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VOL. X. 

















Table of Contents 

List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix 

CLEMENT VII., 1523-1534. 
Clement VII. in exile at Orvieto and Viterbo. The 

Imperialists leave Rome. Disaster to the French 

army in Naples. The weakness of the Pope s 

diplomacy. His return to Rome 
Reconciliation of the Emperor and the Pope. The 

treaties of Barcelona and Cambrai 
The meeting of Clement VII. and Charles V. at 

Bologna. The last Imperial Coronation. 

Restoration of the Medicean rule in Florence 
The religious divisions in Germany .... 
Negotiations as to the Council, to the Pacification 

of Nuremberg, 1532 . 
Clement VII. s efforts to protect Christendom from 

the Turks . 
Clement the Seventh s second meeting with the 

Emperor at Bologna. The Conciliar question in 

the years 1532-1533. The Pope and Francis I. 

at Marseilles. The marriage of Catherine de 

Medici .... 

The divorce of Henry VIII. and the English Schism . 
* For Bibliography see Volume VII. 



I-3 1 





The Protestant revolt in Scandinavia and Switzerland. 

Heretical movements among the Latin Races . 288-315 
The close of the Pontificate of Clement VII. His 

position towards Literature and Art . . . 316-363 
Clement VII. and the internal affairs of the Church. 

His attitude towards the questions of the Council 

and Reform ... ... 364-387 

The beginnings of the Catholic Reformation. The 

Oratory of the Divine Love. Gaetano di Tiene 

and Carafa 388-423 

Gian Matteo Giberti. The Somaschi and the 

Barnabites . . . . . . . . 424-453 

Reform of the older Orders. The Capuchins . . 454-477 
Appendix of Unpublished Documents . . . 479-510 
Index of Names . . . . . . .. 511 








1527 Deplorable situation of the Pope at Orvieto 

(December) . . . . . . . i 

And of the Cardinals ...... 2 

Bull relating to graces bestowed during the captivity 

(December i8th) ...... 3 

Poverty of the court at Orvieto ..... 3 

Clement VII. receives congratulations on his 

deliverance ....... 4 

He is compared to the Popes of the infant Church, 

but still represents a mighty power ... 5 
Eager competition to obtain his patronage. Corre 
spondence with the Emperor (January 1528) . 5 
Who as early as December proposes a formal 

alliance 6 

Clement unwilling to give pledges to the League or 
to the Emperor ; writes to Francis I. (December 
i4th) . . 6 

And to Henry VIII. and others, describing his 

afflictions ........ 7 

1528 The Pope urged to join the League (January) . . 7 
Which makes tempting promises ; but Clement refuses 

a decided answer, as he fears the Emperor . . 8 

Other motives for not trusting the League ... 9 
The Papal envoys arrive in Paris (January) and appeal 

to Francis to put pressure on Venice and Ferarra 10 

* Unpublished documents are marked by an asterisk (*) ; documents to be 
published in "Acta Pontificum Romanorum" are designated by two 
asterisks (**,\ 


1528 Mission of Pucci to Spain his instructions 

Lautrec leaves Bologna on the loth of January . 

And enters the kingdom of Naples . 

The Imperialists recognize their peril 

Their army, ravaged by the plague, leave Rome, 

rendering the neighbourhood like a wilderness . 1 3 
A rabble under the Abbot of Farfa enter the city 

(February lyth) . M 

Efforts of the Pope to mitigate the distress . 14 

Deputation to invite the Pope to return to Rome . 1 5 
The officials of the Curia return (end of April) . . 15 
Harassing position of Clement VII. . .16 

Re-appearance of Brandano (March); his prophecies 16 
Operations of Lautrec in Naples 1 7 

The Imperial fleet destroyed by Doria (April 28th) . 17 
Alarm in Rome and anxiety of the Pope . .18 

Famine in Orvieto . T 8 

Clement VII. moves to Viterbo (June ist). Cardinal 

Farnese appointed Legate in Rome (June 8th) . 1 9 
Unsuccessful attempt of the French fleet to take 

Civita Vecchia . .20 

Provocation given by Venice to the Pope . .20 

Who complains to Contarini . .21 

His displeasure also with Francis I. . 21 

Arrogance of the French and firmness of the Papal 
representative, who insists on the surrender of 
Ravenna and Cervia . . .22 

The scene of war in Naples great distress in the 

city ... . -23 

Naples set free by sea (end of July), and Genoa is lost 

to France (September 1 2th) . . 24 

Death of Lautrec (August isth) and disorderly retreat 
of the French army from Naples (August 

2Qth) 25 

Complete triumph of the Emperor, to whom Clement 

VII. determines (September) to make approaches 26 
Assurances of Orange to the Pope (September 

1 8th) 27 

Who decides to return to Rome in spite of Contarini. 28 
Attempts of Francis I. to thwart the understanding 

between the Pope and the Emperor . . .29 
Clement VII. leaves Viterbo on the 5th of October 

and the following evening enters Rome . . 29 
Horrifying picture of the misery of the city . . 29 
The Pope orders all Cardinals to return (October 

1 4th) and writes to Charles V. (October 24th) . 30 





1528 Care of the Pope to restore order in Rome . . 32 
Wretched plight of the inhabitants lack of church 

ornaments ....... 33 

Quinones nominated to the Cardinalate 33 

Clement VII. between the League and the Emperor . 34 

Quinones arrives in Rome (December 30th) . . 35 

1529 Interview of Contarini with the Pope (January 4th) . 35 
His suggestions ....... 36 

Reply of Clement VII 37 

The Pope sends Quinones and Schonberg to negotiate 

at Naples (January) ...... 38 

Illness of the Pope (January 8th) Ippolito de Medici 

created Cardinal (January ioth) 39 

Critical condition of the Pope ; dismay in Rome . 40 
Anxiety of the Cardinals as to the freedom of the 

conclave . . . . . . . .41 

Opinion of Mai, the Imperial envoy . . . .41 

The Cardinals kept as hostages in Naples are set free 42 

The Pope recovers 43 

But on February the i8th has another attack; his 

alarm at report of the Emperor s descent upon Italy 43 
The Pope, the occasion of a diplomatic struggle 

between the League and the Emperor . . 44 

Giberti with the Pope. Anger of Mai ... 45 

Report of da Burgo to Ferdinand I. (March 2nd) . 45 

Clement insists on his duty of remaining neutral . 46 
Efforts of both parties to gain the Pope, who has a 

relapse brought on by excitement ... 47 

Restoration of Ostia and Civita Vecchia (March) . 47 
Promises of the Imperialists concerning Florence, 

Cervia, and Ravenna ; but Clement still hesitates 48 
Report of Cardinal Trivulzio (April 9th), who is 

mistaken ........ 49 

Clement VII. makes up his mind .... 49 

And appoints a new Nuncio to the Imperial court . 50 
The League seems deliberately to drive the Pope 

towards their adversary . . . . 51 

Giberti leaves Rome (April 26th) . . . 52 

The Pope s attitude influenced by Florentine affairs . 52 
State of things in Florence ; everything done there to 

exasperate Clement . . . . . -53 



1529 Anger of the Pope ; his conversation with the English 

envoy and with Contarini . 54 

He writes to the Emperor on May the yth and sends 
as Nuncio, Girolamo da Schio. Reports of Mai 
and da Burgo (May) . 55 

Schio arrives in Spain on the 30th of May and con 
cludes with Charles V. the treaty of Barcelona 
(June 29th) .... 5 6 

Terms of the alliance between the Pope and the 
Emperor . 

The conditions are favourable to the Pope 

The friendship of Clement a necessity to Charles V. . 58 

The treaty accelerates peace negotiations between 

Francis I. and the Emperor 5 8 

The Archduchess Margaret and Louisa of Savoy . 59 

Conclude the treaty of Cambrai (August 5th) . 

Its terms disadvantageous to Francis I. .60 

The Pope rejects all the offers of the League (June 

1 7th) ... . 61 

Schonberg and Salviati at Cambrai . 

The treaty of Barcelona made known in Rome on 
the 1 5th of July. On the following day, Papal 
decision in the matter of divorce of Henry VIII . 62 

Envoys from the Emperor have audience with the 

Pope in bed ... 6 3 

Rejoicings in Rome at the conclusion of peace 

(August ist) .... 63 

Negotiations concerning Florence . 64 

The Abbot of Farfa ; his capture of Quinones (August) 65 

Agreement on the question of subjection of Florence 

and Perugia . . .66 

Gattinara created Cardinal (August 1 3th) . . 66 





1529 On August the I2th Charles V. lands at Genoa. The 
Pope sends his nephew and three Cardinals to 
meet him .... .68 

On account of the Turks, Charles obliged to act with 
caution towards Venice ; his rude treatment of 
the Florentine envoys ... .69- 


1529 Expedition against Perugia ; its capitulation on Sep 
tember the loth .... 70 
Cardinal del Monte takes possession in the Pope s 

name (September nth) 70 

The Imperialist army advances on Florence . . 71 

And arrives before the city on October the 24th . 72 

The Florentines prepare to fight to the death . . 72 

Michael Angelo, overseer of the fortifications . . 73 
Popular excitement fanned by the Dominican 

preachers ^ 

Gibes against the Pope. Hatred of the Medici . 73 

Request of Charles to be crowned at Bologna . . 74 

Opposition of the Cardinals and Romans . . 74 
On September the igth the treaty of Cambrai an 
nounced in Rome. The Pope announces his 
intention of going to Bologna . . . .75 
The Florentines send an envoy to Rome (September 

22nd). Their obstinacy ..... 76 

The Pope leaves Rome (October ;th). His route . 77 
Wish of Charles to settle Italian affairs quickly, on 

account of the advance of the Turks . . . 77 

A Florentine deputation meet the Pope at Cesena . 78 
His solemn entry into Bologna on October the 

24th. 7 g 

Holds a Consistory (October 29th) to make the pre 
parations for the coronation. The Turks abandon 

the siege of Vienna 7 9 

Charles V. leaves Piacenza on November the 5th ; at 

Reggio meets Alfonso of Ferrara . . .80 
Makes his entry into Bologna on November the 5th . 80 
Prodigality of the decorations . . . . .81 
Clement and Charles face to face . . . .82 
Careful preparation made by Charles for his con 
ference with the Pope 83 

Impression of Contarini. The Pope s advisers . . 84 

Clement VII. still distrustful of the Emperor . . 84 

Views regarding Milan, Ferrara, and Florence . . 85 
Sforza summoned to Bologna; he is invested with 

Milan (December 3rd) .... 86 

Venice makes concessions . 87 
1530 Treaty of peace proclaimed in the Cathedral at 

Bologna on January the 6th .... 88 

The two points still left unsettled . . . ! 89 

The Pope s irritation against Alfonso of Ferrara . 89 
Reasons for the coronation taking place at Bologna 

rather than in Rome . 89 

A D 



The Pope confirms the election of Charles (February 

j\ Q2 

22nd) ...... 

The coronation takes place in the church ot ban 

Petronio (February 24th) . 

Description of the ceremony . -93 

Florence remaining stubborn, Clement makes two 

further concessions to Charles V. 
Appoints three Cardinals . 

And permits Alfonso of Ferrara to come to Bologna . 
Influence of Charles V. over the Papal States . . 97 
Italian independence at an end. The Emperor is 


supreme .. 

Charles and Clement leave Bologna (March 22nd and 

3 ist) ... -99 

The Pope impatient for the capitulation of Florence. 

Deplorable state of his finances . 
" Would that Florence had never existed ". 
Battle of Gavinana (August 3rd) 
At last Florence capitulates (August i2th) 
Savage reprisals of the Medicean party . 
Clement VII. settles the government of the city . 105 



1523 Steady increase of Lutheranism i6 

Consistory of the 2nd of December . 
Clement invites Eck and Aleander to furnish him 

with reports . .107 

Aleander on the means to be employed to suppress 

heresy in Germany . 
The report of an anonymous writer . 
The Pope decides to appoint Campeggio as legate ; 

sends Rorario (December) as Nuncio to prepare 

the way , . . - I0 9 

Aleander prepares instructions for the Legate . .109 
Campeggio reaches Nuremberg on the i4th of 

March ... 

Popular feeling against him on the journey 
His great caution, and first speech in the Diet 

(March 1 7th) . 

" The complaints of the German nation " . 
The Estates demand a National Council . 
Campeggio objects to this IX 3 


1524 But promises to use his influence in favour of a 

General Council IJ 4 

And holds an assembly at Ratisbon (June) for the 

reform of the national clergy . IT 4 

Importance of this meeting. Ordinances published in 

a legatine decree (July yth) . 1 1 5 

Consultation of Clement VII. with the Cardinals 
Determination arrived at . . . .116 

Charles V. prohibits the National Council and orders 

the observance of the Edict of Worms . 1 1 6 

1525 Campeggio s successes brought to an end by the out 

break of the social revolution . J 1 7 

Delusion in Rome as to the real state of affairs . 
Recall of Campeggio (October) . .118 

His hopes soon shown to be entirely futile . 119 

Absurd reports that obtain credence in Rome . . 119 
Even in Consistory (September 6th) . .120 

Apostasy of the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order i2< 
Consternation of the Pope I2 

1526 Who appeals to King Sigismund and to the Emperor 

(January 3ist) ... I21 

"Cujus regio illius religio." Development of the 

Lutheran State Church system . .122 

Political troubles cause relations between Germany 

and Rome to be broken off 123 

1529 Representation of the Holy See in Germany resumed 123 
Extraordinary alteration in state of affairs . .124 
The protesting party appeal (April 25th) to a "free 

council" ... .124 

1530 Charles V. appoints (January 2ist) a diet to be held 

at Augsburg. He arrives at Innsbruck (May 3rd) 125 
Campeggio s letter to Rome of May the 4th .126 

A General Council or a National Council ? .126 

Written opinion of Campeggio laid before the 

Emperor ... I2 7 

Opening of the Diet of Augsburg (June 2Oth) . .127 
Speech of Campeggio (June 2 4 th). The " Augsburg 

Confession " presented by the Protestants (June 

25th) ... I28 

False reports of the decline of Lutheranism 
Optimism of the Roman Curia (July i oth) . 129 

Campeggio reports the three Protestant demands 130 

Which are deliberated upon in Consistory, and 

rejected .... 13 

Opinions of Campeggio and of the Emperor s council 

on the treatment of the religious question . . 131 



1530 His conversation with Charles V. on the subject of a 

General Council . . . . . .132 

And declares a Council would be of no avail . 132 

But advocates firmness of action . . . 133 

The Emperor sends (July i4th) to Clement VII. a 

full account of the negotiations at Augsburg . 133 
The Pope calls together the Cardinals to consider 

the question of a Council . . . . . 134 
Did Clement VII. really wish for a Council ? Opinion 

of Loaysa. Conduct of Cardinal de Gramont . 135 
The Pope states the conditions under which he 

consents to summon a Council .... 136 
These conditions must be accepted by the Protestants 137 
Great differences of opinion in the Curia . . .137 
"God grant a reformation may not be brought about 

by the Turks instead of by a Council" . .138 
Delusive hopes of Charles V. . . . , .139 
His discussion with Campeggio (September 23rd) . 139 
The Protestant princes reject the Emperor s message 

and leave the Diet (September) . . . .140 



1530 The transactions of the Diet, followed with strained 
attention in Rome. The Pope willing to give 
way on two points ...... 141 

All attempts at union miscarry force the only 

resource . . 142 

The patience of Charles V. exhausted ; he determines 

to punish ........ 143 

And requests (October 4th) the Pope to invite other 

princes to co-operate with him . . . .143 

Indecision of Clement VII. He ultimately calls on 

the Italian States to help . . . . .144 

They show no enthusiasm in the matter : Venice 

refuses . . . . . . . .145 

The Emperor abandons the whole scheme . .145 

And sends Cueva to Rome to renew the demand for 

a Council ........ 146 

Arguments used by Charles in support of this request 147 

Clement VII. replies (November i8th) without com 
mitting himself definitely . . . . .148 




1530 The "pros " and " cons " considered by the Cardinals 148 
The secret Consistory of the 28th of November . 149 
Opinion of Loaysa on the vote of the Cardinals. . 149 
And on the aim of the Pope . . . . .150 
The Pope declares (December 6th) he has made up 

his mind to conform his opinion to that of 

Charles ...... z r 

And sends Gambara on a mission to the Emperor . 151 
The six objections against a Council, presented by 

the Envoy . . . . . . 151 

And the five conditions attached by Clement to the 

convening of a Council . . . . .153 

1531 Charles delays replying to the Legate until the 4th of 

April .... -154 

And thinks it necessary to sound Francis I. . 1 54 
The sincerity of whom is very questionable . . 155 
The Emperor gives his answer touching the five 

conditions ..... IC -6 

Gambara draws up a counter reply . . . I cj 

Clement agrees to summon the Council if the King 

of France consents (April 25th) . . .158 

The Cardinals determine that the Council be sum 
moned for dealing with specific objects only . 159 
Unfavourable answer from the King of France . .159 
Cardinal Gramont arrives in Rome on May the i;th . 160 
His instructions show the intention of Francis I. to 

thwart the Council jgo 

Charles expresses to the Pope his displeasure at the 

hindrances raised against it (July) . . .161 
And suspects Clement of a secret understanding with 

Francis I jgj 

The responsibility for the failure of the Council . 162 

The Emperor announces his intention of holding a 

Diet at Spires * . 163 

Campeggio of opinion that force is the only method 
to pursue with the heretics. Clement VII. in 
clined to give way on three points, and is sup 
ported by Cajetan !6 3 

Aleander appointed Nuncio to Germany (end of 

. ... . 3 

Clement recommends caution in regard to concessions 164 

The Diet postponed f 4 

Aleander s interview with the Emperor on November 

, thei 4 th I64 

.balse report of the reconciliation of the Elector of 
Saxony (November i5th) 



1532 Clement assures the Emperor he is straining every 

nerve to ensure the Council (May) . 
The League of Schmalkald 

The Diet opens at Regensburg on April the lyth 
Fear of the Turks . l66 

Efforts made at Rome to find some via media (April 

i 9 th) ... . I6 7 

Indignation of the Nuncio at the Emperor s negotia 
tions with the Protestants . .167 
Memorial of Aleander denouncing the concessions 

(June ist). . l6 7 

The Catholic Estates blame the Emperor and demand 

a Council .... 

Charles attributes the delay to the King of France . i6b 
Division of opinion in Rome and Germany as to the 

policy to be pursued . .169 



1523 Clement deals with the question of Hungary in his 

first Consistory (December 2nd) 17 

ic 24 He sends Burgio as Nuncio to Hungary with a sub 
sidy (April) . - -i?i 
Burgio s experiences. The country torn by party 

strife .... .172 

At Ofen (in August) he finds utter chaos, and appeals 

to deaf ears at the Diet 
The Turks take Severin . i?3 

1525 Tomori and the Archbishop of Kalocsa alone faithful 174 
The former goes to the defence of Peterwardein 

(February) ... .174 

Gathering of the nobles at Hatvan (July 2nd) . . 175 
Zapolya and Verboczy overthrow the existing Govern 
ment . J 75 
But nothing is done for the defence of the kingdom . 175 

1526 Alarming reports from Burgio (January) . 176 
Clement urges the Christian princes to come to the 

aid of Hungary (February) . .176 

Indolence of King Louis . J 77 

" The magnates are afraid of each other, and all are 

against the King " . . J 77 

The Sultan sets out from Constantinople (April) . 178 



1526 The resolutions of Hatvan annulled and Verboczy 

deposed 178 

The Pope alone sends help. Fall of Peterwardein 

(July 28th) 179 

Disastrous defeat at Mohacs (August 29th) . . 179 

Flight and death of King Louis .... 180 

The Sultan enters the capital (September loth) . 180 

1527-8 Rival competitors for the Hungarian crown . . 181 

1529 The Sultan sets out for the capture of Vienna (May) . 182 
Measures taken by the Pope (August 27th) . .183 
The Turks invest Vienna (September), but after a 

final assault (October i4th) withdraw . .183 

Letter of Suleiman to the Venetians (November loth) 184 

1530 Increased military preparations of the Turks . . 185 
Speech of Clement VII. to the Ambassadors, who 

nearly all make excuses (June 24th) . . .185 
He again sends Briefs to the princes of Christendom 

(August) 186 

But all his efforts are unavailing . . . .187 
The Pope and the Knights of St. John. Bestows 

Malta upon them (March 23rd) . . . .188 

1531 The Turkish difficulty "the only topic of conversa 

tion " (February 20th) . . . . .189 
Peril to middle and lower Italy. . . . .189 
The Pope endeavours to utilize the power of 

France . . . . . . . .190 

And urges the necessity of raising funds . . .191 
Allegations against the house of Hapsburg . . 191 
Difficult position of Ferdinand s Ambassador . . 192 
The Pope promises a subsidy (September i6th) . 192 

Intelligence of preparations by the Turks for attack 

on Italy and Hungary (December) . . .193 

1532 Clement resolves to fortify the Papal seaports 

(January) . ... 194 

Party strife in Hungary. Repeal of Zapolya s excom 
munication refused by the Pope . . .194 
Refusal of the Venetians to interrupt the peace with 

the Turks . . . . . . . 195 

" The God of Venice is their own aggrandizement" . 196 
Panic in Rome (March) . . . . . .196 

Measures taken by the Pope . . . . -197 

Bad behaviour of King Francis I. His threats. . 198 
The fortification of Ancona by Ant. da Sangallo . 199 
Firmness of Clement in Consistory (June 2ist). The 

Cardinals to be taxed 199 

Cardinal Ippolito de Medici despatched to Germany 200 
VOL. X. b 


1532 The Sultan advances to the Austrian frontier, but has 

to fall back on Belgrade . . . . .201 

Maritime successes of Andrea Doria .... 202 

The hopes thus raised come to nothing . . . 202 

The Italian soldiers refuse to go into Hungary . . 202 
And the Protestants object to strengthen the Catholic 

Ferdinand ....... 203 

Charles V. decides on an interview with the Pope . 203 






1532 Questions upon which Clement VII. and Charles V. 

are at variance ....... 204 

Predominance of the Emperor in Italy . . . 204 
Charles arrives in Italy (October). His anxiety to 

soothe the Pope ...... 205 

He has but few adherents in Rome .... 205 

Character of Cardinal de Loaysa ; his quarrel with Mai 206 

Negotiations in 1531 about the creation of Cardinals . 207 
Giberti refuses the Pope s proposal to recall him to 

his service ....... 208 

Whatever Clement does, the rival parties complain . 209 

He complains of the conduct of Loaysa . . . 209 

Dissensions between the Emperor s representatives . 210 

1531 Tact of the French envoy, de Gramont . . .210 
Who tries to bring about an alliance between the 

houses of Valois and Medici . . . .211 
The Pope, after long indecision, favours this project . 211 
And consents to it by treaty of June the 9th, 1531 . 212 
But will not break with the Emperor, and evolves a 

scheme to reconcile Charles and Francis . .213 

1532 Cueva arrives in Rome (October) to arrange for the 

conference between the Pope and Charles . .214 
Bologna fixed upon as the place of meeting . .214 
Clement VII. leaves Rome on the i8th of November 215 
And arrives in Bologna on December the 8th . . 215 
Where Charles V. makes his entry on the 1 3th . . 216 
Eagerness of the Pope to reconcile Francis I. and 

Charles V. . . . . . . .217 



1533 Arrival of the French representatives (January) . . 217 
The Emperor wishes Catherine de Medici to marry 

Sforza 218 

When Francis I. at once ratines the marriage con 
tract with his son, and invites the Pope to meet 

him 218 

Treaty between the Pope and the Emperor signed on 

February the 24th . . . . . .218 

Negotiations with the Italian envoys concluded 

(February 2yth) . . . . . .219 

Clement refuses to draw back from the French 

marriage agreement . . . . . .219 

Creation of Cardinals. The Imperialists little 

pleased . . . . . . . .220 

Negotiations and resolutions concerning the 

Council . . . . . . . .221 

Briefs sent to the Christian princes inviting their 

consent . . . . . . . .221 

Unsatisfactory reply from Francis I. . . . .223 

Instruction drafted by Aleander for Rangoni, the 

Nuncio for Germany (February 27th) . . 223 
This contains eight conciliar conditions . . .223 
Charles agrees with the Pope s intentions and quits 

Bologna (February 28th) ..... 224 
The Pope also leaves (March loth) .... 224 
Agreement of Ferdinand and of George of Saxony 

(April and May) 224 

The Nuncio visits all the Electors . . . .225 
Who on the whole give a ready consent . . .225 
Opinions of Melanchthon and Luther . . . 226 
The Protestant princes demand a " free council " . 226 
And reject the Pope s articles in offensive terms (June 

30th) 226 

Clement VII. returns to Rome (April 3rd) . . 227 
Salviati sent to the relief of Koron .... 227 
Francis I. presses for a conference . . . .227 
Continued enmity between the Emperor s envoys . 228 
Cardinal Tournon turns this to advantage . . .228 
Opposition of the Curia to a conference with 

Francis . . . . . . .229 

But Clement refuses to withdraw . . . .229 

Catherine de Medici starts on her journey (September 

*st) 230 

Departure of the Pope (September Qth). He avoids 

Florence . . . . . . . .231 

Makes his entry into Marseilles on October the i2th . 232 



1533 On the 28th marries Catherine de Medici to the 

Duke of Orleans 232 

Nomination of French Cardinals (November 7th) . 233 
Secrecy of the transactions with Francis I. . . 234 

Falseness of the accusations against Clement . .235 
Who is deceived by Francis . . . . .236 
The Pope s exhortations to a reconciliation with 

Charles X. fail . . 236 

Substantial success for Francis I. . -236 

Transactions about the Council . .236 

Pliability of Clement, who returns to Rome (No 
vember) ........ 237 



Separation of England from the Holy See not like 

that of Germany 238 

Character of Henry VII. His work . . 238 

Popularity of his successor, Henry VIII. . . 239 
Exceptional position of Wolsey. His leniency to 

heretics ... ... 239 

Henry VIII. no convert to Luther . . . 240 
Marriage of Henry with Catherine of Aragon . .240 
Her character ..... .241 

Henry s early adulterous relations . .241 

1526 His scruples about the validity of his marriage . . 241 
Anne Boleyn. Her protectors are enemies of Wolsey 242 
Who hope for his downfall by means of the divorce . 243 
Wolsey not the originator of the divorce scheme . 243 
Henry s cunning dishonesty . . . 243 

1527 Words attributed to the French Ambassador . . 244 
Wolsey initiated for the first time (May 8th) . . 244 
With War ham holds a court of justice (May i7th) . 245 
Opinions invited from Bishops and Canonists . .245 
Fisher s reply causes Wolsey to reflect . . . 245 
Wolsey dare not oppose Henry . . 246 
Brutal order to Catherine (June 22nd). Her reply . 246 
Wolsey starts for France (July 3rd) .... 247 
Tries to win over Warham and Fisher . . . 247 
Wolsey s project of marriage for Henry (August) . 248 
Wishes to be made Papal Vicar-General (September) . 248 

Mission of Knight to Rome 249 

Wolsey kept in ignorance of its real object . . 249 



1527 He hurries back to England, and at last perceives 

Anne Boleyn s position ..... 249 
And implores Henry to depart from his resolve . 250 

The King again deceives Wolsey . . . .250 
The two drafts for a Bull of dispensation carried by 

Knight to Rome 250 

The Bull given (December 23rd) to Knight by the 

Pope is conditional only . . . . .251 

And therefore valueless . . . . . .251 

Five points raised by Henry to invalidate the dis 
pensation of Julius II. . . . . .252 

The Decretal Bull which Wolsey asks for . . -253 
Unheard-of powers demanded for Wolsey . . -253 
Knight and Casale unsuccessful . . . ,254 
Two fresh envoys from England, Gardiner and Fox . 254 

1528 Their negotiations with the Pope (March and April). 255 
Insolence of Gardiner s demands . . . -255 
But Clement VII. not to be shaken . . . .256 
No justification for the charge against the Pope . . 256 
Bull of Commission (June 8th) to Wolsey and 

Campeggio. Powers conferred by it . . . 257 
Wolsey not satisfied . . . . . . .258 

His last effort to obtain the Decretal Bull . . .259 

And to deceive the Pope 259 

Who promises to send it by Campeggio . . . 260 
The Bull, withheld from the free disposal of Henry 

and Wolsey, is rendered useless . . .261 
Campeggio arrives in England. His audiences with 

Henry and Catherine (October 22nd and 27th) . 262 
Wolsey dissatisfied. His falsehood .... 263 
The Pope remains firm and refuses to do more. His 

declaration about the Decretal Bull (December 

i?th) 264 

Catherine produces the Brief of Dispensation of the 

26th of December 1503 ..... 265 
Wolsey s attempts to nullify this .... 266 

1529 Important letter from Campeggio to Salviati (Feb 

ruary i8th) ....... 267 

Wolsey makes a last attempt for an extension of his 

legatine powers . . . . . . .268 

The court of the Legates constituted (May 3ist) . 268 
The pleading is on one side only. Courage of Bishop 

Fisher 269 

Campeggio on the 23rd of July adjourns the court . 269 
The case transferred to Rome. Departure of 

Campeggio 270 



1529 Downfall of Wolsey (October) . . . 270 

1530 His arrest and death (November) . .271 
Wolsey as a statesman and as a churchman . 272 
Rise of Cranmer. Mission of Anne Boleyn s father 

to the Pope and the Emperor . . . .273 

Opinions of the universities . . . 274 

Address to the Pope by the English prelates and nobles 275 

The proposal of the "double marriage" (September) 275 

Henry s violent complaints to the Pope (December) . 277 

1531 The convocation of the English clergy (January) . 278 
Catherine banished from court (August) . . 279 

1532 Clement VII. remonstrates with Henry (January) . 279 
Meeting between Henry VIII. and Francis I. at 

Boulogne (October) . .280 

The Pope threatens excommunication . .280 

Henry s retort .281 

1533 His marriage with Anne Boleyn (January) . 281 
Cranmer becomes Archbishop of Canterbury (March) 282 
And declares Henry s marriage with Catherine to be 

null and void (May 23rd) . . 282 

Excommunication of Henry VIII. . . 283 

1534 Anti-Papal Acts of Parliament . . .284 
Final sentence of the Pope (March 24th) . . 285 
Pusillanimity of the English clergy . . . 286 
Oppressive measures of Henry . . . .286 
An " outburst of despotic caprice and adulterous 

passion." Its result ...... 287 



1523 Frederick I. and Gustavus Wasa encourage Lutheran 

teaching . . . 288 

The capitulation of the 3rd of August at the election 

of Frederick. Its anti-papal decrees . . .289 
1526 Tausen appointed as chaplain to the King (October) . 289 
The Diet of Odense (November) .... 290 
1530 Lutheran preachers present a Confession of Faith at 

the Diet of Copenhagen . . . .290 

They are supported by Frederick . .291 

1533 Death of Frederick (April loth). Want of energy by 

the bishops during the interregnum . .291 

1525 Gustavus Wasa introduces Lutheranism into Sweden . 291 



1525 His system of spoliation ...... 292 

Five sees uncanonically occupied. Johann Brask 

stands alone ....... 292 

The revolt in Dalekarlien quelled by the King . . 293 

1526 Clement VII. addresses (September i9th) the bishops 

of Linkoping and Vesteras . . . -293 
Catholics in Sweden completely cowed . . 294 

1527 Execution of Knut and Sunnanvader . . . 294 
The Diet of Vesteras (June). Weakness of the bishops, 

except Brask . . . . . . .294 

Complete surrender to the King. Exile of Brask 

(November) ....... 295 

1528 Schismatical consecration of bishops (January 5th) . 295 

1529 National Council at Orebro ..... 295 
1531 Worldliness and servility of the clergy . . .296 

Ease with which Gustavus Wasa destroyed the ancient 

Church ........ 296 

1523 Rise of Ulrich Zwingli in Switzerland . . 297 

1525 The Pope sends Filonardi to Switzerland (February). 

Failure of his mission ..... 298 

The Curia pay little attention to the Church affairs in 

that country ....... 298 

1531 Defeat of the Zurichers at Kappel (October nth). 

Death of Zwingli ...... 299 

Papal relief comes too late. The Catholic cantons 

make peace with Zurich (November 20th) . . 300 

1532 The reports of Filonardi (July) . .... 301 

1533 His recall (October i yth) . ..... 301 

1523 Activity of the Lutherans in France . . . .302 

1525 Firmly opposed by the Sorbonne and Parliament . 302 

1528 Catholic feeling in Paris ...... 303 

1529 Execution of L. de Becquin (April) .... 303 

1534 Doubtful attitude of Francis I. . . . . . 304 

Impediments to the diffusion of Protestantism in 

Italy 305 

1519-20 First appearance of Luther s writings in Upper 

Italy 306 

1524-28 Vigilance of the Pope . ..... 307 

1530 His decree to the Inquisitor Butigella (January ijth) 308 
Protestant tendencies in Geneva . . . .310 

1528-30 Luther s followers in Venice .... 309 

1532 Memorial from Carafa to the Pope (October) . .310 
Carafa draws up a programme for reform of the 

clergy 312 

1533 Is warmly supported by Aleander (March) . -313 
Outside Venice, only isolated Lutherans to be found . 315 





1533 Return of Clement VII. from Marseilles . . .316 
Is viewed with suspicion by the Imperialists . .316 
Spread of anti-papal feeling in Germany . .31? 

State of Bohemia . 317 

Strange attitude of the Pope and the Curia . .318 

Inadequate support of deserving Catholic scholars . 319 

Craftiness of the King of France . . . .319 

1534 Who supports the Landgrave of Hesse . . 320 
And misleads the Pope . . . 320 
Clement VII. refuses to support Ferdinand (June) . 321 
And determines to defer the Council . . -321 
Bitterness aroused in Germany by this . . .321 
Clement VII. taken ill (June) . . . 322 
Changes in his condition. Deaths among the Cardinals 323 
The Pope has a renewed attack (August i8th). 

Receives extreme unction (August 24th) . . 324 
Rallies on September the 8th. Is visited by Giberti . 325 
His death on September the 25th .... 326 
Up to the last is occupied with the prospects of his 

nephews. His Brief to the Emperor . . .327 

Description of his tomb 327 

Clement VII. quickly forgotten in Rome . . . 328 
Severity of contemporary judgments upon him . . 329 
Not altogether fair. His character .... 329 
His absorption in the interests of his family . 331 

And his temporizing and dilatory policy . . 331 

His conduct of English affairs . ... 332 

In all great questions his policy breaks down . -333 
1523 Delight in literary circles at the election of Clement 

VII.. . . . 334 

His earliest secretaries . . . . . .335 

His measures to increase the Vatican Library . .336 
3526 The mission of Johann Heitmers .... 336 

Relations of Clement with Erasmus . . . -337 
Sannazaro and Vida . . . . . . -338 

Services rendered by Guicciardini to the Pope . -339 

Clement VII. and Machiavelli 340 

Agnolo Firenzuola Francesco Berni . . . 340 
Quarrel between Berni and Aretino . . . .341 
The latter banished from Rome .... 342 
The number of literati associated with Clement . . 342 



1526 Disastrous consequences of the sack for art and 

literature ........ 345 

At the election of Clement artists flock to Rome . 346 
Cellini, Giulio Romano, and others .... 346 

The decoration of the Stanze resumed . . . 347 
The work of Penni ....... 348 

Giulio Romano and his pupils ..... 349 

Experiences of artists during the sack . . . 350 

1530-31 Giovanni da Udine and Sebastiano del Piombo . 350 

The illuminator, Giulio Clovio . . . . 351 

The works at St. Peter s . . . . .351 

The "Fabbrica di S. Pietro." Peruzzi appointed 

architect for life . . . . . -352 
Completion of the court of St. Damasus . . -353 
Works at castle of St. Angelo . . . . -353 
Restorations in many churches. Construction of 

streets . . . . . . . .354 

Quick revival of the city after the sack . . -355 
Fortifications in the States of the Church . . -355 
Clement s patronage of goldsmiths work . . -356 
Benvenuto Cellini . . . . . -357 

Medallists and workers in intaglio . . . -358 
Works of sculpture in Rome ..... 359 

And on the Holy House at Loreto . . . -359 
Baccio Bandinelli s work at Florence . . . 360 

Michael Angelo and Clement VII 361 

The painting of the Last Judgment suggested by 

Clement ........ 363 



The converts of the New World .... 364 
Two hundred friars sent to the East Indies . -365 
1524 Creation of the Patriarchate of the West Indies 

(May nth) 365 

1530-31 And of other Sees ...... 365 

1524-28 Negotiations with Russia ..... 366 

Clement VII. and the Maronites and Armenians . 367 
Embassy from the King of ^Ethiopia . . . 367 
The Jubilee of 1525. Regulations for it . . . 368 
The Passion Play in the Colosseum . . . -369 



1524-28 Protestants ridicule the Jubilee . .... 369 

Beatification of saints ...... 369 

The Rosary encouraged. Special Bulls of this time . 370 
Clement obliged to make concessions to temporal 

princes . . . . . 37 1 
The Inquisition in Portugal. The Pope protects the 

Jewish Christians against the King . . .371 

"Clement, the gracious friend of Israel" . . 372 
Disputes with Venice about bishoprics . . -373 
Appointments to the Cardinalate. Ruling motives in 

Clement s creations ... . 374 

Political character of these appointments . . . 375 

Manner of life of the Cardinals 377 

1524 Clement VII. on the reform of the Curia (January) . 378 
His three administrative proposals (September) . . 378 
Appoints a visitation commission. Urges the observ 
ance of the Lateran decrees . . . 379 

Decree against vagrant Minorites .... 380 

Instructions to Carafa concerning candidates for holy 

orders . . . . . . . .380 

Enactments for reform of the clergy in many dioceses 380 

1525 And of the Carmelites and Humiliati . . 381 
But these measures lay almost dormant. The cause 

of this .382 

Things drift back into a contrary course . . 384 

The demand for a Council. Clement shrinks from this 385 
His objections to a Council. The recollection of 

Constance and Basle. ..... 386 

The influence of the Emperor and of Francis I. . 387 
Painful feelings aroused by the Pope s attitude . .387 





True reformers always to be found in the Church . 388 

The work of Ximenes in Spain . . . . . 388 

The one thing lacking to the Lateran decrees . . 389 
Yet when all seems lost a change begins in perfect 

quiet . 389 

Rise of the Oratory of the Divine Love (c. 1517) . 390 

Its unpretentious beginnings and main principles . 391 

Strong Catholic feeling of its members . . . 391 



Raphael and the Oratory ..... 392 

The " Confraternita della Carita" (founded in 1519 

by Clement VII. when a Cardinal) . . . 393 
Is endowed by Clement VII. with the church of 

S. Girolamo . . . . . . .394 

Many officials of the Papal household members of it 394 
1524 Valerio Lugio describes its work .... 394 

Rise of other institutions . ... . 395 

Increase in members of the Oratory of Divine Love. 

Some of its most illustrious associates . -395 
Sets an example to other Italian cities . . . 396 
And causes a revival of spiritual life . . . -397 
Gives rise to the Theatine Order . . . -397 
Gaetano di Tiene, his birth (1480) and early life . 398 
His work in Vicenza, Verona, and Venice . . -399 
-1523 His return to Rome and intercourse with Carafa . 400 
Different characters of the two men . . . .401 
Birth (1476) and early life of Gian Pietro Carafa . 402 
Made bishop of Chieti (1504) and Nuncio to Naples 

(1506) . . . 403 

Labours to set his diocese in order .... 404 
Sent to England (1513), and Nuncio to Spain (1515) 404 
Great importance of his residence in Spain . . 405 
His intercourse with Ximenes and Adrian of Utrecht 405 
His occupations on his return from Naples (1520) . 406 
Adrian VI. calls him to Rome. The impression he 

makes ........ 406 

His close intimacy with members of the Oratory of 

the Divine Love ...... 407 

With Gaetano matures plans for founding the Theatines 408 
Fundamental ideas of the founders .... 408 

Opposition and difficulties. Carafa resigns his two sees 410 

1524 Papal Brief founding the new Order (June 24th) . 410 
Gaetano and Carafa distribute their property and take 

solemn vows (September 1 4th) . . . .411 

Carafa chosen Superior. Manner of life of the 

Theatines. . . . . . . .412 

1525 Deep impression they make in Rome . .413 
And the change wrought by their quiet labours . .414 
Tommaso Campeggio and Carafa . . . -415 

1527 At the sack of Rome the Theatines escape to Venice 415 
Their life in Venice. Relations with Contarini, Pole, 

and Cortese 416 

1530-33 Rules of the Order drawn up by Carafa . . 416 

1533 Clement VII. enjoins the erection of a house in Naples 417 

Strictness in the reception of new members . .418 




I 533 The Order a "Seminary for bishops " . 

The Pope encourages the Theatines. Carafa is in 

defatigable ... . 4 J 9 

His correspondence with Bishops . . . 4 20 

Important position he acquires in Venice . . 4 20 

Where he combats heresy . . .421 

His reports of abuses among the clergy . . 4 22 

And unprincipled titular bishops . 4 2 3 

Corruption of the religious orders. All need regenera 

tion, especially the Franciscans . . . . 4 2 3 



Early piety of Gian Matteo Giberti (born 1495) 4 2 4 

Enjoys the friendship of Leo X. and Cardinal Medici 425 

His relations with the humanists, especially Vida . 425 

Clement VII. appoints him Datary . . . 425 
1524 And Bishop of Verona (August). His irreproachable 

conduct ........ 426 

His intimacy with Carafa and loyal devotion to the 

Pope .... . 4 2 7 

1528 Withdraws to his diocese. State of things he en 

counters there . . . . . . .428 

Begins the task of reform. Change in his char 

acter. Embraces a strict asceticism . . .429 

Report of the change in Verona (November) . . 430 

1529 Undertakes the visitation of his diocese . . . 43 
His mode of procedure . . 43 J 
And stringent enactments . . 432 
Regulations for confessors, even in externals . 433 

1530 Strong edict on preaching (April zoth) . . . 433 
His visitation of the religious orders. Clement VII. 

gives him special powers ..... 434 

1531 His regulations for nunneries confirmed by the Doge 

of Venice ...... 435 

Difficulties with his Chapter. Their stubbornness . 435 
Conflicts with the corrupt clergy. He receives steady 

support from the Pope . ... 436 

Social activity of Giberti . . . 437 

Founds the Society of Charity to cope with mendicancy 438 

His only recreation is study .... 439 
The "Accademia Gibertina." His private printing 

press .... ... 439 



1531 Many other prelates follow his example . . . 440 

Revival of Synods in Italy and in other countries . 441 
Popular character of the Catholic reformation begun 

by Giberti ....... 442 

The distresses of the time give it an impetus . . 442 

The sack marks the end of the Renaissance . . 443 

" A world had disappeared ; a new one had to arise " 443 

Admission by Pierio Valeriano ..... 444 

Sadoleto on the gleam of a new dawn . . . 445 
Speech of Stafileo on the reassembling of the Rota 

on May i5th, 1528 ...... 446 

The sack had "cleared the air" . . . 446 

Misery and distress in Lombardy .... 447 

The Venetian noble Girolamo Miani (born 1481) . 448 
Becomes a priest (1518). His labours in the year of 

famine and plague (1528) . . . . . 448 
His work among the poor children. Supported by the 

Venetian government ..... 4.4.9 

Orphanages founded in Brescia and Bergamo . . 4.49 

The Somaschi ; their special characteristics . . 44.9 

Miani extends the work into the Milanese territory . 450 
Tommaso Nieto introduces a procession of the Bl. 

Sacrament ....... 4.50 

Antonio Maria Zaccaria (born 1502) goes to Milan . 451 

1530 Joins the confraternity of the Eternal Compassion . 451 

1533 Founds the Barnabite Order 451 

Constitutions and manner of living of its members . 452 
In what they differ from the Theatines . . .452 



1517-23 Paolo Giustiniani and the Camaldolese Hermits . 454 
Egidio Canisio and the Augustinian Hermits . -455 
The Benedictine reform of S. Justina. and Gregorio 

Cortese . . . . . . . -455 

Efforts at the reform of Franciscan Observants . -455 

1525 The " Riformati " supported by Quiiiones . . . 456 
Opposed by the General, Pisotti .... 457 

1532 Clement VII. issues a Bull in their favour (November) 457 
Rise of Matteo da Bascio (b. 1495, d. 1552) . . 457 
His early life and entry into the Observants . . 458 

1523 His self-denying activity at Camerino attracts the 

attention of Caterina Cibo .... 459 



1523 His strict observance of the rule. Change in the habit 460 

1525 Goes to Rome. His petition to Clement VII. . . 460 
The Provincial orders him to be incarcerated . .461 
Is set free and joined by Lodovico and Raffaello da 

Fossombrone ....... 462 

They are empowered to set up houses of their Order . 463 

1528 The Brief confirming the new branch of Franciscans 

(Capuchins) ... . 4^4 

Foundation of the first houses ..... 465 
Bernardino da Colpetrazzo s account of their manner 

of life .... . 4 66 

They are "preachers of repentance" to the common 

people ... 467 

1528-29 Their heroic self-sacrifice during the plague . . 467 

1529 The first General Chapter at Alvacina . 468 
Matteo da Bascio chosen Vicar-General . . . 469 
Constitutions of the new institute . . 469 
First Capuchin settlement in Rome . . . . 4/0 
Rapid extension of the new community . . 470 
Opposition of the Observants ... . 47 1 
Unreflecting zeal of Lodovico . . . 47 1 

1532 Papal decision (August i4th) in favour of the Capuchins 472 
1534 Ochino and Bernardino of Asti join them . . -473 
The Observants again complain to the Pope . -473 
The Capuchins banished from Rome (April) . 474 

Indignation of the Roman people at this . . -475 
Action of Vittoria Colonna and Caterina Cibo . -475 
Clement VII. sanctions the return of the Capuchins . 476 
Ignatius Loyola at Montmartre begins the Society 

of Jesus ........ 476 



I. Pope Clement VII. to Donate de Marinis . .481 
II. Safe-conduct of Pope Clement VII. for Johann 

Heitmers ....... 482 

III. Pope Clement VII. to the Dominicans of Ghent 484 

IV. Remarks on the oldest sources for the history of 

the Capuchins, and on the criticism of Boverius 485 
V. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Marquis 

of Mantua ....... 488 

VI. Cardinal Trivulzio to Girolamo N. 489 

VII. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Marquis 

of Mantua . . . . . . 492 

VIII. Consistory at Bologna on the 2 2nd of December 

........ 492 

IX. Pope Clement VII. to Cardinal Farnese . . 493 
X. Consistory of the 4th of February 1530 . . 493 
XI. Andrea da Burgo and Martin de Salinas to 

Ferdinand I. . . . . . . . 493 

XII. Pope Clement VII. to the Duke Charles of Savoy 494 

XIII. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua ....... 496 

XIV. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua ....... 496 

XV. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua ....... 497 

XVI. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua ....... 498 

XVI L Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua ....... 499 

XVIII. Girolamo Cattaneo to the Duke of Milan . . 499 
XIX. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua ....... 500 

XX. Francesco Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua ....... 500 



XXI. Pope Clement VII. renews the appointment of 

Baldassare Peruzzi as architect for St Peter s . 501 
XXII. Fabrizio Peregrine to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua . 5 02 

XXIII. Andrea da Burgo to Ferdinand I. . 5 02 

XXIV. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga to Federigo Gonzaga, 

Duke of Mantua . 53 

XXV. Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua ... 53 

XXVI. Pope Clement VII. to Johann von Metzenhausen, 

Archbishop of Treves . 53 
XXVII. Pope Clement VII. to the Dominicans of Ghent 504 
XXVIII. Pope Clement VII. to Petrus Eras . 55 
XXIX. Pope Clement VII. to Cardinal Albert, Arch 
bishop of Mayence . 55 
XXX. Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua ... - 5 6 

XXXI. Pope Clement VII. to his Nuncio in Naples . 507 

XXXII. Giovanni Maria della Porta to the Duke of Urbino 507 

XXXIII. Pope Clement VII. to Baldassare Peruzzi . . 508 

XXXIV. Pastron to the Marchioness of Monferrato . . 508 
XXXV. Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua . 59 

XXXVI. Fabrizio Peregrino to Federigo Gonzaga, Duke 

of Mantua 5* 



IN the old town of Orvieto, guarded by its strong citadel 
on the cone-shaped hill which separates, like a boundary 
stone, the Roman and Tuscan territory, the personal 
freedom of the Pope was secure ; yet his situation must still 
be described as a deplorable one. His ecclesiastical rank 
excepted, he had lost all he could call his own : his authority, 
his property, almost all his states, and the obedience of the 
majority of his subjects. 1 Instead of the Vatican adorned 
with the masterpieces of art, he was now the occupant of a 
dilapidated episcopal palace in a mean provincial town. 
Roberto Boschetti, who visited the Pope on the 23rd of 
January 1528, found him emaciated and in the most 

1 In consequence Clement VII. was not able to keep his promise to 
Cardinal Colonna with regard to the Legation of the March of Ancona ; 
see the "^despatch of G. M. della Porta to the Duchess of Urbino, dated 
Lodi, 1528, Jan. 24: *Da Orvieto s intende quelli di la Marca non 
haver voluto obedire alii brevi del papa che comandava accettassero 
per legato il card. Colonna. Senza ch io dicho altro la Ex. V. si deve 
imaginare il dispiacere che ne piglia S. S ta , la quale fu gran favore al 
sig. Malatesta Baglione, che sta in Orvieto (State Archives, Florence). 
As a compensation, Cardinal Colonna was appointed Governor of 
Tivoli for life on January 18, 1528. *Min. brev., 1528, III., vol. 20, n. 
1706 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

VOL. X. I 


sorrowful frame of mind. "They have plundered me of 
all I possess," said Clement VII. to him; "even the canopy 
above my bed is not mine, it is borrowed." x The furniture 
of the Papal bedchamber, the English envoys supposed, 
could not have cost twenty nobles. They describe with 
astonishment how they were led through three apartments 
bare of furniture, in which the hangings were falling from 
the walls. 2 In this inhospitable dwelling Clement was 
confined to bed with swollen feet; there were suspicions 
that poison had been given him by the Imperialists, but 
the mischief was caused by his unwonted exertions on 
horseback on the night of his flight. 3 

At first only four Cardinals, 4 then, on a special summons 
from the Pope, 5 seven betook themselves to Orvieto. Their 
position was also a hard one, for no preparations had been 
made for the fugitives in the town ; provisions could only 
be got with difficulty and at the highest prices, and there 
was such a scarcity of drinking water that the Pope had 
at once to give orders for the construction of four wells. 6 

1 See Boschetti s remarkable report of January 24, 1528, in BALAN, 
Boschetti, II., App. 41-42. 

2 See Gardiner and Fox, report of March 23, 1528, in State Papers : 
Henry VIII., VII., 63, and in BREWER, IV., 2, n. 4090. 

3 OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 19-20. 

4 In a *letter of Bonaparte Ghislieri, dat. Orvieto, 1527, December 20, 
Monte, Pucci, Accolti, and Spinola are mentioned as being present 
(State Archives, Bologna). 

6 See the *Briefs, dat. Orvieto, 1528, January 4. Min. brev., 1528, 
IV., vol. 21, n. 6 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

6 FUMI, Orvieto, 188-189. Cf. BALAN, Boschetti, II., App. 44 ; 
SANUTO, XLVI., 580, 662. Ghislieri remarks in his better of December 
20, 1527 : It is not supposed that the Pope will remain long in Orvieto 
on account of the angustia e carezza. II star di S. S ta qua dipende 
della speranza di ridrizzar le cose di Roma." On February 2, 1528, he 
reports that lodgings and provisions are not to be had, and that all wish 
to get away (State Archives, Bologna). G. M. della Porta writes on 


In spite of the distress in Orvieto, little by little numer 
ous prelates and courtiers made their way thither. The 
business of the Curia, for a long time almost wholly 
suspended, was again resumed. On the i8th of December 
1527 a Bull relating to graces bestowed during the 
captivity was agreed to in secret Consistory. 1 The 
conduct of the more important affairs lay in the hands of 
Jacopo Salviati and of the Master of the Household, 
Girolamo da Schio, Bishop of Vaison. 2 

The poverty and simplicity of the new court at Orvieto 
were such that all who went thither were filled with com 
passion. " The court here is bankrupt," reported a 
Venetian ; " the bishops go about on foot in tattered 
cloaks; the courtiers take flight in despair; there is no 
improvement in morals ; men here would sell Christ for 

January 31, 1528, from Lodi to the Duchess of Urbino : *Qua si sta in 
expettatione desideratissima d intender che resolutione habbiano da far 
gli nemici di Roma da li quali questi nostri qua pigliaronno indrizo del 
governarsi et levarsi di questo allogiamento nel quale piu non si po 
stare essendosi quasi in tutto mancato il modo del viver senza che al 
mondo non fu veduta mai la piu noiosa stanza (State Archives, 

1 The *Bull contained the following : " During our captivity, owing 
to the insistence and incessant entreaties of ecclesiastics and laymen, 
many graces, privileges, dispensations, etc., were agreed to and granted 
more under compulsion than of our own free will, to the scandal, injury, 
and prejudice of the Church and contrary to the example of our pre 
decessors. Now, being at liberty, dictae sedis honorem conservare et 

futuris scandalis obvtare volentes, we repeal collectively, in agreement 
with and on the advice of the Cardinals, all privileges, graces, dispensa 
tions, etc., granted to clergy and laity, excepting those conferred on veri 
et antiqui familiares, continui commensales^ and on Cardinals and lay 
men bearing the title of Duke or other higher degree. D. Orvieto, 1 527, 
XV. Cal. Januar. A 5. Clement VII. Secret A., I.-VL, Regest., 1437 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See the report in BALAN, Boschetti, 1 1., App. 42-43. 


a piece of gold." 1 Of the Cardinals only Pirro Gonzaga 
was able to live as befitted his rank ; the rest were as 
poor as the Pope himself, who, in the month of April, was 
still without the most necessary ecclesiastical vestments. 2 
The congratulations on his deliverance, addressed to him in 
writing by the Cardinals assembled in Parma, 3 personally 
by the Duke of Urbino, 4 Federigo Bozzolo, 5 and Luigi 
Pisani, and in letters or by special envoys from nearly 
all princes and many cities, must have seemed to him 
almost a mockery. 6 As Clement had only a few troops 
at his disposal and the neighbourhood of Orvieto was 
rendered insecure by the bands of soldiery, 7 he was 

1 SANUTO, XLVI.,488. 

2 SANUTO, XLVIL, 394; cf. XLVL, 488. See also FOSSATI- 

3 "^Letters of Cardinals Farnese, Passerini, Cibo, Ridolfi, and E. 
Gonzaga to the Pope, dat. Parma, 1527, December 15, in Lett. d. princ., 
IV., f. 170. *That of Cardinal Salviati, dat. 1527, December 27, in 
Nunziat. di Francia I., f. 138-139 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 As a consummate diplomatist Clement VII. received the man, who 
had contributed so much to his misfortune, in a friendly way ; see 
UGOLINI, II., 243 ; REUMONT, III., 2, 223. 

6 Clement VII. had soon to deplore his death ; see MOLINI, I., 287 
seq., and SANUTO, XLVL, 447 seq. 

6 Cf. BONTEMPI, 325. The letter from Venice in SANUTO, XLVL, 
401-402. The *reply of Clement of December 30, 1527, in Min. brev., 
1527, IV., vol. 17, n. 414 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Clement 
wrote to the Marquis Federigo Gonzaga from Orvieto, 1527, December 
24 : *Haud necessaria nobiscum, tamen summe grata nobis fuit tuae 
Nobil tis gratulatio, quam nobis de nostra liberatione per dil. fil. 
Capynum de Capys amantissime exhibuisti (original in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). Even Alfonso of Ferrara sent congratulations. 
Cf. the diplomatic reply of Clement of December 28, 1527, in FONTANA, 
Renata, I., 431. 

7 "No one can come to us without peril of his life," complained 
Clement in a *Brief, dat. Orvieto, 1528, January 1 1, to the dom. de Vere. 
Min. brev., 1528, IV., vol. 21, n. 24 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 


practically shut up in his mountain fortress. He had to 
complain repeatedly that even communication by letter 
had become difficult, 1 while any attempt to escape into 
the surrounding territory was out of the question. The 
care-laden Pope, wearing the long beard which he had 
allowed to grow during his captivity, was seen passing 
through the streets of Orvieto with a small retinue. 2 
Rumour exaggerated his poverty still further ; he was 
compared to the Popes of the infant Church. 3 

In spite of spoliation and exile the Pope continued to 
represent a mighty power. This was best seen in the eager 
competition of both the forces inimical to him to obtain 
his patronage. The attempts of France and England in 
this direction were well known to the Emperor, who 
made it a matter of express reference in the letter of 
congratulation addressed to Clement. In his answer of 
the nth of January 1528 Clement thanked him for the 
restoration of freedom, assured him that he had never held 
him guilty of the occurrences in Rome, and declared him 
self ready to do all that lay in his power to aid him in 
the questions of peace, the Council, and all other things 
which Charles desired for the highest good of Christendom ; 

1 *See the Brief to F. Alarcon, dat. Orvieto, 1528, Januar. 16, loc. cit. 
n. 131. 

2 " Ha una barba longa canuda, cavalca con 8 cavalli et 30 fanti di la 
sua guardia. Sta sempre maninconico." Report in SANUTO, XLVIII., 
226. A coin of Clement VII. shows him with the beard, and on the 
obverse Peter and the Angel with the inscription : " Misit Dominus 
Angelum suum. Roma" ; see ClNAGLi, 98, n. 52, and Vol. IX. of this 
work, page 467, n. i. It had become forgotten that Julius II. wore a 
beard, and now offence was given by Clement wearing one. Pierio 
Valeriano therefore published in 1533 an "Apologia pro sacerdotum 
barbis " dedicated to Cardinal Ippolito de Medici. Cf. Vol. VI. of this 
work, page 591, and STEINMANN, II., 38, n. i. 

3 SEGNI, I., i (ed. 1830, I., 47). Cf. the Sienese reports in FOSSATI- 
FALLETTJ, 32-33. 


the Emperor, moreover, would see for himself how power 
less the Pope was, as long as the hostages were retained and 
the ceded cities still occupied ; Francesco Quifiones would 
report in detail on all other circumstances under considera 
tion. 1 To an Imperial envoy who had come to Orvieto 
as early as December 1527 to propose a formal alliance 
with Charles on the basis of the restoration of the States 
of the Church, the answer was given that the question 
could not be considered until the occupied cities had been 
given back and the hostages set at liberty. 2 

Clement was as little willing to give definite pledges to 
the League as to the Emperor. In the autograph letter in 
which, on the I4th of December 1527, he announced his 
release to Francis I., he certainly thanked the King for 
the help he had rendered, but showed in no ambiguous 
terms how insufficient, in reality, it had been. Yet 
Lautrec s army had not hastened a step. It was clear 
from this letter that the Pope had no intention of giving 
pledges to France ; he excused his treaty with the Im 
perialists as a measure wrung from him by force. " For 
months, together with our venerable brethren, we had 
endured the hardest lot, had seen all our affairs, temporal 
and above all spiritual, go to ruin, and your well- 
intentioned efforts for our liberation end in failure. Our 
condition grew worse, indeed, day by day, the conditions 
imposed upon us harsher, and we saw our hopes threaten 

1 LANZ, Korrespondenz, I., 257-259; also 256-257, the premature 
letter of congratulation from Charles of November 22, 1527. Cf. 
SANUTO, XLVI., 584, 588; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen 71, and WADDING, 
2nd ed., XVI., 243 seqq. The text of the Pope s letter in Lanz is in 
correct ; see BALAN, Clemente VII., 86. 

2 SANUTO, XLVI., 382. After the above had passed through the 
press appeared FRAIKIN S important article : La Nonciature de France 
de la delivrance de Clement VII. a sa mort (Decembre 1527 a 25 
Septembre 1534) in the Mel. d Archeol, 1906, 513 seqq. 


to vanish away. Under these circumstances we yielded 
to the pressure of a desperate state of things. Neither our 
personal interest nor the peril in which each one of us 
stood was the mainspring of our action; for eight long 
months we suffered ignominious imprisonment, and stood 
daily in danger of our lives. But the misery in Rome, 
the ruin of the States which had come down to us 
unimpaired from our predecessors, the incessant affliction 
in body and soul, the diminished reverence towards God 
and His worship, forced us to take this step. Personal 
suffering we could have continued to endure ; but it was 
our duty to do all in our power to remove public distress. 
Our brothers, the Cardinals, have not shrunk from sub 
mitting, as hostages, to a fresh captivity in order that we, 
restored to freedom, may be in a position to ward off from 
Christendom a worse calamity." The bearer of this letter 
was Ugo da Gambara, who together with Cardinal Salviati 
was to give fuller information by word of mouth. 1 On 
the same day (December 14) Clement wrote in similar 
terms to the Queen, Louisa of Savoy, to Montmorency, 
Henry VIII., and Cardinal Wolsey, referring also in these 
letters to Gambara s information. 2 

Ever since January 1528 Clement had been besieged 
with the most pressing entreaties to join the League, 
whose army persisted in its wonted inactivity. In com 
pany with Lautrec, who had advanced as far as Bologna, 
were Guido Rangoni, Paolo Camillo Trivulzio, Ugo di 
Pepoli, and Vaudemont. 3 In February they were joined 

1 MOLINI, I., 280-282. Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 224-225. 

2 MOLINI, I., 283-285 ; RAYNALDUS, 1527, n. 49-51 J EHSES, Doku- 
mente, 10-11, and the **Brief to Cardinal Du Prat of December 17, 
1527, in the National Archives, Paris. 

3 See Lautrec s letter to Clement VII., dat. Reggio, 1527, December 
14. (His joy at the deliverance. Sends P. C. Trivulzio and G. Casale 


by Longueville, who brought the good wishes of Francis I. 
As envoys of Henry VIII., Gregorio Casale, Stephen 
Gardiner, and Fox were active ; the last-named was 
especially occupied with the question of the divorce on 
which the English King was bent. 1 

The League made the most tempting promises to the 
Pope. Not only should he receive back the Papal States, 
but also designate to the kingdom of Naples and be 
compensated for all damages and costs of the war. 2 
But the events of the past year had made Clement very 
cautious. 3 Despite all the pressure brought upon him, he 
would give no decided answer, and insisted that he was of 
more use outside the League than within it. 4 His inmost 
sympathies at this time were certainly with the League, 5 
for he feared the power of the Emperor, who, in 
possession of Naples and Milan, was the " Lord of all 

to express the same and with other messages. Will do everything 
for the Pope.) Lett. d. princ., IV., f. 261 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). Cf. **Lautrec s letter of January i, 1528, ibid., V., f. i, 
and the ^reports of G. M. della Porta to the Duchess of Urbino, 
dat. Lodi, 1528, January 25 (Stamane e gionto qua il conte Guido 
Rangone mandate da M. di Lautrech a N. S., etc.) and February 6, in 
Florentine State Archives. Cf. also the Brief to Lautrec in FONTANA, 
Renata, I., 434 seq. 

1 State Papers: Henry the Eighth, VII., 63; BREWER, IV., 2, n. 
4090, 4118, 4120; Lett. d. princ., III., I seq. Cf. infra, Chap. VIII. 
Montmorency announced Longueville s mission to the Pope in a letter 
dat. St. Germain, 1528, January i ; Lett. d. princ., V., f. 2 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Cf. GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 281. 

3 SCHULZ, Sacco, 161 seq. 

4 Cf. SANUTO, XLVI., 410, 490, 543, 554 seq., 557 seq., 592; 
REUMONT, 1 1 L, 2, 229. See also the report of *N. Raince, January 28, 
1528, in RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 24. MS. Beth. 8534, now 
marked frang. 3009 in the National Library, Paris. 

5 See SANUTO, XLVI., 507, 508 ; cf. also FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 40. 


things," 1 and wished for the expulsion from Italy of those 
who had done him such unheard-of wrong. 2 But from any 
attempt of this kind he was deterred by weighing closely 
the actual state of things ; a waiting attitude, giving to 
both parties a certain amount of hope, appeared to the 
Pope to be the best, and this policy was also in accordance 
with his natural indecision. 3 

Perhaps the conduct of the League itself had even more 
influence on Clement than his feeling of helplessness when 
pitted against the victorious Spaniard. He could not trust 
a confederacy, the members of which, each engrossed in his 
own interests, had left him to his downfall in the year of 
misfortune 1527. Might not this trick be played again at 
any moment? Above all and this was decisive the 
League had assumed a character which made it quite 
impossible for the Pope to enter into it. Florence, from 
which his family had been expelled, was supported by 
France, Venice had seized Ravenna and Cervia, the Duke 
of Ferrara, Modena, and Reggio. Both were unwilling to 
give back their plunder, and yet such were the allies 
whom Clement was to join against the Emperor ! 4 

1 " Omnium rerum dominus " ; see report of iGregorio Casale in 
FIDDES, Life of Wolsey, 467. 

2 Cardinal Salviati represented to the Regent Louisa : *che io era 
certo che S. B., se bene haveva come catholico perdonato ogni injuria, 
non poteva desiderare alcuna cosa piu che veder fuori d Italia et delle 
sue terre quelli che havevono fatte tante impieta et tante scelerateze 
et offese a Dio et alia chiesa, se non per altro per non haver piu 
da temere, etc. * Letter to Jacopo Salviati of January i, 1528. Nuziat. 
di Francia I., f. 142 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 SANUTO, XLVL, 490. Cf. Casale s report cited supra, n. i. See 
also GUICCIARDINI, XVIII., 5, and FONTANA, 108. 

4 Cf. SANUTO, XLVL, 543, 557, f. 592. Venice had expressly 
promised to restore Ravenna and Cervia as soon as the Pope was set 
free ; see Salviati s ^report of January i, 1528, cited infra, p. io, n. i. 


In view of this situation, the Pope and his diplomatists 
directed their efforts towards securing the restoration 
of the States of the Church under a guarantee of 

On New Year s Day 1528 Cardinal Salviati informed 
the French Government that the League must be satisfied 
with a benevolent neutrality on the part of the Pope, 
deprived, as he was, of all material resources. At the 
same time he made it clear that Clement insisted on the 
restoration of the cities taken by Venice, and would consent 
to no dishonourable agreement with the Duke of Ferrara, 
the originator of all the misfortunes of the Church. 1 On 
the 1 2th of January Gambara arrived in Paris; and, 
together with Salviati, made the most urgent appeals to the 
French Government to compel the Venetians and Ferrara 
to surrender their plunder ; if they failed to do so, then the 
Pope would be forced to try soYne other means of getting 
back his possessions. 2 Salviati did not let the matter 
drop, but afterwards forcibly renewed his representations. 
But he gained little at first, since the French were afraid 
that Venice might quit the League, and hesitated to take 
any steps. 3 It was not until France and England had 
formally declared war against the Emperor that a stronger 
pressure was put on Venice. 

It was almost coincident with this turn in affairs that 
Clement determined to send a new Nuncio to Spain in the 
person of Antonio Pucci, Bishop of Pistoja, who together 

^Report of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati, January i, 1528. 
Nunziat. di Francia I., f. 142 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See the *report of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati, January 16, 
1528. Nunziat. di Francia I., f. 152 seqq. (Secret Archives of the 

3 Cf. the ^reports of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of February 
i, 1528, and to Gambara, February 13, 1528, loc. cit. 


with Castiglione was to open up the way to a general peace. 1 
If Charles, declared Sanga, 2 now Clement s chief adviser in 
place of Giberti, would not agree to Pucci s conditions of 
peace, then the Pope would join the League, but only after 
his own just grievances had been redressed. The League, 
so ran the fuller instructions, must undertake to restore 
Ravenna, Cervia, Modena, and Reggio, settle upon whom 
Naples should devolve, and finally bring about a general 
pacification in Florence. Pucci was to travel through 
France, to treat personally with Francis I., and explain 
why the Pope was obliged, for the time being, to remain 
neutral. The French King, however, was by no means 
disposed to carry out the wishes of which Pucci was to 
be the exponent; the mission of the new Nuncio to 
the Emperor made him uneasy, and he made a plan to 
put obstacles in his way. 

Lautrec s successes certainly encouraged Francis in his 
projects. The former had at last left Bologna on the 
10th of January 1528, and was pressing towards Naples 
through the Romagna. Clement now recovered Imola, 
and, somewhat later, Rimini also. 3 On the loth of 

1 See the Papal credentials, dated Orvieto, 1528, February 10, in 
Gayangos, III., 2, n. 337, 338, and the plenary powers for Antonio, 
episc. Pistorien. prelato et nuntio nostro. Dat. Orvieto, 1527 (st. fl.), 
V. Id. Febr. A 5. Clem, VII., Secret. Regest., 1437, f. 30 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Letter to Gambara, dat. Orvieto, 1528, February 9, together with 
the answer to Longueville, in Lett. d. princ., I., 111-114. 

3 When Lautrec came to Imola on January 11, Giov. da Sassatello 
at once surrendered the town ; SANUTO, XLVI, 478. There were 
greater difficulties with Rimini (see ibid., 514, 617; GUICCIARDINI, 
XVIII., 5 ; BALAN, Boschetti, II., App. 52-53. and the *report of G. M. 
della Porta, dat. Orvieto, 1528, May 19, State Archives, Florence). 
The Pope did not recover this city till June; see SANUTO, XLVIII., 
132 seqq. ; YRIARTE, Rimini, 366; ADIMARI, Sito Riminese (Brescia, 
1616), II., 59 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 89. 


February the French army crossed the Tronto and entered 
the kingdom of Naples. In Rome, and throughout Papal 
circles generally, this advance of the French was coupled 
with the hope that a final deliverance from the dreadful 
incubus of the landsknechts was at hand. 1 Lautrec gave 
assurances on all sides that, after reducing Naples, he would 
set free the Papal States; since his whole course of action 
was only undertaken in the interest of the Pope, he renewed 
his insistent entreaties that Clement would now resume his 
place in the League. 2 

The Imperialists, at first, had not feared Lautrec ; 3 now 
they recognized the peril threatening them. If they were 
unable to move their army from Rome, then Naples 
would fall without a blow into the hands of the enemy. 4 
Philibert of Orange, who had been in chief command since 
January, Bemelberg, and Vasto negotiated with the 
mutinous troops. Money was scraped together in every 
possible way, 5 and even Clement had to raise 40,000 
ducats. 6 Thus, on the i;th of February 1528, the 

1 Cf. OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 32 seqq., and the certainly 
exaggerated report in FossATi-FALLETTi, 44. How delighted Cardinal 
Ridolfi had been already by the appearance of Lautrec in October 1527 
is shown by his letter in Mel. d archeol., XVI., 417 seq. 

2 Cf. the ^letters of Cardinals Numai and B. Accolti, dat. Ancona, 
1528, January 28 and 29, to Clement VII. Lett. d. princ., V., f. 75 seqq. 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 This is proved by the intercepted letters of Lope Hurtado de 
Mendoza in SANUTO, XLVL, 584. 

4 See SANUTO, XLVL, 648. 
6 Cf. SCHULZ, Sacco, 166. 

6 Lautrec complained of these sums ; see GUICCIARDINI, XVIIL, 6. 
20,000 ducats were paid in the name of the Roman people and 20,000 
for the release of Cardinals Orsini and Cesi, detained as hostages by the 
Colonna. This release, fervently urged by Clement (*Min. brev. 1528, 
IV., vol. 21, n. 118 and 147, Briefs to Cardinal Colonna of February 
13 and 20, Secret Archives of the Vatican), is mentioned by 


soldiery, who up to the last indulged in acts of violence 
and depredation, 1 were induced to move. 2 The army, which 
eight months previously had numbered twenty thousand 
men, had melted down to one thousand five hundred 
cavalry, two or three thousand Italians, four thousand 
Spaniards, and five thousand Germans ; so great had been 
the ravages of the plague among the troops. On the 
1 3th of January Melchior Frundsberg fell a victim; his 
tomb in the German national church of the Anima recalls 
one of the most terrible episodes in the history of Rome. 3 
" The troops," says a German diarist, 4 " had destroyed and 
burnt down the city ; two-thirds of the houses were swept 
away. Doors, windows, and every bit of woodwork even 
to the roof beams were consumed by fire. Most of the 
inhabitants, especially all the women, had taken flight." 5 
The neighbourhood for fifty miles around was like a 
wilderness. 6 The columns of flame, rising up from Rocca 
Priora and Valmontone, showed the road which the lands- 
knechts had taken for Naples. 7 

The sufferings of the unfortunate Romans were even 

G. M. della Porta in a ^report, dat. Orvieto, 1528, February 26. 
Cardinal Colonna now went to Naples ; see *his report of February 27, 
1528, in the State Archives, Florence. Cesi and Orsini went at once to 
Orvieto ; see SANUTO, XLVIL, 28. 

1 Cf. the statements in the diary in OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 
29; GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 262, 289, 302, and BALAN, Boschetti, II., 
App. 42, 44. 

2 SANUTO, XLVI., 602, 613, 616, 645, 662. Cf. ORANO, I., 345 note. 
The Italian and some of the Spanish soldiers were already withdrawn 
by the i4th ; see OMONT, 37; ROBERT, 170. The news reached 
Orvieto on the 2Oth ; see SANUTO, XLVI., 662. 


4 CORNELIUS DE FINE in his *Diary in the National Library, Paris. 
6 Cf. also GUALDERONICO, 92 ; ALBERINI, 360-361. 

6 MOLINI, II., 21. 

7 ALBERINI, 360. Cf. OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 40. 


then not yet at an end. On the afternoon of the same day 
(February the i;th) on which the Imperialists departed, 
the Abbot of Farfa, with a leader of a band from Arsoli, 
accompanied by a pillaging rabble, who were soon joined 
even by Romans themselves, entered the city. The streets 
rang with shouts of " Church, France, the Bear (Orsini) ! 
and plundering began anew, where anything was left to 
plunder, especially in the houses of the Jews. All 
stragglers from the Imperial army were put to death, even 
the sick in the hospitals were not spared. 1 

On hearing of these fresh outrages Clement sent Giovanni 
Corrado, and afterwards a detachment of troops under 
the Roman Girolamo Mattei, to restore order. 2 At the 
same time the Pope made strenuous efforts to mitigate the 
distress in Rome caused by the scarcity of provisions and 
to guard against the danger of plague. The letters of 
Jacopo Salviati to the Cardinal-Legate Campeggio, who 
had remained in Rome, throw light on the difficulties 
which had to be encountered in re-victualling the city ; 
transport on land as well as by sea was extremely 
difficult, and there were those in Rome who did not 
scruple to take advantage of the existing necessity to sell 
corn at prices advantageous to themselves. But Clement 
VII. persevered; the extortionate sale of corn came under 
the sharpest penalties, and to ensure free carriage to Rome 
Andrea Doria was appointed to guard the coasts. 3 

1 See the reports in SANUTO, XLVL, 646, 649, 663. Cf. ALBERINI, 
361 ; OMONT, 38 seqq., and GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 289. 

2 Cf. the **letters of G. M. della Porta of February 20 and 27, 1528 : 
" Intendendo N. S. che in Roma si continuava piu che mai di far ogni 
sorte disordine, S. B. ha spedite a quella via compagnie de fanti et de 
cavalli : capo Hieronymo Matteo Romano" (State Archives, Florence). 
Cf. OMONT, 43. 

3 Cf. the ^letters of Jacopo Salviati to Campeggio, written from 
Orvieto, from the ist to 2 4 th March, especially those of March i, 5, 6, 


In the beginning of March a deputation came from 
Rome to Orvieto to invite the Pope to return to his capital, 
where the desecrated churches had already been purified. 1 
Clement replied that no one longed more eagerly than he 
to return to Rome, but the scarcity and disorder then 
prevailing, as well as the uncertainty of the issue of the war 
in Naples, made any immediate change of residence im 
possible. Thereupon the Roman delegates begged that 
at least the officials of the Rota and Cancelleria might 
go back. 2 Clement, after long hesitation, gave way, on 
the advice of Cardinal Campeggio ; but the officials in 
question delayed complying with the Papal orders 3 on 
account of the famine in the city. But by the end of April 
the majority of the officials of the Curia had to return , 4 
though the situation in Rome continued to be critical, 5 and 
Cardinal Campeggio s 6 position was beset with difficulties. 

8, 9, ii, 12, 14, 15, and 24; Litt. divers, ad Clement VII., Vol. III. 
See also the *letter of Campeggio to Clement VII., dat. Rome, 1528, 
March 21 ; Lett. d. princ., V., f. 148 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 
For Campeggio as Legate in Rome see EHSES, Dokumente, XXVIII., 

1 Cf. the *letter of T. Campeggio, dat. Orvieto, ult. febr. 1528 (State 
Archives, Bologna), and also for the expiatory procession then held. 
Cf. also the *Diary in Cod. Barb. lat. 3552, Vatican Library. 

2 Cf. the*letters of Jacopo Salviati to Campeggio, dat. Orvieto, 1528, 
March 5, 9, and 12, loc. cit. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). T. 
Campeggio reports on the "carestia"in Rome in a ^letter, dat. Orvieto, 
1528, March 5 (State Archives, Bologna). " 

3 Cf. the **report of G. M. della Porta of March 14, 1528 (State 
Archives, Forence). 

4 *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Library, Paris. 

5 The scarcity in particular was excessive. *Calamitas intolerabilis 
ita quod multi pauperum fame interirent, writes C. de Fine, loc. cit. 
See also T. Campeggio s ^letter, dat. Orvieto, 1528, April 8 (State 
Archives, Bologna). 

6 BONTEMPI, 337, calls him -vice-papa. 


The Pope s own position was so harassing that Jacopo 
Salviati wrote to Cardinal Campeggio, "Clement is in 
such dire necessity that, like David, he must, perforce, 
eat the loaves of proposition" (i Kings xxi. 6). 1 In the 
beginning of March, Brandano, the prophet of misfortune 
of the year 1527, appeared in Orvieto. He foretold 
for Rome and Italy new and yet greater tribulations; 
these would continue until 1530, when the Turk would 
take captive the Pope, the Emperor, and the French 
King and embrace Christianity ; whereupon the Church 
would enter on a new life. 2 The Papal censures, 
the hermit went on to say, were void, inasmuch as 
Clement, having been born out of wedlock, was not 
canonically Pope. When Brandano proceeded to incite 
the people of Orvieto against the Pope, the latter 
gave orders for his arrest. 3 On Palm Sunday (April 5) 
Clement addressed the Cardinals and prelates then 
present in earnest language on the need for a reform 
of the Curia, exhorted them to a better manner of life, 
and spoke emphatically of the sack of Rome as a 
chastisement for their sins. 4 On Holy Thursday the 
customary censures on the persecutors of the Church 
were published. 5 

Lautrec, in the meanwhile, had achieved successes beyond 
all expectation. The towns of the Abruzzi hailed him as 

1 *Letter, dat. Orvieto, 1528, March 14; Litt. div. ad Clem. VII., 
Vol. III. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Above statements are taken from **reports of G. M. della Porta 
of March 9, 1528 (State Archives, Florence). 

3 So reports Tizio, printed in Novelle Letterarie, 1746, and PECCI, 

Brandano, 44. 

4 Letter of A. Lippomano of April 6, 1528; see SANUTO, XLVII., 


5 SANUTO, XLVII., 269 seq. The Bull "In Coena" was at once 

printed in Rome ; see OMONT, Suites du Sac de Rome, 60. 


their deliverer; but after that his operations came to a 
standstill, for Francis I. sent no money for his troops ; 
besides, this valiant soldier was deficient in promptness of 
decision. Consequently, the Imperialists found time to 
put Naples in a state of defence ; they judged rightly that 
here the decisive issue must be fought out. Lautrec did 
not realize this, and wasted time in reducing the towns of 
Apulia, and not until the end of April did he approach 
Naples from the east. But the luck of the French did 
not yet desert them ; dissensions, especially between 
Orange and Vasto, divided the Imperialist generals, the 
landsknechts were as insubordinate as ever, and hated 
the Spaniards. 1 On the 28th of April the Imperial fleet 
was totally destroyed by Filippino Doria off Capo d Orso, 
between Amalfi and Salerno. Moncada and Fieramosca 
fell in the battle ; Vasto and Ascanio Colonna were taken 
prisoners. 2 The fall of Naples, where great scarcity of 
food was already making itself felt, seemed to be only a 
question of time. The Emperor s enemies were already 
busy with the boldest schemes, and Wolsey, through the 

1 See SANUTO, XLVII., 241, 279, 350, 360. 

2 For the sea-fight off Capo d Orso see the detailed account by 
P. GIOVIO (Lett. volg. di P. Giovio, Venetia, 1560, f. 4-8 ; also a more 
correct account in SANUTO, XLVL, 664 seq.) ; the accounts in SANUTO, 
XLVII., 381 ^.,387 seg. t 389, 391, 411 seq., 415, 467 seq., and BALAN, 
Boschetti, II., App. 56 seq. ; *Vita di D. Alfonso d Avalos, Marchese del 
Vasto, in Cod. 34, E 23, f. 1 56 seq. of the Corsini Library, Rome ; 
JOVIUS, Hist, XXV., 45 seq. ; GuiCCiARDiNi, XIX., 5. See also BALAN, 
ClementeVII.,93 ; DE BLASIIS, Maramaldo,!!., 351 ; Arch. Napol., XII., 
41 seq. ; GAVOTTI, La tattica nelle gr. battaglie navali, I., Roma, 1898, 
180 seq. ; ORANO, I., 356 n. ; Atti d. Soc. Lig., X. (1876), 659 ; Giorn. 
stor. d. Liguria, 1900, 457 seq. ; ROBERT, 189 seq. F. Doria excused 
himself on July 17, 1528, for not having acquainted Clement VII. with 
his naval victory ; *Lett. d. princ, V., f. 200 (Secret Archives of the 

VOL. X. 2 


English envoys, called upon the Pope to depose the 
Emperor without delay. 1 

Clement VII. watched with strained attention the 
result of the great contest, on which for him so much 
depended. 2 The Neapolitan war filled the unfortunate 
Romans with renewed alarm; they dreaded a repetition 
of the sack ; the landsknechts had, in fact, threatened 
to return and burn the whole city to the ground. 3 
Clement sent Cardinal Cesi to support Campeggio, 
and later on some troops. 4 The Pope s anxieties were 
increased by the stormy demands of the English envoys 
insisting on the dissolution of their King s marriage, 
and by the not less stormy entreaties of the League, 
especially of Lautrec, to declare immediate war on the 
Emperor. 5 To crown all came the pressure of famine 
in Orvieto, which the Sienese would -do nothing to 
relieve on account of their enmity towards the house of 
Medici. 6 Since a return to the capital, so much desired 
by the Romans, was impossible, 7 owing to the insecure 
state of the country, the Pope was counselled to 
change his residence to Perugia, Civita Castellana, or 

1 See in STRYPE, Eccles. Memorials, V., 427, some undated accounts 
belonging, according to RANKE (Deutsch. Gesch., III., 26), to April 28, 

2 Cf. the ^letters of Jacopo Salviati to Cardinal Campeggio, dat. 
Orvieto, 1528, March 9, n, 15, and 16. Litt. divers, ad Clement. VII., 
Vol. III. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 For the plans for the defence of Rome see Casale s account in 
MOLINI, II.. 2oseqq. 

4 SANUTO, XLVIL, 235, 336. 

6 Cf. the refusal of Clement to Lautrec in the *Briefs, dat. Orvieto, 
1528, March 31, April 7, and May 15. Min. brev., 1528, vol. 21, n., 
288, 310, 418 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

6 FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 35 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 94 seq. 

7 SANUTO, XLVIL 359. Cf. BALAN, Boschetti, II., App. 56. 


Viterbo; 1 it was decided to remove to the last-named 
place, the fortress having come into the Pope s possession 
at the end of April. 2 

On the ist of June Clement reached Viterbo 3 and was 
received by the pious and aged Cardinal Egidio Canisio ; 
he first occupied the castle, and afterwards the palace 
of Cardinal Farnese. Here too, at first, suitable furniture 
was wanting, 4 while, at the same time, there was great 
scarcity in the town ; 5 but a return to Rome seemed im 
possible until the Pope should be again master of Ostia 
and Civita Vecchia. In place of Campeggio, who was under 
orders to go to England, Cardinal Farnese was appointed, 
on the 8th of June., the Legate in Rome; three hundred 
men were to garrison the castle of St. Angelo, 6 and Alfonso 
di Sangro, Bishop of Lecce, was sent to the Emperor to 
effect the release of the three Cardinals detained as 
hostages in Naples 7 

On the 4th of June Gasparo Contarini, as Venetian envoy, 

1 With SANUTO, XLVIL, 235, 260, 280, 351, 529, 537, c f. the *letter 
of G. M. della Porta, dat. Orvieto, 1528, May 19 (State Archives, 

2 SANUTO, XLVIL, 242 ; BALAN, Clemente VI L, 94 ; *letter of G. 
M. della Porta, dat. Orvieto, 1528, May 25 (II papa e resoluto esser 
nanti pasqua in Viterbo), in the State Archives, Florence. 

3 Cf. Blasius de Martinellis in GREGOROVIUS, VI II., 3rd ed., 584, and 
Storia del Duomo d Orvieto, 77 ; see also ^Despatch of Fr. Gonzaga, 
dat. Viterbo, 1 528, June 2 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Bussi, 306, 
is wrong in dating the Pope s arrival in Viterbo, June n. 

4 Cf the ^report of G. M. della Porta, dat. Viterbo, 1528, July 7 
(State Archives, Florence). 


6 *Brief to Farnese of June 8, 1528 ; Min. brev., 1528, vol. 22, n. 
471 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. Acta Consist, in EHSES, 
Dokumente, 205 ; SANUTO, XLVIIL, 127. 

7 Clement VII. to the Emperor, 1528, June 13 ; GAYANGOS, III., 2, 
n. 452 ; HlNOJOSA, 62. 


and Giovanni Antonio Muscettola, commissioned by the 
Prince of Orange, made their appearance in Viterbo ; the 
latter was instructed to try and induce Clement to return 
to Rome. The Pope, shrinking from thus placing himself 
in the hands of the Spaniards, laid the matter before the 
Cardinals, who were unanimous in declaring the return 
to Rome desirable but impossible of execution so long as 
the Spaniards were masters of Ostia and Civita Vecchia. 1 
Just then a prospect of recovering these places was opened 
up ; a French fleet appeared off Corneto, and Renzo da 
Ceri made an attempt, but an unsuccessful one, to take 
Civita Vecchia ; the Pope, unmindful of his neutrality, 
gave material assistance towards this attempt. 2 

In the meantime Contarini had done all he could to 
persuade the Pope to surrender his claims on Ravenna and 
Cervia, but his endeavours were unsuccessful ; Clement 
stood firm, and insisted that he was pledged by honour and 
duty to demand the restoration of those towns. 3 The 
support lent by Venice to the Pope s enemy, Alfonso of 
Ferrara, 4 and the provocation given to Clement himself by 
the excessive taxation of the clergy of the Republic and 
the usurpation of his jurisdiction, did not lessen the 
difficulties of Contarini s position. On the i6th of June 
the Pope complained to Contarini of such actions as con 
stituting a breach of the treaty made with Julius II.; he 
had bestowed the bishopric of Treviso on Cardinal Pisani, 
but the Republic had not allowed the latter to take 

1 Report of Contarini of July 3, 1528, in DlTTRiCH, Regesten, 32. 
Cf. SANUTO, XLVIII., 187, 231. The famine prevailing in Rome was 
also a weighty consideration. Cf. the *letter of T. Campeggio to 
Bologna, dat. Viterbo, 1528, July 10, in the State Archives, Bologna. 

2 SANUTO, XLVIII., 276, 320, 323. 

3 DlTTRiCH, Contarini, 128 seqq. 

4 Cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 93, and Boschetti, II., 49 seqq. 


possession of his see. His disposal of patronage was entirely 
disregarded in Venice, and it seemed as if the Venetians 
wished to show him how little he was considered by them. 
" You treat me," he said, " with great familiarity ; you seize 
my possessions, you dispose of my benefices, you lay taxes 
upon me." The Pope s irritation was so great that, a 
few days later, in the course of another interview with 
Contarini, he said to himself in a low voice, but so that the 
Ambassador could understand him plainly, that, strictly 
speaking, the Venetians had incurred excommunication. 1 

All doubt as to Clement s determination to recover the 
captured towns vanished in the course of Contarini s com 
munications with Sanga, Salviati, and other influential 
personages of the Papal court. The Master of the 
household, Girolamo da Schio, informed the Venetian 
Ambassador that he had spoken in vain to the Pope of 
some compensation in the way of a money payment ; 
Clement had rejected the suggestion at once with the 
greatest firmness and, moreover, had complained not only 
of the conduct of Venice but also of France. 2 

Clement VII. had good grounds for displeasure with 
Francis I., who had supported Alfonso of Ferrara 3 and 
at last taken overt measures against the Pope. Seized 
with alarm lest the new Nuncio, Pucci, should prepare the 
way for an understanding between Pope and Emperor, 
Francis I. determined to detain the Papal envoy by force. 

1 Cf. Contarini s letter in DE LEVA, II., 503, n. 3, and DiTTRlCH, 
Regesten, 33. Clement s violent language about Venice is also con 
firmed by a ^report of Salimbeni, dat. Viterbo, 1528, June 29 (State 
Archives, Siena) ; according to the latter (cf. FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 35) the 
Pope exclaimed : " Costoro vogliono ch io faccia 1 Imperatore Signore d 
Italia e io lo faro." For the encroachments of Venice on ecclesiastical 
territory cf. also SANUTO, XLVIL, 200. 

2 DITTRICH, Regesten, 32. 

3 Cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 94. 


To this, however, his English ally would not agree; 
Henry VIII., who had more need than ever of the Pope s 
favour in the matter of his divorce, was doing all in his 
power to arrive at some accommodation with Clement in 
his demands on Venice. 1 The French Chancellor, on the 
other hand, told Pucci that Francis I. could not permit 
him to make his journey to Spain, since he was certain 
that he would otherwise lose the support of Venice, 
Ferrara, and Florence; rather than give up such in 
dispensable allies, France would sooner dispense with 
the aid of the Pope and England. 2 The arrogance 
of the French increased with the news of Lautrec s 

At the end of April the French Chancellor gave the 
Nuncio, Pucci, to understand that the king insisted on an 
immediate declaration from the Pope. Salviati replied 
that his master would make his intentions known if 
Ravenna and Cervia were surrendered at once, and 
Modena and Reggio after the war. 3 In consequence of 
the firm behaviour of the Papal representative the French 
court at last became aware that something must be done, 
at least in the case of Cervia and Ravenna. Strong repre 
sentations were made to the Venetians ; 4 but at the same 
moment a grievous wound was inflicted upon Clement by 
the formation of an alliance of the closest kind with the 
Pope s bitterest enemy, Ferrara: Renee, the daughter of 

1 See the *letter of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of March I, 
1528. Nunziatura di Francia I. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 
Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 255 seq. 

2 Cf. the letter of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of April 4, 
1528, in EHSES, Dokumente, 257. 

3 ^Letter of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of May 5, 1528. 
Nunziatura di Francia I., f. 201 seqq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 Cf. the *letter of Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati of May 25, 
1528. Ibid.) I., f. 223 seqq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 


Louis XII., was betrothed to Ercole, the hereditary Prince 
of Ferrara. 1 

The French proposals to the Venetian Government 2 
proved futile. Contarini had, as hitherto, to try and justify 
the robbery. The Pope, however, prone as he was in 
other respects to give way, showed in this instance in 
flexible determination. He repeated his declaration that 
an agreement with.the League was impossible while Venice 
and Ferrara withheld from him his legitimate possessions. 
Contarini thought he saw signs of a leaning towards the 
Emperor on the part of Clement, although the latter feared 
,the power of Charles and placed little trust in him. 3 

A step, however, in this direction was taken after the 
opening of hostilities on the scene of war in Naples. The 
victory of the 28th of April had destroyed the Imperialist 
fleet, and since the TOth of June Naples had been completely 
cut off at sea by Venetian galleys ; the necessaries of life 
were hardly procurable in the great city. 4 With the rising 
heat of summer came a new enemy with whom not only the 
besieged but also the besiegers had to engage. Typhus and 
a bad form of intermittent fever broke out and spread daily. 5 

1 See SANUTO, XLVIII., 219, 260 seqq.\ DECRUE, Montmorency, 
128 seq. ; Histor. Zeitschrift, XXV., 132 seq. ; FONTANA, Renata, I., 
45 seq., 50 <>eqq. Cf. Lett. d. princ., III., 22. 

2 Cf. for this the ^report of the French Ambassador in Venice, 
J. de Langeac, to Clement VII., dat. Venice, 1528, June 25. *Lett. d. 
princ., V., f. 186 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 DITTRICH, Contarini, 136-137. For the Pope s behaviour with 
regard to the acceptance of the "chinea" see Contarini s report in 
SANUTO, XLVIII., 402, cf. also 382; FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 39-41, and 
Lett. d. princ., III., 29 b seqq. t 32. 

4 SANUTO, XLVIII., 161, 174. 

6 See SANUTO, XLVIII., 282, 301, 302, 365. Cf. Morone s report 
in DANDOLO, Ricordi, 270 ; ALBERINI, 363 ; SANTORO, 95 seq., and the 
*Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris). For the 
nature of the plague see HAESER, III., 358. 


In July, when the disease was at its worst, an event 
occurred bringing with it far-reaching results ; this was 
the rupture between Francis I. and his Admiral, Andrea 
Doria. Charles consented to all Doria s demands ; the 
Genoese squadron set sail, 1 and Naples, which the French 
had looked upon as certain to fall into their hands by the 
end of July, 2 was thus set free by sea. Later, Genoa also, 3 
so important on account of its situation, was lost to France. 
Lautrec had made the greatest exertions to bring about 
the fall of Naples. By the 5th of July it was believed, in 
the French camp, that further resistance was impossible. 4 
But the Imperialists held out and defended themselves so 
skilfully that Philibert of Chalon, Prince of Orange, who 
had succeeded on Moncada s death to his command, was 
able to report to his master : " The French in their entrench 
ments are more closely besieged than we in the city." 5 
The Imperialists best ally, however, was the sickness 
which made great strides in the marshy encampment of the 
French. " God," said a German, " sent such a pestilence 

1 See SISMONDI, XV., 389 seq. ; DE LEVA, II., 475-481 ; DECRUE, 
H2 seqq.\ FONTANA, Renata, I., 61 seq. ; PETIT, 75 seq.-\ ROBERT, 
214 seq. ; RANKE (Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 19, note 2), without 
particularizing more precisely, commented on the accounts in a 
"manuscript biography of Guasto in the Chigi Library." There is 
certainly some mistake here, as the passages mentioned by Ranke are 
in the *Vita di Don Alfonso d Avalos, Marchese del Vasto, in Cod. 
34, E 23 (Corsini Library, Rome). 

2 " Costoro sono in certissima speranza che Napoli a questa hora sia 
del Christianissimo, et Madama ha usato di dir haverne tal sicurta 
che non ne dubita punto et gia ragionono chi debba essere vicere." 
^Cardinal Salviati to Jacopo Salviati, 1528, July 26. Nunziatura di 
Francia I., f. 255 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 On September 12, 1528. DE LEVA, II., 486 seq. ; BALAN, 
Clemente VII., 108 seqq. 

4 Florentine account in SANUTO, XLVIIL, 223. 

5 REUMONT, Vittoria Colonna, 92. 


among the French hosts that within thirty days they well- 
nigh all died, and out of 25,000 not more than 4000 
remained alive." 1 

Vaudemont, Pedro Navarro, Camillo Trivulzio, and 
Lautrec fell ill, and on the night following the Feast of 
the Assumption Lautrec died. 2 As Vaudemont also was 
carried off by the disorder, the Marquis of Saluzzo 
assumed the chief command He soon perceived that 
the raising of the siege had become inevitable, and on the 
night of the 29th of August, amid storms of rain, began 
his retreat. The Imperial cavalry at once rode out in 
.pursuit ; Orange, with his infantry, turned back to meet 
them ; but the sickly French soldiers could not face the 
onslaught ; quarter or no quarter, they were forced to 
yield ; they were stripped and disarmed and then left to 
the mercy of God and to the peasantry, " who put nearly 
all of them to death." 3 The wretched scattered remnant 
of the great French army wandered about in beggary ; a 
few bands made their escape as far as Rome, where they 

1 See RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 20. According to 
Morone (in DANDOLO, Ricordi, 269) more than half the army died. 
CORNELIUS DE FINE reckons the number of dead at about 14,000. 
*Diary in National Library, Paris. 

2 SANUTO, XLVIIL, 403, 409; Lautrec s body (see portrait in 
YRIARTE, Rimini, 365) was buried in camp (see DE BLASIIS, 
Maramaldo, II., 369) and later brought to Naples by a Spaniard and 
laid in the church of S. Chiara ; see SANTORO, 115. Ferrante of 
Cordova, Duke of Sessa, "humanarum miseriarum memor," ordered 
a monument to be raised to the French general in S. Maria la Nuova. 
In Rome the Senate commanded funeral solemnities for Lautrec, and 
for long afterwards masses were said for one who was looked upon 
as the " liberatore di questa alma citta." TORRIGIO, Grotte, 263 ; 
ORANO, I., 359, note ; ROBERT, 222. 

3 REISSNER, i62 b . Cf. SCHERTLINS, Biography, 25-26 ; SANUTO, 
XLVIIL, 484; SEPULVEDA, I., viii., c. 43; BALAN, Clemente VII., 


were compassionately succoured, 1 but forced to depart by 
the landsknechts. A German resident in Rome relates 
how he had supplied the sick and naked with food and 
clothing, and how in the streets and environs the corpses 
of those who had perished miserably lay exposed. 2 

" Victoria, victoria, victoria," wrote Morone on the 29th 
of August 1528 to the Imperial envoy in Rome. "The 
French are destroyed, the remainder of their army is flying 
towards A versa." 3 Cardinal Colonna and Orange at once 
informed Clement of the victory, and at the same time sent 
more special messages. Orange added that he had tried 
persistently to describe as faithfully as possible the position 
of affairs, and had always foretold the issue as it had come 
to pass; he besought the Pope to attach himself as much 
as possible to Charles V. 4 The complete triumph of the 
Emperor was, in fact, no longer in question. Although 
the campaign still lingered on in Apulia and Lombardy, 
yet, such was the weakness of the French and the luke- 
warmness of the Venetians, that the end could be foreseen 
with certainty. 

Clement thanked God that he had not accepted the 
baits of the League. " If he had acted otherwise," wrote 
Sanga, " in what an abyss of calamity should we now 
be." 5 In the beginning of September Clement VII. and 
Sanga determined, in spite of Contarini s warnings, to 
make serious approaches to the victorious Emperor. " The 

1 ALBERINI, 363 seq. 

2 *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris). 

3 MOLINI, II., 81, and SANUTO, XLVIII., 458 seqq. ; cf. Riv. stor., 

XII., 419- 

4 Both ^letters, that of Colonna, dat. Gaeta, 1528, August 30, and 
that of Orange, dat. Naples, August 31, I found in Lett. d. princ., V., 
f. 232 and 233 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

5 Letter to Campeggio (undated) in Lett. d. princ., III., 4i b . 


Pope," as Contarini expressed it on the 8th of September 
1528, "is accommodating himself to the circumstances of 
the hour." 1 His own position, as well as that of Italy, 
left him, in fact, no other choice. 2 In letters and 
messages Orange expressed his loyalty to the Pope ; he 
assured Clement, in a letter of the 1 8th of September, that 
he might look upon the Imperial forces as his own and 
return without anxiety to Rome: "in case of necessity we 
are ready to sacrifice our lives in defence of your Holiness." 3 

1 DlTTRlCH, Regesten, 34 ; cf. Lett. d. princ., III., 4o b . 
, 2 REUMONT S opinion, Toscana, I., 23. Cf. FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 40. 

3 Cf. the important and hitherto unknown ^correspondence in *Lett. 
d. princ., V., f. 248 : Orange to Clement VII., dat. Naples, 1528, 
September 12 : Announcement of the mission of Count Guido Rangoni. 
f. 254: ^Cardinal Colonna to Clement VII., dat. Naples, 1528, 
September 13 : After the hard-won victory he had gone at the request 
of Orange to Naples, " et trovando che per anchora non era expedito 
alia S. V., si come il debito ricercava, ho procurato che si mandi il sig. 
conte Guido Rangone. 3 f. 255: *Ascanio Colonna to Clement VII., 
dat. 1528, September 17 : Assurances of loyalty ; he is rejoiced to hear 
of the Pope s return with the court to Rome. f. 256 : *Orange to 
Clement VII., dat. Torre del Greco, 1528, September 18 : The Abbate 
di Negri, sent by Andrea Doria, had recently come with a report 
corresponding to the personal information given by the Nuncio Girol. 
Rorario. As Negri was about to return to the Pope he would not 
write a long letter. Negri is to be relied on. " Non perho tacer6 che 
V. S. po interiamente fidarsi de li exerciti o ministri de la Ces. M ta 
non altramente che de li soi proprii et io o con to exercito o con mia 
persona sempre la serviro et faro soi mandati non altramente che si 
fosse la M ta Ces. Et cerco al venir de V. S. in Roma la supplico che 
venghi senza sospecto alcuno et stia in sua sede come li conviene che 
noi bisognando moririamo tutti per mantenercela et N. S. Dio la 
rev ma sua p ersona e t so i s t a ti guardi et augmenti come per epsa se 
desidera." f. 261: ^Cardinal Colonna to Clement VII., dat. Naples, 
1528, September 18 : Thanks for the two briefs ; assurances of loyalty, 
f. 263: *Orange to Clement VII., dat. Torre del Greco, 1528, 
September 29 : He had heard of the Pope s great displeasure at the 


Charles also tried to gratify the Pope in circumstances 
of a different sort, for he gave a promise, through Orange, 
to restore the Medicean rule in Florence. 1 But from 
Venice came the tidings, through the French envoy, that 
all his efforts to induce the Signoria to give back Ravenna 
and Cervia were unavailing. So great was the acquisitive 
ness and lust of possession of the Venetians that, instead 
of giving back the Pope his own, they were more likely 
to make further aggressions. 2 

In September Clement made up his mind to return to 
Rome, in accordance with the Emperor s strong desire, 
although Civita Vecchia and Ostia were still occupied by 
the Spaniards. Contarini vainly tried to dissuade him. 
Orange had given his solemn oath to protect the Pope, if 
the latter would only go back to Rome and save the 
Emperor, who was actually and in intent a faithful son 
of the Church, from the contumely which would certainly 
accrue to him if Clement VII. refused, from distrust, to 
return to his See. 3 Already, on the i/th of September 

expedition of Sciarra Colonna to take Paliano and against other places 
held in sequestration by the Pope. He was himself much displeased, 
as he wished in everything to be in accordance with the Pope ; he had 
therefore addressed to Ascanio as well as Sciarra Colonna the most 
urgent injunctions to respect all property subject to the Papal claims 
until the final decision should be pronounced. He hoped that the 
matter would thus be settled ; in any case he would deal with the 
circumstances in such a way as to relieve the Pope of all anxiety 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

1 Sienese report of September 22, 1528, in FOSSATI-FALLETTI, 41, 
note 2. Cf. SANUTO, XLVIII., 485, 490 seqq. 

2 -^Letter of J. de Langeac to Clement VII., dat. Venice, 1528, 
August 29. *Lett. d. princ., V., f. 231 (Secret Archives of the 

3 DITTRICH, Contarini, 139. "The departure for Rome was certain, 
the day not fixed," reports *T. Campeggio on October 2, 1528, to 
Bologna (State Archives, Bologna). 


1528, the Pope had sent Cardinals Sanseveririo and Valle 
to Rome. 1 His own return was delayed owing to a violent 
feud between the Colonna and Orsini, whereby the 
neighbourhood of Rome was laid waste. 2 

At the last hour France made an attempt to thwart this 
beginning of an understanding between the Pope and the 
Emperor. On the 1st of October a messenger from Carpi 
approached the Pope. He brought a promise of the 
immediate restoration of Ravenna and Cervia as soon 
as Clement gave his adhesion to the League ; while 
Modena and Reggio would be given back simultaneously 
with his acting in the interests of France. The Pope 
sent a refusal. 3 On the 5th of October he left Viterbo 
with his whole court, under the protection of about a 
thousand soldiers, and on the following evening, amid 
torrents of rain, re-entered his capital. He forbade 
any public reception on account of the distressing 
state of the times ; he first paid a visit to St. Peter s, 
to make an act of thanksgiving, and then repaired to 
the Vatican. 4 

The city presented a truly horrifying picture of misery 
and woe. Quite four-fifths of the houses, according to the 
computation of the Mantuan envoy, were tenantless ; ruins 
were seen on every side -a shocking sight for anyone who 
had seen the Rome of previous days. The inhabitants 
themselves declared that they were ruined for two genera- 

1 SANUTO, XLVIII., 542; XLIX., 18. Cf. also 19 and 21 for the 
probable departure of the Pope. 

2 ALBERINI, 366 seqq. \ cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 97 seq., 113. 

3 GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 589. 

4 See SANUTO, XLIX., 49 ; Contarini s report in DITTRICH, 
Regesten, 36 ; GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 576 ; the **letters of F. Gonzaga 
of October 7, 1528 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and *Diary of BLASIUS 
DE MARTINELLIS in Cod. Barb. lat. 2799, Vatican Library. 


tions to come. 1 The same authority, quoted above, 
emphasizes the fact that of all his many acquaintances, 
inmates of or sojourners in Rome, hardly anyone was left 
alive. " I am bereft of my senses," he says, " in presence 
of the ruins and their solitude." 2 The churches were one 
and all in a terrible condition, the altars were despoiled 
of their ornaments, and most of the pictures were destroyed. 
In the German and Spanish national churches only was 
the Holy Sacrifice offered during the occupation of 
the city. 3 

A Papal Encyclical of the I4th of October 1528 sum 
moned all Cardinals to return to Rome. 4 Clement wrote 
in person to Charles, on the 24th of October, that, relying 
on the promises of Orange and the other representatives 
of his Majesty, to whom this intelligence will be certainly 
acceptable, he had returned to Rome, " the one seat " of 
the Papacy. " We too," he added, " must rejoice on coming 

1 F. Gonzaga thus reports in his **letter of October 7, 1528, in 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; cf. LANCELLOTTI, III., 410, 449, and Lett, 
d. princ., III., 46, 56 b . The Ricordi di Bontempi, 238, puts the number 
of houses destroyed by the Imperialists at 13,600. GREGOROVius, 
VIII., 3rd ed., 590, thinks this an exaggeration. 

2 See in Appendix, No. 5, *F. Gonzaga on October 12,1528 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). " lo no saprei con qual formula di discorso narrare 
le miserie di Roma dopo il sacco e quali fossero le lacrime de cittadini, 
quali i sospiri profondi che durarono nel petto de mortali, poiche tutti 
universalmente si lagnavano, chi piangeva la madre, chi il fratello e 
chi il padre e chi gli.altre suoi piu prossimi consanguinei," so runs the 
*Relazione delle miserie dopo il sacco in Cod. R, 6, 17 (Angelica 
Library, Rome). 

3 See the *Relazione quoted in note above : " Erant enim Romae 
omnes ecclesiae derelictae atque omnia sacra profanata, et in tota urbe 
noncelebrabantur missae nisi in hospital! Teutonicorum et Hispanorum." 
*Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Library, Paris. 

4 Min. brev., 1528, II., vol. 19, n. 898 (Secret Archives of the 


safe to shore, after so great a shipwreck, even if we have 
lost all things ; but our grief for the ruin of Italy, manifest 
to every eye, still more for the misery of this city and our 
own misfortune, is immeasurably heightened by the sight 
of Rome. We are sustained only by the hope that, 
through your assistance, we may be able to stanch the 
many wounds of Italy, and that our presence here and 
that of the Sacred College may avail towards a gradual 
restoration of the city. For, my beloved son, before 
our distracted gaze lies a pitiable and mangled corpse, 
and nothing can mitigate our sorrows, nothing can build 
anew the city and the Church, save the prospect of that 
peace and undisturbed repose which depends on your 
moderation and equity of mind." 1 

1 RAYNALDUS, 1528, n. 15. Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 232, who remarks 
that the Pope s words were so many reproaches to those who were the 
chief culprits. The letter to Castiglione sent together with this Brief is 
undated in Lett. d. princ, III., 56 seqq. 



ON the day after his return to Rome, Clement assembled 
the Cardinals and conservators in order to confer with them 
on the restoration of the city. 1 The Pope s first care was 
to provide for the most pressing necessity, the import of 
articles of food, of which there was the greatest scarcity. 
Steps were also taken to set in order the despoiled churches, 
and to repair the destruction wrought on buildings. The 
business of the Curia now resumed its regular course; 
persons belonging to the court tried to install themselves 
as best they could. 2 Life in the city showed signs of 
a complete change ; the luxury and frivolity of previous 
days had vanished, for the general poverty stamped an 

1 See the **letter of F. Gonzaga of October 7, 1528 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 

2 Cf. SANUTO, XLIX., 96, 134, 155; report of Contarini of 
December 19, 1528, in BROSCH, I., 118 ; letter of Salviati in SERASSI, 
II., \yseq. ; LANCELLOTTI, III., 449 ; *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE 
in the National Library, Paris. A terrible picture of the gran carestia 
which continued in Rome is given by G. M. della Porta in a ^letter to 
the Duchess of Urbino, dat. Rome, 1529, January 9 : " Ogni giorno si 
veggono gli morti per le strate non si sente per la citta altra voce che 
questa de poveri gridando ; aiutatemi ch io moro della fame " (State 
Archives, Florence). The Pope s endeavours to give succour are 
^reported by F. Gonzaga on January 7, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives, 

Mantua). Cf. also Studi e doc., III., 89 seq. 



impress of seriousness and gloom on everything. 1 In 
stead of the throng of showy equipages, religious proces 
sions made their way through the deserted streets. 2 The 
unlucky inhabitants were in want not only of nourishment 
but of clothing ; traders from Venice and other places came 
in numbers, but hardly anyone had money to make 
purchases. 3 Strangers were especially struck by the 
wretched plight of most of the Cardinals. 4 Ecclesiastical 
ceremonies, even those in which the Pope took a part, were 
shorn of their splendour owing to the lack of ornaments 
and vestments. 5 Yet, notwithstanding the general misery, 
the Pope was glad to be back in Rome, his own See. 6 

While in Viterbo, Clement had published the nomination 
of Quinones, the General of the Franciscans, then at the 
Emperor s court, to the Cardinalate. 7 He awaited his 

1 *Relazione delle miserie dopo il sacco in Cod. R, 6, 17 (Angelica 
Library, Rome). 

2 Thus on November 25, 1528, in order to solemnize the restoration 
of the plundered relics ; see BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 Relazione, etc , loc. cit. 

4 See LANCELLOTTI, III., 449. 

6 *24 Decemb. 1528 fuerunt vesperae papales in capella magna, 
quia ob defectum mitrarum et paramentorum papa in consistorio sic 
ordinaverat On December 25 also the service was held in the capella 
magna. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium (Secret Archives of the 

Report of F. Gonzaga of October 20, 1528, in SANUTO, XLIX., 134. 

7 PANVINIUS, 367, gives no day, and makes it appear that Quinones 
had already been nominated together with the Cardinals mentioned 
above (see Vol. IX. of this work, p. 465). This is a mistake. 
According to ClACONlUS, III., 495 seq., and CATALANUS, 303, 
Quinones nomination took place on December 7, 1527, but the 
publication, as SANUTO, XLIX., 20, proves with certainty, was deferred 
until September 25, 1528. This is in agreement with the *letter of T. 
Campeggio, dat. Viterbo, September 28, 1 528 (State Archives Bologna). 

VOL. X, 3 



return, with more precise information as to the Emperor s 
intentions, with anxious impatience. 1 In the meanwhile 
the agents of the League, led by Contarini, were active 
in trying to hinder the advances of the Pope to the 
Emperor, and a new French envoy was also busy in the 
same direction as Contarini. 2 These attempts were not, 
at the time, altogether without hope of success, for 
Charles V., with icy reserve, let the Pope feel that he was 
dependent on his favour. 3 The Emperor s servants in 
Italy did not fail their master in keeping up this impres 
sion. 4 The return of Quifiones was delayed in such a 
remarkable mariner that the Pope was nearly worn out 
with impatience. 5 Expressions made use of by Clement 
VII. and by his advisers as well, in November and the 
first half of December, show how heavily the Emperor s 
preponderance weighed upon him, and how gladly he 
would have seen a weakening of the Imperial power, 
whether from the side of Bavaria or from that of the 
Voivode of Siebenbiirgen. 6 

1 Cf. *Lett. d. princ., III., 56 h seq., 61 seqq., 63 seqq., 67 seqq. ; 
RAYNALDUS, 1528, n. 15; SANUTO, XLIX, 95, 133, 55 seq. Cf. the 
^reports of T. Campeggio, dat. Viterbo, October 2, and Rome, 
November 5, 1528 (State Archives, Bologna). 

2 See DiTTRlCH, Contarini, 138 seq. 

:! Gregorovius opinion, VIII., 3d ed., 605. 

4 This was seen most clearly in the negotiations for the surrender of 
Ostia and Civita Vecchia. Charles had already, on September 1 6, 1 528, 
given orders that Civita Vecchia should be restored to the Pope ; see 
VILLA, Italia, 249-250. 

Cf. SANUTO, XLIX., 158, 186, 218, 279, 280. 

6 Cf. along with the report of Giov. Joachim [Passano] of November 7, 
1528, in MOLINI, II., 122, those of *Raince, December 14, 1528, and 
of Bellay, January I, 1529 (National Library, Paris), made use of by 
RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 21 seq. The titles of the 
MSS. in question, missing in Ranke, are in DE LEVA, II., 494, where it 
is to be remarked that MS. Beth. 8534 now bears the sign, franc. 3009. 


The Pope had begun to despair of Quinones return 
when, on the i^th of December 1528, came the intelligence 
that the latter had landed at Genoa in the company of 
Miguel Mai. 1 This was welcome news, for now there 
seemed a certainty of ascertaining the Emperor s position. 
On the 3Oth of December Quinones reached Rome, and 
was immediately provided with a lodging close to the Papal 
apartments. 2 The hopes that the Emperor s attitude would 
now be clearly explained proved illusory, for Quinones 
brought with him only civil speeches ; all matters of detail 
were to be discussed with the Viceroy of Naples. 3 

Contarini considered this a favourable moment for 
expending all his gifts of eloquence on the Pope in order 
to persuade him to renounce his claims on Cervia and 
Ravenna, and to win him over to the League. He thought 
it necessary to show all the more energy in the matter as 
a report was current that the Pope had a mind to lay 
Venice under an interdict. On the 4th of January 1529 
he entered the Papal presence ; he announced that he 
had come not as the envoy of Venice, but as an Italian, 

1 Report to the Marquis of Mantua of December 17, 1528, in SANUTO, 
XLIX., 281, cf. 331, and Lett. d. princ., I., 118. In the ^letters of 
credence of Charles V. for M. Mai, dat. July 17, 1528, the Emperor 
wrote to the Pope : " Si praesentes S. V. praesentem alloqueremur, 
non facilius animum nostrum ea perspiceret quam ex magnifico equite 
Michaele Mayo, consiliario et oratore nostro, quern ad S. V. mittimus." 
Lett. d. princ., V., f. 202 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

" SANUTO, XLIX., 348 seqq. For the causes which delayed the 
arrival of Quinones see R. ANCEL, D un recueil de docum. appart. a 
1 heritage du Card. A. Trivulzio, Bruges, 1906-7. 

3 BROWN, IV., 1 86. Contarini s relation in ALBERT, 2 Series, III., 
262. It is interesting and explanatory of Charles s conduct as described 
above that, as Mai told Andrea da Burgo, he should have lost confidence 
in Quinones since the latter became a Cardinal ; see the ^report of A. 
da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat, Rome, March 2, 1529 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 


as a private personage and as a Christian, in order to 
submit to his Holiness his opinion on the state of affairs. 
The Pope having invited him to speak freely, Contarini set 
forth, in impressive language, that the whole question 
resolved itself into one point, namely, that at that given 
moment the Head of the Church should not, like the rulers 
of secular states, pursue particular interests only, but fix 
his eyes on the general welfare of Christendom, and thereby 
divert the other princes of Europe also from their purely 
selfish systems of policy. Proceeding further, Contarini 
suggested to the Pope nothing less than the renunciation 
of a portion, nay, even of the entirety, of the Papal States. 
" Let not your Holiness suppose," he said, " that the welfare 
of the Church of Christ stands or falls with these morsels 
of worldly dominion. Before their acquisition the Church 
existed, and, indeed, existed at her best. She is the common 
possession of all Christians ; the Papal States are like any 
other states of an Italian prince, therefore your Holiness 
must set in the forefront of your responsibilities the welfare 
of the true Church, which consists in the peace of Christen- 
dom, and allow the interests of the temporal states to fall 
for a time into the background." The Pope made answer : 
" I well perceive that you are speaking the truth and that I, 
as one faithful to his trust, ought to act as you exhort me ; 
but then, those on the other side ought to act in like 
manner. Nowadays it has come to pass that the craftiest 
man is held to be the most capable, and wins most 
applause in this world ; of anyone who acts otherwise, all 
that is said is that he is a good-natured but impracticable 
fellow, and, with that, they leave him to himself." 
Contarini rejoined: "If your Holiness were to explore 
all the contents of Holy Scripture, which cannot err, 
you would find that nothing is prized therein more highly 
than truth, virtue, goodness, and a noble purpose. On 


many private occasions I have tested this standard 
and found it true. Let your Holiness take courage and 
go on your way with a good intention, and God, without 
doubt, will support you and give you glory, and you will 
find the right path without toil and without intrigue." 

In his reply the Pope kept to his former standpoint. 
He referred to the danger of an alliance of the Emperor 
with Florence, Ferrara, and Venice. "You," he added, 
"would be allowed to keep all that you have got, while I, 
as the good-natured man, who has been robbed of all his 
belongings, would be left where I am without a chance of 
recovering one single thing." To Contarini s assurance 
that Venice would not conclude a separate treaty with 
Charles apart from the other members of the League, the 
Pope replied with the remark, " With you everything 
depends on a single ballot." All further representations 
of the Ambassador were in vain, although his words had 
not been without a certain effect. " I admit," said Clement, 
" that the course you recommend would be the right one ; 
otherwise Italy falls entirely into the power of the 
Emperor, and you will try to get some advantage from 
the Turkish danger. But I tell you, we have no common 
ground to meet on, and the good-natured man is treated 
as a simpleton." l 

Contarini s advice certainly sounds like that of an 
idealist ; but a dispassionate critic will admit that the 
Venetian was confusing the interests of his native city and 
the still unrecovered independence of Italy with the wel 
fare of Christendom. 2 The Medici Pope did not try to 
conceal that he was a practical politician to the core ; if, 

1 Contarini s account of his famous audience, dated January 4, 
1529, was first given in a summary by DE LEVA, II., 503-505 ; then 
more fully by DITTRICH, Regesten, 41-46. 

2 BAUMGARTEN is of the same opinion, Karl V., II., 676. 


in an age when hardly anything was respected except 
material power, when political considerations controlled 
every question, even the purely ecclesiastical, he refused 
to renounce his secular sovereignty, he certainly was acting 
intelligibly from a merely human standpoint; 1 but higher 
and more Christian conceptions were demanded in one 
holding the office of the Vicar of Christ. The pursuit 
of temporal power was to a certain extent fully justified, 
but ought always to have been subordinated to the supreme 
interest, that of devotion to the supernatural claims of the 
Church. That Clement only too often forgot this, throws 
a heavy shadow over his pontificate. 

In January 1529 Quifiones went to Naples in order to 
negotiate on the spot for the surrender of Ostia and Civita 
Vecchia, the liberation of the hostages, and an understand 
ing between the Emperor and the Pope. Clement also 
appointed Schonberg as his colleague, 2 and sent a token 
of high distinction to the Viceroy. 3 At this time Miguel 
Mai arrived in Rome to represent the Emperor, "a bold, 
unscrupulous character, wholly devoted to his master s 
interests." 4 Mai announced that he had full powers to give 

1 Cf. DITTRICH, Contarini, 152. " If the Venetians treat me already 
in this way, now that they have need of me," said Clement, " what will 
they do later on!" Contarini s report of November 14, 1528, in 
DITTRICH, Regesten, 38. 

2 Contarini s relation in ALBERI, 2 Series, III., 262. Cf. SANUTO, 
XLIX., 350, 384, and Salviati s letter of January 3, 1529, in the Lett, 
d. princ., I., I2o b . 

3 A consecrated hat and sword (*Brief of January 8, 1529, Min. 
brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 7, Secret Archives of the Vatican) which, 
owing to the Pope s illness, were not presented until April 28, 1529 ; 
see DE BLASIIS, Maramaldo, III., 335, n. 

4 BAUMGARTEN, II., 685. For Mai s arrival see SANUTO, XLIX., 
415, and SERASSI, II., 165 ; for his personal relations, GAYANGOS, 
IV., i, Introd., x. 


back Ostia and Civita Vecchia; the restitution would 
take place as soon as he had spoken with the Pope. 1 
This was impossible, for, just at this juncture, Clement 
was taken with a serious illness, the consequence, 
very probably, of the agitation and suffering of the 
previous year. 

In spite of a cold, contracted on the Feast of the 
Epiphany, in the Sixtine Chapel, Clement VII. had held a 
Consistory on the 8th of January; 2 thereupon he fell ill; 
on the evening of the Qth he was in a state of high 
fever, and the following morning his life was despaired of. 3 
Although an improvement set in, the case seemed to give 
so clear a warning of his approaching end that on the 
night of the loth of January the Pope summoned the 
Cardinals to him and with their approval bestowed the 
purple on Ippolito de Medici. 4 Somewhat earlier the 
same honour had been intended for Girolamo Doria, nephew 
of Andrea Doria, who had promised to relieve the scarcity 
of food in Rome. After some hesitation, all the Cardinals 

1 SERASSI, II., 165. 

2 See F. Gonzaga s ^letter, January 7, 1529, in Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua, and Contarini s report in DlTTRlCH, Regesten, 46. 

3 *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of the 
Vatican and Cod. Barb. lat. 2799, Vatican Library. 

4 *Die dominica X. ianuarii 1529 prima hora noctis cum Sanctitas 
Sua egrotaret fuit congregatio in qua fuit receptus r mos sancte Crucis 
ad osculum ab omnibus dominis. Deinde clausum est [os] et statim 
appertum preter consuetudinem propter Sanctitatis Sue egritudinem. 
Deinde fuit assumptus ad cardinalatum dominus Hipolitus Medicis 
Sanctitatis Sue nepos ex statim publicatus cui fuit data in adminis- 
trationem ecclesia Avinionensis cum retentione tituli sancte Praxedis. 
*Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor (Consistorial Archives). The 
Bull by which Ippolito was made Cardinal (*Regest, 1438, f. 9 seg.} 
was published on January 22, 1529 ; see Varia polit, 47, f. 109 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). Cf. the **report of F. Gonzaga of January 
10, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and SERASSI, II., 164. 


assented to this nomination also. 1 On this occasion Clement 
declared to the Sacred College that if God restored him to 
health it was his intention to journey into Spain in order 
to restore peace to Christendom. 2 During the next few 
days the condition of the sick Pontiff continued to be 
very critical, 3 and on the evening of the I5th of January 
Clement was so weak that it was not believed he could 
live through the night. 4 

The sudden assembling of the Cardinals at the Vatican 
had already thrown the Romans into dismay, and the 
excitement was increased by the spread of more and more 
alarming accounts of the Pope s illness. Not a few believed 
that he was already dead; 5 the citizens began to arm. 
The Cardinals met together in the Palazzo Monte for con 
sultation, as the doctors had for the moment given Clement 

1 SANUTO, XLIX., 368-369, 384, 386, and DITTRICH, Regesten, 46. 
From Blasius de Martinellis in CIACONIUS, III., 501, it appears that 
Doria was nominated before Medici ; the consent of the Cardinals 
to this came later, according to SANUTO, XLIX., 386, but before 
January 15, 1529. 

2 So Quinones reported to the Emperor on February 15, 1529. 
GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 625. 

3 Cf. BOURRILLY DE VAISSIERE, Amb. de J. du Bellay, 548, n. 2. 

4 See Sanga s letter in SERASSI, II., 162. 

6 DITTRICH, Regesten, 46; cf. Luzio, Aretino a Venezia, 31, and 
Rom. Quartalschrift, XIV., 257, 263 seq. As no one was admitted to 
the sick man s chamber, many contradictory reports arose. In the 
^despatches of F. Gonzaga the following bulletins were given : Rome, 
1529, January 12 : The Pope is feeling better. January 13: In the 
notte passata the Pope had a parossismo. January 1 5 : The Pope 
shows a marked improvement. January 16 : The Pope is ill. 
January 17 : Since yesterday the Pope s condition has greatly im 
proved ; he has risen from the dead. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) 
For the physicians of Clement VII. and Berni s verses upon them, see 
GIORDANO, App. 65, and MARINI, I. seqq. According to ALBERINI, 
368, Mariano de Doxis della Palma cured the Pope in this illness. 


up. Since Ostia and Civita Vecchia were still in the 
Imperialists hands, and the unruly host under Orange was 
still encamped at Naples, the freedom of a Papal election 
seemed in serious danger. The majority of the Cardinals 
were therefore of opinion that the conclave ought not to 
be held in Rome. Even Quinones, with his Imperialist 
sympathies, took this standpoint, and feared a schism, the 
responsibility for which would be thrown on the Emperor. 
Miguel Mai declared later that Wolsey had roused the 
anxiety of the Cardinals as to the freedom of the conclave 
in order to induce them to transfer it to Avignon, where 
this ambitious churchman considered his election would 
be sure. 1 

However that may be, it is a fact that the Cardinals 
took into consideration the issue of a Bull in which the 
seat of the conclave should be assigned to Bologna, Verona, 
Civita Castellana, or Avignon. Cardinals Enkevoirt and 
Quinones approached Mai secretly, and told him that if the 
fortified places were not given up immediately there would 
be an uproar in Rome. Almost all the Sacred College 
threatened him with dismissal in the event of the Pope s 
death. " The majority of the Cardinals," Mai was forced to 
inform the Emperor, " are unfriendly to me on account of 
the ruthless havoc committed by our soldiery throughout 

1 Report in cipher of Mai of March 16, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III., 
2, n. 653. Cf. also Valdes letter in HOMENAJE A MENENDEZ Y PELAYO, 
399; EHSES, Dokumente, 263; SAGMULLER, 164, seq., the extract 
from A. da Burgo s ^report, dat. Rome, 1529, March 7. Here with 
reference to the recent occurrences (for in February the question 
of a Papal election was still prominent) : " Circa electionem novi 
pontificis scribit nihil aliud fuisse nisi confusionem et dubium de 
scismate, quum major pars sit de factione Gallica et quae decreverat 
ire in Avenionem et card. s. Crucis non erat alienus, sed orator 
Caesaris bono modo corripuit eum" (Court and State Archives, 


Italy, from Piedmont to Apulia." 1 It was seen on the 
Imperialist side that something must be done to allay the 
excitement Accordingly, the Cardinals kept as hostages 
in Naples were set free, and the order was given for the 
surrender of Ostia and Civita Vecchia. 2 

In the meantime Clement had made a remarkably quick 
recovery from his illness, 3 although the fever did not wholly 
leave him ; his condition varied from day to day, but 
remained so far stationary that it was impossible for him 
to grant audiences. 4 It was feared in the Vatican that the 
constantly recurring fever would at last wear out the Pope s 
strength, 5 and a commission of Cardinals was appointed 

1 Mai s report of March 22, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 657. In 
a cipher despatch of March 16, Mai said to the Emperor he feared 
the almost universal hatred, called forth by the excesses of the Spanish 
soldiery, more than all the allied forces together. GAYANGOS, III., 2, 
n. 654. Francis I. also declared himself in favour of Civita Castellana 
as a meeting-place for the Cardinals ; see DESJARDINS, II., 1044. 

2 Cf. SANUTO, XLIX., 384, 386, the report of Quinones in GAYANGOS, 
III., 2, n. 625, and the **letter of Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga of January 
1 8, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The *Acta Consist, of the 
Camerarius note under January 26, 1529 : " Congregatio cardinalium : 
R. dom. Augustinus s. Hadriani diaconus cardinalis de Trivultiis ex 
Neapoli, ubi per aliquot menses detentus fuerat per capitaneos Caes. 
Majestatis exercitus, egit gratias s. collegio pro liberatione sua." Cod. 
Vat., 3457, P. II., Vatican Library. 

3 Cf. with SANUTO, XLIX., 386, 415, and SERASSI, II., 163, the 
Cardinal E. Gonzaga s **report of January 18, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives, 

4 See SANUTO, XLIX., 415, 424, 432, and the ^letters of F. Gonzaga, 
dat. Rome, 1 529, January 22 and 27 ; The Pope has fever. February 2 : 
The Pope is still ill. February 3 : Parossismo. February 4 : Improve 
ment (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). See also the *letterofT.Campeggio, 
dat. Rome, 1529, January 31 (State Archives, Bologna). 

6 Report of Guido da Crema of February 4 in SANUTO, XLIX., 433. 
In Rome many believed that the Pope had been poisoned ; see * Diary 
of CORNELIUS DE FINE in the National Library, Paris. 


to despatch the most pressing business. 1 On the i8th of 
February Clement had another bad attack, and the question 
of the freedom of election came once more to the front. 
The negotiations of the Cardinals over the delivery of 
Ostia and Civita Vecchia proved as fruitless as ever, for, 
in spite of the orders from Orange, communicated by Mai, 
the commandants of the fortresses refused to evacuate 
them until their soldiers clamours for pay had been 
satisfied. 2 " If the Pope were to die," reported Quinones to 
the Emperor, " before the fortresses belonging to him are 
given up, a schism will be inevitable." 3 
. By the middle of February the report gained ground 
that the Emperor was making serious preparations for 
his descent upon Italy. These tidings aroused great 
excitement among the diplomatists resident in Rome ; 
the Pope was greatly alarmed, and declared himself 
ready to visit Spain and France in person, accompanied 
by six or seven of the Cardinals, on a mission of peace 
making, in order to show his impartiality towards King 
and Emperor alike. 4 

The Pope s neutrality was displeasing to the representa 
tives of the Emperor and of the League. The former saw 
in the Pope s projected journey only an attempt to thwart 

1 *Briefs for Antonio Portuen. et Laurentio Prenest. episcopis ac 
Augustino tit. s. Ciriaci in thermis. presb. card, camerario, dat. Rome, 
1529, February 7. Min. brev. 1529, vol. 23, n. 79 (Secret Archives of 
the Vatican). 

2 SANUTO, XLIX., 496-497, 506; cf. Mai s report in GAVANGOS, 
III., 2, n. 636, 643; SERASSI, II., 165, and the *Acta Consist, of the 
Camerarius of January 26 and February 3, 1529 (Vatican Library). 

3 Report of March i, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III. ,2, n. 635. On March 
22 Quinones reports his renewed attempts to convince the Cardinals 
that Charles would not bring influence to bear on a Papal election. 
Ibid., n. 658. 

4 GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 636, 642 ; cj. DITTRICH, Contarini, 158. 


the expedition of Charles ; the latter hoped that Clement, 
in his alarm at the Emperor s coming, might be drawn to 
their side. Thus the Pope, not yet wholly recovered from 
his illness, became the occasion of a sharp diplomatic 
struggle in which neither threats nor enticements were 
spared on either side. 1 

The Emperor s agent, Miguel Mai, had been com 
missioned to obtain the Pope s consent to an offensive, or, 
if this was not possible, at least to a defensive alliance. 2 
The League hoped to attain its object by inviting Giberti, 
who had so often already won Clement over to France, to 
come to Rome. 3 On the 23rd of February the Bishop of 
Verona arrived. He was at once able to corroborate 
Contarini, that Clement was now more inclined to a general 
peace. But, he added, two things are necessary : in the 
first place, no one must try to force him to change his 
views; and, secondly, no one must give him cause for 
fresh complaint. This last hint referred to Ravenna 
and Cervia, which the Venetians, in spite of the pressure 

1 *The Acta Consist, of the Camerarius note under February 8, 
1529; "Orator imperatoris praesentavit sacro collegio litteras Caes. 
M tis quibus hortatur rev. dominos, quod studeant et assistant S. D. N., 
ut universalis pax tractetur et concludatur." Cod. Vat., 3457, P II., 
Vatican Library. Mai himself informed the Emperor on March 6, 
1529, of the threat he had used towards one of the Cardinals; see 
GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 643. 

2 " Dixit [Mai] praeterea se habere commissionem a Caesare pro- 
curandi ligam cum pontifice offensivam, quam si non posset obtinere, 
Caesarern esse contentum de defensiva." See infra, note 3, extract 
from A. da Burgo s ^report of March 2, 1529 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

3 * Andrea da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, March 2. The 
letter consists only of a contemporary extract made in Ferdinand s 
Chancery in which it says : " Joh. Math. Giberti venit ad urbem 
suasu aliquorum ex parte ligae " (Court and State Archives, 


brought to bear on them, especially by England, had 
no intention of giving up. 1 

Giberti was almost all day with the Pope, who was 
showing marked improvement. 2 Even though their 
conversation has not been reported, it is yet easy to con 
jecture its import. The Imperialists were fully aware of 
the danger threatening them. Miguel Mai wrote angrily 
to the Emperor that "these devils of Leaguers are 
besieging the Pope might and main, and spinning round 
him a web of lies and artifices of all sorts." 3 Andrea da 
Burgo, the representative of Ferdinand I., also saw with 
anxiety how the Pope, in his alarm and indecision, was 
being plied with every possible promise by the French and 
English, and encouraged in his distrust of the Emperor. 
Already, on the 2nd of March 1529, he reported that the 
French were promising Cervia and Ravenna, and anything 
else that the Pope wished, if he would only declare himself 
for the League. From his timidity, and the wholly French 
character of his surrounding influences, Andrea, and many 
others with him, inferred that Clement would certainly 
not make any advances towards the Emperor and 
Ferdinand I. ; they ought to be glad, thought Andrea, if 
he remained neutral. 4 

In the meantime the Pope s condition had improved so 
much that on the 7th of March he was able to leave his 
bed, 5 and his audiences, although on a limited scale, were 

1 See Contarini s report in SANUTO, L., 13-14; cf. DITTRICH, Con- 
tarini, 159. 

2 SANUTO, L., 14, 16. 

3 Report of March 6, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 643 ; cf. BARDI, 
Carlo V., 27. 

4 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 1529, March 2 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna, Romana). 

5 F. Gonzaga in a ^report of the Pope s health, March 3, 1529: "S. S ta 
sta ben." In another of March 7 : " S. S ta si puo metter par sana. 


resumed. On the Qth of March Burgo sent a report to 
Ferdinand on Mai s negotiations with the Pope and 
Schonberg. Clement, in his conversation with Charles s 
envoy, insisted on his duty of remaining neutral, and on his 
poverty, which was so great that he was hardly able to 
afford the upkeep of his household. He refused an alliance, 
offensive or defensive, with the Emperor. At the same 
time he again went over his plan of visiting France and 
Spain in person, and, with this object in view, he spoke of 
sending Schonberg to the Emperor, and Giberti to Francis 
I. To Burgo the absence of Schonberg seemed dangerous, 
for the latter was the Emperor s most loyal representative 
in Rome, 1 and in his audiences with the Pope expressed 
himself in the same way. 2 

Miguel Mai was in close communication with the 


Cardinals as well as with the Pope ; but he found out 
that the former were for the most part inclined towards 
France. 3 Even if Mai, occasionally, had recourse to threats, 

Hoggi ha dato principio a levarse de letto " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 
Cf. also the *report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, 
March 7 : " Papa X. diebus fuit sine febre, et hodie exivit ex lecto et 
incipit aliquid audire" (Court and State Archives, Vienna, Romana). 

1 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 1529, March 9 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). Cf. GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 636, 647. 

2 A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 1529, March 18 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

3 Mai also complains of the inactivity of the Imperialist Cardinals. 
Report of March 22, 1529, in GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 657. On March 16 
he wrote in cipher to Charles V. : "I cannot deny that the Pope at 
present shows a certain amount of goodwill towards your Majesty and 
has a just conception of your Majesty s power and wisdom, whereby 
he distinguishes himself from the allied princes, whose hatred of your 
Majesty is deeply rooted. The Pope at the same time fears the 
members of the League ; looking upon both parties as his natural 
enemies, he would gladly see the Ultramontanes, as he calls them, quit 
Italy. In this sense the Pope declared himself to Quifiones in past 


yet his chief endeavour was, by meeting the Pope s wishes, 
especially in financial matters, to induce him to renounce 
his neutrality and ally himself with Charles. 1 But in 
all their efforts to gain the Pope, the Imperialists sought 
to drive home the argument that Charles could give 
assistance towards the restoration of the Medici as rulers 
of Florence. 2 To play on Clement s fears, the League 
made use of the reports, then taking definite shape, of the 
approaching arrival of the Emperor in Italy. He was 
told that in the end Charles would make himself master 
of the whole of the Papal States. 3 

The excitement occasioned by these transactions and 
the more threatening aspect of the divorce suit of Henry 
VIII. brought on a relapse, and Clement was unable to 
celebrate Mass in St. Peter s on Easter Day. On Easter 
Monday 18,000 ducats were paid into the hands of the 
Imperial envoy, whereupon Ostia and Civita Vecchia were 
restored to the Pope. 4 At the same time came the sorrow 
ful news of Castiglione s death ; this was a heavy loss for 
the Pope, for none stood higher in the Emperor s favour 
than this gifted diplomatist. 5 

years when the latter was leaving for Spain ; he had added, however, 
that if he were forced to choose between Charles and Francis, he would 
certainly decide in favour of the former. On the other hand, he seems 
to fear the usual unsettled state of things in Spain where, as he says, 
promises are never kept." GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 653. 

1 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, II., 687. 

2 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., March 9 and 18, 1529 (Court and 
State Archives, Vienna). 

3 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 1529, March 28 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

4 SANUTO, L., 124 seq., 126, 134 seqq., 136 seqq.^ 166 ; cf. the 
^Despatches of Romeo of March 27 and 28, 1529, to the Duke of 
Ferrara (State Archives, Modena). 

5 See the report of March 29, 1529, in SANUTO, L., 127. Castiglione 


The repeated promises of the Imperialists to render 
service l to the Pope both in respect of the restoration of 
the Medici as rulers in Florence, and of the restitution of 
Cervia and Ravenna, could not fail to make a deep im 
pression on Clement. But, amid the uncertainty of affairs 
in Italy, nothing was less easy than a decision, 2 and thus 
he continued to hesitate. The feeling that, notwithstand 
ing the surrender of Ostia and Civita Vecchia, his hands 
were as much tied as before, weighed heavily in the 
balance in favour of procrastination. On the whole, shrewd 
diplomatist that he was, Clement did not betray this ; but 
sometimes his emotion had the mastery of him. Thus on 
the Qth of April he complained to Cardinal Trivulzio, whose 

had already, on January 22, 1529, ^written from Toledo to G. Calandra : 
" lo sto, Dio gratia, sano, cosa che non sono stato sempre in Hispagna 
che molte volte sono stato valetudinario" (copy in the Mantuan 
Library). Soon afterwards he had a bad attack of fever which caused 
his death on February 7, 1529. His last days were overcast by 
the reproaches of Clement VII. that he had trusted too much in 
Charles V. and had therefore incurred complicity in the sack of Rome. 
Castiglione tried to vindicate himself in a dignified letter from Burgos 
on December 10, 1527 (SERASSI, II., 147-152). His remains were 
brought home and laid in the famous resort of pilgrims, S. Maria delle 
Grazie in Mantua. Giulio Romano designed his tomb and Bembo 
wrote his epitaph ; see MARTINATI, 56-57. Castiglione s mother re 
commended her grandchildren to the Pope ; see her beautiful ^letter, 
dat. Mantua, April 3, 1529, in *Lett. d. princ., VI., f. 21 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). In his ^answer Clement warmly acknow 
ledges Castiglione s services in Spain, and promises to befriend the 
children. The *Brief is dated Rome, 1529, April 27 ; Min. brev., 1529, 
vol. 26, n. 143 ; ibid) n. 155, *a Brief to the heirs of Castiglione, dat. 
Rome, 1529, May 5, telling them to hand over to the Nuncio G. da 
Schio all monies, papers, and writings relating to his nunciature 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

1 Cf. the *report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, 
April 2 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

2 BAUMGARTEN rightly lays stress on this, Karl V., II., 688. 


sympathies were French, of the way in which the Emperor s 
agents tried to hurry him into a treaty with Charles. He 
would gladly withstand them if he could, but his position 
in this matter was still just as bad as it had been during 
his imprisonment in St. Angelo ; the only difference con 
sisted in this, that now, at least, he had personal liberty ; 
in the former condition of things he had no other choice 
left him than to fly from Rome, leaving the Papal territory 
to its fate, or to come to the least disadvantageous terms 
with those whose troops were so close at hand that they 
might at any hour have overwhelmed him. " What the 
Pope will do in the last resort, I do not know," wrote 
Trivulzio ; " it is certain that he is in the greatest anxiety 
and perplexity, and will avoid a settlement as long as 
possible. When at last he does make one he will be driven 
to it by main force, pulled along, as it were, by the hairs 
of his head." 1 

Trivulzio was mistaken, for a few days after his despatch 
was written, the Pope made up his mind. He had been 
greatly influenced by a personal letter from the Emperor, 
dated Toledo, the 28th of February, the contents of which 
were communicated to Contarini by the Pope on the I2th of 
April. Charles first of all congratulated his Holiness on 
his recovery, and then announced definitely his speedy 
voyage to Italy ; he wished to start from Toledo as early 
as the 8th of March, since personal negotiations with his 
Holiness could alone conduce to that general peace for 
which the initial preparations must begin in Italy, the 
victim of so much calamity. 2 Therefore by the i6th of 

1 See Trivulzio s interesting ^report of April 9, 1529, in App., No. 6 
(National Library, Paris). Cf. also the anonymous cipher report of 
April 8, in MOLINI, II., 164 seq. 

2 Contarini s ^report of April 13 (Cod. Marc., 1043, St. Mark s Library, 
Venice), runs : . . . " lo heri per intender meglio le nove di Spagna mi 

VOL. X. 4 


April a new Nuncio to the Imperial court with full 
legatine powers was appointed to succeed Castiglione ; 
this was Girolamo da Schio, Bishop of Vaison, Master of 
the Papal Household. 1 This staunchly Imperialist diplo- 

son conferito alia Santitk del Pont ce . Et per piu d un hora ho ragionato 
cum sua Beat ne , ma in brevitk refferiro la summa di quello che da lei ho 
inteso ; mi ha ditto haver lettere scritte de man propria delo Imp tor 
de 2 del mese preterito da Tholedo, per le qual sua Maesta li scrive 
che per uno istesso corriero havea inteso la nova dispiacevole dela 
morte di S. Sant tjl et 1 altra che li era sta gratissima dela sua convale- 
scentia, dil che ne ringratiava Dio et si congratulava cum quella ; 
doppoi li scrive che per il rev mo card, de S. Cruce [Quinones] li era 
fatto intender quanto alia venuta sua in Italia, che alhora non havea 
fatto rissolutione alcuna, ma subito che si havesse rissolta, non lo 
haria fatto intender ad alcuna altro prima che a Sua Beat ne . Et pero 
che hora li significhava che essendo desiderosissimo de venir ad una 
pace universal et parendoli che non ci fusse modo di condurla se non 
si trovasse personalmente cum Sua Beat ne , pero havea deliberato venir 
a vederla in Italia et che dovea partir da Tholedo adi 8 del preditto 
mese preterito et pensava ritrovarsi a mezo il presente mese a Barzelona, 
dove poi secondo come ritrovasse le cose disporte et le nove, delibereria 
quel che dovesse far circa questa sua venuta. Disseme etiam Sua 
Santita che in preditte lettere si conteniva una altra particularitade la 
qual scriveva, che lui havea gran compassion de le miserie de Italia et 
che li pareva conveniente, si come li travagli sonno principiati prima in 
Italia che in altri loci dela christianitk cosi dovesseno prima quietarsi 
in Italia." This shows that there were not (as DITTRICH supposes, 
Regesten, 51) two letters of Charles V., but only one. The original of 
this letter, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, is dated, however : 
" De Toledo el postrero de hebrero." The contents are correctly reported 
by Contarini, only the passage about Quinones is wanting. The letter 
has the Chancery endorsement : Ricevuta 1 5 Aprile. This cannot refer 
to the first receipt of the letter, but only to the day of registration by 
the Chancery clerks. The letter of Charles V., assigned by LANZ, I., 
296, to April 1529, belongs to the year 1526 (see Vol. IX. of this work, 
p. 350, n. 2). LEVA, II., 521, requires correction on this point. 

1 See*Regest., 1438, f. 81 seq., 85 seq. Cf. EHSES, Concil. IV., xxvii. 
ee also MORSOLIN, Girol. da Schio, Vicenza, 1875, 37 Se 9- Ehses 


matist, 1 who had kept up assiduous intercourse with 
Miguel Mai and Andrea da Burgo, received secret instruc 
tions from the Pope. 2 

The complete reconciliation, the alliance between Emperor 
and Pope, was now close at hand, and with good reason, 
since the members of the League seemed deliberately to 
be doing their best to drive Clement into their adversary s 
arms. 3 Venice and Ferrara, now as before, refused to 
hand back their spoils, while France kept up a lingering 
warfare in upper and lower Italy, encouraged the obduracy 
of Florence, and even gave trouble to Clement in his own 
territory by protecting his enemies Malatesta Baglioni and 
the domineering Abbot of Farfa. 4 "The misdeeds which 
can be laid to the account of the Leaguers," said Salviati, 

remarks very conclusively that the question of the Council did not 
influence Clement s decision to the extent ascribed to it by Mai in his 
report of May 11, 1529 (in HEINE, Briefe an Karl V., 520 seq. ; again 
in BAUMGARTEN, II., 715 seq., but unnecessarily and in ignorance of 
Heine s publication). I do not think it is conclusively proved that Mai 
was right in taking credit to himself in this matter. It is in any case 
remarkable that Burgo, in the report to Ferdinand I. (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna), makes no mention of the audience of the 24th of 
April, in which he and Mai set the Pope at rest about the Council and 
which Mai represents as having had such important results. 

1 Mai lays stress on this ; see GAYANGOS, IV., 2-6. For Schio see 
GIORDANI, App. 90, and Vol. IX. of this work, p. 460. 

2 Cf. **A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. 1529, April 22 (Court 
and State Archives, Vienna). 

3 REUMONT, III., 2, 325. 

4 Clement VII., whose bodily health was better (cf. the ^report of N. 
Raince of April 21, 1529 : " N. S. Pere fait bonne chere et se porte tres 
bien," Fonds franc;., 3009, f. 33-34, National Library, Paris), had on 
May 3 appointed Cardinal Ippolito de Medici Legate at Perugia (*Acta 
Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor in Consistorial Archives and Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). Malatesta attempted to murder the bearer of 
the Brief; see BONTEMPI, 333. 


" are such that they must force the Pope to side with the 
Emperor." 1 

In addition to these considerations, it had been known 
in Rome since the begining of April that France was 
prepared to make, single-handed, conditions of peace with 
the Emperor. Even Giberti said at the time, " I am afraid 
that the French may make a treaty of their own with the 
Emperor, arid then put off their allies with fair speeches." 
Contarini was not willing to believe this, but it was soon 
made evident that Giberti had discerned aright. 2 With a 
full knowledge of the state of affairs, a further sojourn in 
Rome seemed superfluous to this skilled politician ; under 
the pretext of compliance with the duty of residence in 
his diocese, he earnestly begged for permission to return. 
Contarini and the Pope detained him for some time 
longer, 3 but he soon gave up all hope, and on the 26th of 
April, regardless of the entreaties of his friend Contarini, 
left Rome. 4 

Undoubtedly the Pope s attitude towards the Emperor 
was greatly influenced by the hope that, through the help 
of Charles, Florence would once more be governed by the 
Medici. With what dissimulation Clement tried to dis 
guise this anticipation is described in the reports of 
Contarini 5 and other diplomatists. He tried to keep the 
plan a secret even from his most trusted and intimate 
friends, 7 but without success, for in the beginning of March 

1 Report of Contarini, April 26 ; see DlTTRlCH, Regesten, 53. 

2 DlTTRlCH, Regesten, 51 ; cf. also EHSES, Dokumente, 265. 

3 DlTTRlCH, Contarini, iboseq. 

4 SANUTO, L., 279 ; DITTRICH, Regesten, 52. 
a DlTTRlCH, Contarini, 165. 

6 Cf. e.g. Report of Mai in GAYANGOS, III., 2, n. 647. 
~ Cf. **report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., March 2, 1529 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). Also GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 191. 


Girolamo Balbi said to Andrea da Burgo that Clement 
wished nothing so much as a change of government in 
Florence. 1 

Just at this moment news reached Rome of a turn in 
Florentine affairs which Clement attributed wholly to the 
help of Charles. 

For a long time the Pope had hoped to attain his object 
in Florence by peaceable means. As long as Capponi, a 
well-disposed and moderate man, stood at the head of 
affairs there, this expectation was by no means altogether 
visionary, especially when the timid character of the Pope, 
then in such sore distress, is taken into consideration. 
Capponi formed a scheme for freeing his native city by 
means of an arrangement with the Pope ; with Jacopo 
Salviati as a go-between, he opened up secret communica 
tions with Rome ; 2 their discovery led to his fall on the 
I7th of April I529. 3 His successor was Francesco Carducci, 
a violent partisan, in whose circle Clement was spoken of 
only as the tyrant and bastard. The hatred of this 
democrat towards the Medici made any accommodation 
impossible. The fate of Florence was thus decided ; 
everything was done there to exasperate the Pope to 
the utmost. The half-forgotten fact of his illegitimate 
birth was dragged to light ; he was made the butt of scorn 

1 " Balbus retulit Andreae, pontificem nihil plus appetere quam 
mutationem status Florent." Extract from a *report of A. da Burgo 
to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, March 7 (Court and State Archives, 

2 CAPPONI, III., 226 seq. ; REUMONT, Toskana, I., 23 seq. ; CIPOLLA, 
950 seq. ; PERRENS, III., 1 86 seq. 

3 The disclosure was conveyed in a letter which Capponi lost. The 
text of the letter, still preserved in the State Archives, Florence, is in 
BIGAZZI, Miscell. storica, Firenze, 1840, Arch, stor., Append. VII., 
259 seq. and in FOSSATI-FALLETTI, Assedio, I., 232 ; cf. also Rossi, 
Guicciardini, I., 118 seq., 126. 


and ridicule in verses and pictures, and his Papal authority 
was often repudiated. 1 

On the 1 8th of April, Clement, as feudal lord of 
Perugia, had forbidden all its citizens, under threat of the 
severest penalties, to take foreign service. Nevertheless, 
on the 4th of May the Florentines appointed as their 
captain Malatesta Baglioni; further, they paid two hundred 
soldiers to occupy Perugia. 2 Clement was carried away 
by anger, and declared to the English envoy he would 
rather be the Emperor s chaplain or equerry than allow 
himself to be insulted by his rebellious subjects and vassals. 3 
To Contarini he declared that the disgraceful mortifications 
inflicted on him by the Abbot of Farfa and Baglioni were 
instigated by the French and Florentines. They had 
compelled him to look to his private interests and no 
longer to maintain an indeterminate position. He did 
not wish to be made prisoner a second time and be 
carried off to Florence. To the counter-representations of 
Contarini the Pope replied, " What ought I, in your 
opinion, to do ? I have taken no decided course, and 
thereby given satisfaction to none ; rather have I exposed 
myself to the contempt of all." He feared that the peace 
negotiations between France and the Emperor would 
end badly for Italy, that both one and the other would 
leave him in the lurch as one who could not be safely 
relied on. " For appearance sake there will be a stipula 
tion that I am to be the protector of the peace, and with 
that they will rest satisfied. I tell you, Ambassador," said 

1 Jovius, Hist., XXVII., 90; VARCHI, I., 248 seq., 492; PERRENS, 
III., 267. 

2 Cf, **A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, May 17 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna) ; BONTEMPI, 332 ; PERRENS, III., 
201 seq. 

3 Report of Casale in HERBERT, 233 ; cf. RAUMER, Briefe, I., 256. 


Clement in conclusion, " I am forced to act as I do. 
What do you wish me to do? I cannot act otherwise." 1 

The decisive step was taken in the first days of May. 2 
On the /th of that month the Pope sent to the Emperor 
an autograph letter of thanks for the restoration of the 
fortresses. His illness had hindered him from sending an 
earlier answer ; he now sends to him his Master of the 
Household, Girolamo da Schio, Bishop of Vaison, whom 
his Majesty can trust as he would Clement himself, since 
the Nuncio knows all the secrets of his heart. 3 Schio, who 
carried together with this letter the Bull of the Cruzada 
and other tokens of grace, had full powers to conclude a 
treaty with the Emperor ; he left Rome on the Qth of 
May. 4 Two days later, Andrea da Burgo reported to 
Ferdinand I. this mission of such decisive importance, 
and the favourable dispositions of the Pope. 5 Miguel Mai 
wrote at the same time to Charles V. that the choice of a 
Nuncio could not have fallen on a better man than Schio, 
since he was a person of marked distinction, and a good 
Imperialist at heart. 6 

1 Contarini s report of June 7, 1529; see DITTRICH, Regesten, 57 
segg., and CONTARINI, 166 seq. 

2 Lett d. princ.,IIL, 72; the *pass for G. da Schio is dated Rome, 1529, 
May 5, Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 154 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 In the Lettere di principi, where the letter is printed in I., I22 b , the 
date is given as May 7; BUCHOLTZ, III., 137, gives May 8. The 
official **letter to Charles V. with credentials for G. da Schio is actually 
dated May 5 ; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 160 (Secret Archives of 
the Vatican). 

4 Cf. the cipher **report of A. da Burgo of May 11, 1529 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). See also GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 
2 and 6. For Schio s task see also MOLINI, II., 164. For the Bull of 
the Cruzada see EHRENBERG, Fugger, I., 128. 

5 Cf, the **report of A. da Burgo of May n, 1529 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

6 GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 6. 


Schio embarked on the 25th of May at Genoa for 
Barcelona, where Charles had been staying since the 3<Dth 
of April. The Emperor ordered preparations to be made 
to receive the Papal Nuncio with every mark of honour. 1 
He arrived on the 3Oth of May ; the negotiations began 
at once, and ran very smoothly, and on the loth of June 
Charles committed to Mercurino di Gattinara, Louis de 
Praet, and Nicholas Perrenot the necessary powers. 2 By 
the 23rd of June a compact relating to the marriage of 
Alessandro de Medici with Margaret, the Emperor s 
natural daughter, had been concluded. 3 There was no 
longer any possible doubt for whom Florence was intended. 
On the 29th the signatures were attached to the treaty, 
to which the Emperor on the same day bound himself by 
oath before the splendid high altar of the Cathedral of 
Barcelona. 4 

In view of the Turkish encroachments and the trouble 
arising from heresy, a defensive alliance was struck 
between Pope and Emperor. The Emperor promised his 
help towards restoring the Medicean rule in Florence and 
reinstating the Church in her temporal possessions, by 
insisting on the restitution of Ravenna and Cervia on the 
part of Venice, and of Modena, Reggio, and Rubbiera on 
the part of Alfonso of Ferrara, the rights of the Empire 
being left unimpaired. The Duke of Ferrara was to be 
declared forfeited of his duchy, a fief of the Church, and 
the Emperor s support was to be given to the execution of 
the Papal sentence. In taking possession of the Duchy 

1 DITTRICH, Regesten, 54 ; SANUTO, LI., 19 seq. 

2 GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 39. 

3 GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 51 ; cf. n. 59. For the young bride see 
RAWDON BROWN, Margaret of Austria, Venice, 1850. Cf. REUMONT 
in Arch. Stor. Ital., 1880. 

4 GAYANGOS, IV. i, n. 56. 


of Milan, "the fountain-head of the troubles of Italy," 
Charles, in the event of Sforza being found guilty of felony, 
would act in conjunction with the Pope, although not bound 
to do so legally. All arbitrary usurpation of the patronage 
of the Neapolitan bishoprics on the part of the Imperial 
Government would cease. All amicable means of dealing 
with the reform in Germany having been exhausted, 
Charles and Ferdinand, his brother, who was included in 
the terms of the treaty, were to take forcible measures 
for the suppression of that movement. The Pope, on 
his side, supported these undertakings. In the renewed 
assumption of the Neapolitan fief he contents himself with 
the palfrey tax (chinea, in Spanish hacaned], hands over to 
the Emperor and his successors the nomination to four- 
and-twenty Neapolitan bishoprics, and permits the passage 
of Imperialist troops through the Papal territory. Two 
additional articles relate to the Pope s support of the war 
against the Turks. Besides the spiritual means at his 
disposal, Clement promises to further the work by 
guaranteeing to Charles and Ferdinand, for this purpose, 
a fourth of the ecclesiastical revenues of their countries, 
on the same scale as under Adrian VI., and absolves the 
Imperial army from all the ecclesiastical penalties incurred 
in consequence of the attack on Rome. Lastly, Clement 
increases the privileges of the recently issued Bull of 
the Cruzada. 1 

At the first glance it seems astonishing that Charles 
should have conceded such favourable terms to the de 
spoiled and vanquished Pope. But on closer inspection 
the leniency of the Emperor admits of an easy explana- 

1 DUMONT, IV., 2, 1-7; cf. SANUTO, LI., 120, 127, 252. See also 
DE MARTINIS, Le 24 chiese del trattato di Barcelona, Napoli, 1882, 
and CALENZIO, Metropolis eccl. Neapolit. provisiones consistoriales, 
Romae, 1878. 


tion. In spite of all humiliation, the status of the Papacy 
in human society was still one of high importance. The 
friendship of Clement was an imperative necessity to 
Charles, unless his interests in England, in Scandinavia, 
in Switzerland, in Hungary, and Germany were to suffer 
the most grievous injury. 1 Moreover, the exhaustion of 
the Imperial finances and the doubtful outlook of the 
continuation of the campaign in Italy came into con 
sideration. Lastly, Charles hoped that his alliance with 
the Pope would deal a mortal blow to the League; and 
even if his concessions to Clement were considerable, 
his own interests in Italy were not nullified by the 
treaty. 2 

The treaty of Barcelona accelerated the peace negotia 
tions between Francis and Charles. 3 

The contradictory reports from Lombardy had caused 
the French king to fluctuate between one policy and 
another. Sometimes he unfolded before the Italian envoys 
far-reaching plans of campaign, and spoke of attacking the 
Emperor in Spain or of leading in person a great army 
into Italy. 4 But these were passing paroxysms of war 
like ardour. One look at his kingdom would have told 
Francis that the burdens of war were no longer endurable. 5 

1 More fully in RANKE, Deutsche Geschichte, III., 6th ed., 74 seqq. ; 
cf. DE LEVA, II., 535. 

2 Cf. SISMONDI, XV., 447 seqq ; ClPOLLA, 953. Charles V. tacitly 
renounced his claims on Parma and Piacenza, but not in express terms ; 
see SUGENHEIM, Kirchenstaat, 414. 

3 That Clement, not merely through Schonberg, but personally, tried 
to influence the negotiations at Cambrai, is plain from the *Brief of 
July 24, 1529, to the Regent, the Archduchess Margaret (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican, Min. brev., vol. 26, n. 310). 

4 See Cardinal Salviati s ^letter to Jacopo Salviati, dat. January 23, 
1529. Nunziat. di Francia I., f. 385 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

5 BAUMGARTEN, II., 695 seg. 


Then there was the dissatisfaction of the French Govern 
ment with their English allies, who were liberal of criti 
cism but not of money. The scheme for entering on peace 
negotiations grew in popularity at the French court. In 
November 1528 there were thoughts of appealing to the 
Pope s mediation, but the notion was soon given up. 
There was a greater leaning towards the Regent of the 
Netherlands, the Archduchess Margaret, and the Queen 
Mother, Louisa of Savoy, entered into direct com 
munication with the Archduchess in order to bring about 
a peace. 1 Cardinal Salviati, in May 1529, was still dis 
inclined to believe in the seriousness of these negotiations. 2 
Nevertheless, these two women, distinguished alike for 
intellectual qualities and political experience, succeeded in 
their difficult task. 

The French Government showed consummate skill in 
concealing their transactions from the other members of 
the League. On the 23rd of June 1529 Francis declared 
to their envoys that he would sacrifice his own life and 
that of his son to save the allied Leaguers ; the Queen 
and the Admiral, Anne de Montmorency, spoke in the 
same sense. On the loth of July the latter made the 
most solemn disclaimer of the report that France in 
tended to desert Venice. Twelve days later the King, 
with equal solemnity, swore that Florence would be 
included in the treaty of peace, and on the 3rd of 
August Francis still affirmed that nothing would be 
concluded without the consent of his allies. 3 On the 

1 Cf. DECRUE, Anne de Montmorency, 123. 

2 Letter to Jacopo Salviati, May 2, 1529. Nunziat. di Francia I., 
f. 430 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See Baldassare Carducci s reports from June 23 to 26, July 9, 10, 
and 22, and August 3, 1529, in DESJARDINS, II., 1064^^., 

1078 seqq., 1081 seg., 1087 seq. y 1098 seqq. ; cf. DE LEVA, II., 544. 


5th the treaty was signed at Cambrai in which he com 
pletely threw them over. 1 Up to the last there were 
still great difficulties to be overcome, 2 but matters were 
brought quickly to a conclusion by the news that 
de Leyva s victory over St. Pol at Landriano (2ist of 
June) had made Charles master of Lombardy and at 
one with the Pope. 3 

The treaty concluded by Francis was highly disadvan 
tageous ; he saved nothing except the integrity of his 
own country. He had to promise that thenceforward 
he would abstain from all interference in Italian and 
German affairs ; within six weeks all his troops were 
to be withdrawn from Italy ; he was to compel Venice 
and Ferrara to surrender the stolen cities ; in case of 
necessity to expel with arms the Venetians from Apulia ; 
he was to pay Charles for the expenses of his corona 
tion journey 200,000 thalers and furnish him with twenty 
galleys, and his son was to be set free at a ransom of 
two million crowns. 4 

In Rome the result of the negotiations at Barcelona and 
Cambrai had been watched with anxious attention, above 
all by Contarini, who, with the tenacity of a born diplo 
matist, had up to the last moment urged the cause of the 
League, but without the least success, 5 on the Pope, who 

1 Cf. the despairing despatch of Carducci on the treachery of the 
French King, dat. St. Quentin, 1529, August 5, in DESJARDINS, II., 
1 1 02 segq. 

2 Louisa of Savoy even wished to leave on July 24, but was pre 
vented by the Papal envoy. DECRUE, Anne de Montmorency, 


3 Cf., for what Francis I. said to Schonberg, SANUTO, LI., 372. 

4 DUMONT, IV., 2, 7-17; cf. SANUTO, LI., 373 seq., 377 seq., 
388 seq. GUICCIARDINI, XIX., 5 ; LAVISSE, Hist, de France, V., 2, 
62 seq. 

5 DITTRICH, Contarini, 167 seq. For Clement s continued ill-health 


was still unwell. On the I7th of June Andrea da Burgo 
could report that Salviati, by order of the Pope, had told 
him that the latter rejected all the offers of the League. 1 
Two days earlier Schonberg had left Rome in order to 
take part in the negotiations at Cambrai. 2 On the Feast 
of SS. Peter and Paul the Pope, in presence of all the 
Cardinals, received the " Chinea " from Miguel Mai ; on the 
same day came the news of the overthrow of the French 
at Landriano. 3 The reports then current as to the 

see GAYANGOS, IV., I, n. 4, 17 : *A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat. 
Rome, 1529, May 15 ("Papa nulli adhuc dat audientiam nee oratori- 
biis nee cardinalibus ; dicunt ex consilio medicorum." Court and 
State Archives, Vienna); Lett. d. princ., III., 72 b , 92; SANUTO, L., 
320, 346, 385, 386 seqq., 426, 458. Not till June 8 did G. M. della 
Porta report : " N. S. sta assai bene " ; SANUTO, L., 477. The accounts 
of Clement s condition were so disquieting that Charles V. was 
seriously occupied with the question of the Papal election ; see 
GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 17, 6 1, 63. 

1 *A. da Burgo to Ferdinard ., dat. Rome, June 17, 1529 (Court 
and State Archives, Vienna). 

2 Schonberg s mission was a certainty on June 5 ; see the *Brief to 
Charles V. of June 5, 1529 (Secret Archives of the Vatican, Min. brev., 
vol. 26, n. 204). Schonberg left Rome on June 15 (GAYANGOS, IV., 
I., n. 42) and reached Cambrai on July 6, where his appearance was 
not welcome (SANUTO, LL, 168, 177; cf. DESJARDINS, II., 1080, and 
PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 75). The outcome of his action at Cambrai is 
not yet fully cleared up ; Carducci ascribes it to him that the result 
was unfavourable to the League. Schonberg left Cambrai on August 2 
(SANUTO, LL, 323) and returned to Rome on September 19 (not as 
early as the I2th, as Pieper [75] supposes) ; see SANUTO, LL, 602, 604, 
and the ^despatches of N. Raince, dat. Rome, 1529, September 21, 
"Schonberg came on Sunday" (Fonds Frangais, 3009, f. 43-44, 
National Library, Paris). Cardinal Salviati, who was at Cambrai at 
the same time, was displeased at Schonberg s mission ; he would have 
liked to have concluded the peace himself. Nuziat. di Francia, I., f. 325 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 SANUTO, LL, 19 seqq., and GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 96, 


Emperor s frame of mind justified Clement in having the 
best hopes. 1 On the I5th of July the conclusion of the 
treaty with the Emperor was made known for certain in 
Rome through the Abbate de Negri. 2 On the following 
day came the decision on the divorce suit of Henry VIII., 
which the Pope cited before the court of the Rota in 
Rome. 3 

The treaty of Barcelona was conveyed to Italy by the 
Emperor s special messenger, Louis de Praet, 4 who 
arrived in Rome on the 22nd of July, where he was visited 
at once, by command of the Pope, by Salviati, Sanga, 
Alessandro de Medici, and Cardinal Ippolito. Nor was the 
remainder of the Sacred College, the majority of whom 
now showed Imperialist leanings, wanting in marks of 
attention. In the afternoon of the 24th of July, Praet, 
together with Mai and Burgo, had an audience of the Pope, 
whom they saw in bed, bearing evident traces of his long 
illness. Clement read the Emperor s letter, brought to him 
by Praet, and expressed his delight at the peace, and his 
hope that Charles, on his arrival in Italy, would be a pro 
tection to the Holy See. For Florentine affairs he referred 
the Imperial envoys to Cardinal Pucci. After a conver 
sation with this Prince of the Church, whose devotion 
to the Emperor and the Medici was entire, they had a 

1 Cf. the "^despatches of G. M. della Porta of June 29, 1529 (State 
Archives, Florence). 

2 DITTRICH, Regesten, 57, and SANUTO, LI., 107, 109 ; MOLINI, II., 
230 seq. Still, the Briefs in which Clement announced to Francis I. 
and Henry VIII. the conclusion of the treaty, are dated July 15 ; see 
RAYNALDUS, 1529, n., 65, 66. 

3 This is treated more fully in cap. VIII. 

4 Praet delivered an ^Imperial letter, dat. Barcelona, July 8, 1529 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. XL, caps. L, n. 180) ; cf. EHSES, 
Concil., IV., xxviii. GREGOROVius, VIII., 3rd ed., 608, is mistaken in 
making Praet the bearer of the Treaty of Cambrai. 


second audience, on the 25th of July, in which the 
Pope, still forced to keep his bed, swore fidelity to 
the Treaty of Barcelona Salvos of musketry from the 
Vatican, St. Angelo, and the palaces of the Imperialists 
announced the great event to Rome. Clement s con 
dition having much improved by the end of July, the 
envoys were able to discuss with him personally the 
Florentine enterprise which Praet had warmly advocated 
with the Emperor. On Sunday, the 1st of August, 
the Pope participated in person at the thanksgiving 
service in St. Peter s on the occasion of the conclusion 
of peace. 1 

Some days before, Philibert, Prince of Orange, had made 
his entry with a body of fifteen hundred foot. 2 The nego 
tiations concerning the submission of Florence, with which 
those relating to Perugia were combined, 3 now reached a 

1 *i Aug. 1529 Papa de improvise voluit interesse missae ex officio 
propter publicationem foederis cum Caesare, etc.; *Diarium of B. DE 
MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of the Vatican. Cf. the important 
despatches of Praet to the Emperor of July 30, August 3 and 5, 1529, 
in LANZ, I., 318 seqq.\ see also DiTTRiCH, Regesten, 59 and 60; 
SANUTO, LI., 282, 292, 294 seqq.\ *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, 
of Vatican Library, and BARDI, Carlo V., 39 seqq. For Clement s 
opinion of the Treaty of Cambrai see the latter and DE LEVA, II., 546. 
The absolution bestowed on all those who took part in the sack of 
Rome as agreed to in the Treaty of Barcelona was published on 
August 6, 1529 ; see GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 400, and FONTANA, Renata, 
I., 449 seq. The public announcement of the treaty with Charles V. 
is dated as far back as July 24 ; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 312 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). In the *Mandati secreti, 1529-1530, f. 45% 
dat. October 10, 1529, there is a bill for the wax used "pro missa publi- 
cationis pacis " (State Archives, Rome). 

2 See SANUTO, LI., 244 seq. ; *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE, 
(National Library, Paris) ; VARCHI, I., 363 ; ROBERT, 283. 

3 Already, on July 11, 1529, the Border was sent to Perugia for the 
withdrawal of all hostile troops from the city, otherwise the Imperialists 


definite stage. Since the Treaty of Barcelona contained 
no terms relating to the cost of the war with Florence, 
serious difficulties were not wanting. It was said that the 
ambitious Orange demanded for himself nothing less than 
the hand of Catherine de Medici, the Pope s niece a 
marriage which would have made him master of Florence. 
In Clement s immediate circle it was pointed out to him 
that he would be exposing his native city to great peril 
if he turned against her an army composed of such 
different nationalities. Among those who opposed the 
Florentine expedition, Jacopo Salviati, Roberto Pucci, and 
Sanga were named those, in fact, who were in the Pope s 

No wonder that Clement fell back on his usual vacil 
lation. 1 If there were difficulties in coming to an under 
standing, the blame lay to a great extent with the 
Florentines, who kept up their methods of provocation 
towards the Pope. They were not only in the closest 
alliance with Malatesta Baglioni, but also with that Abbot 
of Farfa who had already caused Clement so much trouble. 2 

would advance. This order was repeated on July 24 in a *Brief 
calling on the city to return to obedience. In a *Brief of August 5 
complaint is specially made that Perugia tolerates the rule of Malatesta 
Baglioni, after the latter " nobis inconsultis et invitis ante exactum 
stipendii tempus" had gone over to another s service, although the 
Pope had done all that he could to retain him ; also bitter reproaches 
that the Perugians, without informing the Pope, had accepted the offer 
of the King of France, the Florentines, and the other allies to send 
reinforcements into their city. Up to the present he had observed 
leniency, but in the end he would be forced to deal severely with a 
contumacious city. Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 281, 313, and 324 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

1 Cf. LANZ, I., 326^.; REUMONT, Caterina von Medici, 132 seq., and 
Rom, HI., 2, 239 seq. 

2 See Vol IX. of this work, p. 367. The ^excommunication of 
Napoleone Orsini, on account of the kidnapping of some Franciscans, 


To this turbulent leader of faction they sent 3000 ducats 
towards the recruiting of troops ; this sum, however, 
was intercepted by the Papal party, whereupon the 
Abbot determined on revenge. In the beginning of 
August Clement had sent Cardinals Farnese, Medici, and 
Quifiones to greet the Emperor on his arrival at Genoa. 1 
Quinones was set upon in the hill forest of Viterbo and 
kept prisoner until the 3000 ducats were repaid. 2 How 

is dated July 8, 1529. Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 269 (Secret Archives 
of the Vatican). 

1 The designation of the three Cardinals had already taken place on 
-July 24, 1529 ; see *Acta Consist, in Consistorial Archives and Secret 
Archives of the Vatican and the *deed of nomination, dat. Romae, 
1529, IX. Cal. Aug. in Regest., 1438, f. I32 b -I33 a ; ibid., f. 146-147, the 
*legatine faculties for the above, dat. Romae, 1529, VIII. Id. August. 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). On August 3 Clement VII. informed 
the Emperor of the mission of the three Cardinals (Min. brev., 1529, 
vol. 26, n. 322, Secret Archives of the Vatican ; cf. RAYNALDUS, 1529, 
n. 70, and GAYANGOS, IV., I, n. 93) ; and on August 8 he recommended 
the three Cardinals to Gattinara and other Imperial office-bearers 
(Min. brev., loc. tit., n. 329). In the *Mandati secreti, 1529-1530, 
f. 20, looo ducats are entered on August 2, 1529, for Farnese for his 
journey to the Emperor s court and the same amount for Quinones 
(State Archives, Rome). For the departure see SANUTO, LL, 295-296. 
On August n, 1529, Clement addressed from Rome an ^autograph 
letter to Charles V. containing good wishes for the peace of Cambrai 
and his journey into Italy. The original letter in the Pope s hand, but 
without signature, in Lit. divers, ad Clement. VII., vol. I. (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

2 GUICCIARDINI, XIX., 5; cf. also SANUTO, LL, 313; ALB&RI, 
Relaz., 2 Series, I., 196 ; *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, of the Vatican 
Library, and ^letter of T. Campeggio, dat. Rome, 1529, August 10 (State 
Archives, Bologna). In a *Brief of August 10 Clement informed 
Cardinal Farnese of the capture of Cardinal Quinones, and ordered 
him to hasten his journey as the Emperor had already landed. A 
*Brief of August 12 to the Cardinals Farnese and Medici contains a 
similar command; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 334 and 337 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

VOL. X, 5 


bitterly the Pope must have resented this unprecedented 
occurrence 1 can easily be understood. 2 An agreement on 
the question of the subjection of Florence and Perugia 
was arrived at by the special interposition of Cardinal 
Pucci, who from his private resources advanced such a 
considerable sum that Clement was able to dispose of 
36,600 scudi. 3 But with this he could only at first clear 
off a small instalment of his obligations, for, on the i;th 
of August, Clement had to concede the demands of 
Orange : 80,000 scudi to be paid down, 50,000 to be 
added after the capture of Florence, and a final 150,000 
to be raised by taxation on the city. 4 The Pope, 
besides, was to support Orange with artillery and 
recruits, and once more Rome and the Papal territory 
became the scene of active military movements. The 
Pope s thoughts henceforward were absorbed in this un 
happy enterprise against his native city. 5 On the I3th 
of August Mercurino da Gattinara received from Clement, 
now fully restored to health, the long-coveted rank of 

1 "Res inaudita," says BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in his *diary 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 *Acta Consist., 1529, August 10 : " S tas Sua multum conquesta est 
de abbate [Farfae] propter capturam rev mi d. s. Crucis legati de latere 
ad M tem Caesaris et consuluit collegium, quid in hac causa sit agendum, 
super quo conclusum fuit quod S. Sua capiat penas de abbate capta 
occasione " (Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican). 
Napoleone Orsini was treated as a rebel ; Farfa supported Fr. de 
Orsini; cf. the ^documents of August 21 and 28 in Min. brev., 1529, 
vol. 26, n. 353 and 354. 

3 DE BLASIIS, Maramaldo, III., 339, n. 3. 

4 Lettere di G. Busini a B. Varchi (ed. MlLANESI, Firenze, 1861), 65. 
In BARDI, 50, there is mention of an earlier agreement of August 12 
fixing other amounts. 

5 " Quant a Paffaire de Florence ils sont tousjours en leur deliberacion 
de pousser oultre," "^reports N. Raince from Rome on August 24, 1529. 
Fonds franc.., 3009, f. 41 (National Library, Paris). 


Cardinal, as a reward for his services in bringing the Treaty 
of Barcelona to a conclusion. 1 

1 *Deed of nomination, dat. Romae, 1529, Idus Aug., in Regest., 1438, 
f. 152-153 (Secret Archives of the Vatican); cf. **Clement VII. to 
Charles V., dat. 1529, August 18 (Secret Archives of the Vatican); 
SANUTO, LI., 350, 376, and the ^Despatches of F. Gonzaga of August 
15, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The red hat was sent to 
Gattinara in September 1529; see GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 149, and 
^Clemens VII. Mercurino tit. s. Joh. ante port. lat. presb. Card., dat. 
Romae, 1529, III. Non. Sept. in Regest., 1438, f. 209 and 1440, f. 34. 
The three Cardinal-Legates at the Imperial court were commissioned, 
in a *Brief of September 14, 1529, to invest Gattinara with the insignia 
of the Cardinalate as far as was admissible ; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 24, 
n. 249 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 



ON the 1 2th of August, 1529, Charles V., with a stately 
retinue of Spanish grandees, had landed at Genoa, where 
he was welcomed with shouts of " Long live the Ruler 
of the World ! " l The coming of the Emperor raised the 
hopes of his followers to the highest pitch. Typical of the 
pride with which Charles was regarded by the Germans in 
Rome is the diary of Cornelius de Fine, who even associates 
the plenteous harvest of the autumn of 1529 with the 
coming of the Emperor. 2 By command of the Pope, 
Cardinals Farnese, Medici, Quifiones, and his nephew 
Alessandro de Medici 3 awaited his coming at Genoa. The 
Imperial troops, twelve thousand infantry and two thousand 
cavalry, landed for the most part at Savona. With this 
force Charles might have attacked Venice and Sforza 

1 See ROMANO, Cronaca, 79 segq., and SANUTO, LI., 398 seqq. 
Charles V. informed the Pope of his arrival by a ^letter, dat. Genoa 
[1529], August 13 (Secret Archives of the Vatican), Arm., XL, caps. i. 

2 CORNELIUS DE FINE praises Charles beyond measure ; he is " vir 
rectus atque timens Deum et Deus cum eo in omnibus negotiis " 
(*Diarium in the National Library, Paris). 

3 ROMANO, Cronaca, 88 seq. Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga and Giberti 
also went to Genoa ; but Giberti was received so ungraciously by 
Charles that he at once returned to Verona ; see SANUTO, LI., 379, 

415 ; DlTTRlCH, Contarini, 176. 



successfully, had not his brother Ferdinand at this very 
moment reported the threatening advance of the Turks in 
Hungary. This intelligence forced Charles to act with 
foresight and caution ; he gave up the idea of an aggres 
sive movement against the Venetians and expressed himself 
in a pacific sense. 1 The hopes of the anti-Imperialists in 
Italy, those of Venice before all, were, in fact, based on the 
victory of the Turks ; the Venetian Senate instructed their 
Ambassador at Constantinople, on the 25th of August, to 
stir up the Moslem to push on against Ferdinand. 2 In 
this state of things Charles was thrown more than ever on 
his friendship with the Pope ; this accounts for the rude 
treatment of the Florentine envoys at Genoa who had 
come to plead for a postponement of the expedition against 
the city. Charles refused this peremptorily as an engage 
ment undertaken without the cognizance of the Pope ; he 
exhorted them, but certainly in vain, to come to terms 
with Clement. Gattinara spoke even more clearly, since 
he told the Florentines that they would have to reinstate 
Clement and his family in their former position. 3 This, 
indeed, was the whole end and aim of the Pope; heedless 
of all warnings and dangers, he pursued without scruple 
the policy of the aggrandizement of the house of Medici. 4 
Orange had left Rome in the middle of August 5 His 

1 Cf. the important and strictly confidential letter of Charles V. to 
Ferdinand I., dat. January n, 1530, in LANZ, I., 366 seq. 

2 ROMANIN, V., 462. 

3 SEGNI, I., 171; VARCHI, I., 358; REUMONT, III., 2, 243; 
PERRENS, III., 222 seqq. The letters of Charles in BARDI, Carlo V., 
51 seqq., show that the Emperor was in close understanding with the 
Papal Nuncio before meeting the Florentine envoys. 

4 PALLAVICINI (I., II., c. 16) had already condemned this policy. 
Among the moderns BROSCH (I., 113 seq.} is the most severe. 

5 See Praet s letter in BARDI, Carlo V., 42, and ROBERT, 293. At 
first the expedition against Perugia was not believed in at Rome ; cf. 


troops were gathered in the flat country between Foligno 
and Spello ; there were three thousand landsknechts, 
the remnant of Frundsberg s army, and four thousand 
Italians under Pierluigi Farnese, Camillo Marzio, Sciarra 
Colonna, and Giovan Battista Savelli ; the Spanish infantry 
were to be brought up from Apulia by Vasto. 1 

The expedition against the rebellious Malatesta Baglioni 
was carried out swiftly. While reconnoitring near Spello, 
Giovanni d Urbino, the bravest of the Spanish captains, 
was indeed killed, but Spello surrendered in September. 
Vasto had now come up ; on the 6th of September the 
army crossed the Tiber and pitched camp before Perugia, 
and by the loth this stronghold had also capitulated. 
The conditions were very favourable to Malatesta Baglioni : 
he was allowed free egress for himself and his artillery, 
protection for his property, and permission to take service 
for Florence. Perugia returned to its former relations with 
the Holy See, retaining its privileges, and, on the evening 
of the nth of September, Cardinal del Monte took posses 
sion of the city in the Pope s name. 2 

the **despatch of F. Gonzaga of August 17, 1529 (Gonzaga Archives, 


2 Along with contemporary accounts in SANUTO, LI., 386 seqq., 463, 
494, 508, 542, 559, 562 seqq.) see especially BONTEMPI, Ri-cordi, 
335 seq., and also the *Diary of Cornelius de Fine in the National 
Library, Paris. Cf. also VERMIGLIOLI, Vita di Malatesta IV. 
Baglioni, Perugia, 1839, 66 seg., XXXIX. seqq. ; FABRETTI, Capitani 
venturieri, IV., 77, 113 sey., and Documenti, 528 seqq.^ 541 seqq. ; 
PELLINI, III., 499 seqq.\ FONTANA, Renata, I., 451 seq.\ ROBERT, 
300, and Lett, et Uocum., 339 seq. For the ravages of the war see 
the *Diary of Cornelius de Fine. The *Monitorium against 
Malatesta, dat. Rome, 1529 (without day of month), in Regest., 1437, 
f. 314-318 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Also Lett. d. princ., 
VI., f. 65, a *letter of Orange to the Pope, dat. 1529, September 11, in 
which he begs for a ratification of the treaty with Malatesta Baglioni. 


The hopes of the Florentines, that the campaign would 
be concentrated on Perugia, were thus baffled ; once more 
the war was confined exclusively to their own territory. 
They also failed completely in their attempts to drive 
Orange off by means of negotiations. Since Malatesta had 
betaken himself to Montevarchi without giving a thought 
to the protection of the Florentine frontier towns, little 
resistance was offered to the Imperialist troops. In a 
short time they became masters of Cortona, Castiglione 
Fiorentino, and finally of Arezzo. The further advance 
of Orange into the valley of the Arno was very slow ; 
this gave the inhabitants of Florence time to defend 
themselves. 1 Orange laid himself open to the suspicion 
of acting with a view to his own interests rather than to 
those of the Pope, but there is no adequate proof of this ; 
on the contrary, his delay arose from altogether different 
causes. The letters of Charles V. to Orange show that the 
former expressly wished for a protracted advance against 
Florence, in order that, if possible, an agreement might be 
reached between the Pope and the citizens of his own town. 
Only in the case of this being altogether unsuccessful did 
the Emperor, that he might not incur the loss of Clement s 
friendship, consent to carry the expedition through. 2 

Clement VII. grants this at once ; see the *letter of thanks to Orange 
of September 13, 1529, in Min. brev., 1529, vol. 24, n. 247 ; cf. vol. 26, 
n. 378, 379, and 380, the *briefs dated on the same September 13 to 
Perugia, Malatesta Baglioni, and the Cardinal del Monte. 

1 The work was carried on day and night ; see Capello s report of 
September 24, 1529, in ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, I., 121. 

2 See Charles V. s important letter to Orange in BARDI, Carlo V., 
56 seqq., b^seqq. Before the publication of these documents PERRENS 
(III., 266) had already, on the evidence of the Sienese reports (in 
FOSSATI-FALLETTI, Assedio, II., 21, 42, 55, 76), rejected the imputation 
that Orange was pursuing personal aims; also ROBERT, 315 seq. 
Charles V. also instructed his envoy in Rome to obtain from the Pope 


Orange s advance, moreover, was retarded, since he had 
to wait for artillery from Siena. Not until the 2Oth of 
October did he reach Ripoli, and at last, on the 24th, he 
took up his position on the lovely chain of hills by which 
Florence is bounded on the south-east. 1 

Up to the last, Clement had hoped that the Florentines, 
isolated from all help, would surrender and avoid the issue 
of a struggle with the fierce soldiery. He was doomed to 
see how far he had deceived himself. With admirable 
heroism, the Florentines had made preparations to fight 
for their freedom to the death. 2 With their own hands 
they had devastated the fair surroundings of their city in 
order to deprive the enemy of any points of advantage. 
By every means in their power, even to the sale of Church 
property, money had been raked together to provide pay 
for the troops. They would rather, declared some, see 
their city in ashes than stoop to obey the Medici. 3 The 
walls were manned by soldiers ready to resist any assault 
of the Imperialists. Orange had to make up his mind to 
invest the city, and at the end of October his artillery fire 

an arrangement with Florence, and declared himself ready to make 
over to the Duke Alexander, as a compensation, a portion of the Duchy 
of Milan ; see Despacho que el Emperador Carlos V. mando escribir a" 
sus Embajadores en Roma, para que procurasen arreglar con Su 
Santidad los asuntos de Milan y Florencia, i Octubre de 1529. Pubbl. 
da G. DE LEVA, Padova, 1859 (per nozze). 

1 GUICCIARDINI, XIX., 6; REUMONT, III., 2, 241 seq. ; ROBERT, 

2 The earlier literature on the siege of Florence in GIORDANI, App. 
24 seqq., and REUMONT, III., 2, 850. Of modern works the most 
important is that of FOSSATI-FALLETTI, already quoted ; for criticism 
of the latter^ Arch. stor. Ital., 4 Series, XVIII., 139 seq., and Rev. 
hist, XXXII., 408 seqq. For the Russian work of V. PISKORSKY 
(Kiev, 1892) see Arch. stor. Ital., 5 Series, IX., 372 seqq. 

3 Cf. ClPOLLA, 957. 


was trained upon the heights of San Miniato. Michael 
Angelo, who, on the 6th of April 1529, had already been 
appointed l overseer of the fortifications, had transformed 
the noble basilica, on its lofty eminence, into a bulwark 
of such strength that the fire from Orange s guns was 

The success of their measures of defence filled the 
Florentines with fresh courage. Preachers of the order of 
which Savonarola had been a member sought zealously 
to revive the old belief in the inviolable security of the 
city ; the holy angels, it was declared, would be the 
saviours of Florence ; to gainsay such teaching was 
deemed a transgression against the State. The popular 
excitement was fanned especially by the Dominicans Fra 
Zaccaria of San Marco and Benedetto da Fojano. Like 
Savonarola, once the object of their heated adulation, 
these religious made their pulpits resound with politics. 
Their sermons, according to the testimony of Varchi, were 
filled with derisive gibes against the Pope and flattery of 
the government in power. The hatred of the Medici in 
some amounted at last to madness. It reached the 
length of a proposal that vengeance in a shameful form 
should be visited on Catherine de Medici, a child of ten, 
who was then detained as a hostage in a convent 2 

While in Genoa, Charles V. had sent a request to the 
Pope that his coronation might be solemnized at Bologna. 

1 See decree in Giorn. stor. d. arch, toscan., II., 66-67. 

2 Cf. GRIMM, Michelangelo, II., 95 seq. REUMONT, Caterina de 
Medici, 120 seq. ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 160. For the Dominican 
Preachers see VARCHI, I., 292 ; PERRENS, III., 241 seq. ; CAPPONI, 
III., 266; cf. also SANUTO, LIL, 327. For the demand for a revision 
of Savonarola s case see FOSSATI-FALLETTI, I., 445. The "Epistola" 
addressed to Clement VII. by Girolamo Benivieni, in defence of 
Savonarola, was published by MILANESI as an appendix to his edi 
tion of Varchi and in pamphlet form, Florence, 1858. 


Such threatening intelligence had come from Germany 
that it became more necessary than ever that the head of 
the Empire should speedily have recourse thither. The 
pressure to which Ferdinand was exposed from the Turks 
had altered the situation in such a way that it appeared 
impolitic for Charles to be at too great a distance from 
the hereditary domains of the Hapsburgs. 1 Nor could 
Clement deny the force of this argument ; but the state 
of his health, only just restored, and the cost of the 
journey were against it. Moreover, an Imperial corona 
tion outside the walls of Rome was something unknown, 
contrary to all precedent, the closest adherence to which 
was in Rome a fixed and unchanging principle. Many 
of the Cardinals, the Curia, and the Romans, almost with 
out exception, were against the journey. 2 But the Legates 
who had followed Charles to Piacenza supported him in his 
wish, to which he gave renewed expression in a letter of 
the 20th of September 1529.* They also announced that 
Charles had sworn at Piacenza, as at Parma, to undertake 
nothing to the detriment of Holy Church. 4 Clement 
was strongly influenced by the knowledge that he was 
dependent on Charles for the Florentine enterprise and 

1 ROMANO, Cronaca, 94. 

2 DITTRICH, Regesten, 64. 

3 I also found this autograph *letter of Charles V. s to Clement, " de 
Piacenza de XX. de Setiembre," in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, 
Arm., XL, caps. 7. 

4 ROMANO, 95 ; cf. DITTRICH, Contarini, 177. On August 29, 1529, 
Charles V. wrote from Genoa to the Pope, how glad he was to make the 
acquaintance of Ippolito and Alessandro de Medici, and informed him 
of his departure for Piacenza (Lett. d. princ., L, I23 b , and GiORDANl, 
App. 2 seqq.\ which took place on the 3oth ; see Capello in ALBERI, 
Relaz., 2 Series, L, 207. On August 23 nothing had been decided as 
to the Pope s departure for Bologna ; see the ^report of F. Gonzaga 
from Rome on that day (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 


the restoration of the Papal territory. He had also 
repeatedly previously announced his intention of going 
into Spain in the cause of peace. How could he now 
decline to make a comparatively trifling journey? By 
the end of August 1 he had made up his mind to gratify 
the Emperor s wish ; but he kept his resolve a secret for 
some days, and allowed the belief to prevail that the 
notion of a Roman coronation had not been given up. 2 
On the iQth of September the Treaty of Cambrai was 
officially announced in Rome ; before the Pope proceeded 
to the ceremony of its publication he made known to 
the Cardinals his intention of going to Bologna, but he 
left it optional to the members of the Sacred College 
whether they accompanied him or not. On that the 
Cardinals withdrew any opposition, and the Romans were 
pacified by the arrangement that the Rota and Cancelleria 
were to remain in Rome. 3 

The date of the journey, for which preparations were 
now 4 beginning to be made, depended a good deal on the 

1 Cf. the Papal ^injunction, dated August 29, 1529, with regard to 
the necessary quarters for soldiers and the Papal suite at Bologna 
during the approaching visit. Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 404 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 140 ; Lett. d. princ., III., 98 b ; ^report of 
F. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, 1529, September 17 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). Cf. Contarini s letter of the same date in DITTRICH, 
Contarini, 177. 

3 SANUTO, LI., 601 seqq., and LII., 16; *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 
3552 (Vatican Library) ; *Diary of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican); CLARETTA, Carlo V. e Clemente VII., 9. 
Clement s joy at the Peace of Cambrai and the reasons for his 
rejoicing are laid before the Emperor in a letter, in BARDI, Carlo V., 
39 seqq. 

4 Report of F. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, 1529, September 20 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). The "Gubernator generalis curiae" during the 
journey was Francesco Pesaro ; see GARAMPI, 246. 


news from Florence. The frightful danger hanging over 
his native city was a source of increasing agitation to 
Clement. He still hoped for a peaceful solution, and 
this hope was encouraged by Contarini. 1 On the 22nd 
of September a Florentine envoy arrived in Rome. As 
he was the bearer only of general expressions, the Pope 
determined to send Schonberg to Orange and to Florence 
with the task of arranging a peaceful settlement, if such 
were by any means possible. Schonberg, who had only 
returned from Cambrai on the iQth, was once more on 
his way by the 23rd. But his mission was as unsuccess 
ful as was that of one of the Papal Chamberlains despatched 
by Clement when he was already on the road to Bologna. 2 
The obstinacy of the Florentines occasioned alterations 
in the Pope s travelling arrangements. Instead of going 
through Tuscany, he had to take the road through the 
Romagna. Before starting, Clement drew up a series of 
precautionary regulations. By a special Bull the freedom 
of the Papal election, in case he died at Bologna, 3 was 
secured. Cardinal del Monte was made Legate in Rome, 4 

1 See DITTRICH, Regesten, 65, and Contarini, 178 seq. ; BARDI, 
Carlo V., 42, 44. For the Pope s indignation against Florence see in 
App., No. 7, *the report of F. Gonzaga (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 See DITTRICH, Contarini, 178 seq. For Schonberg s departure 
see SANUTO, LI I., 15. The *pass for Schonberg, as well as the letter 
recommending him to Orange, is dated September 22 ; Min. brev., 
1529, vol. 26, n. 392 and 393 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 DITTRICH, Regesten, 65, and Contarini, 179. The text of the Bull 
in RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 75 seqq. ; cf. SAGMULLER, Papstwahlen, 12. 

4 On October i. See *Acta Consist, of the Camerarius in Cod. 
Vatic., 3457, P. II., Vatican Library, and the ^report of F. Gonzaga, dat. 
Rome, 1529, October 2 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cardinal del 
Monte came to Rome on October 10, according to the Diary in Cod. 
Barb., lat. 3552, Vatican Library. The " Tavola di li prezzi del vivere" 
published by this Cardinal on October 25, 1529, is in the Studi e 
docum., III., 89 seq.) and shows that scarcity still continued in Rome. 


and special Nuncios were ordered to go to France and 
England to acquaint their respective governments with 
the circumstances of the Pope s journey, and to ask that 
full powers should be sent to Bologna for dealing with the 
Turkish question. 1 Cardinal Cibo was instructed to make 
the necessary preparations in Bologna. 2 

On the afternoon of the /th of October the Pope left 
Rome amid torrents of rain. In immediate attendance 
were Cardinals Accolti, Cesi, Cesarini, and Ridolfi; 3 most 
of the remaining Cardinals as well as the Ambassadors 
followed. The insecurity of the road made an escort 
necessary and considerably impeded the progress of the 
journey, which the Emperor, with renewed insistence, 
begged might be accelerated. The Pope s route lay by 
Civita Castellana, Orte, Terni, Spoleto, and Foligno to 
Sigillo on the Via del Furlo. 4 On the way, important 
despatches were brought by members of the Imperial 
court. They contained Charles s wish that the settlement 
of Italian affairs might be made as quickly as possible, 
seeing that the Turks were advancing on Vienna. He 
therefore would give up Parma to the Pope, although 
still in his (the Emperor s) possession, and would deal 
with the affairs of Milan in conformity with Clement s 
advice. 6 At Sigillo the new Imperial envoy, Gabriele 

1 PlEPER, Nuntiaturen, 85. Cf. A. da Burgo s ^report to Ferdinand I. 
of October 7, 1529 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

2 STAFFETTI, Cybo, 88. 

3 *Diarium of Blasius de Martinellis de Caesena mag. caerem. Bibl. 
Barb., XXXV., 45 (now lat. 2801), f. I seq. (Vatican Library and Cod. 
12547, National Library, Paris) ; cf. RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 78 ; SANUTO, 
LII, 78. 

4 *See Diarium, loc. cit. ; SANUTO, LII., 118 ; BONTEMPI, 338. The 
Itinerary was as follows : October 8, Civita Castellana ; 9, Orte ; 
10, Terni ; 11, Spoleto; 12, Foligno; 13, Nocera ; 14, Sigillo. 

6 See Contarini s report, October 15, 1529, in DITTRICH, Regesten, 


Merino, Bishop of Jaen and Archbishop of Bari, 1 
together with Praet and Mai, had his first audience 
with the Pope, whom he found full of confidence in the 
Emperor s good intentions. 2 

On the 2oth of October Clement was at Cesena, where 
a Florentine deputation appeared, to announce that their 
city would make a willing submission if honourably treated. 3 
On the 2 1st the distinguished travellers were welcomed 
at Forli by the Bolognese envoys. On the 23rd feux 
de joie and peals of bells informed the inhabitants of 
Bologna that the head of the Church had reached the 
convent of the Crociferi, 4 one mile distant from the 
city. On the following day the solemn entry, for which 
preparations on a vast scale had been undertaken, 
was made. 

The road to San Petronio was overspread by draperies 
from which hung green garlands enclosing the arms of the 
Medici. Magnificent triumphal arches in the Doric order 

61 ; cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 183, 184, and 186. See also F. Gonzaga s 
^despatch, dat. Spoleto, 1 529, October 16 : " S. S ta si mantien benissimo 
et per il piu del tempo cavalca lassando de andar in lettica : si continua 
li viaggio e forse si accelererk alquanto piu che non s haveva pensato 
per queste male nove del Turco, quali hanno penetrate nel cor di 
S. B ne " (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

1 Charles V. recommended him to Clement VII. in an *autograph 
letter, " De Placencia VIII. de Octubre" (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican, Arm., XL, caps. i). 

2 See Merino s report of October 16, 1529, in GAYANGOS, IV., i, 
n. 190. "in sigello" is incorrectly translated "in secret." " In castro 
Sugelli Perus. dioc.," October 14, 1529, is the date of the ^instruction of 
Clement VII. to the officials of the Cam. Apost, that during his 
absence from Rome no interdict was to be pronounced in cases of 
debt; Min. brev., 1529, vol. 26, n. 434 (Secret Archives of the 

3 Cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 137. 



of architecture, with allegorical reliefs,paintings, and stucco 
groups of figures, had been constructed at the Porta 
Maggiore, the Palazzo Scappi. and on the Piazza Maggiore. 
The Pope made his entrance borne on the sedia gestatoria ; 
sixteen Cardinals, numerous Archbishops and Bishops, as 
well as bodies of Bolognese officials, went with him to 
San Petronio, from whence, after giving his solemn benedic 
tion, he betook himself to the Palazzo Pubblico, where 
splendid apartments had been prepared for him. 1 A 
special messenger of the Emperor, Pedro de la Cueva, 
greeted Clement VII., a compliment acknowledged by the 
-Pope in an autograph letter. 2 

In a secret Consistory held on the 2Qth of October, six 
Cardinals were appointed to make all the needful prepara 
tions tor the Emperor s coronation, and it was decided, in the 
event of the rite being performed in Bologna, that a Bull 
should be issued declaring the solemnity to have the same 
validity as it would have had if carried out in Rome. 3 At 
the same time the Pope was able to proclaim the joyful 
news that the Turks had abandoned the siege of Vienna. 
In celebration of this event a solemn function was held 
in San Petronio on the last day of October, at which 
the Pope gave his benediction and absolution. 4 

1 To the sources used by GIORDANI, 6 segq. (especially MSS. 
chronicles of Negri and Ghiselli), have more recently been added 
ROMANO, Cronaca, 100 seqq. ; SANUTO, LI I., 138, 142 seg., 144 seqq., 
and the report in CLARETTA, Carlo V. e Clemente VII., 14 seqq. 

2 Printed in Lett. d. princ., I. I22 b . The autograph ^letter of 
Charles V. to Clement VII., "Dy Martes, XXVI. d Octubre," 
delivered by P. de la Cueva (Secret Archives of the Vatican, loc. cit.\ 

3 This Bull was issued on the coronation day; see Bull. Vat, II., 
402 seq. 

4 RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 81. Clement VII. congratulated Charles 
on the deliverance of Vienna, October 29, 1529 ; see Lett. d. princ., I., 


The entry of Charles V. was looked for on the 5th of 
November. He had left Piacenza on the 2/th of October. 
In Borgo San Donnino he received a letter from his 
brother announcing the complete failure of the Turkish 
attack on Vienna. 1 Thus Charles s position in Italy was 
remarkably improved, and his enemies, who had reckoned 
on the Turks, lost spirit. 2 

With renewed hopes Charles went by Parma 3 to Reggio, 
where the Duke Alfonso of Ferrara besought him on his 
knees to support him against the Pope. This crafty Prince 
made lavish promises in order to gain the favour of the 
powerful Emperor, whom he accompanied as far as Modena. 4 
The personal intercourse between them was destined to 
have important results. When Charles reached Borgo 
Panigale on the 4th of November, he found almost all 
the Cardinals and a numerous company of prelates there 
assembled ; Cardinal Farnese welcomed him in the Pope s 
name and escorted him to Certosa. 5 On the following 
day the Emperor made his state entry into the second 
city of the Papal territories. 

On this occasion the decorations of Bologna far surpassed 
those employed on the arrival of the Pope. If on the 

1 ROMANO, Cronaca, 102. Ferdinand I. s letter from Linz of October 
19, 1529, in GEVAY, Urkunden u. Aktenstiicke zur Gesch. der Verhandl. 
zwischen Osterreich, Ungarn und der Pforte. Gesandtschaft an Sultan 
Suleiman I., 1529, Vienna, 1840, ^seg. 

2 J. PITTI. Apol. de Cappucci in Arch. stor. Ital., I Series, IV., 2, 362. 

3 From here on October 31, 1529, Charles V. wrote to Clement VII.: 
"Yo continuare my camyno con el deseo que traygo de bazar los pies 
de V. S d como dira su camarero a quien me remyto." ^Original in 
Secret Archives of the Vatican, loc. dt. 

4 See ROMANO, Cronaca, 108 seq.] cf. CAMPORI in Arch. stor. Ital., 
App. VI., i^seqq. 

8 Together with GiORDANi, 21 seq., see the report in CLARETTA, 
loc. cit., 1 5 seq. 


former occasion the ecclesiastical element was the most 
prominent, the chief place was. now occupied by secular 
pomp. In correspondence with the character of the 
Renaissance, now at its zenith, the festal decorations 
were marked by the utmost prodigality. Architects, 
sculptors, and painters competed in the creation of a 
scheme of ephemeral decoration striking the eye with 
magnificence and colour and transporting the spectator 
into the very heart of ancient Rome. From the windows 
of every house hung coloured tapestries, and awnings 
overspread the streets ; garlands of green leaves formed 
an admirable contrast to the arches which make Bologna 
a city of arcades. On the ravelin of the Porta S. Felice, 
through which Charles was to enter, was seen, on one 
side, the triumph of Neptune surrounded by tritons, 
sirens, and sea-horses, and on the other, Bacchus in the 
midst of satyrs, fauns, and nymphs, with the inscription, 
" Ave Caesar, Imperator invicte ! " On the gateway itself 
were conspicuous the Papal keys and the Imperial 
eagle, inscriptions in imitation of those of ancient Rome, 
medallion portraits of Caesar, Augustus, Titus, and Trajan, 
and lastly the equestrian statues of Camillus and Scipio 
Africanus. The architectural illusions were also, on 
this occasion, of exceptional splendour; the triumphal 
arches erected in the Doric style were all profusely adorned 
with stucco figures and paintings, mostly in chiaroscuro. 
Besides the painters of Bologna, those of other cities, such 
as Giorgio Vasari and a Flemish pupil of Raphael, were 
employed on these works. 

At three o clock in the afternoon the head of the Imperial 
procession reached the Porta S. Felice : first came lancers, 
then the artillery, two hundred landsknechts, cavalry, and 
again numerous foot-soldiers, followed by many princes and 
knights on horseback and in gleaming armour. Cardinal 

VOL, X. 6 


Campeggio, recently returned from England, as bishop of 
the city, met the Emperor at the gate, before whom were 
borne the standard of the Empire, the banner of St. George, 
and an unsheathed sword. Surrounded by Spanish 
grandees in magnificent attire rode Charles, on a white 
charger, in flashing armour inlaid with gold. His balda- 
chino was carried by nobles and senators of Bologna. 
Behind him came the Count of Nassau, Alessandro de 
Medici, the Marquis of Montferrat, Andrea Doria, the 
Cardinal Chancellor di Gattinara, Cles, Bishop of Trent, 
Bishop George III. of Brixen, Antonio Perrenot, Bishop of 
Arras, his confessor Garcia de Loaysa, and numerous ecclesi 
astical and secular dignitaries ; the rearguard was composed 
of Spanish troops. While treasurers flung coins and medals 
to the closely packed crowds, who were shouting " Cesare, 
Imperio," the procession slowly made its way to San 
Petronio, before which a richly decorated platform had 
been raised ; here the Pope, in full pontifical garb, the 
triple crown upon his head, with five - and - twenty 
Cardinals around him, awaited the Emperor, on whose 
approach fanfares from trumpets were blown, all the city 
bells pealed, and the cannon thundered forth salutes. 
Two members of the Sacred College led Charles to the 
platform, where he knelt, and kissed the foot, hand, and 
forehead of the Pope. Thus, for the first time, the two 
men came face to face who had been engaged in such a 
long and bitter contest until their common interests 
brought them together. Charles addressed the Pope 
briefly in Spanish, and Clement made a friendly reply. 
The Emperor was then conducted to the church by the 
Pope, who afterwards withdrew. A Te Deum was sung 
in San Petronio. 

It was six o clock in the evening when the Emperor left 
the church and betook himself to the Palazzo Pubblico, 


where his lodgings also had been prepared. 1 His apart 
ments immediately adjoined those of the Pope. A private 
door of communication enabled them both to hold inter 
course, at any time, free from interruption and observation. 2 
A well-known picture in the palace of the Signoria in 
Florence represents the Emperor and Pope in animated 
conversation. 3 

Charles as a politician was more than a match for 
Clement in shrewdness ; nevertheless he made most 
careful preparation on each occasion of conference with 
the Pope, noting down on a slip of paper all essential 
points. 4 Italian writers of despatches were struck in 
Charles, who was not yet full thirty years old, by his 
seriousness, his sense of religion, and a certain slow 

1 For the decoration of Bologna and the Emperor s entry see 
GIORDANI, 12 seqq., where the rare work, II superbo apparato fatto in 
Bologna alia incoronazione della Ces. M ta di Carlo V. (copy in the 
Trivulzio Library, Milan) is made use of, and other sources are given in 
App. 13 seqq. For the preparations of the Master of Ceremonies, 
Blasius de Martinellis, see Mel. d archeol., XXIII., 170 seq. Cf. also 
for the entry ROMANO, Cronaca, 113 seqq.\ CLARETTA, Carlo V. e 
Clemente VII., 16 seqq.\ SANUTO, LI., 180 set?., 182 seq., 184 seqq., 
187 seqq., 192, 195 seq., 197 seqq., 205 seqq., 209, 259 seqq., 266 seqq., 
273 seq., 275 seqq.\ VANDENESSE, Journal d. voyag. de Charles V., 
II., 85; V. DUYSE in Bull, de la Soc. d hist. de Gand, 1898. The 
allocution of Charles to the Pope (touched up in ULLOA, Vita di Carlo 
V., Venice, 1566, 118) is given accurately in a letter of Isabella of Este 
in Arch. stor. Ital., App. II., 320. For the understanding of the 
decorations of the city, cf. BURCKHARDT, Gesch. der Renaissance, 
372 seq. 

2 ROMANO, Cronaca, 124 ; cf. SANUTO, LI I., 267. 

3 Reproduced in HEYCK, Die Mediceer, 120. 

4 Contarini in ALBERI, Relazioni, 2 Series, III., 269 seq. That 
Clement had a very good memory is clear from A. da Burgo s 
*report to Ferdinand I., dat. Rome, 1529, March 18, in Court and 
State Archives, Vienna. 


deliberation of speech. Contarini, who had followed the 
Pope to Bologna, was impressed by the Emperor s absorp 
tion in affairs while there; he seldom left the palace 
except in order to hear Mass. Of the Pope, then in 
his fifty-first year, he says that the traces of the long 
and dangerous illness he had gone through were 
plainly visible on his countenance. Among the Pope s 
advisers the Venetian Ambassador mentions as the most 
influential Jacopo Salviati, French in his sympathies, 
but now accommodating himself to the conditions of 
the time ; then Sanga, the friend of Giberti ; Cardinal 
Pucci, entirely occupied with the Florentine business ; 
as well as Schonberg and Girolamo da Schio, both 
Imperialists. 1 

The negotiations of Clement VII. with Charles were 
made easier by the conclusion of the treaties of 
Barcelona and Cambrai. But there still remained certain 
points which were very difficult of adjustment between 
them. The Pope was still distrustful of Charles, and, 
if Contarini is to be believed, it was not until after long 
intercourse with him at Bologna that Clement s opinion 
in this respect underwent a change. 2 

Clement insisted, as was to be expected, on an exact 
fulfilment of the stipulations in his favour of the Treaty 
of Barcelona. 3 Charles, for his part, was determined to 

1 Contarini in ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, III., 265 segg.,26g seqq.\ 
cf. for Charles V., SANUTO, LI I., 210. See also GIORDANI, App. 100. 
For J. Salviati cf. DESJARDINS, II., 787, 794 ; REUMONT, III., 2, 266 ; 
EHSES, Dokumente, 266. 

2 Contarini in ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, III., 266. 

3 Gregorio Casale told Contarini that Clement VII. had threatened 
that, if Charles broke his word, he would return to Rome and 
there have the Treaty of Barcelona publicly printed, so that all 
the world might know that he had been duped (DiTTRiCH, 
Regesten, 70). 


retain the Pope s friendship l in any event, on account of 
the Turkish danger, not as yet by any means extinct, 
the condition of Germany, and the exhaustion of his 
resources. But his views regarding Milan and Ferrara 
differed essentially from those of Clement. 2 The expedi 
tion against Florence gave rise to difficulties only in 
so far as Orange was incessant in his demands for money 
and reinforcements ; an understanding on this point was 
made easier because Charles saw in the Florentine alliance 
with France a standing menace to his supremacy in Italy. 3 
It was otherwise with the Milanese question, to a favour- 

1 Cf, the very important and interesting private letter, already quoted, 
from Charles V. to Ferdinand I., of January n, 1530, in LANZ, I., 367 
seq. " Je desire," says Charles, " ne plus perdre son amyte et pour le 
moings, si je ne lay pour amy, qu il ne me soit ennemy." 

2 For the peace negotiations at Bologna the best source is Niccolo 
da Ponte s Maneggio della pace di Bologna in ALBERT, Relaz., 2 Series, 
III., 147 seqq., the importance of which GACHARD (Relations, VIII. 
seq,} rightly insists upon. Contarini s reports are more complete than 
those in SANUTO, LI I., although the latter is of importance as enabling 
one to fix the dates of individual reports and in giving (LIL, 376 
seqq.) a number of new Mantuan despatches. Cf. also Contarini s re 
lation in ALBERI, loc. cit., 264 seq., and the accounts in ROMANO, 
Cronaca, 126 seqq., which confirm N. da Ponte s statements. The 
author of the Cronaca edited by ROMANO is, as the latter shows (59 
seq. and 285-286), Luigi Gonzaga di Borgoforte, who, in parts, uses 
the words of the Mantuan envoys. For an understanding of the Pope s 
views on the peace there is important evidence in the Lett. d. princ., 
III., 95-99, where a letter is published addressed to the Bishop of 
Vaison, G. da Schio, while staying at the Emperor s court, coming, 
as RANKE (Deutsch. Gesch., III., 6th ed., 153) rightly supposes, from 

3 Cf. LANZ, I., 367 ; GUICCIARDINI, XIX., 6 ; and BARDI, Carlo V., 
3 1 ) 34> 7 2 - F r the unsuccessful negotiations with the Florentine 
envoys see FOSSATI-FALLETTI, Assedio, I., 373 seqq. For the con 
sultations with Orange, who came to Bologna, see ROMANO, 132 seqq.; 
cf. CLARETTA, 20. 


able settlement of which Charles attached the greatest 
value. Previous to the meeting at Bologna, negotiations 
on this matter had already begun. In September and 
October the Imperialist envoys had proposed to Clement 
that Alessandro de Medici should be given Milan ; but 
they received the negative reply that the Pope could not 
commit himself to so great an undertaking, productive as 
it would be of perpetual difficulties to those of his own 
house. Nevertheless, the Emperor at Bologna returned 
to this proposal, but with no better success; on the other 
hand, influences were at work to secure Milan for Federigo 
Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua. 1 As things were, any 
investiture of the duchy on another than Francesco 
Sforza would have kindled afresh another war in Italy. 2 
It was therefore fortunate that Charles listened to the 
representations of the Pope, Gattinara, and Contarini, 
and summoned Sforza to appear at Bologna to vindi 
cate his claims. On the 23rd of November 1529 Sforza 
had his first audience with the Emperor; he conducted 
his case with such skill that the Pope succeeded in 
bringing Charles completely round. By the 3rd of 
December the investiture of Sforza with Milan was 
practically settled. 3 

The Venetian Government having already, on the roth 

1 NICCOLO DA PONTE, Maneggio, 178 seqq.\ ROMANO, Cronaca, 134. 
See DITTRICH, Contarini, 186, 192; DE LEVA, II., 573; DAVARI in 
Giorn. ligust, 1890, 461, according to documents in the Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. The Marquis of Mantua came to Bologna on 
November 20; see the *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in 
Cod. Barb., XXXV., 45 (now lat. 2801), Vatican Library. 

2 NICCOLO DA PONTE, Maneggio, 183-184. 

3 ROMANO, Cronaca, 139, 140, 142 ; *Diarium of BLASIUS DE 
MARTINELLIS, toe. cit. ; NICCOLO DA PONTE, Maneggio, 179 seg., 
189, 192, 199 seg., 212 seqq. Cf. SANUTO, LIL, 304, 332 seq. \ 
Giorn. ligust, 1891, 101 ; BARDI, Carlo V., 33 seq. 


of November, given full powers 1 to Contarini to restore 
Ravenna and Cervia to the Pope, now declared themselves 
also ready to evacuate the Apulian towns ; they objected, 
however, at first to enter into, the defensive Italian league 
desired by the Emperor. On the 26th of November the 
Senate determined to make this concession also, in the 
hope that Charles would then make reductions in his 
demands for money from Milan and Venice. On the 
representations made to him by Contarini, the Emperor 
consented to a substantial reduction of the war indemnity 
payable by the Republic ; but from Sforza he demanded as 
before, together with enormous sums of money, the castles 
of Milan and Como as security for payment. On the I2th 
of December a messenger from Venice arrived with in 
structions to Contarini to comply with the Emperor s 
wishes. 2 

The Pope, yielding to the requests of Venice, recognized 

1 NlCCOLO DA PONTE, Maneggio, 171 seq. \ cf. ROMANIN, V., 465 
seqq. ; DE LEVA, II., 585 seq. Even in Bologna, Contarini had re 
peatedly endeavoured, but in vain, to induce the Pope to waive the 
restitution of the cities ; see DITTRICH, Contarini, 181 seq. On 
November 14, 1529, Clement VII. thanked Venice for the restitution 
as decided on, and promised to use his influence with the Emperor on 
behalf of peace. The Brief is published in PASOLINI, Documenti 
riguard. antiche relazione fra Venezia e Ravenna, Imola, 1881, 108- 
109 ; cf. Libri com., VI., 203 seq. The *Acta Consist, of the Vice- 
Chancellor note on November 15, 1529: "Item relatum fuit, Venetos 
velle restituere terras ecclesiae ut puta Cerviam et Ravennam per eos 
occupatas " (Consistorial Archives and Secret Archives of the Vatican). 
Rome, January 21, 1530, is the date of Clement s order to " Leonello 
Pio praesidenti Romandiolae" to take charge of Ravenna and Cervia 
with their citadels until further orders ; Min. brev., 1530, vol. 27, n. 23 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Cf. DITTRICH, Contarini, 193 seqq. Como and Milan were to be 
delivered over to a Spaniard chosen by the Pope out of five nominees 
of Charles ; see Casale in MOLINI, II., 265. 


the right of the Duke of Urbino to the possession of his 
entire dominions. The Emperor, made uneasy by the 
news from Germany and the renewal of danger from 
Francis I., now decided to bring the negotiations to an end 
at once. The interests of Ferdinand were no longer 
considered, and his representatives were obliged, perforce, 
to agree with the Emperor s determination. Thus, on 
the 23rd of December 1529, it became possible to 
conclude a treaty of peace, the parties to which were 
Clement, Charles, Ferdinand, Venice, Sforza, Mantua, 
Savoy, Montferrat, Urbino, Siena, and Lucca. On New 
Year s Day the treaty was solemnly proclaimed in the 
Cathedral of Bologna, and on the 6th of January 1530 
ratified on oath by all the contracting parties. 1 

The only points still left unsettled were the dispute 
between Clement and Alfonso of Ferrara, and the con 
clusion of a confederacy against the Turks. The Pope s 
antagonism to Alfonso had been made all the more 
vehement by the encroachments of the latter on purely 
ecclesiastical matters. 2 With regard to political contro 
versies, Clement let Alfonso understand that he was quite 

1 ROMANO, Cronaca, 151 seqq., 161 seqq., 174 seqq., and the reports in 
SANUTO, LI I., 307 seg., 309 seq., 43 8 seqg., 445 seqq., 475, 477. The 
text of the League in DUMONT, IV., 2, 56 seqq. Cf. GIORDANI, Doc., 
38 seqq,; SUDENDORF, III., 195 seg.; Libri Com., VI., 204 seq. For 
the treatment of Ferdinand s envoys, SlOEGMANN, 180 seg., gives 
information from the letters of A. da Burgo to Cles in the Court 
and State Archives, Vienna. Use has not been made *of the reports 
of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., in the same collection, partly in cipher, 
dated Bologna, 1529, December 26; cf. also that of December 29, 
1529. Clement VII. gave permission in a *Bull of January 17, 1530, 
to the Duke of Milan to raise a full tithe on all the benefices of the 
duchy in order to raise the large sums which he had to pay on his 

2 See FONTANA, Renata, I., 452 seqq. 


willing not to interfere with him, but if he were to renounce 
his claim to Modena and Reggio, Parma and Piacenza 
would then be separated from the Papal States in such a 
way that it would be almost equivalent to their alienation. 
Clement appealed expressly to the promises given by 
Charles at Barcelona ; but in vain, for Alfonso had 
succeeded in completely winning over to his side the 
Emperor s advisers, as well as the Emperor himself. In 
this he was greatly helped by the secret intention of 
Charles to curb the power and independence of the Papal 
States. In public Charles spoke threateningly to Alfonso s 
envoys; but they knew very well that his anger was all 
assumed. 1 The Pope, in his irritation, said to the French 
Ambassador, " I am being betrayed, but I must act as if I 
were unaware of it." 2 Yet he declared expressly that 
under no circumstances would he allow Alfonso to parti 
cipate in the coronation of the Emperor. 3 

For a long time the claims of Rome to be the scene of 
this solemnity had been seriously considered ; but at last, 
after lengthy deliberation, the choice had fallen on Bologna. 
The reason for this decision was principally the gloomy 
account of the state of Germany sent by Ferdinand I., 
which rendered necessary the presence of Charles, as 
speedily as possible, in that portion of his empire. 4 

1 Cf. ROMANO, Cronaca, 171-173, 181, where two very interesting 
reports from the Gonzaga Archives are published. The Papal griev 
ances against Alfonso were collected together in a special document 
for Charles V. It is printed in SUDENDORF, III., 187 seq. 

2 Letter of Gramont, Bishop of Tarbes, dat. Bologna, February 25, 
1530, in LE GRAND, Divorce, III., 386. 

3 ROMANO, Cronaca, 196. 

4 The question whether Rome should be the place of coronation was 
again brought forward on account of Charles s wish to visit Naples and 
the difficulties raised by Gattinara against the choice of Bologna. For 
the Chancellor was afraid that the " Lutherans and others ; might call in 


Charles was desirous that a certain number of the princes 
of the German Empire should attend his coronation ; but 

question the validity of the rite. (See the despatch of G. B. Malatesta of 
November 4, 1529, in ROMANO, Cronaca, 145, n. i ; cf. also GAYANGOS, 
I47n.,2o8; SANUTO, LIL, 192 ; and GiORDANi, App. 71.) Charles V., 
who received the consecrated sword on Christmas Day (see Jahrbuch 
der kunsthistor. Samml. des osterr. Kaiserhauses, XXII., 135 seq.\ did 
not make up his mind for some time. On December 26, 1529, A. da 
Burgo ^reported to Ferdinand I. : " De loco coronationis et tempore 
adventus imperatoris in Germaniam adhuc res stat in suspense " 
(original in Court and State Archives, Vienna). Ferdinand s repre 
sentative, A. da Burgo, was opposed to the coronation in Rome, 
since the Emperor s visit to Germany would be delayed, where the 
danger was very great. (See Burgo s *report to Ferdinand I., dat. 
Bologna, 1 529, December 29. The answer of B. von Cles to this is given 
by BUCHOLTZ, III., 427 seq.} Some of Charles s advisers dissuaded 
him from going to Germany, the risks being too great. They advised 
him to return to Spain by Rome and Naples. Burgo strongly opposed 
them (see STOEGMANN, 1 83 seq.}. Charles for his part wished, on account 
of the Florentine undertaking, to go to Siena and from there to his 
coronation in Rome. On January 4, 1 530, Burgo informed Ferdinand I. : 
"The Emperor is in recessu^ (*report of this date in Court and State 
Archives, Vienna; cf. SANUTO, LIL, 483); on January 14: "The 
Emperor and Pope are going to Siena" (*report of this date; Cj. 
SANUTO, LIL, 490, 495, 497, 499, 501-503). On the nth, in a long 
autograph letter (in LANZ, I., 360 seqq.\ Charles V. asked his brother s 
advice on this important matter. As Burgo informed Ferdinand by 
letter on January 30, 1530, Charles impatiently awaited his answer. 
As the Emperor was unwell on the 22nd of January, the journey to 
Rome had to be put off (SANUTO, LIL, 531 ; cf. 530). Burgo made 
use of this time to work for the coronation at Bologna. On January 
28 (^letter of this date) he was able to tell Ferdinand that the Pope 
was prepared to comply ; but Charles still clung to the Roman journey. 
On January 22 he wrote to Margaret of Austria that he was determined 
to be crowned at Rome (BARDI, 34). On January 30 Burgo made 
counter-representations to Charles which were so effectual that the 
former wrote to Cles that he had good hopes that the coronation 
would take place at Bologna (STOEGMANN, 184) ; and so, in fact, it 
was settled (cf. the information in GIORDANI, 87, from Negri, Annali 


Burgo and Salinas, representing Ferdinand I., convinced 
him that there was no longer any time to await their 
arrival. 1 Ferdinand, wrote the envoys on the I2th of 

MSS. for February i, 1530). On February i, 1530, Burgo informed 
his master : " The Emperor is not going to Rome. He remains in 
Bologna." (A p.s. dated Febr. 2, to *letter of Febr. i, 1530, says: 
" Some are advising the Emperor to have himself crowned in Germany 
by a Papal Legate as soon as he is certain of Ferdinand s election as 
King of the Romans. Ferdinand must forward his view speedily.") 
On February 2 he ^writes : " Hoc mane post deliberationem externam 
Caesar fecit expedire mulos quos conduxerat pro profectione Romae, 
et hie fiet coronatio die S. Mathie"; cf. SANUTO, LIL, 553, 562, 
and in Appendix, n. 9, the *Brief of February 2, 1530, to Cardinal 
Farnese, who was summoned to Bologna for the coronation (Min. in 
Secret Archives of the Vatican ; original in State Archives, Naples). 
On February 4 : " A congregation of Cardinals was entrusted with the 
business of the coronation" (see in App., No. 10, *Acta Consist, 
Consistorial Archives). In a ^letter of Burgo s to Ferdinand I. of 
February 4, 1530, he says : u Si M tas V. non dissuadebit coronationem 
hie fiendam, melius hie fiet, sed si scribit non esse fiendam hie, 
credimus Caesar omittet non obstante quod alii venerint." At last 
on February 5 came Ferdinand s answer, dated January 28, 1530 
(in BUCHOLTZ, III., 430 seqq.) in extract; given entire in GEVAY, 
Urkunden und Aktenstucke v. Gesandtschaft Konig Ferdinands I. 
an Suleiman I., Vienna, 1838, 59 seqq.\ In a ^report of February 8, 
1530, Burgo relates how Charles behaved on receiving this, the 
decisive answer (see Appendix, No. 11). He ^reports on the I2th : 
"Caesar perseverat omni celeritate in provisionibus suae coronationis 
hie Bononiae" : cf. also a **second letter of this date. On the I3th 
Charles informed Margaret, " After long deliberation Bologna has 
been chosen as the place of coronation" (BARDi, 35). The reason 
given by JOVIUS, Hist., XXVI I., 105, that Rome was unsuitable for 
the occasion owing to its recent destruction, is not mentioned in 
any of the documents. The whole of the ^letters of A. da Burgo 
quoted above, some of which are countersigned by Salinas, I found 
in the Court and State Archives, Vienna. 

1 See the p.s. of February 2 to Burgo s letter of the previous day. 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). 


February 1530, could make excuses for his brother to the 
German princes and show them that it had not lain in 
Charles s power to fix beforehand the date of the corona 
tion, which he was now compelled to proceed with without 
preparation in order to accelerate his arrival in Germany. 1 

All the necessary arrangements were, in fact, made in 
great haste. 2 On the i6th of February the Pope confirmed, 
in a Bull, the election of Charles and his coronation at 
Aix-la-Chapelle, and gave orders that he should be 
crowned with the iron and the golden Imperial crowns. 3 
As early as the 22nd of February, the festival of St Peter s 
Chair at Antioch, Charles received in the chapel of the 
Palazzo Pubblico the iron crown of Lombardy, 4 which had 
been brought from Monza. 5 Two days later the coronation 
as Emperor was to take place in San Petronio ; Charles had 
chosen this day because it was his birthday and the anni 
versary of the victory of his forces at Pavia. 6 

Except as regarded the customary place for the enact 
ment of this solemn rite, all other observances of the 

1 Cf. A. da Burgo s **report of February 12, 1530, loc. tit. The 
electors protested to safeguard their rights, on July 29, 1530, that the 
Imperial coronation had taken place in their absence and that others 
had partially fulfilled their duties. RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., VI., 
6th ed., 139. 

2 See *Acta Consist, of February 16, 1532 (Consistorial Archives 
and Secret Archives of the Vatican), and *Diary of BLASIUS DE 
MARTINELLIS, loc. tit. 

3 RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 5, 6. 

4 Together with Blasius de Martinellis in RAYNAI.DUS, 1530, n. 7 (cf. 
GIORDANI, 99 segg., and Mel. d archeol., XXIII., 171 seq.}, see 
SANUTO, LI I., 604 seq., 610 seqq., 633 seqq., and ROMANO, Cronaca, 
202 seqq. ; see also KROENER, Wahl und Kronung der deutschen 
Kaiser in Italien, Freiburg, 1901, 96 seq. 

5 Cf. GIORDANI, 95 seqq. 

6 It is worth noticing as a curiosity that FONTANA, Renata, I., 135, 
gives February 7 as the date of the coronation. 


coronation were carried out with painstaking exactitude. 
In San Petronio the very side-chapels and the rota 
porphyrea itself were copied from St. Peter s, so that 
the entire ceremony could be held as if at the tombs of 
the Apostles Peter and Paul in Rome. A wooden bridge 
decorated with tapestries and garlands, and high enough 
to allow the passage of vehicles beneath, led from the 
palace to the church, which was adorned with Flemish 
tapestries of great value. Four hundred landsknechts 
guarded the bridge, two thousand Spaniards and ten pieces 
of artillery were drawn up on the piazza. All the city 
gates also were guarded by landsknechts and Spaniards. 

At nine o clock the Pope, clad in a mantle embroidered 
with gold and studded with precious stones, and wearing 
the triple crown, was borne to the church ; the Cardinals 
and all the members of his court followed him. In the 
meantime the secular dignitaries, all, especially the Spanish 
grandees, wearing the most costly garments, had assembled 
in the palace to meet the Emperor. Pages and servants 
of the princes and the Emperor opened the procession ; 
then came the nobles, the Imperial bodyguard, and all the 
envoys. Before the Emperor, the Marquis of Montferrat 
carried the golden sceptre; the Duke of Urbino,the sword ; 
the young Count Palatine Philip, the nephew of the 
Elector, the orb of the Empire ; the Duke of Savoy, the 
kingly crown. Charles wore the iron crown of Lombardy ; 
having on his right Cardinal Salviati, and on his left 
Cardinal Ridolfi ; the Counts of Lannoy and Nassau 
followed with a great train of nobles, mostly Spanish. 

Before the church, on the right-hand side, a wooden 
chapel had been erected, representing S. Maria in Turri at 
Rome. After the Papal Bull relating to the coronation 
had here been read aloud by the Bishop of Malta, Charles 
swore on a book of the Gospels held before him by Cardinal 


Enkevoirt, to be the faithful champion of the Holy Roman 
Church, whereupon he was received into the Chapter of 
St. Peter s. Charles had hardly crossed the wooden bridge 
when a portion of it fell in. In spite of this perilous 
incident he maintained his composure, and knelt down in 
the portal of the church, where two Cardinals recited the 
customary prayers. He was then conducted into yet a 
second chapel, to which the Roman name of S. Gregorio 
had been given, and was there clad in the Deacon s tunic 
and dipluviale sown with pearls, rubies, and diamonds. He 
then took his place at the rota porphyrea, going on to a 
spot arranged in imitation of the confession of St. Peter s, 
and finally passing into a chamber, representing the chapel 
of S. Maurizio at Rome, to be anointed with the holy oil. 
During these proceedings a sharp dispute arose between the 
envoys of Genoa and Siena as to precedence ; not until 
this had been composed could the ceremonies proceed. 

The solemn act of the coronation itself was reserved 
for Clement. After the reading of the Epistle, Charles 
was girt with the sword ; then he likewise received 
from the hands of the Pope the orb and sceptre, and 
lastly the Imperial crown ; whereupon Clement spoke 
the words : " Receive this symbol of glory and the diadem 
of the Empire, even this Imperial crown, in the name of 
the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, that 
thou, despising the ancient enemy and guiltless of all 
iniquity, mayst live in clemency and godliness, and so one 
day receive from our Lord Jesus Christ the crown of His 
eternal kingdom." Before the oblation the Emperor 
offered the three customary gold pieces and served as 
Deacon, bringing to the altar the paten with the wafers 
and the cruet of water, " in so seemly and devout a fashion, 
as one long accustomed to fulfil such services, that all 
standing around were filled with wonder and joy." After 


receiving Holy Communion the Emperor kissed the Pope s 
forehead, after which the latter bestowed the benediction. 
Together the two heads of Christendom, in all the pomp 
of their respective dignities, left the Church. Although 
Clement tried to prevent him, the Emperor insisted on 
holding his stirrup and on leading his palfrey a few paces 
forward ; then with youthful alacrity he mounted his own 

Then came the great cavalcade. " Under the same golden 
canopy," says a contemporary, " shone, like sun and moon, 
these two great luminaries of the world." In the pro 
cession, the gorgeous outlines of which the artists of the 
day were swift to fasten on their canvases, were con 
spicuous, first the banners of the Crusade, then those of 
the Church and of the Pope, followed by the standards of 
the Empire, of the city of Rome, Germany, Spain, the New 
World, Naples, and Bologna. Treasurers flung gold and 
silver coins among the vast crowds with which all the 
streets were filled. At San Domenico the Pope left the 
procession, while the Emperor from a throne conferred 
knighthood on about a hundred persons. Not until four 
o clock in the afternoon was Charles, amid the jubilant 
greetings of his troops, able to regain his apartments. The 
coronation banquet brought the celebrations to an end. 1 

1 The chief source for the solemnities of the coronation is the Diary 
of Blasius de Martinellis, the Papal Master of Ceremonies, the most im 
portant passages of which are in RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 17 seq. Many 
other accounts, some rare and unpublished, have been collected by 
GiORDANl for his description, in seqq.\ here (Doc., 176 segq.) also is 
printed the " Lettera inedita del Bolognese Ugo Buoncompagni (after 
wards Pope Gregory XIII.) nella quale si descrive la incoronazione di 
Carlo V." This had been printed previously in Bologna in 1841. 
Giordani was not acquainted with the German account in BUCHOLTZ, 
III., 441 seq., nor with two other authorities recently made accessible : 
(i) the Cronaca, edited by ROMANO, 207-223, and (2) the contemporary 


At nightfall bonfires blazed everywhere. The Duke 
of Milan, although suffering from illness, allowed these 
demonstrations to last three days. On the ist of March a 
Papal Bull was issued declaring the coronation as fully 
valid as it would have been if solemnized at Rome, and 
renewing the dispensation permitting Charles to combine 
the possession of Naples with that of the Imperial dignity. 1 

Since Florence remained stubborn in her resistance, 
Clement saw that he must make two further concessions 
of great importance to Charles; first of all by nominating 
three Cardinals acceptable to the Emperor. The appoint 
ments were made public on the igth of March. These 
were Bernhard Cles. Bishop of Trent, on whose behalf 
Burgo had been active for some time past ; 2 the Emperor s 

notices in SANUTO, some of which are of great interest ; see LI I., 
624 seqq., 628 seqq., 638 seqq., 640 seqq. The curious statement of 
GUICCIARDINI (XX., i), that the coronation took place "con piccola 
pompa e spesa," has already been refuted by GIANNONE, XXX., 6 ; cf. 
also GiORDANl, App., 73. This laborious compilation also treats 
thoroughly the pictorial representations of the great event (App., 117, 
and Doc., 69 seqq., 165 seqq., 175 seqq.\ The finest of these pictures, 
still well preserved and often reproduced, is that of the Cavalcata, 
painted in the Palazzo Ridolfi, Verona, by the Veronese, Domenico 
Ricci, called Brusasorci ; cf. G. B. DA PERSICO, Descriz. di Verona, I., 
Verona, 1820, 181 seq. Hogenberg s representation of the Cavalcata 
(cf. BLANC, Bibliographic, I., 597, 604, 612) has been recently 
reproduced in 250 copies only : The Procession of Pope Clement VII. 
and the Emperor Charles V. after the Coronation on February 24, 
1530. Designed and engraved by Nic. Hogenberg, and now repro 
duced in facsimile with an historical introduction by W. Stirling 
Maxwell, Edinburgh, 1875. 

1 RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 46 seqq. Here also is the second Bull of 
March i, concerning the ratification, with the consent of the Cardinals, 
of the Imperial election and the subsequent coronation. 

2 See the ^reports of A. da Burgo of October 1 5, i 529, January 4 and 
February 12, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 


confessor, Garcia de Loaysa ; and the Savoyard, De 
Challant 1 With much greater reluctance Clement granted 
his permission that Alfonso of Ferrara should, after all, come 
to Bologna. But although on this point also he gave way, 2 
the Duke was not allowed to make his entry in state. 3 
Clement also demanded once more the restoration of 
Reggio, Modena, and Rubbiera. An agreement was at 
last reached on the 2ist of March; Alfonso was to cede 
Modena to the Emperor, who, on the expiration of six 
months, should pronounce a final decision as to the owner 
ship of the three towns and the computation of the assess 
ment of Ferrara. 4 This gave Charles, who had never 
acquired a real trust of Clement, 6 a decided influence 
over the fortunes of the Papal States ; the exceptional 
favour shown by him to the Duke of Urbino was also of 
service in this direction. 6 

1 The Spaniard Stunica was also nominated on March 9, according 
to the*Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor, but not publicly announced. 
On March 19 Clement VII. nominated a French Cardinal, F. de 
Tournon, in order not to give too much offence to Francis I. ; see 
CIACONIUS, III., 506 seqq., 518; NOVAES, IV., 115 seq. Cf. the 
**report of A. da Burgo of March 9, 1530 (Court and State Archives, 
Vienna), and the *Diary of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, loc. cit. 

2 The decision was given on February 27 ; cf. the **report of A. da 
Burgo of February 27, 1530, loc. cit. 

3 *Et licet instantiam fecerit, ut sibi honor fieret in introitu, papa 
denegavit ; ille autem noctis tempore ingressus magna quidem nobilium 
suorum comitiva. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium, loc. cit. ; cf. 
ROMANO, Cronaca, 223 seq., 229. The *Salvocondotto of Clement VII. 
for Alfonso, dated Bologna, 1530, March 2 (State Archives, Modena). 

4 MOLINI, II., 295 seqq. ; SANUTO, LI 1 1., 67; MURATORI, Ant. 
Esten., II., 237. 

5 Cf. the letter of Charles V. to Ferdinand I. of January u, 1530, 
quoted supra, p. 69, n. i. 

6 Francesco Maria came to Bologna on February 22, 1530 
(GiORDANi, 1 06 seqq.\ " with the intention of weakening the solidarity 

VOL. X. 7 


Charles, moreover, knew how, in a masterly way, to 
widen the firm foundations of his power in Italy by means 
of the possession of Naples and the dependent position 
of the Duke of Milan, and to link closely to himself the 
minor states of the Peninsula. In order to secure 
Alfonso absolutely he invested him with the fief of 
Carpi, wrested from Alberto Pio as a punishment for 
his attachment to France. He gave Asti to his brother- 
in-law, the Duke of Savoy, who was at Bologna during 
his stay, and the marquisate of Mantua was erected 
into a duchy. He could reckon besides on the re 
publics of Siena, Lucca, and Genoa with certainty. For 
centuries no Emperor had wielded so much power 
in Italy ; 1 national independence was practically at an 
end. By no means the least share in this guilt belongs 
to Clement VII., even although a good deal may be 
said to excuse his ultimate reconciliation with Charles. 
But the Pope was not the only culprit; all the heads of 
the Italian states without exception contributed towards 
the subjection of their fair lands to the supremacy of the 
alien Spaniard. 2 Yet in the existing state of things even 
this was a boon ; for otherwise Italy must have fallen 

of the Papal monarchy." BROSCH well remarks, I., 115, "Charles 
consented also, evidently with satisfaction, to the recognition of the 
Duke of Urbino, although he pretended that he was only giving way 
to pressure from Venice ! " 

1 RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 160 seq. ; SISMONDI, XV., 
473 seq. For the journey of the Duke of Savoy to Bologna see 
ROMANO, Cronaca, 196 seq. The investiture of Federigo Gonzaga 
with the ducal title is dated April 8, 1530; see VOLTA, Storia 
di Mantova, II., 352; C. D ARCO, Studi intorno al municipio di 
Mantova, IV., Mantova, 1872, 38; DAVARI in Giorn. ligust, 1890, 

2 REUMONT, III., 2, 237 seq.; cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 127^., 


a prey to the Turks, 1 to whose aid not only Venice but 
even Florence had appealed. 2 

When Charles left Bologna on the 22nd of March to 
take his journey into Germany he was able to do so with 
feelings of satisfaction. 3 Not so the Pope. 4 The Papal 
territories had certainly been restored in essentials, but in 
many respects they were dependent on the Emperor. 
More galling even than this was the continued resistance 
of Florence, for when he made his way to Bologna, 
Clement had expected its speedy subjection. During 
his residence there his impatience had grown greater 
day by day; 5 now, after five months, the heroic spirit 
of the Florentines flouted, as at the first, all the efforts 
of their besiegers. It was reported that as Clement s 
distrust of Orange grew more intense the latter might 
have fallen upon him in Bologna and renewed the 
lessons of the sack of Rome, and that this suspicion 
hastened the Pope s departure. 6 He left early on the 
3 ist of March, touching Urbino, Gualdo, and Foligno on 
his way, and by the 1 2th of April he was once more in 

1 See Histor. Zeitschr., N.F., XIV., 273. 

2 With regard to the Florentines see Capello in ALBERI, Relaz., 2 
Series, I., 279. With regard to Venice see supra, p. 69. 

3 ROMANO, Cronaca, 234^.; cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 273. 

4 "Papa Clemente," says VARCHI, II., 37, "trovandosi senza danari 
e senza riputazione, si parti tutto malcontento." 

6 See ROMANO, Cronaca, 144. 

6 According to Negri, Annali manoscritti di Bologna (GiORDANl, 
Doc., 182, and App. 173), this danger was discussed in Consistory; 
but there is no mention of it in the *Acta Consist. The latter, how 
ever, for this period, are certainly very incomplete. A. Soriano, in his 
report of March 23, remarks on the sudden decision of the Pope to 
take his departure (the cause of which Salinas could not find out) ; see 
GAYANGOS, IV., I, n. 282 and 283 : " Ha dubito di qualche incon- 
veniente atento le gente del campo voleno danari." 


Rome; his entry, however, was unaccompanied by any 
public reception. 1 

Consumed with impatience, Clement now waited daily for 
the capitulation of his native city, whose inhabitants were 
defending themselves with the courage of despair. 2 The war 
was consuming vast sums of money ; besides, since June, the 
Pope had been engaged in attempts to suppress the Abbot 
of Farfa, 3 so that his finances, deplorable enough in any case, 
were threatened with total bankruptcy. 4 There was also the 
fear that France and England might help the Florentines ; 5 

1 VARCHI, II., 37, names the 9th; A. Soriano, in SANUTO, LI 1 1., 
149, gives the I2th April as the date of the Pope s arrival I prefer 
the latter statement, as it coincides with the *Diary in the Cod. Barb., 
lat. 3552 (Vatican Library), and Varchi, as regards dates, is inaccurate : 
thus, for example, he incorrectly gives October 25 as the date of the 
Pope s arrival in Bologna. 

2 The fact that no quarter was given to prisoners throws light on 
the mutual bitterness of the contending parties. Capello s report in 
ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, I., 242. 

3 Cf. SANUTO, LI 1 1., 330, as well as the reports of *A. da Burgo of 
June 26, July 12, and August 30, 1530 (Court and State Archives, 
Vienna), and GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 319, 349, 352, 356, 361, 363, 374, 
398, 404, 418, 420, 428, 452, 476, 535, 567. 

4 A. da Burgo "^reported from Rome on June 13, 1530: "S. S tas ita 
laborat in impensa hujus expeditionis Florentinae quod vix providet 
in victu curiae suae." On July 3 Burgo relates a conversation with the 
Pope, who remarked that he hardly knew how to provide for his financial 
needs any longer (quo vertere caput), " quia in ilia necessaria expeditione 
Florentina usque nunc expendit supra septem centum millia ducatorum, 
quam speraverat posse finire cum 80,000." Both letters in Court and 
State Archives, Vienna. The total expenses, according to Soriano s 
(ALBERI, Relaz., 2 Series, III., 312) information, amounted to 1,900,000 
gold guldens ; cf. also the *Mandati of the Roman State Archives in 
GORi S Archivio, IV., 112 seqq. 

6 Cf. for this GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 319, 320, 349, 361, and the ^reports 
of A. da Burgo, dat. Rome, June 26 and July 12 and 23 (Court and 
State Archives, Vienna). 


but, on the other hand, in the city on the Arno 
things might be pushed to the last extremity and 
Florence be stormed and plundered. 1 What would then 
happen might be presaged from the frightful havoc and 
cruelty perpetrated by the ungovernable troops of the 
besieging army. 2 With these fears mingled the con 
sciousness of the heavy reproaches levelled far and wide 
against this almost fratricidal enterprise. When the 
French envoy, Gabriel de Gramont, Bishop of Tarbes, 
in April 1530, represented this fully to Clement and 
earnestly exhorted him to come to terms, the Pope 
exclaimed distractedly, " Would that Florence had never 
existed!" 3 

Yet this same Florence still held out. As it was in 
May, so it was in June ; as it was in June, so it was in July. 
Neither the enemy without nor dissension within, neither 
hunger nor pestilence, could break down the desperate 
resistance of the inhabitants. They were resolved to carry 
it on to the last extremity ; better that Florence should 
be reduced to ashes than that their city should fall into the 
hands of the Medici. 4 There were even rumours that a 
plot had been made to put the Pope to death by poison. 5 

Affairs began to take a final turn after the failure of 
Francesco Ferruccio in his heroic attempt to raise the 

1 GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 342, 356, 374, 560. 

2 The *Diary of CORNELIUS DE FINE (National Library, Paris) is 
here very detailed. 

3 " II me dist qu il estoit contant que Florence n eust jamais este." 
Gramont to Francis I. from Rome, 1530, April, in Arch. stor. Ital., 
App., I., 476. 

4 See Capello in ALBERT, Relaz., 2 Series, I., 306 ; see supra^ p. 72. 

6 SANUTO, LIIL, 299-300, 302, 367 ; LANZ, I., 390; HEINE, Briefe, 
12 seq. Cf. DE LEVA, II., 631 ; ROBERT, 391 seq. The matter was 
inquired into but without discovery of any certain grounds for further 
proceedings ; see EHSES in the Rom. Quartalschr., XVIII., 360. 


siege. 1 On the 3rd of August an engagement was fought 
at Gavinana, in the hills of Pistoja, in which Ferruccio, as 
well as Orange, met their death. 2 Florence, ravaged by 

1 The life of this commander, whom ClPOLLA, 962, compares with 
the generals of the first period of the French Revolution, was written 
by FR. SASSETTI, published in Arch. stor. Ital., I Series, IV., 2, 467 seqq. 

2 See ALVISI, La battaglia di Gavinana, Bologna, 1881, and D. CINI, 
La battaglia di Gavinana, Firenze, 1890; cf. further DE BLASIIS, 
Maramaldo, III., 367, and Fr. Ferruccio e la guerra di Firenze 1529- 
1530, race, di scritti e doc. rari ed. F. CURZiO, Firenze, 1890, and 
ROBERT, 423 seq. Clement VII. received the news of the battle on 
the afternoon of August 5 ; see *A. da Burgo s report of August 5, 
1 530, in the Court and State Archives, Vienna. The attempt of ALVISI 
to rehabilitate Maramaldo has been met by VILLARI (Rasseg. settim., 
VIII., 278, repeated in Arte storia e filosofia, Firenze, 1884), RENIER 
(Preludio, V., 237), and LuziO (Maramaldo, 32 seqq.} : it is certain that 
Maramaldo assassinated Ferruccio during his captivity ; cf. also BALAN, 
Clemente VII., 168, n. I ; G. SFORZA, F. Maramaldo, Parma, 1898 ; and 
RODONI, L Animo e la famadi F. Ferruccio, Firenze, 1899. The place 
of Orange in Naples was taken by Cardinal P. Colonna, whose viceregal 
dignity had already been foretold in the autumn of 1528 (SANUTO, 
XLVIII., 543). A*Brief of the Pope s to Cardinal Colonna touches 
on this. It is dated Viterbo, 1528, September 22 : "The Pope rejoices 
that the Cardinal is going to Naples : he is certain to attain a high 
position in the Emperor s service : Girolamo Rorario will give him 
fuller information " (copy in the Colonna Archives, Rome, Brevi, n. 
69). Cardinal Colonna died at the end of June 1 532, not from poison 
(see REUMONT, Carafifa, II., 35). The contrary grounds adduced by 
AlDA CONSORTI (II Card. P. Colonna, Roma, 1902, 112) prove nothing. 
Cf. in App., No. 25, the ^letter of F. Peregrine of June 29, 1532 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). Colonna is said to have instigated a plot to poison 
Clement VI I. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS relates: *Circa principium 
Augusti [1532] decretum fuit et diffamatum, qualiter card, de Columna 
conjuraverat in mortem pontificis in die assumptions b. Mariae de 
mense Augusti praesentis. Propter hoc d. Innocentius, secretarius d. 
cardinalis, incarceratus, deinde quidam Augustinus de Monteferrato 
et successive r. d. archiepisc. Surrentinus [F. Strozzi], qui est Floren- 
tinus, similiter re^enti et incarcerati. D. Bernardus de Alexandris 


famine and plague, was now lost. Malatesta Baglioni, 
who since the beginning of the year had chief command 
of the Florentine troops, made further resistance impossible 
by turning his guns against the city. On the i2th of 
August the final capitulation was agreed upon : within four 
months the Emperor was to appoint a constitution with 
" safeguards of freedom " ; the exiles were to return home, 
80,000 scudi to be paid to the Imperial troops, and the 
Florentine territory preserved without diminution ; a 
complete amnesty to be declared for all who had acted as 
opponents of the house of Medici. 1 

ob timorem tails materiae aufugit et contra eum proceditur (Cod. 
Barb., lat. 2799, Vatican Library.) Pedro de Toledo now became 
Viceroy, and did more than anyone else to establish firmly Spanish rule 
in Naples and to beautify the city ; cf. along with Giannone, especially 
REUMONT, Caraffa, I., 49 seq. The post of Vice-Chancellor was held 
by Ippolito de Medici ; see the *Bull with the signatures of Clement 
VII. and twenty -four Cardinals, dated Rome, 1532, V. Non Julii [=3 
July], in Regest., 1440, f. 268 b seq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

1 VARCHI, II,, 137 seqq. ; FOSSATI-FALLETTI, Assedio, I., 458 seqq. 
Cf. also RANKE, Studien, 373. Clement VII. sent Domenico Centurione 
to Malatesta with a Brief of August 13, 1530, to thank him for having 
saved the city from a sack. (This Brief and a second, of August 23, are 
in VARCHI, II., 149-150.) The fear that the city might be plundered 
was the cause, as REUMONT, Toskana, I., 29, specially remarks, of 
Clement s negotiations with Malatesta, " who, if not to all intents and 
purposes a traitor, as many have accused him of being, nevertheless 
did all he could to keep the resistance of the besieged within such 
limits as should prevent a final and decisive struggle." Cf. also BALAN, 
Clemente VII., 171, n. i. For the question of Malatesta s behaviour, 
the letters of Ferrante Gonzaga to his brother Federigo, given by Varchi, 
are of importance. RANKE, Zur Kritik, 84,* has thrown doubts on their 
authenticity ; but without grounds, as REUMONT, in a recension which 
has fallen into undeserved oblivion, points out (Allg. Zeitung, 1875, 
No. 103, Biel.). VARCHI only gives the letters in part : they were first 
published in full from a Strozzi MS. in the Magliabecchiana Library 
by ALBERI, Docum. sull assedio di Firenze, Firenze, 1840, 307 segq., 


After Malatesta s departure (i2th of September) two 
hundred landsknechts, under the Count of Lodron, occupied 
the city, where the Medicean party, in shameful violation of 
the terms of capitulation, began to take savage reprisals on 
their enemies. Carducci, Bernardo da Castiglione, and 
four other members of the former government were 
beheaded ; numerous sentences of exile and confiscation 
were passed. 1 The Dominican, Benedetto da Fojano, who 
had inveighed heavily against the person of the Pope, was 
handed over to Rome by Malatesta, where, if Varchi is to 
be believed, Clement allowed him to suffer lingering im 
prisonment, on bread and water, in the foul dungeons of 
St. Angelo. 2 

The Pope, at first, gave Bartolomeo Valori, Francesco 
Guicciardini, and Roberto Acciaiuoli permission to rule 
the sorely visited city as they thought best, but afterwards 
he took things into his own hands. Valori was made 
governor of the Romagna, Guicciardini of Bologna ; but 
in February 1531 Schonberg was sent to Florence. 3 The 

and with more correct text by CAPPONI, III., 377 segq. A letter from 
Clement VII. to Orange, of August 4, points also to an understanding 
between the latter and Malatesta (in FONTANA, Renata, I., 460-461). 
SANESI (Arch. stor. Ital., 5 Series, IX., 67 segq.} shows that Malatesta 
on his departure from Florence was presented with no gifts, but was 
only paid what he asked in order to be got rid of. On the question of 
his guilt Sanesi says: "Nessun dubbio ch egli tradi." For Clement s 
further dealings with Malatesta, who died on September 24, 1531,566 
VERMIGLIOLI, Vita di Malatesta, doc. XXX. seqq., and BALAN, loc. 
ctt., 174, 177 seq. 

1 Cf. RASTRELLI, Alessandro de Medici, I., Firenze, 1781, 221 seq. ; 
REUMONT, Toskana, I., yoseqg. ; BARDI in Arch. stor. Ital., 5 Series, 
XIV., 9 seqq. ; ROSSI, Guicciardini, I., 223 seq., 231 seq. 

2 VARCHI, II., 154 ; cf. BALAN, Clemente VII., 173, n. 2. 

3 REUMONT, Toskana, I., 31-32; PERRENS, III., 351 seqq. For 
Guicciardini s appointment as Vice-Legate of Bologna see Rossi in 
Arch. Stor. Ital., 5 Serie, V., 51 seq., and GUICCIARDINI, Op. I., 269 seq. 


Emperor made no haste to despatch Florentine affairs ; 
he allowed nearly a whole year to pass before paying 
attention to the wishes of the Pope, whose impatience grew 
from day to day. In the summer of 1531 he at last issued 
a decree which secured to the Medici " a sort of hereditary 
presidentship" in the Florentine republic, but also con 
tained a reassertion of the Imperial supremacy. Ales- 
sandro de Medici, bearing the decree, appeared in Florence 
in July 1 53 1. 1 In the following year Clement succeeded in 
doing away with the Republican forms of the constitution, 
although their preservation was recognized by the Emperor s 
decree. In attaining this end he acted, as in other cases, 
according to the well-known saying of Varchi, that " he 
could sling a stone so that no one should see the hand of 
the slinger." On the 2/th of April 1532 the new constitu 
tion was made known, whereby Alessandro de Medici 
became hereditary Duke of Florence. The actual reins of 
government remained, none the less, in the hands of 
Clement VII. 2 

1 See DUMONT, IV., 2, 72 seqq. ; RASTRELLI, I., 75 seqq. REUMONT, 
Toskana, I., 34 seq. ; RANKE, Studien, 378 ; PERRENS, III., 357 seqq. 

2 Cf. REUMONT, op. cit. t I., 37 seqq.\ PERRENS, III., 368 seqq.\ 
CAPPONI, III., 327 ; ROSSI, Guicciardini, II., 34 seg. t 60. 



THE grave political complications with which the first six 
years of the Pontificate of Clement VII. were filled reacted 
with decisive influence on the spread of the Lutheran 
heresy throughout Germany. 

Immediately after his election Clement received dis 
quieting reports on the subject ; the adherents of the new 
belief were steadily increasing in numbers, and, the decen 
tralization of the Empire having made great strides, it was 
practically impossible to put the Edict of Worms into 
execution. 1 Consequently, in his first consistory, 2 held on 
the 2nd of December 1523, Clement spoke of the dangers 
menacing Christendom, quite as much from the side of the 
Lutherans as from that of the Turks. In accordance with 
his own proposal, a commission of Cardinals, which soon 
included the names of Egidio Canisio and Numai, was 
appointed to 3 deal with both aspects of the question. 

1 Cf. the ^letter of V. Albergati, Rome, 1523, November 24 (State 
Archives, Bologna). 

2 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 86. In a *Brief to 
Cardinal Lang, 1523, December i, Clement expressed the hope that 
the Cardinals would give him their help against the German heresy : 
"ut Germania, fortissima et piissima semper provincia et Rom. Imperil 
sedes inclyta, his venenis, quibus inficitur, libera christiano candori tua 
quoque praestanti opera restituatur." Arm., 39, vol. 43, n. 8 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

3 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 86 ; cf. Quellen und 
Forsch., III., 2-3, and SANUTO, XXXV., 278. 

1 06 


The immediate result of their deliberations was, that the 
commission, on the I4th of December, recommended the 
despatch of two Nuncios, one to Germany and a second 
to Switzerland. 1 

Clement, in his anxiety concerning the advance of 
Lutheranism, 2 also invited men thoroughly acquainted 
with German affairs, such as Eck and Aleander, to furnish 
him with reports as to what should be done with regard 
to the heretical movement. While Eck laid before him 
what was substantially a summary of his conversations 
with Adrian VI., 3 Aleander composed a special memor 
andum on the means to be employed to suppress heresy 
in Germany. In this he requested the Pope to remove 
the abuses in the Curia, and to punish unworthy priests 
with the extreme penalty of deprivation; he further ad 
vised him not merely to summon the Emperor and the 
other temporal princes to take steps against the heretics, 
but also to exhort, under pain of censure, the negligent 
German bishops to the performance of their duties. The 
concordats should be strictly observed, and diocesan and 
provincial synods held under the presidency only of men 
of approved loyalty to the Holy See. The Inquisition 
Aleander wished to see transferred, not to princes or 
monks, who were objects of popular hatred, but to the 
bishops. He deprecated the total abolition of indulgences, 
but urged that they should be issued sparingly and with 
caution. The Nuncios in Germany should narrowly watch 
the monks, the men of learning, and the printers, since 
with these classes they would have to reckon before all 
others if they wished to provide an effectual antidote to 
the diffusion of poisonous doctrine. He then made very 

1 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 86. 

2 SANUTO, XXV., 320, 339, 348. 

3 See our remarks, Vol. IX. of this work, p. 108 seqq. 


detailed proposals for dealing with the above-named classes 
of persons in order to foster the good in them and counter 
act the evil. In cases of contumacious heresy, Aleander 
counselled, with a reference to the procedure of a Gregory 
VII. and an Innocent III., the application of the severest 
penalties : the interdict and an embargo on trade for the 
cities of the Empire, withdrawal of privileges from the 
University of Wittenberg, and the proclamation of the Ban 
of the Empire and deposition against the Elector of Saxony. 
Since all the good-will of Leo X. and Adrian VI. had 
proved fruitless, lenient measures were no longer of any 
avail ; they only helped to spread the evil, until it had at 
length reached Rome itself. For the sins of Christendom 
God had permitted this affliction to fall upon the Church ; 
therefore the only real and lasting succour must be sought 
in the revival of her ancient virtues. 1 

The report of an anonymous writer is occupied with a 
thorough examination of the complaints of the German 
nation presented to the Diet of Nuremberg in the year 
1523. The author, evidently a member of the Curia, seeks 
to throw the responsibility, for the most part, on the 
German Bishops. With a strange hallucination, he will 
admit no guilt on the part of the Roman Curia, and only 
recommends an improvement of the existing system in a 
few points. The report comes to a point in the proposal 
to send a Nuncio of unimpeachable character and eminent 
learning, with the powers of a Legate a latere, to the 

1 DOLLINGER S version is not quite correct, Beitrage, III., 268 to 
284. Cf. DITTRICH, Kath. Reformation, 367 seg., and HEFELE- 
HERGENROTHER, IX., 347 seq. The latter has also more in detail 
concerning the advice of J. Haner, published by BALAN in Mon. ref., 
n. 141. The opinion of the Bishop of Breslau is given by EHSES in 
Histor. Jahrb., XIV., 834 seq. ; for that of Cochlaus see SPAHN, 
109 seq. 


German Empire, there to use his authority with modera 
tion and firmness towards the patrons of the erroneous 
teaching. 1 

Clement VII. followed the advice given in this document, 
but it was not easy to find the personage fully qualified for 
the German legation. The Pope s choice fell at last on 
Cardinal Campeggio, who had proved himself to be an 
experienced diplomatist and to have a knowledge of 
German affairs; a staunch Churchman, he was yet pro 
foundly convinced of the necessity of thorough reforms. At 
the same time, at the end of December 1523, Clement VII. 
determined to send his chamberlain, Girolamo Rorario, as 
a Nuncio to Germany, to be Campeggio s forerunner and 
to prepare the way. 2 

For the instruction of the Legate, Aleander prepared 
a memorandum on the measures to be adopted in 
dealing with Luther. He here lays great stress on the 
necessity of the Legate and those with him being con 
spicuous for their good reputation and observance of all 
the laws and customs of the Church. The Legate himself 
must use his faculties with moderation and circumspection ; 
all benefices are to be conferred only on good and learned 
men of German birth ; in his demeanour he must show 
the utmost modesty, friendliness, seriousness, and dignity, 
and, above all, discretion ; he is not to be drawn into 
disputations concerning truths of the Faith ; he must be 
thoroughly acquainted with the points of controversy, and 
draw his proofs from the Scriptures and the Fathers rather 
than from the scholastic system, then in great odium in 

1 *Cod. Vat., 4896, f. 218 segg., in Vatican Library. Extracts in 
DITTRICH, Kath. Ref., 359 seq. 

2 BALAN, Mon. ref.,n. 136-140. Nuntiaturberichteaus Deutschland, 
I., xlvi.; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 88 seq. ; Reichstagsakten, IV., 476, n. 
2, cf. BAUER, Anfange Ferdinands L, 221. 


Germany; and especially he must avoid sophistries and 
paradoxes. Aleander examines in close detail the 
grievances of the German nation, declaring them to be 
only in part justifiable ; for these redress should be 
promised ; but he complains of the superfluous trouble 
caused to the Holy See by the manufacture of gravamina. 
For the refutation of unfounded complaints he gives full 
and thorough recommendations. He does the same with 
regard to dealings with the bishops and the mendicant 
Orders. On no account whatever is the Legate to show 
his instructions to anyone, so that he may not undergo 
experiences similar to those of Chieregati at Nuremberg. 
He is neither to promise nor refuse a Council ; if he calls 
attention to the difficulties standing in the way of one, 
let him point out, in that connection, that, in the mean 
time, the laws against heresy must be put in force. 
Aleander tries to refute in detail the objections made to 
the collection of annates, and then concludes by once 
more imparting counsels to the Nuncio concerning his 
behaviour : he is not to be arrogant or violent, neither 
is he to show timidity, but to maintain a steady courage 
and, above all, a wise discretion. Especially must he 
and his personal following avoid all cause of scandal 
or offence, adapt themselves as much as possible to the 
customs of Germany, and with unbiassed minds recognize 
the existing good in that nation. 1 

Campeggio, whose appointment as Legate a latere for 
the whole of Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, and 
the three northern kingdoms was ratified 2 in a consistory 

1 DOLLINGER, Beitrage, III., 243-267. For the date of composition 
see DITTRICH, Kath. Ref., 361 ; cf. Reichstagsakten, IV., 471. 

2 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forsch., 87 ; Bull of January n, 1524 ; 
*Regest, 1242, f. 153 scq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. Reich 
stagsakten, IV., 471, n. i, and Giorn. d. lett Ital, XXXVI., 373, n. 


held on the 8th of January 1524, was primarily and before 
all other considerations to represent the Catholic interests 
in the forthcoming Diet at Nuremberg, but also to urge 
on the support of Hungary against the Turks. In order 
to make fitting preparation for Campeggio s mission, and 
in support of it, Clement VII. undertook a series of steps 
the success of which had at first to be waited for. 1 For 
this reason the Legate did not leave Rome until the ist 
of February, 2 and then travelled slowly ; on the 26th of 
February he was at Trent, on the 3rd of March at Innsbruck, 
on the Qth at Augsburg, and on the I4th he reached 
Nuremberg. 3 In the course of this journey he had already 
an opportunity of realizing the critical and increasing 
alteration in popular feeling, due to the unscrupulous 
agitation conducted against Catholic institutions from the 
pulpit and the printing press, at the instigation of the 
Lutheran leaders. In Augsburg he was made the object 
of popular derision. At Nuremberg the ecclesiastical 
ceremonies of his reception were omitted, while the 
preacher Osiander was allowed to discourse on the 
Roman Antichrist. 4 

Campeggio received monthly 500 ducats ; see *Lib. deposit, gen. 1524 
(State Archives, Rome). 

1 Cf. RlCHTER, Reichstag zu Niirnberg, 92 seq. 

2 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forsch., 87. 

3 The previous accounts of his journey (Reichstagsakten, IV., 471, 
n. i) were enlarged in important particulars by a **report of some 
length (also interesting from a literary point of view) from Eremita 
[Girolamo Rigini] to B. Castiglione, dat. Nurenberga il 3 di di 
Pasqua, 1524 (Mantuan Library), which I intend to publish in the Acta 

4 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI., 279-280 ; UHLHORN, U. Rhegius, Elber- 
feld, 1861, 58 seq. ; FORSTEMANN, Neues Urkundenbuch, I. (1842), 
153 seq., 158, 160; WILKEN, A. Osiander, I. (1844), 49; Reichstags 
akten, IV., 467 seq.) 727. 


In the presence of these hostile dispositions towards the 
Holy See, which were almost general throughout the 
Empire, and were specially dominant in Nuremberg, 1 
Campeggio thought it wise to proceed with great caution. 
His first speech in the Diet, on the i;th of March, was 
therefore conciliatory in tone ; nevertheless he spoke quite 
distinctly of the task assigned to him, for he called for the 
execution of the Edict of Worms. To the question of 
the Princes concerning the joint complaints of the German 
nation presented at the Diet of the previous year, 
Campeggio explained that the Pope had no official 
knowledge of the document, which had been transmitted 
to Rome only in a private manner; he, Campeggio, had 
seen a copy, but did not believe that a document of 
such "exceeding impropriety" could have been agreed 
to by the Estates. If he had no present instructions 
concerning this particular missive, yet he had full 
powers to treat with the Estates on the question of 
the national grievances ; in his opinion, it was to be 
recommended that the Germans, like the Spaniards, 
should send envoys to Rome; he did not doubt that 
the Pope would meet the just demands of their nation. 
Thereupon the old complaints, with some fresh ones 
added, were presented. 2 

Although Campeggio, supported by learned Italians and 
Germans, such as Cochlaus and Nausea, 8 was zealously 

1 Eremita in the *letter cited supra, p. 1 1 1, n. 3, remarks : " Certo e 
che queste genti sono pessimamente disposte verso la chiesa Romana" 
(Mantuan Library). For the hostile feeling in Nuremberg, see also the 
*letter of an intimate friend of Campeggio in TIZIO, *Hist. Senen. G 
II., 39 (Chigi Library, Rome). 

2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, II., i8th ed., 353 seq. ; RICHTER, 98 seq.\ 
Reichstagsakten, IV., 468 seg. t 487 seq. 

3 Cf. DE LEVA, III., 326; OTTO, Cochlaus, 138; GESS, Cochlaus, 
26 ; SPAHN, 115 seq. ; RICHTER, 93 ; METZNER, Nausea, 24. 

active in the Diet, 1 the negotiations over the new doctrines 
entered upon a new phase which was, to him, highly 
unacceptable. The Estates did not, indeed, deny their 
obligation to carry out the Edict of Worms, but at the 
same time they demanded a National Council empowered 
to deal, not merely with the complaints against the Curia 
and the complaints of the laity against the clergy, but 
with the controversies on religious doctrine. This proposal, 
full of danger to the Catholic cause, if not directly put 
forward by Bavaria, was at any rate supported by that 
Catholic country. 2 

The Cardinal-Legate, who represented the view that 
the reformation of the Church would be better carried out 
in any other way than by a General Council, must have 
been still more averse to an independent authoritative 
National Council. In consequence of his opposition, con 
cessions were so far made that, in the resolutions presented 
at the recess of the Diet, only a provisional settlement of 
controversial questions was assigned to the National 
Council, the final ruling being reserved for the General 
Council ; also the expression " National Council " was 
dropped, and " General assembly of the German nation " 
to meet at Spires in November substituted for it. To 
this also the Legate objected, but without result. The 
Lutheran towns and nobles protested, on their side, 
against the renewal of the Edict of Worms in the final 
decree, although to please the Estates the execution of the 

1 What great hopes were built on his ability and enthusiasm is shown 
by a ^letter from Nuremberg to Clement VII. of March 23, 1524, 
describing vividly the danger from Lutheranism (original in Lett. div. 
ad Clem. VII., Vol. I., Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Cf. V. DRUFFEL in Abhandl. der Munch. Akad., 3 Klasse, XVII., 
659 ; RiCHTER, 104 seg. ; RlEZLER, IV., 101 ; Histor. Zeitschr., LXIV., 

VOL. X. 8 


Edict was qualified by the significant phrase " as far as is 
possible." 1 Campeggio disclosed his attitude towards the 
decree of the Diet by promising to use his influence with 
the Pope in favour of a General Council, and declaring 
himself ready to enter into negotiations over the German 
grievances and the reform of the clergy ; to the assembly 
at Spires he refused to give his approval. His stand 
point seems to have been, so far, the correct one; for, if the 
Edict of Worms held good, a fresh investigation of the 
doctrines therein repudiated was an absurdity. 2 

During his stay in Nuremberg, Campeggio was kept 
closely informed of the serious defects of the German 
Church by men who had the Catholic cause deeply at 
heart ; he had also convinced himself of the pressing 
necessity for that reform of the German clergy demanded 
by so many of the princes, if Lutheranism was to be 
successfully encountered. 3 On the receipt of his report 
at Rome, Clement VII., on the I4th of April 1524, gave 
him full authority to hold a convention in Germany for 
the reform of the national clergy. 4 This Assembly, 
in which the Archduke Ferdinand, the Bavarian Dukes, 
many bishops of South Germany, and the most important 
literary champions of German Catholicism (Cochlaus, 
Eck, Johann Faber, and Nausea) took part, opened 
in June at Ratisbon. A scheme of clergy reform 
prepared by Campeggio and already produced at Nurem- 

1 See WEIZSACKER in the Histor. Zeitschr., XLIV., 200; cf. 
FRIEDENSBURG in Quellen und Forsch., III., i. 

2 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 152, and also EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xviii.; 
HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 359 seq.\ RICHTER, 109 seq.\ Reichs- 
tagsakten, IV., 521 seq. 

3 Cf. the proposals of the Franciscan A. Bomhouwer for encountering 
the Lutheran heresy, published by KIRSCH in the Histor. Jahrb., X., 
807 seq,; see also GESS, Kirchenpolitik Georgs von Sachsen, 653. 

4 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 148 ; cf. RICHTER, 101. 


berg was here discussed, accepted, and published for the 
whole of Germany in a legatine decree with full apostolic 
authority on the /th of July. The ordinances formed a first 
and important step towards a reformation of the Church 
from within ; in carrying them out she would be freed 
from many defects, and many grievances would be removed. 
At the same time Campeggio succeeded at Ratisbon in 
combining for the first time the forces of at least the South 
German Catholics (the Archduke Ferdinand, the Bavarian 
Dukes, and twelve bishops) by an act of union. The 
above-named pledged themselves to uphold the Edict of 
Worms, and to resist all religious innovations. 1 

At Rome the proceedings at Nuremberg had been 
followed attentively. The fatal delusion that only Saxony 
was on the side of Luther 2 had soon to give way in the face 
of facts. 3 In the beginning of May, Clement and the 
Cardinals consulted as to the measures to be taken to meet 
the resolutions of the Diet, and Cardinals Monte and Numai 
drew up special reports. It was determined not to refuse 
the demand for a General Council absolutely ; attention, of 
course, was to be drawn to the hindrances in the way 
arising from the warlike complications in Europe, but at 
the same .time the prospect of negotiations was to be held 
out. With regard to the grievances, redress was promised 

1 For the Regensburg Reformation and Union see JANSSEN-PASTOR, 
II., i8th ed., 360^.; FRIEDENSBURG, Regensburger Konvent, 502 seq.- y 
DITTRICH, Kath. Ref., 382 seq.\ HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 374 seq. 
See also STOY, Biindnisbestrebimgen (1888), 6 ; BRISCHAR, I., 63 seq.\ 
SPAHN, 117 seq., and NECKERMANN in the Augsb. Postzeitung, 1905, 
Beil. 23 and 25. For the great difficulties standing in the way of the 
Bishops reforms cf. HAUTHALER, Kardinal M. Lang und die religios- 
soziale Bewegung seiner Zeit, II., Salzburg, 1896. The Protestants 
attacked the Legate s reforms in pasquinades ; see BUCHOLTZ, II., 67. 

2 SANUTO, XXXVI., 232. 

3 Ibid., 268. 


by the suspension of the regulations of the Lateran 
Council, and the appointment of a commission of Cardinals 
to investigate further. If on these two important questions 
an understanding was come to with the German opposition, 
the execution of the Edict of Worms was all the more 
strongly insisted on, and the National Council at Spires 
was not the less strongly opposed. Not merely the 
Emperor, but even foreign sovereigns, such as the kings of 
England, France, and Portugal, were asked to protest, 1 and 
a series of briefs, couched in this sense, was despatched in 
May. At the same time also the Nuncios were ordered 
to take action ; 2 especially full instructions were sent to the 
Papal representatives at the Emperor s court. 3 

This action of Clement had as its result that Charles V. 
repeatedly and in sharp and peremptory terms prohibited 
the National Council of Spires, and ordered the observance 
of the Edict of Worms and the avoidance of all religious 
innovation. 4 If Charles directed his envoys at Rome to 
acquaint the Pope with these measures, he made it plain 
at the same time that he considered that it would be 
of advantage to summon a General Council ; he recom 
mended Trent, a place which was practically a German 

1 Cf. PALLAVICINI, II., 10 ; EHSES, Cone. Trid.. IV., xviii. seq.\ 
FRIEDENSBURG in Quellen und Forsch., III., 2 seq., 6 seq.; SANUTO, 
XXXVI., 346, 387, 412. The Bull *In Coena, dat. 1523 (st. fl.) 9 Cal. 
April, condemns all heretics and especially Luther and his adherents ; 
Regest., 1245, f- 1 S 2 Se 9- (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Cf. PALLAVICINI, II., 10 ; RAYNALDUS, 1524,11. 15 seq.\ EHSES, 
Cone. Trid., IV., xix.; BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 157 ; WEIZSACHER in the 
Histor. Zeitschr., LXIV., 205 seq.; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 363 ; 
and BRASSE, Die Geschichte des Speierer Nationalkonzils (Diss.), Halle, 

3 BALAN, Mon. ref., 154 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 365 seq. 

4 Cf. Notizenblatt zum Archiv fiir osterr. Gesch., II., 97 set?., 245, 
and also Histor. Zeitschr., LXIV., 208 seq. 


town, although within Italian territory ; but the Pope 
would be at liberty to transfer the Council to Italy at some 
later date. 1 

The union of Ratisbon and the reforms undertaken 
there, the Emperor s strict insistence on the observance 
of the Edict of Worms, and the obstruction of the 
National Council at Spires were undoubtedly remarkable 
successes. Campeggio, who remained in Vienna until the 
8th of December, actively engaged from thence in his 
campaign against the Lutherans in Germany and in his 
reconciliation of the Bohemian Utraquists, 2 might well be 
proud of them ; he believed that half of his principal task 
had been achieved. 3 But the great social revolution so 
soon to break out in Germany brought all his fair hopes 
again to an end. 

Clement VII. was thoroughly informed by the reports 
of Girolamo Rorario, Nuncio to Ferdinand I., and through 
various private persons, of the bloodshed which was turning 
Germany into a second Bohemia. Campeggio also, who 
remained in Ofen till well on in June, sent him numerous 
communications. 4 The Pope was greatly alarmed, 5 and in 
formed Ferdinand on the 29th of May of the despatch of a 
subsidy to the amount of 20,000 ducats ; the Emperor, who, 
unfortunately, was still lingering in Spain, he exhorted 
to more strenuous action in order to avert yet greater 

1 See HEINE, Briefe, 518 seq., and EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xix. 
Sessa was convinced on political grounds that it was better not to 
carry out the injunctions concerning the Council ; see BERGENROTH, II., 
n. 675. 

2 Cf. Lett. d. princ., I., 79 b , and BALAN, Mon. ref., pp. 365, 371, 392 
seq., 395 seq., 402. 

3 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 164, p. 362 ; cf. FRIEDENSBURG, Regensb. 
Konvent, 531 seq. 


5 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVIII., 293, 348, 356 ; XXXIX., 19. 


dangers. 1 The disorders in Germany and the enmity 
between France and Spain were adduced by the Pope as 
reasons which prohibited him from convening a Council. 2 

Notwithstanding the detailed reports received in Rome, 
as in foreign countries generally, of the peasants in 
surrection, there was no correct conception of the real 
state of affairs. The accounts that came in were fatally 
misleading, and men were under the delusion that Luther- 
anism had, to all intents and purposes, been suppressed 
simultaneously with the sanguinary extinction of the social 
revolution, in which both friends and foes of the new 
teaching had co-operated. 3 The only person who did 
not share in this delusion, Campeggio, 4 was recalled 5 
because, in the opinion of many, his mission had not been 
sufficiently successful, 6 and also, as is most probable, 
because his sympathies were too Imperialist. 

The functions of the Nunciature were now concentrated 
in the person of Rorario, the Nuncio to Ferdinand. And 
yet, in face of the difficult and -complicated situation, not 

1 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 210, 216, 222 ; cf. Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 
Forsch., 91 ; SANUTO, XXXIX., 9, 19 seq. Why only half of the 20,000 
ducats was paid is explained by Sessa s ^despatch to Charles V., dat. 
Rome, 1525, December 10, in Col. Salazar, A 35, f. 255 seq., Biblioteca 
de la Acad. de Historia, Madrid. 

2 See SADOLETI, Epistolae, appendix, Romae, 1767, XXII.; cf. 

3 Cf. Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forsch., 91 seq.; see also G. de 
Medici s *letter, dat. Rome, 1525, July 8 (State Archives, Florence). 

4 Campeggio had announced the end of the peasants war on August 
5, 1 525, " but " so he added " things are not going well, as the princes 
and nobles are turning their advantage to account." LAEMMER, 
Mon. Vat., 23. 

6 His return was under consideration on October 13, 1525 ; see *Acta 
Consist, in Consistorial Archives. Campeggio did not return to Rome 
until October 20 ; *Acta Consist, loc. cit. 

e Cf. SANUTO, XXXIX., 33. 


merely was the presence of a permanent Cardinal-Legate 
necessary, but also the despatch of a fresh Nuncio 
in the interests of accurate information. How defective 
information was as to the real state of affairs in Germany 
is best shown from the fact that, when Clement VII. on 
the 23rd of August 1525 wrote numerous letters of con 
gratulation l to the German princes on their victory over 
the Lutherans, one of those thus addressed was the 
Landgrave Philip of Hesse. 2 The Pope, and the Cardinals 
appointed to sit as a commission on Lutheran affairs had 
evidently not the slightest notion that since the end of 
1523 Philip had been a patron of the new teaching. 3 The 
affairs of Bohemia also had been grossly misrepresented in 
Rome. The sanguine hopes fostered by Campeggio of the 
return of the Utraquists to the Church and of the defeat of 
Lutheranism were soon shown to be entirely futile. 4 

What random and, in some instances, nonsensical reports 
obtained credence in the Curia, is illustrated by the circum- 

1 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 247, 248. 

2 See GEISTHIRT, Hist, schmalcald. in the Zeitschr. fiir henneberg. 
Gesch., III., Suppl.-Heft (1885), p. 68. In this letter, composed by 
Sadoleti and hitherto overlooked by all investigators, the peasants 
and the "impii et nepharii Lutheran!" are completely identified. 

3 Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., 1 8th ed., 58, n. i. Of the commission of 
Cardinals, consisting of fourteen members, there is, unfortunately, 
only a general mention in the ^letters of G. de Medici of the 24th 
and 27th May 1525 (State Archives, Florence). 

4 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forsch., 90, and Relat. orat, ed. 
FRAKNOI, 148 seq. Cf. also ^letter of G. de Medici, dat. Rome, 1525, 
February 25 (State Archives, Florence), and the Brief of Clement VII., 
quoted by WIEDEMANN, Gesch. der Reformation im Lande unter der 
Enns, I., Prag, 1879, 292. For the destruction of these hopes cf. 
PALACKY, V., 2, 537 seq. ; FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 84 seq. ; BUCHOLTZ, IV., 
446 ; GiNDELY, Bohm. Briider, I., 182 seq. For the ignorance of 
German affairs in Rome see also KALKOFF in Archiv fur Reformations- 
geschichte, III., 70. 


stance that in the consistory of the 6th of September 1525 
it was stated that Catholic worship had been restored at 
Wittenberg and that Luther had narrowly escaped capture. 1 
It was excusable that the sentiments of the Grand Master 
of the Teutonic Order should long have deceived the 
Roman court ; for this prince had allayed with consum 
mate ability the early awakened distrust of Clement VII. 2 
The first certain intelligence of the apostasy of Albert of 
Brandenburg was brought to Rome in letters from German 
bishops in the latter half of March 1525.3 Of the alliance 
of the Grand Master with King Sigismund of Poland so 
little was known that the Pope intended to present 4 the 
latter with the consecrated sword on the 2/th of March. 
It was not known until the beginning of May that Albert 
had broken his oath to the Church, the Order, and the 
Empire, that he had constituted himself secular lord of 
the territory of the Order, and had received the latter as a 
fief from the Polish king. 5 The consternation of the Pope 
and his advisers was very great 6 on the subsequent receipt 
of a letter from King Sigismund, in which he tried to justify 
his behaviour and made protestation of his Catholic zeal. 7 

1 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 92. 

2 Cf. JOACHIM, III., 91 S eq. TSCHACKERT, I., 29 seq., II., 81 seq., 
105 ; JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., iSth ed, 77 seq. 

3 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 90. 

*Acta Consist, in Consistorial Archives ; cf. Acta Tomic., VII., 295. 
1 See Acta Tomic., VII., 283 seq., and Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 91. 

6 Acta Tomic., VII., 283. 

7 THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 429 seq. ; BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 212. Cf. 
DITTRICH, Gesch. des Katholizismus in Altpreussen, I., Braunsberg, 
1901, n seq., 19 seq. *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor note on 
July 3, 1525 : " Fuerunt lectae binae litterae ser. regis Poloniae, alterae 
continentes causam concordiae initae inter Majest. suam et magnum 
magistrum olim ord. Theutonic., alterae vero continentes indutias initas 
cum tyranno Turcarum " (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican). 


Clement comforted himself with the assurance that the 
king, whose intentions were so good, would, if he could once 
more gain the ascendancy over Prussia, make amends for 
his faults and again help on the ancient faith to victory. 1 
In a Brief of the 2Oth of July 1525 he urgently appealed 
to Sigismund to this effect. 2 On the 3ist of January 1526 
the Pope approached Charles with the entreaty that he 
would not give his sanction to Albert s alteration of the 
constitution of the Order. 3 A commission of Cardinals 
examined the whole case thoroughly, 4 whereon Clement, 
on the 2 ist of January 1527, empowered the loyal remnant 
of the Teutonic knights to elect a new Grand Master. 5 

Although the Bishop of Trent and the Nuncio Rorario 
himself had asked in August 1525 for the despatch of a 
special representative of the Holy See to Germany, 6 this 

1 Acta Tomic., VII., 333 ; DITTRICH, loc. cit., 20. 

2 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI, 165 seq. (n. 123). 

3 RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 121. 

4 Cf. Acta Consist, of January 14, 1527, in KALKOFF, 92. The 
Commission had been appointed on November 28, 1526: " S. D. N. 
deputavit rev. d. A. de Monte ep. Portuen., L. Campegium et de Cesis 
super rebus ordinis B. Mariae Theutonic. Prusiae et Livoniae " (*Acta 
Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor in Consistorial Archives). For the 
spread of the new teaching in Livonia, and Clement s anxiety to 
maintain the Catholic Church in that country, see PFULF S articles in 
Stimmen aus Maria Laach, LI I., 413 seqq., 536 seqq. 

5 See v. PETTENEGG, Die Urkunden des Deutschordens-Zentral- 
archivs, L, Prag, 1887, 616. Cf. KARGE in the Altpreuss. Monat- 
schrift, XXXIX., 394. Here, as well as in Pettenegg, the Brief has 
been assigned incorrectly to 1 526. In the copy in the General Archives 
of the Teutonic Order in Vienna the date is clearly given : " Romae 
die 21 Jan. 1527 pont. nostri anno quarto." Clement s *Brief of 
January 21, 1527, to Ferdinand I. refers to the same circumstance 
(original in Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

6 BALAN, Mon. ref., n. 239, 242 ; cf. 257. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, 
IX., 450-453- 


had not been done. Consequently the final decrees of 
the Diets of Augsburg and Spires (gth of January and 
2/th of August 1526) were framed in a sense unfavourable 
to Catholic interests. The resolution of the Diet of 
Spires, that in the matter of the Edict of Worms each 
Estate, pending the summons of a General Council, should 
act in such a way as they could answer for before God 
and the Emperor, did not certainly afford a legal basis 
for the self-development of the Protestant system of State 
Churches, but it was used as a starting-point for their 
formation. 1 A change was in process of accomplishment, 
the vast scope of which was hardly understood in Rome, 
where purely political concerns were more and more 
absorbing men s attention. Luther conceded to the 
princely and civic authorities a power over their territories 
far greater than that hitherto possessed by the Pope. 
Not merely the constitution and government, but the 
worship and doctrine of the Church were surrendered 
to the princes and civic magistrates as State bishops; 
the latter forthwith determined what their subjects had 
to believe as their " Evangelium." From this absolute 
episcopate of the rulers of the State was reached, 
as a logical conclusion, the application of the axiom 
which flouts all freedom of conscience: " Cujus regio 
illius religio." 

The development of the Lutheran State Church system 
and the forcible suppression of the Catholic Church, first 
in Hesse and the Saxon Electorate, and then in many 
of the territories belonging to the princes and cities of 
Germany, were singularly favoured by the unhappy strife 
between Emperor and Pope ; while they were alternately 
checkmating one another, the half-political, half-religious 
opposition unfriendly to them was securing a firm 

1 See JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 31 seqq., 52 seqq. 


footing in Germany. The Protestants rejoiced to see the 
heads of Christendom at warlike variance with each other, 
and made full use of this circumstance to spread their 
doctrines and apply coercive measures against Catholics. 
The conflict between Emperor and Pope weakened also 
the resistance of the Catholics, and checked the progress of 
the reform of the Church from within begun by the latter 
in 1524, and thus the fruits of Campeggio s labours were, 
for the most part, again wasted. In consequence of the 
same struggle, the activity of the Catholic scholars in 
defence of the ancient faith, so zealously encouraged by 
the Cardinal, and the significant action of Erasmus in 
taking part openly against Luther, 1 failed to have the 
anticipated effect. Political troubles made such claims on 
the attention of the Curia that the affairs of Germany 
gradually passed out of sight. It was a sign of the times 
that the Papal briefs dealing with Germany became fewer 
and fewer ; 2 for a considerable length of time the relations 
between Germany and the Roman Curia were practically 
broken off. 3 

At last, in 1529, the regular representation of the Holy 
See in Germany was resumed by the mission of Gian 
Tommaso Pico della Mirandola, a layman, to the Diet 

1 Cf. the literary references in JANSSEN-PASTOR, I4th ed., 576, and 
MAURENBRECHER, Kath. Ref., 247 seq. 

2 Belonging to the year 1526, I noticed also ^instructions to the 
Abbots of Tegernsee, Altaich, and so forth, to take strong proceedings 
against the Lutherans, and a *Brief to the Dominicans of Augsburg " Ad 
perseverandum adversus Lutheranos," dat. February 26 ; likewise *to 
the Convent of St. Catherine in that city, dat. February 27, and 
on the same date a *Brief for " Hebrardo de Chicis mag. provinc. 
per totam Germaniam ord. praed. (hortatorium in re Lutherana)." 
Min. brev., 1526, vol. 46, n. 59, 118, 119, 122 (Secret Archives of 
the Vatican). 

3 FRIEDENSBURG, Nuntiaturberichte, I., xlvii. 


of Spires. 1 This nobleman announced on the I3th of 
April that the Pope was prepared to give hearty support 
to Germany against the Turks, to make efforts for the 
restoration of peace, and, finally, to summon a Council for 
the ensuing summer. But this declaration made no im 
pression on the Estates. 2 To what an extraordinary 
extent things had altered to the disadvantage of Catholics 
was shown in the deliberations on the recess of the 
Diet. Although the latter confirmed to the Protestant 
States the retention of the new forms of doctrine and 
Church order within their own boundaries, and only 
asked for toleration towards the Catholics among them, 
a protest was raised on the iQth of April by the 
Elector of Saxony, the Margrave George of Brandenburg- 
Kulmbach, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, the Dukes 
Ernest and Francis of Liineberg, and Prince Wolfgang 
of Anhalt. On the 25th of April the protesting party 
appealed from all existing and future grievances to 
the Emperor and the forthcoming free council. This 
set the seal on the religious severance of the German 
nation. 3 

Two months later came the conclusion, at Barcelona, 
of the treaty of peace between Charles V. and Clement 
VII., coupled, in the February of the following year, with 
the meeting of the Emperor and the Pope at Bologna. 
At this conference, Charles, who had never lost sight of 

1 RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 15 ; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 90. Important 
additional information about Rorario is given in a *Brief of Clement s 
to Duke Henry of Brunswick, dat. Viterbo, 1528, June 12, announcing 
Rorario s arrival (Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm., 40, vol. 22, 
n. 477). 

2 REY, Gesch. der Reichstags zu Speier im Jahre 1529, Hamburg, 
1880, 207 seg. 

3 JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 153 seqq. 


the conciliar question even during the recent troubles, 1 
obtained Clement s consent to a General Council, to be 
held as soon as this means of overcoming heresy and 
restoring the unity of the Church should be proved to be 
necessary. It was the Emperor s object to induce the 
Protestants to submit temporarily to the authority of the 
Church, so that on this basis some reasonable expectation 
might be founded that the Council would terminate once 
for all the religious divisions of Germany. In the hope of 
attaining this end with the co-operation of the States of 
the Empire, Charles wrote from Bologna, on the 2ist 
of January 1530, appointing a Diet to be held at 
Augsburg on the 8th of April. 2 

Charles left Bologna on the 22nd of March on his 
journey to Germany. He was accompanied by Cardinal 
Lorenzo Campeggio, who had been appointed Legate to 
Germany in the Consistory of the i6th of March 1 53<D. 3 At 
Innsbruck, where the Emperor arrived on the 3rd of May 
with the intention, at first, of staying a few days in order to 
acquaint himself more fully with the state of affairs in 
Germany, his halt lasted until the 6th of June. Here 
Charles was awaited by his brother Ferdinand and the 

1 Cf. DE LEVA, III., 1 6. 

2 Cf. for what follows, especially EHSES, Concilium Tridentinum, IV., 
xxvii. to cxi. ; also EHSES, Kardinal Lorenzo Campeggio auf dem 
Reichstage von Augsburg, 1530, Rom. Quartalschr., XVII., 383- 
406, XVIIL, 358-384, XIX., 129-152, XX., 54-81; PASTOR, Die 
kirchlichen Reunionsbestrebungen, 17-89; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, 
Konzilengeschichte, IX., 699 seqq. 

3 Acta Consist, in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxii. Already on 
February 12, 1530, A. da Burgo had ^reported to Ferdinand I. from 
Bologna : " Papa omnino vult mittere cum Caesare unum legatum 
et sermo est de card. Campegio, tamen adhuc ille non acceptavit. 
Apud M tem V. vult S. S tas quod nuntius suas perseveret" (Court 
and State Archives, Vienna), 


Cardinals of Salzburg and Trent, while the Dukes of 
Bavaria and George of Saxony came later. 1 Charles found 
special gratification in the reconciliation to the Church 
of his brother-in-law, Christian of Denmark, 2 which took 
place in the capital of the Tyrol. On the other hand, 
the reports brought in from the States of the Empire as to 
the religious conditions there existing were disquieting. 
On the ground of the information then received, Campeggio 
wrote on the 4th of May to Rome, to the Pope s private 
secretary, Jacopo Salviati, that Germany was, as he had 
supposed, in great disorder. A principal difficulty con 
cerning the Council wished for by both parties was 
whether it should now be a General Council of the Church 
or a council of the nation ; the Dukes of Bavaria, prominent 
Catholic princes, especially looked upon the council as the . 
most effectual means of salvation. There were weighty 
reasons for opposing a national council ; as regards a 
General Council, he would do his duty. 3 On the 8th of 
May the Emperor asked Campeggio to lay before him a 
written opinion on the most suitable means to be resorted 
to for the removal of the religious contentions a request 
which was complied with on that or the following day. 4 

1 EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., XVII., 384 seq., 387, 388. 

2 See infra, cap. IX. 

3 EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., XVII., 385. The Italian text in EHSES, 
Cone. Trid., IV., xxxii. seq. 

4 Campeggio on May 9 to the Papal private secretary, Giov. Batt. 
Sanga : see EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., XVI I., 386 seq. t and on May 
13 to Salviati : see LAEMMER, Monumenta Vaticana, 35. The Italian 
text of this document, along with an appended " Sommario " (marked 
"Parecer sobre las cosas de Alemaiia"), has been published from a copy 
in the Spanish Archives at Simancas by MAURENBRECHER, Karl V. 
und die deutschen Protestanten, Diisseldorf, 1865, 3*-! 6*. For other 
copies cf. EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., IX., 406 seq., XVII., 387 seq. ; 
Cone. Trid., IV., xxxii.; PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 65. 


Campeggio did not expect much from the good-will 
of the Protestant princes ; he was much more in favour 
of decisive measures against the innovators. He advised, 
in the case of failure to restore unity by measures of 
kindness, 1 the use of force, especially by the execution of the 
terms of the Edict of Worms. He also expressed himself 
in the same sense a few days later in conversation with 
the Emperor and King Ferdinand. 2 He was particularly 
opposed to negotiations on the subject of the Council ; 
the Protestants, in demanding one, were not actuated 
by an honourable intention of submitting to its decisions, 
but only of keeping the Emperor in check so that, during 
his sojourn in Germany, he could take no serious measures 
against them. Thereupon the Emperor himself explained 
to him that he had come to an agreement with the Pope at 
Bologna that the Council should be held at a time of 
general peace and quiet in Christendom ; but he hoped 
that, despite the many difficulties, all would yet go well, 
if the Kings of England and France did not encourage 
the Protestants in their opposition. Campeggio also 
discussed the circumstances with the other Catholic 
princes in Innsbruck, who were in favour of a council 
being held ; he was successful in convincing Duke George 
of Saxony of the dangers therein involved. 

On the 1 5th of June the Emperor entered Augsburg, and 
on the 20th the Diet was opened. After the Mass of the 
Holy Ghost the Papal Nuncio, Vincenzo Pimpinella, who 
had accompanied Campeggio, delivered an oration on the 
war against the Turks, and the unity of belief which that 

1 Clement had consented to employ such in the first instance ; see 
*A. da Burgo s report of January 28, 1530, in the Court and State 
Archives, Vienna, in part in BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., III., 24 n. 

2 Campeggio to Salviati on May 20, 1530; see EHSES, Rom. 
Quartalschr., XVII., 388 seq. ; Cone. Trid., IV., xxxiii. seq. 


undertaking demanded. 1 In the second session, on the 
24th of June, Campeggio made a speech on the removal of 
disunion, in which he avoided any expression likely to 
offend the Protestants. 2 On the 25th of June the Augs 
burg Confession, as it came to be afterwards called, was 
read to the Diet. It began with a demand on the part of 
the Protestants that a "general free Christian council" 
should be held in the event of their failing to come to an 
agreement in the present Diet. The document, which was 
signed by the protesting princes of the Diet of Spires, and 
on behalf of the cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen, 
attempted to mitigate and disguise, 3 as much as possible, 
the deeply rooted points of controversy, in order to keep 
up the delusion that the innovators only formed a party 
within the Church, which could easily be reconciled by 
means of a mutual understanding. Immediately after the 
presentation of the Confession the Emperor had written to 
Rome declaring that it afforded an excellent beginning for 
the return of the Protestants to the Church. 4 In Papal 
circles the arrival of the Emperor in Germany and his accord 
with Campeggio on the religious question had given great 
satisfaction. 5 As early as the 3rd of June, Clement, in a 
letter addressed to the Emperor, had expressed the hope 
that the latter, after the expected fall of Florence, would 
devote himself without interruption to the Turkish war 

1 Contemporary publication ; see KUCZYNSKI, Thesaur. libell. hist, 
ref. ill., Lipsiae, 1870, n. 2156. For the oration cf. also PASTOR, 
Reunionsbestrebungen, 19-20. 

2 Cf. SCHIRRMACHER, Briefe und Akten, Gotha, 1876, 362 ; HEFELE- 

3 Cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 23 seqq. 

4 HEINE, Briefe, \$(cf. Docum. ined., XIV., 36 seq., 43 se 9-) 5 PASTOR, 
Reunionsbestrebungen, 52. 

6 See Salviati s letters of May 23 and 24, 1530, in EHSES, Rom. 
Quartalschr., XVII., 390. 


and the cleansing of Germany from heresies. With 
reference to the reconciliation of Christian of Denmark 
through Charles s influence, the Pope remarked that already, 
on his first appearance, his resplendent virtue had begun 
to scatter the darkness. Christian s example would have 
an incalculable influence; he hoped in God that Charles 
would bring to a glorious conclusion an undertaking so 
happily begun for the welfare of Christendom and the 
Apostolic See. 1 

This sanguine hope was stimulated by false reports of 
the decline of Lutheranism, 2 as well as by the Catholic 
attitude of the Emperor, who was acting hand in hand 
with the Cardinal-Legate, and by the moderate terms of 
the Augsburg Confession. How great the optimism of 
the Roman Curia had become is shown by a report of the 
Venetian envoy on the loth of July ; it was hoped that the 
Emperor s appearance on the scene would soon make short 
work of Lutheranism. 3 Another noteworthy symptom of 
Roman opinion is apparent in a letter of Charles s former 
confessor, Garcia de Loaysa, who relates that in a 
Consistory held on the 6th of July the Emperor was 
hailed by almost all the Cardinals as an angel sent from 
heaven for the salvation of Christendom. 4 In this Con 
sistory a despatch from Campeggio, dated the 26th of June, 5 

1 Lett. d. princ., I., 123. Cf. Salviati s letter of June 5, 1530, in 
EHSES, loc. tit., 392. 

2 Cf. SANUTO, LIIL, 256, 266. 

3 SANUTO, LIIL, 368 ; cf. 330. 

4 HEINE, Briefe, 16 ; cj. 10, and Docum. ined., XIV., 36. Already, 
on July 3, 1530, A. da Burgo had ^reported to Ferdinand I.: " Et habuit 
S. S tas magnam voluptatem ex scriptis quod res bene sint inceptae 
in dieta " (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

5 Best copy in EHSES, loc. tit., 395. The entry affixed to the letter 
" il 14 detto" (July) as the date of its receipt is a clerical error. The 
letters did not, at the most, take more than ten days, and in the *Acta 

VOL. X. 9 


was read, containing the triumphant announcement that 
the Protestant princes had agreed to the Emperor s pro 
hibition of Protestant preaching in Augsburg. Campeggio, 
who saw in this a first and hopeful step towards the attain 
ment of his object, reported further that the Emperor, in 
matters of religion, and in a scheme for confuting the 
Augsburg Confession, was acting on his, the Legate s, advice. 
" I cannot write more to-day," he added, " but this I can 
say: things are in a good way." With regard to the 
Protestant demands, Campeggio in the same letter reports 
that they concern, apart from the Council, three points : 
communion under both kinds, the marriage of the clergy, 
and the reformation of the Canon of the Mass and many 
ecclesiastical ceremonies. 

The concession of these demands was the subject of close 
deliberation in the Consistory of the 6th of July ; the 
decision arrived at was a refusal. The demands were in 
compatible with faith and discipline, and in contradiction 
to the principles of the Church ; they must therefore be 
rejected. It was decided further, however, to thank the 
Emperor for his zealous endeavours to bring back the 
adherents of error to the truth. 1 In order to accomplish this 
there was a willingness to make concessions, but none so 
prejudicial as those just dealt with could be considered. 2 

Consist, it says expressly July 6, 1 530 ; " Lectae litterae Campegii in 
causa haeresis Luth." (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.) 

1 The fullest account of the Consistory of July 6, 1530, is in PALLA- 
VICINI, III., 4, who relies on the authority of a Diario in the Ludovisi 
Library. By this is certainly meant some more detailed version of the 
Acta Consist, for which, unfortunately, I have looked without success 
in the Roman collections of MSS. Cf. also Mai s report in DE LEVA, 
III., 13, and in Appendix, No. 13, the ^report of Gonzaga of July 18, 
1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 Cf. Appendix, No. 13. In 1529 Clement was still willing to make 
some concessions to the Protestants ; see DE LEVA, III., 16. 


All other decisions would depend on the course of the 
negotiations at Augsburg, where the Cardinal-Legate was 
indefatigable in his exertions, not only with the Catholic 
members of the Diet and the theologians engaged on a 
rejoinder to the Confession, but with the Emperor. 

Campeggio, to whom Charles had given a Latin copy of 
the Confession, wrote for him on the 28th of June an 
opinion in Italian and Latin on the treatment of the 
religious question. 1 In this he opposed the Council in 
terms similar to those employed in his letter from Innsbruck 
of the 2Oth of May. 2 On the receipt of this memorial from 
the Legate Charles summoned his council, who handed him 
a written opinion 3 on the 3Oth of June or thereabouts. In 
this the Emperor was strongly advised to ask the signatories 
to the Confession if, in the first place, they would accept 
his adjudication on the religious questions. If they 
declined to do so, and if it appeared that a betterment 
could only be reached by means of a General Council, then 
the proposals for the latter would be made at the suitable 
time, but on condition that in the interval all innovations 
contrary to the belief and institutions of the Catholic 
Church should be put on one side and the Edict of 
Worms observed to the letter. Besides this, it seemed 
absolutely necessary, in order to gain the Lutherans more 
easily, that by means of the Papal and Legatine authority 
a stop should be put as soon as possible to the abuses in 
the Church and in the lives of the clergy. No public dis 
putation was to be allowed ; but the Legate might choose 
men of learning to examine the articles of the Confession. 

1 The Italian text published by K. LANZ, Staatspapiere zur 
Geschichte des Kaisers Karl V., Stuttgart, 1845, 45 seqq. A frag 
ment of the Latin text in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxv. scq. 

2 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxvi. 

3 First published by EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxvi. seq. 


Not until the Protestants showed themselves unwilling to 
submit either to the authority of the Emperor or to that 
of the Council, and remained stubbornly contumacious, 
should forcible measures against them be considered, 
subject to the express opinion of the Legate. 

Campeggio, with whom the Emperor had a long con 
versation as to this view of his advisers, gave a general 
assent, but declared himself decidedly against a Council, 
while the Emperor explained that he still held to the stand 
point agreed upon at Bologna between himself and the 
Pope ; namely, that a Council would be good and useful 
if Christendom were at peace, but not under present 
circumstances, and that the convening of such a synod 
might be effective for good, provided that there was a 
recurrence to the former state of things. 1 

On the 4th of July, Campeggio handed to Charles V. his 
written reply to the Imperial suggestions. 2 In this he 
proceeded to show in detail that a Council would be of 
no avail to restore religious order, even if, at first sight, 
the contrary appeared to be the case. As the Lutherans 
had openly discarded previous Councils and their decisions, 
it was not probable that they had any serious intention 
of submitting themselves to a future synod. They 
persisted in their demand for one only in order to 
gain time in the meanwhile to push forward without 
hindrance their monstrous schemes, since they knew well 
that it would be a very long time before the Council itself 
could assemble. But the Emperor, if such were his 
pleasure, might consult the Pope further on the matter. 
Campeggio was in full agreement with the Emperor and 
the Catholic princes in their intention to insist on the 

1 Campeggio s letter, July 5, 1530 ; the chief sources in EHSES, Cone. 
Trid., IV., xxxvii. ; in full in the Rom. Quartalschr., XVIII., 358-361. 

2 In Latin text in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxxvii.-xxxix. 


observance of the Edict of Worms. As regards the removal 
of abuses, he recommended that men of approved virtue 
and pure life should be sent to Rome to report on these 
matters to the Pope ; there was no doubt that the latter 
would prescribe remedies where proof of actual abuses was 
forthcoming, and he, as Legate, would not be wanting in 
his co-operation when cases were presented to him which, 
on due examination, were shown to be genuine abuses. 
To bring the religious division of Germany to an end, 
Campeggio held that the right and necessary way was to 
act with requisite firmness. 

The Catholic princes, to whom Charles presented the 
answer of the Legate on the 5th of July, approved, in their 
reply of the 7th, and also in a second communication on 
the 13th, 1 of the Emperor s proposal concerning the Council. 

On the evening of the i3th of July, Campeggio once 
more stated his objections, in the sense of his former 
declarations, 2 to Granvelle, who had been sent by the 
Emperor to inform him that he was on the point of writing 
to the Pope on the subject of the Council. Thereupon, on 
the i4th, the Emperor sent to Clement a full account of the 
state of the negotiations at Augsburg. 3 As things then 
stood, the Protestants refused to accept the Emperor as 
judge in religious questions ; on the contrary, they held 
out for the Council, and if their wishes were not granted 
in this respect they would grow yet more obdurate ; 

1 BRIEGER, Zeitschr., XII., 130 seqq., 134 seqq. Cf. EHSES, Cone. 
Trid., IV., xxxix. 

2 Campeggio to Salviati on July 14, 1 530, in EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., 
XVIII., 362 set?., and Cone. Trid., IV., xxxix. 

3 In original Spanish text in HEINE, Briefe, 522-525 ; German trans 
lation, ibid., 284-289. Cf. also PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 52-54. 
A contemporary Italian translation in Arch. Stor. Ital., 5th series, VIII. 
(1891), 129-134. 


therefore the Emperor, in agreement with the Catholic 
princes, was also of opinion that this should be promised 
them on the condition that, in the meanwhile, they 
returned to the obedience of the Church. 1 Charles had 
also written shortly before to his Ambassador in Rome 
in similar terms. 2 On the 24th of July he again had a 
long conversation with Campeggio, in which he gave his 
opinion on the seat of the Council, expressing his strong 
preference for an Italian city, in opposition to the view 
of the princes, who were desirous that it should be held 
in Germany. He mentioned Mantua in particular, that 
city having already been spoken of in his discussions with 
the Pope at Bologna. 3 

On the 1 8th of July, immediately after the receipt of 
the Emperor s letter to the Ambassador, Clement called 
together the twelve Cardinals specially commissioned to 
deal with German affairs to hear their views on the 
question of the Council ; no final decision was come to, as 
the Cardinals held that the matter was one for the full 
Consistory to consider. " Although many of the Cardinals," 
wrote Loaysa, one of the twelve, on the same day, 4 in his 
report of the conference to the Emperor, " object to the 
Council for factitious reasons, yet the most of us in this con 
gregation held it fitting that a Council should be promised, 
on the condition that the Protestants in the meanwhile 
abandon their errors and live as their forefathers lived before 
them. It would be much better, however, if the Protes 
tants would accept the Emperor as their arbitrator, since 

1 HEINE, Briefe, 532. 

2 Q. the letter of Cardinal Loaysa of July 18, 1530, in HEINE, Briefe, 
1 8 seq. and 357 seq. 

3 Campeggio to Salviati on July 29, 1530, in EHSES, Rom. Quartal- 
schr., XVI 1 1., 367 seq. Cf. Cone. Trid., IV., xl. 

4 HEINE, Briefe, 18-20, 359-361. Cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xl. 


the success of a Council is in itself doubtful, and even its 
meeting perhaps impossible, owing to the difficulties that 
other Christian princes may in some way raise, and to the 
dangers of the Turkish invasion." Loaysa feared, however, 
that they would not accept the Emperor s arbitration with 
a good will, and that in the end no other means would 
remain but to have recourse to force. 

On the arrival of the Emperor s letter of the Hth of 
July, Clement, at the end of the month, once more 
assembled the twelve Cardinals and acquainted them with 
its contents. Both the Pope and the Cardinals received 
k, as Loaysa wrote to the Emperor, with great satisfaction. 
Loaysa had not, indeed, been present at the meeting 
owing to illness, but he had a private interview with 
Clement afterwards, to whom he spoke in support of the 
Emperor s opinion. Clement replied that Charles was 
right, the Council could not be avoided ; it was Loaysa s 
opinion, however, that Clement wished in his heart of 
hearts that it might not take place. He would certainly 
agree to one, and even go the length of convoking it, but 
in the meantime he would secretly use his influence with 
the Christian princes in order to put hindrances in the way. 
He was led to this presumption by the conduct of the 
French Cardinal, Gabriel de Gramont, Bishop of Tarbes, 
who in the first meeting of the Cardinals had spoken 
strongly in favour of a Council, while in the second 
conference he dwelt on all the difficulties, especially on 
those which had arisen on the part of the King of France ; 
this inconsistency, Loaysa surmised, was due to the 
influence of the Pope. In spite of this "evil" suspicion, 
as he himself calls it, Loaysa was still in hopes that 
Clement, " on perceiving the truthfulness and uprightness 
of your Majesty s behaviour in this matter, and how 
necessary a Council is for the quieting of his conscience 


and the avoidance of lasting dishonour," would eventually 
control events in accordance with the Imperial wishes. 1 

In two audiences held on the 28th and the 3<Dth of July, 
Clement addressed Andrea da Burgo in terms favourable 
to the Council, provided that the conditions fixed by 
Charles should be fulfilled, namely, that until it assembled 
the Lutherans should desist from their innovations ; Rome 
he considered suitable as the seat of the Council ; but, 
if the Emperor objected, he would propose Mantua, 
Piacenza, or Bologna. 2 In this sense Clement sent a 
reply to the Emperor on the 3ist of July. 3 

He first of all went thoroughly into the reasons against 
a Council adduced by some of the Cardinals, but, trusting 
to the good sense and insight of the Emperor, whose 
sojourn in Germany had made him a better judge of the 
situation than those at a distance, he promised to convene 
the Council when he deemed it necessary, and under the 
conditions of which he had already written, namely, that 
the Protestants should renounce their errors and return 
immediately to the obedience of their Holy Mother the 
Church and the observance of her customs and doctrine, 
so long as it was not otherwise appointed by the Council, 
to the decisions of which in all points and unreservedly 
they were willingly to submit. Apart from these con 
ditions, a Council could only cause scandal and set a 

1 Loaysa to the Emperor on July 31, 1530, in HEINE, Briefe, 21-24, 
359-361. Cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xl. seg., and **letter of A. da 
Burgo to Ferdinand I. of July 28, with P.S. of July 29. The **letter of 
da Burgo to Ferdinand of July 23, 1 530, shows the tone of gratification 
in which Clement spoke to him about the Emperor s correspondence. 

2 See the ^reports of A. da Burgo of July 28 and 31, 1530, in the 
Court and State Archives, Vienna. 

3 The Italian text in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xli.-xliii. Also Archivio 
storico Italiano, 5th Series, VIII., 134-138. Cf. HEFELE-HERGEN- 

ROTHER, IX., 759-763. 


most evil example. It was therefore absolutely necessary 
that the Emperor should insist on these conditions being 
accepted, so that there might also be certainty of their 
actual fulfilment ; for otherwise, not the removal of error, 
but only pernicious and deadly effects, were to be expected. 
The Pope then promised that, as soon as the Emperor 
informed him of the acceptance and observance of these 
conditions by the Protestants, he would summon a Council 
at such time as appeared to him suitable ; the Emperor 
might feel assured that the earliest possible date would be 
appointed, and that certainly no postponement would be 
allowed. Regarding the seat of the Council, since it was 
highly necessary that it should not be held anywhere else 
than in Italy, Rome had the first claim to consideration 
a claim, moreover, favoured by the circumstance that, 
after all the misfortunes the city had undergone, another 
lengthened withdrawal of the Curia would involve total ruin. 
But if Rome were not acceptable, then the Pope proposed 
Bologna, Piacenza, or Mantua. Concerning abuses, Clement 
remarked in conclusion, he was waiting for the reply of 
the Legate, who would report wherein a reformation was 
called for ; on receipt of this reply he would take such 
measures that everyone would acknowledge his intention 
to reform what was amiss, and to meet where it was 
possible the wise and charitable exhortations of the 

In the Curia the greatest difference of opinion on the 
question of the Council prevailed. Clement VII., partly 
from personal and partly from higher reasons, had such 
strong apprehensions that it seemed to him even less dan 
gerous to tolerate the prolongation of the existing state of 
affairs in Germany than to summon a Council. 1 That the 
Pope s anxiety was to a certain extent justified was admitted 

1 HEINE, Briefe, 360. 


by the Imperial envoy Mai himself. 1 On this account many 
doubted whether the Council would be held; but others 
looked upon this as certain. 2 It was not surprising that such 
an assembly, bound to take into consideration the question 
of reform, should be displeasing to the many prelates of a 
worldly type. The latter took comfort in the supposition 
that the Protestants were not in earnest in their demands 
for a General Council. The envoy of the Duke of Mantua 
had special satisfaction in knowing that his city was eligible 
as a meeting-place. "A reformation," he said in closing 
his report, " is certainly necessary in view of the great 
corruption. God grant that it may not be brought about 
by the Turks instead of by the Council." 3 

The Papal letter of the 3ist of July reached Augsburg 
on the /th of August, where a few days before the refuta 
tion of the Augsburg Confession had been publicly read. 4 
This important document was presented by Campeggio to 
the Emperor on the Qth ; but, in consequence no doubt 
of Loaysa s letter of the 3ist of July already mentioned, 
he found Charles biassed against the Pope and distrustful 
of his good intentions. 5 The Emperor himself no longer 
held to his former tenacious insistence on the Protestant 
acceptance of the conditions, but now asked that, waiving 
the latter entirely, the Council so necessary for the general 
welfare of Christendom should, under any circumstances, 

1 See DE LEVA, III., 19-20. 

2 Cf. the **report of Guido da Crema to Isabella d Este-Gonzaga of 
Mantua, dated Rome, 1530, July 28 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 See **report of Francesco Gonzaga to the Duke of Mantua, dated 
Rome, 1530, July 24. Ibid. 

4 Cf. FiCKER, Die Konfutation des Ausburger Bekentnisses, Leipzig, 
1891, and JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 190 n. 

5 Campeggio to Salviation August 11, 1530, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat, 
49-54 (here dated August 10 ; for the correct date see EHSES, Cone. 
Trid., IV., xliii.). 


be summoned as soon as possible, without prejudice to the 
objections and representations made by Campeggio in the 
sense of their former agreement. As regards the seat of 
the Council Charles avoided any definite pronouncement 
on the choice of Rome, as desired by Clement and 
recommended by the Legate, by calling attention to the 
Pope s own alternative suggestion of Bologna, Mantua, or 
Piacenza. 1 

Charles, meanwhile, was still possessed by the delusive 
hope 2 that he might succeed in arriving at a temporary 
suspension of the religious strife until such time as a 
general synod should assemble. On the 7th of September 
he once more ordered the promise of the Council under 
the specified conditions to be tendered to the protesting 
Estates, who thanked him for his exertions and urged 
speedy action, but refused in round terms the abandon 
ment for the time being of the innovations. 3 On the 23rd 
of September Charles once more had a discussion with 
Campeggio on the Council ; 4 after his experience, during this 
very month of September, of the obstinacy of the Protestant 
princes, he again declared to the Legate that the Council, 
quite irrespective of the Lutheran situation, was absolutely 
necessary, or otherwise, within the space of ten years, 
there would be no obedience left in Germany. He added, 
however, that, if Clement nevertheless thought otherwise, 
he, as an obedient son, would submit ; but in that case he 
hoped the Pope would inform him openly and as soon as 
possible, as this would be better than that the Council 
should be hindered by the King of France, when in the 

1 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xliii. seq. 

2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 193^^. 

3 PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 54. 

4 Campeggio to Salviati, September 23, 1530, in LAEMMER, Mon. 
Vat, 56-58 ; cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV. xliv. 


general opinion the blame would still be laid upon the 
Pope. 1 

In the draft of the decree of the Diet which Charles laid 
before 2 the protesting Estates on the 22nd and 23rd of 
September, he once more charged the latter "to discuss 
and consider among themselves, until the I5th of April of 
the forthcoming year, whether, as regards the articles on 
which there was still disagreement, they would reunite 
themselves with the Christian Church, the Pope, the 
Emperor s Majesty, and the princes of the Empire and 
other heads and members of Christendom at large, until 
such time as the future Council should open its discussions." 
The protesting princes rejected this message finally ; their 
spokesman, the Elector of Saxony, at once left the Diet, 
from which the Landgrave of Hesse had already with 
drawn on the 6th of August in precipitate haste. Duke 
Ernest of Liineburg, Prince Wolfgang of Anhalt, the 
Chancellor Bruck, and the Saxon theologians also left 
Augsburg. They thus destroyed all further possibility of 

1 This groundless suspicion of the Pope s integrity was aroused in 
Charles by Loaysa s letter mentioned above, see supra, p. 135. 

2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, i8th ed., 214 seg. 



IN Rome the transactions of the Diet had been followed 
with strained attention. Even if as early as the begin 
ning of August the provocative attitude of some of the 
Protestant princes had made the armed interference of the 
Emperor a possibility to be reckoned with, 1 there was still 
a desire to await fuller information, 2 and a temporary 
hope of a peaceful agreement, especially as Melanchthon 
continued to show his previous conciliatory disposition. 
When afterwards the Catholic princes succeeded in once 
more setting in motion negotiations for a settlement, 3 
Salviati wrote, on the 8th of September, to Campeggio that 
the Pope was ready to permit communion in both kinds 
and the marriage of the clergy if the protesting party 
would give way on the remaining points. 4 

Clement VII. wished by these means to facilitate the 
Emperor s negotiations for a settlement. At this time 

1 Cf. ^report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., dat Rome, 1530, 
August 4 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

2 See F. Gonzaga s ^letter to the Duke of Mantua, dat. Rome, 1530, 
August 1 8 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 45 seq. 

4 *Salviati to Campeggio, dat. Rome, 1530, September 8, *Lett. d. 
princ., X. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Clement had already 
expressed himself in similar terms at the end of July ; see GAYANGOS, 

IV., i, n. 386. 



he was especially active in his endeavours to gratify the 
wishes of Charles V. j 1 only in the matter of the Council did 
he raise difficulties. " This," wrote the Roman correspondent 
of the Duke of Mantua on the 7th of September, " will be 
a tedious matter, even if the Council takes place, which I 
do not believe." 2 The longer the question was treated in 
the Diet the greater grew the suspense in Rome. 3 On the 
4th of October came the announcement of the departure 
of the Elector of Saxony ; 4 it was now as clear as day 
that all attempts at union had miscarried. To the whole 
Sacred College it now appeared that force was the only 
resource available, 5 and it was hoped that Charles would 
have recourse to it. 

The Emperor had certainly promised the Pope, in the 
Treaty of Barcelona, that, in the case of contumacy on 
the part of the Protestants, he would terminate the schism, 
which had been the cause of so much violence towards 
Catholics, with the sword. But such a policy was alien 
to his character ; nor was he adequately prepared for it, 
and the support of the Catholic Estates was by no 
means certain. Urgent as were the recommendations of 
Campeggio to apply force, Charles still persisted in his 

1 *E cosa incredibile la osservantia chel Papa porta allo Imperatore 
e come S. S ta vadda reguardata e timorosa in tutte le cose che possino 
portar una minima molestia a S. M ta , writes F. Gonzaga on September 
24, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 *Letter of F. Gonzaga, dat. Rome, 1530, September 7 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 

3 *Hic sunt omnes in mirabili expectatione conclusionum illius 
dietae circa fidem et alia, writes A. da Burgo on September 23, 1530 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

4 *Letter of A. da Burgo, October 5, 1530 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

6 **Report of F. Gonzaga, October 6, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives, 


preference for peaceful methods. 1 His patience seemed 
to have no limits, and only when he could no longer shut 
his eyes to the fruitlessness of all his efforts at peace did 
he turn his thoughts to a policy of repression, but 
without being able even then to come to a firm decision 
in its favour. "Force," he wrote to his Ambassador in 
Rome on the 4th of September 1530, "would certainly 
be the most productive of results, but the necessary 
weapons are not forthcoming." 2 The insulting departure 
from the Diet of the Elector of Saxony was certainly the 
cause of this change in the Emperors feelings. Further 
obstinacy on the part of the Protestant princes, so he 
declared to the Cardinal-Legate, he was determined to 
punish, but it was an undertaking which he could not carry 
out single-handed. 3 On the 4th of October he addressed 
a letter to Clement VII. in which he expressed himself 
still more clearly and incisively. In it he announced his 
intention of putting forth all his power to subdue in open 
warfare the contumacious Protestants ; the Pope would see 
that the other princes were invited to co-operate with him 
and support him with contributions in money. 4 

Clement VII. met this communication in a most 
characteristic way. Already, on the I3th of October, when 
the Ambassador Miguel Mai made known the contents of 

1 Cj. Campeggio s report, August 11, 1530, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat., 
51, and more exactly in EHSES, Rom. Quartalschr., XIX., 129 seq. 

2 SANDOVAL, Carlos V., Barcelona, 1625, II., 103. 

3 Campeggio on September 24, 1530, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat. 57-58. 
For the discussions in the Imperial Council see MAURENBRECHER, 
Karl V., App. 16 seq. 

4 The Emperor s letter of October 4, 1530, is missing in the Secret 
Archives of the Vatican. Its contents are to be found not merely in 
N. Raince s report (given by RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 2nd ed., 
307) but also in the important "^despatch of F. Gonzaga, October 19, 
1530, in Appendix, No. 14. 


the Imperial letter, Salviati had emphasized the Pope s 
confidence in the Emperor s course of action, since the 
latter had already exterminated by his might other and 
even greater heresies than those of Luther. 1 But after 
the letter had been received Clement relapsed into his 
habitual indecision and pleaded various objections. 
Besides the considerable pecuniary resources required he 
referred to the danger of an invasion of the Turks, with 
the Lutherans as confederates ; but, on the other hand, 
the Pope realized the extreme danger of allowing the 
Lutherans to remain unpunished ; the Imperial authority 
as well as the Catholic cause would, in such a case, suffer 
incalculable injury. 2 Soon afterwards Charles ordered 
Muscettola to unfold his plans more minutely in Rome. 
The defiance of the Lutherans, he was charged to explain, 
had been on the increase since the disbanding of the 
Imperial army; he therefore intended to collect a force of 
ten thousand Spaniards and Italians for service in Germany, 
in order not merely to strike fear among the Lutherans 
but also, if circumstances should call for it, to act on the 
offensive towards the Turks ; to keep up such an army he 
must have financial help from the Pope and the princes of 
Italy. 3 Clement now called on the Italian States to help, 4 
while Charles, in a letter of the 25th of October, in which 
he requested the Cardinals to further the cause of the 
Council, solemnly declared that he would, in the affair 

1 Salviati to Campeggio, October 13, 1530 (Secret Archives of the 

2 See in Appendix, No. 14, the ^letter of F. Gonzaga, October 19, 
1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 See in Appendix, No. 15, the*letter of F. Gonzaga, October 27, 1530 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 459, 462, 472. 

4 See Salviati s *letter to Campeggio, dat. Rome, October 26, 1530 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 470 
475> 476. 


of Luther, spare neither kingdoms nor dominions in order 
to accomplish what was necessary. 1 

Immediately after the Emperor s first announcement 
Clement had invited the opinion of the Venetian Govern 
ment concerning warlike operations against the Protestants ; 
that their answer would be in the nature of a refusal he 
was led to infer from the objections previously tendered by 
the Ambassador of the Republic. 2 The remaining Italian 
states showed no enthusiasm in the matter, notwithstand 
ing the Pope s advocacy, 3 and to Clement s great disgust 
the Republic sent a direct refusal. 4 The whole scheme fell 
through, for the Emperor, in view of the unreliability of 
the Catholic Estates, 5 soon abandoned it. On the 3Oth 

1 *Lettre de PEmpereur au college des Cardinaux. Copy in MS. 
Frang., 3014, f. 8 (National Library, Paris). Cf. RANKE, Deutsche 
Gesch., III., 2nded., 308. 

2 Cf. in Appendix, No. 14, the ^letter of F. Gonzaga, October 19, 1530 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 See *Salviati s letters to Campeggio, October 21 and 26, November 
5 and 13, and December 6, 1530 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 See GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 476, 484, 499, and in App., No. 16, the 
^letter of F. Gonzaga, November 13, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

5 Cf. Tiepolo in ALBERI, ist Series, I., 69 seq. ; and JANSSEN-PASTOR, 
III., 1 8th ed., 220 seq. The final resolutions of the Diet of Augsburg 
deferred the decision (BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., III., 36 seq.}. Concern 
ing the Council the official document runs thus : " Seeing that for 
many years a general Council of the Catholic Church has not been 
held, and that during this long period various abuses and troubles 
have arisen in Christendom, we, on .the common advice and motion 
of our councillors and of the electors of the Holy Roman Empire and 
other princes and states, as well as of their representatives, here in 
Augsburg assembled, and indeed in answer to their humble request 
and petition, have therefore determined, in full accordance with them, 
to propose to the Holy Roman Pontiff and all Christian kings and 
potentates that a Christian Council should be convoked in a suitable 
place within six months from the end of this present assembly, and 
held as soon as possible, at the utmost within a year from the issue 

VOL. X, 10 


of October he sent his majordomo, Don Pedro de la 
Cueva, to Rome to inform the Pope that owing to the 
advanced season of the year it was no longer possible to 
think of an immediate undertaking against the Lutherans, 
for which Clement might be engaged in preparations. 
Cueva was also instructed to represent to Clement 
that, since all hopes of converting the heretics by 
friendly means had been shattered by their obstinacy, 
the summons of a Council was the only means remain 
ing of saving Germany from permanent apostasy ; his 
Holiness should therefore take the necessary steps to 
convene the same as soon as possible, since every delay 
was detrimental. The choice of locality was left by 
the Emperor to the Holy Father; but the Ambassador 
was to do his best to secure the choice of some place 
as near as possible to German territory, say Mantua 
or Milan. 1 

Charles spoke in a similar sense in the letter to Clement 
to be personally handed to him by the Ambassador. 
He thanked the Pope for his reply of the 3ist of July, 2 
and showed him that he had left nothing undone to bring 
the Protestants to accept the conditions on which the 
Council was to depend. But notwithstanding the failure 

of this summons, in the good hope and confidence that we thereby 
may bestow lasting and happy unity and peace on the spiritual and 
temporal affairs of Christendom, HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 
743> 745 J see here also 737 seq. on the renewal of the gravamina and 
the negotiations concerning them ; also cf. EHSES in the Rom. 
Quartalschr., XVIII., 369 seq., 373 seq. The resolutions of the Diet 
contained a promise that the Imperial Ambassador should treat with 
the Pope regarding the redress to be given. 

1 Istruccion original que did ei Emperador a don Pedro de la Cueva 
in HEINE, Briefe, 525-529; in German, 289-295. Cf. PASTOR, 
Reunionsbestrebungen, 74. 

2 See supra, p. 136. 


of these endeavours he was now 01 opinion that the 
Council, the demand for which came not only from the 
Protestant but also from the Catholic princes, must not be 
abandoned as, in view of these very circumstances, it 
offered the only remaining means of salvation. He held 
it to be his duty to declare plainly and distinctly " that the 
meeting of the Council must take place for the cure of the 
present errors, the welfare of Christendom, the settlement 
of belief, the elevation of the Apostolic See, and the 
personal honour of your Holiness ; failing this, no adequate 
course is open, and far greater are the evils contingent 
on the Council not taking place than those which, 
it is supposed, would accrue from its deliberations, for 
the present errors are many, various, and daily increas 
ing in number." Nor could the danger of the Turkish war 
be made a valid argument against the Council, for, on the 
contrary, it would afford the best means of uniting 
the whole of Christendom in effectual opposition to the 
infidels. Charles V. therefore begged the Pope, in the 
most urgent terms, to sanction the summons of the 
Council as soon as possible, and to obtain the agree 
ment of the other Christian sovereigns. In the meanwhile 
Clement might also consider what steps could be taken 
against the Lutherans. The Emperor accounted for his 
wish that the Council should be held near German territory 
on the ground that, in this way, the Lutherans would be 
deprived of any excuse for non - attendance. 1 Cueva 
reached Rome on the I5th of November, and on 
the following day he waited on the Pope together with 
the Imperial Ambassador. In addition to the letter already 
referred to, he presented a second touching the election 

1 In HEINE, 530-533, 295-390 ; cf, PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 
74, and EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xlvi. seq. See "also Loaysa sMetter 
to the Emperor, November 18, 1530, in HEINE, 386-389, 62-68. 


of Ferdinand I. as King of the Romans, and a communica 
tion on Florentine affairs. 1 

Clement VII. sent an answer to Charles as early as the 
1 8th of November, without at first committing himself 
definitely. He had so much confidence in the Emperor s 
sympathy and discretion that he would like nothing better 
than to be guided by his advice entirely ; but, as a matter 
of decorum, he must first consult the Cardinals; yet, seeing 
how important the matter was for Christendom in general, 
he would give a definite reply as soon as possible. 2 
Accordingly the deputation of Cardinals was summoned to 
meet on the 2ist of November. The "pros" and "cons" 
were thoroughly considered. Opinions differed so greatly 
that the final vote was postponed until the 25th of 
November. 3 The interval was made use of by the 
Imperialist Cardinals and envoys in trying to bring 
about a speedy decision favourable to the policy of 
Charles. 4 At the second meeting of the deputation the 
Cardinals who shirked reform again brought forward 
the dangers involved in a Council; still, the majority 

1 Cf. Cueva s report in GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 497 seg. t and a ^letter of 
A. da Burgo, November 17, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

2 HEINE, 533 seq., 301 seq. Cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xlvii. 
Clement VII. told the Mantuan agent F. Gonzaga, before the meeting 
of Cardinals on November 21, that the holding of the Council would 
be determined upon; ^letter of F. Gonzaga of November 21 in 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. A. da Burgo reports thoroughly on the 
dangers feared by Clement in his "^letter of November 20, 1530 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

3 Cf. A. da Burgo s ^letter of November 22, 1530 (Court and State 
Archives,* Vienna). 

*Interea Card. Osmen. et S. Crucis et alii Caesarei et ego non 
desumus praestare officia convenientia, ut fiat bona et celeris conclusio 
et quod principale et gravius periculum imminens sit si concilium non 
fieret aut differatur. \ A. da Burgo, loc. cit. 


were of opinion that the Emperor s advice should be 
followed, since still greater dangers were to be expected 
if the Council did not take place; yet, if the presence 
of the Emperor were called for, that of the other 
Christian princes ought also to be invited. 1 

On the 28th of November the Pope, who had still the 
gravest apprehensions, laid the matter before a secret 
Consistory, in which Cardinals Farnese, Monte, and Canisio 
spoke so warmly in favour of a Council that all the six- 
and-twenty Cardinals present gave their unanimous 
support. 2 Nevertheless Loaysa, and with him Mai and 
Cueva, did not alter their opinion that the Pope and 
Cardinals shrank from a Council and were working 
against it. " If they now vote otherwise," wrote Loaysa, 
" it is because they see that, in your Majesty s opinion, all 
is lost if the Council is not held; they realize that the 
consequence of their rejection would be to offend all 
Christian people and especially your Majesty. These 
Cardinals in thus voting are acting like merchantmen, who 
fling their goods into the sea in order to save their own 
lives. With the exception of five or six, among whom is 
Monte in particular, I do not know one among them whose 
heart is really in the matter. So true is this, that although 
the Pope has said exactly what I have written, I am yet 
afraid that, under the condition of inviting the other 

1 Along with passages from Salviati s letter of November 26, 1530, 
given by EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xlvii., and GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 
510, 512, 517, 518, I have also made use of A. da Burgo s cipher 
*report of November 26, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

2 Loaysa to the Emperor on November 30, 1530, in HEINE, 391, 70 
seq. Cf. the extract from the Acta Consistoria in EHSES, xlviii. seg., 
the **report of Francesco Gonzaga to the Duke of Mantua, dat. Rome, 
1530, November 28, and **that of Guido da Crema to Isabella d Este- 
Gonzaga, dat. Rome, 1530, December 2 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua); 
see also GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 518. 


princes to the Council, opportunities will be sought and 
made to hinder and destroy the objects which your 
Majesty, as the servant of God, is aiming at. The Pope is 
so astute and crafty that we shall only find this out when 
your Majesty comes yourself to recognize the impediment, 
and to say that the Council is impossible ; then the blame 
will not fall on the guilty party, but, with much greater 
probability, will be dealt out to the innocent." l On the 
other hand, there were those who believed that Clement 
really wished for a Council. One was the agent of the 
Duke of Mantua, to whom the Pope had spoken approv 
ingly of Mantua as the place of assembly. 2 

On the 3Oth of November the deputation of Cardinals 
was consulted on the form of the briefs to be addressed 
to the princes. Already, on the following day, the 1st 
of December, the work of composing and despatching 
them began. 3 On the 6th of December the Pope sent 
a brief communication to the Emperor that he had 
written to the princes, and had made up his mind to 
conform his opinion to that of Charles. 4 Even Loaysa s 
unfavourable view of Clement underwent a change. 5 

1 See HEINE, 392, and DE LEVA, III., 29. Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., i, 
n. 520, 523. 

2 See **F. Gonzaga s reports of November 28 and December 4 
and 6, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 EHSES, xlix. 

4 HEINE, 302, 534. Cf. Salviati s letter of December 6 in EHSES, 

6 He wrote on December 6 (HEINE, 397) : " The affair of the Council 
depends on this : Should your Majesty set the Pope s mind at rest as 
to the difficulties, and your Majesty be of opinion that these would not 
arise out of the Council and that you are willing to be present at it, 
then one may take it as well-nigh certain that his Holiness will 
summon it with heartfelt joy. . . . My supposition is that he has a 
great dread and dislike of the Council, but that after reading your 


For the purpose of closer verbal communication, Clement 
sent Uberto da Gambara, Bishop of Tortona, to the 
Emperor, 1 in place of Nicolas von Schonberg, Archbishop 
of Capua, originally nominated for the mission, but pre 
vented by illness 2 from making the journey. In his 
instructions, 3 drawn up by Cardinal Cajetan, the objec 
tions to the Council; which the envoy was once more 
to lay before the Emperor in the name of the Pope and the 
Cardinals, held a special place. They were six in number, 
(i) If the heretics were allowed to raise fresh dis 
putations concerning their errors, already condemned by 
several councils, a bad and dangerous precedent would 
be established; but if they were forbidden discussion 
they would complain that they had been condemned 

Majesty s letters and those of Don Pedro de la Cueva and hearing the 
various reasons adduced by all your Majesty s ministers, I venture 
to declare that he will be profoundly influenced and, I believe, that 
already he is almost entirely persuaded, for he sets the highest value 
on the truthfulness, the virtue, the consistency, the good intentions, and 
the feelings of religion and honour in your Majesty s heart." 

1 Cf. the ^letter of A. da Burgo of December 28, 1530, ibid. ; in App., 
No. 17, the *letter of F. Peregrine of December 10, 1530 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua), and EHSES, xlix., l.-lxxiv. ; see also PASTOR, 
Reunionsbestrebungen, 76 seq., and HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 
767 seq. For Gambara cf. GARAMPI, 252. 

2 According to A. da Burgo s account in a *letter of December 12, 
1530, Schonberg said to him that, even if he had been in good health, 
he would not have gone : k cum non videat viam rei bene gerendae nee 
per concilium nee per arma." Pope and Emperor certainly are sincere 
as to the Council, but not the rest. Yet a war against the Lutherans 
is not to be recommended. Better to come to a peaceful agreement 
with them, conceding some things, while retaining intact the main 
articles of belief (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

3 Printed in EHSES, lii.-liv. Cf. the statement of contents in 
HEINE, 106 ; PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 76 seq. j HEFELE- 
HERGENROTHER, IX., 767 seq. 


unheard, and, while repudiating the decrees of the Council, 
would adhere more closely to their errors. (2) If they 
refused to acknowledge the authority of previous councils 
what ground was there for the hope that they would submit 
to the forthcoming one? But, this being so, the situation 
would be changed very much for the worse if conciliar 
decrees were to be passed which could not be put into 
execution. (3) The Protestants would stand by the letter 
of the Bible, and, rejecting the authority of councils and 
fathers, refuse to be convinced with the obstinacy habitual 
in heretics. (4) The whole conduct of the heretics at the 
Diet of Augsburg showed that in their demand for a 
Council, they were only carrying out their intention of 
persisting in their tenets up to the moment of its summons 
and decisions, in the hope that in this way much time would 
be consumed and that eventually the Council might be 
dissolved without coming to any general decision. (5) If, 
as might easily happen, the old controversy as to the 
supremacy of the Pope or Council were to be revived, a 
schism might thus be brought about and great injury 
would be inflicted on the authority of the Emperor as well 
as on that of the Pope. (6) It was open to question whether 
the other princes would attend a Council held under the 
protection of the Imperial power, while, on the other hand, 
the Pope could only preside if that protection were given. 
The dangers arising from the Turks, and the objections 
put forward on this score, were also urged for further 
consideration. Gambara, who had left Rome on the 3Oth 
of December 1530, reached Aix on the i5th of January 
1531, just as Charles V. was taking farewell of his brother 
Ferdinand, and preparing to begin his journey into the 
Netherlands ; on the i6th or i;th of January, in Liege, he 
had the first opportunity of speaking to the Emperor; 1 he 
1 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., li. seq., liv. seg. 


handed him the Pope s letter and unfolded to him his 
objections in accordance with his instructions. 1 

It is impossible to say definitely whether, on the occasion 
of this interview, Gambara also laid before the Emperor 
the five conditions attached by Clement to the convening 
of the Council, or whether this took place at some other 
time. 2 These five conditions were: (i) The Council was 
to be summoned and held only for the discussion of 
the affairs of the Turkish war, the reconciliation of the 
Lutherans, the extirpation of heresies, and the adequate 
punishment of the contumacious. (2} The Emperor 
was to attend the Council in person from its beginning 
to its end, and on his departure the sessions were to 
terminate. (3) The Council was to be held in Italy and 
nowhere else, the Pope nominating beforehand a city for 
its seat. (4) Those only to have a decisive vote who 
were canonically qualified. (5) The Lutherans were to 
sue formally before the Council and to send their 
plenipotentiaries with proper mandates, a course which 
appeared to be of great use towards facilitating their 
safe return. 3 

The effect of Clement s present mood, who, during the 
deliberations with the Cardinals in November 1530, was 
prepared to carry out the Emperor s wishes in reliance 
on the latter s friendly dispositions, was to throw the re 
sponsibility of a decision entirely on Charles. If he gave a 

1 See EHSES, op. cit., Iv.-lvii. 

2 This apparently took place on the occasion of the second audience 
on January 25, 1531, at Brussels, when Bishops Gambara and da Schio 
were present. Cf. EHSES, op. cit.) Ivii. 

3 "Capitula sive conditiones a Clemente VII. per Ubertum de 
Gambara episcopum Dertonensem Carolo V. exhibita," in EHSES, xlvii.; 
with the Emperor s reply in LAEMMER, Meletematum Romanorum 
mantissa, 137, and in HEINE, 537 seg., cj. PASTOR, Reunionsbestre- 
bungen, 77 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 769 seq. 


favourable reply and accepted the conditions, then without 
doubt the speedy summons of the Council would have 
been decided on. 1 

But it was now the Emperor who, by his delay in 
sending the anxiously expected answer to Rome, 2 hindered 
the further progress of affairs. It was not until the 4th 
of April 1531 that Charles, who was then in Brussels, 
caused his reply to be made known to the Legate, 
Cardinal Campeggio, and to the Bishops Gambara and 
Girolamo de Schio in Ghent through Covos and Granvelle. 3 
He had, as he here explains, first informed his brother 
Ferdinand of the hindrances and objections to a Council 
as set forth by Gambara, and by Ferdinand they were to 
be made known to the other Catholic princes of Germany. 
The result of their consultation was that the princes 
declared themselves " bound by their former determination, 
and that no other adequate method of healing the existing 
disorders was to be found except in the Council ; even if 
the matters to which the Pope had called attention were 
of great importance and significance, yet it appeared to 
them that neither the existing errors nor those to be 
looked for in the future could be met by any other means ; 
nor had the evils in question reached such a pitch as to 
justify the abandonment of the Council." Charles showed 
less discernment in thinking that it was necessary to sound 
Francis I. beforehand on his opinion with regard to the 

Charles V., as well as the Pope, had allowed himself 
to be deceived for a while as to the real sentiments of 
his wily adversary by the letter written by Francis to 

1 EHSES, Iviii. 

2 Cf. the letter of Loaysa to Charles V. on February 25, 1531, in 
HEINE, 410, 102. 

3 In HEINE, 535-538, 303-308. 


Clement VII. on the 2ist of November I53O, 1 and com 
municated in December to the Emperor at Mayence. The 
French King s policy had been directed unfalteringly to 
frustrating a Council which was to heal the disunion in 
the German Empire. In his letter he seemed to proclaim 
his thorough good-will towards such a project, but he 
expressed himself in such a way that, in the event of the 
Council becoming a serious probability, many pretexts 
should remain open to him whereby he might yet nullify 
the action of that assembly. But when the letter was 
read in Consistory on the 5th of December 1530, such an 
impression was made that the Pope and Cardinals were 
filled with joy and thanked God that the two greatest 
rulers were now of one mind on this weighty topic. 2 
On the 1 3th of December, Clement wrote a letter of 
thanks to Francis, full of lavish praise for having shown 
himself worthy of the title of "most Christian King." 3 
Trusting to the present sincerity of Francis, Charles sent 
to him, on the ist of February 1531, Louis de Praet to 
inquire of him how he stood with regard to the question 
of the Council. Francis kept the Emperor waiting two 
months for an answer ; when at last it was received at 
Ghent, on the 28th of March, it was seen to contain 
the demand that the agreement of all princes to the 
Council should first be invited, and that for this object 
a convention should be held at Rome to which all 
Christian kings and princes should send their repre- 

1 In EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., 1. 

2 Loaysa to Charles V. on December 6, 1530, in HEINE, 396, 79 sgq. 
Cf. *the report of F. Gonzaga of December 6, 1530, in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua, and the ^letter of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 
dat. Rome, January 12, 1531, in the Court and State Archives, 

3 EHSES, 1. 


sentatives. 1 " That," wrote Loaysa to the Emperor, when 
the terms of this answer were made known in Rome on 
the I4th of April, " makes the Council quite impossible 
and shows a determination that it shall not take place." 2 
The further negotiations of Charles with the King had 
also no better success. 3 

The Emperor, in the answer already mentioned, which 
was at length given to the Papal Ambassador on the 
4th of April, accounted for the long delay, for which he 
was not to be blamed, on the ground of his previous 
negotiations with Francis I., and announced that he left 
it to the Pope to make a final decision, with the petition 
that the latter would avoid the scandal which must be 
expected if the Council were delayed ; he gave his 
assurances that the Pope might count upon him and his 
brother Ferdinand. 4 At the same time, Covos and 
Granvelle gave the Emperor s answer touching the five 
conditions under which the Council was to be summoned. 6 
On the first point the Emperor remarked that, in order to 
safeguard the procedure hitherto observed in the Holy 
Councils and strictly regulated by law, as well as to obviate 
any opportunity for depreciating or calumniating a Council 

1 EHSES, lix. Loaysa s report of March 27 on the difficulties of 
Francis I., in Doc. ined., XIV., 134. Cf. also, for the sudden hesitation 
of Francis I., with the answer, the ^report of A. da Burgo to Ferdinand I., 
dated Rome, March 20, 1531 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

2 HEINE, 416, 112 seq. Cf. the **reports of Guido da Crema from 
Rome to Isabella d Este-Gonzaga of April 8, 1531, and of F. Peregrine 
to the Duke of Mantua of May 3, 1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 EHSES, lix. 

4 HEINE, 536 seg., 305 seq. 

6 In EHSES, lx. Also in LAEMMER, Melet. Rom. mantissa, 137 seq., 
and in HEINE, 537 seq. (German, 306-308), together with the text of the 
Capitula. Cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 77 ; HEFELE-HERGEN- 

ROTHER, IX., 770. 


held under such limitations, it seemed to be more fitting 
that it should be summoned simply and without restric 
tions. Having been summoned, the Pope could then 
decide what matters were to be brought forward and 
dealt with. To the second condition the Emperor assented, 
and, putting his own affairs in the background, promised 
to attend the Council so long as this was deemed to be 
conducive to favourable results. As to the seat of the 
Council, he expressed himself as personally satisfied with 
all the cities proposed by the Pope, but the German 
princes and others of that nation asked for Mantua or 
Milan. On the fourth point, the Emperor observed that 
the laws and usages of the Holy Councils must be 
observed in accordance with former precedents. The 
fifth condition had been already dropped by the Bishop 
of Tortona himself. The Emperor added that there was, 
besides, no object in disputing with the heretics in cases 
of recognized contumacy. 

Gambara, on the receipt of this answer, should, in 
accordance with the Emperor s intentions, have left 
immediately for Rome, 1 but he wished to speak with the 
latter once more on the affair of the Council. He went to 
him at Brussels, Charles having deferred his journey from 
thence to Ghent, from which former place, on the ipth of 
April, he was dismissed, after an interview, with a letter for 
the Pope. 2 At the same time, Gambara had drawn up, 
while in Brussels, for the Imperial Council a counter 
document to the Emperor s reply on the five conditions ; 
he explained, in particular, how much better it would be 
to restrict the synod to a definite task than to assign 
to it an entirely general purview. 3 

1 See Charles s letter to the Pope on April 2, 1531, in EHSES, lx. 

2 EHSES, Cone. Trid. IV., Ixi., n. 5. 

3 EHSES, Ixi.-lxiv, 


When the Emperor s answer was at last received in 
Rome, it was understood that the strange delay was not 
due to him, but that the obstacle standing in the way 
of the Council was Francis I., and that all efforts were 
unavailing if it proved impossible to bring that monarch 
to another mind. Clement VII. therefore agreed that 
the Emperor should continue his negotiations through 
Louis de Praet, and wrote himself to the Nuncio in France, 
Cesare Trivulzio, as to the methods for winning Francis. 
He also conceded to the Kings of England and France, 
who were preparing to raise difficulties about the seat of 
the Council, that to Milan and Mantua, already proposed by 
the Emperor, the choice of Piacenza and Bologna should 
be added, places to which no objection could be taken. 1 

On the 25th of April 1531, Clement VII. wrote to the 
Emperor that if the consent of the French King were 
procured, he would summon the Council at once; but 
if Francis were unwilling or made difficulties it would 
be better to refrain, since a Council held in the face of 
disagreement between two such sovereigns would only 
embolden the Lutherans to be more obstinate. 2 At the 
same time the Pope, through Salviati, informed the Legate 
Campeggio of the deliberations in Consistory. 3 The 

1 Cf. Salviati to Campeggio on April 24 (25), 1531, in HEINE, 541, 
312. On April 20, 1531, A. da Burgo wrote from Rome to Ferdinand I. : 
*Disputav.imus cum S. S ta multa de malis secuturis si amplius differatur 
providere istris periculis imminentibus ex Lutheriana et aliis sectis. In 
fine conclusit S. S tas me vere dicere quod opus sit vel medio concilii 
vel medio armorum vel per concordiam cum Lutheranis providere, sed 
dolere se quod videat in omnibus tribus illis tot difficultates quod 
nesciat quid faciendum, tamen ex latere suo se non defuturum in 
quolibet illorum trium suprascriptorum mediorum (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

2 Cf. EHSES, Ixv. 

3 HEINE, 540-554, 309-316 ; EHSES, Ixv. seq. 


Cardinals were determined that the Council should not 
be summoned for general purposes, but with the specific 
object of dealing with matters of belief and the Turkish 
war. Moreover, the Cardinals, dissatisfied with the general 
terms of Charles s announcement, wished him to give a 
direct promise that he would assist at the Council 
throughout its entire duration, and they requested that 
the fifth point, too easily granted by Gambara, that the 
Lutherans should be represented, should be again with 
drawn. If the Emperor made these concessions and 
the King of France agreed to its summons, then the 
Council would take place. But if Francis (and Henry 
VIII.) were not willing, then it would be better that 
the Council should fall through and no more time be 
wasted, and other steps taken to restore order in 
Germany, either by the Emperor endeavouring to 
suppress Lutheranism by force, in which case the Pope 
would assist him with all the means in his power, or by 
trying to bring them back to obedience by means of 
Confessions of Faith stated in terms not detrimental 
to Catholic belief. These letters were so long on the 
way that Campeggio could not discuss them with the 
Emperor before the 5th of June, and then without making 
any progress, for the latter was stubborn in his determina 
tion regarding the summons of the Council and his own 
attendance at it. 1 At the same time, he was informed by 
Charles that an answer had come from the King of France 
which was even more unfavourable than his previous 
communication on the subject. 

Gambara returned from his mission on the I3th of May, 

1 Cf. Campeggio s letter to Salviati from Ghent, June 13, 1531, partly 
given in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat., 71 seq. The portion relating to the 
negotiations with Francis I., wanting in Laemmer, is given by EHSES, 


and gave a full report to the Pope. 1 Four days later 
Cardinal Gramont, whose coming was eagerly desired, 
arrived ; on his instructions the fate of the Council 
depended. 2 Unfortunately, they no longer left it doubtful 
that Francis was determined to thwart the general assembly 
of the Church. He would never consent in any way to the 
Council, unless it were held in Turin and he present in 
person. If the Emperor also wished to attend, well and 
good, but in that case each of them must be attended by an 
equal number of armed men. To the question of Clement 
VII. : Why then did the king object to Piacenza or Bologna ? 
Gramont answered, because His Majesty did not wish to 
travel through the Duchy of Milan if it did not belong 
to him. To the Pope s further remark that it was not 
really necessary that Francis should be present in person, 
and that he could send a representative in his name, Gramont 
rejoined that that was impossible. The Emperor must not 
suppose that he can lay down laws for the French. 3 That 
Clement VII. was not in any underhand way connected 
with this French policy, as has often been asserted without 
proof, 4 is shown also by Salviati s letter of the 3ist of July 
1531 to Campeggio on the subject of French practices. 5 
On the 23rd of June Charles V. informed Campeggio that 

1 See Guido da Crema s ^letter, May 13, and that of F. Gonzaga, 
May 17, 1531, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, as well as A. da Burgo s 
*report of May 17, 1531, in the Court and State Archives, Vienna. 

2 See A. da Burgo s *report of May 20, 1531, in the Court and State 
Archives, Vienna, and that of F. Gonzaga *of May 20, 1531, in 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

3 Loaysa s letter to the Emperor, May 26, 1531, in HEINE, 424 seqq., 
126 seqq.) and *that of F. Gonzaga of May 20, 1531, in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. Cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 78 ; EHSES, 
Cone. Trid., IV., Ixvii. 

4 Cf. contra, PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 78. 
f> ^In EHSES, -Ixviii. 


he intended to assemble a new Diet before his return to 
Spain. He expressed, indeed, a doubt whether he would 
be able in this way to produce any effect on the obstinate 
Lutherans; but he wished to hold the Diet, for he had 
promised at Augsburg that the Council should be held, and 
the latter was still a remote contingency. 1 On the question 
of the Council the Emperor held out the prospect of an 
answer at a later date ; this was presented to the Legate by 
Covos and Granvelle on the i/th of July, 2 and on the 27th 
it was forwarded to Rome with a letter from the Emperor. 3 
.Charles expressed his displeasure at the hindrances always 
being raised against the Council ; he did not fail to recog 
nize their importance, but begged that the Pope would 
persevere in his efforts to remove them, since he knew of 
no other remedy than a Council. He would soon visit 
Germany in person and exert himself to the same end. 
Other expressions of the Emperor 4 showed that at this 
time he very strongly suspected that the Pope was 
in secret understanding with the French policy of 
obstruction. This suspicion was nourished by the French 
proposal for a marriage between Catherine de Medici, 
Clement s niece, and the second son of King Francis, 
Henry, Duke of Orleans, by which alliance the French 
King thought to draw the Pope over to his side. 5 But on 
this occasion even Loaysa, who in prior circumstances had 
spoken his mind so sharply, 6 defended Clement s sincerity 
against the suspicions of Charles V. in letters of the pth of 

1 Campeggio to Salviati, June 24, 1531, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat., 72- 
74 ; cf. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 771 seq. ; EHSES, Ixviii. 

2 Campeggio to Salviati, July 17, 1531, in EHSES, Ixviii. 

3 The Spanish in HEINE, 544 ; German, ibid., 317 seqq. ; EHSES, Ixix. 

4 Cf. EHSES, Ixix. 

5 Cf. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 795 seq., 797. 

6 See supra, pp. 135, 149 seq. 



June and the 26th of July. 1 Loaysa also informed the 
Emperor that the arrangement of this marriage, so far as 
it depended on the Pope, was not by any means an 
accomplished fact. 

The responsibility for the failure of the Council under 
Clement VII. falls undoubtedly in the first instance on 
Francis I. But it certainly was a great mistake on the 
part of the Pope to have been drawn into negotiations with 
the King of such a kind that he was bound to incur the 
suspicion of complicity with Francis in this question. In 
any case the prospects grew worse and worse, so that even 
Loaysa wrote to the Emperor, on the I2th of September, 
that he could only entreat him a thousand times "to 
withdraw as soon as possible from this dark undertaking, 
the Council ; for on many grounds," he went on to say, 
" which are clear to me, I see no advantage in it for your 
Majesty, and what has hitherto taken place has only 
brought you harm. Your intentions could not be 
better ; . . . but since you perceive plainly that you are 
here opposed by envy and pusillanimity, rest satisfied with 
having secured the favour of God, and lead your affairs 
some other way by which you will quicker attain your own 
advantage ; the blame of having abandoned the good which 
you might have done will fall on others to their con 
demnation, while your glory will remain unimpaired." 

The communication to Clement of the Emperor s 
intention of holding a Diet at Spires on his return to 
Germany was received by the former with joy, which 
found expression in his letters to Charles on the 24th and 
26th of July. 3 In the latter he even assented to certain 
concessions being made to the heretics in Germany, if 

1 HEINE, 429 seqq., 136 seqq., 443, 157. 

2 Ibid., 447, J 63 seq. 

3 EHSES, Ixxi. 


there were good hopes that by this means their obedience 
could be secured, in order that undivided attention might 
be given to the Turkish question. 1 The Legate Campeggio 
held other views on the latter point. Having had 
opportunities of studying events close at hand, he could 
not discard his opinion that armed force, and armed force 
alone, was the only method to pursue with the heretics. 2 

The Pope was inclined to give way on three particular 
points : communion under both kinds ; the marriage of 
the clergy as practised by the Greeks ; and, further, that in 
respect of the transgression of ecclesiastical ordinances, 
only that which was forbidden de jure divino was to be 
looked upon as mortal sin. 3 Cajetan was especially in 
favour of an agreement based on such far-reaching terms, 
while other Cardinals were opposed to it. 4 

In the Consistory of the nth of August 1531 it was 
determined that a special Nuncio should be sent to the 
Diet. A resolution was passed that the Pope should 
apply himself to the removal of the hindrances which 
stood in the way of the meeting of the Council. At the 
end of August, Aleander, who had been nominated Nuncio 
by the Pope, left Rome with Briefs for the Emperor, King 
Ferdinand, and other temporal and spiritual princes of 
the Empire. 5 In his Brief to the Emperor, Clement VII. 

1 EHSES, Ixxi. 

2 Campeggio to Salviati, June 24, 1531, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat., 73 ; 
EHSES, Ixxi. 

3 EHSES, Ixxii. ; HEINE, 154 seg., n. Cf. MAURENBRECHER, 
Katholische Reformation, 329, 413. 

4 See FRIEDENSBURG in Quellen und Forsch., III., 4 seq.^ 15 seq. 

6 Aleander s credentials are of August 29; see RAYNALDUS, 1531, 
n. 6 ; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 78. Aleander had left Rome by August 27 ; 
see *F. Peregrino s letter of August 28 in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua; 
Aleander, in a ^letter of Girolamo Gonzaga (Aug. 27) in this collection, 
is spoken of as " e molto caro a S. S ta et e persona stimata assai." 


spoke especially of his wish, on which point the Nuncio also 
had received full instructions, to support Charles in his 
good intentions concerning the Council. In another letter 
to the Emperor, which reached Aleander when he was 
already on his way, Clement recommended special caution 
in the contingency of any concessions being made; if the 
Emperor were convinced of the necessity of such con 
cessions, in order to avoid greater evils, he must take care 
that they were not entered into recklessly, for otherwise 
scandal might be given to the rest of Christendom. Charles 
must make such a settlement in Germany as should render 
a return to the former disorders impossible. Moreover, any 
concessions allowed to the Germans must be of such a 
character as not to give an impetus to other nations to 
make similar demands for themselves. 1 

As the Diet appointed to be held at Spires was post 
poned and transferred to Regensburg at a later date, 
Aleander at once betook himself to the Netherlands to 
meet the Emperor, to whom he presented the Papal 
messages at Brussels on the 6th of November 1531. On 
the 1 4th Aleander had a long interview with* the Emperor, 
to whom he read the Brief. 2 To the expressions of 
the Pope relating to the Council, Charles observed that 
he "thanked God that his Holiness kept true to his 
promise and gave the lie to those who asserted that he 
wished with heart and soul to be rid of the Council." 
Aleander replied that the Pope had no wish to be rid of it, 
if only it could be held in a befitting manner ; that is, 
if Charles, before all things, were always present in 
person, as were the Emperors of old at oecumenical 

1 PALLAVICINI, III., 6 ; EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., Ixxii. seg.; PASTOR, 
Reunionsbestrebungen, 86 seq.\ BUCHOLTZ, IV., 285 seq.\ cf. IX., 22. 

2 Aleander to Sanga, November 19, 1531, in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat, 
86-88. Cf. HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 773 seq.\ EHSES, Ixxiii. 


councils ; if, further, there were solid grounds for hoping 
that the Lutherans would consent and return to the 
bosom of the Church, that no other schism with Catholic 
nations arose, as would happen if France, England, and 
Scotland did not join, and finally, that a good and holy 
reformation of the whole Church of God in head and 
members would be taken in hand. To this the Emperor 
replied that the Pope s first hope was well grounded ; 
that, on the other hand, the fear of a schism had no 
foundation ; with the desire for a reformation he was in 
entire agreement the laity, indeed, stood in need of one 

On the 1 8th of November 1531 the report reached 
Rome that the Elector of Saxony had become reconciled 
and had ordered the restoration of Catholicism throughout 
his territories. As this astonishing announcement came 
from the Imperial Court, it obtained credence with Clement. 1 
But subsequently it proved just as fallacious 2 as the other 
numerous reports of Lutheran advances towards the 
Church, which were occasioned not a little by the vacil 
lating and often ambiguous attitude of Melanchthon. 
Clement VII. in his hours of weakness gave only too 
ready an ear to such fantastic rumours. 3 In the beginning 

1 See in App., No. 22, the ^report of F. Peregrino of November 19, 
1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; cf. also, ibid.) the ^letter of Girolamo 
Gonzaga of November 21, 1531, and the ^letter of V. Albergati, dated 
Rome, 1531, November 28 (State Archives, Bologna). 

2 Salviati s doubts are first strongly expressed on December 9, 1531, 
in his **letter to Campeggio (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See SCHLECHT, Ein abenteuerlicher Reunionsversuch, in the 
Rom. Quartalschr., VII., 333 seq. ; KOLDE in the Zeitschr. 
fur Kirchengesch., XVI I. , 258 seq.\ and KAWERAU, Die Versuche, 
Melanchthon zur katholischen Kirche zuriickzufiihren, Halle, 1902. 
Cf. Histor. Jahrb., XXI 1 1., 628 seq., and Rom. Quartalschr., XVIII., 
361, 363; for Melanchthon s negotiations with Campeggio, 1530, see 


of May 1532 Clement VII. again wrote to the Emperor that 
the Council must in any case be held, and that he was 
straining every nerve to ensure its assembling, only the 
consent of the French King must be obtained, for without 
that it might lead to results contrary to those hoped for. 1 

In the meantime the Protestants in Germany had created 
a strong political organization. This was the League of 
Schmalkald, formed in February 1531. Confident of their 
strength, they not only let the term allowed for their sub 
mission (i5th April 1531) by the decree of Augsburg to 
pass by, but they also refused to give any help to the 
Emperor in his struggle with the Turks, now a serious 
menace to Austria and Hungary. Thus, at the opening of 
the Diet of Regensburg, on the i/th of April 1532, Charles 
found himself compelled to enter on fresh negotiations. 
In these Campeggio, who had come in the Emperor s suite, 
took a part. The reports of the small attendance of 
princes at Regensburg had from the first the most 
depressing effect on the hopes aroused at Rome on this 
occasion. 2 

In his crying need for help against the Turks, Charles 
was prepared to make extraordinary concessions to the 
Protestants. He was strengthened in this resolve by his 
fear lest the latter should put their threats into execution 
and turn their arms against the Catholics during an attack 
of the infidels. 3 Even in Rome this danger was fully 

now also KOLDE, Die alteste Redaktion der Augsburger Konfession, 
Gutersloh, 1906 ; the Consistory placed by BuCHOLTZ, IV., 286, in the 
year 1531 belongs to the previous year, see EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., 
xlviii., n. 2 ; Zeitschr. fiir Kirchengeschichte, XXVII., 333 seqq. 

1 Lett. d. princ., III., 129 ; BUCHOLTZ, IV., 290, n. 

2 Cf. the ^report of G. M. della Porta, dat. Rome, 1532, March 10 
(State Archives, Florence). 

3 See Aleander s report in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat, 131, 135. 


understood. Consequently Clement VII., as Muscettola 
relates, urged the Emperor, in March, to persevere in his 
negotiations with the Protestants : if he could not get all 
that he wished, he might at least get what was then prac 
ticable, so that, if the Turks should come, they would be met 
by a resistance not in any way weakened by the dissensions 
of Germany ; although their opponents were Lutherans, 
they were yet, for all that, Christians. It is clear from a 
report of Muscettola, of the ipth of April, that efforts were 
being made at Rome at this time to find some via media 
whereby the German troubles might be disposed of. 1 

- When the Papal Nuncio became aware of the Em 
peror s negotiations with the Protestants for a temporary 
religious peace, he gave way to an outburst of indigna 
tion. Campeggio, who, on other occasions, in opposition to 
Aleander, had advocated a policy of procrastination, was 
now entirely at one with his colleague. On the 1st of June 
he presented a memorial to the Emperor in which he pro 
nounced the concessions offered to the heretics, especially 
the permission to adhere to the Augsburg Confession until 
the next Council should meet, to be pernicious in the 
highest degree ; he also objected that no express statement 
about the Council had been made to the effect that it was 
to be held in conformity with the ancient oecumenical 
councils, and that submission to its decrees was to be 
promised. By the agreement as proposed, so Campeggio 
declared, the return of the erring would be made more 
difficult and the path of the Protestants advance more 
easy. 2 

In spite of this urgent warning, the Emperor, taking into 
consideration the invasion of Hungary by the Turks, 
guaranteed his toleration to the members of the Schmal- 

1 See HEINE, Briefe, 257 ; cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 86. 

2 LAEMMER, Mon. Vat., 123 seq. 


kaldic League, as well as to Brandenburg-Culmbach, and 
the cities of Nuremberg and Hamburg, to the greatest 
portion, that is to say, although not to all, of the Protestant 
Estates, " until the next general, free, Christian Council as 
decided on by the Diet of Nuremberg." He added that he 
would devote all his energy to having the Council sum 
moned within six months and held within a year from then ; 
should circumstances turn out to the contrary, a fresh 
Diet would be assembled to deliberate. These ample 
concessions were not made, however, on the authority of 
the Empire; the Emperor guaranteed them on his own 
personal responsibility. 1 Of this agreement he only laid 
before the Estates at Regensburg the stipulation concern 
ing the Council. This gave rise to heated debate ; the 
Catholic Estates, under the influence of the Bavarian 
Chancellor, Eck, an old enemy of the house of Hapsburg, 
demanded a Council with unwonted vehemence, and cast 
upon the Emperor the blame for its delay. They even 
went so far as to abandon the Catholic standpoint alto 
gether and to call upon the Emperor, if the Pope did not 
soon summon the Council, to exercise his Imperial authority 
by convoking one, or, at least, a council of the German 
nation. 2 

Charles informed the Estates that the delay in holding a 
Council was not to be attributed to the Pope, but to the 
King of France, from whom, regardless of all the letters 
and embassies sent to him, no agreement could be obtained 
either regarding its character or the place where it should 
be held. He would do all in his power to urge the Pope 
to send out his summons within six months and to hold 
the Council within a year. Failing this, he would convene 
a fresh Diet, lay before the Estates the causes of the 

1 . See MAURENBRECHER, Kath. Ref., 339, 414. 

2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 280; ERSES, Ixxvii., Ixxix. 


delay, and take counsel with them as to the best means 
of relieving the pressing needs of the whole German 
people, whether by a Council or by other means, and in a 
decisive way. 1 To the suggestion that he should call a 
.Council on his own responsibility, the Emperor declined to 
listen, as it was not any affair of his. 2 

In Rome, as in Germany, opinion as to the policy to be 
pursued towards the Protestants was much divided. It 
seems that Clement personally, confronted with the appal 
ling danger threatening Christendom from the Turks, was 
in agreement with the Emperor s policy of indulgence. 3 
Aleander therefore from the first had pledged himself to 
the Pope to refrain from any approval of the religious com 
promise and to recommend complete neutrality on this 
very delicate question. 4 Clement VII., on his part, 
abstained from any express approval of the pacification of 
Nuremberg, which was followed by the participation of the 
Protestants in the war of the Empire against the Turks. 

1 Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 280 seq.\ HEFELE-HERGEN- 
ROTHER, IX., 783. In a subsidiary agreement of August 2, 1532, 
concealed from the Catholics, Charles also promised that cases con 
nected with belief should be carried before the Imperial private 
tribunals. HORTLEDER, Von den Ursachen des deutschen Krieges 
Karls V., I, 11. 

2 Cf. Aleander s report in LAEMMER, Mon. Vat, 143. 

3 See the *letter of G. M. della Porta to the Duke of Urbino, dat. 
Rome, 1532, August 17 (State Archives, Florence). 

4 Cf. LAEMMER, Mon. Vat, 134 seq.\ MAURENBRECHER, Kath. 
Ref., 341- 



FROM the beginning of his pontificate, Clement VII., 
like his predecessors, was repeatedly occupied with the 
Eastern question. 

Already, in his first Consistory, on the 2nd of December 
1523, the Pope dealt with the dangerous position of 
Hungary, of which kingdom he had, when Cardinal, 
been the Protector. A special Commission of Cardinals was 
appointed to deal with the conduct of Turkish affairs 
and the restoration of peace. 1 In view of the prevailing 
financial distress, it was exceptionally difficult to raise the 
sums necessary for the Turkish war. Clement VII., in 
extreme disquietude 2 on account of the powerful military 
preparations of the enemy, did what lay in his power. 
When he learned that the garrison of Clissa in Dalmatia 
was hard pressed, he sent thither considerable help, thus 
rendering possible the relief of that important frontier 
stronghold. To the Hungarian King Louis he gave the 
assurance that he would continue to do all that his pre 
decessors had done in the interests of his kingdom. 3 The 

1 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 86 ; cf. SANUTO, 
XXXV., 278. 

2 See the "^reports of G. de Medici, dat. Rome, 1524, January 18 
and 26, February 15 and 20, in State Archives, Florence. 

3 FRAKN6i, Relat. orat. pontif., xxx. 



Cardinal-Legate for Germany, Campeggio, also accredited 
to Hungary, was commissioned to urge upon the Diet of 
Nuremberg the community of interests between these two 
countries and to work for the sanction of a liberal grant 
towards the expenses of the Turkish war. 1 Clement 
also sent a special Nuncio to Hungary in the person 
of Giovanni Antonio Puglioni, Baron of Burgio, in place 
of Cardinal Cajetan, 2 recalled on the 28th of January 1524. 
This accomplished diplomatist knew the country from 
former residence there, and was accurately informed on 
the extremely difficult circumstances of the situation. 3 
Clement, like previous Popes, also formed an alliance 
with Achmed of Egypt, one of the intestine enemies of the 
Turk. 4 

Burgio was instructed to convey to the King of Hungary 
the subsidy, collected with difficulty by Clement, and the 
Papal permission to sell Church property in order to 
maintain the war against the infidel. In the beginning 
of April 1524 he reached Ofen, and was at once successful 

1 RiCHTER, Regensb. Reichstag, 91 ; also 112 seq. for the nego 
tiations relating to the help against the Turks. For the pleasure with 
which King Louis hailed Campeggio s mission see *Copia d una 
lettera d Ungheria de 29 Marzio as a supplement to the ^letter of G. 
de Medici, dat. Rome, 1524, April 20 (State Archives, Florence). 

2 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 87. 

3 Cf. FRAKN6l, Le Baron Burgio, nonce de Clement VII. en 
Hongrie, Florence, 1 884, 6 seqq. The very interesting reports of Burgio 
and Campeggio, imperfectly and incorrectly given in THEINER, Mon. 
Hung., II., have been edited in full by FRAKN6i in Mon. Vat. hist. 
Hung, illustr. Relationes orat. pontif., I., Budapest, 1884. 

4 RAYNALDUS, 1524, n. 76 seq. Proposals on a large scale against 
the Turks were brought in March 1524 by a Jewish envoy from 
Arabia ; see together with SANUTO, XXXVI. , 76 seq., and VOGEL- 
STEIN, II., 42 seq., the full report in *Tizio, Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II., 
39, f. 243, Chigi Library, Rome. The safe-conduct for this envoy in 
BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 28 seq. 


in dissuading the King from his scheme of making peace 
with the Turks. For his remaining task, the organization 
of the defensive forces of the Hungarian kingdom, circum 
stances could not possibly have been less favourable. The 
country was torn by fierce party strife, and her ruler, 
youthful, pleasure-seeking, and empty-headed, was the 
personality the least fitted to counteract the elements 
of disruption working in the kingdom. The saying 
applied by his contemporaries to the last of the Jagellons, 
" Woe to the country whose sovereign is a child ! " was 
about to receive a frightful fulfilment. 1 But among the 
magnates there was none who could have superseded the 
King. Party spirit, want of patriotism, combined with 
widespread corruption, held sway everywhere. 2 On his 
arrival at Zengg, where Burgio first set foot in Hungarian 
territory, he found that of all the stores of grain sent by 
Adrian VI. for the provisioning of the Croatian border 
castles, only the scantiest portion of each had reached 
the place of its destination, for the Captain of Zengg and 
his officials had sold the greater part and spent the 
proceeds on themselves. 3 In Ofen the Papal repre 
sentative had no better experience ; during his sojourn 
there of four months, he had convinced himself that 
neither from the King nor from the magnates at the head 
of the Government was the deliverance of the country to 

1 Cf. P. PlCCOLOMiNi, Due lettere di Ludovico II. re di Ungheria, 
Siena, 1904, 8. 

2 Together with the reports, unfortunately incomplete, of Clement s 
representative, cf. especially those of the Venetian, V. Guidoto, in FIRN- 
HABER, Quellen und Forschungen zur vaterland. Gesch., 105 seq., 
and Magyar tort. ta"r.,xxv.; and among more recent, FRAKN6i, Ungarn 
vor der Schlacht bei Mohacs, German translation by Sch wicker, 
Budapest, 1886, 40 segg. 

3 Clement VII. took measures against the Captain; see FRAKN6l, 
Ungarn, 40. 


be looked for. Therefore in the beginning of July he 
left for Cracow in order to obtain help from Sigismund of 
Poland, the King s uncle. This mission also was a 
complete failure, for Poland was suffering from the same 
conditions of internal dissolution and decay as Hungary. 1 

In August 1524 Burgio returned to Ofen. There he 
found utter chaos ; the nobility were in vehement 
opposition to the King and his associates, and were busy 
with the scheme of invoking, on their own authority, the 
intervention of a Diet. Meanwhile the danger in southern 
Hungary grew apace : the Turks were already besieging 
the fortress of Severin, the last bulwark of the kingdom 
on the lower Danube. Burgio did all he could to obtain 
relief for the besieged, but he appealed to deaf ears. 
The King referred him to his council ; the council sent 
him back to the King ; everywhere the most short 
sighted selfishness prevailed. Burgio, during the Diet 
held on the Rakosfeld at Ofen, with emotion adjured the 
nobility to lay aside their old dissensions and come to the 
rescue of the kingdom in the hour of trouble. On this 
occasion he promised, if the Estates would do their duty, 
to place at once at the disposal of the kingdom the Papal 
subsidies deposited in the banking house of the Fuggers 
at Ofen. His words died away in a storm of party hatred, 
and thus Severin was lost, a calamity which only gave rise 
in Hungary to an outburst of mutual recrimination. 2 

On Burgio s invitation the Cardinal-Legate, Campeggio, 
left Vienna for Ofen in the beginning of December 1524. 

1 Relat. orat. pontif., ed. FRAKN6l, XXXV., 6 seqq. Sigismund of 
Poland, although urgently called upon by Clement to give assistance, 
left Hungary in the lurch on the pretext of his armistice with the Turks ; 
see RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 61 seq. ; cf. FRAKNOI, Ungarn, 47 seq. 

2 See Relat. orat. pontif., ed. FRAKN6l, 30, 36, 49 seq. ; FRAKN6I, 
Burgio, i$seq.) and Ungarn, 50 seq. 


There he was received by King Louis with marks of 
friendship on the i8th of the same month. 1 Both the 
Papal representatives worked together to induce the King 
and the magnates to take steps to equip the border 
fortresses and to raise an army ; but in Paul Tomori alone, 
the excellent Archbishop of Kalocsa and commandant of 
the troops in the southern division of the kingdom, did 
they find a faithful and self-sacrificing ally. When the 
latter, in the beginning of January 1525, came in despair 
to Ofen, bent on his resignation, they prevented him 
from taking this step, and also insisted on his receiving 
support in money from the Government. Campeggio, at 
his own cost, raised three hundred foot-soldiers for the 
defence of Peterwardein. These Papal troops were the 
only force which Tomori was able to take back with him 
from Ofen in the beginning of February 1525 to the hard- 
pressed fortress. As they marched out, the populace 
gathered on the banks of the Danube raised their voices 
in praise of the Pope who had not forsaken their country 
in its extremity. 2 

In the Diet also, held in May 1525, it was recognized 
that Clement VII. and his Ambassadors were doing all 
they could to help the kingdom. Stephen Verboczy, the 
head of the national party among the nobles, praised in 
enthusiastic terms the services rendered to Hungary by 
the Holy See. But Burgio s summons to war against the 
Turks, in obedience to the mandate of Clement VII., 
was uttered in vain. The Diet could attend to nothing 
but the complaints against the Palatine Stephan Bathory, 

1 Cf. Relat. orat. pontif., 101 seq. See also *Acta Consist. (December 
14, 1524) in Consistorial Archives, Vatican. 

2 See Relat. orat. pontif., 114 seq., 119 seq., 125 seq., 136 seq., 141 
seq. Cf. FRAKN6I, Burgio, 17 seq., and FRAKN6i, Leben Tomoris, in 
Szazadok, 1881. 


the Primate Ladislaus Szalkay, the Treasurer Emmerich 
Szerencses, and the hated German courtiers. The removal 
of the latter was angrily demanded by the followers of 
Johann Zapolya, the richest and most powerful of all the 
magnates. As the King s answer to this request was to 
some extent evasive, the resolution was passed that the 
combined nobility should meet in arms on the 24th of 
June at Hatvan, to the north-east of Ofen, to take counsel 
for the interests of the kingdom. 1 On the 2nd of July 
King Louis appeared in person at this gathering ; he was 
accompanied by Burgio, now, on the recall of Campeggio, 
the sole representative of the Pope. The assembly, 
in which Zapolya s adherents had a majority, overthrew 
the whole existing government ; the disloyal councillors 
were deposed, and Verboczy acclaimed as Palatine. 2 With 
regard to the most pressing need of all, the defence of 
the kingdom against the Turks, nothing was done then 
or even subsequently only the Pope sent sums of money 
for the pay of the troops upon the frontier. 3 In Hungary 
itself the bitterness of party strife continued. 

While this political chaos, productive of the gravest 
crisis in the State, prevailed, the Sultan Suleiman con 
tinued his offensive preparations on the most compre 
hensive scale. Burgio sent reports on these to Rome, on 
the i8th of January 1526, while at the same time deploring 
the deficiencies in the Hungarian defences. Not even the 

1 Relat. orat. pontif., 184^^., 188 seq.\ FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 101 seq.\ 
HUBER, III., 527. 

2 Cf. RANKE, Deutsche Geschichte, II., 6th ed., 288; FRAKNtii, 
Ungarn, 146; HUBER, III., 528^. 

3 See the reports of Burgio of August 9 and 30, 1525, in Relat. orat. 
pontif., 251, 257 seq. ; cf. POPESCU, Die Stellung des Papstums und des 
christl. Abendlandes gegenuber der Tiirkengefahr, Leipzig, 1887, 67 


garrisons of the border strongholds could be paid ; the 
King was so poor that he even often suffered from want 
of food ; the great as well as the lesser nobility were 
split into factions. Moreover, there was little prospect of 
assistance from the powers abroad, or of a federation of 
the Christian princes. " Thus," said Burgio in conclusion, 
"your Holiness alone can give help; yet I know full well 
the hardships of the Church and that there is but little in 
her power to do, deserted as she is by all. My intelligence 
cannot fail to depress your Holiness ; but it is my duty to 
write truthfully ; willingly would I forward to you more 
favourable reports." 1 

In Rome, throughout the whole year (1525), the anxiety 
caused by the Sultan s preparations was intensified by 
the danger to which the Italian coasts had for some time 
been exposed from the attacks of Turkish pirates. 2 In 
November it was determined to send to Hungary fresh 
support in the form of liberal supplies of money, pro 
visions, and ammunition. 3 On receiving Burgio s alarming 
reports, Clement called together the Sacred College in 
the beginning of February, 1526, and received on this 
occasion the representatives of the Christian princes. He 
communicated to them the reports that had reached him, and 
called upon them to urge their rulers to come to the aid of 
Hungary ; as the time of year no longer permitted the 
despatch of troops, they might forward supplies of money 

1 Relat. orat. pontif., 305-306. 

2 Cf. the ^reports of G. de Medici, dat. Rome, 1525, May 14 and 30, 
June i and 20, and July 8 (State Archives, Florence). In Cod. Vat., 
3901, f. 184, Vatican Library, there is a "^report belonging to the year 
1525, by a traveller in Turkey, on the state of things there. 

3 See *Acta Consist. (November 6, 1525) in Consistorial Archives, 
and a *letterof G. de 1 Medici, dat. Rome, 1525, November 17 (State 
Archives, Florence). 


for recruiting. The Pope set in this respect a good 
example ; he addressed invitations to the Emperor, to 
the King of France, and to many other Christian princes 
to come to the assistance of Hungary. 1 Clement VII. 
informed King Louis of these steps taken on his behalf 
and exhorted him to perseverance and a vigorous resist 
ance. When Burgio, on the 4th of March 1526, informed 
the Council of State, assembled round the King, of the 
Pope s proceedings, many of his hearers were moved to 
tears ; they vied with each other in expressions of 
gratitude and passed excellent resolutions to defend 
their country. 2 But this conversion to patriotism soon 
proved to be only a short-lived flare of excitement; the 
resolutions were never more than a dead letter. Even 
when there was no longer any possible doubt of the 
imminent approach of the Turks, no decisive measures 
of resistance were taken. In the Council of State, which 
met in the afternoon, when the King had thrown off his 
slumbers, nothing was done save to indulge in mutual 
accusations. Burgio, who reports this, adds : " Here there 
is neither preparation for defence nor obedience ; the 
magnates are afraid of each other, and all are against 
the King; some even are unwilling to take precautions 
against the Turk." No wonder that the Nuncio repeatedly 
begged to be recalled. Of what use was he to a country 
that was rushing headlong to its ruin ? " The spirit of 
faction grows more bitter every day," reported Burgio ; 
"the King, in spite of my remonstrances, has gone 
hunting as if we were living in the midst of profound 
peace." 3 

1 See THEINER, Mon. Hung., II., 659, 66 1 ; RAYNALDUS, 1526, 
n. 57 ; FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 218 seq. 

2 Cf. Relat. orat. pontif., 327 seq. 

3 Cf.ibid., 346 j^., 355, 360. 

VOL. X. 12 


On the day after the King s departure, on the I3th of 
April, Tomori arrived with the alarming news that the 
Sultan had left Constantinople with the intention of 
making himself master of the capital of Hungary. The 
Nuncio thereupon betook himself at once to the King, 
and, representing to him the greatness of the danger, 
induced him to return to his capital. There a Council 
of State was at once held and Tomori, who had to 
defend Peterwardein, was promised ample help. The 
Nuncio supplied him with fifteen hundred infantry, two 
hundred hussars, and thirty small pieces of artillery ; but 
his example produced little effect ; the Council relapsed 
into their previous indolence. " If the Sultan really 
comes," wrote Burgio on the 25th of April 1526, then 
I repeat what I have so often said before : your Holiness 
may look on this country as lost. Here the confusion 
is without bounds ; every requisite for the conduct of a 
war is wanting; the Estates are given over to hatred 
and envy ; and if the Sultan were to emancipate the 
subject classes, they would rise against the nobles in a 
bloodier insurrection than that of the Crusade (the 
Hungarian peasants war of 1514); but if their emancipa 
tion were to come from the King, he would then alienate 
from himself the nobility." l 

Some still hoped that a remedy would be found in the 
Diet then about to assemble. Here the victory of the 
court party was complete; Verboczy was deposed and 
fined ; Bathory was restored to the office of Palatine ; the 
resolutions of Hatvan were annulled and a sort of dictator 
ship conferred on the King. But Louis had no means of 
enforcing obedience, for the authority of the Crown had 
fallen into desuetude, and the finances of the country were 
as bankrupt as its defences. How could absolute power be 

1 Cf. Relat. orat. pontif., 363 seg., 368. 


wielded by a king whom nobody obeyed, whose credit was 
gone, and who, in the presence of overwhelming danger, 
slept undisturbed until midday? 1 

Neither the Diet nor the King brought deliverance. 
The foreign powers also, to whom the country had 
turned, did nothing; the Pope alone made the affairs 
of Hungary his own. He turned anew to the princes 
of Europe, gave his consent to a Crusade indulgence, 
sent 50,000 ducats, and permitted the taxation of ecclesi 
astical benefices and the sale of a large amount of Church 
property. 2 Had the King and the Estates of Hungary 
shown the same ready self-sacrifice and energetic action, 
the catastrophe then threatening might perhaps have 
been yet averted. Unfortunately, this was not the case ; 
thus the doom drew nearer every day, and on the 28th 
of July 1526 Peterwardein fell. The garrison, half of whom 
were Papal troops, died like heroes. The Pope s repre 
sentative continued up to the last to do all that was 
possible, and raised 4000 soldiers. 3 The forces of the 
King, with the reinforcements brought in at the last 
hour, amounted to 28,000 men. With them he moved 
southwards to the plain of Mohacs. Here a battle 
was fought on the 29th of August which decided in an 
hour and a half the fate of the Hungarian kingdom. 
Many magnates, five bishops, and the Archbishops of 
Gran and Kalocsa, were left lying on the field of battle. 
Two thousand heads were ranged as trophies of victory 
before the tent of the Sultan ; on the following day 

1 See FRAKN6I, Ungarn, 235 seq. ; HUBER, III., 530-531. 

2 Cf. THEINER, Mon. Hung., II., 670 ; RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 58 seq. ; 
FRAKN6I, Burgio, 37, and Ungarn, 254 seq. Cf. also *Acta Consist. 
(April 20, May 7 and 16, June 13, 1526) in Consistorial Archives, 

3 FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 286 seq., 289. 


fifteen hundred prisoners were slaughtered. 1 King Louis 
was one of the few who succeeded in saving their lives 
by flight ; but in crossing a small brook swollen by 
heavy rains his horse stumbled from exhaustion and 
buried the King in the watery morass. 2 

On the 10th of September 1526 the Sultan made 
his entry into the Hungarian capital; far and wide, as 
far as Raab and Gran, his hordes swarmed over the 
unhappy kingdom, and there was already a fear lest 
they should attack Vienna also. 3 But the approach 
of the colder season and the tidings of revolts in 
Asia Minor caused Suleiman to retire at the end of 
September, without leaving a garrison behind him in a 
single place. 4 

The forward advance of the Turks and the catastrophe 
of Mohacs caused the greatest alarm in Rome, as in the 
rest of Christendom. 5 Clement VII. gave expression to 

1 Cf. the report of Steph. Brodarics, in KATONA, XIX., 616 seq.\ 
HUBER, III., 355 seq.\ KApOLNAi, in Szdzadok, XXIV. (1890), Heft 10 ; 
KUPELWIESER, Die Kampfe Ungarns mit den Osmanen, Vienna, 1895, 
239 seqq. A contemporary estimate of the fallen in Cod. Vat., 3924, 
P II., f. 252 seq. ; cf. Acta Tomic., VIII., 228 seq. 

2 See Burgio s account taken from the description of an eye-witness 
in Relat. orat. pontif., 451. 

3 The same fear was also prevalent in Rome. On "^October 1 1, 1526, 
Landriano wrote from there: "Vienna is exposed to great danger" ; 
and on ^October 12: "Vienna tiensi perduta secondo li advisi si 
hanno perche il Turco li era vicino et nulla o pocha provisione li 
era fatta." This report in cipher is in the State Archives, Milan. 

4 Cf. ZINKEISEN, II., 655 seq.\ SMOLKA, in Arch, fur 6 sterr. Gesch., 
LVIL, i6seg. 

6 Cf. *Acta Consist, of June 18 and 25, July 4, 13, 20, and 27, August 
8, 17, and 24, 1526 (Consistorial Archives), and the Briefs in BALAN, 
Mon. saec., XVI., 236 seq. ; CHARRIERE, I., 152 seq. See also the*re- 
ports of F. Gonzaga of June 19, 1526, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, 
and that of G. de Medici of July 4, 16, 27, and August 17 and 22, 1526, 


his grief in a Consistory held on the iQth of September, 
when he called on all Christian princes to recover their 
unity and give their aid, and declared himself ready to 
go to Barcelona to negotiate in person for peace. 1 On 
the following day the Pope saw himself plundered in 
his own capital by the troops of the Emperor ! 2 

If the dissensions between the two heads of Christen 
dom had hitherto reacted most injuriously on the project 
of a Crusade against the Turks, so now the danger from 
the latter was almost entirely forgotten amid the raging 
flames of the present conflict between Pope and Emperor. 3 
But in Hungary civil war was raging. The brother-in-law 
of Louis, Ferdinand I., and the Voivode Zapolya were 
rival competitors for the crown ; the Sultan soon found 
himself the recipient of solicitations from both parties. 4 
All the enemies of the Hapsburgs, especially France and 
Bavaria, favoured Zapolya, who also lost no time in 
making strenuous efforts to gain the Pope. Clement 
cannot be absolved from the reproach of having been 
drawn for a time into transactions of doubtful import 5 

in the State Archives, Florence. The first news of the battle of Mohacs 
was received by the Venetian envoy on the evening of September 18. 
See G. de Medici s ^letter of that date, who further reports that the 
Pope was greatly overcome, but was in no way responsible, as he had 
done all that lay in his power (State Archives, Florence). 

1 See *Acta Consist in Vol. IX., Appendix, No. 35. Cf. RAYNALDUS, 
1526, n. 65 ; SANUTO, XLIL, 68 1 seq. 

2 Cf. our remarks, Vol. IX., 328 seqq. 

3 Clement VII., Charles V., and Francis I. were all equally to blame. 
Acciaiuoli, in his ^reports from Amboise, September 9, 1526 (Ricci 
Archives, Rome), and Poissy, February 5, 1527 (FRAIKIN, 253), throws 
the blame, in a one-sided way, entirely on the Emperor. 

4 ZiNKElSEN, II., 656 seq. 

5 Cf. SMOLKA, in Archiv fiir osterr. Gesch., LVIL, 118, and 
FRAIKIN, I., xlii., note. 


with this man ; but the statement of one of his bitterest 
enemies, that he had given pecuniary support 1 to the 
Voivode, is without confirmation; on the contrary, there 
exists a Papal letter, of the 3Oth of August 1528, in 
which Clement refuses a request of this kind. 2 

The warlike condition of Italy and the contest for the 
throne in Hungary, whereby the spread of Protestantism 
in that country was promoted, 3 encouraged the Sultan to 
mature his plan of striking a blow at the heart of Christian 
Europe. In the beginning of May 1529 "the ruler of all 
rulers," as Suleiman styled himself, left Constantinople at 
the head of a mighty host, bent on the capture of Vienna 
and the subjugation of Germany. Fortunately his advance 
was so slow, owing to heavy rainfalls and the consequent 
inundations, that he did not reach Belgrade until the I7th 
of July. 4 

Ferdinand I., whose forces were quite inadequate to 
cope with those of the Turks, looked round on every side 
for help. His Ambassador in Rome and that of the 
Emperor made the most urgent representations on the 
pressing danger. 5 Clement VII. therefore determined to 
send Vincenzo Pimpinella, Archbishop of Rossano, 6 as 

1 Ziegler in SCHELHORN, II., 308; RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., II., 
6th ed., 293, rightly considers this account as lacking confirmation. 

2 RAYNALDUS, 1528, n. 44. 

3 Cf. SZLAVIK, Die Reformation in Ungarn, Halle, 1884, 7 seq.; 
FESSLER-KLEIN, III., 632 seq.\ HUBER, IV., 105 seq.; Mon. eccl. 
temp, innov. in Hung, relig. illustr., I., Pest, 1902. 

4 Cf. Suleiman s Diary of his march on Vienna, edited by 
BEHRNAUER, Vienna, 1858. 

5 Cf. the numerous ^reports of A. da Burgo (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna), beginning from March 2, 1529. See also 
F. Gonzaga s ^report of April 30 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

6 Already reported by *G. de Medici on May 30, 1529 (State 
Archives, Florence). 


permanent Legate to the court of Ferdinand. 1 The sub 
sidies in money, subsequently approved by the Pope 
and Cardinals, were perforce slender owing to the limited 
means at their disposal. 2 On the other hand, it was of 
importance that in the Treaty of Barcelona (29th June 
1529) the Pope agreed to give the Emperor, for the 
expenses of the Turkish war, a fourth of the incomes of 
the ecclesiastical benefices to the extent already conceded 
to him by Adrian VI. 3 A Bull of the 2;th of August 
1529 gave full authority to Pimpinella to dispose, in 
upper Germany, of the treasures, and, in case of necessity, 
even of the landed property of churches and convents, in 
order to levy an army to meet the Turks, 4 who, welcomed 
by Zapolya, had captured Ofen on the 8th of September, 
and before the end of the month had invested Vienna. 
But all their attempts to take possession of this bul 
wark of Christendom were frustrated by the heroic spirit 
of the defenders. After a final ineffectual assault on the 
I4th of October, the Sultan withdrew, warned by the 
approach of adverse seasons and the news that relief 
was close at hand. 5 For the first time he saw an enter- 

1 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 32 seq.\ FRIEDENSBURG, Nuntiatur- 
berichte, I., xlviii. seq. ; PIEPER, Nuntiaiur.en, 91 seq. 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1529, n. 33 seg., and *Acta Consist. (July i, 1529} 
in Cod. Vat., 3457, P II. The contributions of the Cardinals in *Min. 
brev., vol. 22, n. 321. Cf. also the *Brief of July 9, 1529, to the 
Cardinals Farnese, del Monte, Piccolomini, Cupis, Cibo, and E. 
Gonzaga (Min. brev., vol. 26, n. 274, Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See supra.) p. 57, and *Regest. Vatic., 1438, f. 148 seq. (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican) ; cf. Lett. d. princ., III., 91. 

4 *Regest. Vatic., 1438, f. 234 seq. Cf. EHSES in the Rom. Quartal- 
schr., 1904, 381. In a ^Brief to Ferdinand I. of August 31, 1529 (Court 
and State Archives, Vienna), Clement expresses his sorrow at being 
able to do nothing more against the Turks. 

5 Cf. HAMMER, Wiens erste tiirkische Belagerung, Pest, 1829 ; 


prise, on which all his resources had been brought to 
bear, broken by an enemy whom he had likened to 
"the dust." 1 Hungary, certainly, was still in his power, 
and to the Venetians, who had done him service con 
tinually as spies, Suleiman wrote on the loth of November : 
" I have overcome this kingdom and bestowed its crown 
upon Zapolya." 

After the disasters of the year 1529, a cessation of the 
Turkish lust of conquest was not to be thought of; the 
capture of Vienna was only postponed. In the West there 
were no illusions on this score. During the conferences 
between the Pope and Emperor at Bologna, the Turkish 
question played an important part. Clement VII. 
promised, on this occasion, to pay a subsidy of 40,000 
ducats, a sum which certainly could not be raised 
without great difficulty. 3 Another and not less important 
result of the Imperial policy was the sentence of excom- 

NEWALD in the reports of the Wiener Alterthumsverein, XVIII. ; 
HUBER, IV., 23 seq. Further literary references in KABDEBO, Biblio 
graphic zur Gesch. der beiden Tiirkenbelagerungen Wiens 1529 und 
1683, Wien, 1876 ; HOFFINGER, Beitrage zur Gesch. der Tiirken- 
belagerung Wiens (Programm), Budweis, 1897 ; Gesch. der Stadt Wien, 
II., i, 334 seq. ; Mitteilungen des k. und k. Kriegsarchives, 1882. The 
news of the deliverance of Vienna was communicated to the Cardinals 
in a consistory of October 29, 1529 (see *Acta Consist., Camer. III., 
in Consistorial Archives). Cf. supra^ p. 79. Mention is made of a 
procession in Rome on November 11, 1529, to celebrate the with 
drawal of the Turks, in the *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552 (Vatican 

1 RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 147. 

2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, III., i8th ed., 172. 

3 Cf. the *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor for December 10 and 
17, 1529, in Consistorial Archives; GIORDANI, App., 31 ; GAYANGOS, 
IV., i, n. 227, 251, 272 ; BONTEMPI, 340. See also the ^reports of A. 
da Burgo of January 4, 6, 14, 15, 28, and 30, February 8, 16, and 18, 
April 12, 24, and 28, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 


munication passed on Zapolya on the 2 1st of December 

I529- 1 

As the consultations at Bologna on the comprehensive 
measures of defence to be taken against the Turks had 
led to no final result, it was determined to pursue the 
matter further at Rome. 2 This was all the more necessary 
as in the spring of 1530 news had arrived of increased 
military preparations on the part of the Turks. 3 A con 
gregation of six Cardinals was entrusted, in the beginning 
of June, with the consideration of the whole matter. 4 On 
the 24th of that month the Pope assembled these six 
Cardinals and the Ambassadors, all of whom, including 
even the Venetian envoy, were present. Clement VII. 
made an opening speech, in which he insisted upon the 
necessity for taking steps to meet the attack which the 
Sultan was making vast preparations to deliver in the 
coming year. To the question of the Pope, whether the 
Ambassadors were furnished with the requisite mandates, 
only the representatives of Charles V. and Ferdinand I. 
replied in the affirmative. Cardinal Gramont and the 
English envoys announced that they had none ; the 
Portuguese Ambassador made excuses for his sovereign, 
who was actively engaged in Africa ; the Milanese envoy 
assured Clement that it would be impossible for his 
master to raise any extra taxes this year. When the 

1 Cf. *Acta Consist, of December 22, in Appendix, No. 8 (Con- 
sistorial Archives), and A. da Burgo s report in STOEGMANN, 182, 231. 

2 Cf. A. da Burgo s ^report of April 28, 1530 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

3 See the Brief of April 8 in RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 71, and Rom. 
Quartalschrift, XVII., 391. Cf. also the ^letters of Bernhard Poma- 
zaniki from Constantinople, March 5 and 8, 1530 (State Archives, 
Brussels, Dietes). 

4 Cf. A. da Burgo s "^reports of June 5 and 21, 1530 (Court and 
State Archives, Vienna). 


envoy of Ferdinand, Andrea da Burgo, observed that 
three things were necessary: money, money, and always 
money, Cardinals Farnese and del Monte agreed, with 
the remark that unity among the Christian powers was 
equally essential. It was resolved that the Pope should 
address himself to all the Christian princes and call upon 
them to support the holy war with all their might and 
supply their envoys with the fullest powers. 1 Briefs to 
this effect were drawn up on the 2;th of June. 2 Since the 
answers of the princes were long in coming, Andrea da 
Burgo asked the Pope to make up his mind at once as to 
the sums to be guaranteed to Ferdinand I. 3 

Clement VII. was obliged to insist that his resources 
had been so drained by the war with Florence that he 
had no means left at his disposal. He made sanguine 
representations to the Ambassador as to the time when 
Florentine affairs would be settled; 4 once the city had 
fallen, the Turkish Crusade would be taken up again 
with energy. By the gth of August fresh Briefs had 
been despatched to the princes of Christendom; 5 it was 

1 Above according to **A. da Burgo s reports of June 25, 1530 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

2 See Min. brev., 1530, vol. 31, n. 221 seq., in Secret Archives of the 
Vatican, and RAYN ALDUS, 1530, n. 178. 

3 ^Report of A. da Burgo, July 18, 1530 (Court and State Archives, 

4 *A. da Burgo s report, July 12 and 31 (Court and State Archives, 
Vienna). *Clement VII. then said: " Notum omnibus esse quod 
exposuit et exponit sanguinem in hac expeditione Florentina et 
superesse jam solummodo spiritum." 

5 See Min. brev., 1530, vol. 31, n. 335 and 337 (Secret Archives of 
the Vatican). RAYN ALDUS, 1530, n. 182, gives the Brief to Lucca 
without date. From a copy in the Court and State Archives, Vienna, 
this must have been August 20. The original Brief *to Federigo of 
Mantua is dated August 19 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 


proposed that a monthly levy of 80,000 ducats should 
be paid towards the war; of this the Pope and Cardinals 
were to raise 10,000, the Emperor and Francis I. 20,000 
each, Henry VIII. 10,000, the Kings of Portugal, Scotland, 
and Poland jointly 15,000, the Italian States 5OOO. 1 All 
these efforts were unavailing; on the 23rd of August 
not one of the Ambassadors, except those of Charles 
and Ferdinand, had received full powers from their 
sovereigns. 2 Neither the Italian powers, 3 England or 
France were willing to support the Crusade; 4 the Pope 
alone gave Ferdinand assistance. 5 At a later date the 
Turkish war and the proceedings against the Lutherans 
were combined but still no results were obtained. 6 The 
Pope, da Burgo reported from Rome on the nth of 
December 1530, wished to raise funds for the Turkish 
war, but he had no means of so doing. 7 His relations 
with Ferdinand I. remained friendly, and it was of great 
value to the latter that Clement VII. promoted in every 
way the Hapsburg candidature for the kingship of the 
Romans and gave his recognition ungrudgingly. 8 In 

1 Cf. A. da Burgo s ^report, August 9, and the P.S. of the i8th to 
that of August 17, 1530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). See also 
F. Gonzaga s ^letter of August 18, 1530 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 ^Report of A. da Burgo, August 23, 1530 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

3 See A. da Burgo s ^report, August 30, 1530 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna), and the *Brief to the Duke of Urbino, December 
14, 1530 (Min. brev., 1530, vol. 31, n. 600, Secret Archives of the 

4 See GAYANGOS, IV., i, n. 486, cf. 414. 

5 Cf. ^Ferdinand s letter of thanks to Clement, Augsburg, November 
13, 1530, Lett. d. princ., VI., 156 seq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

6 Cf. supra, p. 144. 

1 *A. da Burgo s letter, December u, 1530 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

8 Cf. BUCHOLTZ, IX., 17 seq. ; LANZ, I., 406 seq ; RAYNALDUS, 1531, 


March, 1531, he sent the King a consecrated sword and 
hat 1 by the hands of Albertus Pighius. 

Of late the Pope had been repeatedly occupied with 
the affairs of the Knights of St. John. Clement VII. 
gave them hearty support in their efforts to reinstate 
themselves in the possession of Rhodes ; 2 on their failure 
to do so he asked the Emperor to bestow Malta on the 
Knights as a residence. It was an excellent suggestion, 
for the central situation of the island made it a place of 
high strategical importance. Charles V. was favourable 
to the Pope s request ; on his return journey from 
Bologna, on the 23rd of March 1530, at Castelfranco, 
he issued the document by which he bestowed on the 
Knights of St. John, Malta and its adjacent islands as a 

n. 2, and Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch., VI., 147 seq. ; see also 
Acta Consist., January 23, 1531, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 93. 
Under ^February 12, 1531, is entered the reading to the Sacred 
College [of the letter of Ferdinand I. on his election (Consistorial 

1 See the ^Brief of March 8, 1531,10 Ferdinand I. (Min. brev., 1531, 
vol. 37, n. 122, Secret Archives of the Vatican), and *that of the same 
day to Cardinal Cles (Arch. ep. Trid. in Vice-regal Archives, 
Innsbruck) ; cf, Jahrb. der Kunsthistor. Samml. des osterr. Kaiser- 
hauses, XXII., 144. This distinction was already resolved on by 
February 5, 1531 ; see BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium, in Secret 
Archives of the Vatican. 

2 VERTOT, III., 401 seq.\ BALAN, Clemente VII., 153 seq. Cf. 
*Macharii cujusdam litterae ad Clementem VII. de insul. Rhodi 
iterum ad manus Christianor. reverti facienda, 1526, in Cod. Vatic., 
3924, f. 244 seq. The plan of an expedition against the Turks met with 
Clement s full encouragement in a ^letter to the Grand Master of the 
Knights of St. John, dated Rome, 1528, November 24 (Secret Archives 
of the Vatican, A. 44, t. 9, f. 347 seq.}. For Leone Strozzi, appointed 
Prior of Capua 1527, who became a Knight Hospitaller, see PlERO 
STROZZI e ARNALDO POZZOLINI, Mem. p. 1. vita di L. Strozzi, Firenze, 
1890 (Nozze Publ.). 


Sicilian fief. 1 The Order, now known as that of the 
Knights of Malta or the Maltese Order, fortified the new 
bulwark of Christendom in accordance with all the rules of 
military science as then known, and defended it with the 
utmost valour. Through the Knights the Pope was kept 
closely informed of the intentions of the Turks. 2 

In 1530 Clement VII. found the Turkish difficulty even 
more engrossing than in the previous year. For a time 
this filled the foreground of affairs so completely that all 
other considerations, even the threatening aspects of the 
Lutheran movement, seemed to become of minor import 
ance. " This is the only topic of conversation here," wrote 
an envoy on the 2Oth of February I53I. 3 In March all 
preachers within the Papal States were directed to explain 
to the people the dangers to which they were exposed 
from the Turks. 4 The perils of the Mahommedan attack 
on Christendom were felt all the more keenly in middle 
and lower Italy, for the navigation of the Mediterranean 
was so insecure owing to the corsairs of Barbary that in 
many places, even in Rome, the difficulty of importing 

1 LUNIG, Cod. It. dipl., IV., 1494; VERTOT, III., 406 seq.\ BALAN, 
Clemente VII., 154; CHARRIERE, L, 133; REUMONT, Beitrage, IV., 
ii. The Papal Confirmation in Bull. VI., 140 seg. t the date, " Kal. 
Maii, is here incorrect. According to *Regest. Vatic., 1440, f. 99-102 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican), it should rather be, "7 Kal. Maii" 
(April 25). 

2 In order to obtain more accurate information, Clement sent a 
secret emissary to Constantinople ; see A. da Burgo s ^report, 
August 17, 1 530 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

3 " Nuovo non ci e da dar perche non si parla se non delle cose del 
Turco," ^writes B. Buondelmonti on February 20, 1531 (State Archives, 
Florence). Cf. also the letter in MOLINI, II., 362. 

4 " Papa facit praedicare religiosos hie Romae et in aliis locis et terris 
ecclesiae de periculis Turcarum in Italia et alibi," "^reports A. da Burgo, 
March 12, 1531 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 


provisions was beginning to cause distress. As a measure 
of relief the Pope was planning the despatch of a fleet 
under the command of Andrea Doria. 1 

Clement was assiduous in taking counsel with the 
Ambassadors and Cardinals on the subject of the Crusade. 
The question was especially considered whether the war 
should be carried out on defensive or offensive lines. 2 
Francis I. let it be understood that he would take part 
only in operations of the former class ; thereupon the 
Genoese and others withdrew from their previous agree 
ments concerning the support to be given to the Emperor s 
forces. "The Pope alone," wrote Andrea da Burgo, 
"adheres to his promise to pay 12,000 ducats per month; 
in this case," he added, " I certainly cannot see how, 
wanting money as he does, he can give any help to 
your Majesty." 3 

In spite of the pretensions of Francis I., Clement was 
never weary of making plans to utilize the power 
of France on behalf of the common undertaking, 
as well as to raise the necessary sums for the pro 
tection of the Italian seaboard and the support of 
Charles and Ferdinand. 4 He met with not a little 

1 Cf. SANUTO, L1V., 302, 308, 329, 336, 360 seq., 378, 385, 427 seq., 
481, 550 ; ^letters of F. Gonzaga of January 31 and March 22, 1531, in 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; ibid.) ^report of Giiido da Crema, March 
1 8, 1531, in which the scarcity in Rome is said to be so great that 
the court can hardly remain there ; ^reports of A. da Burgo, February 
26, 1531, and May 17, 1531 (Court and State Archives, Vienna); 
*Salviati s letter to Campeggio, March 24, 1531, Lett. d. princ., X. 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Cf. the ^report of A. da Burgo, February 26, 1531 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

3 BUCHOLTZ, IX., 90. 

4 See *A. da Burgo s reports of February 16 and March 13, 1531 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna), and of March 2, 1531, in 


opposition on the part of some of the Cardinals. 
When the Pope urged the necessity of raising funds in 
presence of the common danger, it was put forward in 
reply that the princes had very often expended such levies 
for totally different purposes, and that, on that account, 
no one in Italy was willing to contribute. Clement VII. 
proposed that the sums intended for the protection of the 
coasts of Italy against the attacks of Mohammedan pirates 
should be collected and then forwarded to the spot where 
the most immediate succour was required. All the 
Cardinals were unanimous that the funds for the Crusade 
should not be raised by the creation of new Cardinals or 
the sale of Church property. 1 It was at last agreed that 
there should be a tax on grain. 2 

The enemies of the Hapsburgs pointed to the general 
policy of Charles V. and the increase of his brother s 
power by the acquisition of the Hungarian and Bohemian 
crowns, as standing in the way of the aggrandizement of 
Italy and of the Pope in particular. It was said plainly 
that the empire and monarchy of the Hapsburgs threatened 
to establish a world-power even more dangerous than that 
of Turkey : their agents in Italy were, it was alleged, on 
the one hand, always asking the Pope for money and, 
on the other, by their incessant demands for a Council, 
frustrated the very means by which money could be raised, 
and sowed the seeds of endless difficulties for the Holy 
See in Italy. 3 In addition, there was also the Emperor s 

BUCHOLTZ, IX., 90 seq. , also the ^letters of F. Gonzaga of March 4 
and 22, 1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

1 Cf. the reports of A. da Burgo in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 93 seq. 

2 See SANUTO, LIV., 330, 336, 361 ; ^report of Guido da Crema, 
March 24, 1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and A. da Burgo s 
^letter, May 26, 1531 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). 

3 A. da Burgo in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 94 seq. 


decision in the dispute with Ferrara, which must have 
offended the Pope in the highest degree. Since Charles V., 
in spite of the counter-representations of Ferdinand I., 
clung obstinately to this determination, the negotiations 
over the subsidy against the Turks came to a standstill. 1 

Andrea da Burgo, Ferdinand s Ambassador, was in a 
difficult position. Repeatedly in the course of these 
negotiations he had been made to understand by the 
Pope that no serious arrangement could be come to in 
this matter unless the Emperor consented to some relaxa 
tion of the too rigid conditions of the treaties of Madrid 
and Cambrai. 2 In spite, however, of the imprudence of 
the Imperialists and the constant intrigues of the French, 
this indefatigable diplomatist achieved a great success in 
the autumn of 1531. In a Brief of the i6th of September 
of that year, Clement VII. promised Ferdinand, in view 
of the menacing reports of Turkish preparations, 3 the 
payment of 100,000 ducats in six months in the case 
of invasion, unless Italy itself were visited by a like 
calamity. 4 

Contradictory as the reports often were concerning the 
Turkish plans, 5 yet in the second half of December they 

1 Cf. STOEGMANN, A. da Burgo, 186, 195 ; BUCHOLTZ, IX., 99 seq.\ 
SANUTO, LIV., 475. 

2 STOEGMANN, A. da Burgo, 207. 

3 Cf. the ^letters of V. Albergati, dated Rome, 1531, August 5, 10, 
and 20 (State Archives, Bologna). 

4 See reports of A. da Burgo, September 10 and 17, 1531 (Court 
and State Archives, Vienna) ; the Brief in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 103 seq. 
Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 614, and the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, dat. 
Rome, 1531, September 20 (State Archives, Florence). 

6 A. da Burgo reported on ^November 11, 1531, that the Pope had 
received letters saying that the Sultan had been thrown from his 
horse ; according to other reports he had gone mad (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 


all agreed in announcing for the coming spring a fresh 
attack from the Sultan, for which he was making prepara 
tions in force. 1 On the first receipt of this information 
Clement showed great zeal. 2 On the i6th of December 
he informed a full Consistory of Cardinals that, accord 
ing to most trustworthy intelligence, a Turkish fleet of 
three hundred ships, with forty thousand men on board, 
would in the early spring set sail for Italy, while at the 
same time the Sultan, at the head of a hundred and fifty 
thousand, would advance on Hungary. 3 On the 26th of 
December the Cardinals again met to deliberate on the 
Turkish question. 4 

Two days later the Pope assembled the Cardinals and 
Ambassadors ; of the latter none were absent except the 
Venetian envoy, whose Government was determined not 
to break the peace with Turkey, and the envoy of 
Ferrara. The Pope made a long speech, showing that 
a combined attack by sea and land was in preparation 
by the Turks for the coming spring, and urging the 
necessity of speedy assistance. The representatives of 
the Emperor and King Ferdinand gave the strongest 
assurances; those of Henry VIII. and Francis I. only 
proffered fair speeches, although the Pope had been 
urgent and even threatening in his appeal. In his 
closing words Clement again warned his hearers that 

1 The accounts came from L. Gritti ; see, together with the letter of 
Burgo cited by STOEGMANN, 238, and HEINE, Briefe, 208, 210, 213 
seq., also Gritti s letter in HATVANI, Briisseli okmdny-tar, I., 81, and 
B. Buondelmonti s *report, dated Rome, 1531, December 26, in State 
Archives, Florence. 

2 See ^report of G. M. della Porta, dated Rome, 1531, December 
10 (State Archives, Florence). 

3 Cf. **the letter of F. Peregrine, written in great alarm, dated 
Rome, 1531, December 17 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 Cf. the **letter of F. Peregrino, December 27, 1531 (loc. tit.}. 
VOL. X. 13 


not a moment should be lost, and declared himself 
ready to do his utmost. 1 

In the beginning of January 1532 the Pope s calls for 
help addressed in the preceding August to the Christian 
princes 2 were emphatically renewed. 3 At the same time 
it was resolved to fortify the Papal sea-ports, especially 
Ancona, the most exposed to danger, and to support with 
ample supplies of money the two Hapsburg brothers, 
whose extremity was the greatest. A commission of 
twelve Cardinals was appointed with full powers to deal 
with the whole Turkish question. 4 The coming invasion 
of the Turks seemed all the more perilous as there were 
three opposing parties at strife in Hungary; Ferdinand 
and his adherents, Zapolya, and a party of independence 
led by Peter Perenyi. 5 The friends of Francis I. in Rome, 
including many of the Cardinals, had been trying for a 
long time to obtain from Clement the repeal of Zapolya s 
excommunication. In spite of all the pressure brought 
to bear on him by the French party, Clement refused 
to give way, but, on the other hand, he told " several 
Cardinals that Ferdinand, who was not in a position 
to subjugate Hungary, might hand over that kingdom to 
the Voivode, as the latter, once in tranquil possession 

1 For the above see *A. da Burgo s letter, dated Rome, 1531, 
December 29 (Court and State Archives, Vienna). Cf. also HEINE, 
Briefe, 210; GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 871, and the *letter of G. M. 
della Porta, dated Rome, 1531, December 28 (State Archives, 

2 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1531, n. 68 ; Corp. dipl. Port., 332 seq. 

3 Min. brev., 1532, vol. 41, n. 4-8 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 
Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1532, n. 2-5 ; THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 485 seq. 

4 Cf. SANUTO, LV., 309, and LVI., 176, where the names of the 
members of the Commission are given. 

5 Cf. KRETSCHMAYR in Archiv fur osterr. Gesch., LXXXIII., 
38 seq. 


of the country, would willingly break with the Turk and 
ally himself with the Christians. But the Pope took no 
decided step in favour of Zapolya. 1 His intervention in 
the troubles of Hungary was confined to the despatch of 
a letter on the i/th of February 1532 exhorting all the 
inhabitants of the country to unite in their own defence 
against the infidels ; their danger had reached the present 
pitch, he said expressly, owing to some among themselves 
having courted the favour of the Turks ; but they must 
not allow themselves to be deceived, only dishonourable 
subjection awaited them if they did not at once put aside 
their delusions. 2 

It would have been of exceptional importance if Venice 
had taken a part in the Turkish war. In January 1532 
Clement had already instructed Giberti to make represen 
tations in this sense to the Signofia. The answer given to 
the Papal agent cut off all hope ; Venice had no intention 
of interrupting the peace with the Turks. 3 The tension 
between Venice and Rome on the question of the bishoprics 
was thus strained much further, and the Signoria went the 
length of imposing war taxes on the clergy without asking 
for the approval of the Pope. Clement felt himself deeply 
aggrieved by such conduct ; he issued a Brief threatening 
excommunication to all rulers who demanded taxes of the 
clergy on their own sole authority. Attempts were made 
in vain on the part of the Republic to move Clement ; he 
often said that the Republic had never shown respect to the 

1 See STOEGMANN, Andrea da Burgo, 191 seq. 

2 BUCHOLTZ, IV., 104. 

3 Cf. SANUTO, LV., 345; ZINKEISEN, II., 717; GIBERTI, Opera, 
XXIV. In Venice, however, every preparation was made for the 
war ; cf. SANUTO, LV., 559 seq., and the *Discorso di Ventiani sopra la 
guerra che preparava il Turco contra Don Carlo d Austria 1 Imperatore 
in Cod. 35, B 8, f. I seq. (Corsini Library, Rome). 


Apostolic See. 1 Once before, on an earlier occasion, he 
had remarked that the God of Venice was their own 
aggrandizement, they always tried to fish in troubled 
waters. 2 How steady he was in his enmity to the over 
weening policy of Venice is shown by the fantastic schemes 
propounded by him in May 1532 to Andrea da Burgo, 
concerning the reconstruction of political conditions in 
Hungary and Italy. 3 

The intentions of the infidels continued to be the subject 
of the most varying reports in Rome during the spring of 
1532. The Imperialists declared that all the rumours of 
Turkish invasion were inventions of the Venetians and 
French in their own interests. 4 They gave this as their 
opinion until a letter arrived from the Emperor which 
left no further doubt as to the gravity of the situation. 5 
A Turkish fleet of two hundred vessels was bound for 
Sicily and Apulia and a large army was to attack Hungary. 
The result of this news was a regular panic in Rome. 6 The 
Pope declared on the I3th of March that he intended 
to levy taxes at the rate of 80,000 ducats a month for 

1 Cf. SANUTO, LV., 595, 627 seq., 630, 632 seq., 660 seq., 679 seq.-, 
HEINE, Briefe, 217 seq.\ ^reports of G. M. della Porta of March 17, 
20, and 31, 1532 (State Archives, Florence) ; betters of F. Peregrino, 
March 14 and 25, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 HEINE, Briefe, 432. 

3 For these see A. da Burgo s reports in BUCHOLTZ, IX., no seq., 
and STOEGMANN, 208 seq. 

4 See the ^reports of F. Peregrino of January 5 and 8, February 1 7 
and 22, and March 3, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

6 Cf. the report of F. Peregrino, March 14, 1532 (loc. /.) 
fi See ^reports of G. M. della Porta, March 10 and 17, 1532 (State 
Archives, Florence), and the *letter of A. da Burgo, March 16, 1532 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). Cf also the *letter of Salviati to 
Campeggio, March 16, 1532 (Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; HEINE, 
219, 221-223, and CHARRIERE, I., 197. 


three months ; it was matter of daily consultation how 
this sum was to be raised. 1 Although at the Pope s 
command processions passed through the streets 2 offering 
up prayers of intercession, the fickle-minded Romans very 
soon recovered their tranquillity. 3 

In the beginning of April Clement received letters from 
Constantinople dated the i8th of February; according to 
these an attack on Hungary was certainly impending ; 
from the fleet, further reports declared, there was nothing 
to fear, as the ships would only make a demonstration. 4 
In May these reports were confirmed; 5 nevertheless, 
Clement declared that all the measures of defence must 
be taken ; he wished nothing to be omitted. 6 He was 
active in three directions. In the first place, he pushed on 
the equipment of a fleet at Genoa under the command 
of Doria to ensure the safety of the Mediterranean. At 
the same time he was anxious for the protection of the 
coasts of Italy ; Ancona in particular was to be strongly 
fortified. Lastly, the Emperor and his brother were to 
receive 40,000 ducats monthly as a subsidy. 7 All this 

1 Cf. the letter of F. Peregrine, March 14, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua), the ^report of G. M. della Porta, March 17, 1532 (State 
Archives, Florence); and Burgo s ^letter, March 26, 1532 (Court and 
State Archives, Vienna). 

2 See the *report of A. da Burgo. March 27, 1532 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna) ; HEINE, 234 seq., 327; GuGLiELMOTTi, Guerra, I., 
295 seq. 

3 Cf. the ^reports of F. Peregrine, March 25 and April 8, 1532 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 ^Letters of G. M. della Porta, April 3 and 8, 1532 (State 
Archives, Florence). Cf. also HEINE, 224 seq. 

5 ^Letter of G. M. della Porta, May 25, 1532 (State Archives, 
Florence). Cf. CHARRIERE, I., 202. 

6 See ^letter of G. M. della Porta, June 7, 1532 (State Archives, 
Florence). Cf. SANUTO, LVL, 388. 

Cf. the report of G. M. della Porta, June 10, 1532 (State Archives. 


demanded an immense outlay of money, and innumer 
able difficulties arose in obtaining it. 1 

The situation was still further complicated by the bad 
behaviour of King Francis, whose intentions with regard 
to Italy scarcely admitted of doubt. He had demanded 
from the Pope, under a threat of apostasy, the grant of a 
double tithe on the Church revenues in consideration of 
the danger from the Turks. Clement gave his consent, 
but added the condition that ten French galleys should 
join the Imperial fleet under the command of Doria. 
The French King replied that this would be inconsistent 
with his honour. He had likewise, on first hearing of the 
Pope s naval undertaking, launched out against Clement 
in very violent terms, in the presence of the Nuncio ; he, 
the Pope, allowed himself to be plundered by the Emperor, 
who, under the cloak of the Turkish war, concealed designs 
against France ; when the proper time came he, Francis, 
would come down on Italy with such a power that he 
would be able to drive thence Pope and Emperor. Let 
Clement look to it lest his protection of Genoa did not 
one day cost him the loss of Florence. All the Pope s 
attempts to make Francis give way were unavailing. 
Urged and harassed by the Imperialists, distrusting the 
French, Clement at last had no other course open to 
him than to withdraw his consent, already given, to the 
appropriation by France of the ecclesiastical tithes. 2 

Florence). Cf. HEINE, 229, 339. At the end of May the Corsairs had 
carried off about 100 of the inhabitants of Ostia, among them a number 
of Dominicans who had come to Rome for a general chapter of the 
Order. ^Letter of F. Peregrine, June i, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, 

1 See G. M della Porta s report, June 7, 1532 (State Archives, 
Florence) ; that in Corp. dipl. Port., II., 402 seg. t and the ^letters of F. 
Peregrine, June 8 and 14, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 HEINE, 243, 248, 253, 255 n., 320 seq., 332 seq.\ SxoEGMANN, 


The Pope addressed himself with all his energy to the 
fortification of Ancona, Ascoli, and Fano. Antonio da 
Sangallo was appointed master of the works; his plans 
for the fortification of Ancona are still to be seen in the 
Ufftzi ; a huge citadel arose manned in September by 
Papal troops. To the extreme dissatisfaction of Venice, 
the independence of Ancona was thus brought to an end, 
and the direct Papal authority established. This proceed 
ing was uncommonly characteristic of the Pope ; not less 
so was the sale of the legatine government of the marches 
of Ancona to Cardinal Benedetto Accolti for the sum of 
19,000 ducats. 1 

All manner of proposals were made to raise money for 
the Turkish war, but no one showed any readiness to 
make sacrifices for the cause, and the Cardinals refused to 
hear of a reduction of their incomes. But Clement on 
this point stood firm, and in a Consistory held on the 2ist 
of June 1532, carried a resolution that the Cardinals 
should be included in the Bull imposing on the whole 

216 seq. ; SANUTO, LVI., 294, 387, 399, 454, 553, 986; ZINKEISEN, II., 
720 seg. ; DECRUE, 187. For the threats of Francis I. see in Appendix, 
No. 23, the ^report of A. da Burgo, June 5, 1532 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna), and the ^letter of Cardinal E. Gonzaga, June 10, 1532 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

1 Cf. PERUZZI, Storia d Ancona, II. ,442 seq. ; SANUTO, LVI I. ,24^^. ; 
BALAN, Clemente VII., 188 seq.; and STORIA, VI., 247^.; BROSCH, I., 
120 seq.; COSTANTINI, II Card, di Ravenna, 2$seqg., 45 seq. ; GUGLIEL- 
MOTTi, Fortificazioni, 511. That Antonio da Sangallo drew up the 
plans for the fortification of Ancona is stated *by G. M. della Porta 
from Rome, March 20, 1532 (State Archives, Florence). The mission 
of A. da Sangallo had been already announced by Clement VII. to the 
Governor of the March on January 19, 1532, *Min. brev., vol. 41, n. 
39 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). For the dissatisfaction of the 
Venetians see the ^letters of R. Maggio to J. Salviati, dated Venice, 
1532, September 26 and December 16 (Nunziatura di Venezia, I., in 
Secret Archives of the Vatican). 


body of the Italian clergy the payment of half their yearly 
incomes. 1 Later on a hearth-tax of one ducat was levied 
throughout the Papal States. 2 

In the same Consistory of the 2ist of June the despatch 
of Cardinal Ippolito de Medici to the Emperor and 
Ferdinand I. was agreed to; the latter received 50,000 
ducats for the pay of troops. 3 The preparations for his 
journey were hurried on as quickly as possible. 4 The 
Cardinal, who had always lived in the most secular 
manner, now assumed the Hungarian dress ; he has thus 
been painted in a masterpiece of Titian s, now one of the 
ornaments of the Pitti Gallery. A robust figure clad in a 
reddish-brown garment with gold buttons; on the head 
a red biretta with peacocks feathers ; the left hand grasps 
a scimitar, with the right he rests a Hungarian mace upon 
his knee. 5 Ippolito de Medici, whose mission gave rise 

1 See A. da Burgo s ^report, June 21, 1532 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). Cf. also F. Peregrine s letters of June 11, 20, and 
21 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). A copy of the *Bull, dat. Rome, 
June 21, 1532, in Colonna Archives, Rome, and in State Archives, 
Florence, MS. Torrig. 

2 Cf. the *Brief to Perugia, July 28, 1532 (Communal Library, 

3 Cf. A. da Burgo s *report, June 21, 1532 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna); *that of F. Peregrino, June 21, 1532 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua); and that of Buondelmonti, June 21, 1532 (State 
Archives, Florence). See also RAYNALDUS, 1532, n. 21 seg. ; Lett. d. 
princ., III., 131 ; *Briefs to Ferdinand I. of July 4 and 7, 1532, in Vice 
regal Archives, Innsbruck, Arch. ep. Trid. ; SANUTO, LVL, 456, 480, 
512; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 80; FERRAI, Lorenzino de Medici, 131. 
Clement VII. first informed the Imperialists of Medici s mission on 
June 1 6, and begged that they would keep the matter as yet secret ; 
see ^cipher of A. da Burgo, June 16, 1532 (Court and State Archives, 

4 F. Peregrine s ^letter, June 21, 1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

5 Cj. JUSTI in the Zeitschr. fur bildende Kunst, N.F., VIII., 37. 


to various conjectures, 1 left Rome on the 8th of July, 2 and 
travelled by rapid stages to Regensburg, which he reached 
on the 1 2th of August. 3 

A few days before, the Sultan with the bulk of his 
army had arrived before Guns, a few miles distant from 
the Austrian frontier. He at once opened the siege, 
but met with a very stout resistance. Nicholas Jurischitsch 
defended the small town with heroic determination and 
held out against the enemy until the 3Oth of August. 
The Sultan, who had set forth in true oriental pomp, 
reckoned on an easy victory on account of the divisions 
in Germany. On closer consideration he did not deem 
it advisable to risk a decisive battle at so advanced a 
season of the year and at such a distance from home ; 
the accounts he had received of the strength of the 
Imperial army did not justify him in expecting a swift 
and certain triumph. Therefore the Turkish forces, after 
having made a rush forward as far as Oedenburg, fell 
back through Styria on Slavonia and Belgrade, suffering 
terrible losses on their way. In the Wienerwalde the 

1 Cf. in Appendix, No. 24, Cardinal E. Gonzaga s opinion of June 
2 3? J 53 2 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 Q. A. da Burgo s report, July 9, 1532 (Court and State Archives 
Vienna), and the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, July 9, 1532 (State 
Archives, Florence) ; BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican); GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 971. C. Calcagnini 
was in Ippolito s suite ; Ariosto declined to go with him ; see Giorn. d. 
lett. Ital., XXXV., 242. In the *Mandati, VIII. (1531-1534), of 
Clement VII. there is an entry on August 20, 1532, of due. 20,900 auri 
for Cardinal Medici (State Archives, Rome). 

3 Cf. SANUTO, LVL, 817 seq. ; Lett. d. princ. (Venetian edition), III., 
i9 b ; CASANOVA, Lett, di Carlo V., 18 seq Ferdinand s autograph 
^letter of thanks to the Pope for sending Medici, dated Regensburg, 
1532, July 25, in the Lett. d. princ., VII., 167 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican) ; ibid., an autograph letter of Medici to the Pope, dated 
Regensburg, 1532, August 21, describing Ferdinand s helpless condition. 


army corps commanded by Kasimbeg was almost 
annihilated. 1 

Misfortune also overtook the Turks by sea ; for Andrea 
Doria was successful in sweeping the Ottoman fleet from 
the Ionian waters as well as in capturing Koron and 
Patras. 2 To both these successes the Pope had materially 
contributed by his aid. Unfortunately, the hopes 3 thus 
raised came to nothing; Doria did not think his forces 
sufficient for further enterprises, and returned to Genoa 
after plundering the territory of Corinth. Charles V. also, 
notwithstanding the exhortations of Clement and Loaysa 4 
to follow up the advantages of the fortunate opening of the 
campaign, remained inactive. The accounts that reached 
him of the unruly and undisciplined spirit of his army, 
composed as it was of the most incongruous elements, 
made it appear to him inadvisable to persevere in the war 
except under the most urgent necessity. Not merely the 
Italian soldiers but many troops of the Empire refused to 
go into Hungary; the Protestants took up the cry that 
the aid supplied by the Empire was intended exclusively 

1 Cf. HUBER, 41 seq. To the literary references here given must 
be added HOMENAJE A MENENDEZ Y PELAYO, 408 seq., and 

TORTENELMI-TAR, 189!, l6o seq. 

- Cf. together with SANUTO also Jovius, Hist., XXXI. ; LANZ, II., 
16; ZINKEISEN, II., 735 seq.; GUGLIELMOTTI, Guerra, I., 319 seq.\ 
BALAN, Clemente VII., 194 seg., and Storia, VI., 252 seq.; PETIT, 142 
seq. His departure from Messina and the superior equipment of the 
Papal ships described by A. Doria to the Pope in a ^letter, Dat. di 
galera al Zante, 1532, September 6 ; Lett. d. princ., VII., 347 ; ibid.) f. 
477 seq. Andrea Doria s report, entirely in his own handwriting, Dat. 
di galera nel golfo di Corone^ 1532, September 16, on the taking of 
Coron (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 Cf. G. M. della Porta s ^report, September 11, 1532 (State 
Archives, Florence), and F. Peregrine s letters, September 17 and 28, 
1532 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 Cf. HEINE, 264 seq.; STOEGMANN, 219 seq. 


for the defence of Germany ; they objected to strengthen 
the Catholic Ferdinand. 1 Above all there was the danger 
threatening the Emperor from France and England, 2 
as well as the unfavourable condition of Italian affairs. 3 
The latter as well as the question of the Council seemed 
to call imperatively for a personal discussion with the 
Pope. Therefore Charles made up his mind that on his 
journey to Spain he would take Italy on his way. 

1 Cf. ALBERI, 2nd Series, V., 342 seq. ; ZINKEISEN, II., 733 seq. ; 
HUBER, IV., 46; EANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 310; DE 
LEVA, II., 84; Luzio, Pronostico, 85 seq. 

2 Cf. HAMY, 153 seq.\ LAVISSE, V., 2, 74. 

3 See DE LEVA, III., 85 ; BAUMGARTEN, III., 112. 



ALTHOUGH Pope and Emperor were drawn into a position 
of close interdependence on account of the dangers 
threatening them from the Turkish and Protestant side 
alike, there were yet, at the same time, many questions 
open between them which, unfortunately, gave rise to 
disagreement and friction. Arbitrary enactments concern 
ing Neapolitan benefices, excesses and hostile behaviour of 
the Imperialist troops in Italy, drew forth many complaints 
from Clement, and in addition to these grievances he and 
Charles were at variance on the question of the Council. 

The political predominance of the Emperor in Italy and 
the dependence of the Papacy on Spain, as the great world- 
power, were felt all the more bitterly by the Pope as 
Charles had, without any disguise, favoured the Duke 
Alfonso of Ferrara in every way, and confirmed to him 
in April 1531 the entire possession of his states as well 
as of Modena and Reggio, to which the Pope had a 
counter-claim. This decision, which was contrary to the 
Emperor s previous engagements, was disapproved of even 
by Ferdinand s representative in Rome. 1 


seq.- } HEINE, Briefe, 125 seg., 132, 150 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 181 seq. 



This was a blow that Clement could never get over ; his 
relations with Charles were henceforward destroyed. 1 In 
order to reconcile the Pope, to promote the cause of the 
Council in accordance with the promises of Regensburg, 
and to restore some order in the unsettled condition of 
Italy, Charles was anxious to meet Clement personally ; 
therefore, in October 1532, he came into Italy from Friuli. 
His anxiety to soothe the Pope would have been still 
greater if he had known how badly his affairs had been 
represented in Rome. 

The number of Cardinals in the Curia on whom the 
Emperor could count was not great ; most of the Italians 
adhered to France. The principal cause of this was the 
fear, only too well grounded, of the supremacy of Charles, 
which was a pressing burden on Italy and the Holy See. 
The Italian national feeling grew restive under the Spanish 
supremacy, represented by men who did nothing to wipe 
out the remembrance of the sufferings endured by the 
Romans during the sack of their city. Many of the 
Roman prelates were under obligations to Francis I. on 
account of pensions and preferments. Further causes of 
unpopularity were the insistence of the Hapsburgers on 
the dreaded Council, and injudicious demands on the 
part of Charles and Ferdinand which would have had 
the effect of diminishing the Cardinals incomes. 2 As 
Cardinal Quinones had almost altogether withdrawn from 
affairs, and Charles s close adherent Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci 

1 See Agnello s ^report, May 15, 1531, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; 
Jovius, Hist., XXXI., 218, cf. 223; GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 725,747; 
BALAN, Clemente VII., 199. 

2 STOEGMANN, Andrea da Burgo, 187 seq. For the French pensions 
see Jovius, Hist., XXXI., 225. Cardinal E. Gonzaga was also won by 
French benefices : it was only after the second meeting between 
Charles and Clement at Bologna that he became an Imperialist. 


was dead (September I53I), 1 the conduct of the Imperial 
interests was in the hands of Cardinal Garcia de Loaysa. 
He was without doubt a remarkable man, of high moral 
character and a great ecclesiastic, full of energy and 
ability, and thoroughly loyal to the Emperor, but wanting 
in the qualities of statesmanship ; he showed a lack of 
consideration and a rigid hardness, not uncommon in 
Spaniards, which gave general offence. 2 Loaysa was 
entirely wanting in the one great essential of a diplomatist 
tact ; he was at the mercy of his impetuous tempera 
ment. He soon found himself in difficulties with everyone, 
even with the Emperor s Ambassador Mai, calling him 
in his despatches a blockhead in plain words, 3 and de 
manded of the Emperor his recall. The indignation of 
Mai, who was acquainted with all this, can be imagined. 
Andrea da Burgo, Ferdinand s clever representative, and 
much esteemed by Clement VII., had great difficulty in 
preventing an open breach between Mai and Loaysa ; all 
the deeper on this account was the secret grudge between 
them. 4 

It cannot be matter of surprise that Loaysa should 
have also given free vent to his vehement nature., even 
towards the Pope, to whom he repeatedly gave open 
offence. 5 This was especially the case in the transactions 
over the appointment of fresh Cardinals, when the 

1 He was buried in the choir of S. Maria Sopra Minerva, near his 
patron LeoX.; see FORCELLA, I., 441 seq. 

2 For the following cf. STOEGMANN, loc. cit.; see also ESCHER, 
Glaubensparteien, 281; DITTRICH, Contarini, 198; GAYANGOS, IV., 
i, Introd., xii. seq., and HEIDTMANN, G. de Loaysa, Neustettin, 

3 HEINE, Briefe, 40 note ; cf. 52, 76 nn. 

4 Cf. Burgo s reports in STOEGMANN, 188 seq., 232 seq.; see also 
BALAN, Clemente VII., 199. 

6 Cf. HEINE, Briefe, 341. 


Imperialist and French parties measured their strength. 
Clement VII. was averse to new creations chiefly because, 
if he made concessions to the Emperor s wishes, England 
and France would at once put forward claims of their 
own. 1 In March 1531, after the creation of two Spaniards, 
Alfonso Manrico and Juan Tavera, the Pope was exposed 
to the gravest reproaches; the English Ambassador told 
him outspokenly that he had become the Emperor s slave. 2 
In May 1531 the Consistory again became the scene of 
agitating negotiations ; Francis I. demanded the nomina 
tion of a Cardinal, whereupon the Imperialists put forward 
claims for two. As no agreement could be come to, the 
matter was left in suspense. 3 In order to pacify Francis I. 
to some extent, Clement VII. determined, in June 1531, 

1 A. da Burgo ^reported in cipher on March 12, 1531 : " Tantum 
institerunt card. Osmen. et D. Petrus apud Pontificem quod consensit 
tandem ultra cardinalem, quem alioquin est obligatus facere ad 
omnem requisitionem Caesaris, etiam nunc facere alium Hispanum ad 
voluntatem S. M tis , sed quod permittant Suam S tem quod illud possit 
facere sine scandalo, quia sunt multi alii, qui instant habere cardinales, 
eta quo S. St as abhorret." After the nomination (decided upon March 
21 and published on the 22nd according to the *Diary of Blasius de 
Martinellis, while the *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor, II., 182 
[Consistorial Archives] give February 22 ; cf. RAYNALDUS, 1531, n. 
92 seq.; CIACONIUS, III., 519 seq.; CARDELLA, IV., 124 seq.) A. da 
Burgo ^writes on March 26, 1531 : " Incredibiliter laborarunt in eo 
cardinales Osmen. et D. Petrus. Papa erat aversus ob multa non 
minus pro bono Caesaris ut demonstrabat quam ne magis incenderet 
reges Franciae et Angliae, qui continue instant, ut Papa faciat etiam 
unum pro ipso rege Franciae et alium pro rege Angliae " (Court and 
State Archives, Vienna). 

2 " Longe pejora dicunt oratores Anglici, v. quod Papa dederit se in 
praedam Caesari nee audeat S. S tas facere nisi quod Caesar vult. ; 
*A. da Burgo on March 26, 1531, loc. tit. Cf. MOLINI, II., 364, 366 

3 Cf. HEINE, Briefe, 133 seg. t and the ^reports of A. da Burgo, May 
25 and 27, 1531, in Court and State Archives, Vienna. 


in spite of Loaysa s opposition, 1 to concede to the 
French monarch the right of nomination for life to those 
abbacies which in virtue of their privileges had hitherto 
enjoyed powers of free election. 2 Soon afterwards 
Clement proposed to recall Giberti to his service. The 
Imperialists viewed the plan with anything but satisfaction, 
and the Pope s intentions were frustrated by the refusal 
of Giberti, who met this pressing invitation with the 
plea that his presence was necessary in Verona. 3 

As Clement in the following year showed himself ready to 
make special efforts to support the Emperor and his brother 
in their urgent need of aid against the Turks, the French 
were again in the highest degree dissatisfied with him. 4 

1 See A. da Burgo s ^report, June 2, 1531. According to this, 
Cardinal Gramont was the principal agent in the matter (Court and 
State Archives, Vienna). 

2 A. da Burgo s second ^report, June 2, 1531 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). Cf. for Clement s concessions : STAUDENMAIER, 
Bischofswahlen, 347 ; G^RARDIN, 147 ; MADELIN, 164 ; BAUDRIL- 
LART, 93 seq. Clement made another concession in the Consistory 
of September 6, 1531 : *S. D. N. ad supplicat. duels Albaniae egit 
cum rev. dominis de concedendis litteris in forma brevis ipsi duci, in 
quibus illi polliceretur, cum primum aliqua cardinalium promotio fieret, 
creare unum ex fratibus ipsius ducis, in quo consenserunt omnes prae- 
dicti mei rev mi (Consistorial Archives). 

3 Cf. the cipher ^"despatch of A. da Burgo, July 19, 1531, in Court and 
State Archives, Vienna ; it says : " Papa autem de eo confidit et eum 
mirifice diligit." The ^letter of Clement VII. to Giberti, dat. Rome, 
1531, May 18, contains a postscript in the Pope s own handwriting: 
"VeniaSj si nobis satisfacere cupis, habita tamen tuae valetudinis et 
commodi ratione" (Cod. Barb., lat. 6508, f. i, Vatican Library). On 
the 30th of January 1532 Clement VII. again made proposals to 
Giberti to settle in Rome; see Sanga s letter of January 30, 1532, 
with autograph postscript by the Pope (Cod. Barb., lat. 5698, Vatican 
Library). Cf. GIBERTI, Opera, XXIII. 

4 Cf. supra, p. 198, and G. M. della Porta s report, June 10, 1532 
(State Archives, Florence). 


He fared in the same way in the negotiations relating 
to the divorce of Henry VIII. 1 Whatever Clement might 
do, one of the rival parties was sure to complain of his 
conduct. 2 

In May 1532 Clement was willing to bestow the purple on 
G. A. Muscettola, the Imperial agent. Although the Sacred 
College objected to this, as generally to every other creation, 
Clement held to his resolve, for Muscettola stood high in 
his favour. But France now demanded the elevation of 
Giberti at the same time. Clement was quite willing, but 
found a strong opponent in Loaysa ; Giberti, the latter 
protested, was a bastard, and on that account could not 
become a Cardinal ; that this was a grave affront to the 
Pope did not trouble him a whit. Clement VII. com 
plained of Loaysa s conduct to the Emperor s representative; 
he would rather live in a desert than endure such behaviour. 
Loaysa was so little conscious of his stupidity that he 
stubbornly declared that he had only done his duty, and 
would not depart from it ; if the Pope showed his dis 
pleasure, he would then take up his residence in Naples 
until the Emperor came! 3 The costs of this wanton 
outburst fell upon his friend Muscettola, who had already 

1 Cf. infra, Cap. VIII. 

2 Cf. the report of F. Peregrine, June 8, 1532 : " L Imperial! dicono 
haver sospetto che N. S. habbia intelligentia con Francesi et mostrano 
di dolersene, da 1 altro canto Francesi dimostrano mala satisfation 
verso di loro di S. S. Hor veggia V. E. in quanti dubbiosi pensieri 
debbia rimaner S. S. et che via o modo ella possi tenere a dover 
contentar 1 una et 1 altra parte, che e cosa quasi impossibile, ce 
ritroviamo fra li calci et 1 muro" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 Together with the ^reports of A. da Burgo, May 25, 1532, in Court 
and State Archives, Vienna, made use of by STOEGMANN, 188 seq. t 
see BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, 1532, May 22 and 24. Also the 
**letter of G. M. della Porta, May 10, 1532, in State Archives, Florence, 
and HEINE, Briefe, 341. 

VOL. X, 14 


given orders for his Cardinal s insignia ; for the Pope now 
gave up all idea of a creation. 1 

The breach between Loaysa and Mai also showed itself 
in their opinion of the Pope, concerning whom their views 
were in direct contradiction. While the former accounted 
and made excuses for Clement s constant vacillation by his 
character and the circumstances in which he was placed, 
Mai saw in all the Pope s dealings only duplicity and 
dangerous craft. His hatred of Clement was also ex 
tended to Muscettola, who was regarded favourably by 
the Pope. The relations between the two assumed in 
time the character of an actual feud. Things had gone 
so far in the autumn of 1530 that Muscettola applied 
for his recall ; but he nevertheless remained two years 
longer in Rome. Obviously a dissension of this kind 
between the representatives of the Emperor must often 
have given a very unwished-for turn to his affairs in the 
Roman Curia. 2 

The French envoys worked with much greater tact, and- 
they had also this advantage over the Imperialists, that, 
being supplied with plenty of money, they were able to 
keep up a great establishment and make handsome presents. 
Their leader, Gabriel de Gramont, Bishop of Tarbes, a 
Cardinal since the 8th of June IS3O, 3 understood admirably 
how to play constantly on the Pope s distrust of the 
Emperor, and even to intimidate him in case of necessity 

1 " La nova creation de cardinali per questa volta e ita a niente non 
ostante che chel Musettola s havesse fatto fare gli habiti cardinaleschi 
et la mazza d argento ancora." G. M. della Porta, May 25, 1532 (State 
Archives, Florence). 

2 Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., 2, Introd., vii. seqq. 

3 Cf. *Acta Consist, in Cod. Vat, 3457, P II., of the Vatican Library. 
Gramont was with the Pope at first, from June 1529 till November 
1530, then together with Tournon from November 1532 until autumn 
1533 ; see BOURILLY-DE-VAISSIERE, Du Bellay, 53. 


by open threats. 1 Gramont at the same time was trying 
to bring about a family alliance between the houses of 
Valois and Medici which should bind Clement inseparably 
to France. The second son of Francis I., Henry, Duke of 
Orleans, was to marry Catherine de Medici, born in 1519, 
daughter of Lorenzo of Urbino. 2 When Gramont brought 
the matter forward in the autumn of 1530, he also hinted 
that Parma and Piacenza might go with the bride as her 
dowry. Clement VII. refused to agree to such an alienation 
of Church property, and indeed acted as if the whole scheme 
were not seriously meant ; evidently he did not wish then 
to go further into the affair out of regard for Charles V., 
who, on his side, looked with favour on a marriage 
between Catherine and the Duke of Milan. 3 Clement 
for a long time acted in the matter with his habitual 
indecision. That finally he decided in favour of France 
cannot cause surprise. What comparison was there between 
the Dukedom of Milan, with its precarious tenure, and 
the brilliant alliance with the royal house of France, which 
at the same time guaranteed a hope of firm support against 
the Spanish supremacy in Italy ! The Venetian Am 
bassador Soriano was also of opinion that another induce 
ment to incline the Pope in favour of this marriage 
was the hope of gaining thereby the French partisans in 

1 STOEGMANN, A. da Burgo, 189 seq. How also in the summer of 
1531 (the *diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, dates his arrival on August 18) 
the French Ambassador to Rome, Francois de Dinteville, Bishop of 
Auxerre, forwarded \ti\spolitique d* intimidation, is shown by DECRUE, 
Anne de Montmorency, 184 seq. For Dinteville (the ^credentials from 
Francis I., of April 25, 1532, are in Lett. d. princ., VII., Secret Archives 
of the Vatican) see also Rev. d. Bibl., IV., 84 seq ^ and Rev. d. quest, 
hist., 1902, I. 490. He was recalled on January 26, 1533 ; see the letter 
*of Francis I. to Clement VII. in *Lett. d. princ., VIII., loc. cit. 

2 For earlier plans see Vol. IX. of this work, p. 269. 

3 BASCHET, Catherine de Medicis, 276 seq. 


Florence. 1 In addition, the project of marriage was espoused 
by the French themselves with the greatest eagerness. In 
the beginning of November 1530 John Stuart, Duke of 
Albany, arrived in Rome on a mission from Francis to push 
forward the arrangements initiated by Gramont. Catherine 
had left Florence in October, where she had lived with her 
aunt, Lucrezia Salviati. The Milanese envoy who saw her 
in the streets of Rome thought her tall and comparatively 
good-looking, but still of such a tender age that he was of 
opinion her marriage could not be thought of for another 
year and a half. 2 Nevertheless, the affair was negotiated 
more ardently than ever. Clement s indecision was in 
creased by his fear of Charles and Albany s great demands. 
As Gramont in the meantime was once more in Rome, 
the Pope gave his consent in secret to the marriage and 
to the conditions which Francis attached to his " gift of 
the Danai." In a treaty of the gth of June 1531 Clement 
VII. declared himself ready to give Catherine, after her 
marriage with the Duke of Orleans, Pisa, Leghorn, Modena, 
Reggio, and Rubbiera, and also to hand over Parma and 
Piacenza in return for a compensation to be agreed upon. 
He even was willing to assist in the reconquest of Urbino ; 
only as regards Milan and Genoa, which Francis had also 
demanded for the young bridal couple, he gave no con 
clusive answer. 3 A few days later Cardinal Gramont 
returned to France : the Pope gave orders that he should 
be received in Florence with all honour. 4 

1 ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 291. 

2 BASCHET, 279 seq>., 282. Albany s arrival took place on November 
3, 1530 ; see *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, Vatican Library. 

3 Cf. BASCHET, 285, 309 seq.\ RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th 
ed., 313 ; STOEGMANN, A. da Burgo, 204. 

4 Cf. the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, June 13, 1531, in State Archives, 


The members of the French court were under a great 
delusion if they believed that the old influence over 
Clement VII. had been regained and that he was once 
more securely in their hands. When the Pope weighed 
more closely the conditions of the agreement of June, he 
was alarmed at having committed himself in advance to 
such an extent ; he now tried, under different pretexts, to 
have the marriage postponed. So little was the " astute, 
circumspect, and timid " Medici thinking of a breach with 
the Emperor, that, on the contrary, he determined to work 
with all his power for the reconciliation of Charles and 
Francis. On this he brought to bear all his penetration 
and all his diplomatic ability. 1 Thus was conceived the 
visionary plan of bringing the two rivals together at the 
expense of Venice ; 2 a project, however, which nowhere 
met with a favourable reception. As the Ottoman in 
vasion later on drew attention in another direction 
altogether, the Pope bethought him of a fresh scheme 
applicable to the wholly altered state of affairs. Charles 
V. and Francis I. were to be reconciled and unite all 
their military forces in one comprehensive onslaught on 
the Turks, after whose destruction Ferdinand I. should 
receive Hungary and the adjoining territories, Venice 
the possessions taken from her in the Levant, and, finally, 
France should receive Milan, which until then should 
be retained by the Emperor and the Pope, as the 
friends of both parties ! 3 

But the situation had once again entirely changed ; 
on the withdrawal of the Sultan the Emperor had 
abandoned the Turkish war and undertaken his journey 

1 STOEGMANN, 206 seq. 
2 Cf. supra, p. 196 seq. 

3 STOEGMANN, 218 seq.\ and at 245 seq. is the important ^despatch 
of A. da Burgo of October 8, 1532. 


to Italy to meet the Pope. For the place of conference 
Bologna, Parma, Piacenza, then also Genoa and Pisa, had 
been proposed ; particulars were to be settled by Pedro 
della Cueva at Rome. 1 While the negotiations were in pro 
gress an accident threatened to interfere finally with the 
proposed meeting. On the 25th of October 1532 the Pope 
received a report of which he complained, with tears in his 
eyes, to Mai and Burgo : the Emperor had placed Cardinal 
Medici under arrest for a day ; for the latter, displeased with 
the suspension of the Turkish war, had foolishly tried to 
play the part of commander-in-chief. The incident led to 
no further results, 2 owing to the apologies of the Imperialists, 
who wished to ward off a misunderstanding, and the hopes 
of Clement that the meeting would be efficacious in bring 
ing about a peace with France. 

Cueva reached Rome at the end of October and 
announced that the Emperor wished the conference to be 
held at Piacenza. The matter was discussed in Consistory ; 
most of the Cardinals, Farnese at their head, declared it 
fitting that Charles V. should come to Rome. This was 
hotly opposed by the Imperialist group and was also 
contrary to Clement s own wishes. Since in the mean 
time Medici made it known that Charles agreed to 
Bologna, as proposed by the Pope, the departure of the 
latter thither was fixed for the I2th of November in a 
Consistory held oh the 4th. Owing to the necessary 

1 Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 46, 97, 126, 133, and the ^reports of G. M. 
della Porta, dated Rome, October 13 and 14, 1532 (State Archives, 

2 See the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, dated Rome, 1532, October 
25, in State Archives, Florence. Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 197; GuiCCi- 
ARDINI, XX., 2; ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 301 STOEGMANN, A. da 
Burgo, 239 ; GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 1007, 1009, 1014 ; FERRAI, Lorenzino 
de Medici, 132 ; Luzio, Pronostico, 84. 


preparations the departure was put off until the i8th, 
and before this a Bull was issued making regulations 
in the event of a Papal election ; Cardinal Salviati 
acted as Legate in Rome. 1 

The late season of the year, unfavourable weather, and 
the bad condition of the roads made the journey a very 
arduous one for the Pope, who was hardly recovered from 
the gout. Six Cardinals travelled through Tuscany, 
and six others went with the Pope. Their way was 
by Castelnuovo, Civita Castellana, Narni, Terni, Trevi, 
Perugia, Citta di Castello, S. Sepolcro, S. Agata, Cesena, 
Forli, and Castel S. Pietro. On Sunday the 8th of 
December he entered Bologna on horseback, where he 
was received with the customary solemnities. 2 On the 
following day a Consistory was held in which it was 

1 SANUTO, LVII., 198, 217 seq., 258. *Report of F. Peregrine, 
October 17, 1532, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. GAYANGOS, IV., 2, 
n. 1014. *Letter of G. M. della Porta, dated Rome, 1532, October 28 
(*Gionse finalmente in Roma quel D. Petro della Cova expettato tan to 
tempo per la resolution dell aboccamento di S. M. con N. S., col quale 
e stato hoggi), and November 4 (*N. S. dice esser resolute partire ad 
ogni modo per Bologna alii 12), in State Archives, Florence. *Report 
of Cardinal E. Gonzaga of November 4, 1532, in Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. Already on November 2, 1532, Clement VII. had asked the 
Italian States to send representatives to the meeting at Bologna ; see 
Min. brev., 1532, vol. 41, n. 375, dated incorrectly in Raynaldus on 
October 2. Cf. the *Briefs to the Duke of Milan (State Archives, 
Milan) and to the Duke of Mantua (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), both 
of November 2. On November 5, 1532, Clement VII. wrote about the 
meeting to the city of Bologna, and again on November 23 ; see Min. 
brev., loc. cit., n. 563 and 592. 

2 Cf. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium in Archives of the 
"Ceremonieri" in the Vatican, also in Cod. Barb., lat. 2801 (formerly 
XXXV., 45), and Cod. lat., 12547, National Library, Paris ; RAYNALDUS, 
i 532 ,n. 55*??.; BONTEMPI, 350 ; SANUTO, LVII., 335, 365 ; E. Bonner s 
report in State Papers, VII., n. 337 5 N. D. TUCCIA, 429 seq. 


resolved to send Cardinals Grimani and Cesarini to meet 
the Emperor. 1 

Charles, on the I3th of December 1532, made his 
entry into Bologna with military pomp and was received 
with great ceremony by the Papal court and the most 
prominent citizens. Over five thousand men-at-arms 
escorted him; he rode between Cardinals Farnese and 
Spinola; in his suite were noticed the Dukes of Milan, 
Mantua, and Florence. The Pope awaited him in San 
Petronio on his throne, in full pontificals and wearing a 
costly tiara. Charles made the customary triple obeisance 
on bended knee and kissed the Pope s foot. The latter, 
waiving the kissing of his hand, rose and embraced the 
Emperor. After the Emperor s suite had paid their 
reverence to his Holiness, Clement led the Emperor to 
the state apartments prepared for them in the Palazzo 
Publico. On the following days also there was no lack 
of demonstrative friendliness between Pope and Emperor, 
the latter receiving on Christmas Eve as a gift of honour 
a sword and hat. 2 Great as were the confidence and 
friendship displayed in public between the two potentates, 
in the long conferences, held almost always in private, it 
was only too evident that there was a lack of unanimity. 3 
In Bologna the influx of strangers 4 had given rise to a 
high cost of living, 5 and the Emperor, on this account, 
would have been glad to quit the city soon, 6 but the 

1 SANUTO, LVIL, 363, 365 ; LANZ, II., 43. 

2 RAYNALDUS, 1532, n. 57 seq.\ SANUTO, LVIL, 388. 

3 SANUTO, LVIL, 368, 384, 385 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 201. 

4 Titian also was then there ; see GIORDANI, App., 150, 153. 

6 *Letter of G. M. della Porta, dat. Bologna, 1532, December 24 
(State Archives, Florence). 

6 *Letter of G. M. della Porta, dat. Bologna, 1532, December 29 
(State Archives, Florence). 


negotiations shaped themselves with such difficulty that 
his departure was deferred from week to week. 1 

Clement VII. was eager to make a reconciliation 
between Francis I. and Charles V. 2 The Emperor con 
sidered this quite hopeless, and thought only of securing 
Milan and Genoa against any French attacks ; with this 
object he proposed the formation of an Italian defensive 
league. On his instructions Granvelle, Covos, and Praet 
conducted the matter with Cardinal Ippolito de Medici, 
Francesco Guicciardini, and Jacopo Salviati. It was soon 
evident that such a confederacy was little in keeping 
with the policy of a Pope who was considered neutral; 
his representatives asserted that Venice would absolutely 
oppose such a league; they also made it clear that 
Clement still clung to the restoration of Modena and 
Reggio, and would not suspend his claims on this score 
during the existence of the League. 3 But the influence 
which bore with most force on Clement VII. was the 
threatening attitude of Francis I., the ally of Henry VIII., 4 
when the representatives of the former, Cardinals Gramont 
and Tournon, appeared in Bologna in the beginning of 
January I533. 5 

1 The following ^statement by G. M. della Porta, Bologna, 1533, 
January 6, is noteworthy : " S S ta remanda la maggior parte della 
famiglia sua a casa e remane con pochi volendo continuar appresso S. 
M ta per accompagnarla sino a Genoa entro la galera" (State Archives, 

2 See SANUTO, LVIL, 369, 383 seq. 


4 See the ^reports of G. M. della Porta of December 23, 1532, and 
January 7, 1533, in State Archives, Florence. Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 389. 

5 Cf. ^letter of G. M. della Porta, dat. Bologna, 1533, January 2, 
in State Archives, Florence; *Acta Consist., Camer. III., in Consis- 
torial Archives of the Vatican; SANUTO, LVIL, 418, and BASCHET, 
290 seq. 


To make sure of Milan the Emperor wished Clement 
to give his niece Catherine de Medici in marriage to 
Francesco Sforza. The Pope s objection to this was that 
the contract with Francis had priority, and the King 
would feel it to be an extreme affront if the intended 
wife of one of his sons were to wed his declared 
enemy. Unfortunately, the Emperor was under the 
impression that Francis I. had not been in earnest over 
the marriage contract ; he therefore asked the Pope to 
urge upon Francis that the marriage should speedily take 
place. He assumed in this that Francis would refuse, 
and then the Pope would convince himself that he 
had been the dupe of vain words. In this case the 
friendship of Clement for Francis would certainly have 
been turned into bitter enmity. But the contrary came 
to pass ; Francis, perceiving the impending danger, sent 
at once to the Cardinals above-named full powers to ratify 
the marriage contract of his son with Catherine de 
Medici ; at the same time he sent an invitation to the 
Pope to meet him in Nice. Clement VII. now declared 
that such a wish was all the more to be complied with as 
he had already on two occasions undertaken a journey in 
order to meet the Emperor. Thus the latter saw the 
connection between the Pope and France only further 
strengthened. He suspected that Clement would combine 
with Francis in order to conquer Milan for the Duke of 
Orleans, but the Pope did all he could to convince him that 
such a suspicion was groundless. 1 Thus a secret treaty 
between Pope and Emperor was signed on the 24th of 
February, a day of momentous significance to Charles, 
for it was the date of his birth, of his victory at Pavia, and 
of his coronation. Clement VII. and Charles gave mutual 
pledges not to form alliances with other princes ; they 



exchanged promises as to the holding of the Council, help 
against the Turks, the maintenance of the existing state 
of things in Italy, and the hearing of the English divorce 
case in Rome. 1 

The negotiations with the Italian envoys, already begun 
in January, 2 were brought a few days later to a conclu 
sion. On the 27th of February Clement VII., Charles V., 
Ferdinand I., the Dukes of Milan, Mantua, and Ferrara, 
with Siena, Lucca, and Genoa, united themselves on ac 
ceptance of certain contributions of troops and money to 
defend Italy against any attack. The difficulty with 
Ferrara was removed in this way, that Clement VII. 
undertook, only for eighteen months, to leave the Duke 
in peace. Florence and Savoy, and above all Venice, 
were not named in the bond. 3 If this was annoying 
to the Emperor, much more so was the failure of his 
then renewed attempts to draw Clement out of the 
French marriage agreement. The Pope stood firm ; in 
this he could take no backward step. 4 

The negotiations concerning the nominations of 
Cardinals demanded by the Emperor went also contrary 
to his wishes. He had proposed Schonberg, Muscettola, 
and Stefano Gabriele Merino, Archbishop of Bari. The 
Pope s nominees were Giberti, Simonetta, Auditor of 

1 The text of the secret treaty after the original in Secret Archives 
of the Vatican (Arm. XL, Caps. II., n. 67) has been published by 
EHSES in the Romischen Quartalschrift, V., 301 seq. 

2 Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 481 seq., 486 seq.^ and the ^reports of G. M. 
della Porta of January 21, 24, 25, and 30, 1533 (State Archives, 

3 Pap. d Etat de Granvelle, II., 7 seq.\ SANUTO, LVIL, 564, 567, 574, 
577, 600 seq.; GUICCIARDINI, XX., 2 ; JOVIUS, Hist., XXXI. ; BALAN, 
Clemente VI L, 203. 

4 Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 506, and the *report of G. M. della Porta, dat. 
Bologna, 1533, February 18 (State Archives, Florence). 


the Rota, and the Bishop of Faenza, Rodolfo Pio. But 
at the same time Francis I. and Henry VIII. demanded 
the purple for three of their dependents. The general 
feeling of the Sacred College was against new creations ; 
an effort was therefore made to defer the question until 
the Pope had returned to Rome, and Clement, who inclined 
to this view, handed over the matter to Cardinals Farnese, 
Campeggio, and Cesi to report upon. 1 On the I9th of 
February the Consistory debated the subject far into 
the night without coming to a decision. Loaysa took 
up the cause of Muscettola with all his energy but 
met with the most decided opposition. 2 On the 2ist 
of February the Cardinals voted for the elevation of 
Merino in order to defeat the creation of Muscettola and 
Schonberg. Also, as a satisfaction to France, the nomina 
tion of Jean d Orleans to the Sacred College was soon 
afterwards made public. 3 The Imperialists were little 
pleased with this result. 

Not less stirring were the negotiations at Bologna on the 
question of the Council. On the I5th of December 1532 
Charles had already discussed the question with Clement 
in an interview lasting two hours. On the following 
day the Consistory was consulted ; only a few Cardinals 

1 Cf. SANUTO, LVIL, 537, 539; *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTI- 
NELLIS in Secret Archives of the Vatican ; ^letter of G. M. della 
Porta, 1533, February 18 (State Archives, Florence). See also 

2 ^Letter of G. M. della Porta of February 10, 1533 (State 
Archives, Florence). Cf. SANUTO, LVII., 553. 

3 *Acta Consist, in Cod. Vatic., 3457, P II. (Vatican Library); 
SANUTO, LVIL, 547, 551, 585, 590; Jovius, Hist., XXXI. , 219; 
CIACONIUS, III., 523 seq.\ NOVAES, IV., 129 (with wrong date). The 
concession of two-tenths on February 10, 1533, shows that Clement 
VII. wished also in other ways to ingratiate himself with Francis L; 
see CHARRIERE, L, 239 note. 


were in favour of an immediate summons ; the majority 
were of the opinion that peace must first be restored to 
Christendom and the agreement of all the princes be 
secured ; a decision was postponed until the next sitting. 1 
In this, held on the 2Oth of December, the whole matter 
was once more thoroughly considered. The use of the 
temporal sword against Protestants was also made subject 
of remark. Only a few, however, voted for such measures ; 
the majority of the Cardinals were for a Council ; they 
certainly objected to it being held in Germany, and still 
more to a national council of that nation, as the latter 
would only give occasion to the Kings of France and 
England to bring about a schism. The final resolution was 
that the Council should be held in a suitable place, and 
after the consent of all Christian princes had been invited. 2 
For the execution of this decision a congregation was 
formed in which the Pope was represented by Farnese, 
Campeggio, Cesi, and Aleander, and the Emperor by 
Merino, Covos, Granvelle, and Mai. 

After the Emperor had agreed to the Council meeting 
in Italy, it was possible, as early as the 2nd of January 
1533, to prepare the Briefs to the Kings of France and 
England, and to other Christian princes inviting their 
consent to and presence at the Council. 3 More protracted 
negotiations were occasioned by the question whether the 
princes and States of the German Empire should also be 
written to at the same time. This was agreed to, for 

1 SANUTO, LVIL, 368, 369. Cf. the letter of the Bishop of Auxerre 
in RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 316, and DE LEVA, III., 104 ; 
see also EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., Ixxxii. 

2 Besides SANUTO, LVIL, 385, and the letter of the Bishop of 
Auxerre cited in note above, cf. also in Appendix, No. 32, the ^report 
of G. M. della Porta, December 23, 1532 (State Archives, Florence). 

3 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., Ixxxii. 


Aleander was strongly in favour of such a step. Accord 
ingly, about the loth of January, letters of the Emperor were 
addressed to all the States, as well as from the Pope to 
King Ferdinand I., the six Electors, and the six Circles of 
the Empire. 1 In these letters the Pope praised the 
Emperor s zeal on behalf of the Council, whereby he had 
been led to consent to its summons, although for other 
reasons he was not yet quite prepared for it. But as it 
was necessary that all members and nations of Christendom 
should participate, he would not neglect to procure the 
consent of other princes than those of Germany by means 
of letters and Nuncios While the answers, that of France 
in particular, were awaited, the Emperor did not desist in 
the course of negotiations in demanding through his 
deputies that the Council should be summoned at once, 
for he had given his promise on this point to the German 
princes, and in no other way could the desire for a national 
German council be successfully opposed. On the other 
hand, the Papal deputies insisted that Clement was ready 
to proclaim the Council in accordance with the usage 
hitherto observed by the Church, and on condition that the 
dogmatic decrees of earlier synods were acknowledged 
by all, and that all promised their willingness to submit to 
the decrees of the forthcoming assembly ; but in any case 
the answers of the princes must still be waited for. 

As the Emperor was always insistent and the time of 
his return was drawing near, while no answers had as yet 
been received, the Papal deputies proposed that under 
these circumstances Nuncios should be sent to Germany, 
France, and England, an arrangement with which Charles 
expressed his agreement. The Nuncio appointed for 

1 EHSES, Ixxxiii. The text of the letter to the Electors and Circles 
of the Diet is given by RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 6 ; that to King Ferdinand, 
in some parts differently drawn up, in EHSES, Ixxxiv. 


Germany was Ugo Rangoni, Bishop of Reggio; for 
France and England the Papal chamberlain and proto- 
notary, Ubaldino de Ubaldinis. 1 On the 2Oth of February 
the two Nuncios were presented with the Briefs of which 
they were to be the bearers. 2 

In the meantime Cardinals Tournon and Gramont had 
presented the long-expected answer of Francis I. It was 
short, cold in tone, and insisted on the necessity of the 
questions of religion being dealt with in a becoming manner, 
in accordance with the wishes of those taking part in the 
Council assembled in a place agreeable to them, and of the 
decrees being of such a kind that no one afterwards would 
refuse his consent to them. 3 This reply was all the more 
unsatisfactory as Francis, besides these general observations, 
said nothing about his wishes regarding the representation 
at the Council. 

The Instruction drafted by Aleander for the Nuncio 
Rangoni on the 2/th of February 1533 contained the 
conciliar conditions under eight articles: (i) The Council 
is to be free, and to be held according to the customs 
obtaining in the Church since the first General Councils. 
(2) The members of the Council are to promise obedience 
to its decisions and their unbroken observance. (3) 
Members unable to be present for legitimate reasons are 
to send deputies with full legal powers and satisfactory 
mandates. (4) In the meantime, no fresh matter of con 
troversy is to be introduced into the religious questions 
in debate in Germany until the Council shall have given 
its decisions. (5) A choice, on which all should agree, 

1 EHSES, Ixxxiv. seq. Cf. ^report of G. M. della Porta, February 
10, 1533 (State Archives, Florence). 

2 The Brief addressed to King Ferdinand, with which the others 
agree in essentials, in EHSES, Ixxxvi. 

3 Cf. EHSES, Ixxxvi. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 80 1. 


must be made of some suitable place ; the Pope pro 
poses Mantua, Bologna, or Piacenza. (6) Should any 
princes, without just cause, reject the summons and 
meeting of the Council, the Pope is nevertheless to pro 
ceed with the same. (7) Against those princes who wish 
to put obstacles in the way of the Council, the remainder 
are to support the Pope in its favour. (8) On receipt of 
the consenting replies the Pope shall convene the Council 
within six months and take steps for opening it within 
a year. 1 To Lambert von Briaerde, who accompanied 
Rangoni as Imperial orator, Charles communicated 
special instructions 2 agreeing with the Pope s intentions. 
The Emperor left Bologna on the 28th of February and 
the Pope on the loth of March. 3 

Rangoni and Briaerde first visited the court of Ferdinand 
I. at Vienna and stayed there from the ist of April to the 
1 3th of May. Ferdinand expressed his full agreement with 
the meeting of the Council and the articles. Duke George 
of Saxony did likewise, whom they visited at Dresden 
on the 25th of May. 4 Thence they made their way to 
Weimar, where on the 3rd of June they were courteously 
received by the Elector John Frederick 5 and listened to 
by him; in his answer to the Nuncio, communicated on 
the following day, he expressed his joy at the prospect of 

1 The text of the Instruction in EHSES, Ixxxvii. seq. Cf. PASTOR, 
Reunionsbestrebungen, 87 seq. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 801 
seq. Rangoni received 240 ducats for two months; see *Introit. et 
Exit., 1 533-1 534, in State Archives, Rome. 

2 EHSES, Ixxxviii. seq. 

3 SANUTO, LVII., 568, 571 seq., 574. *Diarium of BLASIUS DE 
MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

4 EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., Ixxxix. seq. 

5 Authentic documents on the Nuncio s address to the Electors and 
the answer of the latter published in EHSES, xc.-cxiii., from the 
Vatican Archives, 


a Council but explained that, greatly as he wished personally 
to give a definite answer at once, he could only do so in 
company with his allies, who in the approaching assembly 
of Protestant princes at Schmalkald would take counsel on 
the matter. With this message Rangoni and Briaerde left 
Weimar on the 5th of June and proceeded to Mayence 
to Cardinal Albert, who expressed personally his full 
agreement and his adhesion to everything that the Pope 
and Emperor might further determine, even with regard 
to the meeting-place of the Council, but for a definite 
answer he referred them to the Congress of the Catholic 
Electors about to be held at Mayence. The same answer 
was given by his brother, the Elector Joachim of Branden 
burg, with whom the envoys discussed the question at 
Berlin on the I7th of June. 1 Through Brunswick, where 
they missed Duke Henry, they came to Cologne on the 
5th of July, and on the 9th at Bonn had an interview 
with the Elector Hermann of Wied ; on the I3th they were 
similarly occupied at Coblentz with Johann von Metzen- 
hausen, the Elector of Treves, and on the 2Oth at 
Heidelberg with the Elector Palatine Louis. 2 

After all the Electors had thus been visited, the 
Imperial envoy Briaerde, having accomplished his mission, 
returned to the Netherlands, while the Nuncio Rangoni 
went yet further to Munich in order to treat also with 
the Dukes William and Louis of Bavaria. 3 To the 
meeting of a General Council all the princes interro 
gated had, on the whole, given their ready consent ; in 
respect of the articles enumerated above, only the two 
Bavarian Dukes were unwilling to give a final reply 
on their own responsibility. The Nuncio and Briaerde 
were not without grounds for indulging in hopes on the 

1 EHSES, xciii. seq. 2 Ibid^ xciv. seg. 

3 Ibid. y xcv. seq. 

VOL. X. 15 


close of their round of inquiries. In the course of the 
foregoing deliberations the principal question under 
discussion had been the meeting-place of the Council. 
On this as on the other points, by the exercise of a little 
good-will on all sides, there ought not to have been 
difficulty in coming to an agreement. This was especially 
the case as the Elector of Saxony himself had shown 
apparently the best intentions, and in all probability at the 
last would have given his final decision in a favourable 
sense. But his theologians and the other princes of 
Protestant Germany were of a different way of thinking. 
John Frederick, in the first place, asked the theologians of 
Wittenberg to give their opinion and furnish him with 
reports. Melanchthon, indeed, declared that on account of 
the other nations the Council could not well be refused, 
nor had he any objections to Protestants appearing there 
under a safe-conduct, but he repudiated in the most express 
terms the article on the duty of submission to the conciliar 
decrees. 1 Luther spoke in the same sense, only in a much 
more offensive manner, for he called the Pope a "liar" and 
a "cursed bloodhound and murderer." 2 This position of 
the theologians corresponded therefore with the answer, 
dated the 3<Dth of June 1533, of the Protestant princes 
and Estates 3 assembled at Schmalkald. They demanded 
a "free council" to be held in Germany, with the Bible 
as the only standard ; the Pope s articles were rejected 
in coarse and offensive terms. By this declaration all 
previous exertions on behalf of a Council were brought to 

No better success attended the mission of the Nuncio 

1 EHSES, xcvi. ; PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebtmgen, 88 seq, ; HEFELE- 

2 EHSES, xcvi. seq. ; PASTOR, 88. 

3 In EHSES, xcvii.-ci. 


Ubaldino to Francis I. of France and Henry VIII. 
of England, Both monarchs avoided any definite 
declaration. 1 

On leaving Bologna Clement VII. had gone first to 
Fano in order to compose the disorders which had broken 
out in that place ; he then paid visits to Ancona and the 
sanctuary of Loreto; on the 3rd of April 1533 he was 
once more in Rome. 2 Here awaited him a mass of 
business which had accumulated in his absence. There 
was, moreover, anxiety on account of Koron, hard pressed 
by the Turks, 3 and still greater anxieties arising from 
the divorce suit of Henry VIII. 4 The Pope s nephew 
Bernardo Salviati was sent to the relief of Koron with 
twelve galleys. 5 Francis I., meanwhile, was pressing for 
the conference agreed to by the Pope, and the conclu 
sion of the family alliance; 6 his representatives, the 
Cardinals Gramont and Tournon, encountered, however, 
unsuspected difficulties. These were in part the outcome 
of the intrigues of the Imperialists, who were naturally 
doing all they could to frustrate the dangerous inter 
view and still more dangerous marriage. 

Before the conference at Bologna was over, a funda 
mental change had taken place in the diplomatic service 
of the Emperor at Rome. Charles V. had at length come 

1 EHSES, ci. seq. 

2 Besides the sources cited by RAYNALDUS, 1 533, n. 36 seq., cf. also 
SANUTO, LVIII., 11 seq. t 27, 35, and BALAN, Clemente VII., 204. 
The Pope s return to Rome had been eagerly expected j see the 
^reports of F. Peregrine of March i and 23, 1533 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 

3 Cf. SANUTO, LVIII., 35, 56, 194, 227, 240. 

4 See infra, Cap. VIII. 

6 BALAN, Clemente VII., 206. 

6 Cf. the *report of F. Peregrino, April 30, 1533 (Gonzaga Archives, 


to see that Loaysa with his immoderate temper, and Mai 
with his brusque ways, were not the men to conduct his 
affairs aright. With Loaysa fell also Muscettola. In their 
place Fernando da Silva, Count of Cifuentes, was appointed 
Ambassador, and Rodrigo Davalos as agent ; in the 
Sacred College the place of Loaysa was taken by the 
Cardinal of Jaen, Stefano Gabriele Merino, as representa 
tive of the Imperial interests. Charles soon found out that 
the change was in no way a fortunate one, for the evil of 
disunion had been handed on and made itself felt with 
undiminished intensity, as the enmity between Cifuentes 
and Merino was acute. 1 

The French party reaped the advantage of this feud. 
Cardinal Tournon played his part with great skill ; he 
knew how to paint in the most glowing colours the 
advantages of the French alliance to Clement, and even to 
encourage in him the hope that this connection would be 
a means of bringing order into the tangle of the English 
divorce. Personally the Pope was strongly inclined to an 
alliance with France in order to secure a counterpoise to 
the Emperor s power in Italy. 2 But unexpected hindrances 
now arose on the side of the Cardinals. Farnese and 
others adduced the most various objections ; Cardinal 
Gramont declared haughtily : " The Pope has more need of 
my king than my king of him." 3 Meanwhile a letter came 
from Charles to the effect : " Since his Holiness persists in 

1 See BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., 1 1 1., 1 22. Cifuentes had come to Rome 
on April 17, 1533 ; R. Davalos not until June 14; see GAYANGOS, IV., 
n. 1059, 1083. 

2 Cf. Jovius, Hist., XXXI., 223, whose information is confirmed by 
two cipher reports of **F. Peregrine of September 4 and December 
28, 1533 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 See SANUTO, LVIII., 135, 163, 228. Cf. the ^report of Agnello, 
dat. Venice, 1533, May 5 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 


his interview with Francis, he (the Emperor) makes no 
further difficulties but warns him to look to the pre 
servation of peace in Italy." On the 25th of May 1533 
Clement showed the letter to a full Consistory; but 
although he used every argument to prove the necessity 
of the conference, the majority of the Cardinals remained 
quite unconvinced. As the question was one of such 
great importance, a decision upon it was deferred. 1 

Notwithstanding the almost general opposition of the 
Curia, Clement did not in the least abandon the plan of 
the conference, but put it off until the month of September. 2 
On the 28th of May he wrote in this sense to Francis I. 3 
At the same time he sent to him the Bishop of Faenza 
to settle the details of the interview which was to take 
place at Nice. 4 A fresh postponement was subsequently 
caused by the breach with England which took place in 
July, at the very moment when the marriage treaty signed 
by the French King reached Rome. 5 Francis I. would 
now have willingly put off the interview, but Clement 
refused to withdraw. 6 

1 Besides SANUTO, LVIII., 241, see the **report of G. M. della 
Porta of May 25, 1533, in State Archives, Florence. Cf. also Rossi, 
Guicciardini, II., 53, and CASANOVA, Lett, di Carlo V., 20. 

2 See the ^letters of F. Peregrine of May 24 and 27, 1533, in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. Cf. the ^report of G. M. della Porta of May 27, 
1533, in State Archives, Florence. 

3 *Brief of May 28, 1533, in Min. brev., 1533, vol 46, n. 254 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). The answer of Francis I. in Lett. d. princ., 
I., 126 seq. 

4 Lett, and pap. of Henry VIII., VI., n. 548 ; GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 
1082 ; SANUTO, LVIII., 241, 278 ; PIEPER, Nuntiaturen, 87. 

5 See the **letter of G. M. della Porta of July 17, 1533 (State 
Archives, Florence). Cf. BAUMGARTEN, III., 123 seq. 

6 Cf. the ^letter of Ant. Maria Papazzoni of July 21, 1533, in State 
Archives of Bologna, and the ^report of G. M. della Porta of July 24, 
1533, in State Archives, Florence. On July 31, Clement VII. said he 


On the 1st of August the Papal officials were formally 
notified that their presence would be required at Nice on 
the 3rd of September. 1 As no reply came from France 
concerning the ship on which the Pope was to be conveyed 
to the latter place, many looked upon the journey as 
doubtful, but the majority believed that it certainly would 
take place. 2 The Pope also expressed himself in the same 
way. 3 Then there was a rumour that Marseilles would be 
the place of meeting, as the Duke of Savoy, in considera 
tion of the Emperor, had made difficulties about Nice. 4 
This was unacceptable to the Pope, for on French soil 
Francis could bring to bear upon him a preponderant 
influence. Meanwhile the bride s dowry was settled ; on 
this occasion Clement laid aside his usual parsimony ; 
the jewels alone were valued at more than 30,000 
ducats. 5 On the ist of September Catherine de Medici 
set forth on her journey, accompanied by Caterina Cibo, 
Duchess of Camerino, Maria de Medici-Salviati, the 
widow of Giovanni " delle Bande Nere," Filippo Strozzi, 
and the historian Guicciardini. At Portovenere the 
galleys of the Duke of Albany awaited her. 6 

would leave at the latest on September 8 ; *report of F. Peregrine of 
July 31, 1533 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

1 " II Papa fece intimar alia Cancelleria et altri offitiali che si 
devessero trovar in Nizza alii 3 di Settembre." G. M. della Porta on 
August i, 1533 (State Archives, Florence). 

2 Cf. the **letter of G. M. della Porta of August 11, 1533 (State 
Archives, Florence). 

3 *Report of G. M. della Porta of August 22, 1 533 (State Archives, 

4 Cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., ciii. 

5 See the ^letter of G. M. della Porta, July 17, 1533 (State Archives, 
Florence), and BASCHET, 176 seq. Cf. Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XII., 376 

6 See BASCHET, 186 seqq. 


The departure of the Pope, who at the end of August 
had heard with delight of the relief of Koron, 1 took place 
on the gth of September. 2 Three days before, the death 
had taken place of the man who, among the Pope s 
relations, had been his peculiarly trusted adviser, Jacopo 
Salviati. 3 Cardinal del Monte remained behind in Rome 
as Legate, and Salviati s place, whose death was generally 
lamented, was taken by Alessandro Farnese. 4 The Pope s 
departure was a hard blow for the Romans; their city 
had now the appearance of being deserted. 5 Clement 
on this journey 6 avoided his native city, Florence, and 
passed slowly through Sienese territory to Pisa, which 
he reached on the 24th of September, remaining there on 

1 Andrea Doria announced this success to the Pope in a ^letter 
dated Koron, August 9, 1533 ; *Lett. d. princ., VIII. (Secret Archives 
of the Vatican). C/. the Brief to Ferdinand I. in RAYNALDUS, 1 533, 
n. 93, and Nuntiaturberichte, I., 118. 

2 See Gualterius in RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 78, and the *Diarium of 
BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 119 seq. For Salviati s position and 
the jealousy in Clement s circle see Soriano in ALBERI, 2nd Series, 
III., 286 seq. See also Histor. Jahrbuch, V., 631. 

4 Cf. *Acta Consist, in Cod. Vatic., 345 7, P II. (Vatican Library) ; 
see *Regest. Vatic., 1451, f. 322 seq., 326 seq. (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican) ; SANUTO, LVIIL, 676, 750 ; RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 78. For 
Monte see the ^report of F. Peregrino, September 24, 1533 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 

6 See the complaints in F. Peregrine s ^letters of September 19 and 

24, 1533,^- a*- 

6 For the journey to Marseilles see Gualterius in RAYNALDUS, loc. 
cit., the *Acta Consist., Camer. III. (Consistorial Archives), and 
BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Itineratio in Archives of the "Cere- 
monieri" of the Vatican, in Cod. Barb., lat. 2801, f. 187 seq. (Vatican 
Library), and Cod. lat. 12547 (National Library, Paris). Cf. also 
BALAN, Clemente VII., 208 seq. ; Luzio, Pronostico, 40 seq. ; 
Nuntiaturberichte, I., 130; DECRUE, 212 seq., and MAZZINI, Cat. 
de Medici e Clemente VII. alia Spezia nel 1533, La Spezia, 1901. 


account of bad weather until the 3rd of October. On 
the 22nd of September, at San Miniato al Tedesco in the 
valley of the lower Arno, he saw Michael Angelo for the 
last time. 1 

Not until the 5th of October did Clement set sail from 
Leg-horn. The Papal galley was entirely covered with 
gold brocade; ten French vessels, and many others, especially 
those of the Knights of St. John, accompanied the Pope, 
in whose suite were nine Cardinals. A favourable wind 
carried the stately fleet consisting in all of sixty sail- 
to Villafranca on the ;th of October, where Catherine 
de Medici was taken on board. On the nth the fleet 
entered the harbour of Marseilles, in which city the 
Grand Master Anne de Montmorency had made splendid 
preparations for the solemn entry of the Pope. This took 
place on the I2th of October. Fourteen Cardinals and 
nearly sixty prelates surrounded the Pope, who was 
carried on the sedia gestatoria by nobles of the highest 
rank. On the following day Francis I. made his state 
entry, after having had already a secret interview with 
Clement. Both were lodged so near to each other that 
visits could be exchanged without remark. 2 

Despite the youth of Catherine de Medici, her marriage 
with Duke Henry of Orleans took place on the 28th of 
October; the Pope himself performed the ceremony. 3 In 

1 GOTTI, I., 225. 

2 Cf. BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS, *Diarium (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican); Jovius, Hist., XXXI.; GUICCIARDINI, XX., 2; FONTANA, 
I., 170 seq. ; DECRUE, 212, and HAMY, Entrevue de Frai^ois I er avec 
Clement VII. a Marseilles, Paris, 1900. See also J. PELISSON, 
Panegyricus de dementis VII. ad christ. regem in terram Franciam 
magnifico adventu etc., Lugdun., 1534. 

See the reports in BASCHET, 319 seq. ; in Arch. Stor. Lomb., I., 
20 seq.-, in Luzio, Pronostico, 42 seq.\ FONTANA, I., 174 seq., and 
HAMY, loc. cit., 17 seq. Cf. for the solemnities, which Vasari 


the brilliant festivities of the wedding Cardinal Medici was 
conspicuous ; his display of magnificence surpassed even 
that of the King himself. 1 On the 7th of November 
three French Cardinals were nominated in Consistory 
(Jean Leveneur de Tillier, Claude de Languy, and Odet 
de Coligny) ; a fourth (Philippe de la Chambre) was 
publicly declared as such. 2 Long and animated trans 
actions had preceded this act, for Clement himself seems 
to have had objections to this large increase of the 
French element in the Sacred College. 3 The Imperial 
envoys objected that a creation should only take place in 
Rome; the majority, however, led by Gaddi and Sanseverino, 
and under pressure from Francis I., determined otherwise ; 
Clement gave his consent reluctantly. 4 

Pope and King vied with each other at Marseilles in dis 
plays of friendship and exchanged rich gifts. 5 During the 

immortalized in a painting in the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence, the 
*letter of G. M. della Porta of October 28, 1533, in State Archives, 
Florence. The Emperor s good wishes, bound up with the credentials 
of the envoy sent on behalf of Ferdinand I. in his appeal for help 
against the Turks, in the *letter to Clement VII., November 4, 1533, 
in Lett. d. princ., VI II., 163 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

1 ^Letter of G. Sanchez to Ferdinand I. of December 20, 1533, in 
Court and State Archives, Vienna. 

2 Cf. Acta Consist., Gamer. III., in Consistorial Archives ; Gaulterius, 
*Diarium in Secret Archives of the Vatican ; CiACONiuS, III., 525 seq.\ 
CARDELLA, IV, 132 seq. ; DECRUE, 214 seq. ; MARCKS, Coligny I., 16. 


4 Cf. the "^report of Sanchez of December 20, 1533 (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna), who names as opponents Quinones, Piccolomini, 
and Pucci. 

5 See the ^report of T. Cardi, dat. Marseilles, 1533, October 18, in 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; Sanchez letter of December 20 in 
BUCHOLTZ, IX., 122 ; JoviUS, Hist., XXXI., 225 ; Arch, stor dell 
Arte, I., 1 8 seq. ; the Bull of Absolution in CHARRIERE, I., 240 note, 
was also a present. 


ecclesiastical ceremonies Francis made an ostentatious 
show -of his subjection to the Papal authority. 1 Notwith 
standing the numerous festivities, Clement and Francis, 
during their meeting of more than four weeks duration, 
completed numerous negotiations, the nature of which, 
however, was kept a profound secret. 2 All the accounts 
given by envoys and chroniclers of these oral transactions, 
carried on without any intermediary, are mere conjectures. 
The only written document of importance is the draft of 
a secret treaty drawn up in Francis own hand ; according 
to this not merely Urbino, but Milan also, was to be taken 
possession of for the Duke of Orleans, whereupon Clement 
would raise no difficulties even on account of Parma and 
Piacenza. 3 

1 Blasius de Martinellis reported November i, 1533: "Post 
evangelium Papa osculatus est librum, rex vero noluit, licet porrectus 
sibi fuerit, ob reverentiam papae et honorem Sedis Ap., quando- 
quidem multum laudabile ex magna humilitate et devotione quam 
habebat, non sic alter Bononiae" (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See besides, State Papers, VII., 522, and Jovius, Hist, XXXI., 
224 ; also the reports of G. M. della Porta, dat. Marseilles, October 16 
(*I1 Re e stato ogni giorno una volta in secreto longamente con S. S ta , 
ma persona insin qui pare non si trovi che penetri queste loro 
trattationi, tanto vanno secrete), and October 24, 1533 (*I1 Papa et il 
Re cenaro heri insieme in secrete soli), in State Archives, Florence, 
and the ^letter of Sanchez, December 20, 1533, cited supra, p. 233, n. 4. 

3 Text in BASCHET, 325-326. BAUMGARTEN (III., 124 seq.) is of 
opinion that one may labour in vain to arrive at any accurate know 
ledge of the conversations held between the Pope and King Francis 
at Marseilles. Yet in contradiction hereto he assumes a knowledge of 
what Clement consented to on these occasions. Cf. for a criticism of 
Baumgarten also EHSES, Dokumente, 273, note 3. In a *report, half 
written in cipher, to the Duke of Urbino, dated Marseilles, October 
30, 1533, G. M. della Porta dismisses the reports concerning the 
promises supposed to have been made by Clement to Francis I. on 
the following grounds : " Questo raggionamento par ch abia del 
colorato assai, ma in una cosa parmi ben tutto contrario al verisimile, 


How far Clement agreed to demands of this kind is 
uncertain ; in any case he cannot here have gone beyond 
verbal assurances, since no written agreement was com 
pleted ; l but even in conversation so experienced a 
politician would most certainly have observed the utmost 
caution. 2 The enemies of Clement VII., at a later date, 
brought against him, among other accusations, the charge 
of having acquiesced at Marseilles in the alliance between 
Francis I. and the Turks and Protestants ; the onus of 
proof rests with them. Clement VII. was so little in 
agreement with the shameful project of giving support 
to the hereditary foe of Christendom, spoken of by 
Francis at their conference, that he had information 
of the same conveyed to the Emperor. 3 As to the 
support given to Philip of Hesse in his forcible restora 
tion of the Protestant Duke Ulrich of Wiirtemberg, the 
communications of Guillaume du Bellay 4 appear to 

che non e da credere, ch el papa huomo cauto sopra tutti gli huomini 
del mondo s habia lasciata uscir di bocca una minina parola che li 
possa portare danno appresso hie [ = Cesare], et tanto piu e verisimile 
cosi quanto che si sa ch el papa ne la negotiation sua non s e fidato 
d altro che di se medesimo, e il cardinal de Medici m ha giurato, 
che ne il Guicciardini reputato consultor d ogni suo secreto ne huomo 
del mondo sa 1 intrinsico di questa negotiatione col re, col quale molte 
volte S. S ta e stata da solo a solo in secreto le quatro e cinque hore 
continue, mostrando pur nel dir suo che vi potesse essere qualche 
extravagante, ma che nol sapea. lo poi me credo che [u]na parte 
bona di questa trattatione cosi secreta sia stata sopra la materia del 
Concilio" (State Archives, Florence). 

1 GUICCIARDINI, XX., 2 ; cf. Rossi, Guicciardini, II., 56. See also 

SOLDAN, I., 126. 

2 See G. M. della Porta s ^despatch, October 30, as above. 

3 See Pap. de Granvelle, 1 1., 341. Cf. the critical paper especially 
directed against DE LEVA (III., 114) in the periodical, Bessarione, III., 
489 seq.\ see also BALAN, Clemente VII., 209 seq. 

4 HERMINJARD, Corresp. de ReTorm., III., i%$seq. 


exonerate " Clement VII. as having been deceived by 
Francis." 1 

All the Pope s exhortations to a reconciliation with 
Charles fell on the French King s pugnacious temperament 
like seed on a barren soil. It is undoubted that during 
the conference Clement exerted himself to bring about a 
peace between the two; very well-informed envoys state 
this expressly. 2 

Substantial successes for Francis I. were, besides the 
above-mentioned nomination of Cardinals, the gift of the 
last tithe for the Crusade 3 and the recall of the Swiss 
Nuncio Filonardi. 4 Clement excused himself to Ferdinand 
I. for this act of submissiveness by suggesting that he had 
found himself at Marseilles in the French King s power, and 
that the latter had threatened him with apostasy from 
Rome. 5 

Very important transactions also took place on the 
subject of the Council. Francis was inflexible in his 
opposition to one held in Italy; he also insisted that in 
the actual condition of Christendom such an assembly 
should be deferred until more propitious and peaceable 

1 Opinion of BROSCH, Kirchenstaat, I., 126 note. See also 
BUCHOLTZ, IV., 297 seq., and BRISCHAR, I., 80 seq. Cf. in Appendix, 
No. 35, the report of F. Peregrine, March 6, 1534 (Gonzaga Archives, 

2 See especially the *report of G. M. della Porta, dat. Marseilles, 
1533, October 19, in the State Archives, Florence; the *report of 
F. Peregrine, dated Rome, 1533, September 10; and that of *Pastron, 
Marseilles, 1533, November 10, in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; see 
Appendix, No. 34. Cf. Clement s interesting letter to Charles V. in 
EHSES, Dokumente, 274 seq. 

3 Cf. the *Bull of November 4, 1 533 ; original in National Archives, 
Paris, L 937. 

4 See WlRZ, Filonardi, 94 seq. 

5 See A. da Burgo s report in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 122 seq. 


times. His arguments succeeded in inducing Clement, 
with feeble pliability, to consent to a postponement. 1 
Even in the divorce suit of Henry VIII. he yielded 
to the request of Francis I., and on the 3ist of 
October 1533 consented to a fresh respite of a month 
before giving effect to the threatened excommunication. 2 

Clement VII. left Marseilles on the I2th of November 
1533, whereupon Francis started for Avignon. The Pope s 
voyage to Spezia was made under difficulties owing to 
heavy storms ; as far as Savona he made use of French 
vessels ; from thence he was conveyed to Civita Vecchia by 
Doria s squadron, and three days later he re-entered his 
capital, where he was joyfully received. 3 Soon afterwards 
an event occurred of vast consequence to the Church and 
the world. The complete separation of England from the 
Holy See, long threatened, became an accomplished fact. 

1 See EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., civ. seq. 

2 Consistory of October 31, 1533. *Acta Consist., Camer. III., in 
Consistorial Archives. Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 214. 

3 See *Diarium of BLASIUS DE MARTINELLIS in Secret Archives of 
the Vatican, and *Acta Consist, Camer. III., in Consistorial Archives. 
Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 88 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 210 ; FONTANA, 
I., 181 seg., 485 seq.] PETIT, 145. 


THE separation of England from the Holy See was not like 
that of Germany, the result of a combined movement of 
the common people and the learned classes ; it arose rather 
from the sensual passion and autocratic temper of the 
sovereign, and consequently for a considerable length of 
time had a schismatical rather than an heretical character. 
The separation was favoured by the ecclesiastical and 
political development of the nation, which since the four 
teenth century had begun to slacken its ties with Rome. 1 
The dependence of the clergy on the throne had already 
become close under the first Tudor, Henry VII., whose 
accession, in 1485, not only put an end to the "War of the 
Roses " of the houses of York and Lancaster, but was the 
beginning, especially for England, of a new epoch. Henry 
VII. resembled in character Ferdinand the Catholic. A 
man with strong gifts of government, imbued with a sense 
of the prerogatives of the Crown, he let the weight of his 
authority fall heavily on the nobility and the Church. 
When he died, on the 2 1st of April 1509, he had laid deep 
the foundations of absolute monarchy in England; the 
Parliament had learned docility, the nobles and church 
men submission. His successor, Henry VIII., then in his 
eighteenth year, determined in these respects to walk 
firmly in his father s footsteps. The capricious and 

1 See Vol. I. of this work, p. 159 seqq. 



despotic side of his character was at first kept in the back 
ground ; all the more conspicuous was his love of pleasure 
and enjoyment. Good-looking, expert in all chivalrous 
accomplishments, the youthful King made a most favour 
able impression on the people by his spendthrift liberality, 
his splendid appearance, and the endless succession of 
festivities at his court. Nor was England long in playing 
a great and often successful part in the politics of Europe. 
After the dissolution of Parliament in 1515 the King and 
his Chancellor, Cardinal Wolsey, governed without it. 

Wolsey s position, not only as a politician but as an 
ecclesiastic, was an exceptional one. Since 1518 he had 
held the rank of Papal Legate ; this office had been con 
ferred on him at first for one year, and the tenure of it was 
afterwards prolonged to three. The extensive faculties 
thus acquired, and the extraordinary plenary powers, as 
visitor of monasteries, wrung by him from Leo X. in 
August 1518, gave him an altogether abnormal influence 
over Church affairs. He made use of it without scruple to 
gratify his love of power and wealth. 1 Still dissatisfied 
with what he had already attained, this ambitious man 
demanded from Adrian VI. that his legatine office should 
be extended to the term of his natural life. 2 

Luther s new doctrine had found adherents also in 
England. Wolsey was comparatively lenient in his 
punishment of such ; he indeed threatened them with the 
laws against heresy, but was restrained from enforcing 
them by his temperament of man of the world. 3 The 

1 Cf. GASQUET, Henry VIII., I., 67 seq., and BROSCH, England, VI., 
1 06. 

2 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 180. Clement VII. confirmed his pre 
decessors concessions ; see GASQUET, I., 74 seg. 

3 BROSCH, VI., 135 ; cf. ZIMMERMANN, Die Universitaten Englands 
in 1 6 Jahrhundert, Freiburg i. Br., 1889, 38. 


Cardinal endeavoured to maintain discipline and order 
among the clergy. Worthy also of recognition are his 
benefactions to the University of Oxford, where he raised 
a lasting memorial to his name in the truly regal foundation 
of Christ Church. It was characteristic of him that he 
obtained the necessary means by the dissolution of 
monasteries, under special powers obtained after a struggle 
from Clement VII. 1 

The English King, in recompense for his book against 
Luther, had received from Leo X. the title of " Defensor 
Fidei," from Clement VII. the golden rose, and from 
Luther, on the other hand, a " counter-reply of unspeakable 
coarseness and obscenity." Henry complained of 
Luther s insults to the Elector of Saxony, and employed 
Thomas More and John Fisher to compose fresh refuta 
tions of the reformer. Nevertheless, Luther for some 
time afterwards indulged in the flattering hope that he 
might make a convert of the King of England, to whom 
with this object he addressed a very servile letter in 
September 1525 begging for pardon. But Henry dis 
missed his approaches with contempt. 3 Ten years later 
the same King tried by flattery to obtain from the doctor 
of Wittenberg an opinion favourable to his divorce. Only 
this one circumstance, only the desire to discard his 
lawful wife in order to marry a wanton, was the cause that 
led Henry to rend asunder the links that for nearly a 
thousand years had bound his kingdom to the See of Peter. 

Soon after his accession, Henry VIII. had married the 
widow of his brother Arthur, Catherine of Aragon, who, 
as a daughter of King Ferdinand the Catholic, was the 

1 Cf. GASQUET, I., 72 seg. 

2 Opinion of K. MlJLLER, II., i., 514. 

3 WALCH, XIX., 470 seq,\ ENDERS, Luther s Briefwechsel, V., 229 

412 seqq. 


aunt of Charles V. On the 26th of December 1503 Pope 
Julius II. had issued a Bull 1 granting the necessary 
dispensation from the obstacle to a valid marriage caused 
by the first degree of affinity. Catherine was five years 
older than Henry, but from the first the marriage appeared 
to be a perfectly happy one. Five children, three boys 
and two girls, were born, but the only one who lived was 
Mary, born in 1516. The Queen, as pious and virtuous as 
she was tender-hearted, bore these successive losses with 
Christian resignation. Like others of her countrywomen 
she aged early ; she also had frequent illnesses, and the 
hope of a male heir vanished. Consequently the passionate 
King turned to other women. As early as 1519 he had 
adulterous relations with Elizabeth Blount and later with 
Mary Boleyn. Yet so little did the thought of a divorce 
occupy his mind that in 1519 he commissioned the 
Florentine sculptor, Pietro Torregiano, who had also 
executed the monument of his father, to prepare for him 
and his wife a common tomb. 2 

That Henry VIII. had other mistresses besides the two 
already named is probable, but not proven. According to 
his own testimony, conjugal relations between him and 
the Queen had ceased since 1524. The King, moreover, 
asseverated that serious scruples had arisen in his mind 
regarding the validity of his marriage; as the Scripture 
forbade marriage with a brother s wife, he feared that he 

1 For the Brief of Dispensation and its close connection with the 
Bull of Dispensation see infra, p. 265. There is no important 
difference between the two documents ; in each case the impediment 
of affinity by marriage is removed and the way opened for the 
possibility of a valid declaration of consent. 

2 Cf. BREWER, III., i, 2; BROSCH, VI., 212-213; LINGARD, VI. 
130 seq. See also JuSTl in Jahrb. der preussischen Kunstsamml., 
XXVII. (1906), 2$4seg. 

VOL. X, 1 6 


might have been living incestuously with Catherine. It 
became evident only too soon that this scruple coincided 
with the passion, amounting almost to an obsession, which 
seized him in 1526. A lady of Catherine s court, Anne 
Boleyn, had by her attractions aroused the King s sensual 
admiration. Her resistance to his unlawful addresses, 
mingled as it was with coquetry, kindled her suitor s ardour 
to the highest pitch. Anne was sister of that Mary 
Boleyn who had previously been Henry s mistress. A 
marriage with her was confronted by exactly the same 
obstacle, only in an intensified degree, as that which now 
so grievously troubled the tender conscience of the King 
with regard to his union with Catherine. 

The bold thought of ousting the legitimate Queen and 
supplanting her could hardly have entered into the head 
of Anne Boleyn. 1 Behind her stood two members of the 
great English nobility : her uncle, the Duke of Norfolk, and 
the Duke of Suffolk. For long these two had looked with 
jealousy and hatred on the position of Cardinal Wolsey 
in the councils of the King. From this quarter came 
the notion of a divorce ; the idea itself originated in a 
subtly contrived plan to overthrow the all-powerful 

1 This " frivolous, pert, and intriguing young woman," says EHSES 
(Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 610 seq.\ "insignificant both in intellect and 
character, was personally and morally no better than her sister Mary, 
who had been seduced by Henry VIII. If Anne Boleyn had not been 
taken aback by the contemptuous brusqueness with which the Royal 
libertine and niggard brushed aside the discarded instruments of his 
lust, she would have had as little need to play off upon the King her 
feigned prudery and affected maidenliness as upon any others who 
before or after sought her favours." For the actual existence of an 
illicit intercourse between Henry VIII. and Mary Boleyn (b. after 1503, 
married 1520, in the Queen s service since 1523) see POCOCK, Records 
of the Reformation: The Divorce, Oxford, 1870. Cf. GAIRDNER, 
Engl. Hist. Review, 1893, 53 seq. 


Chancellor. Should the divorce and the marriage with 
Anne succeed, the downfall of the Cardinal would follow 
upon them ; if they did not succeed, then Wolsey would 
incur the King s wrath on account of their miscarriage, so 
that in either case the fall of the hated favourite seemed 
certain. 1 In entire contradiction to the facts is the theory, 
at one time often upheld, that Wolsey, who was at first 
antagonistic, had, against his better conscience, and to 
his own undoing, consented to become the King s tool in 
carrying out the business, and was the originator of the 
scheme of divorce. 2 

It is impossible to say precisely at what moment the 
thought of divorce in order to remarry with Anne Boleyn 
took possession of Henry, at first as a secret between him 
and his advisers of the Norfolk party, and without Wolsey s 
previous knowledge ; the scheme can be traced back 
as far as the spring of 1527, when Henry took the first 
steps towards its realization. 3 With a cunning dishonesty 
he managed at first to conceal the design lurking in his 
heart from those who were not initiated, even from Wolsey. 
The strange circumstance that, all at once, after eighteen 
years marriage with Catherine, conscientious objections 
to the validity of that union should have arisen within 
him, he explained by referring to expressions used by the 
French Bishop, Gramont of Tarbes, who, in March and 

1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 610 seq.\ HEFELE-HERGEN- 
ROTHER, IX., 590; BUSCH, in Histor. Taschenb., 1889, 280 seqq. 

2 Against this view see also GAIRDNER in Engl. Hist. Review, 
1896, 674 seqq. 

3 Brewer s view (BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 163 seq.) that already in 
1526 negotiations with Rome concerning the divorce were in progress, 
is based on an erroneous construction of a document relating to an 
entirely different circumstance. Cf. for the contrary view EHSES in 
Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 614; GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review, 
1896, 676. 


April 1527, stayed in England as head of an embassy to 
the English court, and then discussed a proposal of marriage 
between Mary, Henry s daughter, and Francis I. or one 
of his sons. The Bishop, so Henry asserted at a later 
date, had given utterance to suspicions of the legitimacy 
of the Princess Mary, as the marriage of Henry and 
Catherine had not been valid. There can be no doubt 
that the words attributed to the Bishop of Tarbes were 
a pure invention and Henry s pretended scruples sheer 
hypocrisy. 1 

On the day after the departure of the French Ambassador 
(May 8th) Wolsey appears to have been initiated, for the 
first time, into the secret of the divorce, but not in any way 
into the ulterior object, the fresh marriage with Anne 

1 Historians of more recent date, however, have still been taken in 
and take both statements as of genuine value ; thus REUMONT, 
Beitrage, III., 75. See on the other hand EHSES, in Histor. Jahrb., 
1888, 612 seq.\ BAUMGARTEN, Charles V., III., 637; GAIRDNER in 
Engl. Hist. Review, 1896, 675 seq. BUSCH (Histor. Taschenb., 1889, 
285 seq.} says "that pangs of conscience on account of a sinfully 
contracted marriage with his brother s widow led the King to suspect 
the validity of his marriage is hypocrisy and falsehood. It would 
have required a sensitively scrupulous conscience to have raised 
religious objections to the immunity given by the Church itself. The 
Pope and the Church did all they could and offered all they could to 
allay any existing scruples of conscience, but Henry, with ever- 
increasing irritation, waived such attempts aside : for he did not wish 
his conscience to be set at rest. He wished the divorce. ... In the 
whole process the most pitiable part played was that of the King." 
BREWER- GAIRDNER, II., 178: "Granting that the King was troubled 
with thoughts of his succession, and doubts of the legitimacy of his 
marriage with Catherine, can anyone imagine that a pure and 
scrupulous conscience would have adopted such a method as this for 
removing his perplexities?" Cf. also DREUX, Le premier divorce de 
Henry VIII., in Posit, de theses de 1 ecole d. chart, 1900, 42 seq., and 
BOURILLY-DE-VAISSIERE, Amb. de J. du Bellay, 464 note. 


Boleyn. If at first he made objections and pointed out 
difficulties, later events showed that his opposition could 
not have lasted very long nor have been of great import 
ance; l for on the i/th of May he was already holding, after 
previous arrangement with Henry, as Apostolic Legate, 
with Archbishop Warham of Canterbury as assessor, a 
Court of Justice before which the King was cited " to 
answer for eighteen years sinful cohabitation with 
Catherine." 2 The whole business had been precon 
certed ; by means of this farce a sentence of divorce in 
Henry s favour was to be concocted, so that the King, 
by contracting a fresh marriage, might establish as soon as 
possible an accomplished fact. 3 After two further sittings, 
on the 2Oth and 3ist of May, it became evident that this 
was not the way by which the desired end was to be 
reached. It was now determined to try to obtain, as far 
as possible, episcopal sanction for the divorce. Opinions 
were invited from bishops and canonists, but not with 
the wished - for result ; the reply of Bishop Fisher in 
particular and he did not stand alone among the rulers 
of the Church was unconditionally in favour of the 
validity of the marriage. This probably caused Wolsey 
to reflect; but the Cardinal had taken the first fatal 
step, and he could now withdraw only with the greatest 
difficulty. As he allowed the whole month of June to 
go by without carrying the matter any further, Henry 
showed him clear signs of his dissatisfaction, so that 
he thought it well henceforward to beat down all objec 
tions and pursue the business with the utmost energy. 4 

The Cardinal had now come to be pointed at generally 
as the originator of the whole affair, and his enemies lost no 

1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 614. 

2 EHSES, toe. cit, 614 seq. 3 Ibid, 615. * Ibid., 615 seqq. 


time in spreading this report in all directions. In reality 
Wolsey had entered only with great reluctance into a 
matter which appeared to him almost hopeless. As he 
knew the King s obstinate will, he held that no other choice 
was possible for him than to maintain his position. On 
former occasions he had always bowed before Henry s 
expressed wishes, and only ruled his master by convincing 
him that in a given case the conduct of his servant was 
the means most suitable for attaining the royal end. 
Confronted with the fierce passion of the King it now 
never entered his mind to offer a direct opposition ; and 
to exhibit negligence seemed a course full of danger. 

On the 22nd of June 1527, Henry, in a brutal manner, 
ordered Catherine to separate from him ; he told the 
unhappy woman in plain words that after questioning 
various theologians and canonists he had become certain 
that during the whole of their married life she had been 
living in mortal sin. Catherine refused with determina 
tion to admit the charge, and in her rejoinder she brought 
into prominence a point which hitherto had been over 
looked. Even if it were granted that serious objections 
might be raised against the Papal dispensation permitting 
a marriage with the wife of a deceased brother, yet in her 
case they could not apply, for, as her husband well knew, 
she had been Arthur s wife only in name, for their 
marriage had never been consummated. 

For this disclosure Wolsey and the other advisers of the 
King were not prepared. They consulted as to what 
should now be done. On the ist of July, just as the 
Cardinal was on the point of starting for France, the King 
caused him to be told that he was no longer deceived, 
that he, the Cardinal, seemed to be calling in question 
the justice of the King s "secret business." Wolsey at 
once replied with the assurance that this was not the 


case. Even on the assumption that the marriage with 
Arthur had never been consummated, the fact still 
remained that he and Catherine had been married " in 
facie ecclesiae"; this established the impediment of open 
wedlock from which the Papal Bull gave no dispensa 
tion. Therefore the invalidity of the King s marriage 
could be asserted as much as ever, for the dispensation 
had been insufficient. 

After Wolsey had thus completely identified himself 
with the King s cause he started on his journey to France 
on the 3rd of July, in order to meet Francis I. at Amiens, 
and as representative of his master conclude the treaty 
with the French King. On his way from Westminster 
to Dover he made an attempt to win over, or rather to 
circumvent, Archbishop Warham and Bishop Fisher. To 
the latter he alleged, with total want of truthfulness, that 
the recent steps had been taken only in order to refute the 
objections to the validity of the marriage. He had another 
object in view as well : to blacken Catherine in the eyes 
of Fisher, who possessed the Queen s confidence, by suggest 
ing that it was a totally unjust supposition on her part 
that Henry was aiming at a divorce, and that by her 
violence and impatience she was thwarting the good 
intentions of the King. 1 Wolsey, in acting thus dis 
honestly, had not the least suspicion that he himself 
throughout the whole affair was playing the part of the 
duper duped ; he was still in entire ignorance of Henry s 
ulterior aims and of the sordid character of the business 
of which he had made himself an agent. He therefore 
believed that he would achieve a masterpiece of political 
ability if, when in France, where his mission, besides its 
main and avowed task, had also the secret object of 

1 Cf. EHSES in Hist. Jahrb., 1888, 617 ; GAIRDNER in Engl. Hist. 
Review, 1896, 679 seq. ; BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 194 seqq. 


cautiously initiating Francis into the scheme of divorce, 
he were to pursue, on his own responsibility, the project 
of preparing the way for a second marriage at some future 
time between Henry and a French Princess, Renee, the 
daughter of Louis XII. 1 As he remained in France after 
the conclusion of the treaty with Francis (i6th of August 
1527) up to the middle of September, it is presumable 
that during that month he set his plan in motion. He 
believed that under the circumstances of the hour he could 
carry the divorce through before the Pope became aware 
of it. His ambitious scheme was nothing less than this : 
he wished during the continuance of the imprisonment of 
Clement VII. to be appointed Papal Vicar-General, with 
the fullest conceivable powers, and by means of this 
delegated authority to settle the marriage question in 
Henry s favour. 2 To secure this appointment he sent, on 
the 1 5th of September 1527, the Protonotary Uberto da 
Gambara to the Pope. 

Meanwhile Henry VIII. himself was about to take steps 
totally destructive of the schemes of the Cardinal, who 
hitherto was under the belief that he held in his hands the 
conduct of the whole affair. In the beginning of September 
Wolsey was informed that Henry was on the point of 
sending his secretary Knight to Rome. Anticipating 
mischief, he wrote on the 5th of September to the 
King dissuading him from this step ; nevertheless Knight 
arrived at Compiegne on the loth of September. As 
Wolsey himself had despatched agents to Rome on the 
King s behalf, he hoped that Knight s mission would be 
regarded as superfluous, and that the next King s messenger, 
Christopher Mores, would bring with him his recall. In 

1 EHSES, loc. tit., 620 seqq.\ GAIRDNER, he. cit., 680 seqq. 

2 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 221 seq.\ GAIRDNER in Engl. 
Hist. Review, 1896, 680. Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 440 seq. 


order to avoid suspicion, Knight consented to wait 
for Mores arrival ; as the latter did not bring with 
him Knight s recall, the Cardinal had, on the i3th of 
September, to allow the latter to continue his journey 
to Rome. To deceive Wolsey, Knight was enjoined to 
take instructions from him ; therefore the Cardinal gave 
the King s secretary the draft of a Bull conferring on 
him the appointment of Vicar-General of the Pope. 1 
But Wolsey was carefully kept in ignorance of the real 
object of Knight s mission. Henry, in fact, had given 
the latter a draft of a Bull by which the King should 
obtain a dispensation to contract a fresh marriage, and 
that too either without a dissolution of his marriage with 
Catherine in other words, to commit bigamy or after a 
legal divorce. 2 

Knight s mission must have convinced Wolsey that 
the intention now was to take the management of the 
whole affair out of his hands. Now for the first time 
the suspicion arose that Anne Boleyn was the person 
designed to supplant the Queen. Accordingly he 
changed his plans and determined to return to England 
as quickly as possible, in order to regain that place 
in the King s confidence now imperilled by the secret 
intrigues of his enemies. Before leaving Compiegne he 
addressed, on the i6th of September, together with four 
other Cardinals, a letter to the Pope praying him to 
delegate his authority during the period of his captivity ; 3 
then, on the following day, he began his journey to 
England. On his first reception at court he at once 
perceived what a recognized position Anne Boleyn now 

1 In POCOCK, I., 19-21. 

2 Cf. BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 224; EHSES, loc. ciL, 224 seq.\ 
GAIRDNER, loc. cit.> 684 seq. 

3 EHSES, Dokumente, 6 seq. 


held with the King. 1 The Cardinal s eyes were at last 
opened to the real state of things. Then it was that he 
remained upon his knees long imploring Henry to 
depart from his resolution. Bitterly he repented the 
willingness with which he had flung himself from the 
first, under mistaken suppositions and unconditionally, 
into the scheme of divorce ; but now it was too late 
to draw back ; he saw that his position and his life 
depended on this issue. 

The only point on which Wolsey was able to move 
Henry was that the latter should at least at first abstain 
from the scandalous demand for a dispensation involving 
bigamy, to which the Pope, even if he were in the last 
extremity, could not be expected to consent. Consequently 
the King agreed to send Knight a fresh draft of a dispensa 
tion to take the place of that previously given him. But 
even now the King was again deceiving Wolsey. While 
Henry and Wolsey between them drew up a new draft of 
dispensation, destined for Knight, the King had already 
secretly despatched another draft, of the contents of which 
Wolsey knew nothing ; moreover, Knight had received a 
strictly confidential intimation not to make use of the 
draft concocted with Wolsey until the secret draft should 
prove impracticable. The Bull of dispensation which 
Henry asked for in order to contract marriage with Anne 
Boleyn after divorce from Catherine, was to contain a 
clause dispensing from the impediment of affinity in the 
first degree caused by his previous illicit and adulterous 
intercourse with Anne Boleyn s sister. 2 

Knight reached Rome in November 1527, but owing to 
the Pope s confinement in St. Angelo he could not gain 

1 Cf. FRIEDMANN, I., 58 seq.\ EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 625 

2 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 224 seq. 


access to him. Through intermediaries, however, he 
received Clement s assurance that, if he would withdraw 
from Rome and wait at Narni, he should obtain all that he 
asked for. 1 After the Pope s liberation Knight went with 
him to Orvieto, and here he actually obtained, after some 
hesitation, the Bull desired by Henry. It certainly had 
been revised in form by the Pope and the Grand Peni 
tentiary Pucci, but in substance was in agreement with 
Henry s draft. The Bull was drawn up on the i/th of 
December 1527 and sent off on the 23rd. 2 It was only 
a conditional Bull dependent on the proof of the in 
validity of the marriage with Catherine. Before this 
proof was clearly established, the Bull was absolutely 
valueless. Its contents were unimpeachable. The only 
evil results that might follow from it were that it tended 
to harden the King s determination to procure a divorce, 
and gave him a hope that Clement would be ready to 
give a prompt adhesion to his wishes. 3 The King was 
all the more prone to indulge in such expectations as 
the political situation was highly favourable to him. 

1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 225. 

2 Printed in EHSES, Dokumente, 14-17 ; cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 
1888, 226 seq. In opposition to BREWER-GAIRDNER (II., 231 seq.) 
and FRIEDMANN (I., 64 seq.\ who speak severely of Knight s stupidity 
and incompetence in drawing up a document, without any value, as 
long as Henry s first marriage was binding, EHSES maintains (loc. cit., 
227 seq.) that Knight on his first visit to Orvieto secured all that he 
was commissioned to obtain. His task was not to obtain the divorce 
but simply a dispensation for Henry s marriage with Anne Boleyn in 
the event of the union with Catherine being at a later date legally 
dissolved. The whole transaction was certainly inept (cf. GAIRDNER, 
in the Engl. Hist Review, 1896, 687), but the ineptitude lies rather on 
the shoulders of the King than on those of his agent. 

3 BROSCH, VI., 217, well describes the dispensation as a knife 
without blade or handle. 


The Pope, smarting from the deep injuries inflicted on 
him by the Emperor, was, together with Francis I., still 
his ally. The material and moral support guaranteed 
to him by France was subsequently of still greater im 
portance. 1 On his journey home Knight met, near 
Bologna, an English courier carrying fresh instructions 
for him, Gregorio Casale, and the Protonotary Gambara. 
He was therefore obliged to return to Orvieto. 

The instructions contained the above-mentioned draft 
of dispensation, as jointly composed by the King and 
Wolsey, but also a document of much greater importance, 
by which Wolsey, in accordance with an original plan of 
his own, sought to intervene decisively in the whole train 
of circumstances. This was the draft of a Decretal Bull to 
be signed by the Pope, transferring to Wolsey the entire 
adjudication of the case. On the English side five points 
were raised to invalidate the dispensation of Julius II. 
of the 26th of December 1503 : 2 

1. The Bull states falsely that Henry VIII. wished for 
the marriage with Catherine, whereas his father, Henry 
VII., without his son s knowledge, had procured the Bull. 

2. The reason adduced for the issue of the dispensation, 
the maintenance of peace between England and Spain, was 
null or at least insufficient, as the two States had not been 
previously at war. 

3. Henry VIII. was at the time (1503) only just 
twelve years old, and therefore not yet capable of a 
marriage dispensation. 

4. The dispensation had lapsed, for at the time of the 
consummation of the marriage one of the persons, between 

1 This with special reference to the decisive years 1531-1534; see 
TRESAL in the Rev. d. quest, hist., LXXIX., $& seqq. 

2 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 216; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, 
XI. 600. 


whom peace was to be maintained by this alliance, 
Isabella, Queen of Castille, was dead. 

5. Henry VIII. had protested against the marriage 
with Catherine before its consummation, and thereby 
had renounced the benefits of the dispensation. 

In the Decretal Bull which Wolsey asked Clement 
to publish, the Pope was to declare that these five 
points, if capable of substantiation, were sufficient to 
invalidate the dispensation of Julius II. and therewith 
the marriage itself. 1 Nothing therefore now remained 
to be done but to test the soundness of these five 
points, and if their validity were established in one 
single instance only, then Wolsey, either alone or along 
with the Illyrian prelate Stafileo, was to have full powers 
given him to declare null and void the dispensation of 
Julius II., and therewith the marriage of Henry and 
Catherine ; for this decision, placed in Wolsey s hands, 
the Papal ratification was to be guaranteed unconditionally 
and irrevocably. Never before had such a demand as 
this of Henry s been submitted to a Pope and his spiritual 
authority. 2 

The draft of this decretal commission was laid by 
Knight and Gregorio Casale before the Pope at Orvieto 
at the end of December. They appealed to the King s 
submissiveness towards the Church and urged that if the 

1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 217, 231 ; HEFELE-HERGEN- 
ROTHER, IX., 597 seq. 

2 EHSES, loc. tit., 231. Cf. BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 236: "Never 
was a more extravagant demand made on a Pope s good nature, and 
never was a stronger proposal submitted to the highest spiritual 
authority of Christendom. A man of even less firmness than Clement 
VII. and less regard for justice would have resented the suggestion 
that he should abdicate his functions of supreme judge and lend 
himself a willing and unresisting instrument to such a gross act of 


doubt concerning the dispensation of Julius II. were not 
laid to rest there was the greatest danger in England of 
a contested succession. Greatly as Clement appreciated 
the dangers that threatened England from the failure of 
a male succession to the crown, yet it appeared to him 
impossible to accede to the immoderate demands of the 
English envoys. He first of all referred them to Cardinal 
Pucci, who was charged with the management of this affair. 
The envoys had no greater success in this quarter; an 
attempt to bribe Pucci failed. The latter moreover 
declared, after an examination of the draft, that the Bull 
as it then stood could not be granted without bringing 
indelible disgrace on the Pope as well as on Henry VIII. 
and Wolsey. 1 The envoys obtained instead a commission 
for Wolsey and Stafileo, drawn up by Pucci, from which 
the very point was omitted on which Wolsey set the 
greatest value, namely, the declaration that the five points 
laid down, if substantiated, would suffice to annul the 
marriage, so that he was also deprived of the wished-for 
possibility of a final decision being given in England. 
As a matter of fact the plenary powers conferred on 
Wolsey were thus made worthless. 

Two fresh envoys were therefore sent to Orvieto, Dr. 
Stephen Gardiner, Wolsey s chief secretary and one of 
the most gifted canonists in England, and Dr. Edward 
Fox, with instructions to obtain the decretal commission 
in its original form, only, this was no longer to be drawn 
up for Wolsey alone or in conjunction with Stafileo, but 
a Papal Legate, if possible Campeggio, was to be sent in 
order to decide the case together with Wolsey. In the case 
of the decretal commission being unobtainable, the envoys 
were instructed at least to secure a general commission 

1 EHSES, loc. cit., 232 ; GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review, 1896, 


of the most comprehensive character possible for Wolsey 
and Campeggio, or even for Wolsey alone, or for him and 
Archbishop Warham of Canterbury. 1 Gardiner and Fox 
left London on the nth of February 1528, and on the 
2 1st of March, at Orvieto, met the Pope, now stripped of 
every vestige of temporal power. The negotiations began 
on the 23rd of March and lasted until the I3th of April. 
During their progress the English envoys were unceasing 
in their efforts to wring from Clement the plenary powers 
as specified in the English drafts. Almost daily the Pope 
and Cardinals held discussions of from three to four hours 
duration, and on one occasion a conference of five hours 
lasted until one in the morning. According to his own 
reports, Gardiner, even if he exaggerated a good deal in 
order to emphasize his own zeal, displayed towards the 
Pope the most unblushing arrogance ; but he did not 
succeed thus in extorting a full consent to the English 
demands. 2 

The Pope and the Cardinals were on their guard, and 
met the importunity of the English officials with great 
calmness and self-control. In spite of the insolence of 
Gardiner s demands, Clement never for a moment allowed 
himself to give way to a hasty expression. He as well as 
the Cardinals were firm in their rejection of terms which 
they could not and dared not concede. 3 

1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 234 seq. ; HEFELE-HERGEN- 

ROTHER, IX., 598. 

2 The reports of Gardiner and Fox in POCOCK, 1.595-140. One of 
Cardinal Pucci addressed to Clement himself, written with thorough 
knowledge of the affair, and clear exposition of the negotiations, is in 
EHSES, Dokumente, 22-27. Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 217 
seqq. See also GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review, 1896, 696 seqq. 

3 GAIRDNER, loc. tit., 696 ; the Pope and Cardinals were determined 
" never to make such concessions as would enable injustice to be done 
with the sanction of the Holy See." 


The Pope was not shaken even by the intervention of 
Francis I., who, in a special letter, gave his advice on the 
affair of Henry VIII. There is no justification for the 
charge then brought against Clement by the English party, 1 
and renewed in our own days by recent historians, 2 that 
throughout the whole matter he was actuated entirely by 
political motives, that fear of the Emperor was the only 
ground on which he resisted the claims of England. The 
fear of the Emperor was a catchword constantly in men s 
mouths, and it was often used by the Pope himself as 
an excuse for his lack of acquiescence in the English 
demands. But in this particular case this was not the 
ruling motive ; that was to be found in his conscientious 
regard for the duty of the chief ruler of the Church. What 
Gardiner had at last perforce to content himself with were 

1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 241 seq., 641 seqq. 

2 BuSCH in Histor. Taschenb., 1889, especially 307. Against him 
EHSES, in Histor. Jahrb., 1892, 470 seqq, BROSCH, who (221 seq} takes 
the same standpoint, at least admits (222), " If the Pope s attitude was 
open to censure, some excuse at least was to be found for him in his 
precarious situation and the fear which haunted him since the sack of 
Rome. When, on the other hand, Wolsey made every effort to bring 
about the divorce, and in the same breath overflowed with solemn 
protestations of the sanctity of wedlock, this was sheer hypocrisy and 
inexcusable." " Even," says EHSES (loc. tit., 1888, 242), "if Clement 
had had nothing to expect or fear from Charles, was he not bound, in 
a matter so highly affecting the honour of the Emperor, to avoid the 
least semblance of partiality ? Even if it had been possible to dissolve, 
in accordance with law and justice, the union between Henry and the 
Emperor s aunt, it would have been imperative to have done this in a 
way congruous with the strictest law and precedent. . . . Henry 
could not have demanded of the Pope that he should take into con 
sideration all the pleas he put forward on his own behalf and entirely 
ignore those of the Emperor." GAIRDNER also (Engl. Hist. Review, 
1896, 699 seq.} rejects the charge against Clement VII. that he and his 
advisers were influenced by fear of the Emperor in their decisions in 
the English divorce suit. 


the Bulls of commission of the I3th of April and the 8th of 
June 1528 respectively, which, in order to leave an opening 
for two possibilities, were drawn up in similar terms for 
Wolsey and Warham as well as for Wolsey and Campeggio. 1 
The first Bull was despatched at once on the I3th of 
April, the second, also dated from Orvieto, the I3th of 
April, with the commission for the two Cardinals, was not 
officially executed until the 8th of June, at Viterbo. 2 As 
the mission of Campeggio to England was a certainty, the 
second Bull only was made use of. By this Bull the 
Cardinals received full powers thoroughly to examine 
whatever could be brought forward for or against the 
marriage of Henry and Catherine, and especially for or 
against the dispensation of Julius II.; then, after hearing 
both sides, to take summary proceedings, to declare the 
dispensation and the marriage severally, according to the 
just circumstances of the case and their convictions, to be 
valid and legal, or invalid and null, if judgment should be 
called for by one of the parties. In case of invalidity, in 
the same summary proceedings, the decree of divorce was 

1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 245 seqq. 

2 The Bull of commission for Wolsey and Campeggio is given in 
POCOCK, I., 167-169, and in EHSES, Dokumente, 28-30 ; ibid., 30 
seq., the Promissio dementis VII. , with which Rom. Quartalschr., 
XII., 225 seq., may be compared. Under the date of April 13, 1528, 
yet a second and more comprehensive Bull of dispensation for a fresh 
marriage on Henry s part was prepared in the event of that with 
Catherine being declared invalid j published by GAIRDNER in the 
Engl. Hist. Review, 1890, 544-550, and by EHSES, Dokumente, 33-37; 
cf. also GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review, 1896, loc. cit. For the 
matter still pending this Bull also was without practical importance. 
It did not come near the question of the validity of the marriage with 
Catherine ; see Katholik, 1893, II., 309. Gairdner says justly that 
Henry s conduct in submitting such a proposal to the Pope was a 
piece of incredible effrontery. If Clement had entered into it this 
would have been the culmination of subserviency. 

VOL. X. 17 


to be declared and liberty be given to the King and 
Queen to contract a fresh marriage, but in suchwise that, 
if it seemed good to the Cardinals, the children of the first 
marriage, as well as those of the second, should be declared 
legitimate, and their legitimacy protected from all question 
under the usual punishments and censures of the Church. 1 

The two Cardinals were jointly delegated for this exam 
ination and adjudication; the English envoys, however, had 
carried the clause that either of the two would be justified 
in carrying on the proceedings alone, if the other were 
either unwilling or prevented by death or by some other 
just cause. Against the procedure of the Cardinals no 
objection, no appeal would be admissible ; on the contrary, 
they were the representatives of the full and unlimited 
Papal authority. But the Bull did not contain that which 
for Wolsey had become the essential thing. There was no 
guarantee that the Pope would confirm the decision of the 
Cardinals ; there was no specification of the ground on 
which the invalidity of the dispensation and of the marriage 
in the given instances was to be pronounced. 2 

When Fox returned to England with these results he 
was received on the 3rd of May by Henry and Anne 
Boleyn with great delight; it seems that both were of 
opinion that the goal was now almost reached. Wolsey, 
on the contrary, who saw deeper, knew that from the 
results brought back by Fox nothing was gained for the 
final decision of the case in England ; but on closer re 
flection he concealed his dissatisfaction in order at least 
to gain time and postpone as far as possible the downfall 
that he knew to be inevitable. 3 He therefore immediately 

1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 247 seq. 

2 Cf. ibid., 248 seq. 

3 Cf. ibid., 249 seq. ; GAIRDNER in Engl. Hist. Rev., 1896, 702 ; 
FRIEDMANN, I., 70 seq. 


made a last effort to obtain the Decretal Bull by means of 
Gardiner, who had remained behind in Italy. In connection 
with this scheme Wolsey, on the loth of May 1528, arranged 
a curious scene. 

In the presence of Henry VIII., Fox, and several of the 
King s procurators, he gave utterance to the solemn declara 
tion : Although no other subject was so devoted to his 
prince as he was to his King, and though, on that account, 
his obedience, truth, and loyalty to Henry were so stead 
fast that he would willingly sacrifice goods, blood, and life 
to satisfy his "just desires," yet he felt that his duty 
towards his God was greater, before whom he must once 
for all give an account of his actions, and therefore in this 
matter he would rather incur the King s gravest displeasure, 
rather allow himself to be torn limb from limb, than do any 
act of injustice, or that the King should demand of him in 
this question anything that justice could not sanction. 
On the contrary, if the Bull (of Julius II.) should be pro 
nounced sufficient, he would declare it so to be. 1 It was 
a pure piece of acting, got up simply in order that Fox, 
who was taken in by it, and on the following day was to 
send Wolsey s new instructions to Gardiner, should send 
an account of it to the latter, who would in turn relate the 
incident to the Pope. In this way Clement would be 
brought round to such an assurance of Wolsey s conscien 
tiousness and love of justice that he could have no further 
objections to granting him the Decretal Bull. 2 

The instructions sent by Fox to Gardiner on the nth 
of May were to the effect that he must carry through in 
any possible way the secret execution of the Decretal Bull. 
It must be represented to the Pope that Wolsey s esteem 

1 Fox to Gardiner, May 11, 1528, in PococK, I., i^seg. ; GAIRDNER, 
loc. tit., 1897, 3 ; EHSES, loc. cit., 629 seq. 

2 Cf. EHSES, loc. cit.^ 629 seq. ; GAIRDNER, loc. cit., 3 seq. 


and influence with the King, and therewith the esteem 
attaching to the Holy See itself, are greatly dependent on 
the granting of such a Bull. In order to remove the 
Pope s objections Gardiner and Casale were instructed 
solemnly to declare and swear in Wolsey s name that the 
latter would " never on the ground of this Bull begin the 
process of divorce, nor show the document to a single 
person or in any way make use of it so as to expose the 
Holy See to the least prejudice or scandal. He would 
only show it to the King, and then keep it in his own 
private custody simply as a pledge of the Pope s fatherly 
disposition towards Henry, as a token of personal confi 
dence in himself, as a means of maintaining and strengthen 
ing his position in the King s esteem with a view to the 
best interests of the Pope." 1 There is no doubt that these 
solemn promises were only attempts to deceive, and that 
they would not have been kept if the Pope had committed 
the blunder of placing unreservedly such a compromising 
document in the hands of so unscrupulous a diplomatist 
as Wolsey ; 2 for, if the promised secrecy were observed, 
the Bull, on the whole, would be useless. 

After repeated and lengthy negotiations and much 
pressure from the English envoys, Gardiner was at last able, 
on the nth of June 1528, to report to Henry VIII. that 
Campeggio s mission to England was settled and that the 
Pope had promised to send the Decretal Bull by him. 3 In 
granting the Bull, Clement had carried consideration for 
Henry and Wolsey to its furthest limits, but he had taken 

1 EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 628 seq. 

2 Cf. EHSES, loc. tit., 634 seq. 

3 EHSES, loc. tit., 635. GAIRDNER in Engl. Hist. Rev., 1897, 6. 
On the earlier controversies as to the existence or not of such a 
Decretal Bull cf. EHSES, loc. tit., 28 seqq. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, 
IX., 607 seq. 


the precaution to do so under such conditions that in 
reality it could never be anything more than what Wolsey, 
in asking for it, had pretended it to be. The latter saw to 
his great disgust that he had, in the strictest sense of the 
words, been taken in. 1 The object, put forward by Wolsey 
as a pretext, that the Decretal Bull was only a means of 
protecting his position as much as possible and proving to 
the King that he had done all that lay in his power to carry 
out his wishes, was attained when Campeggio showed the 
document and read it aloud to the King and Chancellor. 
But the misuse of the Bull, in spite of all Wolsey s promises, 
could only be prevented by Campeggio keeping the 
document in his own hands and destroying it at the right 
moment. The contents of this document can only be 
conjectured, but it must have been of such a character as 
to have made the divorce between Henry and Catherine 
possible and even an accomplished fact, had not the Pope 
entirely withheld it from the free disposal of Henry and 
Wolsey. 2 Even if Clement, in granting this illusory docu 
ment, which confirmed the demands of Henry to their full 
extent, was guilty of incredible weakness, yet he was acting 
under the belief that the grievous blunder thus committed 
could be repaired by depriving the Bull of any possible 
practical use, and that he could avoid all difficulties and 
misunderstandings, by declaring firmly and clearly that 
he could never have allowed it to be put into execution, 
since, as the guardian of faith and truth, he must have 
repudiated its contents. 3 

Campeggio, who entered on his mission in July I528, 4 
was instructed to prolong his journey as much as possible, 

1 Cf. EHSES, loc. cit., 636 seqq. ; GAIRDNER, loc. tit., 6 seq. 

2 EHSES, loc. tit., 640. 

3 Ibid., 643. 

4 Cf. the Itinerary in EHSES, Dokumente, xxix. seq. 


to defer crossing the channel as long as he could, and 
even when in England to do his utmost to protract the 
process of the divorce, and if possible to bring about a 
reconciliation between the King and Queen, but in no 
case was he to pronounce a final verdict without fresh 
and express faculties from the Pope ; for it was hoped that 
in the meantime God s saving grace would perhaps incline 
the heart of the King to abstain from asking the Pope to 
grant what could only be granted with injustice, danger, 
and scandal. 1 Campeggio reached London on the 7th of 
October, suffering severely from gout. 2 Although the court 
rejoiced, his reception by the people was cold and even 
unfriendly. He appeared, among other aspects, to be the 
harbinger of a closer approximation to France. Men said 
openly that he came to be the ruin of England and to 
complete a deed of injustice. 3 After several interviews 
with Wolsey he had his first audience of Henry on the 
22nd of October. 4 On the very next day the King in his 
impatience came to Campeggio, and in a long conversa 
tion announced his inflexible resolve to separate from 
Catherine. He urged strongly that in order to facili 
tate this step the Queen should spontaneously renounce 
her rights and retire into a convent. Campeggio and 
Wolsey were on the following day to begin to use 
all their arts of persuasion on the unfortunate woman. 
Before seeing her they were both received by the King; 

1 Sanga to Campeggio on September 16, 1528 ; see EHSES in Histor. 
Jahrb., 1888, 643 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 609 seq. 

2 Campeggio to Salviati, October 17, 1528, in EHSES, Dokumente, 


3 EHSES, Dokumente, 259; BROSCH, VI., 226. 

4 See for this and the events of the next day Campeggio s report to 
Salviati, October 26, 1528, in EHSES, Dokumente, 53 seqq. Cf. EHSES 
in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 36 seq. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 610 
seq. ; GAIRDNER, loc. /., 13 seqq. 


in this audience, held on the 24th of October, Campeggio 
read both the Bulls, of the I3th of April and the 8th of 
June respectively, in which the examination of the case 
was entrusted to the two Cardinals. Afterwards Henry 
expressed a wish to see the Decretal Bull; Campeggio 
showed it to him and read it aloud, but did not let it leave 
his hands, nor did anyone see it except the King and 
Wolsey. If no other order came from the Pope the 
document, after it had achieved its object, was to disappear. 
After this the Cardinals repaired to the Queen, who 
received them with deep distrust ; the proposal that she 
should betake herself to a cloister was refused decisively 
on this as well as on a second occasion on the 2/th of 
October. 1 Nothing would have been gained even if she 
had consented, for the question of the validity of the 
marriage was still open. That Catherine should have 
clung to her rights is quite intelligible. A Spaniard, a 
daughter of the Catholic King, she certainly could not 
have admitted to all the world that she had been anointed 
and crowned unlawfully, that for four-and-twenty years 
she had been her husband s concubine, while in her inmost 
heart she believed in the validity of her marriage. 
She therefore was convinced that she durst not endanger, 
by an act of surrender, the right of her only child to the 
succession to the throne. 

Wolsey, much dissatisfied with the course things had 
taken up to this time, made yet another attempt to obtain 
the Pope s permission that the Decretal Bull should be 
shown also to the King s advisers, for in the instructions 
to Gregorio Casale of the ist of November 1528 he wrote 
down the deliberate falsehood that it was the Pope s 
intention that the Bull should be used for the information 

1 End of the report to Salviati, October 28, 1528, in EHSES, 
Dokumente, 59 seq. 


of Cardinal Campeggio and the King s councillors. The 
Pope, who now clearly perceived how imminent the 
danger was that the English double-dealing might lead 
to some misuse of the Bull, bitterly bewailed, when Casale 
presented to him Wolsey s demands, his previous com 
plaisance, accused the English Cardinal of falsehood, and 
declared that if it were possible he would willingly lose 
a ringer of his hand to undo what he had done. All 
Casale s further representations were useless, even his 
suggestion of the evil results which would follow on 
the Pope s refusal, the apostasy of the King and with 
him that of the country. But Clement now stood firm 
and disclaimed the responsibility for the effects upon 
England of Henry s action ; he had done all that he 
could do, reconcilable with his conscience, to serve the 
King. 1 According to a later report from J. Casale to 
Wolsey of the i/th of December 1528, he repeatedly 
declared that he had drawn up the Decretal Bull in 
order that it might be shown to the King and after 
that burned forthwith. 2 

If from the date of Campeggio s arrival in October 1528 
until far on in the following year nothing essential was 
done, not even the Court of Justice itself being con 
stituted, this delay was certainly in correspondence with 
the Legate s intentions. It was, however, on the whole, 
occasioned by Wolsey s persevering efforts to guard 
the decision to be given in England from any un 
certainty regarding its legality and to be forearmed 
against any appeal, before the suit began. In order to 
secure this he was bent either on obtaining the Papal 
confirmation beforehand or on so tying the Pope s 

1 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 638 seq.\ HEFELE-HERGEN- 
ROTHER, IX., 611 ; BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 320 seqq. 

2 Cf. EHSES, loc. /., 38. 


hands that it would be impossible for him to refuse 
his ratification. 1 

An incident highly unfavourable to Henry s case and at 
the same time the cause of further delays was the sudden 
appearance in England of a hitherto unknown Brief of 
Dispensation of the 26th of December 1503, a copy of 
which Catherine had procured from Spain from Charles V. 
and produced, probably, in November 1528. By this 
document Henry s plea against the validity of the 
dispensation resting on the phraseology of the Bull of 
Dispensation was shaken. This Brief, auxiliary to the 
Bull of Dispensation, differed from the latter in certain 
particulars. In the Bull the actual consummation of the 
marriage of Catherine with Arthur was left open to doubt, 
by the addition of the word " perhaps," while in the Brief 
this word was absent, the consummation of the marriage 
thus being taken for granted ; again, in the Brief, after 
stating the grounds on which the dispensation was given, the 
words were also added, " and on other definite grounds." : 

1 EHSES, loc. cit., 40 seq. "Whoever," says EHSES (p. 40), "will 
give himself the trouble to examine closely the policy of Wolsey and 
his agents in Rome, will not dispute our assertion that in the English 
demands the regard for law and admissibility was pushed into the 
background, and their one underlying practical motive was the un 
bridled passion of Henry, who was determined at any cost to be 
divorced from his wife Catherine. On this point also Wolsey stood 
firm, not because he approved of the King s passion but, at least from 
the year 1528, because he foresaw the apostasy of the Church of 
England if Henry was baffled in forcing his will on Rome." 

2 Cf. HERBERT THURSTON, The Canon Law of the Divorce, in the 
Engl. Hist. Review, XIX. (1904), 632-645, who sees in this latter point, 
not in the presence or absence of the "forsan," the essential difference 
between Bull and Brief and the particular ground why, in the eyes of 
Henry VIII. and Wolsey, the Brief was viewed as dangerous to their 
intentions. For the genuineness of the Brief, on which Froude has of 
late thrown doubts, cf. EHSES, Das Dispensbreve Julius II. fur die Ehe 


Wolsey exerted himself to render the Brief innocuous 1 
in two ways. He first tried to obtain possession of the 
original, the Queen herself being treacherously induced, 
as though it were in her own interest, to obtain this from 
the Emperor. As this attempt failed, an endeavour was 
then made to get the Pope to declare that the Brief was a 
forgery ; this was the main object of the mission of Bryan 
and Vannes at the end of November 1528, who were 
followed by Knight and Bennet on the same errand. The 
dangerous illness of Clement VII. in the beginning of 
1529, when his death seemed not improbable, once more 
aroused Wolsey s longing for the tiara and in Henry 
the hope that all he wished for might be obtained 
without trouble ; but the progress of negotiations was 
thereby suspended. On his recovery the Pope declared 
definitely that he could not pronounce the Brief to be 
a forgery. 2 

Even Campeggio felt so certain of the reports from 
various quarters of the Pope s death that on the 4th of 
February 1529 he discontinued his despatch of reports to 
Rome. He did not again resume them until the i8th 

Heinrichs VIII. von England mit Katharina von Aragonien, in the 
Rom. Quartalschr., 1893, 180-198; also in his Dokumente, xxxi.- 
xliii. Further, BELLESHEIM in Katholik, 1893, II., 305 seq., and in 
the Histor.-polit. Blattern, CXXIV. (1899), 578 seqq. Cf. also FRIED- 
MANN, II., 328-337 ; BOREE, 34 seqq. ; POCOCK, I., 181-201. 

1 Cf. BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 307-333. GAIRDNER in the Engl. 
Hist. Review, 1897, 237 seqq. 

2 BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 332 seqq. " It is not easy to see at what 
other conclusion the Pope could have arrived consistently with the 
least respect to himself or his high position. Even a man of much less 
firmness and self-respect than Clement would have hesitated before he 
committed himself to such an extraordinary step as to pronounce a 
Brief of his predecessor to be forged, on an ex parte statement, when 
he had not yet seen the original." 


when he addressed a letter 1 to the Secretary of State, 
Jacopo Salviati. This document, written for the most part 
in cipher, is in many respects of great importance and 
throws a very interesting light on the " whole tragic 
wretchedness of the subject." It relates how Wolsey with 
clasped hands adjured the Legate to co-operate with him so 
that the Pope, at any price, might give a decision favour 
able to the King, as in no other way could the impending 
calamities be kept back. " And in fact," Campeggio 
continues, " so far as I can see this passion of the King s is 
a most extraordinary thing. He sees nothing, he thinks of 
nothing but his Anne ; he cannot be without her for an 
hour, and it moves one to pity to see how the King s life, 
the stability and downfall of the whole country, hang upon 
this one question." 

1 Campeggio s letter, February 18, 1529, was first published by 
EHSES in an article in the Rom. Quartalschrift, 1900, 263 seg., who 
has finally relegated to the sphere of fable the assertion of several 
historical writers, derived from untrustworthy sources, that Clement VI I. 
proposed to the King as a way out of his difficulties that the latter 
should pronounce an arbitrary and to a certain degree bigamous dissolu 
tion of his marriage. The original letter in the Carte Fames., f. 689, 
litt. C, of the Neapolitan State Archives, was published by Ehses from 
a copy made by one of the other side and in many places incorrect. 
The necessary corrections kindly put at my disposal by Mgr. EHSES 
are as follows : Page 264, line 9, insert after R mo : " Eborancense et 
etiam a questa M ta con la giunta del R mo ." In line 14, after che : " N. 
S re omnino indicat inducias biennales et poi." Line 28, instead of 
" mostrano" read " S. M ta monstro." Line 30, " sua" instead of " sola." 
Line 31, instead of "han" read "ha." Page 265, line i, instead of 
"in cio" read "tune si." Line 4, instead of "nell ; ultimo caso" 
read "in illud tempus"; line 6, instead of "possa" read "ponno"; 
line 35, insert "che" after "potendo." Page 266, lines 17-18, instead 
of "sato restarda gi" read "ma usato questo stratagema." Page 267, 
line 13, instead of "A.," read "lei." Line 16, instead of "in termine," 
read "per pentirsene." Line 21, instead of "meo saltern a terra et 
regno perpetuo exilio" read "me o saltern me terriano perpetuo exule." 


Wolsey made through Gardiner one more attempt to 
obtain from the Pope an extension of the legatine powers 
so as to include absolute power of decision ; but Clement 
now stood firm against any further concessions. 1 In the 
meantime also Charles V. had intervened at Rome on 
behalf of Catherine, with such success that already in April 
the question had arisen of revoking the powers given to the 
Legates in England, and transferring the whole case to 
Rome. In presence of this danger Wolsey found it 
advisable to abstain from pushing any further his un 
attainable demands, and to open the suit and bring it as 
quickly as possible to an end. 2 

On the 3 1st of May the court of the two Legates was 
constituted, 3 and the King and Queen were cited to appear 
on the 1 8th of June. 4 Catherine appeared on the first 
summons only in order to protest against the tribunal. 5 
At the next sitting, on the 2ist of June, at which the King 
and Queen were present, the latter repeated her protest, 
threw herself at the King s feet to entreat him once more 
to have compassion, declared that she would lodge an 
appeal with the Pope, and withdrew, 6 never to appear again 

1 Cf. GAIRDNER in the Engl. Hist. Review, 1897, 243 seqq. 

2 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 41 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, 
IX., 613 seq. ; BROSCH, VI., 231. 

3 For his negotiations, see Campeggio s reports in EHSES, Dokumente, 
98 seqq. Other papers in POCOCK, I., 206 seqq. Cf. BREWER- 
GAIRDNER, II., 338 seqq. ; BOREE, 49 seqq. ; EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 
1888, 41 seqq. ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 614 seq. ; BUSCH in 
Histor. Taschenb., 1890, 65 seqq. ; GAIRDNER in The Cambridge 
Modern History, 1 1., 43 1 seqq. See also STEVENSON, Henry VI 1 1. and 
Card. Campeggio, in The Month, 1882, October. 

4 Campeggio to Salviati, June 4, 1 529 ; EHSES, Dokumente, 99. 

5 Campeggio to Salviati, June 18, 1529 ; ibid.) 103 seq. 

6 Cf. the two reports of Campeggio to Salviati, June 21, 1529 ; ibid.^ 
1 06, 1 08 seq. 


before the Legates court. She was consequently declared 
to have acted in contumaciam, and the case proceeded with 
out her with great rapidity and on the pleading of one side 
only. In a cipher despatch to Salviati, Campeggio com 
plained : " In the house of a foreigner one cannot do all 
one wishes ; the case has no defence. A king, especially 
in his own house, has no lack of procurators, attornies, 
witnesses, and even laity who are hankering after his 
grace and favour. The Bishops of Rochester and St. Asaph 
have spoken and written in support of the marriage, also 
some men of learning have done the same, but in fear and 
on their own responsibility ; no one comes forward any 
longer in the Queen s name." 1 The only person who 
championed the unhappy princess with unfaltering courage 
was John Fisher, the saintly Bishop of Rochester. The 
marriage of Henry and Catherine, so he declared in the 
fifth sitting, on the 28th of June, was indissoluble, no 
power could break their union ; for this truth he was ready, 
like John the Baptist, to lay down his life. 2 Contrasted 
with the diplomacy and temporizing of almost all the 
rest, this declaration roused twofold sympathy. But all 
Fisher s determination was powerless to effect anything. 
Notwithstanding Campeggio s objections, the case was 
hurried on with precipitate speed and the decision was 
already looked for on the 23rd of July. 3 This, however, 
Campeggio prevented, for in the sitting of that date he 
adjourned the court during the Roman law vacations 
until the 1st of October. The sittings were never resumed, 
and in this way Wolsey was defeated. 

1 EHSES, Dokumente, 119-120. 

2 See the report of Campeggio s Secretary, Floriano, June 29, 1529, 
in EHSES, loc. cit., 116 seq. Cf. BRIDGETT (German translation by 
Hartmann), 178^^. 

3 Campeggio to Salviati, July 13, 1529, in EHSES, loc. cit., 119. 


It was high time for the case to be transferred to Rome ; 
there had been too much delay. Not until Clement VII. 
felt that he was strongly backed by his alliance with 
Charles V. did he urge him to take decided steps. A 
Consistory of the i6th of July 1529 determined that on 
the ground of the Queen s appeal the case should be 
brought before the judicial court of the Rota at Rome. 1 
This did away with the powers of the English Legates. 
On the 1 9th of September Campeggio had his farewell 
audience of Henry and took leave of him on friendly 
terms. 2 His journey was delayed by an attack of gout; 
he had intended to leave Dover, where he had been since 
the 8th of October, on the 26th of that month, but before 
he could do so he had to submit to treatment of a most 
disrespectful kind ; his luggage was searched on the 
pretext that he might be taking to Rome treasure and 
compromising letters from Wolsey ; the real reason, at all 
events, was that it was hoped in this way still to get 
possession of the Decretal Bull. As this, however, had 
been long since destroyed, this inquisition was without 
result. 3 

Before Campeggio left, the news of Wolsey s downfall 
had already reached him. The latter was now paying for 
the miscarriage of the divorce suit ; by the 9th of October 
the proceedings against him had begun; on the i6th he 
was called on to deliver up the Great Seal. Robbed of 

1 The appeal presented in the Queen s name and countersigned by 
the Pope in EHSES, loc. cit., 122-123. The ratification of the transfer 
of the case to the Rota was communicated to the Queen and Wolsey 
on July 19; see the letter in EHSES, loc. cit., 120 seqq. ; the further 
letters of the Pope of August 29 and September 4, ibid., 125 seqq. 

2 Campeggio to Salviati, dated Canterbury, October 7, 1 529, in EHSES, 

loc. cit., I33-I35- 

3 Cf. BREWER-GAIRDNER, II., 375 seq.\ FRIEDMANN, I., 96 seq.\ 
EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 46 seq. ; EHSES, Dokumente, 137 seq. 


his property and forbidden the court, again for a brief 
moment appearing to be restored to his sovereign s favour, 
he was finally charged with high treason. Arrested at 
Cawood on the 4th of November 1530, he died on the 
29th of that month at Leicester Abbey, a house of 
Augustinian canons, on his way to London, where, it 
may well be, the supreme penalty awaited him. 1 

Together with Henry VIII., whose adulterous passion 
would submit to no check, Wolsey, by his base servility 
to the King, undoubtedly shares a great portion of the 
guilt of the severance of England from the Church. 2 He 
himself passed judgment on his conduct in the words 
spoken shortly before his death : " If I had served God 
as diligently as I have done my King, He would not have 
given me over in my grey hairs. But this is the just 
reward I must receive, for in my diligent pains and studies 
to serve the King, I looked not to my duty towards God, 
but only to the gratification of the King s wishes." 3 

1 Cf. especially in BREWER-GAIRDNER (II., 378-464) the full account 
of Wolsey s fall ; see also STEVENSON S excellent article in the Month, 
1883, January. For Wolsey generally cf., apart from the literature of 
the divorce, the article "Wolsey" by BELLESHEIM in the 2nd ed. of 
Wetzerand Welte s Kirchenlexikon, XII., sp. 1747-1756; among earlier 
writers A. V. REUMONT, Kardinal Wolsey und der Heilige Stuhl, in his 
Beitragen zur italienischen Geschichte, III., Berlin, 1855, i-ioo ; 
FOLKESTONE WILLIAMS, Lives of the English Cardinals, II., London, 
1868, 246 seq.\ HOOK, Archbishops of Canterbury, N.S., I., London, 
1868 ; CREIGHTON, Card. Wolsey, London, 1888. 

2 Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 644 seq. 

3 As related by Cavendish ; see EHSES, loc. cit., 647, and REUMONT, 
loc. cit., 98. "A severe but nevertheless certainly the justest epitaph 
which could be placed upon his monument," says EHSES, loc. cit. 
Shakespeare has made use of the words in his Henry VIII., Act III., 
Scene 2. If the recent publication of original documents has brought 
to light in all its grandeur the hitherto insufficiently appreciated states 
manship of Wolsey, this ought not to lead to a one-sided admiration for 


In the light of history Wolsey stands out as the 
powerful statesman to whom the England of Henry VIII. 
was indebted for her greatness and importance, but also 

his whole personality, viewed from this side exclusively, so as to make 
us forget that the very same documents in equal proportion reveal him 
to us in a saddening light as a servant of the Church. EHSES, loc. cit., 
647 seq., sums up : " So long as it was only a question of external policy 
and calm, diplomatic calculation, so long as only his qualities as a 
statesman were called into action, Wolsey s position was a brilliant and 
lofty one, if not in the achievement of conspicuous successes, yet in 
the constant defence and elevation of the influence and reputation of 
England. The period subsequent to his fall, as has often already been 
remarked, offers his best panegyric. But where moral character and 
inner personal consistency ought to have shown themselves, there was 
revealed a deplorable weakness which places him in sharp contrast to 
a great predecessor in a similar position, Thomas Becket. With the 
frivolous king he could, when occasion called for it, be frivolous him 
self ; proud and arrogant both above and below the surface, he was 
obsequiously devoted to his sovereign and therefore could not sub 
ordinate the glamour of the court and the favour of the wayward king 
to the thorny conflicts of conviction and duty. When Henry s passion 
proved itself stronger than the Cardinal s craven tears and abject en 
treaties, he preferred to lower himself beneath that passion and, re 
luctantly indeed and with protesting wishes in his heart, but outwardly 
at the hazard of all his ecclesiastical and political position, to become 
the contemptible agent of a contemptible job." BELLESHEIM writes 
in the Kirchenlexikon, XII., 2nd ed., 1755 : "Misunderstood amid the 
pressure of the religious passions of the i6th century, Wolsey, judged 
by the various collections of State papers, is to the modern historian 
one of the greatest statesmen of his age and a founder of England s 
present position in the world. His private life, however, was not free 
from shadows, and Campeggio s despatches give us the picture of a 
minister who was double-tongued, dishonest and servile, and dissem 
bling before his king. Wolsey s services to the Church were wholly bad, 
for, by his repeated threats to the Holy See, his combination in himself 
of the highest temporal and spiritual power as Legate and Lord 
Chancellor, and his disgraceful dissolution of monasteries, he taught 
Henry VIII. a lesson which the latter carried still further into practice 
by the introduction of the Royal supremacy and the dismemberment 


as the pliant and unconscientious prelate who, by his un 
worthy obsequiousness in subserving the King s shameful 
desires, became in a degree responsible for the unhappy 
rupture in the Church which he wished to avoid. Too 
willing courtiers and servile diplomatists, even when 
clothed in ecclesiastical garb, have in all ages only been 
a cause of misfortune to the Church. 

After Wolsey s fall, Anne Boleyn, as the French 
Ambassador clearly pointed out, wielded through her uncle 
and father an influence in the Cabinet as unlimited as that 
which she had hitherto for long held over her suitor, the 
King. There now appeared gradually on the scene another 
counsellor not less ambitious and not less unscrupulous 
than Wolsey, who was ready to shrink from nothing that 
could serve the purposes of the lustful king. This was 
Thomas Cranmer, the domestic chaplain of the Boleyns. 
He eagerly pursued the scheme of procuring from the 
most famous universities of Europe opinions favourable 
to the divorce. In England the same attempt was made 
by the issue from the press of writings unfit for publica 
tion. In France and Italy recourse was had to bribery. 1 

At the same time Henry made a fresh effort to win 
over to his side the Emperor as well as the Pope. In the 
beginning of 1530 he sent Anne Boleyn s father, recently 
raised to the earldom of Wiltshire, to Bologna with the 
ostensible mission of conferring with the Pope and Emperor 
on the general peace and confederation against the Turks ; 
in reality he was sent in the interests of the divorce. 2 He 

of his kingdom from the unity of the Church." See also BELLESHEIM 
in the Histor.-polit. Blattern, CXXIV. (1899), 582. 

1 Cf. FERET in the Revue des quest, hist, 1898, II., 63 seq., 66 
seqq., 72 segq. 

2 Cf. FRIEDMANN, I., 105 segg.-, BUSCH in Histor. Taschenb., 1890, 
81 seg.-, GAIRDNER, The Cambridge Modern History, II., 433 seq. 

VOL. X. 1 8 


was to lay before the Emperor strong arguments against 
the validity of Henry s marriage with Catherine, but 
Charles made short work of his representations. He was 
not more successful with the Pope, who eight days before 
Wiltshire s arrival had, by a Brief of the 7th of March 
1530, transferred the matter of the English marriage to 
Capisucchi, Auditor of the Rota. 1 A Brief of the 2ist of 
March prohibited anything being said or written against 
the validity of the marriage. The presence of the English 
Ambassador was made use of to deliver to him the citation 
summoning Henry to appear at Rome before the tribunal 
of the Rota. Yet the Pope consented to a postponement 
of the case, if Henry would promise in the meantime not 
to make any alteration in the state of things in England, 2 
and the King accepted the offer upon this condition. 3 

In the meantime the opinions of the universities, ex 
torted by force and cunning, were coming in. Henry s 
delight at the favourable replies, many of which he was 
particularly successful in obtaining from French seats of 
learning, 4 was diminished by the fact that other universities 
declared that the dissolution of his marriage with Catherine 
was only justifiable on the ground of the consummation 
of her marriage with Arthur, which the Queen denied on 
oath and the King was unable to prove. The hope also 
that the favourable opinions of the universities would 
move the Pope to give way proved idle. It now occurred 
to Henry VIII. that a meeting of Parliament might bring 
pressure to bear on the Holy See. On the I3th of July 

1 Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 139 seq. 

2 Clement VII. and Henry VIII., Bologna, March 26, 1530, in 
EHSES, loc. cit., 140-142. 

3 April 10, 1530; ibid.) 143-145. 

99 seq. 


1530 an address to the Pope, composed at Henry s insti 
gation, was issued by the English prelates and nobles. 1 
In it, with a reference to the opinions of the universities, 
the demand was put forward that Clement without delay 
should pronounce the dissolution of the King s marriage ; 
with this was coupled the threat that otherwise England 
would settle the question unaided. The Pope s answer, of 
the 27th of September, 2 was a calm refusal of this demand. 
His decision would be given with such speed as was 
consonant with justice ; neither the King nor his subjects 
could demand any other treatment. 3 

About this time the English envoys seem again to have 
importuned the Pope with a demand for his sanction of 
a double marriage. Gregorio Casale, on the i8th of 
September 1530,* sent a report on the matter giving the 
impression that the proposal had come from the Pope, and 
that the latter was inclined towards such a solution of the 
difficulty. Casale represents himself as having, " with an 
astonishing semblance of sanctimoniousness," 5 replied 
that he durst not write in such terms to the King, as he 

1 In POCOCK, I., 429-433 ; cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 153 seq. 

2 In POCOCK, I., 434-437 ; cf. EHSES, loc. cit., 161 seq.: on p. 163 seq. 
another rendering, in substantial agreement, of this answer. 

3 "We shall not go wrong," remarks BROSCH (VI., 244), "if we see 
in this correspondence between Parliament and Pope the opening of 
the period in which Henry s marriage controversy became a conflict 
between England and Rome. For even if all hope of a mutual under 
standing had not yet disappeared, it is still obvious that Henry at this 
time had in view the possibility of a breach with Rome, although with 
out any fixed plan, and Parliament was prepared to follow the King if 
he were willing to take the first steps towards a rupture." 

4 POCOCK, I., 428 : " Superioribus diebus Pontifex secreto, veluti 
rem quam magni faceret, mihi proposuit conditionern hujusmodi, 
concedi posse vestrae Majestati, ut duas uxores habeat." Cf. EHSES 
in Histor. Jahrb., 1892, 477 seq. 

5 So characterized by EHSES, loc. cit. 


feared that the Royal conscience, which it was the main 
object in this whole affair to pacify, would not consent to 
such an issue. 

How unreliable this account was is shown by the 
despatch of William Bennet, in any case a more trust 
worthy man, sent to Henry on the 2/th of October I53O. 1 
Soon after his arrival 2 Clement had engaged him in con 
versation on the subject of a dispensation to have two 
wives, but his remarks were so ambiguous that Bennet 
suspected that the Pope either intended to draw from 
Henry a recognition of the unlimited nature of the dispens 
ing power since a dispensation to contract a bigamous 
marriage was at least no easier matter than the previous 
one for the marriage with Catherine or that he wished in 
this way to keep the King in check in order to gain time. 
"I asked Clement VII.," Bennet continued, "if he were 
certain that such a dispensation was admissible, and he 
answered that he was not ; but he added that a distinguished 
theologian 3 had told him that in his opinion the Pope 
might in this case dispense in order to avert a greater evil ; 
he intended, however, to go into the matter more fully with 
his council. And indeed the Pope has just now informed 
me that his council (known as the Consistory of Cardinals) 
had declared to him plainly that such a dispensation was 
not possible." If Clement had thus really hesitated for a 

1 In POCOCK, I., 458 seq. Cf. EHSES, loc. cit., 479 seq. ; with 
PAULUS in the Histor.-polit. Blattern, CXXXV. (1905), 89 seq. 

2 PAULUS, loc. cit., 89, "therefore well on in summer 1529, for 
Bennet had his first audience of Clement VII. on June 21." 

3 Cajetan is very likely meant, for he held the view that polygamy 
was not against the law of nature and nowhere forbidden in the Old 
Testament, although he did not share Luther s standpoint regarding its 
admissibility under the law of Christ. Cf. PAULUS, Cajetan and 
Luther on Polygamy, in the Histor.-polit. Blattern, CXXXV., 81 seqq.^ 
90 seq. 


time over the possibility of a dispensation for a dual 
marriage, his uncertainty was soon brought to an end 1 
by this categorical denial of its admissibility, and there are 
not the remotest grounds for speaking of a parallel be 
tween Clement s attitude and that of Luther towards 
double wedlock. 2 

On the 6th of December 1530 Henry VIII. wrote a letter 
to the Pope containing violent complaints and taunting 
him with complete subserviency to the Emperor. 3 Cardinal 
Accolti was instructed to send a reply. " As," said Clement, 
" we stand between the Defender of the Faith on one hand 
and the Advocate of the Church on the other, no suspicion 

1 PAULUS, loc. cit., 90. 

2 Cf. EHSES, article in literary supplement to Koln. Volkszeitung, 
September 11, 1902, No. 37. See ibid., 1903, No. 48 (November 26), 
NIK. PAULUS on Luther and Polygamy. W. KOHLER (Die Doppelehe 
Landgraf Philipps von Hessen, in the Histor. Zeitschr., N.F., LVIIL, 
1905, 407) admits frankly : " It cannot be doubted that Catholicism 
in puncto bigamy comes off better than Luther. Pope Clement VII. 
who, in the case of King Henry VIII. of England, had to face the 
problem of bigamy, did not declare for the possibility of a dispensation 
to contract a double marriage, although to all appearance he was not 
convinced of its impossibility : his Cardinal, Cajetan, had certainly laid 
down that polygamy was not contrary to the law of nature and was 
nowhere forbidden in Holy Scripture, but he did not on that account 
come near to asserting its admissibility. For, it has been rightly 
observed (by NIK. PAULUS in the literary supplement of the Koln. 
Volkszeitung, April 30, 1903, No. 1 8), together with the authority of 
Holy Scripture there exists for the Catholic that also of tradition and 
the Church. But Cardinal Cajetan never thought of disregarding the 
canon law, which most strictly forbids polygamy. It is quite clear 
that on this point the legitimation by the State, society, and civiliza 
tion under the law of nature are on the side of Catholicism, while 
Luther s view, as is to be noticed in other instances, was much more 
sharply dualistic." 

3 Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 167-170; Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 244 seq. ; 


ot partiality ought to be raised against us, since we are 
governed by the same sentiment of affection towards 
the one as towards the other. Besides, we call on God 
as our witness and give the surety of our pontifical 
word that the Emperor has never asked of us any 
thing except simple justice. For he said to us that 
if the Queen s cause was unjust it was not his inten 
tion to uphold it, rather must he in that case cast the 
burden of the matter on those who were the means 
of bringing such a marriage about. But if the Queen 
was in the right he would then be doing shameful 
despite to his honour if he allowed her to be unlawfully 
oppressed. Whether the English envoys have demanded 
justice from us in like way is a matter of which the 
King cannot be ignorant." The Pope protested that 
his decision would be given only in accordance with 
justice. 1 

A Papal Brief of the 5th of January 1531 renewed the 
edict of the /th of March 1530 containing the threat of 
ecclesiastical punishments and censures for Henry VIII. 
and any female who should contract marriage with him 
while the case was under adjudication by the Rota. 2 
Henry, who had now no further hope of bending Clement 
to his will, took, without further delay, the first step on the 
road leading inevitably to the total separation of England 
from the Holy See. A general convocation of the English 
clergy, held in the middle of January 1531, was called 
upon to acknowledge the King as supreme head of the 
Church and clergy of England, to which declaration con 
vocation, now forced to abandon their previous opposition, 

1 EHSES, Dokumente, 172 ; Histor. Jahrb., 1888, 244 seq. ; HEFELE- 

2 In POCOCK, II., 104-108. Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 175 seq.\ 
BROSCH, VI., 246. 


added at least the clause "so far as the law of Christ 
permits." 1 

The inquiry set on foot in Rome made no advance of 
any importance in the year I53I. 2 Henry neither appeared 
in person on his citation nor did he send a representative, 
but he protested through his Ambassador and Dr. Carne, a 
who had been sent to Rome as "Excusator" for his non- 
appearance and to demand that the case should again be 
remitted to England. The proposal, by way of compromise, 
emanating from Rome that the case should be transferred 
to 4 some neutral locality, such as Cambrai, was rejected 
both by the English King 5 and by the Emperor as 
Catherine s representative. 6 Henry then proceeded to 
discontinue the recognition of Catherine as Queen de facto, 
for in August 1531 he banished her from court, while the 
apartments formerly belonging to her were occupied by 
Anne Boleyn. 7 

On the 25th of January 1532, Clement, according to an 
agreement with the Emperor, addressed a Brief to Henry 
containing earnest but temperate remonstrances against 
his course of action and exhorting him to recognize 
Catherine as his lawful wife and to dismiss Anne Boleyn 
until the decision in the case was given. 8 This Brief was 

1 Cf. BROSCH, VI., 247 seq. ; BRIDGETT (German translation by 
Hartmann), 200 seqq. 

2 GAIRDNER, Cambridge Modern History, II., 436^. 

3 Cf. EHSES, Dokumente, 195 seq. ; GAIRDNER, foe. cit., 436 seq. 

4 Cf, Salviati s letter to Campeggio, June 9, 1531, in EHSES, foe. cit., 
176 seq. 

5 Henry VIII. to the Pope, December 28, 1531, in POCOCK, II., 
148-151. Cf. EHSES, foe. cit., 191. 

6 Cf. EHSES, foe. cit., 179. 

1 Cf. FRIEDMANN, I., 149 ; BROSCH, VI., 248 seq. 
8 In POCOCK, II., 166-168. Cf EHSES, foe. cit., 192 seq. ; BROSCH, 
VI., 249- 


delivered to the King on the I3th of May, but produced 
no effect. On the contrary, in the spring of this year he 
took another and more important step hostile to the Holy 
See, for he carried an Act of Parliament abolishing annates, 
the execution of which was left to the King s discretion. 1 
At the end of October 1532 a meeting between Henry VIII. 
and Francis I. took place at Boulogne. The former hoped 
at that time that Francis would succeed in inducing the 
Pope to lay aside his opposition to the divorce. France in 
that case might depend on the support of England in the 
event of a war with the Emperor. 2 

Francis entered into this plan. He sent Cardinals 
Gramont and Tournon to Rome with instructions to 
threaten the apostasy of the Kings of France and England 
if the Pope did not assist the one in his schemes for the 
acquisition of the Duchy of Milan and the other in his 
marriage with Anne Boleyn. In consequence, however, 
of Charles s successful campaign against the Turks, the 
terms of this message were considerably toned down. 3 
Before leaving Bologna the Pope once more addressed an 
admonition to Henry 4 which was also couched throughout 
in gentle language. This was occasioned by the elevation 
of Anne Boleyn on the 1st of September 1532 to the rank 
of Marchioness of Pembroke, and her journey in company 
with Henry to Calais in October, when she was presented to 
Francis I. as the future Queen. The Pope threatened the 
adulterous couple with excommunication if they did not 

1 Cf. BROSCH, VI., 249 seq.; GAIRDNER, loc. cit., 437, 439. 

2 Cf. the detailed description in HAMY, Entrevue de Frangois I er 
avec Henry VIII. a Boulogne-sur-Mer en 1532, Paris, 1898. 

3 PALLAVICINI, III., 11. The original instructions for the two 
Cardinals in the Preuves des Libertez de FEglise Gallicane, 630 seq. 

4 In POCOCK, II., 378 seqq. Cf. EHSES, loc. cit., 200 seq.; BROSCH, 
VI., 252. 


separate before the expiration of a month and Henry did 
not return to his legitimate consort ; at the same time he 
renewed all former enactments against attempts to procure a 
divorce in England and the marriage with Anne Boleyn, and 
declared afresh the nullity of all such proceedings. Henry 
retorted by the strict prohibition " of the publication of 
anything whatever against the Royal authority if coming 
from Rome, or any attempts to hinder the execution of 
those Acts passed in the last Parliament for the removal 
of abuses abounding among the clergy." 1 

On the 25th of January 1533 Henry VIII. was secretly 
married to Anne Boleyn, whose pregnancy as affecting the 
future child s right of succession made further delay 
impossible, although of the final decision regarding the 
dissolution of his marriage with Catherine not a syllable 
had hitherto been uttered. 2 On the I2th of April (Easter) 
Anne Boleyn appeared publicly for the first time as his 
consort. 3 

In the meantime the death of Archbishop Warham of 
Canterbury, in August 1532, was of great advantage to 
Henry, for he was thus enabled to appoint a successor to 

1 BROSCH, VI., 253. 

2 Cf. FRIED MANN, I., 182 seq., 338 seq. \ BROSCH, VI., 253. 
Several historians have given November 14 as the date of the 
marriage ; this ante-dating, however, rests on purposely false state 
ments made later by the court party in order to make it appear that 
Elizabeth, born on September 7, 1533, was conceived in wedlock and 
not in adultery. The undutiful priest who performed the ceremony 
has usually been spoken of by earlier writers as Dr. Lee. According 
to FRIEDMANN (II., 183 seq.\ he was more probably the Augustinian, 
George Brown, Prior in London in the spring of 1533, Provincial 1534 
(afterwards Protestant Archbishop of Dublin). GASQUET (Henry VIII. 
and the English Monasteries [German translation by ELSASSER, 
Mainz, 1890, I., 131]) also thinks this likely. 

3 FRIEDMANN, I., 199. 


the see on whose entire subserviency he could depend. 
His choice fell on Thomas Cranmer, 1 who had become his 
secretary through Anne Boleyn s influence. He was 
" an obsequious servant and an intriguer, fertile in ideas, 
whose services were also at the disposal of his master s 
wishes." 2 Although for long alienated at heart from the 
Church, this immoral priest succeeded in deceiving the 
Pope as to his position, so that after receiving the confirma 
tion of his appointment on the 3Oth of March 1533, he 
was able to be consecrated. In him Henry and Anne 
found a worthy instrument ready to carry out all their 
wishes. Henry, in previous collusion with Cranmer, went 
through the farce of a judgment on his marriage. 3 Cranmer 
cited Henry and Catherine before his court at Dunstable, 
where the proceedings began on the loth of May. 
Catherine, however, only signed two protests, for she 
refused to recognize Cranmer as judge, and took no further 
notice of his proceedings. On the 23rd of May Cranmer 
pronounced the marriage of Henry with Catherine null 
and void, and on the 28th he declared the marriage with 
Anne Boleyn valid. Thereupon the latter was, on June 
the ist, crowned with great pomp as Queen. 

On being informed of these proceedings, Clement VII. 
hesitated in characteristic fashion for some time, and then 
at last, on the nth of July 1533, he gave sentence against 
Henry, 4 pronounced the marriage with Anne Boleyn null 


2 Thus the author of the article on Anne Boleyn in the Allgemeine 
Zeitung, 1893, Supplement No. 195. Cf. STEVENSON, Cranmer and 
A. Boleyn, in Hist, pap., of J. Morris (S.J.), L, London, 1892 (Publicat. 
of the Cath. Truth Society). 

3 Cf. FRIEDMANN, I., 201 seqq. ; GAIRDNER, Cambridge Modern 
History, II., 439 seq. \ EHSES, Dokumente, 202; Briefs and 
Documents in POCOCK, II., 473 seqq. 

4 In EHSES, loc. cit., 212 seq. ; less accurately in POCOCK, II., 677 seq. 


and void, and the offspring, if any, of the union illegitimate, 
and laid the King under the greater excommunication. 
But even yet a time of grace was given him up to the end 
of September. The excommunication was not to take full 
effect until he showed his final disobedience in retaining 
Anne Boleyn and refusing to restore Catherine to her 
rightful place as Queen and wife. Cardinal Tournon 
succeeded in obtaining from Clement a further respite of a 
month l from the 26th of September. The latter hoped, it 
would seem, that a reconciliation might be brought about, 
although all hope of one had for long been abandoned, 2 
and consented, on his meeting Francis I. at Marseilles, to a 
yet further postponement to the end of November at that 
King s request arid out of regard for the new English envoys 
whose arrival was expected. The mission, headed by 
Gardiner, treated Clement, to the great disgust of Francis, 

For the Consistory see also the ^report of F. Peregrino, dat. Rome, 
July n, 1533, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. BROSCH, VI., 262 
seqq. The latter remarks : " The Pope himself was no longer under 
delusion as to the importance and consequences of this sentence; he 
was aware that Henry would renounce his obedience and estrange 
England from the Apostolic See, and he said so often. I am sure, 
he declared (Bishop Merino s despatch to Charles V., August 18, in 
GAYANGOS, IV., 2, 772), that I have now lost the obedience of 
England for good and all. " On this Brosch observes from his one 
sided, purely political view of the Pope s behaviour : " But Clement 
durst not oppose his just insight into the position of things to the 
wishes of the Emperor. For Charles was lord of Italy ; at a sign 
from him the rule of the house of Medici in Florence would have 
vanished." This criticism entirely overlooks the fact that if the Pope 
had acted otherwise than he did he would have committed a gross 
outrage on his sacred office. 

1 LE GRAND, III, 569 ; EHSES, loc. tit., 214. 

2 In August the English envoys were recalled from Rome (cf. 
BROSCH, VI., 263 seq.}. ^Letter of F. Peregrino of August 16, 1533, 
in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 


with extreme insolence and demanded the withdrawal of 
the sentence against Henry. To the Pope s friendly 
proposal that the whole case should be reheard at Avignon 
by special Legates, on condition that Henry recognized the 
Papal authority and promised to accept the final decision, 
Gardiner replied that he had no powers. On the 7th of 
November 1533 the English envoys presented to the Pope 
Henry s appeal to a council. 1 

In the session of Parliament opened on the i$th of 
January 1534 Henry passed a series of resolutions of an 
anti-Papal tendency ; 2 the annates and other payments to 
Rome were finally abolished ; the power of jurisdiction 
hitherto exercised by the Pope was transferred to the 
King ; the bishoprics were to be filled by capitular 
election, which, however, was to be determined in favour 
of the person chosen by the King. A further Act con 
tained a declaration against the " usurped authority of 
the Bishop of Rome," as the Pope henceforward was 
to be designated. By the Act of Royal Succession the 
marriage with Catherine also was declared null from 
the beginning and the Princess Mary illegitimate, while 
on the other hand the children of Anne alone were in 
the rightful succession to the throne. The sanguinary 
measures against the opponents of Henry s policy began 
with the trial of the "Maid of Kent"; the execution of 
this nun and her fellow-sufferers opened up a period which 
lasted throughout the following thirteen years of Henry s 
reign and may well be described 3 as a " reign of terror." 

IX., 812, and HAMY, Entrevue a Boulogne-sur-Mer, 194 seq. 

2 Cf. BROSCH, VI., 271 seq. 

3 BROSCH, VI., 270. Cf. GASQUET, Henry VIII. and the English 
Monasteries (Elsasser s German translation), I., 96-126; BRIDGETT 
(Hartmann s German translation), 248-277. 


Almost simultaneously with Henry s last step, so long 
dreaded l by the Roman Curia, towards severing the bonds 
which for a thousand years had linked England with the 
Church and the Papal authority, came the final decision in 
the Rota on the question of the divorce. If the Pope, 
hoping that the King s passion would cool down with 
time, had previously carried compliance to too great a 
length and repeatedly arrested the course of true justice, 
while also exposing himself by his imperturbable silence 
to the unjust reproaches of the English envoys, there 
was one thing still remaining which he would not 
sacrifice at any cost, namely, the sanctity of the marriage 
bond. Even at the risk of losing England to the 
Church he withstood the tyrannical king on this point 
from the consciousness of a higher duty. After long and 
thorough deliberation 2 Clement, on the 24th of March 
1534, pronounced in secret Consistory the final sentence, 3 
in which the marriage with Catherine was declared valid 
and lawful and the King bound in duty again to receive 
and honour the unhappy woman as his wife. As a 
rejoinder thereto Henry VIII. and Thomas Cromwell 
now proceeded to carry out without scruple the recent 
Parliamentary enactments. 4 Those who, like Sir Thomas 

1 Cf, the **reports of F. Peregrine of November 30 and December 
16, 1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 Besides EHSES, Dokumente, 214 seq.^ and 228, cf. also the 
"^reports of F. Peregrino of January 10 and March 22, 1534, 
in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and **those of Andreasius of 
January 14, February 6, 14, 24, and 27, 1534, in State Archives, 

3 In EHSES, loc. cit., 215 seq. ; less accurately in POCOCK, II., 532 
seq. Cf. BROSCH, VI., 278. A printed copy of the Sententia diffini- 
tiva in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, as a supplement to F. Peregrino s 
* report of May 10, 1534. 

4 BROSCH, VI., 278 seq. 


More and Bishop Fisher of Rochester, 1 refused the new 
oath of the Royal succession, containing by tacit implication 
a recognition of the King s supremacy over the Church, 
fell victims to the tyrant s wrath. The severity of Henry s 
action surprised his people, who had not anticipated so 
extreme a crisis, and in a credulous optimism had hoped 
that the storm would soon pass over. 2 In addition there 
was the unfortunate circumstance that the exceptional 
position long held by Wolsey as Chancellor and Legate 
had habituated men s minds to the combination in 
one person of the highest temporal and spiritual 
power. 3 

The boundless pusillanimity of the majority of the 
clergy was fatal. The full significance was now made 
clear of the principle of the supreme authority of the 
English Crown in matters spiritual which was involved in 
the so-called statute of Praemunire passed as long ago 
as 1365. If so learned a man as Thomas More held 
erroneous and perverted views on the Primacy 4 until 
closer study brought him to the light, we can measure 
the extent to which such views were current among 
the majority of Englishmen. The oppressive measures 
of Henry, unflinchingly carried out, did the rest. When, 
in the summer of 1534, the oath was tendered to the 
whole of the secular and regular clergy, abjuring the 
Papal and acknowledging the Royal supremacy over the 
Church, almost all Submitted. The Observants of the 
Franciscan Order were conspicuous in their resistance, but 
among the secular clergy the threat of the confiscation 

1 Cf. BRIDGETT, 277 seqq. 

2 Cf. CAMM, Lives of the English Martyrs, I., London, 1904, Introd. 

3 Cf. MARTIN, 87. 

4 Cf. CAMM, I., 194, and ZIMMERMANN in Wissenschaftl. Beilage 
zur Germania, 1906, n. 6. 


of their benefices had for the most part the desired 
effect. 1 

When Clement VII. died on the 25th of September 1534, 
the English schism had become an accomplished fact. 2 
The Parliament and most of the clergy were in complete 
subjection to the King, who now held the temporal and 
spiritual authority combined, and had raised his mistress to 
the throne. If Henry, in dragging down the English Church 
to a state of schism in an outburst of despotic caprice and 
adulterous passion, had not at first thought of more inward 
revolutions in faith and worship, yet assuredly it was only 
a matter of time that by the further exercise of the arbitrary 
power of the sovereign, that Church should be transformed 
into a community based on principles of Protestantism. 

1 Cf. BROSCH, VI., 278 seq. ; GASQUET, I., 130 seq. 

2 Henry VIII. is said to have remarked on hearing of Clement s 
death : " Whoever is elected Pope, I will take no more notice of him 
than of any priest in my kingdom." BROSCH, VI., 282. 



THE separation of the Scandinavian kingdoms from the 
centre of Christian unity had a close affinity with the 
same movement in England. In the former case as in 
the latter the momentous change originated with and was 
accomplished by the despotic authority of the Crown. 
One feature, however, differentiated the two ; while Henry 
VIII. was an opponent of the teaching of Luther, the 
latter was encouraged by all the means in their power by 
Frederick I. of Denmark and Gustavus Wasa of Sweden. 

That the overthrow of the ancient Church among the 
vigorous peoples of the Scandinavian kingdoms was 
carried out in a comparatively short space of time is more 
easily understood if we reflect that Christianity was of 
late growth in those regions and that, lying at the further 
most bounds of the sphere of Papal authority, they felt but 
feebly the influence of the Holy See. Other circumstances 
leading up to an apostasy and making it easier were the 
secular lives of so many of the clergy, the great riches of 
the Church exciting the covetousness of needy kings, and 
last, but not least, the deep implication of the episcopate 
in political affairs. 1 

In order to ward off the dangers threatening the 

1 Cf. V. SCHUBERT in the Zeitschr. fiir schleswig-holstein. Gesch., 
XXIV., 104 seq., and SCHAFER, IV., 136, 138. 



Catholic religion, the bishops of Denmark had inserted 
in the capitulation on the election of the new King, 
formerly Duke Frederick of Holstein, not merely a 
promise to protect " Holy Church and her servants," but 
also the express stipulation never to permit a "heretic, 
whether a follower of Luther or others, to spread his 
teaching privately or publicly" in his kingdom. The 
capitulation of the 3rd of August 1523 established further 
that only Danish nobles were to be appointed to 
bishoprics, only Danish subjects to benefices, and that 
no foreigner thus not even the Pope should dare 
take proceedings against Danish prelates, or pronounce 
any decision in Rome in connection with the Danish 
episcopate on any ecclesiastical matter. These decrees 
can only be partially explained and excused on the 
ground of the abuses in the Roman Curia, but they shot 
far beyond the mark ; indeed, they opened the road to a 
Danish National Church on the lines of the Gallican, 1 
and that at a moment when it was of vital importance 
that the ties of Church unity should not be relaxed 
From this time onwards the spirituality were compelled, 
in their opposition to the Protestant teaching already 
permeating Denmark, to seek their only support in the 
nobles and the Crown. That no reliance could be placed 
on either was, only too quickly, to be shown. 

As soon as King Frederick I. felt himself secure on his 
throne, he began with great caution and shrewd calculation 
to take steps prejudicial to the Church. He broke his 
oath and gave assistance to the Protestant movement ; 
on the 23rd of October 1526 he appointed as his 
chaplain 2 Hans Tausen, a Knight. Hospitaller who had 

1 See PALUDAN-MULLER, 515. For Clement s foresight with regard 
to Denmark cf. MARTIN, Gustave Vasa, 191 seq. 

2 Cf. RON, J. Tausens Liv, Kopenhagen, 1757 ; SCHAFER, IV., 134 
VOL. X. 19 


broken his vows. At the Diet at Odense in November of 
the same year he demanded that the fees on presentation 
to livings paid to the Papal treasury, as well as the annates, 
should in future be spent on the defences of the kingdom. 
The Royal Council agreed, and, as it seems, the Bishops 
also, who hoped to save the main position by making 
concessions. Their endeavours to win over the nobility 
through a "questionable servility" to take part against 
Luther s "unchristian teaching" also came to nothing, and 
all further compliance proved useless. 1 The King ex 
tended his protection to the Protestants in an increasing 
degree, tolerated their violence towards Catholics, and 
filled vacant sees with creatures of his own, who were 
neither consecrated, nor acknowledged by the Pope. At 
the Diet at Copenhagen in 1530 upwards of one-and- 
twenty Lutheran preachers appeared and presented as 
their Confession of Faith forty-three articles containing 
passionate and injurious attacks on Catholics. 2 The 
Catholic prelates, who were accompanied by their ablest 
theologians, in particular by the Carmelite Paulus Helia, 3 a 
noted disputant, raised bitter complaints of their unjust 

seq. ; SCHMITT, Der danische Luther, in the Hist.-pol. Bl., CXIV., 
629 seq. ; J. Tausen, by the same, Koln, 1894, and Sthyr s Theologisk 
Tidskrift, VII. 

1 SCHAFER (IV., 138) says: "It leaves a sorrowful impression to 
trace in detail the helplessness and defencelessness of the Danish 
clergy, oppressed on every side and curtailed of their rights, retreating 
step by step, always hoping that the surrender of untenable positions 
would at least secure the safety of essentials, while the enemy, cheered 
by success but never satisfied, kept up their relentless pursuit." 

2 See PONTOPPIDAN, Annal., II., 836 seq. ; MiJNTER, Kirchengesch. 
von Danemark, III., 308 ; SCHAFER, IV., 163. 

3 See L. SCHMITT, Der Karmeliter P. Helia, Freiburg i. Br., 1893. 
Cf. also his Verteidigung der katholischen Kirche in Danemark gegen 
die Religionsneuerung in 16 Jahrhundert, Paderborn, 1899. 


treatment. They appealed to the election capitulation, and 
demanded the suppression of the Protestant movement. 
It was all in vain. Frederick I. came forward openly on 
the side of the Lutheran preachers and declared that 
throughout the kingdom " he who had grace " should have 
permission to teach. 

Under cover of the King s favours the Protestants in 
Copenhagen and other places took possession by force 
of churches and convents l A further impetus was given 
to the Lutheran cause by the unsuccessful attempt of 
Christian II., 2 who had ostensibly become reconciled to the 
Church, to recover his kingdom. After the death of 
Frederick I. (loth of April 1533) an interregnum ensued 
in the hands of the nobles and bishops, who deferred 
the election of a new king. While this lasted the 
majority in the Royal Council who were still Catholic 
tried to restore the Church to her ancient rights, but the 
attempt was a complete failure from the beginning, for the 
higher clergy thought more of power and property than 
of the old faith. Although the recess of the Diet in June 
1533 afforded legitimate opportunity for strenuous action 
against the preachers, the bishops showed no energy. 
Therefore the Lutheran agitation, even if not quite 
openly, was able to pursue its course. 3 

Almost at the same time as Denmark, Sweden was 
torn from the Catholic Church. Here also the decisive 
steps were taken by the Crown ; Gustavus Wasa knew 
that the introduction of Lutheran teaching was the surest 

1 Cf. SCHAFER, IV., 169 seq. 

2 Cf. LAEMMER, Mon. Vatic., 35; Rom. Quartalschr., XVII., 391 ; 
RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 58 seq.\ SCHAFER, IV., 172 seq.; MARTIN, 
427 seq. 

3 Cf. SCHAFER, IV., 212 seq., and SCHMITT, in Hist.-pol. Bl., CVI., 
660 seq. 


method of breaking down the power of the bishops and 
improving his scanty revenues from Church property. 1 
Although Clement VII. showed a very conciliatory spirit, 
and at the end of 1525 confirmed Johann Magni in 
the administration of the Archbishopric of Upsala 2 until 
the affair of Trolle should be settled, the King gave 
powerful support to everyone who showed hostility to 
Catholicism ; members of religious orders especially who 
were disloyal to their vows could be sure of his protection. 
At the same time, on the plea of the " revolutionary axiom 
that necessity knows no law, human or divine," he set to 
work, by a system of open spoliation, to destroy the 
material foundations of the ancient Church. 3 

It was a circumstance of great advantage to the King 
that five sees (Upsala, Strengnas, Vesteras, Skara, and 
Abo) were uncanonically occupied and that Bishop 
Ingemar of Vexjo was aged and compliant, so that the 
noted Bishop Johann Brask of Linkoping, " the cleverest 
and most learned Swede of his day and the truest friend 
of his country," stood alone. 4 Yet the majority of the 

1 " 

The King," says WEIDLING (156), "made his compact with the 
reformation with the intention of pocketing the pecuniary results, 
and, with the acute perception of the practical man, saw that a 
reformation in Luther s sense gave him the means of breaking up 
the hierarchy and appropriating their riches to himself. How well 
Gustavus understood how to look after his own advantages is best 
proved by the circumstance that at the end of his reign 12,000 former 
Church properties had passed into the Royal treasury." Allgem. 
Zeitung, 1893, Suppl., 29. 

2 Cf. MARTIN, Gustave Vasa, 300. 

3 See WEIDLING, i$oseg. t 152 seq., 162 seq. ; GEIGER (II., 42) says 
that Gustavus Wasa, in introducing the new doctrines, acted with a 
characteristic mixture of cunning pliancy and audacity ; cf. ibid.^ 
45 seq. 

4 GEIGER, II., 49. 54- 


nation, especially the country folk, held fast to their old 
faith. The brave and stubborn inhabitants of the province 
of Dalekarlien, with whose help Gustavus Wasa had once 
gained his victory over the Danes, were, in particular, roused 
to serious revolt. Their uprising was fanned by former 
favourites of Gustavus who had quarrelled with him : the 
deposed Bishop Peter Sunnanvader of Vesteras and his 
capitular provost Knut. The poverty and suffering among 
the people was a punishment, they declared, for the conduct 
of the King, who although, on his election, he had sworn 
to defend the Church, was now despoiling churches and 
convents, priests and monks, and carrying off monstrances 
and chalices and shrines of saints. 1 

Gustavus Wasa, however, knew well how to get the upper 
hand of the movement in Dalekarlien ; judicious leniency 
and promises of money quelled the rebellion ; Sunnanvader 
and Knut fled to Norway. Yet the King only displayed 
greater ruthlessness towards the property of the Church, 
and the truly catholic Johann Magni he got rid of by 
sending him on an embassy to Poland and Russia. 2 

On the I9th of September 1526 Clement VII. addressed 
the Bishops of Linkoping and Vesteras. He complained 
that the Swedish clergy took wives, changed the ritual of 
the Mass, gave Communion in both kinds, and neglected 
Extreme Unction ; he ordered the bishops to invoke the 
aid of the secular arm, and adjured his beloved son 
Gustavus and the nobles of Sweden to take up the cause 
of the endangered faith. 3 That the Pope even now con 
tinued to hope in Wasa shows strikingly how insufficiently 
they were informed at Rome as to the true state of things 
in the north. By the next year all illusions on the subject 

1 WEIDLING, 164 seq. 

2 Ibid., 173 seg., 179 seq. ; MARTIN, 308 seq. 

3 RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 128 ; MARTIN, 325 seq. 


of the Swedish King s position were at an end. The 
conflict between the Pope and Emperor had entered on 
its most acute phase when Gustavus broke away. On 
this occasion as on others he had grasped, with the 
intuition of genius, the appropriate moment to choose. 
With no less skill he knew how to turn opinion against 
Clement VII. 1 

At this time the Swedish Catholics were completely 
cowed. Under letters of safe-conduct Gustavus had 
enticed into Sweden the two leaders of the Dalekarlian 
rising : first Knut and afterwards Sunnanvader as well. 
As soon as they were there he gave them over to the 
harshest insults and later ordered their execution. 2 While 
the impression made by these vindictively penal measures 
against two great ecclesiastics was still fresh, the separation 
of Sweden from Rome ensued by means of the coup rfetat 
of the Diet of Vesteras in June 1527. Before the assembly 
had yet opened the bishops drew up a protest against the 
threatened persecution of the Church ; but none had the 
courage to present it ! In the Diet itself, the Bishop of 
Linkoping, Johann Brask, alone at first had the spirit to 
speak out against the proposals of the King ; without the 
Pope s assent he could not agree to alterations in doctrine 
and the existing condition of the Church. After the leader 
of the nobles had spoken in the same sense, the King 
announced with tears that he must abdicate the crown 
and leave the country he had freed from Danish servitude 
to its fate. This " brilliant piece of acting " did not fail 
of its efTect. As the Bishop-elect of Strengnas, Magnus 
Sommar, weakly counselled compliance, and the nobles saw 
a vision opening before them of a share in the plunder of 
the Church, the acceptance of the King s demands was 

1 Cf. MARTIN, 345. 

2 GEIGER, II., 53 ; WEIDLING, 196 seq. ; MARTIN, 250 seq. 


not withheld. Accordingly the Crown took free possession 
of the appointment to bishoprics, chapters, and convents, 
with the disposition of their revenues. "The pure word 
and Gospel of God " was also to be preached within the 
realm ; the nobility were empowered to demand back gifts 
made by their predecessors since 1454, and the bishops 
declared in a special decree that " they rejoiced to leave 
their riches or their poverty to the King s will." 1 By a 
special enactment the Church in Sweden was thus at once 
made dependent in every respect on the will of the 
sovereign. The first step that followed was a great 
spoliation of churches and convents in which the victims 
were specially enjoined to submit to secularization " without 
making much fuss." Bishop Brask went into exile, and 
on the /th of November 1527 Gustavus instructed the 
Bishop-elect of Strengnas that, as the common people 
would not be contented with unconsecrated bishops, he 
might take steps for his early consecration, although the 
rite in itself was not necessary. 2 Thereupon the above- 
named, together with two others, had himself consecrated 
by Bishop Magni of Vesteras on the 5th of January 1528. 
Magni had given his consent to this schismatical act on 
receiving a written promise from the consecrandi that they 
would afterwards seek confirmation from Rome. 3 Naturally 
the matter was never heard of again. In February 1529 
a " National Council " held at Orebro agreed to the reten 
tion of many Catholic externals in order to deceive the 
people, the majority of whom were averse to a change of 
faith. Nevertheless, the people on the whole refused to 

1 GEIGER, II., 66 seq. ; WEIDLING, 201 seq. ; MARTIN, 351 seq. 

2 Gustav d. Forstes Registratur, IV., 368. 

3 MARTIN, 378. The validity of Swedish orders is challenged in 
Mem. hist, sur la pr6tendue succession apost. en Suede, par Msgr. 
DE FORTEMPS DE WARRIMONT, 2nd ed., Liege, 1854. 


be deceived. In many provinces, especially in Smaland, 
East and West Gothland, and also in Dalekarlien, risings 
occurred ; but the King, by judicious kindness in some 
cases, by merciless severity in others, was able to overcome 
such troubles. 1 

In 1531 Gustavus ordered the election to the 
Archbishopric of Upsala of Laurentius, younger brother 
of Olaus Petri. The Bishops of Vesteras and Strengnas, 
who at heart were still Catholics, drew up a protest against 
it. Indeed, even the Bishops of Skara and Vexjo declared 
that they only consented because otherwise they had 
nothing to expect but imprisonment and the ruin of their 
churches a clear evidence that Lutheranism had not sunk 
deep into the Swedish clergy. 2 Still, the opposition of the 
Catholic-minded clergy could only be expressed in private. 3 
For their overthrow the Swedish clergy were not free 
from responsibility. Weak-spirited servility and worldli- 
ness of life 4 made it easy for a monarch gifted intellectually 
and possessed of all the resources of an effective monarchy, 
to destroy the ancient Church and from its wealth bestow 
on the Crown a solid basis of material power. In Sweden 
as in Denmark the monarchy had of course to surrender to 
the nobility a share of the plunder of the inheritance of 
the Church ; for the great bulk of the people the social and 

1 Cf. GEIGER, II., 6gseg.; WEIDLING, 247 seqq., 283 seq.\ MARTIN, 
399 segq., 438 seq. 

2 Cf. MARTIN, 416 seqq. The recently discovered protest of the 
Bishops of Vesteras and Strengnas, in the Svensk. Hist. Tidskrift, 
1897, 61. Johann Magni, finally appointed by Clement VII. Arch 
bishop of Upsala, naturally was unable to take possession of his see ; 
see RAYNALDUS, 1532, n. 88. 

3 WEIDLING, 288. 

4 Cf. Olaus Magnus in RAYNALDUS, he. cit.\ see also GEIGER, 
II, 39- 


political consequences of the change of religion were 
highly unfavourable. 1 

The Swiss were more fortunate than the Swedes in their 
opposition to the introduction of the new teaching. The man 
who headed the Protestant movement in Switzerland, Ulrich 
Zwingli, had certainly come under Luther s influence, but in 
many respects was entirely independent of him. There 
were points of essential difference in their doctrines. This 
man, who at the same time was flinging himself into 
schemes of vast scope and of grave danger to the existence 
of the Confederation, 2 went far further than Luther, and 
in his antagonism to the Catholics was more uncom 
promising. The movement for the overthrow of the 
Catholic Church let loose in Zurich by Zwingli had spread 
itself very soon over a considerable portion of German 
Switzerland, yet Lucerne, Zug, and the three forest cantons 
Schwyz, Uri, and Unterwalden, the original nucleus of 
the Confederation, remained true to the Catholic faith. 
Clement VII. had already turned his attention to Swiss 
affairs in a Consistory held on the Hth of December 1523. 
The Swiss Nuncio Ennio Filonardi was recalled to Rome 
to make a report and receive fresh instructions. At the 
end of February 1524 Filonardi returned to his post, but 
he was obliged at first to remain at Constance, for 
the French envoys were working against him in the 
Catholic cantons; but in Zurich, now given over to 
the new teaching, the very mention of a Papal represen 
tative was scouted. 3 Clement, on his part, made the 
payment of the outstanding arrears of pay to Zurich 

1 Cf. the evidence in D6LLINGER, Kirche und Kirchen, 97 seq.> 102 

2 See GHINZONI in Boll. d. Svizz. ital., XV. (1893), and Theol. 
Zeitschrift a. d. Schweiz, XIII., 131 seq. 

3 WIRZ, Filonardi, 62-63. 


dependent on the fidelity of the canton to the Catholic 
religion. 1 

The Catholic cantons, in view of the wide dissemination 
of the new doctrine, wished a learned theologian to be 
sent them who should make head against Zwingli and at 
the same time have full powers to provide for the reforms 
to be taken in hand for the remedy of ecclesiastical evils. 
To the latter request Clement gave an evasive answer, 2 
and in February 1525 once more delegated Filonardi, a 
man who had proved himself a clever diplomatist in 
secular affairs but who, notwithstanding all his knowledge 
of the situation in Switzerland 3 was wanting in the deeper 
understanding of the ecclesiastical question. No wonder 
that his mission was a failure. 4 How little the real state of 
things was understood in Rome is shown by Clement s 
action in sending in 1526 a summons to the Government of 
Zurich to send deputies to Rome to discuss the settlement 
of questions in dispute. 5 The Curia was at that time so 
engrossed in high policy of state that it was impossible to 
bestow the necessary attention on the Church affairs of 
Switzerland. For this reason the success obtained by the 
Catholics in May 15 26 at the Disputation of Baden was 

1 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 192 seq.\ RIFFEL, III., 43 ; WIRZ, 64. 

2 The Catholic statesmen of central Switzerland but without 
success tried to take in hand the work of reform without the Pope 
and in opposition to him. Cf. ROHRER in Geschichtsfreund der fiinf 
Orte, XXXIII., 27 seq.\ OECHSLI, Das eidgenossische Glaubens- 
konkordat von 1525, in Jahrb. fiir schweiz. Gesch., XIV., 236 seqq., 
and in Anz. fiir schweiz. Gesch., XXI. (1890), 18 seq. 

3 This is emphasized by Clement VII. in the Brief in BALAN, Mon. 
saec., XVI., 78, 81, 84, 88. 

4 WIRZ, Filonardi, 66 seq., 68 seq. Cf. EHSES in Histor. Jahrb., 
XV., 469, who also refers to Acta in the Secret Archives of the 
Vatican, still left unnoticed by Wirz. 

5 See the Brief in BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 246 seg. 


never adequately followed up ; support from Rome was 
lacking ; communication with the Holy See grew less 
and less, 1 while the ecclesiastical revolution sped upon 
its way. 

Even after the settlement of Italian affairs the Pope, 
irresolute and parsimonious, did not give sufficient support 
to the champions of the Catholic cause in Switzerland. 
Even when Zurich laid an embargo on the transport of 
provisions to the Catholic cantons, thus conjuring up the 
outbreak of the civil war, Clement confined his assistance 
to the despatch of briefs and recommendations. Things 
reached a climax when at last he forbade the transport of 
grain and salt, and tried to rouse the Catholic princes, 
especially the Emperor, to intervene with military force. 2 
Charles V., summing up the situation coolly, refused to 
be drawn in. Although the Catholic cantons were thus 
thrown on their own resources, the wager of battle was in 
their favour. On the nth of October 1531 the men of 
Zurich were defeated at Kappel, and Zwingli, who had 
taken part in the fight in full armour, was among the slain. 
The illusions already cherished 3 by Clement VII. regard 
ing the Zurichers now acquired fresh strength ; he hoped 
that the success just gained would bring to an end the 
Swiss revolt from Rome. 4 " Now," after the Catholic 
victory, wrote Loaysa from Rome on the 24th of October 

1 It at last ceased altogether ; see WlRZ, Filonardi, 70. 

2 See the Briefs in Archiv fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch., II., 16 seq. 
Cf. ESCHER, Glaubensparteien, 256, 260 seq.; WlRZ, Akten, 230 seq.\ 
HYRVOIX in the Rev. d. quest, hist, 1902, I., 499. 

3 See the flattering Brief to Zurich of May 7, 1531, in RAYNALDUS, 
1531, n. 22, and WIRZ, Bullen und Breven, 331 seq. 

4 Proof is furnished by the letter of good wishes of October 23, 1531 
(Archiv fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch., II., 17), described by HYRVOIX, 
loc. tit., as "banal." See also Albergati s ^report, dated Rome, 1531, 
November 28, in State Archives, Bologna. 


1531, "Clement will persevere in trying to persuade them 
to return and retrace their steps"; only if the other 
cantons are determined on revenge, should help, in the 
Pope s opinion, be given to the Catholic cantons. 1 

When this proved to be the case, Clement at last, on 
the 2Qth of October 1531, sent 3000 ducats to the gallant 
defenders of the Catholic cause. 2 In November, after long 
consultation, he gave orders for the enlistment of four 
thousand men, and appointed Filonardi Legate to the 
Swiss and Commissary-General of the Catholic forces. 
Further generous help would be raised by a tax on the 
Italian clergy in general ; this plan, however, was frustrated 
by the opposition of Venice, 3 and the Papal relief came 
too late, for by the 2Oth of November 1531 the five cantons 
had made peace with Zurich on very moderate conditions 
so moderate that Luther deeply deplored that "they 
had left any room in their treaty for the continuance of 
Zwinglism, and had not even condemned that error, but 
allowed it to exist alongside of what they call their 
ancient, unquestioned faith." 4 Clement also regretted 
that the Catholics had not followed up their victory more 
completely, and expressed the hope that the unity of 
Switzerland might be restored by the return of the 

1 HEINE, Briefe, 177. 

2 See the ^letters of Girol. Gonzaga, dated Rome, 1531, October 29 
and 31, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua; *Mandati, 1531-1532, in State 
Archives, Rome ; WIRZ, Akten, 237 ; Archiv fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch., 
II., 1 8, and FONTANA, I., 477 seq. Cf. Eidgenossische Abschiede, IV., 
i b , 1305 ; ESCHER, 295 ; HYRVOIX, loc. cit., 500. 

3 Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 557; LV., 126, 195, 241, 338 ; HEINE, Briefe, 
180 seq., 199; ^letter of F. Peregrino, November 19, 1531 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua), in Appendix, No. 22; WIRZ, Akten, 243 seq.\ 
Geschichtsfreund der fiinf Orte, XII., 226; BROSCH, I., 125, note 2; 
WIRZ, Filonardi, 75 ; ESCHER, 304. 

4 DE WETTE, IV., 349. 


separated members to the Church. 1 What took place 
in the latter respect was greatly exaggerated by Filonardi. 
His despatches 2 to Rome show how his judgment on affairs 
was influenced by his optimism. 

The Swiss Catholics also overestimated the success at 
first secured in a series of places by the restoration of 
Catholic order. 3 Only gradually did the Nuncio, who had 
hoped to recall the rebellious to their obedience by means 
of friends and money, begin to realize the deeper significance 
of the movement of revolt. 4 Once more despatched to 
Switzerland in July 1532, Filonardi s reports dwelt no 
longer on the reconquest of the lapsed cantons by the 
Church ; on the other hand, his presence in the country 
proved to be of even greater utility for the religious 
strengthening of those portions which remained true to 
the faith. 5 Since he was the rallying-point for the true 
elements of the Catholic system, his recall, ordered from 
Marseilles on the i/th of October 1533, out of considera 
tion for Francis I., was a measure bound to do harm to 
the interests of that system in Switzerland. 6 

If the Swiss Catholics did not make as good a use of 
their victory as they might have done, this was due, in great 
part, to the envoys of Francis I., who, in pursuit of their 
master s policy of conquest, encouraged the religious 

1 Brief of December 10, 1531, in Archiv fur schweiz. Ref.-Gesch., 
II., iZseq. 

2 See Acta Consist, in WiRZ, Akten, 250. 

3 SANUTO, LV., 378. 

4 See Relatio V. N. Joannis Basadone, in RANKE, Deutsche Gesch., 
III., 6th ed., 265. Cf. SANUTO, LV., 377. 

5 WiRZ, Filonardi, 80, 91. 

6 HYRVOIX, loc. cit., 533. Out of consideration for the Emperor, 
Clement VII. withdrew the recall later on, but Filonardi refused to 
remain; see Nuntiaturberichte, I., 160, 182. 


dissensions of Switzerland as well as those of Germany. 1 
In his own country, in which Luther s followers had 
already begun to be active, 2 although at first only within a 
narrow circle, the King s attitude from the beginning had 
been an undecided one. As a man " in whom an insatiable 
love of pleasure was joined with a thoroughly Gallic 
frivolity," Francis was entirely wanting in that genuine 
catholicity of feeling which animated his rival Charles V. 
The King s sister, Marguerite of Angouleme, was in open 
sympathy with the reformers. The French Catholics had 
strong support in the Parliament and the Sorbonne ; the 
latter had immediately declared against Luther, 3 and, not 
withstanding an attitude by no means friendly to the 
Papacy, was stoutly opposed to the Protestant doctrine. 
Also the Chancellor Du Prat, since 1525 Archbishop 
of Sens, and the Grand Master of France, Anne de 
Montmorency, stood firm for Catholic interests. 4 The 
captivity of Francis I. appeared to earnest Catholics to be 
a punishment for his previous negligence regarding the 
heretics. The Queen Regent now associated herself with 
the Pope in taking penal measures, and the Parliament took 
several steps against the reformers, two of whom were 
executed. 5 In December 1527 the clergy demanded, in 
return for their financial support of the King, among 
other things, the "destruction of the Lutheran sect," to 

1 Cf. HYRVOIX, loc. cit., 521. 

2 Besides SOLDAN, I., 85 seq.^ cf. STHYR, Reformationens forbere- 
delse og begyndelse i Frankrig indtil 1523, Kopenhagen, 1870, and 
Lutheranerne i Frankrig 1524-1526, Kopenhagen, 1879. See also 
FRAIKIN, 397 seq., 428 seq. 

3 See our remarks, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 39. 

4 See DECRUE, 217 ; HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 627 seq. 

5 See BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 344 seq., cf. 146 seg.; SOLDAN, I., 
104 seq.} HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 629; Mel. d Archeol., XII., 
316 seq. 


which Francis had to agree. 1 In several provincial synods, 
to the satisfaction of Clement VII., measures were taken 
for the reform of ecclesiastical evils and the punishment of 
the new teachers. 2 The latter injured their cause seriously 
by seizing, on a night in May 1528, in Paris, a picture of 
Our Lady and the Infant Christ, and throwing it in the 
mud. The Catholic feeling of the populace was aroused 
by this impiety to such a degree that even Francis I. 
found it advisable to take part in the procession of 
reparation which followed. 3 As the total defeat of the 
French army in Naples in August 1528 forced the King 
to seek the friendship of the Pope, the Government com 
pletely threw over the Protestant party. The Lutheran, 
Louis de Becquin, who had on two occasions been pro 
tected by Francis (1523 and 1526), was now condemned 
and executed (April I529). 4 

That Francis I., in questions of religion, was governed 
by motives of political expediency only, is proved by his 
alliance in 1531 with the German Protestants, whose 
support seemed to him valuable since they were a source 
of weakness in the Emperor s dominions. It is worth 
noting in this connection that immediately after his meet 
ing with the Head of the Church at Marseilles, Francis 
engaged in a conference with the most enterprising of all 
the leaders of Protestantism in Germany, Philip of Hesse. 5 

1 *Letter of Cardinal Salviati, December 28, 1527, Nunziatura di 
Francia, I., f. 127 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 629^.; Mel. d Archeol., XII., 

3 See the ^letter of Cardinal Salviati, June 16, 1528, loc. cit. (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican), and the Brief in RAYNALDUS, 1528, n. 80. 

4 Cf. ROLLAND in Mel. d Archeol., XII., 314 seq., 324 seq. For the 
severe proceedings against Lutherans in Toulouse in June 1532, see 
SANUTO, LVL, 527. 

6 SOLDAN, I., 124, 127. 


On his way back from Marseilles, where Clement VII. 
had issued a Bull against the French Lutherans, 1 he sent 
written instructions to the Archbishop of Paris to take 
proceedings against heresy in the capital. 2 But six 
months later the King s Councillor, Guillaume du Bellay, 
was opening up negotiations with Melanchthon to bring 
about an agreement on the religious question. 3 Du Bellay 
gave the German Protestants to understand that Francis 
was inclined to approve of the Lutheran doctrine and 
prepared to enter into an alliance for the protection of 
that sect from the attacks of the Emperor. 4 

Such was the position of things in the spring of 1534, 
when Clement VII., who with an eye to the spread of 
heresy in France had sharply prohibited 5 preaching with 
out episcopal permission, died. The attitude of the French 
Kino- was more than doubtful, while the Sorbonne con- 


tinued as before to maintain a strongly Catholic position. 6 
At this juncture two circumstances combined to the 
advantage of the Catholic cause ; the Church, bound up 
with the greatest traditions of the French nation, was dear 
to the bulk of the population ; an opposition between the 

1 *Bull, dated Marseille, IV. Id. Nov. (November 10) 1533, in 
National Archives, Paris, L. 333, 13. 

2 Letter of December 10, 1533, in Bull, de la Soc. de 1 hist. des 
protest, frang., I., 436. 

3 Cf. SCHMIDT in the Zeitschr. fur histor. Theolog., XX., 25 seq. ; 
SCHMIDT, Melanchthon, 268 seq., and HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 
877 seq. 

4 Cf. LANZ, II., 144 

5 *Bull, dat. Rome Id. Febr. (13 Februar) 1534, in National Archives, 
Paris, L. 333, 15. 

6 How strong was the opposition of the Sorbonne not merely to 
every sign of Lutheranism but to the writings of Erasmus is shown by 
DELISLE, Notice sur un registre des proces-verbaux de la fac. de 
Theol. de Paris 1505-1533 (Notices et Extr. des MSS. de la Bibl. Nat, 
XXXVI.), Paris, 1899. 


people and the clergy, such as was to be found in many 
places in Germany, did not exist. 1 Another factor of not 
less importance was the absence, owing to the Concordat, 
of any temptation for the Crown to lay hands on Church 
property ; on the contrary, it was to the advantage of the 
monarchy that the status quo should be maintained in France. 
Like France, Italy did not escape the impact of the new 
teaching ; but in the latter country there were almost 
insuperable impediments to a widespread diffusion of the 
Protestant doctrine. In the first place, throughout the 
length and breadth of the Italian people there existed, in 
spite of all ecclesiastical abuses, a great body of traditional 
religious feeling of a genuine Catholic character. 2 This 
raised a barrier against any defection on a large scale from 
the Church of the past ages. In no other country in 
Europe, with the exception of Spain, had the Catholic 
faith struck deeper roots and knit itself more completely 
into the fibres of national life. The manifold development 
of Christian beneficence and, not less, the magnificent 
creations of art, bore witness to the living energy of this 
Catholic force. 3 The genuine Catholic instinct, resident 
in all classes of the Italian people, taught them to dis 
tinguish, with precision, between persons and things. 4 
Therefore the dangerous feeling of hostility to the 
secularized Papacy was kept within strict limits and in all 
matters of importance was limited to the middle and higher 
ranks of society. Yet the latter were influenced by material 
and national points of view which made any idea of a 
breach with the Holy See abortive. The Italian saw with 
pride that Italy comprised the central point of Christendom 

1 Cf. MARCKS, Coligny, I., 268 seq. 

2 Our remarks, Vol. V. of this work, pp. n seq., 21 seqq., 89 seqq. 

3 Cf. ibid., pp. 59 seqq., 67 seqq. 

4 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, pp. 181-182. 

VOL. X. 20 


together with the highest civilization in art and learning, 
and thus acquired the sure position of leader among all 
the countries of the West. Again, there were the countless 
but very tangible advantages, especially to the middle and 
higher classes, accruing from the fact that the " magisterium " 
of the Church was wielded on Italian soil. Granted that 
indignation at the secularization of the Papacy was some 
times acute, a sober consideration of actual facts brought 
men back to the conviction that the general interest lay 
not in the destruction but in the maintenance of the Holy 
See. Again, the Pope and the deeply Catholic-minded 
Emperor possessed a political power in Italy which made 
any support of Lutheranism by the minor principalities of 
the peninsula a sheer impossibility. Lastly, it was a point 
of vital importance that Clement VII. was thoroughly 
informed on Italian affairs and was therefore in a position 
to intervene in them with success. 

The first intrusion of Lutheran views began, naturally 
enough, in upper Italy, where communication with Germany 
and Switzerland was always active. A constant stream 
of travellers, drawn mainly from the mercantile and student 
classes, passed to and fro and very early brought 
Lutheran notions and Lutheran writings into these locali 
ties. As early as 1519 and up to 1520 Luther s writings 
were sold not only in Venice but also in Pavia and even in 
Bologna, 1 and in the spring of 1520 a monk named Andrea 
da Ferrara, who followed Luther s doctrine, preached 
sermons in Venice; 2 a similar preacher in Milan was 

1 Cf. BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 2, where read 1519 for 1518. 
There is a very complete bibliography of the history of the Reformation 
in Italy in HERZOG, Realencyklopadie, IX., 3rd ed., 524 seq. ; cf. also 
BENRATH, Uber die quellen der ital. Ref.-Gesch., Bonn, 1876. 

2 For Andrea cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 41, note, where the 
literature is given. 


mentioned in despatches in the following year. 1 Leo X., 
as well as the Patriarch of Venice, was not slow in taking 
preventive measures corresponding to the occasion. 2 Nor 
was Clement VII. deficient in vigilance; on the 24th of 
January 1524 he urged on the Nuncios at Venice and 
Naples that the decrees of the Lateran Council concern 
ing preachers and printers should be observed. 3 At 
the same time the Pope took measures against those 
who were suspected of heresy in Mirandola, Padua, and 
Naples. 4 

Not merely Luther s views but the far more advanced 
tenets of Zwingli found early acceptance in Italy. Letters 
of the Augustinian Egidio della Porta of Como prove that 
he and some of his associates were prepared in 1525 
to quit Italy and throw in their lot with Zwingli. 5 In 
November 1526 Clement VII. instructed the Chapter of 
Sitten, and in January 1527 the Minorite, Tommaso Illyrico, 
to take proceedings against the Lutherans in Savoy. 6 A 
Papal Bull of July 1528 ordered the Bishop and Inquisitor 
of Brescia to support the gratifying activity of the citizens 
of that city against Lutheranism, and in particular to 
pronounce judgment on the Carmelite Giambattista 
Pallavicini, who in the preceding Lent had proclaimed 
Lutheran doctrines from the pulpit. 7 In Bergamo the 

1 See the epigramm of 1521, in SCHELHORN, Amoenit., II., 624. Cf. 
also Arch. Stor. Lombard., VI., 480. 

2 BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 2 seq. 

3 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 76 seq., 80 seq. 

4 Ibid., 78 seq., 85 seq., 87 seq. 

3 See HOTTINGER, Hist. Eccl. Saec. XVI., VI., 2, 611 ; M CRIE, 
History of the Reformation in Italy, 38 seq. ; CHRISTOFFEL, H. Zwingli, 
Elberfeld, 1857, 179 seq. 

6 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 96-101 (read here 1527, not 1547). 

1 Bull. VI., 115 seq. Pallavicini, who also caused scandal in Chieri 
(Arch Stor. Ital., 3rd Series, XXIII., 442 seq.\ laid before the Pope in 


excellent Bishop Pietro Lippomano had been busy 
since 1527 in preventing the spread of Lutheran 
writings smuggled in from Switzerland. 1 On the 27th 
of August 1528 Clement addressed from Viterbo a 
circular letter to the bishops of Italy exhorting them 
as good pastors of the flock of Christ to suppress the 
heresy now beginning to penetrate the fold ; the 
penitent were to be treated graciously, but the obsti 
nate punished severely with the help of the secular 
power. 2 

The decree sent by Clement VII. from Bologna on the 
1 5th of January 1530 to the General of the Dominicans, 
Paolo Butigella, inquisitor in Modena and Ferrara, had 
also a general character. In it the Pope dwelt on the 
spread of Lutheran error among clergy and laity in 
various parts of Italy, so that some by speeches, some 
even by sermons in church, were trying to turn away 
the faithful in Christ from their obedience to the Church. 
The Arian heresy, at first merely a spark, had, because 
unsuppressed, become a conflagration embracing the 
whole world ; he wished therefore to take measures in 
time. Butigella and all inquisitors of his order were 
therefore exhorted to act vigorously against Luther s 
adherents ; at the same time full powers were given for 
the reconciliation of the penitent as well as spiritual graces 
for the associations founded by the inquisitors for the 
prevention of erroneous teaching. 3 Besides these general 
directions special orders were also sent in individual 

a ^letter dated Turin, 1529, June 8, a penitent statement of his errors 
(Lett. d. princ., VI., 47, Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

1 Cf. UCCELLI, Deir Eresia in Bergamo, in La Scuola Catt., Milano, 


2 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 103. 

3 RAYNALDUS, 1530, n. 51 seq. Cf. GIORDANI, 68, and App. 46. 


instances, and these especially concerned the Duchy of 
Savoy and the Venetian Republic. 

The propagation of Lutheran views in the Duchy of 
Savoy was another outcome of the proximity of Switzer 
land. Clement VII. called on the inquisitors, the 
bishops, the Nuncio, and before all the Duke Charles III., 
to take measures. 1 Charles viewed the whole situation 
from a purely political point of view. The outbreak 
of Protestant tendencies in Geneva was very advan 
tageous to him, as he was now able to invest his 
long-standing dispute with that city with a religious 
character. 2 His reports to Clement of the state of 
things in Geneva were so bad that the Pope, in his in 
creased anxiety, placed at his disposal a portion of the 
Church revenues for the subjection of the city. 3 Clement 
was not aware that Charles had greatly exaggerated the 
danger to Catholicism in Geneva, nor had he perceived 
that the Duke, working only in his own interest, was 
rendering a sorry service to the Church by mixing up the 
political question of Genevan independence with that of 
the religious innovations. 4 The Pope only saw in the 
Duchy of Savoy a strong bulwark against the intrusion of 
Protestantism into Italy, and therefore issued exhortations 
in all directions to give support to Charles III. 6 

While Clement VII. was alarmed at the introduction 
of Protestant views into the west of upper Italy, their 

1 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 104, 109, no. 

2 KAMPSCHULTE, Calvin, I., 100. 

3 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 105 seq. Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1531, n. 21. 

4 KAMPSCHULTE, Calvin, I., 101. Cf. ibid., 107 seq., for the bad 
results of Clement s declaration of the general Jubilee Indulgence, 
"unwarned by the experience of his predecessor," in Geneva in 1532. 

5 RAYNALDUS, 1531, n. 23-25 ; FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 119 seq. 
Cf. REN ATA, I., 488 seq. 


influence had already become firmly established in the 
east. Notwithstanding the repeated burning of heretical 
books 1 and the sermons of Dominican preachers, 2 Luther s 
followers had increased to such an extent that at Easter 
1528 he was able to give public expression to his delight. 3 
In March 1530 the Council of Ten expressly refused to 
take action, as the Republic of Venice was a free state. 4 
The purveyors of Lutheran teaching were, in the main, 
members of religious orders who had broken their vows. 
The activity of such Protestant " brothers " was not con 
fined to Venice ; they were busy in many other places 
as well. 5 The attitude of the Venetian Government made 
the position of the Nuncio and his sympathetic predecessor 
Gian Pietro Carafa by no means an easy one. The latter, 
in October 1532, had sent the Pope a memorial which 
made the dangers of the situation clear as day. 6 Herein 
Carafa, in the plainest terms, drew the Pope s attention to 
the half-hearted fidelity of the Venetians to the ancient 
faith shown in their neglect of fasts and the confessional, 
and in their toleration of heretical teaching and heretical 

1 Cf. BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 4. See also ELZE, Gesch. 
der protest. Bewegung in Venedig, Elberfeld, 1883, 3 seq. 

2 SANUTO, XXXV., 449. 

3 DE WETTE, III., 289. 

4 SANUTO, LI 1 1., 66. 

6 See F. Negri s letter in CANTU, Eretici, III., 153, in full in the Riv. 
Cristiana, 1872, 122 seq. ; cf. BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 40 
seq. Lutheranism was spread in Padua by Michael Geismayr, the 
peasant leader who had fled from Salzburg ; see BUCHOLTZ, IX., 650. 
There is exaggeration in a *letter of Jerome Ferrus, dated Venetiis, 
1 531, VI. Cal. Dec. (November 26) : " Patavium quoque haec impridem 
invasit pestis, ut jam nemo in ea civitate litteras scire videatur qui 
Lutheranus non sit." Cod. Vatic., 3922, f. 241 (Vatican Library). 

6 There is a copy of this important document in *Caracciolo, Vita di 
Paulo IV., II., 9 (Casanatense Library). It is printed in part in 


books. The leaders of the movement were members of 
religious orders, many of whom had broken their vows 
and were roaming about. Carafa named some of them, 
disciples of a deceased Franciscan. He announced that 
the Franciscans Girolamo Galateo and Alessandro of Pieve 
di Sacco were in confinement, while their associate and 
sympathizer Bartolomeo Fonzio had fled to Augsburg. 1 
The latter had powerful friends in the Curia 2 who had 
procured for him a Papal Brief; to this Carafa opposed 
earnest remonstrances. " A heretic," he said, " must be 
treated as such ; the Pope lowers himself if he writes to 
him and flatters him or even allows graces to be procured 
for him ; it is, indeed, possible that in this or that instance 
some good result may follow, but as a rule the recipients 
of such favours are only made more obdurate and gain 
fresh adherents." He then urged the Pope to hold the 
reins more tightly on his officials and to be less generous 
in the matter of apostolic Briefs. In the cause of God s 
honour and his own responsible office he must apply 

BROMATO, I., 101 seq., 191 seq., 205 seq., and in RANKE, Papste, III., 
App., No. 29 ; given in full in Riv. Cristiana, Firenze, 1878, 281 seqq. 
but not by any means correctly. The best text is that of the authentic 
copy in the Carafa papers which I found in *Cod. Barb., lat. 5697, 
f. i- 10 (Vatican Library). BENRATH (Reformation in Venedig, 8) places 
the memorial "about 1530," which is a mistake, for A. Averoldo, who 
did not die till November i, 1531, is spoken of in the document as dead. 
The exact date I venture to establish from the credentials of the 
bearer, P. Bonaventura, Provinciale de minori osservanti (without date 
in BROMATO, I., 205); it is the 4th of October 1532. I found the 
credentials among the Carafa papers in *Cod. XIII., AA 74, n. 3, of 
the National Library, Paris. 

1 Q. for the persons mentioned, BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 
8 seq. , Riv. Cristiana, I., 18, and COMBA, I nostri Protestanti, II., 
Firenze, 1897. 

2 Pietro Carnesecchi, Clement s influential private secretary, is 
probably meant. 


himself to measures of opposition ; in times of danger 
such as the present, it is inadmissible to remain in the old 
grooves. On the outbreak of a war every day some 
new preparations for defence are called for, so also 
in the spiritual contest in which the Church is now 
engaged the Pope must be ever on the alert. His 
Holiness should provide an able inquisitor, such as was 
Martino da Treviso, and despatch a special Papal Legate 
to Venice. Since heresy, in most cases, is the product of 
erroneous writings and preaching or of evil living, the 
attack should be made in that direction. Owing to the 
apathy of the bishops and heads of religious orders 
the Pope should insist strongly on the faculties for preach 
ing and hearing confessions being exclusively confined to 
priests of blameless character. Moreover, it is absolutely 
necessary that an end should be made to the monstrous 
prevalence of vagrant monks "the apostates," as Carafa 
calls them. The Penitentiary should abstain henceforth from 
dispensing permissions to leave the cloister ; for these 
" apostates," to the incalculable scandal of religion, had 
unfortunately become masters within a wide circle of the 
cure of souls and only too often were the servants of 
heresy and men of evil life. The Pope therefore would 
do well to reserve to himself the permission to leave the 
cloister, and only grant such permission in cases of pressing 
necessity ; but to the " apostates " no pastoral charge 
should be given. Carafa, in addition, drew up a formal 
programme of reform of the secular and regular clergy, 
of which further mention will be made later on. 

As a fountain-head of heresy Carafa noted the dis 
semination of heretical writings which were sold in Venice 
without any attempt at concealment, were bought by 
many persons, clerical and lay, by whom they were read, 
sometimes in contempt of the ecclesiastical censures 


thereby incurred, and sometimes on appeal to the 
possession of the necessary permission. Such licences 
must in future be granted very rarely, while those already 
issued should be recalled. 

Clement VII. was not the man to carry out such 
stringent precautions ; in single instances, e.g. with regard 
to the sale of heretical writings, he certainly directed his 
Nuncio to take steps, 1 and also renewed some earlier 
ordinances against itinerant monks. 2 But the compre 
hensive regulations for reform called for by Carafa, 
especially in the case of the regular and secular clergy, 
came to nothing. Since in this way the sources of heresy 
were not dammed up, repressive measures, such as the 
appointment of the Augustinian Callisto da Piacenza as 
Inquisitor-General for the whole of Italy, 3 gave only a 
superficial help. Although Carafa in his struggle with 
heresy was warmly supported by Aleander, sent as Nuncio 4 
to Venice in March 1533, the situation continued to be 

Aleander s reports as Nuncio contain many complaints 
both of the corruption of the clergy and of the growth of 
heresy, now making its way in Venice even among the 
lower classes. 5 Among the preachers of Lutheran 
opinions there was a carpenter 6 who, on being brought to 
trial at the instance of Aleander, defended himself by 

1 FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 128. 

2 Ibid., 114, n. i. 

3 January 4, 1532 ; FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 127 seq. 

4 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 3, 37 seq. 

5 *Nunziatura di Venezia, I. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. 
BENRATH, Reformation in Venedig, 114 seq., 116 seq. (instead of 1523 
read 1533, instead of 1524 read 1534), and TOLOMEI, Nuziat. di Venezia, 


Cf. Aleander s **report, May 9, 1533 (State Archives, Munich). 


quoting sentences from the Bible. In October 1533 
Aleander set in motion a Papal prohibition against the 
misuse of the Pauline epistles as commented upon from 
the pulpit in Italian by some illiterate members of the 
mendicant Orders. 1 The ferment in the city was increased 
by the preaching of the Florentine, Fra Zaccaria, who 
publicly depicted in glowing colours the corruption in the 
Curia, and even spoke of the Pope in insulting terms. 
The Signoria, then on strained relations with Clement VII., 
took no steps against the offender, 2 and in the matter of 
heresy Aleander repeatedly had to complain of their 
indifference. Not until an improvement took place in the 
Pope s relations with Venice, consequent on the change in 
his political and ecclesiastical position, did an alteration 
begin. 3 The trial of the Lutheran carpenter, who had 
found many protectors, 4 now came to a close after having 
dragged on through a whole year, and ended in the 
condemnation of the accused to perpetual imprisonment. 
The same punishment befell Pietro Buonavita of Padua, 
who held Lutheran views. 5 While Aleander was occupied 
in contending with other promoters of Lutheranism, among 
them being a French glovemaker, 6 he received the news 
in June 1534 of the appearance of the new doctrines in 

1 See FONTANA, Docum. Vatic., 137 seq. Cf. Meander s *edict in 
Cod. Vatic., 3889, f. 1 7 seq. (Vatican Library). 

2 Cf. TOLOMEI, 45. 

3 See ibid.) 43 seq. Cf. BENRATH, 115. 

4 " Questo heretico mastro di legnami ha molti favori da ogni banda." 
* Aleander, May 29, 1 533 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

5 Cf. TOLOMEI, 50. Aleander s *Sententia contra Antonium fabr. 
lignarium haereticum, dat. June 2, 1 534, I found in Cod. Vatic., 3889 ; 
also f. 25 : *Articuli haereticales de quibus judicio meo magister 
Antonius Marangonus delatus convictus est per testes (Vatican 

6 Cf. Aleander s ^report, July 2, 1 534 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 


Istria. 1 In Venice itself the announcement of the success 
of the Protestants in Wiirtemberg reacted on the Govern 
ment and their zeal against the Protestants slackened. 2 

Outside Venetian territory, in the closing days of 
Clement VII., only isolated followers of the German 
teachers were to be found in Italy, 3 although writings by 
Luther and Melanchthon, in Italian translations, were 
scattered about among the people, sometimes under false 
names. 4 

1 See Meander s *report, June 28, 1534 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican), also *Cod Vatic, 3889, f 21 (Vatican Library), and Vergerio s 
letter, August 30, 1534, in the Nuntiaturberichte, I., 301 seq. 

2 See Aleander s ^report, June 20, 1534 (Secret Archives of the 

3 This was the case in 1529 in Florence, where Cerretani, as early as 
1520, had declared himself a Lutheran (see Vol. VIII. of this work, 
p. 179 seq.). For G. Buonagrazia, who was banished from Florence as a 
Lutheran on December 19, 1531, see Arch. stor. Ital., 4th Series, III., 
337 seq. For the crypto-protestant P. A. Manzolli of Ferrara see 
BURCKHARDT, Kultur, I., 7th ed., 289; II., 7 th ed., 263 seq. For 
Lutherans in Rome in Clement VII. s time see SANUTO, LIV., 284, 
as well as the evidence quoted by HYRVOIX in the Rev. d. quest, hist., 
1902, L, 497. Unfortunately authentic information in fuller detail is 
wanting. For the burning of a witch on the Capitol in September 
1525 see the account in BERTOLOTTI, Martin del libero pensiero, 
Roma, 1892, 13, and Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXIII., 33 seq. 

4 Luther s letter to the Christian nobles appeared in 1533 under the 
title : Libro de la ernendatione et correctione dil stato christiano (cf. 
BENRATH, 11 seq., u$seq.; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 166, 170; Wissen- 
schaftl. Beil. zur Germania, 1896, No. 4, 1897, No. 17), Melanchthon s 
Loci, as : I principii della teologia di Ippofilo da Terra Nigra (see Corp. 
Ref., XXXII., 654 seq.) ; cf. also M CRIE, Reformation in Italy, 37 seq. 



WHEN in December 1533 Clement VII. returned from 
Marseilles to Rome, a Milanese envoy reported that the 
Holy Father was in such good health that he looked as if 
he had only come back from an excursion to his villa on 
Monte Mario. 1 No one suspected, at that moment, that 
the life of this man of fifty-three was nearing its end. 
Least of all did it occur to the French party that all the 
far-reaching schemes interwoven with the marriage of 
Catherine de Medici were destined to come to nothing. 
On the Imperialist side this alliance had been looked upon 
with the greatest suspicion. Both before and during the 
conference at Marseilles, Vergerio, the resident Nuncio at 
the court of Ferdinand I., "had sent reports of his distrust " 2 
a distrust which grew although Clement laboured to 
counteract it. The Nuncio found his position one of in 
creasing difficulty. Little fitted for diplomacy, 3 this repre 
sentative of the Pope was surrounded by the worst feelings 
of suspicion and by bitter animosity against Clement himself. 

1 BASCHET, 296. Cf. F. Peregrine s ^report of December 12, 1533, 
in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and *that of Ant. Maria Papazzoni of 
January 10, 1534, in State Archives, Bologna. 

2 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 115 seq., 129, 132, 139, 144, 146 seq. t 
158 seq. t 176 seq., 192 seq. 

3 Cf^ Nuntiaturberichte, I., 29, and besides, Mitteilungen aus der 
historischen Literatur, XXL, 34. 


Vergerio s communications on German affairs were a 
source of grave anxiety. In the very first despatch sent 
to Rome after his arrival in Vienna he had to report the 
advance of Lutheranism and the evil plight of the Catholic 
Church in Germany. 1 The anti-Papal feeling which had 
taken possession even of circles loyal to the old faith was 
intensified by various ill-sounding rumours concerning the 
Marseilles conference. " It is my belief," he wrote on the 
1 8th of November 1533 to the Papal private secretary, 
Carnesecchi, " that here not only the Pope and Italians, 
but also the Catholic faith and Jesus Christ, have many 
enemies ; but in Rome they have no real notion how 
corrupt the minds of almost all men here have become." 2 
From Prague, whither he had followed the court, he sent 
on the 28th of December to Rome a despatch of a very 
agitating character. " Listen," he appealed to Carnesecchi, 
" to the state of the Church of Christ in this country. In 
the whole kingdom of Bohemia at this time only six 
priests have been ordained, and these are quite poor men 
to whom, on account of their necessity, I gave gratuitously 
the dispensations enabling them to receive their orders 
from any bishop. The Bishop of Passau told me that 
in his entire diocese within four years only five priests 
have been ordained. The Bishop of Laibach said that 
out of his diocese in eight years only seventeen had 
become priests. The reports of benefices standing 
empty on account of this lack of clergy are quite in 
credible. But this is not the case merely in schismatical 
Bohemia, but in the whole of Austria and the whole of 
Germany." 3 

With his reports on the existing decline of the Catholic 

1 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 84, 85, 86; cf. 88, 97, 99, 145. 

2 Ibid., I., 140. 

?> Ibid., I., 152. Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, VIII., i4th ed., 419 seq. 


faith in Germany, Vergerio combined urgent representa 
tions that efforts should be made in Rome to supply so 
many endangered souls with the needed succour ; he 
recommended especially the support of the literary 
champions who, like Eck in Bavaria, Cochlaus in Saxony, 
Nausea on the Rhine, and Faber in the Austrian patri 
monial states, were courageously defending the Catholic 
faith. 1 The behaviour of Clement in this particular matter 
is only too significant of his ecclesiastical policy. Already 
in 1530 Campeggio, and in 1532 Aleander, had called 
attention to the necessity of giving substantial help to 
these writers who were, for the most part, men of very 
slender means. 2 Cardinal Cles had discussed the matter 
personally with the Pope at Bologna and received the 
best assurances; nevertheless, by the spring of 1533 
practically nothing had been done. Cles therefore made 
serious representations to Vergerio, and the Nuncio 
himself left nothing undone to advance the matter at 
Rome. He was even ready, he said, to spend 200 ducats 
from his own pocket on these learned men, if he could 
entertain the hope of being repaid. 3 The attitude of the 
Curia also was a strange one. There was certainly no 
attempt to deny the necessity of supporting the Catholic 
men of learning, but a warning was given not to exceed 
the strictest economy in so doing, since the finances were 
in a very distressed condition ; Ferdinand I., it was 
suggested, could do something much more easily. 4 It is 
stranger still that even when the opportunity arose of 
contributing to the support of these scholars it was not 
made use of. In conformity with an evil custom of 

1 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 84, 141, 156. 

2 See LAEMMER, Mon. Vatic., 59, 99, 119. 

3 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 84, 89. 

4 Ibid., I., 120. Cf. BlRCK in the Preuss. Jahrb., LXXXV., 279. 


long-standing, rich livings continued to be given to men 
who had no need of them. Thus in October 1533 a 
man who had already an income of 4000 ducats received 
1000 ducats more in rents by the transference of some 
German benefices. Vergerio protested against this with 
justice ; such a proceeding would give occasion of fresh 
complaint to numerous enemies of the Church, and drive 
the few deserving Catholic scholars to despair in their con 
tinual supplications for benefices. 1 Nevertheless, the Curia 
withheld any adequate support. In the following spring 
Vergerio could still report that the poor Catholic scholars 
were being starved to death ; still, something might be 
done for them in Rome, for in Germany there were no 
benefices to dispose of; the few that were vacant he 
had bestowed upon them, but on account of certain 
reservations they were of no use. It was therefore 
urgently requisite that the Pope should supply them 
with support in hard cash; 2 no guarantee for such 
was given. Further, the Nuncio himself was so badly 
paid that he was not in a position to give pledges to 
any great extent. 

All this proves how lacking in earnestness Clement VII. 
was as regards duties of an essentially ecclesiastical kind, and 
at the same time it shows how greatly he underestimated 
the danger with which the Papacy was threatened from 
the side of Germany. In this he was encouraged by 
the crafty King of France, who succeeded in producing the 
impression in Rome that the leaders of the Lutheran 
cause were dependent on France, and that French media 
tion would easily bring about an agreement with them. 3 

1 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 134. 

2 Ibid., I., 184. 

3 See A. Soriano in ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 304. The report was 
also then current in Rome that Francis intended to marry two of his 


How little Clement appreciated the full significance of 
the politico-religious tendencies in Germany and how 
blindly in this respect he trusted in Francis I., is shown by 
his behaviour in a matter of g$eat moment to the existence 
of the Church in southern Germany. In the spring of 
1534 the Landgrave of Hesse, who received French 
support, began war for the restoration of the Protestant 
Duke Ulrich of Wiirtemberg to his duchy. Francis I. 
managed to conceal so cleverly from the Pope that the 
successful issue of this conflict would be the surrender of 
Wiirtemberg to Protestantism that Clement looked upon 
the Landgrave s whole enterprise as merely a counter-stroke 
to the private interests of the Hapsburgs, involving no 
danger to the Church. 1 The Ambassadors of Ferdinand I. 
sought in vain to turn him from this erroneous view, and in 
vain appealed to him for help. Clement assured them of 
his sympathy, but excused himself on the score of his 
exhausted treasury. The war, the Pope considered, misled 
by French misrepresentations, 2 was a personal contest in 
which he could not interfere unless the Landgrave did 
something against the Catholics ; also, without the consent 
of the Sacred College, no such support as he was called 
upon to give would be possible. 3 But among the Cardinals 

daughters to Protestant German princes and thereby convert them 
to Catholicism; see the ^letter of F. Peregrino of February 28, 1534 
(in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), who certainly had reasonable doubts 
on the matter. 

1 Cf. SUGENHEIM, Frankreichs Einfluss auf Deutschland, I., 57 seq. 
RANKE (Deutsche Gesch., III., 6th ed., 332, n.) supposes that 
Francis I. had given his word to the Pope that the Landgrave s 
enterprise would not entail any consequences to the Church. 

2 See HEYD, Ulrich von Wiirtemberg, Tubingen, 1841, II., 490- 

3 See Sanchez report of June 15 (not July), 1534, in BUCHOLTZ, IX., 
247 seq. 


Francis had secured a certain majority by means of liberal 
pensions, 1 thus preventing any help being given to 
Ferdinand. 2 

Accordingly, in a Brief o^ the i6th of June 1534, any 
support of Ferdinand was flatly refused. 3 This inexcus 
able conduct called forth not merely at the courts of 
Charles and his brother, but also among the most loyal 
adherents of Rome in Germany, strong expressions of 
disapproval. 4 Finally came Clement s behaviour in the 
question of the Council. In accordance with the engage 
ments made at Marseilles the Pope had already, in March 
1534, officially declared his determination to defer, until a 
more propitious and peaceable season, the Council 
announced in the previous year. 5 In a letter from Duke 
George of Saxony to Vergerio the clearest expression 
is given to the bitterness aroused in the German Catholics 
at this fresh postponement by the Pope, under the 
influence of fear and his French sympathies. In this 
document the most Catholic of all the Catholic princes 
of Germany complains with vehemence that the Pope, 
in the question of the Council, has allowed himself to 
be befooled by Francis, the inveterate enemy of Germany. 
If the Roman Church, he exclaims in his indignation, were 

1 On October 19, 1533, G. M. della Porta ^reported from Marseilles : 
" II Re ha publicato voler dar pensione a tutti li rev mi ch anno 
seguitato N. S re qua. (Medici was said to have had 10,000 franchi, 
Salviati and Ridolfi 5000 each, and so forth.) Se Roma non fosse 
ruinata, potriasi dir quelle parole : Urbem venalem cito perituram si 
emptorem invenerit" (Florentine State Archives). 

2 Cf. BUCHOLTZ, IX., 251 ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 271, n. 

3 RAYN ALDUS, 1534, n. 16. 

4 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 271 seq., 274 seq. 

5 Cf. the letter of March 20 to Ferdinand I. in LAEMMER, Melet, 
144 seq., and that to the German Circles in EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., 

VOL. X. 21 


to lose 10,000 ducats of her revenues, excommunications 
would be hurled and swords drawn and all Christendom 
called upon for aid; but if a hundred thousand souls, 
through the fraud of the devil, are brought to ruin, the 
Chief Shepherd listens to the counsels of him who is 
continually bent on injuring and enslaving Christendom. 1 
Utterances such as these, the violence of which could 
hardly be surpassed, were dictated by a genuine anxiety 
for fatherland and religion. 

Under these circumstances it must be considered 
fortunate for the Church that the Pope s days were 
numbered. 2 

In June 1534 Clement VII. was taken ill ; 3 this was attri 
buted to the agitation caused by the senseless conduct of his 
nephew Ippolito de Medici. 4 After a short improvement 5 
his condition changed for the worse, and gave rise to great 
anxiety. The doctors were uncertain as to the nature of 
the malady ; some thought that the Pope had been poisoned 
on his journey from Marseilles, and accusations were 
not wanting in which the Florentines on one hand and 
the French on the other were charged with the crime. 6 In 

1 See GESS, Die Klostervisitationen Herzog Georgs von Sachsen, 
Leipzig, 1888, 48 seq,, and Nuntiaturberichte, I., 266, n. 

2 For Clement s weak behaviour towards the Margrave George of 
Brandenburg-Kulmbach see GESS in the elucidations to Janssen s 
Gesch. des deutschen Volkes, edited by Pastor, V., 312. 

3 Cf. GUICCIARDINI, Op. ined., IX., 297, and A. M. Papazzoni s 
^letter of June 20, 1534, in State Archives, Bologna. The first signs 
of indisposition were announced by him as early as May 30. 

4 Cf. F. Peregrine s cipher ^reports of June 19 and 25, 1534, in 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

5 Cf. A. M. Papazzoni s ^letter of June 27, 1534, in State Archives, 

6 Cf. Sanchez ^letter of July 25, 1534, in Court and State Archives, 


reality his complaint was probably a gastric one, perhaps 
of a malignant character. As the doctors were unable to 
agree, Clement lost confidence in them ; l his condition 
meanwhile underwent extraordinary changes. At the 
beginning of July he seemed to have recovered, 2 but then 
followed a relapse of such a dangerous kind that he was 
reported to be dead, 3 but this rumour, in consequence of 
which all Rome had taken to arms, was premature ; the 
strong constitution of the Pope was once more victorious, 
and by the beginning of August he showed a marked 
improvement. 4 On the 3<Dth of July he had made his will, 
by which Florence was left to Alessandro and all his 
remaining possessions to Cardinal Ippolito. 5 

Rome was not then in a healthy condition, and many 
deaths occurred in the ranks of the Sacred College. On the 
1 9th of July 1534 Enkevoirt died; 6 on the 4th of August 

1 Cf. the ^report of July 25, 1534, published by TEZA in the Atti. d. 
1st. Venet, 6th series, VII., 902 ; here also for information on the Pope s 
physicians. A. M. Papazzoni speaks expressly of a gastric complaint 
in his ^reports of June 20, 1534, in the State Archives, Bologna. That 
Clement VII., like Leo X., also suffered from a fistula, is mentioned 
by Card. Gonzaga in a ^report of October 19, 1532, in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

2 See F. Peregrino s ^letter of July 6, 1534, in Appendix, No. 36. 

3 See Sanchez ^report of July 28, 1534, in Court and State Archives, 
Vienna. " Omnia Romae armis scatent," he says. 

4 See the ^letter of C. H. Denonville, Bishop of Macon, dated 
Rome, 1534, August 4, in MSS. franc.. 2968, f. 86, National Library, 
Paris ; the ^report of Sanchez of August 8, 1534, in Court and State 
Archives, Vienna, and Peregrino s ^letters of August 10 and 14, 1534, 
in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf, TEZA, loc. /., 905 seq. 

5 Giorn. d. Arch. Toscani, II., 126 seq. ; cf. Carte Strozz., I., 106. 
For his anxiety about Ippolito see also Appendix, No. 36. 

6 ^Letter of Sanchez of July 25, 1534, in Court and State Archives 
Vienna. *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, Vatican Library. Cf. 
SCHMIDLIN, 290 seq. 


he was followed by Cardinal della Valle. 1 The renowned 
Cajetan was also stricken with grievous illness, and died 
in the night of the gih or early on the loth of August. 
It was the wish of this high-minded and learned Cardinal 
to be buried in the simplest manner. 2 

The Pope, meanwhile, continued to improve, although 
he was still very weak. 3 On the i8th of August, while the 
Romans were filled with alarm 4 at the news of the sack 
of Fondi by the pirates employed by Chaireddin Barbarossa, 
the city was moved to its depths by the announcement 
that the Pope was lying between life and death owing to 
a renewed attack of fever and sickness. 5 On the following 
day Clement s condition seemed so dangerous that on the 
evening of the 24th of August he received Extreme Unction. 
The day after that death seemed certain ; fever was ex 
hausting his strength, and as he lay writhing in cramp 

1 *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, loc. cit. Sanchez, who announced 
the decease on August 8, speaks in the *letter with anxiety of the 
preponderance of Frenchmen in the Sacred College (Court and State 
Archives, Vienna). 

2 According to Sanchez *letter to Ferdinand I. of August 17, 1534, 
Cajetan died on the loth (ECHARD, II., 15, gives the 9th) : "jussit se 
sepeliri sine ulla pompa" ; he was " homo integer vitae et servitor V. et 
Ces. M ts " (Court and State Archives, Vienna). For Cajetan s tomb 
see CARDELLA, IV., 45, and FORCELLA, I., 443. 

3 See Trivulzio in MOLINI, II., 370, and Sanchez *letter of August 
17, 1534, in Court and State Archives, Vienna. 

4 Cf. the ^reports of F. Peregrino of August 10 and 14, 1534, in 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and Sanchez, loc. cit. Cf. also GUICCIAR- 
DINI, XX., 2 ; Corp. dipl. Port., III., 85 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 214 ; 
FUMI, Ippolito de Medici, 66. 

5 See Sanchez ^report in Court and State Archives, Vienna, and 
*that of F. Peregrino of August 18, 1 534, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 
For the excitement and fear of Turkish invasion in Rome during the 
Pope s long illness see FANTINI, Lettera dei successi di Roma per 
P infermita di Clemente Vil., Roma, 1534. 


he rejected all nourishment. 1 But again, in the beginning 
of September, there was another sudden change for the 
better. Notwithstanding their patient s great exhaustion, 
the doctors believed that he would make another rally. 2 
The vital crisis lasted until the 8th of September; 3 after 
that his condition daily became more hopeful. 4 Giberti 
visited the sick man, whose delight at seeing his old and 
trusted friend was intense. 5 " The improvement continues," 
reported Ferdinand s Ambassador on the 2ist of 
September : " The Pope talks with those about him and 
laughs over the manoeuvres and ambition of the Cardinals. 
He still has a certain amount of fever ; the court oscillates 
between hope and fear; but the former predominates so 
greatly that all conclave intrigues have ceased." 6 But on 

1 See the full "^reports of F. Peregrine of August 19, 22, 23, 24, and 
25, in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. F. Chieregati s ^letter of 
August 26, 1 534 (the Pope received Extreme Unction "et S. S ta per 
due volte rispose Amen"), loc. cit. Also BASCHET, 352 seq. ; TEZA 
loc. cit., 909 ; FUMI, Ipp. de Medici, 67 ; Carte Strozz., I., 104. 

2 See besides F. Peregrine s ^letter of September 4, 1534 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua), the *copy of a letter dated Rome, 1 534, August 28, 
in the Romano, of Court and State Archives, Vienna. Cf. ibid., 
Sanchez *report of August 30, 1534 ; the *Diarium of P. P. Gualterius 
in Secret Archives of the Vatican ; Corp. dipl. Port., III., 87, and 
FUMI, 67 seq. 

3 See the ^letter of Sanchez of September 18, 1534, in Court and 
State Archives, Vienna. Cf. COSTANTINI, Card, di Ravenna, 225. 

4 See F. Peregrine s ^letters of September 15 and 17, 1534, in 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

5 See Sanchez ^letter of September 18, 1534, in Court and State 
Archives, Vienna. Cf. the ^letters of Cardinal E. Gonzaga to Covos 
and G. Agnello of September 19, 1534, in Cod. Barb., lat. LXIL, 48, 
Vatican Library, and the * Aviso of September 14, 1534, in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

6 The last remark is in cipher. ^Sanchez on September 21, 1534 
(Court and State Archives, Vienna). 


this very 2ist of September there came a permanent 
change for the worse. The fever increased in intensity and 
day by day his strength ebbed away. 1 On the 25th of 
September, three hours after midday, Clement VII. was 
released from his sufferings after hovering for a month 
between life and death. 2 

Many troubles had combined against him during his last 
days. While corsairs were plundering his coasts and fill 
ing Rome with terror, 3 his own position between Francis I. 
and Charles V. was one of acute anxiety. 4 Then a 
dangerous quarrel threatened to break out in his own 
family ; Cardinal Ippolito, whose dissolute life had already 

1 See the "^reports of F. Peregrine of September 22 and 25, in 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua; of *Sanchez, September 23 and 25, in 
Court and State Archives, Vienna, and the ^letters of Cardinal E. 
Gonzaga to the Duke of Mantua of September 23 and 24, 1534, in 
Cod. Barb., cit. Cf. FUMI, 70. 

~ " Hora tertia post meridiem," says Sanchez in his first ^letter, 
September 25, 1534, in Court and State Archives, Vienna. Cf. 
Cardinal E. Gonzaga s ^letter of September 25, 1534, to G. I. Calandra, 
in Cod. Barb., lat. LXIL, 48, Vatican Library ; F. Peregrine s *report 
of September 25, 1534, and *that of Guido da Crema of the same day 
(he died "christianamente et quietamente ") in Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua ; the *Diary of P. P. Gaulterius in Secret Archives of the 
Vatican and the *Diary in Cod. Barb., lat. 3552, Vatican Library. See 
also GATTICUS, 442; Firmanus in STEINMANN, II., no. Cf. 
STAFFETTI, 126 ; BALAN, Clemente VII., 215, and Storia, 272 ; Corp. 
dipl. Port., III., 116 seq.\ GORI, Archivio, IV., 248 seq. ; Rime e 
lett. di v. Gambara, 211, note; FUMI, 70, and L. Granae oratio in 
funere Clementis VII., in Anecd. litt, IV., 255 seq. 

3 On February 22, 1534, Clement VII. addressed a ^letter to all 
the authorities of the Papal States with reference to preventive 
measures. Min. brev., vol. 48, n. 83, in Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

4 See Soriano in ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 308-309. The Colonna 
were also a trouble to the Pope in the summer of 1534 ; see ALBERINI, 
382 seq. There was also the insolent behaviour of B. Accolti ; see 
Giorn. di lett. Ital., XXXIX., 229. 


caused him many hours of care, 1 wished to renounce the 
purple in order to expel Alessandro de Medici from 
Florence. 2 In order that this "foolish devil," as Clement 
once called his nephew, might be otherwise employed he 
bestowed upon him, on the 5th of September 1534, the 
Legation of the Marches, which Accolti was obliged to 
vacate. 3 In the delirium of fever Clement was still 
occupied with the prospects of his nephews, and one of 
the last briefs of the dying Pope, addressed on the 23rd of 
September to the Emperor, contained, besides the entreaty 
that he should care for the interests of Italy and the 
Church, a warm recommendation of Ippolito and Aless 
andro. 4 The trusted Carnesecchi was to be the bearer of 
the letter. 6 

The mortal remains of Clement VII. were at first laid 
in St. Peter s and afterwards transferred to S. Maria sopra 
Minerva. There on the right side of the choir, opposite 
the tomb of Leo X., Baccio Bandinelli, from plans drawn 
up by Sangallo, erected a monument to Clement VII. in 
the form of an antique triumphal arch in white marble 
that might be mistaken for the monument of his cousin. 
In the central niche is a seated statue of Clement, 

1 See the ^report of G. M. della Porta of May 15, 1532, in State 
Archives, Florence, and LuziO, Pronostico, 143 seq. 

2 See Soriano, loc. tit., 309. Cf. REUMONT, Toskana, I., 58 seq. ; 
ROSSI, Guicciardini, II., 66, and LUZIO, Pronostico, 143 seq. 

3 Acta Consist, in BALAN, Clemente VII., 214. 

4 In RAYNALDUS, 1534, n. 67. The last sentence here missing 
runs : " Sed haec M tl Tuae dicet copiosius et particularius idem proto- 
notarius, cujus verbis ilia haud minorem fidem habere velit quam si 
nos praesentes earn alloqueremur." Dat., etc., Blosius. Min. brev., vol. 
48, n. 341, in Secret Archives of the Vatican. Cf. also the ^letter of 
Cardinal E. Gonzaga in Cod. Barb., cit. 

r > Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 120, note, and AGOSTINI, P. Carnesecchi, 
Firenze, 1899. 


sculptured by Nanni di Baccio Bigio, surmounted by a 
relief representing the coronation of Charles V. In the 
niches on either side are statues of St. Jerome and St. 
John the Baptist ; the reliefs above show the former 
saint in the desert, and the Baptist in the act of preaching. 1 
There is hardly another spot in Rome conducive to more 
serious reflection than these tombs of the two Popes of 
the house of Medici. Differing widely in character and 
fortunes they were both, in their pontificates, of 
momentous import to the Church. 

Clement has been called the most unlucky of all the 
Popes. 2 This verdict is justified not merely as regards 
his reign but as regards his memory. It was astonishing 
how quickly he was forgotten in Rome. 3 The Romans 
remembered only the misfortunes of his reign, his financial 
disasters, and his heavy taxation ; 4 they no longer recalled 

1 Cf. CIACONIUS, III., 473 seq.\ LITTA, Medici, 124; KENNER, 
145, and Zeitschr. fur bild. Kunst., XL, 141 segq. For the first sketch 
see WICKHOFF in Jahrb. der kunsthistor. Samml. des osterr. Kaiser- 
hauses, XI II., cclxxx., No. 212. 

2 RANKE, Papste, I., 6th ed., 82. Cf. GUICCIARDINI in Arch. Stor. 
Ital., 5th Series, V., 51, note i. See also MATHIEU, Pouvoir Temp, 
des Papes, Paris, 1863, 496. 

3 See Rossi, Guicciardini, II., 70. Cf. F. Peregrine s *letter of 
September 24, 1534, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

4 Clement VII., whose total income is computed by Foscari m 1526 
at 499,000 ducats against an expenditure of 412,250 ducats (ALBERi, 
2nd Series, III., 139), suffered from the first from the prodigality of 
Leo X. (see op. cit., 269) and from the stoppage of the sums of money 
which, in earlier days, had come in from Germany (cf. on this point 
SANUTO, LI 1 1., 16). The gravest incident, from the financial side, 
in Clement s reign was the duplication of the public debt, for in 
addition to the " offici vacabili," which ceased with the death of the 
owner, there were the " monti non vacabili " or simply " monti." A 
beginning was made in 1526 of raising money through consolidated 
loans by the erection of the "monte della fede" with a capital of 


the judicious regulations of the deceased Pope for the 
commissariat of the city. 1 

Clement VII. has had no biographer, and almost all 
the historians of his time, with Guicciardini and Giovio at 

200,000 ducats and 200 "luoghi" (shares), with interest at ten per cent, 
paid through the Customs (cf. COPPI, Discorso s. finanze d. stato pontif. 
dal sec. xvi al xix, Roma, 1855, 3, and RANKE, Papste, I., 6th ed., 266 
seq.). To 1 526 also belongs the "monte di sale ed oro" (284,000 ducats, 
interest at 8 per cent.). These loans were totally inadequate to meet 
the enormous ransom demanded by the Imperial army in 1527. A 
third loan, on the " monte del macinato " (290,000 ducats), had to be 
taken up, thus raising the new public debt to 774,800 ducats (COPPI, 
loc. /., 3-4). The sack of the city, the expedition against Florence, 
on which two millions must have been spent, and the Turkish war 
also led to fresh burdens of expense and to the sale of Church 
property and Legations (see REUMONT, III., 2, 285 seq. \ cf. 
ADEMOLLO in the Riv. Europ., 1877, II., 421). Much of the aversion 
to Clement VII. in Rome (cf. the *Diary of Cornelius de Fine, 
National Library, Paris, even from the year 1526, and JOVIUS, 
Columna, 157) and elsewhere (cf. TIZIO, Hist. Senen. in Cod. G II., 
39, f. 366, of the Chigi Library, Rome) was due to the levies of 
taxation. Even the Italian clergy offered, in many places, a violent 
opposition to the Papal demands for tithes ; see LANCELLOTTI, IV., 
310 seq., 325 seq., 332 seq., 370 seq. 

1 Clement s agricultural policy has generally been praised as 
enlightened ; cf. BENIGNI, Getreidepolitik der Papste, 25, 32 seq., 
123; REUMONT, III., 2, 289 seq. ; NAUDE in Schmoller s Jahrb. des 
Deutschen Reiches, 1899, N.F., XXIII., 3, 10. The famous " Bulla de 
agricultura in districto urbis " of February 26, 1524 (Bull. VI., 56-62, 
incorrectly dated ; according to *Regest. Vatic., 1245, f. 269-277, we 
ought to read IV. Cal. Martii), for which TRIPEPI (Papato, VII., 221), 
ZAMA (Agro Romano, Roma, 1879, 54 se 9-)> an( ^ ARDANT (Papes et 
Paysans, 47, 127 seq.} are still consulted, was enlarged by a second 
constitution on August I, 1524; see DECUP1S, Per gli usi civici nell 
agro Romano, Roma, 1906, 20. The troubles of the war made these 
excellent regulations of no effect. In 1529 a "carestia incredibile" 
was reigning in Rome ; see Contarini in ALBERT, 2nd Series, III., 262 ; 
REUMONT, III., 2, 290. 


their head, pass severe judgments upon him. 1 Even 
those who recognize his praiseworthy qualities, his piety, 
purity of life, and indefatigable love of work, blame " the 
coldness of his heart, his indecision, his weakness coupled 
with duplicity, his pettiness of spirit." 2 To judge with 
fairness it ought to be borne in mind that Clement in 
many instances had to expiate the sins of his predecessors, 
that only too often he was the victim of circumstances for 
the existence of which he was not responsible. Terrible 
was the retribution brought on him for the introduction 
of the Spaniards into Naples by Alexander VI. Vettori 
has already pointed out that "Clement VII. was not 
cruel, nor proud, nor a simonist, nor avaricious, nor 
dissolute, but temperate, simple, pious, zealous in the 
fulfilment of his religious duties nevertheless, upon 
him and Rome came dire calamity, and others who were 
full of vices lived and died happily as far as this world 
goes." 3 

Even granting that this eulogy is just, yet the second 
Medici Pope cannot escape the reproach that during 
his eleven years pontificate he never showed himself 
competent to deal with the difficulties of the situation. 
Incapable of large calculations, he allowed himself to be 
led by petty considerations when great interests were 
at stake. Timid in the extreme, he only arrived at a 
decision slowly and then was easily induced to alter it, 
for he was only too prone to substitute for every good plan 
some other that he considered better. With him " the fresh 
hues of determination were sicklied o er with the pale 

1 Both certainly are by no means impartial; see BALAN, Clemente 
VII., 216. For the pasquinades on the Pope s death see Giorn. d. 
lett. Ital., XXXI. , 401, 402, 405. 

2 REUMONT, III., 2, 266. 

3 VETTORI, 381 ; GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 641. 


cast of thought." He was entirely wanting in masterly 
initiative and courageous decision. What the reign of so 
irresolute a personality must inevitably produce has been 
hit off to perfection by Berni in an epigram of excessive 
bitterness : 1 

" Un papato composto di rispetti 
Di considerazioni e di discordi, 
Di piu, di poi, di ma, di si di forsi 
Di pur, di assai parole senza effetti." 

The most regrettable feature of Clement s pontificate 
was his absorption in politics and family interests, whereby 
he was blinded to the specially spiritual tasks of the Papacy, 
the most essential thing of all. Consequently he must 
undoubtedly bear a share of the blame for the loss of 
great portions of Germany to the Church. Clement was 
not sufficiently informed on German affairs, and therefore 
did not realize the momentum with which events were 
developing. If Germany was the central point of the 
interest of Adrian VI., the very reverse was the case with 
Clement VII. At first greatly disturbed by Luther s 
success, he was too much a Medici to allow anxiety for 
Germany to take precedence of political and Italian pre 
occupations. 2 By making himself the centre of resistance 
to Charles V. he allowed the politico-ecclesiastical up 
heaval in the German Empire to have full scope. Later 
on he swung between two extremes, between plans of 
forcible suppression of the reformers and plans of mutual 
agreement. A temporizer by nature, he was incapable of 

1 BERNI, Rime, ed. Virgili, 43 seq. ; cf. VlRGlLi, Berni, 100 seq., and 
REUMONT, III., 2, 268. 

2 I refer in this connection to a hitherto unnoticed remark of 
Vergerio s. He wrote on July i, 1535, to Aretino : "Tutte le faccende 
di Clemente erano rivolte in ogni altro luogo che in Germania " ; Lett, 
al Aretino, I., 179. Cf. also CREIGHTON, V., 249. 


a strong, clearly defined course of action, all the more so 
as the King of France cleverly kept him deceived as to 
the dangers in Germany. 

His conduct in English affairs is also open to objection. 
The charge that the Pope, by his precipitate sentence of 
excommunication on Henry VIII., made himself respon 
sible for the separation of England from the Holy See is 
certainly without justification. 1 On the other hand, it does 
not admit of doubt that he was wanting in the necessary 
resolution to intervene firmly and, before it was too late, 
place an imperative alternative before Henry VIII. 2 As 
the King had come forward decidedly against Luther his 
threats of apostasy had not been taken seriously at Rome 
where, hoping against hope, it was thought that time 
would cool the adulterous passion which had reached a 
pitch almost of frenzy. The Pope therefore adopted a 
dilatory policy, did not speak out at once and unmistak 
ably, made unintelligible concessions, and even consented 
to the elevation to the episcopate of opponents of the 
Holy See. While the Curia still clung to the empty 
expectation that sooner or later some settlement must 
be reached, Henry was paving the way towards separation. 
However much Clement s weakness may admit of ex 
planation from the point of view of human nature, it was 
inconsistent with the ideal of the high office with which he 
was invested, 3 and did injury to the interests of the Church. 4 

1 Against this view (see Histor. Zeitschr., XXXIX., 451 seq.\ cf. 
PlEPER in the Histor.-polit. Bl., XCIV., 482 seq.\ which later was 
also widely spread in Rome, see LINGARD, VI., 226 seq., note, and 
FERET in the Rev. d. quest, hist., 1898, II., 85 seq. 

2 Hist. Jahrb., XIV., 923. 

3 RANKE (Englisch. Gesch., I., 177) calls attention to this. 

1 " What a different shape things would have taken " is the opinion 
of ZIMMERMANN (Wissensch. Beil. zur Germania, 1906, No. 6), "if 


Clement had no greater success in his European policy 
than he had in Church affairs. Employing with restless 
activity all the arts of a diplomatist of the Renaissance 
and conducting all his undertakings with cleverness and 
acumen, he yet achieved nothing. His constantly shift 
ing policy, the outcome of over-subtlety and a lack of 
courage and stability, could produce only small results. 
In all great questions his policy completely broke down, 
and involved him in incessant discomfiture. 1 Clement VII. 
dug the grave of Italian freedom, while the great political 
authority of the Papacy moved steadily to its downfall. 
Nothing but misfortune attended Clement s purely political 
machinations, so much so that one might be tempted to 
see therein a sign that Providence was bent on once more 
leading back the Papacy to its special vocation. This 
much was evident when Clement passed away; all his 
political schemes had come to nothing ; the road along 
which he had travelled was henceforth closed. A radical 
change was necessary if the Church was not to lose still 
more than she had already lost within the last few years. 

The ill-fortune which set its stamp on the pontificate of 
Clement VII. also threw its shadow over his relations to 
literature, science, and art. 

True to the traditions of his family, the Pope, during his 
Cardinalate, had already gathered round him a throng of 
poets and men of letters. To this day the Vatican Library 
preserves an imposing series of works dedicated to him at 
this period. 2 

Rome had made public the document so deeply compromising to the 
King, if the Pope had exposed to light the whole course of the marriage 

1 Cf. VoiGT-HAUCK in Herzog s Realencyklopadie, IV., 3rd ed., 

2 Cod. Vatic., 3641 ; *Francisci Priscianensis in hymnos secundum 


It is easy to imagine the delight with which, on the 
death of the unsympathetic Adrian VI., the election of 
such a man as Giulio de Medici was hailed in literary 
circles. 1 Amid eulogies of the house of Medici, always 

Romanam Curiam Castigationes cum metrorum reformatione (dat. 
ex Florentia Nonis Sextilib. 1517). 

5797 : *Veturii Rubei Lictii Carmen sive somnus de Italia et 
Insubria a Gallis oppressa. 

5798 : *Andr. Daxii Sylva. 

5800 : *Christ. Marcelli (archiep. Corcyr.) Dialogus de fato Julidas 

5801 : *Christ. Marcelli (archiep. Corcyr.) Quaestio de cadentis 
Angeli ordine. 

5802 : *Luciani Dialogi maritimi interprete Livio Guidolacto 

5803 : *Octavii Roscii Carmina (with his miniature : the poet 
presenting his work to the Cardinal). 

5804: *Zachar. de Rhodigio, Quaestio de donatione Constantini 
(the latter still exists de jure !). 

5805 : *Opusculum incerti auctoris contra medicos qui negligunt 
astronomiam in medendis aegritudinibus. 

5806 : Pii Bononiens. Tropheum Julii Card. Medicis de victoria 
contra Gallos habita in Insubria (carmen bucolic.). 

5807 : *Bernardi Guicciardini (monachi) Opusculum angelicum (on 
the angels, after S. Thomas Aquinas). 

5808 : *Aegidii Viterbi (ord. S. Aug. gen.) Explanatio litterar. 

5809-5810: *Guidi Posthumi Silvestr. Elegiar. lib. 

5811 : *Jacobi Argyropuli Epistola (dedicating to him the work of 
his father Johannes, De institutione eorum qui sunt in dignitate). 

5812: *Franc. Speruli Villa Julia Medica versibus fabricata. 
Almost all these MSS. are the original dedication copies. To this 
period also belongs the work of P. Bembo : " Prose nelle quali si 
ragiona della volgar lingua scritte al Card, de Medici (poi Clemente 
VII.)," Firenze, 1549, and often reprinted. Cf. NARDUCCI, Catal., 632 ; 
Atti d. Lincei, 4th Series, X., 15; Lett. d. princ., I., ii7 b ; 
TIRABOSCHI, VII., 2, 382 ; REUMONT, III., 2, 364. 

1 Cf. Lett. d. princ., I., 101, 102. 


the patron of the learned, the return of the golden age was 
proclaimed in prose and verse, and many voices began to 
celebrate the events of the new reign. 1 

Clement VII. had every wish to continue the traditions 
of Leo X. In spite of the misfortunes of the time he did 
more in this respect than is commonly supposed. 2 Among 
his secretaries names of note appear early : Angelo Colocci, 
Blosio Palladio, Evangelista Tarasconio, Giovanni Battista 
Sanga, Sadoleto. 3 The latter, however, returned in April 
1527 to his diocese of Carpentras. Pietro Bembo also 
had friendly relations with Clement VII. through letters 
and dedications, and saw the Pope during the Jubilee 
year of 1525, and afterwards at the first meeting of the 
latter with Charles V. at Bologna. 4 On this occasion 
Romolo Amaseo delivered before the Emperor and Pope 
his oration on the Latin language which excited an admira 
tion that is hardly intelligible at the present day. 5 

1 Cf. *Capit. in laude del S.S. N.S. P. Clemente VII. et della sua 
ill. et fel. casa de Medici composto et scripto per Jacomo Bartholi, 
1523; Cod. Vatic., 3700, of the Vatican Library. Raimondo Lepido 
da Sulmona published in 1523 a poem on the coronation of Clement 
VII. ; see PANSA in the Rasseg. abruzzese, IV., 10. See also C. Silvani 
Germanici In pontificatum Clementis VII. panegyris prima, Romae, 
1524, and C. Ursini Velii Germani ad Rhodum gratulatio ob Clementis 
VII. electionem, Romae, 1524. Ant. Ferrosius* says already in 1524 : 
" Reversa sunt Saturnia regna"; Cod. Vatic., 4125, f. 206 (Vatican 
Library). How quickly Clement s parsimony dispelled the illusion, 
see SANUTO, XXXVI., 388. 

2 See ClAN in Giorn. d. lett. Ital, XVII., 386. 

App., 122, 124, 126 ; JOLY, 134 seq. Histor.-polit. Bl., XCV., 929 seq. 

4 See MAZZUCHELLI, II., 2, 743 ; a mark of favour of Clement VII. 
for P. Bembo in the *Regest. Vatic., 1527, f. 88 (Secret Archives of 
the Vatican). 

5 See FLAMINI, 98, and CIAN in Miscell. in onore di A. Graf. 
Bergamo, 1903. 


The attention bestowed by Clement VII. on the Vatican 
Library 1 is shown remarkably in this; that, following in 
the steps of Leo X. he took measures, notwithstanding the 
necessitous times, to increase the printed and manuscript 
treasures of this collection Thus, in the year 1526, 
Johann Heitmers, who had already been entrusted with a 
literary mission in 1517, was again sent to the North to 
make fresh discoveries. 2 He was assisted by the Dominican 
Wilhelm Carnifex, whose activity Clement sought to 
encourage in every way. 3 The Pope on this occasion was 
not merely recalling the exertions of Leo X.; he bore 
expressly in mind those of Cosimo, Giuliano, and Lorenzo 
de Medici in finding out new Greek, Latin, and Hebrew 
manuscripts. 4 If the Pope hoped by these searches after 
manuscript treasures to confer an advantage also on 
religion in the hour of danger, this may be explained by 
the fact that a clue was supposed to have been found to 
the existence of a valuable manuscript of St. Paul s 
Epistles. 5 From the Gonzaga, Clement borrowed a 
manuscript of Eustathius to which Lascaris had called his 
attention. 6 The Pope, who was also interested in the 
reform of the calendar, 7 is entitled to special honour for 

1 Cf. MiJNTZ, Bibl., 65 seq. 

2 Cf. the Brief of January 17, 1526, to Christian of Denmark in Dipl. 
Norvegic., VI., 2, 736 seq. 

3 Cf. the *pass for Carnifex and the *Brief to the Dominicans in 
Ghent, January 17, 1526 (Secret Archives of the Vatican), in Appendix, 
Nos. 3 and 27. 

> 4 See in Appendix, No. 2, the remarkable *pass of January 17, 


5 Dipl. Norvegic., VI., 2, 736 seq., 75 6 - 

6 See Giorn. d. lett Ital., XXXIII., 25 seq. 

* 7 See MARZI, 215 seq.\ also 51, for the dedication of a writing by 
P. a Middelburg. Cf. Atti d. congress, stor. di Roma, III. (1906), 
649, for the dedicated works of R. Cervini. 


the attitude he assumed towards the new system of 
Nicolas Copernicus; in 1533 he ordered the learned 
Johann Albert Widmanstadt to explain it in the gardens 
of the Vatican. 1 

Clement VII. also had friendly relations with Erasmus, 
who tactfully greeted the Pope on his accession by 
presenting him with a copy of his paraphrase of the Acts 
of the Apostles; he also wrote a very respectful, letter in 
which he apologized for the imprudent tone of his earlier 
writings by saying that at that time he could not have 
anticipated the outbreak of the religious divisions. 
Clement VII. thanked him in a very kind letter on the 
3rd of April 1524, accompanied by a present of 200 gold 
gulden ; he exhorted Erasmus to place his talents at the 
service of the Church, and assured him that his enemies 
would be ordered to hold their peace. 2 On this friendly 
footing they continued to stand, all the more so when 
Erasmus, in the autumn of 1524, attacked the heart of 
the Lutheran doctrine in its denial of the freedom of the 
will. 3 Clement so highly appreciated 4 the outspoken 
opposition of Erasmus to Luther that in 1527 he im 
posed silence on the Spanish opponents 5 of the former, 

l See MARINI, II., 351, and Histor.-polit. BL, LXIIL, 497 seq.\ 
PROWE, I., 2, 273 seq. Cf. COSTANZI, La Chiesa e le dottrine cop., 
Roma, 1893. 

2 See ERASMI, Opp., III., i, 783, VII., 651 seq., and BALAN, Mon. 
ref., 324, and Mon. saec., XVI., 10 seq., 12 seq.\ cf. HARTFELDER, 148. 

3 Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, VII., i4th ed., 576. There is an *entry in 
the account books under October 24, 1524: " 10 due. a uno chorier 
che porto uno libro di Erasmo a S. S ta " (State Archives, Florence, S. 
Maria Novella, 327). 

4 Cf. BALAN, Mon. ref., 380. 

5 See VILLA, 253 ; BAUMGARTEN, Karl V., II., 631 ; EHSES in the 
Rom. Quartalschr., 1894, 477 ; MAURENBRECHER, Kathol. Ref., 270, 
406. That Maurenbrecher attributes much too great a part to Erasmus 

VOL. X. 22 


and kept silence himself regarding Erasmus own attempts 
to bring about a reconciliation, which were in part not 
easy to understand, and the objections to which had been 
brought before the Pope s notice. 1 If Clement had hitherto 
always kept himself aloof from the learned controversies 
between the friends and foes of Erasmus, he now thought 
it a counsel of expediency that such a man should be 
spared as much as possible and that he should express 
himself satisfied with his assurances of loyalty. 2 

Among the poets to whom Clement VII. extended his 
favour, Sannazaro and Vida hold the first place. The 
former dedicated to the Pope, in the autumn of 1526, his 
celebrated poem on the Nativity of Christ, to the appearance 
of which Leo X. had looked forward so eagerly. Seripando 
had the honour of presenting the work to the Pope, who, 
in a Brief composed by Sadoleto, thanked the poet, 
for whom he foretold an immortality of renown. 3 The 
Pope s invitation to come to Rome was declined by 
Sannazaro on account of the period of calamity which 
had begun to break over the Eternal City. He remained 
in Naples, where he found his resting-place in the 
church of his own foundation, S. Maria del Porto on the 
Mergellina. His monument, the work of Giovanni Angelo 
Montorsoli, does not discredit the pupil of Michael Angelo. 
The tomb is flanked by marble statues of Apollo and 
Minerva; 4 inscriptions added by a later hand have 

is well brought out in the Histor. Zeitschr., LI 1 1., 155. For the 
Spanish affair of Erasmus see HESS, Erasmus, I., 317 seq., and 
MENENDEZ Y PELAYO, Hist, de los heterodoxos expafi., II., 36 seq. 

1 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 138, 139. For the proposals of media 
tion see JANSSEN- PASTOR, VII., i4th ed., 576 seq., and DITTRICH, in 
Histor. Jahrb., II., 613 seq. 

2 Cf. BuCHOLTZ, I., 469 ; Histor. Zeitschr., LI 1 1., 155. 

3 Cf. ROSCOE-HENKE, III., 87 seq., 533 seq. 

4 Cf. B. CROCE, La tomba di G. Sannazaro, Trani, 1892. 


transformed these figures into a David and a Judith. 
Strange as is the admission into a Christian church of 
these two pagan deities, they are yet strikingly appropriate 
in the case of a poet like Sannazaro, who in his works 
indulged to excess in illustrations drawn from heathen 
mythology. 1 

Vida, still at work on his Christiade, begun under 
Leo X., was made Bishop of Alba 2 by Clement VII. 
However fitting this post may have been for the poet, the 
bishopric of Nocera de Pagani was certainly not the place 
for Paolo Giovio the historian, appointed in IS28. 3 Giovio 
badly requited the favour shown to him by Clement. 

Early in 1524 Francesco Guicciardini was made 
President of the Romagna, where a very bad state of 
things prevailed ; he succeeded, although his task was 
often made difficult from Rome, in restoring order. 4 
The part taken by him in the campaigns subsequent 
to the League of Cognac has been already narrated. 
After a short interval of rest he re-entered the Papal 
service in 1530 and gave valuable assistance towards the 

1 See the remarks, Vol. V. of this work, p. 141 seq., and Vol. VIII., 
p. 202 seq. 

2 See Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 200 seq., the writings quoted, and 
VAIRINI, Mon. Crem., II., 8 seq., 109. 

3 See Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XVII., 300 ; cf. ibid., XXXVL, 385 seq., 
the characteristic letter of Giovio of 1524. On July 6, 1527, Clement 
wrote ex arce to Lannoy that he had chosen the eminent physician and 
historian P. Giovio for the vacant bishopric of Nocera ; Lannoy might 
see to it that Giovio obtains possession. In that way he can confer an 
obligation on the historian of present events (*Min. brev., 1527, vol. 14, 
n. 132). A "licencia testandi usque ad 2000 due." for "P. Jovius" in 
*Brev., 1533, vol. 53, n. 407. Other favours shown to P. Giovio in 
*Regest. Vatic., 1252, f. i^ seq., and 1438, f. ii8 a and I29 b (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

4 BROSCH, I., 77 seq. 


restoration of the Medicean rule in Florence. From June 
1531 Guicciardini was Vice-Legate of Bologna, and not 
merely here but in other directions also, especially against 
Ferrara, he rendered most important services to the policy 
of the house of Medici. 1 

Machiavelli visited Clement VII. in 1525 in order to 
present him with the five books of his Florentine history. 
His reception was gracious, and a gift of 100 ducats was 
accorded him. He made use of this occasion to recommend 
to the Pope his old plan of a national militia. Clement for 
a moment seemed disposed to enter into the scheme, but he 
very soon drew back from the dangerous undertaking. 2 

In spite of their dissolute lives Agnolo Firenzuola and 
Francesco Berni 3 received tokens of favour from the Pope. 
From 1524 Berni was secretary to the Datary Giberti, who 
with extraordinary patience and certainly with too great 
indulgence put up for a considerable time with the 
eccentric behaviour of the highly talented poet; but at 
last he had to be dismissed. At a later date Berni 
attached himself to the court of Ippolito de Medici, of all 
the Cardinals the most devoted to pomp, enjoyment, and 
secularity. 4 

1 Cf. ZANONI, Vita pubbl. di F. Guicciardini, Bologna, 1896; Nuova 
Antologia, 4th Series, LXVIL, 459 seq.\ Rossi, F. Guicciardini e il gov. 
fiorent., Bologna, 1896 seqq. (2 vols.); Arch. Stor. Ital., 5th Series, V., 
20 seq., XL, 386 seq. For the Bolognese Legation see TEZA in the 
Atti d. 1st. Venet, 6th Series, XI I L, 897 seq. 

2 See VILLARI, Machiavelli, III., 2nd ed., 326 seq. 

3 Cf. GUERRINI, Le novelle di A. Firenzuola, Firenze, 1886, 173, 
and Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XIX., 172 ; see also KRAUS, Geschichte der 
christlichen Kunst, IL, Bd. II., i, 18 seq. 

4 See VIRGILI, 95 seq., 120 seq., 433 seq., and REUMONT in the 
Allgem. Zeitung, 1881, Beil. 250; cf. also FERRAJOLI in Giorn. d. 
lett. Ital., XLV., 67 seq. For Ip. de 5 Medici s brilliant court see JOVIUS, 
Elogia vir. bell. virt. ill., Florentiae, 1551, 273 seq. 


Berni s irreconcilable enemy appears in the person of 
Pietro Aretino, the master of the art of scandalous 
pasquinade, of which he considered himself to have the 
monopoly. 1 The friction between the two dated from the 
very beginning of Clement s reign, into whose favour 
Aretino had already insinuated himself. Berni liked Giberti 
as much as Aretino detested him. Although Giberti s 
opponents, Girolamo da Schio and Schonberg, took sides 
with Aretino, whose pen inspired fear, the latter got the 
worst of it and had to fly from Rome at the end of July 
1524; but he was back again in November, now singing 
the praises of Clement 2 and receiving rewards for so doing. 3 
On a night in July in the following year Aretino was 
implicated in a stabbing affair and was wounded in 
several places. As his assailant was in Giberti s service 
and went unpunished, Aretino attacked the Datary in the 
bitterest terms and finally went on to revile the Pope also. 4 
The scandal was so great that he left Rome and joined 
Giovanni " delle Bande Nere." After the death of the latter 
he lived at the court of the Marquis of Mantua, from 
whence he launched forth such biting invectives against the 
Pope and the Roman court that Clement s confessor com 
plained to the Mantuan envoy. 5 Meanwhile Aretino had 
found a safe refuge in Venice. Here he displayed a most 
remunerative industry, for, by sending his poisoned shafts 
in every direction, he extorted huge sums of money from 

1 See Luzio, P. Aretino e Pasquino, Roma, 1890. 

2 Laude di Clemente VII. (copy in the State Library, Munich) ; cf. 
Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXIX., 231 seq. 

3 ^1524 December 13 : " 50 due. a Piero Aretino d ordine di S. S ta " 
(State Archives, Florence, Sta. Maria Novella, 327). 

4 See VIRGILI, 102 seg. t and BERTANI, 42, 45, 48 seq.\ cf. Giorn. d. 
lett. Ital., XLIIL, 193^?. 

5 See Luzio, P. Aretino, 8 seg. t 62 ; cf. BERTANI, 32. 


those highly placed in the world and the Church. The 
sack of Rome gave Aretino an opportunity for composing 
a touching elegy and a pasquinade of savage ferocity. The 
latter was of such a tenor that Clement flung it to the 
ground exclaiming, with tears : " Is it to be borne that a 
Pope should be spoken of in such cruel terms ! " l This time 
Clement s displeasure lasted longer. Aretino s attempts, 
through influential persons, to obtain pardon were unavailing. 
It was only when no less a personage than the Doge Gritti 
himself applied to the Pope that he succeeded, in September 
1530, in obtaining an official reconciliation. But the banish 
ment from Rome continued in force, and so for a long time 
to come did the feelings of rancour and hatred in the mind 
of Aretino. 2 

The great throng of literati of all sorts, poets and men 
of learning, who since the days of his Cardinalate had been 
associated with Clement, would form a catalogue too long 
to enumerate. The following only may be mentioned : 
Zaccaria Ferreri, 3 Bernardo Accolti, 4 Giangiorgio 
Trissino, 5 Giovanni Rucellai, 6 Fra Sabba da Castiglione, 7 
Pietro Alcionio, 8 Giglio Gregorio Giraldi, 9 Andrea 

1 See Luzio, loc. cit., 13 seg. 

2 See Luzio, loc. cit., 29 seg., 34 seg., 50 ; cf. also MORSOLIN, G. da 
Schio, 68 seq., and LUZIO, Pronostico, XVIII., 12, 79. For a con 
demnatory edict of Clement s of 1525, which certainly was not strongly 
enforced, see BONGI, Annali di Gioliti, I., xxxiv., II., 469 seg., 483 
seq.) and Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XX., 507 seq. 

3 Cf. our remarks, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 208 seqq. 

4 See GUARNERA, Accolti, 1 1 7. 

6 MORSOLIN, 117 seqq., 125, 131 ; see also Vol. VIII., 218 seq. 

6 Cf. MAZZONI, Opere di G. Rucellai, Bologna, 1887. 

7 Cf. v. RANIERI, Fra S. da Castiglione, Lugo, 1821 ; GIORDANI, 
App. 11, and the articles quoted by FLAMINI, 569. 

8 MAZZUCHELLI, I., i, 378. 

9 Cf. WOTKE, L. G. Gyraldus de poetis nostri temp, (preface), 
Halle, 1894. 


Fulvio, 1 Maria Fabio Calvo, 2 Pierio Valeriano, 3 Johann 
Eck, 4 Santes Pagnino, 5 Cardinal Cajetan, 6 Cristoforo 
Marcello, 7 Antonio Pigafetta, 8 Achilla Bocchi, 9 Stefano 
Joanninense, 10 Giovanni Gennesio Sepulveda 11 Albert 
Pighius, 12 Giano Lascaris, 13 and many others. 14 

1 See A. Fulvii Antiquitates Urbis Romae, Praef. The licence is 
the composition of Sadoleto ; cf. LANCIANI, I., 229. 

2 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, pp. 244, 248 ; GlORDANI, App. 65 ; 
CIACONIUS, III., 474, and LANCIANI, I., 240 seq. 

3 See CALI, Valeriano, 27 seq. 

4 CIACONIUS, III., 474. 

5 For his translation of the Bible see ROSCOE, II., 165 ; ECHARD, 
II., 114, and Frieb. Kirchenlexikon, II., 2, 138, IX., 2, 1270. 

6 Comment in Pentateuchum, Romae, 1531, and De fide et operibus 
adversus Lutheranos, both dedicated to Clement VII.; see NIEDNER, 
Zeitschr. fur Theol., 1858, 455 seq. 

7 Ch. Marcelli *In psalm : Diligam te Domine, fortitude mea, 
expositio ad Clementem VII., Cod. Vatic., 3649, Vatican Library. 

8 Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXIII., 39 seq. WIESER, Magelhaenstrasse, 
48 seq. 

9 Cf. GlORDANI, App. 62 seq., and the *Brief of March 6, 1533, 
Arm., 39, vol. 53, n. 106, in Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

10 In Mediceam Monarchiam Penthatheucus ad div. Cle. Mediceum 
VII. P. M., Anconae, 1524. Very rare and of importance for history 
of Leo X. 

11 Graces for him of 1528 and 1 530 in *Regest. Vatic., 1271, f. 19 seq., 
and 1447, f. 175 seq., of Secret Archives of the Vatican. On September 
24, 1524, the ^account books enter: "50 due. a Giov. Sepulveda 
philosopho che traduce" (State Archives, Florence, S. Maria Novella, 


12 *Cod. Vatic., 4575, and 6176 : A. Pighius, De progymnasmatis 
geographicis, and 7804 : Adversus Graecorum errores, both dedicated 
to Clement. Payments to Pighius in the ^account books (Florentine) 
for 1526. 

13 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 209 seq.\ NOLHAC, Bibl. de F. Orsini, 
156 seq. 

14 The following may be briefly mentioned: G. V. Bonomi (see 
MAZZUCHELLI, II., 3, 1683 ; FANTUZZI, II., 308) Cl. Tolomei (ibid., 


The sack of Rome brought ruinous loss to all men of 

58), Cinzio de Fabnzi (GRAF, Cinquecento, 378), G. Casio (see our 
remarks, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 217 n. ; FANTUZZI, III., 131, and 
Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXVIII., 59), Matteo Franco (NARDUCCI, 
Cat., 394), I. F. Ferretti (KEHR, Rom. Berichte, 1903, 87, 91). In 
addition to the dedications mentioned above (see supra, p. 334 n.) I 
also call attention to the following: 

Cod. Vatic., 3577 : *Caroli Pinelli ord. praed. Epist. ad Clem VII. 
(dedication copy with miniature). 

3665 : *Ad. S. D. N. Clem. VII. Petri Albiniani Tretii De confessione 
epistola (against the Lutherans ; dedication copy with miniature). 

3709 : *Callisti Placentini [can. reg.] Dialogus ad Clem. VII. de recte 
regendo pontificatu (dedication copy). 

3721 : *G. T. Galli Epist. ad Clem. VII. 

3728 : *Hieron. Maripetri In. d. Francisci vitam, I. IX. ad Clem. VII. 

3742 : *Ant. Allii ep. Vult. de vitis et gestis sanctor, I. X. ad Nic. V. 
unacum epist. A. card, de Monte ad Clem. VII., cui hoc opus denuo 
transscriptum in melioremque formam reductum dedicat. See our 
remarks, Vol. II. of this work, p. 206. 

3743 : Hier. Balbi ep. Gurc. De virtutibus liber tertius ad Clem. VII. 
(cf. CiACONius, III., 474, and RETZER, 97 seqq., 103 seg., 107 seq.\ 
ASCHBACH, Wiener Universitat, II., 159). 

5795 : *P. Martyris Epist. ad Clem. VII. (cf. RAYNALDUS, 1523, n. 

5799 : *A. Admoracti Granarien. Civit is Florentiae Mediceorumque 
laudes (poem) ad Clem. VII. 

5828 : *J. Ferretti, Defensorium fidei sive de max. Sed. Ap. auctoritate 
contra omnes haereticos, with Praef. ad Clem. VII. 

5829 : *J. Ferretti, De ecclesia Dei in haereticos omnes ad 
Clem. VII. 

Reg. 1980. Jacobi Flori (presb. Samnitis e Fonte Roseo), Fasti 
christiani sive de sanctor. gestis ad Clem. VII. versu hexametro. 

Barb. XXIX., 166 (lat. 1822) : *Balac Arimin. Epist. ad Clem. VII. 

Barb. XXXIV., 64 (lat. 2747) : *Evangel. Tarasconii Parmen. ad 
Clem. VII. in calamitatum Italiae comment., lib. IV. 

Barb. XXXII., 73 (lat. 2282) : *Io. Staphylei In bullam Julii II. super 
elect. Rom. pontif. (dedicated to Clement VII.). 

To Clement VII. and Giberti is dedicated *the History of the Turks 


letters living there, while many perished. 1 The humanist 
Pierio Valeriano described the fate of individuals in his 
well-known treatise "On the Misfortunes of the Learned." 2 
The Roman University was completely ruined. Clement 
VII. had shown the greatest interest in its erection, and 
gave orders that the buildings should be restored. He 
failed, indeed, in securing the services of Erasmus, but was 
successful in his invitations to many other scholars. 3 
The Papal archives and the Vatican Library also suffered 
badly in the year of misfortune 1527, but Clement VII. 
made vigorous efforts to make good the losses. 4 

The consequences of the sack were perhaps more 
disastrous for art than for literature. Not merely had the 
whole brilliant group of painters, sculptors, and goldsmiths 
been scattered in all directions, and many of their works 
destroyed, but the exhaustion of the finances was injurious, 
for it made all work impossible for a great length of time, 
and then, when the worst difficulties had been overcome, 
no one was able to come forward as a general patron of 
the arts. In this respect, too, Clement VII. differed from 

by Teod. Spandugnino Cantacusino in Addit. MS. 15316 of the British 
Museum, London. Gammarus dedicated to Clement VII. his Com 
mentary on the Bull of Julius II. on the Papal election ; see PAULUS 
in Katholik, 1899, II., 379 seq. For Folengo and Clement VII. see 
Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXI 1 1., 454. 

1 Besides REUMONT, III., 2, 369 seq., and GREGOROVIUS, VIII., 
3rd ed., 594 seq., see also Rev. d. Bibl., V., 16 ; KALKOFF, Forsch., 28 ; 
FANTUZZI, 278 ; ROSSI, Pasquinate, ill seq., and VOGELSTEIN, II., 49. 

2 De Infelicitate Litteratorum, Venetiae, 1620. 

3 See RENAZZI, II., 82 seq.\ MARINI, Lettera; 117 seq. t 119; Arch. 
Veneto, N.S., I., 2 (1901), 134 seq. 

4 Seethe Brief of 1529 that CIAN published in Giorn. d. lett. Ital., 
IX., 454, and for the search for MSS. in 1532 the Brief of that year, 
July 22, in Dipl. Norvegic., VI., 2, 756 seq., and in Appendix, Nos. 
26-29, the *Briefs of 1532. 


his cousin Leo X. The heedless prodigality of the 
latter was as foreign to Clement as his rich versatility 
of culture; dry, earnest, sparing of his purse, he was 
not the man to act the Maecenas for whom the world 
of art had been hoping; they were soon to undergo a 
great disappointment. 

On the announcement of the election of Clement VII. 
most of the artists who had been driven from Rome by the 
death of Leo X. and the pontificate of Adrian VI. at once 
returned. Their recollections of the reign of the first 
Medici filled them all with the most pleasing hopes for the 
future. To have survived the day of the " barbarian " 
Pope and of the plague filled the joyous band with fresh 
spirit. " Friends sought each other out again," says 
Benvenuto Cellini, " and embraced and greeted with 
cheering words those whom they once more met alive. 
Painters, sculptors, and goldsmiths, the best in Rome, drew 
closer together in a society founded by the jovial Michael 
Agnolo of Siena, and held joyous festas in which Giulio 
Romano and Penni also took part." l What Cellini tells 
us of these festas makes it clearly evident that the austere 
Adrian VI. would have nothing to do with such folk. 
Clement VII. himself was soon obliged to take steps 
against Marcantonio Raimondi for having made copper 
plates of some obscene drawings of Giulio Romano ; had 
the latter not already made his way to Mantua, the anger 
of the Pope would have fallen upon him heavily. 2 

In spite of the financial difficulties which Clement VII. 

1 CELLINI, Vita, I.,- 5 ; DOLLMAYR, 352. 

2 See DOLLMAYR, 353, and DELABORDE, M. A. Raimondi, Paris, 
1888, 52 seg., 238 seq. Vasari s story, that Aretino at that time had 
composed for his scandalous pictures still more scandalous sonnets, is 
not in accordance with the dates of Aretino s life. His sonnets must 
belong to a later period. 


had to contend with from the first, in spite of the political 
embarrassments and the unprecedented blows of fate which 
were so soon to overwhelm him, he had set on foot 
many works of importance, while in another direction his 
pontificate saw the development in Rome of artistic 
activity on no small scale. 1 The most remarkable work of 
painting belonging to this reign was undoubtedly the 
decoration of the great hall leading to the Stanze, then 
called the Papal Hall, and later the Hall of Constantine ; 
for the victorious entry of Christianity into universal 
history under that Emperor is there depicted. 

The programme of this monumental work was, as regards 
essentials, settled under Leo X. 2 But as yet nothing had 
been executed, except the general division of subjects and 
the figures of Virtue and Justice which Raphael s pupils, 
Giulio Romano and Penni, had painted in oil on the wall ; 
besides this the background of the Battle of the Milvian 
Bridge had been begun. This, however, was taken down 
when Clement gave orders for the resumption of the work 
interrupted by his cousin s death. The new method of 
painting chosen out of consideration for the co-operation of 
Sebastiano del Piombo was now given up and the customary 
use of fresco retained. In this great undertaking Giulio 
Romano executed the " Apparition of the Cross " and the 
battle-piece, while the " Baptism " and " Donation " of 
Constantine fell to Penni. 

These great frescoes are painted apparently in the style 

1 REUMONT, III., 2, 433 seq.^ where the buildings of private persons, 
especially the most beautiful, the Palazzo Massimo, are commented 
upon. More will be said of the Palazzo Farnese (see GEYMULLER, Les 
Du Cerceau, 13) in the next volume. The villa Salone of Cardinal 
Ag. Trivulzio has been excellently treated of by v. FABRICZY in the 
Jahrb. der preuss. Kunstsamml., XVII., 190 seqq. 

2 Cf. GOTTI, I., 138; WOLTMANN, II., 653. 


of vast tapestries stretched along the walls, an evidence how 
fashionable this kind of decoration had become since the 
production of Raphael s famous hangings. Only the incom 
parable " Battle of Constantine" was sketched by the great 
master himself, and it was his thought that placed in the 
centre of this colossal picture, at the head of the band of 
horsemen pressing forward in the irresistible onset of 
victory, the youthful Emperor mounted on a noble white 
charger, with lance in poise, while the angels hovering 
over him point to his opponent Maxentius, who falls head 
long into the rushing Tiber. The turning-point in this 
world-famed battle is thus most happily indicated. All 
around rages the turmoil of battle with its thrilling episodes 
represented with vivid fidelity to truth. 1 

The results of the victory, the " Baptism " and " Donation " 
of Constantine, were painted by Penni ; in both frescoes 
St. Sylvester is represented with the features of Clement VI I. 
The former event takes place in the baptistery of the 
Lateran ; the " Donation," which by a stroke of genius is 
symbolized by the presentation of a golden figure of Rome, 
gives an admirable sketch of the interior of the old church 
of St. Peter. 2 

Between these two powerful frescoes are throned in 
painted niches under baldachini the figures, larger than 
life size, of famous Popes of the early Church, among whom 
Clement I. and Leo I. bear the traits of the two Medici 

1 A good description of the " Battle of Constantine " by GRIMM, 
Leben Raphaels, 482 seq. Cf. also PASSAVANT, II., 365 seq.\ WOLT- 
MANN, 655 ; MOLTKE, Wanderbuch, 131 ; LlLiENCRON in the Allgem. 
Zeitung, 1883, Beil. 309; GRAF VON SZECSEN in the Ungar. Revue, 
IX. (1889), 560. 

2 BURCKHARDT S favourable criticism (Cicerone, 671) of the 
" Baptism " and " Donation " requires to be considerably discounted 
in the light of Dollmayr s arguments. In the "Baptism" Clement 
appears with, in the " Donation" without, a beard. 


Popes. 1 Around these likenesses of the predecessors of 
Clement VII. are grouped angels and allegorical figures, 
whose crudely realistic forms as well as the almost nude 
mythological figures on the pilasters are characteristic of 
the age. 2 Giulio s pupils, Giovanni da Lione and Raffaello 
del Colle of Borgo San Sepolcro, executed the orna 
ments and arabesques which border the frescoes as well 
as the caryatides with the badges of the Medici on the 
brackets. 3 

According to the account books the above-named painters 
were engaged for the greater part of the year 1524 in the 
Hall of Constantine, which might perhaps be better named 
after St. Sylvester. The last instalment of the stipulated 
1000 ducats was paid on the 3rd of July 1525,* but 
the work, in all essentials, was finished as far back as 
September I524. 5 Giulio Romano thereupon left Rome in 
October 1524, for no more work of importance was to be 
expected there. Clement VII. was not merely struggling 
with his money difficulties, but politics were making increas- 

1 The Popes, whose names are often incorrectly given, are Peter, 
Clement I., Urban I., Silvester I., Damasus I., and Leo I. Cf. 
PALIARD, Remarques sur les Papes representes dans la salle de 
Constantin au Vatican, Chronique des Arts, Paris, 1884. Here also 
the indentification of two figures with Felix III. and Gregory VII. is 
rejected, although it is overlooked that the inscriptions under the 
figures are in some instances incorrectly attributed. As a proof, 
the inscription under Clement I., who unmistakably bears the features 
of Leo X. It is not to be supposed that the painter here meant 
Clement I., but his intention certainly was to represent Leo I. 

2 DOLLMAYR, 348, says that the Popes with the allegorical figures 
were always painted by the same artist who executed the principal 
picture on that wall. 

3 Cf. DOLLMAYR, 348. 

4 See Arch. Stor. dell 3 Arte, I., 447 seq. 

5 This is proved by a hitherto unnoticed letter of B. Castiglione in 
SERASSI, I., 142. 


ing claims on his attention ; l thus it was that Penni and 
Giovanni da Udine also came to be engaged on tasks of only 
a trivial character, the painting of banners in particular. 2 

The catastrophe which befell the artistic world in the 
sack of Rome was so terrible that it must once more be 
considered. The few, such as Benvenuto Cellini and the 
sculptors Lorenzo Lotto and Raffaello da Montelupo, who 
were able to find occupation as gunners on St. Angelo, 
were to be counted lucky. The remainder underwent the 
hardest experiences. The painter Maturino died of the 
plague; Perino del Vaga, Marcantonio Raimondi, Giulio 
Clovio, and many others were tortured and robbed of all 
they had. Those who could took refuge in flight, and the 
school of Raphael was completely broken up. 3 Although 
Clement VII., after 1530, made strenuous efforts to restore 
the patronage of art, the life-blood of art itself had been 
drained. The gifted Giovanni da Udine was now exten 
sively employed. He restored, in 1531, the mosaics in the 
apse of St. Peter s, and painted, two years later, the ceiling of 
the sacristy of S. Lorenzo in Florence ; the glass windows 
of the Laurentian Library are, probably rightly, also attri 
buted to him. 4 The artistic activity of Sebastiano del Piombo 
was affected by his appointment in 1531, by Clement VII., 
to be a " Bullarum plumbator" or medallist of Papal Bulls, 
a remunerative function. After that this distinguished 
painter confined himself almost entirely to portraits. 5 

1 See DOLLMAYR, 358. Giulio Romano was not paid for finishing 
the "Transfiguration" until 1526; see Arch. Stor. dell Arte, I., 449. 

2 Arch. Stor. dell Arte, 448 seq. 

3 MUNTZ, Hist., III., 232; REUMONT, III., 2, 445 seq.\ GREGOR- 
OVIUS, VIII., 3rd ed., 593 seq. ; Graphische Kiinste, 1883, 91. 

4 Arch. Stor. dell Arte, L, 448 ; GOTTI, I., 170. 

5 See CROWE, VI., 410 seq.; REUMONT, III., 2, 444. Here and in 
Arch. Stor. dell Arte, L, 450, for other painters of that period. For 
Master Andrea see also RofcSi, Pasquinate, 106 seq. 


Clement VII. had always taken a special interest in the 
art of illumination. 1 He ordered several specimens to be 
executed for the choir books of the Sixtine Chapel. 2 But 
in the account books, which, to be sure, are not in com 
plete preservation, the name of Giulio Clovio, the greatest 
illuminator of the age, does not appear. 3 

The troubles of the time were the principal cause why 
Clement, in the domain of architecture, had to restrict 
himself to what was absolutely necessary. The reconstruc 
tion of St. Peter s had a prior claim to anything else. 
One of the Pope s first acts of administration was the 
appointment of a commission of sixty members for the 
special purpose of seeing that the money collected for 
this purpose was not diverted to other objects. 4 To raise 
the necessary sums, the right application of which was a 
matter of such extreme importance with the Pope, 5 the 
same measures were used as under Leo X.; 6 but the same 

1 For his missals that he had executed when Cardinal (now in the 
cabinet of copperplates in Berlin;, see Repert. fur Kunstwissensch., 
VII, 84. 

2 See MtiNTZ, Bibliotheque, 73 seq., and HABERL, Bausteine f. 
Musikgesch., II., 66. Cf. PASINI-FRASSONI, Armorial des Papes, 
Rome, 1906, 34. 

3 Cf, KUKULJEVIC-SAKCINSKI, Leben des J. Clovio, 3rd ed, Agram, 
1868; Atti Mod., III., 259 seq.; BERTOLOTTi, G. Clovio, Modena, 
1882 ; BRADLEY, G. Clovio, London, 1891. 

4 Bull., VI., 48 seq. A contemporary printed copy of the Bull 
(dated 1523, December 12) in TiziO, *Hist. Senen. in the Chigi 
Library, Rome. 

5 See F. Gonzaga s ^report of December 31, 1524, in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

6 Cf. Bull, ed. COCQUELINES, IV., i, 49 seq. ; WADDING, XVI., 
2nd ed, 206, 213; LANCELLOTTI, IV., 179 seq. Numerous pieces 
relating to this in the volumes of *Briefs : cf. vol. 44 (1524), n. 18, 
329, 621 ; vol. 45 (1525), n. 65, 444; vol. 46 (1526), n. 164; vol. 52 
(1532), n. 79, 348, 351, 478, 479; vol. 53 (1533), n. 107 (Secret 


difficulties had also to be met. 1 As the clumsy machinery 
of the College of Sixty proved unsuccessful, a special 
congregation of the " Fabbrica di S. Pietro " was afterwards 
appointed. 2 The seal of the Fabbrica was the work of 
Benvenuto Cellini. 3 The accounts from 1525 have been 
preserved, 4 and afford a good survey of the slow progress 
of the work, the completion of which, as the Venetian 
Ambassador remarked in 1523, would hardly be seen by 
the generation of their grandchildren. 5 Giuliano Leno 
continued to be master of the works under Clement VII. 
Before the sack Baldassare Peruzzi had been appointed 
architect of St. Peter s for life ; during the catastrophe 
he saved his life with difficulty, and on the 1st of July 
1531 Clement VII. renewed his former appointment. 6 

Archives of the Vatican). That Clement VII. was lukewarm towards 
the rebuilding of St. Peter s is one of the many unproved assertions 
of H. GRIMM, Michelangelo, II., 5th ed., 379. 

1 See Sessa s ^report, October 5, 1525, in the Biblioteca de la Acad. 
de Hist., Madrid, Salazar, A 36. 

2 See VESPIGNANIUS, Compend. privileg. fabricae S. Petri, Romae, 
1762, 9, cf. 1 06 seq. 

3 PLON, 193 seq., only gives two entries for this seal for 1531. In 
the *" Conti," however (p. 3 a ), mentioned in note below, we find, as 
early as January 30, 1527, seven scudi paid to Benvenuto Cellini for 
a seal of the Fabbrica. 

4 The most important is a folio volume entitled : *Conti della 
Fabbrica sino al tempo di Clemente VII., from 1525 to 1529 inclusive. 
Here are to be found the payments made to Antonio da Sangallo, 
Baldassare Peruzzi, Francesco da Sangallo, and Giovanni Francesco 
da Sangallo. Also a folio volume with the title : *Entrata et uscita 
del 1529 sino al 1542. A more thorough examination of the archives 
of the Fabbrica of St. Peter s would be well worth the trouble. The 
extracts in Cod. H, II. 22, of Chigi Library, are insufficient. 

6 See ALBERT, 2nd Series, III., 103. In the raid of the Colonna the 
money-chest of the Fabbrica was stolen ; see SANUTO, LII., 727. 

6 See in Appendix, No. 21, the important Brief of July i, 1531 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican), by which the hitherto accepted 


Although the nomination in this instance also was 
for life, Peruzzi withdrew himself from Rome for a long 
time, so that in April 1533 Clement VII. had to summon 
him back. 1 

In the palace of the Vatican Clement VII. completed 
the court of St. Damasus. Here 2 as well as in the castle 
of St. Angelo 3 many minor works and improvements were 
carried out. In the castle, the defences of which were 
strengthened, two chambers are shown at the present 
day, one of which served as the Pope s bedroom. The 
most recent restorations have also brought to light the 
Pope s bathroom ; it contains mythological scenes from the 
life of Venus very characteristic of the licence which marked 
the spirit of the age. 4 The decoration also of the Papal 
villa on the eastern slope of Monte Mario, which was 

view, that Peruzzi occupied a subordinate position (BURCKHARDT- 
HOLTZINGER, Gesch. der Renaissance, 127), is upset. Peruzzi s name 
disappears from the ^account books in 1527 and reappears in February 

1532, not 1535, as given by JOVANOVITS, 75. 

1 See in Appendix, No. 33, the ^Brief of April 30, 1533. Min. brev., 

1533, vol. 46, n. 162 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Cf. *Introit. et Exit., 561, f. 205*: "Juliano Leno civi Rom. pro 
fabrica palat. apost. due. 160" (monthly statement), Secret Archives 
of the Vatican. See also the *Mandati of 1527 in State Archives, 
Rome, and S. Maria Novella, 329 (payments for work on the 
Belvedere, 1528-9), in State Archives, Florence, as well as STEIN- 
MANN, II., 8. The collapse of the corridor leading to the Belvedere, 
wrongly placed by Michaelis (Jahrb. des deutschen archaol. Instituts, 
V., 32) in the year 1534, caused great talk at the time. Cf. the ^letter 
of Girol. Cattaneo of January 7 in State Archives, Milan, and of 
F. Gonzaga of January 9, 1531, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua; see 
Appendix, Nos. 18-19. 

3 Cf. CLAUSSE, II., 297 seq. ; BORGATI, 121. 

4 Over the marble doorway of the entrance to the " Bagno," formerly 
used as a latrine, is the inscription : Clemens VII. P. M. The paint 
ings are in the style of Giulio Romano. 

VOL. X. 23 



partly destroyed by fire during the sack, was purely 
mythological in character. 1 

In Rome itself, besides the rebuilding of the Mint (now 
Banco di S. Spirito) 2 restorations were undertaken by 
Clement in the baptistery of the Lateran, 3 in S. Agostino, 
S. Maria sopra Minerva, S. Pietro in Montorio, S. Pietro 
in Vincoli, S. Maria Maggiore, S. Matteo in Merulana, 4 
S. Gregorio de Muratori, 5 S. Maria in Domnica, 6 and in 
the cloister of S. Maria in Ara Coeli. 7 On S. Giovanni 
de Fiorentini, Jacopo Sansovino was employed. On the 
northern portion of the Campo Marzio Clement VII. in 
1525 finished Leo X. s construction of the three streets 
leading to the Porta del Popolo. 8 The Pope also did a 
great deal for the improvement of traffic in Rome. 9 The 
sack, which had reduced the population from 55,000 to 
32,000 ; 10 the plague, and the great inundation of the Tiber 
in I530 11 had done heavy damage to the Papal capital. 

1 Cf. for the Villa Madama, Vol. VIII. of work, p. 370 seqq. 

2 By Antonio da Sangallo ; see CLAUSSE, II., 152; cf. SCHULTE, 
I., 209. 

3 This is recalled by the inscription on the fresco of the Baptism of 
Constantine: Clemens VII. | Pont. Max. | a Leone X. | coeptum | con- 
summvait. | 1524. 

4 See ARMELLINI, Chiese, 465. 

5 LANCIANI, I., 244. 

3 CIACONIUS, III., 476. 

7 The arms of Clement VII. were still there in 1879. Since then 
all has been destroyed to make room for the monument to Victor 

8 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 127. The inscription of 1525 in 
REUMONT, III., 2, 873. 

9 Cf. LANCIANI, I., 226, 247 ; II., 10. 

10 See GNOLI in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XVII., 382, and GREGOROVIUS, 
VIII. , 3rd ed., 592. The statement in LANCELLOTTI, III., 459: 
20,000, is certainly exaggerated. 

11 Cf. SANUTO, XXX., 54 seq. See also FORCELLA, I., 441. 


Notwithstanding these calamities Rome had revived with 
comparative alacrity, and at the time of Clement s death the 
condition of the city was fairly satisfactory. 1 For fortifica 
tions in Rome 2 and elsewhere throughout the States of the 
Church Clement VII. availed himself of Antonio da 
Sangallo and Michele Sanmicheli. 3 The former, at his 
orders, constructed at Orvieto the great well (Pozzo di San 
Patrizio) which, after the cathedral, the inhabitants look 
upon as the second wonder of their city. 4 In Fano the 
reconstruction of the harbour, and in Loreto the erection of 
the apostolic palace were undertaken. 5 In Florence in 
1533 the erection of the citadel of S. Giovanni Battista was 
set on foot. 6 

1 See REUMONT, III., 2, 449, and Luzio, Pronostico, 107. 

2 " N. S. fa fare certe bastioni verso la porta di S. Spirito e su quelle 
colline di S. Onofrio et anche a lo ponte Syxto." ^Letter of Casella 
of October 2, 1526 (State Archives, Modena). 

3 See RAVIOLI, Notizie s. lavori di arch, milit. d. Sangallo, Roma, 
1863, 46 seq. ; A. Sangallo (il giov.) e Sanmicheli, Relaz. sullo stato 
delle rocche di Romagna nel 1526, Milano, 1902. Cf. the scarce publi 
cation : Intorno alia relazione delle rocche della Romagna pontificia 
fatta nel 1526 da Ant. Picconi da Sangallo e da Michele Sanmicheli, 
Roma, 1855. For the fortifications of Parma, Modena, Piacenza, and 
Ancona see LANCELLOTTI, II., 341 seq., and CLAUSSE, II., 291 seq., 
294. See for Ancona also supra, pp. 197, 199. On December 22, 1529, 
Clement VII. sent Antonio da Sangallo to the army, as he had recom 
mended his capacity to the Imperial generals; *Min. brev., 1529, 
vol. 26, n. 494, in Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

4 Besides CLAUSSE, II., 255, cf. also Hist.-polit. Bl., LXXIX., 366 
seq. ; PlCCOLOMlNl-ADAMi, 233 seq. ; NOHL, Tagebuch, 135 ; FUMI, 
Orvieto, 189 seq., and PARDI, Guida storico-artistica di Orvieto, 
Orvieto, 1896, 36 seq. For a strengthening for the cathedral at 
Foligno see FALOCI-PULIGNANI, XVII centenario di S. Feliciano, 
210 seq. 

5 *Brief of June 16, 1526; see Cod. Barb., XXXIL, 219, of the 
Vatican Library. 

6 LANDUCCI, 371. 


Clement VII. was too true a Medici to neglect the 
adornment of the Vatican with noble tapestries, 1 costly 
faience, 2 carved doors, 3 and gold and silver vessels. Here 
also the sack caused serious losses, but it was not long 
before the work of restoration began. This was especially 
the case with regard to the goldsmiths art, which under 
Clement VII. was in a most flourishing condition. As 
soon as to any extent his finances permitted it, the Pope 
began to renew his personal appointments. 4 His principal 
commissions were for the golden roses, swords of honour 
and other Papal gifts, and for articles of ecclesiastical use. 
Besides Caradosso, who died in 1527, his most famous 
workmen were Benvenuto Cellini, Valerio Belli, and 
Giovanni Bernardi da Castel Bolognese. In the accounts 
many other names occur of more or less note. 5 

1 Cj our statements, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 298. BERTOLOTTI, 
Artisti Urbinati in Roma, Urbino, 1881, 54; MlJNTZ, Tapiss. de 
Raphael, 36 seq., 41 seq., and Hist, de la tapiss., 139 seq. ; Athenaeum 
1896, July, 72 seq. ; Carte Strozz., II., 647, as well as FARABULINI, 35, 
and DOLLMAYR, 325 seq., 350. Cf. in Appendix, No. 31, the *Brief 
of November 12, 1532 ; LANCIANI, II., 29. 

2 Cf. State Archives, Florence, S. Maria Novella, 329, f. 20. 
Many pieces of this work perished in the sack ; see Rev. d. Bibl., IV., 
86. A fine plate of Master Giorgio of Gubbio, with the arms of the 
Cardinal del Monte, of 1531 in the Museo Art.-Indust, Rome; cf- 
Riv. d Italia, 1898, II., 341. Clement VII. supported a "fabbrica di 
vetri in Bologna ; see Arch, dell Arte, II., 169. 

3 The carved doors in the Loggie, with the arms of Clement VII. 
and great lions heads are, according to BURCKHARDT-HOLTZINGER 
(Renaissance, 314), perhaps the finest existing pieces of work of this 
description. One of the doors has the inscription : Munificentia 
Clementis VII. P.M. "Payments for G. Barile, see State Archives, 
Florence, S. Maria Novella, 327, f. 50, 52, 59, 70, 77. 

4 In March 1529 a new tiara was ordered ; see MUNTZ, Tiare, 78. 

6 Cf. BERTOLOTTI in Gori s Archivio, I., 31 seq., 78 seq., and Artisti 
Lombardi a Roma, Milano, 1882 ; MUNTZ in Arch, dell Arte, I., 14 


This brilliant coterie of artists does not, perhaps, always 
appear in the most favourable light ; fierce, reckless 
characters predominate, and acts of violence were frequent. 
The well-known autobiography of Benvenuto Cellini 1 
reveals with a startling fidelity to nature the sharp con 
trasts between culture and savagery, faith and superstition, 
the fantastic mixture of outward splendour and moral 
laxity which gave the tone to these artistic circles. In 
June 1529 Clement bestowed on this versatile genius 
the post of an engraver in the Roman Mint. 2 Vasari 
considers that no such beautiful coinage had ever been 
designed for the Popes before ; the pieces that have been 
preserved are certainly splendid works of art. 3 The bust 
of Clement reproduces with remarkable fidelity his cold 
though handsome features; many of the designs drawn 
by Cellini for Papal coins are uncommonly original. Thus 
on a gold doubloon the Pope and Emperor are represented 
upholding the cross together ; on the reverse side of a 
silver piece a very effective composition shows the Saviour 
rescuing Peter from the waves, with the inscription, 
" Wherefore hast thou doubted ? " A medal with Moses 
bringing water from the rock refers to the well made by 

seqq., 35 seg., 68 seq., VII., 372 seqq., and PLON, Cellini, 10 seg. t cf. 
143 seq., 162, 316 seq. For the " Necessaire de toilette" with Clement 
VI I. s name and arms, see BARBIER, Bibl. Vatic., 109. A sword sent 
by Clement to Charles V. in the armoury at Madrid. Cf. supra^ p. 90, 

1 Vita di B. Cellini, testo critico con introd. e note storiche p. 
c. di Bacci, Firenze, 1890-1891 ; cf. REUMONT, Beitrage, III., 
333 segg., and FLAMINI, 563. Goethe s translation is unfaithful 
literally and artistically ; cf. VOSSLER in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1900, 
No. 253. 

2 Cf. MtJNTZ, L Atelier monetaire de Rome, Paris, 1884, 35 seq., and 
PLON, Cellini, 194 seq. 

3 Fine specimens in the Papal collection of coins in the Vatican. 


Clement at Orvieto; another medal of 1534 celebrates the 
then prevailing peace. 1 

As a medallist Giovanni Bernard! da Castel Bolognese 
held an even more distinguished place than Cellini. 2 In 
the art of " intaglio " Valerio Belli of Vicenza surpassed all 
his contemporaries. 3 Distinguished also as a medallist, 
this artist executed for Clement VII. the costly crystal 
reliquary presented to the basilica of S. Lorenzo in 
Florence. 4 But his most famous work was the magnificent 
casket of which the principal adornment was scenes from 
the life of our Lord cut in crystal ; this, executed on the 
occasion of the marriage of Catherine de Medici, is now an 
object of admiration in the galleries of the Uffizi. 5 

The best-known work of sculpture in Rome, belonging 
to the reign of Clement VII., is Lorenzetto s not very 
successful statue of St. Peter placed, at the Pope s command } 

1 See FRIEDLANDER, Miinzen und Medaillen des B. Cellini, Berlin, 
1885 ; CIABATTI in Period, di numismatica, I., Firenze, 1868 ; HABICH 
in the Frankfurter Zeitung, 1900, No. 300 ; PLON, 196 seg. t and 
ARMAND, I., 148. Cf. ARMAND, I., 136, 138 seg., 141 ; II., 165 seq., 
302 ; III., 144, 227, 231, for other medals of Clement VII. ClNAGLl 
(94 seq.} enumerates 120 coins of Clement VII. See also KOCH- 
LOCHNER, Samml. merkwiirdiger Medaillen, XXII. (1744); GIORDANI, 
Docum., 176 ; GENTILI DI ROVELLONE, Di una moneta ined. di 
Clemente VII., Camerino, 1882, and MONTI, Motti sopra ale. monete 
di pontefici, in Period, di numismatica, V., 3. 

2 Cf. LIVERANI, Gior. da Castel Bolognese, Faenza, 1870; Atti 
Mod., IV., i seq. ; ARMAND, I., 137 seq. ; MUNTZ, L Atelier, 36 seg., 
and Hist, III., 711. 

3 MUNTZ, III., 711. 

4 See LANDUCCI, 370 ; RICHA, Chiese fiorent, V., 45 seg. ; MORENI, 
S. Lorenzo, I., 188, 277, 347 ; cf. Chronique des Arts, 1895, 72. About 
other gifts for Florence see PELLI, Saggio stor. d. Galleria di Firenze, 

II., 14, 53- 

5 See VASARI-MILANESI, V. 379 seq. ; BASCHET, 180 seg. ; PLON, 
296, 389. 


in 1530, alongside of Paolo Romano s statue of St. Paul at 
the lower end of the bridge of St. Angelo. 1 For the fortress, 
Raffaello da Montelupo executed a new angel of colossal 
size to take the place of the bronze effigy which had been 
melted down. 2 At Monte Cassino the sepulchral monu 
ment of Pietro de Medici was begun in 1531 and only 
completed in I559- 3 At Loreto, Sansovino made progress 
with work on the Holy House remarkable for beauty and 
truly Christian feeling; as early as 1523 he had finished 
the relief of the Annunciation, which is conspicuous for 
its dramatic movement; the relief of the Adoration 01 
the Shepherds with its noble group of angels, set up in 
1528, is full of sincerity; the Adoration of the Kings, 
the Birth and Espousals of Mary, already begun by 
Sansovino, were finished by his pupils after his death in 
1529; to his drawings is also to be referred the panel of 
the Visitation. Of the statues placed in the twenty 
niches, that of Jeremias belongs for the most part to 
Sansovino; all the others came from his pupils. The 
latter also carried out the subordinate decoration of the 
structure. Tribolo, Sangallo, and Montelupo have here 
left work which is very effective. The lions heads, eagles 
and festoons of Mosca are especially good, and the same 
can be said of the panels with pictorial decorations intro 
duced at the sides and at the foot of the doors. The 
former contain the arms of the Medici, and the latter 
ornamental figures of angels praying, tritons, sphinxes, 
birds, vases, and candelabra. 4 

1 See CIACONIUS, III., 456. 

2 VASARI-MILANESI, IV., 545 ; Studi e docum., XIII., 302. 

3 Cf. GAVE, II., 356 seq.\ CARAVITA, I codici e le arti a Monte 
Cassino, III., 80 seq.\ CLAUSSE, II., 277 seg., and Orig. Ben6dict, 
Paris, 1899, 154. 

4 SCHONFELD, Sansovino, 27 seq. ; LtJBKE in the Zeitschr. fur bild, 


The Pope s predilection for Baccio Bandinelli was un 
fortunate. 1 The latter, ambitious and self-seeking, tried to 
enter into a discreditable competition with Michael Angelo 
which was only productive of unpleasing creations. 
Bandinelli s best work was the copy of the Laocoon 
executed for Leo X. and placed, under Clement VII., in 
the second court of the Palazzo Medici at Florence. It is 
now in the Uffizi. 2 On the right of the principal entrance 
of the Palazzo Vecchio stands Bandinelli s marble group 
of "Hercules slaying Cacus," as a pendant to Michael 
Angelo s " David." The satirical wit of the Florentines 
soon made a butt of this pompous composition. 
Another work entrusted to Bandinelli, the Archangel 
Michael triumphing over the seven deadly sins, and 
intended to adorn the castle of St. Angelo, was never 
executed. 3 

Like Bandinelli, Giovanni Angelo Montorsoli had an 
apartment set apart for him in the Belvedere. Montorsoli 

Kunst, VI., 158 seq. ; Kolner Domblatt, 1862, No. 211-212; BURCK- 
HARDT, Cicerone, 412 ; GRAUS in Kirchenschmuck, 1891, 37 ; Arte, 
III., 254; CLAUSSE, II., 242 seq., III., 145 seq., Jahrb. der preuss. 
Kunstsamml., XXVI., 100. See also CIACONIUS, III., 475, Rassegna 
naz., 1884, and SACCONI, Relaz. dell ufficio reg. p. 1. conservaz. d. 
monum. delle Marche e dell Umbria, 2nd ed., Perugia, 1903. 

1 Cf. PERKINS, Sculpt. Ital., II., 442 seq. 

2 See REUMONT, Beitrage, III., 445 seq.\ Kunstblatt, 1849, No. 7 ; 
Arch, dell Arte, II., 108 seq.\ Repert. fur Kunstwissenschaft, XIX., 
163; Jahrb. des deutschen archaol. Instituts, V., 30; Jahrb. des 
preuss. Kunstsamml., XXVII., 160. The copy of the Laocoon was 
brought to Florence earlier than is usually supposed. Cf. Cod. 
Barb., XXXII. , 219, and *Introit. et Exit., 561; " 10 Dec. 1524. 
due. 144 auri de camera de mand. sub die prima pres. Earth, 
merciario S. D. N. pro pluribus expen. factis in conducendo statuam 
marmoream Laocoontis ex urbe Florentiam " (Secret Archives of the 

3 Cf. A. JANSEN in the Zeitschr. fur bild. Kunst, XL, 98 seq. 


was accounted a master in the art, then coming into re 
pute, of restoring antique statues by additions which 
were often the result of a correct calculation. At 
Clement s bidding he added the left arm to the Belvedere 
Apollo and the right to the figure of Laocoon. The 
Pope, who liked to visit the Belvedere in the morning 
when saying his office, took great interest in the progress 
of this work. 1 

Like many other artists, even the greatest of all saw in 
the elevation of Clement to the Papacy ground for far- 
reaching expectations. "You will have heard," wrote 
Michael Angelo on the 25th of November 1523 to a friend, 
"that Medici is chosen Pope. This, it seems to me, has 
been a matter of general congratulation, and I believe we 
shall see great things." Clement VII. had, in fact, 
throughout the whole of his pontificate a strong apprecia 
tion of the worth and greatness of this unique genius. 
The letters in particular of Sebastiano del Piombo and 
Giovan Francesco Fantucci bear eloquent testimony 
to this feeling. In the letters of the latter we have often 
verbatim reports of the conversations he had with Clement 
VII. Full of kind feeling, the Pope bore with truly 
astonishing patience the rudeness and ill-temper of the 
irascible artist. On one occasion he asked him to remem 
ber two things; first, that he is not able to make 
everything himself; and secondly, that we have only a 
short time to live. The thought that Popes do not for 
the most part have long reigns was recalled by Clement on 
another occasion in a postscript written in his own hand, 
in which he begged that he would make as much speed as 

1 See REUMONT, III., 2, 439; Jahrb. des deutschen archaol. 
Instituts, V., 30 seq. In the account books for September 30, 1525, is 
the *entry : "Due. 500 a M. Jac. Liryco per certe maschere antiche" 
(State Archives, Florence, S. Maria Novella, 327). 


possible in the execution of some work on which he was 
engaged. 1 

Three tasks of great magnitude were entrusted by 
Clement to Michael Angelo : the construction of the Medici 
memorial chapel (Sagrestia Nuovo) of S. Lorenzo, the 
execution of the monuments to be placed therein, and 
the erection of the Laurentian Library in Florence. 2 
At first Michael Angelo devoted himself with all his 
energy to this new and fascinating work, but the political 
events between 1527 and 1529 deprived him of all artistic 
capacity. Inflamed with love of the freedom of his native 
city, he flung chisel and hammer aside and undertook the 
indispensable service of providing defences for Florence, 
especially for the protection of San Miniato. When 
the Medici finally prevailed Michael Angelo was in 
very great danger; but Clement not only shielded him 

1 See FREY, Sammlung ausgewahlter Briefe an Michelangelo 
Buonarotti, Berlin, 1899, 271. Cf. GOTTI, I., 199 seq., 211 seq., 215, 
217, 226; JUSTi, 308 seq., and STEINMANN, II., 478 seq., where on 
p. 742 there is the Brief of November 21, 1531, also published by H. 
Pogatscher, showing the paternal interest of Clement VII. in the great 
artist s failing health. The *two letters of F. Gonzaga of June 5 and 24, 
1531 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), are also of importance for the rela 
tions of Clement VII. with Michael Angelo; see Appendix, No. 20. 

2 See MORENI, Descriz. stor. crit. d. cappella de principi nella 
basilica di S. Lorenzo, Firenze, 1813 (also p. 36 seq. for the building of 
the Laurentiana). Cf. MORENI, S. Lorenzo, I., 260; GAVE, II., 222 
seq., 229 seq. ; RIEGEL, Beitr. zur Kunstgesch. Italiens, 131 seq. ; RlO, 
IV., 378 seq. : Allgem. Zeitung, 1898, Beil. 61 ; GRIMM, I., 5, 504 seq., 
II., 5, 157 seq., 176 seq., 224 ; MtJNTZ, Hist, III., 396 seq. ; SPRINGER, 
380 seqq., 402 seq. ; GOTTI, I., 150 seq., 164, 166, 200; FREY in 
Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunstsamml., XVII., 5 seq. While this volume 
was in the press STEINMANN S Das Geheimniss der Medicigraber 
Michelangelos, Leipzig, 1906, appeared. For the Laurentiana cf. 
CIACONIUS, III., 456; BLUME, Iter Ital., II., 46, and BIGAZZI, Iscriz. 
di Firenze (1887), 120 seq. 


from the injuries instigated by a pitiless party hatred, but 
preserved unimpaired the old terms of intercourse. With 
what deep sorrow and anger Michael Angelo once more 
grasped his chisel can be seen clearly in the immortal 
verses laden with despondency which he composed for his 
statue of Night. At the end of his reign Clement had 
in his mind yet another work to be executed by Michael 
Angelo in Rome : the painting of the Last Judgment. 1 
It was certainly his greatest service to art that he should 
have suggested this magnificent subject for the display of 
the great painter s Titanic power. 

1 Cf. GOTTI, I., 225 ; CROWE, VI., 414 ; STEINMANN, II., 479. As 
the accounts of the beginning of the great work are meagre, importance 
attaches to the extract from a letter contained in a ^report of Agnello, 
dated Venice, March 2, 1534, and running thus : " Del Nino [probably 
Rodrigo Nino, Imperial Ambassador in Venice] alii 20 [febr.] : Chel 
Papa ha tanto operate che ha disposto Michelangnolo a dipinger in la 
capella et che sopra 1 altare si fara la resurrectione, si che gia si era 
fatto il tavolato" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) 



WHILE in Europe the ancient Church was suffering loss 
upon loss, many thousands were coming within her 
obedience in the newly discovered countries beyond the 
Atlantic. 1 Exposed in her former domains to the 
bitterest reproaches and insults, from the lips of the 
converts of the New World came blessings for their 
deliverance from the darkness of heathendom, gratitude 
for protection from the cruelty of their conquerors. 2 

To the sons of St. Dominic and St. Francis this 
beneficent work was mainly due. The two Orders vied 
with each other in sending out a continuous stream of 
devoted missionaries to the continent of America, and in 
this work were supported in many ways by Clement VII. 
How ample were the measures taken by the Pope to 
forward the missionary work in Spanish America may be 

1 In a *letter of March 25, 1534, directed to " Balth. episc. Scalen," 
Clement VII. thanks him for the accounts of the new discoveries 
which may be of such importance for the spread of religion, and adds : 
"Agimus igitur Deo omnipotent! gratias quod in dies temporibus 
nostris illud propheticum implere dignatur : In omnem terram ex. son. 
eorum." Min. brev., 1533, vol. 46, n. 119, where the date is pasted 
over and the document is therefore wrongly included in the year 1533. 

2 Already in 1 524 America had felt the first pulsation of the conciliar 
life of the Church ; see HEFELE-HERGENROTHER, IX., 389 seq. 



clearly seen from a letter written on the ipth of October 
1532 to Charles V., empowering him to choose a hundred 
and twenty Franciscans, seventy Dominicans, and ten 
Hieronymites for the East Indian colonies, and to send 
them there, in case of necessity, even if contrary to the 
wishes of the rulers of the Orders. 1 

Clement VII. gave strong support to the Christianizing 
of the newly discovered portions of America by constituting 
a hierarchy for the purpose of providing regular ecclesias 
tical guidance for those who had become converts. On 
the nth of May 1524 he created the new Patriarchate of 
the West Indies, entrusting this post to Antonio Rojas, 
Bishop of Palencia. 2 On the 28th of December 1528 the 
two dioceses of Haiti were consolidated into the single 
bishopric of San Domingo. 3 The autumn of 1530 saw the 
creation of the see of Mexico and the appointment of 
Gabriele Merino as Patriarch of the West Indies; in 1531 
sees were erected in Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Honduras, 
and in 1534 S. Marta and Panama in Colombia were made 
bishoprics. 4 Clement bestowed similar attention on the 

1 Bolet. de la R. Academia de la Hist, XXL, Madrid, 1892, 380. 
Cf. Docum. selecta e tabul. sec. Vatic, quae Romanor. Pontif. erga 
Americae populos curam ac studia . . . testantur phototypia descripta, 
Typis Vatic., 1893 (only 25 copies printed), n. 23, p. 42 ; ibid., n. 22, p. 
41, a letter of Clement VII. of July 7, 1526, to the General of the 
Franciscan Order, Fr. Quinones, encouraging the latter to adhere to 
his intention of visiting in person the missions of the Order. The great 
successes of the Franciscans in Mexico, described in 1532, by N. 
Herborn ; see PAULUS, Dominikaner, 157. Much material in 

2 The date, wanting in Gams (138), from the Acta Consist, of the 
Vice-Chancellor, II., 24 (Consistorial Archives). 

3 Acta Consist, of Vice-Chancellor, II., 145 loc. cit. 

4 Acta Consist, edited by EHSES, in the Rom. Quartalschr., VI., 225 
seq. Cf. HABLER in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1894, Beil. 285 ; F. SOSA, 


possessions of Portugal. The bishopric of Funchal in 
Madeira, created by Leo X., was elevated on the 3 1st of 
January 1533 into an archbishopric, with four suffragan 
bishoprics attached to it. 1 These were San Miguel in the 
Azores, the island of Santiago in the Cape Verde group, 
St. Thomas in Ecuador, and Goa in the East Indies. 
This formed certainly the largest Metropolitan see in the 

In harsh contrast to the happy results in the New 
World was the complete failure of the attempts to re 
unite Russia and the Holy See. Clement had already 
written on the 25th of May 1524 to the Grand Duke Vasili 
calling upon him to recognize the Roman Primacy and 
appealing to the negotiations that had already taken place 
under Alexander VI. and Leo X. This recognition he made 
conditional to his bestowing upon him the kingly title. 
Thereupon in the autumn of 1525 Demetrius Gerasimov 
appeared in Rome as Russian Ambassador and was 
treated with the most marked attention. Gerasimov was 
admirably fitted to foster the Pope s optimism with regard 
to the views prevalent at the Russian court. At the end 
of 1525 he went back to Russia accompanied by the 
Minorite, Francesco da Potentia, Bishop of Skara, as 
Papal Legate. The latter certainly was successful in 
arranging an armistice between Poland and Russia, but 
on the other hand he failed in the question of ecclesiastical 
union. In 1527 another embassy visited the Pope from 

El episcopado mexicano, Mexico, 1877, and ICAZBALCETA, Fray Juan 
de Zuma"rraga, primer obispo de Mexico, Mexico, 1881. For Texas 
Juan Xuarez was nominated in 1528 to the newly created bishopric; 
see E. J. P. SCHMITT, A Catalogue of Franciscan Missionaries in 
Texas, Austin (Texas), 1901, 5 and 12 seq. 

Acta Consist., edited by EHSES, loc. cit., 230 ; cf. also Corp. dipl. 
Port., II., 416 seq., 418 seq. 


Russia, and a meeting took place at Orvieto in January 
1528. From the Briefs handed to them by Clement VII. 
on their return, it is clear that the Pope s illusions concerning 
Russia were as strong as ever. The true state of affairs 
remained hidden from the Roman Curia ; this was not 
surprising on account of the great distance and the 
difficulty of means of communication. 1 

Clement VII. tried to confirm the Maronites and 
Armenians in their loyal adherence to the Union of 
Florence, and with this object he wrote many Briefs and 
sent many special messengers. 2 During his second meeting 
with Charles V. at Bologna he received an embassy from 
the King of ^Ethiopia bearing letters and gifts and tender 
ing solemn obedience. 3 

In the year 1525 the great Jubilee took place. Although 
the disturbed state of ecclesiastical and political affairs 

1 Besides FIEDLER, Ein Versuch der Vereinigung der russischen 
mit der romischen Kirche (Sitzungsber. der Wiener Akad., 1862), 38 
seq., cf. especially PIERLING, I., 291-315. See FRAKN6i, Ungarn, 
75 seq, and UEBERSBERGER, I., 205 seq. 

2 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1526, n. 79 seq., 1532, n. 77 ; *Brief, dat. January 
25, 1531, A. 8, to the Patriarch of the Maronites (Min. brev., 1532, 
vol. 41, n. 55), in Secret Archives of the Vatican ; ASSEMANNI, Bibl. 
Orient, I., 523 ; Ttibinger Theol. Quartalschrift, 1845, 4&. For the 
delegation of the envoy to the Maronites see *Acta Consist, of July 20, 
j 526, in Consistorial Archives. The ^appointment of the " Nuntius ad 
regem Armeniae, dat. 1526, XIII. Cal. Aug.," in Regest. Vatic., 1439, 
f. 207 seq. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See Bottschaft des grossmechtigen Konigs David aus dem grossen 
und hohen Morenland, den man gemeinlich nennet Priester Johann, 
an Papst Klemens den Siebenden, zu Bononia verhort in offenem 
Consistorio am XXIX. tag Januarii A 1533, Dresden, W. Stockel, 
J 533- Cy. for this extremely rare pamphlet HARRISSE, Bibl. Americ., 
n. 177, and HEIRSEMANN, Bibl. Mejicana, n. 542. See also for the 
./Ethiopian Embassy, RAYNALDUS, 1533, n. 20 seq. ClACONlUS, III., 
459 seq., and GIORDANI, App., 69. 


made it seem to many injudicious to hold this solemnity, 
Clement had already decided on the i8th of April 1524 
that it should take place. 1 Nor did the outbreak of the 
plague in Rome move him from this decision. 2 He took 
account of the altered circumstances by a reform of the 
Roman clergy 3 and by setting aside the obligation of 
paying a sum of money to obtain the Jubilee indulgence. 4 
Stringent regulations were enacted to ensure the safety 
of pilgrims. 6 Nevertheless, principally on account of the 
rupture of peace and terrible confusion in Germany, the 
pilgrims came in smaller numbers than at any previous 
Jubilee. 6 Some alterations in the ceremonial were intro- 

1 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 88. 

2 For the plague and the fast ordered by Clement to avert it cf. the 
"^reports of Castiglione of June 18 and 28, 1524, in Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua, and the ^letters of G. de Medici, dated Rome, 1524, April i, 
6, 8, 11, 17, 20, May 7, 9, 11, 14, 16, 21, 25, 27, June i, 3, 9, 12, 14, 
17, 20, 22, 25, and 28, July 13 and 29, in State Archives, Florence. 
According to them the plague diminished from June 20; in July it 

3 Cf. infra, p. 378 seq. 

4 See RAYNALDUS, 1525, n. i. On the other hand, those who did 
not come to Rome, while obtaining by an exceptional privilege the 
Jubilee indulgence, were expected to pay a sum of money ; see the 
Brief in FONTANA, Renata, I., 419. 

6 See the *Bando in Tizio, Hist. Senen. in Cod. G, II., 39 (Chigi 
Library, Rome). Cf. *Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 657, in Secret Archives 
of the Vatican. 

6 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVII., 350, 357 seq.\ MANNI, 107; NOTHEN, 
88 seq. : PRINZIVALLI, Anni Sand, 240. The statement in TARTINIUS, 
I., 1027, about a great concourse of people is without value when set 
against other evidence. The close of the Jubilee (cf. also RAYNALDUS, 
loc. cit. ; RODCANACHI, Capitole, 64 ; THURSTON, 52 seq., 80 seq., 
224) is described by the Mantuan envoy in his ^reports of December 
24 and 27, 1525, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The warlike aspect 
of the Holy Year is dwelt on by Cornelius de Fine in his *Diary 
(National Library, Paris). For a little book on Rome of the 

THE JUBILEE OF 1525. 369 

duced on this occasion ; among others the Pope, on opening 
the Holy Door, made use of a golden hammer. 1 A note 
worthy feature was the resumption of the impressive 
Passion Play in the Colosseum during the year of Jubilee. 2 
To the hindrances already mentioned were soon added the 
perils of a Turkish 3 descent on the coasts of Italy and a 
fresh outbreak of the plague in August 1525.* Almost 
up to the end of the Jubilee year the plague prevailed in 
Rome. Also during the extension of the Jubilee into the 
following year the Pope insisted that the money con 
tributions of the faithful should be left to their free 
discretion. 5 Nevertheless, the Protestants continued to 
declare that the Jubilee was instituted only to gain money, 
ridiculing it in coarse and odious satires. 6 

The Bull announcing the beatification of Archbishop 
Antonino of Florence, delayed owing to the death of 
Adrian VI., was published by Clement VII. 7 He 
canonized the Venetian, Lorenzo Giustiniani and the 

year 1525 see MOLL, Kirchengesch. der Niederlande, II., 734 seq. 
For the memoir of Bernhard von Luxemburg see PAULUS, Domini- 
kaner, no. 

1 THURSTON, 218 ; MORONI, LI I., 69. 

2 See VATASSO, Per la storia del dramma sacro in Italia, Roma, 
1903, 84. 

3 Cf. the *reports of G. de Medici, dat. Rome, 1525, March 17, 
June 20, July 8, in State Archives, Florence. 

4 Cf. ^reports of G. de Medici, dat. Rome, 1525, August 13, 15, 20, 
21, 23, 30, September i, 5, 15, 19, 22, 25, 29, October 4, 18, 21, 24, 28, 
31, November 4, 5, in State Archives, Florence. 

5 See SANUTO, XL., 754 ; THEINER, Mon. Slav., I., 590 seq. ; 
NOTHEN, 90. 

6 Cf. PANTZER, II., 395, 2836; GODEKE, II., 280; THURSTON, 83 ; 
KAWERAU, H. Sachs, 61. That Luther s (Erlanger Ausg., XXIX., 
297) opinion, that the Jubilee originated only in greed, has no historic 
foundation is shown by KRAUS in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1900, Beil. 76. 

" Bull., VI., 26-38. 
VOL. X, 34 


Cardinals Aleman and Peter of Luxembourg. 1 The Pope 
also sanctioned the cultus of St. Hyacinth of Poland and the 
office composed by Bernardino da Busti in honour of the 
Name of Jesus. 2 In many ways he encouraged devotion 
to Our Lady and the recitation of the Rosary. 3 Special 
Bulls dealt with the Rota, the Vice-Chancellorship, the 
observance of the German Concordat, and the prohibition 
of duelling. 4 

In ecclesiastical policy Clement repeatedly found him 
self forced to make great concessions to temporal princes 
who, like the sovereigns of Spain, 5 France, 6 Poland, 7 and 
Bavaria, 8 did not yield to the inducement to apostatize. 
Owing to his powerlessness when opposed to the Emperor, 
his representations of the constantly recurring encroach 
ments on the freedom of the Church in Spain, 9 and especially 

1 Cf. Acta Sanctorum, January 8, September 5 ; ClACONlUS, III., 
459 ; SANUTO, XXXVI., 509 seq. ; MANNI, Vita e culto del b. L. 
Alemani, Firenze, 1771 5 Freib. Kirchenlexikon, IX. 2 , 1924; ROBERT, 

331 seq. 

2 RAYNALDUS, 1527, n. 105; Freib. Kirchenlexikon, IX. 2 , 27; 
THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 468 seq. Other enactments in CIACONIUS, 
III., 475 seq., and WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 348- Decrees against 
witches in HANSEN, Quellen, 36 seq. For exemptions from episcopal 
authority see Rev. d hist. eccles., I., 482 seq. 

3 Cf. CIACONIUS, III., 475 seq., and Bull, VI., 168 seq. 

4 Bull., VI., 81 seq., 153 seq., 169 seq. The *Bulla contra duellium 
facientes, dated 1524, Id. Febr. A 2, in Regest. Vatic., 1276, f. 8o a seq. 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

5 Cf. supra, pp. 55, 57, and PHILLIPS-BERING, VIII., 201. See 
also SANUTO, LIV., 191, and HEINE, Briefe, 90. 

6 Cj. supra, p. 208. 

7 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 437 seq. 

8 Cf. SUGENHEIM, Bayerns Volkzustande, 184 seq. ; M. RlTTER, 
Deutsche Gesch., I., 303. 

Cf. BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 226 seq., 228 seq.\ SERASSI, II., 
33 seq. ; HERGENROTHER in Archiv fur Kirchenrecht, X., 28. 


in Sicily, produced no effect. 1 In this respect the Pope had 
many causes of complaint against other princes, Francis I. 
in particular. 2 Even King John III. of Portugal, otherwise 
so friendly to him, had to be strongly admonished in the 
year 1524 for the arbitrary imprisonment of two bishops. 3 
At the end of his pontificate the question of the estab 
lishment of the Spanish Inquisition in Portugal gave rise 
to serious differences. 4 Clement only gave a partial assent 
to the wishes of King John when, on the i/th of December 
1531, he appointed a Commissary Apostolic and Inquisitor 
for the whole of Portugal, to institute, in conjunction with 
the bishops, an inquiry into the accused Jewish Christians, 
with orders to punish the guilty. As the King, on the 
I4th of June 1532, by a new law tried to subject the Jews 
and Jewish Christians to his arbitrary authority, they 
appealed to the Pope, complaining of the violent treatment 
and the unjust and harsh proceedings of the King and the 

Clement would not associate himself with the King s 
unjust treatment of his subjects. He first suspended, on 
the I7th of October 1532, the Bull of December 1531. As 
all his representations remained ineffectual, on the 7th of 
April 1533, to the entire exclusion of the Portuguese Inquisi 
tion, he cited the guilty before his own special court and gave 
the Nuncio full powers to effect the reconciliation on the 
easiest terms possible. He thus declared expressly that 

1 Cf. CARUSO, Discorso d. Monarchia di Sicilia, ed. Mira, Palermo, 
1863,71, 240, 242. 

2 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1524, n. 99 seq.; BALAN, loc. tit., 22 seq. 

3 BALAN, loc. tit., 20 seq. For his friendly behaviour in other 
respects towards John III., whose rights over the Orders of Knight 
hood were extended, see MACSwiNEY, III., 187 seq., 195 seq. Cf. 
also Vol. IX. of this work, p. 433, n. i. 

* The whole matter will be discussed later on under Paul III. 



the Jews who had been treated so severely were not to be 
punished as heretics. John III. raised objections to these 
injunctions, and forbade their publication. The Pope 
therefore instructed his Nuncio to defer the publication of 
the Bull for a while ; in a Brief he justified himself against 
the King s complaints by explaining the reasons for his 
clemency towards the Jewish Christians. Already nearing 
his end, on the 26th of July 1534 he ordered the Nuncio to 
execute the orders of April 1533, which were as just as they 
were merciful. 1 

In other instances as well the Pope showed such 
tenderness and large-hearted good-will towards the Jews 
that a learned member of their nation of that day did not 
refrain from calling him " Clement, the gracious friend of 
Israel." The position of the Jews in Rome as well as in 
the Papal States was, in consequence, a prosperous 


The absolutism of the Venetian Republic was a source of 
repeated and angry conflict. Towards the jealous Signoria, 
Clement, in several questions of ecclesiastical policy, showed 

1 Cf. Corp. dipl. Fort., II., 319 seq., 335 seq., III., I seq., 64 seq., 
76 seq. ; KUNSTMANN in Munch. Gel. Anz., XXIV., 638 seq. ; HEINE 
in Schmidt s Zeitschr. ftir Gesch., IX., 162 seq.\ SCHAFER, III., 336 
seq. ; ERLER in Archiv fiir Kirchenretht, LI II., 26 seq. ; TANNER 
in Kath. Schweizerbl., I. (1885), 33? seq. ; HERCULANO, Inquisicao 
em Portugal, I. 6 , Lisboa, 1897, 259 seq. ; MACSwiNEY, III., 

210 seq. 

2 See VOGELSTEIN, II., 38 seq. ; BERLINER, II., 82 seq., 86, 91 seq., 
98, 104 ; Arch. Stor. Ital., 5th Series, XL, 398 seq. Cf. VERNET in 
L Universite Cath., XIX. (1895), 100 seq.\ LEVI, Clement VII. et les 
juifs du comtat Venaissin, in Rev. d. etudes juiv., 1896, 63 seq. Vernet 
made use principally of the Cameralia ; I collected numerous docu 
ments bearing on this question among the registers of Briefs in the 
Secret Archives of the Vatican ; they will be published in another 


great readiness to conciliate ; 1 nevertheless, the Venetian 
Government renewed their claim, abandoned expressly 
in the treaty of peace of 1510, to the right of appoint 
ing to bishoprics within their territory. This treaty 
was infringed with the utmost disregard of obligations, 
and treated as if it were non-existent. The disputes 
about the possession of bishoprics began as early as 
I524. 2 Afterwards, 3 particularly between 1530 and 1532, 
the question played a prominent part and, in the 
latter year, became acute owing to the Venetian Govern 
ment taxing, on its own initiative, the clergy of the 
Republic for the purposes of the Turkish war. 4 In 
this question of nomination to bishoprics Clement 
showed great steadfastness ; the consequence was that 
the Signoria finally yielded in June 1533 as far as 
five bishoprics were concerned, 5 but would make no 
concession concerning Treviso or Corfu, although Clement 
VII. in May had already threatened the heaviest ecclesias 
tical penalties. 6 The Pope made passionate complaints to 
the Venetian Ambassador ; in Venice itself the procurator 
Francesco Donato said that " Christ had deputed the 
pastoral office to Peter ; do not let us interfere in questions 
of Church benefices which belong to the Pope." Others 

1 Cf. CECHETTI, Venezia e la corte di Roma, I., 321 seq., and 440 
seq. ; Libri Comm., VI., 207, and CANTU, Scorsa di un Lombardo, 
negli archivi di Venezia, Milano, 1856, 107. For the Clementina cf. 
also LEBRET, Venedig, II., 2, 1180 seq. 

2 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI., 508, 511, 522. 

3 Cf. supra, p. 20. For 1 527 see SANUTO, XLV., 636, 650 seq. 

4 Cf. SANUTO, LIIL, 120, 193, 279, 379, 484; LIV., 19, 120, 152 
seq., 224, 266, 402, 423, 523, 557, 572, 582, 615 ; LV., 72, 102, 142, 679 
seq. and supra, p. 20 seq. 

5 SANUTO, LVIII., 361 seq. 

6 Cf. F. Peregrine s ^report, May 14, 1533, in Gonzaga Archives, 


pointed to the danger of Clement, in his approaching 
conference with Francis I., making terms unfavourable 
to the Republic. The majority therefore decided 
in favour of giving way as regarded Corfu ; on the 
other hand, the controversy over Treviso, which had 
been in suspense since 1527, remained unsettled. Up 
to the last the Venetian diplomatists hoped that from 
political motives the Pope would in the end give 
way. 1 

The appointments to the Cardinalate made by Clement 
VII. are uncommonly characteristic of his reign. The 
assertion, however, that, of all his nominations, he did not 
make one as a free agent, is an exaggeration; but, in 
justice, it must be admitted on the other hand that in the 
majority of cases the ruling motive in his creations was 
political expediency or compulsion. 2 

In the first four years of his reign Clement VII. was 
especially reluctant to increase the number of the Sacred 
College. 3 Although the Emperor had already, in June 1525, 
asked for the appointment of two new Cardinals, and there 
was repeatedly talk of approaching creations, 4 the Pope 
always deferred as long as possible the decisive step. 
His first creation was not made until the eve of the sack of 
Rome. To the six Cardinals then appointed seven others 

1 Cf. SANUTO, LVIIL, 270, 363, 485 seg. t 537 seq., 560 seq., 570, 
579, 601, 610 seq.\ ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 311 ; LEBRET, II., 2, 
1183 se< l"> an d GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 529. 

2 See REUMONT, III., 2, 273. 

3 He appealed at first to the necessity, in accordance with the 
election capitulations, of agreement on the part of the Cardinals. See 
*Brief to Archduke Ferdinand, October 25, 1524, Min. brev., 1524, 
vol. 8, n. 477 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 Cf. the *reports of G. de Medici, April 27, June 14, and October 
4, 1525, in State Archives, Florence, and Sessa s ^letter, October 5, 
1525, in the Biblioteca de la Acad. de Hist, Madrid. 


were added 1 on the 2ist of November of the same year, 
with whom on the ;th of December Quinones, 2 and on the 
20th of December 1527 Francesco Cornaro were associated. 3 
In the beginning of 1529 Ippolito de Medici, who had 
only entered his eighteenth year, and Girolamo Doria, were 
made Cardinals. The nomination of Mercurino di Gattinara 
took place on the i3th of August of the same year. 4 
During the first conference at Bologna on the 9th of March 
1530, Clement agreed to the elevation of four Imperialists 
(Cles, Loaysa, de Challant, and Stunica). To satisfy 
Francis I., Tournon was received into the Sacred College 
on the iQth of March and Gramont on the 8th of June. 5 

1 Q. Vol. IX. of this work, pp. 384 and 465. The publication of 
Cardinal Grimani, nominated in petto on May 3, 1527, did not take 
place until later. See the letter of thanks from Grimani to Clement VI I. 
on his elevation, dat. Venice, 1528, February 19, *Lett. d. princ., V., 
1 1 1 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Cf. supra, p. 33. 

De Pontif. et Cardinal, Miscell. Arm., XL, 48, in Secret Archives of 
the Vatican. 

4 Cf. supra, pp. 39, 66 seq. Gattinara died soon after, on June 5, 1 530 ; 
see EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., xxx., n. 4. Cf. also CLARETTA in Mem. 
de la Soc. Savoisienne, XII., Chambery, 1898 ; HUART, Le Card, de 
Gattinara, Besan$on, 1876; BORNATE, Ricerche intorno alia vita di 
M. Gattinara, Novara, 1899. On Ip. de Medici, *Contelorius, loc. ctt., 
remarks : " Hie in 18 anno creatus Card, diaconus cum tune temporis 
esset tantum clericali caractere insignitus de quo mentio facta non 
fuerat nee fuit dispensatus sup. defectu aetatis nee se fecit promoveri ad 
diac. vel subdiaconatus ordinem licet pluries monitus fuisset, quare 
Clemens absolvit a censuris et poenis, restituit ad beneficia, ecclesias 
et cardinalatum et declarat eccles. presbyt. s. Laurentii in Dam. esse 
tenendam uti diaconalem ut in brevi D. R. 30 Julii 1534" (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

5 Cf. supra, p. 96 seq. B. Cles well deserves a monograph. The Vita, 
by GAR, Trento, 1856, is not satisfactory ; cf. BAUER, Anfange Ferdi 
nands I., 173 seq. 


On the 24th of March 1530 Clement VII. promised the 
Duke of Savoy that he would make his son, then a child 
of three years, a Cardinal as soon as he had reached the 
lawful age. 1 This very strange engagement was never 
carried out, for the person whom it concerned preferred 
later on to follow a secular career. The influence ot 
Charles V. secured the nomination, on the 22nd of March 
1531, of the Spaniards Alfonso Manrico and Juan Tavera ; 
on the 25th of September Antonio Pucci was made Cardinal. 
During the second conference at Bologna the Emperor 
only carried one candidate, instead of three, in the person 
of Gabriele Merino ; soon afterwards the Frenchman, Jean 
d Orldans, was appointed. Francis I. was luckier than 
Charles V., for at the conference of Marseilles in 1533 he 
secured the elevation of four of his dependants. 2 

The total number of Cardinals made by Clement, in 
fourteen creations, amounted to thirty-three, of whom nine 
were Spaniards, with an equal number of Frenchmen, one 
a German, and all the rest Italians. 3 The preponderating 
political character of these appointments shows that 
spiritual fitness for the post was not made of much account 
in the selection. Even if all were not personally so 
unworthy as the youth Ippolito de Medici, 4 yet the greater 

1 Cf. C.IACONIUS, III., 259, and *CONTELORIUS, loc. cit. See the 
*Brief in Appendix, No. 12. 

2 Cf. supra, pp. 207, 220, 233. 

3 STOEGMANN (232) gives incorrect figures. Cf. CIACONIUS, III., 
477 seqq., and MAS LATRIE, 1214. 

4 Ippolito de Medici, who was nominated in 1529 by Clement, when 
he was dangerously ill, under pressure from the Medicean party (see 
supra, p. 39), refused to receive deacons order as his heart was set 
on Florence. Clement in vain sought to bring him round by the 
bestowal of the Vice-Chancellorship and the Legation at the court 
of Charles V. (see supra, p. 200 seq.\ This refusal, along with his 
debts and immoral life (see MOLMENTI, Vita di Venezia 287, and 


number consisted of worldly men of conspicuous rank. 
Many of them were only ecclesiastics in garb, and were 
occupied with any other interests than those of the Church. 1 
How accustomed men had become to such incongruous con 
ditions is shown by a very suggestive remark in the report 
of 1531 of Antonio Soriano, the Venetian envoy: "I will 
not say that the present Cardinals are saints ; yet I cannot 
but speak of them with respect as of men of lordly rank 
who live in a manner worthy of their noble station." 2 

But how was this manner of life to be reconciled with the 
stringent decrees of the Lateran Council ? This question 
is closely connected with the attitude assumed by the 
Pope towards the very necessary removal of ecclesiastical 
abuses. From the very first it was disastrous that under 
Clement VII. Church affairs did not, as in the days of 
Adrian VI., rank before all others. Medici, to his own 
misfortune and that of the Church, was eminently a political 
Pope; the necessity of a reform could not have escaped 
the observation of so clear-sighted an intelligence. 

The activity displayed by Clement as Cardinal and 
Archbishop of Florence in carrying out the reformatory 
decisions of the Lateran Council 3 led to the hope that 
as Pope he would also prosecute his work in this sphere. 

Luzio, Pronostico, 61), was for the Pope a constant cause of trouble. 
The Cardinal, of whose eccentric conduct the strangest things were 
related, was a typical figure of his time. He was a genuine Medici in 
his love (see Jovius, Elog., I., vi.) of musicians, poets, savants, and 
artists ; his circle deserves to be subject of an essay. 

1 REUMONT, III., 2, 275. 

2 ALBERI, 2nd Series, III., 289. The consequences for the Cardinals 
were incalculable. The twenty-one Cardinals who passed through 
the experiences of the sack had a suite of 3108 persons. Under 
Clement VII. the Papal court numbered about 700; see GNOLI in 
Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XVII., 386 seq. 

3 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 411. 


As a matter of fact, in the first year of his pontificate he 
showed himself a zealous reformer, acting evidently under 
the influence of the excellent Giberti. 1 

Already on the i8th of January 1524 Clement had 
addressed a Consistory on the reform of the Curia and 
invited the Cardinals to make proposals. 2 Together with 
this went a scheme for a general reform of the conditions of 
the Church ; for this purpose prelates and bishops of Italy 
and other countries, such as Spain, were summoned to 
Rome, 3 and a special commission of Cardinals was formed 
to consider the question of reform. 4 On the 24th of 
February 1524 the Pope made more detailed proposals 
to the Cardinals on a reform of the Curia and ordered the 
decisions of the Lateran Council bearing on this point to 
be strictly enforced. 5 In the autumn of 1 524 the conditions 
of reform were dealt with in a series of consistories and 
drawn up with greater precision. 

With express reference to the coming Jubilee the Pope 
introduced, on the Qth of September, three administrative 
proposals : first, a general visitation of the churches of 
Rome ; secondly, an examination of the Roman secular 
clergy ; those among them who were found to be unfitted 
for their functions should be prohibited from saying Mass 
at least during the Jubilee year ; thirdly, precautions were 
to be taken to procure qualified confessors during this 
sacred time. These proposals were carried, 6 and were at 

1 See Engl. Hist. Review, XVIII., 272. 

2 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 87. 

3 This is clear from the Brief to Charles V., July 31, 1524, in 
BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 26 seq. Cf. also Engl. Hist. Review, 
XVIII., 271 seq. 

4 Cf. Quellen und Forschungen, III., n. 3. 

5 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 87. Cf. SANUTO, XXXV., 423. 

6 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 88 seg., and EHSES, Cone. Trid., 
xvii. See also ATANAGI, Lett, facet, I., 144. Cf. the proposals in 


once put into operation. A strict supervision was also 
made of the observation of the rules appertaining to the 
dress of the priesthood and the disuse of the beard. The 
measures taken were so stringent that those ardent for 
reform began to indulge in the brightest hopes. 1 Many of 
the laxer prelates submitted only with great reluctance to 
these ordinances, but they did submit. 2 For the visitation 
a special commission was appointed, which met every 
Sunday and at the same time exhorted the Cardinals to 
support this salutary work, and to set good examples 
to those under their authority. Strong measures were 
also taken against open immorality. 3 On the 7th of 
November 1524 Clement again called the attention of the 
Consistory to the reform of the Curia. He insisted 
primarily on the observance of the Lateran decrees of 
the 5th of May 1514 on reform being pressed home, for 
they were weapons against a legion of abuses. He en 
trusted Cardinal Pucci with the drawing up of a Bull 
on this subject 4 which was agreed to on the 2ist of 
November and forthwith published. 5 

*Cod. Vat, 3924, II., f. 234 seq. (Vatican Library), and the ^letter of 
A. Germanello from Rome, September 24, 1524, in Gonzaga Archives, 

1 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVII., 88 seq. 

2 Cf. G. B. Sanga s characteristic letter of October the 29th, 1524, in 
ATANAGI, Lett, facet, I., 144. See also*F. Gonzaga s letter, November 
1 6, 1524, in Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

3 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVII., 89. 

4 See Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, Forschungen, 89, and EHSES, 
Cone. Trid., IV., xvii. For the decrees of the Lateran Council see, 
besides Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 410, the admirable treatment of 
the subject in GUGLIA, Studien zur Gesch. des fiinften Lateran- 
konzils, N.F., Wien, 1906, 21 seq. 

5 I found in TIZIO, *Hist. Senen., Cod. G, II., 39 (Chigi Library, 
Rome), a contemporary copy of the Bull " Meditatio cordis nostri, 
dat. Romae, 1524, XI. Cal. Dec." (Nov. 21). 


In the execution of these reforms Giberti and Sadoleto 
were Clement s supporters. 1 In the beginning of 
December the Cardinals were exhorted to take care of 
their churches; 2 soon after three commissaries were 
appointed to visit all churches, convents, and hospitals 
in Rome. 3 Already on the 8th of September the Pope had 
issued an emphatic decree to remove the scandal of the 
Minorites frequenting Rome without wearing the habit 
of their Order. On the 3Oth of November he commanded 
the Roman magistrates to throw such vagrants into prison. 4 

A wholesome measure for the improvement of the 
clergy was the issue of instructions to Bishop Gian Pietro 
Carafa, then resident in Rome, concerning the candidates 
for holy orders, by which every form of simony was 
repressed. 5 In certain cases also Clement showed himself 
averse to the accumulation of benefices ; while recogniz 
ing the gravity of this abuse, he was yet often compelled 
to yield to the force of circumstances. 6 A whole series of 
Papal enactments for the year 1524 dealt with the reform 
of the secular and regular clergy of the dioceses of 

1 See DITTRICH, Kathol. Reformation, 389. 

2 Acta Consist, in KALKOFF, 89. On February 25, 1524, Cardinal 
de Valle, archipresb. S. Mariae Maj., received the *facultas reformandi 
statuta ejusdem basilicae ; Brevia, 1524, Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 194, in 
Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

3 There is also a contemporary copy in TIZIO, loc. tit., of this Bull, 
"Romanus Pontifex, dat. Romae, 1524, VI. Id. Dec." (Dec. 8). 

4 *Brief to "Almae urbis baricello, capitaneis caeterisque justitiae 
ministris, Dat. Romae, ult. Nov. 1524." Arm., 39, vol. 55, f. 15, in 
Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

5 *Brief of May 2, 1524; Brevia, 1524, Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 340, 
in Secret Archives of the Vatican. Cf. Bzovius, 1524, n. 35, and 
BROMATO, I., 93 seq., 99 seq. 

6 Cf. Corp. dipl. Port, II., 214 ; MACSwiNEY, Portugal, III., 191, and 
BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 39 seq. 


Florence, Parma, Naples, Venice, Milan, Burgos, and 
Mayence. 1 In the same year the Pope gave orders for a 
general reform of the Carmelite Order, 2 and in 1525 similar 
measures were taken in regard to the Order of the 
Humiliati. 3 

Unhappily these hopeful beginnings had no correspond 
ing results. Political distractions soon absorbed more and 
more the attention of the Pope, and, in consequence, the 
measures of reform slackened. 4 On the 2nd of March 

1 Cf. for 1524, Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 241 : *Facultas abbati monast. 
Casinen. s. Benedicti alias Justinae reformandi prioratum s. Mariae 
Angel. Camaldul. Flor., dat. March 26 ; n. 247 : *Vincentio archi- 
episcop. Neapolit. (against bad clerics), dat. April i ; n. 253 : *Ex- 
communicatio contra omnes intrantes monasteria monialium sub cura 
fratr. cong. Lat sine licentia generalis dicti ord., dat. April 2 ; n. 341 : 
*Patriarchae Venet. committitur reformatio clericor. et religios. in 
dominio Venet., dat. May 5 (cf. the Brief of January 13 in SANUTO, 
XXV., 449) ; n. 385 : *Patriarchae Aquilej. facultas visitandi omnes 
ecclesias et monasteria monial. etiam exemptu eccl. Aquil. subject, et 
reformandi tarn in capite quam in membris, dat. June 8 ; n. 403 : 
Reform of the Observantines in Navarre, dat. June 22 (WADDING, XVI., 
2nd ed., 568) ; n. 493 : *Bull pro correctione cleric, in toto dominio 
ducis Mediol. delinquent., dat. September 17 ; n. 573 : *Card. 
Maguntino, dat. November 15 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Here 
also belongs the *Brief of March 28, 1524, for the reform of the 
monastery of the Paradise (State Archives, Florence, Bonifazio). 
Reform of the French monasteries is treated in a *Brief of Clement 
VII., November 3, 1524 (National Archives, Paris). About the reform 
of the nuns of Parma see the * letter of Cardinal G. Salviati to 
Clement VII., dat. Parma, 1524, November 28; *Lett. div. ad Clem. 
VII. in Secret Archives of the Vatican. 

2 See the *Briefs to the General, February i and April i, 1524. 
Arm., 39, vol. 44, n. 136 and 250 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See the *Briefs to the General, June i and November 10, 1525. 
Arm., 39, vol. 45, n. 210 and 312 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 Besides the Briefs for Verona, to be noticed later on, I noticed 
for 1525, in Arm., 39, vol. 45., n. 99 : *Episcopo Suessano, dat. February 


1526 Clement stated in writing that he had certainly not 
abandoned his plans for a reformation of morals but that, 
owing to the adverse conditions of the time, he was forced 
to defer their execution. 1 During the troubles that after 
wards arose practical measures of reform lay almost 
entirely dormant. 2 

That Clement VII. had always realized the necessity of 
raising the standard of life within the Church is evident 
from the earnest address made to the Cardinals at Easter 
I528, 3 when he spoke of the sack of Rome as a 
judgment of God. But he still held back from decisive 
and comprehensive action. 4 Political and ecclesiastical 
troubles of every kind beset him but, over and above, 
he was preoccupied by the interests of the house of 

The years 1529 and 1530 were marked, however, by a 

23; n. 118: *Episc. Conchensi, dat. March 15; vol. 55, f. 22: 
^General! et provincialibus ord. fratr. min. b. Francisci convent, 
dat. January 25 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). See also 
WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 583 ; THEINER, Mon. Slav, merid., 587, 
and FONTANA, Docum. Vat, 92. For 1526 see Arm., 39, vol. 

46, n. 34 : *Vicario episc. Papien., dat. January 19 ; n. 67 : 
*Vicario gen. fratr. ord. min. conv., dat. February 9; vol. 55, 
f. 41 : *Francisco Angel, totius ord. fratr. min. gen. ministro, dat. 
January 5 ; f. 208 : *Ministro prov. s. Francisci fratr. min. de 
observ., dat. December 10. See also the two Briefs in FONTANA, 
93 and 94. 

1 BALAN, Mon. saec., XVI., 222. 

2 For 1527, except three documents in WADDING (XVI., 2nd ed., 
603), I found only one *item : " Franc, fingo. can. eccl. Burgi s. 
Sepulcri facultas corrigendi monachos prioratus s. Victoris extr. mur. 
Gebennen. Cluniac. ord., dat. ex arce 1527, Aug. 6." Arm., 39, vol. 

47, n. 248 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). The Brief in FONTANA 
(101) relates to 1528. 

3 Cf. supra^ p. 1 6. 

4 Cf. DlTTRlCH, Kathol. Reformation, 390. 


series of special enactments of reform, 1 but inadequate to 
existing circumstances. There was no vigorous attack on 
abuses in the Curia, no thorough application of the 
measures already laid down. 2 In this respect Clement lies 

1 Besides the orders relating to Giberti we may mention for 1529 
Arm., 39, vol. 49, n. 215 : *Card. Pisano (Reform of clergy in Padua 
and Treviso), April 16 ; n. 235 : *Io. de Zanettis et Aurelio de Durantis 
et Thomae de Capreolis, can. eccl. Brixien. (Reform of a convent of 
nuns), April 27 ; n. 240 : *Card. Pisano (Reform of nuns in Padua), 
April 28 ; n. 242 ; ^Priori et antianis et deputatis sup. reform, monast. 
monial. civit. nostr. Placent., April 29 ; n. 287 : Herculi Card. Mantuan. 
(Reform of convent of S. Marco, Mantua), May 13 ; n. 378 : *Vicario 
epis. Parmen. (Reform of the clergy there), June 16 ; n. 435 ; *Alto- 
bello nuntio Venet. (Reform of nuns), July 16 ; n. 450 : *Item, July 
24 ; n. 592 : *Pro Ragusinis (Reform of nuns), September 23 ; n. 
801 : *Abbati monast. S. Spiritus prope Sulmon. ord. Coelest. (closure), 
dat. Bononiae, December 10 ; n. 818 : *Generali ministro fratr. min. 
de observ., dat. Bononiae, December 14 (Mendicants in Poland, 
see THEINER, Mon. Pol, II., 461 seg.}. 

For 1530 see Arm., 39, vol. 50, n. 446: *Ludovico episc. Barchin. 
(Reform of convents of nuns), September 5 ; n. 451 : * Franc. Card. 
Pisano (Reform of convents of nuns), September 6 ; n. 769 : *Generali 
et prov. provinc. ord. heremit. s. August., July 4 ; n. 780 : ^Priori 
prov. prov. Hispan. ord. regul. observ. (Convent in Aragon), August 
12 ; n. 801 : ^Priori prov. fratr. ord. praed. prov. Tholos., September 
28; n. 811 : *Archiep. Arelat. (Reform of the Poor Clares), October 
20; n. 812 : *Episc. Magalon. (Reform of Benedictine nuns), October 
20; n. 817: *Jacobo de Ancona ord. fratr. min. conv. vie. generali 
(Reform of Poor Clares), November 14 ; n. 825 : *Didaco episc. 
Ovetan. (Reform of fratr. min. conv.), November 24 ; n. 826 : *Abbati 
monast. s. Georgii Venet. (Reform of Benedictine nuns), November 26. 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. also OLIVIERI, Carte p. 1. storia 
Genovese, 224. For discussions on reform, in August, 1 530, see HEINE, 
Briefe, 37 n. Here also belongs the Bull against the sons of priests, 
June 3, 1530, in Bull., VI., 143 seg. 

2 In this connection F. Peregrine remarks in a ^letter of October 
26, 1531, in which he reports on the discussion held in Consistory on 
the previous Friday concerning reform : " L ordini sono belli, buonj 


open to the grave reproach of having receded from the 
path opened by Adrian VI. ; he allowed things to drift 
back into a contrary course. 1 Outside Rome itself the 
condition of things was no better. 2 The evils had passed 
beyond the reach of special regulations, 3 and the cure lay 

et laudevoli, se dureranno et non si facci all usanza di Roma, dove un 
ordine et un bando suole durare tre giorni et non piu" (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 

1 For the harsh opposition to Adrian VI. see GOMEZ, Comment, in 
reg. cane., Paris, 1547, 26. 

2 Cf. opinions of Sadoleto and Caracciolo in DiTTRlCH, Kathol. 
Ref., 390- 

3 In the Secret Archives of the Vatican I noted for 1531, Arm., 39, 
vol. 5 1, n. 1 1 8 : *Ferd. ep. Venusin. (Visitation and reform in Apulia and 
the Basilicata), February 4 ; n. 190 : *Electo Fesalun. Nuncio (Reform 
of convents in Piedmont and Savoy), February 27; n. 241 : *Franc. 
Card. Pisano (Reform of nuns in Treviso), March 15 ; n. 249 : *Vicar. 
gen. min. conv. facultas reformandi moniales s. Clarae in Italia et 
extra, March 18 ; n. 702 : *Convent reform in Benevento, October 29 ; 
n. 860 : *Visitatio et reformatio conv. ord. min. in Spain, France, and 
Portugal, December 29. See also the Brief to the Bishop of Cracow 
(convent reform) in THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 475 seg., and for the 
Roman clergy, F. Peregrine s ^letter of September 2, 1531, in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

1532. Arm., 39, vol. 52, he. cit.\ n. 112 : *Vincent. Card. Neapolit. 
(Reform of convents of nuns), February 23 ; n. 142 : *Jacobus de 
Ancona vie. gen. fratr. ord. min. conv. destinatur reformator fratr. 
ejusd. ord. et monial. s. Clarae in regnis Hisp., Franc, et Portug. ac 
civit. Aven. et comit. Venassin., March 10 ; n. 171 and 207 : *Thomae 
Guerrierio (Reform in Reg. Sicil.), March 19 and April 5 ; n. 177 : ^Re 
form of Dominican nuns in Parma, March 22 ; cf. n. 406 (June 3) ; n. 
210 : *Nic. Audet gen. Carmelit. committitur reformatio ordinius totius, 
April 5 ; cf. n. 222 (s.d.), n. 229 (April 9), n. 239 (April 12), n. 508 
(July 10), n. 509 (July 14) ; n. 263 : *Episc. Camerin. (Reform of 
clergy), April 16 (Fontana, Docum., 129) ; n. 438 : ^Reform of the fratr. 
min. in Spain, June 1 1 ; n. 440 : ^Reform of Benedictine nuns in Bene 
vento, June 74 ; n. 463 : ^General! fratr. praedic. ituro ad visit, et ref. 
dom. int. et ext. Italiam, June 21 ; n. 476 : Vic. ep. Mantuan. com- 


beyond the scope of ordinary remedies. Far and wide the 
demand for a Council was raised ; but this was an heroic 
measure from which Clement shrank with the utmost 

Clement dared not openly refuse a Council ; but with 
the innate diplomacy of an Italian he tried by a policy of 
delay to weaken the necessity of convoking one ; he was 
afraid that more harm than good would result from such 
an assembly. He weighed beforehand all the dangers 
that a Council undoubtedly might involve, and in his 
treatment of the whole matter showed such timidity and 
indecision that, in the end, he forfeited the belief of all 

mittitur reformatio monast. s. Benedicti de Palodirone, June 28 ; n. 484 : 
*J. foggio fac. visitandi in regnis Hisp. et Nav. eccl. saec. et regul. et 
exemptas, July 7 ; cf. n. 703 (Nov. 14) ; n. 617 : *Card. Cornelio (Reform 
of loca exempta eccl. Brixien.), October 19; n. 706: *Card. Ispalen. 
(Reform of nuns), November 15. See also Min. brev., 1532, vol. 41, n. 
188 : *To Francis I. (Reform of the fratr. ord. min. conv.), April 27 ; n. 
323 : *To the Doge A. Gritti (Reform of the Carmelite congreg. Mant. 
by the General, Jac. de Ancona), October 4. 

1533. Min. brev., vol. 46, n. 47 : *Card. Trident., March I ; n. 157 : 
*Ministro gen. ord. min. de observ., April 27 ; n. 160 : *Vicario gen. 
ord. min. convent, April 30; Arm., 39, vol. 53, n. 134: *Honorius 
Chaianus de Florentia ord. fratr. min. de observ. deput. commiss. ad 
visit, prov. Bonon. ejusd. ord., March 8 (cf. n. 170 : *Card. Cornelio, 
April 8) ; n. 296 : *Card. Pisano (Reform of convents in the dioceses 
of Padua and Treviso), June 30 ; n. 297 : *Archiep. Bremen, committ. 
ref. monast. Verden. et Bremen, dioc., July i ; cf. n. 298 : *Joachimo, 
march. Brandenburg., July i. 

1534. Arm., 39, vol. 54; n. 126: *Joh. archiep. Paris, fac. visit, et 
corrigendi monachos monast. s. Honorati insulae Lirinen. ord. s. 
Benedicti, April 22 ; n. 262 : *Vicario gen. Carmelit. de observ., April 
13 ; n. 268 : To Aleander, February 9 (in Fontana, Docum., 139 j^.). 
In addition there are the Briefs to Giberti to be mentioned later on, 
to E. Gonzaga, and so forth, and the Curial **Reformatio vestimen- 
torum praelat. et clericor. of January 11, 1534, in Gonzaga Archives, 

VOL. X. 25 


men in his sincerity. 1 The Pope s objections to the 
Council were, in the main, half religious and half political. 
Nor was he unaffected by personal considerations; his 
illegitimate birth and certain defects of character counted 
for something, but this could not, as Charles V. and his 
party believed, have formed the decisive motive for the 
Pope s behaviour; 2 that was partly grounded on politics 
and partly on religion. 

The synods of Constance and Basle, with their aggressive 
attempts to weaken Papal authority, were still fresh, with 
their ominous import, in the memory of the Roman See. 
What security was there that the controversy over 
conciliar authority might not revive again ? Should this 
happen, developments beyond the ken of man were to be 
feared. 3 To the Pope, always a prey to anxiety, a not less 
serious consideration was the reaction which a thorough 
going system of reform would effect in the conditions of 
life in Rome. If we grasp that the mere rumour of the 
summons of a Council caused a sudden fall in the price 
of all saleable offices, 4 we can estimate the amount of 
pressure brought to bear on the Pope in his financial 
necessity by the officials of the Curia. Further, there was 
the serious apprehension that the all-powerful Emperor 
would exercise a preponderant influence in the Council 
and practically annul the independence of the Holy See. 5 
Again, how often during the previous century had the 

1 See EHSES, Cone. Trid., IV., cix. 


3 Cf. REUMONT (V. Colonna, 125), who shows forcibly how compli 
cated the conciliar question was. See also DlTTRiCH S (Histor. 
Jahrb., II., 616) arguments against Maurenbrecher. 

4 Lett. d. princ., III., 121. 

5 See RANKE S (Papste, L, 6th ed., 76) defence of Clemente VII.; 
VOIGT-HAUCK go further, perhaps too far, in their vindication of the 
Pope in Herzog s Realencyklopadie, IV, 3rd ed., 149. 


demand for a Council been basely misused by the Pope s 
enemies to subserve the worst purposes. 1 Already in 1526 
Charles V. had not disdained, in his political contest with 
Clement, to employ the Council as a weapon against 
him. How easily might such proceedings be repeated ! 
And a factor of great influence was the policy of the 
King of France, who laboured assiduously to prevent a 
general assembly of the Church, and in pursuit of this 
object did not seem to shrink even from schism. 
Finally, the conditions tendered by the Protestants with 
regard to the participation in "a free Christian Council" 
not merely of the temporal princes but even of heretical 
preachers, were such that no Pope could entertain them. 2 
Thus there was urgent need for the greatest caution. 
Nevertheless, the most painful feelings were aroused 3 by 
the Pope s opposition to a general Council, and especially 
by his unnatural subordination of the religious and 
ecclesiastical tasks of his office to those which were 
political. This unfavourable impression was only 
partially mitigated by the encouragement given by 
Clement, in a measure, to the efforts at reform which 
took practical shape in the hands of men such as Gaetano 
di Tiene, Giberti, Carafa, Miani, Zaccaria, and others. 4 

1 Cf. our remarks, Vol. III. of this work, 129 seq. ; IV., 359 seq. ; VI., 
35 seq., 201 seq., 428 seq. t and SCHLECHT, Zamometic, 75 seq. 


3 See REUMONT, III., 2, 257. 

4 TUCKER (Engl. Hist. Rev., XVIII., 275) has raised a protest, with 
reference to the encouragement given to Giberti, against MAUREN- 
BRECHER S (Kathol. Reformation, 231) view that Clement took up a 
position of complete indifference towards reform. Our statement of 
the case has adduced much fresh evidence to the contrary. 



EVEN in times of deepest depression true reformers have 
arisen within the Church. In spite of abuses and secularity 
in high places they have never sought occasion to renounce 
their loyalty to the divinely appointed authority, but have 
striven to bring about the necessary ameliorations in 
lawful ways and in closest adhesion to Catholic dogma 
and the Holy See. Working in this direction, they have 
rejected every change incompatible with the permanent 
and divine institutions of the Church, and with her authority 
and doctrine. 

During the fifteenth century, in every country in Europe, 
men of high character were pursuing reforms in this spirit 
on the firm foundations of the Catholic faith. But nowhere 
were these efforts to secure a completely satisfactory 
renewal crowned with success. In Spain itself, where 
Cardinal Ximenes, that powerful and far-seeing Franciscan, 
was achieving, comparatively speaking, the most remark 
able results in Catholic reform, his work was lamentably 
injured in its permanent effect by the absolutism of the 
Royal power. 1 

1 Cf. DITTRICH in Histor. Jahrb., II., 608, who refers expressly to 
the inadequate representations of MAURENBRECHER in his Kathol. 

Reformation, 41 seq. It is difficult to understand how Maurenbrecher 



In Italy Egidio Canisio of Viterbo had laid down the 
programme of the Catholic reformation at the opening of 
the Lateran Council in words of weighty meaning : " Men 
must be transformed by religion, not religion by men." 
Even if the Council drew up its decrees of reform in agree 
ment with this principle, yet the most important thing of 
all was wanting: the practical execution of the same. 1 
Even the outbreak of the religious severance did not draw 
Leo X. into a different course; consequently the state of 
the Church became so menacing that many despaired of 
a remedy. When all seemed lost a change for the 
better was coming to pass in perfect quietness, and this 
proceeded from the inner circles of the Church. It was 
essentially a new expression of the indwelling element of 
the divine life and an evident witness to the protection 
promised by Christ to the Church for all time. 

While almost the whole official world of the Curia was 
given up to politics, and the Italian clergy, conspicuous 
among whom were the Roman prelates, to corruption and 
frivolity to an alarming degree, 2 while Leo X. himself, 
heedless of the threatening signs of the times, was sunk 
in aesthetic enjoyment amid the whirl of a gorgeous secular 
life, a certain number of men, clerics and laymen, noted 
for virtue and knowledge, had united themselves, under 
the guidance of the spirit of God, in a confraternity under 

could have ignored HOFLER S important work "Die romanische 
Welt und ihr Verhaltniss zu den Reformideen des Mittelalters," which 
was published as early as 1878. For criticism of Maurenbrecher, who 
greatly overestimates Spanish reform (cf. 153), see also BELLESHEIM 
in the Hist.-polit. Bl., LXXXVIII., 608 seq., and GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 
781. For Ximenes cf. HEFELE, Der Kardinal Ximenes, Tiibingen, 
1853; ULRICH, Ximenes, Langensalza, 1883, and NAVARRO Y 
RODRIGO, El Card. Cisneros, Madrid, 1869. 

1 See Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 410 seq. 

2 Cf. CARACCIOLO, Vita di Paolo IV., in JENSEN, Caraffa, 191-192. 


the protection of St. Jerome bearing the significant name 
of the Society or Oratory of the Divine Love. 1 Deeply 
penetrated by the extent of the corruption around them, 
they started as true reformers with the view that they 
ought not to indulge in useless lamentations, but begin the 
much-needed reformation of the whole body with a reform 
of themselves and their immediate surroundings. From 

1 The accounts hitherto known of the " Compagnia ovvero Oratorio 
del Divino Amore " are contained in the description by A. Caracciolo in 
his Vita di Paolo IV. (one passage in RANKE, Papste, I., 6th ed., 89, 
the rest in JENSEN, Caraffa, 190 seg.} and in Collect, de Paulo IV., 
181 seg. These are the sources for the Vita Cajetani by J. B. CARAC 
CIOLO in the Acta Sanctorum, Aug., II., 283 ; Bzovius, Annal. ; SlLOS, 
Hist. cler. regul., I.; BROMATO, I., 83 ; RANKE, I., 6th ed., 89 seg.; 
KERKER, Kirchl. Reform., 8 seg.; DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., 345 seg., and 
BENRATH in Herzog s Realencyklopadie, XIV., 2nd ed. 424. In the 
Secret Archives of the Vatican is to be found in the compilation of J. A. 
Brutius (Arm., 6, vol. 27, f. 64-65), otherwise so full of valuable 
material, only a fragment of a report on the " Stato della chiesa parro- 
chiale di S. Dorotea" not bearing on our subject. On the other hand, 
in the Secret Archives of the Vatican I succeeded in discovering im 
portant information in Garampi s files and in a memorandum (see 
Vol. VIII. of this work, Appendix No 5) of the time of Morone which 
form an important addition to the meagre statements of A. Caracciolo. 
To these sources can be added a hitherto unnoticed and very character 
istic letter of one " Hieronimus de la Lama, presbyter indignus Ispanus," 
dated Rome, 1524, October i, describing his reception into the "Societa 
divini amoris" (SANUTO, XXXVII., 35 seg.). The earliest testimony, 
the important Bull of Leo X., is unfortunately only preserved in the 
following ^register of Garampi s : " Pro confraternitate presbyterorum 
et clericorum ac laicorum sub invocatione divini amoris nuper in urbe 
instituta unio parochialis SS. Silvestri et Dorotheae regionis Transtib." 
Arch. bull. Leonis X. [A] 4 [= March 11, 1516, to March 10, 1517] T. 
24, p. 177. The subsequent dissolution of this parochial union by 
Clement VII., with the consent of the members of the confraternity, is, 
on the other hand, twice preserved (see Appendix, No. i). The archives 
of the confraternity apparently disappeared during the first French 
occupation. In the Roman State Archives, into which much matter of 


these small and unpretentious beginnings they, in the 
fulness of their holy enthusiasm, laid the foundations of 
a citadel for the observance of the means of grace, for 
the contest against vice and abuses, and for the exercise 

of works of charity. 1 


The main principle of the members of the Oratory of 
the Divine Love, to begin with the inward renewal of 
their own lives through religious exercises, common prayer, 
and preaching, frequentation of the sacraments and works 
of neighbourly love, and to point the right way to reform 
by means of example, was a thoroughly Catholic one ; for 
the Church, in accordance with the will of her Founder, has 
always considered and set forth inward sanctification as 
the essential thing. All the members of the Oratory were 
also united by a strong Catholic feeling. Not one of these 
men thought even remotely of abandoning the foundations 
of Church doctrine on account of defects in the clergy, high 
and low, or of seeking reforms in unlawful ways. 2 Their 

this kind has found its way, I came across, in the series " Chiese," only 
the "^following: "SS. Silvestro e Dorotea. Busta IV. L archicon- 
fraternita del Divino Amore di S. Gaetano fu istituita dal medesimo 
Santo P anno 1517 nella Chiesa di S. Dorotea in Trastevere e sus- 
sequentemente 1 anno 1750 ai 13 Settembre fa trasferita nella Chiesa 
di S. Andrea della Valle gia de Padri Teatini, dove -fa le sue funzioni, 
specialmente quelle che riguarclano la devozione di S. Andrea Avellino 
nella sua capella ivi esistente." 

1 See A. CARACCIOLO, Vita di Paolo IV. (Casanatense Library, 

2 With the doubts, now generally abandoned, of Contarini s ortho 
doxy (who besides, as KERKER had already pointed out in the Tub. 
Theol. Quartalschr., 1859, 8 seg., was not one of the founders of the 
Oratory) was connected RANKE S (Papste, I., 6th ed., 88 seq.} inclusion 
of the Oratory among the "analogies of Protestantism in Italy." This 
fundamental error of the great historian (cf. besides KERKER, loc. cit., 
also Buss, Die Gesellschaft Jesu, 601 seq., and LAEMMER, Miseri- 
cordias Domini, Freiburg, 1861, 98) is now rejected on the Protestant 


place of meeting was the little church of SS. Silvestro 
and Dorothea, which, near to S. Maria in Trastevere, lay 
in a quarter of the city to which the then existing tradition 
assigned the dwelling-place of St. Peter ; on the adjoining 
slope of the Janiculum the Prince of the Apostles had, as 
was then believed, suffered martyrdom. Thus when the 
members of the confraternity betook themselves to their 
meetings the loftiest associations of Christian Rome were 
called up before their eyes. 

As the Oratory was founded in 1517 at the latest, 1 it is 
probable that its institution was an echo of the intensified 
religious feeling connected with the Lateran Council closed 
on the 1 6th of March of that year. This religious feeling had 
found incomparable expression in the visions of Christian 
art displayed in the masterpieces of Raphael. What 
devotion radiates from the forms of the Sixtine Madonna 
and the Divine Child whom she shows to mankind from 
her height of glory! It has been said with justice that the 
great lustrous eyes with which the infant Christ meets 
the gaze of the beholder might well urge an unbeliever to 
confess the faith. 2 The same deep life of faith and grace 

side (see MAURENBRECHER, Kath. Ref., 208 and 399 seq. \ cf. 
BENRATH in Herzog s Realencyklopadie, XIV., 3rd ed., 424, and 
HARNACK in Schiirer s Theol. Literatur-Zeitung, 1882, 254). Doctrines 
alien to Catholic dogma cannot be attributed to any member of the 
Oratory. It is quite as erroneous when Ranke represents the Oratory 
as "a literary reunion tinged with religion." There is no evidence 
in support of this view. It was a confraternity, and as such subsists 
to this day. 

1 This follows from the Bull of Leo the Tenth quoted supra, p. 390, n. 
i, and is in agreement with the fact that Gaetano di Tiene left Rome 
as early as 1518 (Acta Sanctor., Aug., II., 244). The early date of the 
foundation shows clearly that this was not connected, as GOTHEIN 
thinks (Ignatius, 99), with the dangers of the Lutheran movement. 

2 WOLTMANN, II., 670. Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 333 seq. 


is mirrored in the Transfiguration. The ancient Umbrian 
piety speaks here in the more powerful accents of the art 
of a new age. 1 There is certainly no evidence that Raphael 
was a member of the Oratory of the Divine Love; but 
with two of its most distinguished members, Sadoleto and 
Giberti, he was on terms of friendship and spiritual 
sympathy. It may be said at least that these, his greatest 
masterpieces, were executed in the spirit of the Oratory. 2 

The greater elevation of religious feeling in those days 
found expression also in the foundation of yet other con 
fraternities which, together with the encouragement of a 
Christian tone of life, especially devoted themselves to works 
of practical charity. In the first rank mention must here be 
made of the " Confraternita della Carita." It had been 
founded in 1519 by no less a man than Cardinal Giulio de 
Medici, afterwards Clement VII., for the support of poor 
persons above the mendicant class, for the visiting of 
prisoners, and the burial of the destitute. As early as 
1520 this association numbered more than eighty members, 
including bishops, prelates, and officials of the Curia. 
Leo X., on the 28th of January 1520, raised it to the status 
of an archconfraternity and bestowed upon it indulgences 
and spiritual graces. 3 In the first year of his pontificate 
Clement provided for this, his own institution, by endow- 

1 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 336 seq. 

2 This connection was first pointed out by BURCKHARDT (Cicerone, 
659), later by HETTNER (Studien, 236 seq.\ SELL (Raffael und 
Diirer, Darmstadt, 1881, 15), SCHNEIDER (Theologisches zu Raffael, 
Mainz, 1896), and SPAHN (Cochlaus, 35). The last-named goes some 
what too far (cf. KALKOFF, Capito, 46). It is certain that Raphael 
enrolled himself in a confraternity in Urbino ; see PUNGILEONI, 147. 

3 See the Bull of January 28, 1520, in Bull. ed. Cocquelines, III., 
473. Cf. also BERTOLOTTI, Le prigioni di Roma, Roma, 1890, 5, and 
the *Cenni sulle Confraternita di Carita in Cod. Vat., 5796, f. i seq. 
(Vatican Library). 


ing it with the Church of S. Girolamo, 1 in the neighbour 
hood of the Farnese palace, and ever since known as 
della Carita," together with the buildings belonging to it. 
The protectorate, which Clement as Pope had to resign, 
was held by Cardinal Antonio Ciocchi del Monte ; he 
was followed by Enkevoirt (1529), Cupis (1533), Carafa 
537)9 and Morone (i553). 2 During Clement s lifetime 
we find among the deputies of this confraternity, together 
with lesser officials, the Pope s Master of the Household, 
Girolamo da Schio, and the Cardinals Enkevoirt, Quinones, 
and Ercole Gonzaga. 3 

The Confraternity of S. Girolamo della Carita was, by 
the autumn of 1524, in such prosperity that Valerio Lugio 
saw therein the hand of God. " Twelve chaplains," he 
reported to Venice, " attend to divine worship in the 
church ; the members are unwearied in visiting the 
hospital, the poor, the wounded, the sick, the imprisoned ; 
they bestow burial on the dead and perform every imagin 
able work of charity." 4 

The members also of the Oratory of Divine Love did not 
restrict themselves to purely religious exercises. They 
were not less diligent in offices of neighbourly charity, and 
there is an express tradition that in the days of Leo X. 

1 Bull of September 24, 1524, in Archives of the Compagnia di S. 
Girolamo della Carita, Rome. Cf. WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 574 seq. 
Previously the meetings had been held in S. Andrea in Arenula. 

2 List of Protectors in Archives of S. Girolamo della Carita. 

3 In the*listof the "deputati charitatis" I noted: 1524: Giov. Pietro 
Crivelli, Milanese. 1525 : Fr. Pallavicino, episc. Alerien. ; Evangelista 
Tarasconi, segret. del papa ; G. B. Gibraleon, scritt. apost. ; Eduardo 
Cicala, abbrev. ; Aless. de Cesena, doctor. 1526: Card. Enkevoirt; 
Biagio di Cesena. 1530: Bald, de Pescia. 1532: Card. s. Crucis 
and Card. E. Gonzaga. 1536: Giberti, vesc. di Verona (Archives of 
the Compagnia di S. Girolamo della Carita). 



they devoted themselves to the maintenance of the ancient 
Hospital of S. Giacomo degli Incurabili. Here arose 
another confraternity in which Leo X., all the Cardinals, 
and many prelates and courtiers were enrolled. 1 The 
convent for female penitents on the Corso owed its origin 
to the Oratory of the Divine Love. 2 Cardinal Medici 
obtained the sanction of Leo X. for this institution, and 
when Pope continued his support 3 

The members of the Oratory of the Divine Love, whose 
numbers rose in course of time to between fifty and sixty, 
were men differing from one another considerably in 
culture and social position. Together with those whose 
interests lay exclusively in ecclesiastical life, such as 
Giuliano Dati, parish priest of SS. Silvestro and Dorotea, 4 
Gaetano di Tiene, Gian Pietro Carafa, Luigi Lippomano, 
with whom, later on, in the person of Giberti, a politician 
and diplomatist also became associated, we find several 
humanists like Sadoleto, Latino Giovenale Manetti, and 
Tullio Crispoldi. 5 The influence of these latter explains 

1 This hitherto unknown fact rests on the memorandum of 1553 in 
Vol. VIII. of this work, Appendix, No. 5. 

2 See Vol. VIII. of this work, Appendix, No. 5. 

3 See Bull., V., 742 seq. ; VI., 92 seq. Clement VII. conferred on 
the ancient Confraternity of the Gonfalone the distinction of the gift 
of the golden rose , see RUGGERI, L Archiconfraternita del Gonfalone, 
Roma, 1866, 209 seq. 

4 Cf. UGHELLI, IX., 514; the inscriptions in FORCELLA, II., 344, 
VII., 429, IX., 359, 362, and Caracciolo in JENSEN, Caraffa, 191. 
G. Dati and the Romans Bernardo di Mastro Antonio and Mariano 
Particappa composed for the Brotherhood of the Gonfalone the 
oldest Passion play. First printed at Rome, 1515; last edition, 
Amati, Roma, 1866. 

6 It is uncertain when the individual admissions took place. Gaetano 
certainly was one of the first members, but he was no longer living in 
Rome in 1518, and Sadoleto left the city in 1523. The letter of 


to some extent the curious form of the single contemporary 
memorial that brings back to day in Rome the memory of 
the Oratory at S. Dorotea. This is a holy water vessel 
in stone in the shape of an ancient heathen altar, bearing 
on the front side the name, title, and arms of Giuliano Dati, 
who died previous to 1524. The inscription on the right 
side shows that it was composed by persons who delighted 
in expressing their thoughts in the language of classical 
antiquity. 1 Here, if anywhere, is evidence that the em 
ployment of phraseology not only classical but even pagan 
in tone, does not warrant the conclusion that this was the 
outcome of unchristian sentiment. 

It was of great importance that the quiet activity of the 
Oratory of the Divine Love, the members of which, 
under Clement VII., also showed care for the poor class of 
pilgrims to Rome, 2 should have set an example to different 
cities of Italy, Verona, Vicenza, Brescia, and Venice being 
among the earliest to imitate the Roman model. 3 These 

Hieronymus de la Lama, in SANUTO, XXXVII., 36, shows that 
Giberti was not a founder, as GOTHEIN (Ignatius, 180) thinks, but 
joined the society subsequent to October 1524. 

1 The inscription on the front of this stone, now standing on the 
right side of the lower floor of the Presbytery adjoining the church, 
runs thus : Julianus || de Dathis || penitentiarius || et rector ; on the right : 
D. O. M.||Divo Silve||stro ac dive||Dorothee v.||manibus la||ribusq. avi 
||tis sacrum || an. jubilei. Not given correctly in FORCELLA, IX., 361. 

2 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, Appendix, No. 5. 

3 Gaetano di Tiene at once procured a Brief from Leo X. for the 
Confraternita segreta del SS. Corpo di Cristo, founded about 1517 in 
Verona; see BARZIZA, S. Gaetano in Verona, Mantova, 1719, 24 set? 
At the end of 1518 the Olive tans handed over to this confraternity, 
which still exists to this day and has comprised many artists among 
its members (see Jahrb. der preuss. Kunstsamml., 1903, 63), the church 
of SS. Siro and Libera, standing on the upper half of the Roman theatre. 
Cf. V. SALVARO, La Chiesa dei SS. Siro e Libera e la ven. compagnia 
in essa eretta, Verona, 1882, 16 seg., 40 seg., 43 (Ratification of the 


communities were connected with their brethren in Rome. 
They held to the same genuine Catholic principle that the 
sanctification of the individual must necessarily precede 
any attempt to bring a reforming influence to bear on 
others. How important for the revival of the inner life of 
the Church was the Oratorian practice of the frequent use 
of the sacraments of penance and of the altar, long before 
the days of Jesuit activity had come, is evident from the 
well-authenticated fact that, prior to this, the number of 
those who approached the altar more than once a year, 
namely, at Easter, was very small. 1 

Important and full of blessing as the work of the Oratory 
and its offshoots proved to be, yet, from their very nature, 
associations of this kind were debarred from exercising a 
wider and more penetrating influence. As confraternities 
they lacked a strict organization. In addition to the 
constant fluctuation in the number of members, there were 
the repeated claims of duties and business of other sorts 
calling them away from the good work for the sake of 
which they had united together. 2 

The recognition of these drawbacks led to a plan for 
the formation of a special order of regular clergy, the 
so-called Theatines. This Order, which was essentially a 
product of the Oratory of the Divine Love, soon won a 
position of exceptional importance in the progress of 
Catholic reform and restoration. We can thus understand 
the enthusiastic praise lavished by the historian of the 

conveyance by Leo X., 1521, July 29). Here also for the Brotherhood 
of S. Girolamo in Vicenza (cf. infra, p. 398 seq.). The existence of 
confraternities in Brescia and Venice is shown from the letters of 
Hieronymus de la Lama in SANUTO, XXXVI I., 35 seq. 

1 See CARACCIOLO, *Vita di Paolo IV. (Casanatense Library) ; 
BROMATO, I., 5. 

2 See CARACCIOLO, loc. cit. 


Theatines on the Oratory of the Divine Love as the cradle 
of their society. 1 If at first the Oratory was only a hopeful 
omen of the quiet reaction towards reform 2 working within 
the Church, its full significance became known at last 
through the new and powerful organization which owed to 
it its birth. 

To two men of very different character the foundation 
of the new Order was due ; they were Gaetano di Tiene and 
Gian Pietro Carafa. 

The ancestors of Gaetano di Tiene were nobles of 
Vicenza who bore the title of Count. 3 Born about 1480, 
he studied jurisprudence at Padua and came to Rome in 
1505, where he was appointed Protonotary- Apostolic by 
Julius II. Not until he had reached his thirty-sixth year, 
in the autumn of 1516, did he receive minor and sacred 
orders. It is evident from the letters of this devout priest 
to the Augustinian nun Laura Mignani of Brescia that he 
had hitherto held back from entering the service of the 
sanctuary from humility and a holy fear of that high voca 
tion. Gaetano, who devoted eight hours a day to prayer, 
dwells in these letters in touching language on his un- 
worthiness to offer up the sacrifice of the Mass wherein he, 
" a poor worm of earth, mere dust and ashes, passes, as it 

1 SILOS, Hist. Cler. Regul., I., 6. 

2 Cf. KERKER, Kirchliche Reform., 9. 

3 See Acta Sanctor., Aug., II., 240 seq., also 280 seq., for the older 
biographies, of which the most important, that of A. Caracciolo, 
published 1612, is reproduced. Cf. also J. B. CARACCIOLUS, Vita, 
Pisis, 1738; MAGENIS, Vita, Napoli, 1749 (reprint, ibid., 1845); 
ZINELLI, Mem. Stor., Venezia, 1753; BARRAL (Paris, 1789); 
DUMORTIER (Paris, 1882); LUBEN (Regensburg, 1883); DE MAULDE 
LA CLAVIKRE (Paris, 1902; cf., for this unsuccessful work, SCHRORS 
in the Lit. Rundschau, 1904, 4 seq.}. Documents concerning the 
Tiene family in Cod. 152 of the Library of Ferrara. Cf. also 
BORTOLAN, S. Corona, Vicenza, 1889, 360 seq. 


were, into heaven and the presence of the Blessed Trinity, 
and dares to touch with his hands the Light of the sun and 
the Maker of the universe." Such a priest must have 
found in the Oratory of the Divine Love the expression of 
his innermost soul. If Gaetano nevertheless left Rome as 
early as 1518, it was in obedience to a call of filial duty 
bidding him return to Vicenza, where his mother had just 
undergone a heavy loss in the death of a second son. 
There he worked in the spirit of the Oratory in Rome and 
urged worthy and repeated reception of the sacraments. 
In this direction Gaetano s efforts were specially effective, 
for he infused fresh life into the Confraternity of S. 
Girolamo. 1 It was he also who induced this society to 
take over the administration of a decayed hospital for 
incurables. On this work of compassion he spent large 
sums of money, and also obtained for it from Leo X. all 
the privileges and indulgences belonging to the great 
Hospital of S. Giacomo in Rome. 2 

In the summer of 1519 a brotherhood at Verona, the 
Secret Confraternity of the Most Holy Body of Christ, 
which had also been one of Gaetano s revivals, 3 addressed 
a petition to the confraternity at Vicenza to be admitted 
into fellowship with them in spiritual possessions, prayers, 
and good works. In his great humility Gaetano inverted 
the petition and requested admission to the brotherhood 
in Verona, whither he went, accompanied by the leading 
members of the community of Vicenza. When it came to 
the signing of the form of aggregation he made his 

1 Diarium Vicent. Sodalit. from Caracciolo in Acta Sanctor., Aug., 
II., 283. BARZIZA, loc, cit., 22. The confraternity founded 1494 was 
originally called the Compagnia segreta della Misericordia ; see 
BORTOLAN, Nozze Bottazzi-Bertolini, Vicenza, 1887, 1888. 

2 Cf. the documents in BORTOLAN, loc. cit., 11-12. 

3 Cf. the work of Salvaro, cited supra, p. 396, n. 3. 


companions take precedence. His own subscription was as 
follows : " I, Gaetano di Tiene, wholly unworthy to be a 
priest of God, have been received as the last among the 
members of this holy community in July I5I9/ 1 

From 1521 to 1523 Gaetano, with the exception of a 
short visit to Brescia where he saw Laura Mignani, devoted 
himself to works of spiritual and temporal compassion in 
the city of Venice. There also he bestowed much atten 
tion on the hospital for incurables, and in an astonishingly 
short time brought it into a better condition. 2 In spite 
of this success he was not satisfied ; the worldliness 
of life in the city of the lagoons grieved him deeply. 
From thence on the 1st of January 1523 he wrote to 
his friend Paolo Giustiniani : " How pitiful is the state 
of this noble city ! One could weep over it. There 
is indeed not one who seeks Christ crucified. Jesus waits 
and no one comes. That there are men of good will among 
this fine people I do not deny. But they will not stand 
forth for fear of the Jews. They are ashamed to be seen 
at confession or Holy Communion." 3 

These discouraging conditions probably led to Gaetano s 
return to Rome at the end of 1523. There, in the Oratory 
of the Divine Love, he found Bonifazio da Colle, Paolo 
Consiglieri, and Gian Pietro Carafa all full of reverence for 
his own ideals. His intercourse with Carafa especially was 
to be followed by most important results. 

Seldom have two such different characters combined in 
the pursuit of the same aim as these two men whose 

1 See SALVARO, loc. cit. In Cod. DCCLXXXIIL, f. 252, Chapter 
Library, Verona, there is a copy of the registration with the date July 
10, 1519. 

2 Cf. the quite unbiassed testimony of SANUTO, a thorough man of 
the world, XXXI 1 1., 299 ; XXXIV., 38 ; XXXVI., 103. 

3 LUBEN, 6 1 ; DE MAULDE LA CLAVIERE, 59 seq. 


activity in the beginning of the great movement of the 
Catholic reformation was fertile in influence. A waft of 
sacred poetry breathed through the life of Gaetano, who, 
like the saint of his deep veneration, Francis, glowed with 
a mystic love for the poor Child in the manger. Amid all 
the fire of his religious emotion he was yet a personality 
of exceeding gentleness and tenderness. Yielding, given 
to self-communing, silence, and reserve, it was only with 
great reluctance that he took a public place. He thus 
gave rise to the remark that he wished to reform the world, 
but without letting the world know that he was in it. 1 A 
beautiful saying, and the best description of the peculiar 
character of a man who was filled with a boundless trust 
in the providence of God. In long hours of meditation 
Gaetano prepared for the sacrifice of the Mass. He was 
often seen to burst into tears at the moment of consecra 
tion. Daily, in the sacrament of penance, he clad his 
soul in the purest wedding garment, and was himself 
unwearied in the duties of the confessional and in the 
visitation of the sick and poor. 

Carafa also was full of love towards God and his 
neighbour. His sense of religion was not less deep than 
that of Gaetano ; but in him, the typical southern Italian, 
it found a very different expression. Brimming over 
with eloquence, impetuous, glowing with a zeal not always 
tempered with wisdom, capable of inconsiderate obstinacy 
and hardness, he flung his whole being into the work that 
seemed to him to be necessary. The embodiment of 
strength of will, and driven by an irresistible urgency to 
work and originate, he formed a striking supplement to 
Gaetano, the tranquil servant of prayer and meditation. 

Carafa s career was also much more troubled and full of 

1 See RANKE, Papste, L, 6th ed., 114. 
VOL. X. 26 


vicissitude than that of his friend. 1 Born on the vigil of 
the Feast of SS. Peter and Paul (June 28) 1476, this scion 
of one of the oldest, noblest, and most influential families 
in the kingdom of Naples wished, while yet in his twelfth 
year, to enter the Dominican Order, but was prevented by 
his father, Gian Antonio, Baron of S. Angelo della Scala 
and, in right of his wife, Vittoria Camponesca, also Count 
of Montorio. 2 Gian Pietro s sister Maria, eight years his 
senior, felt the same vocation for the cloister. On Christ 
mas night 1490 they both escaped from their parents house. 
The brother sought out the Dominicans, the sister the nuns 
of the same Order. Once more the father snatched his son 
from the cloister ; but, on the other hand, he gave him 
permission to study theology for, as the nephew of an 
Archbishop and Cardinal, brilliant advancement seemed 
certain. On completing his studies in 1494 Gian Pietro 
received the tonsure, and in accordance with his father s 
wishes he went to Rome to his uncle, Cardinal Oliviero 

1 For the early lives of Carafa see C. BROMATO (Bartol. Carrara), 
Storia di Paolo IV., I., I segq. The most valuable materials on 
which Bromato relied for the greatest part of this work are in Ant. 
Caracciolo s (d. 1642) industrious compilation of sources: (i) Collect. 
Hist, de Vita Pauli IV., Coloniae, 1612 ; (2) *Vita di Papa Paolo IV. 
(2 vols., frequently in manuscript, as in Cod. 993 of the Casanatense 
Library ; Cod. Barb., lat. 4953, 4961, 5370 ; Secret Archives of the 
Vatican, XL, 101 ; British Museum, 20011-20012). Three MSS. of 
the Vita, one of which is apparently from the hand of Caracciolo, are 
in the Library of the National Museum in the Certosa di S. Martino, 
Naples. This exceedingly important life is based partly on original 
papers of Carafa. I was successful in finding two volumes of such 
original papers which often give additions to Caracciolo ; in the first 
place, one ought to mention here the "^Collection of letters in Cod. 
Barb., lat. 5697, Vatican Library, and in the second that in Cod. XIII., 
AA 74, of the National Library, Naples. 

2 Cf. PANSA in the Rassegna abruzz., IV. (1900). 


Carafa. The latter wished at once to procure a bishopric 
for the lad of eighteen, who conscientiously refused to 
entertain the notion. Even later (about 1500), when a 
Papal chamberlain, he only accepted benefices to which the 
duty of residence was not attached. Entirely given up to 
study, prayer, and works of charity, he passed through the 
corrupt court of Alexander VI. pure and unspotted. The 
keen insight of Julius II. soon recognized his worth; 
by 1503 he had appointed him a Protonotary and in 1504 
Bishop of Chieti in the Abruzzi. Carafa accepted this 
honour unwillingly. From this and from the opposition of 
the Spanish government to the appointment of an offshoot 
of a family always inimical to their interests, we can explain 
why Carafa s consecration did not take place until 1506. 
Immediately afterwards he was sent by Julius II. as 
Nuncio to Naples to welcome Ferdinand the Catholic on 
his arrival from Barcelona. On this occasion also Carafa 
had to experience the hardness of the Spanish character. 
Ferdinand flatly refused to pay the annual tribute on in 
vestiture with the kingdom demanded by the Nuncio in the 
Pope s name. He rejoiced when, in 1507, his mission 
came to an end, and at once returned to Chieti to find his 
diocese in an evil plight. 

Carafa as a genuine reformer began to introduce an 
improvement by his own example and the change of 
behaviour in his household, in accordance with the motto 
adopted by him at this time : " For the time is, that judg 
ment should begin at the house of God." 1 In his new 
position Carafa had often to resist the encroachments of 
the Spanish officials on his own jurisdiction. But no 
obstacle turned back this man of iron purpose. In 
every way, especially by his visitations, he laboured for 

1 Cf. i Petr. iv. 17. 


five toilsome years to raise the standard of the diocese ; 
so intent was he on this work that he did not attend the 
irst four sittings of the Lateran Council. As soon as 
his diocese was to some extent set in order he went to 
Rome in the beginning of 1513 where, as a member 
of the commission for the restoration of peace and the 
removal of the schism, he soon attracted the attention 
of Leo X., who in 1513 appointed him Legate to 
Henry VIII. During his stay in England he came 
to know Erasmus, on whom he urged the duty of pre 
paring an edition of the works of St. Jerome. Erasmus 
praised Carafa in a letter, speaking with admiration of 
his dignity, his eloquence, and his knowledge of Latin, 
Greek, Hebrew, and theology.* Leo X. in 1515 sent him 
as Nuncio to Spain. On his journey thither he formed a 
friendship in Flanders at the court of Margaret of Austria 
with the Dominican, Juan Alvarez de Toledo, an earnest 
supporter of reform. At first his reception at the court of 
Ferdinand the Catholic was of the best ; the King gave him 
a place on his Council and made him Vice Grand Chaplain. 
Carafa tried to make his influence felt in Aragonese affairs, 
on behalf of the independence of Naples. But all his 
attempts to move Ferdinand to a renunciation of that 
kingdom were unsuccessful. He appealed in vain to the 
conscience of the dying King, reminding him of his broken 
pledges to Frederick of Naples and his sons. This attitude 
also reacted on his relations with the new King, Charles. 
Although Carafa was on the King s side during the revolt 
of the Comuneros, he was viewed with dislike at court. 
He was suspected of disclosing State secrets to the Pope, 

1 BROMATO, I, 63 seg. Since Erasmus could not at that time 
expect much from Carafa, his praises were sincere ; see GOTHEIN, 
Ignatius, 171. The Episcopal Archives at Chieti, so far as they have 
been arranged, unfortunately contain nothing relating to Carafa. 


and one of his colleagues on the Council even taunted 
him with the words: " If the Neapolitans had their deserts, 
they would get dry bread and a stout stick." l When, on 
the appointment of a new Grand Chaplain, Carafa was 
passed over, he requested leave to retire. Charles V. 
tried to reconcile him by appointing him Archbishop of 
Brindisi, but Carafa withdrew from the court in bitter 
displeasure. Henceforth a deep-rooted distrust and dis 
like of the Hapsburg King of Spain took possession 
of him. 

But in other respects his long residence in Spain had 
been of great importance to Carafa. While it lasted he 
had formed friendly relations with the men who were 
anxious to carry out a scheme of reform on sound Catholic 
principles and without making a breach in the established 
order of things. He was in near touch not merely with 
Cardinal Ximenes but with Adrian of Utrecht and the 
Neapolitan, Tommaso Gazella di Gaeta. Powerful as 
the Spanish influences were in this connection, yet they 
must not be overrated. Like Adrian, Carafa had been 
a friend of reform long before he had come to know 
in Spain the fruits of the activity of a Ximenes. 2 In 
one important point his plan of reform differed from 
the Spanish programme. He abominated any intru 
sion of the secular power into the ecclesiastical sphere, 
and had, especially, a higher sense of his position 
as a churchman than the Spanish prelates. What was 
the amazement of the latter when Carafa once in the 
Chapel Royal replied to a court official who had asked 
him to delay beginning Mass until the King arrived : 
" Within these sacred walls I represent the person of 
Christ, and therefore, vested with such an office, would 

1 Cf. BROMATO, I., 74. 

2 Cf. DITTRICH in Histor. Jahrbuch, II., 610 seq. 


deem it an indignity to await the coming of an earthly 
king." 1 

Carafa returned to Rome from Spain by Naples, where 
he restored the Confraternity of the Bianchi, who ministered 
to persons lying under sentence of death. 2 When in 1520 
he reached Rome, the affair of Luther was being discussed. 
Leo X. made use of him during the deliberations; he also 
may have had a share in formulating the Bull of Con 
demnation, 3 otherwise his chief occupation in Rome was 
the pursuit of works of charity ; he was most constantly 
seen in a hospital for incurables he had founded earlier with 
the help of Ettore Vernacci, 4 and in the Oratory of the 
Divine Love. Devoted as he was to the objects of this 
association, agreeing as they did with the motto of his 
choice, yet he was soon once more in his dioceses of 
Brindisi and Chieti, where a great field lay open for his 
reforming energies. He did not return to Rome until an 
express summons from Adrian VI. called him back in 
1523. He gladly obeyed the request of the Pope, who was 
determined to give practical shape to his idea of reform. 
Of the impression made in Rome by Carafa we have some 
information from a letter of Paolo Giustiniani in which he 
gives an account of some of the devout men whose 
acquaintance he had made in the city. Carafa, he says, 
was a man of learning and humility, and so holy in his 
manner of life that no one in Rome could be compared 

1 CARACCIOLO, *Vita di Paolo IV., loc. cit. 

2 Ibid., *Vita di Paolo IV. ; BROMATO, I., 76. 

3 Ibid., *Vita di Paolo IV. ; BROMATO, I., 77 ; BENRATH in 
Herzog s Realencyklopadie, XV., 3rd ed., 41 ; A. SCHULTE (Quellen 
und Forschungen, VI., 39) has overlooked Carafa s participation in 
this matter. It seems to me doubtful whether Carafa s treatise " De 
justificatione " had yet appeared. 

4 BROMATO, I., 36, 83. 


with him. 1 How much might have been hoped if such a 
man had been permitted to co-operate for long with the 
lofty-minded German Pope in his reforming efforts ! But 
Providence had decreed otherwise. Carafa, in July 1523, 
had just obtained for Paolo Giustiniani a confirmation and 
extension of plenary powers for the congregation of the 
hermits of Camaldoli when Adrian died. 2 

Carafa, with the penetration which was peculiar to him in 
such matters, perceived that Clement VII., notwithstand 
ing his previous good intentions, could not be expected to 
follow the course on which his predecessor had entered. 
For a moment he dwelt on the thought of withdrawing 
himself into the solitude of the hermits of Camaldoli : 
fortunately for the Church, the bent of his character towards 
energetic work had the upper hand. Carafa was not 
mistaken in supposing that political interests would more 
and more predominate at the court of Clement VII. 

In closest intimacy with the members of the Oratory of 
the Divine Love, and especially with Gaetano, he drew up 
new plans. With all their enthusiasm for the Oratory, 
these two friends were well aware that a mere confraternity 
offered no guarantee for a comprehensive and permanent 
renewal throughout the Church. Besides, since all 
ordinances from higher authority and all Papal decrees of 
reform were almost a dead letter, the idea was pressed 
home to them that, by the force of example, the deeply 
needed improvement might be begun first of all among 
the ranks of the secular clergy. Thus there ripened in the 
conversations of Carafa and Gaetano, to which some other 
friends, such as Bonifazio da Colle of Alessandria and the 
Roman Paolo Consiglieri had been admitted, the plan of 

1 The letter, addressed to Gaetano di Tiene, is in SANUTO, XXXV., 

2 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 1 17 seq. 


substituting for the Oratory a special foundation with fixed 
rules and a life in community consisting of regular clerics 
in immediate dependence on the Holy See. 1 Instead of 
the old orders which, partly from deterioration, partly from 
their organization, were no longer adapted to the needs of 
the times, a new institution, instinct with life, was to arise, 
the members of which, as simple priests of blameless life 
and faithfulness to their vocation, were to shed a guiding 
light of example before the great mass of the secular clergy, 
numbers of whom were sunk deep in the prevailing corrup 
tion. The fundamental idea of the founders was to form 
a society of devoted priests who should give themselves up 
entirely to the administration of the sacraments, the work 
of preaching, and the conduct of ecclesiastical ceremonies 
so as to set an example before the Church. Of friars there 
were plenty, and many were disreputable men ; the 
members of the new Order, therefore, were not to bear 
names, many of which had fallen into wide discredit. At 
their head there was to be neither prior nor guardian, but 
simply a superior. Attention was also paid to the form 
and colour of their clothing ; the customary black garment 
of the ordinary priest seemed the only suitable one for a 
community with the primary task before it of effecting by 
example and hard work a thorough reform in the secular 
clergy, and a return to apostolic standards of life. 2 

1 The first idea certainly came from Gaetano ; Caracciolo himself 
(*Vita di Paolo IV., II., i) says this, appealing to the lost biography of 
Gaetano by G. A. Prati. The Bull of Beatification therefore rightly 
speaks of Gaetano as the founder (Acta Sancton, Aug., II., 246. 
Carafa, therefore, cannot be called (CARACCIOLO, loc. cit., II., 2), 
"autore et fondatore " ; but he is justly entitled to be regarded as 
joint founder of the Theatines ; see ZlNELLl, Memorie, 38. 

2 See CARACCIOLO, *Vita di Paolo IV., II., i, 2, 3. Cf. CARACCIOLO 
in the Acta Sancton, Aug., II., 285, 19, and BROMATO, I., 109 seqq. 
His intention in founding the Theatine Order is very clearly expressed 


While any imitation of the externals of the existing orders 
was thus avoided, Carafa and his associates were all the more 
anxious to be true to the inner character of lives devoted to 
a religious rule. They therefore demanded a secluded com 
munity life and the observance of the three vows of chastity, 
obedience, and poverty. On this last point they went much 
further than the followers of the poor man of Assisi. The 
members of the new institution were to practise poverty 
in its most rigorous form. They were to have no capital, 
no income; they might not even once ask for alms. 
Depending calmly on the divine providence, they were to 
wait for spontaneous gifts and in this way bring back clergy 
and people to the enthusiasm of the first Christians. A 
fountain-head of evil in the Church was the immoderate 
striving after possessions, whereby so many were enticed 
without vocation into the sanctuary. This grievous abuse 
was to be torn up by the roots by an association of priests 
subject to vows, and leading lives of poverty in the fullest 
sense. This idea had taken possession of two men sprung 
from families of noble descent, who thus sought to make 
expiation for the scandals brought on the Church by others 
in their own station in their pursuit of worldly possessions. 

This summons to absolute poverty aroused in the Curia 
of Clement VII., where most men were absorbed in money 

in a ^letter to Giberti, dated Venice, 1533, January i, in which he asks 
him to obtain from Clement VII. a fresh and, in some points, revised 
Bull of approval ; he *says : " Et per ricordo riverentemente si fa 
intender a V. S. che nella detta bolla tra le principal cose si voria 
contenire la approbatione di questo institute clericale talmente, che non 
paresse che si volesse far nova religione, si como in verita non volemo 
ne potemo, et si ben potessimo non voriamo perche non volemo esser 
altro che chierici viventi secondo li sacri canoni in commune et de 
communi et sub tribus votis, perciocche questo e il mezzo convenien- 
tissimo a conservare la commune vita clericale." Cod. Barb., lat. 5697 
f. 32 (Vatican Library). 


and the acquisition of money, general observation and great 
opposition. If amid the chilling of Christian love the 
mendicant Orders were hardly able to exist, how could a 
new order maintain itself by repudiating the appeal to 
the alms of the faithful ? To such objections Gaetano re 
plied in the words of Christ : " Be not solicitous for your life, 
what you shall eat ; nor for your body, what you shall put 
on." So fervently did he dwell on God s providence in the 
presence of the Pope that the latter exclaimed : " I have 
not found such faith in Israel." But difficulties of a more 
serious kind were not wanting. Gaetano had scruples in 
allowing Carafa to become a member, as he was already a 
bishop. Clement VII. on his side saw with reluctance 
so capable a man, to whom he had given an important 
function in respect of the reform of the Roman clergy, 
removed from his service. The Pope also feared the 
difficulty of finding a substitute for him in the dioceses 
of Chieti and Brindisi. But the fervent Carafa, supported 
by his old friends Giberti, Sadoleto, and Schonberg, 1 gave 
Clement no rest until he yielded and consented to his 
resignation of the two sees. 2 The decisive Brief, drawn 
up by Sadoleto, was issued on the 24th of June 1524. It 
gave permission to Carafa, Gaetano, and their associates, 
after solemnly taking the three essential vows, to live in 
community as regular clergy while wearing the garb of 
the ordinary ecclesiastic. They were to be in immediate 
subordination to the Pope, to choose a superior holding 
office for a period not longer than three years, while 
secular clergy and laymen were to be admitted to the 
vows after a probation of one year ; they, moreover, held 
all the privileges of the Canons of the Lateran, together 

1 Cf. BROMATO, I., 96. 

2 Cf. Lett. d. princ., II., 52 ; SANUTO, XXXVI., 326. 


with permission to accept benefices with a cure of souls. 
The special constitutions were not to be presented for 
acceptance until later, when greater experience of their 
working had been acquired. 1 

Gaetano now resigned all his benefices and handed over 
his patrimony to his kinsfolk. " I see Christ in poverty 
and I am rich," he wrote on the 24th of August 1524; 
" He is despised, and I am honoured. I wish to draw 
one step nearer to Him, and therefore have resolved to 
renounce all yet remaining to me of this world s goods." f < 

Carafa also distributed his property among needy 
relations and the poor; at the same time he resigned 
both his sees. This instance of a self-sacrifice unpre 
cedented in that age created a great sensation ; to many 
such a heroic step was simply unintelligible ; others in 
dulged in depreciation or ridicule, 3 but Gaetano and Carafa 
went on their way unheeding. On the Feast of the 
Exaltation of the Holy Cross (September 14), 1524, in 
company with Bonifazio da Colle and Paolo Consiglieri, 
after receiving Holy Communion they presented, at the 
tomb of St. Peter, to Bonziano, Bishop of Caserta, as 
Apostolic Commissary, the Brief by which their institute 
was recognized as an Order, and then proceeded to take 
the solemn vows. 4 Carafa was immediately afterwards 

1 Bull., VI., 73 seq. Cf. BROMATO, I., 112, 115, 117 seq. The original 
Brief is in the General Archives of the Theatine Order in Rome. 

2 Copies were very soon circulated of this beautiful letter, justly 
extolled by the saint s biographers (see LuBEN, 89), and signed " Frater 
Gaietanus miser presbyter." One of these old copies is in the General 
Archives of the Theatine Order in Rome. 

3 BROMATO, I., 105 seq. 

4 The notarial deed in SILOS, 37, and Acta Sanctor., Aug., II., 248 seq. 
Cf. also SANUTO, XXX VI I., 35 ; ATANAGI, Lett, facet., I., 138, and the 
*report of Germanello of September 24, 1524, in Gonzaga Archives, 


chosen Superior, retaining, according to the desire of 
Clement VII., his title as Bishop. The new foundation 
was in closest communication with the Holy See, and its 
members, directly subject to the Pope, looked upon St. Peter 
as their special patron. 1 

The new regulars, who were called Theatines or 
Chietines from Carafa s first see, and sometimes Cajetans 
or Clerks Regular of the Divine Providence, were clad 
entirely in black ; they always wore the cassock, high collar, 
and white stockings, and their head covering was the clerical 
biretta. Carafa strictly required them to be clean shaven 
and wear a large-sized tonsure. 2 They lived, as much as 
possible, in seclusion ; but when they appeared in public 
their demeanour was full of dignity. They began with a 
small house in the Strada Leonina, leading to the Campo 
Marzio, once the property of Bonifazio da Colle. 3 On the 
3Oth of April 1525 the first novice was received; he 
was the learned priest Bernardino Scotti, afterwards a 
Cardinal. 4 

Before the close of I525 5 Giberti provided the 
Theatines with a new dwelling on the Pincian, then quite 
unbuilt upon, where the Villa Medici now stands. There 

1 Cf. Carafa s characteristic ^letter to Giberti of March i, 1533, in 
the Vatican Library, Cod. Barb., lat. 5697. 

2 Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI I., 90. 

3 The house was near the little church S. Nicola di Campo Marzio, 
and was given to the Order on September 13, 1524. CARACCIOLO, 
*Vitadi Paolo IV., II., 3. 

4 CARACCIOLO, Vita di Paolo IV., II., 4 ; BROMATO, I., 131 seq. 

5 Cf. the *Dichiaratione di bona fede di Giberti che la vigna comprata 
a Monte Pincio per il prezzo di due. 1000 fu comprata di denari prop, 
della congreg. Teat, dat. October 7, 1525 (original in General Archives 
of the Theatine Order, Rome). 

6 In the deed of sale (in CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 4) the situation is 
^described : " Inter moenia urbis, in loco qui dicitur lo monte de Pinci, 


they gave themselves up assiduously to prayer, meditation, 
the study of Holy Scripture, and the care of souls. 
Especially were they diligent in preaching, avoiding all 
profane alloy in their sermons and fervently teaching 
devotion to the Blessed Virgin and the frequentation of 
the sacraments. At the same time they aroused violent 
enmity and vulgar contempt ; Carafa in particular suffered 
in this respect, 1 for he stood high in Clement s favour and, 
being the Superior of the community, was a representative 
personality. 2 The worldly-minded ridiculed the new Order 
as a collection of laughable eccentrics who were neither 
monks nor simple clergy, 3 but among the people respect 
for them increased on account of their mortified lives and 
their exemplary devotion to the sick and the poor pilgrims 
during the outbreak of the plague in the Jubilee year of 
1525. A deep impression was made by the sight of men 
of illustrious and noble lineage, to whom all the enjoy 
ments of life might have lain open, choosing of their 
own accord the strictest poverty and, without fear of 
infection, visiting the poor and plague - stricken in 
hospitals and private houses, to tend, cheer, and succour 
them in the pains of death. It was then that a nun 

cui ab uno latere sunt res s. Mariae de populo, ab alio vinea, quae nunc 
possidetur per dom. Emilium de Capisucchis, ab altero moenia urbis et 
ante viculos vicinales"; cf. BROMATO, I., 133. Clement VII. wished 
to assign S. Girolamo to the Theatines, but this church seems to have 
been in an unquiet neighbourhood ; see the ^letter of A. Germanello, 
September 24, 1524 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and SANUTO, 
XXXVII., 10. 

1 See SANUTO, XXXVII., 357. Cf. Rossi, Pasquinate, in, and 
Luzio, Pronostico, 8, 12, 16, 30, 62. 

2 Cf. *Annales Venetae domus (General Archives of the Theatine 
Order, Rome). 

3 See CARACCIOLO in the Acta Sanctor., Aug., II., 287, and SANUTO, 
XXXVII., 37- 


of Ravenna declared that God was now sending His 
saving help to reform the Church and renew the lives 
of men. 1 

Whoever led a more interior life, with greater piety and 
strictness than others, was spoken of as a Theatine. 2 Even 
among the Roman clergy the earnestness and asceticism 
of the new Order, whose members, notwithstanding the 
almost insupportable scarcity, never lacked the necessaries 
of life, began to produce a wholesome effect. What a 
change was brought about in Rome by the quiet, plodding 
labours of the first Theatines is seen from a letter written 
on the 5th of January I52/ 3 by one of themselves to their 
friends of like mind in Venice, who had charge of the 
Hospital for Incurables there. " Christ," he says, " is now 
more feared and honoured here than in days past. The 
proud humble themselves, the good praise God, the wicked 
are without hope. Let us pray for their conversion, 
pray for the fathers, and specially for Carafa ! God is 
making use of his own in the Church. Bethink you, the 
first prelates and lords in Rome, who at first despised us 
in their pride, now come daily to us with such submission, 
as if they were our servants, that I am quite ashamed. 
They show a willing spirit of penitence, prayer, and pious 
works. They do all that the fathers bid them. And yet 
m0 re daily the Holy Father asks for the prayers of us 
poor wretches." He then goes on to relate how the great 
Tommaso Campeggio came one day to Carafa and asked him 
very humbly to bestow on him the episcopal consecration, 
which he had hitherto deferred, as he desired henceforward 

1 See CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., i and 4; BROMATO, I., 128 seq.\ 
RANKE, Papste, I., 6th ed., 115, and DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., 392 seq. 

2 CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 3, in DITTRICH, 393. Cf. ATANAGI, 
Lett, facet., I., 24 ; Lett, volg., I., 178 seq. 

3 SANUTO, XLIII., 609 seq. 


to be a true bishop of the see of Feltre. Although 
Campeggio was a man of learning, Carafa examined him 
as if he had been a simple priest. He submitted with 
touching humility, and might have received all the 
grades at once, and even have asked for consecration 
at the hands of the Pope himself; but he preferred to act 
in obedience to Carafa s wishes. He fasted with the 
Theatines, kept the canonical hours along with them, 
and at each ordination communicated with such humility 
that all present were put to shame. Giberti too, at that 
time next to the Pope the most influential man in 
Rome, visited Carafa daily, and often shared with him 
his frugal meals. Just then Clement VII. showed his 
attachment to the Theatines by the bestowal of new 
indulgences. The new community grew day by day in 
men s regard, but their labours in support of the 
hospitals and other benevolent institutions did not 
diminish in zeal. 1 

Carafa and Gaetano looked to the future in hope and 
joy. Then came the catastrophe of the sack of Rome ; 
Carafa, Gaetano, and their twelve associates were brutally 
treated by the soldiers and thrown into prison. 2 They 
managed, as by a miracle, to escape from the hands of their 
tormentors. The Venetian envoy, Venier, took compassion 
upon them in Ostia and was the means of enabling them 
to make the journey to Venice, which they reached in 
June. The Confraternity of the Hospital for Incurables, 
with whom they had always had close ties, procured for 
them in their entire destitution a refuge at S. Eufemia. 3 
Thence they migrated to S. Gregorio, and finally found 

1 SANUTO, XLIIL, 611-612 ; cf. 533. 

2 CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 5 ; BROMATO, I., 153 seq. 

3 SANUTO, XLV., 343. For the connection with the Hospital for 
Incurables see BROMATO, I., 138 seq. 


a suitable community house in the Oratory of S. Nicola 
da Tolentino. 1 

The Theatines, who had, on the I4th of September 1527, 
chosen Gaetano as Superior, lived as retired a life in Venice 
as in Rome, so that they were spoken of as the " hermits." 
They continued to urge the frequent use of the sacraments ; 
they were also occupied with raising the observance of 
divine worship to a higher level of solemnity and with 
the improvement of the Breviary by the excision of 
unhistorical narratives. 2 Their pastoral zeal, their heroism 
amid the famine and plague of 1528, won them an increase 
of friends, and one of their greatest benefactors was the 
Doge Andrea Gritti. 3 

It was of the greatest importance for the Theatines 
that in Venice they came into closer relations with such 
eminent advocates of Catholic reform as Gasparo 
Contarini, Reginald Pole, and the regenerator of the 
Benedictine Order, Gregorio Cortese. The garden of 
S. Georgio Maggiore, Cortese s monastery, was the scene 
of many learned and pious conversations, for which reason 
Bruccioli chose it as the background for his " Dialogue on 
Moral Philosophy." 4 

Carafa drew up the earliest rules for the Theatines, 
over whom he was again Superior from 1530 to 1533- 
The object of these statutes was the formation of a 

1 Cf. CARACCIOLO in the Acta Sancton, Aug., II., 290, and *Vita, 
II., 6 ; see also SANUTO, XLVI., 193, 333, 418, and BROMATO, I., 160 
seq., 163 seg., 173- 

2 Cf. CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 7 ; BROMATO, I., 174 seq., 180 seq. ; 
BAUMER, 412 seq. 

3 Cf. *Annali del Teatini della casa di Venezia (General Archives 
of the Theatine Order, Rome). 

4 Cf. DITTRICH, Contarini, 212 seq. A fine eulogy on Pole in 
*Carafa s letter to Giberti, January I, 1533, in Cod. Barb., lat. 5697, 

. 33 (Vatican Library). 


blameless type of priestly character enjoying the utmost 
possible freedom for the exercise of the different branches 
of the pastoral office. The several rules were not to bind 
the members of the Order under sin. 1 

Carafa showed great prudence in his guidance of the 
Order. When Clement VII., in February I533, 2 enjoined 
the erection of an affiliated house in Naples, the Superior 
raised difficulties, for he feared lest his slender forces should 
be broken up. 3 The Pope, in entire confidence, left the 
matter to Carafa s sole decision. The latter did not make 
up his mind until August, and then sent two of his best 
colleagues, Gaetano and Giovanni Marino, to Naples, where 
the Theatines, supported by Gian Antonio Caracciolo, 
soon secured a firm footing. Gaetano, who was the 
Superior in Naples, although in other respects a gentle 
character, was inflexible in the observance of the strictest 
poverty, as he showed in his resistance to the Count of 
Oppido, who wished to press upon the Neapolitan house 
settled revenues. In order to escape from him Gaetano 
moved into the Hospital for Incurables. Afterwards he 
obtained a new house through the good offices of the 
devout Maria Laurenzia Longa, who was to become the 
foundress of the Capuchin nuns. 4 

1 See BROMATO, L, 143 seq. There is nothing in the earliest rule 
in support of BENRATH S statement (Herzog s Realencyklopadie, XV., 
3rd ed., 41) that "the peculiar characteristic of the new Order" was 
that the members should devote themselves to detecting and encounter 
ing heretics. 

2 Acta Sanctor.. Aug., II., 291 seq. 

3 See the letter to Fuscano in BROMATO, I., 234. The missing date 
(March 29, 1533) is in Cod. Barb., lat. 5697. 

4 Cf. *Annali della casa di Napoli in the General Archives of the 
Theatine Order; CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 8 and 10; Acta Sanctor., 
loc. cit. ; BROMATO, I., 229 seq. ; VOLPICELLA, Studi, Napoli, 1876, 

VOL. X. 27 


Gaetano was also quite as strict as Carafa in the re 
ception of new members. 1 This and the requirement of 
complete poverty accounts for their numbers not having 
exceeded, after nine years, one -and -twenty persons. 2 
Consequently the burden of work falling on the individual 
members became so heavy that Clement VII., in 1529, 
ordered other forms of prayer to be substituted for 
the daily office to relieve those who were already over 
charged with the duties of study, visiting the sick, and 
the confessional. 3 

The system of scrupulous selection observed by the 
founders of the Order had thoroughly justified itself. 
The great success of the Theatines undoubtedly is to be 
attributed to no small extent to this characteristic, that 
here a small, carefully chosen circle of men, deeply schooled 
in obedience to the Church, formed, as it were, a corps 
d elite with which Carafa won his victories. Thus the 
Theatine Order was not so much a seminary for priests, 
as at first might have been supposed, as a seminary for 
bishops who rendered weighty service to the cause of 
Catholic reform. 4 One of the chief causes of the failure 
attending the efforts of Adrian VI. was the want of a 
suitable organism to carry into effect the right measures ; 
such an organism was found in the new Order. 

In Rome Carafa had many opponents, especially among 
the worldly minded Cardinals. 5 It is to the credit of 
Clement VII. that he almost always was on the side of 

1 Cf. BROMATO, I., 115, 145 seg., 224 seq., 236 seq. 

2 Letter to Silvago in BROMATO, I., 236. The date (March 23, 
1 533X according to Cod. Barb., lat. 5697 (Vatican Library). 

3 BROMATO, I., 173; further facilities, 1533; see Bull., VI., 161. 

4 Cf. BROMATO, I., in. A copious ^collection of lives of Theatine 
bishops is preserved in their General Archives in Rome. 

5 See SANUTO, LV., 171 ; CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 10. 


Carafa in his many encounters, and that he fostered the 
development of the Order by means of extensive privileges. 1 
In the presence of the secularized character of the 
episcopate, Carafa held it to be of the greatest importance 
that his community should remain in direct dependence on 
the Holy See. 2 He knew no rest until this vital point was 
expressly settled by a Brief issued on the 7th of March 
!533 which also contained yet other graces and privileges. 3 
Full of rejoicing and encouragement at the Pope s 
support the Theatines worked, as Carafa expressed it in 
writing, day and night 4 Although often visited with ill 
ness 5 Carafa was indefatigable in hearing confessions and 
preaching ; an ardent lover of souls, he sought out the 
erring, thinking the conversion of sinners the priest s first 
task. 6 It is astonishing how he also found time for other 
occupations as well. From the time when Clement VII., 
in 1529, had appointed him to bring order into the com 
plicated situation of the Greeks in Venice 7 and to renew 
a better life in the eremitical settlements in Dalmatia, 8 
his activity had gone on increasing ; where the question 
of reform arose he was at once active. He endeavoured to 
influence the Pope through Giberti, and made representa- 

1 CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 10. 

2 See *Carafa s letter, March I, 1533, in Cod. Barb., lat. 5697 
(Vatican Library). 

3 Bull., VI., 161. Cf. *letter to Giberti, March 31, 1533, in Cod. 
Barb., lat. 5697 (Vatican Library). 

4 ^Letter to the Theatines in Naples, dat. Venice, 1534, January I, in 
Cod. Barb., cit. 

5 See ^letters, September 15, 1530, and December i, 1531, in Cod. 
Barb., cit. 

G See a very beautiful ^letter, August 25, 1530, in Cod. Barb., lat. 5697. 

7 Cf. SANUTO, XLIX., 93, and BROMATO, I., 170 seg. Material 
belonging to this period in Cod. Vat., 9464 (Vatican Library). 

8 See CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 17 ; BROMATO, I., 172 seq. 


tions to him with frankness and courage. In his correspond 
ence he addressed himself not merely to members of 
religious orders l who had gone astray, but to bishops who 
neglected their duties. " Why do you not preach ? " he 
wrote to one of them, " it you are not able to, you ought 
not to have taken the bishopric." 2 In Verona, again at the 
Pope s special request, he supported the work of Giberti. 
In Naples in 1530 his advice was of powerful aid to his 
sister in her reform of the Dominican convents. 3 In the 
same year Clement entrusted him with the process against 
the Lutheran Galateo and with the much-needed reform 
of the Franciscans of the province of Venice. 4 A more 
suitable choice seemed impossible, for Carafa was on 
excellent terms with the Venetian authorities and he 
praised the Republic as the seat of Italian freedom and 
the bulwark against the barbarians. In course of time 
he acquired in Venice a peculiar and important position. 
He intervened in the politico-ecclesiastical disputes between 
the Republic and the Pope ; in this as in other instances 
it was to his advantage that the Signoria preferred the 
services of a man uninfluenced by private interest, who was 
more than a prelate merely in name and not absorbed in 
ecclesiastical affairs only, to those of the Nuncio. 5 Carafa s 
reputation in the highest circles stood so high that the 
ambitious Signoria, even in purely political affairs, such as 
the boundary disputes with Ferdinand L, made use of his 

1 See BROMATO, L, 202 scq. (according to Cod. Barb., lat. 5697, 
p. 44, this letter belongs to 1531, not to 1532). 

2 *Letter dated Venice, 1532, October 9 ; Cod. Barb., lat. 5697. 

3 BROMATO, L, 177 seq.^ 184 seq. 

4 SANUTO, LI 1 1., 212 ; BROMATO, I., 190 seq. Many ^letters in 
Cod. Barb., cit. 

5 Cf. GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 174. Carafa s letter to Contarini, dated 
Venice, 1533, October 17, printed in Zeitschr. fiir Kirchengesch., V.. 
586, is characteristic of him as a strong censor of morals. 


services 1 and asked him to draw up for them a memorial 
on the reform of ecclesiastical conditions. Even if his 
intention to punish heresy before all things 2 met with no 
response, his position in the Republic was none the less a 
most influential one. 8 

Carafa was not discouraged when his endeavours to 
meet heresy in Venice with severity fell through. 4 He 
now had recourse to Rome, for in October 1532, in an 
exhaustive memorial to the Pope, he drew a deplorable 
picture of the religious condition of Venice and with the 
greatest candour made far-reaching proposals for the removal 
of abuses. 5 Together with stringent measures against 
heretics Carafa called most emphatically for a thorough 
reform of the degenerate Venetian clergy ; for he knew well 
that mere measures of repression would only touch the 
symptoms of the disease without being able to cut at its root. 

Carafa laid down that the sources of heresy were three 
fold : bad preaching, bad books, and bad ways of living. 
What he had already for three or four years been calling 
the attention of his Holiness to, he once more exposed : 
a commission, consisting of the Patriarch, the bishops, 
and some men of approved piety, should be appointed to 
examine all clergy desirous of preaching and hearing 
confessions, with regard to their probity and manner of 
life, their vocation, and the Catholic faith. Those only who 
were found worthy should be allowed in future to exercise 
pastoral functions. Henceforth no exceptions should be 

1 Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 26, 33, 138. But Ferdinand refused Carafa as 
sospetto ; ibid., 266. 

2 CARACCIOLO, *Vita, II., 8 ; cf. BENRATH, Ref. in Venedig, 6. 

3 Cf. SANUTO, LIIL, 311, 568. 

4 Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 239, 241. 

5 For this memorial, to which GOTHEIN (Ignatius, 17 5) rightly attaches 
much importance, see our remarks supra^ p. 310 seq. 


made to this rule. Carafa, without hesitation, gives a 
warning against these examinations being left in the hands 
of the generals of orders. He dismisses as absolutely 
unworthy of notice the fear that monks suspended from the 
pulpit and the confessional would become heretics, or that 
the number of qualified priests would be a small one ; 
better that they should be few but good. How much 
depends on the preacher requires no illustration. Of still 
greater importance is the function of the confessor ; what 
Carafa here reports of the abuses that had crept into this 
institution make his indignation intelligible. There 
were convents of Conventuals in which friars, who were 
not even priests, installed themselves in the confessionals 
in order to filch a couple of soldi. In consequence of the 
horrible scandals caused by such proceedings, the majority 
of the Venetian upper classes neglected their Easter 
confession. In this connection Carafa went on to speak 
of the monstrous abuse of the vagabond monks, against 
whom the strongest measures should be taken. The 
penitentiaries, greedy of fees, must be restrained from the 
heedless issue of dispensations to leave the cloister. A 
new Grand Penitentiary 1 having just been appointed, now 
was the exact moment to take steps, and monks who had 
become secularized should be deprived of all pastoral 

Carafa saw a further source of grave abuses in the 
decay of the episcopate. The great majority of the 
bishops neglecting the duty of residence, the office of 
chief shepherd had become an unreality. Ambition led the 
bishops from court to court, while they relegated their 

1 The aged Cardinal Grand Penitentiary L. Pucci (see Vol. VII. of 
this work, p. 83) had died in the autumn of 1531 ; see ClACONlUS, 
III., 338. For Pucci and the affairs of M. Bandello in the year 1526 
see Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XXXIV., 85 seq. 


diocesan duties to degenerate monks who called them 
selves titular or suffragan bishops. These subordinates 
conferred orders in many instances for money on unworthy 
and incompetent men, even on boys of sixteen. Hence 
the contempt for the priesthood and the Holy Mass among 
the people. In the presence of such scandals, what reply 
could be made to the heretics who saw in them cause of 
exultation ? So noisome is this state of things, exclaims 
Carafa, that every place reeks with its foulness. If, in 
spite of the excellent enactments of 1524, there are still 
to be found in Rome many who will without conscience 
bestow holy orders, what measure can one take of the state 
of things in Venice? All these unprincipled titular 
bishops should be deprived of ordaining faculties, but 
those already ordained must be thoroughly examined, and 
all who are unworthy be suspended. 

Carafa ends by speaking once more of the incredible 
corruption of the religious orders, on whose condition the 
salvation or the ruin of mankind depends. That Carafa 
does not exaggerate in his description of the disorders 
here prevailing is proved by the contemporary reports of 
the Nunciatures. But deep as the wounds of the Church at 
large were. Carafa still saw the means of healing if only the 
Pope would make use of them. Two things, above all, were 
necessary : in the orders in which abuses prevailed, further 
decay must be arrested ; a free hand must be given to the 
few good remaining by separating them from the bad. 
Thus only can a real reform be opened up, as even 
Eugenius IV. had perceived in his day, and as Spain 
and Portugal have attempted with good results in more 
recent times. Although every Order has need of a regenera 
tion, yet this is especially the case with the Franciscans ; 
therefore with them a beginning might be made, and that 
certainly at once in Venice. 


THE comprehensive reform of the secular and regular 
clergy as demanded by Carafa for Venice in his memorial 
of 1532, had already been begun since 1528 in the diocese 
of Verona by a member of the Oratory of the Divine 
Love. The man from whom, in this case, came the 
impetus towards improvement was one of Carafa s most 
sincere friends, and at the same time deep in the confidence 
of Clement VII., Gian Matteo Giberti. 1 

He was born at Palermo in 1495, the illegitimate son 
of a Genoese admiral, and while yet a youth of eighteen 
became a secretary to Cardinal Medici, greatly against 
his wish, for, being of a pious disposition and fond of 
retirement, he had longed to enter some religious order. 

1 Cf. the still valuable biography by P. Ballerini in J. M. GIBERTI, 
Opera (Veronae, 1733, and Hostiliae, 1740, together with the docu 
ments there collected), as well as KERKER, Kirchl. Reform., 13 seq., 
and DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., I seqq. Cf. also SPOTORNO, Stor. lett. di 
Lijguria, III., 112 seq. ; TUCKER in the Engl. Hist. Review, XVIII. 
(1903), 24 seq., 266 seq., 439 seq. Much fresh material was recently 
produced by G. B. PiGHl, Gian Matteo Giberti, Verona, 1900, where 
in Appendix, III. seqq., there is also a revised copy of Giberti s 
" Giustificazione " to the Venetian Government, a document of great 
importance for the history of his life. Papers not yet made use of 
referring to Giberti exist in the archives of the Missini-Giberti family 

at Orvieto ; unfortunately they are not accessible. 



He submitted, however, to his father s wishes. 1 As 
secretary to the Cardinal, Giberti showed such devotion 
to his work that he not only won the entire confidence 
of his master, but also the special favour of Leo X. 2 As 
time went on he was initiated into the most important 
political and ecclesiastical business, In the completion 
of the offensive alliance of the 8th of May 1521, between 
the Pope and the Emperor, he took a part of no small 
importance. 3 Notwithstanding his many political pre 
occupations, Giberti found time as well for his spiritual 
and mental development. He was in close relations with 
many of the humanists of Leonine Rome, who were glad 
to find a rallying-point in his house ; one of his particular 
friends was Vida, who had also celebrated Giberti s ordi 
nation to the priesthood in a beautiful ode. 4 

After Leo X. s death Giberti continued to be of the 
household of Cardinal Medici, who sent him on a mission 
to Henry VIII. and Charles V. On his return from Spain 
he came with Adrian VI. to Rome. Even then, although 
he looked young in years, he seemed to have the wisdom 
and virtue of the aged; 5 it therefore caused no surprise 
when Clement appointed him his Datary and at once 
made use of him as his first minister. 6 Giberti would 
have preferred the quiet fulfilment of his priestly duties 
to his novel position, which, although highly influential, 
was also an agitating one. But he did not possess 

1 See " Giustificazione," in PIGHI, VI. 

2 Cf. our remarks, Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 142. 

3 " Giustificazione," in PlGHl, VII. 

4 GIBERTI, Opera, V. ; cf. ibid., 332 seg. t other poems to Giberti. For 
his relations with M. A. Flaminio see CUCCOLI, 53 seq., and Atti d. 
1st Vcneto, LXV. (1905-1906), 208 seq. 

5 ORTIZ, 224. 

6 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 254. 


enough determination to say "No" with firmness; his 
loyalty to his master turned the scale against himself. 
For the same reason, from having been in the highest 
degree friendly to the Emperor, he became one of the most 
ardent champions of the League of Cognac. 1 In these 
years of unresting political activity at Rome, as well as 
on foreign embassies, he displayed astonishing capacity 
for work ; but the excessive strain sowed the seeds of great 
irritability. As Datary his conduct was irreproachable; 
in other respects also he gave evidence of a sterling 
character in close sympathy with the noblest personages of 
his time, among others with Vittoria Colonna. 2 The Pope 
was justified in placing full confidence in him. 

In August 1524 Clement had already bestowed upon 
him, to his great reluctance, 3 the bishopric of Verona. 4 
He would now gladly have broken with Rome, and 
devoted himself to the administration of his neglected 
see ; but the Pope held back his trusted servant. Giberti 
from Rome did all he could to regenerate morally and 
intellectually the regular and secular clergy of Verona, 
a work in which Clement gave him ready support 5 He 

1 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 286 seqq. How Giberti apprehended 
his position comes out very clearly from the "Giustificazione" in PiGHi, 

VI. seq. 

2 Cf. GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 180, and REUMONT, V. Colonna, 45> 84^. 
See also Lett, di V. Colonna to G. M. Giberti, ed. GIULIARI, Verona, 
1868 (Nozze-Publ.}\ FERRERO-MULLER, Carteggio di V. Colonna, 
Torino, 1892, and P. D. PASOLINI, Tre lettere ined. di V. Colonna, 
Roma, 1901 (Nozze-Publ.}. 

3 Cf. Lett. d. princ., II., 49 b . 

4 See *Acta Consist, of the Vice-Chancellor in Consistorial Archives. 
Cf. SANUTO, XXXVI., 522 seq., 526 seq., 584- For a poem then 
published, "Verona ad Clementem VII.," see GIORDANI, App. 7. 

fi Cf. Ballerini in GIBERTI, Opera, IX. seq. \ PIGHI, 51 seq.\ see 
also SANUTO, XLI., 82, 142, 289. 


also took an active share in the efforts at reform during 
the opening years of this pontificate, as well as being the 
animating spirit of all that was good in Rome. 1 With 
Carafa he was on terms of closest intimacy, and rendered 
him most important services in connection with the 
founding of the Theatine Order. 2 His greatest delight 
was to pass his time in their pious circle and that of 
the Oratory of the Divine Love, regretting that there 
was so little of it to spare from the hard claims of his 
political engagements. 

Notwithstanding his increasing distaste for political life, 3 
Giberti persevered in his loyal devotion to the Pope ; with 
him he passed through the calamitous years 1526 and 1527 
in Rome, and shared the captivity in St. Angelo. Thence 
he went as a hostage to the Imperialist camp, where 
he was placed in chains and narrowly escaped execution. 4 
During those terrible days the old unquenched longing 
for a life of tranquil occupation in sacred things revived 
with increased energy. He now reproached himself 
bitterly for not having listened earlier to the voice of 
God calling him to carry out his duties as a bishop 
resident amid his people. From his captivity, he begged 
Carafa, on the i$th of November 1527, to go to 
Verona in his stead and reform that diocese ; at the 
same time he expressed the hope that his misfortunes 
might open a way for that which had so long been 
the object of his desire to withdraw from political 
life and give himself up entirely to his ecclesiastical 
work. "Willingly will I carry these fetters," he added, 
" if they should become the occasion for freeing myself 

1 Cf. supra, pp. 378, 380, and KERKER, Kirchl. Ref., u. 

2 Cf. supra, p. 407 seq., and SANUTO, XLIII., 533. 

3 Cj. the letter in PiGHl, 40 and xxix. 

4 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 463. 


from other bonds which I have found not less heavy 
to bear." 1 

Giberti succeeded in escaping from his persecutors, 
and at Orvieto informed the Pope of his resolve to with 
draw to his diocese ; 2 Clement tried in vain to keep him 
at his side. On the 7th of January 1528 he had already 
reached Venice. One of the first whom he visited was 
Carafa, 3 with whom he was in full agreement on the points 
of Church reform, the better preparation and closer ex 
amination of the clergy, and the radical restoration of 
discipline in the religious orders. 4 If Carafa had been 
formerly his counsellor in spiritual matters, so was he 
also now when the arduous work was about to begin 
of transforming a diocese given over to the secular 
spirit into an example of what a reformed bishopric 
should be. 

What he did in this respect is best understood from a 
description of the state of things he had to encounter on 
entering his see. Many of the clergy were non-resident, 
leaving the cure of souls to hirelings who, for the most 
part, were persons of demoralized habits. The ignorance 
of many of them was so great that Giberti had to order 
the rubrics of the Missal to be translated into Italian for 
the sake of those who knew no Latin. Preaching in many 
places had been given up altogether. The confessional 
was treated with laxity, and the churches were so neglected 
that they looked like stables. There was a corresponding 

1 GIBERTI, Opera, 239-240. Cf. BROMATO, I., 166 seq. 

2 See *Salviati s letter to Castiglione of January 29, 1528, in Nunziat. 
di Francia I., 159 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 Cf. SANUTO, XLVL, 463. 

4 The great resemblance between the ideas of reform of these two 
men has been well brought forward by BENRATH in Herzog s 
Realencyklopadie, VI., 3rd ed., 657. 


disorder in the lives of the people, who had sunk into the 
worst vices. 1 

Giberti entered on the difficult task of reform with great 
courage, but with even greater wisdom and calmness. 
First and foremost he relied on the influence of his personal 
example. In accordance with the bad custom of his times, 
even Giberti had gone further than was right in the 
accumulation of benefices; 2 now he resigned all those to 
which a cure of souls was attached. The incomes of the 
rest, which he conscientiously believed himself entitled to 
retain, he spent only on worthy objects. 3 But in other 
respects also he underwent a great change of character. 
The geniality, which no burdens of statecraft could destroy, 
disappeared, and he embraced the strict asceticism for 
which he became famous. 4 His day was divided between 
prayer and work, and his table was one of the most frugal. 
In the performance of his ecclesiastical functions he set the 
best example. 5 Unwearied in giving audience, he first gave 
access to the poor, then to country-folk, and lastly to the 
citizens of Verona. Naturally prone to impulsiveness, he 
listened with the utmost patience to everything brought 
before him ; in deed and word he was at every man s 
disposal. 6 

1 See GIBERTI, Opera, Ixi. seq., and KERKER, Kirchl. Reform., 
14 seq. 

2 Cf. besides Giorn. d. lett. Ital., VI., 273, and XLV., 68, Clement s 
*bestowal of graces in Regest. Vatic., 1244, f. 17 ; 1245, f. 4, 41 ; 1246, 
f. 69; 1247, f. 42 b ; 1248, f. 217; 1260, f. 106; 1263, f. 235; 1275, 
f. 245 ; 1283, f. i62 b ; 1291, f. 220 ; 1297, f. 4 (Secret Archives of the 

3 See GIBERTI, Opera, IX., and PIGHI, 65 seq. 

4 Cf. FERRAJOLI in Giorn. d. lett. Ital., XLV., 68 seq. 

5 Cf. SANUTO, XLVL, 604, and LV., 96. 

6 See GIBERTI, Opera, 304 seq., 312 seq. In SANUTO, XLL, 289, 
Giberti is described as " colerico." 



In his diocese he at once started on trenchant reforms 
in which he displayed the practical sense acquired during 
long years of experience of affairs. How much depended 
on the presence of a resident bishop was now made 
apparent. Formerly he had made attempts at reform 
through his representatives, but in an inadequate way; 
now, under his own eye, a different state of things was set 
in motion. In November 1528 it was already reported 
from Verona: "The priests in this diocese are marked 
men ; all are examined ; the unworthy or unsuitable sus 
pended or removed from their offices ; the gaols are full 
of concubinarii ; sermons for the people are preached 
incessantly ; study is encouraged ; the bishop, by his life, 
sets the best example." 1 

In January 1529 Giberti undertook the visitation of his 
diocese. 2 He wished in this way to carry into practical 
effect his numerous ordinances, and devoted the closest 
attention to the visitation, which was partly conducted in 
person and partly by delegates. 3 With a small retinue he 

1 SANUTO, XLIX., 161. 

2 See PIGHI, 71, 99 seq. Cf. for the following, especially BALLERINI, 
De restituta per Gibertum ecclesiastica disciplina, and P. F. ZINI, Boni 
pastoris exemplum, in GIBERTI, Opera, Ixi. seq., 253 seq., as well as 
the excellent accounts in KERKER, 15 seq., and DITTRICH, 28 seq. 
The former describes the visitation of his diocese as the nerve of 
Giberti s episcopal administration. Giberti has laid down his principles 
in the famous " Constitutiones Gibertinae" (Opera, i seq.\ which will 
be discussed in our next volume. 

3 In the Episcopal Archives of Verona the following volumes of 
^visitation deeds are still preserved: (i) Documents of the fifteenth 
century; (2) Visitatio dioc. Veron. facta per rev. d. vicar. Calist. 
Amadosi A. 1525 et 1527 sub rev. ep. J. M. Giberto (interesting 
illustrations of the moral degradation of the laity) ; (3) R. d. J. |M. 
Giberti ep. visitatio ecclesiarum Veronae, 1529, 1530-1 53 1, 1534, 1537 ; 
(4) Visitatio dom. Marcelli episc. commiss. et vicar., 1529; 5 and 6 


went from village to village undeterred by any obstacle, so 
great was his holy zeal ; on one occasion he was nearly 
drowned in a flooded stream. When he reached a 
parish he chose in preference the worst quarters for 
the night, and went into a minute examination of the 
conduct of the clergy, the condition of the churches, and 
the lives of the common people. In a volume specially 
set apart for this purpose he noted down the actual facts 
of each case. That his information might not be one-sided, 
he also heard laymen and gave them practical encourage 
ment in their troubles. In order to bring long-standing 
enmities to an end, this man of refined culture did not 
shrink from seeking out the rudest peasants and exhorting 
them on his knees to be reconciled to one another. He 
had a wonderful way of combining gentleness with strength. 
In cases of gravity he was inexorable in using excom 
munication and public penances. With his clergy he was 
urgent in insisting on the exact observance of the duty of 
residence and the maintenance of irreproachable conduct. 1 
Whoever failed in these respects was dismissed without 
regard to the patron, even if he were a bishop. At first 
Giberti refused to allow any female, not even a sister, to be 
the inmate of a priest s house ; but at a later date he 

were wanting in 1897 when I visited the Archives ; (7) Visit, rev. d. 
episc. Veronen. inc. die 18 Aprilis 1532, usque ad diem 17 Aug. 1533 
facta per rev. d. Philippum Stridonium deleg. a rev. d. Giberto ; (8) 
Visitationes Veronen. dioc. a J. M. Giberto (begins thus : " In nomine 
dom. amen. A 1541 die vero mere. 4 mensis Maii rev. J. M. Gibertus 
Dei et apost. sedis gratia episc. Veron. et ejusdem s. Sedis legatus post 
generalem visitationem civitatis factam intendens similiter visitare 
diocesim contulit se primo ad hospitale aurificum," etc.) ; (9) Visit, dioc. 
Veron. facta per J. M. Gibertum begins with May 30, 1541. Further 
documents for Giberti s time are not forthcoming. 

1 The edict of 1535 in GIBERTI, Opera, 234 seg. t shows how very 
difficult it was to put in force the duty of residence. 


somewhat relaxed on this point, and permitted women of 
whose integrity he was personally convinced to act as 
housekeepers. In order to put a stop to the tenure of a 
plurality of benefices with cure of souls attached, he caused 
all dispensations, hitherto given in such cases by Rome, to 
be revoked. The execution of the visitation orders was to 
be carefully watched over by his vicarii foranei \ in addition 
to which the parish priest or preacher was to send him 

In order to ensure a regular and continuous dis 
charge of the cure of souls, Giberti took particular pains 
to restore the former dignity of the office of parish priest. 1 
He therefore forbade stringently any encroachment on 
their rights by the religious orders, and insisted on 
parishioners attending on Sundays and festivals the 
parish priest s Mass, while the latter was not to be 
celebrated in the other churches. The erection of new 
chapels and the saying of Mass in private houses he tried 
to limit as much as possible. 2 

The worship of the parish church was to be conducted 
with the utmost possible solemnity and dignity ; therefore 
the closest observance of the ritual and due reverence on 
the part of the celebrant were strictly enjoined. Giberti s 
exactitude in these respects is shown by his reprimanding 
such an apparently insignificant offence as a priest laying 
his biretta on the altar. But of greater importance to him 
than any externals were inward piety and purity of heart. 
He therefore enjoined on all priests weekly confession. He 
sought to ensure a faultless administration of the sacra 
ments by numerous instructions, some of which went into 
minute details. The reservation of the Holy Eucharist in 

1 Cf. GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 189, who rightly calls attention to this 

2 See GIBERTI, Opera, Ixxvi. seq. 


a locked tabernacle on the high altar, and the ringing 
of the bell at the elevation seem to have been introduced 
first by him. 1 He also sought to promote the adoration 
of the most Holy Sacrament by means of confraternities. 
He subjected confessors to the strictest discipline, and by the 
suspension of all who were unfit and by repeated examina 
tions he cleansed their ranks inexorably. Here also he 
was not indifferent to externals; confessors were always 
to exercise their office wearing cotta and stole and seated 
as judges, not standing, as often happened when the 
penitents were persons of high station. It is not improbable 
that the confessionals of the shape now generally in use 
originated with Giberti. 2 

Parish priests were also exhorted to administer con 
scientiously the revenues of their churches, and to keep a 
watchful eye over the schools, hospitals, associations and 
confraternities, the poor, the widows and orphans ; but 
especially he bade them lay to heart the need of a fruitful 
ministry of preaching. This was well timed in view of the 
danger of Lutheran teaching being introduced, against 
which Giberti had already issued a strong edict on the 
loth of April I53O. 3 In every parish church throughout 
the year on Sundays and festivals the Gospel of Christ 
was to be preached to the people in " love and simplicity 
of heart, without superfluous quotations from poets or the 
discussion cf theological subtleties." Without the permis 
sion of the bishop, preaching was not to be allowed 
preachers from without were enjoined to consult the parish 
priest as to the special requirements of the congregation. 
Giberti tried to secure the best preachers in Italy for 

1 See Zini in GIBERTI, Opera, 272 ; DiTTRlCH, Kathol. Ref., 34 ; 
cf., however, PROBST in Freib. Kirchenlexikon, I., 2nd ed., 591. 

2 Cf. ZINI, loc. cit., 273, and DITTRICH, 36. 

3 GIBERTI, Opera, 232 seq. 

VOL. X. 28 



the cathedral and conventual churches of Verona. He 
often despatched them into country places where the 
priests were frequently not competent to preach ; he also 
instituted instructions for children on Sunday afternoons. 
Even the peasants gathered round the church doors 
before the beginning of divine service were not forgotten 
by this zealous bishop ; an acolyte was to be sent out to 
them to read aloud from some sacred book. 

Together with the reform of the secular clergy went that 
of the Orders. There were certainly still some monasteries 
of excellent character, but in many others corruption had 
reached an unbearable pitch. Giberti entered on the 
campaign with spirit. 1 Clement VII. gave him special 
powers with regard to the exempt convents of men. 
All preachers and confessors were put under the same 
strict regulations as the secular clergy, and visited with the 
severest punishment in cases of moral delinquency. 2 With 
great vigour Giberti also set himself against the abuses 
connected with the system of indulgences, which for the 
most part was carried on by monks. Through his re 
presentations to the Holy See it was settled that in future 
no quastor was to collect alms in the diocese of Verona 
without Giberti s permission, and all powers to the contrary, 
even if they originated with the Pope himself, were to 
be declared null. 3 In the autumn of 1528 Giberti had 
already begun the visitation of the convents of nuns. He 
often made his appearance at an entirely unexpected hour. 
He collected detailed information on all points. Some 
convents he closed ; others he improved by the introduc 
tion of good elements ; in all he took care, as a matter of 

1 Q. PIGHI, 89 seq.) 93 seq. 

2 Examples in SANUTO, LVIII., 67, 70. 

3 " Constitutiones Giberti" in the Opera, 129 seq. ; cf. KERKER, 20 
seq., and DITTRICH, 36 seq. 


the first importance, to have good confessors. 1 In some 
convents of women where the corruption was deep-seated, 
and where rich and powerful relatives were mixed together, 
Giberti met with incredible difficulties. 2 He therefore in 
1531 had his regulations for the reform of nunneries 
confirmed by the Doge. In these convents he even 
forbade the use of the organ and artistic choir singing. 
The severest precautionary rules were drawn up for the 
observance of the enclosure and the probation of novices. 
Here Giberti recurs to the principle of his old friends 
Gaetano and Carafa : better to have few and good, than 
many and useless. 3 

Still greater difficulties than those caused by refractory 
nuns awaited Giberti in his Cathedral Chapter. Here 
as elsewhere exemptions stood in the way of the 
execution of his enactments. On this account Clement 
VII. had already given him, in 1525, full jurisdiction over 
all exempts. 4 As the Canons proved stubborn, the Pope 
on the 26th of March 1527 removed by express order the 
Cathedral Chapter from the jurisdiction of the Patriarch of 
Aquileia, and placed them directly under that of the Holy 
See, naming Giberti, for life, Legatus natus^ for the city 
and diocese of Verona. When Giberti, on the ground of 
this appointment, installed a provost in 1529, the Canons 

1 Cf. BIANCOLINI, Chiese di Verona, I., 120, III., 78, IV., 376; 
PlGHi, 93 seq. 

2 Cf. PlGHI, 95 seq. 

3 GIBERTI, Opera, 183 seq. The authentic copy of the "Consti 
tution! de le monache" is now in the Communal Library of Verona 
Cod. 1359. Cf. also SANUTO, LVIIL, 148. 

4 Brief of May 23. 1525 ; GIBERTI, Opera, xi. seq. 

5 See GIBERTI, Opera, xii. On April 8, 1 534, Giberti also received 
the *facultas absolvendi quoscunq. laicos et clericos a casibus reservatis 
except, cont. in bulla Coena Dom. Brev., 1534, vol. 54, n. 97, in 
Secret Archives of the Vatican. 


left the cathedral and held their choir services in S. Elena. 
Although Rome pronounced in the Bishop s favour, the 
Chapter kept up their resistance. Not until January 1530 
was Carafa, as mediator, able to bring about an agreement 
to which Giberti, with great magnanimity, consented. 
Nevertheless, at a later date there were fresh misunder 
standings with the Chapter. 1 

On other occasions also serious conflicts arose with the 
corrupt clergy as well as with the citizens ; 2 Carafa, and 
on one occasion also Gaetano, had to intervene. 3 It went 
so far that Clement VII. thought that Giberti ought to 
give up his difficult post and return to Rome, 4 but he 
had no intention of doing so. He certainly obeyed the 
Pope s summons to come to him in 1529 and I532, 5 but 
he went back to his diocese as soon as it was possible. 
Even the Cardinalate, in connection with which his name 
was so often mentioned, had no attraction for him. 6 
Patiently and gently he worked at the reform of his clergy, 
always receiving steady support from Clement. 7 

1 See GIBERTI, Opera, xvii. seq. ; DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., 25 seq. ; 
PlGHl, 71 seq., and in particular the special Notizie spett. al capitole 
di Verona, Roma, 1752 (composed from the most opposite points of 
view), and De privilegiis et exempt, capit. cath. Veron., Venetiis, 1753. 
The arrangement of 1530 in UGHELLI, V., 963 seq. See also SANUTO, 
LIV., 46, 63 seq., 87, 121 ; LV., 24. 

2 Cf. SANUTO, LI., 113. 

3 See BROMATO, I., 177 seq.) 219. 

4 Cf. supra, p. 208. 

5 Cf. DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., 13 seq. 

6 See BERGENROTH, II., n. 358. Cf. GAYANGOS, IV., 2, n. 749, 
751 j SANUTO, XLVIII., 385, LVL, 91, 109, 302. 

7 Besides the examples already cited, reference may be made to the 
following Papal enactments belonging to this period. Min. brev., 1532, 
vol. 41, n. 130: *Zach. Zuccensi ord. praed. prof. Venetiis commor. 
(is to betake himself to Giberti at once), dat. March 19. Brev., 1533, 
vol. 53, n. 65: *Pio episcopo Veronen., dat. Bologna, March 3 


Giberti never allowed his devoted efforts to relieve the 
physical and moral wretchedness of his people to relax. 
The social activity of the Bishop of Verona was an almost 
unique phenomenon in that age. It formed a beautiful 
complement to his activity as a Church reformer, although 
in that capacity he always kept his eyes steadily fixed on 
the broad ranks of the people. With fatherly love he 
provided for the accommodation of the sick, poor, and 
orphaned children, and opened Sunday schools for the 
lower classes. He founded in Verona a refuge for poor 
young women in way of temptation, and another for those 
who had fallen. A sign of the practical sense which 
was uppermost in all he did was his endeavour to find 
domestic service or husbands for those who, under such 
circumstances, had come back to a better life. At the 
same time he made regulations to check the prevalence 
of public immorality in the city. 1 

Giberti endeavoured to give an entirely new start to 
works of public benevolence by reforming the con 
fraternities intended to carry out such purposes, but most 

(against such regulars who wish to get out of the way of reform by 
obtaining Briefs from Rome). Brev., 1534, vol. 54, n. 12: *Episc. 
Veron. committitur, ut moneat rectores eccles. paroch. civit. et dioc. 
Veron. tarn non residentes quam residentes, qui ad regendas eor. 
eccles. per seipsos idonei non sunt, ad providendum suis ecclesiis 
de idoneis capellanis per eum approbandis infra compet. termin., 
quo elapso ipse auct. apost. provideat et compet. portionem fructuum 
diet, eccles. eis assignet, dat. January 18. n. 95 : *Episc. Veron. dis- 
pensatur, quod, quoties sacris lectionibus et aliis piis operibus fuerit 
occupatus, loco officii possit recitare orat. domin. decies et symbolum 
apost. semel etiam in suo cubiculo, dat. April 8 (Secret Archives of 
the Vatican). 

1 Cf. Ballerini in GIBERTI, Opera, xxi. ; PiGHl, 99 seq.^ 115 seq. ; 
GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 191. See also BAGATTA, Storia degli Spedali in 
Verona, Verona, 1862. 


of which had become disorganized. On the model of 
the Monte di Pieta at Verona he caused similar insti 
tutions to be set up by the country priests in their 
parishes. They were not to be used merely as pawn 
shops, but also as mutual loan societies which should 
prevent the peasantry from having recourse to Jewish 
usurers. 1 

In order to remedy the mendicancy which, in true Italian 
fashion, had become intolerable in Verona, he founded 
the Society of Charity, composed of clerical and lay 
members, and obtained for it from Clement VII. all the 
graces conferred on the " Societas Pauperum " in Rome. 
The new association, which met every month, was a sort 
of Society of St. Vincent de Paul for the material and 
moral elevation of the poor. 2 The members supplied the 
really deserving with money, provisions, and articles of 
clothing, procured medical attendance for the sick, 
furnished dowries for poor girls, dissolved concubinage, 
undertook legal proceedings for widows and orphans, and 
made peace between obstinate enemies. Francesco Zini 
is right in calling this "society of Christian love" the 
greatest and noblest of all Giberti s works, surpassing all 
the rest together in the way that charity surpasses all 
other virtues. 3 This most benevolent institution, which 
Giberti first of all raised with such care in Verona, was 
afterwards spread by him throughout the country. In 
every parish seven men were chosen to carry out, together 
with the priest, all works of Christian charity, and at the 
same time to act as a sort of moral police. The object of 
such an association, writes Francesco Zini, is "that no 

1 Cf. GOTHEIN, 192. 

2 Cf. KERKER, Kirchl. Ref., 18 seq. ; and DITTRICH, Kathol. Ref., 
45 seq. 

3 GIBERTI, Opera, 295. 


man should offend God, no man suffer hunger, no man 
do injury to his neighbour, no man, above all things, 
commit sin, no man be deprived of the necessities of 
life; finally, that enmity and all hatred and anger should 
be taken away, so that we, as men once did in the 
first and happiest days of the Church, should all live 
with one heart and one soul in the fear and praise of 
God." 1 

Giberti, in the midst of his strenuous exertions, found his 
one recreation in the pursuit of knowledge and the society 
of learned men. Every leisure hour he devoted to study, 
especially of the Holy Scriptures in the original text and 
the commentaries of the Fathers ; from the primitive 
sources he wished to become familiar with the discipline 
of the ancient Church, the ever-present ideal of his efforts 
at reform. To many of the humanists, scattered abroad 
by the tempest of the sack of Rome, his see of Verona 
became an asylum of hospitality. Under his patronage 
arose an association of men of learning and poets known 
as the Accademia Gibertina. 2 In the pleasant loggia of 
the episcopal palace, looking down on the Adige, this 
company met together within sight of one of the most 
beautiful of Italian landscapes. But even in this atmo 
sphere Giberti did not forget the question of ecclesiastical 
reform. He tried to entice the poets from the profane to 
the religious muse, he urged the philologists to translate 
and comment on works of religion, notably the Greek 
Fathers. For this purpose he set up in his house a private 
printing press in which Greek types were specially pre 
pared. The humanist Tullio Crispoldi, a member of the 

1 See Zini in GIBERTI, Opera, 295, 296. 

2 Cf. TIRABOSCHI (edit. Neapolit.), VII., i, 117 seq. ; KERKER, 
Kirchl. Ref., 26; GOTHEIN, 182; PlGHl, 126 seq. 


Oratory of the Divine Love, prepared, at his instance, a 
small Catechism and a Manual for Preachers. 1 

The example thus set was not lost on other bishops. To 
confine oneself to the reign of Clement and his personal 
encouragement, 2 among the foremost may be named 
Cardinal Bernhard Cles in Trent, Cardinal Cornaro in 
Brescia, Pietro Lippomano in Bergamo, Cardinal Ercole 
Gonzaga in Mantua, Cardinal Ridolfi in Vicenza, Aleander 
in Brindisi, Vincenzo Carafa in Naples, Vida in Alba, 
Federigo Fregoso in Salerno and Gubbio, Girolamo Arsagi 
in Nice, Sadoleto at Carpentras, Ludovico Canossa at 
Bayeux, who were all followers of Giberti s reforming zeal. 3 
Each of these prelates had a high sense of his official respon 
sibility ; some of their ordinances, for example the visita 
tions conducted by Cardinal Gonzaga in his diocese, point 
unmistakably to the influence of the Bishop of Verona. 4 

1 Cf. Ballerini in GiBERTl, Opera, xiv. seq.. xl., L. seq. ; DlTTRlCH, 
19, 31 ; PlGHi, 129 ; GIULIARI, Tipogr. Veron., Verona, 1871 ; FUMA- 
GALLI, Lex. typ. Ital., Florence, 1905, 515. 

2 Cf. Brev., 1533, vol. 53, n. 170: *Pro F. Card. Cornelio eccl. Brix. 
admin, facultas per se vel alium visit, corrig. et reformandi ecclesias 
et personas tarn saec. quam cujusvis ordin., dat. April 8. 1534, vol. 
54, n. 67 : *Nicol. Card, de Rodolphis episc. Vicent. conceditur quod 
non obstant. revalidat. privileg. regularibus civit. et dioc. Vincent, 
concessis possit uti priore facultate sibi concessa circa eor. visit, et 
correct., date March 8. n. 113 : *Herculi Card. Mant. conceditur quod 
quamdiu praefuerit eccl. Mant. possit per se vel alios visitare omnes 
parroch. ecclesias civit. et suae dioc. Mant., dat. April 14. n. 123 : 
Fuller powers for the reform of the parishes in his diocese, dat. April 
22. n. 162 : "^Extension of these powers to chaplaincies also, dat. 
May 25 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 More details about the activity of the above-named persons in 
the next volume of this work in the proper context. 

4 The visitation documents of the diocese of Mantua, beginning 
from 1534, and found by me in the Episcopal Archives of Mantua, 
will be dealt with in the next volume of this work. 


in utter destitution. He collected them in a house near San 
Rocco, where they were simply provided for, received 
religious instruction, and were trained in some handi 
craft, a point which he thought of great importance. In 
order that the children might not in tender years become 
accustomed to ways of idleness and beggary, he repeated 
to them constantly, " The man who will not work, shall not 
eat." The Venetian Government supported his philan 
thropic efforts, in which Miani was helped by a settler 
from Vicenza. 1 

Orphanages were also founded on the same footing by 
Miani in Brescia and Bergamo ; in the latter town he also 
instituted a house of refuge for the fallen. He soon 
included in his programme instruction for the country 
people, and gathered round him a number of excellent 
priests and also devout laymen. Thus a religious associa 
tion was formed occupied in the first instance with 
the management of the orphan asylums founded 
by Miani, but with the special care besides of other 
victims of misfortune, the sick, the poor, the ignorant. 
From their place of meeting, the lonely village of 
Somasca, near Bergamo, the members got their name 
of Somaschi. 

Miani had always followed Carafa as his spiritual 
guide ; if the latter declined the honour of being at the 
head of this new association of Clerks Regular, he 
was yet their intellectual founder. 2 So impartially did 
the founder of the Theatines watch the growth of the 
community of Somasca that he never attempted to win 
over Miani to his own congregation. As soon as he 
recognized Miani s special characteristics he handed over 
to him even the orphan schools hitherto conducted 

1 Cf. SANUTO, LIV., 419. 

2 Opinion of GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 194. Cf. BROMATO, I., 169 seq. 
VOL. X. 29 


by the Theatines in the Hospital for Incurables in 
Venice. 1 

It was also due to Carafa that Miani extended his work 
into the Milanese territory. 2 For the mitigation of bodily 
and spiritual suffering hardly any field was more suitable 
at that time than that district, ravaged as it had been by 
unspeakable inroads of war, hunger, and plague. In 
Milan, as in Venice, many were converted by the troubles 
of the time. What had seldom happened before, the 
sons of distinguished families now gave up riches 
and honours in order to follow Christ as His poor. 3 
Preachers called on the people to repent ; among 
them one especially distinguished himself, the Spanish 
Dominican, Tommaso Nieto. In the year 1529 he intro 
duced a solemn procession of the Blessed Sacrament, 
when the Host was carried in a sort of ark borne by 
four priests. 4 

More hidden and more permanent work in Milan was 
carried out by Antonio Maria Zaccaria, 5 a nobleman of 

1 BROMATO, I., 199. 

2 See Acta Sancton, Febr., II., 251. 

3 In Venice in the one year 1531 four sons of the most distinguished 
families were Friars ; see SANUTO, LIV., 600. In Milan the conversion 
of J. A. Morigia presents a typical instance ; see *Vila del v. Morigia 
in the General Archives of the Barnabite Order in Rome (Y, a 3). 
Cornelius de Fine, in the entries in his *diary for 1525, speaks very 
remarkably of the rarity of entrances into the cloister. 

4 Cf. BURIGOZZO, 485 seq., 491 seq., 498. 

6 Besides the writers of the Order, Bascape, Tornielli, Barelli, and 
Gabuzio, cf. especially A. M. TEPPA, Vita del v. A. M. Zaccaria, 
Moncalieri, 1853 (6th ed., Milano, 1897), a work which, although the 
author unfortunately gives no quotations, is based throughout on the 
rich ^collection of materials for Zaccaria s life preserved in the General 
Archives of the Barnabite Order in Rome and kindly placed at my 
disposal. A series of passages, tested off-hand, convinced me how 


Cremona, whose character strongly resembled that of 
Gaetano di Tiene. 

Zaccaria, who was born in 1502 and was at first a 
doctor, turned in his twenty-sixth year to the study of 
theology, and after his ordination as priest he displayed 
an eager pastoral activity in his native city. At the 
end of 1530, at the wish of the pious Countess Lodovica 
Torelli of Guastalla, 1 he went to Milan. There, in 
the Confraternity of the Eternal Compassion, he made 
friends with kindred souls in Bartolommeo Ferrari and 
Jacopo Antonio Morigia, who had already become 
famous for conspicuous works of charity. These good 
men believed that the best way of checking the misery 
and immorality caused by the war was to form a 
society of Clerks Regular primarily devoted to the in 
struction of the young and the cure of souls. After 
the adhesion of two other Milanese, Jacopo de Casei 
and Francesco Lecchi, Clement VII., in a Brief drawn 
up at Bologna on the i8th of February 1533, gave 
permission to Bartolommeo Ferrari and to Antonio 
Maria Zaccaria to live in community with three other 
associates in accordance with special statutes, under 
a superior, but subject to the jurisdiction of their 
Ordinary, to receive new members, and make their vows 
before the Archbishop of Milan. 2 The new community 
took possession in autumn 1533 of a small house near 
S. Caterina, not far from the Porta Ticinese of Milan. 

carefully the author had done his work. On Teppa (of whom a 
German edition appeared at Fulda in 1900) is also based the Vita de 
S. A. M. Zaccaria, Firenze, 1897, by F. A. MOLTEDO. 

1 Cf. for L. Torrelli and her conversion, AFFO, Storia di Guastalla, 
II., 1 60, 1 80 seq. 

2 Bull., VI., \6oseq., and Litt. et constit. s. pontif. pro congr. cleric. 
S. Pauli. Apost, Romae, 1853, 3 seqq. 


This they soon enlarged with the permission of the 
Duke of Milan. 1 

The constitutions, as drawn up by Zaccaria, who was 
chosen Superior, have many points of resemblance with 
those of the Theatines. 2 The manner of living of these 
" sons of St. Paul," as they called themselves in their deep 
veneration for the Apostle of the Gentiles a name long 
afterwards changed to that of " Barnabites," from the seat 
of the community in the ancient Milanese monastery of St. 
Barnabas closely resembled that led by the members of 
the foundation of Gaetano and Carafa. In the foreground 
they placed a life of mortification, an eager care for souls, 
and the visiting of the sick. The chronicler Burigozzo 
relates the astonishment caused by these priests, who went 
about their duties in threadbare garments and round biretta, 
their heads bent and, in spite of their youth, an air of 
earnestness about them all. 3 Zaccaria instructed his sons to 
influence especially priests and parents ; only in this way 
could the coming generation be improved. He therefore 
very soon opened his house to priests desirous of making 
spiritual exercises and founded a confraternity of married 
people. The Barnabites differed from the Theatines in 
seeking publicity. They took pains to stir the feelings of 
the ruder sort of people by open-air missions and public 
exercises of penance; they were to be seen, crucifix in 
hand, preaching in the most crowded thoroughfares ; some 

1 *The original of the ducal decree of October 27, 1533, permitting 
Zaccaria and Ferrari to buy landed property up to the amount of 600 
gold ducats, is in the General Archives of the Barnabite Order in 
Rome, Z, f. 2. 

2 The original of the statutes is to be found in the General Archives 
of the Barnabite Order, Rome. As to the period when they were 
drawn up, see Teppa, 72 seq. 

3 BURIGOZZO, 522. 


carried heavy crosses, others confessed their sins aloud. 
Complaints were made that they were disturbers of the 
peace, but as Zaccaria in his full trust in God had foretold, 
they came through this first persecution completely justified. 
This community, though slow in growth, 1 became a powerful 
instrument of which St. Charles Borromeo made use in 
reforming his diocese. 

1 Cf. the *Registro dell atti di professione, beginning in 1534, in 
General Archives of Barnabite Order, Rome. 


WHILE the new foundations of the Theatines, Somaschi, 
and Barnabites were rising into existence, the older orders 
also were awakening to the necessity of reform. In their 
case also the movement started from small and obscure 
circles. In order to withdraw themselves from the spirit 
of the world, which was now too generally prevalent, the 
better spirits in the older orders sought out a life of 
solitude. Paolo Giustiniani of the Camaldolese had already 
introduced in this way improvements in the Order under 
Leo X., for he had erected l at Pascelupo in the Apennines 
and Massaccio in the province of Ancona, hermitages of 
Camaldolese under very strict regulations. Each member 
lived by himself in a small separate hut, and together with 
a strict observance of the vows, Giustiniani attached a high 
importance to complete seclusion. In one of his letters he 
extols this manner of life, far apart from the movement of 
the world in a sublime isolation, as the best way to attain 
the peace of the soul and spiritual perfection. 2 Like 
Adrian VI., Clement VII. also gave encouragement to this 
congregation of Camaldolese hermits. Giustiniani s(d. 1528) 

1 Cf. FlORi, Vita del b. P. Giustiniani, Roma, 1724; BROMATO, I., 
90 ; HEIMBUCHER, I., 206 ; Studien aus dem Benediktinerorden, XII., 
64 seq. 

2 See the letter to Carafa in BROMATO, I., 136 seq. 



second successor, the recluse Giustiniani of Bergamo, made 
Monte Corona at Umbertide in the upper valley of the Tiber 
the headquarters of the foundation, which has given the 
whole congregation its name. The industry of these hermits 
changed the inhospitable slopes of the mountain into one 
of the most picturesque settlements of recluses in the world. 
Here also Clement VII. gave his support by graces and 
privileges, and confirmed the statutes. 1 

Among the Augustinian hermits the learned General, 
Egidio Canisio, also pursued under Leo X. the reforming 
activities 2 on which he had previously entered, 3 while the 
congregation of Benedictines of Monte Cassino settled at 
S. Justina in Padua were led in the same direction by the 
classical scholar, Gregorio Cortese. 4 

Serious efforts at reform had also already been made by 
the Franciscan Observants under Leo X. Their excellent 
General, Francesco Lichetto, in 1517 advised those of 
stricter aspirations to follow the Spanish example and 
make use of the houses of so-called Recollects, that is, 
convents to which they might voluntarily repair in order 
without disturbance there to carry out as strictly as 
possible the rules of the Order, and to devote themselves 
especially to penitential exercises and continual medita 
tion. The oldest houses of this kind, Fonte Colombo 
and Grecio, lay in the valley of Rieti, hallowed by the 

1 Bull., VI., 117-119; HELYOT, VII., 313. In Monte Corona also, 
since the expulsion of the Orders, the former aspect of the spot has 
been altered to its disadvantage. The beautiful woods of great 
antiquity have been cut down, a crowning act of destruction. 

2 See the *letter of Egidio Canisio, dat. Rome, 1515, July 8, in Cod. 
looi, f. 298 b , in the Angelica Library, Rome. 

3 Cf. LAEMMER, Beitrage zur Kirchengesch., 65 seq. 

4 See GREG. CORTESII, Opera, I., Patavii, 1724, 19 seqq. ; for 
Cortese cf. DITTRICH in Freiburger Kirchenlexikon, III., 2nd ed., 
1135 seqq., and GOTHEIN, Ignatius, no seq. 


sojourn of St. Francis himself. The inmates were called 
Brothers of the Stricter Observance, and later, Riformati. 1 
They found, however, more resistance than encourage 
ment from the cismontane commissary-general Ilarione 
Sacchetti, who was a strong upholder of the unity of the 
Order. On the other hand, the earnest Spanish reformer, 2 
Quinones, chosen General in 1523, was a great friend of 
the Brothers of the Stricter Observance, to whom he at 
once gave a strict rule in Spain, and assigned five houses 
of Recollects. 3 When Quinones came to Italy in 1525 he 
supported these special reforms, 4 as well as all others in 
the Order. Two high-minded fellow-countrymen, Martino 
cli Guzman and Stefano Molina, 5 could congratulate 
themselves on his special favour. He appointed them to 
plant the new institution of the Stricter Observance after 
wards known as that of the Riformati in the Roman 
province. These Riformati led an exceptionally hard 
life. Only on two days of the week did they eat cooked 
food ; for the rest they were satisfied with bread, fruit, and 
vegetables; their bed was either the bare ground or a 
board, and the day began and ended with prolonged medi 
tation ; at night there was prayer in common. Had 
Quinones remained longer at the head of the Observants 
this institution would certainly at that time have risen to 

1 DOM. DE GUBERNATIS, Orbis Seraph., III., i, 263 ; cf. MORONI, 
XXVL, 154; BENEDETTO SPILA, I santi luoghi della Palestina e la 
Francescana Riforma, Napoli, 1892, 26. 

2 Cf. WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 188 seq., 205 seq., 226 seq. 

3 Ibid., 167 seq. 

4 Cf. Croniche dei frati minori, III., 302; GONZAGA, De orig. 
seraph, relig., Venet, 1603, I., 56, II., no; DOM. DE GUBERNATIS, 
Orbis Seraph., III., i, 262 seq. ; B. SPILA, I santi luoghi, 28. 

Serafica, Venezia, 1846, and the Chronicle of the Roman Province, I., 
282, 293. 


great importance, for, especially in the years of terror after 
the sack of Rome, the number of those Observants who 
were working for the most exact possible compliance with 
the rule, 1 increased greatly. Unfortunately the new 
General, Paolo Pisotti, was an opponent of this and every 
other tendency to strict observance. 2 

At this critical moment Clement VII., on the advice of 
Carafa, took up the cause of the Riformati. In a Bull of 
the I4th of November 1532 he ordered the General and 
Provincials of the Observants to abstain from molesting 
in any way the Riformati, but rather to give them every 
assistance and to reserve for them an adequate number 
of convents. The Riformati were now privileged to receive 
novices, and to choose for themselves a Guardian in each 
province. But their dress and hood were not to differ 
from those of other Observants, and they were to be 
subject to visitation from the Provincial. 3 

Although the Pope thus showed his favour towards the 
new institution, it did not at first make much way in Italy. 
All the more remarkable was another reform which grew 
up among the Italian Franciscan Observants. This was 
begun by Matteo da Bascio (born about 1495, died 1552), 
a native of the hill-country of Umbria. Nowhere else in 
Italy did the mystic and yet popular spirit of St. Francis 
survive with such vitality as among the poor, contented, 
believing, and brave-spirited populations dwelling in the 
remote valleys and gorges of this picturesque district, 
which, in a wider sense, included also the territory beyond 

1 Cf. *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo in the General 
Archives of the Capuchins in Rome. 

2 Cf. WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 303, and *Cronica del. P. Bernardino 
da Colpetrazzo, I., in the General Archives of the Capuchins, Rome. 

3 Bull. Rom., VI., 155 seqq.\ WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 328; 

BOVERIUS, I., 988 seqq.\ BROMATO, I., 219. 


the Apennines. Here, on a hill not far from Pennabilli, 
lay the market town of Bascio, 1 politically under the Dukes 
of Urbino and ecclesiastically within the jurisdiction of the 
Bishop of Montefeltro. 

The earliest accounts of Matteo s youth as well as of 
his later years already bear a legendary character ; it is 
no longer possible to examine their statements, but the 
historical residuum may be given as follows : At an early 
age, about his seventeenth year, as alleged, Matteo entered 
the Order of Franciscan Observants at Montefalcone in 
the March of Ancona. Here he was conspicuous for piety 
and his strong grasp of his vocation. On his entry into 
the Order he brought with him little education, 2 nor did 
he afterwards make much progress beyond what was 
necessary for the immediate tasks of his calling. Perhaps 
it was exactly on this account that the homely sermons of 
the simple peasant s son won the hearts of the poor folk 
dwelling among the hills. Matteo became known to a 
wider circle by the spirit of self-devotion displayed by 
him in 1523, when Camerino was visited by the plague. 3 

1 See AMATI, Dizionario geograf. d Italia, I., 640. " Matteo de 
Grassis ; in GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 107, is an error. 

2 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, here certainly an unimpeachable 
witness, says : " Nell eta tenera frequento alcuni mesi la schuola e 
imparo un pogo di grammatica positiva, ma perche suo padre faceva 
il contadino, non puote il buon fanciullo sequitar le lettere, gli resto 
nondimeno non so che de buona creanza, e perche sapeva leggere, se 
diede con molta devotione a legger libri spiritual!. " *Cronica, I., 
General Archives of the Capuchin Order, Rome ; cf. the remarks in Ap 
pendix, No. 4, on the earliest sources for the history of the Capuchins. 

3 SANTONI (I primordii del Cappuccini, 8), on the authority of LlLII 
(Hist, di Camerino, II., 301), places the epidemic in 1524; but the 
*Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo (General Archives of the 
Capuchins, Rome) states repeatedly 1523. Perugino in 1524 was 
carried off by the plague. 


Voluntarily he left his convent at Montefalcone and 
hastened to the above-named town, where he shrank from 
no peril of death in order to succour the sick and dying. 
This self-denying activity of Matteo drew at once the 
attention of the Duke of Camerino, Giovan Maria Varano, 
and his wife Caterina Cibo to the humble Franciscan. 1 

Caterina Cibo belonged, like Vittoria Colonna, 2 to that 
class of women of the Italian Renaissance who combined 
wide cultivation with deep piety and a great purity of life. 3 
She knew Latin and Greek, and also took lessons in 
Hebrew in order to read the Old Testament in the original. 
As a niece of Leo X. and Clement VII. she often visited 
Rome, where she came into contact with the men of letters 
living there. 4 She was interested in an exceptional degree 
in religious matters, and especially in the reform of the 
clergy in her husband s duchy. 5 Herself a rough and 
almost virile character, she must have been attracted by 
Matteo s strong qualities. 

After the plague had ceased at Camerino, Matteo 
returned to his seclusion at Montefalcone ; while there 
he often withdrew into the woodland solitudes so beloved 

1 ^Bernardino da Colpetrazzo testifies to this expressly, and adds that 
Matteo among others had attended to two noblemen of the Duchess s 

2 On V. Colonna, who at the end of 1525 retired into the convent of 
S. Silvestro in Capite in Rome, more will be said in the next volume. 

3 " Donna di santissimi costumi" is VARCHI S (I., 173) expression ; cf. 
also FELICIANGELI (p. 140) in the work mentioned in the next note. For 
Blessed Battista da Varano (died 1526, May 31) of the Order of Poor 
Clares, see Miscell. Francesc., I., 161 seqq.\ cf. IV., 18 seqq. 

4 Cf. REUMONT, Beitrage, IV., 205 seq., and V. Colonna, 132 seq., 
269, as well as FELICIANGELI, Notizie e docum. sulla vita di Cat. Cibo- 
Varano, duchessa di Camerino 5 Camerino, 1891. Caterina became a 
widow in 1527. 

6 FONTANA, Docum., 129. 


of St. Francis. The life of his brethren seemed to him to 
correspond less and less to the original severity of the 
Order. He seemed to hear the voice of the seraphic 
Patriarch calling to him in threatening tones, " I wish my 
rule to be observed, to the letter, to the letter, to the letter." 
Deeper and deeper grew Matteo s resolve to live entirely 
according to the holy rule in the utmost possible solitude 
and in strictest poverty. While such thoughts were work 
ing in his inmost soul he learned by accident from a pious 
countryman that his dress was not in keeping with that 
of the founder of the Order, who had worn a habit of 
the coarsest sort on which was sewn not a round but a 
four-cornered pointed hood. 1 After receiving this informa 
tion Matteo did not rest until he had procured for himself 
this new habit. All his fervour for the strict observance 
of the rule was now concentrated on this one point ; 
wearing his new hood, he started without leave on the 
road to Rome in the Jubilee year 1525.2 He had to endure 
much on this journey on account of his unusual attire. 
Nevertheless, he reached Rome safely and made his 
way into the presence of Clement himself. He made his 
petition that he might retain his new habit, live as a 

1 The controversy over the real habit of St. Francis and the corre 
lated question as to the true and uninterrupted succession of his sons 
was carried on in the seventeenth century with such violence between 
Franciscans and Capuchins that the Congregation of the Index and 
Rites repeatedly had to intervene; see REUSCH, Index, II., 260; cf. 
also GAUDENTIUS, 276 seq. That the Capuchins were genuine and 
undoubted sons of St. Francis was declared by Paul V. and Urban VIII.; 
see Bull. Capuc., I., 57 and 77 seqq. 

2 SANTONI, 61, has taken up the earlier opinion which places the 
origin of the Capuchins in 1524. This view became authoritative in 
1624, on the occasion of the centenary celebrations. The *Cronica of 
P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, however, repeatedly gives 1525 in agree 
ment with Joh. de Terranova (cf. Appendix, No. 4). 


solitary according to the rule of St. Francis, and preach the 
Word of God. Clement VII. so it is related gave his 
consent, but imposed the condition that Matteo should 
annually declare his adhesion to the Observant Order by 
presenting himself before the Provincial Chapter. 1 

When Matteo, in April 1525, obeyed this injunction, but 
could produce no written authorization from the Pope for 
his new manner of life and garb, the Provincial of the March 
of Ancona, Giovanni da Fano, who was as energetic as he 
was learned, ordered the too simple-minded brother to be 
incarcerated as a runaway and contumacious. Giovanni 
could appeal to the authority of John XXII., who had 
already forbidden the introduction of a new hood, while 
Leo X. and Clement VII. had forbidden any absence 
without leave from the society of the Order. 2 

1 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, *Cronica, relates that Matteo had said 
to the Pope : " Sappiate, P. S to , che a questi tempi nostri non s osserva 
universalmente la regola, e io desidero de osservarla ad lettera, e per 
questo humilmente vi prego, che me concedete de portar quest abito 
e osservar la regola ad lettera, e perche i nostri padri non vorrebbono 
che tra di loro quest habito si portasse, vi prego che vi piaccia de con- 
cederme ch io possa andare per il mondo predicando i commandimenti 
di Dio e piu con 1 esempio che con le parole secondo la mia semplicita 
esortar ogn uno alia via di Dio e all opere buone ; respose S. Sta : cosi 
e la volunta nostra e nostra intentione che la regola si osservi a lettera 
secondo il voler del N. S. Giesu Cristo e di S. Francesco e per questo 
di bonissima voglia ve concedemo quanto voi me dimandate per 1 osser- 
vanza della regola, ma in segno de obedienza in tempo del capitolo," etc. 
Thus the extension of the Papal permission to other persons is not as 
yet to be found here. On the other hand, this version is given by 
MATTHIAS DE SALO, I., 74, and after him by BOVERIUS, I., 43 ; for 
criticism on this point see Appendix, No. 4. That Matteo asked the 
Pope s permission for himself only and not for others is also clearly 
stated by Joh. de Terranova, Acta Sanctor., Maji, IV., 284. 

2 See Miscell. Francesc., IV., 153; WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed. } 576 
sey., and SANTONI, 11-12, and 62. 


Matteo s misfortune did not long remain unknown ; even 
the Duchess Caterina Cibo became aware of it. Through 
her powerful intercession Matteo was free again by July ; 
he now betook himself to Camerino, and had a great 
success as a preacher of penance, and was soon joined by 
other Observants. Among the first were the two brothers 
Lodovico and Raffaello da Fossombrone, the first a 
priest, the other a lay brother. Matteo had no thought 
of founding an order ; all he desired was to carry out to the 
very letter the rule of St. Francis. 1 In Lodovico he was 
joined by a kindred spirit, who by his energy and boldness 
was well fitted to carry far what Matteo had set in motion. 

At first, indeed, the co-operation of the two brothers 
with Matteo led to a serious crisis. The Superiors, bent 
on maintaining the unity of the Order, threatened the 
former with excommunication for having left their convent 
without leave, and even tried to get permission from Rome 
to arrest them. 2 Lodovico da Fossombrone, convinced 
that his case was a thoroughly sound one, himself made 
haste to Rome in the beginning of 1526 with letters of 
recommendation from the Duchess of Camerino, and there 
addressed himself to Carafa, " the friend of all reforms." 3 

1 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, who always treats Matteo as santo 
huomo, insists on this in his *Cronica I. (General Archives of 
Capuchins, Rome). 

2 This hitherto unknown fact I derived from **a letter of Clement 
VII., dat. Rome, 1526, March 8, found in the Secret Archives of the 
Vatican (Arm., 39, vol. 55, f. 36 b seq.\ and the text of which I intend to 
publish in the Acta Pontif. In it are specially mentioned " Lud. et 
Raphael de Forosempronio ac Mattheus de Bascia." 

3 *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, I., loc. cit. To these 
sources BOVERIUS (I., 63) also appeals, and afterwards BROMATO 
(I., 140 seqq.}. Boverius, however, has elaborated the matter ; of a 
testing of Lodovico s intentions by Carafa the *Cronica says nothing. 
Cf. also Appendix, No. 4. 


The latter, on principle, was by no means favourably dis 
posed to those religious who separated themselves from their 
Order ; but he very soon perceived that in this case the 
cause of separation was not laxity but its opposite, and this, 
like all other efforts at reform, also received his support 
Through Carafa s influence Lodovico soon attained his object. 
The Cardinal Grand Penitentiary, Lorenzo Pucci, on the 
1 8th of May 1526, gave vouchers to Lodovico and RafTaello 
da Fossombrone as well as to Matteo da Bascio by which, 
in the case of their Superiors refusing the permission asked 
for, they were empowered by Papal authority to lead the 
life of anchorites under the rule of St. Francis outside the 
houses of their Order in the new district, but certainly 
subject to the supervision of Bishop Giangiacomo Bon- 
giovanni of Camerino. 1 

The quiet hill town now became the centre of the new 
movement, which Giovanni da Fano continued to look 
upon as an unlawful act of separation. 2 Firmly convinced 
that he was dealing here with a case of apostasy, he did 
all that lay in his power to compass its suppression. 
He had no idea that the reform of the Order, which 
even he was striving for, was to come from below, from 
very simple and insignificant men. The position of 
the Franciscan hermits, as Matteo s associates at first 
were called, became so bad that for some time they had 
thoughts of going out as missionaries to the infidels. 3 

1 BOVERIUS, I., 64-65 ; Bull. Capuc., I., 1-2, from the original in 
General Archives of the Capuchins in Rome, where the document 
is not now to be found. MAURENBRECHER (Kathol. Ref., 231) is in 
correct in speaking of a Papal Brief. FONTANA (Arch. d. Soc. Rom., 
IX., 346) even mentions a Bull. HEIMBUCHER (I., 316) attributes the 
document, in error, to 1528. 

2 "Setta," says the *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo in 
General Archives of the Capuchins in Rome. 

3 This statement is found in the *Cronica aforesaid, L, he. cit. 


In this time of distress, the Bishop of Camerino, the like- 
minded Camaldolese, and especially the ducal family stood 
by the persecuted community. But these simple men won 
the love of the people in the terrible times of trouble 
which broke over Camerino after 1527. When all others 
fled before the plague they remained steadfast at their 
posts. On the loth of August 1527 the Duke himself fell a 
victim to the disease. 1 

In consequence of the continued hostility of the Ob 
servants, Lodovico da Fossombrone put himself into com 
munication with the Provincial of the Conventuals in the 
Marches, who later took him and his colleagues into 
his province, on condition that they reported themselves 
once a year either to him or to the Chapter and sub 
mitted themselves to visitation. Through the influence 
of the Duchess Caterina Cibo, 2 Lodovico obtained the 
Pope s confirmation of this ordinance. This was con 
tained in a Papal brief addressed from Viterbo on the 3rd 
of July 1528, to Lodovico and RafTaello da Fossombrone. 
It conveyed the ecclesiastical confirmation of the branch 
of the Franciscans, subsequently known, from their habit, 
as the Capuchins. This document sanctioned the mendi 
cant life in hermitages or other places according to the 
rule of St. Francis ; the beard was permitted to be worn as 
well as the new habit with the four-cornered hood. Finally, 
new members were permitted to be chosen from the ranks 
of the secular clergy and the laity. At the same time, all 

1 BOVERIUS, I., 109, places the Duke s death in 1528, but wrongly. 

Cf. SANTONI, 64. 

2 The statements in the *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, 
I. (General Archives of the Capuchin Order in Rome), about the inter 
cession of Caterina Cibo, are confirmed by an entry on the original 
minutes of the Brief in the Secret Archives of the Vatican ; see infra, 
p. 465, n - * 


the privileges of the Conventuals and of the Camaldolese 
hermits were extended to the new congregation. 1 

The Bishop of Camerino ordered this Brief to be 
solemnly published, and then followed the foundation of 
the first settled establishment outside the gates of the 
episcopal city. 2 Within the territory of the latter a 
second convent on Monte Melone very soon arose. 

1 The document, a Bull in the fuller sense (littera with formal greet 
ing and sal. et apost. bened., year of our Lord and date of day accord 
ing to the Roman Calendar), beginning " Religionis Zelus," is published 
from a copy in the Archives of the Order in Bull. Capuc., I., 3-4. The 
copy in BovERius, I., 94-96, is inadequate ; the same must be said of 
the copy in WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 257 seq. ; see Bull. Rom., VI., 
113, 114, where the Brief is also. In the form of a Brief " dat. 3 Julii 
1 528 " the document appears without the preamble and beginning at once 
with " Exponi nobis " in Min. brev. in Secret Archives of the Vatican 
(Arm., 40, vol. 20, n. 1191). Towards the end it runs: *Volentes 
quoque ut, si vobis videbitur opportunum, has litteras nostras etiam 
sub plumbo expediri facere valeatis. Under the date come the follow 
ing signatures : *Visa Ja. Symoneta Videtur concedendum A. Car lis 
de Valle Protector L. Car lis S. Quattuor. Evangelista. On the back 
one reads : *Julii 1528. " Intercedente ducissa Camerin. pro Ludovico 
et Raphaele fratribus et fratribus ord. conventualium minorum. R mus 
S. Quattuor et protector viderunt." The General Archives of the 
Capuchin Order in Rome still preserves the "^petition of Lodovico and 
Raffaello da Fossombrone. In this petition much was asked that was 
not immediately granted. Thus, permission: "unum superiorem et 
custodem, qui in eos similem auctoritatem, habeat quam ministri pro- 
vinciales dicti ordinis fratres provinciarum suarum habent, eligere 
necnon omnibus et singulis tam clericis etiam ordinum quorumcunque 
religiosis, superiorum suorum licentia petita licet non obtenta, quam 
laicis qui divinia inspiratione ducti similem solitariam et austeram vitam 
ducere voluerint, ut ad illam commorari seu transire et earn agere et in 
illa[m] per dictos fratres et socios recipere libere et licite valeant." 

1 The little convent lay one and a half miles from Camerino, near the 
church S. Cristoforo, on the road to Varano. Since it soon proved to be 
too small, Caterina Cibo prevailed on the Hieronymites to hand over to 
the Franciscan hermits their nearly deserted convent at Colmenzone 

VOL. X. 30 


Though the number of Franciscan hermits at that 
time was comparatively small, yet their activity must be 
described as exceptional. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, who 
had personally known the earliest fathers, has left a sketch 
of their first entrance on their mission, which is striking in 
its bare simplicity. 1 Their garments were the roughest that 
could be procured. They went barefoot always, even in 
winter, holding the crucifix in their hands. Their nourish 
ment consisted of water, bread, vegetables, and fruit ; 
flesh was eaten only very seldom ; the fasts were kept 
rigorously many fasted almost continually. Their dwell 
ings, built by preference in lonely places, were as incon 
spicuous and poor as possible ; they were composed only 
of wood and loam. A board served for a bed ; for those 
who were weaker there was a mat ; the doors of the cells 
were so low that they could not be entered without 
1 stooping ; the windows were very narrow and small, and 
unfurnished with glass. This simplicity extended even to 
the churches. Everything, even outwardly, was to preach 
the utmost poverty in an age in which not only the 
worldly, but also many great ecclesiastics, and even 
members of the mendicant Orders themselves, 2 worshipped 
the lavish display of wealth. 

close to S. Marcello. The five Observants named in the indult of 
Cardinal Pucci of September 1 1, 1 528, here took possession (BOVERIUS, 
I., 987 to 988). As the spot was unhealthy they built themselves, four 
years later (so says Bernardino da Colpetrazzo in his *Cronica, I.), again 
assisted by Caterina Cibo, a modest convent at Renacavata, in a retired 
neighbourhood, three miles from Camerino, on the road to Tolentino. 
This convent is still standing ; see SANTINI, 37 seqq., where there is 
also a sketch. 

1 *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, I. Cf. also MATTHIAS 
DA SALO, *Hist. Capuc., I. (General Archives of the Capuchins, Rome). 

2 WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 323. DOM. DE GUBERNATIS, Orbis 
Seraph., III., i, 279. 


The inmates of these literally poverty-stricken convents 
had, in the first period of their existence, two main objects 
in view, and, above all, to be preachers of repentance to 
the common people. The plain speaking of these simple 
men, which spared no man, had such power that the 
hardest hearts quailed and the most stubborn sinners were 
converted. People often went five or six miles to hear the 
Franciscan hermits. " They preached," says Bernardino 
da Colpetrazzo, " the Holy Scriptures, especially the Holy 
Gospel of Jesus Christ, exhorting their hearers to fulfil the 
commandments of God." 1 The same chronicler mentions 
as strange novelties that they brought with them a crucifix 
into the pulpit and urged a frequent reception of the 
Blessed Sacrament. 2 

The behaviour of the poor hermits during the epidemic 
called forth even greater admiration than their preaching. 
A rich field for heroic acts of genuine Christian charity 
was opened up during the terrible days of the sack of 
Rome. The plague was soon followed by scarcity of food 
and famine, which lasted, according to Bernardino da 
Colpetrazzo, during 1528 and I529. 3 Like other con 
temporaries, this narrator saw in the sufferings by which 
Italy was visited a punishment of the general wickedness. 
The streets and roads were covered with dead, some cut 

1 " Predicavano la scrittura sacra, principalmente il vangelo santo 
del N. S. Gesu Cristo, esortando le persone all osservanza de com- 
mandimenti di Dio." *Joh. jde Terranova (Acta Sanctor., Maji, IV., 
284) says of Matteo da Bascio that he preached : " ad infernum usurarii 
ad infernum concubinarii, et sic de reliquis vitiis : tanta erat libertas 
dicentis, ut nulli personae parcens, saepe a minus consideratis con- 
temptui habitus propterea fuerit." 

2 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo in Cronica, I. (General Archives of the 
Capuchins, Rome), frequently draws attention to this. 

3 " De quando i frati Capuccini si diedero a servire agli appestati." 
*Cronica, ut supra. 


off by the plague, some by famine, some by the sword ; 
wolves gnawed the corpses, for in the districts devastated 
by war there were none left to dig graves. Bernardino da 
Colpetrazzo, who at that time was also suffering from 
the plague, was unable in after years to find words to 
describe the panic that prevailed. 1 As watchers of the 
sick could not be got in Camerino and its neighbour 
hood, the Franciscan hermits voluntarily undertook their 
duties. They carried the Viaticum to the dying and 
buried the dead ; they took care of orphan children 
and collected alms for the famishing survivors of the 
population. They refused all offers of gifts to them 
selves ; all was done for the love of God. With heroic 
self-sacrifice the little band worked on until the plague 
died out at the close of 1529; half of the population had 
fallen prey to its ravages. 2 

This example of Christian love, which, to the end 
of the century, clung to the memory of the thankful 
people, 3 combined with their inspired preaching, drew 
to the Franciscan hermits after the extinction of the 
plague many new members. The two first settlements 
were no longer sufficient, two more had to be built; 
one at Alvacina in the district of Fabriano, the other at 
Fossombrone in the Duchy of Urbino. For these four 
places, all, with the exception of the last, in the diocese 
of Camerino, guardians were appointed in 1529 at the 
first General Chapter held in a wretched hut at Alvacina. 
At this meeting Matteo da Bascio, in spite of his 

1 *pareva che 1 aria piangesse." 

2 *Cronica, ut supra. 

3 "E tanto fu il rumore che si sparse la fama loro per tutta Italia e 
tutti quei popoli se scolpirono nel cuore quei servi di Dio che insino ad 
hoggi se ne ricordano e non puoco giovo alia povera congregatione quest 
ottimo esempio. J *Cronica, ut. supra. 


resistance, 1 was chosen Vicar-General, 2 and at the same 
time the constitution of the new institute was sketched 
in outline. The main principle was the closest observ 
ance of the rule of St. Francis, particularly in respect 
of the "virtue of holy poverty." Therefore, in collect 
ing alms they were never to accept provisions beyond a 
week s supply at the utmost. Their cells were to be 
very narrow, more like jails than dwellings. Their very 
churches were to reflect their poverty; precious metals 
and stuffs were banished, and the psalmody was not to 
be sung. Moreover, the most austere life was pre 
scribed, nightly prayer, severe discipline, the roughest 
and worst clothing ; bare-headed and unshod, they 
were never to journey except on foot. The duty of 
earnest preaching for those thus gifted is still a notice 
able feature of the rule. They are to avoid all flowers 
of speech and all subtle speculations, to keep in 
view the practical needs of their hearers, and to 
proclaim "purely and simply the Holy Gospel of our 
Lord." 3 

The change in the direction of the new community was 
of great importance. Matteo, who wished to give himself 
entirely to preaching, resigned his post in a very short 
time, whereon, with the Pope s consent, the energetic, self- 
confident Lodovico da Fossombrone took his place. He 

1 The *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo relates that Matteo 
had pleaded that preaching was his real vocation and that, even if the 
Pope would have it so, he was not fitted to rule the Friars (" e di piu io 
no ho gratia di regger frati"). 

2 Under the General of the Conventuals. This arrangement 
lasted till 1619 ; see Bull. Capuc., I., 62. Strictly speaking, it 
is not until that date that one can speak of a new and independent 

3 BQVERIUS, I., 117 seq. Cf. HEIMBUCHER, I., 317. 


entered into communication 1 with a number of Calabrian 
Observants who were at the same time seeking a stricter 
compliance with the rule, and established a settlement in 
Rome. Here also it was Caterina Cibo who, through her 
brothers, opened a way for these Observants, already known 
as Franciscan hermits. Her brothers were guardians of 
the Hospital of S. Giacomo for incurables. The little 
church of S. Maria dei Miracoli, near the Piazza del 
Popolo and attached to the hospital, became the first 
Capuchin settlement in Rome. 2 They now took charge 
of the hospital, and the care which they there bestowed 
on the sick drew to them the sympathy of the lower as 
well as the higher classes in Rome. 3 

The rapid extension of the new community made a deep 
impression on the Observants, and spurred them on to fresh 
action against the hermits. Many saw in the behaviour of 
the members of the new body an excess of enthusiasm on 
the part of some, on the part of others defiance and rebellion. 
The latter view found favour with the masterful Giovanni da 
Fano, who was convinced that he was carrying out a good 
work in opposing the upstarts. 4 In other Observants the 

1 " Instrumentum aggregationis frat. Calabriae," dat. 1529, August 
1 6, in BOVERIUS, I., 133 seq. Cf. F. SECURI, Mem. stor. s. prov. d. 
Capuccini di Reggio di Calabria, Reggio di C., 1885. 

2 Cf. the sound and scholarly discussion, directed at Boverius, of 
EDOARDO DA ALENCON, II primo convento dei Capuccini in Roma : 
La Madonna dei Miracoli, Alencon, 1907. Later the Capuchins 
settled on the Esquiline at S. Eufemia, near S. Pudentiana, where 
now stands the Hospital of the Bambino Gesu. The old church of 
S. Maria dei Miracoli stood where now the Ponte Margarita begins. 

3 "Come il P. fra Ludovico ando a Roma e come prese il primo 
luogo in Roma." *Cronica del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo (General 
Archives of the Capuchins, Rome) ; afterwards BOVERIUS, I., 131 seqq. 

4 *Non fu mai Abel tanto odiato dal suo fratello Chain e meno 
Giacob cosi perseguitato dal suo fratello Esau quanto furono per- 


leading motive was simply jealousy, and in Paolo Pisotti, 
then their General, there was undoubtedly a repugnance 
to all reform. 1 

To all these antagonists Lodovico now gave good 
grounds for complaint, for in his unreflecting zeal to obtain 
as many new members as possible for his community, he 
drew into it 2 not a few Observants. The reception of 
the latter was a consequence of the Grand Penitentiary s 
indult. The Observants, fearing a gradual dismemberment 
of the whole Order, made such passionate representations 
to the Pope of the injuriousness of the indult and of the 
misuse of it, that Clement VII. in May 1530 cancelled 
all his concessions to the new Franciscan offshoot. But the 
Papal Brief of July 1528 was not expressly mentioned in 
this enactment. Lodovico, in his opposition to the new 
measures, was able to take his stand on the earlier 

seguitati et odiati i poveri Capuccini da questo venerabile padre fra 
Giovanni da Fano, ministro in quel tempo della provincia della Marca, 
e fu con ammiratione molta d ogn uno ch un huomo tanto da bene, 
dotto, attempato, giuditioso e di buonissima conscientia preciptasse 
in un errore cosi grande, ma da molti servi d Iddio di quel tempo ne 
fu fatto giuditio che no da lui si muovesse e con malignita, ma per zelo 
della religione parendogli veramente di far bene e cosa grata a Dio 
e per questo parve che quel che faceva il facesse con grand odio, non 
era pero odio sicome egli medesimo disse dipoi quando venne tra 
Capuccini, ma perche era huomo spiritoso, di bell ingegno, in tutte le 
sue cose procedeva resoluto e nelle sue operation! era huomo efficacis- 
simo ; nondimeno da quei che pescavano piu al fondo fu fatto giuditio 
che questa fusse una permissione di Dio per maggior prolatione di 
quei venerandi padri, primi Capuccini. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo. 
*Cronica, I., loc. cit. 

1 See DOM. DE GUBERNATIS, Orbis Seraph., III., i, 279. Joh. de 
Terranova states expressly that Pisotti intrigued against the Franciscan 
hermits with Clement VII. Pisotti got at first the Brief of December 
14, 1529, published in WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 279-280. 

- Even BOVERIUS admits this, I., 137. 


document; besides, he and his patrons did all in their 
power to show that the complaints raised were unfounded, 
and to nullify the Pope s severe regulations. At first they 
were unsuccessful, 1 but at last they succeeded in having 
the whole dispute referred by Clement VII. to the Cardinals 
Antonio del Monte and Andrea della Valle for fresh ex 
amination ; these gave as their decision, on the I4th of 
August 1532, that in future the Franciscan hermits must 
not receive any more Observants, but that the Observants 
must abstain from any molestation of those who had 
left them for the Franciscan hermits, and of the hermits 
themselves. 2 

This decision, pronounced in the Pope s name, was a 
striking success for the new institution over the old. The 
Franciscan hermits now spread their settlements not 
only through the Marches and in Calabria, but in other 
parts of Italy and even in Sicily. 3 A certain increase of 

1 The documents relating to events of this period in WADDING 
(XVI., 2nd ed., 291 seqq., 300 seqq., 605 seq.} and the narrative in the 
*Cronica of P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo are so incomplete that much 
remains to be cleared up. Unfortunately I only succeeded in finding 
in the Secret Archives of the Vatican two documents relating to these 
events, viz.: (a] The "^commands of May 27, 1530 (and again on 
December 2, 1531 ; see FONTANA, Docum., 122 seq.) to the Vicar- 
General of the Observantines to reinstate in their convents those who 
had gone away, repeatedly mentioned in the Bulls given in WADDING ; 
Brevia, 1530, vol. 50, f. 750. (b) A *Brief of July 3, 1532, in which all, 
who after May 27, 1 530, had left, are ordered to return to their convents ; 
Arm., 40, vol. 39, n. 184. 

2 The decision is given in BOVERIUS, I., 172-175. Cf. WADDING, 
XVI., 2nd ed., 335. 

3 Already by 1530 they were firmly established at Naples (see 
GALANTE in La Scienza e la Fede, 3rd Series, XVIII. [1872], 7, and 
BONAVENTURA DA SORRENTO, I Capuccini della prov. monast. di 
Napoli e Terra di Lavoro, S. Agnello di Sorrento, 1879) and at the 
same time in Liguria (see F. Z. MOLFINO, Cod. dipl. d. Capuccini 


difficulty as regards admission into their ranks was 
nothing but beneficial, for there were some who presented 
themselves from motives which were not without worldly 
alloy. 1 All the storms through which the new foundation 
had to pass served only to impart inward strength. The 
defection of the Observants was mainly due to the aversion 
of the General, Pisotti, to all plans of reform. When 
Clement VII. was in possession of the proofs of this 
man s bad government, he insisted on his resignation 
(December I533). 2 By neglect of the lax and persecution 
of the strict, Pisotti had brought his Order to the brink of 
ruin ; no wonder that the better spirits passed over to 
the Franciscan hermits. In 1534 they were joined by 
the most famous preachers in Italy, Bernardino Ochino 
and Bernardino of Asti. 3 In the same year the man who 
had been their most violent opponent, Giovanni da Fano, 
took the same step. 

The Observants were as much convinced as ever of the 
danger in which their Order was placed ; their complaints 
were so importunate that Clement thought that he must 
once more give them a hearing. On the 9th of April 
1534 a Brief was addressed to Lodovico and to all his 
associates forbidding them henceforward, without special 
Papal permission, to receive any Observants or take over 
any convents belonging to them. This prohibition was also 

Liguri, Geneva, 1904, xxiii. seq.\ and by 1532 in Tuscany (cf. SlSTO 
DA PISA, Storia d. Capuccini Toscani, Firenze, 1906, I., 35 seq.}. 

1 This is confirmed by *MATTHIAS DE SALO, Hist. Capuc., I., 259 : 
" Vi entrarono da principio ogni sorte di frati che uscirno dagii osser- 
vanti fra quali molti ve n erano portati da caprici, da sdegni et da altri 
rispetti humani." 

2 WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 303 seqq., 323 ^^.,342 seqq.\ DOM. 
DE GUBERNATIS, III., I, 279 seq. 

3 Bernardino da Colpetrazzo (*Cronica, I.) often gives the year 1534 
as the date of Ochino s entry into the new congregation. 


extended to those who had gone over to the Conventuals 
or had left the Order entirely. 1 To this document the 
first use of the expression " Capuchin," in the mention of 
Lodovico, can be traced. 

The opponents, emboldened by this success, now 
hoped to achieve the overthrow of the whole hermit 
congregation. But Clement VII. positively refused to 
repeal the Bull of 1528, although he consented to the 
banishment of the Capuchins from Rome. On the 
25th of April 1534 appeared the edict enjoining their 
departure. The fathers were just about to partake of 
their simple mid-day meal when the order was brought 
to them ; without a moment s demur they obeyed the 
command of the Head of the Church, and without 
touching their food they went forth. Thirty in number, 
they walked, two and two, with the cross carried before 
them, through the city to S. Lorenzo outside the walls, 
where they were kindly received. While the majority 
stayed there temporarily, a few, among them Giovanni da 

1 WADDING, XVI., 2nd ed., 380-381, and Bull. Capuc., I., 11-12, 
give the text of the Brief which proves that the story told by BOVERIUS 
(I., 191 seq.\ that Clement VII. had broken off his intended injunctions 
against the Capuchins on account of a terrible storm, is fabulous. In 
the ^original minutes in the Secret Archives of the Vatican the words, 
afterwards struck out as being too harsh, are still standing : " Vitamque 
admodum austeram et rigidam ac fere non humanam ducentes." Here 
also belongs a supplementary *Brief of Clement VII. to Cardinal della 
Valle, dated Rome, 1534, April 15, dealing with the return of the 
Observants who had gone over to the Capuchins. The minute of this 
Brief has the following "^endorsement : " Non videtur decens ut 
religiosus invitus cogatur ad laxiorem vitam ; si tamen S. D. N. aliquo 
respectu id velit, nullo modo approbo quod procedatur per Sanct. Suam, 
sed committatur alii, non enim talis processus est dignus processu 
per ipsummet Papam. Hier. [Ghinucci] Auditor." Arm., 40, vol. 47, 
in Secret Archives of the Vatican. 


Fano, went into upper Italy, there to found new settle 
ments. Thus the misfortunes of the Capuchins turned 
eventually into a blessing-. 

The banishment of the worthy friars from Rome caused 
a storm of indignation among the people, who had come to 
value them as the succourers of the sick. As interpreter of 
public opinion the hermit Brandano, so well known during 
the sack, appeared on the scene. " All the wicked, all the 
sinful," he exclaimed, "can come to Rome; the good and 
the virtuous are driven out/ 1 At the same time many of 
the Roman nobility came forward on behalf of the exiles. 
It was precisely the utter poverty and entire contempt of 
the world of the Capuchins that had made an ineffaceable 
impression on the nobler characters. Among the Roman 
aristocracy, Vittoria Colonna hastened from Marino, and 
she and Camillo Orsini made representations to Clement 
as frank as they were touching. Caterina Cibo also made 

1 *Come i frati Capuccini per una grave persecutione furono dis 
cacciati dell alma citta di Roma al tempo di Clemente VII. *Cronica 
del P. Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, I. (the prophet is here called : 
" Meo Sanese detto il Brandano, il quale era romito del Sacco "), 
and MATTHIAS DE SALO, Hist. Capuc., I., 195 seqq. He expressly 
says : " erano da trenta frati." Bernardino da Colpetrazzo speaks of 
1 50 who had been brought to Rome by Lodovico a few days before, 
a statement accepted by BOVERIUS, I., 190. Matthias de Salo also 
related that the Pope s decree was executed with greater severity than 
he had originally intended. " Hebbe (the General of the Observants) 
per tanto da quanti prencipi erano amorevoli della religione lettere in 
favore a S. S ta et il mezo di molti Cardinali della corte e quello 
singolarmente del protettore, e tanto fu 1 instanza et importunita sua, 
che il pontefice stimo di non poter resistere e lasciosi uscir di bocca 
che i Capuccini fossero mandati fuor di Roma, il che fu esseguito molto 
piu rigorosamente di quello che il pontefice ne intendeva ne detto 
haveva. Imperocche accesa la candela fu intimate a Capuccini che 
prima che ella finisce fossero fuori di Roma" (General Archives of the 
Capuchins, Rome). 


her way to Rome, but when she reached the city Clement 
VII. had already sanctioned the return of the Capuchins. 1 

So this storm also passed over happily. Others, heavier 
still, were to arise under Clement s successor, but they too 
had their hour, and the Capuchin Order grew up in the 
Church to be a great instrument of reform and restoration 
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Poor them 
selves, they became the friends of the poorer classes, 
whose needs and sufferings they knew as few others did, 
and to whom in the time of trouble they brought aid 
with heart and hand. 

The pursuit of practical aims, before all others the care 
of souls, preaching, and the tending of the sick to which the 
Capuchins,aswellas the Theatines,Somaschi,andBarnabites, 
in accordance with the needs of the age, had devoted them 
selves, was to reappear even more sharply accentuated in 
another company of regular clergy which, in activity and 
diversity of aims, in inward power and outward range of 
influence, was far to surpass the older orders as well as 
their more recent successors. 

The days of Clement VII. were drawing to a close when 
this new organization started on its career. It was on 
the Feast of the Assumption, 1534, that Ignatius Loyola, 
on the height of Montmartre, on the spot where the first 
Apostle of Paris had met a martyr s death, unfolded to a 
gathering of six trusted friends his plan of enlisting a 
spiritual army " whose leader should be the Saviour Himself, 
whose banner the Cross, whose watchword God s honour, 
and whose meed of victory the salvation of men and the 

1 Above according to the *Cronica of Bernardino da Colpetrazzo. 
MATTHIAS DE SALO, *Hist. Capuc., I., 282, relates that such was the 
love of the people that the expelled Fathers had in S. Lorenzo more 
means of subsistence brought to them than they ever had had given 
them in Rome. See also FELICIANGELI, Cat. Cibo, 161 seq. 


glory of the Church." 1 Only one of these inspired men 
was a priest, Peter Faber, a Savoyard. From his hands, 
on consecrated ground, the group of friends received Holy 
Communion ; into his hands, together with the vows of 
poverty and chastity, they laid yet another to go, at the 
close of their theological studies, to Jerusalem, to engage 
in the conversion of the infidels, or, if this were not 
possible, to place themselves at the disposal of the Pope 
for any apostolic mission on which he might choose to 
send them. 

Such was the origin of the Society of Jesus, destined to 
attain to a world-wide importance in the history of the 
Church as the most powerful bulwark of the Papacy during 
the catastrophe of the sixteenth century. 

1 HEIMBUCHER, II., 47. In the Middle Ages Montmartre was 
covered with convents and hermitages of which, except the Church 
St. Pierre, dating in part from the ninth century, close to the new 
Church of the Sacre Cceur, not a trace remains. The chapel in which 
St. Ignatius and his companions assembled on August 15, 1534, was 
destroyed in 1790 ; it stood where the Chaussee des Martyrs abuts on 
the Rue Antoinette. See L. Michel s note to BARTOLI, Hist, de S. 
Ignace, Bruges, 1893, 380. 








1525, September 15, Rom. 

Grata familiaritatis obsequia . . . Cum itaque postmodum 
parrochialis ecclesia sanctorum Silvestri et Dorothee in regione 
Transtiberim de urbe confraternitati societati christindelium divini 
amoris nuncupate sub invocatione s. Jeronymi canonice institute 
perpetuo unita annexa et incorporata ex eo, quod nos unionem 
annexionem et incorporationem predictas, dilectis filiis modernis 
confratribus sociis nuncupatis confraternitatis huiusmodi in hoc 
expresse consentientibus, harum serie dissolvimus, per dissolu- 
tionem huiusmodi apud sedem predictam vacaverit et vacet ad 
presens nullusque de ilia preter nos hac vice disponere potuerit 
sive possit reservatione et decreto obsistentibus supra dictis, nos 
tibi presbitero et etiam continue commensali nostro asserenti 
confratres predictos seu eorum maiorem partem forenses existere 
premissorum obsequiorum et meritorum tuorum intuitu specialem 
gratiam facere volentes . . . ecclesiam predictam, cuius et illi 
forsan annexorum fructus redditus et proventus vigintiquatuor 
ducatorum auri de camera secundum communem extimationem 
valorem annuum ut etiam assens non excedunt, . . . cum dictis 
annexis ac omnibus iuribus et pertinentiis suis apostolica tibi 
auctoritate conferimus et de ilia etiam providemus. . . . 

Datum Rome apud sanctum Petrum anno incarnacionis 
dominice millesimo quingentesimo vicesimoquinto decimoseptimo 
kal. octobr. pontificatus nostri anno secundo. 

Orig. with leaden seal in Arm. XL, caps. 1, n. 217 (a tergo : A 
inc. d. 1525 die XII. Novernb. rev 1 confratres presentes consentie- 
runt dissolutioni . . . ). Cf. Regest. Vat. 1481, f. 288-290. 
[Secret Archives of the Vatican.] 

1 See supra, p. 390. 
VOL. X. 481 31 




1526, Januar. 17, Rom. 

Universis et singulis patriarchis, archiepiscopis, episcopis ac 
quibuscunque in dignitate ecclesiastica constitutis, presbyteris 
quoque et clericis nee non ducibus, principibus, baronibus, 
comitibus, nobilibus, officialibus, communitatibus, hominibus et 
particularibus personis inclytarum nationum Germaniae, Franciae, 
Daciae, Angliae et Scotiae, aliarumque nationum, ad quas 
dilectum filium loannem Heytmers commissarium et accolitum 
nostrum 2 declinare contigent, salutem et apostolicam benedic- 
tionem. Cum in minoribus adhuc essemus animo nostro cogi- 
tantes, Cosmum et complures progenitores nostros et praesertim 
lulianum et Laurentium de Medices necnon fel. rec. Leonem 
Papam X. praedecessorem et patruelem nostrum secundum carnem 
in primis innnitam curam et sollicitudinem impendisse ac incredi- 
biles impensas fecisse, ut ad communem studiorum ac studiosorum 
utilitatem veteres libros Graecae, Latinae et Haebraicae linguae in 
diversis et remotissimis mundi partibus etiam inndelium ditioni 
subiectis latentes per viros doctos inquirerent ac in Italiam 
conduci et in publicis bibliothecis per eos erectis et constructis 
reponi et custodiri curarent : nos, qui etiam hos linguarum viros 
ex omni studio generali et in omni scientia peritissimos semper 
enutrivimus ac magnis stipendiis et donis traximus et vocavimus 
talemque inquirendi libros diligentiam imitari desideramus 
eorumque in privata domo nostrorum praedecessorum et pro- 
genitorum bibliothecam a doctis omnibus frequentatam servamus, 
postquam ad summi apostolatus apicem, divina favente dementia, 
assumpti fuimus, inter alia revolventes, librorum copiam Christinae 
religioni in primis fructuosam esse indeque multis nostrae fidei 
arcana et secreta elici, nihil duximus omittendum, quod ad earn 
rem conducere arbitrati fuimus, ut in his miseris et afflictis 
Christianae reipublicae temporibus et perfidorum haereticorum 
tumultibus divina et humana omnia permiscentibus turn caeteris 
curis et sollicitudinibus turn hoc etiam perquirendorum librorum 
studio orthodoxam fidem iuvaremus. Et propterea certiores facti 
quamplurimos desideratos vetustos libros in diversis provinciarum 

1 See supra, p. 336. 2 In MS. there follows: ad quas ipsum. 


et regnorum praedictorum locis latere, qui si in lucem ederentur, 
rempublicam litterariam diu antea periclitantem et pene inter- 
mortuam plurimum iuvare et praecipae Christianam religionem 
iam aliquantulum fluctuantem ac etiam studiosorum animos 
inflammare possent, dictum loannem nostrum commissarium et 
accolitum istuc destinamus, ut bibliothecas omnes dictarum 
provinciarum et regnorum perlustret librosque omni studio et 
diligentia inquirat et illos vel eorum exempla ad nos transportet 
seu transportari faciat. Quare vos omnes et singulos et in primis 
charissimos in Christo filios nostros Carolum Romanorum regem 
in imperatorem electum necnon Franciae, Daciae, Angliae et 
Scotiae reges illustres paterna hortamur charitate ac maiori quo 
possumus studio et affectu requirimus, ut pro nostra et in hanc 
sanctam sedem reverentia atque Christianae religionis et doctrinae 
intuitu velitis ipsum loannem benigne recipere sinceraque charitate 
tractare ac permittere, ut quascunque bibliothecas ingredi possit, 
eidemque, si ei videbitur, de opportunis salvis conductibus pro- 
videre ; demumque in exequenda huiusmodi commissione nostra 
circa tarn laudabile opus ita favere atque adesse, ut quod nos 
de re litteraria et fide orthodoxa ac de commodo et ornamento 
studiosorum omnium mente concepimus, idipsum, auctore 
Domino, vobis etiam adiuvantibus facilius perficere valeamus. 
Offerentes nos vestram in nos et hanc sanctissimam sedem volun- 
tatem et observantiam memori animo prosecuturos, et quando- 
cunque se occasio tulerit in Domino parem etiam vobis gratiam 
relaturos. Detentoribus insuper et occupatoribus huiusmodi 
librorum et ad nos et dictam sedem illos mittere indebite 
recusantibus ac scientibus occupatores et detentores huiusmodi et 
non revelantibus sub excommunicationis latae sententiae poena, 
quam ferimus in his scriptis, et a qua non nisi per nos quemvis 
absolvi posse volumus, districte praecipientes mandamus, quatenus 
visis praesentibus dictos libros vel exhibeant vel manifestent, ut 
censuras et poenas praedictas effugiant ac de obedientia et religionis 
Christianae conservatione, promptitudine a nobis et dicta sede 
atque omnibus litterarum studiosis merito commendari necnon a 
Deo bonorum omnium remuneratore immortale praemium sperare 
et consequi possint. Et ut facilius et citius dictus loannes 
praemissa exequi valeat, damus per praesentes [ei] facultatem sub- 
stituendi unum vel plures ad praemissa et quodlibet praemissorum 


cum pari aut limitata potestate et ab eisdem rationem gestorum 
et administratorum exigendi et cogendi. Super quibus plenam 
etiam harum serie concedimus ei potestatem. Dat. Romae etc. 
die xvn ianuarii 1526 anno 3. Ja. Sadoletus. 

[Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. 39, vol. 46, n. 31.] 


1526, Januar. 17, Rome. 

Dilectis filiis priori et conventui ordinis praedicatorum civitatis 
Gandensis. Dilecti filii salutem etc. Rempublicam litterariam 
diu antea periclitantem et pene intermortuam, a quibusdam vero 
annis reviviscentem volentes Deo propitio, fel. rec. Leonis X 
praedecessoris et secundum carnem patruelis nostri vestigiis 
inhaerendo, fovere prospicientesque ei rei magno usui fore, si 
nonnulli libri, qui propter iniquas hominum conditiones adhuc 
incogniti latent, ad communem studiosorum omnium utilitatem in 
lucem edantur, nihil duximus omittendum, quod ad earn rem 
pertineret. Certiores itaque facti a dilecto filio loanne Heytmers 
commissario et accolito nostro, quern istuc in praesentiarum 
destinavimus pro huiusmodi inquirendis vetustissimis libris 
utriusque linguae auctorum desideratorum in diversis locis 
regnorum et provinciarum diversorum latentibus, a fel. rec. 
Leone X praefato ad hoc laudabile opus alias emisso, dilecti 
filii fratris Wilhelmi Carnificis ordinis sancti Dominici opera et 
industria se in primis fuisse adiutum eiusdem auxilio et virtute 
non minus quam antea ad dictos libros inquirendos . . . [sic] 
indigere, vos et eundem Wilhelmum pro sua in nos et erga hanc 
sanctam sedem reverentia et devotione ac in bonarum artium 
studiosos officio impenso plurimum in Domino commendamus et 
discretiones vestras impensius hortamur in Domino et in virtute 
sanctae obedientiae requirimus, ut ipsi Wilhelmo plenam et liberam 
facultatem et potestatem concedatis sex menses extra vestrum 
ordinem et claustra monasteriorum ipsius ordinis exeundi, 
manendi, standi et pernoctandi ac una cum dicto loanne 
commissario nostro omnia et singula loca, civitates, terras et 
provincias perlustrandi ad huiusmodi inquirendorum librorum 
effectum duntaxat, prout etiam nos per praesentes eidem 

1 See supra, p. 336. 


Wilhelmo plenam et liberam facultatem et potestatem, ut 
praefertur, auctoritate apostolica concedimus et elargimur. Man- 
dantes insuper eidem et sub excommunicationis poena districtius 
praecipientes, ut dicto commissario in quantum poterit omnem 
suam operam, industriam, auctoritatem, diligentiam et animi 
promptitudinem dicto semestre durante ad huiusmodi libros in 
quibusvis bibliothecis et locis existentes perquirendos etinveniendos 
et ad commissarii manus ac potestatem tradendos impendat et 
exhibeat. Non obstantibus quibusvis dicti ordinis et monasterii 
vestri generalibus vel specialibus constitutionibus et ordinationibus 
iuramento vel quavis firmitate alia roboratis, quibus caveatur, 
quod religiosi extra ordinem et monasteria sua permanere nee 
debeant nee possint, a quibus omnibus et singulis praefatum 
Wilhelmum ad huiusmodi laudabilem effectum per dictos sex 
menses absolvimus et eximimus eadem auctoritate. Quod erit 
nobis a discretionibus vestris gratum et acceptum, vobisque et 
monasterio vestro in iis gratiis, quas haec sancta sedes in Domino 
potest concedere, grati animi signa ostendemus. Ac nihilominus 
eidem Wilhelmo pro simili alias suscepto labore et pro ea, quam, 
sicut in Domino confidimus, . . . [sic] et diligentem in huiusmodi 
libris investigandis nostro intuitu eidem loanni modo praestabit 
operam, si quando nobis iusta se occasio obtulerit, grati animi 
effectum demonstrabimus. Dat. Romae etc. die xvn ianuarii 
1 526 anno 3. Ja. Sadoletus. 

[Seer. Arch, of the Vatican, Arm. 39, vol. 46, n. 30. Ibid., Brief 
to the Dominican Guillelmus Carnifex of the same date.] 


Boverius in his important work (I., 33 seq.) has treated the 
rise of the Capuchins and their earliest history in the most 
interesting way, but sometimes to the disadvantage of the 
objective side of history ; he is not always free from bias in 
dealing with the Franciscans. This naturally aroused vehement 
opposition on the part of the latter, especially from Wadding 
(XVI., 209 seqq.). The Bollandists (Acta Sanctor., Maii, IV., 
205 seqq.) summed up the controversy with unprejudiced judg- 

1 See supra, pp. 458, 460, 461, 462. 


ment; they weighed calmly the relative claims of the old and 
the new foundations. 

An original document of primary importance, the account of 
Joannes de Terranova (Capuchin from 1532; 11573), has also been 
made accessible (Act. Sanct., op. cit., 283 seqg.) in a Latin transla 
tion. 1 It is of the utmost importance to examine the authorities 
cited by Boverius to see whether he has been impartial ; Wadding 
made a beginning by pointing out clearly that Boverius made 
use of an interpolated edition of the " Chroniche de frati minori " 
by Marco da Lisboa, which appeared in 1598 in Venice (an 
edition had already appeared in 1597), and that he had added 
to it on an important point (the permission given by word of 
mouth by Pope Clement to Matteo da Bascio), in a party sense 
favourable to the Capuchins. Perhaps, Wadding concludes, 
the additions are to be found in the four unpublished Chronicles 
to which Boverius appeals as his principal authorities, but which 
until now have not appeared. The authors of these Chronicles, 
according to Boverius, were the Vicars-General of the Capuchins, 
" Marius a Forosarsinio " and " Hieronymus a Monteflorum " 
(the former elected 1567, the latter 1575), and the Capuchins, 
"Matthias Salodiensis" (fi6n) and " Bernardarius a Colle- 
petracio," who had been a contemporary of Matteo da Bascio 
and Bernardino of Asti. A part of the chronicle of Marius a 
Forosarsinio is at Venice in the Museo Correr (Cicogna, 551); 
the three others, in the General Archives of the Capuchin Order, 
I was able to make use of through the kindness of the archivist, 
Fr. Edouard d Alen9on. The *Cronica del P. Bernardino da 
Colpetrazzo fills two volumes, or 1392 quarto pages : it is divided 
into three books (i) "Una simplice et divota istoria dell origine 
della congregatione de frati Capuccini " ; (2) " Le vite et miracoli 
di s. huomini d. congreg. d. frati Capucc." ; (3) " Del modo di 
vivere, delle virtu et buoni costumi di quei primi padri che 

1 The original of this chronicle is unfortunately lost ; but an excerpt from it 
("Dell origine et principi della congregatione de padri Capuccini nella 
provincia della Marca et di Calabria, cavato dagli scritti del P. Fr. Giovanni 
di Terra nova") is contained in the rare work, " Historia sagra intitolata Mare 
Oceano di tutte le religioni del mondo da D. Silvestro Maruli o Maurolico," 
Messina, 1613, 375 seq. A new edition is being prepared by F. Edouard 


diedero principio alia s. riforma de Capuccini." We learn from 
the introduction that Bernardino da Colpetrazzo was born in that 
place (near Todi) in 1514, and had already entered the Capuchin 
Order in his sixteenth year ; he was led to compose his work by a 
false report, set in circulation against the Order, that Ochino 
was their founder. Girolamo da Montefiore, Vicar-General from 
J 575 to I 5 8l > following his example, undertook a historical 
refutation of this legend ; he wrote to all the early fathers of the 
foundation and asked for their reminiscences. "I too," says 
Bernardino da Colpetrazzo, "was asked: massimamente per 
esser stato familiarissimo della maggior parte di quei primi 
padri. " Some time before this, Fra Mario de Mercato Saracini 
had taken part in this task; Bernardino adds that he was not 
master of the "alto stile" of this writer, he only related the 
"semplice verita." A portion of the Chronicle was finished by 
1580 ; the Vicar-General intended to have a history of the Order 
printed in 1584; Bernardino was therefore called to Rome and 
there resumed his work. His excellent memory stood him in 
good stead, his whole aim being to set down everything as 
truthfully as possible. Bernardino said on this point : *" E quei 
primi tutti gli ho conosciuti eccetto tre che morsero che io non gli 
veddi perche stettero poco nella nostra congregatione e quei che 
piu m importava fu che io hebbi stretta familiarita con tutti quei 
padri che governorno in quei principio la nostra congregatione, 
i quali familiarissamente mi riferivano tutte le cose secrete che 
eran trattate cosi in corte come ne capitoli per esser da loro 
molto amato, come fu il P. frate Bernardino d Asti, il P. f. 
Francesco da Jegi, il P. f. Bernardino da Monte del Olmo, 
i quali furono che qualche spatio di tempo miei maestri. Conobbi 
il P. f. Matteo, il P. f. Lodovico da Fossombrone che quando 
egli reggeva io mi feci capuccino. Non mi curar6 di molto 
abellire, ma solo mi sforzerb di narrare la semplice verita di 
quelle cose che co proprii ochi ho visto o intese da quei che 
T hanno viste e son testimonii degni di fede." The work, which 
was not finished until 1592, is, notwithstanding a want of artistic 
form, very valuable, and, together with Joannes de Terranova, 
whose information is also drawn from the recollections of the 
earliest fathers, is, up to the present time, the most important of 
our existing sources. 


The author of the interpolated passage in the " Croniche de 
frati minori" (III., 289 seqq.) was in all probability acquainted 
with the "Cronica" of Bernardino. In the *"Historia Capuccina" 
of Matthias Stellintani da Salo (2 vols.) also, which 1 saw in 
the General Archives of the Order, frequent use has been made 
of Bernardino da Colpetrazzo ; for although Matthias has a few 
good pieces of information which partly come from the "old 
fathers," still his work is based upon that of Bernardino. 
Boverius did not notice this circumstance ; he uses Matthias da 
Salo when the statements of the latter suit his purpose ; thus, for 
example, in relating the audience given to Matteo by Clement 
VII. (I., 43), he passes over in silence the fact that Bernardino 
as well as the Venetian edition of the Chronicle know nothing 
of the Pope s amplified permission (see supra, p. 461, note i). 
But in another instance Bernardino s improbable statement, 
that as early as 1534 about 150 Capuchins were already 
gathered together in Rome, is made use of because it gives an 
impression of the rapid increase in numbers of the Order ; on 
the other hand, the statement of Matthias da Salo, which has 
an appearance of credibility in it, that the number of Capuchins 
in Rome in 1534 was thirty, is disregarded by Boverius. The 
manuscript cited by Santoni (63) : *Del principio della riforma 
e congregatione de frati Capuccini, in Cod. D. VI., 24 of the 
Casanatense library, is not an independe