cf. KERKER, 20
seq., and DITTRICH, 36 seq.
GIBERTl'S DIFFICULTIES. 435
the first importance, to have good confessors.1 In some
convents of women where the corruption was deep-seated,
and where rich and powerful relatives were mixed together,
Giberti met with incredible difficulties.2 He therefore in
1531 had his regulations for the reform of nunneries
confirmed by the Doge. In these convents he even
forbade the use of the organ and artistic choir singing.
The severest precautionary rules were drawn up for the
observance of the enclosure and the probation of novices.
Here Giberti recurs to the principle of his old friends
Gaetano and Carafa : better to have few and good, than
many and useless.3
Still greater difficulties than those caused by refractory
nuns awaited Giberti in his Cathedral Chapter. Here
as elsewhere exemptions stood in the way of the
execution of his enactments. On this account Clement
VII. had already given him, in 1525, full jurisdiction over
all exempts.4 As the Canons proved stubborn, the Pope
on the 26th of March 1527 removed by express order the
Cathedral Chapter from the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of
Aquileia, and placed them directly under that of the Holy
See, naming Giberti, for life, Legatus natus^ for the city
and diocese of Verona. When Giberti, on the ground of
this appointment, installed a provost in 1529, the Canons
1 Cf. BIANCOLINI, Chiese di Verona, I., 120, III., 78, IV., 376;
PlGHi, 93 seq.
2 Cf. PlGHI, 95 seq.
3 GIBERTI, Opera, 183 seq. The authentic copy of the "Consti
tution! de le monache" is now in the Communal Library of Verona
Cod. 1359. Cf. also SANUTO, LVIIL, 148.
4 Brief of May 23. 1525 ; GIBERTI, Opera, xi. seq.
5 See GIBERTI, Opera, xii. On April 8, 1 534, Giberti also received
the *facultas absolvendi quoscunq. laicos et clericos a casibus reservatis
except, cont. in bulla Coena Dom. Brev., 1534, vol. 54, n. 97, in
Secret Archives of the Vatican.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
left the cathedral and held their choir services in S. Elena.
Although Rome pronounced in the Bishop's favour, the
Chapter kept up their resistance. Not until January 1530
was Carafa, as mediator, able to bring about an agreement
to which Giberti, with great magnanimity, consented.
Nevertheless, at a later date there were fresh misunder
standings with the Chapter.1
On other occasions also serious conflicts arose with the
corrupt clergy as well as with the citizens ; 2 Carafa, and
on one occasion also Gaetano, had to intervene.3 It went
so far that Clement VII. thought that Giberti ought to
give up his difficult post and return to Rome,4 but he
had no intention of doing so. He certainly obeyed the
Pope's summons to come to him in 1529 and I532,5 but
he went back to his diocese as soon as it was possible.
Even the Cardinalate, in connection with which his name
was so often mentioned, had no attraction for him.6
Patiently and gently he worked at the reform of his clergy,
always receiving steady support from Clement.7
1 See GIBERTI, Opera, xvii. seq. ; DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., 25 seq. ;
PlGHl, 71 seq., and in particular the special Notizie spett. al capitole
di Verona, Roma, 1752 (composed from the most opposite points of
view), and De privilegiis et exempt, capit. cath. Veron., Venetiis, 1753.
The arrangement of 1530 in UGHELLI, V., 963 seq. See also SANUTO,
LIV., 46, 63 seq., 87, 121 ; LV., 24.
2 Cf. SANUTO, LI., 113.
3 See BROMATO, I., 177 seq.) 219.
4 Cf. supra, p. 208.
5 Cf. DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., 13 seq.
6 See BERGENROTH, II., n. 358. Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 749,
751 j SANUTO, XLVIII., 385, LVL, 91, 109, 302.
7 Besides the examples already cited, reference may be made to the
following Papal enactments belonging to this period. Min. brev., 1532,
vol. 41, n. 130: *Zach. Zuccensi ord. praed. prof. Venetiis commor.
(is to betake himself to Giberti at once), dat. March 19. Brev., 1533,
vol. 53, n. 65: *Pio episcopo Veronen., dat. Bologna, March 3
GIBERTI IN VERONA. 437
Giberti never allowed his devoted efforts to relieve the
physical and moral wretchedness of his people to relax.
The social activity of the Bishop of Verona was an almost
unique phenomenon in that age. It formed a beautiful
complement to his activity as a Church reformer, although
in that capacity he always kept his eyes steadily fixed on
the broad ranks of the people. With fatherly love he
provided for the accommodation of the sick, poor, and
orphaned children, and opened Sunday schools for the
lower classes. He founded in Verona a refuge for poor
young women in way of temptation, and another for those
who had fallen. A sign of the practical sense which
was uppermost in all he did was his endeavour to find
domestic service or husbands for those who, under such
circumstances, had come back to a better life. At the
same time he made regulations to check the prevalence
of public immorality in the city.1
Giberti endeavoured to give an entirely new start to
works of public benevolence by reforming the con
fraternities intended to carry out such purposes, but most
(against such regulars who wish to get out of the way of reform by
obtaining Briefs from Rome). Brev., 1534, vol. 54, n. 12: *Episc.
Veron. committitur, ut moneat rectores eccles. paroch. civit. et dioc.
Veron. tarn non residentes quam residentes, qui ad regendas eor.
eccles. per seipsos idonei non sunt, ad providendum suis ecclesiis
de idoneis capellanis per eum approbandis infra compet. termin.,
quo elapso ipse auct. apost. provideat et compet. portionem fructuum
diet, eccles. eis assignet, dat. January 18. n. 95 : *Episc. Veron. dis-
pensatur, quod, quoties sacris lectionibus et aliis piis operibus fuerit
occupatus, loco officii possit recitare orat. domin. decies et symbolum
apost. semel etiam in suo cubiculo, dat. April 8 (Secret Archives of
the Vatican).
1 Cf. Ballerini in GIBERTI, Opera, xxi. ; PiGHl, 99 seq.^ 115 seq. ;
GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 191. See also BAGATTA, Storia degli Spedali in
Verona, Verona, 1862.
438 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of which had become disorganized. On the model of
the Monte di Pieta at Verona he caused similar insti
tutions to be set up by the country priests in their
parishes. They were not to be used merely as pawn
shops, but also as mutual loan societies which should
prevent the peasantry from having recourse to Jewish
usurers.1
In order to remedy the mendicancy which, in true Italian
fashion, had become intolerable in Verona, he founded
the Society of Charity, composed of clerical and lay
members, and obtained for it from Clement VII. all the
graces conferred on the " Societas Pauperum " in Rome.
The new association, which met every month, was a sort
of Society of St. Vincent de Paul for the material and
moral elevation of the poor.2 The members supplied the
really deserving with money, provisions, and articles of
clothing, procured medical attendance for the sick,
furnished dowries for poor girls, dissolved concubinage,
undertook legal proceedings for widows and orphans, and
made peace between obstinate enemies. Francesco Zini
is right in calling this "society of Christian love" the
greatest and noblest of all Giberti's works, surpassing all
the rest together in the way that charity surpasses all
other virtues.3 This most benevolent institution, which
Giberti first of all raised with such care in Verona, was
afterwards spread by him throughout the country. In
every parish seven men were chosen to carry out, together
with the priest, all works of Christian charity, and at the
same time to act as a sort of moral police. The object of
such an association, writes Francesco Zini, is "that no
1 Cf. GOTHEIN, 192.
2 Cf. KERKER, Kirchl. Ref., 18 seq. ; and DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref.,
45 seq.
3 GIBERTI, Opera, 295.
THE "ACCADEMIA GIBERTINA." 439
man should offend God, no man suffer hunger, no man
do injury to his neighbour, no man, above all things,
commit sin, no man be deprived of the necessities of
life; finally, that enmity and all hatred and anger should
be taken away, so that we, as men once did in the
first and happiest days of the Church, should all live
with one heart and one soul in the fear and praise of
God."1
Giberti, in the midst of his strenuous exertions, found his
one recreation in the pursuit of knowledge and the society
of learned men. Every leisure hour he devoted to study,
especially of the Holy Scriptures in the original text and
the commentaries of the Fathers ; from the primitive
sources he wished to become familiar with the discipline
of the ancient Church, the ever-present ideal of his efforts
at reform. To many of the humanists, scattered abroad
by the tempest of the sack of Rome, his see of Verona
became an asylum of hospitality. Under his patronage
arose an association of men of learning and poets known
as the Accademia Gibertina.2 In the pleasant loggia of
the episcopal palace, looking down on the Adige, this
company met together within sight of one of the most
beautiful of Italian landscapes. But even in this atmo
sphere Giberti did not forget the question of ecclesiastical
reform. He tried to entice the poets from 'the profane to
the religious muse, he urged the philologists to translate
and comment on works of religion, notably the Greek
Fathers. For this purpose he set up in his house a private
printing press in which Greek types were specially pre
pared. The humanist Tullio Crispoldi, a member of the
1 See Zini in GIBERTI, Opera, 295, 296.
2 Cf. TIRABOSCHI (edit. Neapolit.), VII., i, 117 seq. ; KERKER,
Kirchl. Ref., 26; GOTHEIN, 182; PlGHl, 126 seq.
44O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Oratory of the Divine Love, prepared, at his instance, a
small Catechism and a Manual for Preachers.1
The example thus set was not lost on other bishops. To
confine oneself to the reign of Clement and his personal
encouragement,2 among the foremost may be named
Cardinal Bernhard Cles in Trent, Cardinal Cornaro in
Brescia, Pietro Lippomano in Bergamo, Cardinal Ercole
Gonzaga in Mantua, Cardinal Ridolfi in Vicenza, Aleander
in Brindisi, Vincenzo Carafa in Naples, Vida in Alba,
Federigo Fregoso in Salerno and Gubbio, Girolamo Arsagi
in Nice, Sadoleto at Carpentras, Ludovico Canossa at
Bayeux, who were all followers of Giberti's reforming zeal.3
Each of these prelates had a high sense of his official respon
sibility ; some of their ordinances, for example the visita
tions conducted by Cardinal Gonzaga in his diocese, point
unmistakably to the influence of the Bishop of Verona.4
1 Cf. Ballerini in GiBERTl, Opera, xiv. seq.. xl., L. seq. ; DlTTRlCH,
19, 31 ; PlGHi, 129 ; GIULIARI, Tipogr. Veron., Verona, 1871 ; FUMA-
GALLI, Lex. typ. Ital., Florence, 1905, 515.
2 Cf. Brev., 1533, vol. 53, n. 170: *Pro F. Card. Cornelio eccl. Brix.
admin, facultas per se vel alium visit, corrig. et reformandi ecclesias
et personas tarn saec. quam cujusvis ordin., dat. April 8. 1534, vol.
54, n. 67 : *Nicol. Card, de Rodolphis episc. Vicent. conceditur quod
non obstant. revalidat. privileg. regularibus civit. et dioc. Vincent,
concessis possit uti priore facultate sibi concessa circa eor. visit, et
correct., date March 8. n. 113 : *Herculi Card. Mant. conceditur quod
quamdiu praefuerit eccl. Mant. possit per se vel alios visitare omnes
parroch. ecclesias civit. et suae dioc. Mant., dat. April 14. n. 123 :
Fuller powers for the reform of the parishes in his diocese, dat. April
22. n. 162 : "^Extension of these powers to chaplaincies also, dat.
May 25 (Secret Archives of the Vatican).
3 More details about the activity of the above-named persons in
the next volume of this work in the proper context.
4 The visitation documents of the diocese of Mantua, beginning
from 1534, and found by me in the Episcopal Archives of Mantua,
will be dealt with in the next volume of this work.
THE SOMASCHI. 449
in utter destitution. He collected them in a house near San
Rocco, where they were simply provided for, received
religious instruction, and were trained in some handi
craft, a point which he thought of great importance. In
order that the children might not in tender years become
accustomed to ways of idleness and beggary, he repeated
to them constantly, " The man who will not work, shall not
eat." The Venetian Government supported his philan
thropic efforts, in which Miani was helped by a settler
from Vicenza.1
Orphanages were also founded on the same footing by
Miani in Brescia and Bergamo ; in the latter town he also
instituted a house of refuge for the fallen. He soon
included in his programme instruction for the country
people, and gathered round him a number of excellent
priests and also devout laymen. Thus a religious associa
tion was formed occupied in the first instance with
the management of the orphan asylums founded
by Miani, but with the special care besides of other
victims of misfortune, the sick, the poor, the ignorant.
From their place of meeting, the lonely village of
Somasca, near Bergamo, the members got their name
of Somaschi.
Miani had always followed Carafa as his spiritual
guide ; if the latter declined the honour of being at the
head of this new association of Clerks Regular, he
was yet their intellectual founder.2 So impartially did
the founder of the Theatines watch the growth of the
community of Somasca that he never attempted to win
over Miani to his own congregation. As soon as he
recognized Miani's special characteristics he handed over
to him even the orphan schools hitherto conducted
1 Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 419.
2 Opinion of GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 194. Cf. BROMATO, I., 169 seq.
VOL. X. 29
450 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
by the Theatines in the Hospital for Incurables in
Venice.1
It was also due to Carafa that Miani extended his work
into the Milanese territory.2 For the mitigation of bodily
and spiritual suffering hardly any field was more suitable
at that time than that district, ravaged as it had been by
unspeakable inroads of war, hunger, and plague. In
Milan, as in Venice, many were converted by the troubles
of the time. What had seldom happened before, the
sons of distinguished families now gave up riches
and honours in order to follow Christ as His poor.3
Preachers called on the people to repent ; among
them one especially distinguished himself, the Spanish
Dominican, Tommaso Nieto. In the year 1529 he intro
duced a solemn procession of the Blessed Sacrament,
when the Host was carried in a sort of ark borne by
four priests.4
More hidden and more permanent work in Milan was
carried out by Antonio Maria Zaccaria,5 a nobleman of
1 BROMATO, I., 199.
2 See Acta Sancton, Febr., II., 251.
3 In Venice in the one year 1531 four sons of the most distinguished
families were Friars ; see SANUTO, LIV., 600. In Milan the conversion
of J. A. Morigia presents a typical instance ; see *Vila del v. Morigia
in the General Archives of the Barnabite Order in Rome (Y, a 3).
Cornelius de Fine, in the entries in his *diary for 1525, speaks very
remarkably of the rarity of entrances into the cloister.
4 Cf. BURIGOZZO, 485 seq., 491 seq., 498.
6 Besides the writers of the Order, Bascape, Tornielli, Barelli, and
Gabuzio, cf. especially A. M. TEPPA, Vita del v. A. M. Zaccaria,
Moncalieri, 1853 (6th ed., Milano, 1897), a work which, although the
author unfortunately gives no quotations, is based throughout on the
rich ^collection of materials for Zaccaria's life preserved in the General
Archives of the Barnabite Order in Rome and kindly placed at my
disposal. A series of passages, tested off-hand, convinced me how
THE BARNABITES. 451
Cremona, whose character strongly resembled that of
Gaetano di Tiene.
Zaccaria, who was born in 1502 and was at first a
doctor, turned in his twenty-sixth year to the study of
theology, and after his ordination as priest he displayed
an eager pastoral activity in his native city. At the
end of 1530, at the wish of the pious Countess Lodovica
Torelli of Guastalla,1 he went to Milan. There, in
the Confraternity of the Eternal Compassion, he made
friends with kindred souls in Bartolommeo Ferrari and
Jacopo Antonio Morigia, who had already become
famous for conspicuous works of charity. These good
men believed that the best way of checking the misery
and immorality caused by the war was to form a
society of Clerks Regular primarily devoted to the in
struction of the young and the cure of souls. After
the adhesion of two other Milanese, Jacopo de' Casei
and Francesco Lecchi, Clement VII., in a Brief drawn
up at Bologna on the i8th of February 1533, gave
permission to Bartolommeo Ferrari and to Antonio
Maria Zaccaria to live in community with three other
associates in accordance with special statutes, under
a superior, but subject to the jurisdiction of their
Ordinary, to receive new members, and make their vows
before the Archbishop of Milan.2 The new community
took possession in autumn 1533 of a small house near
S. Caterina, not far from the Porta Ticinese of Milan.
carefully the author had done his work. On Teppa (of whom a
German edition appeared at Fulda in 1900) is also based the Vita de
S. A. M. Zaccaria, Firenze, 1897, by F. A. MOLTEDO.
1 Cf. for L. Torrelli and her conversion, AFFO, Storia di Guastalla,
II., 1 60, 1 80 seq.
2 Bull., VI., \6oseq., and Litt. et constit. s. pontif. pro congr. cleric.
S. Pauli. Apost, Romae, 1853, 3 seqq.
452 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
This they soon enlarged with the permission of the
Duke of Milan.1
The constitutions, as drawn up by Zaccaria, who was
chosen Superior, have many points of resemblance with
those of the Theatines.2 The manner of living of these
" sons of St. Paul," as they called themselves in their deep
veneration for the Apostle of the Gentiles — a name long
afterwards changed to that of " Barnabites," from the seat
of the community in the ancient Milanese monastery of St.
Barnabas — closely resembled that led by the members of
the foundation of Gaetano and Carafa. In the foreground
they placed a life of mortification, an eager care for souls,
and the visiting of the sick. The chronicler Burigozzo
relates the astonishment caused by these priests, who went
about their duties in threadbare garments and round biretta,
their heads bent and, in spite of their youth, an air of
earnestness about them all.3 Zaccaria instructed his sons to
influence especially priests and parents ; only in this way
could the coming generation be improved. He therefore
very soon opened his house to priests desirous of making
spiritual exercises and founded a confraternity of married
people. The Barnabites differed from the Theatines in
seeking publicity. They took pains to stir the feelings of
the ruder sort of people by open-air missions and public
exercises of penance; they were to be seen, crucifix in
hand, preaching in the most crowded thoroughfares ; some
1 *The original of the ducal decree of October 27, 1533, permitting
Zaccaria and Ferrari to buy landed property up to the amount of 600
gold ducats, is in the General Archives of the Barnabite Order in
Rome, Z, f. 2.
2 The original of the statutes is to be found in the General Archives
of the Barnabite Order, Rome. As to the period when they were
drawn up, see Teppa, 72 seq.
3 BURIGOZZO, 522.
THE BARNABITES. 453
carried heavy crosses, others confessed their sins aloud.
Complaints were made that they were disturbers of the
peace, but as Zaccaria in his full trust in God had foretold,
they came through this first persecution completely justified.
This community, though slow in growth,1 became a powerful
instrument of which St. Charles Borromeo made use in
reforming his diocese.
1 Cf. the *Registro dell' atti di professione, beginning in 1534, in
General Archives of Barnabite Order, Rome.
CHAPTER XIV.
REFORM OF THE OLDER ORDERS. — THE CAPUCHINS.
WHILE the new foundations of the Theatines, Somaschi,
and Barnabites were rising into existence, the older orders
also were awakening to the necessity of reform. In their
case also the movement started from small and obscure
circles. In order to withdraw themselves from the spirit
of the world, which was now too generally prevalent, the
better spirits in the older orders sought out a life of
solitude. Paolo Giustiniani of the Camaldolese had already
introduced in this way improvements in the Order under
Leo X., for he had erected l at Pascelupo in the Apennines
and Massaccio in the province of Ancona, hermitages of
Camaldolese under very strict regulations. Each member
lived by himself in a small separate hut, and together with
a strict observance of the vows, Giustiniani attached a high
importance to complete seclusion. In one of his letters he
extols this manner of life, far apart from the movement of
the world in a sublime isolation, as the best way to attain
the peace of the soul and spiritual perfection.2 Like
Adrian VI., Clement VII. also gave encouragement to this
congregation of Camaldolese hermits. Giustiniani's(d. 1528)
1 Cf. FlORi, Vita del b. P. Giustiniani, Roma, 1724; BROMATO, I.,
90 ; HEIMBUCHER, I., 206 ; Studien aus dem Benediktinerorden, XII.,
64 seq.
2 See the letter to Carafa in BROMATO, I., 136 seq.
454
THE OLDER ORDERS. 455
second successor, the recluse Giustiniani of Bergamo, made
Monte Corona at Umbertide in the upper valley of the Tiber
the headquarters of the foundation, which has given the
whole congregation its name. The industry of these hermits
changed the inhospitable slopes of the mountain into one
of the most picturesque settlements of recluses in the world.
Here also Clement VII. gave his support by graces and
privileges, and confirmed the statutes.1
Among the Augustinian hermits the learned General,
Egidio Canisio, also pursued under Leo X. the reforming
activities2 on which he had previously entered,3 while the
congregation of Benedictines of Monte Cassino settled at
S. Justina in Padua were led in the same direction by the
classical scholar, Gregorio Cortese.4
Serious efforts at reform had also already been made by
the Franciscan Observants under Leo X. Their excellent
General, Francesco Lichetto, in 1517 advised those of
stricter aspirations to follow the Spanish example and
make use of the houses of so-called Recollects, that is,
convents to which they might voluntarily repair in order
without disturbance there to carry out as strictly as
possible the rules of the Order, and to devote themselves
especially to penitential exercises and continual medita
tion. The oldest houses of this kind, Fonte Colombo
and Grecio, lay in the valley of Rieti, hallowed by the
1 Bull., VI., 117-119; HELYOT, VII., 313. In Monte Corona also,
since the expulsion of the Orders, the former aspect of the spot has
been altered to its disadvantage. The beautiful woods of great
antiquity have been cut down, a crowning act of destruction.
2 See the *letter of Egidio Canisio, dat. Rome, 1515, July 8, in Cod.
looi, f. 298b, in the Angelica Library, Rome.
3 Cf. LAEMMER, Beitrage zur Kirchengesch., 65 seq.
4 See GREG. CORTESII, Opera, I., Patavii, 1724, 19 seqq. ; for
Cortese cf. DITTRICH in Freiburger Kirchenlexikon, III., 2nd ed.,
1135 seqq., and GOTHEIN, Ignatius, no seq.
45°" HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sojourn of St. Francis himself. The inmates were called
Brothers of the Stricter Observance, and later, Riformati.1
They found, however, more resistance than encourage
ment from the cismontane commissary-general Ilarione
Sacchetti, who was a strong upholder of the unity of the
Order. On the other hand, the earnest Spanish reformer,2
Quinones, chosen General in 1523, was a great friend of
the Brothers of the Stricter Observance, to whom he at
once gave a strict rule in Spain, and assigned five houses
of Recollects.3 When Quinones came to Italy in 1525 he
supported these special reforms,4 as well as all others in
the Order. Two high-minded fellow-countrymen, Martino
cli Guzman and Stefano Molina,5 could congratulate
themselves on his special favour. He appointed them to
plant the new institution of the Stricter Observance — after
wards known as that of the Riformati— in the Roman
province. These Riformati led an exceptionally hard
life. Only on two days of the week did they eat cooked
food ; for the rest they were satisfied with bread, fruit, and
vegetables; their bed was either the bare ground or a
board, and the day began and ended with prolonged medi
tation ; at night there was prayer in common. Had
Quinones remained longer at the head of the Observants
this institution would certainly at that time have risen to
1 DOM. DE GUBERNATIS, Orbis Seraph., III., i, 263 ; cf. MORONI,
XXVL, 154; BENEDETTO SPILA, I santi luoghi della Palestina e la
Francescana Riforma, Napoli, 1892, 26.
2 Cf. WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 188 seq., 205 seq., 226 seq.
3 Ibid., 167 seq.
4 Cf. Croniche dei frati minori, III., 302; GONZAGA, De orig.
seraph, relig., Venet, 1603, I., 56, II., no; DOM. DE GUBERNATIS,
Orbis Seraph., III., i, 262 seq. ; B. SPILA, I santi luoghi, 28.
6 WADDING, XXL, 220 seq.\ SIGISMUNDO DA VENEZIA, Biografia
Serafica, Venezia, 1846, and the Chronicle of the Roman Province, I.,
282, 293.
THE FRANCISCANS. 457
great importance, for, especially in the years of terror after
the sack of Rome, the number of those Observants who
were working for the most exact possible compliance with
the rule,1 increased greatly. Unfortunately the new
General, Paolo Pisotti, was an opponent of this and every
other tendency to strict observance.2
At this critical moment Clement VII., on the advice of
Carafa, took up the cause of the Riformati. In a Bull of
the I4th of November 1532 he ordered the General and
Provincials of the Observants to abstain from molesting
in any way the Riformati, but rather to give them every
assistance and to reserve for them an adequate number
of convents. The Riformati were now privileged to receive
novices, and to choose for themselves a Guardian in each
province. But their dress and hood were not to differ
from those of other Observants, and they were to be
subject to visitation from the Provincial.3
Although the Pope thus showed his favour towards the
new institution, it did not at first make much way in Italy.
All the more remarkable was another reform which grew
up among the Italian Franciscan Observants. This was
begun by Matteo da Bascio (born about 1495, died 1552),
a native of the hill-country of Umbria. Nowhere else in
Italy did the mystic and yet popular spirit of St. Francis
survive with such vitality as among the poor, contented,
believing, and brave-spirited populations dwelling in the
remote valleys and gorges of this picturesque district,
which, in a wider sense, included also the territory beyond
1 Cf. *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo in the General
Archives of the Capuchins in Rome.
2 Cf. WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 303, and *Cronica del. P. Bernardino
da Colpetrazzo, I., in the General Archives of the Capuchins, Rome.
3 Bull. Rom., VI., 155 seqq.\ WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 328;
BOVERIUS, I., 988 seqq.\ BROMATO, I., 219.
458 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Apennines. Here, on a hill not far from Pennabilli,
lay the market town of Bascio,1 politically under the Dukes
of Urbino and ecclesiastically within the jurisdiction of the
Bishop of Montefeltro.
The earliest accounts of Matteo's youth as well as of
his later years already bear a legendary character ; it is
no longer possible to examine their statements, but the
historical residuum may be given as follows : — At an early
age, about his seventeenth year, as alleged, Matteo entered
the Order of Franciscan Observants at Montefalcone in
the March of Ancona. Here he was conspicuous for piety
and his strong grasp of his vocation. On his entry into
the Order he brought with him little education,2 nor did
he afterwards make much progress beyond what was
necessary for the immediate tasks of his calling. Perhaps
it was exactly on this account that the homely sermons of
the simple peasant's son won the hearts of the poor folk
dwelling among the hills. Matteo became known to a
wider circle by the spirit of self-devotion displayed by
him in 1523, when Camerino was visited by the plague.3
1 See AMATI, Dizionario geograf. d' Italia, I., 640. " Matteo de
Grassis'; in GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 107, is an error.
2 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, here certainly an unimpeachable
witness, says : " Nell' eta tenera frequento alcuni mesi la schuola e
imparo un pogo di grammatica positiva, ma perche suo padre faceva
il contadino, non puote il buon fanciullo sequitar le lettere, gli resto
nondimeno non so che de buona creanza, e perche sapeva leggere, se
diede con molta devotione a legger libri spiritual!. " *Cronica, I.,
General Archives of the Capuchin Order, Rome ; cf. the remarks in Ap
pendix, No. 4, on the earliest sources for the history of the Capuchins.
3 SANTONI (I primordii del Cappuccini, 8), on the authority of LlLII
(Hist, di Camerino, II., 301), places the epidemic in 1524; but the
*Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo (General Archives of the
Capuchins, Rome) states repeatedly 1523. Perugino in 1524 was
carried off by the plague.
MATTEO DA BASCIO. 459
Voluntarily he left his convent at Montefalcone and
hastened to the above-named town, where he shrank from
no peril of death in order to succour the sick and dying.
This self-denying activity of Matteo drew at once the
attention of the Duke of Camerino, Giovan Maria Varano,
and his wife Caterina Cibo to the humble Franciscan.1
Caterina Cibo belonged, like Vittoria Colonna,2 to that
class of women of the Italian Renaissance who combined
wide cultivation with deep piety and a great purity of life.3
She knew Latin and Greek, and also took lessons in
Hebrew in order to read the Old Testament in the original.
As a niece of Leo X. and Clement VII. she often visited
Rome, where she came into contact with the men of letters
living there.4 She was interested in an exceptional degree
in religious matters, and especially in the reform of the
clergy in her husband's duchy.5 Herself a rough and
almost virile character, she must have been attracted by
Matteo's strong qualities.
After the plague had ceased at Camerino, Matteo
returned to his seclusion at Montefalcone ; while there
he often withdrew into the woodland solitudes so beloved
1 ^Bernardino da Colpetrazzo testifies to this expressly, and adds that
Matteo among others had attended to two noblemen of the Duchess's
court.
2 On V. Colonna, who at the end of 1525 retired into the convent of
S. Silvestro in Capite in Rome, more will be said in the next volume.
3 " Donna di santissimi costumi" is VARCHI'S (I., 173) expression ; cf.
also FELICIANGELI (p. 140) in the work mentioned in the next note. For
Blessed Battista da Varano (died 1526, May 31) of the Order of Poor
Clares, see Miscell. Francesc., I., 161 seqq.\ cf. IV., 18 seqq.
4 Cf. REUMONT, Beitrage, IV., 205 seq., and V. Colonna, 132 seq.,
269, as well as FELICIANGELI, Notizie e docum. sulla vita di Cat. Cibo-
Varano, duchessa di Camerino5 Camerino, 1891. Caterina became a
widow in 1527.
6 FONTANA, Docum., 129.
460 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of St. Francis. The life of his brethren seemed to him to
correspond less and less to the original severity of the
Order. He seemed to hear the voice of the seraphic
Patriarch calling to him in threatening tones, " I wish my
rule to be observed, to the letter, to the letter, to the letter."
Deeper and deeper grew Matteo's resolve to live entirely
according to the holy rule in the utmost possible solitude
and in strictest poverty. While such thoughts were work
ing in his inmost soul he learned by accident from a pious
countryman that his dress was not in keeping with that
of the founder of the Order, who had worn a habit of
the coarsest sort on which was sewn not a round but a
four-cornered pointed hood.1 After receiving this informa
tion Matteo did not rest until he had procured for himself
this new habit. All his fervour for the strict observance
of the rule was now concentrated on this one point ;
wearing his new hood, he started without leave on the
road to Rome in the Jubilee year 1525.2 He had to endure
much on this journey on account of his unusual attire.
Nevertheless, he reached Rome safely and made his
way into the presence of Clement himself. He made his
petition that he might retain his new habit, live as a
1 The controversy over the real habit of St. Francis and the corre
lated question as to the true and uninterrupted succession of his sons
was carried on in the seventeenth century with such violence between
Franciscans and Capuchins that the Congregation of the Index and
Rites repeatedly had to intervene; see REUSCH, Index, II., 260; cf.
also GAUDENTIUS, 276 seq. That the Capuchins were genuine and
undoubted sons of St. Francis was declared by Paul V. and Urban VIII.;
see Bull. Capuc., I., 57 and 77 seqq.
2 SANTONI, 61, has taken up the earlier opinion which places the
origin of the Capuchins in 1524. This view became authoritative in
1624, on the occasion of the centenary celebrations. The *Cronica of
P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, however, repeatedly gives 1525 in agree
ment with Joh. de Terranova (cf. Appendix, No. 4).
MATTEO DA BASCIO. 461
solitary according to the rule of St. Francis, and preach the
Word of God. Clement VII. — so it is related — gave his
consent, but imposed the condition that Matteo should
annually declare his adhesion to the Observant Order by
presenting himself before the Provincial Chapter.1
When Matteo, in April 1525, obeyed this injunction, but
could produce no written authorization from the Pope for
his new manner of life and garb, the Provincial of the March
of Ancona, Giovanni da Fano, who was as energetic as he
was learned, ordered the too simple-minded brother to be
incarcerated as a runaway and contumacious. Giovanni
could appeal to the authority of John XXII., who had
already forbidden the introduction of a new hood, while
Leo X. and Clement VII. had forbidden any absence
without leave from the society of the Order.2
1 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, *Cronica, relates that Matteo had said
to the Pope : " Sappiate, P. Sto, che a questi tempi nostri non s' osserva
universalmente la regola, e io desidero de osservarla ad lettera, e per
questo humilmente vi prego, che me concedete de portar quest' abito
e osservar la regola ad lettera, e perche i nostri padri non vorrebbono
che tra di loro quest' habito si portasse, vi prego che vi piaccia de con-
cederme ch' io possa andare per il mondo predicando i commandimenti
di Dio e piu con 1' esempio che con le parole secondo la mia semplicita
esortar ogn' uno alia via di Dio e all' opere buone ; respose S. Sta : cosi
e la volunta nostra e nostra intentione che la regola si osservi a lettera
secondo il voler del N. S. Giesu Cristo e di S. Francesco e per questo
di bonissima voglia ve concedemo quanto voi me dimandate per 1' osser-
vanza della regola, ma in segno de obedienza in tempo del capitolo," etc.
Thus the extension of the Papal permission to other persons is not as
yet to be found here. On the other hand, this version is given by
MATTHIAS DE SALO, I., 74, and after him by BOVERIUS, I., 43 ; for
criticism on this point see Appendix, No. 4. That Matteo asked the
Pope's permission for himself only and not for others is also clearly
stated by Joh. de Terranova, Acta Sanctor., Maji, IV., 284.
2 See Miscell. Francesc., IV., 153; WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed.} 576
sey., and SANTONI, 11-12, and 62.
462 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Matteo's misfortune did not long remain unknown ; even
the Duchess Caterina Cibo became aware of it. Through
her powerful intercession Matteo was free again by July ;
he now betook himself to Camerino, and had a great
success as a preacher of penance, and was soon joined by
other Observants. Among the first were the two brothers
Lodovico and Raffaello da Fossombrone, the first a
priest, the other a lay brother. Matteo had no thought
of founding an order ; all he desired was to carry out to the
very letter the rule of St. Francis.1 In Lodovico he was
joined by a kindred spirit, who by his energy and boldness
was well fitted to carry far what Matteo had set in motion.
At first, indeed, the co-operation of the two brothers
with Matteo led to a serious crisis. The Superiors, bent
on maintaining the unity of the Order, threatened the
former with excommunication for having left their convent
without leave, and even tried to get permission from Rome
to arrest them.2 Lodovico da Fossombrone, convinced
that his case was a thoroughly sound one, himself made
haste to Rome in the beginning of 1526 with letters of
recommendation from the Duchess of Camerino, and there
addressed himself to Carafa, " the friend of all reforms."3
1 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, who always treats Matteo as santo
huomo, insists on this in his *Cronica I. (General Archives of
Capuchins, Rome).
2 This hitherto unknown fact I derived from **a letter of Clement
VII., dat. Rome, 1526, March 8, found in the Secret Archives of the
Vatican (Arm., 39, vol. 55, f. 36b seq.\ and the text of which I intend to
publish in the Acta Pontif. In it are specially mentioned " Lud. et
Raphael de Forosempronio ac Mattheus de Bascia."
3 *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, I., loc. cit. To these
sources BOVERIUS (I., 63) also appeals, and afterwards BROMATO
(I., 140 seqq.}. Boverius, however, has elaborated the matter ; of a
testing of Lodovico's intentions by Carafa the *Cronica says nothing.
Cf. also Appendix, No. 4.
OPPOSITION TO THE CAPUCHINS. 463
The latter, on principle, was by no means favourably dis
posed to those religious who separated themselves from their
Order ; but he very soon perceived that in this case the
cause of separation was not laxity but its opposite, and this,
like all other efforts at reform, also received his support
Through Carafa's influence Lodovico soon attained his object.
The Cardinal Grand Penitentiary, Lorenzo Pucci, on the
1 8th of May 1526, gave vouchers to Lodovico and RafTaello
da Fossombrone as well as to Matteo da Bascio by which,
in the case of their Superiors refusing the permission asked
for, they were empowered by Papal authority to lead the
life of anchorites under the rule of St. Francis outside the
houses of their Order in the new district, but certainly
subject to the supervision of Bishop Giangiacomo Bon-
giovanni of Camerino.1
The quiet hill town now became the centre of the new
movement, which Giovanni da Fano continued to look
upon as an unlawful act of separation.2 Firmly convinced
that he was dealing here with a case of apostasy, he did
all that lay in his power to compass its suppression.
He had no idea that the reform of the Order, which
even he was striving for, was to come from below, from
very simple and insignificant men. The position of
the Franciscan hermits, as Matteo's associates at first
were called, became so bad that for some time they had
thoughts of going out as missionaries to the infidels.3
1 BOVERIUS, I., 64-65 ; Bull. Capuc., I., 1-2, from the original in
General Archives of the Capuchins in Rome, where the document
is not now to be found. MAURENBRECHER (Kathol. Ref., 231) is in
correct in speaking of a Papal Brief. FONTANA (Arch. d. Soc. Rom.,
IX., 346) even mentions a Bull. HEIMBUCHER (I., 316) attributes the
document, in error, to 1528.
2 "Setta," says the *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo in
General Archives of the Capuchins in Rome.
3 This statement is found in the *Cronica aforesaid, L, he. cit.
464 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In this time of distress, the Bishop of Camerino, the like-
minded Camaldolese, and especially the ducal family stood
by the persecuted community. But these simple men won
the love of the people in the terrible times of trouble
which broke over Camerino after 1527. When all others
fled before the plague they remained steadfast at their
posts. On the loth of August 1527 the Duke himself fell a
victim to the disease.1
In consequence of the continued hostility of the Ob
servants, Lodovico da Fossombrone put himself into com
munication with the Provincial of the Conventuals in the
Marches, who later took him and his colleagues into
his province, on condition that they reported themselves
once a year either to him or to the Chapter and sub
mitted themselves to visitation. Through the influence
of the Duchess Caterina Cibo,2 Lodovico obtained the
Pope's confirmation of this ordinance. This was con
tained in a Papal brief addressed from Viterbo on the 3rd
of July 1528, to Lodovico and RafTaello da Fossombrone.
It conveyed the ecclesiastical confirmation of the branch
of the Franciscans, subsequently known, from their habit,
as the Capuchins. This document sanctioned the mendi
cant life in hermitages or other places according to the
rule of St. Francis ; the beard was permitted to be worn as
well as the new habit with the four-cornered hood. Finally,
new members were permitted to be chosen from the ranks
of the secular clergy and the laity. At the same time, all
1 BOVERIUS, I., 109, places the Duke's death in 1528, but wrongly.
Cf. SANTONI, 64.
2 The statements in the *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo,
I. (General Archives of the Capuchin Order in Rome), about the inter
cession of Caterina Cibo, are confirmed by an entry on the original
minutes of the Brief in the Secret Archives of the Vatican ; see infra,
p. 465, n- *•
THE CAPUCHINS AT CAMERINO. 465
the privileges of the Conventuals and of the Camaldolese
hermits were extended to the new congregation.1
The Bishop of Camerino ordered this Brief to be
solemnly published, and then followed the foundation of
the first settled establishment outside the gates of the
episcopal city.2 Within the territory of the latter a
second convent on Monte Melone very soon arose.
1 The document, a Bull in the fuller sense (littera with formal greet
ing and sal. et apost. bened., year of our Lord and date of day accord
ing to the Roman Calendar), beginning " Religionis Zelus," is published
from a copy in the Archives of the Order in Bull. Capuc., I., 3-4. The
copy in BovERius, I., 94-96, is inadequate ; the same must be said of
the copy in WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 257 seq. ; see Bull. Rom., VI.,
113, 114, where the Brief is also. In the form of a Brief " dat. 3 Julii
1 528 " the document appears without the preamble and beginning at once
with " Exponi nobis " in Min. brev. in Secret Archives of the Vatican
(Arm., 40, vol. 20, n. 1191). Towards the end it runs: *Volentes
quoque ut, si vobis videbitur opportunum, has litteras nostras etiam
sub plumbo expediri facere valeatis. Under the date come the follow
ing signatures : *Visa Ja. Symoneta — Videtur concedendum A. Carlis
de Valle Protector — L. Carlis S. Quattuor. — Evangelista. On the back
one reads : *Julii 1528. " Intercedente ducissa Camerin. pro Ludovico
et Raphaele fratribus et fratribus ord. conventualium minorum. Rmus
S. Quattuor et protector viderunt." The General Archives of the
Capuchin Order in Rome still preserves the "^petition of Lodovico and
Raffaello da Fossombrone. In this petition much was asked that was
not immediately granted. Thus, permission: "unum superiorem et
custodem, qui in eos similem auctoritatem, habeat quam ministri pro-
vinciales dicti ordinis fratres provinciarum suarum habent, eligere
necnon omnibus et singulis tam clericis etiam ordinum quorumcunque
religiosis, superiorum suorum licentia petita licet non obtenta, quam
laicis qui divinia inspiratione ducti similem solitariam et austeram vitam
ducere voluerint, ut ad illam commorari seu transire et earn agere et in
illa[m] per dictos fratres et socios recipere libere et licite valeant."
1 The little convent lay one and a half miles from Camerino, near the
church S. Cristoforo, on the road to Varano. Since it soon proved to be
too small, Caterina Cibo prevailed on the Hieronymites to hand over to
the Franciscan hermits their nearly deserted convent at Colmenzone
VOL. X. 30
466 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Though the number of Franciscan hermits at that
time was comparatively small, yet their activity must be
described as exceptional. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, who
had personally known the earliest fathers, has left a sketch
of their first entrance on their mission, which is striking in
its bare simplicity.1 Their garments were the roughest that
could be procured. They went barefoot always, even in
winter, holding the crucifix in their hands. Their nourish
ment consisted of water, bread, vegetables, and fruit ;
flesh was eaten only very seldom ; the fasts were kept
rigorously — many fasted almost continually. Their dwell
ings, built by preference in lonely places, were as incon
spicuous and poor as possible ; they were composed only
of wood and loam. A board served for a bed ; for those
who were weaker there was a mat ; the doors of the cells
were so low that they could not be entered without
1 stooping ; the windows were very narrow and small, and
unfurnished with glass. This simplicity extended even to
the churches. Everything, even outwardly, was to preach
the utmost poverty in an age in which not only the
worldly, but also many great ecclesiastics, and even
members of the mendicant Orders themselves,2 worshipped
the lavish display of wealth.
close to S. Marcello. The five Observants named in the indult of
Cardinal Pucci of September 1 1, 1 528, here took possession (BOVERIUS,
I., 987 to 988). As the spot was unhealthy they built themselves, four
years later (so says Bernardino da Colpetrazzo in his *Cronica, I.), again
assisted by Caterina Cibo, a modest convent at Renacavata, in a retired
neighbourhood, three miles from Camerino, on the road to Tolentino.
This convent is still standing ; see SANTINI, 37 seqq., where there is
also a sketch.
1 *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, I. Cf. also MATTHIAS
DA SALO, *Hist. Capuc., I. (General Archives of the Capuchins, Rome).
2 WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 323. DOM. DE GUBERNATIS, Orbis
Seraph., III., i, 279.
WORK OF THE CAPUCHINS. 467
The inmates of these literally poverty-stricken convents
had, in the first period of their existence, two main objects
in view, and, above all, to be preachers of repentance to
the common people. The plain speaking of these simple
men, which spared no man, had such power that the
hardest hearts quailed and the most stubborn sinners were
converted. People often went five or six miles to hear the
Franciscan hermits. " They preached," says Bernardino
da Colpetrazzo, " the Holy Scriptures, especially the Holy
Gospel of Jesus Christ, exhorting their hearers to fulfil the
commandments of God."1 The same chronicler mentions
as strange novelties that they brought with them a crucifix
into the pulpit and urged a frequent reception of the
Blessed Sacrament.2
The behaviour of the poor hermits during the epidemic
called forth even greater admiration than their preaching.
A rich field for heroic acts of genuine Christian charity
was opened up during the terrible days of the sack of
Rome. The plague was soon followed by scarcity of food
and famine, which lasted, according to Bernardino da
Colpetrazzo, during 1528 and I529.3 Like other con
temporaries, this narrator saw in the sufferings by which
Italy was visited a punishment of the general wickedness.
The streets and roads were covered with dead, some cut
1 " Predicavano la scrittura sacra, principalmente il vangelo santo
del N. S. Gesu Cristo, esortando le persone all' osservanza de' com-
mandimenti di Dio." *Joh. jde Terranova (Acta Sanctor., Maji, IV.,
284) says of Matteo da Bascio that he preached : " ad infernum usurarii
ad infernum concubinarii, et sic de reliquis vitiis : tanta erat libertas
dicentis, ut nulli personae parcens, saepe a minus consideratis con-
temptui habitus propterea fuerit."
2 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo in Cronica, I. (General Archives of the
Capuchins, Rome), frequently draws attention to this.
3 " De quando i frati Capuccini si diedero a servire agli appestati."
*Cronica, ut supra.
468 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
off by the plague, some by famine, some by the sword ;
wolves gnawed the corpses, for in the districts devastated
by war there were none left to dig graves. Bernardino da
Colpetrazzo, who at that time was also suffering from
the plague, was unable in after years to find words to
describe the panic that prevailed.1 As watchers of the
sick could not be got in Camerino and its neighbour
hood, the Franciscan hermits voluntarily undertook their
duties. They carried the Viaticum to the dying and
buried the dead ; they took care of orphan children
and collected alms for the famishing survivors of the
population. They refused all offers of gifts to them
selves ; all was done for the love of God. With heroic
self-sacrifice the little band worked on until the plague
died out at the close of 1529; half of the population had
fallen prey to its ravages.2
This example of Christian love, which, to the end
of the century, clung to the memory of the thankful
people,3 combined with their inspired preaching, drew
to the Franciscan hermits after the extinction of the
plague many new members. The two first settlements
were no longer sufficient, two more had to be built;
one at Alvacina in the district of Fabriano, the other at
Fossombrone in the Duchy of Urbino. For these four
places, all, with the exception of the last, in the diocese
of Camerino, guardians were appointed in 1529 at the
first General Chapter held in a wretched hut at Alvacina.
At this meeting Matteo da Bascio, in spite of his
1 «*pareva che 1' aria piangesse."
2 *Cronica, ut supra.
3 "E tanto fu il rumore che si sparse la fama loro per tutta Italia e
tutti quei popoli se scolpirono nel cuore quei servi di Dio che insino ad
hoggi se ne ricordano e non puoco giovo alia povera congregatione quest'
ottimo esempio.'J *Cronica, ut. supra.
THE CAPUCHIN LIFE. 4^9
resistance,1 was chosen Vicar-General,2 and at the same
time the constitution of the new institute was sketched
in outline. The main principle was the closest observ
ance of the rule of St. Francis, particularly in respect
of the "virtue of holy poverty." Therefore, in collect
ing alms they were never to accept provisions beyond a
week's supply at the utmost. Their cells were to be
very narrow, more like jails than dwellings. Their very
churches were to reflect their poverty; precious metals
and stuffs were banished, and the psalmody was not to
be sung. Moreover, the most austere life was pre
scribed, nightly prayer, severe discipline, the roughest
and worst clothing ; bare-headed and unshod, they
were never to journey except on foot. The duty of
earnest preaching for those thus gifted is still a notice
able feature of the rule. They are to avoid all flowers
of speech and all subtle speculations, to keep in
view the practical needs of their hearers, and to
proclaim "purely and simply the Holy Gospel of our
Lord."3
The change in the direction of the new community was
of great importance. Matteo, who wished to give himself
entirely to preaching, resigned his post in a very short
time, whereon, with the Pope's consent, the energetic, self-
confident Lodovico da Fossombrone took his place. He
1 The *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo relates that Matteo
had pleaded that preaching was his real vocation and that, even if the
Pope would have it so, he was not fitted to rule the Friars (" e di piu io
no ho gratia di regger frati").
2 Under the General of the Conventuals. This arrangement
lasted till 1619 ; see Bull. Capuc., I., 62. Strictly speaking, it
is not until that date that one can speak of a new and independent
order.
3 BQVERIUS, I., 117 seq. Cf. HEIMBUCHER, I., 317.
47° HISTORY OF THE POPES.
entered into communication 1 with a number of Calabrian
Observants who were at the same time seeking a stricter
compliance with the rule, and established a settlement in
Rome. Here also it was Caterina Cibo who, through her
brothers, opened a way for these Observants, already known
as Franciscan hermits. Her brothers were guardians of
the Hospital of S. Giacomo for incurables. The little
church of S. Maria dei Miracoli, near the Piazza del
Popolo and attached to the hospital, became the first
Capuchin settlement in Rome.2 They now took charge
of the hospital, and the care which they there bestowed
on the sick drew to them the sympathy of the lower as
well as the higher classes in Rome.3
The rapid extension of the new community made a deep
impression on the Observants, and spurred them on to fresh
action against the hermits. Many saw in the behaviour of
the members of the new body an excess of enthusiasm on
the part of some, on the part of others defiance and rebellion.
The latter view found favour with the masterful Giovanni da
Fano, who was convinced that he was carrying out a good
work in opposing the upstarts.4 In other Observants the
1 " Instrumentum aggregationis frat. Calabriae," dat. 1529, August
1 6, in BOVERIUS, I., 133 seq. Cf. F. SECURI, Mem. stor. s. prov. d.
Capuccini di Reggio di Calabria, Reggio di C., 1885.
2 Cf. the sound and scholarly discussion, directed at Boverius, of
EDOARDO DA ALENCON, II primo convento dei Capuccini in Roma :
La Madonna dei Miracoli, Alencon, 1907. Later the Capuchins
settled on the Esquiline at S. Eufemia, near S. Pudentiana, where
now stands the Hospital of the Bambino Gesu. The old church of
S. Maria dei Miracoli stood where now the Ponte Margarita begins.
3 "Come il P. fra Ludovico ando a Roma e come prese il primo
luogo in Roma." *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo (General
Archives of the Capuchins, Rome) ; afterwards BOVERIUS, I., 131 seqq.
4 *Non fu mai Abel tanto odiato dal suo fratello Chain e meno
Giacob cosi perseguitato dal suo fratello Esau quanto furono per-
FRA LODOVICO. 471
leading motive was simply jealousy, and in Paolo Pisotti,
then their General, there was undoubtedly a repugnance
to all reform.1
To all these antagonists Lodovico now gave good
grounds for complaint, for in his unreflecting zeal to obtain
as many new members as possible for his community, he
drew into it 2 not a few Observants. The reception of
the latter was a consequence of the Grand Penitentiary's
indult. The Observants, fearing a gradual dismemberment
of the whole Order, made such passionate representations
to the Pope of the injuriousness of the indult and of the
misuse of it, that Clement VII. in May 1530 cancelled
all his concessions to the new Franciscan offshoot. But the
Papal Brief of July 1528 was not expressly mentioned in
this enactment. Lodovico, in his opposition to the new
measures, was able to take his stand on the earlier
seguitati et odiati i poveri Capuccini da questo venerabile padre fra
Giovanni da Fano, ministro in quel tempo della provincia della Marca,
e fu con ammiratione molta d' ogn' uno ch' un huomo tanto da bene,
dotto, attempato, giuditioso e di buonissima conscientia preciptasse
in un errore cosi grande, ma da molti servi d' Iddio di quel tempo ne
fu fatto giuditio che no da lui si muovesse e con malignita, ma per zelo
della religione parendogli veramente di far bene e cosa grata a Dio
e per questo parve che quel che faceva il facesse con grand' odio, non
era pero odio sicome egli medesimo disse dipoi quando venne tra
Capuccini, ma perche era huomo spiritoso, di bell' ingegno, in tutte le
sue cose procedeva resoluto e nelle sue operation! era huomo efficacis-
simo ; nondimeno da quei che pescavano piu al fondo fu fatto giuditio
che questa fusse una permissione di Dio per maggior prolatione di
quei venerandi padri, primi Capuccini. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo.
*Cronica, I., loc. cit.
1 See DOM. DE GUBERNATIS, Orbis Seraph., III., i, 279. Joh. de
Terranova states expressly that Pisotti intrigued against the Franciscan
hermits with Clement VII. Pisotti got at first the Brief of December
14, 1529, published in WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 279-280.
- Even BOVERIUS admits this, I., 137.
472 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
document; besides, he and his patrons did all in their
power to show that the complaints raised were unfounded,
and to nullify the Pope's severe regulations. At first they
were unsuccessful,1 but at last they succeeded in having
the whole dispute referred by Clement VII. to the Cardinals
Antonio del Monte and Andrea della Valle for fresh ex
amination ; these gave as their decision, on the I4th of
August 1532, that in future the Franciscan hermits must
not receive any more Observants, but that the Observants
must abstain from any molestation of those who had
left them for the Franciscan hermits, and of the hermits
themselves.2
This decision, pronounced in the Pope's name, was a
striking success for the new institution over the old. The
Franciscan hermits now spread their settlements not
only through the Marches and in Calabria, but in other
parts of Italy and even in Sicily.3 A certain increase of
1 The documents relating to events of this period in WADDING
(XVI., 2nd ed., 291 seqq., 300 seqq., 605 seq.} and the narrative in the
*Cronica of P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo are so incomplete that much
remains to be cleared up. Unfortunately I only succeeded in finding
in the Secret Archives of the Vatican two documents relating to these
events, viz.: (a] The "^commands of May 27, 1530 (and again on
December 2, 1531 ; see FONTANA, Docum., 122 seq.) to the Vicar-
General of the Observantines to reinstate in their convents those who
had gone away, repeatedly mentioned in the Bulls given in WADDING ;
Brevia, 1530, vol. 50, f. 750. (b) A *Brief of July 3, 1532, in which all,
who after May 27, 1 530, had left, are ordered to return to their convents ;
Arm., 40, vol. 39, n. 184.
2 The decision is given in BOVERIUS, I., 172-175. Cf. WADDING,
XVI., 2nd ed., 335.
3 Already by 1530 they were firmly established at Naples (see
GALANTE in La Scienza e la Fede, 3rd Series, XVIII. [1872], 7, and
BONAVENTURA DA SORRENTO, I Capuccini della prov. monast. di
Napoli e Terra di Lavoro, S. Agnello di Sorrento, 1879) and at the
same time in Liguria (see F. Z. MOLFINO, Cod. dipl. d. Capuccini
INCREASE OF THE CAPUCHINS. 473
difficulty as regards admission into their ranks was
nothing but beneficial, for there were some who presented
themselves from motives which were not without worldly
alloy.1 All the storms through which the new foundation
had to pass served only to impart inward strength. The
defection of the Observants was mainly due to the aversion
of the General, Pisotti, to all plans of reform. When
Clement VII. was in possession of the proofs of this
man's bad government, he insisted on his resignation
(December I533).2 By neglect of the lax and persecution
of the strict, Pisotti had brought his Order to the brink of
ruin ; no wonder that the better spirits passed over to
the Franciscan hermits. In 1534 they were joined by
the most famous preachers in Italy, Bernardino Ochino
and Bernardino of Asti.3 In the same year the man who
had been their most violent opponent, Giovanni da Fano,
took the same step.
The Observants were as much convinced as ever of the
danger in which their Order was placed ; their complaints
were so importunate that Clement thought that he must
once more give them a hearing. On the 9th of April
1534 a Brief was addressed to Lodovico and to all his
associates forbidding them henceforward, without special
Papal permission, to receive any Observants or take over
any convents belonging to them. This prohibition was also
Liguri, Geneva, 1904, xxiii. seq.\ and by 1532 in Tuscany (cf. SlSTO
DA PISA, Storia d. Capuccini Toscani, Firenze, 1906, I., 35 seq.}.
1 This is confirmed by *MATTHIAS DE SALO, Hist. Capuc., I., 259 :
" Vi entrarono da principio ogni sorte di frati che uscirno dagii osser-
vanti fra quali molti ve n' erano portati da caprici, da sdegni et da altri
rispetti humani."
2 WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 303 seqq., 323 ^^.,342 seqq.\ DOM.
DE GUBERNATIS, III., I, 279 seq.
3 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo (*Cronica, I.) often gives the year 1534
as the date of Ochino's entry into the new congregation.
474 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
extended to those who had gone over to the Conventuals
or had left the Order entirely.1 To this document the
first use of the expression " Capuchin," in the mention of
Lodovico, can be traced.
The opponents, emboldened by this success, now
hoped to achieve the overthrow of the whole hermit
congregation. But Clement VII. positively refused to
repeal the Bull of 1528, although he consented to the
banishment of the Capuchins from Rome. On the
25th of April 1534 appeared the edict enjoining their
departure. The fathers were just about to partake of
their simple mid-day meal when the order was brought
to them ; without a moment's demur they obeyed the
command of the Head of the Church, and without
touching their food they went forth. Thirty in number,
they walked, two and two, with the cross carried before
them, through the city to S. Lorenzo outside the walls,
where they were kindly received. While the majority
stayed there temporarily, a few, among them Giovanni da
1 WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 380-381, and Bull. Capuc., I., 11-12,
give the text of the Brief which proves that the story told by BOVERIUS
(I., 191 seq.\ that Clement VII. had broken off his intended injunctions
against the Capuchins on account of a terrible storm, is fabulous. In
the ^original minutes in the Secret Archives of the Vatican the words,
afterwards struck out as being too harsh, are still standing : " Vitamque
admodum austeram et rigidam ac fere non humanam ducentes." Here
also belongs a supplementary *Brief of Clement VII. to Cardinal della
Valle, dated Rome, 1534, April 15, dealing with the return of the
Observants who had gone over to the Capuchins. The minute of this
Brief has the following "^endorsement : " Non videtur decens ut
religiosus invitus cogatur ad laxiorem vitam ; si tamen S. D. N. aliquo
respectu id velit, nullo modo approbo quod procedatur per Sanct. Suam,
sed committatur alii, non enim talis processus est dignus processu
per ipsummet Papam. Hier. [Ghinucci] Auditor." Arm., 40, vol. 47,
in Secret Archives of the Vatican.
POPULARITY OF THE CAPUCHINS. 475
Fano, went into upper Italy, there to found new settle
ments. Thus the misfortunes of the Capuchins turned
eventually into a blessing-.
The banishment of the worthy friars from Rome caused
a storm of indignation among the people, who had come to
value them as the succourers of the sick. As interpreter of
public opinion the hermit Brandano, so well known during
the sack, appeared on the scene. " All the wicked, all the
sinful," he exclaimed, "can come to Rome; the good and
the virtuous are driven out/'1 At the same time many of
the Roman nobility came forward on behalf of the exiles.
It was precisely the utter poverty and entire contempt of
the world of the Capuchins that had made an ineffaceable
impression on the nobler characters. Among the Roman
aristocracy, Vittoria Colonna hastened from Marino, and
she and Camillo Orsini made representations to Clement
as frank as they were touching. Caterina Cibo also made
1 *Come i frati Capuccini per una grave persecutione furono dis
cacciati dell' alma citta di Roma al tempo di Clemente VII. *Cronica
del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, I. (the prophet is here called :
" Meo Sanese detto il Brandano, il quale era romito del Sacco "),
and MATTHIAS DE SALO, Hist. Capuc., I., 195 seqq. He expressly
says : " erano da trenta frati." Bernardino da Colpetrazzo speaks of
1 50 who had been brought to Rome by Lodovico a few days before,
a statement accepted by BOVERIUS, I., 190. Matthias de Salo also
related that the Pope's decree was executed with greater severity than
he had originally intended. " Hebbe (the General of the Observants)
per tanto da quanti prencipi erano amorevoli della religione lettere in
favore a S. Sta et il mezo di molti Cardinali della corte e quello
singolarmente del protettore, e tanto fu 1' instanza et importunita sua,
che il pontefice stimo di non poter resistere e lasciosi uscir di bocca
che i Capuccini fossero mandati fuor di Roma, il che fu esseguito molto
piu rigorosamente di quello che il pontefice ne intendeva ne detto
haveva. Imperocche accesa la candela fu intimate a Capuccini che
prima che ella finisce fossero fuori di Roma" (General Archives of the
Capuchins, Rome).
476 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
her way to Rome, but when she reached the city Clement
VII. had already sanctioned the return of the Capuchins.1
So this storm also passed over happily. Others, heavier
still, were to arise under Clement's successor, but they too
had their hour, and the Capuchin Order grew up in the
Church to be a great instrument of reform and restoration
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Poor them
selves, they became the friends of the poorer classes,
whose needs and sufferings they knew as few others did,
and to whom in the time of trouble they brought aid
with heart and hand.
The pursuit of practical aims, before all others the care
of souls, preaching, and the tending of the sick to which the
Capuchins,aswellas the Theatines,Somaschi,andBarnabites,
in accordance with the needs of the age, had devoted them
selves, was to reappear even more sharply accentuated in
another company of regular clergy which, in activity and
diversity of aims, in inward power and outward range of
influence, was far to surpass the older orders as well as
their more recent successors.
The days of Clement VII. were drawing to a close when
this new organization started on its career. It was on
the Feast of the Assumption, 1534, that Ignatius Loyola,
on the height of Montmartre, on the spot where the first
Apostle of Paris had met a martyr's death, unfolded to a
gathering of six trusted friends his plan of enlisting a
spiritual army " whose leader should be the Saviour Himself,
whose banner the Cross, whose watchword God's honour,
and whose meed of victory the salvation of men and the
1 Above according to the *Cronica of Bernardino da Colpetrazzo.
MATTHIAS DE SALO, *Hist. Capuc., I., 282, relates that such was the
love of the people that the expelled Fathers had in S. Lorenzo more
means of subsistence brought to them than they ever had had given
them in Rome. See also FELICIANGELI, Cat. Cibo, 161 seq.
THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 477
glory of the Church."1 Only one of these inspired men
was a priest, Peter Faber, a Savoyard. From his hands,
on consecrated ground, the group of friends received Holy
Communion ; into his hands, together with the vows of
poverty and chastity, they laid yet another — to go, at the
close of their theological studies, to Jerusalem, to engage
in the conversion of the infidels, or, if this were not
possible, to place themselves at the disposal of the Pope
for any apostolic mission on which he might choose to
send them.
Such was the origin of the Society of Jesus, destined to
attain to a world-wide importance in the history of the
Church as the most powerful bulwark of the Papacy during
the catastrophe of the sixteenth century.
1 HEIMBUCHER, II., 47. In the Middle Ages Montmartre was
covered with convents and hermitages of which, except the Church
St. Pierre, dating in part from the ninth century, close to the new
Church of the Sacre Cceur, not a trace remains. The chapel in which
St. Ignatius and his companions assembled on August 15, 1534, was
destroyed in 1790 ; it stood where the Chaussee des Martyrs abuts on
the Rue Antoinette. See L. Michel's note to BARTOLI, Hist, de S.
Ignace, Bruges, 1893, 380.
APPENDIX
OF
UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
AND
EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES.
APPENDIX.
i. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO DONATO DE MARiNis.1
1525, September 15, Rom.
Grata familiaritatis obsequia . . . Cum itaque postmodum
parrochialis ecclesia sanctorum Silvestri et Dorothee in regione
Transtiberim de urbe confraternitati societati christindelium divini
amoris nuncupate sub invocatione s. Jeronymi canonice institute
perpetuo unita annexa et incorporata ex eo, quod nos unionem
annexionem et incorporationem predictas, dilectis filiis modernis
confratribus sociis nuncupatis confraternitatis huiusmodi in hoc
expresse consentientibus, harum serie dissolvimus, per dissolu-
tionem huiusmodi apud sedem predictam vacaverit et vacet ad
presens nullusque de ilia preter nos hac vice disponere potuerit
sive possit reservatione et decreto obsistentibus supra dictis, nos
tibi presbitero et etiam continue commensali nostro asserenti
confratres predictos seu eorum maiorem partem forenses existere
premissorum obsequiorum et meritorum tuorum intuitu specialem
gratiam facere volentes . . . ecclesiam predictam, cuius et illi
forsan annexorum fructus redditus et proventus vigintiquatuor
ducatorum auri de camera secundum communem extimationem
valorem annuum ut etiam assens non excedunt, . . . cum dictis
annexis ac omnibus iuribus et pertinentiis suis apostolica tibi
auctoritate conferimus et de ilia etiam providemus. . . .
Datum Rome apud sanctum Petrum anno incarnacionis
dominice millesimo quingentesimo vicesimoquinto decimoseptimo
kal. octobr. pontificatus nostri anno secundo.
Orig. with leaden seal in Arm. XL, caps. 1, n. 217 (a tergo : A°
inc. d. 1525 die XII. Novernb. rev1 confratres presentes consentie-
runt dissolutioni . . . ). Cf. Regest. Vat. 1481, f. 288-290.
[Secret Archives of the Vatican.]
1 See supra, p. 390.
VOL. X. 481 31
482 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
2. SAFE-CONDUCT OF POPE CLEMENT VII. FOR
JOHANN HEITMERS.1
1526, Januar. 17, Rom.
Universis et singulis patriarchis, archiepiscopis, episcopis ac
quibuscunque in dignitate ecclesiastica constitutis, presbyteris
quoque et clericis nee non ducibus, principibus, baronibus,
comitibus, nobilibus, officialibus, communitatibus, hominibus et
particularibus personis inclytarum nationum Germaniae, Franciae,
Daciae, Angliae et Scotiae, aliarumque nationum, ad quas
dilectum filium loannem Heytmers commissarium et accolitum
nostrum2 declinare contigent, salutem et apostolicam benedic-
tionem. Cum in minoribus adhuc essemus animo nostro cogi-
tantes, Cosmum et complures progenitores nostros et praesertim
lulianum et Laurentium de Medices necnon fel. rec. Leonem
Papam X. praedecessorem et patruelem nostrum secundum carnem
in primis innnitam curam et sollicitudinem impendisse ac incredi-
biles impensas fecisse, ut ad communem studiorum ac studiosorum
utilitatem veteres libros Graecae, Latinae et Haebraicae linguae in
diversis et remotissimis mundi partibus etiam inndelium ditioni
subiectis latentes per viros doctos inquirerent ac in Italiam
conduci et in publicis bibliothecis per eos erectis et constructis
reponi et custodiri curarent : nos, qui etiam hos linguarum viros
ex omni studio generali et in omni scientia peritissimos semper
enutrivimus ac magnis stipendiis et donis traximus et vocavimus
talemque inquirendi libros diligentiam imitari desideramus
eorumque in privata domo nostrorum praedecessorum et pro-
genitorum bibliothecam a doctis omnibus frequentatam servamus,
postquam ad summi apostolatus apicem, divina favente dementia,
assumpti fuimus, inter alia revolventes, librorum copiam Christinae
religioni in primis fructuosam esse indeque multis nostrae fidei
arcana et secreta elici, nihil duximus omittendum, quod ad earn
rem conducere arbitrati fuimus, ut in his miseris et afflictis
Christianae reipublicae temporibus et perfidorum haereticorum
tumultibus divina et humana omnia permiscentibus turn caeteris
curis et sollicitudinibus turn hoc etiam perquirendorum librorum
studio orthodoxam fidem iuvaremus. Et propterea certiores facti
quamplurimos desideratos vetustos libros in diversis provinciarum
1 See supra, p. 336. 2 In MS. there follows: ad quas ipsum.
APPENDIX. 483
et regnorum praedictorum locis latere, qui si in lucem ederentur,
rempublicam litterariam diu antea periclitantem et pene inter-
mortuam plurimum iuvare et praecipae Christianam religionem
iam aliquantulum fluctuantem ac etiam studiosorum animos
inflammare possent, dictum loannem nostrum commissarium et
accolitum istuc destinamus, ut bibliothecas omnes dictarum
provinciarum et regnorum perlustret librosque omni studio et
diligentia inquirat et illos vel eorum exempla ad nos transportet
seu transportari faciat. Quare vos omnes et singulos et in primis
charissimos in Christo filios nostros Carolum Romanorum regem
in imperatorem electum necnon Franciae, Daciae, Angliae et
Scotiae reges illustres paterna hortamur charitate ac maiori quo
possumus studio et affectu requirimus, ut pro nostra et in hanc
sanctam sedem reverentia atque Christianae religionis et doctrinae
intuitu velitis ipsum loannem benigne recipere sinceraque charitate
tractare ac permittere, ut quascunque bibliothecas ingredi possit,
eidemque, si ei videbitur, de opportunis salvis conductibus pro-
videre ; demumque in exequenda huiusmodi commissione nostra
circa tarn laudabile opus ita favere atque adesse, ut quod nos
de re litteraria et fide orthodoxa ac de commodo et ornamento
studiosorum omnium mente concepimus, idipsum, auctore
Domino, vobis etiam adiuvantibus facilius perficere valeamus.
Offerentes nos vestram in nos et hanc sanctissimam sedem volun-
tatem et observantiam memori animo prosecuturos, et quando-
cunque se occasio tulerit in Domino parem etiam vobis gratiam
relaturos. Detentoribus insuper et occupatoribus huiusmodi
librorum et ad nos et dictam sedem illos mittere indebite
recusantibus ac scientibus occupatores et detentores huiusmodi et
non revelantibus sub excommunicationis latae sententiae poena,
quam ferimus in his scriptis, et a qua non nisi per nos quemvis
absolvi posse volumus, districte praecipientes mandamus, quatenus
visis praesentibus dictos libros vel exhibeant vel manifestent, ut
censuras et poenas praedictas effugiant ac de obedientia et religionis
Christianae conservatione, promptitudine a nobis et dicta sede
atque omnibus litterarum studiosis merito commendari necnon a
Deo bonorum omnium remuneratore immortale praemium sperare
et consequi possint. Et ut facilius et citius dictus loannes
praemissa exequi valeat, damus per praesentes [ei] facultatem sub-
stituendi unum vel plures ad praemissa et quodlibet praemissorum
484 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
cum pari aut limitata potestate et ab eisdem rationem gestorum
et administratorum exigendi et cogendi. Super quibus plenam
etiam harum serie concedimus ei potestatem. Dat. Romae etc.
die xvn ianuarii 1526 anno 3°. Ja. Sadoletus.
[Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. 39, vol. 46, n. 31.]
3. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO THE DOMINICANS OF GHENT.1
1526, Januar. 17, Rome.
Dilectis filiis priori et conventui ordinis praedicatorum civitatis
Gandensis. Dilecti filii salutem etc. Rempublicam litterariam
diu antea periclitantem et pene intermortuam, a quibusdam vero
annis reviviscentem volentes Deo propitio, fel. rec. Leonis X
praedecessoris et secundum carnem patruelis nostri vestigiis
inhaerendo, fovere prospicientesque ei rei magno usui fore, si
nonnulli libri, qui propter iniquas hominum conditiones adhuc
incogniti latent, ad communem studiosorum omnium utilitatem in
lucem edantur, nihil duximus omittendum, quod ad earn rem
pertineret. Certiores itaque facti a dilecto filio loanne Heytmers
commissario et accolito nostro, quern istuc in praesentiarum
destinavimus pro huiusmodi inquirendis vetustissimis libris
utriusque linguae auctorum desideratorum in diversis locis
regnorum et provinciarum diversorum latentibus, a fel. rec.
Leone X praefato ad hoc laudabile opus alias emisso, dilecti
filii fratris Wilhelmi Carnificis ordinis sancti Dominici opera et
industria se in primis fuisse adiutum eiusdem auxilio et virtute
non minus quam antea ad dictos libros inquirendos . . . [sic]
indigere, vos et eundem Wilhelmum pro sua in nos et erga hanc
sanctam sedem reverentia et devotione ac in bonarum artium
studiosos officio impenso plurimum in Domino commendamus et
discretiones vestras impensius hortamur in Domino et in virtute
sanctae obedientiae requirimus, ut ipsi Wilhelmo plenam et liberam
facultatem et potestatem concedatis sex menses extra vestrum
ordinem et claustra monasteriorum ipsius ordinis exeundi,
manendi, standi et pernoctandi ac una cum dicto loanne
commissario nostro omnia et singula loca, civitates, terras et
provincias perlustrandi ad huiusmodi inquirendorum librorum
effectum duntaxat, prout etiam nos per praesentes eidem
1 See supra, p. 336.
APPENDIX. 485
Wilhelmo plenam et liberam facultatem et potestatem, ut
praefertur, auctoritate apostolica concedimus et elargimur. Man-
dantes insuper eidem et sub excommunicationis poena districtius
praecipientes, ut dicto commissario in quantum poterit omnem
suam operam, industriam, auctoritatem, diligentiam et animi
promptitudinem dicto semestre durante ad huiusmodi libros in
quibusvis bibliothecis et locis existentes perquirendos etinveniendos
et ad commissarii manus ac potestatem tradendos impendat et
exhibeat. Non obstantibus quibusvis dicti ordinis et monasterii
vestri generalibus vel specialibus constitutionibus et ordinationibus
iuramento vel quavis firmitate alia roboratis, quibus caveatur,
quod religiosi extra ordinem et monasteria sua permanere nee
debeant nee possint, a quibus omnibus et singulis praefatum
Wilhelmum ad huiusmodi laudabilem effectum per dictos sex
menses absolvimus et eximimus eadem auctoritate. Quod erit
nobis a discretionibus vestris gratum et acceptum, vobisque et
monasterio vestro in iis gratiis, quas haec sancta sedes in Domino
potest concedere, grati animi signa ostendemus. Ac nihilominus
eidem Wilhelmo pro simili alias suscepto labore et pro ea, quam,
sicut in Domino confidimus, . . . [sic] et diligentem in huiusmodi
libris investigandis nostro intuitu eidem loanni modo praestabit
operam, si quando nobis iusta se occasio obtulerit, grati animi
effectum demonstrabimus. Dat. Romae etc. die xvn ianuarii
1 526 anno 3°. Ja. Sadoletus.
[Seer. Arch, of the Vatican, Arm. 39, vol. 46, n. 30. Ibid., Brief
to the Dominican Guillelmus Carnifex of the same date.]
4. REMARKS ON THE OLDEST SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF
THE CAPUCHINS, AND ON THE CRITICISM OF BovERius.1
Boverius in his important work (I., 33 seq.) has treated the
rise of the Capuchins and their earliest history in the most
interesting way, but sometimes to the disadvantage of the
objective side of history ; he is not always free from bias in
dealing with the Franciscans. This naturally aroused vehement
opposition on the part of the latter, especially from Wadding
(XVI., 209 seqq.). The Bollandists (Acta Sanctor., Maii, IV.,
205 seqq.) summed up the controversy with unprejudiced judg-
1 See supra, pp. 458, 460, 461, 462.
486 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ment; they weighed calmly the relative claims of the old and
the new foundations.
An original document of primary importance, the account of
Joannes de Terranova (Capuchin from 1532; 11573), has also been
made accessible (Act. Sanct., op. cit., 283 seqg.) in a Latin transla
tion.1 It is of the utmost importance to examine the authorities
cited by Boverius to see whether he has been impartial ; Wadding
made a beginning by pointing out clearly that Boverius made
use of an interpolated edition of the " Chroniche de' frati minori "
by Marco da Lisboa, which appeared in 1598 in Venice (an
edition had already appeared in 1597), and that he had added
to it on an important point (the permission given by word of
mouth by Pope Clement to Matteo da Bascio), in a party sense
favourable to the Capuchins. Perhaps, Wadding concludes,
the additions are to be found in the four unpublished Chronicles
to which Boverius appeals as his principal authorities, but which
until now have not appeared. The authors of these Chronicles,
according to Boverius, were the Vicars-General of the Capuchins,
" Marius a Forosarsinio " and " Hieronymus a Monteflorum "
(the former elected 1567, the latter 1575), and the Capuchins,
"Matthias Salodiensis" (fi6n) and " Bernardarius a Colle-
petracio," who had been a contemporary of Matteo da Bascio
and Bernardino of Asti. A part of the chronicle of Marius a
Forosarsinio is at Venice in the Museo Correr (Cicogna, 551);
the three others, in the General Archives of the Capuchin Order,
I was able to make use of through the kindness of the archivist,
Fr. Edouard d'Alen9on. The *Cronica del P. Bernardino da
Colpetrazzo fills two volumes, or 1392 quarto pages : it is divided
into three books — (i) "Una simplice et divota istoria dell' origine
della congregatione de' frati Capuccini " ; (2) " Le vite et miracoli
di s. huomini d. congreg. d. frati Capucc." ; (3) " Del modo di
vivere, delle virtu et buoni costumi di quei primi padri che
1 The original of this chronicle is unfortunately lost ; but an excerpt from it
("Dell' origine et principi della congregatione de' padri Capuccini nella
provincia della Marca et di Calabria, cavato dagli scritti del P. Fr. Giovanni
di Terra nova") is contained in the rare work, " Historia sagra intitolata Mare
Oceano di tutte le religioni del mondo da D. Silvestro Maruli o Maurolico,"
Messina, 1613, 375 seq. A new edition is being prepared by F. Edouard
APPENDIX. 487
diedero principio alia s. riforma de' Capuccini." We learn from
the introduction that Bernardino da Colpetrazzo was born in that
place (near Todi) in 1514, and had already entered the Capuchin
Order in his sixteenth year ; he was led to compose his work by a
false report, set in circulation against the Order, that Ochino
was their founder. Girolamo da Montefiore, Vicar-General from
J575 to I58l> following his example, undertook a historical
refutation of this legend ; he wrote to all the early fathers of the
foundation and asked for their reminiscences. "I too," says
Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, "was asked: ' massimamente per
esser stato familiarissimo della maggior parte di quei primi
padri.' " Some time before this, Fra Mario de Mercato Saracini
had taken part in this task; Bernardino adds that he was not
master of the "alto stile" of this writer, he only related the
"semplice verita." A portion of the Chronicle was finished by
1580 ; the Vicar-General intended to have a history of the Order
printed in 1584; Bernardino was therefore called to Rome and
there resumed his work. His excellent memory stood him in
good stead, his whole aim being to set down everything as
truthfully as possible. Bernardino said on this point : *" E quei
primi tutti gli ho conosciuti eccetto tre che morsero che io non gli
veddi perche stettero poco nella nostra congregatione e quei che
piu m' importava fu che io hebbi stretta familiarita con tutti quei
padri che governorno in quei principio la nostra congregatione,
i quali familiarissamente mi riferivano tutte le cose secrete che
eran trattate cosi in corte come ne' capitoli per esser da loro
molto amato, come fu il P. frate Bernardino d' Asti, il P. f.
Francesco da Jegi, il P. f. Bernardino da Monte del Olmo,
i quali furono che qualche spatio di tempo miei maestri. Conobbi
il P. f. Matteo, il P. f. Lodovico da Fossombrone che quando
egli reggeva io mi feci capuccino. Non mi curar6 di molto
abellire, ma solo mi sforzerb di narrare la semplice verita di
quelle cose che co proprii ochi ho visto o intese da quei che
T hanno viste e son testimonii degni di fede." The work, which
was not finished until 1592, is, notwithstanding a want of artistic
form, very valuable, and, together with Joannes de Terranova,
whose information is also drawn from the recollections of the
earliest fathers, is, up to the present time, the most important of
our existing sources.
488 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The author of the interpolated passage in the " Croniche de'
frati minori" (III., 289 seqq.) was in all probability acquainted
with the "Cronica" of Bernardino. In the *"Historia Capuccina"
of Matthias Stellintani da Salo (2 vols.) also, which 1 saw in
the General Archives of the Order, frequent use has been made
of Bernardino da Colpetrazzo ; for although Matthias has a few
good pieces of information which partly come from the "old
fathers," still his work is based upon that of Bernardino.
Boverius did not notice this circumstance ; he uses Matthias da
Salo when the statements of the latter suit his purpose ; thus, for
example, in relating the audience given to Matteo by Clement
VII. (I., 43), he passes over in silence the fact that Bernardino
as well as the Venetian edition of the Chronicle know nothing
of the Pope's amplified permission (see supra, p. 461, note i).
But in another instance Bernardino's improbable statement,
that as early as 1534 about 150 Capuchins were already
gathered together in Rome, is made use of because it gives an
impression of the rapid increase in numbers of the Order ; on
the other hand, the statement of Matthias da Salo, which has
an appearance of credibility in it, that the number of Capuchins
in Rome in 1534 was thirty, is disregarded by Boverius. The
manuscript cited by Santoni (63) : *Del principio della riforma
e congregatione de' frati Capuccini, in Cod. D. VI., 24 of the
Casanatense library, is not an independent work but an excerpt
from the *Cronica of Bernardino da Colpetrazzo. On this last
authority, together with the "^Documents in the Secret Archives
of the Vatican, and Joannes de Terranova, I especially rely for
my representation of the facts in the text, freed from the exaggera
tions and embellishments of Boverius.1
5. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.2
1528, October 12, Rom.
Ho recercato Roma a questi di et retrovatola in effetto molto
ruinata et deshabitata, tanto che e cosa maravigliosa ; infenite
1 The work of Mario de Mercato Saracini will be augmented by the
^Chronicle of Girolamo da Montefiore, containing an account of the lives of
the early Capuchins.
2 See supra, p. 30.
APPENDIX. 489
case ce sono senza patroni et destrutte de solari et de tetti, prive
de porte, fenestre et simile altre cose, di modo che e una com-
passione ad vedere tanto exterminio; molta gente conoscea a
tempi passati si de Romani come de forestieri, hora non ce ne
vedo alcuno di quelli, et havendone dimandato, ritrovo che sono
morti quasi tutti, maxime li Romani, che hora non se ne vede
pur uno, mancato ogniuno di peste. lo certarnente resto stupe-
fatto vedendo appresso le ruine una tanta solitudine : potria essere
che poi che la corte e qui almeno multiplicara la gente, et con-
seguentemente seranno restorate le case, ma non spero gia de
vedere questo cosi presto, perche da fare ci sera prima che si
reduchino le cose a primi termini, che a dire il vero la ruina e
stata troppo grande.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
6. CARDINAL TRIVULZIO TO GIROLAMO N.1
1529, April 9, Rom.
M. Hieronymo, non havendo prima possuto trovarmi con N. S.
per altro che per visitarlo per la indispositione sua hoggi terzo
giorno hebbi comodita di vederlo et anche de ragionare delle
occurrentie che al presente accascano. Trovai Sua Stk non
molto ben contenta si per le cose passate di Cervia et Ravenna,
delle quali ha recentissima memoria, si anche del appontamento
fatto di Malatesta parendoli non esser ragionevole che Sua Mu lo
pigliasse a servitio et soldo suo et levarli un suo subdito ; pur
attribuisce tutto piii presto ad Firenza, Ferrara et Urbino che
ad alcuna mala intentione del re. Furno sopra queste due cose
longhi discorsi per il che io me igegniai quanto fu in poter mio
responder al uno et 1' altro articulo mostrando ad Sua St& quale
me haveva detto haver espettato hormai 18 mesi et non posser
star piu in questo modo ; li dissi che la restitutione delle sue
terre era propinqua et ch' a Venetia si aspettava la venuta del
maral Trivultio che per questo effetto principalmente era destinato
dal re benche ne da voi ne dal sor Pomponio non ne habbiamo
adviso, pur Sua St& lo sapeva et dice che dal canto suo non si
pretermetteva cosa alcuna perche si metta in opera questa
1 See supra, p. 49.
490 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
restitutione. Alia parte de Malatesta Baglione li dissi ch' io
non sapeva questa certeza del suo appontamento per esser cosa
trattata nel tempo che Sua Stk etiam in Roma era tenuta per
morta et che non era maraveglia che in quella occasione havesse
Sua Mtk appontato questo homo per la importanza de Perogia
non per far danno et deservitio ad Sua Su, ma per assecurarsi che
non pigliasse appontamento con li inimici et benche li ragiona-
menti fussero piu longhi nondimeno questo e la substantia del
tutto. Non lassaro de dirvi che Sua Sli quasi ridendo me disse
che discorrendo Sua Mtk con il legato le provisioni fatte per le
cose de Italia aggionse ch' haveva anche appontato Malatesta
Baglione, io li resposi che da qui posseva far iudicio certo non
esser fatto che per bene, perche se malitia et malignita vi fusse
P harebbe Sua Mtk celato et ascosto guardandosi de dirlo maxime
al legato. Intr6 poi Sua Stk in discorso de la pressa li fanno
questi agenti del Impor per condurlo ad appontamento et declara-
tione, il che dice esser molto alieno dalla volunta et judicio suo,
purche potesse resister che se vede ad mal partito trovandosi
da Ihoro l serrato in Castello et pregione piu che mai fusse, ne
cognioscie altra differentia, se non che hora potrebbe andarsene
in posta et alhora non posseva, tal che ad lui e necessario overo
fugire da Roma et abbandonare Io stato suo di qua, overo
accomodarsi men mal che si po a star ben con quelle genti che
li sono tanto vicine che hora per hora possano farli insulto et
danno ; de gia incomenciano voler, che Sua Stk se advedi de la
necessita et intendi per discretion et hanno mandate il sor Gio.
Bapta Savello sotto color de sue differentie particulari a turbar et
metter rumor nelle terre sue vicine et altre genti hanno in-
cominciato ad levar ad Asculani verso il Tronto de molti
castelli et, benche del uno et del altro si escusino et dichino
che faranno provisione, pur se cognioscie la causa perche Io
permettano. Sua Stk ne sta de mala voglia vedendo dove si
trova et parli che imperiali vorrebbano che senza alcun suo
profitto se mettesse in manifesta ruina, per il che non havendo
genti ne maggior forze che se habbino cognioscie che stringersi
con Io Impre non serveria ad altro che ad ruinarsi, et me dice
che cognioscie bene chel debito suo serrebbe dir Ihoro 2 a bona
cera io non voglio farlo perche non mi si pertiene, ne meno
1 = loro. 2 = loro.
APPENDIX. 491
conviene che io me stringhi con lo Imperatore perche mini la
Christianita et levar il mezo de posser condurrc la pace de
Christiani, perho ch' stando ne termini dove si strova e sforzato
per mantenere quel poco che li resta intertenersi como po ; ad
me parse in questo proposito far intendere ad Sua Stk non como
servitore del re, ma como cardinale et Christiano desideroso del
ben de Sua S1^ et de la Chiesa, alia quale son piu obligato ch' ad
altra cosa, quanta consideratione li tocca haver in questa pratica
vedendo in manifesta anzi certa ruina di quel ch' e restato ogni
volta che S. S4i passi in quella parte, mostrandoli quanto poco po
creder a chi T ha ingannato tante volte, quello che possi seguir
sopra tutto il stato temporale de la Chiesa et quel che possi
seguire in Io spirituale vedendo Sua Mtk et altri suoi collegati
non esser stimati da Sua Stk, ch' da judice et arbitro sia fatto
parte, incontinenti li levaranno la obedientia et dolerannosi
quanto potranno de Sua Sa havendo fatto tutto per servitio della
Chiesa, che pur e vero che per causa sua tutta la ligha si trova
nel stato che si trova et hora intender che Sua Sli sia condisciesa
ad far convention che debbi portar preiudicio alii affari Ihoro l et
con molte piti ragioni mi son sforzato senza rispetto et certo non
ho havuto molta faticha perche Sua Stk non solo accetta quel che
se li dice, ma discorre il medesimo con argumenti maggiori et
ragioni efficaci. Io non so quello sia per far se benche Sua
Sta sta in grandissimo affanno et perplessione et se per caso
venesse mai ad effetto alcuno vi verra per viva forza et tirato
per li capegli et lo differira quanto piu potra; credo per quel
che ne vedo et per le parole non posser de far di meno se
accomodara di sorte che chi vorra judicar bene dirra che non ha
possuto far di mancho. Mi ha anche detto che questi Imperial
fanno instantia grande per la cruciata et che in effeto non
possendo altramenti se ne contentara, imperho con conditione
da non darla insino ad 6 mesi et cosi ne ha pregato et fatto
scriver allo Imperatore pensando in questo tempo haver occasione
di condursi a confini per la pace universale et alhora donarla et
che de gia se ne era scritto al legato quale lhaveva fatto intendere
al re et che Sua M.ih gli haveva detto ben N. S. P. non dara altro
et tanto ad nos. Questo me lo diceva in proposito del discorso
faceva con Sua Sli che se pur non posseva far di manco di darla
1 = loro.
492 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
che era cosa che si posseva pareggiar dando altretanto a Sua
M^, ma che de venir ad alcuna particulare conventione per
secreta che fosse che pur se intenderebbe et ne seguirebbe
troppo inconveniente, me dice haver fatto intender Ihoro che
per amor de Dio non lo astringhino alia ruina sua et che non
vole ne restitutione di terre ne de cosa che li possino dar purche
non lo sforzino far contra il iudicio et voler suo et certo che da
uno homo da bene che tiene la parte del Impre et mio amico
intendo che Sua Stk ha fatto il medesimo discorso et pregatolo
vogli persuadere alii agenti del Imp. che non voglino senza
proposito ruinarlo a fatto.
Non scrivo le querele che mi ha fatto Sua Stk de portamenti
de sri Fiorentini verso de lui et suoi perche penso che siate da
ogni banda informato et di questo et daltro ho parlato ad longo
con lo ambassador che e qua, quale penso non harra manchato
de scriver il tutto.
In Roma alii IX d' aprile 1529.
[Orig. Concept. National Library, Paris, Fonds Frang.
3091, f. 27-30.]
7. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA, MARQUIS
OF MANTUA.1
1529, October 7, Rorn.
. . . Non potrei dire el martello chel papa ha, che Firenze non
vada a saccho, intendendose che dentro vi sono cinquanta
cervelli galiardi de citadini inimici della casa de Medici, li quali
si sono coniurati de stare saldi et non volere accordo per modo
alcuno. Molti homini da bene si sono absentati per fugire quel
periculo che e iminente a quella cita, et de questi una bona parte
c' e delli amici de S. Su, de modo che non e punto in proposito
per la pratica dello accordo. . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
8. CONSISTORY AT BOLOGNA ON THE 22ND OF
DECEMBER, 1529.2
Die mere. 22 decembris [1529]. Rev. dom. Senen. ut unus
ex deputatis cum revmis de S. Severino et Cesarino qui egritudine
1 See supra, p. 76. 2 See supra, p. 185.
APPENDIX. 493
impeditus adesse non potuit retulit super privatione comitis
lohannis Baiboda Transilvani tanquam eius qui iniverit amicitiam
cum Thurcarum tiranno qui ipsius duclu et promissis regem Ludo-
vicum tune et nuperrime totum regnum occupaverit, incenderit
et deleverit, ex quibus privatus, excommunicatus et declaratus
existit iuxta tenorem minutae per rev. primum diaconum lectae.1
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.]
9. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO CARDINAL F
1530, Februar. 2, Bologna.
Posteaquam fraternitas tua discessit a nobis, occurrerunt
gravissima quaedam, propter quae aliquibus etiam diebus hie
permansuri sumus, and must request Farnese to be present.
Earnest entreaties that he should be in Bologna within twenty days,
as the Pope would then proceed with the Imperial coronation.
Similia card. Senen., Sanseverin., Neapolit., Materan., Pisan.,
Nurcen., Iporegien.
[Min. brev. 1530, vol. 27, n. 83, in Secret Arch, of the Vatican;
original despatch for Farnese in State Archives, Naples,
Perg. Farnese.]
10. CONSISTORY OF THE 4TH OF FEBRUARY i53o.3
Die 4 februarii [1530] fuit consistorium Bononiae in loco
consueto, in quo Stas Sua declaravit mentem Imperatoris coron-
andi se Bononiae in festo s. Mathiae, et fuerunt deputati ad
cogitandum necessaria ad incoronationem revmus d. Anconitanus,
d. Dertusen. et rev. d. de Cibo. . . .
[*Acta consist, vicecanc. in Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican.]
ii. ANDREA DA BURGO AND MARTIN DE SALINAS TO
FERDINAND I.4
1530, Februar. 8, Bologna.
. . . Die quinta venit posta cum litteris Mtis V. datis die 29
praedicti et dum extraherentur ex ziferis, quae longae et multae
1 The Bull, "Cum supremus coeli terraeque moderator," dat. Bononiae
1529, XI Cal. Jan., was already printed in 1529. A copy (s. 1. 1529) is in
the British Museum.
2 See supra, p. 91. 3 See supra, p. 91. 4 See supra, p. 91.
494 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
erant, ego Salinas portavi Caesari litteras Mtis V. ad manus proprias
qui illas legit. Ego etiam legi ilia quae mihi scripta erant in
lingua hispani a Mte V. Caesar legit integre litteras Mtis V. et
attente etiam audivit mihi scripta et nihil aliud mihi respondit nisi
quod postea intelligent nobis scripta in latino quando essent
extracta. Post autem illas litteras acceptas subito mandavit, ut
cum diligentia mittatur ad providendum de necessariis pro solemni
banchetto fiendo per S. Caes. Mtem in coronatione quae fiet die 24
praesentis, et ad earn vocati sunt vocandi et etiam revocati
cardinales qui recesserant. lussit etiam Caesar ut ego Andreas
denuo scriberem domino Friderico ut accelleret adventum suum
et etiam aliquorum Tridentinorum ad finem quern scripsit
Mtas yra< ^ > Hodie post prandium fuimus cum Caesare ad longum
et particulariter declaravimus scripta per Mtem V. circa singula.
Audivit attente omnia et dixit Mtem V. etiam manu sua multa sibi
scripsisse et unum punctum magis vid. quod Mtas V. responderat
circa illud quod scripserat Mtj V. in genere circa coronationem
quando omnino vellet ire Romam. Praeterea dixit quod nunc
venit praepositus de Felwich qui retulit quod Germani non
habebant gratum quod Caesar accipiet hie coronam et melius esse
ire Romam. Demonstravimus credere nos, quod Mtas V. et d.
Tridentinus respondissent posse hie accipi corona et melius esse
quam ire ad perdendum tempus ad profectionem Romae et
credere nos ita bene intelligere res Germaniae sicuti ipse prae
positus, tamen quod M. Sua Caes. intellexerat litteras manu
propria Mtis V. et scripta nobis et faceret ut sibi placeret.
Respondit iam esse tardum ire amplius Romam et ob causas
scriptas a Mte V. nolle ire, sed hie accipiet coronam, sed post
illam die prima martis recederet hinc venturus in Germaniam.
[Orig. Court and State Archives, Vienna.]
12. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO DUKE CHARLES OF SAVOY.*
1530, Mart. 24, Bologna.
Dil. fil. etc. Cum nuper tarn cariss. in Christo films noster
Carolus V. Imp. semper august, quam nobas tua ac dil. in Christo
filia nobilis mulier Beatrix infans Portugalliae conjux tua ipsius-
que imperatoris sororia summa cum instantia a nobis petierint, ut
1 See supra, p. 376.
APPENDIX. 495
vestrum secundogenitum infantem in S. R. E. cardinalem as-
sumere dignaremur, nos in hujusmodi petitione non illud quidem
affinitatis vinculum, quo nobis etfe. re. Leoni P. X. fratri patrueli et
predec. nostro conjunctus es, ne carni et sanguini indulgere in hiis
videremur, sed praeclara ipsius imperatoris erga nos merita ac tuam
et predecess. tuorum erga sed. apost. inconcussam devotionem
fidemque perpendentes, testis est nobis Deus cujusque nostrum
scrutator cordium, tarn piis in ipsum infantem desideriis vestris
satisfacere posse optavimus, nee quicquam quod ad conceptum
cordis nostri faceret pretermisimus ; licet enim res nova et penitus
inusitata ac propterea impossibilis potiusque difficilis videretur,
cum non presentibus sed futuris promovendi infantis cardinalis
mentis foveretur, non multo post tamen, quam requisiti fuimus,
cum ven. frat. nostris in consist, nostro secreto super hujusmodi
negocio non minus pie quam provide verbum fecimus scrutantes
pariter et petentes a quolibet vellent libenter annuere libereque
proferre quod tibi et conjugi tuae circa praemissa cum nostro et
et hujus s. sedis honore concedere et gratificari possemus ; verum
hujusmodi nostra propositione audita, et si cardinales ipsi in
omnibus quae Imperatori et nobilitati tuae ejusque conjugi
possint satisfacere se paratos et prontos ostenderint, proposi-
tionem tamen ipsam velut rem novam et inusitatam et quae si in
exemplum transiret plus detriment! ap. sedi quam tibi et conjugi
tuae honoris et commoditatis allatura foret, abhorrentes adeo se
difficiles reddiderunt, ut non parum nos et Imperatori ac nobilitati
tuae ejusque conjugi facturos in hoc satis arbitrati fuerimus;
postquam praefatos cardinales concurrentibus omnium votis in
hanc sententiam adducere trahereque potuimus, ut praefatum
infantem secundumgenitum vestrum quern speramus talem
futurum ut merito ad cardinalatus honorem promoveri posset, cum
legitimae aetatis fuerit in cardinalem ex nunc prout ex tune et de
eorundem cardinalium voto et consensu eligemus idque eidem
nobilitati tuae de eorundem cardinalium consilio et unanimi
consensu in verbo veri Ro. pontificis nos indubie facturos esse
vigore praesentium promittimus et pollicemur.
Dat. Bononiae die 24 martii 1530, a° 7°. Evangelista.
[Cop. Secret Arch, of the Vatican, Arm. XL, vol. 48,
f. 197-201.]
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
13. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.1
I53°> Juli 18, Rom.
... Si sono fatte a quest! di alcune congregation! et uno
consistorio sopra le cose che ultimamente hanno ricercato questi
Luterani, et secondo intendo la resolutione che si fara per N. Sre
e per il collegio sara in la negativa parendo che portava troppo
grande alteratione alle cose della fede a consentir alle dimande
che si fanno, ma si cercara di trovare qualche altro expediente
per aquietare 1' animi loro al meglio si potra con concession! non
tanto prejudicali como seriano queste.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
14. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.2
1530, October 19, Rom.
L; imperatore per queste lettere de 1 1 II che sono venute ultima
mente fa instantia al papa che se resolva de la intentione sua circa
1' impresa contra Lutheran! et che parimente contribuisca de
denari alia spesa che occorrera havendosi a fare la impresa contra
essi, persuadendosi S. Mt;X che S. Sli habbia da essere conforme
alia volunta sua in fare la guerra a detti Lutheran!. Cosi questi
oratori de Spagna et Hungaria stimulano molto S. Stk per 1' una e
1' altra cosa. Ella sta suspesa sopra la resolutione che habbia a
fare, perche li pare che undique sint angustiae e far questa guerra
al presente non si sa come la sia cosa bene intesa, che oltre la
gran spesa che gli occorrera sera uno incendere maggiormente la
volunta del Turco contro Christianita et a fame la impresa. Et
essi Lutheran! faranno tutte le opere che potranno per tirarlo al
soccorso loro, depingendoli la facilita che esso Turco havera de
eseguire lo intento suo de venire contra Christian! havendo loro
per compagni et per complici in questa impresa. Da laltro canto
a lassare che non si faccia demostratione contra essi Lutheran!
essendo seguito quello che e in Augusta et havendo fatto lo
imperre tanta bravura come fece nel partire del duca di Sassonia,
de la sera un perdere de riputatione, et le cose catholiche si
1 See supra, p. 130. 2 See suprat pp. 143, 144, 145.
APPENDIX. 497
diminuiranno di sorte che poi se li vorra dare rimedio e non si
potra, tanto piu che hora si pensa che questa maladetta setta
Lutherana si andra augumentando, gia che e anichilato quel
rispetto che si havea allo imperatore, et reuscita in nulla la
speranza et la espettatione in che si stava che S. Mtk havesse a
fare qualche bona resolutione in questa sua dieta. II papa ha
fatto recercare a Venetiani il parer loro in questa materia per il
loro ambassatore quale ha scritto, ma anchor non c7 e la resposta.
Ben esso ambassre iudica per quello chel sa dell' animo de quel
dominio, chel consiglio suo sera che si fuga la guerra piu che si
pu6, et che a questi tempi, che si veddeno de che sorte siano li
preparamenti che fa il Turco per la guerra, sia molto mal a
proposito a suscitare questi fuochi, quali potranno portare tanto
incendio a tutta Christianita, che mal beato chi se gli incappara,
et dice quello che in effetto a me anchora par vero, chel dritto era
a non escludere questa pratica della sorte che e stata fatta, che
considerata la qualita di tempi si era da vedere di venire a qualche
compositione con Lutherani, tollerando alcuna di quelle sue
opinioni piu presto che romperla in tutto con loro come e stato
fatto. Perche Dio sa se ci sera il modo de mostrarli il volto cosi
gagliardamente come si dice, et se cosi de facili si potranno
sradicare con le armi et con la forza come se dissegna. Staremo
a vedere et pregaremo dio che ne aiuti. . . .
Roma 19 de ottobre 1530.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
15. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.1
1530, October 27, Rom.
N. S. ha mandate oggi per me et me ha fatto intendere che a
questi di, doppoi la resolutione de la dieta fatta sopra il caso de
Lutherani vedendo lo imperatore la ostinatione de li seguaci de
quella secta, perche era cessato quel timore che haveano a
principio che S. Mtd se transferisse in Ellemagna, il che non era
proceduto da altri che dal vedere la dissolutione del exercito de
Italia, pareali in proposito tirare in Ellemagna una summa de Xm
fanti, fra Italiani et Spagnoli, et perche si persuadea che quella
1 See supra, p. 144.
VOL. X. 32
498 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
demostratione era causa de reprimere la insolentia et temerita de
essi Lutherani, perche se riduriano a qualche termino ragionevole,
dubitando del castigo de 1' arme, si anche che una banda de
questa sorte intertenendola per questo inverno, in caso chel Turcho
pensasse al danno de Christianita, potria fare bono servitio per
opponersi a la venuta sua; augumentando poi il numero de le
fantarie cum la natione todescha a la summa che si judicasse
essere expediente ; ma perche ad fare quella spesa S. Ml* non si
conosca sufficiente insieme cum il re suo fratello de portare tanto
peso, implorava lo aiuto di S. Bne et de li altri principi d' Italia et
potentati a fine che si potesse mandare ad executione quello suo
laudevole pensiero, il quale concernendo il beneficio universale de
tutta Christianita si persuadea che ciascuno per la parte sua non
mancaria de contribuire volentieri pro rata, secondo che da S. Stk
seria taxato et ordinato. Per6 pta S. Stjl havendo a questi di fatto
matura consideratione sopra tal proposta, et parendoli che le
ragioni addutte per S. M^ habino del ragionevole, et che il far
quanto la ricerca sia per portare bon servitio et sicurezza ad le
cose de Christiani, ha determinate significare a li oratori de li sn
de Italia che se ritrovano appresso S. Bne la comprobatione che
ella fa del partito, accioche ciascuno ne dia aviso a li loro principi,
cum ordine che li scrivano oltra li brevi che li manda S. Stk anchel
parere et intentione sua, et che si conferisca a la spesa che
occorrera per sei mesi, secundo la limitatione che e stata fatta.
Dove che per tal causa havea mandato per me, come 1' havea
fatto anche per li altri, accioche ne scrivessi a V. Ex. et la
exhortassi et pregassi in nome suo ad volere essere contenta de
consentire a la resolutione presa sopra ci6, et satisfare per la parte
sua, secundo che li era state deputato, che per quanto me ha
ditto S. Bne sonno mille ducati al mese. . . .
Roma alii 27 de ottobe 1530.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
1 6. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.1
1530, November 13, Rom.
[In cipher:] Venetiani hanno disuaso extremamente S. Bne a
concorrer in opinione della guerra contra Lutherani et per molte
1 See supra,) p. 145.
APPENDIX. 499
ragione li hanno demostrato che questo sera la ruina de la
Christianita quando non si muti proposito. S. Bne e stata sopra
di se quando se li e fatta questa relatione, et pare che in effetto
hinc inde sint angustiae : da un canto la guerra non e bona, da
T altro il concilio non piace ; staremmo a veder.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
17. FABRIZIO PEREGRINO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.1
1530, December 10, Rom.
... Si e resolute di mandare un personaggio aP impre per
1' interesse del concilio, et doppoi molta discussione de chi
sarebbe al proposito come F arcivescovo di Capova o il Theatino
o P arcivescovo di Brindisi mesr Girolamo Alleandro, persona
litterata molto et dotta, alia fine sonno calati al protonotario de
Gambera, quale s' aspetta hoggi overo dimane, et in suo luogo
in Bologna se lassera il vescovo di Casale, mesr Bernardino
della Barba. . . .
Roma 10 decembre 1530.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
1 8. GIROLAMO CATTANEO TO THE DUKE OF MILAN ?
1531, Januar. 7, Rom.
. . . Hoggi ad hore 17 vel circa al medesimo solito che S. S**
va in Belvedere e caduto el muro dil corridore che va a Belvedere
de la zima sino al fondamento et sonno 3 volte una sopra de
P altra perche sonno ancora tre gli corridori. La longhezza del
muro fracto ponno passar 20 canne alusanza romana. La causa
e stata che mai fu coperto dipo che lo fece fare papa Julio et e
quella parte fora dil muro di Nicola, dove sta quella porta bella
de trevertino et dove e quello cordone duplicate di pietra cotta
et in mezzo certe lettere majuscule de lettera nostrana di marmaro
che cominciano Julius II Pont. Max. etc.
[Orig. State Archives, Milan.]
1 See supra, p. 151. 2 See supra, p. 353.
500 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
19. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.1
1531, Januar. 9, Rom.
. . . Erano XVI hore e mezza che N. S. havendo udita la
messa si mosse per inviarsi verso Belvedere, dove S. St<>l e solita
di andare spesso la matina, pur aprendo la fenestra della camera
sua et vedendo chel tempo era humido e tristo, mut6 proposito.
Non stette un ottavo d' hora, che del corridore per il qual si va
a Belvedere, ne ruin6 dalla cima in fino alii fundament! piu di
XXX braccia per lungo e per traverso, talmente che se S. Bne
andava, portava grandissimo pericolo inseme con quelli che erano
in sua compagnia, di ritrovarsi in quel luoco a punto quando
accadette il caso. Et se per disgratia cossi fosse stato, tutti
saressimo morti, dove che non si ha poco da ringratiare Dio di
haver schivato un tanto periculo. . . .
Di Roma il IX di genro 1531.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
20. FRANCESCO GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.2
1531, Juni 5, Rom.
Ho*parlato cum N. Sre sopra quanto V. Exa me scrive per la
sua de 26 del passato, del desiderio che ella haveria che mesr
Michele Angelo li facesse qualche opera de sua mano per mettere
nel pallazo suo del Te, et havendo fatto intendere a S. Stk la
difficulta che esso mesr Michelangelo fa de poterla compiacere,
la ho supplicata ad volersi dignare de non solo darli licentia de
potere lavorare, ma commetterli anche chel voglia servire pta V.
Ex., che per una gratia S. Bne al presente non li po fare la maiore
de questa. Ella me ha risposto che la pensa chel sia impossibile
1 See supra, p. 353.
2 See supra, p. 362. On the 24th of June Francesco Gonzaga wrote :
"... *Hor regratio S. Bne de 1' haver fatto scrivere a Michelo Angelo,
secondo che a questi di V. Exia ne la supplicb, la quale me ha ditto che non
accade renderli altre grade, ch' ella havera charo che V. S. Illma resti com-
piaciuta, purche il cervello di esso Michel Angelo se accomodi a satisfare al
desiderio suo. .
APPENDIX. 5OI
che egli attendesse a pictura se V. S. Illma volesse opera de quella
sorte, perche essendo lui occupato in la scolptura, come e et e
per essere per molto tempo, non pub havere la mano disposta
al dipingere, sel non interlassarre per un tempo lo exercitio del
scarpello, per essere totalmente diversa lima cosa da laltra. Et
oltra ci6 S. StJl dice conoscere la natura del homo, de sorte che
nel termino chel se ritrova de presenti, occupato nel lavorero che
de sopra e detto, non se mettaria ad fare cosa de pictura,
dubitando che de 1' opera chel facesse non ne riportasse piu
presto carico che laude, per essere molto severe nelle cose sue.
Pur cum tutto ci6 ella non mancara di satisfare alia rechiesta de
V. Ex. facendoli scrivere in bona forma, accioche se possibile
ela sia compiaciuta di qualche cosa rara,1 et per lei non restara
de darli la commodita del tempo, ancor che li sia molto al core
chel vaddi perseverando indesinentemente 1' opera chel ha per
mano, che e artificio de multa longhezza. lo non ho voluto
differire altrimente ad fare 1' officio cum S. Stk ; havendo per
lettere de mesr Gio. Borromei inteso che egli non e per venire
de presenti in Roma, le sue le indrizard, et daroli aviso de la
risposta havuta da S. Bne, procurando che si scriva a Firenze
secundo la promissione de quella. . . .
Roma alii V de zugno 1531.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
21. POPE CLEMENT VII. RENEWS THE APPOINTMENT OF
BALDASSARE PERUZZI AS ARCHITECT FOR ST. PETER'S. 2
1531, Juli i, Rom.
Dil. filio magistro Baltassari Perutio Senensi, nostro ac fabricae
basilicae S. Petri de urbe architecto.
Dil. Ml. salut. etc. Cum nos dudum ante ruinam urbis
proximam te nostrum ac fabricae basilicae S. Petri de urbe
architectum cum salario annuo centum quinquaginta ducat, auri
de camera ad vitam tuam deputaverimus, nos operam et scientiam
tuam in futurum continuare cupientes te de novo nostrum et
dictae fabricae architectum ad vitam tuam cum salario annuo 150
1 Or : rica. 2 See supra, p. 352.
502 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
due. auri praedicto auctoritate apostolica tenore praesentium
deputamus mandantes . . .
D. Romae i julii 1531 A. 8°. Blosius.
[Min. brev. vol. 37, n. 301. Secret Arch, of the Vatican.]
22. FAKRIZIO PEREGRINO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.1
1531, November 19, Rom.
. . . Hier sera vi furono littere dalla corte Cesarea et fresche,
che fanno aviso come il duca di Saxonia e ritornato a essere buon
Christiano, et mandati bandi per tutto il suo dominio, che si
debbiano aprire le chiese, che si faccino 1' oratione, le processione,
et se dicano le messe, come prima, et che si vole confonnare con
la buona Christiana. Et tal nuova questa mattina che e il giorno
della sua creatione, S. St?l con allegrezza grande 1' ha publicata a
tutti i rmi sri card1' et per certa ge lha confirmata, che veramente
e una segnalada et boniss'1 nuova. La predta St;i in aiuto et
soccorso delli cinque cantoni de Svizari Christiani, manda di
presente il cap110 Zuccharo con cento cinquanta cavalli et doi
millia fanti tutti archibuxeri, quali penso fara fra Spoleti et Perosa,
dimorando esso capitano a Spoleti per stanza gia parecchi mesi
sonno, et la pta St;i dice che 1' imperre ancora dal canto suo
promette di mandarne altri doi millia et di piti se bisognaranno,
quali gia debbano essere inviati. . . .
Roma XVIIII di novembre 1531.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
23. ANDREA DA BURGO TO FERDINAND I.2
1532 [Juni 5, Rom].
Hodie in congregatione fuit proposita temeraria et inhonesta
peticio Galli qua petit decimas dominiorum suorum adjungens
impudenter quod nisi concedatur occupabit ipse propria temeri-
tate. Horret Papa he-minis impudentem audaciam et quid faciat
dubitat. Si concedat videt suppeditari arma Italiae, si denegat
temet sublatum iri obedientiam prout minatur. Dixere sententiam,
nihil tamen conclusum propter rei magnitudinem, turn quod duo
1 See supra, pp. 165, 300. 2 See supra, p. 199.
APPENDIX. 503
ex senioribus vid. Fre[nese] et Monte aberant. Dilata est res
ad proximam congregationem. Creditor tamen quod abnegabitur
regis peticio.
P.S. [in cipher] : Subscriptam cedulam misit mihi card. s.
Crucis quinta junii.
[Orig. Court and State Archives, Vienna.]
24. CARDINAL ERCOLE GONZAGA TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.1
1532, Juni 23, Rom.
Long report (in cipher) explaining why Cardinal Ippolito de'
Medici is sent as Legate to Hungary, with statement of different
opinions. lo per me dico che la potissima [causa] sia stata la
desperatione del papa di removerlo mai dalla vita che tiene senza
mandarlo alia disciplina del imperatore la quale e grave e severa.
Sanga and Salviati exercise the greatest influence over the Pope.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
25. FABRIZIO PEREGRINO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.2
1532, Juni 29, Rom.
Cardinal Colonna died at Naples from drinking cold water,3
"et altri disordini." Clement VII. and the Medici had lost a
"grande e grosso nemico." Cardinal Colonna was the instigator
of the sack.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
26. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO JOHANN VON METZENHAUSEN,
ARCHBISHOP OF TREVES.4
1532, Juli 20, Rom.
Venerabili fratri . . . Archiepiscopo Treverensi.
Ven. frater, salutem etc. Cupientes quantum cum Deo licet
bonarum litterarum et artium splendorem multa superiorum
temporum negligentia obscuratum in lucem restituere volvent-
esque animo, quantum et fidei Catholicae, ac humani generis
ornamentis litterae prosint, quae ingenia alunt, animum corrobo
rant, intelligentiam illustrant, avocant a vitiis, impellunt ad
1 See supra, p. 201. 2 See supra, p. 102.
3 ALBERINI (372) says the same. 4 See supra, p. 345.
504 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
virtutes, statuimus librorum, et auctorum veterum monumenta
ad hoc facientia ubique perquirere, in eaque re nee impensis
parcere nee laboribus. Misimus igitur dilectum nlium loannem
Heitmerum1 clericum Leodiensis dioecesis capellanum nostrum
multorum testimonio probatum commissarium nostrum ad partes
istas diligentem operam, ut speramus, daturum, quo nostro
desiderio satisfiat. Intelligentes autem quantum tuae fraternitatis
auctoritas nobis et huic studio nostro possit esse proficua, illam
hortamur in Domino, teque pro tua majorumque tuorum virtute
vehementer requirimus, ut praefato loanni commissario nostro
ad mandatum sibi opus libere expediteque exequendum assistere
omni tuo favore atque auxilio velis et de salvo conductu, si ita
duxerit, providera. Quod ita nobis gratum facturus es ut si,
quodamodum confidimus, sperati ex opera tua fructus proveniant,
praeter aeternam laudem, quam ab omnibus reportabis, nos tibi
vicissim et honoribus et commodis tuis, data occasione, largius
senties responsuros.
Dat. Romae etc. die XX julii 1532 anno IX. Evangelista.
[Secret Arch, of the Vatican, Arm. 39, vol. 52, n. 536; ibid. 538,
a similar Brief of July the 20th, 1532, to Cardinal Eberhard
de la Mark, Bishop of Liege.]
27. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO THE DOMINICANS OF GHENT.2
1532, Juli 20, Rom.
Priori et conventui domus Gandaven. ord. praed. Tornacen.3
dioc.
Rempublicam etc.4 . . . desideratorum per dil. fil. Wilhelmum
Carnificem istius conventus vestri professorem ex diversarum
provinciarum bibliothecis collectos et praesertim Ciceronis de
gloria, consolatione, republica et ioculatione equestri in domo
vestra seu illius bibliotheca existere, ipsum Joannem commis
sarium istuc destinare curavimus, qui librorum hujusmodi fidelia
exempla ad nos adducat. They must therefore hand over to him
the aforesaid codices. Exhortation to obedience. Dat. Romae
20 julii 1532, anno 9°.
[Secret Arch, of the Vatican, Arm. 39, vol. 52, n. 537.]
1 MS.: Heitmerum. 2 See stipra, pp. 336, 345. 3 MS. irrig: Treveren.
4 Exordium, the same as in document No. 3, p. 484 supra.
APPENDIX. 505
8. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO PETRUS ERAS.1
1532, Juli 20, Rom.
Dilecto filio Petro Eras professor! et bibliothecario conventus
divi Francisci Mechiinien. Cameracensis dioecesis.
Dilecte fili, salutem etc. Quia sicut nobis retulit dilectus films
loannes Hytiners [sic] clericus Leodiensis dioecesis, capellanus
noster, quern alias pro inquirendis et colligendis vetustissimis
probatissimorum auctorum codicibus quadam superiorum tem-
porum incuria fere deperditis ad diversas mundi partes destinavi-
mus, te in huiusmodi pio et sancto opere semper sibi plurimum
utilem extitisse, hanc tuam operam plurimum in Domino com-
mendamus, teque paterne hortamur, tibi nihilominus in virtute
sanctae obedientiae iniungentes, ut ab incoeptis non desistas, sed
ut consuevisti, eidem loanni adiumento esse, etiam ad quae-
cunque loca utriusque Germaniae et Franciae et Angliae regnorum
cum dicto loanne commissario, vel sine eo, prout ipsi loanni
magis expedire cognoveris te conferendo perseveres. Et ut tutius
et liberius valeas huiusmodi operi intendere, tibi, ut per 4or
menses a die qua per praefatum loannem super hoc fueris
requisitus ad loca praedicta ad effectum praemissum tui superioris
vel cuiusvis alterius licentia minime requisita, tuo tamen habitu
semper retento, te conferre et in eis stare et pernoctare absque
alicuius censurae vel poenae incursu libere et licite valeas,
licentiam et facultatem concedimus per praesentes pariter et
elargimur. Laborem autem et offtcium tuum huiusmodi
habita occasione tibi ac conventui Mechliniensi dictae dioecesis,
cuius, ut accepimus, bibliothecarius existis, proficuum fuisse
enitemur.
Dat. Romae etc. die XX iulii 1532 anno IX. Evangelista.
[Secret Arch, of the Vatican, Arm. 39, vol. 52, n. 539.]
29. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO CARDINAL ALBERT,
ARCHBISHOP OF MAYENCE.2
1532, Juli 23, Rom.
Dilecto filio nostro Alberto tituli S. Petri ad vincula presbytero
cardinali Maguntino nuncupate.
1 See supra, p, 345. 2 See supra, p. 345.
506 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Dilecte fili noster, salutem etc. Magno sludiosorum omnium,
quinimmo totius humani generis commodo et decori cedere non
ignorantes, si antiquissimi codices, praesertim disertissimorum
auctorum, qui hactenus quadam superiorum temporum incuria
variis in locis infructuosi latent, in lucem ederentur, nihil duximus
omittendum quod ad hanc rem pertinere cognovimus. Com-
misimus itaque dilecto filio loanni Heytmero l clerico Leodiensis
dioecesis capellano nostro, cuius fides et integritas iamdiu nobis
cognita est, ut pro huiusmodi codicibus inquirendis et colligendis
diversas mundi partes perlustret. Cum autem, sicut a fide dignis
accepimus, tres decades celebratissimi historiographi Titi Livii
Patavini, eiusdem Livii tempestate, ut creditur, exaratae, et
nonnulli alii tam Caii Plinii quam aliorum authorum desidera-
tissimi codices in bibliotheca tuae ecclesiae Maguntinae et castro
tuo Genelemsteyn 2 reconditi sint, circumspectionem tuam et
capitulum tuum Maguntinum hortamur et attentius in Domino
requirimus, ut huiusmodi libros, et si qui alii in tuis dioecesi et
dominio fuerint reperti, quos praefatus loannes dignos putaverit
qui exemplentur, ad effectum ut exempla ex eis sumere possit, edi
facias, eique pro tua solita in nos et hanc Sanctam Sedem
reverentia onme auxihum et favorem praestes, ut, quod de re
litteraria mente concepimus, id auctore Domino, perficere
valeamus. Erit autem id nobis gratissimum et tuae laudis et
gloriae non modicum preconium et augmentum.
Dat. Romae etc die XXIII julii 1532 anno IX.
Evangelista.
[Secret Arch, of the Vatican, Arm. 39, vol. 52, n. 548.]
30. FABRIZIO PEREGRINO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.3
1532, October 17, Rom.
. . . Questi s11 prelati quando nelP animo loro gli entra qualche
mala satisfatione mi pare habbino preso per costume de ritirarsi
alle loro chiese a fare il santo et dicono al servitio di Dio contra-
facendo il Chiettino et sua vita sancta, et in exempio vediamo un
1 MS. : Heytinero.
2 Probably Giebichenstein is here meant.
3 See supra, p. 441.
APPENDIX. 507
vescovo di Verona Baiosa morto, 1' arcivescovo di Salerno et
Eugubio, un vescovo de Nizza1 in Franza predicare la sancti-
monia al re Christ1"0 et alle madame, et hora 1' arcivescovo de
Capova a fare il medesimo, et ognuno havere incominciato a
raspare e santi giu dalle mura, gittare le berette a i crucifixi et
altre simili cose, che per me non le voglio gia chiamare ypocrisie
perche non ho il secreto del cuore del huomo quale el si sia, che
alle volte potrei errare in volere giudicare altri et altro giudicasse
poi me. De secolari non habbiamo ancora visto se non la del
sr Ascanio Colonna, ma di gia e passata parecchi giorni sonno.
. . . Roma XVII d' otte 1532.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
31. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO HIS NUNCIO IN NAPLES.2
1532, November 12, Rom.
Nuntio Neapolitano. Dil. fil. nob. vir marchio Villaefrancae
vicerex Neapolis inclyta pietate usus curavit nobis restitui plura
tapetia et quattuor cum una parte alterius petias serici a quibusdam
militibus . . . tempore direptionis Urbis ex palatio nostro ablata.
He tells the Nuncio to remove all censures, penalties, etc., which
have been incurred by the theft of the aforesaid articles; with
special acknowledgment to the Viceroy. Dat. Romae 12 nov.
1532, anno 9°.
[Min. brev. vol. 41, n. 402, Secret Archives of the Vatican.]
32. GIOVANNI MARIA BELLA PORTA TO THE
DUKE OF URBiNo.3
1532, December 23, Bologna.
Qua s' e comenzato a raggionare deile cose Luthne, alle quali
si ha per resolute, non fosse expediente remedio il concilio
particolar in quella natione che darebe assetto a modo suo alle
sue oppenioni et non v' essendo forma di sperarlo generale per
la discordia de principi Christiani correno de pareri, fosse ben
fatto intimare questi Luth111 unitamte con Christiani alia deffensione
contra il Turco lasciandoli in pace insin che Dio mandara
occasione chel Concilio generale si possa far, et questa openion
1 Girol. Arsagi; cf. Gallia christ. III. 1291.
2 See supra, p. 356. 3 See supra, p. 221.
508 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
e la piu universale, contraria a quella d' alcuni che persuadeno
a dar aiuto alii Catholici che potesseron usar la forza contra
Lutherani.
[Orig. State Archives, Florenz.]
33. POPE CLEMENT VII. TO BALDASSARE PERUzzi.1
I533» APril 3°, R°m.
Dil. filio Balthassari Perutio Senen. architecto nostro.
Dil. fili, salutem. Cum opera tua uti intendamus, volumus
ut statim receptis presentibus ad nos venire matures, quod, ut
commodius ac securius facere possis, tibi, ut, non obstantibus
quibusvis repressaliis contra communitatem et homines civitatis
Senarum ratione quorumvis tarn publicorum quam particularium
etiam tuorum debitorum et ad quarumcunque personarum etiam
camerae apostolicae instantiam emanatis et concessis, ad almam
urbem nostram venire ac in ea et toto S. R. E. statu tuto ac
secure stare et permanere possis et valeas ad sex 2 menses a dat.
presentium computandos et interim ad nostrum beneplacitum
cum disdicta octo dierum, auctoritate apostolica tenore presentium
concedimus et indulgemus, mandantes omnibus et singulis urbis
et status eorundem gubernatoribus officialibus barisellis et execu-
toribus presertim eiusdem camerae generali auditori, ne te contra
presentium tenorem molestare quoquomodo audeant vel presumant
sed eas tibi iuxta suum tenorem inviolabiliter observent et
observari faciant, premissis ac constitutionibus et ordinationibus
apostolicis . . . non obstantibus quibuscunque.
Dat. Romae etc. ultima aprilis 1533, a° X°.
Carlis de Salviatis. Bios.
[Secret Arch, of the Vatican, Arm. 40, vol. 46, n. 162
(Min. brev.).]
34. PASTRON TO THE MARCHIONESS OF MoNFERRATo.3
I533» November 10, Marseille.
Da poi 1' altre mie, oghi essendo andato a visitare uno gran prelate
et mio amicissimo, stringendolo pur amorevolmente de intendere
1 See supra, p. 353.
2 On the margin, "sex," in another hand; in text, "duos," erased by
"quatuor," which is also erased.
3 See supra, p. 236.
APPENDIX. 509
quello particulare, al fin me ha dicto queste parole : Pastron, io
non posso manchar de dirti qualche cosa, te prego ben se pur
vorai dirlo et scriverlo, non me ne faci auctore. Sia certo che
la St?l di N. S. non cercha altro ne mira ad altra cosa che di unire
in bona intelligent^ lo imperre et il Christ"10 re, ma lo impre se
trova tanto buono in mano chel non vol consentire a moversi
ne disconzarsi in grado alcuno. Da 1' altro canto il re se trova
tanto carizato ne li capituli sono tra loro, che per niente vol
stare cussi. La Stk del N. S. fa tutto per removere I1 una parte e
1' altra da queste loro tanto ferme deliberation}, ma li vede poco
modo. Questi sn Francesi se havessero mille catene a piedi non
se potriano tener che non rumpeno. Quello altro li pare essere
in grande reputatione, non vol lassarsi condure di sorte chio
tengo per certo vedaremo la piu grande et crudel guerra che sia
stata a tempi nostri. . . .
In Marsilia X novembre 1533. Di V. Ex. hum. ser. el
Pastron.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
35. FABRIZIO PEREGRINO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.1
1534, Mart. 6, Rom.
. . . Ancora di qua dicono che 1' ancravio d' Assia principe
grande de Alemania et gran Lutherano o e venuto o debbe
venire a ritrovare el re Chrao in Francia et abbocarsi con S. Mtk ;
la cagione per ancora non s' intende per il certo, ma si crede
che piu presto sia per generare qualche sospetto a 1' Imperiali,
ch' insieme habbino intelligentia et unione, che per altro conto,
ben che hoggi da un rmo card16 mi sia detto, che quando N. S.
fu a Marsilia dal pto re Chmo li fu ragionato di volersi abbocare
con il pto lancravio a benefitio et servitio di S. Stk et della sede
apostca, che per altro conto, che se cosi fossi farebbe 1' opera da
quel buon Chmo re che S. Wh e et debbe essere tenuto. . . .
Roma 6 di marzo 1534.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
1 See supra, p. 236.
5IO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
36. FABRIZIO PEREGRINO TO FEDERIGO GONZAGA,
DUKE OF MANTUA.1
1534, Juli 6, Rom.
Di nuovo altro non ve e per hora eccetto chel N. S. e
assai bene convaluto della sua indispositione et risanato et il
rmo di Medici hormai dimostra havere diposta quella sua fantasia
di non piu scappellarsi et vuole attendere al ecclesiastico et essere
buon figliuolo come sempre e stato et, se non ha incominciato
presto incominciara a prendere li ordini sacri per non possere
piu tornare addietro, cosa ch' al giuditio mio credo ch' 1 se ne
rendera beniss0 consigliato. S. St<>l gli paga tutti i debiti che
sonno di molta somma et gli dona 100 ducati al mese per sua
provisione del vivere, restando in questo grado se ritrovara un
bello, riccho et adventurato prelate. Se ragiona pur de i card1'
che a divotion sua si faranno, et di quelli che a V. Ecca gia ho
scritto. . . .
Roma 6 di Julio 1534-
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
1 See s^lpra, p. 323, and Luzio, Pronostico, 144.
INDEX OF NAMES IN VOL X.
ACCIAIUOLI, Roberto (Floren
tine envoy), 104, 181
n. 3.
Accolti, Benedetto, Cardinal,
2n. 4, 12 n. 2, 77,
199,327.
,, Bernardo (poet), 326
n. 4, 342.
Achmed of Egypt, 171.
Adrian VI., Pope, 57, 107 seq.,
i83> 239, 331, 334, 346,
369, 377, 384, 405, 406
seq., 418, 425, 446, 454.
Agnolo, Michael (of Siena),
346.
Alarcon, F., 5 n. i.
Albany, Duke of, see Stuart.
Albergati, Vianesio (envoy from
Bologna), 165 n. i.
Albert of Brandenburg, Cardinal
(Archbishop of
Mayence), 225, 505.
„ ,, (Grand Master of the
Teutonic Order),
120 seq.
Alcionio, Pietro (poet), 342.
Aleander, Hieronymus (Arch-
bishopof Brindisi, Nuncio),
107-110, 163 seq., 167,
169, 221 seqq., 313 seq.,
318, 385 n,, 440, 441 n. 2,
499.
Aleman, Cardinal, B., 370.
Alessandro of Pieve di Sacco
(Franciscan), 311.
Alexander VI., Pope, 330, 366,
4°3-
Alfonso I. (Duke of Ferrara),
9 seq., 20 seq., 56, 80, 88
seq., 97 seq., 204, 219.
Alvarez de Toledo, Juan (Do
minican), 404.
Amaseo, Romolo, 335.
Andrea, Master (painter), 350
n. 5.
Andrea da Ferrara, 306.
Antonino, S. (Archbishop of
Florence), 369.
Aretino, Pietro, 331 n. 2, 341
seq., 346 n. 2.
Ariosto, Lodovico (poet), 201
n. 2.
Arsagi, Girolamo (Bishop of
Nice), 440, 507.
Arthur of England (Prince of
Wales, brother of Henry
VIII.), 240, 246 seq., 265,
274.
Averoldo, A., 311 n.
BAGLIONI, Malatesta, i n., 51,
54, 64, 70 seq., 103 seq.,
490.
Balbi, Girolamo (Bishop of
Gurk), 53.
Baldassare de Pescia, 394 n. 3,
Bandello, M., 422 n.
Bandinelli, Baccio (sculptor),
327, 360.
Barba, Bernardino della (Bishop
of Casale), 499.
Barton, Catherine (the " Maid
of Kent "), 284.
Bathory, Stephan, 174, 178.
511
512
INDEX OF NAMES.
Beatrice of Portugal, 494.
Becket, Thomas, St. (Arch
bishop of Canterbury),
272 n.
Becquin, Louis de, 303.
Bellay, Guillaume du (Sire de
Langey, French envoy),
.235, 30f
Belli, Valerio (medallist and
lapidary), 356, 358.
Bembo, Pietro, Cardinal, 48 n.,
334 n-, 335-
Bemelberg, Conrad von, 12.
Benedetto da Fojano (Domini
can), 73, 104.
Benivieni, Girolamo (poet), 73
n. 2.
Bennet, William (English en
voy), 266, 276.
Bernardi, Giovanni, da Castel j
Bolognese (lapidary and
die-sinker) 356, 358.
Bernardino of Asti (preacher),
473, 486,487.
„ da Busti, 370.
„ da Colpetrazzo (Cap
uchin), 458 n.
seq., 463 n., 466 |
*eW-> 475 n-> 486 :
seq.
,, da Monte del Olmo !
(Capuchin), 487.
Bernardo di Mastro Antonio,
395 n- 4-
Berni, Francesco (poet), 40 n.
5> 33 1, 340^-
Biagio di Cesena, 394 n. 3.
Blount, Elizabeth (mistress to
Henry VIII.), 241.
Bocchi, Achille, 343.
Boleyn, Anne, 242 seqq., 249
seq., 251 n. 2, 258,
273, 279-284.
„ Mary (sister of Anne,
mistress to Henry
VIII.), 241, 242 n.
i, 250.
Bomhouwer, A. (Franciscan),
114 n. 3.
Bonaventura, P. (Provincial of
the Minorites), 311 n.
Bongiovanni, Giangiacomo
(Bishop of Camerino), 464,
465-
Bonomi, G. V., 343 n. 14.
Bonziano (Bishop of Caserta),
411.
Borromeo, Charles, St., 441, 453.
,, Giovanni, 501.
Boschetti, Roberto, Count, i.
Boverius, 462 n. 3, 485 seq.
Bozzolo, Federigo, 4.
Brandano, 16, 475.
Brask, Johann (Bishop of Lin-
koping), 292 seq., 294.
Briaerde, Lambert von (Imperial
orator), 224 seq.
Brown, George (Augustinian),
281 n. 2.
Bruccioli, 416.
Briick, Gregor, 140.
Bryan (English envoy), 266.
Buonavita, Pietro, 314.
Buondelmonti, B., 189 n. 3,
200 n. 3.
Buongrazia, G., 315 n. 3.
Burgio, see Puglioni.
Burgo, Andrea da (envoy of
Ferdinand I.), 35 n. 3, 44
n. 3» 45 seq., $1,53, 55> 6l
seq., 83 n.,4, 90 n., 91, 96,
100 n. 4, 136, 148 n. 2,
158 n. i, 1 86 seq., 190,
192 n. 5, 196, 206, 214,
494.
Burigozzo (chronicler), 452.
Butigella, Paolo (General of the
Dominicans), 308.
CAJETAN, Thomas de Vio, Car
dinal, 151, 163, 171, 276
n. 3, 277 n. 2, 324, 343.
Calcagnini, Celio (scholar), 201
n. 2.
INDEX OF NAMES.
513
Callisto da Piacenza (Augus-
tinian, Inquisitor-General),
Calvo, Mario Fabio, 343.
Campeggio, Lorenzo, Cardinal,
14 seqq., 18 seq.,
82, 109 seq., 112,
114 seq., 117
seqq., 121 n. 4,
123, 125-134,
139, 141, 154,
158 seqq., 163,
1 66 seq., 171,
173 seqq., 220
^., 254^,257,
260-264, 268
seqq., 318.
,, Tommaso (Bishop
of Feltre), 15 n.
5, 28 n. 3, 414
seq.
Camponesca, Vittoria (mother
of Gian Pietro Carafa), 402.
Canisio, Egidio, Cardinal, 19,
i°6, 149, 389, 455.
Canossa, Lodovico di (Bishop
of Bayeux), 440.
Cantacusino, Teod. Spandug-
nino (chronicler), 345 n.
Capisucchi (Auditor of the
Rota), 274.
Capponi, Niccolb (Gonfaloniere
of Florence), 53.
Caracciolo, Gian Antonio, 417.
Caradosso, Ambrogio (gold
smith), 356.
Carafa, Gian Antonio (father
of Gian Pietro), 402.
,, Gian Pietro (Bishop of
Chieti, afterwards
Pope Paul I V. ), 310-
3T3, 38o> 387, 394
seq., 398, 400-407,
409-423, 424, 427
seq., 435 wq., 449
seq., 452, 457, 462
seq.
VOL. X.
Carafa, Maria (sister to Gian
Pietro), 402.
,, Oliviero, Cardinal, 402
seq.
„ Vincenzo, Cardinal
(Archbishop of ]Srap-
les), 381 n. i, 384 n.
3> 440.
Carducci, Baldassare, 60 n. i,
61 n. 2.
,, Francesco, 53, 104.
Carne, Dr. (English envoy),
279.
Carnesecchi (papal secretary),
311 n. 2, 317, 327.
Carnifex, Wilhelm (Dominican),
336, 484, 504.
Carosi, Bartolomeo, see Bran-
dano.
Carpi, see Pio.
Casale, Gregorio (envoy of
Henry VIII.) 8, 9 n.
!, 54> 84 «• 3> 252
seq., 260, 263 seq.y
275> 447 n. 3.
,, Johann, 264.
Casei, Jacopo de', 451.
Casio, G. (poet), 344 n.
Castiglione, Baldassare, 31 n. i,
47> 48 n., 50, 349
n. 5.
„ Bernardo da, 104.
Catherine of Aragon (Queen of
England), 240 seqq., 244-
247, 249, 251, 253, 257
seq., 262 seq., 265, 268
seqq., 274, 276, 278 seq.,
281 seqq., 284 seq.
Cattaneo, .Girolamo, 353
n. 2.
Cellini, Benvenuto, 346, 350,
352» 356 seq.
Centurione, Domenico, 103 n.
i.
Cerretani (Lutheran), 315 n. 3.
Cesarini, Alessandro, Cardinal,
77, 216, 492.
33
514
INDEX OF NAMES.
Cesi, Paolo Emilio, Cardinal,
12 n. 6, 18, 77, 121 n. 4,
220 seq.
Chaireddin Barbarossa, 324.
Challant, Louis de, Cardinal,
97, 375-
Chambre, Philippe de la, Cardi
nal, 233.
Charles III. (Duke of Savoy),
93, 98,23°, 309,376.
V. (The Emperor), 5
seq., 8-i i, 1 6 seq., 2 1,
23^,26, 28,30,34
seq., 38, 41, 43-47,
49, 5i^.,54-58,6o,
62 seq., 65, 68 seq.,
71, 73 seqq., 77, 8o~
99, 103, 116 seq.,
121-140, 142-169,
177, 181 n. 3, 184
seq., 187 seq., 190-
194, 196 seqq., 200,
202 seq., 204-211,
213 seq., 216-222,
224, 227-230, 235
seq., 241, 256, 265,
268, 270, 273 seq.,
279, 299> 302> 3°4>
306, 321, 326, 328,
335,357n-,367,376,
^6 seq., 404^., 425,
483-
Chieregati, Francesco (Nuncio),
no.
Christian II. (King of Den
mark), 126, 129, 291.
Cibo, Caterina, 230, 459, 462,
464, 465 n. i, 466 n.,
47o, 475-
,, Innocenzo, Cardinal, 4 n.
3, 77, 183 n- 2-
Cicala, Eduardo, 394 "• 3-
Ciocchi, Antonio (del Monte
Sansovino), Cardinal, 2 n.
4, 7°, 76, u5, I21 n- 4,
149, 183 n. 2, 186, 231,
394, 472, 503.
Dlement VII., Pope, i seq., 4-
12, 14 seqq., 18-23, 26~3°,
32-49, 51-66, 69, 71-80,
82-89, 92-101, 105 seqq.,
109, in. 114-117, 119-
127, 129, 132-158, 160-
169, 170 seq., 174-177,
179-199, 202, 204-222,
224, 227-237, 240, 248-
256, 259 seqq., 266 seqq.,
270, 273-280, 282 seqq.,
287, 292 seqq., 297-300,
303 seq., 306-315, 316-
342, 345~358> 36o seqq.,
364-387, 393-396, 4°7,
409 seq., 4i2, 415, 417-
421, 424-428, 434 seqq.,
438, 441, 445 seq., 45 !>
454 seq., 457, 459, 461,
471-476, 486, 503.
Cles, Bernhard, Cardinal (Bis
hop of Trent), 82, 90 n.,
96, i2i, 126,318,375,440.
Clovio, Giulio (miniaturist), 350
seq.
Cochlaus, Joannes, 112, 114,
318.
Coligny, Odet de, Cardinal, 233.
Colle, Bonifazio da, 400, 407,
411 seq.
„ RafTaello del (painter),
349-
Colocci, Angelo (poet), 335.
Colonna, Family of the, 12 n.
6, 29, 352 n. 5.
„ Ascanio, 17, 27 n. 3.
„ Pompeo, Cardinal, i
n., 12 n. 6, 26, 27
n. 3, 102 n. 2, 503.
, , Sciarra (leader of mer
cenaries), 27 n. 3,
70.
„ Vittoria, 426, 459,
475-
Consiglieri, Paolo, 400, 407, 4 1 1 .
Contarini, Gasparo (Venetian
envoy), 19 seqq., 23, 26
INDEX OF NAMES.
515
Contarini, Gasparo — continued.
seqq., 34~37, 3$ n. i, 44,
52, 54, 60, 76, 84, 85 n.
2, 86 seq., 416.
Copernicus, Nicolas, 337.
Cornaro, Francesco (Bishop of
Brescia), Cardinal, 375,
440.
Corrado, Giovanni, 14.
Cortese, Gregorio (Benedictine),
4i6, 455-
Covos, 154, 156, 161, 217, 221.
Cranmer, Thomas, 273, 282.
Crispoldi, Tullio (humanist),
395^ 439-
Crivelli, Giov. Pietro, 394 n. 3.
Cromwell, Thomas, 285.
Cueva, Pedro de la (Imperial
envoy), 79, 146 seq., 149,
214, 215 n. i.
Cupis, Giandomenico de, Cardi
nal, 183 n. 2, 394.
DATI, Giuliano (parish priest),
395 seq.
Davalos, Rodrigo (Imperial
agent), 228.
David (King of Ethiopia), 367.
Dinteville, Francois II. de
(Bishop of Auxerre), 211
n. i, 221 n. 2.
Donate, Francesco (Venetian
Procurator), 373.
Doria, Andrea (Admiral), 14,
24, 27 n. 3, 82, 190,
198, 202, 231 n. i.
„ Filippino (Admiral), 17.
„ Girolamo, Cardinal, 39,
40 n. i, 375.
Doxis della Palma, Mariano de
(physician), 40 n. 5.
Du Prat, Antoine Bohier, Cardi
nal (French Chancellor), 7
n. 2, 22, 302.
ECK, Johann, 107, 114, 168,
318, 343-
Elizabeth (afterwards Queen of
England), 281 n. 2.
Enkevoirt, Wilhelm von, Cardi
nal, 41, 94, 323, 394-
Eras, Petrus (Franciscan), 505.
Erasmus, Desiderius, 123, 304
n. 6, 337 seq., 345, 404.
Ercole of Ferrara (son of Duke
Alfonso), 23.
Eremita, see Rigini.
Ernest of Bavaria, Duke (Bis
hop of Passau), 317.
,, ofLiineburg, Duke, 124,
140.
d'Este, Isabella (wife of Fran
cesco Gonzaga, Marquis of
Mantua), 83 n. i.
Eugenius IV., Pope, 423.
FABER, Johann (Dominican),
114, 318.
„ Peter (Jesuit), 477.
Fabrizi, Cinzio de', 344 n.
Fantucci, Giovan Francesco,
361.
Farfa, Abbot of, see Orsini,
Napoleone.
Farnese, Alessandro, Cardinal,
4 n. 3, 19, 65, 68,
80, 91 n., 149, 183
n. 2, 186, 214, 216,
220 seq., 228, 231,
, 44i, 493, 5°3-
• „ Pierluigi (leader of
mercenaries), 70.
Ferdinand I. (brother to
Charles V.), King of
Hungary and Bohemia,
45, 5i n., 55, 57, 69,
74, 85 n. i, 88 seq.,
91, 114 seq., 117 seq.,
125, 127, 148, 152, 154,
156, 163, 181 seqq., 185
seqq., 190, 192 seqq., 200,
201 n. 3, 203, 205, 219,
222, 224, 236, 316, 318,
320 seq., 325.
5i6
INDEX OF NAMES.
Ferdinand the Catholic (King
of Aragon), 240, 403 seq.
Ferrari, Bartolommeo, 451, 452
n. i.
Ferreri, Zaccaria (Bishop), 342.
Ferretti, J. F., 344 n.
Ferrosius, Ant., 335 n. i.
Ferruccio, Francesco, 102.
Ferrus, Jerome, 310 n. 5.
Fieramosca, Cesare (Imperial
agent), 17.
Filonardi, Ennio (Nuncio), 236,
297 seq., 300 seq.
Fine, Cornelius de, 26, 68, 368
n. 6, 450 n. 3.
Firenzuola, Agnolo (poet), 340.
Fisher, John, B. (Bishop of
Rochester), 240, 247, 269,
286.
Flaminio, Marc Antonio (hum
anist), 425 n. 4.
Floriano (secretary to Campeg-
gio), 269 n. 2.
Foix, Odet de, see Lautrec.
Fonzio, Bartolomeo (Francis
can), 311.
Foscari, Marco (Venetian am
bassador), 328 n. 4.
Fox, Edward, Dr. (English en
voy), 2, 8, 254 seq., 258
seq.
Francesco da Jegi (Capuchin),
487.
,, da Potentia (Mino
rite, Bishop of
Skara), 297, 366.
,, Maria, Duke of Ur-
bino, see Rovere.
Francis I. (King of France), 6,
8, n, 16 seq., 21 seq., 24,
42 n. i, 46 n. 3, 58 seqq.,
64 n., 88, 101 n. 3, 1 16,
12 7, !35> I39» J54 seqq.,
158 seqq., 161 seq., 166,
168, 177, 181 n. 3, 187,
190, 193 seq., 198, 205,
207, 2ii seqq., 217 seq.,
Francis I. — continued.
220 seq., 223, 227, 229 seq.,
232~237, 247r 252> 256>
280, 283, 301-304, 319
seqq., 326, 371, 374 seqq.,
387, 483.
Francis, Duke of Liineburg,
124.
Francis of Assisi, St., 456, 460
seq.
Franco, Matteo, 344 n.
Frederick I. (King of Denmark)
288-291.
III. ("The Wise,"
Elector of Saxony),
124, 140, 142 seq»,
165, 240.
Frederick of Naples, 404.
Fregoso, Federigo (Archbishop
of Salerno and Gubbio),
440.
Frundsberg, Melchior, 13, 70.
Fuggers, Family of the(bankers),
173-
Fulvio, Andrea (poet, archae
ologist), 343.
GADDI, Niccolb, Cardinal, 233.
Gaetano di Tiene, S., 387,
392 n. i, 395, 396 n. 3,
398-401, 407, 408 n. i,
4100?., 415-418,435*0?.,
45 1 seq.
Galateo, Girolamo (Franciscan),
311, 420.
Gambara, Uberto da (Bishop
ofTortona), 151-
154, 157, i59»
248, 252.
Ugo da, 7, 10, 499.
Gammarus, 345 n.
Gardiner, Stephen, Dr. (English
envoy), 2, 8, 254 seq., 259
seq., 268, 283 seq.
Gattinara, Mercurino di, Car
dinal, 56, 66, 67 n , 69, 82,
86, 89 n. 4, 375.
INDEX OF NAMES.
517
Gazzella, Tommaso (jurist),
. 405-
Geismayr, Michael (leader of
peasants), 210 n. 5.
George, Bishop of Brixen, 82.
,, Duke of Saxony, 126,
127, 224, 321.
,, Margrave of Branden-
burg-Kulmbach, 124,
168, 322 n. 2.
Gerasimov, Demetrius (Russian
envoy), 366.
Ghislieri, Bonaparte, 2 nn. 4, 6.
Giberti, Gian Matteo (Bishop
of Verona) 44 seqq., 52, 68
n. 3, 84, 195, 208 seq.t
2I9> 325> 340 seq., 378,
380, 383 n. i, 385 n.,
387> 393 seq., 409 n., 410,
412, 415, 420, 424-442.
Gibraleon, G. B. (scritt. apost.),
394 n. 3.
Giorgio da Gubbio (miniaturist),
356.
Giovanni da Fano (Provincial
of the Franciscans),
461, 463, 471 n.,
473-.
,, da Udine (painter),
350-
„ d'Urbino (Spanish
captain), 70,
Giovio [Jovius], Paolo, 329,
339-
Giraldi, Giglio Gregorio
(humanist), 342.
Girolamo da Montefiore (Vicar-
General of the Capuchins),
486, 487, 488 n. i.
Giulio Romano, 48 n., 346 seq.,
349, 350 n. i, 353 n. 4.
Giustiniani of Bergamo (Cam-
aldolese hermit),
455-
„ Lorenzo, S. (Patri
arch of Venice),
369-
Giustiniani, Paolo (Camal-
dolese), 400, 406 se#.t
454-
Goethe, 357 n. i.
Gonzaga, Family of the, 336.
„ Ercole, Cardinal, 4
n. 3, 42 n. 2, 68 n. 3,
183 n. 2, 205 n. 2,
215 n. i, 323 n. i,
385 n., 394, 440.
,, F. (Mantuan agent),
29, 40 n. 5, 42 n.
4, 138, 142, 148 n.
2, 150, 500 n. 2.
,, Federigo (Marquis,
afterwards Duke of
Mantua), 4 n. 6,
86, 98 n. i, 103 n.
i, 138, 142, 219.
,, Ferrante (brother of
Federigo), 103 n. i.
,, Francesco (Marquis
of Mantua), 341.
„ Girolamo, 163 n. 5,
165 n. i.
,, Isabella, see Este,
Isabella.-
,, Luigi (di Borgoforte),
85 n. 2.
,, Pirro, Cardinal, 4.
I Gramont, Gabriel de (Bishop
of Tarbes), Cardinal, 101,
135, 160, 185, 208 n. i,
210 seqq., 217, 223, 227
seq., 243 seq.t 375.
Granvelle, Antonio Perrenot de
(Bishop of Arras),
82.
,, Nicolas Perrenot de,
56> I33^ !54, 156,
161, 217, 221,
280.
Gregory VII., Pope, 108.
Grimani, Marino, Cardinal,
216, 375 n. i.
Gritti, Andrea (Doge of Venice),
342, 416, 435.
5i8
INDEX OF NAMES.
Gritti, L., 193.
Guicciardinij Francesco, 104,
217, 230, 235 n., 329, 339
seq.
Guidiccioni, Bartolomeo, 441.
Guido da Crema, 42 n. 5, 190
n. i.
Gustavus I. Wasa (King of
Sweden), 288, 291-296.
Guzman, Martino di (Francis
can), 456.
HANER, J., 108 n. i.
Heitmers, Johann, 336, 482
seq., 484, 504 seqq.
Helia, Paulus (Carmelite), 290.
Henry VII. (King of England),
238.
„ VIII. (King of Eng
land), 7 seq., 22, 47,
62, 1 1 6, 127, 158^.,
187, 193, 209, 217,
220 seq., 227, 237,
238-254, 256-287,
288, 332, 404, 425,
483-
Henry, Duke of Brunswick,
124 n. i, 225.
„ Duke of Orleans (2nd
son of Francis I.), 161,
211 seq., 218, 232,234.
Herborn, Nic. (Franciscan),
365 n. i.
Hieronymus de la Lama, see
Lama.
Hogenberg, Nic. (engraver),
96 n.
Hurtado de Mendoza, Lope,
see Mendoza.
Hyacinth of Poland, St., 370.
IGNATIUS of Loyola, St., 476.
Ingemar (Bishop of Vexjo),
292, 296.
Innocent III., Pope, 108.
Isabella the Catholic (Queen
of Castille), 253.
JAMES IV. (King of Scotland),
187, 483-
Jerome Emilian, St.,rJ« Miani.
Joachim I. (Elector of Branden
burg), 225.
Joanninense, Stefano (historian),
343-
John III. (King of Portugal),
116, 187, 371 seq.
„ XXII., Pope, 461.
John Frederick (Elector of
Saxony), 224, 226.
„ of Terranova (Capuchin)
460 n. 2, 467 n. T,
471 n. i, 486 seq.
Jovius, see Giovio.
Julius II., Pope, 5 n. i, 20,
241, 252 seqq., 257, 259,
403» 443-
Jurischitsch, Nicholas, 201.
KASIMBEG (Turkish general),
202.
Knight (English envoy), 248
seqq., 251, 266.
Knut (Provost of Vesteras),
293 seq.
Kolpehk, Sebastian (Bishop of
Laibach), 317.
LAMA, Hieronimus de la, 390
n., 396 n., 397 n.
Landriano (Milanese envoy),
1 80 n. 3, 185.
Lang, Matthseus, Cardinal, 106
n. 2, 126.
Langeac, J. de (French envoy),
23 n. 2, 28 n. 2.
Langey, Sire de,^ Bellay, G. du.
Languy, Claude de, Cardinal,
Lannoy, Charles de (Viceroy of
Naples), 93, 339 n. 3.
Lascaris, Giano, 336, 343.
Lautrec, Odet de Foix, Vicomte
de, 6 seq., 8 n., n seq., 16
seqq., 22, 24 seq.
INDEX OF NAMES.
519
Lecchi, Francesco, 451.
Lee, Dr., 281 n. 2.
Leno, Giuliano (architect), 352,
353 n. 2.
Leo X., Pope, 108, 239, 240,
307, 323 n. i, 327, 328 n.
r> 335 seq., 338 seq., 346
«?•> 35 1, 354, 360, 366,
389, 393 stqq.t 396 n. 3,
399, 404, 406, 425, 443,
446, 454 seq., 459, 461,
482, 484, 495.
Lepido, Raimondo, da Sulmona
(poet), 335 n. i.
Leveneur de Tillier, Jean, j
Cardinal, 233.
Leyva, Antonio de (Imperial i
general), 60.
Lichetto, Francesco (General of
the Observants), 455.
Lione, Giovanni da (painter),
349-
Lippomano, Luigi, 395.
„ Pietro (Bishop of
Bergamo), 308,
440.
Loaysa, Garcia de, Cardinal,
82, 97, 129, 134 seq., 138,
149 seq.9 156, 161 seq.,
202, 206, 208 seqq.9 220,
228, 375.
Lodovico da Fossombrone
(Capuchin), 462 seqq., 465
n. i, 469, 470 n. 3, 471,
473, 475 n-> 487-
Lodron, Count of (brother-in-
law to Fundsberg), 104.
Longa, Maria Laurentia (foun
dress of the Capuchin
nuns), 417.
Longueville (French envoy), 8.
Lorenzetto (sculptor), 358.
Lotto, Lorenzo (sculptor), 350.
Louis XII. (King of France),
23, 248.
Louis (Duke of Bavaria), 126,
225.
Louis (King of Hungary and
Bohemia), 170-180,
493-
„ (The Elector Palatine),
225.
Louisa of Savoy (mother of
Francis I.), 7, 9 n. 2, 59,
60 n. 2, 302.
Lugio, Valeric, 394.
Luther, Martin, 109, 115, 116
n. i, 120, 123, 144 seq.,
226, 240, 276 n. 3, 277 n.
2, 288 seq., 297, 300, 302,
307 ^.,315, 33i5<Y->337>
406.
MACHIAVELLI, 340.
Magni, Johann (Bishop of
Vesteras), 292 seq.t 295
_ seq.
Mai, Miguel (Imperial envoy),
35» 38, 41, 42 n. T, 43
seW-> 5T> 55> 6l MQ"> 78,
138, i43> i49> 2o65 2I°.
214, 221, 228.
Manetti, Latino Giovenale
(humanist), 395.
Manrico, Alfonso, Cardinal,
207, 376.
Manzolli, P. A. (crypto-Protes-
tant), 315 n. 3.
Maramaldo, Fabrizio, 102 n. 2.
Marangonus, Antonius, 314 n.
5-
Marcello, Cristoforo (Arch
bishop of Corfu), 343.
Marco da Lisboa (Franciscan),
486.
Margaret of Angouleme (sister
of Francis I.), 302.
,, of Austria (aunt of
Charles V.), 404.
„ of Parma (natural
daughter of Charles
V.),56» 58 n. 3,59,
90 n.
Marinis, Donate de, 481.
520
INDEX OF NAMES.
Marino, Giovanni (Theatine),
417-
Mario de Mercato Saracini
(Capuchin), 487.
Marius a Forosarsinio (Vicar-
General of the Capuchins),
486.
Martin, Don (Portuguese Am
bassador), 185.
Martinellis, Blasius de (Papal
Master of Ceremonies), 83
n. i, 95 n. i, 234 n. i.
Martino da Treviso (Inquisitor),
312.
Mary Tudor (daughter of Henry
VIII.), 244, 284.
Marzio, Camillo (leader of
mercenaries), 70.
Mattei, Girolamo, 14.
Matteo da Bascio (Capuchin),
457-463, 467 n. i, 468
seq., 486 seqq.
Matthias da Salo (Capuchin),
475 n-> 486, 488.
Maturino (painter), 350.
Medici, Family of the, 18, 47
seq.t 52 seq., 62, 69,
72, 101, 103, .105,
21 I.
„ Alessandro de' (Duke
of Florence), 56, 62,
68, 72 n., 74 n. 4,
82, 86, 105, 323,
327..
„ Catherine de', 64, 73,
1 6 1, 211 seq.t 218,
23°* 232, 316, 358.
„ Cosimo de', 336, 482.
,; Galleotto de' (Floren
tine envoy), 119
n. 4.
,, Giovanni de' (leader of
the "Black Band"),
23°* 341-
„ Giuliano de' (brother of
Lorenzo the Mag
nificent), 336, 482.
Medici, Ippolito de', Cardinal,
39, 40 n. i, 51 n. 4,
62, 65, 68, 74 n. 4,
103 n., 200, 201 n.
2, 214, 217, 233,
235 n., 321 n. i,
322 seq.t 326 seq.,
340. 375 seq., 503,
510.
,, Lorenzo II. (Duke of
Urbino), 211, 336,
482.
,, Lucrezia de' (wife of
Jacopo Salviati), 2 1 2.
„ Pietro de', 359.
,, (-Salviati), Maria de',
230.
Melanchthon, 141, 165, 226,
304, 3i5-
Mendoza, Lope Hurtado de,
12 n. 3.
Merino, Stefano Gabriele (Arch
bishop of Bari, Imperial
envoy), 78, 219 seq., 221,
228,365, 376.
Metzenhausen, Johann von
(Archbishop of Treves),
225.
Miani, Girolamo [St. Jerome
Emilian], 387, 448 seqq.
Michael Angelo, 73, 232, 338,
360-363, 500.
Mignani, Laura (Augustinian
nun), 398, 400.
Mirandola, see Pico.
Molina, Stefano (Franciscan),
456-
Moncada, Ugo de (Imperial
envoy), 17, 24.
Monte, Cardinal, see Ciocchi.
Montelupo, Raffaello da (sculp
tor), 350, 359.
Montferrat, Marquis of, 82, 88,
93-
Montmorency, Anne de (Grand
Master of France), 7, 8
n. i, 59, 232? 3°2-
INDEX OF NAMES.
521
Montorsoli, Giovanni Angelo
(sculptor), 338, 360.
More, Thomas, Sir, 240, 286.
Mores, Christopher (English
envoy), 248 seq.
Morigia, Jacopo Antonio, 450
n. 3. 45 r-
Morone, Giovanni, Cardinal,
394-
,, Girolamo, 26.
Mosca, Simone (sculptor), 359.
Muscettola, Giovanni Antonio,
20, 144, 167, 209 seq., 219
seq., 228.
NANNI DI BACCIO BIGIO
(sculptor), 328.
Nassau, Count of, 82, 93.
Nausea, 112, 114, 318.
Navarro, Pedro, 25.
Negri de', Abbate, 27 n. 3, 62,
99 n. 6.
Nieto, Tommaso (Dominican),
45°-
Nino, Rodrigo (Imperial en
voy), 363 n. i.
Norfolk, Duke of (uncle to
Anne Boleyn), 242.
Numai, Cristoforo, Cardinal, 12
n. 2, 106, 115.
OCHINO, Bernardino, 473, 487.
Odet de Foix, see Lautrec.
Oppido, Count of, 417.
Orange, Prince of, see Philibert.
d'Orleans, Jean (Archbishop of
Toulouse), Cardinal, 220.
Orsini, Family of the, 29.
„ Camillo, 475.
„ Fr. (Commendator of
Farfa), 66 n. 2.
,, Franciotto, Cardinal, 12
n. 6.
„ Napoleone (Abbot of
Farfa), 14, 51, 54, 64
seq., 66 n. 2, 100.
Osiander, in.
PAGNINO, Santes (Dominican),
343-
Palladio, Blosio (poet), 335.
Pallavicini, Fr., 394 n. 3.
,, Giambattista (Car
melite), 307.
Paolo Romano (sculptor), 359.
Papazzoni, A. M., 229 n. 6,
316 n. i, 323 n. i.
Particappa, Mariano, 395 n.
4-
| Passerini, Silvio, Cardinal, 4 n.
3-
Pastron, 236 n. 2, 509.
Pedro de Toledo (Viceroy of
Naples), 103 n.
Penni, Gianfrancesco (painter)
346 seq., 348, 350.
Pepoli, Ugo di, 7.
Peregrino Fabrizio, 193 n. 3,
200 nn., 209 n. 2, 231 n.
5, 236 n., 322 n. seqq.
^383 n. 2, 441 n. i.
Perenyi, Peter, 194.
Pericoli, Niccolo, see Tribolo.
Perrenot, Antonio (Bishop of
Arras), see Gran-
velle.
,, Nicolas (Imperial
envoy), see Gran-
velle.
Peruzzi, Baldassare (artist), 352,
seq., 501, 508.
Pesaro, Francesco, 75 n. 4, 445
n. 3.
Peter of Luxemburg, B., Cardi
nal, 370.
Petri, Laurentius (Archbishop
of Upsala), 296.
Philibert of Chalori (Prince of
Orange), 12, 17, 20, 24
seqq., 27 seq., 30, 41, 43,
63 seq., 66, 69, 71 seqq., 76,
85, 99, 102, 104 n.
Philip, Landgrave of Hesse,
119, 124, 140, 235, 303,
320.
522
INDEX OF NAMES.
Philip, The Count Palatine
(Bishop of Freising), 93.
Piccolomini, Giovanni, Cardinal,
183 n. 2, 233 n. 4.
Pico della Mirandola, Gian
Tommaso, 123.
Pigafetta, Antonio, 343.
Pighius, Albert, 188, 343.
Pimpinella, Vincenzo (Arch
bishop of Rossano, nuncio),
127, 182 seq.
Pio, Alberto (Count of Carpi),
29, 98.
„ Leonello, 87 n. i.
,, Rodolfo (Bishop of Fa-
enza), 220, 229.
Piombo, Sebastiano del (paint
er), 347, 35°> 36l« .
Pisani, Francesco, Cardinal, 20,
383 n.
„ Luigi, 4.
Pisotti, Paolo (General of the
Franciscans), 457, 471,
473-
Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, 416.
Pomazaniki, Bernhard, 185 n.
Porta, Egidio della (Augus-
tinian), 307.
,, Giovanni Maria della
(envoy from Urbino),
2 n. 6, 32 n. 2, 199
n. i, 217 n. i, 234 n.
2, 321 n. i
Portugal, King of, see John III.
Praet, Louis de (Imperial
envoy), 56, 62 seq., 78,
155, 158, 217.
Pucci, Antonio (Bishop of
Pistoja, Cardinal), 10
seq., 21 seq., 376.
,, Lorenzo, Cardinal, 2 n.
4, 62, 66, 84, 205,
233 n. 4, 251, 254,
255 n. 2, 379, 422 n.,
463, 466 n.
Pucci, Roberto, 64.
Puglioni, Giovanni Antonio
(Baron of Burgio), 171-
175, i>]6seqq.
QUINONES, Francesco, Cardinal,
6> 33 seqq., 38, 41, 43, 46
n. 3, 50 n., 65, 68, 205,
233 n. 4, 365 n. i, 375,
394, 456-
RAFFAELE DA FOSSOMBRONE
(Capuchin), 462 seqq., 465
n. i.
Raimondi, Marcantonio (en
graver), 346, 350.
Raince, Nicolas (secretary to
French Embassy), 51 n. 4,
61 n. 2, 66 n. 5.
Rangoni, Ercole, Cardinal, 441.
,, Guido, 7, 8 n., 27 n.
3-
„ Ugo (Bishop of Reg-
gio, envoy), 223
seq., 225.
Raphael, 346 seq., 393.
Renee [Renata], daughter of
Louis XII. of France, 22,
248.
Ricci, Domenico (artist), 96 n.
Ridolfi, Niccol6 (Bishop of
Vicenza), Cardinal, 4 n. 3,
12 n. i, 77, 93, 321 n. i,
440.
Rigini, Girolamo [Eremita], 1 1 1
n. 3.
Rojas, Antonio (Bishop of
Palencia), 365.
Romano, Giulio, see Giulio
Romano.
Rorario, Girolamo (nuncio),
27 n. 3, 102 n. 2, 109, 117
seq., 121, 124 n. i.
Rovere, Francesco Maria della
(Duke of Urbino), 4, 88,
93, 97-
Rucellai, Giovanni (poet), 342.
INDEX OF NAMES.
523
SABBA DA CASTIGLIONE, Fra
(poet), 342.
Sacchetti, Ilarione (Franciscan),
456.
Sadoleto, Jacopo, Cardinal, 119
n. 2, 335, 338, 380, 393,
395> 4io, 440, 443. 445-
Salinas, Martin de, 91, 99 n. 6,
494-
Salo, Matthias de, see Matthias.
Saluzzo, the Marquis of, 25.
Salviati, Bernardo (nephew of
Clement VII. ), 227.
,, Giovanni (Bishop of j
Fermo), Cardinal, 4 I
n. 3, 7, 9 n. 2, 10, j
22, 59, 61 n. 2, 93,
215, 321 n. i.
,, Jacopo (husband of
Lucrezia de' Medici),
3, 10 n., 14, 1 6, 21,
53, 6 1 seq., 64, 84,
141, 144, 158, 165
n. 2, 217, 231, 267,
269.
„ Lucrezia, see Medici,
Lucrezia de'.
Sanchez(envoy of Ferdinand I.),
233 n., 324 n.
Sanga, Giovanni Battista (poet,
papal secretary), n, 21,
62, 64, 84, 208 n. 3,
335-
Sangallo, Antonio da, 199, 352
n. 4, 354 n. 2, 355.
,, Francesco da, 327,
352 n- 4, 359-
„ Giovanni Francesco
da, 352 n. 4.
Sangro, Alfonso di (Bishop of
Lecce), 19.
Sanmicheli, Michele (architect),
355-
Sannazaro, Jacopo (humanist),
338 seq.
Sanseverino, Antonio, Cardinal,
29. 233.
Sansovino, Andrea (sculptor)
359-
,, del Monte, Cardinal,
see Ciocchi.
,, Jacopo (architect),
354-
Sanuto, Marino (chronicler),
400 n. 2.
Sassatello, Giovanni da (condot-
tiere), 1 1 n. 3.
Savelli, Giovan Battista (leader
of mercenaries), 70, 490.
Savonarola, 73.
Savoy, the Duke of, see Charles
III.
Schio, Girolamo da (Bishop of
Vaison), 3, 21, 48 n., 50,
55 seq., 84, 85 n. 2, 153 n.
2, 154, 34i> 394-
Schonberg, Nicolas von (Arch
bishop of Capua), 38,
46, 58 n. 3, 61, 76, 84,
104, 151, 219 seq., 341,
410.
Scotti, Bernardino (Theatine),
412.
Sepulveda, Giovanni Gennesio,
343-
Seripando, Cardinal, 338.
Sessa, Ferrante of Cordova,
Duke of, 25 n. 2.
,, Luis of Cordova, Duke
of, 118 n. i.
Sforza, Francesco (Duke of
Milan), 57, 86 seqq., 96,
98, 211, 218 seq., 452.
Siebenbiirgen, Voivode of, see
Zapolya.
Sigismund (King of Poland),
i2oseq., 173, 187.
Silva, Fernando de (Count of
Cifuentes, Imperial am
bassador), 228.
Simonetta (Auditor of the Rota),
219.
Sommar, Magnus (Bishop of
Stregnas), 294 seq., 296.
524
INDEX OF NAMES.
Soriano, Antonio (Venetian
ambassador), 99 n. 6, 100
n. 4. 211, 377-
Spinola, Agostino, Cardinal, 2 n.
4, 216.
Staffileo, Giovanni (Bishop of
Sebenico, nuncio), 446.
Stafileo (Illyrian prelate), 253,
254-..
Strozzi, Filippo, 102 n. 2, 230.
,, Leone, 188 n. 2.
Stuart, John (Duke of Albany),
208 n. 2, 212, 230.
Stunica, Cardinal, 97 n. i,
375-
Suffolk, Duke of (brother-in-law
to Henry VIII.), 242.
Sulieman I. (The Sultan), 175,
178, 180 seqq., 183 seq.t
192 n. 5, 193, 201, 213.
Sunnanvader, Peter (Bishop of
Vesteras), 293 seq.
Szalkay, Ladislaus (Primate of
Hungary), 175, 179.
Szerencses, Emmerich, 175.
TARASCONIO, Evangelista (papal
secretary), 335, 394 n.
3-
Tausen, Hans (Danish re
former), 289.
Tavera, Juan, Cardinal, 207,
376.
Thomas de Vio, Cardinal, see
Cajetan.
Tiene, Gaetano di, S., see
Gaetano.
Titian, 200.
Tolomei, Cl., 343 n. 14.
Tommaso Illyrico (Minorite),
307.
Tomori, Paul (Archbishop of
Kalocsa), 174, 178^.
Torelli, Lodovica (Countess of
Guastalla), 451.
Torregiano, Pietro (sculptor),
241.
Tournon, F. de, Cardinal, 97 n.
i, 210 n. 3, 217, 223, 227
seq., 280, 283, 375.
Tribolo, il [Niccol6 Pericoli],
359-
Trissino, Giangiorgio (poet),
342-
Trivulzio, Agostino, Cardinal,
42 n. 2, 48 seq.,
347 n. i.
,, Cesare (nuncio),
158.
,, Gianjacopo (condot-
tiere), 489-
,, Paolo Camillo, 7, 25.
Trolle, Gustav (Archbishop of
Upsala), 292.
UBALDINIS, Ubaldino de, 223,
227.
Udine, Giovanni da (painter),
see Giovanni.
Ulrich (Duke of Wiirtemberg),
235> 320.
VAGA, Perino del (painter), 350.
Valeriano, Pierio (humanist), 5
n. 2, 343, 345, 444-
Valle, Andrea della, Cardinal,
29, 324, 472.
Valori, Bartolomeo, 104.
Vannes (English envoy), 266.
Varano, Battista da, B. (Poor
Clare), 459 n. 3.
,, Giovan Maria da
(Duke of Camerino),
459, 464.
Varchi (chronicler), 73, 100 n.
i, 104.
Vasari, Giorgio, 81, 346 n. 2,
357-
Vasili (Grand Duke of Moscow),
366.
Vasto, Alfonso d'Avalos del,
12, 17, 70.
Vaudemont, Rene, Count of, 7,
25-
INDEX OF NAMES.
525
Venier, Domenico (Venetian
envoy), 415.
Verboczy, Stephen, 174 seq.,
178.
Vergerio (nuncio), 316-319,
321, 331 n. 2.
Vernacci, Ettore, 406.
Vettori, Francesco (Florentine
envoy), 330.
Vida, Marco Girolamo (human
ist, Bishop of Alba), 338
seq., 425, 440.
Villafranca, Marquis of (Viceroy
of Naples), 507.
WADDING (Franciscan annalist),
486.
Warham (Archbishop of Canter
bury), 245, 247, 255, 257,
281.
Wasa, Gustavus, see Gustavus.
Widmanstadt, Johann Albert,
337-
Wied, Hermann von (Elector
of Cologne), 225.
William IV. (Duke of Bavaria),
126, 225.
Wiltshire, Earl of (father of
Anne Boleyn), 273.
Wolfgang (Prince of Anhalt),
124, 140.
Wolsey, Thomas, Cardinal, 7,
17, 41, 239 seq., 242-250,
252-255, 256 n. 2, 257-
264, 266-273, 286.
XIMENES, Cardinal, 388, 405.
Xuarez, Juan (Bishop of Texas),
366 n.
ZACCARIA, Fra (Dominican), 73,
3H.
„ Antonio Maria, St.,
387, 450-453-
Zapolya, Johann (Voivode of
Siebenbiirgen), 34, 175,
181, 183 seqq., 194. seq.,
493-
Zengg, The Captain of, 172.
Zini, Francesco, 438.
Zwingli, Ulrich, 297 seqq., 307.
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