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Full text of "The history of the popes, from the close of the Middle Ages. Drawn from the secret archives of the Vatican and other original sources"



HISTORY OF THE POPES 

VOL. XIII 



PASTOR S HISTORY OF THE POPES 



THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from 

the German of LUDWIG, FREIHERR VON PASTOR. Edited, as to 
Vols I. -VI., by the late FREDERICK IGNATIUS ANTROBUS, and, 
as to Vols. VII. -XIV., by RALPH FRANCIS KERR, of the London 
Oratory. In 14 Volumes. 

Vols. I. and II. A.D. 1305-1458. 

Vols. III. and IV. A.D. 1458-1483. 

Vols. V. and VI. A.D. 1484-1513. 

Vols. VII. and VIII. A.D. 1513-1521. 

Vols. IX. and X. A.D. 1522-1534. 

Vols. XI. and XII. A.D. 1534-1549. 

Vols. XIII. and XIV. A.D. 1550-1559. 




T M 



HISTORY OF THE POPES, 

FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES 



DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER 
ORIGINAL SOURCES 



FROM THE GERMAN OF 

LUDWIG, FREIHERR VON PASTOR 



EDITED BY 

RALPH FRANCIS KERR 

OF THE LONDON ORATORY 



VOLUME XIII 

JULIUS III. (1550-1555) 




LONDON 
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., LTD. 

BROADWAY HOUSE . 68-74 CARTER LANE, E.C. 
T924 



Bx 



PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY THE DEVONSHIRE PRESS, TORQUAY 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIII 



PAGE 

Collections of Archives and Manuscripts referred to in 

Volumes XIII. and XIV vii 

Complete Titles of Books frequently quoted in Volumes 

XIIJ. and XIV. ... . ix 

Table of Contents ...... xxvii 

List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix . . xl 

JULIUS III., 1550-1555- 

The election of Julius III. . . . . - 1-44 

Previous life, character and beginning of the reign of 

Julius III. . . . 45~7 6 

Preparations for the reassembling of the Council in 
Trent. The dispute concerning the Duchy of 
Parma . . . . . . 76-98 

Second Period of the Council of Trent . . 99-128 

War in Upper and Central Italy. Julius III. s efforts 
for peace. Conclusion of his pontificate and his 
death ..... . 129-15? 

Efforts of Julius III. for reform. Creation of Cardinals 158-179 

Spread of the Society of Jesus. Their reforming activi 
ties in Spain, Portugal, Italy and Germany . 180-209 

Activity of the Roman Inquisition in Italy. Spread of 

heresy in Germany, Poland and France . . 210-236 

Accession of Queen Mary of England. Her marriage to 

Philip of Spain . . . . . 237-269 

Legation of Cardinal Pole. The reconciliation of 

England with the Holy See ... 270-289 

Spread of Christianity in the New World . . 290-306 

V 



VI CONTENTS 

PAGE 

The East Indies and the Mission of St. Francis Xavier 307-325 
Julius III. in relation to Letters and Art. Michael 
Angelo and the rebuilding of St. Peter s. The 

Villa Giulia . . . 326-355 

Rome at the end of the Renaissance period . 356-427 

Appendix of Unpublished Documents . . . 431-459 

Index of Names ...... 460-475 



COLLECTIONS OF ARCHIVES AND 

MANUSCRIPTS REFERRED TO IN 

VOLUMES XIII. AND XIV. 



ANCONA Communal Archives. 
AREZZO Library. 

BERLIN Royal Library. 
BOLOGNA State Archives. 

- University Library. 
BRESCIA Quirini Library. 
BRUSSELS State Archives. 

CITTA DI CASTELLO Graziani 
Archives. 

FERRARA Communal Library. 
FLORENCE National Library. 

- State Archives. 
FOGGIA Communal Library. 
FOLIGNO Seminary Library. 
FRANKFURT A. M. Library. 

GENOA State Archives. 

University Library. 
GORLITZ Milichsche Library. 
GOTHA Library. 
GUBBIO Communal Archives. 

- Episcopal Archives. 

HALL i. TIROL Provincial Ar 
chives of the Tyrol ese 
Franciscans. 

HOHENEMS Family Archives. 

INNSBRUCK Vice-regal Ar 
chives. 

LONDON British Museum. 
LUCCA State Archives. 
LUN D Library . 



LYONS Library. 

MACERATA Library. 

MADRID Library of the Duke 

of Ossuna. 

MANTUA Gonzaga Archives. 
MAYENCE Seminary Library. 
MILAN Ambrosian Library. 
Gallarati Scotti Ar 



chives. 

- Brera Library. 

- Trivulziana Library. 
State Archives. 



MODENA State Archives. 

MONTE SAN SAVING Commu 
nal Archives. 

MUNICH Court and State 
Library. 

NAPLES Library of the Soc. 
di storia patria. 

- National Library. 

- National Library in the 
Certosa di S. Martino. 

State Archives. 



NIC ASTRO Episcopal Archives. 

PARIS National Archives. 

- National Library. 
PARMA Palatine Library 

- State Archives. 
PERUGIA Library. 
PIACENZA Communal Library. 
PISA University Library. 
PISTOIA Fabroniana Library. 



RAVENNA Classe Library. 
REGGIO Episcopal Archives. 



Vll 



viii ARCHIVES AND MANUSCRIPTS IN VOLS. XIII & XIV. 



ROME 

(a) Archives : 

the Anima. 

the Bonconipagni. 

the Capitol. 

the Colonna. 

the Doria Pamphili. 

the Gaetani. 

the Ricci. 

the Santa Croce. 

the Spanish Embassy. 

the Secretary of 
Briefs i 

General, of the Augus- 
tinians. 

General, of the Thea- 
tines. 

Consistorial, of the 
Vatican. 

the Papal Secret (Se 
cret Archives of the 
Vatican) . 

of the State. 



(b) Libraries : 

Accademia cli S Cecilia 

Alessandrina. 

Altieri. 

Angelica. 

Barberini 2 

Casanatense. 

Chigi. 

Corsini. 
S. Croce in Gerusalemme. 



ROME Libraries continued. 

S. Pietro in Vincoli. 

Vatican. 

Vittorio Emanuele. 

SCHAFFHAUSEN State Library. 
SEVILLE Archives of the In 
dies. 
SIENA State Archives. 

- Library. 

SIMANCAS Archives. 
STOCKHOLM Library. 

TRENT Library. 

TREVES Seminary Library. 

UPS ALA Library. 

VENICE Library of St. Mark. 

- Correr Museum. 
State Archives. 

VICENZA Bertoliana Library. 
VITERBO State Archives. 
VOLTE RRA-Inghirami Archives. 

Maffei Archives. 
VIENNA Rossiana Library. 

- Court and State Ar 
chives. 

Court Library. 



WOLFENBUTTEL Library . 
ZEITZ Convent Librarv. 



1 Under Pius X. included in the Papal Secret Archives, 
*Now in the Vatican Library. 



COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS QUOTED IN 
VOLUMES XIII AND XIV 



Acts of the Privy Council of England. New Series, ed. by John 
Roche Dasent, vols. i-n, London, 1890-1895. 

Adinolfi, P. II Canale di Ponte e le sue circostanti parti. Narni, 
1860. 

- La via sacra o del Papa. Roma, 1865. 

- Roma nell eta di mezzo. 2 vols., Roma, 1881. 
Adriani, G. B. Istoria de suoi tempi. Vol. I. et seqq., Prato, 

1822. 
Albert, E. Le relazioni degli ambasciatori Veneti al Senate 

durante il secolo decimosesto. 3 series, Firenze, 1839-1855. 
Amabile, L. II S. Offtcio della Inquisizione in Napoli. Vol. 

I., Citta di Castello, 1892. 
Ambros, A. W.. Geschichte der Musik. Vol. IV., 2nd ed., 

Leipzig, 1 88 1. 

Analecta Bollandiana. 30 vols., Paris-Bruxelles, 1882-1911. 
Ancel, R. La question de Sienne et la politique du cardinal 

Carlo Carafa, 1556 a 1557. Bruges, 1905. 

- La secretairerie pontificale sous Paul IV. Paris, 1906. 

- Paul IV. et le Concile. Louvain, 1907. 

Le Vatican sous Paul IV. Contribution a 1 histoire du 

Palais Pontifical. Rev. Benedictine, Jan., 1908, pp. 48-71. 
L activite reformatrice de Paul IV. Paris, 1909. 

La disgrace et le proces des Carafa d apres des documents 

inedits 1559 a 1567. Maredsous, 1909. 

- La reconciliation de 1 Angleterre avec le Saint-Siege 
sous Marie Tudor. Legation du Cardinal Pole en Angleterre 
1553-1554. Revue d hist. eccles., X., Louvain, 1909, 
521-536. 744-798. 

Nonciatures de France. Nonciatures de Paul IV. (avec 



la derniere annee de Jules III. et Marcel II.). Publ. par 
R.A., Vol. I. Nonciatures de Sebastiano Gualterio et de 
Cesare Brancatio (Mai 1554 Juillet 1557) i re et 2 e Partie., 
Paris, 1909, 1911. 

Andrea, Alex. De la guerra de Campana de Roma y del segno 
de Napoles en el pontificado de Paulo IV. Tres libros, 
Madrid, 1589. 

Archivio storico dell Arte, publ. p. Gnoli. Vol. I. et seqq., Roma, 
1888 seq. 

Archivio storico Italian o. 5 Series, Firenze, 1842 scq. 

Archivio storico Lombardo. Volb. I. seqq., Milano, 1874 seqq. 

ix 



X COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Archivio storico per le provincie Napolitane. Vols. I. seqq., Napoli, 

1876 seqq. 

Aretino, P. Lettere. 6 vols. Paris, 1609. 
Armellini, M. Le chiese di Roma dalle loro origini sino al secolo 

XVI. Roma, 1887. 
Arte L . Continuation of the Archivio storico dell Arte. Roma, 

1898 seq. 
Astrain, A.^S.J. Historia de la Compana de Jesus en la Asis- 

tencia de Espana. 2 vols. Madrid, 1902-1905. 
Atti e Memorie della r. deputaz. di storia patria per la prov. 

dell Emilia. Prima Serie 1-8 ; Nuova Serie i seqq. 

Modena, 1863 seqq. 

Balan, P. Gli assedii della Mirandola di papa Giulio II. nel 

1511 e di papa Giulio III. nel 1551 e 1552 narrati secondo 

i piu recenti clocumenti. 2nd ed. Mirandola, 1876. 

- Storia d ltalia. 6 vols. Modena, 1882. 

Baracconi, G. I Rioni di Roma. Terza ristampa. Torino- 
Roma, 1905 
Barbier de Montault, X., Oeuvres completes, Poitiers -Paris, 1899 

seqq. 
Barelli, F. M. Memorie dell originie ed uomini illustri della 

Congreg. de Chierici Regolari di S Paolo. 2 vols. Bologna, 

1703. 

Bartoli, A. Cento vedute di Roma antica. Firenze, 1911. 
Batiffol, P. La Vaticane de Paul III. a Paul V. Paris, 1890. 
Battistella, A. II S. Offizio e la Riforma religiosa in Bologna. 

Bologna, 1905. 
Baumgarten, H. Johannes Sleidanus Briefwechsel. Strass- 

burg, 1 88 1. 
Beccadelli, L. Monumenti di varia letteratura tratti dai 

manoscritti di Mgr. L. B., ed. Morandi. Bologna, 1797-1804. 
Beccari, C., S.J. Rerum Aethiopicarum Scriptores occidentales 

inediti a saeculo XVI. ad XIX. Vols. V. and X. Roma, 

1907, 1910. 
Beluzzi, G. B. (detto il Sammarino), Diario autobiogr., ed. P. 

Egidi, Napoli, 1907. 
Benign i, U. Die Getreidpolitik der Papste. Ed. G. Ruhland, 

Berlin, 1898. 

Benrath, K. Die Reformation in Venedig. Halle, 1887. 
Berliner., A. Geschichte der Juden in Rom von clem altesten 

zeiten bis zur Gegenwart. 2 vols. Frankfurt a.M., 1893. 
Bernabei, Vita del Card. Morone. Modena, 1885. 
Bernino, D. Historia cli tutte 1 heresie. Vol. IV., Venezia, 

1724. 

Berthier, J . J . L eglise de la Minerve a Rome. Rome, 1910. 
Bertolotti, A. Artisti Lombardi a Roma nei secoli XV., XVI., 

e XVII. Studi e richerche negli archivi Romani. 2 vols., 

Milano, 1881. 
Artisti Modenesi, Parmesi e della Lunigiana a Roma nei 

secoli XV., XVI., e XVII. Modena, 1882. 
Artisti Bolognesi, Ferrarese ed alcuni altri a Roma. 

Bologna, 1885. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XI 

Bertolotti, A. Artisti subalpini a Roma. Mantova, 1885. 
- Artisti Veneti a Roma. Venezia, 1885. 

Martiri del libero pensiero e vittime della Santa In- 

quisizione nei secoli XVI., XVII., e XVIII. Roma, 1891. 

Biaudet, Henri, Les nonciatures apostoliques permanentes 

jusqu en 1648 (Annales academiae scientarum fennica. Series 

B., Vol. II., i). Helsinki, 1910. 

Boglino, L. La Sicilia a i suoi cardinali. Palermo, 1884. 
Bonanni, Ph. Numismata Pontificum Romanorum qua? a 

tempore Martini V. ad annum 1699 ve l authoritate publica 

vel private genio in lucem prodiere. Vol. II., Romae, 1699. 
Bonazzi, L. Storia di Perugia. 2 vols., 1875-1879. 
Bongi, S. Annali di Giolito de Ferrari da Trino di Monferrato, 

stampatore di Venezia. 2 vols. Roma, 1890 seqq. 
Borgati, M. Castel di S. Angelo in Roma. Roma, 1890. 
[Borgia, Franciscus}. Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, quartus Gandias 

dux et Societatis Jesu praepositus generalis tertius. Vol. I., 

Matriti, 1894 ; Vol. II., 1903 ; vol. III., 1908. 
Boverius, Z. Annales sive historian ordinis minorum S. Francisci 

qui Capuccini nuncupatur. 2 vols. Lugduni, 1632 seq. 
Braunsberger, O., S.J. Beati Petri Canisii Epistulae et Acta. 

Vols. I.-IV. Frib. Brisg., 1896-1905. 
Brischar, N. Beurteilung der Kontroversen Sarpis und Pal- 

lavicinis in der Geschichte des Trienter Konzils. Tubingen, 

1844. 
Bromato, C. Storia di Paolo IV., P. M. 2 vols. Ravenna, 

1748-1753. 
Brosch, M. Geschichte des Kirchenbtaates. Vol. I., Gotha, 1880. 

Geschichte Englands. Vol. VI. Gotha, 1890. 

Brown, Rawdon, Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts re 
lating to English affairs in the archives of Venice and in 
other libraries of Northern Italy. Vols. V. VII. London, 
1873-1890. 

Bucholtz, F. BY. Geschichte der Regierung Ferdinands I. 9 
vols., Vienna, 1831-1838. 

Bufalini, L. La pianta di Roma di L. B. del 1551. Riprodotta, 
con introduz. di F. Ehrle S.J. [Also under the title of Roma 
al tempo di Giulio 1 1 I.I. Roma, 1911. 

Bullarium Diplomatmn et Pri \dlegiorum Summorum Romanorum 
Pontificum, Taurinensis editio. Vol. VI. Aug. Taur., 1860 ; 
vol. VII., Neapoli, 1882. 

Bullarium ordinis fratrum min. S. Franc. Capucinorum. Vol. 
I. Romae, 1740. 

Bunsen-Platner, Beschreibung der Stadt Rom. 3 vols. Stutt 
gart and Tubingen, 1829-1842. 

Burckhardt, J. Beitrage zur Kunstgeschichte von Italien. 2nd 
ed., Berlin und Stuttgart, 1911. 

Buschbell, G. Reformation und Inquisition in Italien um die 
Mitte des 16 Jahrhunderts. Paderborn, 1910. 

Cabrera, Felipe segundo. 4 vols. Madrid, 1876 seq. 
Calenzio, G. Document! inediti e nuovi lavori lettera,rii sul 
Concilio di Trerito. Roma, 1874. 



Xll COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Callari, L. I Palazzi di Roma e le case di pregio storico ed 

artistico. Roma, 1907. 
Campori, G. CIII. Lettere inedite di Sommi Pontefici. Modena, 

1878. 
Cancellieri, Fr. Storia del solenni Possess! del Sommi Pontefici. 

Roma, 1802. 
Cancellieri, Fr. II Mercato, il Lago dell Acqua Vergine ed il 

Palazzo Panfiliano nel Circo Agonale. Roma, 1811. 
Cantit, F. Gli Eretici d ltalia. 3 vols. Torino, 1864-1866. 
Capecelatro, Card. Der heilige Philippus Neri. Freib. i. Br., 

1886. [Eng. Trans, by T. A. Pope.} 

Caracciolus, A. De vita Pauli IV. P. M. Coloniae, 1612. 
Cardella, L. Memorie storiche de cardinal! della s. Romana 

chiesa. Vol. IV. Roma, 1793. 
Caro, A . Lettere colla vita dell autore scritta da A . F. Seghezzi. 

3 vols. Milano, 1807. 
Caro, A. Lettere scritte a nome del Card. A. Farnese. 3 vols. 

Milano, 1807. 

Cartas di 5. Ignacio, see Ignatius de Loiola. 

Carte Strozziane : Inventario. ist series, 2 vols. Firenze, 1884. 
Casa, Giov. della, Opere. 6 vols. Napoli, 1733. 
Castaldo, G. B. Vita del S. Pontefice Paolo IV. Roma, 1615. 
Cavalcanti, B. Lettere tratte dagli original!. Bologna, 1869. 
Charriere, E. Negotiations de la France dans le Levant (Collect. 

d. docum. ined. pour 1 hist. de France). Vol. I. Paris, 

1848. 
Chattard, Giov. P., Nuova descrizione del Vaticano. Vols. I. III. 

Roma, 1762-1767. 
Chiesi, L. Papa Giulio III. e la guerra di Parma e della Mirandola 

secondo il carteggio d Ippolito Capilupi con Ferrante Gon- 

zaga : Atti e Memorie della r. deput. di stor. patria per 

le prov. Modenese. 4th series, vol. III. Modena, 1892. 
Ciaconius, Alph. Vita et res gestse Pont. Romanorum et S.R.E. 

Cardinalium ab Aug. Oldoino recognita. Vol. III. Romae, 

1677. 
Ciampi, S. Bibliografia critica delle corrispondenze dell Italia 

colla Russia, colla Polonia, etc. 3 vols. Firenze, 1834- 

1842. 

Clausse. Les San Gallo. 3 vols. Paris, 1900-1902. 
Clementi, F. II Carnevale Romano nelle cronache contemporanee. 

Roma, 1899. 
Coggiola, G. I. Fames! ed il conclave di Paolo IV. con document! 

inediti : Stud! stork! IX., 61-91, 203-227, 449-479, Pisa, 

1900. 

- Paolo IV. e la capitolazione segreta di Cavi. Pistoia, 1900. 
Ascanio della Cornia e la sua condotta negli avvenimenti 

del 1555 a 1556 : Bullettino della r. deput. di stor. patria 

per I Umbria, X., 89-148, 221-362, Perugia, 1904. 

I. Farnesi ed il ducato di Parma e Piacenza durante il 



pontificate di Paolo IV. : Archiv. stor. per le prov. Parmensi, 
Nuova Serie, III., 1-282, Parma, 1905. 

Condivi, A. Das Leben des Michelangelo Buonarroti. Vienna, 
1874. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. Xlll 

Coppi, A. Discorso sopra le finanze di Roma nei secoli di mezzo. 
Roma, 1847. 

Memorie Colonnesi compilate. Roma, 1855. 

Corpo diplomatico Portuguez, p.p. Luiz Aug. Rebella da Silva 

Vols. 6-7, Lisbon, 1884 seq. 
Corpus Reformatorum. Philippi Melancthonis opera quae super- 

sunt omnia, edidit C. G. Bretschneider. Vol. I. seqq., Halis 

Sax, 1834 seqq. 
Cros, J. M. St. Francois de Xavier. Sa vie et ses lettres. 2 

vols., Toulouse, 1900. 
Cugnoni, G. Prose inedite del Comm. Anibale Caro, pubbl. e 

annotate da G. C. Imola, 1872. 
Cupis, C. de Le vicende dell agricoltura e della pastonzia dell 

agro Romano e 1 Annona di Roma. Roma, 1911. 

Dandolo, Matteo. Relazione di Roma 1551 (In Alberi, Relazioni 
degli ambasciatori Veneti. 2nd series, vol. III., 331 seqq. 
Firenze, 1846). 

Dembinski, B. De Beschickung des Tridentinums durch Polen. 
Breslau, 1883. 

Rzym i Europa. Vol. I. Krakau, 1890. 

Dengel, J. Geschichte des Palazzo di S. Marco, genannt Palazzo 

di Venezia. Leipzig, 1909. 
Desjardins, A. Negociations diplomatiques de la France ayec 

la Toscane. Documents recueillies par Gius. Canestrini. 

Vol. I. seqq., Paris, 1859 seq. 
Des job. L influence du Concile de Trente sur la litterature et 

les beaux-arts. Paris, 1884. 
Dierauer, J. Geschichte de schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft. 

Vols. I.-IIL, Gotha, 1887 seqq. 
Dionysius, P. L. and Aug. de Gabriellis, Sacrarum Vaticanae 

basilicas cryptarum monumenta seneis tabulis incisa et com- 

mentariis illustrata. Romae, 1773- 
Dispacci di Germania. Publ. by the Historischen Kommission 

der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Vols. 

I. -III. Ed. by Turba. Vienna, 1889-1895. 
Documenta ad legationem Cardinalis Poll spectantia. Romae, 

1896. (For private circulation). 
Dollinger, J. J. Beitrage zur politischen, kirchlichen und 

Kulturgeschichte der sechs letzten Jahrhunderte. Vols. 

II., III., Regensburg and Vienna, 1863-1882. 
Druffel, A. von, Briefe und Akten zur Geschichte des 16 Jahrhun- 

derts mit besonderer Riicksichtnahme auf Bayerns Fiirsten- 

haus. Vols. I. -IV., Munich, 1873 seq. 
Dufresne, D. Les Cryptes Vaticanes. Paris-Rome, 1902. 
Duhr, B., S./., Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Landern deutscher 

Zunge im XVI. Jahrhundert. Vol. I., Freib. i. Br., 1907. 
Duruy, G. Le cardinal Carlo Carafa (1519-1561). Etude sur 

le pontiftcat de Paul IV. Paris, 1882. 

Ebe, G. Die Spatrenaissence. Vol. I. Berlin, 1886. 
Egger, H. Romische Veduten. Handzeichnungen aus dem 
15-18 Jahrhundert. Vienna und Leipzig, 1911. 



XIV COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Ehrenberg, H. Urkunden und Aktenstiicke zur Geschichte der 

in der heutigen Provinz Posen vereinigten ehemals polnischen 
Landesteile. Leipzig, 1892 
Ehrle, F. See Bufalini. 

- Roma prima di Sisto V. La pianta di Roma Du Perac- 

Lafrery del 1577. Roma, 1908. 
Ehses, St. Concilium Tridentinum. Vols. IV., V., Actorum 

pars i and 2. Frib. Brisg., 1904, 1911. 

Eichhorn, A. Der ermlandische Bischof und Kardinal Stanis 
laus Hosius. 2 vols., Mayence, 1854-1855. 
EpistolcB mixtee ex variis Europae locis ab anno 1537 a d J 556 

scriptae, nunc primum a Patribus Societatis Jesu in lucem 

editae. 5 vols., Matriti, 1898-1901. 
Epistolce P. Alphonsi Salmeronis S. J. ex autographis vel originali- 

bus exemplis potissimum depromptae a Patribus eiusdem 

Soc. nunc primum editae. Vols. I, II. (1536-1585). Matriti, 

1906, 1907. 
Epistolce p.p. Pasch. Brotei, Claudii Jaji, Joannis Codarii et 

Simonis Roderici Soc. Jesu. Matriti, 1903. 
Epistolce quadrimestres ex universis praeter Indiam et Brasiliam 

locis, in quibus aliqui de Societate Jesu versabantur, Romam 

missae. Vols. I.-IV. Matriti, 1894-1900. 
Erulei, R. La Villa di Giulio III. suoi usi e destinazioni : Nuova 

Antologia, Roma, 1890. 
Escher, Konrad, Barock und Klassizismus. Studien zur Geschichte 

der Architektur Roms. Leipzig [1910]. 
Etudes. Revue fondee en 1856 par des P6res de la Cie de Jesus. 

Paris, 1856 seqq. 
Eymericus, N. Directorium Inquisitorum cum commentario 

Franc. Pegnce. Romae, 1587. 



Fabricius, G. Roma. Basileae, 1551. 

Fan/am, Spigolatura Michelangiolesca. Firenze, 1876. 

Fantuzzi, G. Notizie degli scrittori Bolognesi. 9 vols. Bologna, 

1871-1794. 

Favre, J. Olivier de Magny (1529-1561). Paris, 1885. 
Ferri, A. L Architettura in Roma nei secoli XV. e XVI. Roma, 

1867. 
Fichard, J. Italia (Frankfurtischen Archiv fur altere deutsche 

Literatur und Geschichte). Frankfurt a. M., 1875. 
Firmani, Lud. Bondoni de Branchis. Diaria caeremonialia, 

ed. 5. Merkle, Concil. Trid. II., Friburgi Brisq., 1911. 
Fontana J B. Document! Vaticani contro 1 heresia Luterana 

in Italia. Archivio della Soc. Rom. di storia patria, XV., 

Roma, 1892. 
- Renata di Francia, duchessa di Ferrara. 3 vols., Roma, 

1889-1894. 
[Fontanini] Della istoria del dominio temporale della Sede Apos. 

nel Ducato di Parma e Piacenza. Roma, 1720. 
Forcella, V. Iscrizioni delle chiese e d altri edifice di Roma dal 

secolo XI. fino ai giorni nostri. 14 vols, Roma, 1869- 

1885. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XV 

Fouqueray, H. Histoire de la Compagnie de Jesus en France. 

Vol. I. Les Origines et les premieres luttes. Paris, 1910. 
Friedensburg, see Nuntiaturberichte. 

Friedldnder, W. Das Kasino Pius IV. Leipzig, 1912. 
Fueter, E. Geschichte der neueren Historiographie. Munich, 

1911. 
Fumi, L. L Inquisizione Romana e lo stata di Milano. Milano, 

1910. 

Gachard, L. Correspondance de Philippe II. sur les affaires des 

Pays-Bas. Vol. I., Bruxelles, 1848. 

- Les Archives du Vatican. Bruxelles 1874. 
Gairdner, H. The English Church in the sixteenth century from 

the accession of Henry VIII. to the death of Mary. London, 

1902. 
Gams, B. Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae. Ratisbonae. 

1873. 
Garampi, G. Saggi di osservazioni sul valore delle antiche 

monete pontiticie con appendice di clocumenti. [Roma, 

Gatticus, I. B. Acta cseremonialia S. Romana ecclesiae ex MSS. 

codicibus. Vol. I. Roma?, 1753. 
Gayangos, P. de, Calendar of Letters, Despatches and State 

Papers, relating to the negotiations between England and 

Spain preserved in the Archives of Simancas and elsewhere. 

Vols. V.-VIIL, London, 1886-1904. 
Gave, E. G. Carteggio inedito d artisti dei secoli XV.-XVII 

3 vols. Firenze, 1840. 
Geijer, C. G. Geschichte Schwedens. 3 vols. Hamburg, 1832- 

1836. 
Geymuller, H. von. Die urspriinglichen Entwiirfe fur St. Peter 

in Rom. 2 vols. Vienna and Paris, 1875-1880. 
Michelangelo Buonarotti als Architekt. Miinchen, 1904 

(Vol. VIII. of Der Architektur dcr Renaissance in Toskana). 
Giordani, P. II Vignola a Roma (Memorie e studi interno a 

Jacopo Barozzi). Vignola, 1908. 
Giornale Storico della letteratura Italiana. Vols. I. seqq. Roma 

Torino Firenze, 1883 seqq. 
Gnoli, D. Have Roma. Chiese, Monumenti, Case, Palazzi, 

Piazze, Fontane, Ville. Roma, 1909. 
Goller, Emil. Die papsliche Ponitentiarie von ihrem Ursprung 

bis zu ihrer Umgestaltung unter Pius V. Vol. II., Rom., 

1911 (Bibliothek des Kgl. Preussischen Historischen Instituts 

in Rom, vols. 7 and 8). 
Gori, F. Archivio storico, artistico, archeologico e letterano 

della citta e provincia di Roma. Vols. I.-IV., Roma e 

Spoleto, 1875-1883. 
Gothein, E. Ignatius von Loyola und die Gegenreformation. 

Halle, 1895. 

Graf. A. Attraverso il Cinquecento. Torino, 1888. 
Gratianus, A. M. De vita Joannis Francisci Commendoni 

Cardinalis, Parisiis, 1669. 



XVI COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Grate, H. Geschichte der Juden bis auf die Gegenwart. n vols. 

Leipzig, 1866. 
Gregoroviu^ F. Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter Vols 

VI., VII., 3rd ed. Stuttgart, 1879-1880. 
Grimm, H. Leben Michelangelos. 2 vols., 5th ed. Berlin, 

1879. 
Guglielmotti, Alb. La guerra dei pirati dal 1500 al 1560. 2 vols. 

Firenze, 1876. 

- Storia delle fortificazioni nella spiaggia Roma. Roma, 

1880. 

Guhl, E. Kiinstlerbriefe. 2 vols., 2nd ed. Berlin, 1880. 
Gulik, W. van. Johannes Gropper 1503-1559). Fin Beitrage 

zur Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, besonclers der Rhein- 

lande im 16 Jahrhundert. Freib. i. Br., 1906. 
Gulik-Eubcl. Hierarchia Catholica medii eevi. Vol. III., saec. 

XVI. ab anno 1503 complectens. Monasterii, 1910. 
Gurlilt, C. Geschichte des Barockstiles in Italien. Stuttgart, 

Haas, H. Geschichte des Christenthums in Japan. Vol. I., 

Tokio, 1902. 
Hdberlin, Fr. D. Neueste teutsche Reichsgeschichte, vom 

Anfange des Schmalkaldischen Krieges bis auf unsere Zeiten. 

20 vols., Halle, 1774-1786. 
Haefer, H. Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medizin und der 

epidemischen Krankheiten. Vols. I. and III. Tena 1875- 

1882. 
Hefner, J. Die Entstehungsgeschichte des Trienter Recht- 

fertigungsdekrets. Paderborn, 1909. 
Heimbucher, M. Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen 

Kirche. 3 vols., 2nd ed. Paderborn, 1907-1908. 
Helbig, W. Fiihrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klassicher 

Altertiimer in Rom. 2 vols., 2nd ed. Leipzig, 1899. 
Hergenrother, J. Katholische Kirche und christlicher Staat. 

Frieb. i. Br., 1872. 
Hermanin, F. Die Stadt Rom im 15 und 16 Jahrhundert. 

Leipzig, 1911. 
Herre, P. Papsttum und Papstwahl im Zeitalter Philipps II. 

Leipzig, 1907. 
Herzog, J. J. Real-Enzyklopadie. Vols. I.-XXL, 3rd ed., 

Leipzig, 1896-1908. 
Hilgers, /., S.J. Der Index der verbotenen Bucher. Freib. 

i. Br., 1904. 
Hinojosa, Ricardo de. Los despachos de la diplomacia pontificia 

en Espana. Vol. I. Madrid, 1896. 
Hinschius, P. System des katholischen Kirchenrechts. Berlin, 

1869. 
Holzwarth, F. J. Der Abfall der Niederlaude. 2 vols. Schaff- 

hausen, 1865-1872. 
Hoogewerff, G. J. Nederlandsche Schilders in Italie in de XVI. 

eeuw. Utrecht, 1912. 
Hosii, St. Epistola. Vol. 2 (1551-1558). Ed. F. Hipler et 

V. Zarkzewski. Cracovia, 1886-1888. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XV11 

Huber, A. Geschichte Osterreichs. Vols. III. and IV. Gotha, 

1888-1892. 

Hubert, F. Vergerios publizistische Tatigkeit. Gottingen, 1893. 
Hubner, P. G. Le Statue di Roma. Vol. I. Quellen und Samm- 

lungen. Leipzig, 1912. 
Hulsen und Egger. Die romischen Skizzenbiicher des Marten 

van Heemskerck. Vol. I., Berlin, 1913. 

Ignatius de Loiola. Cartas. 6 vols. Madrid, 1874-1889. 

Janssen, J. Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgang 
des Mittelalters. Vol. I. to III., iyth and i8th ed. Freib. 
i. Br., 1897-1899. 

Kallab, W. Vasari-Studien. Wien, 1908. 

Kerker, M. Reginald Pole. Freib. i. Br., 1874. 

Kervyn de Lettenhove. Relations politiques des Pays-Bas et de 

1 Angleterre sous Philippe II. Vol. I. Bruxelles, 1882. 
Koch, M. Untersuchungen iiber die Emporung und die Abfall der 

Neiderlande von Spanien. Leipzig, 1860. 
Krasinski, V. A. Geschichte der Reformation in Polen. Leipzig, 

1841. 
Kraus, F. X. Geschichte der christlichen Kunst. 2 vols. Freib. 

i. Br., 1908. 
Krones, F. von. Handbuch der Geschichte Osterreichs. Vol. 

III. Berlin, 1877. 

Laemmer, H. Zur KirchengeL-chichte des 16 und 17 Jahrhunderts. 

Freib. i. Br., 1863. 

Meletematum Romanorum mantissa. Ratisbonae, 1875. 

Monumenta Vaticana historiam ecclesiasticam saeculi 

XVI. illustrantia. Friburgi Brisg., 1861. 
Lanciani, R. Storia degli Scavi di Roma. Vols. I. to III. 

Roma, 1902-1908. 
The golden days of the Renaissance in Rome. London, 

1907. 
Lanssac, M. de (Louis de Saint-Gelais) . Correspondance politique, 

p.p. Charles Sauze, 1548-1557. Archives hist, du Poitou. 

Vol. XXXIIL, 1904. 
Lanz., K. Korrespondenz des Kaisers Karl V., aus dem Kgl. 

Archiv und der " Biblioth de Bourgogne " zu Briissel. 

3 vols. Leipzig, 1844-1846. 
Latinius, Latimus. Lucubrationes. Vol. II. Epistoiae, coniec- 

turae et observationes sacra profanaque eruditione ornatae. 

Romae et Viterbii, 1659, 1667. 
Lauchert, F. Die italianischen literarischen Gegner Luthers. 

Freib. i. Br., 1912. 
Laugwilz. Bartholomaus Carranza, Erzbischof von Toledo. 

Kempten, 1870. 
Legazioni di A. Serristori, ambasciatore di Cosimo I. a Carlo V. 

e in corte di Roma, con note di G. Canestrini, pubbl. dal 

conte Luigi Sernstori. Firenze, 1853. 
Le Plat, J. Monument oru in ad hist, concilii Tridentini cnllectio. 

7 vols. Lovanii, 1781-1787. 

VOL, XHJ. h 



XV111 COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Letarouilly, P. Edifices de Rome moderne. Paris, 1868. 
Lettere al Aretino. Venezia, 1552. 

Lettere de principi. 3 vols., 3rd ed. Venezia, 1570-1577. 
Leva, G. de. Storia clocumentata di Carlo V. in correlazione all 

Italia. Vols. I.-V. Venezia, Padova, Bologna, 1863-1895. 
Lili, C. Historia di Camerino. Macerata, 1652. 
Lingard, J. History of England. Vol. VII. London, 1838. 
Litta, P. Famiglie celebri Italiane. Disp. 1-183, Milano e 

Torino, 1819-1881. 
Llorente, J. A. Geschichte der spanischen Inquisition. 4 vols. 

Gmund, 1819-1822. 
Lossen, M. Briefe des Andreas Masius und seine Freunde (1538 

1573). Leipzig, 1886. 
Lutolf, A . Die Schweizergarde in Rom, ihre Bedeutung und ihre 

Wirkungen im 16 Jahrhundert. Einsiedeln, 1859. 
Luzio, A. Un prognostico satirico di Pietro Aretino (1534). 

Bergamo, 1900. 

Mackowsky, H. Michelangniolo. Berlin, 1908. 

Manareus, Olivierus, S.J. De rebus Societatis Jesu Commen- 

tarius. Florentiae, 1886 (privately printed). 
Marcks, E. Caspar von Coligny. Sein Leben und das Frankreich 

seiner zeit. Vol.1. Stuttgart, 1892. 
Manni, D. M. Istoria degli anni santi dal loro principle fino al 

presenta del MDCCL. Firenze, 1750. 
Marcellino da Civezza. Storia universale delle Missioni Francis- 

cane. Vols. VI., VII. Prato, 1881 seq. 
Marini, G. Degli archiatri pontifici. Vols. I., II. Roma, 

1748. 
Marocco, G. Monument! dello Stato Pontificio. Vols. I.-XIL, 

Roma, 1833-1836. 
Martin, J. F. " Le Cardinal Pole. Bulletin de 1 archiconfraternite 

de N. D. de Compassion. IV., 335-352 ; V., 92-118; VI., 

43-59. Paris, 1903-1905. 
Masius, A. Briefe. See Lossen. 
Massarelli, Angela. Diaria V.-VIL, ed. 5. Merkle, Concil. 

Trirl. II. Friburgi Brisg., 1911. 
Maurenbrecher, W. Karl V. und die deutschen Protestanten 

I 545-*555- Diisseldorf, 1885. 
Maynier, L. Etude historic ue sur le concile de Trente. Paris, 

1874. 
Mazzuchelh, G. M. Gli scrittori d ltalia. 2 vols. Brescia, 



Meaux, de. Les luttes religieuses en France au i6 me siecle. Paris 

1879. 
Menzel, K. A . Neuere Geschichte der Deutschen seit der Refor 

mation. Vol. I. seqq., 2nd ed. Breslau. 1854 seq. 
Mercati, G. Per la storia della Biblioteca Apostolica bibliotecario 

Cesare Baronio. Perugia, 1910. 
Merkle, S. Concilii Tridentini Diariorum, Pars I. et II. Collegit, 

edidit, illustravit. Friburgi, Brisg., 1901, 1911. 
Meyer, A.O. England und die katholische Kirche unter Elisabeth 

Rom, IQII [English transl. by /. R. McKee (Cong. Or at}]. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XIX 

Michaelis, A. Geschichte des Statuenhofes im vaticanischen 
Belvedere : Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen In- 
stituts, V., Berlin, 1891. 

Romische Skizzenbiicher Marten van Heemskerks und 

anderer nordischer Kiinstler des 16 Jahrhunderts.: Jahrbuch 
des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts, VI., 125-172, 
218-238 ; VII., 83-105. Berlin, 1892-1893. 

Michelangelo. Lettere pubblicate coi ricordi ed i contratti 
artistici, per cura di G. Milanesi. Firenze, 1875. 

Mocenigo, Luigi. Relazione di Roma, 1560. Alberi, Relazioni, 
2nd series, vol. IV. Firenze, 1857. 

Monumenta Ignatiana ex autographis vel ex antiquioribus exemplis 
collecta. Series I., Sancti Ignatii de Loyola Epistolae et 
Instructiones, 6 vols , Matriti, 1903-1907 Series IV. 
Scripta de Sancto Ignatio de Loyola, vol. I. Matriti, 1904. 

Monumenta Xaveriana ex autographis vel ex antiquioribus 
exemplis collecta. Vol. I. Matriti, 1900. 

Moroni, G. Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastico da 
S. Pietro sino si nostri giorni. 109 vols. Venezia, 1840-1879. 

Mullbauer, Max. Geschichte der Katholischen Missionen in 
Ostindien von Vasco di Gama bis zur Mitte des 18 Jahr 
hunderts. Munich, 1851. 

Mutter, Th. Das Konklave Pius IV., 1559. Gotha, 1889. 

Muntz., E. La Bibliotheque du Vatican au XVI. e siecle. Paris, 
1886. 

- Historie de 1 Art pendant la Renaissance. Italie. 3 
vols. Paris, 1889-1895. 

Muzio, Girol. Lettere conservate nell Archivio di Parma, ed. 
A. Ronchini. Parma [1864]. 

Nadal, /"., S.J. Epistolae et anno 1546 ad 1577 nunc primum 

editse. 4 vols. Matriti, 1898-1905. 
Navagero, Bern. Relazione di Roma 1558, in Albdri, Relazioni, 

2nd series, vol. III. Firenze, 1846. 
Noack, F. Das deutsche Rom. Rom, 1912. 
Noncialures de France. See Ancel. 
Nores, Pietro. Storia della guerra di Paolo IV., contro gli Spag- 

nuoli corredata di documenti (Archivio stor. Italiano, Series 

i, vol. XII.). Firenze, 1847. 

Novaes, G. de. Storia de pontefici. Vol. VII. Roma, 1822. 
Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland nebst erganzenden Aktens- 

tiicken. Im Auftrag des Konigl. Preussischen Instituts, 

von W. Friedensburg. Vols. I.-VI. and VIII.-X. Gotha, 

1892-1908. 

Oldecop, Joh. Chronik, herausg. von K. Ruling in der Bibliothek 
des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart. Vol. 190. Tubingen, 
1891. 

Orano, D. Liberi pensatori. Roma, 1904. 

Orlandinus, N. Historia Societatis Jesu. Prima pars. Romae, 
1650. 

Padiglione, C. La Biblioteca del Museo Nazionale nella, Certosa 
di S. Martino in Napoli ed i suoi manoscritti. Napoli, 1876. 



XX COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Pagliucchi, P. I Castellan! del Castel S. Angelo di Roma con 
document! inediti relativi alia storia della Mole Adriana 
tolti dall Archivio Segreto Vaticano e da altri archivi. 
Vol. I., pars. 2. I Castellan! Vescovi (1464-1566). Roma, 
1909. 

Palandri, E. P. Les Negotiations politiques et religieuses entre 
la Toscane et la France a 1 epoque de Cosme I et de Catherine 
de Medicis (1544-1580) d apres les documents des archives 
de 1 etat a Florence et a Paris. Paris, 1908. 

Pallavicini, Sf. IstoriadelConciliodiTrento. 3 vols. Roma, 1664. 
Palmieri, G. Ad Vatican! archivi Romanorum pontificum 

Regesta manducatio Romae, 1884. 
Pasini-Frassoni. Armorial des Papes. Rome, 1906. 
[Passarini, LJ] Memorie intorno alia vita di Silvestro Aldo- 

brandini con appendice di document!. Roma, 1878. 
Pastor, L. Die kirklichen Reunionsbestrebungen wahrend der 
Regierung Karls V. Freiburg, 1879. 

- Allgemeine Dekrete der Romischen Inquisition aus den 
Jahren 1555 bis 1597. Nach dem Notariatsprotokoll des 
S. Uffizio. Freib. i. Br., 1912. 

Peiramellarius, Jo Ant. Ad librum O. Panvinii de Summis 

Pontif. et S. R. E. cardinalibus a Paulo IV. ad Clementis 

VIII. annum pontificatus octavum continuatio. Bononiae, 

1599- 

Petrucelli della Gattina, F. Histoire diplomatique des Conclaves. 

Vol. II. Paris, 1864. 

Pieper, A. Die papstlichen Legaten und Nuntien in Deutsch- 
land, Frankreich und Spanien seit der Mitte des 16 Jahr 
hunderts. Part i : Die Legaten und Nuntien Julius III., 
Marcellus II. und Pauls IV. (1550-1559) und ihre Instruk- 
tionen. Miinster, 1897. 

Pierling, P. La Russie et la Saint-Siege. Vol. I. Paris, 1896. 
Pirenne, H. Geschichte Belgiens. Vol. III. (1477-1567). 

Gotha, 1907. 

Plon, C. Cellini orfevre, medailleur, sculpteur. Recherches sur 
sa vie, sur son ceuvre et sur les pieces qui lui sont attributes. 
Paris, 1883. 

Pogiani, Julii. Sunensis epistolae et orationes olim collects 
ab Antonio Maria Gratiano nunc ab Hieronymo Lagomar- 
sinio a Soc. Jesu adnotationibus illustrate ac primum editae. 
Vols. I. -IV. Romae, 1762. 

Polanco, S. A. de, S. J. Vita Ignatii Loiolae, Matriti, 1894-98. 
Pollidorus, P. De Vita, gestis et moribus Marcclli II. Romae, 

1744. 

Postina, A. Der Karmelit Eberhard Billick. Freib. i. Br., 
1901. 

Quellen und Forschungen aus italianischen Bibliotheken und 

Archiven. Herausg, von dem Preuss. Histor. Institut. Vol. 

I. seqq., Rom, 1898 seqq. 
Ouetif-Echard, Scriptores ordinis Prasdicatorum recensiti notisque 

historicis et criticis illustrati, etc. Vol. I. Lut. Parisior, 

1719. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. xxi 

Quirini, A. M. Collectio Epistolarum Reginald! Poll. 5 vols. 
Brixiae, 1744-1757. 

Rachfahl, F. Wilhelm von Oranien und der niederlandische 

"Auf stand. Vol.1. Halle a. S., 1906. 

Ranke, L. von. Englische Geschichte. Vol. I. Berlin, 1859. 
Die romische Papste in den letzten vier Jahrhunderten. 

Vols. I. and III., 6th ed. Leipzig, 1874. 

Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation. 

Vols. III.-VL, 6th ed. Leipzig, 1881. 

Raynaldus, 0. Annales ecclesiastic! . Vols. XIV., XV. Lucae, 

1755-1756. 
Reimann, C. Der Streit zwischen Papsttum und Kaisertum 

im Jahre, 1558 : Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, V. 

Gottingen, 1865. 
Papst Paul IV. und das Kaisertum : Abhandlungen der 

Schlesischen Gesellschaft fur vaterlandische Kultur. Phil.- 

hist. Abteilung, 1871. 
Reinhardt, H., und Steffens, F. Die Nuntiatur von Giovanni 

Francesco Bonhomini, 1579-1581. Introduction: Studien 

zur Geschichte der katholischen Schweiz im Zeitalter Carlo 

Borromeos. Solothurn, 1910. 
Relacve Nuncyuszow Apostolskich i innych os6b o Polsce od 

roku 1548 do 1690, ed. E. Rykaczewski. Vol. I., Berlin 

Poznan, 1864. 
Renazzi, F. M. Storia dell universita degli studi di Roma, 

detta la Sapienza. 2 vols. Roma, 1803-1804. 
Reumont, A. Die Carafa von Maddaloni. Vol. I. Berlin, 1851. 

Geschichte der Stadt Rom. Vol. III. Berlin, 1870. 

- Geschichte Toskanas. Gotha, 1876. 

Rensch, H. Der Index der vorbotenen Biicher. 2 vols. Bonn, 

1883-1885. 
Ribier, G. Lettres et Memoires d Estat, des roys, princes, 

ambassadeurs et autres ministres sous les regnes de Fra^ois 

L, Henri II. et Francois II. 2 vols. Paris, 1866. 
Rieger, P. and Vogelstein, H. Geschichte der Juden in Rom. 

2 vols. Berlin, 1895-1896. 
Riegl, Alois. Die Einstehung der Barockkunst in Rom. Akad- 

emische Vorlesungen. Vienna, 1908. 
Riess, L. Die Politik Pauls IV. und seiner Nepoten. Eine 

weltgeschichtliche Krisis des 16 Jahrh. (Historische Studien 

Heft 67). Berlin, 1909. 

Riezler, S. Geschichte Bayerns. Vol. IV. Gotha, 1899. 
Ripoll-Bremond. Bullarium Ord. Praedicatorum. Vol. IV. 

Romae, 1732. 
Ritler, M. Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Gegenreforma- 

tion und des Dreiszigjahrigen Krieges (1555-1648). Vol. 

I., 1555-1586. Stuttgart, 1889. 
Rocchi, E. Le piante iconografiche e prospettive cli Roma del 

secolo XVI. colla .reproduzione degli studi original! autografi 

di A. da Sangallo il Giovane per le fortificazioni di Roma, 

etc. Torino-Roma, 1902. 



XX11 COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Rodocanachi, E. Le Saint-Siege et les Juifs. Le ghetto a 

Rome. Paris, 1891. 

Le Capitole Romain antique et moderne. Paris, 1904. 

Le chateau Saint- Ange. Paris, 1909. 

Rome au temps de Jules II. et de Leon X. Paris, 1912. 

Romier, L. La crise gallicane de 1551 : Revue historique, CVIIL, 

225-250 ; CIX., 27-55. Paris, 1911-1912. 
[Ronchini, A.] Lettere d Uomini illustri conservate in Parma 

nel R. Archivio dello Stato. Vol. I. Parma, 1853. 
Roseo, Mambrino. Delia historic del mondo, Parte III. Aggiunta 

alle historic di Giov. Tarcagnota. Venezia, 1598. 
Rot, Matthceus. Itinerarium Romanicum anno domini 1554. 

Herausg von Gmelin in der Zeitschrift fiir Geschichte des 

Oberrheins, XXXII. Karlsruhe, 1880. 

Sdgmuller, J. B. Die Papstwahlbullen und das staatliche Recht 

der Exklusive. Tubingen, 1892. 

Die Papstwahlen (1447-1555). Tubingen, 1890. 

Samm, Ch. de. Une question Italienne au XVI. e siecle. Paris, 

1861. 

Sandonini, L. Castelvetro. Bologna, 1882. 
Santarem (Visconde de), Quadro elementar das relacoes politicas 

e diplomaticas de Portugal com as diversas potencias do 

mundo tesdo a principio da Moriarchia portugaeza ate aos 

nossos dias. Vol. III. Lisboa, 1874. 
Sarpi [Pietro Soave Polano]. Historia del concilio Tridentino. 

4th ed.. Geneva, 1660. 
Sauze, see Lanssac. 
Scarabelli, Luciano. Summarii delle cose notabili seguite in 

Roma dal principio d aprile 1556 a tutto guigno 1557, scritti 

verisimilmente da Fr. Babbi (Archivio storico Ital. XII., 

345 seqq.) Firenze, 1847. 
Schdfer, E. Beitrage zur Geschichte des spanischen Protestantis- 

mus und der Inquisition im 16 Jahrhundert. Vols. I. 

seqq., Giitersloh, 1902. 
Schdfer, H. Geschichte Portugals. 5 vols. Hamburg, 1836- 

1854. 
Schmid, J. Die deutsche Kaiser-und-K6nigswahl und die 

romische Kurie in den Jahren 1538-1620 (Historisches 

Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesellschaft, Vol. VI.), Miinchen, 1885. 
Schmidlin, J . Geschichte der deutschen Nationalkirche in Rom 

S. Maria dell Anima. Freib. i. Br., 1906. 
Schroeder, Frid. Monumenta, qua spectant primordia Collegii 

Germanici et Hungaria. Roma, 1896. 
Schweitzer, V. Zur Geschichte der Reform unter Julius III. 

Fiinf Vortrage der Paderborner General versammlung der 

Gorres-Gesellschaffc. Koln, 1907. 
Sclopis. Le Card. Morone. Paris, 1869. 
Segmuller, F. Die Wahl des Papstes Paul IV. und die Obedienz- 

gesandtschaft der Eidgenossen : Zeitschrift fiir schweizerische 

Kirchengeschichte III. Stans, 1909. 
Segni, B. Storie Fiorentine. 4 vols. Livorno, 1830. 
Selecta Indiarum Epistola nunc primum editae. Florentiae, 1887. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XIII. AND XIV. XX111 

Serafini, C. Le Monete e le bulle plumbee pontificie del Medag- 

liere Vaticano. Vol.1., Roma, 1910. 
Seripando, Gir. Eigenhandige Notizen des beriihmten Augusti- 

nergenerals Seripand iiber die Papste seiner zeit. Herausg. 

v. C. Hoffler in dem Analekten zur Geschichte Deutschlands 

und Italiens. (Kgl. Bayr. Akademie der Wissenschaften. 

Vol. IV., 2nd par., 51 seqq.}. Miinchen, 1846. 
Serristori. See Legazioni. 
Sickel, Th. Zur Geschichte des Konzils von Trient. Aktens- 

tiicke aus den Osterreichischen Archiven. Vienna, 1872. 
Silos, I. Historia Clericor. Regular, a congregatione condita. 

Pars I. Roma, 1650. 
Simonetti, E. I Nomi delle Vie de Roma. Saggio d illustrazioni 

storiche con tre appendici. Roma, 1898. 
Sleidans Brief wechsel. See Baumgarten. 
Soldan, M. G. Geschichte des Protestantismus in Frankreich. 

Vol. I. Leipzig. 1855. 
Sommervogel, C., S.J. Bibliotheque de la Compagnie de Jesus. 

9 vols. Bruxelles-Paris, 1890-1900. 
Sozzini, A less. Diario della cose avvenute in Siena dal 2o^Luglio 

1550 ad 28 Giugno 1555. Archivio storico Ital. II. Firenze, 

1842. 
Spillmann, /., S.J. Geschichte der Katholikenverfolgung in 

England, 1535-1681. Die englischen Martyrer der Glaubens- 

spaltung. Vol. I. Die Blutzeugen unter Heinrich VIII. 

2nd ed. Freib. i. Br., 1900. 
Steinherz, S. Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, 1560-1572. 

Vol. I. Vienna, 1897. 
Steinhuber, Andr. Geschichte des Kollegium Germamkum 

Hungarikum in Rom. Vol. T., 2nd ed. Freiburg, 1906. 
Stettiner, Pietro. Roma nei suoi monument!. Roma, 1911. 
Stevenson, J. Calendar of State Papers. Foreign Series. Eliza 
beth, 1558-1565. Vols. I.-VII. London, 1863-1870. 
Studi e documents di storia e diritto. Publicazione periodica 
dell Accademia di conferenze storico-giuridiche. Vols. I. 
seqq. Roma, 1880 seqq. 
Summarii. See Scarabelli. 

Swiney, Mac. Le Portugal et le Saint-Siege. Vols. I. and III., 
Paris, 1898, 1904. 

Tacchi Venturi, P., S.J. Storia della Compagnia di Gesu in 
Italia. Vol. I. Roma, 1909. 

Tarducci, D. A. L Atanagi da Cagli. Cagli, 1904. 

Tesoroni, D. II Palazzo di Firenze e 1 eredita di Balduino del 
Monte, fratello di papa Giulio III. Roma, 1889. 

Theiner, A. Vetera Monumenta Polonise et Lithuanian. 2 vols. 
Roma, 1861. 

Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis S. Sedis. Recucil 

de documents pour servir a 1 histoire du gouvernement 
temporel des etats du Saint-Siege, extraits des Archives 
du Vatican. Vol III., 1389-1793- Rome, 1862. 

Monumenta Slavorum meridionalium histonam illus- 



trantia. Vol. I., 1198-1549. Roma, 1863. 



XXIV COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Theiner, A. ActagenuinaConciliiTridentini. 2 vols. Agram, 1874. 
Thode, H. Michelangelo und das Ende der Renaissance. 5 

vols. Berlin, 1902-1908. 
Thomas, J. Le Concordat de 1516. Ses origines, son histoire 

an XVI. e siecle. 3 me partie, Paris, 1910. 
Thurston, H., S.J. The Holy Year of Jubilee. An account of the 

history and ceremonial of the Roman Jubilee. London, 

1900. 
Tiraboschi, G. Storia della letteratura Italiana. 10 vols. 

Modena, 1772. 
Tomassetti, Guiseppe. La Campagna Romana, antica, medievale 

e moderna. Vols. I., II., Roma, 1910. 
Torrigio, F. M. Le sacre grptte Vaticane. Roma, 1639. 
Touron, O.P. Histoire generale de 1 Amerique. Vols. V., VI. 

Paris, 1768. 
Tresal, J. Les origines du schisme Anglican (1509-1571). 

Paris, 1908. 
Turinozzi, Niccolo. Diario Romano (1558-1560), pubbl. per 

P. Piccolomini. Roma, 1909. 

Turnbull. Calendar of State Papers. Foreign. Reign of Mary, 
London, 1861. 



Uebersberger, H. Osterreich und Russland seit dem Ende des 
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1894. 
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1623) (Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte, Vol. XX.). Basel, 

1902. 



QUOTED" IN VOLS. xm. AND xiv. xxv 

Wolf, G. Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation. 

Vol. I., p. i. Berlin, 1888. 
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[Xavier, Francis, St.] Monumenta Xaveriana ex autographis, 
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Matriti, 1899-1900. 

Zimmermann, A., S.J. Maria die Katholische. Freiburg, 1890. 

- Kardinal Pole. Regensburg, 1893. 
Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie. 36 vols. Innsbruck, 1877- 

1912. 
Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschicte, herausg. von Brieger. Vols. I. 

seqq. Gotha, 1877 seqq. 
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2 vols. Gotha, 1840-1854. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIII. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE ELECTION OF JULIUS III. 
A.D. PAGE 

1549 Importance of the pontificate of Paul III. i 
His work for reform ..... 

A distinguished conclave .... 3 

The attitude of Charles V. and Henry II. . 3 
The interests of the Farnese and their opponent, 

Cardinal Salviati ..... 4 

The question of Parma and Piacenza . 5 

Parties in the conclave . . 6 

Wish of the Imperialists for a quick election . 7 
The French delay the opening of the conclave . 
The Cardinals go^into conclave (November 29th) . 
Arrangements for guarding the conclave, and for 

preserving order in the city ... 9 

Charles V. declares his wishes (November 2oth) . 10 

Opening proceedings of the conclave n 

The first scrutiny (December 3rd) . n 

Cardinal Pole receives twenty-one votes . 12 

Pole s votes increased to twenty-four . 13 
The French ambassador demands that the arrival 

of the French Cardinals be awaited . . 14 

Pole s election seems assured (December 5th) . 15 

Fear of a French schism ... 16 

Cardinal Cervini advises against delay . . 17 

Pole requires but one more vote . 17 

Reasons for Pole s failure . . . . 18 

The candidature of Cardinal Toledo 19 

Arrival of the French Cardinals (December i2th) . 19 

Second period of the conclave. Cardinal Guise . 20 

Charles V. excludes several Cardinals . . 21 
Favourable prospects of Cardinal del Monte 

1549 Sixty fruitless ballots . 2 3 

Irritation in Rome .... 24 

Attempts at a compromise . . 2 5 

The remarks of Massarelli on December lyth . 26 

The attack of Cardinal Guise on Pole 26 

Struggle between the Imperialists and the French 27 

xxvii 



XXviii TABLE OF CONTENTS 

A.D. PAGE 

1550 The question of the Holy Year . 28 

Implacability of the parties (January 4th) 28 

Betting in Rome on the election . . . 28 

Unhealthy conditions in the conclave . . 29 

Cardinal Farnese s proposal . 30 
Farnese s further proposal (January igth). Guise s 

rough refusal . . . . . 31 
" The Cardinals expect anything rather than an 

election " . . . . 31 
Speech of the Cardinal-Dean, de Cupis, on the abuses 

and misdeeds of the conclave (January 26th) . 32 
A commission of Cardinals appointed to draw up a 

decree of reform . 33 
The abuses in the conclave ... 34 
Decisions of the reform committee (January 3is.t) 35 
Enforcement of the enclosure ; the superfluous con 
clavists ejected . . * . . 36 
The candidature of Salviati. Change of front of 

the Farnese Cardinals . . . . 37 
The candidature of del Monte is put forward . 38 
It is favourably received by all parties . . 39 
The rival leaders agree .... 40 
Del Monte s election assured (February 6th) 41 
Cardinal del Monte elected by acclamation. Hom 
age of the Cardinals (February yth) . . 42 
The final scrutiny and end of the conclave (February 

8th) ... . 43 
Disappointment of Charles V. and Henry II. Satis 
faction in the Sacred College. Joy of the 

Romans ...... 44 



CHAPTER II. 

PREVIOUS LIFE, CHARACTER AND BEGINNING OF THE 
REIGN OF JULIUS III. 

Origin of the family of the Ciocchi del Monte . 45 
1487 Giovan Maria del Monte. His education and early 

career ..... 4 6 

1527 Governor of Rome. His narrow escape at the sack 

of the city . . . . 47 

1536 He is created Cardinal . 47 

1545 Legate of Paul III. at the Council of Trent 48 

1550 Personal appearance of Julius III. . . . 49 

His character and temperament . 5 
The versatility of his culture. A child of the Re 
naissance . . . 5 1 
His lavish generosity, and popularity with the 

Romans ...... 5 2 

Satisfaction at his conciliatory policy . . 53 



TABLE OF CONTENTS XXIX 

A.D. PAGE 

1550 His care to provide Rome with grain 54 

His attitude towards Charles V. and Henry II. . 54 
The Pope s instructions for the envoys to these 

monarchs . 55 

Coronation of Julius III. (February 22nd) 56 

The Jubilee solemnly inaugurated (February 24th) 56 
Confraternity of the Pilgrims founded by Philip 

Neri . . . - . 57 

The Pope s first consistory (February 28th) 57 

Reform decrees. The obedientia embassies . 58 

Health of the Pope ... 59 
Efforts of Julius III. to cope with the scarcity of 

provisions ...... 60 

Pageants in Rome . . .. . 61 

The carnival festivities at the Vatican . 62 
Protests of Cardinals Carafa and de Cupis against 

these ..... 63 

Theatrical representations at the Vatican . 64 

Promotion of the relatives of Julius III. . . ; 66 

Innocenzo del Monte .... 70 

He is created Cardinal. Opposition of Pole and 

Carafa 7* 

Scandalous life of Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte 72 
He is made principal secretary of state . 73 
The secretaries and chancery officials 74 
The Pope s devotion to business ; his personal direc 
tion of the diplomatic correspondence . 75 



CHAPTER III. 

PREPARATIONS FOR THE REASSEMBLING OF THE COUNCIL 

IN TRENT. THE DISPUTE CONCERNING THE DUCHY 

OF PARMA. 

1550 The Pope s readiness to reassemble the Council in 

Trent ...... 77 

Negotiations with Charles V. 78 
A commission of Cardinals is appointed to deliberate 

on the question (April) 7 8 

The choice of Trent approved . 79 

The former objections no longer applicable 79 
Intrigues of the French king against the reassembling 

of the Council .... 80 
Trivulzio sent to the French court, and Pighino to 

the Emperor . ... .. 81 

The instructions for Pighino . .. , . 81 

And those for Trivulzio .... 83 

The Diet at Augsburg agrees to the continuance of 

the Council .... 84 

The negotiations with France much more difficult 85 

Unfriendly attitude of Henry II. . . 86 



XXX TABLE OF CONTENTS 



A.D. PAGE 

1550 The Pope drafts the bull summoning the Council 87 
The bull approved in consistory (November I4th) 88 
The terms of the bull ; it is sent to the Emperor . 89 

1551 The bull is published : first in Germany, and then 

in Rome (January ist) .... 90 

Secret protest of Charles V. (January 3rd) . 90 

Charles V. s " Farewell to the Diet " (February I3th) 91 
Cardinal Crescenzi is appointed Legate for the 

Council (March 4th) . . . . 91 

The question of Parma and Piacenza . . 92 
The Farnese open negotiations with France. The 

Pope s efforts to prevent this 93 

A monitorium sent to Ottavio Farnese . . 94 
The Pope s indignation with his vassal. Danclino is 

sent to the Emperor to ask his advice and 

help ....... 95 

The French threaten a National Council . . 95 

Uncompromising attitude of Julius IIT. . . 96 

After a period of hesitation and vacillation, . 97 

He decides on an appeal to arms ... 98 



CHAPTER IV. 

SECOND PERIOD OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 

1551 The Pope continues the preparations for the 

Council . . . . . . 99 

The presidents make their entry into Trent (April 

29th) ...... ioo 

The eleventh Session of the Council is held, with a 

very small attendance (May ist) . . ioo 

Henry II. works his hardest against the Council 101 
The Pope addresses a threatening letter to the 

French king . . . . .102 

Schism is averted, but Henry resolves to employ 

force ...... 102 

The prelates assemble very slowly at Trent . 103 

Arrival of the Prince Electors of Mayence, Treves 

and Cologne . . . . .104 

The twelfth Session of the Council of Trent (Sep 
tember ist) ..... 105 
A French envoy presents a letter addressed to 

" the Fathers of the Convention of Trent " . 106 
Henry II. refuses to be bound by the decrees of 

the Council . . . . . 106 

Charles V. takes the opposite side . . . 107 

The theologians of the Council prepare the canons 

on the Holy Eucharist . . . . - 108 

The thirteenth Session of the Council of Trent 

(October nth) . . . . 109 



TABLE OF CONTENTS XXXI 



A.D. PAGE 

1551 Arrival of the ambassadors of the Elector of Bran 

denburg . . .no 

The Decree on the Holy Eucharist . no 

Reply of the Council to Henry II. . . m 
The Decree on the Sacraments of Penance and 

Extreme Unction . . . .112 

Reform decree against bad ecclesiastics . 113 
The fourteenth Session of the Council of Trent 

(November 23rd) . 113 
Decrees on the Sacrifice of the Mass and Holy Orders 

prepared by the theologians . 114 

The conspiracy of the Elector of Saxony . 114 

Representatives of the Protestant princes . . 115 

Their impossible demands . 116 

Conciliatory attitude of the legate . . . 117 

1552 The demands of Badhorn, the Saxon ambassador, 

namely . . . . . .118 

A reconsideration of the decrees already published 119 

1552 And a " free, Christian, general " Council . 120 
Dissensions between the legate and the Spanish- 
Imperial party . .120 
Fifteenth Session of the Council of Trent (January 

25th) ..... 121 
Letter of safe-conduct for the Protestants agreed 

upon ...... 121 

The Saxons still make difficulties ; the Elector 

Maurice playing for time . . . 122 

The Pope rejects the Protestant demands . 123 
He complains to the Emperor of the conduct of the 

Spaniards . . . . . 124 

The Prince Electors leave Trent (March nth) . 125 

A suspension of the Council becomes inevitable . 125 
The Elector Maurice throws off the mask, and, with 

France, attacks the Empire . 126 
The decree of suspension published at the sixteenth 

Session of the Council of Trent (April 28th) 127 
Death of Cardinal Crescenzi . . . .128 



CHAPTER V. 

WAR IN UPPER AND CENTRAL ITALY. JULIUS III. s EFFORTS 
FOR PEACE. CONCLUSION OF HIS PONTIFICATE AND 
HIS DEATH. 

1551 The Pope s efforts at the last moment to avoid war 129 
Ottavio Farnese is declared to have forfeited his 

fief (May 22nd) . . . . .130 
The war begun; its unpopularity in Rome 131 
The Papal troops and their commanders ; proceed 
ings against the Farnese . . . 132 
Threatening movement of the Turks . . 133 



XXX11 TABLE OF CONTENTS 



A.D. PAGE 

155 1 Unfavourable state of affairs in Upper Italy ; finan 

cial straits of the Pope . . . .134 

The French enter Piedmont . . . .135 

Julius III. is intimidated, and sends Cardinal 

Verallo to the French court . . . 135 

The Pope s mistrust of the French king . . 136 

1552 Cardinal Tournon sent by Henry II. to Rome . 137 
The French terms of peace . . . . 138 
The Pope accepts the terms ; Charles V. unwillingly 

agrees ...... 139 

I55 2 The falseness of the accusation of indifference made 

against Julius III. . . . . 140 

The zeal of the Pope for the cause of peace . 142 

Grave state of the Pope s health . . . 143 
His vain attempts to reconcile Charles V. and 

Henry II. . . . . . . 143 

Siena revolts against the Spaniards, and puts itself 

under the protection of France (July 27th) . 144 

Reaction of these events on Rome . . . 144 

War threatened in Central Italy . . . 145 

Julius III. takes precautionary measures . . 146 

J 553 And endeavours to arrange an armistice . . 147 

Dissatisfaction of Charles V. . . . . 148 
Cardinal-Legates sent to the Emperor and Henry 

II. (April) . . . . . ". 149 
Failure of their mission . . . .150 
*554 Cosimo de Medici siezes Siena ; outbreak of war 

(January 26) . . . . .152 

The Pope endeavours to solve the Sienese problem 153 

1555 Death of Julius III. (March 23rd) . . . 154 

Contrast between Julius III. and Julius II. . 155 

Failure of the Pope to realize the gravity of the 

times, but . . . . . .156 

His efforts for reform much underestimated . 157 



CHAPTER VI. 

EFFORTS OF JULIUS III. FOR REFORM. CREATION OF 

CARDINALS. 

1550 The Pope continues the work of reform begun by 

his predecessor . . . . . 158 

A commission of Cardinals appointed . . 159 

1551 Reform of the Dataria, the Penitentiary and the 

Signatura . . . . . .160 

The Pope s statutes of reform . . . 162 

1552 Regulations as to the conclave and the bestowal 

of benifices . . . . . .163 

The Pope s comprehensive plan of reform causes a 

great sensation . . . . . 164 

Work of the reform commission , , , 165 



TABLE OF CONTENTS XXX111 



A.D. PAGE 

1552 Assiduity of the Pope and the Cardinals . . 167 
1555 A general reform bull drawn up . .. 169 

Value of the reform work of Julius III. . . 170 

The question of the appointment of new Car 
dinals . . . . . .170 

Charles V. s candidates for the purple . . 171 

1551 The first creation of Cardinals of Julius III. (Novem 
ber 20th) . . . ,. . ., 172 
The new Cardinals . . . . 173 

Their political views ; the complaints of the French 174 

1553 Creation of four more Cardinals (December 22nd) 175 
Cardinal Roberto de Nobili . . . .176 
Francis Borgia . . . . . .177 

1551 He flies from Rome to escape the cardinalate . 178 
His persistent refusal of the purple . . 179 



CHAPTER VII. 

SPREAD OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. THEIR REFORMING 

ACTIVITIES IN SPAIN, PORTUGAL, ITALY AND GERMANY. 

1550 Friendly relations of Julius III. with the Society 

of Jesus . . . . . .180 

Benefits conferred on them by the Pope . . 181 

Ignatius of Loyola draws up the constitutions of 

the Order . . . . . .182 

Completion of the life work of Loyola . . 183 

1556 His death (July 3ist) . . . . .184 

Spread of the Order during the life time of 

Ignatius . . . . . .184 

The Society of Jesus in Spain . . . 185 

Numerous colleges founded there . . . 186 

Their zeal for souls ; success of their labours . 187 
Their work for the instruction of youth . . 188 

Opposition of the Archbishop of Toledo and the 

Augustinians . . . . .189 

The Society of Jesus in Portugal . . . 190 

The Order has to face a crisis there ; Simon 

Rodriguez ...... 191 

Work of the Society in Italy . . . 192 

Ignorance in the country districts . . . 193 

Success of the missionaries . . . .193 

Appalling state of affairs in Corsica . . 194 

Missionary labours of Fr. Landini, S.J. . . 195 

Jesuit colleges in Italy . . . .196 

The wide-spread activities of the Society . . 197 

The state of affairs in Germany . . . 198 

Literary activity of the Jesuits in Germany . 199 
Peter Canisius and the foundation of the college 

at Cologne . . . . . .200 

State of the Church in Bohemia . . . 201 

VOL. XIII. c 



XXXIV TABLE OF CONTENTS 

A.D. PAGE 

1556 The work of Canisius in Vienna . . . 202 

The Catechism of Canisius .... 203 

The desire of Ignatius to possess a college in Paris 203 

Recognition by the Parliament necessary . . 204 

Difficulty of obtaining this . . . . 205 

The opposition of the Bishop of Paris to the Society 206 

The Society condemned by the theological faculty 206 

Calmness of Ignatius of Loyola . . . 207 

The difficulty settled in Rome . . . 208 

The Society established in the Netherlands . 209 

CHAPTER VIII. 

ACTIVITY OF THE ROMAN INQUISITION IN ITALY. SPREAD 

OF HERESY IN GERMANY, POLAND AND FRANCE. 

1550 Julius III. confirms the Roman Inquisition . 210 

The Inquisition in Venice . . . . 211 

The Barnabites and the Angeliche . . . 212 

Heretical books in Italy . . . . 213 

Strict regulations concerning these . . . 214 
Edicts against Jewish books . . . .215 

The Pope s moderation and clemency . . 216 

The Cardinals of the Inquisition . . . 217 
The Pope opposed to personal severity ; executions 

rare in his reign . . . . .218 

The testimony of Vergerio . . . . 219 

Heresy in Bologna, Urbino and Milan . . 220 
The Inquisition in Naples . . . .221 

The Jesuits combat heresy by the instruction of 

the young . . . . . . 222 

Prelates accused of heresy . . . . 223 

The state of affairs in Germany grows steadily worse 224 

Cardinal Morone sent to Germany . . . 225 

Reasons of the religious neglect there . . 226 

Proposal to found a German College in Rome . 227 

Julius III. joyfully agrees to this proposal . 228 

1552 The foundation of the " Germanicum " . . 229 

Difficulty of maintaining the college . . 230 

1551 Measures against heresy in France. The Edict of 

Chateau briant (June 27th) . . . 231 

Strained relations between Rome and Paris . 232 

The spread of heresy in Poland . . . 233 

Indifference and weakness of the Polish bishops . 234 

T 553 Julius III. s exhortation to the King of Poland . 235 

The zeal of Bishop Hosius . . . 236 

CHAPTER IX. 

ACCESSION OF QUEEN MARY OF ENGLAND. HER MARRIAGE 

TO PHILIP OF SPAIN. 

1551 Fall of the Protector Somerset . . . 237 



TABLE OF CONTENTS XXXV 

A.D. PAGE 

1552 The second Book of Common Prayer 

Foreign theologians in England 239 

The Catholic bishops deposed 

The altars destroyed . 2 4* 

All traces of Catholicism removed . 

The Thirty-nine Articles . . 2 43 

1553 Death of Edward VI. (July 6th) . . 243 
Attempt to place Lady Jane Grey on the throne 

(July loth) . .244 

Mary proclaimed queen (July igth) 244 
Mary s unhappy youth ; she steadfastly refuses to 

adopt the new religion . 245 

Her conciliatory and mild policy . . 246 

The deposed bishops restored, and mass again 

celebrated . . . . 2 47 

Joy in Rome at Mary s accession . . 240 

Pole s letter to Julius III. . . 2 49 

Pole is appointed legate to England . 250 
His letter to the queen 

Need of proceeding cautiously . 252 

1553 Mary considers the presence of a legate in England 

impossible for the present . . 253 

Coronation of the queen (October ist) . 254 

A bill to invalidate all the religious changes is 

drafted, but withdrawn . . .254 

Bills to recognize the marriage of Queen Catherine, 

and abolish the religious laws of Edward VI. 

are passed ... 2 55 

Charles V. opposes the mission of Pole . 250 

The Pope accepts his view . 257 

The question of the queen s marriage 258 

Candidates for Mary s hand . . .259 

The policy and influence of Charles V. 
He proposes the Spanish marriage ; opposition in 

England .... 2 ^i 

1554 Mary s determination ; the marriage settlement 

"drawn up by Gardiner . 

The rising of Sir Thomas Wyatt . 263 

The queen appeals to the citizens of London . 264 
The rebellion is crushed . 26 5 

This a turning point in Mary s reign 265 

Execution of Lady Jane Grey. Parliament con 
firms the marriage treaty . 266 
Marriage of Mary to Philip of Spain (July 25th) 
Pole looked upon as an opponent of the marriage 
The Pope s directions to the legate . 

CHAPTER X. 

LEGATION OF CARDINAL POLE. THE RECONCILIATION OF 

ENGLAND WITH THE HOLY SEE. 

1554 The prospects of reconciliation . . 270 



XXXVI TABLE OF CONTENTS 

A.D. PAGE 

1554 Restoration of the old worship . . . 271 

Measures against the married clergy . . 272 

The appointment of new bishops . . . 273 

Meeting of Parliament and Convocation . 274 

The question of Church property . . . 275 

Pole s difficult position ; he begs to be recalled . 276 
His failure as a peacemaker between Charles V. 

and Henry II. . . . . 277 
He is repulsed by Charles V. . . .278 

He appeals to King Philip . . . . 279 
Pole conceals the extent of his powers from the 

Emperor ...... 280 

The obstacles to his appearance in England are 

removed . . . . . .281 

Simon Renard appears in Brussels and explains 

the state of affairs in England . . . 282 

Pole at last starts for England (November i2th) 283 

His journey becomes a triumphal procession . 284 

He is received by the queen at Westminster . 284 

The legate s address to Parliament . . . 285 
Solemn reconciliation of England with the Holy 

See (November 3oth) . . . . 286 

The question of the Church property settled . 287 

Thanksgiving in Rome .... 288 

CHAPTER XI. 

SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE NEW WORLD. 

New bishoprics in Spanish and Portuguese South 

America ...... 290 

Favourable prospects for Christianity there . 291 

Tyranny and atrocities of the white settlers . 292 

The work of the missionaries undone . . 293 

Civilizing influence on the missionaries . . 294 

Opposition of the colonists .... 295 

Improvement in the conditions . . . 296 

The Franciscans in Mexico .... 297 

Their care for the instruction of the young . 298 

Brother Peter of Ghent and his work . . 299 

Conversion of the Aztecs .... 300 

The missionaries the champions of the natives . 301 

Their struggle against the " Audiencia " . . 302 

" Protectors of the Indians " . . . 303 

The Dominicans in Guatemala . . . 304 

Literary activity of the missionaries . . 305 

Their historical and archaeological researches . 306 

CHAPTER XII. 

THE EAST INDIES AND THE MISSION OF ST. FRANCIS XAVIER. 

1554 The Jesuits in the East Indies . . . 307 



TABLE OF CONTENTS XXXvii 



A.D. PAGE 

1554 The advice of Ignatius Loyola . . . 308 
Henriquez and the mission on the Fishing Coast 309 
He draws up the first Tamil grammar . . 310 
Rapacity and immorality of the Portuguese 

officials . . . . . .311 

Persecution by the Mahommedans . . . 312 

1555 The Jesuits penetrate into Abyssinia ; three Jesuit 

bishops appointed for that country . . 312 

1549 Franci;> Xavier lands in Japan . . . 314 

Difficulties of the Japanese mission . . 315 

Xavier s hopes of ultimate success ; slow progress 316 

1551 His journey to see the Emperor of Japan . 317 
He leaves Japan in order to go to China . . 318 
He reaches the island of Canton . . . 319 

1552 Death of St. Francis Xavier (November 27th) . 320 
Qualities of St. Francis Xavier . . . 321 
His gentleness and humility .... 323 
A Protestant estimate of the saint . . . 324 
The veneration of the Catholic world. " Apostle 

of the Indies " . . . . 325 



CHAPTER XIII. 

JULIUS III. IN RELATION TO LETTERS AND ART. MICHAEL 

ANGELO AND THE REBUILDING OP ST. PETER S. THE 

VILLA GIULIA. 

1552 The interest of Julius III. in science and art . 326 

The Vatican Library and the Roman University 327 

Humanists promoted by Julius III. . . 328 

Giovio and Pietro Aretino . . . . 329 

The humanists extol the Pope ; writings dedicated 

to him ...... 330 

Pierluigi da Palestrina .... 332 

Julius III. and Michael Angelo . . 333 

The Pope supports him against his enemies . 334 

Lack of funds for the building of St. Peter s . 336 

The Pope s consideration for Michael Angelo . 337 
The Villa Giulia . . . . .338 

Julius III. s magnificent plan . . . 339 

The architects of the Villa Giulia . . . 340 
The Pope and Vasari . . . . .341 

The gardens and pleasure grounds . . . 342 

The approach to the villa .... 343 

The main building ; its frescoes and statuary . 344 
Present state of the villa . . . -345 

The fountain-court ..... 347 

The Nymphaeum ..... 349 

Discoveries of the relics of antiquity in Rome . 350 

Reconstruction of the Palazzo Cardelli . . 351 

The del Monte chapel in S. Pietro in Montorio . 352 



XXXV111 TABLE OF CONTENTS 

A.D. PAGE 

1552 Foreign artists in Rome .... 353 

Artistic activity under Julius III. . . . 354 

CHAPTER XIV. 

ROME AT THE END OF THE RENAISSANCE PERIOD. 

General appearance of the city . . 356 

The sources for a true picture of Rome at the time 357 

The sketches of Martin van Heemskerck . . 357 

The notes of Johann Fichard . . . 358 

The panorama of Heemskerck . . . 350 

Mediaeval appearance of Rome at that time . 362 

Smallness of the inhabited district . . . 362 

The Borgo ...... 364 

Fichard s description of the Vatican . . 365 

The Belvedere and its collection of antiquities . 366 

Old St. Peter s ; the atrium .... 367 

Interior of the old basilica .... 368 

State of the new building in the time of Paul 

III. as shown by Heemskerck sketches . 369 

St. Peter s Square .... 370 

The Rione di Ponte . . . . . 371 

New streets ; the Canale di Ponte and . . 372 

The inundations of the Tiber . . . 373 

The district of banks, commercial houses and inns 374 
Palaces in the Rione . . . . -375 

Exterior decoration . . . . 376 

The Rione di Parione ; the Piazza Navona . 378 

Pasquino . . . . . . . 379 

Palaces of prelates ; the Cancelleria . . 381 
The Palazzo Massimo, and the houses of the Galli 

and the Sassi ..... 382 

The Campo di Fiore ; the " actual forum of Rome " 383 

Shops and inns in this district . . . 384 
The Rione della Regola . . . -385 

Houses for pilgrims ; the Palazzo Farnese . . 386 
The Trastevere . . . . . .388 

Its picturesque charm ; the old road of the pilgrims 389 

The Rione di S. Angela .... 390 

The Portico of Octavia and the Theatre of Mar- 

cellus ...... 391 

The Rione di Rip a . . . . .392 

The Rione di Campitelli .... 393 

The Capitol and the Pantheon . . . 394 

The Rione della Pis,na .... 395 

The Rione di Trevi ; the Quirinal . . . 396 

Gardens and villas on the Quirinal . . . 397 

The Rione di Colonna . . . . 398 

The Rione di S. EustacJiio .... 398 

Heemskerck s description of the Palazzo Madama 399 



TABLE OF CONTENTS XXxix 



A.D. PAGE 

1552 The palaces of the Valle family . . . 399 

The Valle collection of antiquities . . 400 

Other palaces in the Rione di S. Eustachio . 401 

The Rione di Campo Marzo ; charitable institutions 402 

The Porta del Popolo and the streets leading from it 403 

The whole population crowded near the Tiber . 403 

Scarcity of the water supply . . . 403 

The uninhabited districts of the city . 404 

The ruins of ancient Rome . . . 405 

Ruthless spoliation of the ancient monuments . 406 

The Colosseum . . . . . 407 
Heemskerk s striking picture of the state of the 

Forum ...... 407 

The Palace of the Caesars .... 408 

The Palatine and the Imperial Fora . . 409 

A district of silence and solitude . . . 410 

The Rione de Monti . . . . . 410 

The Lateran . . . . . .411 

S. Maria Maggiore . . . . .412 

Witness of the inscriptions and epitaphs . . 413 

The guide for pilgrims ; mirabilia Romae . . 414 

Papal ceremonies ; Holy Week . . . 415 

Maundy thursday . . . . . 416 

Good Friday, Holy Saturday and Easter . . 417 

The " Stations " ..... 418 

Renewed veneration for the House of God . 418 
Exact carrying out of the ceremonial ; majestic 

music ...... 419 

Impressions of an unknown Florentine pilgrim . 420 

Itinerary for a three days visit . . . 422 

Private collections of antiquities . . . 423 

Charitable institutions ; the hospitals . . 423 

The national hospices . . . . . 424 

Confraternities and institutes of charity . . 425 
A new impetus in Catholic life, which makes " Roma 

Aeterna " again ..... 426 

The " Holy City "..... 427 



LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN 
APPENDIX 



i. 

ii. 

in. 

IV. 

v. 

VI. 

VII. 
VIII. 

IX. 
X. 

XI. 

XII. 
XIII. 
XIV. 

XV. 
XVI. 

XVII.- 

XIX. 

XX. 

XXI. 

XXIa. 

XXIb. 
XXII. 

XXIII. 
XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 

XXVII. 

XXVIII. 



Endimio Calandra to his brother Sabino 
Pirro Olivo to Sabino Calandra 
Pirro Olivo to Sabino Calandra 
Benedetto Buonanni to Cosimo I., Duke of 

Tuscany ..... 

Pope Julius III. to Cardinal Marcello Cervini 
Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of 

Tuscany .... 

Consistory of March loth, 1550 
Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of 

Tuscany .... 

Benedetto Buonanni to Cosimo I., Duke of 

Tuscany. ..... 

Judgment of Cardinal Marcello Cervini as In 
quisitor ...... 

Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of 

Tuscany ..... 

Ippolito Capilupi to the Duchess of Mantua 
Ippolito Capilupi to the Duchess of Mantua 
Pope Julius III. to Paulus Jovius 
Pope Julius III. to Franciscus de Augustinis 
Pope Julius III. to Cardinal Juan Alvarez 

de Toledo . 

XVIII. Pope Julius III. to Hannibal Spatafora 
Camillo Capilupi to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga 
C. Titio to Cosimo I., Duke of Tuscany 
Pope Julius III. to King Ferdinand . 
Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of 

Tuscany ..... 

Cardinal Morone to Cardinal Pole 
Pope Julius III. to Petro Antonia di Capua, 

Archbishop of Otranto 
Safe-conduct of Julius III. 
Averardo Serristori to Cosimo I., Duke of 

Tuscany ..... 

Lutherans in Rome, 1552-1554 
Camillo Capilupi to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga 
Furtherance of the re- building of St. Peter s 

by Julius III. ..... 

Ordinances for reform by Pope Julius III. . 



PAGE 
431 

432 
432 

433 
433 

434 
434 

435 
435 
436 

433 
433 
439 
439 
440 

44 1 
445 
446 

447 
447 

447 
448 

449 
450 

450 



452 
457 



xl 



CHAPTER I. 

THE ELECTION OF JULIUS III. 

PAUL III. holds a very prominent place among the Popes 
of the XVIth century, not only because his reign was un 
usually long and specially rich in events of the greatest import 
ance, but still more because it covers the transition period 
between the Renaissance and the Catholic Reformation and 
Restoration. 

A man of very great gifts, the Farnese Pope, with a full 
perception of the all-embracing mission of the Holy See, and 
of the ever-increasing gravity of the position in the northern 
and central countries of Europe, turned his attention in a 
special manner to those questions which were essentially of an 
ecclesiastical nature. Worldly interests, which had un 
doubtedly predominated during the reigns of the Renaissance 
Popes since Sixtus IV., also had great weight with him, but 
they no longer occupied the first place, and were subordinated 
to ecclesiastical interests. 

In casting a glance over the fifteen years pontificate of Paul 
III., the conviction is forced upon us that the dawn of a new 
era, full of hope, had arisen for the Church, in which she would 
again, as so often before, gloriously verify her spiritual ascend 
ancy and her marvellous power of rejuvenation. The ex 
ternally brilliant, but essentially worldly, period of the 
Renaissance, which took Church and religion as lightly as it 
did life itself, was hurrying towards its end. A new era was 
beginning, the most important problems of which were 
perfectly realized by the Farnese Pope. 

However much Paul III. paid tribute to the fateful epoch 
at which he had come into power, he was nevertheless just to 
that generation in which tfye strictly ecclesiastical element, 
never losing sight of its goal, and without considering spiritual 

VOL. XIII. I 



2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

change, was working towards a reform of conditions that were 
utterly corrupt, and was striving to cope with a dangerous 
crisis by means of an entirely new state of things. The 
inauguration of the Council, the removal of abuses, the 
renewal of the College of Cardinals, the fight against the 
divisions in the Church, which threatened Italy as well, and 
the protection of the reformed Orders, were all of epoch- 
making importance. A thoroughly effective result, however, 
had not yet been attained. The Council was as far from com 
ing to an agreement, as the attempts at reform to completion. 
The new Orders were still in their initial stages, and had not, 
to a great extent, even fixed their final organization, while the 
changes in the College of Cardinals were in no way completed. 
The difficulties which stood in the way of endeavours to 
promote the ascendancy of purely ecclesiastical interests are 
proved by the proceedings at the conclave after the death of 
Paul III. 1 

1 There is an exceedingly rich source of materials at our dis 
posal concerning the conclave of Julius III., which, with that 
of Pius IV., was the longest of the XVIth century. In the first 
place there is the testimony of the eye-witnesses : Cardinal 
Bernardino Maffei, Angelo Massarelli, Sebastianus Gualterius 
and Petrus Paulus Gualterius (de brevibus), the three latter 
being present at the conclave as conclavists of Cardinals 
Cervini, Alessandro Farnese and Maffei. To these we may 
add the notes of the master of ceremonies of the conclave, 
L. Firmanus. In the second volume of the monumental publica 
tion of the Gorres Society, dealing with the authorities respecting 
the Council of Trent, Merkle has given, in an admirable way, 
a full report of Massarelli, and extracts from the other four, 
while the editor has noted in the preface everything necessary 
concerning the handing down of these authorities and their 
relation to one another. The description made use of here is 
taken entirely from Massarelli, unless otherwise stated. As a 
complement to the whole, the reports of the ambassadors, which 
have been partly reprinted, have been drawn upon. Of the more 
recent accounts, prominence is given to SAGMULLER, Papst- 
wahlen, 181 seqq. ; Papstwahlbullen, i seqq. ; G. DE LEVA, 
Storia di Carlo quinto V., 63 seqq. 



PRELIMINARIES OF THE CONCLAVE. 3 

Under the Farnese Pope the number of Cardinals had risen 
to fifty-four ; of these, twenty-nine were in the Eternal City 
at the death of the Pope , l before the beginning of the con 
clave twelve more arrived, 2 and during the election nine 
Frenchmen and the Spaniard, Pacheco, also came ; three 
members of the Sacred College, de Givry, d Hanebault and the 
Cardinal-Infante of Portugal did not take part in the conclave. 
Four of the Cardinals had, it is true, to leave on account of 
illness, so that of the fifty-four electors only forty-seven took 
part in the elevation of the new Pope, but in spite of this, no 
such distinguished conclave had taken place for a very long 
time. As in numbers it was the most considerable, this 
conclave was also the longest in the memory of man. It 
began on November 29th, 1549, an d only finished on February 
8th, 1550. The Church remained, therefore, nearly three 
months without a head. The cause of this unusual delay is 
to be found rather in the behaviour of the secular princes, who 
interfered in the most unjustifiable manner in electoral dis 
cussions, than in the party deliberations of the College of 
Cardinals, and the great number of candidates. 3 

That the Emperor and the King of France should, after the 
death of Paul III., attempt to exercise as decisive an influence 
as possible on the elevation of the new Pope, was to be ex 
pected. Charles V. was bound to desire a Pope who would 
be willing to continue the Council and recall it to Trent. He 
was determined to prevent at any cost the election of the 
eminent Marcello Cervini, who, as Cardinal-Legate at Trent, 
had succeeded in bringing about the removal of the Council 
to Bologna. The dispute about Parma and Piacenza, which 
was still pending, influenced the attitude of the Cardinals and 
the foreign powers no less than the question of the Council. 

1 Compiled by Panvinio, in MERKLE, II., 7. 

2 Namely Meudon on November n, Gaddi on Nov. 14, Filonardi 
on Nov. 15, Madruzzo on Nov. 19, Salviati and Gonzaga on Nov. 
21, Cibo and Lenoncourt on Nov. 22, del Monte and della Rovere 
on Nov. 23, and Truchsess and Doria on Nov. 24. See MASS- 

ARELLI, 10, 13, 14, 16, 19, 21, 22, 23. 

3 Cf. the sarcasm of Muzio (Lettere, 108). 



4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Viceroy of Milan and his brother, Ercole Gonzaga, 
Cardinal of Mantua, had displayed activity on the side of the 
Emperor even during the lifetime of Paul III., by bringing 
forward a rival to the Farnese for the future conclave who 
would return Parma and Piacenza to the Emperor. 1 Their 
chosen candidate was Cardinal Salviati, the nephew of Leo X., 
and uncle of the Queen of France. In the opinion of the 
Imperial Ambassador in Rome in 1547, Diego Hurtado de 
Mendoza, Salviati had, in other respects as well, the best 
prospects of obtaining the tiara. 2 He was popular both with 
the Cardinals who were favourable to the Imperial and the 
French interests, as well as with those who were neutral ; 
Mendoza had himself been won over to his side by the Gon- 
zagas, while Granvelle was also well disposed towards him. 3 
Cardinal Salviati, however, found a formidable opponent in 
his relative, Cosimo de Medici, and his wily representative 
in Rome, Averardo Serristoii. A memorandum of Cardinal 
Gonzaga to Granvelle, in which the candidature of Salviati 
was recommended, having come to Serristori s knowledge in 
April 1549, it was l^d by him before the Pope. 4 Paul III., 
who feared everything for his relatives on the part of Salviati, 
was extremely angry ; he would create fifty Cardinals, he 
exclaimed, to render the election of Salviati impossible. 5 
Things did not, indeed, go as far as this, but at the nomination 
of Cardinals on April 8th, 1549, at which four men devoted 
to the Farnese interests received the purple, 6 an answer was 
found to the intrigues of the Gonzagas. Salviati s correspond 
ence was watched, and a document exposing him was com- 

1 DE LEVA, V., 64 seq. Legaz. di SERRISTORI, 187 seqq. Maffei 
in MERKLE, II., 19 seq. 

2 DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 92. Mendoza maintains that 
Salviati had children ; Salviati says on the other hand (Legaz. 
di SERRISTORI, 193) that the accusation arose from his being 
mistaken for his brother. 

3 DE LEVA, V., 65 n. 4. 

4 Serristori s despatch of April 13, 1549 in Legaz. 188 seq. 

5 DRUFFEL, I., 270. 

6 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 443. 



PARTIES IN THE CONCLAVE. 5 

municated to the Emperor, l whereupon Charles V. excluded 
him also from the election. 2 

Shortly before the death of Paul III., the discussions regard 
ing the possession of Parma and Piacenza again led to a 
rearrangement of the parties in the College of Cardinals. As 
early as July I4th, 1547, the Imperial ambassador, Mendoza, 
had, when setting before his master the prospects for the 
coming Papal election, 3 pointed out three politically interested 
parties in the Sacred College, besides a neutral group : the 
Imperial, the French, and the adherents of Paul III. After 
Alessandro Farnese had joined the side of the Emperor, how 
ever, and looked to him for the restoration of Parma and 
Piacenza, 4 the Imperial party and the adherents of the Farnese 
joined together in the College of Cardinals. Farnese had made 
a move on November igth, without having approached the 
Emperor in the matter, by having the authenticity of the 
document in which Paul III., shortly before his death, had 
ordered the return of Parma and Piacenza to Ottavio Farnese, 
attested by the Sacred College. The relations between 
Alessandro Farnese and the Emperor were not, however, 
altered by this attempt, as Camillo Orsini, the Governor of 
Parma, refused to deliver it to Ottavio, in spite of the College 
of Cardinals. 5 

There were, therefore, really only two parties to be con 
sidered in the conclave, the Imperial and the French. The 
Spaniards, Alvarez de Toledo, Mendoza, Cueva and Pacheco 



1 Serristori on May i, 1549 (Legaz., 197). Maffei gives further 
particulars as to this compromising document, in MERKLE, 
II., 19 seq. 

2 " Sua Maesta vorebbe prima, che fosse Papa il Diavolo," 
said Mendoza to Serristori (Legaz. 209 seq.). 

3 DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 92. 

4 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 445. Concerning the motives 
which induced Farnese to join the Imperialists, cf. Maffei in 
MERKLE, II., 26. 

5 MASSARELLI, 16, 17. DRUFFEL, I., 316. Cf. Vol. XII. of 
this work, p. 450. 



6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

belonged to the Imperial party, 1 as did Carpi, Morone, Cres- 
cenzi, Madruzzo, Sfondrato, Duranti, Alessandro and Ranuccio 
Farnese, Medici, Maffei, Gonzaga, Doria, Sforza, Savelli, 
Cornaro, della Rovere, Tmchsess and Pole. To these twenty- 
two adherents of the Emperor were opposed twenty-four 
Cardinals with French sympathies. These were the twelve 
Frenchmen, Armagnac, Meudon, Lenoncourt, du Bellay, 
Guise, Chatillon, Vendome, Tournon, de la Chambre, 
d Amboise, Lorraine and Bourbon. Besides these, there were 
of the Italians, the four Cardinal-Bishops and seniors of the 
Sacred College, de Cupis, Salviati, del Monte and Carafa, 2 as 
well as Cesi, Verallo, Ridolfi, Pisani, Sermoneta, Este, Capo- 
diferro and Crispi, Filonardi also voting for the most part with 
them. To the neutrals belonged Cibo, Gaddi and the Por 
tuguese, de Silva. 

Cervini stood outside all these parties ; Guise testifies of 
him, as also of Carafa, that they obeyed their conscience alone. 3 
This does not mean that these two champions of ecclesiastical 
retorm took no interest in political considerations ; it was 
precisely the conscientious and austere Cervini who was the 
principal adviser of Farnese. 4 The welfare of the Church, 
as well as conscientious motives, required that consideration 

1 According to the enumeration of Massarelli (p. 97). Ayala 
(in DRUFFEL, I., 333) counts Cibo as an Imperialist ; de Silva, 
Cervini and Rovere had also voted for Pole. 

2 Guise (RIBIER, II., 261) does not reckon Carafa among the 
French Cardinals. Theatinus also only appears among the 
adherents of the French in the list of Masius (LACOMBLET, Archiv 
fur Gesch. des Niederrheins, VI., Cologne, 1868, 157. 

3 RIBIER, II., 261. Cf. also with regard to Carafa the *notes 
of Cardinal Antonio Carafa in the Cod. X., F 55, f. 6 of the 
National Library, Naples. 

4 " Farnesius, qui plurimum praesidii atque consilii in ilium 
(Cervini) contulerat, illius ope carere (when Cervini fell ill) 
aegre ferebat." In order not to lose him they gave him a 
room adjoining the conclave, which was included in the 
enclosure, an unheard-of privilege. Gualterius in MERKLE, 
II., 60. 



CARDINALS OF PAUL III. 7 

should be shown to those princes who could be of such use to 
the Church or do her so much harm. 

Of the Cardinals named, Salviati, Cibo, Ridolfi, de Cupis, 
Pisani and Lorraine owed their elevation to Leo X., while 
Gonzaga, Gaddi, Doria, Tournon, de la Chambre, and Chatillon 
had received the red hat from Clement VII. All the others, 
with the exception of these twelve, had been invested with the 
purple by the Farnese Pope. 1 

It was of importance, in the interests of the Farnese and the 
Imperial party, that the election should take place as soon as 
possible, that is to say, before the arrival of the French Car 
dinals, 2 since both parties would have an equal balance of power, 
should the Sacred College be assembled in full numbers, and 

1 Paul III. had given Cardinal Alessandro Farnese some very 
interesting hints with regard to his attitude during the Papal 
election, in which his attitude towards " nostre creature " is 
specially detailed, and Pole, Salviati Gaddi and Ridolfi are char 
acterized in a very interesting manner. These Ricordi di Paolo 
III. al card. Farnese were already widely circulated in manuscript 
during the XVIth century. I discovered four copies in the Secret 
Archives of the Vatican ; in Rome there are also copies in the 
Boncompagni Archives (Cod. C, 20) and in the following libraries : 
Barberini (Lat. 5366), S. Pietro in Vincoli (cf. LAMMEK, Zur 
Kirchengesch., 40), Vitt. Emanuele (Varia 65) ; further manu 
scripts at Arezzo (Library), Bologna (University Library), Brescia 
(Quirini Library, C. III., 2), Florence (National Library, Cod. 
Capponi, 63), Macerata (Library, Cod. 259), Pistoia (Fabroniana 
Library Cod. 63), as well as at Gorlitz (Milich Library), and 
Munich (State Library). The Ricordi were published according 
to the Bologna manuscript by Frati in the Archivio stor. Ital. 
Ser. 5, XXXV., 448 seqq. Frati identifies the Cardinal of St. 
Angelo mentioned at the end with Lang, and concludes from this 
that the Ricordi were written between 1534 and 1540. St. 
Angelo, however, is Ranuccio Farnese, who had held the title of 
S. Angelo in Pescharia since October 7, 1546. 

2 *" Nella congregatione d oggi e stato ricordato da tutti 
i rmi esser bene che si acceleri la elettione del Papa sotto pretesto 
delle cose del concilio et massimamente di quel di Trento, ma in 
fatto muove una gran parte di loro il dissegno di escludere i 



8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

a Cardinal holding pronounced Imperial views would have no 
prospect ot receiving the tiara. For this reason, the French 
ambassador in Rome, d Urfe, tried by every means in his 
power to have the beginning of the conclave delayed as long 
as possible. He succeeded in accomplishing this through the 
influence of Cardinal d Este, 1 the leader of the French party, 
and the solemn funeral ceremonies, celebrated with great 
pomp, only began on November igth, for a Pope who had 
departed this life on the loth of the same month. 2 The 
ceremonies lasted for nine days, in accordance with the usual 
custom, and the Cardinals could not go in procession to the 
conclave until November 29th, after having assisted at a 
solemn high mass, celebrated in the chapel of old St. Peter s, 
named after Sixtus IV. 3 

The cells for the Cardinals, formed by wooden partitions, 
had been erected in six of the largest halls of the Vatican, 
namely, the Sala Regia, the Sixtine Chapel, and in the four 
halls, of which two were used for the public and private con 
sistories. Special apartments were reserved for the sick, the 
cells proper being divided among the Cardinals by lot on 
November 27th. These were hung with violet for the Car 
dinals of Paul III., and with green for all the others. 4 

car 11 Frances!, che non possino venire a tempo." Bonifazio 
Ruggieri to the Duke of Ferrara on November 10, 1549 (State 
Archives, Modena). 

1 D Urfe to Henry II. on November 16, 1549, in RIBIER, II., 254. 

2 MASSARELLI, 14 seqq. Concerning the decision of the College 
of Cardinals to erect a magnificent tomb to Paul III., see Vol. 
XII., 453 seq. of this work. 

3 MASSARELLI, 26 seqq. As the conclave was a source of grave 
expense to the poorer Cardinals, 8000 ducats, provided by the 
Dataria, were divided among them, though not without re 
monstrance on the part of the stricter Cardinals, at the request 
of the Cardinal-Dean, de Cupis. (ibid., n). Concerning the 
obsequies of Paul III. cf. the report in the appendix to the Opera 
di B. SCAPPI, Venice, 1570. 

4 MASSARELLI, 25. *Payments to the architect Baronino di 
Casale, who superintended the installation of the conclave, in. 
the *Mandata 1549-1550 (State Archives, Rome). 



ROME DURING THE CONCLAVE. 9 

Five thousand soldiers stood prepared to keep order in the 
city during the course of the election, to whom 500 other 
armed men were specially added for the protection of the con 
clave, in addition to the 200 Swiss. The Conservatori of the 
city had begged, " in the name of the Roman citizens," for 
the honour of being allowed to provide another 1000 soldiers 
for the safety of Rome, which number they reduced to 500 on 
the following day. The self-seeking and unruly Roman 
people wished to take up arms, and assume the guardianship 
of the conclave ; this the Cardinals would not hear of, but 
they gave permission that the city should provide 500 men 
from the usual militia of the States of the Church. 1 Orazio 
Farnese, the future son-in-law of the French King, was the 
commander of these troops, but Mendoza having complained 
that Rome was delivered into the hands of the French, officers 
with Imperial sympathies were placed by his side. 2 

Fortunately, there were no serious disturbances either in 
Rome or outside during the long continuance of the conclave. 
Camillo Colonna did indeed seize several small villages imme 
diately after the death of Paul III., and Ascanio Colonna took 
steps to regain possession of the sovereign authority wrested 
from him by the late Pope, but in other respects he assured 
the College of Cardinals by letter of his loyalty to the Holy 
See. 3 

On December loth, 1549, the Cardinals were able to decide 
that half of this guard should be disbanded. 4 On January 
loth, 1550, this was again considerably reduced, 5 on account 

1 MASSARELLI, 9 seq. 

2 Ibid. 9. D Urfe in RIBIER, II., 255. Dandolo in BROWN, 
V., n. 588. 

3 Cf. MASSARELLI, 9 seq., 24. See also the *reports of Scip. 
Gabrielli of November n, 19, 25, and 29 (State Archives, Siena) 
of F. Franchino of November 13, 1549 (State Archives, Parma) 
of Masius of November, 23, 1549 (in LACOMBLET, Archiv fur 
Gesch. des Niederrheins, VI., 147). Cf. also Dandolo in ALBERT, 
343 seq. 

4 MASSARELLI, 54. 

5 Ibid., go. 



10 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of the great expense, even though news had already come on 
December 22nd that Fermo had been invested by the Floren 
tines. 1 On January 2ist and 22nd, the conclave had again 
to come to a decision concerning troubles in Bologna, and the 
investment of Acquapendente. 2 

On the evening of November 30th the doors of the conclave 
were barred within and without by six bolts. 3 The enclosure 
was, however, maintained with so little strictness that an 
eye-witness said later that the conclave had been more open 
than closed. 4 

Meanwhile, Charles V. had on November 20th, 1549, openly 
declared to his ambassador in Rome his wishes with regard 
to the election. He desired above all things, the election of 
the Dominican, Juan Alvarez de Toledo, uncle of the Duke 
of Alba and brother of the Viceroy of Naples ; should this 
election, however, not be possible, he wished for Carpi, Pole, 
Morone or Sfondrato, who were all no less eminent than the 
said Spaniard. The Emperor excluded all Frenchmen, as well 
as Salviati, Cervini, Ridolfi, Capodiferro and Verallo. 5 

The Imperial Cardinals were not, however, aware of these 
wishes at the beginning of the conclave, and had decided, not 
for Toledo, but for Pole, although they had not yet a sufficient 
majority to ensure his election, but Madruzzo and others 
hoped that, by proclaiming Pole as Pope without further 
formalities, at the beginning of the conclave, they might 
carry with them many who were undecided. Sforza and 
Maffei, indeed, warned them against any such precipitate 
action, which would be certain to irritate the opposing party. 6 



71. 

2 Ibid., 103. 

3 Ibid., 31. 

4 " Visensis, qui iam pridem non conclusi sed patentis con- 
clavis libertatem aegre tulerat." Gualterius in MERKLE, 90 seq. 

5 MAURENBRECHER, 220. Concerning the said Cardinals cf. 
Vol. XI., 159 seqq., 206 ; XII., 202 of this work. Concerning 
Sfondrato, who died on July 31, 1550, cf. also NOVATI in the 
Archivio stor. Lornb., XXI. (1894), 45 seq. 

6 Maffei in MERKLE, II., 31. 



OPENING OF THE CONCLAVE. II 

The issue proved them to be right. The very fact that the 
beginning of the funeral celebrations for Paul III. had been 
so long delayed had partly been arranged to defeat this plan. 
When, on November 30th, the Imperial party proposed an 
electoral assembly for that very evening, just after the conclave 
had been closed, it was intimated to them that in such a grave 
matter, proceedings had to be carefully arranged in accordance 
with the usual order. The discussion which followed was only 
ended by night, without the Imperial party having gained any 
advantage. 

On the two following days also, they arrived at no con 
clusion, x only the Papal election Bulls of Julius II. and Gregory 
X. being read over and sworn to, and an election capitulation 
for the new Pope prepared and accepted. 2 This latter agreed 
generally with that drawn up in the conclave of Clement VII. 
The last paragraph enjoined the future Pope to deliver Parma 
to Ottavio Farnese. 

A discussion arose on the afternoon of December ist as to 
whether voting should be public or secret. 3 While some saw 
in public voting the best method ot avoiding subterfuges, 
others considered that the freedom of voting would disappear 
in this way, especially at a time when the Imperial party on 
the one hand, and the French on the other, sought to bring 
voters to their views by promises and bribes, and even by 
threats. 

On the evening of December ist, Mendoza appeared at the 
door of the conclave and handed in an Imperial memorandum. 
A second, which he did not openly communicate, contained 
the wishes of Charles V. as to the election. 4 

On the morning of December 3rd, they agreed that the 
voting should be secret. Then followed the first ballot. On 
the altar there was a golden chalice and each voter advanced 
to it and laid his vote therein. Then the chalice was emptied 

1 MASSARELLI, 32. 

2 Printed by LE PLAT, IV., 156 seq. Cf. LULVES in the Quellen 
und Forschungen des Preuss. Histor. Instituts, XII. , 224 seq. 

3 MASSARELLI, 34. 

4 Ibid, 



12 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

on to a table before the altar, the three Cardinals who presided 
examining each vote. The senior Cardinal-Deacon, Cibo, 
then read aloud the name or names that were on the paper, 
as most of the electors wrote three or four names at the same 
time. 1 

Cibo had to announce the name of Cardinal Pole no less than 
twenty-one times at this first ballot, as it had been very 
generally predicted that he would have the tiara, although 
his zeal for reform was much feared in Rome. 2 Toledo came 
next to Pole with thirteen votes, de Cupis and Sfondrato each 
had twelve, and Carafa ten. Salviati only had two votes, 
and of the Cardinals excluded by the Emperor, the highly 
respected Cervini was the only one who succeeded in obtaining 
nine votes. The wishes expressed by the Emperor db not 
otherwise appear to have had much influence on the voting. 3 
As the two-thirds majority required was twenty-eight, there 

1 Ibid., 36. 

2 Pole, whom the above mentioned (p. 7, n. i) Ricordi di 
Paolo III. describe as " soggetto a giudkio del mondo superiore 
agli altri di nobilita, bonta e dottrina," appears as the most 
likely candidate in all the reports of the time immediately follow 
ing the death of the Farnese Pope. Cf. the *reports of Scip. 
Gabrielli in the State Archives, Siena, of November 13 (*" Le 
scomesse et le voci de la citta variano ogni giorno et il piu alto 
e Inghilterra e poi Salviati. S. Croce e ancora in buona aspett- 
tione ") 14, 15, 25, and 29 (*" II card. S. Croce quando non 
riesca Inghilterra si tiene in grandissima espettatione ancorche 
gli Imperial! publicamente mostrano poco sodisfarsene ") and 
December i (" voce universale " for Pole, although his zeal for 
reform might rob him of the tiara; "si ragiona di Sfondrato, 
di S. Croce et di Monte "). Cf. also the letter of Muzio, Lettere, 
109 seqq., and of Masius in LACOMBLET, Archiv fur Gesch. des 
Niederrheins, VI., 146 seqq. ; cf. also Giorn. stor. della lett. 
Ital., XVII., 343 ; XLIIL, 237 seq. On a closer examination 
of the state of affairs, Pole s candidature did not seem possible 
(see Muzio, Lettere, 111-113). Masius is also of the same opinion 
on December 3 (Brief e, 53). 

3 " Auctoritatem nullam adeptae sunt," says Maffei of Charles 
V. s letter of exclusion. MERKI.E, II., 51. 



CARDINAL POLE. 13 

seemed good reason for hoping that Pole would in the following 
ballots easily obtain the votes still required, and that the con 
clave would soon come to an end. 

What Pole himself felt when he found himself so near to 
the highest dignity on earth, he confided later to a friend. 1 
The voting, he said, did not make the least impression on him. 
He had already given the answer to several Cardinals who 
urged him to take steps himself for the furtherance of his 
election, that he would say no word, even if his silence should 
cost him his life, for he adhered strictly to his principle of 
leaving everything to God, and desiring only the fulfilment of 
His Will. 2 

It was not customary at the first ballot of the conclave, that 
votes should be given to one of those chosen, after the reading 
of the papers, but this was allowed at subsequent ballots, and 
it did not seem unlikely that certain Cardinals would make 
use of this right in favour of Pole. 3 Perhaps with the intention 
of putting an obstacle in the way of the zealous reformer, who 
was feared by the worldly Cardinals, the question was raised 
before the voting of the following day, whether this accession 
of votes to the papers already handed in by the electors, 
allowed later on, should be considered valid. After a long 
discussion, an agreement was reached by the decision that 
for this day also the subsequent accession should not be 
allowed. 4 In spite of this, Pole s votes increased to twenty- 
four on this day, in the early morning of which the arrival of 
Cardinal Pacheco had strengthened the Imperial party. 5 

1 To Francisco Navarrete, bishop of Badajoz, on June 17, 
1550, in QUIRINI, Ep. Poli, V., 53 seq. ; cf. BROWN, V., n. 671. 

2 Dandolo on November 30, 1549, in BROWN, V., n. 595. 

3 Scip. Gabrielli * reports on December i, 1549: Pole is very 
Catholic ; he desires the residence of the bishops and the presence 
of the Cardinals in the Curia ; during the lifetime of Paul III. 
he had said that the " offitii " must be put an end to (State 
Archives, Siena). Cf. Muzio, Lettere, 109. 

4 MASSARELLI, 41. 

5 Ibid. 42. Mendoza had sent a messenger to him to warn 
him as soon as possible (Legaz. di Serristori, 217). He arrived 



14 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The French, who were terrified, informed d Urfe that the next 
ballot could not fail to result in favour of the Imperialists if he 
could not think of some way of preventing it. Then d Urfe 
came to the door of the conclave and announced, through the 
master of ceremonies, that the French Cardinals were already 
in Corsica, and would soon arrive, and should the electors not 
wait for them till the end of the week, the French king would 
not acknowledge the election. In reality d Urfe had, as he 
himself admitted, no news from Corsica, but in spite of this, 
he appeared again and repeated his protest before six of the 
Cardinals, threatening them at the same time with a schism. 1 

A period of excitement now followed in the conclave. The 
consequence of d Urfe s protest was that the Imperialists 
resolved not to wait till the following morning, but, that very 
night, without formal voting, to acclaim Pole as Pope, by a 
general rendering of homage. 2 They set about securing the 
necessary number of votes with the greatest zeal. As a matter 
of fact they had got so far that it had been already announced 
to Pole that the Cardinals would soon arrive in his cell and pay 
homage to the Head of Christendom. Those on the French 
side, on the other hand, did all in their power to delay this 
rendering of homage, and they were successful in circumventing 
this plan of the Imperial party. The discussions and negotia 
tions in the corridors of the conclave lasted till far into the 
night, and when midnight was already passed, not one of the 
Cardinals had retired to his cell. 3 

Pole lost none of his calmness in the general excitement ; 
he would not hear of an elevation by the homage of the Car 
dinals. He caused his friends to be informed that he desired 
to ascend to the Supreme Pontificate through the door, but not 
through the window. 4 When a deputation of two Cardinals 

in the conclave " more dead than alive." Dandolo in BROWN, 
V., n. 596. 

1 D Urfe to the King on December 6, 1549, in RIBIER, II., 254 
seq. ; cf. Muzio, Lettere, 116. 

2 MASSARELLI, 42 seq. 

3 Ibid., 43. 

4 Dandolo in ALBERI, 346 ; cf. ibid., 372-373. 



CANDIDATURE OF POLE. 15 

said to him that an elevation by homage was in perfect accord 
ance with the law, he at first agreed with them, but hardly had 
they taken their departure, when he sent a messenger after 
them to withdraw his consent. 1 

The Imperialists had, however, gained one advantage during 
the night ; three of the Cardinals, Morone, Cesi and Gaddi, 
declared that they were prepared to support the election of 
Pole next morning, by giving him their votes by way of 
accession, whereupon the Imperialists believed that they could 
await the coming ballot with joyful anticipation. They never 
dreamed that these three supplementary voters would inform 
the French party that they would only come to the assistance 
of Pole when he had twenty-six votes. 2 

On December 5th it was generally expected as certain that 
Pole would receive the necessary majority of two- thirds at 
the voting. Before the Cardinals proceeded to the scrutiny, 
nearly all of them had ordered their cells to be emptied, as 
they did not wish to be plundered by the rush of people after 
the election. The Papal vestments had already been laid out 
for Pole, and he had himself composed an address of thanks 
which he had shown to several persons. Outside, in front of 
the Vatican, the people assembled in great crowds, while the 
troops were standing with flying colours, ready to salute the 
new Pope. 3 

Meanwhile the French party in the conclave had no idea 
of giving in without a fight. In the early morning attempts 
began again on both sides to influence one or another in favour 
of each of the conflicting parties. The excitement and 
irritation became visibly more acute. When the hour for the 
Mass, which was to precede the voting, arrived, the master of 
ceremonies was forbidden to give the usual signal with the bell ; 
he was to wait till all the Cardinals were together. It seemed 

1 Pole to the bishop of Badajoz on June 17, 1550, loc. cit. 
(see supra p. 13, n. i). 

2 Massarelli and Gualterius in MERKLE, II., 42 seq. 

3 Maffei in MERKLE, II., 43. Appendix to Massarelli by 
Panvinio, ibid., 47. 



l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

as if a sort of schism was being prepared. The adherents of 
Pole assembled in the Pauline Chapel, his opponents in the 
Sixtine. Voting was not for the moment to be thought of. 

Meanwhile, Cervini, who on account of his invalid condition, 
was in the habit of arriving later, appeared in the Pauline 
Chapel. Carpi, Morone, Madruzzo, Gonzaga and Farnese 
advanced towards him, and, explaining the state of affairs, 
begged him to approach the opposing party as mediator. 
Cervini allowed himself to be persuaded and went in Morone s 
company to the Sixtine Chapel. He then addressed himself 
to the Cardinal Dean, de Cupis. The opponents of Pole, he 
said, had already sinned enough against their consciences, by 
using every means in their power to prevent his election, but 
as it was now clear that the Holy Ghost wished Pole to be 
elected, he begged them not to continue their resistance. 

De Cupis thereupon answered that he also wished for peace 
and unity, but that a Papal election seldom took place without 
differences of opinion, and that their opponents had made use 
of unlawful measures, while the protest of d Urfe had given 
reason to fear a French schism. 

Thereupon the answer was made that the remarks about 
intrigue were not all founded on fact, and that if attention 
were paid to every protest, they would establish a very bad 
precedent, and the minority would, in the future, when a 
candidate did not please them, protest until they had gained 
their end. Moreover, they could not wait any longer for the 
French Cardinals, as the lawful time had long been passed. 

These and similar reasons were, however, of no avail, and 
the messengers returned to Pole s adherents without having 
gained any advantage. Finally, two hours after the usual 
time, the French party consented to join the other Cardinals, 
at least for a conference. 

De Cupis began the negotiations by again urging them to 
wait for the French Cardinals ; the Papal election decree of 
Gregory X. was, he said, no impediment to their doing so, as, 
although it prescribed only a ten days period of waiting, it 
had not foreseen the present position. A long debate followed 
upon this statement of de Cupis. Salviati, Carafa, Lenon- 



POLE S CANDIDATURE FAILS. 17 

court and Meudon agreed with de Cupis, Carpi and Toledo 
differed from him, while del Monte thought that if they were 
allowed to wait, they might as well do so. Filonardi was 
undecided. Then Cervini again spoke and emphasized in 
impressive terms the danger of giving way before the protest. 
From a legal standpoint they could only wait for the French 
Cardinals if all present agreed to do so. 

Cervini was known as a man who only spoke after the dic 
tates of his own conscience, and not to please either party. 
His words made such an impression that the Cardinals who 
spoke after him all agreed with him, those belonging to the 
French party alone excepted. Este by a panegyric on the 
services France had rendered to the church still endeavoured 
to obtain a delay of one or two days, but Sfondrato arose and 
showed that according to the text of the decree of Gregory X., 
they dared not delay the election any longer. It was not the 
case, as de Cupis had asserted, that the decree did not apply 
to the case now in question ; on the contrary, it was quite 
clear that it did refer to the present position. 

The French cause now seemed lost. At the voting concern 
ing the proposal of the Cardinal-Dean, the majority declared 
themselves against any further delay, and they at once 
proceeded to hold the election. Pole received twenty-three 
votes. Then Carpi arose, opened his voting paper, and 
declared that he joined the supporters of Pole. Farnese then 
stood up and made the same declaration. A dead silence 
followed. Pole required only one more vote. If he could 
now obtain twenty-six votes, he was sure of getting twenty- 
seven, after the agreement during the night, and then he could 
give the twenty-eighth, the last vote necessary, himself. Full 
of expectation, Pole s supporters watched his opponents, and 
endeavoured by signs to win them over to his support. No 
one, however, made a movement. After a pause the Cardinal- 
Dean asked if anyone would still come over to Pole s side, but 
only a deep silence followed. Thereupon de Cupis declared 
the voting over, and all stood up and withdrew, the Imperial 
ists in great depression of spirits. 

No one had expected such an issue. Many considered it 

VOL. XIII. 2 



l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

could only be possible through a special interposition of 
Providence, that any Cardinal should have been so near the 
tiara as Pole had been, and still not have received it. 

The reasons for Pole s failure lay principally in the repug 
nance of the Italians to the choice of a foreigner. Besides 
this it was urged that Pole was only forty-five years old, that 
he had little knowledge of business, and that there was a danger 
of his involving Italy in a war with England. What injured 
him, however, more than anything else was the suspicion that 
he inclined in his views, especially in the doctrine of Justifica 
tion, to Protestantism. It was Carafa in particular who laid 
stress on this point, and openly attacked Pole before the voting 
of December 5th. 1 

The five following ballots, from December 6th to nth, are 
not of great importance. D Urfe appeared at the door of the 
conclave on December 6th, and again announced the early 
arrival of the French Cardinals. 2 The Imperialists made 
repeated attempts to secure Pole s election. All theCardinals 
of the Imperial party, he himself naturally excepted, and de 
Silva, voted for the English Cardinal. Filonardi, Cibo, Gaddi 
and the Cardinals belonging to the French party, as far as they 
were present in Rome, 3 were opposed to him. On the morning 
of December 7th, it was again generally believed that Pole s 
friends had nearly attained their object, but the other party 
had not in the meantime been idle. Pole received on that 
morning only two supplementary votes, besides the twenty- 
two that he was sure of day after day. They had brought 
forward, between the ballots of December 6th and yth, as an 
opposing candidate, Toledo, whose election was so greatly 
desired by the Emperor and the Duke of Florence ; so many 
Cardinals on both sides promised him their votes that his 
election seemed certain. Toledo s candidature was, however, 

1 Appendix to Massarelli by Panvinio, in MERKLE, II., 47. 
Maffei and Gualterius, ibid. 43, 47. Mendoza in DRUFFEL, 
I., 306. See also Muzio, Lettere, 114, 117. 

2 " Qui eandem supradictam cantilenam recantavit et discessit." 
Firmanus in MERKLE, II., 49. 

3 MASSARELLI, 55. 



ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH CARDINALS. IQ 

nothing more than an election manoeuvre. The French 
declared themselves for him in order to destroy the unity of 
the Imperial party, and to deprive the English Cardinal of his 
vote. They also raised hopes of the tiara in other Cardinals, 
but only with the intention of winning them away from Pole. 
The Imperialists now apparently favoured Toledo s candi 
dature, in order to force the French party to an acknowledg 
ment of their insincerity, so that his election seemed certain. 
The French, however, then at once abandoned him. 1 

Their success in the struggle against Pole now encouraged 
the French party to attempt the candidature of Salviati. In 
the opinion of Cardinal Maffei, 2 they would have succeeded if 
they had proceeded more quickly, but Salviati s old friend, 
Gonzaga, thought it necessary first to obtain the opinion of 
the Emperor, from whom, however, a letter w r as received by 
Ferrante Gonzaga, containing a sharp reprimand. 

On December I2th the French Cardinals, du Bellay, Guise, 
Chatillon and Vendome, whose coming was announced by 
d Urfe on December loth, at last arrived in Rome, and betook 
themselves, after a short rest at the French embassy, to the 
conclave. This strengthening of the opposing party was a 
serious blow to the Imperialists. They had again tried to put 
Toledo in the place of Pole at the voting on December i2th, 
and this time perhaps in earnest, but at the news of the arrival 
of the French Cardinals, they again returned to Pole. Toledo 
only succeeded in getting twelve votes and three supplementary 
ones. On the evening of December I2th Cardinal Tournon 
was also present, but his appearance was no advantage to the 
French party, as Filonardi, whose sympathies were French, had 
to leave the conclave on the I4th, on account of illness, and he 
died on the 



1 According to Maffei in MERKLE, II., 49. According to 
Massarelli (ibid.) they had again withdrawn from Toledo because 
the Italians and French wished for a Spaniard as little as they 
wished for an Englishman. Cf. Muzio, Lettere, 119. 

2 In MERKLE, II., 51. 

3 Cf. Muzio, Lettere, 123. 



20 HISTORY OF THE POPES- 

A new period began for the conclave with the appearance 
of the French Cardinals. The number of voters had now 
risen to forty-six, so that the two-thirds majority was now 
thirty-one. The number, however, sank to forty- five, as 
Cervini had to leave the conclave on account of illness on 
December 22nd, but again rose to forty-seven on the arrival 
of Cardinals de la Chambre and d Amboise on the 28th. The 
entry of John of Lorraine into the conclave on December 3ist 
had no influence on the relative strength of the parties, as de 
la Chambre had to seek treatment for stone outside the 
Vatican on the following day. In the same way Bourbon s 
arrival on January i4th was counterbalanced for the French 
party by the loss of Ridolfi, whose sympathies were French. 
He was seriously ill, and left the conclave on December 2oth, 
and died on the 3ist. Cibo, who was also ill, was temporarily 
absent from the conclave, from January 23rd to February ist. 1 

From December I2th, the leader of the French party was 
the twenty-three year old Cardinal Guise, the confidant of his 
king. He was an adroit and self-confident politician, and the 
candidate whom he wished to support was the old Cardinal 
of Lorraine. Should this not prove practicable, then Este, 
and after him Ridolfi, Salviati and finally Cervini or del Monte 
were each in turn to be put forward. 2 Henry II. had already, 
on December 3rd, caused his ambassador to be informed by 
letter that he did not wish for Pole. 3 

As Lorraine was excluded by the Emperor as a Frenchman, 

1 Cibo hoped to become Pope with the help of the Duke of 
Florence (see STAFFETTI, Card. Cibo, Florence, 1894, 249). A 
biting lampoon (published by CIAN in the Giorn. stor. della lett. 
Ital., XVII., 341) chastised his ambition. Cf. also STAFFETTI 
in the Atti d. Soc. Ligure, XXXVII. (1910), 351 seqq. 

2 Henry II. to Guise on January 25, 1550 ; d Urfe to Henry 
II. on January 20, 1550 (RIBIER, II., 259-262. DE LEVA, V., 
78). A letter of the French King, in which he designated de 
Cupis, Salviati, Ridolfi and Lorraine as candidates above all 
others, was already known in the conclave on January 6. MAS- 

SARELLI, 85. 

3 RIBIER, II., 258. 



EXCLUSIONS BY THE EMPEROR. 21 

and he had also excluded Ridolfi, Salviati, Cervini, Capodi- 
ferro and Verallo by name, which he repeated by letter on 
December iQth, 1 the complaint of Maffei can be understood 
when he says that all the more important Cardinals had been 
barred, either by Charles V. or Henry II., and that persons 
who were quite unqualified were entertaining hopes of the 
tiara. 2 

On December 3oth Charles V. excluded Cardinal Carafa, in 
addition to the five already named ; 3 the Imperial Ambassador 
was instructed to proceed in a similar manner against de Cupis 
and del Monte, but only to mention them in case of need, so 
as not needlessly to make enemies of those referred to. 4 Men- 
doza kept these instructions secret for the time being, in order 
that he might be able to make another unwelcome candidate 
impossible, by apparently supporting one of those excluded. 
In this manner he promoted, at least in appearance, the 
election of Salviati, 5 but when complaints were made to the 
Emperor concerning him by the other diplomatists, he was 
sharply reprimanded by his master. 6 Those who understood 
the circumstances had soon foreseen how matters would develop 
in this state of affairs. Buonanni, the conclavist of Cardinal 
Toledo, wrote on November 27th, 1549, even before the 
beginning of the election proceedings, that should the conclave 
only last from four to six days, it was the general belief that 
either Pole or Toledo would be successful ; should the negotia 
tions, however, be drawn out, and the French Cardinals arrive, 
he was of opinion that they would put difficulties in the way 

1 DRUFFEL, I., 336. The letter arrived in Rome on December 
29. It was the answer to an announcement from the conclave 
of December 8, which had been received in Brussels on the 
18. Dandolo in BROWN, V., n. 613. Gualterius in MERKLE, II., 
78, 79- 

2 Maffei in MERKLE, II., 63. 

3 DRUFFEL, I., 338. 

4 MAURENBRECHER, 222, n. 9. 
6 DE LEVA, V., 79. 

6 Ibid., 86. MAURENBRECHER, 223 n. 10. Gualterius in 
MERKLE, II., 78, 85. PETRUCELLI, II., 43, 45. 



22 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of Salviati s election, but that favourable prospects would 
open out for del Monte, and if the Imperial party should sup 
port him, he might easily reach the Papal throne, while his 
elevation would give satisfaction to all parties. 1 Serristori, 
however, who drew his information chiefly from Buonanni, 2 
wrote to the Duke of Florence after the arrival of the French 
Cardinals, that the Imperial and French parties were hence 
forth equally balanced, and that two things alone were pos 
sible, either that the one party should exhaust the patience of 
the other by repeated ballots, or that they should agree upon 
a Pope who would give least dissatisfaction to both parties. 
His opinion was that del Monte might be one of those for 
whom the French party would co-operate, and who would be 
least displeasing to the Emperor, for although del Monte had 
agreed to the removal of the Council, he had only done so in 
obedience to the Pope, while in other respects he had never had 
French sympathies and did not wish to belong to the French 
party, but to the Imperialists. 3 In the conclave itself, how 
ever, nobody at that time thought seriously of del Monte, 
although Guise had nominated him among others as a candi 
date. Cardinal Sforza, however, was quite positive even then 
that the Cardinals would unite in choosing him. 4 Guise also 
wrote towards the end of the year, that del Monte or Cervini 
might be Pope the next day if the French desired it, but that 
to please the King they would first try all the others, and 



1 *" Se i [n] 406 giorni del conclavi si facesse Papa, credano 

che o Inghilterra o Burgos per riuscire In caso che la 

detta promotione vada a lungo, penso che con li obstaculi che 
hara Salviati, si fara gran giuoco a Monte, il quale se fusse ab- 
bracciato secretamente dagl Imperiali con quelle sorte d obliga- 
tioni . . . anderebbe a quella sede con pochissimi obstaculi et 
satisfarebbe universalmente la sua elettione." Buonanni to 
Christiano Pagni, Rome, November 27, 1549 (State Archives, 
Florence). Cf. PETRUCELLI, II., 34 seqq. 

2 PETRUCELLI, II., 26. 

3 Legaz. di Serristori, 222. 

4 Maffei in MERKLE, II., 59. 



SIXTY FRUITLESS BALLOTS. 23 

would wait patiently as long as these had any chance. 1 On 
the other hand the Imperialists determined to keep steadily to 
Pole. They assembled at once after the arrival of the French 
Cardinals, in the presence of Cardinal Madruzzo, and formally 
pledged themselves in favour of Pole. 2 Their resolve may 
have partly arisen from a sort of obstinacy, which persisted 
in clinging to a lost cause. One can, however, also trace the 
influence of the reform party in this, ready to risk everything 
to secure a Pope of their own way of thinking. " We want a 
good and holy Pope," said Truchsess on January 20th, when 
a heated discussion arose between him and de Cupis, " but 
you will only have one who serves the body and not the soul ; 
we will have no Pope elected who will neglect God s Church in 
order to enrich his relatives, as was the case with the last four 
or five." 3 

Under these circumstances there was no possibility of a 
speedy termination of the conclave. Following on the last 
eight fruitless ballots there now came fifty-two equally without 
result, in which there never was any other intention than a 
mere prolongation of the time, whether with a view to receiv 
ing further instructions with regard to the election from the 
secular princes, or with the intention of working privately 
for a certain candidate. 4 Above all, however, the decision 
was postponed so that the opposing parties, disgusted by the 
endless intrigues, might at last unite in a less agreeable choice. 
At these fifty- two ballots, therefore, Pole received twenty-three 
votes every time, until January gth, and, from that time, 
after the loss of de Silva and Cibo, always twenty-one. The 
French had nominated Carafa as the opposing candidate, 
not, however, because they wished him to be Pope, 5 but 
because they wished to drive the austere and zealous Pole 

1 Guise to Henry II. on December 28, 1549 (or, according to 
DE LEVA, V., 81, on January 2, 1550) in RIBIER, II., 260. 

2 Gualterius in MERKLE, II., 57. 

3 MASSARELLI, 69. 

4 RIBIER, II., 268. 

5 DE LEVA, V., 81 n. 



24 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

out of the field by nominating an opponent of the same way 
of thinking. 1 From December I5th to the end of the conclave, 
from twenty-one to twenty-two votes were generally given to 
the Neapolitan Cardinal. 

In the meantime the Papal exchequer was being drained 
for the payment of the military guard on duty, 2 the irritated 
populace stormed perpetually in front of the Vatican and 
shouted for a new Pope, while monks and clergy were daily 
holding processions. 3 The Lutherans in Germany jeered at 
the disunion in the Roman Church, 4 while the universal 
vexation in Rome vented itself in innumerable satirical poems 
about the Cardinals and their slavish adultaion of the secular 
princes. 5 

Without giving up either Pole or Carafa, they tried many 
other candidates in the conclave, working as a rule, however, 
privately for these, and only openly nominating them when 

1 Dandolo on December 18, 1549: " Francesi .... con 
dire : opponamus sanctum sancto ne diedero 22 a Chieti." DE 
LEVA, V., 81. 

2 MASSARELLI, 131. 
* Ibid., 59. 

4 Charles V. is supposed to have said : " Pour un Lutherien 
qu il avait auparavant la vacation du Papat, il y en a maintenant 
quantite " (letter of Henry II. to Guise of February 6, 1550, in 
RIBIER, II., 263). The voting papers came back from Germany 
after 15-20 days with marginal notes. Ayala to Mendoza on 
December 17, 1549, in DRUFFEL, I., 328. 

5 See MASSARELLI, 85. With regard to the plentiful lampoon 
literature of the conclave of Julius III., see, besides the admirable 
essays of CIAN in the Giorn. stor. della lett. Ital., XVII., 337- 
353, and ibid., XLIII., 232 seqq., the unpublished sarcastic poems 
on the conclave in the Cod. Palat. 1913, of the Vatican Library. 
The remark of Giulio Gentile in a * letter to the grand chancellor 
of Milan, dated Rome, January 5, 1550 (State Archives, Milan), 
that he would send the pasquini, although they were " assai 
ignobili, scortesi et sporchi," confirms, among other publications 
of this nature, the *Pasquinatella in the Venetian dialect, which 
Giuseppe Inglesco sent to Mantua with a letter of January 28, 
1550 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 



ATTEMPT TO UNITE THE PARTIES. 25 

they were sure of a certain number of votes. In the reports 
of the scrutinies, therefore, no mention is made of several 
candidates. 

From time to time various proposals were made as to how 
the Papal election might be secured in a manner differing 
from the usual procedure. The first of these proposals was 
made as early as December I4th, even before the French had 
nominated a candidate of their own. Both parties assembled 
separately on this day, one in the Sixtine and the other in the 
Pauline Chapel, and communicated with each other through 
intermediaries. The French proposed a choice between nine 
candidates : three of their own countrymen, Lorraine, Tournon 
and du Bellay, three Italians of French sympathies, Salviati, 
Ridolfi and de Cupis, and three neutral Italians, Carafa, del 
Monte and Cervini. The Imperialists replied that they would 
only have Pole. 1 On this refusal the wearisome round of fruit 
less ballots began over again. 

It was, however, beginning to occur to the Imperialists 
that it was impolitic to cling so obstinately to Pole. They 
therefore assembled late in the evening on December i6th, 
and sent Truchsess, Pacheco and Farnese as intermediaries 
to the French, to propose Carpi and Toledo as candidates 
instead of Pole. This offer was refused, as was expected. 2 
The Imperialists had already thought of working for Sfondrato, 
and of favouring Morone at the ballots, so that their real 
aim might remain secret. " For many days," said Maffei, 3 
" nothing further happened than that they made new pro 
posals to one another, more with a view to prolonging the 
time than of reaching a decision." 

It was then that the Imperial Cardinals, merely on account 
of the honour, gave fifteen votes to the Cardinal-Infante of 
Portugal, whereupon the French, on the following day, outdid 
them by giving eighteen votes and two supplementary ones 
to Guise, also merely for the sake of the honour. " Behold, 

1 MASSARELLI, 58 seq. 

2 Ibid., 62. 

3 MERKLE, II., 59. 



26 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

reader," remarks Massarelli on December 17th, 1 " at what 
times we have arrived ! After we have vainly employed 
twenty days in electing a Pope, and the whole of Christendom 
is daily clamouring for one, behold the zeal which the Cardinals 
display for the common weal, by bestowing twenty votes 
at this day s scrutiny on a young man of twenty-three, not 
with the intention, as they themselves acknowledge, of making 
him Pope, but out of consideration for his rank and the favour 
which he enjoys from the King. It is the truth that in these 
days persons are elevated to the high rank of Cardinal who 
seek to please man rather than God, for, as God knows, when 
certain Cardinals, worthy in every respect of being candidates 
for the Papal throne, were proposed, the answer was that this 
election would not please the Emperor, or from the French, 
that their King would not approve of him as Pope." 

On December igth the prelates and barons who were en 
trusted with the guarding of the conclave joined the populace 
in demanding a speedy election. They represented that 
troubles which only a Pope could allay were arising in all 
directions ; the mercenaries were getting bolder every day, 
the streets were no longer safe, while the cost of the vacancy 
in the Holy See was no longer to be borne. Within the con 
clave vexation was also making itself felt. The drastic pro 
posal was even made that the two leaders, Guise and Farnese, 
should be shut in together, without food, till they should agree 
upon a Pope. 3 On December lyth the youthful Guise had 
considered it seemly to make remonstrances to Pole, before 
all the Cardinals and conclavists, who were awaiting the 
issue of the affair in a state of the greatest tension. He accused 

1 Ibid., 64 seq. 

2 MASSARELLI, 67. 

3 Gualterius in MERKLE, II., 67. Other proposals are to be 
found there and in Paulus de Brevibus, ibid., 66. On January 
7, nearly all the Cardinals were together after dinner in a corridor 
of the conclave, and when several of them said, as a joke, that it 
would be a good thing if the doors, were now closed, and the 
Cardinals thus forced to make a choice, the conclavists really 
shut them in for three hours. Ibid., 86. 



THE IMPERIALIST AND FRENCH PARTIES. 27 

Pole of not possessing the qualities necessary for the Head 
of the Church, and said that his sudden withdrawal from the 
Council of Trent had given rise to the suspicion that he did not 
agree to the decree on Justification, and advised him there 
fore to withdraw his candidature. The Cardinal attacked 
answered calmly that his withdrawal from the Council was 
occasioned solely by reasons of health, and that although he 
would take no steps to be chosen Pope, he would also not 
prevent the Cardinals from bestowing their votes upon him 
if they were inclined to do so. 1 

Pole s candidature, however, proved in the meantime 
more than hopeless, and the Imperialists could no longer shut 
their eyes to the fact. After they had been terrified, on 
December 26th, by the news that three more French Cardinals 
would soon arrive, they risked everything to have Toledo 
elected, if possible, on the following day. They actually suc 
ceeded, quite privately, in adding another eight votes to the 
twenty-three which they already possessed, so that Toledo s 
election seemed assured. In spite of their secrecy, however, 
the plan became known, and the French, who had nominated 
de Cupis as the opposing candidate, succeeded, by dint of 
hard work during the night, in winning back these eight votes 
from the Imperialists. On December 27th Toledo had only 
twenty votes, de Cupis twenty-one and one supplementary one. 
The Imperialists had, therefore, to resign themselves to the 
strengthening of the French party on December 28th by the 
arrival of de la Chambre and d Amboise. 

In the meantime a new difficulty had arisen. The Jubilee 
Year of 1550 was to be inaugurated by the opening of the 

1 Gualterius in MERKLE, II., 64. A similar scene took place 
on March 22. When Pole again received 23 votes and Carafa 
20 in the ballot on that day, Carafa stood up and begged the 
Cardinals not to consider his candidature. Pole also stood up 
and repeated his former declaration. If anyone gave him his 
vote merely from motives of friendship, he begged him to refrain 
from so doing ; should he, however, be obeying the dictates of 
his conscience, he could not, and would not, bring any pressure 
to bear on him. MASSARELLI, 70 seq. 



28 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Golden Door on Christmas Eve. Many pilgrims had already 
arrived in Rome. It was, however, doubtful if the Holy Year, 
with its usual indulgences and faculties for absolution, could 
be inaugurated without a Pope, and without the ceremonies 
mentioned. The prelates and barons, therefore, applied to 
the Cardinals, complaining at the same time of the long delay 
and want of unity in the conclave. The barons said that the 
guarding of the doors of the conclave should be entrusted to 
them, as the prelates were too indulgent for such a duty. 
The Dean, de Cupis, informed the Cardinals of these difficulties 
on December 29th. No remedies could as yet be found for 
the disagreement in the conclave, which no one denied, but 
with regard to the Jubilee, a declaration was issued on the 
following day that it had undoubtedly begun, and that the 
opening of the Golden Door would be performed subsequently 
by the future Pope. 

At that time, however, there seemed but little hope of soon 
getting the future Pope. The Imperialists, as the Venetian 
ambassador, Dandolo, wrote on December 2ist, 1549, na< ^ 
pledged their word in writing not to give way to their oppon 
ents, and he reported on January 8th, 1550, that both parties 
had pledged themselves by oath not to yield to the other. 1 
On December 26th they wrote from the conclave that the 
French were then boasting that they were as well off in the 
conclave as if they were in paradise, and that they would hold 
out until everyone was exhausted. The opposing party spoke 
to the same effect ; neither the length of time nor" any other 
consideration should rob Cardinal Pole of one of his votes, 
or force another candidate upon them. 2 This implacability 
of the parties, we are informed by another report of January 
4th, 1550, arose from the fact that one party awaited the Holy 
Ghost from Flanders, and the other from France. People in 
Rome betted 40 to i that there would be no Pope in January, 
and 10 to I that there would also be none in the following 

1 BROWN, V., n. 602, 618. 

2 Ibid., 2. 606. 



UNHEALTHY CONDITIONS IN THE CONCLAVE. 2Q 

month. 1 Similar bets are repeatedly mentioned. 2 A re 
tainer of Cardinal Gonzaga writes on January 4th 3 that people 
in the city were speaking of anything rather than of the Papal 
election. Another correspondent sees a possibility of the 
hastening of the election in the unhealthy conditions of the 
conclave, as the air is charged to such an extent with the 
fumes of candles and torches that many have serious fears for 
their health. 4 

1 *" Stanno anchora in conclave questi reverendissimi signori, 
ne pare che vi sii una speranza al mondo di Papa. Sono divisi 
in due parti et stanno la dentro ostinati, aspettando 1 una il 
Spirito santo di Fiandra et 1 altra di Francia, che Dio sa quando 
saranno d accordo, ne pu6 fare il Papa Tuna parte senza 1 altra, 
se non si rumpano. Si da quaranta per cento che non si fara 
per tutto questo mese et dieci per 1 altro." Pietro Maria Carissimo 
to Sabino Calandra on January 4, 1550 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). Mendoza took the liberty of making a joke about the 
Cardinals by wishing them a happy Easter instead of a happy 
Christmas. Gaulterius in MERKLE, II., 74. 

2 BROWN, V., n. 621 (January n), n. 627 (January 15), n. 
629 (January 18), n. 630 (January 22). 

3 *" La cosa e di maniera posta in silentio che d ogni altra 
cosa si ragiona qui che di questa." Giuseppe Inglesco to Sabino 
Calandra, secretario ducale (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 *Non s ha una minima fermeza di dover haver un Papa 
di qui a quindici di et di conclavi si sono havuto polize et qui 
in casa nostra et altrove che promettono che presto presto sara 
fatto un Papa, et acenano a Salviati, mostrando che quei s ri 
reverendissimi sieno sforzati a risolversene se non per altro 
almeno per non ammorbarsi in quel conclavi, dove dicono che 
e tanto fumo delli candeli et torchi che vi se tengono accese, 
et tanto polvere et tanta puzza delli cantari orinali et tinello 
che vi si fa di continuo, che poco poco piu che duri quella festa 
dubitano da vero di ammorbarvisi." Giuseppe Inglesco to 
Sabino Calandra, secretario ducale et castellano di Mantova, 
December 31, 1549 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. Dandolo 
on January 22, 1550, in BROWN, V., n. 630. The smell from the 
lavatories was often mentioned. Firmanus, in MERKLE, II., 
88, 96. 



30 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

A feeble attempt was made to come to a decision on January 
2nd, 1550. Guise and Farnese agreed to a meeting, at which 
the former finally offered Cardinals de Cupis, Salviati, Ridolfi, 
Lorraine, Este and Capodiferro as candidates. Farnese 
answered that he would make a generous proposal : either 
Guise might choose a candidate from the twenty-three ad 
herents of Pole, or allow that he, Farnese, might choose one 
of the twenty-two voting for Caraf a, to be raised to the Papal 
throne. Neither of these proposals was accepted. 1 The 
ballots which now followed are the less worthy of note as the 
French had decided only to put forward their real candidate 
when Cardinal Bourbon had arrived from Fiance. 2 

This Cardinal entered the conclave on January I4th. It 
appeared, however, to be still impossible to secure the full 
number of votes necessary for the three principal French 
candidates, Lorraine, Ridolfi or Salviati. In consequence of 
this, Salviati refused at first to come forward as a candidate, 
and the two others did likewise. 3 The Imperialists had been at 

1 MASSARELLI, 82. Cf. the *report of Giulio Gentile to the 
grand chancellor of Milan, dated Rome, January 5, 1550 (State 
Archives, Milan). 

2 Dandolo in BROWN, V., n. 618. 

3 As Farnese is reported to have said to Marshall de la Mark, 
after the elevation of Julius III., Ridolfi and Salviati (as well 
as de Cupis) had been put forward as candidates in appearance 
only, for the sake of gaining time, in order that they might in 
the meantime canvass for Este, and secure for him the approval 
of the Emperor. This had been the only reason for the long 
duration of the conclave. Cardinal d Este is said to have offered 
Parma to Ottavio Farnese, the archbishopric of Narbonne and 
the favour of the French king to Alessandro, and a daughter of 
the Duke of Ferrara and 200,000 livres to Orazio, in order to 
win the support of Cardinal Farnese (RIBIER, II., 268). The 
readiness of the princes to support their candidates by the ex 
penditure of large sums is also referred to by PETRUCELLI, II., 
33, 42, 43. Concerning French attempts at bribery cf. ibid., 
46 seq. Guise received in Lyons a bill of exchange for large sums 
to be collected in Rome. RIBIER, II., 257 : cf. SAGMULLER, 
Papstwahlen, 184 n. 2 ; DRUFFEL, I., 321 seq., 325, 328. 



FARNESE S ATTEMPT AT CONCILIATION. 31 

the same time working very actively for Morone, who received 
twenty-four votes, and two supplementary ones on January 
I5th, and they only lost hope when the French again got two 
votes away from him, whereupon, despairing of his success, 
they once more returned to Pole. 

In the general bewilderment of those days, Farnese en 
deavoured to advance a step further on January igth by 
designating clearly and decisively to their opponents those 
candidates for whom the Imperialists would, in no case, vote. 
These were de Cupis, Caraf a, Salviati and Ridolfi, as they had 
been excluded by Charles V., and quite apart from the fact 
that they were enemies of the Emperor, it was to be feared 
that their election would irritate him and plunge Italy into 
war. 1 He begged them at least to relinquish the election of 
these Cardinals. Guise s reply was a rough refusal. The 
next development was that he refused to act at all with Far 
nese, as the latter had promised him to vote for Lorraine, 
and had broken his word, which was unworthy of a gentleman. 
If, however, the Imperialists thought it right to exclude such 
worthy men from the Papacy, he declared, on his part, that 
the French would never, in all eternity, vote for Pole, Morone, 
Sfondrato or Carpi. 

Thus this attempt at conciliation ended by widening the 
differences between the contending parties. 2 Conclavists who 
left the place of voting on January 28th and 29th, unanimously 
declared that the Cardinals expected anything rather than the 
election of a Pope. 3 

In the second half of January they began at length to reflect 
on the causes of the continued delay and to seek for a remedy. 
The Cardinal-Dean, de Cupis, made a speech to this effect 
after the voting of January i6th, and specially denounced the 

1 " Si enim illi aperti Caesaris hostes ad pontificatum eveheren- 
tur Caesarem protinus ad arma concitarent totamque pernicios- 
issimo bello Italiam ince[n]derent." (Gualterius in MERKLE, 
II., 100). This reason was, however, of no weight as far as 
Caraf a was concerned. 

2 MASSARELLI, 100. 

3 Dandolo in BROWN, V,, n. 635. Cf. Muzio, Lettere, 142, 146. 



32 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

decision according to the terms of which a Cardinal could only 
announce his adherence to the election of a candidate with 
the concurrence of the members of his party. 1 Carafa agreed 
with de Cupis, and read the decree of Gregory X. with regard 
to the Papal election. Pacheco acknowledged that both sides 
had been to blame, but especially the French, as, while thwart 
ing Pole s election, they had limited for their adherents, by 
means of the promise given under oath, both their freedom of 
voting and of joining the other party. 2 

- On January 26th a general congregation of the Cardinals 
was held instead of the scrutiny, which would again have been 
without result, and de Cupis once more spoke of the abuses 
and misdeeds of the conclave. The intrigues and secret 
manoeuvres, he said, were more calculated to prolong than 
to conclude the election, when one side merely endeavoured to 
circumvent the other, and this had assumed such proportions 
that an election was out of the question. The consideration 
shown to the secular princes, according to whose instructions 
votes should be given to one candidate and withheld from 
another, was specially to be deplored, as it was against the 
dictates of conscience and was a disgrace to the College of 
Cardinals. Voting was no longer free and a change was 
urgently needed. A further abuse lay in the neglect of the 
observance of the enclosure, and in the enormous number of 
conclavists, among whom many persons crept in, who did not 
belong to the conclave. Most abominable of all, however, was 
the custom by which both parties, even before the voting, 
announced to whom their votes would be given, a practice 
which meant that no Cardinal could vote without having 
previously informed the other members of his party and re 
ceived their consent. 3 

This speech of the Dean was favourably received by the 

1 Cf. DRUFFEL, I., 331 seq. 

2 MASSARELLI, 95 seq. According to Gualterius (MERKLE, 
II., 87) the French took an oath never to write Pole s name on a 
voting paper. Cf. DRUFFEL, I., 314. 

3 MASSARELLI, 107 ; cf. Gualterius in MERKLE, II., 87. 



REFORMS IN THE CONCLAVE. 33 

Cardinals. Salviati complained of the excessive complaisance 
towards the princes, Carafa adding that if matters continued 
like this, it would end in the secular princes electing a Pope 
without the Cardinals, which would, as far as he was con 
cerned, be more agreeable than this perpetual dilatoriness. 
Pacheco emphasised the danger of the Council claiming the 
right to elect the Pope.. 1 Sf ondrato and Guise, indeed, pointed 
out the difficulties attending a reform, but the others unani 
mously resolved to choose six Cardinals from the six nations 
represented, namely Carafa, Bourbon, Pacheco, Truchsess, 
de Silva and Pole, who, in conjunction with de Cupis, Carpi, 
Ridolfi and the Camerlengo, Sforza, should draw up a decree 
of reform. This was published on January 3ist. 2 An en 
deavour was made in this to abolish the election intrigues 
by reviving and emphasizing the regulations of the Church 
concerning the mode of life in the conclave. 3 

According to the decree of Gregory X., each Cardinal was 
allowed to have two conclavists with him. Agents and secre 
taries of secular princes had, on this occasion, slipped in under 
the guise of conclavists, who spied out the secrets of the con 
clave and betrayed them to their masters. 4 In this manner 
the secretaries of the two ambassadors, d Urfe and Mendoza, 
the secretaries of the King of France, the Duke of Florence 

1 There was already question of such a danger on December 16, 
1549. (DRUFFEL, I., 325 ; cf. 317). In Paris the question was 
raised whether, in the event of failure on the part of the Cardinals, 
a Council could undertake a papal election, and was answered 
in the affirmative. Renard to Charles V. on February 5, 1550, 
in DRUFFEL, I., 350 ; cf. RIBIER, II., 256. 

2 MASSARELLI, 113 seqq. They are in two forms, the second 
having a commentary by Massarelli, in which he depicts the abuses 
of the conclave. 

3 What follows is according to MASSARELLI, 114 seqq. 

4 Communication with a Cardinal in the conclave was forbidden 
by Gregory X. under pain of excommunication. The law was 
evaded by the conclavists undertaking the communication. 
Cf. Mendoza to Charles V. on December 5, *549, in DRUFFEL. 
I., 307- 

VOL. XIII. 3 



34 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and the Viceroy of Naples, were to be found among the con 
clavists. Cardinals whose firmness there was reason to doubt, 
were given over by the party leaders to safe persons, also 
called conclavists, who were enjoined to keep a firm hold on 
them and find out their opinions. To these were joined 
brothers and relatives of the Cardinals, and nobles and barons 
who wished to know what a conclave was like, 1 and also, in 
the case of many Cardinals, their physicians in ordinary. It 
had thus come to pass that almost every Cardinal had four, 
and some as many as eight, conclavists with him, and that 
some 400 persons were together in the conclave. 2 

In addition to this, the mode of life in the conclave was 
wanting in that simplicity and austerity which were de 
manded by the Canon Law, in the interests of as speedy an 
election as possible. In order to avoid the troublesome 
restriction to one small room, many Cardinals had annexed 
the empty cells of the absent members of the Sacred College, 
whilst others had enlarged their cells by means of a wooden 
erection in front ; windows had also been opened out in the 
conclave. The limitations in the meals, which were pre 
scribed in the case of a long duration of the election proceed 
ings, were absolutely disregarded. The feasts were of a nature 
to satisfy a Lucullus, 3 while the Cardinals issued invitations 
to one another, as well as to their conclavists, and both sides 
sent the most elaborate dishes to their friends ! 

The most far-reaching abuse, however, lay in the very 
faulty observance of the enclosure, and it became thereby 
possible for the foreign princes to influence the election and 
protract it for an indefinite period. Openings had been made 
in the walls, in order to communicate with the outside world ; 
letters could be received and dispatched, while d Urfe boasted 

1 See several names of the agents of the princes and relations 
of the Cardinals in MASSARELLI, 108, 116. An Abyssinian 
(Aethiops) was also in the conclave (ibid. 87, 126). Cf. MERKLE, 
II., Proleg. xxxvi., n. 8. 

2 Dandolo on January 15. 1550, in BROWN, V., n. 627. Con 
cerning the physicians see MARINI, I., 392 seq. 

3 " ut Luculli mensae . . viderentur." MASSARELLI, 118. 



THE ABUSES IN THE CONCLAVE. 35 

to his King that he had made a way, with ladders and over 
roofs, to speak to Guise. 1 The conclavists received permis 
sion far too easily to leave the conclave under trifling pretexts, 
and then return, and it was precisely these people who be 
trayed the secrets of the conclave everywhere, and were the 
go-betweens of the princes. When Madruzzo sent his con 
clavist, Pagnani, with a message, both his boots were so 
stuffed up with letters that he quite forgot his masters missive, 
through thinking of them. 2 

In face of these abuses, the reform committee decided that 
each Cardinal should have only three conclavists ; among 
these he could have relatives, if they were not ruling barons, 
and his physician, but not intimates of another Cardinal. 
Agents of the princes and ambassadors, barons who had juris 
diction and their subordinates, and all those who were not 
on the list of conclavists at the beginning of the conclave, 
should be expelled, and severely punished should they return. 
In order to deal with ordinary ailments, a Frenchman and a 
Spaniard should be added to the four physicians of the con 
clave, of whom three were Italians and one a German, while 
the number of barbers should also be increased. All un 
authorized communication with the outside world, whether 
by word of mouth or by letter, was strictly forbidden ; every 
Cardinal, with the exception of those who were ill, was to 
return to the cell originally assigned to him ; all additions 
built on to the cells were to be done away with ; and all 
windows which had been added were to be closed. The 
conclavists were to eat and sleep in the cells of their masters, 
while meals were to be made conformable to the regulations 
of Clement VI. In order to make communication with the out 
side world impossible, whether for the purpose of obtaining 
provisions or anything else, arrangements were made similar 
to those in the convents of nuns. All private meetings were 

1 RIBIER, II., 259. Bonif. Ruggieri relates the same thing 
of a visit to Cardinal d Este. PETRUCELLI, II., 31, 46 ; cf. also 
Muzio, Lettere, 120, 148. 

2 Gualterius in MERKLE, II., 81. 



36 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

prohibited. As the election proceedings had often lasted 
till late in the night, it was ordered that in future, no Cardinal 
should go out of his cell later than the fifth hour of the evening, 
while the conclavists had also to withdraw one hour later, 
both hours being announced by the ringing of a bell. Per 
mission to enter the conclave or to leave it would only be 
granted by the committee of Cardinals. Special regulations 
were also made with regard to the custody of the keys of the 
conclave, while arms were strictly prohibited inside the 
enclosure. 

At the same time as this decree for the reform of the interior 
conditions of the conclave was promulgated, the prelates 
charged with the exterior guarding of it, drew up a second 
regulation with regard to the shutting off of the conclave 
from the outer world. Specially worthy of note are the 
orders that all windows and doors leading out from the conclave 
should be closed, and that the Apostolic palace should be 
searched every second day to see that no means of egress 
had been broken open. 1 

The reform commission had ordered on February 5th that 
a rotary lift should be arranged in the wall, similar to those 
used in convents of nuns, for the reception of provisions, 
and that not more than one course should be served at a meal. 
The superfluous conclavists, eighty in number, were all turned 
out. 2 

1 MASSARELLI, 121 seqq. 

2 Ibid., 136 ; cf. FIRMANUS, 129 ; Muzio, Lettere, 149. Atti 
di Soc. Ligur., XXXVIII. (1910), seqq. In spite of this, however, 
it would appear that communication with the outside world 
was not quite stopped. Endimio Calandra writes to his brother 
Sabino on February 7, 1550 : *Di Papa hora mai non si perisa, 
ne si ne ragiona, come ogni cosa viene in puoca reputatione 
quando va alia lunga. Li poveri r mi sono serati la dentro et 
non si possono accordare, e come le cose si governano piu di 
fuori che di dentro, consultandosi tutta via coi principi, si ben 
hanno cacciato fuori li secretarii et gli agenti, che per6 non si 
possano mandare lettere, forza. e che vadino in lungo." (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 



CANDIDATURE OF SALVIATI. 37 

Granted that such orders for reform testify to the desire 
of the Cardinals finally to arrive at an election, this good will 
could only be strengthened by the advances which both 
parties made about the same time, regarding the election 
intrigues. 

Ridolfi, who had been obliged to leave the Vatican on account 
of illness, had the best prospect of the tiara during the last 
half of January. 1 It was firmly believed that he would return 
to the conclave as Pope. After Ridolfi s death, on January 
3ist, 2 the French turned their attention to Salviati, 3 whom 
many had, even before the conclave, looked upon as the 
future Pope, and whose candidature had been put forward 
again and again. Besides the French party, his old friend 
Gonzaga and Cardinal della Rovere now declared for him, 
the latter at the wish of his brother, the Duke of Urbino. 
What, however, caused a still greater sensation, and soon 
became a common topic of conversation in the city, was that 
Alessandro Farnese s brother Ranuccio, and his cousin Sforza, 
were ready to give Salviati their votes. Most people saw the 
reason for this change of front in considerations of family 
policy. Of the four Farnese brothers, Duke Ottavio was 
son-in-law of the Emperor, and expected from him the pos 
session of Parma. Orazio Farnese, on the other hand, hoped 
to become the son-in-law of the French king, and had French 
sympathies. Of the two Farnese Cardinals, Alessandro was 
more inclined to side with Ottavio, while Ranuccio, on the 
other hand, had a greater leaning to Orazio. As Ranuccio 

1 FIRM ANUS, 113. 

2 It was reported that Ridolfi had been poisoned by his servant, 
bribed to do so by Mendoza, and that the confidant of Cosimo 
de Medici, Giov. Fran. Lottino, had had a hand in the matter. 
Cf. MAFFEI in the Rassegna per la storia di Volterra, I. (1898), 
90 seq., and BRUZZONE in La Stampa, 1900, n. 51. 

3 The Imperial ambassador, Mendoza, advocated, at least in 
appearance, the candidature of Salviati (cf. Muzio, Lettere, 
131) ; Cosimo de Medici was, however, decidedly opposed to 
him ; the Duke wished absolutely for no Florentine. See RANKE, 
Histor-biogr. Studien, Leipsic, 1877, 416 seq. 



38 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

feared that Ottavio would, on the advice of Alessandro, 
snatch away the Duchy of Castro from Orazio, with the 
Emperor s help, he was all the more inclined to the French side, 
especially as he did not wish to jeopardize his brother s scheme 
for the French marriage by a friendship with the Emperor. 1 
Cardinal Sforza, moreover, would not have been unwilling to 
see Salviati Pope, especially as his sister-in-law was Salviati s 
niece. 

By the accession of the two cousins to Salviati s adherents, 
his prospects brightened exceedingly. On February 2nd, 
on which there was no voting, a regular competition took 
place with regard to Ranuccio and Sforza, the one side en 
deavouring to hold the two cousins fast, the other to win them 
back. On the evening of that day, the Imperialists had, after 
many changes of fortune, succeeded so far, that the two 
promised to abstain from voting for Salviati, at least on the 
two following days. Night, a sleepless one for many, brought 
a temporary end to the canvassing and intrigue ; however, 
the decisive reconciliation of the three Farnese did not take 
place until the evening of the following day, whereupon the 
French dropped the candidature of Salviati. 

This incident was of the greatest importance for the issue 
of the conclave. Farnese had discovered that the party 
discipline, hitherto so strict, might suddenly crumble to pieces, 
and that any further delay might be dangerous. After 
Salviati s failure, Guise had also given up hope of getting a 
Cardinal of French sympathies elected. Nothing therefore 
remained but to propose a candidate who was neutral, so they 
again fell back on Giovan Maria del Monte, on whom the eyes 
of intelligent people had long been fixed, 2 and for whom the 
influential Duke of Florence had been working since the 
beginning of January. 3 He was, besides, the only one of the 

1 France, as well as the Emperor, had been endeavouring, 
since the middle of December, to bring pressure to bear on Farnese 
by means of the Parma affair. DRUFFEL, I., 330-332 seq. 343. 
RIBIER, II., 261. 2 See Supra, p. 22. 

3 PETRUCELLI, II., 51 seqq. ; cf. Giorn. stor. della lett. Ital., 
XLIII., 241. 



CANDIDATURE OF DEL MONTE. 39 

four Cardinal-Bishops whose candidature had not already 
been proved impossible. 

It was Cardinal Sforza who first drew the attention of the 
conclave to del Monte at the beginning of February, and gave 
his approbation to his being put forward. 1 The weariness 
and disgust which had taken possession of the electors, the 
death of Ridolfi, the illness of other distinguished Cardinals, 
and the unhealthy conditions within the conclave, all gave 
rise to a universal longing for the speedy termination of the 
election. 2 

Del Monte was, however, not without opponents. Charles V. 
had excluded him from the tiara, as well as de Cupis, but 
Mendoza had thought himself justified in not producing the 
said document, and the Emperor subsequently approved this 
proceeding on the part of his ambassador. 3 In the conclave 
itself the determined Guise was an open opponent of del 
Monte ; he repeated shameful stories about him and said he 
was unworthy of the Papacy. 4 In Cardinal d Este, del Monte 
now found a quite unexpected advocate. Este was himself 
a candidate for the tiara, and as long as he was under the 
influence of his cousin, Ercole Gonzaga, had also been opposed 
to del Monte. His candidature had been roughly rejected by 
Charles V., and the want of consideration shown by Gonzaga 
in communicating the Emperor s exclusion to him, had led 
to a split between him and his cousin. Just at the time of 
this quarrel del Monte visited Cardinal d Este and begged him 
to intervene with Guise on his behalf. Este agreed, and at 
this visit received such a favourable impression of del Monte, 
that he now became his zealous adherent. 5 

1 Maffei in MERKLE, II., 132. 

2 The conclavists who left the conclave were mostly ill and 
half dead. The air was so dreadful that the first physician in 
Rome declared on his entrance into the conclave that an outbreak 
of the plague was likely to follow. Dandolo on January 22, 
1550, in BROWN, V., n. 630. 

3 MAURENBRECHER, 229, n. 9 ; 225, n. 20. 

4 Maffei in MERKLE, II., 59. RIBIER, II., 268. 

5 Maffei in MERKLE, II., 136. 



4O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

What Este had begun with Guise, Sforza now completed. 
The French Cardinal, at a chance meeting with the latter, 
expressed his displeasure at the state of affairs in the conclave 
and at the obstinacy of the parties. Sforza replied that it 
was in Guise s own power to bring the matter to an end, by 
refraining from his support of Salviati. The French, he con 
tinued, had shown their power sufficiently up till now, and by 
an exaggeration of their claims might in the end lose every 
thing. 

Wearied of the fruitless voting, Guise agreed with this idea, 
and proposed to elect Cervini. To this, however, Sforza 
could not give his assent, and thereupon Guise happened, as 
if by accident, to speak of del Monte. Sforza at once ac 
quiesced in this, but begged him first of all to get the consent 
of Farnese, as nothing could be arranged without the latter s 
approval. 1 

On February 6th, as Guise was walking up and down one of 
the corridors after dinner in conversation with Ranuccio 
Farnese and Sforza, they were joined by Alessandro Farnese. 
After some time Ranuccio and Sforza withdrew, and the two 
leaders could freely interchange their ideas. Contrary to all 
expectation, they were quickly of one mind with regard to the 
elevation of del Monte. 2 

They at first, as it appears, fixed the election for February 
8th, but already on the morning of February 7th, there were 
rumours in the conclave concerning the candidature of del 
Monte. In the afternoon, when the Cardinals, as was custom 
ary, deliberated in the Pauline Chapel, these formed the chief 
topic of conversation and found little opposition. At the 



1 Ibid., II., 136. 

2 See Gaulterius in MERKLE, II., 139 n. 2. Massarelli had 
most likely been obliged to leave the conclave on February 5 
with the superfluous conclavists. His report of the events 
that followed is taken from Petrus Paulus de Brevibus (see 
MERKLE, II., Proleg., xli. seq.) Cf. concerning the attitude of 
A. Farnese, and his letter to Prospero Santa Croce, in CUGNONI, 
Prose ined. di A. Caro, 145. 



ELECTION OF DEL MONTE. 41 

approach of darkness, the Cardinals withdrew, but the negotia 
tions concerning del Monte still continued. 

The three relatives of Paul III. assembled in the cell of 
Cardinal Maffei, with Crescenzi, Medici, Cornaro and Savelli ; 
they all urged speed and counted the votes at their disposal. 
Guise had offered twenty-one, which, with the votes of de 
Silva, Gaddi and the eight assembled in Maffei s cell, formed 
the two-thirds majority, which, with the forty-seven electors 
then present, was thirty-one. 1 It was extremely advisable 
to set about the winning of further votes especially as the 
Spaniards did not wish for del Monte s election, and Pacheco 
and Mendoza had already gone to Toledo to deliberate on 
counter-action. Cardinal M^affei, sent by the adherents of 
Farnese, now joined them and Farnese soon arrived himself, 
and later on de Silva. Their united endeavours were at last 
successful in winning over Toledo and Mendoza, but Pacheco 
persisted in violent opposition and demanded at least a delay 
long enough to enable him to consult Gonzaga and Madruzzo. 
The chief difficulty for the Spaniards lay in the fact that del 
Monte was considered to be excluded by the Emperor. To 
this Farnese successfully opposed the Imperial letter of which 
he was aware, and in which no objection was made to del 
Monte. Medici was now sent to Gonzaga, and Maffei to Pole, 
who was at that moment deliberating with Truchsess. Pole 
and Truchsess gave their agreement, provided that del Monte 
reached the full number of votes, while Gonzaga raised no 
objections. When Medici left him he also stood up and joined 
Madruzzo, where he found Pacheco and Cueva. 

The French, who had in the meanwhile been working for 
del Monte, now sent Sermoneta and Capodiferro to the Car 
dinals assembled in Maffei s cell, and made the proposal that 
del Monte should now be elevated to the Papal throne by a 
general rendering of homage. Farnese agreed, and sent a 
message to the French to assemble in the Pauline Chapel, 
where he and the others would join them. 

1 Thus according to MASSARELLI, 141. Reckoned truly the two- 
thirds majority was 32. 



42 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

On the way to the chapel, Farnese entered Madruzzo s cell, 
where he met Gonzaga, Pacheco and Cueva. His attempt to 
induce them to join, was, however, without success. With the 
exception of the four named, and apart from del Monte himself, 
and the sick Cardinal Carpi, who agreed to del Monte s election, 
all the others, forty-one in number, assembled in the Pauline 
Chapel. As they all unanimously and in a loud voice called 
for del Monte as Pope, Guise and Farnese, clasping hands, 
hurried to del Monte and brought him into the chapel, w r here 
he was embraced and kissed by all present. Some acclaimed 
him in a loud voice and others more quietly, but the noise was 
so great that no one could hear his own voice. Then the 
Cardinal-Dean ordered them to be quiet ; noisy proceedings 
must be avoided and they must proceed to pay homage in a 
proper manner. 

The Papal throne was now erected in front of the altar, and 
Cardinal del Monte took his place thereon. The Cardinals 
occupied their accustomed seats and the names of all present 
were then read over by the master of ceremonies. They 
voted unanimously for del Monte as Pope. In order to 
demonstrate this, they advanced to the throne and showed 
him the manifestations of respect customary in the case of 
the Pope. Del Monte then declared that he accepted the 
election, and ordered that an official deed should be drawn up 
concerning it. He emphasized the fact that a subsequent 
scrutiny could not affect the election, which was already 
accomplished. By now it was already night, and del Monte, 
led by de Cupis and Salviati, withdrew to his cell. To the 
inquiry of de Cupis as to what name he should assume, he 
answered that he would assume the name of Julius III. out 
of gratitude to Julius II. who had first conferred lustre on his 
family by the elevation of Antonio del Monte to the cardinal- 
ate. 1 Lastly Madruzzo, Gonzaga, Pacheco and Cueva came 
to del Monte s cell and also paid him homage. 

Meanwhile the great event had become known outside the 

1 His motto was : Vias tuas, Domine, demonstra mihi. 
CIACONIUS, III., 746. 



END OF THE CONCLAVE. 43 

conclave. All the walls, doors and windows were already 
being broken open, and the nobles, prelates and intimates of 
the new Pope were streaming in and would not allow them 
selves to be turned out either by threats or commands. 
Neither supper nor the night s rest were to be thought of in 
the conclave. 

The next day, February 8th, a last ballot took place early 
in the morning, merely as a matter of form. Del Monte s 
voting paper bore the name of Toledo, all the others that of 
del Monte. All the Cardinals paid him homage. Then the 
election was announced to the people, the new Pope being 
carried into St. Peter s, where his foot was kissed by everyone. 1 

Del Monte s elevation was so unexpected that even on the 
day on which it took place, a letter from Rome announced 
that no one was thinking of the election, or speaking about it. 2 

The issue of the conclave surprised everyone, foreign diplo 
matists as well as the Romans. 3 The inhabitants of the 
Eternal City rejoiced more at the fact that they again had a 
Pope, than because the majority of votes had been given to 
Cardinal del Monte. Endimio Calandra, however, said, even 
on February 8th, that he believed, from the knowledge he 
possessed of the new Pope, that his reign would be a good one. 4 
In fact, the universal opinion was favourable to Julius III. 5 , 

1 MASSARELLI, 143 seq. Cf. J. V. Meggens report in the Archiv 
fiir schweiz. Reform. -Gesch., III., 507. 

2 See the above mentioned (p. 36, n. 2) *letter of E. Calandra 
of February 7, 1550. On the 8 he wrote : " *Questa notte 
passata quando manco se vi pensava o hier sera s e fatto il 
papa." (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 See DANDOLO, 347. 

4 See the *letter in Appendix No. I (Gonzaga Archives, Man 
tua). 

5 So, * write the Bolognese ambassadors, Giorgio Magio and 
Lod. de Rossi on February 8, 1550, there is universal joy in 
Rome at the " ottimo principe dal valor et integrita del quale si 
spera ogni bene." (State Archives, Bologna). See also Michel 
angelo, Lettere, ed. MILANEST, 527 (wrongly dated ; cf. THODE, 
I., 450 seq.) 



44 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

although there were not wanting those who judged him in 
quite a different manner. * 

The Emperor, as well as the French king, whose endeavours 
to procure the tiara for a pronounced adherent had not been 
crowned with success, could not be pleased with the issue of 
the conclave. Cosimo de Medici, to whom the elevation of 
del Monte was chiefly attributed 2 in Rome, endeavoured to 
soothe Charles V. 3 Cardinal Farnese apologized to the Em 
peror and the French king for the result of the election, 4 while 
Guise also did his best to make the issue of the election pro 
ceedings agreeable to his master. 5 

In the college of Cardinals there was a general feeling of 
satisfaction, especially as Julius III. was very generous in 
giving proofs of his clemency, even in these early days. 6 The 
reform party had the fewest reasons for being satisfied, seeing 
that they had not been successful with any of their candidates, 
and that, not from want of zeal, but owing to the machinations 
of the princes. Those, however, who were of a strictly eccles 
iastical bias, did not despair, because they knew from the 
Council of Trent, 7 that the new Pope, if he did not belong to 
their party, had so much understanding of the position of the 
Church that they might hope from him for a furtherance of 
their strivings after reform. 

1 Muzio, Lettere, 152, who is, however, very soon of a much more 
favourable opinion (156 seq.} BROSCH (I., 191) lays great stress on 
the first opinion, but completely ignores the later changed view. 

2 *" ii g r ido di questa corte e cli il duca nostro sa fare Papi 
non si potria dire facilmente il gran nome c ha aquistato doppo 
la promotione di S. S tdi predicando ciascuno S.E. da infinitissime 
ottime parti che si trovano in lei." B. Buonanni, dated Roma 
22 febbr. 1550. (State Archives, Florence). 

3 PETRUCELLI, II., 62. Cosimo also reported it to Henry II. ; 
see PALANDRI, 66. 

4 Cf. CUGNONI, Prose ined. di A. Caro, 131 seq., 144 seqq. 

5 See DRUFFEL, I., 350-358. 

6 *" In somma si vede una comune contentezza in tutti li cardi- 
nali, cosi dell una come dell altra fattione, e S. S ta mostra una 
eguale buona volunta verso tutti, essendo con ciascuno larghissimo 
di gratie ... A. Serristori, Rome February 12, 1550. (State Ar 
chives, Florence). 7 Cf. EHSES, Cone. Trid., V., 780, n. 314. 



CHAPTER II. 

PREVIOUS LIFE, CHARACTER AND BEGINNING OF THE REIGN 
OF JULIUS III. 

THE family of the Ciocchi del Monte 1 bore the name of their 
original seat, Monte San Savino, a small town in the district 
of Arezzo, beautifully situated on a hill in the lovely Chiana 
Valley, not far from Lucignano ; it is known as the birthplace 
of the celebrated sculptor, Andrea Sansovino. The grandfather 
of Julius III., Fabiano, was a distinguished advocate in the 
town 2 , and to this day in the principal church a beautiful tomb 
may be seen, which his son, Antonio, afterwards Cardinal, 
erected to his beloved father, who died in 1498. A second 

1 See R. RESTORELLI, *Notizie delle famiglie di Monte, Bor- 
gognonio, Guidalotti e Simoncelli (written 1771), in the Arch, 
com. at Monte San Savino. Cf. TESORONI, 32 seq. and LITTA 
f. 16. 

2 Cf. for what follows O. PANVINIUS, De Julii vita ante ponti- 
ficatum, in MERKLE, II., 146 seq. ; DANDOLO, 353 seqq. ; LITTA, 
f. 1 6, where there is an illustration of the tomb at Monte San 
Savino. Concerning the arms of Julius III. (a splendid example 
at Todi ; ALINARI, 5225) see PASINI FRASSONI, 36 seq., and 
ORLANDINI in the Riv. del collegio araldico, V., Rome, 1907. 
The large coat of arms of Julius III. in the courtyard of the 
Palazzo Pubblico at Viterbo, with the inscription : " Julio 
III. P.M. c [ivitas] Viterb. erexit provinciam patrimonii guber- 
nante Rodolpho Pio card, de Carpo legato 1552," was on the 
Porta di S. Luca, destroyed in 1705, which was embellished under 
Julius III. (see Reformat., XLVIL, 118. City Archives, Viterbo). 
The present Porta Fiorentina was built on the site of the Porta 
di S. Luca. 

45 



46 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

son of Fabiano, Vincenzo, had embraced the study of juris 
prudence, and became consistorial advocate in Rome and one 
of the most respected lawyers in the city. Two daughters, 
Ludovica and Jacopa, were born of his marriage with Christ- 
ofora Saracini of Siena, the former of whom married Roberto 
de Nobili, the latter Francia della Corgna, and three sons, 
Giovan Maria, Baldovino and Costanzo. 

Giovan Maria del Monte was born on September loth, 1487, 
in Rome, in the Rione di Parione, in which his parents house 
was situated, not far from the Mellini palace. As he lost his 
father as early as 1504, his uncle, Antonio del Monte, Auditor 
of the Rota and Archbishop of Siponto (Manfredonia), took the 
promising youth under his care. He gave him a most excellent 
tutor 1 in the person of the humanist, Raffaello Brandolini, 
and sent him to study law in Perugia and Siena, 2 afterwards 
bringing him to Rome, where he obtained tor the talented 
young man the position of chamberlain to Julius II. When 
the Pope invested Antonio del Monte with the purple, 3 on 
March loth, 1511, he resigned the archbishopric of Siponto 
in favour of his nephew. 4 Giovan Maria del Monte received 
the flattering offer of preaching the opening sermon 5 at the 
fifth sitting of the Lateran Council, on February i6th, 1513, 

1 Concerning R. Brandolini see Vol. VI., of this work, p. 94. 

2 Here Ambrosius Catharinus was his teacher ; see LAUCHERT 

3i- 

3 Cf. our statements concerning this, as well as the confidential 
relations between Antonio and Julius II., in Vol. VI., pp. 274, 
344 of this work. The picture of Antonio in the Stanze is not 
authenticated ; ibid. 

4 In the year 1520 Giovan Maria also received the bishopric 
of Pavia, through the resignation of his uncle ; this he retained 
until 1530, and then again from 1544 onwards (for this cf. EHSES, 
Cone. Trid., IV., 570 n. i and CARCERERI in the Arch. Trid., 
XVIII., 83 n.) While archbishop of Siponto Giovan Maria 
del Monte completed the building of S. Maria Maggiore there. 
SCHULTZ, Denkmaler Siiditaliens, I., Dresden, 1860, 216. 

5 Printed in HARDOUIN, Coll. Cone., IX., 1664 seq. Cf. HEFELE- 
HERGENROTHER, Konziliengeschichte, VIII., 533. 



GIOVAN MARIA DEL MONTE. 47 

and acquitted himself of his task to the satisfaction of 
everyone. 

The honoured name which del Monte had gained under 
Julius II., he retained under the Medici Popes, Leo. X. and 
Clement VII. During the reign of Clement VII. he occupied 
the position of Governor of Rome on two occasions, during 
which he proved himself to be a strong upholder of justice, 
winning at the same time the good-will of everyone by his 
pleasant manners. Even then, however, his tendency 
towards pleasure was remarked, although this in no way 
interfered with the carrying out of his duties. The failings 
of Clement VII., and his vacillating policy, were reflected in 
the Archbishop of Siponto in a most marked manner, even as 
early as 1525. 1 The sack of Rome was the consequence of this 
attitude. Giovan Maria del Monte very nearly lost his life 
on this occasion ; he was among the hostages whom Clement 
VII. was obliged to provide at his capitulation on June 5th, 
1527, for the security of his payments. As the Pope had not 
succeeded, in spite of all his efforts, in producing the full 
amount, the mercenaries seized the hostages. These unfor 
tunates were twice led in chains to a gallows erected in the 
Campo de Fiori, and threatened with death. They only 
succeeded at the end of November, on St. Andrew s day, in 
making their keepers drunk and thus escaping from them. 2 
Del Monte never forgot the agony he endured in those terrible 
days, and when he became Pope, he erected a church in front 
of the Porta del Popolo, to the saint on whose feast he had 
been saved. 

Under Paul III. the Archbishop of Siponto now became 
vice-legate of Bologna, and also held the office of an auditor 
of the Apostolic Chamber ; he fulfilled the duties of both 
offices to the perfect satisfaction of the Pope, who rewarded 
him by investing him with the purple in the celebrated creation 
of December 22nd, 1536. 3 

1 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, p. 286 n. 3. 

2 Cf. Vol. IX. of this work, pp. 422, 461, 465. 

3 Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 159. 



48 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Cardinal of San Vitale, as del Monte was now generally 
named, after his titular church, deserved this distinction, 
because, as Panvinio points out, few men had laboured at the 
Curia so steadfastly, faithfully and honestly, and with such 
diligent zeal as he, while neither pride, avarice nor covetousness 
were to be found in him, nor any neglect nor want of care." 1 
Indeed, he distinguished himself to such an extent, both in the 
Reform Commission and elsewhere, that Paul III. appointed 
him as his representative at the Council of Trent, together 
with Cervini and Pole. 2 He devoted himself in this capacity 
almost exclusively to questions of ecclesiastical law, as he was 
really more a canonist than a theologian ; he also showed the 
greatest zeal in the campaign for reform. 3 He defended the 
rights of the presidents, as well as those of the Holy See, with 
great energy, but his excitable temperament was the cause of 
several sharp discussions which arose between him and the 
members of the Council. On the whole, however, no one can 
deny to his management of business, the tribute of impar 
tiality and objectivity. 4 

The appearance of Julius III. was so unsympathetic that it 
was difficult for artists to paint his portrait. 5 His face, which 

1 Panvinio in MERKLE, II., 147. 

2 Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 198, and Vol. XII., pp. 154, 
209 seqq. 

3 Cf. supra p. 44. 

4 Cf. HEFNER, 30 seq., and the evidence quoted there. 

5 Cf. the *Reports of B. Buonanni, Rome, April 9, 1550 ( . . . 
Fra otto giorni mi dice il Cecchi che si stampera delle monete 
di S.S^ ; ha detto che mi vuole far havere quel ritratto che 
fa m r Giorgio, et e cosa da non credersi, che non si sia trovato 
sino a qui pittore c habbi saputo corre la vera effigie et profile 
del naso di S.S^, la quale fa il piu bel ridersene del mondo) and 
April 14. Not until August 9 did Buonanni announce : *M. 
Prospero pittore fini un ritratto di S.S** in tela, il quale sta assai 
bene. See also the *report of Serristori of March 27, 1550, 
in the State Archives, Florence, according to which they wished 
to apply to Titian. The commission given to Vasari to paint 
the portrait of Julius III., appears not to have been executed ; 
see KALLAB, 84. 



PORTRAIT OF THE NEW POPE. 49 

was framed by a long grey beard, gave the impression of a 
rough coarse peasant. The sharply bent aquiline nose was 
disproportionately large, the lips closely pressed together, 
the eyes sharp and piercing. 1 This tall, powerful man was a 
heavy eater, but was not partial to the delicacies favoured 
by the gourmets of the Renaissance period. The vegetable 
he preferred to all others was the onion, and these were 
delivered, expressly for him, in immense quantities from Gaeta. 
It was in keeping with the peasant traits of Julius III. that 
he should often, in moments of expansion, have behaved in a 
manner little in keeping with his dignity. Not only did he 
disregard all ceremonial, 2 but he also gave offence by his 
demeanour. The free and unseemly jests with which he 

1 See Panvinius in MERKLE, II., 147. Concerning the portraits 
of Julius III. see KENNER in the Jahrb. der kunsthistor. Samm- 
lungen des Allerhochsten Kaiserhauses, XVII., 147 ; that 
from the Ambraser collection in Vienna is illustrated in LITTA 
f. 1 6, where there is also an illustration of the bronze statue of the 
Pope, more than life size, in front of the Cathedral in Perugia, 
executed by Vincenzo Danti (cf. A. Rossi in the Giorn. della 
erudiz. art., I., and Giorn. stor. della lett. Ital. Suppl., III., 
25, 93), which has been much spoken of lately, as its mantle 
(celebrated on account of the beautiful manner in which the folds 
of the drapery fell, and the representation of the Triumph of 
the Faith depicted thereon) was stolen from it in February, 
1911. A second statue of Julius III., in marble, is in the Palazzo 
Saraceni in Siena (see Histor.-polit. Blatter, LXXXIV., 51 seq.) 
also a good likeness in the council chamber of the Castle of Capra- 
rola. A portrait of Julius III. (mentioned infra Chap. XIII.) by 
Fabrizio Boschi, has not yet been published. The coarse features 
of the Pope are specially noticeable in his medals (see CIACONIUS, 
HI-. 755. VENUTI, 89 seq.) Complete collection in the cabinet 
of coins in the Vatican. Very beautiful medals of Julius III. 
are also to be found in the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Berlin, 
Hall 1 6, case 3. Illustration of the medal by Cavino in MUNTZ, 
III., 240. Concerning the medals of Julius III. see SERAFINI, 
247 seq. 

2 Cf. in Appendix No. 4 the *report of Buonanni of February 
2 3. 1550 (State Archives, Florence). 

VOL. XIII. 4 



50 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

spiced his feasts often caused great embarrassment to his 
guests ; l many of the anecdotes related of him, however, are 
not founded in fact. 2 

The Pope lessened the respect in which he was held, as much 
by his want of refinement in manners, as by the sudden out 
bursts of anger in which he indulged. These, however, were 
as quickly over as they had broken out, and it was an easy 
matter to bring him again to a state of tranquillity. 3 As is 
the case with persons of the sanguine temperament which the 
Pope undoubtedly possessed, his moods changed with un 
expected rapidity, expressing themselves in unpremeditated 
words and premature declarations. He was completely 
wanting in steadfastness and firmness. All correspondents 
praise his goodness and mildness, but also deplore his weakness, 
and his inconstant and changeable behaviour. 4 Nervous and 
easily dispirited, 5 he was in no way capable of dealing with 

1 PANVINIUS, 148. P. Olivo reports to S. Calandra concerning 
Julius III., on February 15, 1550 : *Giovedi disenando gli si 
portarono inanzi certe polpette di vitello, le quali subito ch egli 
vidde disse evi dentro aglio ? Rispose lo scalco : Padre santo 
no ; all hora mezo sdegnato disse levatele adesso, come se fosse 
giovane de XV. anni et havesse lo stomaco di struzzo." (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua) . The joke which BESSO quotes (Romanei pro- 
verbi, Rome, 1889, 141) is quite free from anything objectionable. 

2 See the collection in BAYLE, Dictionnaire hist, et crit., II., 
Amsterdam, 1730, 775 seqq. Cf. WOLF, Lect. mem., II., 638, 
812 seq. ; see also BUCHMANN, Gefliigelte Worte, Berlin, 1905, 548. 

3 See besides Dandolo and Panvinius loc. cit. Andreas Masius 
in LACOMBLET, Archiv., VI., 156 ; Legaz. di Serristori, 272, 275, 
280. Cf. also the careful characterization of Julius III. by 
PALLAVICINI (n, 7, 4 and 13, 10, 8). 

4 See besides PANVINIUS and MASIUS loc. cit. especially Legaz. 
di Serristori, 278. A code *Report of Serristori of December 
2 3 I 55 2 is characteristic, in which he states : " et in fatto 
con. S.S** chi vuole haver buono, vinca, perche si vede in le.. 
sempre qualche mutatione secondo 1 evento delle cose " (State 
Archives, Florence). 

5 See Mendoza in DOLLINGER, I., 192. Cf. Tournon in ROMIER, 
239 and Nonciat. de France, I., xliv. 



CHARACTER OF JULIUS III. 51 

difficult situations, while his actions were always hampered by 
a want of decision. He wished to be on good terms with 
everyone, liked to see contented faces about him, and pre 
ferred the outward lustre of power to the actual possession of 
it. As he was difficult to fathom, diplomatic negotiations 
were not easily carried on with him ; 1 whoever tried to induce 
him to do anything by means of cunning found they had spoilt 
matters entirely. 2 A German correspondent, Andreas Masius, 
emphasizes the fact that he liked to be respected and looked 
upon as one who had risen from modest circumstances to 
unexpected heights. 3 

In spite of all his eloquence and the versatility of his culture, 
his mind was more fitted to seek out that which was desirable, 
than to keep a firm hold of what was already in his possession. 
He was especially fond of music, 4 as well as of jurisprudence, 
by which his father and his uncle had made their fortunes. 
He fulfilled his religions duties conscientiously. Panvinio, 
who is by no means prejudiced in his favour, testifies that he 
said Mass frequently and with great devotion ; 5 Massarelli 
also repeatedly praises the piety which characterized the Pope. 6 
His love of pomp and his worldly nature offer a violent con 
trast to this piety. As in the case of his predecessor, the 
Farnese Pope, whom in other respects he in no way resembled, 
there was always a struggle going on in Julius III. between the 
old and new order of things. He remained, however, in many 
respects, a true child of the Renaissance, during which period 
he had grown up. This showed itself also in the careless 



1 See Cosimo I. s criticism in DESJARDINS, III., 317. 

2 *Bisogna usar gran destrezza et andar con molta adver- 
tentia con S.S t& et chi la vuol tirar con arte a una cosa 
rumpe il tutto. Buonanni on November 16, 1550 (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

3 LACOMBLET, Archiv, VI., 162. 

4 See ibid. 156. 

5 In MERKLE, II., 148. 

6 Cf. MASSARELLI, 155, 158, 160, 161, i6\, 199, 202, 206, 210, 
212, 213, 215, 220. 



52 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

prodigality which he displayed even at the beginning of his 
reign. 1 

The Romans rejoiced when the new Pope at once abolished 
the flour-tax, 2 introduced by Paul III., and distributed gifts 
and benefits on all sides with a generous hand. He limited 
the Spolium law, and the heirs and servants of the Cardinals 
could, for the future, inherit legacies from them. It was 
specially noted at the bestowal of gifts and benefits that those 
Cardinals, such as Gonzaga and Madruzzo, who had been most 
active in opposing the election of Julius III. were chosen for 
particular distinction. Gonzaga received the bishopric of 
Pavia, and was so graciously treated in other respects, that 
Pirro Olivo of Mantua considered that it went too far. When 
he took leave of the Pope on his departure, Julius III. pre 
sented him with a valuable antique emerald. 3 Madruzzo was 
at once paid 20,000 ducats for his expenses in Trent. A 
Mantuan correspondent tells us that as early as February I5th, 
there was not a Cardinal in the Curia who was not deeply 
indebted to the generosity of the Pope. 4 Julius III. also gave 

1 Cf. for what follows, besides MASSARELLI, 151 seq., the report 
to Ferdinand I. in DRUFFEL, I., 358 seq 403 ; Dandolo s letter 
in DE LEVA, V., 138 seq ; BAUMGARTEN, Sleidan, 230 ; Muzio, 
Lettere, 156 seq ; the "letter of E. Calandra, dated Rome, Feb 
ruary ii, 1550, and that of P. Olivo of February 12, in the Gon 
zaga Archives Mantua (see Appendix No. 2) as well as the *report 
of Serristori of February 26, 1550, in the State Archives, Florence.- 

2 The Bulla gratiosa of March 8, 1549 (stil. Flor.) concerning 
the repeal of the tax on imported corn, in the Casanatense 
Library, Rome. 

3 See Olivo s "letter of February 12, 1559, in Appendix No. 
2, and Serristori s report of February 26, 1550, in which he says : 
" II car le di Mantua and 6 a espedirsi da S.S t&r et oltre alle gratie 
concesseli come per 1 ultime si scrisse a V.E. gli fu liberale S.B ne 
d uno smeraldo bellissimo che fu trovato agl anni passati nella 
sepoltura d Honorio, con intaglio d una testa d un imperatore, 
che valeva 3 mila scudi." (State Archives, Florence). 

4 *Roma si contenta assai del elletione et n e cardinale che non 
sia obligatissimo alia liberalita di Giulio III. G. Fr. Arrivabene, 



SATISFACTION AT THE ELECTION. 53 

lavishly in all directions quite regardless of the very unsatis 
factory financial situation. 1 The dignitaries of the Curia 
declared in delight that the Golden Age had returned. The 
gay temperament of Julius III. soon dissipated all the fore 
bodings to which his impetuous disposition had given rise. 
The new sovereign, who at once gave permission for the Carni 
val amusements to take place, became popular with extra 
ordinary rapidity. 2 The general satisfaction was increased 
by the conciliatory and peaceful policy which the Pope 
adopted. Girolamo Sauli, Archbishop of Bari, was at once 
sent to Parma with orders to give up the town to Ottavio 
Farnese. In order to hasten the restoration, the Pope appeased 
the Commandant, Camillo Orsini, by paying him out of his 
own money, giving him the increased amount of 30,000 gold 
scudi, instead of the 20,000 originally demanded. 3 Ascanio 
Colonna received pardon and restoration as early as February 
I7th. The Baglione were also again put in possession of their 
rights, and part of their municipal freedom was restored to the 
people of Perugia. 4 Julius III. adopted adequate measures 

dated Rome, February 15, 1550 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 
Cf. also LANCIANI, III., 177. 

1 Cf. MASSARELLI, 160 ; Carte Strozz., I., 432 ; *report of 
Serristori of March 4, 1550 (State Archives, Florence), and the 
Instruction in PIEPER, 143. During the conclave the nuncios 
could not be paid ; see Lett, dei princ., XVI., n. 242-243 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See in Appendix No. 3, the "report of Olivo of February 
I 5, I 55- (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 *Domandando il card. Farnese S.S^ 20,000 scudi da pagare 
le spese fatte in Parma per far uscire il s. Camillo, risposono 
alcuni : Padre santo, non si fara niente, perche la somma non 
e gran fatto meno di 25,000. Disse all hora il papa : dienghesi 
30,000 . . . et cosi fu espedito con lettere di cambio di 30,000 
scudi d oro. Queste cosi fatte dimostrationi fanno stupire il 
mondo et concludere ognuno che costui ha da farsi schiavo il 
mondo, writes P. Olivo on February 15, 1550 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua) . 

4 See MASSARELLI, 155 ; **Letter of Lod. Strozza to S. Calan- 
dra, dated Bologna, February 16, 1550 (Gonzaga Archives, 



54 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

for the settlement of the dissensions and troubles which had 
arisen in several parts of the Papal dominions during the long 
conclave. 1 He forbade all expatriated persons to seek a 
residence in the States of the Church. To the Conservatori he 
gave the most binding assurances of the strict administration 
of justice, and of the provision of Rome with grain, and 
earnestly enjoined them to fulfil their duty, especially with 
regard to speculators in corn. 2 

Above all, the new Pope made it his business to assure the 
rulers of the two great powers, now facing each other in fierce 
enmity, of his good dispositions and honourable intentions. 
It was on their assent and co-operation that the solution of the 
two problems, which Julius III. had received unsolved from 
the pontificate of his predecessor, was dependent. These 
were : the confirmation of the Farnese in Parma, and the 
continuance of the Council of Trent. It was extremely 
difficult to win over Charles V. and Henry II. on these two 
matters, for what the one agreed to the other immediately 

Mantua) ; *Reports of Serristori of March 3, 9, and 10, and 
April 4, 1550 (State Archives, Florence) ; Muzio, Lettere 156, 
161. The * Briefs concerning the restoratibn of the ancient 
privileges of Perugia and of the magistrates there, are dated 
February -28 and April 21, 1553 (Library, Perugia). The fact is 
perpetuated by a fresco in the Palazzo Communale, and is in 
scribed on the statue mentioned before (p. 49, n. i). See 
the inscription in CIACONIUS, III., 769. 

1 See the *briefs to P. A. de Angelis, epic. Nepesino, dated 
February 26, 1550 (ad inquirendum contra Firmanos) ; to Sebast. 
Rutilonus (Commissary-court against the disturbers of the peace 
in Terni, " cupientes statum nostrum facinorosis hominibus 
expurgare "), dated March 3 ; B. Saccho (against Count of 
Pitigliano), March 26; Communitati Iteramne, dated March 26; 
Gubernatoribus Spolet., Interamni et Reat. (against Seb. 
Arronius, guilty of high treason) dated April 15 ; Rutilio Troilo 
(against Ct. of Pitigliano), dated April 22 (Arm. 44, t. 55, n. 71, 
106, 221, 224, 305, 338. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See in Appendix No. 6 the "report of Serristori of February 
26, 1550. (State Archives, Florence). 






THE POPES EFFORTS FOR . PEACE. 55 

repudiated. Besides this there was the fact that the elevation 
of Cardinal del Monte to the Papacy had not been in accord 
ance with the wishes of either the Emperor or the King of 
France. 1 Julius III. was therefore all the more determined to 
win over the two princes. He confided this difficult task, in 
a very shrewd manner, not to the usual nuncios, but to the 
adherents and confidants of the respective monarchs. The 
mission to the Emperor was entrusted to Pedro de Toledo as 
early as February i6th, 1550, and that to Henry II. to the 
Abbot Rosetto. 2 The Pope himself drew up the instructions 
for both ; in order that these should be effective it was essen 
tial that the documents to be communicated to both princes 
should be carefully decided on. Everything, therefore, which 
might give offence was scrupulously avoided. Both rulers 
were exhorted to unity and peace, as only in this manner could 
the grievous wounds inflicted on the Church be healed. Toledo 
was to assure the Emperor that the Pope intended to pursue 
at all times an honourable, open and free policy in all matters, 
and that he was prepared to co-operate with him for the 
restoration of peace in the Church by the continuance of the 
Council of Trent, taking it at the same time for granted that 
the difficulties in the way would be removed, which could 
easily be accomplished with the help of the Emperor. 

In the instructions for Rosetto, express mention of the 
Council is carefully avoided, and stress is only laid on the 
readiness of the Pope to do everything necessary to promote 
the glory of God, the extirpation of heresy, and to secure peace 
and unity among Christian nations. The transference of 
Parma to Ottavio Farnese, the son-in-law of Charles V., 
required no justification as far as the latter was concerned, but 
in the case of Henry II. the Pope brought forward a number of 
weighty reasons for this measure. Besides the promise of the 

1 The above historical facts are fully brought out by PIEPER 

(P- 4)- 

2 See MASSARELLI,I55. The instructions for both ambassadors 
in DRUFFEL, I., 364 seq., 368 seq. Cf. PIEPER, 4 seq., 139 seq., 
where there are also emendations of the text. 



56 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

election capitulation, he laid special stress on the fact that this 
was the only way of depriving the Emperor of an excuse for 
taking up arms, and thus of preserving the peace of Italy. 

While both ambassadors were on their way, the coronation 
of Julius III. took place with great pomp on February 22nd, 
1550, amid a mighty concourse of people. 1 Two days later 
the Jubilee, proclaimed by Paul III., was solemnly inaugurated 
by the opening of the Holy Door. Countless pilgrims, mostly 
from Italy, had assembled for the celebrations, which were to 
last till the Christmas Eve of the current year. Among those 
who endeavoured to gain the Jubilee indulgence was to be 
found Michael Angelo. The crowd at the bestowal of the 
Papal Benediction on Easter Day consisted of 50,000 persons. 2 
The Confraternity of the Most Holy Trinity, founded shortly 

1 See besides MASSARELLI, 156 and the *Diario di Cola Coleine 
Romano (Cod. N. II., 32, Chigi Library) the pamphlet La sontuosa 
festa con I apparato fatto per la coronatione di N.S. lulio III. 
(Copy in State Library, Munich), the *report of the Bolognese 
ambassadors of February 22, 1550 (State Archives, Bologna), 
and that of Buonanni of February 23, 1550, with the inscription 
of the " palco " (State Archives, Florence). The coronation 
cost 15,000 aurei ; see MASSARELLI, 262. 

2 See J. v. Meggens report in the Archiv fur schweiz. Reform., 
Gesch., III., 511 ; MASSARELLI, 157, 166 ; ibid. 173, 174, 177, 198 
206 concerning the crowds of pilgrims. Cf. also Arch, per 
rUmbria, III., 53 ; Lett, al Aretino, II., 408, and *Diario di 
Cola Coleine (Chigi Library). Serristori describes the opening 
of the Holy Door, at which a great crowd was present, in spite of 
the rain, in a *report of February 26, 1550, (State Archives, 
Florence). Cf. there also the *report of Vine. Ricobaldis of 
February 24, 1550. The hammer used by the Pope at this 
ceremony, a magnificent specimen of the goldsmiths art, falsely 
attributed to Benvenuto Cellini (PLON, Cellini, 314 seq., 393), 
is now in the National Museum, Munich (see THURSTON, 51, and 
85 with Illustration). Concerning the celebration of the Jubilee 
of 1551 in Florence, see Riv. delle bibl., XVII., 94 seq. Concerning 
the Jubilee see MANNI, 116 ; DE WAAL, Campo Santo, 86 ; 
Das heilige Jahr, Munster, 1900, 41 seq. With regard to Michael 
Angelo see VASARJ, VII., 228. 



FIRST CONSISTORY OF JULIUS III. 57 

before at S. Salvatore in Campo, by a Florentine layman, Philip 
Neri, took charge of the poor and sick pilgrims ; this Con 
fraternity developed later into a large institution of world-wide 
fame, for the help of the needy and indigent. 1 

The Pope declared, even at his first consistory, which took 
place on February 28th, 1550, his firm intention of labouring 
for the reform of the Church and the peace of Christendom. 2 
He announced at the beginning of March that he would 
nominate a Congregation of Cardinals, who would confer with 
regard to the reform of the clergy. 3 In a secret consistory of 
March loth, Julius III. again emphasized, in a long address, 
his zeal for religion and his desire to carry on the Council, as 
well as his intentions concerning reform. He considered there 
were three reasons for the hatred the princes felt for the clergy : 
the avarice of the heads of the Curia, the thoughtless bestowal 
of benefices and the exaggerated luxury of the clergy. He 
intended to abolish the abuses of the Curia, chiefly by the 
reform of the Dataria, and would entrust to Cardinals de Cupis, 
Carafa, Sfondrato, Crescenzi, Pole and Cibo the task of deliber 
ating upon the best measures to adopt for this purpose. He 
promised to give the orders requisite for the proper distribution 
of benefices and the restriction of luxury in the immediate 
future. 4 The Pope accordingly, on March igth, 1550, again 

1 Cf. TACCHI VENTURI, I., 356 seq. ; THURSTON, 85, 260 seqq. ; 
KERR, Pippo Buono, London, 1908, 58 seqq. Further details 
concerning Filippo Neri will be found in the continuation of 
this work. [Cf. CAPECELATRO. Life of St. Philip Neri. English 
translation by T. A. Pope. (Editor s Note).] 

2 See MASSARELLI, 158 and the *letter of Serristori of March 
i, 1550. (State Archives, Florence). 

3 * Letter of Serristori of March 3, 1550. (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

4 See *Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives) ; letter of Cardinal 
Truchsess in MEICHELBECK, Hist. Frising., II., 2, 356 ; *Report 
of Serristori of March 10, 1550 (State Archives, Florence) ; 
Dandolo in BROWN V., n. 652. Cf. SCHWEITZER, Gesch. der 
Reform, 52-53,; where, however, it is erroneously stated that 
the consistory of March 10 was the first (see supra n. 2) Mas- 



58 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

laid stress on the decree of his predecessor forbidding the 
accumulation of several bishoprics in the hands of one Cardinal. 
A Bull of February 22nd had already regulated the power of 
the Penitentiary. 1 The commission of Cardinals was next 
engaged with the issue of reform decrees for the Eternal City 
during the time of Jubilee ; the strictest regulations were made 
with regard to ecclesiastical and police surveillance, with a view 
to putting an end to the most glaring improprieties during such 
celebrations. 2 

The solemn ceremony of taking possession of the Lateran 
had to be deferred on account ot the weather ; it only took 
place on June 24th, I550. 3 The Romans had previously 
witnessed the brilliant spectacle of the entry of the numerous 
embassies for the obedientia, which proved that the various 
princes of Europe still held fast to the ancient pious union 
with the Holy See, in spite of the great defection in the north. 
On March 25th the Pope received the congratulations of the 
Emperor s ambassador, Luis de Avila, and on the following 
day Claude d Urfe rendered him the obedientia in the name of 
the French king, the ambassador of Philip II. doing the same 
on March 27th, and the representative of the King of the 
Romans, Ferdinand I., on the 28th. The Dukes of Urbino 
and Ferrara had come to Rome in person in order to swear 
allegiance to the new Pope. Brilliant embassies had also been 
sent by the Republic of Venice and by Cosimo I. 4 The repre- 

sarelli wrongly gives March 5 as the date of the appointment 
of Cardinals for the reform of the Dataria, and makes no mention 
of Cibo. MERKLE, II., 158. 

1 See Acta consist, in GULIK-EUBEL, 34, and Bull. VI., 401 seq. 

2 See the *Capita reformationis, a protocol of the Congregation 
of Cardinals, in the Cod. Barb. XVI., 42 of the Vatican Library, 
from which EHSES has made excerpts in the Pastor Bonus, XL, 
572 seq. 

3 See MASSARELLI, 162, 179; cf. CANCELLIERI, 105. 

4 Cf. MASSARELLI, 162 seqq. See also the report of Masius in 
LACOMBLET, Archiv., VI., 159 seq. The obedientia speech of the 
Florentine ambassador P. Victorius (Vettori) was much admired 
and was at once printed (Florence 1550) ; cf. MANNI, 120 seq. 



HEALTH OF THE POPE. 59 

sentatives of Bologna, where Julius had been Cardinal-Legate, 
were honoured with special distinction, the Pope saying to them 
that Julius II. had granted the city many favours, but that 
the third Julius would do still more for it. 1 On May 4th a 
brief did actually reduce the three years subsidy, which the 
city had to pay, by half the amount. 2 

Ottavio Farnese had already made his entry into Rome 
on April 23rd ; he could, however, only take his oath of fealty 
on May 2ist, as the Pope was suffering from a bad cold at the 
end of April, and was soon afterwards seized by an attack of 
his old enemy, gout. Nevertheless he devoted himself to 
business affairs, and took part, though only seated, in the 
procession of Corpus Christi. 3 In consequence of the increasing 
crowds of those seeking an audience, and the early setting in of 
the hot weather, Julius had, since June, frequently withdrawn 
into the cool Belvedere in the Vatican. The removal to 
Viterbo which had been at first planned for the summer, had 
to be abandoned owing to the scarcity of funds, which was 
partly a consequence of the excessive liberality of the Pope. 4 

1 *Se Giulio II. fece molte gratie a qualla citta, state sicuri 
che Giulio III. ne fara delle molto maggiori. Report of the 
Bolognese ambassadors of February 10, 1550 (State Archives, 
Bologna) . 

2 *Brevia lulii III. in Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 404 ; cf. ibid., n. 430 
the *brief of May 10, 1550 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See MASSARELLI, 169 seqq., 173, 176. Concerning the illness 
of the Pope, from which he only recovered at the end of May, 
and his zeal for business, ample details are given by Girol. Biagio 
in his *letters of April 30, May 7, 14, and 24, 1550 (State Archives, 
Bologna). Cf. also the *letters of Serristori of May 7, u, and 
30, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). 

4 See MASSARELLI, 177, 180 seqq., and the *reports of Serristori 
of July 26 (*La gita di S.B. a Viterbo si tien per esclusa per 
questo anno poiche saria necessaria una spesa almen di 10,000 
scudi, siche Monte, Perugia et Viterbo si riducono a Belvedere 
solo, dove in vero s intende et si conosce che fara la sua stanza 
S.S 14 tutta Testate et parte dell inverno) and of August i, 1550 
(State Archives, Florence). On October 10, 1550 Buonanni 



60 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Only in the autumn did he make several excursions to the 
Campagna, which is so full of charm at this season. The 
health of the Pope at this time left a good deal to be desired, 
but in spite of his sixty-three years, he recovered from the 
attacks of gout which frequently seized him, in an astonish 
ingly short time. 1 The Romans therefore hoped that the 
prediction of an astrologer, who prophesied a twenty years 
pontificate for the new Pope, might be verified. 2 

The people of Rome were full of gratitude for the measures 
which Julius III. adopted to cope with the scarcity of pro 
visions with which the city was threatened, owing to the great 
influx of pilgrims and the failure of the crops. 3 The Pope 
took steps in all directions to secure so great an importation of 
corn, as to be really wonderful for those days. To effect 
this, he wrote among others to the Emperor and to 
Henry II. of France, 4 and succeeded in inducing them 
to give permission for the exportation of corn from Spain 

announces : " *Torno hier S.S ta/ dalla Magliona, della qual non 
si satisfece punto perche il suo Belvedere le ha tolto il gusto. 
Voleva andar attorno 8 o 10 giorni, ma perche il suo maiordomo 
le protesto non essersi dinari di andar in volta se ne torno a 
dietro." 

1 Cf. the *report of Serristori of September 27, 1550 (State 
Arch. Florence). 

2 A *letter of Serristori of March 22, 1550 (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

3 The commissary appointed by Paul III. for the Campagna, 
who had to look after the increase in the price of corn, had his 
office confirmed as early as July i, 1550, and extended to the 
Patrimonium, Corneto and Civitavecchia (see Brevia Arm. 
41, t. 57, n. 604 : lulio Bosio). In the letter it says : " *Nos, 
qui nihil magis curae habuimus nee etiam habemus quam ut 
annonae vilitas semper et presertim hoc lubilei anno in terris 
nostris vigeat." (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 See the *briefs of August 2, 1550. Brevia Arm. 41, t. 57, 
n. 725, 726. Cf. ibid. n. 759 the *brief to the viceroy of Naples 
with the request for the exportation of 6,000 " salmae frumenti " 
(Secret Archives ot the Vatican). 



THE POPE S CARE FOR ROME. 6l 

and Provence. 1 Julius III. was also zealously engaged, in 
the following years, in providing for the material well-being 
of his capital. 2 

It is characteristic~of the time that any pretext was seized 
upon for the arrangement of festivals. The arrival of a large 
quantity of grain procured by the Commissary-General, 
Leonardo Boccacio, in December, 1550, developed into a 
brilliant triumphal procession, which was much talked of. 3 
The festivities of the Romans at the election celebrations of 

1 See the *briefs for lac. et Bened. Nigroni of September 9 
and mercatoribus Parmensibus of October 12 concerning the 
exportation from Spain, and for Laurent. Cenamo mercatori 
of November 16 with regard to Provence. Brevia Arm. 41, t. 
57, n. 759, 800, 887, 954. Ibid. n. 986 Magistro Rhodi, to further 
the exportation of corn from the east to Rome, dated December 
i, 1550. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See *Brevia 1551 Arm. 41, t. 59, n. 35: *Duci Florentiae 
dated January 25 ; n. 57 : *Viceregi Siciliae, dated January 31 ; 
n. 59 : *Viceregi Neapol., dated February i ; n. 79 : *Ascanio 
Malatesta, dated February 18 ; n. 80 : *Reginae Bohemiae 
gubernatrici Hisp., dated February 18 ; n. 150 : *Duci et gu- 
bernat. Genuens., dated March n ; n. 154 : *Gubernatori 
Messinae, dated March n ; n. 168 : *Viceregi Siciliae, dated 
March 14 ; n. 192 : *Franc. Albertino, dated March 20. In 
the Brevia 1551 t. 61 there also belong to this place : n. 718 : 
*Regi Romanorum, dated August 22 ; n. 737 ; *Duci Sabaudiae 
and Marchionissae Montisferrati, dated August 27 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican) . See also the statements in MASSARELLI, 
181, 183, 204 seqq. ; RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 75 ; BENIGNI, 33 
seq. ; PFEIFFER-RULAND, Pestilentia in nummis, 17, 183 ; 
MERKLE, L, ci ; DE CUPIS, 142. 

3 See L ordine della festa con la felice entrata et il gran trionfo 
fatto per la venuta dei grani fatti venir per terra di luoghi assai 
lontani dal magnifico signor Leonardo Boccaccio commiss. gener. 
di N.S. Papa Giulio III. et della santa abondantia de 1 alma 
citta di Roma prefetto dignissimo. Sotto li X. di Gennaro MDLI. 
Roma 1551. Rare pamphlet ; a copy in the State Archives, 
Munich. Cf. *Diario di Cola Coleine (Chigi Library) and the """re 
port of Buonanni of December 23, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). 



62 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Julius 1 1 1. 1 -as well as the unbridled extravagances of the 
Carnival, 2 and the pomp of the life of the court, had shown 
that the worldly tendencies of the Renaissance period and the 
preponderance of reminiscences of pagan times were by no 
means overcome. The journals of Massarelli and others give 
a vivid picture of the doings of those days, which in many 
respects remind us of the time of Leo X. 

At the festival processions on the anniversary of the Pope s 
election, the figures of pagan gods were to be seen on the state 
coaches, 3 while mythological figures and emblems 4 also 
frequently appeared on the medals of Julius III., even when 
these were intended to commemorate purely religious events. 5 
Things went particularly far at the Carnival, for the celebration 
of which Julius had given complete freedom. Races on the 
Corso alternated with bull-fights and other amusements, at 
which the Pope did not disdain to assist. 6 He was also present 
at the theatrical representations with which the festivities 
closed, while women were also invited to the Vatican. Mas 
sarelli tells us of a feast which the Pope gave on Carnival 
Tuesday to the ladies of his family in the Hall of Constantine. 7 
From the reports of the envoys and also from other sources 
it is clear that the Pope, regardless of the gravity of the times, 
continued to follow, in this respect, the path on which his 
predecessors of the Renaissance had entered. 

Julius III., who, although devoted to business, had always 

1 Cf. CANCELLIERI, Possessi, 504 ; CLEMENTI, 206 seq. 

2 RODOCANACHI (Juifs, 209) mentions a Bando against the 
abuses during the Carnival. Cf. concerning these the * report of 
Ippolito Capilupi to the Duchess of Mantua, dated Rome, Feb 
ruary 14, 1551 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

3 See the Diarium in MAcSwiNEY, Portugal, III., 226 n. Cf. 
CLEMENTI, 209. 

4 C/. MUNTZ, III., 119. 

5 A. Cesati engraved two prisoners on the medal for the Holy 
Year, because the ancients set such at liberty at their jubilee 
celebrations. See VASARI, V., 386. 

6 MASSARELLI, 213. Cola Coleine in CLEMENTI, 209 seq. 

7 MASSARELLI, 214. 



THE POPE S LOVE OF PLEASURE. 63 

had a great love of pleasure, was specially fond of magnificent 
banquets. He very frequently invited the Cardinals to 
sumptuous feasts in the Vatican ; he also very willingly 
accepted invitations himself, and very often did not return 
home after an evening passed in festivity, but spent the night 
at the house of his host. 1 Only two Cardinals were absent 
from these festivities, Carafa and de Cupis, the representatives 
of the strict reform party, who had made it a rule never to dine 
out of their own houses. 2 This was a dumb but eloquent 
protest against the unbounded luxury displayed by the others 
on such occasions. 3 

As Julius III. followed the chase, 4 gambled with friendly 
Cardinals and other intimates for large sums, 5 and kept, 

1 Besides the numerous statements in MASSARELLI, 155 seqq. 
the **reports of Buonanni of July 30 and August 9 and 14, 
1550 (S.S** e hora a S. Marco et in poco spazio di tempo quando 
a Araceli et quando a S. Pietro in vincula), are also of interest 
(State Archives, Florence). 

2 * Report of I pp. Capilupi, dated Rome, February 3, 1551 : 
" Con S.S ta disenarono tutti i cardinali che sono in Roma da 
quattuor infuori cioe Trani et Chieti, che non mangiano mai 
fuor di casa, et Salviati et Gaddi," who are i)l. (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

3 Cf. in Appendix No. n the ""report of Serristori of January 
31, 1551 (State Archives, Florence). 

4 Cf. MASSARELLI, 190, 193, 196. 

5 How fond the Pope was of playing for high stakes, especially 
at the favourite primiera (cf. RODOCANACHI, Rome, 60), is shown 
even more clearly than in the * reports of Buonanni of October 
8, 1550, and of *Serristori of June 24, 1552 (S.S t4 vinse a tre 
dadi 1500 scudi al card. S. Agnolo. State Archives, Florence) 
by the action brought against Aless. Pallantieri in the time of 
Paul IV., on account of his alleged unfaithful administration of 
the Annona. On March 22, 1558, the accused spoke as follows 
before the attorney of the exchequer, Sebastiano Atracino : 
Al tempo di papa Giulio, e Sua Santita e i cardinali e i vescovi 
e tutta la corte vignava, fui messo in ballo ancora io a giocare 
insieme agli altri, e Sua Santita mi mandava a domandare quasi 
ogni di, perche io andassi a giuocare, e far le altre volte, essendo io 



64 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

numerous court jesters, 1 he also had no scruples about wit 
nessing unseemly theatrical representations. On the 24th of 
November, 1550, the Menaechmi of Plautus was played before 

andato alia vigna di Sua Santitk a dolermi di certe cose die 
faceva il signer Ascanio Colonna per impedire che la grascia ven- 
isse a Roma, Sua Santita non mi rispose niente a questo, se non 
che : " siate il benvenuto ! a punto ci mancava il quarto ! " 
E dicendogli io che Sua Santita mi aveva dato un peso sulle 
spalle, il peso cioe dell abbondanza, e chi bisognava attendere 
ad altro che a giuocare, Sua Santita mi replic6 : "Mi meraviglio 
di voi ; manca grano in Campo di Fiore ; restate qui a magnare 
con Michelangelo, che vi mandero qualche cosa di buono ! " E 
un altra volta avendomi fatto chiamare in palazzo per giuocare 
e dicendo io : " Padre Santo, io ho da fare ; ho vinto certi scudi 
non vorria perderli," Sua Santita disse : " bisogna giuocare 
benche tu perda non importa ; io t insegner6 a trovare qualche 
cosa da rubare per te e per me." E cosi giuocai molte volte 
e con Sua Santita e in presenza sua a primiera. II signer Baldoino, 
suo fratello, non faceva mai altro dopo pranzo che questo, e io 
ero quasi sempre delli chiamati, e li e quando andavo a qualche 
banchetto, dove io giuocava con Sua Eccellenza e con cardinali 
e con altri prelati, e la sorte mia buona voile che la e in casa di 
monsignor di Pavia, che era governatore, io vincessi parecchie 
migliaia di scudi, come sa tutta Roma, e mi ricordo che 1 ultima 
volta quando mori il papa, primo di tre o quattro di, giuocando 
in camera del sig. Baldoino io vinsi al vescovo di Pavia circa 
due mila scudi ad un giuoco che si dice chi non ha niente. Papa 
Giulio, per la causa di Vincenzo Spada, mi fece donare in un 
sachetto mille scudi d oro e per certa altra causa circa cinque- 
cento scudi, e con questi e con altri guadagni io ho comprato 
questi uffizi et questa casa e fabbricatola. ... Mi scordavo 
di dire che il papa fece giuocare spesse volte il vescovo di Ascoli, 
che era governatore, si come il vescovo di Pavia, che era governa 
tore. . . . State Archives, Rome, Proc. torn. 36, communicated 
by BRUZZONE in the Turin newspaper La Stampa, 1900, n. 51 ; 
this being very difficult to obtain, it has been thought useful to 
print the extract in full. 

1 Expenditure for Buffoni is often to be met with in the ^account 
books of Julius III. (State Archives, Rome) ; see several examples 
in ERULEI, 17. 



COMEDIES AT THE VATICAN. 65 

the Pope in the Castle of St. Angelo, and a few days later 
Ariosto s Cassaria, and on January 22nd, 1551, the Eunuchus 
of Plautus, which had been translated into Italian. 1 

Julius III. permitted comedies to be performed in the 
Belvedere, especially during Carnival time, and on February 
3rd, 1551, the Aulularia of Plautus was given in the presence 
of the Pope and twenty-four Cardinals. The Mantuan 
correspondent praises the beauty of the staging and the 
excellence of the music, which had given great pleasure to 
everyone. 2 A comedy which was also given in the Belvedere 
a short time afterwards, on the occasion of the anniversary of 
the election of Julius, was, on the contrary, a complete fiasco. 
As usual all the Cardinals were invited, as well as the ambas 
sadors of France, Portugal, and Venice. This piece, composed 
by a native of Siena, was extremely silly and rather unseemly, 
and it was only the presence of the Pope which prevented it 
from being hissed. Julius showed his displeasure by pretend 
ing to fall asleep ; at the end he remarked that the dramatist 
should be excused, since he was a Sienese. On the same 
evening fifty Roman nobles in magnificent antique costumes 
set up a carrousel in St. Peter s Square, which gave great 
satisfaction. On the following day there was a bull-fight, at 
which the Pope and many Cardinals were present ; 3 comedies 
were performed in the Vatican in the very last year of the 
reign of Julius III. 4 No one, however, seems to have realized 
how very unecclesiastical all this was. 5 

1 MASSARELLT, 202. BERTOLOTTI, Artisti Veneti, 54. Art. 
Bolognesi, Bologna 1885, 37 seq. ERULEI, 19. Cf. the *report 
of Ipp. Capilupi of January 26, 1551, *Gonzaga Archives, Man 
tua). Buonanni tells of a performance of the Cassaria in a 
**report of December, i, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). 

2 See in Appendix No. 12 the * report of Ipp. Capilupi of Febru 
ary 3, 1551 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. MASSARELLI, 213. 

3 See besides MASSARELLI, 214 in Appendix No. 13 the *report 
of Ipp. Capilupi of February 14, 1551 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 See ANCEL in the Rev. Benedict, XXV., 50. 

5 Expenditure for the performance of comedies in the years 
1552 and 1555 in ERULEI, 19. 

VOL. Xin. =; 



66 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The pernicious tradition of the Renaissance Popes was also 
repeatedly followed by Julius III. in the promotion of his 
relatives. 1 At first he resisted 2 their urgent solicitations for 
offices similar to those filled by the Farnese family under Paul 
III., but his opposition weakened only too quickly. He did 
not, however, go as far as his predecessor ; he gave his 
relatives no principalities, nor did they enjoy any great 
political influence. As the general feeling and circumstances 
of the time were unfavourable, there was no wholesale nepotism 
in this reign, and the relatives of the Pope, who crowded in 
vain round his deathbed, 3 urging their demands, were by no 
means satisfied, though they had considerable reason to be 
so. 4 

At the beginning of his reign, the Pope had promoted the 
interests of two relatives at the distribution of the offices in the 
Curia. One of these, Pietro del Monte, he appointed governor 
of the Castle of St. Angelo, while he bestowed on his sister s 
son, Ascanio della Corgna, a clever soldier, the command of 
his guard. 5 The Pope had always loved his elder brother, 

1 Cf. concerning this, especially DANDOLO, 354 segq., and 
DE LEVA, V., 114 seq. 

2 On February 23, 1550, Buonanni reports : *Sino a qui non 
mostra S.S^ animo di volere levare alcuno dei carichi, che desse 
la s. m. di Paolo, il che preme assai a questi parenti di lulio et 
ne mostrano mala contentezza (State Archives, Florence). 

3 Nonciat. de France, I., xliv., n. 4. 

4 His proneness to nepotism also brought Julius III., into 
conflict with the election capitulation (see Quellen und Forsch- 
ungen des Preuss. Histor. Instituts, XII., 224 seq.), concerning 
the alteration of which deliberations were held as early as May 
30, and again on June 13, 1550. See MASSARELLI, 177. 

5 See MASSARELLI, 153 and PAGLIUCCHI, 121 seq. Ascanio 
had " 200 scudi di provisione." Buonanni, who announces 
this on February 23, 1550, adds : "La cavalleria che si trova 
nello stato eccles co si cassera et si ridurra a 200 cavalli, che staran 
qui. I Suizzeri, che son 200, non credo che s accresceranno 
(State Archives, Florence). On December 18, 1550, Asc. della 
Corgna became " gubernator perpetuus " of the " Castrum 



BALDOVINO DEL MONTE. 67 

" Messer Baldovino," as the ambassadors always called him. 
Baldovino, who was already in Rome on February 24th, 1550, 
received the Borgia Appartments as a lodging, 1 and later on 
the Palazzo dell Aquila in St. Peter s Square. 2 The dignity 
of Cardinal, however, was not bestowed upon him, the Pope 
considering him too old and otherwise unsuited. 3 He ap 
pointed him Governor of Spoleto on March 20th, 1550, invest 
ing him with rich revenues later on, and also giving him 
Camerino, for his life-time. 4 Besides all this, Julius obtained 
for him from Cosimo de Medici, as early as July, 1550, the 

Plebis " (see * Brief to him [ut status quoque nobis sanguine 
intime coniuncti conditionem decentius tenere valeas.] Brevia 
Arm. 41, t. 58, n. 1022. Secret Archives of the Vatican) Cf. 
concerning A. della Corgna, the Nonciat. de France I 24. 

1 See MASSARELLI, 157, 183. 

2 See EHRLE, Bufalini, 15. 

3 Cf. Legaz. di Serristori, 243 seq. Here the *letter of Serristori 
of April 17, 1550, is wanting, in which he says : *A1 s. Baldovino 
disse che provederebbe di stato conveniente a lui non disegnando 
a modo alcuno di farlo cardinale per esse oltre con 1 eta et perche 
non havesse a mettersi a imperar a dir 1 offitio et 1 introito come 
intervenne a Pucci in sua vecchiezza (State Archives, Florence). 
Cf. in the same place the *report of Buonanni of March 16, 



4 By the *brief of March 20, 1550, he separated Spoleto from 
Umbria and appointed Baldovino, " quo nee sanguinis coniunc- 
tiorem nee in amore magis praecipuum habemus et huic regimini 
valde idoneum et utile fore speramus," as his deputy and in the 
city and district of Spoleto, and as " castellanus arcis." Brevia 
Arm. 41, t. 55, n. 202. Ibid. t. 56, n. 731 the *brief to Baldovino 
of August 4, 1550 : After having appointed you Collector- 
General of the revenues of Camerino, we present you with the 
same, " considerantes congruum esse, ut tibi, qui germanus 
frater noster existis, unde iuxta convenientiam gradus et con- 
ditionis tuae, presertim apud Nos et in servitiis nostris existendo 
decenter sustentari valeas, per Nos provideatur " (Secret Archives 
of the Vatican). Cf. also *Serristori s reports of July 26, August 
19 and 30, 1550 (State Archives, Florence) and TESORONI, 35. 
Concerning Camerino, cf. LILLI, Storia di Camerino, 359. 



68 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

newly founded lordship of Monte San Savino, in feudal tenure. 1 
Baldovino had, by his marriage with Giulia Mancini, two 
daughters, 2 as well as three sons. Of the latter, only one, 
Giovan Battista, was still alive. Julius entrusted this nephew 
with the government of Fermo and Nepi, and appointed him 
Standard-Bearer of the Church. 3 When Giovan Battista del 
Monte, whose whole mind was fixed on the pursuit of arms, 
fell on April I4th, 1552, at the seige oi Mirandola, 4 the Pope 
entrusted the government of the two said towns to Baldovino. 5 

1 Cf. SALVADOR: in the Rassegna Settimanale, VI., n. 132 and 
TESORONI, 34. 

2 Orsula and Cristina. They received, like the other relations, 
monthly revenues. See *Intr. et Exit. 1554-1555 in the Cod. 
Vat. 10605 of the Vatican Library. 

3 Cf. The * reports of Serristori of July 26 (*N.S. dette il governo 
di Fermo a beneplacito al s. Giov. Battista) and August 30, 
1550 (bestowal of Nepi). State Archives, Florence. See also 
Legaz. di Serristori, 244, 257; DE LEVA, V., 116 and Histor. 
Zeitschrift, XXIX., 316. The interest the Pope took in his 
nephew was shown when the latter fell ill in 1551. The Duke of 
Ferrara sent his physician to him at that time ; Julius III. 
begged him to give him an exact account of the course of the 
illness. See brief for Ant. Brasaulae medico of August 9, 1551 
(Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 673. Secret Arch, of the Vatican). 

4 Cf. BALAN, Mirandola, 45 seq. 

5 See the * briefs to Baldovino of April 29 and May 6, 1552 
(Arm. 41, t. 64, n. 275 and 298). The *letter of thanks to Duke 
Ercole of Ferrara for his condolences, on April 25, 1552, sounds 
very resigned (We always endeavour to submit to the Divine 
Will, " ut omnia quae nobis eveniunt, sive prospera sive ilia 
sint adversa, ad nostram eruditionem et inscrutabili Dei iudicio 
provenire existimenus) and to the Viceroy of Naples on the same 
day (non ignorantes, humanam naturam et res bellicas, quas 
ipse noster nepos sua electione, non. nostra voluntate sequebatur, 
huiusmodi saepe casus parere consuevisse.") Arm. 41, t. 64, 
n. 265 and 266 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). The weight of 
this loss is emphasised by Serristori in an interesting * letter of 
March 23, 1552 (State Archives, Florence). Baldovino died in 
August, 1556 ; see *letter of Navagero of August 22, 1556 
(Library of St. Mark s, Venice). 



THE DEL MONTE FAMILY. 69 

Baldovino s natural son, Fabiano, had already been legiti 
matized at the beginning of the reign, and though he was only 
a child, the household of a prince was now bestowed on him. 
As Giovan Battista had left no children, the hopes of the family 
had been centred, even before Giovan s untimely death, on 
Fabiano. 1 Cosimo de Medici, who was extremely anxious 
to attach the Pope to himself, gave his daughter Lucrezia, in 
1554, after long negotiations, to this nephew in marriage. The 
Pope joyfully agreed, but was most careful to withhold any 
political significance from this marriage, to the great disgust 
of the Medici. 2 

Of the two sisters of the Pope, the younger, Jacopa, married 
to Francia della Corgna, had two sons, Ascanio, already men 
tioned, and Fulvio, who was first made Bishop of Perugia, 
and then became Cardinal, in December, I55i. 3 Roberto, 
the son of Ludovica, the elder sister of the Pope, and married 
to Roberto de Nobili, also became a Cardinal. This Roberto 
was a youth of such a holy disposition, that it could be said 
of him that he was an example of that childlike piety in which 
heaven is reflected on earth. 4 

The inconsistencies of Julius III. are shown in nothing so 
much as in the fact that he bestowed the Cardinal s hat on 
another youth, who was as vicious as Roberto de Nobili was 
virtuous. 

The Venetian ambassador Dandolo relates how Julius III., 
when he was legate in Piacenza, took a boy of low extraction, 
from the streets, as it were, and made him keeper of his ape, 
because he had shown great courage when the animal caught 

1 Cf. MASSARELLI, 161 and DE LEVA, V., 115. The legitimatiza- 
tion of Fabiano in TESORONI, 81 seq. 

2 Cf. Legaz. di Serristori, 302 seq., 309 seq., 332 seq., ; FIRMAN us, 
502-503; *Brief to Cosimo of April, n, 1554 (" Mirifice gaud- 
emus " at the conclusion of the family alliance. Arm. 41, t. 
70, n. 199. Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; Nonciat. de France, 
I., xliv., 26 ; PALLAVICINI, 13, 10, 8 ; TESORONI, 84 seq. 

3 See MASSARELLI, 158 and Nonciat. de France, I., 62. 

4 See REUMONT, III., 2, 505 ; cf. CIACONIUS, III., 784 seqq., 
and infra chap. 



70 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

hold of him. The keeper of the ape learned in a short time 
how to insinuate himself into the favour of his master, to such 
an extent, that the latter grew fond of him and prevailed upon 
his brother to adopt him. To the name of Innocenzo del 
Monte, which he now bore, he brought nothing but dishonour. 1 
In spite of this he received a provostship in Arezzo, for the 
Cardinal clung to him with a love which was as inexplicable 
as it was incredible. Massarelli, who testifies to this, adds : 
" As soon as Giovan Maria del Monte became Pope, nothing 
was nearer to his heart and intentions than to raise his 
brother s adopted son to the highest dignities and to heap 
upon him honours and riches. Up till now three months 
have passed he has given him an income of 12,000 crowns, 
and has at last elevated him, with the greatest satisfaction, 
to the high dignity of Cardinal." 2 

There was no want of opposition to this shameful abuse of 
Papal power ; Cardinal Pole reminded the Pope of the canoni 
cal decrees and the gravity of the times, 3 while Carafa made 
still more urgent remonstrances. As he had had, for a long 

1 See DANDOLO, 355 and MERKLE, I., 177 ; MASSARELLI, 
174 seq. ; Masius in LACOMBLET, Archiv, VI., 163 ; CIACONIUS, 
III., 759 ; Arch. stor. Ital., Ser. 4, XIII., 420. Cf. PALLAVICINI, 
n, 7, 4 and the deservedly sharp criticism of RAYNALDUS, (1550. 
n. 50). GRIMM (Michelangelo, II., 423) makes Innocenzo the 
son of Julius III. without any proof whatever. 

2 MASSARELLI, 175. Buonanni announces the impending 
appointment of Innocenzo as Cardinal as early as February 
23 (see Appendix No. 4). Cf. the report of Dandolo of March 
16 in DE LEVA, V., 117. On April 17, 1550, Serristori says : 
*Disse S.S^ al Buonanni che al primo o secondo consistorio 
al piu lungo voleva crear cardinale il proposto, suo nepote et 
che su questo principio harebbe 13,000 scudi d entrata. Cf. 
Buonanni s *report of April 18, 1550. On April 30 Serristori 
announces : *S.S ta mando per il proposto, il qual se ne verra 
a Bagnaia, where the red hat was sent to him. (State Arch. 
Florence). 

3 See *dispatch of Dandolo of April 18, 1550 (State Archives, 
Venice), in part in DE LEVA, V., 118 ; cf. DRUFFEL, I., 398 ; 
BROWN, n. 662. 



INNOCENZO DEL MONTE. 71 

time, close and friendly relations with Julius III., he hoped 
to be able to prevent the nomination. The old Cardinal, 
therefore, did everything that lay in his power ; he went 
personally to the Pope and explained to him with all the powers 
of his eloquence, the reasons which should prevent him from 
taking such an unfortunate step. He represented the shame 
which would attach to the perpetrator of such a deed, the talk 
of the people, which should be avoided, above all by a prince, 
as well as the evil suppositions to which the elevation of a 
fatherless and vicious young man would give rise. 1 It was all 
in vain. On May 30th, 1550, Julius III., in a secret consistory, 
elevated the seventeen year old Innocenzo del Monte to the 
cardinalate. On July ist the latter made his solemn entry 
into Rome, and on the following day he received, not in public, 
as was customary, but again in a secret consistory, the red 
hat. 2 Cardinal Carafa kept away from both consistories, in 
order not to have even the appearance of approving by his 
silent presence this unhappy incident. Instead of doing 
so, he wrote a letter to the Pope, in which he once more 
expressly declared that he would not agree to such a 
nomination. 3 

What Carafa and many others 4 had foreseen, was verified 
only too soon. The nomination gave the greatest scandal, 
and far and wide Julius was declared to be the father of 
Innocenzo ; indeed, the accusation was by no means the 
worst of the crimes of which his enemies at once pronounced 
him guilty. The accusation, however, of the gravest im 
morality has never been proved against him, either at that 

1 See * Apologia alia relat. del Navagero (National Library, 
Naples ; cf. Appendix Nos. 61, 62). BROMATO, II., 158 seq. 

2 See Acta consist, in GULIK-EUBEL, 35 ; MASSARELLI, 174- 
175 ; the reports in DRUFFEL, I., 406; DE LEVA, V., 118 seq. ; 
Arch. d. miss, scientif., Ser. 2, V., 98. 

3 BROMATO, II., 159. The *Apologia mentioned supra 
n. i, says that copies of the letter of Carafa were circulated 
everywhere. 

4 Cf. in Appendix No. 4 the *report of Buonanni of February 
2 3< I 55 (State Archives, Florence). 



72 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

time or afterwards. Julius himself was to blame that such an 
idea should have arisen and been believed, as his attitude 
towards Innocenzo del Monte must have given rise to the 
gravest suspicions, especially at a time of such unbridled 
license. 1 

Julius III. hoped against all hope that Cardinal Innocenzo 
would lead a life in accordance with his dignity. 2 The up 
start, however, only made more insolent by his unexpected 
good fortune, gave himself up, even more than before, to a 
perfectly scandalous life. He not only received rich benefices, 
such as the abbey of St. Michael in Normandy and that of 

1 It is well known how prevalent it was in the time of the Re 
naissance to affix the stigma of perversity to one s enemies. This 
mode of attack was still being carried on (see especially the lam 
poon against Card, del Monte in the Giorn. stor. della lett. Ital., 
XLIIL, 242 seq.), and even Panvinio allowed himself to be 
led into making such implications against Julius III. (puerorum 
amoribus implicitus). See MERKLE, II., 147 ; cf. cxxxiv. Had 
there been any proof for this accusation Sarpi would not have 
failed to have put it forward. The accusation of the reformers 
is therefore justly repudiated (see Rose in ERSCH-GRUBER, 
2, section XXVIII., 351 ; ASCHBACH, Kirchenlexicon, III., 
656, and BRUZZONE, La vigna di papa Giulio : Messagero, 1911, 
n. 51). CIACONIUS (III., 759) has already shown that the in 
scription in the Villa Giulia does not prove that Innocenzo del 
Monte was a son of Julius III. 

2 Cf. the *brief to the Doge of Venice of June 21, 1550 : Your 
letter concerning the elevation of Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte 
and the speech of your ambassador have informed us of your 
good will. " Nos quidem, f. d. (for what is crossed out read 
" domestice res ac rationes nostre ad id impulerunt ") privata 
quedam ob paucitatem gentilium nostrorum necessitas ad id 
impulit, speramus tamen aliquem defectum eius aetatis ma- 
turitate ingenii ab eo esse supplendum." In any case he will 
always be for you. Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 568. Ibid. t. 63, n. 
117 a *Brief of February 20, 1552, in which Julius III. 
thanks the Doge for having bestowed the freedom of the city 
on his brother and the latter s sons (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). 



THE SECRETARIATE OF STATE. 73 

St. Zeno in Verona, 1 as well as the legation of Bologna, in 
June, I552 2 but also a position similar to that which Cardinal 
Alessandro Farnese had enjoyed under Paul III. At the end 
of November, 1551, the nuncios were requested to address 
their letters in future to Cardinal Innocenzo del Monte, in 
stead of, as formerly, to the first Secretary of State, Girolamo 
Dandino, or to the Pope himself. This change was due to 
Baldovino, who gave his brother this fatal advice. 3 Innocenzo 
del Monte, who did not possess the slightest aspiration towards 
a higher life, had neither the wish nor the capacity to devote 
himself to business ; his activities as secretary of state con 
sisted in affixing his signature to the dispatches drawn up in 
his name, and in pocketing the revenues of his high office. 

The direction of affairs lay in the hands of the Pope, of his 
brother Baldovino, and of the experienced secretary of 
state, Girolamo Dandino. 4 Dandino had been trained in the 
chancery of Paul III., which was a good school, and had be 
come intimately acquainted with the position of affairs in 
France and Germany, through numerous diplomatic missions. 5 

1 *Serristori announces the conveyance of the abbey S. Michael 
Rotomag. dioc. by Henry II. (val. 2500 due.) on July 21, 1550 
(State Archives, Florence). Concerning S. Zeno see MASSARELLI, 
218. Julius III. also requested a pension for Cardinal del Monte 
from the Emperor (see DRUFFEL, I., 416). Concerning the be 
stowal of the bishopric of Mirepoix in the year 1553 see THOMAS, 
III., 198. 

2 * Brief to the Forty of Bologna, dated June 4, 1552 (Arm, 
41, t. 64, n. 391 Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. BELLUZZI. 
180. 

3 See PIEPER, 122 and Nuntiaturberichte, XII., xxxiii., 107, 
n. 2. During an absence of Dandino G. Ricci had taken his 
place; cf. ibid., 55, n. 5. 

4 See RICHARD in the Rev. d hist. eccles., XI., 520 ; cf. Nun 
tiaturberichte, VIII., 12 seq. 

5 For Dandino cf. DANDOLO, 357 ; PIEPER, 121 ; Nuntiatur 
berichte, VIII., 12-13 J Nonciat. de France, I., n. 2. Dandino 
died in Rome in 1559 ; his grave is in S. Marcello (see FORCELLA, 
II., 308). The correspondent of Cosimo I. in Rome, Buonanni, 
was not pleased with the appointment of Dandino. He writes on 



74 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

There were three other secretaries besides him, employed as 
assistants in the chancery : Giulio Canano, Angelo Massarelli, 
and Trifone Bencio, the latter also having charge of the cypher 
codes. 1 The office of secretary of Latin letters, which had 
been filled during the whole reign of Paul III. by Blosius 
Palladius, 2 still remained in the hands of this distinguished 
stylist under Julius III. When Blosius died in August, 1550, 
Julius divided this lucrative post, which had formerly been 
filled by two officials. His choice fell on the two able human 
ists, Galeazzo Florimonte, Bishop of Aquino, and Romolo 
Amaseo, of Bologna, who was recommended by Cardinal 
Alessandro Farnese. After the death of Amaseo, in the 
summer of 1552, the eminent Bishop of Carpentras, Paolo 
Sadoleto, took his place. 3 

March 21, 1550 : *Parse buona la resolutione che presse S.S tA 
di non servirsi del Cavalcante per quel ch el conclave fini di 
chiarirlo. Ma il continuare di servirsi del Dandino et di lassargli 
la sottoscritione in mano, non e lodato da alcuno, massime da 
chi sa rinclinatione di detto Dandino al servitio del Re, quel 
ch egli rivelo al car al di Ferrara dei negocii secreti di Paulo et i 
dinari et la pensione c hebbe sotto mano da S.S. ill ma et rev ma . 
(State Archives, Florence). 

1 MASSARELLI, 154. PIEPER, 121 seq. Nonciat. de France, 
I., 72, n. 2. 

2 See Vol. XII. of this work, p. 539. Cf. concerning Blosius, 
MAFFEI in the Rassegna per la storia di Volterra, I. (1898), 8 seqq. 
82 seqq. 

3 See MASSARELLI, 185 ; CARO-FARNESE, Lettere, I., 260 ; 
DRUFFEL, II., 660 ; LAUCHERT, 685 ; GRELLA, G. Florimente, 
S. Maria Sapua Vetera, 1909 ; the *reports of Buonanni of 
August 14 and 15, 1550 (State Archives, Florence) and the *letter 
of Gir. Biagio of August 16, 1550 (State Archives, Bologna). 
P. Sadoleto had at once welcomed the election of Julius III. 
in a **letter to Card. Farnese dated Carpent. IV., Id. April 
I 55 (Vat. 4103, p. 107 seq. Vatican Library). The *brief of 
his appointment, dated July 25, 1552, in Min. brev. 65, n. 519 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). In the last year of the reign 
of Julius III. there appeared in the *Intr. et Exit. (Cod. Vat. 
10605) payments (70 sc. per mese) for the following four secretarii : 



THE POPES DEVOTION TO BUSINESS. 75 

Dandino, whom Julius justly valued highly, was the real 
head of the Chancery. When he became Cardinal on Novem 
ber 20th, 1551, he bequeathed his official duties to his secretary, 
the talented Canano. These two conducted the corres 
pondence with the nuncios, while Cardinal Innocenzo del 
Monte enjoyed the advantages and honours of the office, 
although he only wrote the signatures. 1 The Pope superin 
tended ecclesiastical as well as political affairs ; he had taken 
up an independent attitude from the beginning and hardly 
ever consulted with anyone. 2 The zeal with which Julius III. 
devoted himself to business, especially in the first years of his 
reign, is proved by the fact that in the case of important 
official documents, he not only suggested the matter himself, 
but also the form in which it should be expressed. Even 
though these documents are not headed " Dictated by the 
Pope himself," they can nevertheless easily be distinguished 
from others ; they bear a stamp which is quite their own and 
surprise as much by their vigour and wealth of imagery, as by 
the striking originality of their mode of expression. 3 The 

Canano, Massarelli, Sadoleto, and Bencio ; Cesare Grolierio 
appears here specially for briefs ; he had been a secretary since 
1552. See ANCEL, Secret, pontif., 51. 

1 Cf. PIEPER, 123 ; RICHARD, loc. cit. ; TORNE, P. Gallic 
card, de Come, Paris, 1907, 38. Concerning the lasting influence 
of Dandino, see not only Masius, LACOMBLET, Archiv, V., 195 
and LOSSEN, 123) but also Serristori in his *letters of May, 29, 
1551 (Dandino is the " spirito di S.S tfi/ et carissimo al s. Baldo- 
vino ") and February 15, 1553. (State Archives, Florence). 

2 Cf. DANDOLO, 357 ; Legaz. di Serristori, 276, 278 ; Mendoza 

in DOLLINGER, I., 189. 

3 PIEPER brings this into special prominence (pp. 123-124). 
Ibid. (pp. 124-129), see exact account of the instructions of 
Julius III., which are to be found in almost all European libraries, 
and (pp. 129-139) concerning his diplomatic correspondence. 
Cf. also Nonciat. de France, I., iv. seq. concerning the supplements 
in the " Fonds Borghese " to which KUPKE had already drawn 
attention in the Histor. Vierteljahrsschrift, 1898, I., 143 ; see 
also KUPKE S preface to the Xllth Volume of the Nuntiaturber- 
ichte. Concerning the " Archivio Dandini " in the Secret 



76 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

journal of Massarelli testifies to the great assiduity with which 
the Pope prepared and worked out the instructions for his 
nuncios. 1 The Pope s very confidential friends, Cardinal 
Crescenzi 2 and Angelo Massarelli, as well as Dandino, were 
called upon to assist in this work. Massarelli was, however, 
specially chosen on account of his experience in the question 
of the Council. 



Archives of the Vatican, see also WIRZ, Akten, xl. seq. and Bullen, 
L. ; cf. ibid., xxvi. concerning the Brief Register of Julius III. 
The Regesta of the Pope are inventoried in PALMIERI, 82 seq., 
the Ruoli in ANCEL, Secret, pontif., 49. 

1 See MASSARELLI, 177, 179, 182. 

2 Cf. DANDOLO, 357 ; MASSARELLI passim. Buonanni speaks 
very badly of Crescenzi. He reports on July 7, 1550 : *Di qua 
va lunghissima ogni espeditione poiche S.S tA cedendo pochi 
negocii gli remette tutti a Crescentio, che per natura et accidente 
va cosi tardo nelle espeditioni ch e uno stento il cavargliene 
una delle mani. He again complains on July 19 of the " long- 
hezze " of Crescenzi. On August 9 he reports : *S.S t4 non 
puo star senza lui [Crescenzi] et quand e seco devon trattar 
d ogni altra cosa che de negocii perche di nessun si sentono 
espeditioni. **Buonanni emphasizes Crescenzi s influence on 
October 7, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). Besides Crescenzi 
Cardinal Maffei was much favoured by the Pope ; see CARO- 
FARNESE, I., 133, and Masius in LACOMBLET, Archiv, VI., 157. 



CHAPTER III. 

PREPARATIONS FOR THE REASSEMBLING OF THE COUNCIL 
IN TRENT. THE DISPUTE CONCERNING THE DUCHY OF 
PARMA. 

AMONG the points of the election capitulation to which 
Julius III. had pledged himself in the conclave, the re-opening 
of the General Council for the extirpation of heresy and the 
reform of the Church stood in the first place. For the pro 
motion of this matter the Pope had entered upon diplomatic 
negotiations with Charles V. and Henry II. immediately after 
he ascended the throne. 1 

Even before Pedro de Toledo, the appointed envoy to the 
Emperor, entered upon his mission, well-informed people 
believed that the Head of the Church was prepared, not only 
to continue the Council in Trent but, under certain circum 
stances, even in another place, in the centre of Germany ; 
it was, however, to be a real and free Council. 2 Toledo, 
indeed, declared by word of mouth, that he believed His 
Holiness would make such a concession, should he think Trent 
unsuitable, but only if security should be given him that 
there should be no undue interference in the matter of reform 
or of the authority of the Holy See. 3 

1 Cf. supra p. 55. 

2 * All imperatore ha promesso di dare il concilio (ma che sia 
concilio secondo i canoni et non fatto solo per interesse di S.M^ 
come voleva fare al tempo di papa Paulo) in mezo 1 corpo dell 
Alemagna. *Olivo to S. Calandra, dated Rome, February 15, 
I 55 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). See also the letter of Masius 
of February 17, 1550, in LACOMBLET, Archiv, VI., 156. 

3 See Charles V. to Mendoza, translated in MAYNIER, 592 n. 
with wrong date, May 18 instead of March 18. Cf. MAUREN- 

BRECHER, 228. 

77 



78 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Imperialists had not expected such complaisance. 
Had not Diego de Mendoza been so taken aback at first at 
del Monte s election that the Pope had to call out to him : 
" Don t be so terrified, ambassador ! "* Charles V. was most 
pleasantly surprised. His answer to Pedro de Toledo was 
exceedingly gracious ; Toledo was to beg the Pope respectfully 
in his name to summon the Council as soon as possible and 
to hold it in Trent. With regard to the guarantees required 
by Julius III. the Emperor assured him that he only wished to 
promote what was most advantageous to the Apostolic See 
and agreeable to His Holiness, in so far as this depended on 
him and was not contrary to his duty. 2 On March i6th, 1550, 
Charles V. informed his brother Ferdinand, that he had thought 
it right at once to inform the Papal ambassador of his agree 
ment with the offer regarding the Council, and that he would 
now, in order to take the Pope at his word, summon the 
Imperial Diet for June 25th, at Augsburg. 3 

Before the arrival of Toledo, Charles V. had already sent his 
confidant, Luis de Avila, to Rome, to convey his congratula 
tions, bearing a letter in which he assured the Pope of his 
perfect readiness to protect the Church. Julius III. received 
the ambassador on March 25th, 1550, and also declared his 
intention of proceeding in the matter of the Council, as in all 
else, to the satisfaction of the Emperor. 4 

In April, 1550, the Pope entrusted a commission of seven 
Cardinals : de Cupis, Carafa, Morone, Crescenzi, Sfondrato, 
Pole and Cervini with the deliberations concerning the Council, 
at the same time recalling Sebastiano Pighino from Germany to 
Rome, for the purpose of furnishing reports. Morone set 
forth the by no means unimportant difficulties which stood in 
the way of a renewal of the Council at Trent, and these were 
carefully considered by the commission. The result was 

1 DANDOLO, 347. DE LEVA, V., 93. BROWN, V., n. 643. 

2 See the letter to Mendoza cited supra p. 77, n. 3. 

3 LANZ, III., i seqq. 

4 See RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 5 and 8; MASSARELLI, 162 seq.-; 
DRUFFEL, I., 384. 



OBJECTIONS TO TRENT OVERCOME. 79 

the approval of the decision to reopen the Council at 
Trent. 1 

As a matter of fact, the two principal objections to the 
Council being again held in Trent were no longer in existence. 
The danger of interference on the part of the Council in the 
Papal election appeared to be over, as the new Head of the 
Church was no longer, as had been the case with Paul III., 
a broken old man, but one who was still in possession of great 
bodily vigour. The other difficulty, which concerned the 
validity of the removal of the Council to Bologna, which had 
taken place with the consent of His Holiness, was overcome 
by the fact that almost all the Spanish bishops had left Trent 
after the departure of Cardinal Pacheco to the conclave, so 
that it could hardly be maintained that the assembly was still 
in existence. It was therefore possible again to take up the 
work of the Council in Trent, without detriment to the reputa 
tion of Julius III. and his predecessor. This was the aim of 
the election capitulation, of the nuncios in Germany, and also 
of the Emperor, \vho was joined by the King of Poland. A 
continuance of the Council in Bologna was therefore impossible, 
if only for the reason that in such a case a judgment concerning 
the suspension, originated by Julius III., as legate, and warmly 
advocated by him, would have had to be expressed. This 
would again have given rise to the old disputes and, moreover, 
the Emperor had only received the consent of the German 
States for Trent as the seat of the Council. 2 

1 Cf. MASSARELLI, 168 seq. ; the opinion of Morone in RAY- 
NALDUS, 1550, n. 9 and in LE PLAT, IV., 164 ; Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII., xxxiv., where, erroneously, only five Cardinals are given ; 
*letter of Serristori of April 24, 1550. Concerning the dispatch 
of the nuncios Serristori had already reported on February 26 : 
*A1 Pighino mi disse S.B ne che disegnava dare il carico di Nuntio 
appre[sso] all imp re . In Francia disegna di mandare mons r 
della Casa, ancora ch ei mostri non contenta[rsi]. In Portogallo 
il vescovo Giambeccaro, et in Venetia il Beccatello (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

2 Cf. the " Discorso mandate in Francia " in PALLAVICINI, 
ii, 8, 4. 



80 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Immediately after the decision of the commission the Pope 
informed the Imperial ambassador Mendoza of his intention 
to open the Council in Trent and to appoint Pighino as nuncio 
to Charles V. for the carrying out of the preliminary negotia 
tions. He begged, however, that the matter might not in the 
meantime be openly discussed ; first, because it had still to 
be considered in the consistory, and also to prevent the French 
from having an opportunity of prematurely putting diffi 
culties in the way. The nuncio at the court of the Emperor, 
Pietro Bertano, also received a corresponding intimation and 
was enjoined to keep the matter secret for the time being. 1 

Now that the agreement between the Pope and the Em 
peror appeared to guarantee the speedy reopening of the 
Council, the most dangerous intrigues against it were again 
being carried on by the French sovereign, as had formerly 
been the case in the time of Francis I. 

The French King acquiesced in the election of Julius III., 2 
but not in the friendly overtures ot the new Pope to the 
Emperor. The former, indeed, did everything in his power 
to consider the susceptibilities of France, 3 but the French 
politicians greatly feared the revival of religious unity in 
Germany through the Council ; they considered it much more 
advantageous that the religious division and consequent loss 
of vital power in Germany should continue. 4 

It was in vain, therefore, that Julius III. showed the French 

1 See Mendoza s report in DRUFFEL. I., 393, and the *letter al 
vescovo di Fano [Bertano] per via di Don Diego, dated Rome, 
April 25, 1550 (Secret Archives, of the Vatican). 

2 See Henry s letter to Cosimo I. in DESJARDINS, III., 233 seq. 

3 *I1 card, di Ferrara ha desiderate stanze in palazzo afin che 
fra tanti imperiali (Alvarez de Toledo and Carpi had received 
lodgings in the Vatican ; see RIBIER, II., 264) si mostri pur che 
vi stia un di fazione Franzese et ha ottenute quelle che soleva 
tenere il camerlengo a tempo di Paulo disegnate per il s. Balduino 
da lulio. Serristori on March 17, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). 
The French Cardinals could not gain any influence, as they were 
very much at variance with one another. See ROMIER, 236 seq. 

4 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 10 ; MAURENBRECHER, 228. 



THE INSTRUCTIONS FOR PIGHINO. 8l 

King the most extreme complaisance in an endeavour to 
break down at least his direct opposition ; nor did it improve 
matters when the Pope, in his conferences with Cardinals 
Tournon and d Este, exerted all his diplomatic skill to remove 
the objections of the French. 1 The direct negotiations were 
to be dealt with by Antonio Trivulzio, who was well known 
and very popular at the French court, and who was destined 
to succeed the present nuncio, Michele della Torre. 2 His 
departure was delayed, however, as well as that of Pighino, 
in consequence of an attack of gout which seized the Pope, 
and it was not until the beginning of July, 1550, that the two 
envoys could at last set out upon their journey. 3 

Pighino, 4 who was appointed Archbishop of Siponto, and 
was to replace Bertano, who had been nuncio till then, re 
ceived in the instructions prepared for him on June 2Oth, 
orders to lay four considerations before the Emperor, not so 
as to raise impediments, but with a view to getting rid, by a 
mutual understanding, of certain difficulties which still stood 
in the way. The first consideration was with regard to the 
Frenchmen who were destined to take part in the Council 
of the Church, so that in the endeavour to win back Germany 
she might not lose France, or the King set up a national 

1 Cf. RIBIER, II., 275 seq. 

2 The "brief recalling M. della Torre dated April 25, 1550, 
in Arm. 41, t. 55, n. 360 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See Mendoza in DRUFFEL, I., 401, and MASSARELLI, 181. 
Cf. supra chap. II. 

4 In DRUFFEL, I., 423 seqq. and in LAEMMER, Melet., 156 seq. 
Emendations in the text in PIEPER, 140 seq. Cf. Dandolo s 
report of June 14, 1550, in DE LEVA, V., 101. The Briefs of 
June 23, given to Pighino, " ad ducem Saxoniae, march. Branden 
burg, et comitem Palat. Rheni " in LE PLAT, IV., 165 ; *Brief 
of June 22, 1550, for the " princ. Hisp." and the German princes 
with regard to the mission of Pighino in Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 574 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). The departure of Pighino 
which, according to MASSARELLI, 181, took place on July 2, is 
announced by *Serristori as having already taken place on July 
T . I 55 (State Archives, Florence). 

VOL. xiii. 6 



82 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

schismatical council. In order to overcome the distrust of 
the French King for the city of Trent, which was situated in 
Imperial territory, Julius III. was prepared to promise that 
the Council should only occupy itself with questions con 
cerning the faith and the reform of morals, but in no way 
with political matters or with the special privileges accorded 
to the French kings. The second consideration concerned 
the poverty of the Apostolic See and of the Italian prelates, 
in consequence of which it appeared impossible to bear for a 
long period the expenses entailed by the upkeep of the Council 
and the residence thereat. In order, therefore, to avoid un 
necessary delay, the Emperor was to undertake, as far as lay 
in his power, that the Council should begin punctually and 
fulfil its duties expeditiously. In order to do so Charles V. 
would have to secure the acceptance of the Council by the 
Catholics as well as the Protestants in the Imperial Diet, 
because the acquiescence of the Germans had been the principal 
supposition upon which the commission of Cardinals had 
consented to hold the Council at Trent. The third considera 
tion related to the dogmatic decisions which had been already 
fixed at the Council of Trent and at other Councils, and con 
cerning which the Pope insisted, from the Catholic point of 
view, and with perfect right, that they must not again be 
called in question. In connection with this the difficult 
question arose, as to how the Protestants were to be heard 
should they appear in the Synod. Finally, the fourth con 
sideration was with regard to the supreme authority of the 
Pope and of the Apostolic See, in the Council and out of it, 
which was not to be impugned. An appendix to the in 
structions, which was sent after the nuncio, dealt with the 
dispute concerning the possession of Piaceriza. 

The instructions, also drawn up on June 2oth, for Trivulzio, 1 

1 In DRUFFEL, I., 434 seqq. with wrong date, omissions and 
errors (see PIEPER, 141 seq.) The Discorso sent after Trivulzio 
(see MASSARELLI, 182; PALLAVICINI, n, 8, 4) is certainly not 
identical with the instructions, as Druffel believes (see MERKLE 
with regard to Massarelli, loc. cit.} Probably, however, the 



TRIVULZIO SENT TO HENRY II. 83 

who left Rome on July 5th, 1 emphasized the fact that the 
Pope would take no decisive steps before he received the 
answer of Henry II. Among the reasons which made the 
re-opening of the Council at Trent advisable, the first and most 
important was the fact that at the last Diet at Augsburg, all 
the States, Catholic as well as Protestant, had submitted to 
the decrees of the Council of Trent ; therefore, as the Germans 
were precisely the people who were most in need of such 
medicine, the Pope would be acting against his duty and the 
dictates of his conscience, were he not prepared to summon 
the Council again in the said city. The question as to the 
validity of the removal of the Council to Bologna under Paul III 
was, in the meantime, to remain undecided. Trivulzio was 
also instructed to call attention to the fact that, in the event 
of the refusal by the King to accept the Council, the Em 
peror would come to an understanding with the Protestants 
on his own responsibility and could then accuse the Pope of 
neglect of duty. The four considerations in the instructions 
of Pighino are almost the same as those of Trivulzio, who was 
also specially enjoined to keep on good terms with Cardinal 
Guise. 2 

When Pighino, whose journey occupied more than a month, 
reached the Emperor at Augsburg, on August 3rd, I550, 3 , 

supposition of PIEPER (p. 14, n. 2) is correct, that the ragione 
sottile quoted by PALLAVICINI, IT, 9, 2, belongs to this Discorso, 
and that the Emperor was anxious to promote the Council, 
but not to succeed in getting it, because, instead of being a 
political advantage, it might bring him into serious complications 
with Germany. Henry II. was also to be turned by this con 
sideration from the idea that Charles V. would gain an advantage 
from the Council to the prejudice of France. 

1 MASSARELLI, 181. 

2 Julius III. had already addressed a special brief to Cardinal 
Guise, regarding the question of the Council on June 16, 1550 
(see RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 10 ; LE PLAT, IV., 165). *Briefs 
of June 16, 1550, to the " Card, de Borbonio, de Chatillon, de 
Vandomo, ducissae Valent," regarding the mission of Trivulzio, 
in Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 552 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See Marillac in DRUFFEL, I., 469. 



84 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the Diet, in spite of a poor attendance none of the secular 
Electors appeared in person had already opened. The 
French ambassador, Marillac, was of opinion that Charles V. 
had an object in not waiting for the arrival of Pighino, and 
that by opening the Diet quite unexpectedly on July 26th, 
although the date for so doing had been postponed till 
August loth, 1550, he wished to anticipate by a proposition 
of his own, 1 any obstacles which might arise from the con 
ditions of the nuncio. This proposition was to the following 
effect : the States of the last Diet had agreed that no better 
means could be found for the discussion and settlement of 
religious matters than a Christian General Council, and as the 
present Pope had graciously assented, and promised that the 
Council should, in accordance with the desire of the Emperor 
and the sanction of the States of the Diet, be continued and 
brought to an end at Trent, there was, in his opinion, nothing 
to be done in the matter, except to keep on urging the Pope to 
fulfil his promise. 2 The authorized agents of the two great 
Protestant princes, Maurice of Saxony and Joachim of 
Brandenburg, protested, however, against this. They ex 
pressly demanded that the Pope, as an interested party in the 
Council, should not preside, and that the Articles of Faith, 
which had already been denned, should again be discussed ; 
a declaration to that effect was, however, not taken as being 
contrary to the decisions of the former Diet. The majority of 
the States, Catholic as well as Protestant, declared on August 
2oth, their agreement to the Emperor urging the Pope to 
continue the Council. 3 

Pighino had nothing but favourable reports to give of his 
reception by the Emperor, and of his deliberations with the 
chancellor, Granvelle, 4 no essential differences having arisen 
between them. With regard to the Protestants, however, 

1 See ibid., 459. 

2 See ibid,. 454 seq., and JANNSEN-PASTOR, III., 707 seq. 
3 C/. DRUFFEL, I., 467, 477, 485, 494. 

4 See Pighino s reports of August 10 in DE LEVA, V., 106 and 
August 12 in LAEMMER, Melet., 165 seq., emendations in PIEPER, 
10 ; ibid, a report of August 15. Cf. PALLAVICINI, n, 10, i seq. 



NEGOTIATIONS WITH CHARLES V. AND HENRY II. 85 

Pighino could have no illusions. 1 It must have given him 
matter for serious consideration when, in the reply of the 
States to the Imperial counter-plea of October 8th, the demand 
of the Protestants that their representatives in the Council 
should also be heard concerning the points already decided, 
was once more repeated. 2 

The Emperor, however, sent the Pope a reassuring ex 
planation of this incident, through his ambassador, Mendoza, 
telling him that they would listen to the Protestants, but 
alter nothing in the decisions already adopted, which they 
would simply repeat. Mendoza also gave assurances regard 
ing Charles V. s stay in Germany. 3 In this manner perfect 
unity was established between the Pope and the Emperor, on 
this point at least, and nothing further now stood in the way 
of the Council being summoned. 

The negotiations with France, however, were more difficult 
to carry through. The nuncio who was there at this time, 
Michele della Torre, spared no efforts to win over Henry II. 
to the plan of the Council. He was told, however, that no 
decision could be arrived at until after the arrival of Trivulzio. 
That the King was opposed to the plan is clear from his cor 
respondence with his ambassador, Marillac, who was at that 
time at Augsburg. 4 

Trivulzio next received a polite letter from the King, in 
which he committed himself to nothing. 5 Henry II. was en 
deavouring to defer a decision, but finally declared to the two 
representatives of the Pope, with brutal candour, that he had 
no interest in prolonging the Council, that his subjects did not 
require it, being good Catholics ; should any fall away, they 
would be punished in such a manner that they might serve 
others as an example. He added that there was a sufficiency 

1 Cf. his reports of August 10 in DE LEVA, V., 105, of August 
21 in LAEMMER, Melet., 165 seq., and of September 5, 1550, in 
PIEPER, ii seq. Cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 422. 

2 DRUFFEL, I., 512 seq. 

3 Cf. MAURENBRECHER, 230 seq., 152* ; MAYNIER, 594. 

4 Cf. DRUFFEL, I., 431 seqq., 451. 

6 Cf. MASSARELLI, 187 ; PALLAVICINI, n, 10, i. 



86 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of worthy prelates in France, who could carry out the reform of 
the clergy, without its being necessary to summon a General 
Council. With regard to the safety of Trent the King re 
minded the nuncios that the Pope, when he was Legate of the 
Council there, had feared for the safety of his own person, and 
had therefore undertaken the removal of the Council to 
Bologna. It seemed clear from this fact that Trent could not 
be so safe as His Holiness maintained ; if, however, all the 
other princes declared themselves agreeable, then would he, 
the Most Christian King, do as his predecessors had done in 
similar circumstances. 1 This was all that the most earnest 
entreaties of the nuncios could draw from him. The French 
ambassador in Rome, d Urfe, was instructed to speak to the 
Pope in the same fashion. Henry II. at once put forward 
the rights of the Gallican Church, ordered the observance 
of the decrees of the Council of Basle, and vigorously opposed 
the Pope s intended bestowal of the bishopric of Marseilles 
on his relative, Cristoforo del Monte. 2 To the brief addressed 
to the King by Julius III., on September 22nd, there came 
an answer as vague and disobliging as possible. 3 

The Pope did not allow himself to be disconcerted by the 
unfriendly attitude of France. However greatly he may have 

1 See Henry II. to d Urfe on August 5, 1550, in RIBIER, II., 
279. Cf. MAURENBRECHER, 231 seq. 

2 See the reports of d Urfe and Cardinal Ipp. d Este from Rome 
on August 29, 1550, in DRUFFEL, I., 495 seqq. Concerning the 
Marseilles affair (see MASSARELLI, 187), in which Julius III. 
eventually attained his object, see RUFFI, Hist, de Marseille, 
II., 35. Julius III. had already approached Henry II. regard 
ing this matter in a *Brief of April 15 (Arm. 41, t. 55, n. 303. 
Secret Archives of the Vatican). Serristori speaks of the in 
dignation of the Pope on account of the king s opposition in 
his *letter of August 23, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). 

3 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 16 ; LE PLAT, IV., 167; Nuntiatur- 
berichte, XII., xxxvi. Cf. the report of Cardinal Tournon in 
DRUFFEL, I., 511 seq., to see how Julius III. sought to win over 
Henry II. in the question of the Council through the said Car 
dinal. 



THE BULL SUMMONING THE COUNCIL. 87 

regretted the conduct of Henry II. he was still of opinion that 
after his recent negotiations with the Emperor, he might take 
steps to summon the Council. On October 3rd, 1550, 
Julius III., who just at the moment was highly delighted by 
the news of the conquest of Mehadia, 1 on the north coast of 
Africa, announced to the consistory his intention of publishing 
a Bull to carry out this decision. 2 Animated by a most lively 
desire to arrange this important matter, 3 he worked personally 
at the drafting of this official document. 4 It was to be in the v 

1 Acta. consist, in RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 2.6. Letter of the 
postmaster Taxis in LACOMBLET, Archiv., VI., 166 seq. On 
October 5 a Mass of thanksgiving was celebrated in St. Peter s 
pro expugnata Africa a christianis (MASSARELLI, 194). Cf. the 
*letters of Gir. Biagio of September 20 and 22, and October 4, 
1550 (State Archives, Bologna) and the *report of Serristori of 
October 30, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). A * brief of con 
gratulation of October 8, 1550, to Jo. de Vega, viceroy of Sicily, 
in Arm. 41, t. 58, n. 880 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). The 
viceroy afterwards sent Turkish trophies to Rome (see RAYNAL 
DUS, 1550, n. 27). Concerning this matter see ZINKEISEN, II., 
875, and GUGLIELMOTTI, II., 237 seq. ; see also ibid, concerning 
the help given by the Pope in the expedition. 

2 See Acta consist, in LAEMMER, Melet. 206, and the *report of 
Serristori mentioned in previous note. 

3 In opposition to the groundless suspicions of Druffel, who 
follows the lead of the apostate Vergerio, whose heart was filled 
with hatred (concerning his polemic cf. HUBERT, 50 seqq., and the 
Archiv fur Reformationsgesch., VIII., 325 seqq.) is a *report 
of September 27, 1550, of Serristori, who is by no means over 
favourable to Julius III. ; in this he says : *Vedesi che S.S 1 * 
va d ottime gambe in dette cose del concilio et ch ella piglia gran 
dispiacer di veder chel Christianissimo non condescende sin qui 
a mandar i suoi prelati a Trento, et per il modo [con] che vengono 
i Francesi in questa el in ogni altra cosa che hanno di trattar con 
S.S idi si mostra da piu cose che la dice in qualche ristretto molto 
sdegnata contra di loro, et quanta biasima I attitudine di questi, 
tanto loda et inalza quella di S.M^ (the italics in cypher). 
State Archives, Florence. 

4 Dandino to the nuncio at Venice on October 18, 1550, in 
PALLAVICINI, u, n, 3. 



88 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

hands of the nuncio by the middle of October. This, however, 
proved to be impossible, as it was desired to await the arrival 
of Cardinals Cervini, Pole and Morone, who were to be the first 
to examine the draft. 1 On November loth, it reached the hands 
of the other Cardinals who were deputed to act in the matter 
of the Council, viz. : de Cupis, Carafa, Tournon, Juan Alvarez, 
de Toledo, and Crescenzi. 2 In order to avert all difficulties, 
they at once agreed to avoid the expression " continuance of 
the Council " in the official document. 3 

The text of the Bull was considered once more on Novem 
ber 1 2th, by a meeting of the eight Cardinals, in the presence 
of Julius III., and the Pope s draft was unanimously approved. 
On the following day the Pope and Cervini again went through 
the important document for the last time, and on November 
I4th it was read and sanctioned in a secret consistory. 4 The 
decision gave universal satisfaction, and it was also reported 
that the Pope would repair to Bologna in the spring in order 
to be nearer to the seat of the Council. 5 

1 * Report of Serristori of September 27, and ** letter of Buon- 
anni of October 13, 1550. (State Archives, Florence). 

2 MASSARELLI, 199. Cf. Buonanni s *report of October 25, 
1550 (State Archives, Florence). Later (February 24, 1551) 
MASSARELLI (p. 216) names Verallo instead of Morone as a member 
of the commission. 

3 See the **report of Buonanni of October 13, 1550 (State 
Archives, Florence). 

4 See MASSARELLI, 200 and two *reports of Buonanni of Nov 
ember 14 in the State Archives, Florence. In the *letter of 
Dandino to Ricci, then in Portugal, dated Rome, November 13, 
1550, he says : *La qual bolla e stata fatta tutta da Sua Beat ne 
propria senza che sia stata bisogno mutarne pure una parola 
non ostante che sia stata vista diligentemente considerata dalli 
principal! del collegio et ultimamente da tutti. (Ricci Archives, 
Rome) . 

5 *Letter of G. Biagio of November 15, 1550 (State Archives, 
Bologna). Julius III. had already spoken of a journey to Bologna 
in the interests of the Council (see the *report of Buonanni of 
September 25, 1550. State Archives, Florence). The plan of 
such a journey also played a great part during the summer and 



THE BULL SENT TO THE EMPEROR. 89 

In the Bull, which did in fact avoid the expression " con 
tinuance," Julius III. announced his intention of labouring 
for the peace of the Church, the spread of the Christian Faith 
and true religion, and of providing, as far as lay in his power, 
for the tranquillity of Germany. As it was his right, in virtue 
of his office, to summon and direct General Councils, the Pope 
addresses to the patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, abbots and 
all upon whom it may be incumbent to assist at a General 
Council of the Church, the earnest admonition and invitation 
to repair to the city of Trent on the coming ist of May, the 
day fixed for the re-opening of the Council begun under 
Paul III. ; the Papal Legates, through whom he intended to 
preside at the Council, should he be prevented from doing so in 
person, 1 would also be there. 

The Bull was sent at once in the original to Pighino, on 
November i5th, so that he might hand it to the Emperor. 
In the letter which accompanied it, the nuncio received in 
structions to beg Charles V. to have the document published 
as quickly as possible, as it was only to be made known in 
Rome after its publication in Germany. It was also explained 
at the same time why May ist had been chosen for the opening 

autumn of 1551 (see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 52, 67 seq., 71 seq., 
74, 78 ; DRUFFEL, III., 241, 251 seq.} According to the entry of 
September 14, 1550, in the Tesor. seg. (State Archives, Rome) 
the journey was then decided ; on September 25, 1551, on the 
other hand, Ipp. Capilupi writes : *La partita di S.S tA per 
Bologna e quasi in tutto esclusa, il vice Re di Napoli, il s r duca 
di Firenze et tutta la corte di Roma disuadono a S.S^ il partirsi, 
resta solo che s intenda quel che S.M^ consiglia, et domani che 
sera qui il s r Don Diego col s r Gio. Marrique si intendera 1 opinione 
di S.M 14 con la risolutione di S.S ta< (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 
Julius III. still cherished the idea of undertaking the journey, 
in January, 1552 (see DRUFFEL, II., 8, 18 seq.) but did not succeed 
in doing so. 

1 RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 21. Bull. VI., 430 seq. Concerning 
a proclamation of the Council composed by the Protestants, 
which is in reality a satire, see MENZEL, III., 364 n. ; cf. HUBERT, 
78 seq. 



go HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

date instead of Laetare Sunday as originally fixed. The 
reason given for this was that the prelates should not be absent 
from their churches during Lent and at the festival of Easter, 
and also the high cost of provisions prevailing at that season, 
which would disappear at the approaching harvest. On the 
same date, November i5th, copies of the Bull were sent to 
Venice, Spain and Portugal. 1 

The messenger who carried the document arrived at Augs 
burg on November 2ist, and on the following da}^ Pighino 
handed the Bull to the Emperor. The latter praised it as a 
most admirable document, but was not quite in agreement 
with the drafting, as he feared that the manner in which the 
points already deliberated upon and decided in former sessions 
of the Council, were alluded to, would give rise to an inimical 
attitude on the part of the Protestants. It was not until 
December I5th that Pighino could report to Rome that the 
Bull had been made public. 2 Thereupon Julius III. ordered, 
on December 27th, that it should be read during mass at 
St. Peter s and at the Lateran, and generally made known to 
the public by being affixed to the church doors. This took 
place on January ist, 1551, the Bull being then printed and 
sent in the course of January to all the bishops of the world. 
The Pope had invited the Polish episcopate to the Council as 
early as December 20th, 1550, in a brief of that date informing 
them of the immediate dispatch of the Bull. 3 

Charles V. as was characteristic of him, had a secret protest 
drawn up on January 3rd, 1551, in which he took precautions 
against any possible disadvantages which might arise from his 
consent to a Bull which did not altogether satisfy him ; he 
required in particular that the position he had taken up with 
regard to the transference of the Council to Bologna should 
not be affected. 4 

1 See MASSARELLI, 200 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., xxxvii. 

2 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 19 ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 
xxxvii. ; MAURENBRECHER, 231, n. 14 ; DRUFFEL, I., 550 n. ; 
DE LEVA, V., in seq. 

3 RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 42 ; MASSARELLI, 209, 211 ; LE PLAT, 
IV., 169. 

4 MAURENBRECHER, 152*, seqq. 



CHARLES V. AND THE COUNCIL. QI 

In the " Farewell to the Diet " published on February I3th, 
1551, the Emperor gave expression to his views on the Council 
in the following terms : he had considered the Council the 
best manner of regulating religious questions satisfactorily, 
and through his negotiations with the Pope, he had succeeded 
in having the Synod summoned to Trent on the following 
ist of May ; the Bull in connection with this had been com 
municated to the States of the Diet. As these had declared 
that they accepted the Council and submitted themselves 
to it, the Emperor expected that this would now be held, 
and, now that the announcement had been made, that the 
Princes would support the Council in every way. He, on his 
side, would do everything incumbent on him, as patron of Holy 
Church and protector of the Council. He expressly assured, 
by his Imperial might and power, to all who wished to attend 
the Council, a free and unhindered journey, freedom of speech, 
and a free and safe return home. He also declared that he 
would remain within the confines of the Empire, and, as far 
as possible, in the neighbourhood, in order that his assistance 
might be granted to the Council, so that it might be brought 
to a good and just conclusion, conducive to the well-being 
of the whole of Christendom, but particularly to a settled 
peace and to. the tranquillity and union of the German nation. 
He therefore requested the Electors, the Princes, and the States 
of the Empire, and above all, the ecclesiastical Princes and 
the adherents of the Protestant, to hold themselves in readiness 
for the Council, in accordance with the Papal proclamation. 1 

On March 4th, 1551, Julius III., in consistory, appointed 
the eminent Cardinal Marcello Crescenzi, a man of strictly 
ecclesiastical views, as Legatus de latere and first president of 
the Council, Archbishop Sebastiano Pighino of Siponto, and 
Luigi Lippomano, Bishop of Verona, as apostolic nuncios, 
who were to take their places as presidents at the side of the 
Legate. 2 The brief of the same date authorizes the said 

1 LE PLAT, IV., 170 seq. ; cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 
422 seq. 

2 See THEINER, I., 473 seq. ; MASSARELLI, 217 ; PALLAVICINI, 
ii, 13, i ; MAYNIER, 599 seq. Crescenzi s appointment had 



Q2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

bishops, in the name of the Pope, to preside at the Council, 
as he cannot proceed in person to Trent on account of his age, 
his shaken state of health and other obstacles. 1 On March 8th, 
the Pope, who was confined to bed with an attack of gout, 
bestowed on the Cardinal legate, Crescenzi, the legate s cross, 
in his bed-chamber, in the presence of all the Cardinals. Two 
days later Crescenzi left Rome and proceeded to Bologna, 
there to await further developments. 2 A political question 
which had most urgently engaged the attention of Julius III. 
ever since his elevation to the Papal throne, threatened at 
this time to prove fateful to the Council now in course of 
preparation. 

In accordance with the election capitulation, the Pope had, 
very soon after his accession, given Parma, as a fief of the 
church, to Ottavio Farnese, and he endeavoured to obtain the 
assent of Charles V. and Henry II. to this step. 3 In the long 
wearisome discussions concerning this matter, the question as 
to the possession of Piacenza came up for consideration. The 
Emperor s answer to Pighino on this point was not very 
gratifying ; the lawful claims of the church and the state, 
he said, must first be debated in detail, and the question of 
possession afterwards decided. This meant, in other words, 
that the right of the stronger was to prevail. 4 It soon came 
to light that Charles was also stretching out his hand for 
Parma. He proposed to the Pope that the latter should 
invest him with Parma and Piacenza, and that he should 
indemnify Ottavio Farnese from another quarter. 5 Although 
Julius III. declared such a solution to be impossible, the 
Farnese family despaired more and more of any successful 
result of the Pope s mediation. To the realization that an 
amicable return of Piacenza could not be reckoned on, was 

already been expected on February 25 ; see *report of Serristori 
of February 26, 1551 (State Archives, Florence). 

1 RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 4. LE PLAT, IV., 210 seq. 

2 THEINER, I., 474. MASSARELLI, 218. 

3 Cf. supra p. 55. 

4 See PALLAVICINI, n, 10, 4 ; DE LEVA, V., 120 seq. 

5 Cf. DRUFFEL, I., 416. 



OTTAVIO FARNESE AND PARMA. Q3 

added the fear of their mortal enemy, Ferrante Gonzaga, the 
Viceroy of Milan. In order to maintain their rights in Parma, 
the Farnese began negotiations with France, always willing 
to interfere in Italian affairs and to resist the preponderance 
of the Emperor there. 1 

The danger to the peace of Italy and the renewal of the 
Council which would result from these proceedings was obvious 
to everyone. The Bishop of Fano, Pietro Bertano, was sent 
to the Emperor as plenipotentiary at the end of January, 
1551, to discuss the measures to be taken. It unfortunately 
happened, however, that Bertano fell ill on the journey, and 
only reached Charles V. at the beginning of April 2 ; by this 
time, however, the Farnese were already deeply engaged with 
Henry II. 

The Pope made the greatest efforts to prevent this dangerous 
turn of affairs. On February i6th, 1551, he had sent his 
chamberlain, Pietro Camaiani, to Ottavio Farnese, with 
instructions to dissuade his vassal from his dangerous purpose, 
either by threats or promises. 3 On February 27th a very 
earnest brief was addressed to Ottavio, reminding him that as 
Standard-Bearer, Captain-General of the Church, and vassal 
of the Holy See, he could not serve any foreign prince without 
the consent of the Pope, or receive any foreign garrison in 
Parma ; the Pope forbade any such proceedings under threats 
of the penalties incurred by rebels ; should he have already 
undertaken any engagements contrary to his fealty, he must 

1 Cf. DE LEVA, V., 122 seqq. 

2 See DRUFFEL, I., 563 seq. ; PIEPER, 17, 143 ; here (p. 17, 
n. 4) are particulars concerning the letter to Pighino of March 
12, 1551, on which DE LEVA (V., 126) lays too much stress. 
*Briefs concerning the mission of Bertano, dated January 26, 
1551, addressed to Charles V., Philip II., Ferdinand I. and 
others in Arm. 41, t. 59, n. 36-38. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican. 

3 See DRUFFEL, I., 576 ; PIEPER, 18. Ipp. Capilupi announced 
on February 14, 1551 : *S.S U mostra cli haver molto a male 
queste pratiche che tengono Farnesi con Francia (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 



94 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

at once free himself from them. 1 A monitorium of March 5th 
repeated this menacing admonition. 2 It proved, however, 
as vain as the representations which the Pope made to the 
French king, through his nuncio. 3 On March I2th Philippe 
de Sipierre left Lyons for Parma with a treaty of alliance, 
which Ottavio signed. His enemies, as he wrote to his brother 
Alessandro on March 24th, sought to poison him and wrest 
Parma from him ; he had resolved, however, to defend the 
city to his last breath. 4 

The Pope was all the more indignant at this revolt on the 
part of his vassal, as he had hitherto, overwhelmed the Farnese 
family with favours. What was, however, to be done ? If 
he interfered, the French king, who was already threatening 
a National Council, would definitely refuse him obedience ; 
should he on the other hand tolerate the behaviour of Ottavio, 
then he would not only break with the Emperor, but would 
also lose the respect of the other princes, of the Cardinals, 
and of his vassals. In addition to all this the lamentable 
state of the papal finances had to be considered. 5 Punishment 
ot the rebel was out of the question without the help of the 
Emperor. In order to assure himself of this assistance, 
Julius III. resolved to send the cleverest diplomatist of the 

1 *Brevia lulii III. in Arm. 41, t. 59, n. 95 ; ibid., n. 96 to 
Paulus de Vitellis, dated February 27, 1550 : if Ottavio Farnese 
did not obey, he was to leave him at once (Secret Archives of 
the Vatican). The *original brief appointing him Standard 
Bearer of the Church, dated March 8, 1550, is in the State Archives, 
Carte Fames. 

2 See PALLAVICINI, n, 13, 2. 

3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, XII., xli. P. Camaiani returned to 
Rome on March 7, and reported to the Pope, who was confined 
to his room with an attack of gout. ^Letter of Buonanni of 
March 8, 1551 (State Archives, Florence). 

4 See CUGNONI, Prose ined. di A. Caro, 118 seq. ; DE LEVA, 
V., 130 seq. Concerning the French threats of a National Council 
see DESJARDINS, III., 250. 

5 Cf. Legaz. di Serristori, 259-260 ; DE LEVA, in the Rjv. 
stor., I., 645. 



THE POPE STANDS FIRM. 95 

Curia, his secretary of state, Dandino, to the Imperial court 
at Augsburg. 

In the instructions for Dandino, personally drawn up by the 
Pope on March 3ist, the situation with the Farnese family 
was once more explained, and the desire to form an alliance 
with the Emperor most strongly emphasized. It was his wish, 
Julius III. continued, to sail in the same ship with the Em 
peror, and to share the same fate as his, for he knew how 
closely his interests, especially those concerning religion, were 
bound up with those of Charles ; should an appeal to arms, 
in spite of all efforts, become inevitable, it being intolerable 
that a miserable creature like Ottavio Farnese should defy 
at once the Emperor and the Pope, then Charles, as the. 
more powerful and the more experienced in the art of war, 
must decide what was to be done. 1 

This resolve of the Pope to make a stand against Ottavio 
Farnese, in close alliance with the Emperor, was still further 
strengthened when, on the day of the departure of Dandino 
(April ist, 1551), the ambassador of Charles, on his return to 
Rome from Siena, assured Julius of the support of his master. 
However urgently the Imperialists insisted on the immediate 
opening of the Council, it will easily be understood that 
Julius III. shrank from so doing. 2 On April 2nd, the newly 
appointed representative of France, Termes, openly declared 
the intention of his king to summon a National Council, and 
announce the withdrawal of his allegiance to the Pope, should 
the latter take steps against 6ttavio Farnese. 3 This was the 
very way to drive such a passionate man as Julius III. to 
extremes. 

1 The * Regis tro originale of the Instructions of Julius III., 
signed by G. Canano, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, 
begins with those for Dandino (Polit. 78, p. 55 seq.) For this see 
PIEPER, 143 Seq., with the emendations to the text of DRUFFEL, 
I., 602 seq. A "letter of introduction for Dandino to Cardinal 
Madruzzo, dated Rome, March 31, 1551, in the vice-regal Archives, 
Innsbruck. 

2 See Legaz. di Serristori, 261 seq. 

3 See Lasso s report in DRUFFEL, I., 609. 



96 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In a consistory of April 6th, the Pope declared that if his 
admonitions and threats remained without effect, he would 
force his rebellious vassal to submission by the power of arms. 
He then bitterly complained of the attempt of the French 
king to stand in the way of the meeting of a General Council 
of the Church, by summoning a National Council. His plan, 
however, would not succeed ; he was determined to open the 
Council at Trent, even in face of the danger that he might be 
forced to proceed to the excommunication and deposition of 
a ruler who sought to prevent an assembly so necessary lor the 
well-being of Christendom. 1 

The French had not expected such an uncompromising 
speech. It appeared that the threats of their king had only 
hastened the decision to declare the Council open, at least 
formally. Termes, as well as Cardinals d Este and Tournon, 
therefore did everything in their power to minimize the 
significance of the summoning of a French National Council. 
This very attempt to excuse a proceeding which was in itself 
inexcusable irritated Julius III. still more ; he expressed him 
self in the strongest language against Ottavio Farnese, as 
against Henry II. 2 On April nth, 1551, a monitorium poenale 
was issued against Ottavio, who had made himself guilty of 
rebellion by the reception of foreign troops. 3 

1 Concerning the consistory of April 6, cf. the letter of Este 
in RIBIER, II., 317 seq. and that of Lasso in DRUFFEL, 1., 609 seq., 
as well as the detailed *report of Serristori of April 6, 1551 (State 
Archives, Florence). See also the *letter of Julius III. to Dan- 
dino of April 10, 1551, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, 
Borghese II., 465, p. 9 seqq. Copies in the Royal Library, Berlin, 
Inf. polit. XIX., 336-343, and in the Barberini Library, LVIIL, 12. 

2 Besides the reports of Cardinals d Este and Tournon of April 
8, 1551, in RIBIER, II., 319 seq., and the detailed *letters of Ser 
ristori of April 8 and 10 (State Archives, Florence) see the state 
ment of the Pope himself in his *letter to Dandino of April 10 
(Barberini Library, LVIIL, 12), from which DE LEVA quotes a 
sentence (V., 136). 

3 Monitorium poenale contra ill. dom. Oct. Farnesium. Romae 
apud A. Bladum, 1551. Cf. CHIESI, 221. 



THE BREAK WITH OTTAVIO FARNESE. 97 

After these outbursts of anger, there followed days, as is 
frequently the case with those of a sanguine temperament, 
when the state of affairs appeared in quite a different light. 1 
The break with Ottavio Farnese naturally entailed that with 
Henry II., who could put the greatest difficulties in the way 
of the Council and perhaps even bring about a schism. Be 
sides this, was the needful help on the part of the Emperor 
certain ? Another consideration as far as Italy was concerned 
also weighed even more heavily in the scale. How was it 
possible to carry on a war, when the money chests were empty, 
and an unproductive year threatened the States of the Church 
with famine ? Powerful voices were also raised in earnest 
warning against precipitation in beginning the hostilities, 
which the Emperor was urging. A letter from Cardinal 
Crescenzi, who stood high in the Pope s estimation, was speci 
ally urgent in advising caution. 2 To all this was added the 
hostile attitude towards this war of the people of Rome, 
where it was said, to the great vexation of Julius III., that 
the Pope was nothing but a weak tool in the hands of the 
Spaniards. 3 It is not, therefore, to be wondered at that the 
Pope wavered to the last moment and made new attempts 
to settle this unhappy strife about Parma. 4 All endeavours, 
however, proved vain, and on May 22nd Ottavio Farnese 
was declared, in a secret consistory, to have forfeited his fief ; 

1 How quickly Julius III. changed his moods is shown by 
the second *letter which he sent to Dandino on April 10, 1551 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican. Borghese II., 465, p. 13 seq.) 
A passage from it in ROMIER, 242. 

2 See the passage from the letter of Julius III. of April 10, 
1551, in DE LEVA, V., 191, n. 2. 

3 Cf. Legaz. di Serristori, 274 seq. Concerning the feeling in 
Rome see the report of Niccol6 da Ponte in DE LEVA, V., 152. 

4 Cf. the detailed description of the vacillation of Julius III. 
in DE LEVA, V., 136 seqq. Concerning the mission of Cardinal 
Medici to Ott. Farnese and of Ascanio della Corgna to France 
see CUGNONI, Prose ined. di A. Caro, 89 seq. ; PIEPER, 20 seq., 
144 seq. ; ROMIER, 242 seqq. Romier has explained the mission 
of Jean de Monluc (p. 246 seqq.} 

VOL. XIII. 7 



98 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

five days later Henry II. pledged himself to supply Farnese 
with money and equipment. 1 The question was to be decided 
by the force of arms. 

1 See Legaz. di Serristori, 274 ; FONTANINI, 388 seq. ; PAL- 

LAVICINI, II, 1 6, 2 ; ROMIER, 245. 



CHAPTER IV. 

SECOND PERIOD OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 

REGARDLESS of the political situation, which was from day to 
day growing darker, Julius III. continued his preparations 
for the General Council, which he determined to open at the 
appointed time in spite of every difficulty. 1 On April i5th, 
1551, he again entrusted Angelo Massarelli with the post of 
secretary to the Council. Massarelli started on the following 
day for Bologna, which he reached on the igth. On the part 
of the Pope he announced to the Legate, Crescenzi, who was 
staying there, that the Council was in any case to be opened on 
May ist, but only by the Legate himself if news should have 
by that time have come from Dandino that such was the wish 
of the Emperor ; otherwise the opening ceremony was to be 
undertaken by the second and third presidents, Pighino and 
Lippomano. On April 23rd Massarelli was in Trent, where the 
final preparations were being made for the opening of the 
Council. The Palazzo Ghiroldi, where the Legate was also to 
reside, was being fitted up for holding the congregations, while 
the sessions were to take place in the venerable Cathedral of 
St. Vigilius. 2 

Dandino arrived in Trent from his legation on April 24th, 
and announced that the Emperor agreed to the opening ; he 

1 *Su S ad esta bueno, a Dio gracias, y muy determinado que 
el concilio se encomience para el dia determinado. Cardinal 
Pacheco to Cardinal Madruzzo, dated Rome, April 9, 1551 (Vice 
regal Archives, Innsbruck). 

2 See MASSARELLI, 223-224. By a *Brief of April 22, 1551, 
Massarelli received authority to enjoy the revenues of the priory 
S. Severini dioec. Camarac. (Arm. 41, t. 60, n. 291. Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

99 



100 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

only desired that they should proceed slowly, until more 
prelates, and especially the Germans, should have arrived. 1 

The presidents of the Council, Crescenzi, Pighino and 
Lippomano, made their solemn entry into Trent on April 2Qth, 
1551. Cardinal Madruzzo, four archbishops and nine bishops 
welcomed them there. On the following day Francisco de 
Toledo arrived as ambassador of the Emperor, and the first 
General Congregation was held on April 3Oth. Cardinal 
Crescenzi declared that in accordance with the will of the Pope, 
the Council must be opened on the following day. This was 
unanimously agreed to, but a second proposal of Crescenzi, 
that the next session should take place after four months, on 
September ist, met at first with lively opposition. In answer 
to this Pighino maintained that a Council could not be held 
with Spaniards and Italians alone, the presence oi German 
prelates was also necessary ; they should not, moreover, give 
the Protestants a valid reason for refusing to acknowledge 
the Council. In view of these reasons, the second proposal 
was then accepted. 2 

On the following day, May ist, 1551, the eleventh Session 
of the Council of Trent, the first under Julius III., took place, 
with a very poor attendance. After solemn high mass by 
Cardinal Crescenzi, the conventual Franciscan, Sigismondo 
Fedrio of Diruta preached a sermon. After that the secretary 
of the Council, Massarelli, read aloud the Bull summoning 
the Council, and the brief nominating the presidents, and 
Alepo, the Archbishop of Sassari, the decree for the re-opening 
of the Council, as well as making the announcement that the 
next session would not take place till September ist, so that 
the Germans might have time to appear in Trent. On the 
same May ist, the Pope, in Rome, had gone in solemn pro 
cession from S. Marco to the church of SS. Apostoli, where a. 
mass of the Holy Ghost was celebrated for the happy issue of 

1 RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 5. MASSARELLI, 224. 

2 MASSARELLI, 225 seq. THEINER, Acta, I., 475 seqq. Letter 
of Crescenzi to Dandino of May i, 1551, in DRUFFEL, I., 632 seq. ; 
cf. also PIEPER, 33, n. i. 



HENRY II. OPPOSES THE COUNCIL. IOI 

the Council, while at the same time, the Jubilee indulgence, 
already proclaimed, was extended throughout the whole 
world. 1 

In the course of the month of May, several other Spanish 
bishops arrived in Trent. On April 24th, in consistory, the 
Pope had already called upon the eighty-four prelates then 
resident in Rome to repair at once to Trent. As this had had 
no effect, the dilatory prelates were once more requested to 
be there by September ist. A number of letters of summons 
were also issued during the same month of May. 2 

Although the Emperor also showed great zeal for the 
furtherance of the Council, 3 the prospects for the assembly 
still looked very gloomy, for Henry II., determined to employ 
every means to turn the Pope from his proceedings against 
Ottavio Farnese, worked his very hardest against the Council. 
He broke off diplomatic relations with the Pope at the begin 
ning of July, and his ambassador, Paul de Labarthe, Sieur de 
Termes, made a formal protest against the Council, in the 

1 See MASSARELLI, 227-229 ; THEINER, Acta, I., 480. At 
this session, in which Crescenzi avoided the use of the word 
" continuation," there were present, besides the three Presidents, 
Cardinal Madruzzo, four archbishops, ten bishops, eleven theo 
logians and the Imperial ambassador. The Indulgence Bull 
of April 26, 1551, in LE PLAT, IV., 217 seqq. The Pope approved 
of what had been done in the opening session, and arranged 
the place to be offered to Cardinal Madruzzo in a manner agreeable 
to the latter ; see MASSARELLI, 230 seq. 

2 Cf. MASSARELLI, 229 seqq. ; RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 9 and 10 ; 
LE PLAT, IV., 220 seq. ; WIRZ, Bullen, 360. 

3 See Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 2 seq. ; POSTINA in the Romischen 
Quartalschrift, XVIII., 385 seqq. An edition of the documents 
of the second period of the Council of Trent, by Postina, adequate 
to modern requirements, is awaited. This edition, and especially 
the correspondence in connection therewith, to be edited by the 
Gorres Society, must be waited for, as only then will a definite 
presentation of the second period of the Council of Trent be pos 
sible. The reports at present available, though very abundant, 
are only from the Imperial side, and are so biassed that they can 
only be used with the greatest caution. 



IO2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

consistory, before his departure. " Now," it was said in this 
official document, otherwise couched in respectful language, 
" that the war has begun in Italy, the necessary tranquillity 
for such an assembly cannot be found, and the prelates of his 
kingdom will not be present in Trent." 1 

Henry II. also worked against the fortunes of the Council 
among the Catholics in Switzerland. The " Most Christian 
King " was not ashamed to ally himself for this purpose with 
one of the most active enemies of the Church, Pietro Paolo 
Verge rio. 2 

On July 2ist, 1551, irritated to the highest degree at the 
devastation of the district round Bologna by the troops under 
Termes, the former French ambassador in Rome, Julius III. 
addressed a threatening letter to Henry II., in which he 
summoned him to appear before the judgment seat of God. 
The King then gave instructions to the nuncio, Trivulzio, to 
leave the court. He was ready, he declared, to appear before 
God s judgment seat, although he knew he would not meet 
the Pope there. He regarded the latter as among the worst 
and most ungrateful of men, whose unjust excommunication 
he did not fear. In the royal council the question was dis 
cussed as to whether the French church should fully withdraw 
her allegiance from the Pope, and nominate a special patriarch 
for France. It was Charles de Guise, the Cardinal of Lorraine, 
who, above all others, dissuaded the King from such a fateful 
step. Henry II. declared he would fight Julius III., not with 
spiritual but with secular weapons. Ten thousand men were 
in readiness to start for Italy. In order to touch the Pope in 
a tender spot, all Frenchmen were forbidden to send money 
to Rome to acquire benefices or dispensations. 3 This measure, 
which was adopted on September 3rd, was equivalent to a 
breach of the Concordat. 4 

1 Cf. RIBIER, II., 329 seqq. ; LE PLAT, IV., 227 seq. ; PAL- 

LAVICINI, II, 16 ; ROMIER, 27-28. 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 10 seq. ; HUBERT, 99 seqq. Cf. 
also J. G. MAYER, Das Konzil von Trient und die Gegensreforma- 
tion in der Schweiz, I., Stans, 1901. 

3 See ROMIER, 30 seq., 33 seq., 41. 4 THOMAS, III., 13. 



THE PRELATES ARRIVE SLOWLY. IO3 

The small number of prelates and ambassadors present in 
Trent increased slowly until September. Besides the Span 
iards and several Italians, the first Germans also arrived, and 
on June I7th, the suffragan bishop of Wiirzburg, Georg Flach, 
reached Trent. Count Hugo de Montfort arrived as the 
Emperor s second ambassador on July 29th. 1 The attendance 
of the ecclesiastical Electors at the Council was of special 
importance. At first these had wished to excuse themselves, 
but the Legate, Crescenzi, represented to them in an emphatic 
manner how greatly their position made it incumbent on them 
to attend in person ; the Protestants must also be prevented 
from making their absence an excuse for doing likewise. 
Lippomano was actively engaged in the same direction. 2 
The three Prince-Electors thereupon resolved to undertake 
the journey to Trent. On August i7th tour of the doctors, sent 
in advance by the Elector of Treves, arrived on the scene, 

1 See MASSARELLI, 237, 240. See ibid., 235 and 237 concerning 
the visit of Philip of Spain and Maximilian of Bohemia, who 
were both travelling to Spain. Maximilian was again in Trent 
on the return journey, from December 13 to 16 (see Nuntiatur- 
berichte, XII., 359 seq.) Julius III. first deputed A. de Grassi, 
and then his nephew, Ascanio della Corgna, to welcome King 
Maximilian and the Queen of Bohemia to Italy : "quo nos co- 
niunctiorem aut cariorem habemus neminem " (see brief to the 
Queen of Bohemia of November 25, 1550. Arm. 41, t. 58, n. 
872 ; n. 873 in like manner to the King). Concerning the welcome 
see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 145. Julius III. had addressed 
a *brief to Philip of Spain on June 10, 1551, to the following 
effect : he had sent his nephew, G. B. del Monte, " quo nemo 
nobis carior, nemo nobis coniunctior est," to meet him, when 
Philip came from Germany, and to welcome him and invite 
him to Rome ; as Philip s arrival was delayed, he now sent him 
Hieronymus episc. Imol. (Dandino), so that the prince might not 
travel unwelcomed through Italy (Arm. 41, t. 60, n. 446). On 
the return journey of Maximilian A. de Grassi was sent to welcome 
him ; see *Brief for Maximilian and his consort of November 
23, 1551 (Arm. 41, t. 62, n. 858. Secret Archives of the 
Vat.) 

2 See LE PLAT, IV., 221 seq., 224 seq. 



104 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

among them the learned Dominican, Ambrosius Pelargus. 1 
On August 2gth the two Electors, Sebastian von Heusenstamm, 
Archbishop of Mayence, and Johann von Isenburg, Archbishop 
of Treves, made their entry into the city. The arrival of these 
important representatives of the German church, to whom 
were also added in October the Elector of Cologne, Adolf von 
Schauenburg, was the more joyfully welcomed as it was hoped 
that numerous bishops of the Empire would now attend. On 
August 2 Qth the suffragan bishop ot Mayence, Balthasar 
Fanneman, also arrived, and on the following day the learned 
Bishop of Vienna, Frederic Nausea, as ambassador of Ferdi 
nand, King of the Romans. 2 The bishops, however, who were 
in Rome, had not yet put in an appearance. The bitter words 
to which the Legate, Crescenzi, had given utterance with regard 
to the absence of these prelates, were fully justified. At the 
same time the outbreak of war in the north of Italy, and the 
poverty of many Italian bishops, are reasons that must be 
taken into consideration. 3 The Pope was not in a position 
to help in this, as the salaries of the presidents and other 

1 MASSARELLT, 241. Concerning Pelargus see JANNSEN- 
PASTOR, VII., 556 seq., and the special literature quoted there. 

2 See MASSARELLI, 241 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 52 ; 
POSTINA, Billick, 117. In the *brief of November 13, 1550, the 
Pope thanked Nausea for sending his Compendium concilii 
Constant. (Arm. 41, t. 58, n. 950). This is the brief which J. G. 
MAYER quotes in the Histor. Jahrb., VIII., 23, with the wrong 
date December 12. Copies of the documents quoted by Mayer, 
from the Town Library, Schaffliausen, relative to the doings 
of Nausea at the Council, are also to be found in the Seminary 
Library, Mayence. The manuscripts in the Court Library, 
Vienna, and especially the papers of Nausea in Schaffhausen 
on the subject, will be issued by Postina in his great publication. 
Cardinal Truchsess of Augsburg also wished to go to Trent, and 
applied to the Pope in this connection, but Julius informed him 
that he had better wait, as the Cardinals were not summoned 
by the Bull. Against the explanation of this letter by DRUFFEL, 
(I., 801) see PIEPER, 34, n. i. 

3 This is rightly brought out by PIEPER (p. 34) ; cf. Nuntiatur 
berichte, XII., Ixii. 



TWELFTH SESSION OF THE COUNCIL. IO5 

officials of the Council required considerable sums, while the 
upkeep of the troops sent against Ottavio Farnese quite 
exhausted his already limited resources. Julius III. did, 
however, what he could. A Bull of August 27th, 1551, 
repeated under threats of penalties for the dilatory, the order 
that all prelates should personally attend the Council. Similar 
admonitions were given by the Cardinals deputed to deal with 
the Council. The Pope, moreover, held fast to his resolution 
that the next session of the Council should, under any circum 
stances, be held on September ist. 1 

On the proposal of the Legate the General Congregation 
at Trent accordingly resolved, on August 3ist, that the 
appointed session should take place on the following day, the 
next being fixed for October nth. 2 The Pope even thought 
at that time of proceeding with his whole court to Bologna, in 
the interests of the Council, a plan which had already been 
considered, but which, on this occasion also, had to be aban 
doned on financial grounds. 3 

On September ist the three presidents, Cardinal Madruzzo, 
the two Prince-Electors, five other archbishops, twenty-six 
bishops and twenty-five theologians assembled for the twelfth 
Session, the second under Julius III. 4 High Mass was cele 
brated by the Archbishop of Cagliari, and instead of a sermon, 

1 See LE PLAT, IV., 231 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 57 
seq. By the * brief of September i, 1551, to lac. lacomello episc. 
Bellicastr. the charge was given to the latter of seeing to " neces- 
saria ad cellebr. concilii et presertim hospitia et victualia con- 
venturis." (Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 749. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 MASSARELLI, 242. THEINER, Acta, I., 483 seq. 

3 How seriously this journey was planned may be seen from 
the * Briefs in Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 790: lac. Fabri cubicul. dated 
September n, 1551 (commissariat for provisions in Bologna) ; 
n. 841 : Commissariis super hospitiis for the journey to Bologna, 
dated September 20, 1551 ; ibid. n. 842 and 843 : ad aptandas 
vias ; n. 844 : ad victualia paranda ; n. 845 : ad hospit. pro 
sacramentum portant. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 MASSARELLI, 242. THEINER, Acta, I., 486 seq. RAYNALDUS, 
1551, n. 27 seq. Corpo dipl. Port., VI., 55. 



IO6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the secretary of the Council, Massarelli, read a long admonition 
by the presidents to those assembled. The credentials of the 
ambassadors of Charles V. and Ferdinand I. were also 
received, and it was decided that the Sacrament of the Holy 
Eucharist and the duty of residence of bishops should be dealt 
with at the next session on October nth. 

At the conclusion of the session a French envoy, Jacques 
Amyot, sent by Cardinal Tournon, who was then staying in 
Venice, arrived. He presented a letter from Henry II. as well 
as another document, and demanded that they should be read. 
As the letter of the French king was addressed " to the Fathers 
of the Convention of Trent," thereby purposely avoiding the 
term " Council," the Spaniards vigorously opposed the reading 
of the document. The Legate, with the fathers of the Council, 
retired to the sacristy to decide upon the matter. It was 
resolved to comply with Amyot s request, in order not to 
embitter the French king still more, with the express declara 
tion, however, that the Council accepted the title in a favour 
able sense ; at the same time should this not have been the 
king s intention in so addressing it, then the letter could not be 
regarded as having been addressed to a Council of the Church. 

Thereupon Massarelli read the king s letter, and Amyot the 
other document. The purpose of the latter, while referring 
to the declaration previously made in the consistory by the 
French ambassador, was again to offer reasons for the uncom 
promising attitude of Henry II. towards the Council, and to 
protest against it. While covering the Pope with reproaches, 
he laid stress on the fact that he had not been able to send his 
bishops as, in the present political state of affairs, the journey 
was not safe ; he regarded the Council from which he had been 
unwillingly excluded, not as a general, but rather as a private 
assembly, as it seemed to him rather to further the private 
advantage of those for whose pleasure it had been summoned, 
than to serve the general interests of the Church. On this 
account neither the French king nor the French nation, any 
more than the prelates and ministers of the Gallican Church 
should be bound by the decrees of the Council. He then 
declared openly and solemnly that he would, in case of neces- 



THE INTENTIONS OF THE EMPEROR. 107 

sity, have recourse to the same means of redress and defence, 
as those of which former kings of France had made use in 
similar circumstances. He did not say this, however, to give 
the idea that it was his intention to refuse due obedience to the 
Holy See, although he had the independence of the Gallican 
Church very much at heart. 

The ambassador thereupon received in the name of the 
Synod, through the promotor of the Council, the reply that he 
would receive a carefully considered answer to his declaration 
at the next public session, on October nth. It was pointed 
out that, in the meantime, no prejudice against the Council and 
its continuation should be deduced from anything the French 
ambassador might have done. 1 

On September 7th Paul Gregorianozi, Bishop of Agram, had 
arrived in Trent as second ambassador of King Ferdinand, and 
Guillaume de Poitiers as third representative of Charles V. 
for the provinces of Flanders. 2 As no further details with 
regard to the immediate intentions of the Emperor, especially 
concerning, his journey to the Netherlands, had been made 
public, fears arose as to the continuation of the Council, while 
the reaction which the war about Parma was exercising on 
the Synod was steadily growing more apparent. On September 
24th Bertano was able to report to Rome that the Emperor 
had postponed his. proposed journey to the Netherlands for the 
present. Charles V. then repaired to Innsbruck, where he 
arrived at the beginning of November. He formed this 
resolution expressly with a view to the Council. 3 

Those who were assembled in Trent had at once resumed 
their activities after the session of September ist. Already 
on the following day, ten articles concerning the Eucharist, 

1 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 28 seq. ; LE PLAT, IV., 236 seq., 
238 seq., 249 seq. ; letter of S. de Selve in RIBIER, II., 352 seq. ; 
PALLAVICINI, n, 17; MAYNIER, 611 seq. ; BAGUENAULT DE 
PUCHESSE in the Rev. des quest, hist., VII., (1869), 48 seq. ; 
ROMIER, 40. 

2 MASSARELLI, 243 seq. 

3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 72 n., 76, 86 seq. ; DRUFFEL, 
I., 760. 



IO8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

taken from the writings of Luther and the Swiss reformers, 
were laid before the theologians of the Council for examination. 
A Congregation of twenty-four eminent theologians, among 
them the Jesuits, Lainez and Salmeron, sent by the Pope, and 
the Dominican, Melchior Cano, delegated by the Emperor, 
immediately took the work in hand. Their deliberations 
lasted from the 8th until the i6th of September, and were then 
continued with the same thoroughness by the fathers of the 
Council in nine General Congregations, from the 2ist until the 
3Oth of September. The theologians were enjoined to base 
their reasons on the Holy Scriptures, on Apostolic tradition, 
on lawful Councils, on the Fathers of the Church, on the 
Constitutions of the Popes and on the consensus of the universal 
Church. In so doing they were to avoid all prolixity, as well 
as all unnecessary discussions and contentious disputation. 
The Legate, Crescenzi, especially urged that they should limit 
themselves to a clear setting forth of the errors and not venture 
on theological sarcasm. During the deliberations the ques 
tions of the chalice for the laity and of children s communion 
were minutely discussed. 1 

After the views of the religious innovators, grouped together 
in ten articles, had been discussed from all points of 
view and minutely examined, a commission of eight prelates 
was appointed in the General Congregation of September 3Oth, 
who, in conjunction with the Legate, were to refute these views 
in concisely framed Canons. The work of the commission 
reached the General Congregation on October 6th and was 
considered by the fathers of the Council on the following days. 
Eleven of these Canons were, after repeated remodelling, 
approved of by the latter ; two others, already prepared, 
dealing with communion under both kinds, were, in accordance 

1 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 39 ; LE PLAT, IV., 258 seq. ; 
THEINER, Acta, I., 488 seq. ; MASSARELLI, 243 ; PALLAVICINI, 12, 
i seq. In order to realise the high opinion in which Lainez was 
held at Trent, cf. POLANCO, II., 250, 253 ; ASTRAIN, I., 552 seq., 
where the description of Ribadeneira and Orlandini is corrected. 
Concerning M. Cano at Trent, see Katholik, 1880, I. 409 seq. 



THIRTEENTH SESSION OF THE COUNCIL 

with the wish of the Emperor, postponed, in view of the 
expected arrival of the Protestants. Conformably to a pro 
posal of the Bishop of Castellamare, a dogmatic decree in eight 
chapters, concerning the Holy Eucharist, and proportionate 
to the importance of the subject, was prefixed to the Canons. 
Besides these dogmatic questions, matters of reform were also 
treated, which had been partly dealt with in the first period of 
the Council, but were not yet settled. A General Congregation 
of October loth sanctioned, for the following day, the publica 
tion of the dogmatic decree concerning the Holy Eucharist, 
the eleven Canons and a reform decree which, in eight chapters, 
dealt mainly with the guarantee of the authority of the bishops 
in their sees, their jurisdiction, the increasing difficulties 
attending their citation to Rome, the procedure in appealing 
to the Pope, and similar matters relating to the settlement 
of the ecclesiastical government of the Church. In accordance 
with a proposal of the Legate, it was then decided that the 
definition of the postponed articles dealing with the chalice for 
the laity and the communion of children, concerning which 
the Protestants wished to be heard, should be put off until the 
next session but one, on January 25th, 1552. A letter of safe- 
conduct for the Protestants was at the same time presented 
and sanctioned. 1 

On October nth, 1551, the thirteenth Session of the Council, 
the third under Julius III., 2 took place with unusual solemnity. 
The Bishop of Majorca, Giambattista Campegio, celebrated 
High Mass and the Archbishop of Sassari preached in honour 
of the Most Holy Sacrament of the Altar. The mandate, 
dated August ist, of the Elector Joachim II. ot Brandenburg 
for his ambassadors, Christoph von der Strassen and Johann 

1 Concerning these preliminary negotiations, cf. THEINER, 
Acta, I., 519 seqq., and PALLAVICINI, 12, 5 seq. Concerning the 
wish of Charles V., see Bertano s report from Augsburg of Sep 
tember 29, 1551, in the Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 85 seq. Cf. DE 
LEVA, V., 254 seqq. 

2 See THEINER, Acta, I., 530 ; RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 41 seq. ; 
VARGAS, Lettres, ed. Levassor, 125 seq., 168 seq. ; PALLAVICINI 
12, 9. 



110 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Hoffmann, who appeared at this session, was now read. In 
this official document the Prince of Brandenburg designated 
the Pope as Most Holy Lord and Father in Christ, first Bishop 
of the Roman and Universal Church, and his most gracious 
lord, who had seen fit, with fatherly patience and love, to 
continue the Council begun at Trent, and had promised the 
Emperor that the religious strife which had broken out in 
Germany should be finally settled by him, and the holy peace 
of the Church and the tranquillity of Germany definitely 
restored. In the speech which he made before the Council 
in the name of his master, von der Strassen gave the assurance 
that Joachim II. would keep and defend all the decrees of the 
Council honourably, as beseemed a Christian Prince and an 
obedient son of the Catholic Church. 1 It is possible and 
indeed very probable, that this declaration was chiefly made 
by the Prince of Brandenburg with a view to mitigating the 
opposition of the Pope to the election of his son Frederick, a 
minor, to the archbishoprics of Magdeburg and Halberstadt. 
His declaration was, however, of great significance, and 
was greeted with much applause by the Council. 2 The 
publication of the Decrees and Canons prepared now took 
place. 

In the Decree dealing with the Holy Eucharist, the Catholic 
doctrine concerning this, the greatest of the treasures of the 
Church, to the glorification of which Raphael had once, under 
the second Julius, created the immortal fresco of the Disputa, 
is set forth with admirable lucidity. 

Although Our Saviour, so teaches the Council, in His natural 
existence, is always at the right hand of the Father in heaven, 
He is still, in His substance, present in many places in a 
sacramental manner. This presence, under the appearances of 
bread and wine, is a true, real and actual presence. By the 
consecration, the bread and wine are changed in their essence 
into the Body and Blood of Christ, so that only the appearances 

1 See RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 41 seq. ; LE PLAT, IV., 264 seq. ; 
Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 83 n. (the date October 6 is an error). 

2 Cf. PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 435 seq. 



DECREE ON THE HOLY EUCHARIST. Ill 

remain. This change of essence is rightly and fittingly called 
Transubstantiation. The Church has always believed that 
immediately after the consecration, Christ Our Lord is present, 
with body and soul, with Godhead and manhood, under the 
appearances of bread and wine, and also in every particle of 
the same. Utterly false is the assertion that Christ is only 
present in the Holy Sacrament as a sign or image, or that only 
His power or virtue are contained therein ; it is further 
specially emphasized that Christ is not only present at the 
moment of participation, but also before and afterwards, and 
is therefore to be adored in the Blessed Sacrament. Concern 
ing the preparation for communion, the Council expressly 
declares that no one conscious of having committed mortal 
sin, must dare to approach the Holy Sacrament without having 
previously confessed ; with regard to the effects, the Council 
teaches that the Holy Eucharist blots out our daily venial sins 
and preserves us from mortal sin, that it is a food for our souls, 
and the pledge of a future life, so that we should often partake 
of this Bread of the Angels. 

At the close of this eventful session, at which, in addition 
to the three presidents, Cardinal Madruzzo, the three ecclesi 
astical Electors, five archbishops, thirty-four bishops, three 
abbots, five generals of Orders, forty-eight theologians, as well 
as the ambassadors of Charles V., Ferdinand I. and the Elector 
Joachim II. took part, the answer of the Council to the King of 
France was read. The assembly, in this document, ex 
pressed their pained astonishment and regret that difficulties 
should be laid in their way by the French king. It repudiated 
the accusation that it did not serve the general interests of the 
Church, but individual political purposes. The ambassador 
of Henry II. could look after French interests, and should 
the French bishops appear, which they were once more 
earnestly requested to do, they would, both on their own 
account, and on that of their king, meet with an honour 
able and friendly reception ; should they, however, neglect 
their duty, the Council would, nevertheless, remain a 
General Council. The king was, therefore, again earnestly 
admonished not to give way to his personal displeasure, 



112 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

but to put the advantage of the Church before any other 
consideration. 1 

On October I5th the Legate laid twelve articles on the 
Sacrament of Penance, and four on the Sacrament of Extreme 
Unction before the Council, as matter for its future work ; 
these had been drawn from the writings of the leading Pro 
testant theologians. The theologians of the Council worked 
most assiduously, discussing these questions three hours in 
the morning and three in the afternoon, every day from the 
20th until the 30th of October, and minutely deliberating on 
everything concerning the subjects in question, which appeared 
of importance to the controversialists. The result of these 
conferences, which were carried through with incredible 
assiduity and the greatest devotion, was laid before the General 
Congregation on November 5th, which deliberated on it in 
fourteen sessions until November 24th. On November 2ist, 
a reform decree, containing fifteen chapters, had also been laid 
before the fathers, which was discussed in the General Con 
gregation of the 23rd. The result of these deliberations, which 
were conducted with the most scrupulous care, were twelve 
dogmatic chapters on the Sacraments of Penance and Extreme 
Unction, and nineteen Canons for the condemnation of the 
teaching of the reformers with regard to these Sacraments. 2 

With regard to the Sacrament of Penance, the Council 
teaches that it was instituted by Christ in the form of a judg 
ment-seat, in accordance with the words of St. John, and that 
it is necessary, as a means of again becoming reconciled to 
God, for everyone who has committed a mortal sin. Three 
acts are required from the penitent : Contrition, Confession, 
and Satisfaction. Contrition is denned as the sorrow of the 
soul and hatred ot the sin committed, added to the intention 

1 See RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 34 seq. ; LE PLAT, IV., 266 seqq. 

2 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 53 seq. ; THEINER, Acta. L, 531 
seq. ; LE PLAT, IV , 272 seq. ; PALLAVICINI, 12, 10 seq. Con 
cerning the deliberations on reform cf. MAYNIER, 669 seq. ; see 
also POSTINA, Billick, 119, where there is testimony to the zeal 
of the theologians. Cf. further GULIK, 153 seq. concerning the 
activity of Gropper. 



DECREE ON PENANCE. 113 

of no more offending God. By Confession, which is ordained 
by God, the Church demands nothing further from the penitent 
than that he should, after a diligent and exact examination 
of his conscience, confess everything he remembers by which 
he has grievously offended God. The power of giving abso 
lution is possessed by every priest validly ordained, even 
should he be in a state of mortal sin, who possesses either 
ordinary or delegated jurisdiction. Absolution is no mere 
declaration that the sins are forgiven, but is an official act, 
in which the priest gives sentence, as if he were a judge. With 
regard to Satisfaction, it is emphasized that the punishment 
is not fully remitted with the sin ; through the penance which 
the priest imposes, the power of the merits and satisfaction 
of Christ is in no way lessened or obscured. In dealing with 
Extreme Unction the Council emphasizes above all things that 
it is a real and intrinsic Sacrament, instituted by Jesus Christ, 
and refers in justification thereof to the words of St. James. 

The reform decree, which contained, besides an introduction, 
fourteen chapters, was drawn up principally with the intention 
of removing the difficulties which bishops encounter in punish 
ing bad ecclesiastics, as well as of taking measures that priests, 
especially those occupied with the care of souls, should not lead 
wicked lives ; a clerical and seemly mode of dress was pre 
scribed, and certain abuses in the bestowal of benefices com 
bated. All these decrees were published on November 25th, 
at the fourteenth Session of the Council, and the fourth under 
Julius III. 1 

The date of the next session was fixed for January 25th, 
1552. The Catholic doctrine concerning the Sacrifice of the 
Mass and the ordination of priests was to be published in this 
session in a dogmatic decree. Ten articles which attacked 
the Sacrifice of the Mass were then again taken from the writ- 

1 The three Presidents, Cardinal Madruzzo, the Electors of 
Cologne, Treves, and Mayence, six other archbishops, forty 
bishops, five abbots, the General of the Augustinians, six pro 
curators, fifty-one theologians and the ambassadors were present. 
Cf. THEINER, Acta, I., 601 ; RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 56 seq. ; 
PALLAVICINI, 12, 14. 

VOL, XIII. 8 



114 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

ings of the Protestant theologians, and six directed against 
the sacramental character of Holy Orders. These were 
collected and were in the hands of the theologians on December 
3rd ; among them were two Germans, Johannes Cropper and 
Eberhard Billick, who distinguished themselves ; they had 
come to Trent with the Elector of Cologne. The theologians 
deliberated in twenty-nine conferences from the yth until the 
29th of December. The result of their deliberations was 
handed to the fathers of the Council on January 3rd, 1552, who 
dealt with it from the 5th until the i3th of January in thirteen 
General Congregations. On January i4th the final redaction 
was entrusted to a commission of eighteen prelates, who drew 
up four chapters of instruction and thirteen Canons concerning 
the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass, and three chapters of instruc 
tion and eight Canons concerning Holy Orders. These were 
laid before the General Congregation for final approval on the 
i8th, 20th and 2ist of January. 1 

The publication of these Decrees did not take place, how 
ever, either in the session immediately following, or even during 
the second period of the Council. 

While the representative of Charles V. at Trent was hoping, 
at the end of 1551, that the Council would finish its work in 
two further sessions, 2 the Elector Maurice of Saxony was 
secretly planning a wide-spread conspiracy to cut the Emperor 
" to the heart." The traitor outwardly kept up the appear 
ance of favouring the Council. 3 

Neither the Emperor nor the Pope had any idea of the 
events which were in course of preparation. When, at the end 
of 1551, the Prince-Electors of Mayence and Treves prepared 
to leave the city of the Council, on account of the trouble in 
Germany, the Emperor, as well as Julius III., protested with 
great energy against this step. The Princes were thereby 

1 Cf. THEINER, Acta, I., 602 seqq., 635 seqq. ; LE PLAT, IV., 
334 seqq., 386 seqq., 405 seq. ; KNOPFLER in the Freiburger Kir- 
chenlexikon, XI. 2 , 2079 seq. 

2 F. de Toledo to Charles V., dated Trent, December 25, 1-551, 
in DOLLINGER, Beitrage, I., 177 seq. 

3 Cf. JANNSEN-PASTOR, III. 17 ~ 18 , 719. 



PROTESTANTS AT THE COUNCIL. 1 15 

prevailed upon to remain for the time being, partly because 
they had no answer to make to the letter written to them by 
the Emperor, in which he pointed out the groundlessness of 
their fears, and also, perhaps, so that the Protestants, who had 
at last arrived, could not say that their appearance had put 
the Electors to flight. 1 

While these dangers, so threatening to the Council, were, 
for the time being, surmounted, other difficulties arose which 
made it impossible to continue the work of the Synod. 

On October 22nd, 1551, the two ambassadors of the Duke 
of Wurtemberg had arrived. Johann Sleidan, the represen 
tative of the cities of Strasbourg, Esslingen, Reutlingen, Ravens- 
burg, Biberach and Lindau 2 followed on November nth. 
The hopes of an amicable arrangement soon proved vain, as 
these persons refused to pay the Legate and nuncios the 
customary civility of a visit. The representatives of the Pope 
chose to ignore this rudeness, for Julius III. had enjoined on 
them to place charity before dignity, and to bear all insults 
with patience, and, as far as possible, and so long as no dis 
advantage for the Church and religion ensued, to accommodate 
themselves to the requests of the Protestants, as it is never a 
disgrace for a father to bear patiently the undutifulness of a 
child, in order to bring him back to the right path. 3 On 
January gth, 1552, Wolfgang Roller and Leopold Badhorn, 
the representatives of the most powerful of the Protestant 
dynasties of the Empire, the Prince-Elector, Maurice of 
Saxony, arrived. 4 They also avoided all relations with the 

1 See MAURENBRECHER, 154*55(7., 158* seq., 160* ; RAYNALDUS, 
1551, n. 64 and 65; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 118 seq., 124 seq., 
129, 133, 141 seq., 148 seq., ; DRUFFEL, II., 7. 

2 Cf. DE LEVA, V., 279 seq. The instructions for the Wurtem 
berg ambassadors in SATTLER, Gesch. Wurttembergs, IV., Doc. 
30 ; cf. DRUFFEL, I., 837. The mandate of Strasbourg for 
Sleidan in LE PLAT, IV., 278 seq. Concerning the attitude of 
Strasbourg, see BAUMGARTEN, 159 seqq. ; ibid, the report of 
Sleidan from Trent. 

3 See PALLAVICINI, 12, 15, 2. 

4 Their instructions of December 13, 1551, in DRUFFEL, L, 859. 



Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

representatives of the Pope, and dealt only with the ambassa 
dors of the Emperor. To these they declared that a new 
letter of safe-conduct must be drawn up for the theologians to 
be sent by their master, in the form in which it was formerly 
issued for the Bohemians by the Council of Basle. They 
further insisted that the Council must suspend its work until 
the arrival of the said theologians, when all the former decis 
ions must be once more discussed. The decrees of Constance 
and Basle concerning the superiority of Councils over the Pope 
were to be confirmed, and Cardinals, bishops and other mem 
bers of the Council were to be released from the oath which 
bound them to Julius III. The Wurtemberg ambassadors 
demanded, in a similar manner, that the Council should annul 
all the decisions already arrived at, and that judges should be 
appointed for the settlement of religious disputes, who were 
not so partial as were the bishops. 1 

As several of these demands had for their object the com 
plete subversion of the existing system of the government of 
the Church, their very presentation made any prospect of 
agreement an impossibility. 2 The presidents of the Council, 
and above all the Cardinal-Legate, Crescenzi, recognized this 
clearly, although the Imperialists allowed themselves to be 
deluded with vain hopes. As the old opposition concerning 
the question of reform, which had already on several occasions 
caused dissension between Crescenzi and the Spanish-Imperial 
party, was always growing more acute, very lively scenes took 

1 See LE PLAT, IV., 464 seqq. ; cf. ibid. 460 seq. ; and Nun- 
tiaturberichte, XII., 159, n. 3. The first as well as the second 
letter of safe-conduct of the Council of Trent, and that of the 
Council of Basle, in BRENZ, Syntagma eorum quae nomine Christo- 
phori ducis Virtemb. in synodo Tridentina per legates eius acta 
sunt, 99 seq. 

2 In order to judge of these demands, a part of which un 
doubtedly could not be granted by the Catholics, see PALLA- 
VICINI, 12, 15, and among moderns, especially BUCHOLTZ, in his 
detailed rescension of Ranke s German history, in the Wiener 
Jahrb. der Lit., CXV. (1846), 113 seq. ; cf. also KNOPFLER in 
the Freiburger Kirchjexikon, XL, 2 2080, 



NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE PROTESTANTS. 117 

place. 1 In order to be just to Crescenzi we must remember 
that the instructions given him by Julius III. from the very 
beginning, were to ilie effect that he was not to enter into any 
negotiations with the Protestants, unless they were ready 
to submit to the decisions of the Pope, as lawful Head of the 
Church summoning the Council. 2 In order to conciliate them 
as far as possible, the Legate resolved to yield to the urgent 
requests of the Imperialists, and to hear the Protestants 
before the assembled General Congregation, although they had 
not made any such declaration. " Even when we have reason 
to fear," writes the second president, Pighino, on January 
23rd, 15.52, " that we are being imposed upon, the Church, as 
anxious Mother, must repulse no one, but must show everyone 
how to approach her, and hold the way open, and remove all 
grounds for evading and remaining away from the Council." 
The assembly was agreeable to this, but secured themselves 
against any disadvantageous consequences which might follow 
on their complaisance. 3 

In the Congregation held in the forenoon of January 24th, 
the Wurtemberg ambassadors were received. They produced 
the confession of faith, drawn up at Brenz, and announced that 
their Duke would send theologians for the defence of the 
tenets set forth therein ; it was, however, his desire that 
arbitrators should be appointed, as the bishops belonged to a 
party, and could, therefore, arrive at no definite decision ; 
the Council, moreover, was not to be continued in the sense 
that the decrees already published were to be accepted as fixed ; 
as, up till now, only one side had been heard, these decrees 
must now be annulled. The Congregation thereupon answered 
that they would, after due consideration, reply to these 
demands. 4 

1 Cf. the very one-sided account in DE LEVA, V., 285 seq. 

2 See RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. u. De LEVA pays absolutely no 
attention to these instructions. 

3 See THEINER, Acta, I., 648 seq.,; LE PLAT, IV., 417 seq. 

4 See THEINER, Acta, I., 648 seq. ; LE PLAT, IV., 418 seqq. ; 
letter of Lippomano in the Corpo dipl. Port. VII., in seq. ; 
PALLAVICINI, 12, 15 ; MAYNIER, 720 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, 



Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Saxon ambassadors were to be received by the Con 
gregation in the afternoon of the same day. Acceptance was 
refused to the so-called Recapitulation of the Augsburg Con 
fession, composed by Melancthon, as this frankly constituted 
a point-blank declaration of war against the Council. 1 The 
speech, 2 moreover, in which the Saxon ambassador, Badhorn, 
set forth the demands he had already laid befoie the ambassa 
dors of the Emperor, was anything but conciliatory. He 
did not shrink from telling the Catholics quite openly that in 
their case only " an appearance of religion " was to be found 
among them ! 3 Badhorn, in accordance with his instructions, 
laid the greatest importance on the drafting of a letter of safe- 
conduct which would be conformable with the wishes of his 
master. This must be drawn up exactly in the same form as 
that granted by the Council of Basle to the Bohemians. It .was 
a singular request, for the Basle letter ot safe-conduct in no way 
contained the demands upon which the Protestants now laid 
the greatest stress, namely that religious disputes should be 
settled by the Scriptures alone, and that the reformers should 
be given decisive votes in the Council. In his speeches, 
Badhorn contested a declaration which he erroneously believed 
to have emanated from the Council of Constance, that, in the 

XII., 159 n. 3. Concerning the Confessio Wirtemberg. see 
SCHNURRER, Beitr. zur wiirttemb. Kirchengesch. (1798), 214 seq., 
and HEPPE, Bekenninisschriften, Cassel, 1855, 491 seqq. ; cf. 
also HARTMANN-JAGER, Brenz, II., 198 seqq. 

1 Opinion of K. A. MENZEL (III., 381) ; cf. PASTOR, Reunions- 
bestrebungen, 431 seq. Concerning the Repetitio confess. 
August/ (Corp. Ref. XXVIII , 328 seq.) see also the criticisms 
in the Zeitschr. fur Kirchengesch., II., 305, n. 3. 

2 Copied in RAYNALDUS, 1552, n. 15 and LE PLAT, IV., 464 
seq. Concerning the criticism see especially PALLAVICINI, 12, 
15, 7 seq. The statement of Malvendas, which MAYNIER (726 
n.) has already drawn upon, is very remarkable. 

3 DE LEVA (V., 290) finds, notwithstanding this, that the attitude 
of the Saxons was " in forma calma e rispettosa ! " Cf. on the 
other hand the sharp criticism of the contemporary Lippomano 
in the Corpo dipl. Port., VII., 112. 



DEMANDS OF THE PROTESTANTS. IIQ 

case of heretics, it was not necessary to observe the letter of 
safe-conduct. 

In glaring contrast to this attack on the Council of Con 
stance, was the fact that Badhorn enthusiastically defended 1 
the uncatholic principle of the superiority of the Council over 
the Pope in matters of faith, which had been brought forward 
by the same Council, but had not become law. Perhaps he 
knew that this principle still had adherents among Catholics, 
and even among the fathers of the Council of Trent. Badhorn 
quite disregarded the fact that Luther had considered the 
Council of Constance as invalid, and had repudiated as new 
fangled its authentic decrees. The demand that the bishops 
should be released from their oath to the Pope, the ambassador 
based on the need of reform in the Curia. He openly denied 
all authority on the part of the Pope, which amounted to a 
complete overthrow of the whole system of government of the 
Church, as it had existed until now. Badhorn claimed the 
highest authority for his party ; it alone should decide how 
far the present Church differed from the old. All the questions 
concerning Faith already denned by the Council should be 
discussed all over again ; this had been the idea of the Diet of 
Augsburg, when the continuation of the Council of Trent had 
been called for in the name of all the States. Such a new 
discussion was necessary, as the Elector of Saxony was con 
vinced that many errors were contained in those articles, 
especially in that concerning Justification, which must be 
rectified by the Scriptures. The final settlement of these 
questions must be made by the judicial decision of all the 
Christian nations, whose representatives had not taken part 
in the earlier discussions, and without whom the Council could 
only be called a separatist assembly and not a General Council. 

If one were to proceed on the principle that the absence of 
several validly summoned members was sufficient ground for 
questioning the authority of a legitimate Council, there would 
hardly have been a Synod in history, at which the full attend 
ance might not have been called in question. Badhorn did 

1 Cf. our conclusions in Vol. I. of this work, 198 seq. 



120 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

away with all doubt as to what this " free, Christian, general " 
Council was to do ; by expressly and repeatedly emphasizing 
the principle that in the settlement of religious disputes the 
Holy Scriptures were to form the only standard, he shows 
clearly that the Protestants demanded, as a matter of course, 
that the Council should regard the new doctrines introduced 
by them as proven truths, concerning which in actuality no 
dispute could arise. The Congregation restricted itself, in 
replying to the Saxon representatives, to the same answer 
which those of Wurtemberg had received. 1 

After the departure of the ambassadors from the assembly, 
a long discussion began, at which the representatives of Charles 
V. and Ferdinand I. were also present. The old opposition, 
which had repeatedly shown itself on previous occasions, 
between the strictly ecclesiastical course pursued by the 
Legate, and that of the Spanish-Imperialist party, now again 
stood out in strong contrast. In order to obtain a perfectly 
clear view of the position, Crescenzi wished that an express 
declaration against the superiority of the Council over the 
Pope should be issued. This proposal, however, did not gain 
a majority, although the Spanish-Imperialists were just as far 
from gaming a victory with regard to the question they had 
most at heart. Charles V. had insisted from the first, that the 
principal task of the Council was not to consist in the definition 
of doctrines, but in the preparation of statutes of reform. 
The Spaniards appeared to think that the time had now come 
to proceed without delay in this sense. They hoped to please 
the Catholics as well as the Protestants by this means, and, 
at the same time, to carry through a number of their own plans 
with regard to ecclesiastical matters. Crescenzi, however 
continued to maintain that, as formerly, dogma and reform 
must still be dealt with side by side. In order, however, to do 
everything possible on his part, the Legate finally declared 
himself ready to comply with the wish of the Protestants, and 
allow that the decrees already prepared concerning the Sacri- 

1 See THEINER, Acta, I., 649 seq., and Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII., 159 n. 3 ; cf. PALLAVICINI, 12, 15, 7 seq. 



FIFTEENTH SESSION OF THE COUNCIL. 121 

fice of the Mass and Holy Orders, should be postponed until 
March igth, and that a new letter of safe-conduct should be 
drawn up in the required form. 

The Congregation decided in this sense, and also ordered 
that the material concerning the Sacrament of Matrimony 
should be prepared, so that the deliberations ot the Council 
should not be suspended. 1 

At the fifteenth Session of the Council, held on January 25th, 
the decree of adjournment, as well as the new letter of safe- 
conduct, finally agreed upon after repeated negotiations 
between the Legate and the Imperialists, were made public. 2 
This letter afforded to all the Germans, and in particular to all 
the adherents of the Confession of Augsburg, the fullest 
security in coming to Trent, in staying there, in making pro 
posals, in negotiating with the Council, in examining and giving 
expression to everything they desired, as well as in presenting 
every article in writing or by word of mouth, supporting the 
same with passages from the Scriptures and the Fathers, and 
upholding them with any arguments they pleased. They 
were also to have freedom in replying to objections of the 
Council, set forth by those who were appointed by the Synod 
to carry on discussions or friendly disputations, with a com 
plete avoidance of invective and recrimination. This was all 
to be done for the purpose of dealing with the questions in 
dispute in accordance with the Holy Scriptures, the tradition 
of the Apostles, the authentic Councils, the consensus of the 
Catholic Church, and the authority of the Fathers. The 
Protestants were finally assured that they would in no way be 
punished on account of religion, or of the past or future 
proceedings of the Council in connection therewith ; that 
they would be at perfect liberty to return home when it pleased 
them ; that they could leave the city and again return to it at 

1 Cf. ibid. 12, 15, 16-18, and the reports of the Imperial secretary, 
F. de Vargas, in his letters, ed. LEVASSOR, 471 seqq., 492 seq. 
These reports, which have been used by MAYNIER, (p. 726 seq.}, 
are, however, obviously one-sided. 

2 See THEINER, Acta, I., 651 ; cf. VARGAS, Lettres, 487 seq. 



122 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

their own discretion, as well as carry on communications when 
and where they pleased. 1 

The representatives of the Elector Maurice were, however, 
not yet satisfied with this exhaustive letter of safe-conduct, 
drawn up in the most definite terms and handed to the Pro 
testants on January 3oth ; they demanded a letter which 
agreed in every particular with that granted by the Council 
of Basle to the Bohemians. In spite of the representations 
made to them by the Imperial ambassadors, they only accepted 
the letter on the condition of being allowed to inform their 
master of it first. 2 

Even a man of such strong anti-papal views as Vargas, the 
Imperial agent, considered that in obtaining this new letter 
of safe-conduct, the Protestants had actually gained everything 
they demanded. 3 If they, in spite of this, raised new diffi 
culties, there could only be one explanation of such a proceed 
ing, namely, the obstinacy of the Elector Maurice, who saw 
in the question of this letter, the best means of prolonging, 
through his theologians, the affair of the Council, until such a 
time as his further plans had developed or been frustrated. 4 

" x See BUCHOLTZ, VI., 475 seq. 

2 See DRUFFEL, II., 78 seq. On the day after the session of 
the Council, thirty-three articles dealing with the Sacrament 
of Matrimony were laid before the theologians as a fresh subject 
for consideration. Their work, however, soon came to a stand 
still, a fact which the Spanish bishops deeply regretted. See 
M>YNIER, 737 seq., where the reasons for the stoppage are given. 
That the attitude of the Protestants was partly the cause of 
this, cf. the dedication of the work of the theologian of the Council, 
Joh. Ant. Delphinus, De matrimonio et caelibatu (Camerini 
I 553) where the displeasure of those taking part in the Council 
at the behaviour of the reformers is freely expressed (see LAUCHERT 
in the Zeitschr. fur kath. Theologie, 1910, 42). Concerning 
Delphinus, cf. also LAUCHERT, Ital. Gegner Luthers, 487 seqq. 
Bertano was also very much displeased at the postponement of 
the session ; see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 163 seq. 

3 Lettres, ed. LEVASSOR, 487 ; cf. MAYNIER, 735. 

4 See DRUFFEL, I., 843. 



DECISION OF THE POPE. 123 

This Prince, influenced as he was by the purest self-interest, 
in whom " was neither a patriotic nor a religious thought to be 
found " had undoubtedly for the same reason frustrated the 
attempt to induce the Wittenberg and Leipsic theologians to 
come to an agreement with those of Wurtemberg and Stras 
bourg concerning a joint confession of faith to be laid before 
the Council, 1 which would have been of the greatest advantage 
to the Protestant cause. 

The presidents of the Council had at once communicated the 
demands of the Protestants to Rome. It can easily be under 
stood that Julius III. was indignant at these pretensions, which 
were directly aimed against his authority. He would also 
have been glad had a decided refusal, in keeping With the 
dignity of the Council, been given to these demands. 2 Mean 
while, Crescenzi could feel satisfied with the final decision of 
the Pope, for which the approval of the commission of Cardinals 
had been obtained. 3 All further discussion of the three 
chimerical conditions : that the Council stood above the Pope, 
that the bishops should be freed from their oath, and that the 
decrees already decided on should be again dealt with, was 
forbidden. 

The Bishop of Montefiascone, Achille de Grassi, through 
whom Julius III. communicated his decision to the presidents 
of the Council, was instructed to announce in Trent, that an 
answer was to be given to the ambassadors of Wurtemberg 
and Saxony, so as to give them no ground for justifiable com 
plaint, and to avoid the appearance of being unable to bring 
forward solid reasons for opposing their assertions. This 
answer was only to establish the jurisdiction and authority of 
the Council, and was not intended to irritate by offensive 
expressions, but to give evidence of fatherly love and the 
ardent wish to bring back to the Church those severed from 

1 LOSSEN in the Allgem. Zeitung, 1876, No. 24, who is fully 
in agreement with the above opinion of Druffel against Mauren- 
brecher and Ranke. 

2 Nuntiaturberichte, XII., Ixv., 180. 

3 Ibid. .180, n. 3. 



124 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

it. 1 Grass! was instructed to proceed from Trent to the Em 
peror, and remonstrate with him concerning the behaviour of 
the Spaniards at the Council, * for these had adopted a course, 
with regard to the question of reform, which could lead to no 
real improvement in the ecclesiastical position. 3 They claimed 
that the bestowal of almost all benefices was to be in the hands 
of national authorities, and the chapters to be brought into 
complete dependence on the bishops. Julius III., while 
emphasizing his honest intention of proceeding energetically 
concerning the question of reform, bitterly complained of such 
a limitation of the power granted him by God, and also 
deliberated on the matter with the Cardinals. They were all 
of the opinion that if the Papal authority were attacked under 
the pretence of a reform, energetic measures must be adopted 
against such a proceeding. The instructions for Achille de 
Grassi (dated February 2oth, 1552), contained the following 
sentence : " should, moreover, the reports current since 
yesterday in Rome, of an alliance between the French King 
and the Lutheran princes of Germany, and of a revolt of the 
latter against the Emperor, prove correct, then one can hardly 
see what good purpose the Council can serve, or of what use 
it can be, even should its continuance be possible." 4 

In consequence of the disquieting news from Germany, the 
Elector of Treves had already left Trent on February i6th. 5 

1 The instructions for Grassi of February 20, 1552, in RAY- 
NALDUS, 1552, n. 1 8 seq. Cf. LE PLAT, IV., 534 seq. ; PIEPER, 
37, 154 seq. 

2 Julius III. to A. Perrenot, in RAYNALDUS, 1552, n. 17 ; LE 
PLAT, IV., 533 seq. The journey did not take place until after 
Crescenzi had come to an understanding with the Imperial 
ambassador; see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 223. 

3 That the opinion of PIEPER (p. 38) is justified, is shown 
elsewhere, as well as in the letter in the Corpo dipl. Port., VII., 
108. 

4 See the letter of Julius III. to Cardinal Crescenzi of January 
16, 1552, in PIEPER 38 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., Ixv. seq., 
363 seqq. 

5 THEINER, Acta, I., 652 ; cf. RAYNALDUS, 1552, n. 2. 



A SUSPENSION INEVITABLE. 125 

Eight days later the Emperor also thought that in the present 
position of affairs, the Electors would be better at home. 1 
As the news from Germany was daily becoming more threaten 
ing, the Electors of Mayence and Cologne also left the seat of 
the Council on March nth. Two days later the Saxon 
ambassadors left the town quite quietly in the early morning. 
On March nth two new ambassadors of the Duke of Wurtem- 
berg appeared in Trent, and on the i8th four Wurtemberg 
theologians, Brenz, Beuerlin, Heerbrandt and Vannius, as 
well as two from Strasbourg, Marbach and Soil. Negotiation 
with these proved quite hopeless. 2 It was clear that the 
Protestants, after having made an appearance, for a time, of 
submitting to the Council, now intended to refrain from any 
real participation in its deliberations. 3 Even the Emperor 
was at last convinced that a profitable continuation of the 
Council under such difficulties was not to be thought of. On 
March 5th he therefore instructed his ambassadors to induce 
the Curia, in a diplomatic manner, to propose a suspension of 
the deliberations. When the Electors of Mayence and 
Cologne reached Innsbruck on their return journey, the 
Emperor declared that he was agreeable to a suspension. 
When he gave the nuncio, Bertano, assurances to the 
exactly opposite effect, on March 26th, it was only to 

1 To Queen Mary, February 24, 1552, in DRUFFEL, II., 

151- 

2 Cf. THEINER, Acta, I., 653 ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 233 ; 
PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 445 ; POSTINA, Billick, 123. 
F. Nausea died on February 6 in Trent. On March 5 three more 
ambassadors of the King of Portugal arrived in Trent. A dispute 
between them and the Hungarian ambassador concerning a 
question of precedence, was provisionally settled in the General 
Congregation of March 19. At the same time the next session 
was postponed until May i, as the work had to be stopped on 
account of the fruitless waiting for the Protestants, who were still 
expected, and it was also desirable to await further developments 
with regard to the danger of war. THEINER, Acta, I., 652, 
653 seq. RAYNALDUS, 1552, n. 25. 

3 This is the opinion of MAURENBRECHER (p. 284). 



126 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

avoid the appearance of the proposal having emanated from 
him. 1 

The uncertainty as to what would now happen was soon 
brought to an end. News of the Elector Maurice s traitorous 
dealings with France against the Empire had already arrived 
in Rome in the last week of January, 1552, which dealings were 
actually taking place at a time when it was firmly believed, 
at the Imperial court at Innsbruck, that the Saxon theologians 
would soon appear in Trent. 2 Indeed, Melanchthon did 
arrive in Nuremberg on January 22nd, while the private 
secretary of the Elector of Saxony went to Charles V. at 
Innsbruck to excuse the delay in the arrival of his master. 3 
The Emperor had not the slightest idea that all this was 
being done to deceive him, until Maurice had completed his 
preparations for war. By the middle of March the necessary 
preliminaries had been arranged, and the mask could be 
dropped. While Maurice and his fellow conspirators were 
beginning a predatory war on German territory, their French 
allies appeared on the western frontiers of the Empire. 4 

A correspondent of Cardinal Farnese tells us on March 20th, 
from Rome, that the whole of Germany was in arms, and any 
doubt as to the alliance between the French King and the 
Protestant princes could no longer exist. 5 It therefore appeared 
all the more incredible to the ambassadors at the Curia that 
the Emperor had taken no measures to oppose the warlike 

1 Cf. ibid., 283 seq., 161 seq. ; LANZ, III., 136 seq. ; Nuntiatur- 
berichte, XII., Ixvi. seq. 

z Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, XII., Ixxi., 153 n. 4. 

3 Melancthon remained until March 10 in Nuremberg, awaiting 
orders from his Elector ; see PASTOR, Reunionsbestrebungen, 
437 seq., 443. 

4 See JANNSEN-PASTOR, III. 17 " 18 , 724 seq., 739 seq. 

5 *Noi vediamo che tutta la Germania e in armi a 1 impensata. 
May God help us. Le cose che si dicono sono tali ch io non 
oso scriverle ; unum est che la lega tra Francesi et Mauritio 
et gli 2 marchesi di Brandenburg e chiara. *Nove da Roma 
of March 20, 1552 (Carte Fames, in the State Archives, Naples). 
Cf. also Cocciano s letter of March 26 in DRUFFEL, II., 295. 



THE DECREE OF SUSPENSION. 127 

preparations of his enemies ;* no one there understood the 
masterpiece of hypocrisy and cunning with which Maurice 
had ensnared his benefactor. 

It seemed certain that to continue the Council in the present 
state of affairs would be highly dangerous. The Pope, how 
ever, in spite of the alarming news, still hesitated to suspend it ,. 
until the middle of April. 2 The decision was made imperative 
by the news that Augsburg had fallen into the hands of the 
enemies of Charles V., whereby the safety of Trent was very 
gravely threatened. Julius III., after deliberation with the 
Cardinals, only decided on the suspension on April I5th, to v 
obviate the danger of the Council dissolving itself. The 
courier who brought the brief in question to the Legate, 
arrived in Trent on April 2oth. 3 It was, however, not yet 
made public, as the presidents considered it wiser to allow 
the suspension to be decided by the Synod, in order to avoid 
irritating disputes with regard to the relations of the Council 
with the Pope. This took place in the General Congregation 
of April 24th, in which, indeed, some of the Spanish prelates 
opposed the suspension ; a majority, however, was found for 
the proposal of Cardinal Madruzzo, who suggested a suspension 
for two years. A commission of seven prelates was entrusted 
with the drafting of the decree. A proposal made, in accord 
ance with the wish oi the Pope, by the second president, to 
send a number of the members of the Council to Rome, to 
co-operate there at further reform work, was negatived on 
April 26th. 4 

The decree of suspension was published on April 28th, at 
the sixteenth session of the Council. Twelve prelates, mostly 

1 See the *letter of Ipp. Capilupi to Cardinal E. Gonzaga, 
dated Rome, March 29, 1552 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 It is therefore erroneous when Ranke says^(Papste, I., 180) : 
" Julius III. hastened to decree the suspension." 

3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, XII., Ixvii. seq., 302 ; RAYNALDUS, 
1552, n. 25 ; Carte Strozz., I., 393 seq. 

4 See THEINEK, Acta, I., 655 seq. ; RAYNALDUS, 1552, n. 26; 
cf. DE LEVA, V., 356 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., Ixviii. 



128 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Spanish, had protested against it. 1 These remained alone in 
the city of the Council, but were compelled to make a very 
hasty exit when, through the capture of the Ehrenberg 
mountain pass by Maurice of Saxony, the Emperor, who was 
at that time ill with gout, had to flee from Innsbruck on the 
evening of May igth. The Legate, Cardinal Crescenzi, who 
had been ill since March 25th, withdrew from Trent to Verona 
on May 26th, where he died on the 28th. 2 

1 See THEINER, Acta, I., 659 ; RAYNALDUS, 1552, n. 27, 28 ; 
cf. LE PLAT, IV., 545 seq< ; PALLAVICINI, 13, 3 ; MAYNIER, 
750 seq. 

2 See THEINER, Acta, I., 660 ; FIRMANUS, 497 seq. ; Hosir 
epist., II., 211. The body of the Cardinal was first buried in the 
Pantheon in Rome, and then in S. Maria degli Angeli ; see 
FIRMANUS, 499, and FORCELLA, XI., 48. 



CHAPTER V. 

WAR IN UPPER AND CENTRAL ITALY. JULIUS III/s EFFORTS 
FOR PEACE. CONCLUSION OF HIS PONTIFICATE AND HIS 
DEATH. 

THERE is preserved in the Vienna archives a confidential letter 
of Charles V., dated April 2oth, 1551, to his ambassador in 
Rome, Diego Mendoza, in which he openly declares that his 
procedure in the dispute about Parma has for its object to keep 
Julius III. completely in the channels of his own policy. 
The ambassador is, therefore, enjoined to fan the Pope s 
anger against his disobedient vassal and his protector Henry 
II. to red heat by every means in his power. 1 

It did not, however, escape the Pope that in the matter of 
Parma, they wanted to bring him into complete subjection 
to the Emperor, but he also recognized the dangers which 
threatened his interests on the part of France, which faced 
him with the menace of a schism, if he proceeded against 
Ottavio Farnese. It was really like " a great labyrinth " in 
which it was easy to lose the right path. 2 Hence the vacilla 
tion of the Pope and his repeated efforts, even at the last 
moment, to avoid the fateful struggle. 3 All these endeavours, 
however, proved vain. Julius III. had not decision of char 
acter enough to withstand the importunities of Charles V., 

1 LANZ, I., 177, with erroneous date ; cf. DRUFFEL, I., 622 ; II., 
390. 

2 *" Aca no se habla en otra cosa si no en esta de Parma, en un 
gran laberinto se han metido estos se-lores S.S. d me parece que lo 
toma de veras." Card. Pacheco to Card. Madruzzo, dated Rome, 
April 9, 1551 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck). 

3 Cf. Supra p. 97. 

VOL. Kill. 129 8 A 



130 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Ferrante Gonzaga, and Diego Mendoza, and the eager desire 
for war on the part of Giovan Battista del Monte. " The 
right," he said to Ippolito Capilupi, " is on our side, as well as 
the support of the Emperor, who will restore Parma to the 
Church/ 1 and in this manner he rashly and imprudently 
resolved on war. 

On May 22nd, 1551, Julius III. signed the document by 
which Ottavio Farnese was declared to have forfeited his fief, 
and communicated it to the Cardinals in a secret consistory. 2 
Nevertheless, on the following day, the Florentine ambassador, 
Buonanni, reports that the Pope was still hoping for an 
arrangement, although no one else in Rome now considered it 
possible. 3 Julius actually agreed to the proposals of Ottavio 
regarding the exchange of Parma for Camerino, which he had 
at first repudiated ; in the consistory of June loth he invested 
Farnese with Camerino, and assured him a yearly revenue of 
8000 scudi. 4 This complaisance also proved vain, for Ottavio 

1 Report of Ipp. Capilupi to F. Gonzaga of May 22, 1551, in 
CHIESI. 223. Concerning the urging on of Julius III., who really 
had leanings towards Farnese, see a characteristic assertion of 
A. Caro in RONCHINI, Lett, d uomini ill., 330. G. Ricci says in his 
*Memorie (Ricci archives, Rome) quite candidly : " la guerra di 
Parma e Mirandola ordita per D. Diego di Mendoza." 

2 Sententia declarat. privat. contra O. Farnesium, dat. XI. Cal. 
Junii, 1551. A contemporary impression in the Rossiana Library, 
Vienna ; a copy in the *collection of Contelorius (see infra 131, n. i) 
21, 22 ; Spanish translation in the Archives of the Spanish 
Embassy, Rome. 

3 " II papa credo che sia solo a sperar che le cose di Parma 
possino o habbino a comporsi." *Letter of Buonanni, dated 
Rome, June i, 1551 (State Archives, Florence). Cf. also the letter 
of Card. Medici in CAMPORI, Lettere, 17 seqq. 

4 See Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican) ; 
*letter of Julius III. to Dandino, of June 10, 1551 (Secret Archives 
of the Vatican, F. Borghese, II., 465 p. 61 seq.), utilised in the 
Nuntiaturberichte, XII., n. 35 ; "report of Serristori of June 10, 
1551, as well as Card. Medici s letter of June 20, 1551, in DE LFVA, 
V., 154. Cf. the instructions for Grassi in WEISS, Pap. de Gran- 
velle, III., 579-80, and PIEPER, 23. 



THE WAR IS BEGUN. 131 

Farnese, who had full confidence in the alliance he had con 
cluded with Henry II. on May 27th, was resolved that the 
matter should be decided by an appeal to arms. On June I2th 
his adherents invaded the States of the Church from Mirandola, 
reduced Crevalcore, and devastated the district of Bologna. 
The Papal troops advanced against them, fought a victorious 
battle, and then joined the Imperial troops under Ferrante 
Gonzaga ; the war had therefore now begun. 1 It was all too 
soon proved, however, that the Pope did not possess the 
firmness necessary to deal with the rapidly succeeding 
events with consistent resolution, or to direct them into 
suitable courses. 2 In Rome itself the war had been highly 
unpopular from the beginning. 3 The shrewdest men in 
the Curia, Cardinals Morone and Crescenzi, knew only too 
well that the Pope was not equal to such extraordinary 
circumstances, and had, therefore, earnestly dissuaded him 
from entering on such a dangerous and pernicious struggle, 

1 Concerning the war about Parma, the different stages of which 
are of little interest, cf. ADRIANI, VIII., 3 seqq. ; SEGNI, XIII. ; 
GIUL. GOSELLINI in the Miscell. di stor. Ital., XVII., 141 seqq. ; 
Mem. stor. d. citta di Mirandola II., Mirandola, 1874 ; BALAN, VI., 
420-1 ; BALAN, Assedi della Mirandola, 25 seqq. ; DE LEVA in the 
Riv. stor. Ital. I., 632 seqq. ; VIII., 713-4 ; and Carlo quinto V., 
113 seqq., 202 seqq. ; CHIESI, 224 seqq. ; ANDREA DA MOSTO in 
Quellen und Forschungen des Preuss. Histor. Inst. VI., 100-1 ; 
COURTEAULT, Blaise de Monluc, 190 seqq. BOSELLI treats of a 
poem about the Parma war in the review Per 1 arte, XV., 5-6. 
The work of F. Contelorius : *Bellum Parmense sub Julio III. 
gestum (Cod. Barb. XXXII., 183, now 2392 of the Vatican 
Library ; cf. Arch. Rom. II., 294 ; a copy in the Communal 
Library, Piacenza, MS. Landi) gives, besides a collection of official 
documents (especially on pp. 39-40 ; see also 61 seqq.} a full state 
ment about the war. De Turre, Bellum Parmense, MS. of the 
Palat. Lib. in Parma, is still unpublished. 

2 The opinion of PIEPER, 23. 

3 See Niccolo da Ponte s report of May 30, 1551, in the Miscell. 
di stor. Ital. XVII., 160. 



132 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

for the successful issue of which his resources were wholly 
inadequate. 1 

Julius III. had, on June 6th, 1551, entrusted the supreme 
command of the expedition against Parma to the Viceroy of 
Milan, Ferrante Gonzaga, with full confidence in the support 
of the Emperor. 2 The Papal troops were nominally com 
manded by the nephews of the Pope, Giovan Battista del 
Monte and Vincenzo de Nobili ; in reality, however, the com 
mand was in the hands of Camillo Orsini and Alessandro 
Vitelli. Cardinal de Medici, 3 whose brother, the Marquis of 
Marignano, was leader of the Imperial troops under Ferrante 
Gonzaga, was appointed legate with the army on June 7th. 
In the States of the Church all enrolment under foreign princes 
was forbidden ; 4 Cardinals Alessandro and Ranuccio Farnese 
received on June i6th strict orders to return at once to Rome ; 
the Emperor deprived them of their rich benefices, also with 
drawing from Ottavio his fiefs in Lombardy and Naples. 5 

1 Serristori mentions letters of Crescenzi, which urged the ending 
of the war, and thus excited the Pope, although they did not make 
him change his mind ; see *report of September 18, 1551 (State 
Archives, Florence). Concerning Morone, see Lett, di princ., 165 
seq. 

2 *Brief of June 6, 1551. Arm. 41, t. 60, n. 432. (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

3 * Brief of June 7, 1551, Ibid. n. 433. Card Medici was recalled 
on November 28, 1551 (for the reasons for this measure, see 
PIEPER, 153) ; the Abbate Riario took his place as Commissary 
General ; see Nuntiaturberichte, XII., n. 114. Letter of Medici at 
this time in CAMPORI, Lett. 19 seqq. 

4 As this prohibition was in many cases not observed, Bernardo 
de Medici was instructed to take steps against any disobedience. 
*Brief of June 12, 1551, ibid. n. 461 ; cf. ibid. n. 523 for a similar 
brief for Raynutio de Taranno, of June 24, 1551. (Secret Archives 
oi the Vatican). 

5 See RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 15. Card. Alessandro was allowed, 
by a brief of July i, 1551, to repair to Florence. (See Nuntia 
turberichte, XII , n. 32. The original brief is in the State Archives 
Naples). From the brief of September 17, 1551, quoted here, it 
appears that Alessandro was by no means so quiet in Florence as 



ACTION TAKEN AGAINST THE FARNESE. 133 

Orazio Farnese, who had hastened from France to support his 
brother, and had taken a prominent part in the invasion of the 
district of Bologna, was likewise severely punished ; Julius 
III. caused the territory of Castro, which belonged to him, 
to be invested. 1 The mother of the Duke, who directed the 
government there, offered no resistance, whereupon the Pope 
was satisfied with the military occupation of the country ; 
the administration, jurisdiction and revenues remained in the 
hands of the Duchess. 2 

An attempt was next made to maintain the fiction that the 
Peace of Crepy had not been broken by the outbreak of hos 
tilities in Italy, and this was based on the assertion of Henry 
II. that he had only taken up arms as an ally of Farnese, 
while the Emperor declared he was only acting as a protector 
of the Church against a rebellious vassal, and at the express 
desire of the Pope. No one doubted, however, that war 
between the two princes was inevitable, and unfortunately 
the Turks at once endeavoured to gain an advantage from 
the strife between the two chief powers of Christendom. 
News of the threatening movements of the Turks reached 
Rome as early as June, and against these the Pope had now 
to take preventive measures. 3 In July a large Turkish fleet 

SEGNI (XIII.) would have us believe. Cardinal Ranuccio Farnese 
was sharply enjoined by a * brief of September 17, 1551, (ibid., 
n. 828), under threats of the most severe punishment, to return to 
Rome, but finally he was allowed to remain with his relatives in 
Urbino. 

1 Cf. *Briefs for Barthol. de Alba and Didaco de Mendoza of 
June 23, 1551, in Arm. 41, t. 60, n. 517, 520; ibid., n. 561 the 
*penal Bull of July i, against all who took part in the invasion of 
Bolognese territory (Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. also 
Nuntiaturberichte XII., n. 39. 

2 See the orders for Ascanio della Corgna of June 25, 1551, in 
Arm. 41, t. 60, ibid., n. 532 ; cf. ibid., n. 534 the *brief for Hier. 
Farnesiae of June 25, and n. 587 for Rod. Ballione of July 10, 1551 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican) . 

3 A Commission of Cardinals was formed to arrange measures 
for the protection of the coasts of the States of the Church (see 
Serristori s "report of June 17, 1551. State Archives, Florence). 



1-34 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

appeared in the Ionian Sea, which, however, had to give way 
before the resistance of the Knights of St. John from Malta, 
whereupon the Turks turned their attention to Tripoli, wilich 
fell into the hands of the infidels on August 14th. 1 

The state of affairs in the field of war in Upper Italy had 
proved unfavourable to the Pope from the very beginning. 
The invasion of the territory of Bologna, where the enemy 
had caused great devastation, threatened to bring about an 
insurrection in the whole of the Romagna and to tear away 
Ravenna from the States of the Church. 2 To this danger to 
the temporal jurisdiction of the Pope was added a still graver 
threat to his ecclesiastical power ; a schism of the French 
Church was by no means impossible, especially at that time, 
when there was so great a defection from Rome. 3 The un 
satisfactory financial position of Julius III. did not weigh less 
heavily in the scale, and already on June 22nd, the treasurer, 
Giovanni Ricci, had sent to the court of the Emperor to urge 
the payment of the pecuniary assistance promised. Charles 
V. declared he was prepared to pay 200,000 scudi down, if the 
Pope would grant him the revenues of the Spanish bishoprics 
to the amount of 500,000 scudi. Ricci could grant this, but 
received provisionally only 50,000 scudi. 4 

The Bishop of Nepi, P. A. de Angelis, was appointed commissary 
for this purpose by a *brief of July 4, 1551, Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 573 ; 
ibid., n. 589, *Bull of July n, 1551 : Imposition of four-tenths in 
the Sienese district, so that Mendoza may protect the coast 
against the Turks, and n. 754, *Bull of September 2, 1551 : Impo 
sition of four-tenths in Savoy for the fortification of Nice (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican) . 

1 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 68 ; ZINKEISEN, II., 875-6 ; ROMIER, 
41-2. 

2 Cf. ADRIANI VIII., 3 and BROSCH, I., 194. Count G. F. de 
Balneo received orders in a * brief of July 9, 1551, to assist the 
legate of the Romagna in the protection of the province. Brevia 
Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 585 ; cf. ibid., n. 827 the *brief for Camillo 
Orsini of September 17, 1551 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See PIEPER, 25. 

4 See Miscell. di stor.Ital., XVII., 337-8 ; Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII xlviii n. 37, 41 ; cf. PIEPER, i 44. 



DIFFICULTIES OF THE POPE. 135 

The Pope, who had allowed himself to be drawn into this 
war out of deference to the Emperor, was soon to discover 
that the conquest of Parma, as also of Mirandola, was not such 
an easy matter as had been represented to him. He had also 
to learn by experience that the expenses of the undertaking 
were to exceed the original estimate by more than double the 
amount. He sought in vain to improve the desperate financial 
straits in which he found himself by imposing special taxes, 
and was also forced to pledge many valuables and jewels. All 
this, however, was not sufficient to cover his requirements. 
Julius complained bitterly that the Emperor neither gave him 
the financial aid promised, nor did he send the number of troops 
arranged by treaty. Charles V. was, however, all the less able 
to fulfil his pledges as he was soon obliged to protect Milan 
against the French, who were threatening it from Pied 
mont. 1 

The appearance of the French in Piedmont frightened the 
Pope and intimidated him. Cardinal Crescenzi, who was 
painfully conscious of the reaction of the w r ar on the Council, 
again earnestly urged the Pope to make peace, while the 
fathers of the Council joined him in warnings to the same effect. 
On September 4th, 1551, the Pope addressed a long letter to 
the King of France, and frankly offered him his hand in peace. 2 
Four days later followed the appointment of Cardinal Verallo 
as special legate to Henry II. 3 Pietro Camaiani was sent to 
the Emperor on October loth to explain the mission of Verallo, 
which the Pope had ordered as giving the highest proof of his 
love of peace, but at the same time to emphasize the fact that 
no agreement was to be thought of without the consent of the 
Emperor. Camaiani, however, did not obtain the success 
wished for, since the question of subsidies, " the great obstacle 

1 Cf. PALL A vie IN i, 13, i. 

2 *F. Borghese, II., 465, p. 174 (Secret Archives of the Vatican) 
in the translation of ROMIER, 44-5. 

3 See Acta Consist, in PIEPER, 27 ; ibid. 145-6 emendation of 
the text of the instructions, dated October 3 in DRUFFEL, I, 757-8. 
Concerning Verallo s [unsuccessful legation, a most detailed 
account in ROMIER, 47 seqq, 53. 



136 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of the war from the beginning," was again not solved 1 to the 
satisfaction of the Pope, which was all the more painful to 
him as his financial position was daily becoming more hopeless ; 
He complained, indeed, that he had not only already pledged 
all his jewels, but even his usual rings. 2 In Rome everyone 
was at this time calling for peace. 3 The Emperor himself was 
also in great want of money, as was Ferrante Gonzaga ; neither 
of them could any longer pay their mercenaries. The Pope, 
however, was undoubtedly in the worst position of all, for which 
reason he was also the first to grow weary of the war. 4 In the 
middle of December he informed the Emperor, through 
Bertano, that he was no longer in a position to keep up the 
full number of his troops in Upper Italy. 5 

Meanwhile Cardinal Verallo had been negotiating with 
Henry II. The Pope on December 2ist instructed Pietro 
Camaiani to inform Charles V. of the stage which these negotia 
tions had reached. He by no means trusted the French King, 
and begged the Emperor also not to let himself be deceived, 
but to make all arrangements for continuing the war, as an 
imposing display of arms is more effective in securing peace 
than a victory in the field. 6 Julius had been quite correct 
in his estimate of Henry II. Although the Pope was quite 
prepared to fulfil the conditions proposed by the King, Ottavio 
and France continued to make fresh difficulties ; they knew 
very well that two such strong places as Parma and Mirandola 

1 Concerning the dispatch of Camaiani, for which mission 
Card. Carpi had at first been chosen, cf. PIEPER, 28, 146-7 and 
Nuntiaturberichte XII. li, 88 seqq. 

2 DRUFFEL III., 240. 

3 Cf. CUGNONI, prose ned. di A. Caro, 109. 

4 Opinion of KUPKE in the Nuntiaturberichte, XII., li. 

5 Nuntiaturberichte, XII., lv., 112 ; cf. GOSELLINI in the 
Miscell. di stor. Ital., XVII., 198. 

6 See PIEPER, 150-1 ; PALLAVICINI, 13, i, and Nuntiaturber 
ichte, XII., 115, n. 1. Cf. also Serristori s reports of November 
ii (Camaiani tarda a partir), December 4 (Camaiani kept back 
by the Pope, as news is expected from France), December 20, 
I 55 I (Camaiani will start to-morrow). State Archives Florence. 



MISSION OF CARDINAL TOURNON. 137 

would be very difficult to take by force, and trusting to this, 
they hoped to get still more favourable terms. For this 
purpose Cardinal Tournon, who was then in Venice, was sent 
to Rome. 1 He arrived there on February 5th, and at once 
began negotiations. 2 

Tournon, who had world-wide experience as a statesman, 
and was an accomplished courtier, conducted these with great 
shrewdness, He specially drew the Pope s attention to the 
fact that the Holy See could not reckon on the Emperor, on 
account of his bad health and the difficulties in which Germany 
was involved, representing to him, at the same time, the 
gravity of the position which was developing in the Council, 
as Charles V. s sole idea was to increase his own authority at 
the expense of that of the Pope. 3 In spite cf the fact that the 
Emperor was imprudent enough to leave his Papal ally in 
doubt as to his own intentions, 4 the French had the greatest 
difficulty in attaining their end, and after fully two months 
time they had not yet come to any arrangement. In the 
meantime the impossibility of continuing the war was daily 
becoming more apparent. In addition to the direst need 
of money, 5 there was the fear that Henry II., who was allied 

1 The instruction of December 23, 1551, for Tournon, in RIBIER, 
II., 360 seq. According to PALLAVICINI, 13, 2, it might be sup 
posed that the asked for letter of safe-conduct had been refused ; 
the Salvus-Conductus for him, dated December 24, 1551 is, how 
ever, in Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 62, n. 1046 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). 

2 Concerning Tournon s journey and negotiations, see Legaz. 
di Serristori 296-7 ; DRUFFEL, II., 122-3, I 7 6 7. 2I 4 26 5> 4 2 3 
MASIUS, Lettere, 97, 100-1 ; CHIESI, 228-9 ; Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII., Ivii seq. 175-6, 198, 217 seqq., 230-1, 241, 292 seqq ; cf. 
MAURENBRECHER, 281-2 ; DE LEVA, V., 312-3, 359-60. 

3 See DESJARDINS, III., 297-8. 

4 See Nuntiaturberichte., XII, Iviii. 

5 Julius III. had already tried to alleviate the financial difficulties 
on October 20, 1550, by the establishment of the Monte Giulio (cf. 
Acta Consist in the Consistorial Archives, and Buonanni s *reports 
of October 21 and 25, 1550. State Archives, Florence. Cf., also 



138 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to the Protestant princes of Germany, might fall away from 
the Church. In Rome itself consternation and excitement 
prevailed on all sides ; the city was defenceless and the rest of 
the States of the Church were not safe. 1 

The conditions which Tournon at last laid down were as 
follows : Parma was to remain in the hands of Ottavio Farnese, 
an armistice with a suspension of all the censures issued was 
to be concluded for two years, and after this the Duke was to 
be at liberty to come to a final agreement with the Holy See, 
while his engagements to France would then cease ; the 
territory of Castro was to be returned to the Farnese Cardinals 
for their brother Orazio, but the Farnese family were to keep 
no larger number of troops there than was required to guard 
the territory. Finally, Henry II. was prepared to meet the 
Pope in ecclesiastical matters, and again to permit the bulls 
for the bestowal of benefices in France to be drawn up in the 
Dataria in Rome. 

Charles V. naturally endeavoured to dissuade the Pope from 
the agreement suggested, and Giovan Battista del Monte also 
used all his influence to the same end. 2 All their representa 
tions, however, proved vain ; the misery of the position was 
so great that the Pope had finally to submit. On April i5th, 
1552, he announced his resolve to the Cardinals in the con- 

ENDEMANN, Studien, I )but in vain. G. Ricci, who was recalled 
from Spain to Rome in order to manage the finances, found them 
in the most dreadful state, and he was unable to be of any assist 
ance. (See *MELE, Genealogia d. famiglia Ricci, 203. Ricci 
Archives, Rome) ; in a *letter to G. B. del Monte of April 2, 1552 
(*Inf. polit. XIX., 51. Royal Library, Berlin), Julius III. des 
cribes the financial distress which had never been greater for 
centuries. RANTKE, I., 269 cites a passage from the letter, without 
giving its origin. 

1 Cf. del Monte s letter of April I3th, 1552, in Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII., 294-5. Julius III. also points out the fact that nothing was 
settled in his *letter to Card. Crescenzi of the same date, which is to 
be found in the Inf. polit. XIX., 59, 60, Royal Library, Berlin. 

2 See PALLAVICINI, 13, 2 ; cf. MAURENBRECHER, 287-8 ; 
Nuntiaturberichte, XII., Iviii. 



CONCLUSION OF AN ARMISTICE. I3Q 

sistorv in which the suspension of the Council was also dis 
cussed. 1 Everyone agreed without reserve. Cardinal Cervini 
was of opinion that if the Pope had had recourse to arms on 
righteous grounds, he now laid them down from still more 
righteous motives. 2 On April 2Qth the armistice was con 
cluded on the said conditions, and it was left to the discretion 
of the Emperor to be a party to it as well. 3 On the following 
day the Pope, in a detailed letter to Camaiani, explained to him 
the reasons which had induced him to come to terms with 
Cardinal Tournon. It had no longer been in his power to 
hesitate, as the population of Rome and the States of the 
Church would have been driven to despair ; the impossibility 
of conquering Parma and Mirandola was obvious, for after a 
ten months siege they had not yet succeeded in completely 
investing the latter fortress. He also pointed out that, in 
addition to this, there was the danger on the part of the Turks 
and the Lutherans, and the no less real danger of France falling 
into schism and becoming Lutheran. 4 The Emperor did not 
conceal from Camaiani his displeasure at the one-sided pro 
ceeding of the Pope, but the outbreak of revolution in Germany 
forced him also to agree to the conditions of peace on May 
loth, a step to which even Ferrante Gonzaga had urged him. 
The news reached Rome on May I5th and caused universal 
jubilation. Three days later the Abbot Rosetto was sent to 

1 See *Acta Consist, in the Consistorial Archives. 

2 Capilupi announces this on April 16, 1552 ; see Nuntiaturbe- 
richte, XII., lx., cf. 303. 

3 The capitoli dell accordo di Parma, dated April 29, 1552, were 
printed in the XVIth century in the Lett, di princ. III., 211-12. 
Kupke has taken no notice of this ; he prints them once more from 
a copy with the erroneous date April 25 in the Nuntiaturberichte, 
XII., 365-6. Cf. COGGIOLA, Farnesi, 7 n. 2. In the *brief of 
May 1 8, Silvester de Giliis received orders to arrange for the 
honourable reception of Cardinal Tournon in the States of the 
Church, on his return from France (Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 64, n. 
330. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 See Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 324-5 ; cf. also the letter of G.B. 
del Monte in CHIESI, 226-7. 



140 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Lombardy to press forward the conclusion of the armistice. 1 
The exile of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese also came to an end 
at he same time, and on June yih, 1552, he returned to Rome, 
where the Pope received him very graciously. On June 25th, 
Lanssac appeared as special ambassador of France, and 
brought with him the ratification of the armistice by Henry 
II. 2 Soon afterwards the diplomatic representation of the 
Holy See at the French court was restored and Prospero Santa 
Croce was entrusted with the office. The new nuncio was able 
to report to Rome as early as September that Henry II., by his 
proceedings against Charles du Moulin, had renounced the 
anti-papal policy which he had shown in his edict of Sep 
tember, 1551. 3 

Notwithstanding the universal jubilation at the ending of 
the costly 4 and dangerous war, the Pope must have been 
forced to acknowledge to himself that the two questions, for 
the solution of which he had worked so earnestly during the 
first two years of his pontificate, had both remained unsolved ; 
that relating to ecclesiastical matters through the suspension 
of the Council, and the other through the result of the war. 
This depressing realization began to undermine his energy 
to a marked degree. 5 It is false to say that " the Pope no 
longer took any active interest in political questions " and 
that he led " a harmless pleasant life ; in his lovely villa 
outside the Porta del Popolo, " heedless of the rest of the 
world." 6 Quite apart from the very important, though 

1 See Nuntiaturberichte, XII., Ixi., 327, 334-5, 349-50, 354-5 ; 
cf. PIEPER, 32 and COGGIOLA, Farnesi, 9-10. R. Baglione received 
orders to evacuate Castro in the *brief of May 18, 1552 (Min. brev. 
Arm. 41, t. 64, 11. 333. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See ROMIER in the Mel. d arch. XXXI. (1911), 11-12. 

3 Cf. PIEPER, 42-3, and ROMIER, La crise gallicane, 55. 

4 The pay of the troops alone cost 300,000 scudi ; cf. BALAN, 
Mirandola, 48. 

5 See PIEPER, 40, 41. 

6 So says RANKE, Papste, I., 180-1 ; also BEAUFORT, Hist, des 
Papes, IV., 191 and all later historians, especially BROSCH, I., 145, 
and last of all LANCIANI, III., 133. It is still more incorrect when 



THE POPE S NEUTRALITY. 141 

unobtrusive, activity which Julius III. displayed in ecclesias 
tical matters in the direction of a Catholic reformation, 
especially in the latter half of his reign, 1 he also set to work 
at vital political questions, and strove diligently, if ineffec 
tually, for the restoration of peace in Christendom. His 
neutral attitude gave offence alike to the French and to the 
Imperialists, as both these parties expected to draw great 
advantage from a participation of the Pope in the struggle. 2 
The accusation, therefore, that the Pope fled from all business 
in order to lead an inactive life in peace in his beautiful villa, 
originated with them. 3 There can be no doubt that the Pope 
had very good reasons for not mixing himself any further in the 
Italian disturbances ; the war about Parma had shown the 
results of such a course sufficiently plainly. Since the painlul 
experience which Julius III. had then had, he had been very 
careful not to be again led into participating in such a struggle, 
while higher motives also weighed in the balance. The Pope 
knew that as Father of Christendom he must as far as possible 

DE LEVA, V., 114 represents Julius III. as an " alieno dai negozi di 
stato " from the beginning. REUMONT, III., 2, 511 judged 
Julius III. much more justly in 1870. Concerning the by no 
means unobjectionable version of Muratori, see G. CATALINI, 
Preface to Muratori s Annali X. (1764), XXXV. 

1 Cf. Chapter VI. infra. 

2 Both sides addressed bitter reproaches to the neutral Pope ; 
the same thing occurred in a congregation of Cardinals on Septem 
ber 4, 1553, when the Imperial Cardinals, Alvarez de Toledo and 
Carpi endeavoured to induce him to adopt an anti-French policy, 
by pointing out the alliance of Henry II. with the Turks (See 
Serristori s *report of September 5, 1553. State Archives, 
Florence). In the May of the following year Cardinal du Bellay 
and the French ambassador, Lanssac, made complaints. See 
Nonciat. de France, I., 51, n. i. 

3 See the Florentine reports cited in the Nonciat. de France, 
I., xliii., n. 2, an echo of which is found in ADRIANI (VIII., 1), who 
was commissioned by Cosimo I. to write (see MONDAINI, Adriani, 
41-2, Florence, 1905), as well as in SEGNI (XIII., 829), and in 
Panvinio (MERKLE, II., 148) who was friendly with the Farnese 
family. 



142 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

stand aside from party feeling, as then only could he be success 
ful as a peacemaker. 1 How greatly the activity which he 
displayed in this direction proceeded from himself personally is 
proved by the fact that the greater part of the instructions for 
the ambassadors and legates were now drawn up by himself, 
and that he, for the most part, dictated personally to his 
secretaries. 2 In the midst of all this, his old enemy, the gout, 
was afflicting him to an increased extent. 3 

1 See ANCEL in the Nonciat. de France, I., xliii. In the instruc 
tions for Gir. Muzzarelli of January 21, 1554, Julius III. speaks 
very openly about his having been led astray into making war over 
Parma ; see PIEPER, 174. 

2 Cf. del Monte s letter of July 7, 1552, in PIEPER, 41, 
n. 3. 

3 The reports of the ambassadors bear witness to the frequency 
of the painful attacks of the gout, to which were added catarrh and 
other disorders caused by errors of diet. Cf. especially the * letters 
of A. Serristori of June 7, 14 and 20, and of October 10, u, and 24, 
1552 ; also of January 4, March 29, June 9, July 6, and 9, 1553 . 
*letters of the archbishop of Trani, Bart. Serristori, of October 19, 
22, 23, and 24, and November 2, 1553 ; *letter of B. Justo of 
November 16, 1553 ; *letters of A. Serristori of February 7, 17, 18, 
19, and March 3, 8, 14, 15, 27, 1554 ; *letters of B. Justo of 
February 24 and 26, 1554 ; *letters of A. Serristori of June 10 and 
July 21, 1554 ; *letter of B. Justo of September 15, 1554 . all m 
State Archives, Florence. Concerning the physicians of Julius III. 
see, besides MARINI, I., 393 seqq., HASER, II., 26 ; CARUS, Gesch. 
der Zoologie, 359 ; GRATZ, IX., 345, 350-1 ; RIEGER, II., 144-5 ; 
MASIUS, Brief e, 67 ; Atti per le prov. di Romagna, Ser. 3, i., 422. 
In the Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 56, n. 456 : *appointment of Aug. 
Ricchi of Lucca as physician in ordinary, with a yearly salary of 
200 scudi, May 21, 1550 ; n. 513 : *appointment of Theoder. de 
Sacerdotibus (Hebreus) as physician in ordinary, June 7, 1550 ; t. 
59, n. 39 : summons of Jo. de Aguilera, thesaur. Salamant. mag in 
medic, to Rome, January 26, 1551 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 
Ibid., Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 25 : summons of Franc. Fregimelia, 
doct. medic, to Rome, January 5, 1555. In the *Intr. et Exit, of 
I 554- I 555, payments to the three physicians of Julius II. : A. 
Ricchi, Giambatt, Cannani and Damiano Valentin! are entered 



THE POPE S EFFORTS FOR PEACE. 143 

The grave state of the Pope s health, which, in the November 
of 1553, made the possibility of a conclave in the near future 
apparent, 1 as well as the increasing hopelessness and confusion 
of the political position, had the effect of gradually depriving 
Julius of the fresh animating energy of the first years of his 
reign, and finally of paralysing his endeavours to make peace. 
Soon afterwards, however, zealous activity was displayed by 
the Pope in the direction of an attempt at mediation between 
the Emperor and France, although the prospects of success 
seemed most unfavourable. 

Soon after the conclusion of the armistice, Julius III. 
addressed himself to Henry II., by a letter in his own hand, 
on May 6th, 1552, and begged him to make peace with Charles 
V. 2 The French King, however, had not the faintest idea 
of complying with this request, but hoped, on the contrary, 
that he could, just at that time, inflict a decisive blow on the 
Emperor by means of his conspiracy with the Tuiks. 3 In 
spite of this, the Pope sent nuncios to bring about an armistice 
between the bitterly struggling rivals. As ordinary nuncio, 
Prospero Santa Croce went to Henry II., while Achille de 
Grassi was sent to Charles V. The representations of 
both, however, fell on deaf ears. 4 The fury of war raged 
worse than ever ; in the middle of July, a Turkish fleet 
appeared before Naples, commanded by the corsair, Dragut, 
and the French envoy, Aramont ; fortunately they could 

(Cod. Vat. 10,605 of the Vatican Library). The Ravenna physi 
cian, Tommaso Rangoni, in 1550 dedicated to Julius III., his work, 
De vita hominis ultra CXX. annos protrahenda ; see ILDEBRANDO 
BELLA GIOVANNA, Come 1 uomo puo vivere piu di CXX. anni. 
Piacenza, 1897. (Nozze-Publication). 

1 See Nonciat. de France, I., 68. 

2 See the text in the *Inf. Polit., XIX., 79 (Royal Library, 
Berlin). 

3 Cf. CHARRIERE, II., 201-2 ; ZINKEISEN, II., 876. 

4 Concerning both missions cf. Pieper, 41-2, 156-7. Prospero 
Santa Croce was a close friend of Cardinal A. Farnese ; his being 
chosen was, therefore, very significant ; see Romier, in the Mel. 
d Arch., XXXI., 13. 



144 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

do little damage, as the French fleet arrived too late. 1 
Another undertaking of Henry II. had all the more brilliant 
a success. The inhabitants of Siena rose on July 27th, 1552, 
with the cry of " France, Victory, Freedom ! " and forced the 
Spanish garrison to retire. 2 The new Republic at once placed 
itself under the protection of France. Nothing could have 
been more pleasing to Henry II. than this turn of affairs, as 
it not only threatened the position of the Emperor in Italy, 
but served the purpose of keeping the Pope, as well as Cosimo 
de Medici, in check. 3 

The reaction of the troubles which had arisen in Tuscany 
was at once seen in Rome. In the middle of August, 1552, 
the wildest reports of an intended sack of the city by the 
Spaniards were in circulation, originated solely, as was sup 
posed, for the purpose of putting the Pope into a false position 
with regard to the Emperor. 4 As the disturbances in Siena 
were a grave danger to peace in the States of the Church, the 
Pope, whose treasury was completely exhausted by the war 
about Parma, found himself in a very critical position. Deter 
mined as he was to remain neutral in the impending struggle, 
his only thought was to prevent war, with its attendant 
horrors, from spreading over the States of the Church. He 
therefore ordered the enrolment of 4000 men. 5 The anxiety 
and dismay increased in Rome when the end of the month 

1 Cf. CHARRIERE, II., 209 seqq. ; Julius III. supported by his 
*brief of August 25, 1552, the preparations of Charles V. for war 
against the Turks (Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 65, n. 565, Secret Archives 
of the Vatican) . 

2 See REUMONT, Toskana, I., 181-2. 

3 See REUMONT, III., 2, 508. 

4 Cf. Serristori s *report of August 15, 1552 (State Ar 
chives, Florence). Camillo Orsini is also declared to be the 
originator of these rumours by Ipp. Capilupi, in his *report 
to Cardinal E. Gonzaga on August 18, 1552 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua) . 

5 See Serristori s *report of August 21, 1552 (State Archives, 
Florence) . 



THE AFFAIR OF SIENA. 145 

brought the worst news regarding the advance of the Turks 
in Hungary. 1 

On August I3th, 1552, Julius III. had sent Cardinal Mig- 
nanelli to Siena to co-operate in the organization of the new 
constitution in such a manner as to preserve the peace and 
independence of the Republic, and assure it against the danger 
of interference by foreigners. Mignanelli, as a native of Siena, 
seemed more suited for this difficult task than anyone else 
could be, but in spite of all his good will, he could arrange 
nothing, 2 and, on September 28th, Julius III. had to recall 
him. 3 It was quite clear what turn affairs were taking, when 
Cardinal d Este, who was entirely devoted to French interests, 
arrived in Siena on November ist, 1552, as governor for Henry 
II. 4 A defensive and offensive alliance, and the transfer 
of additional French troops to Siena, showed how determined 
the French were to establish themselves firmly there. 5 Pedro 
de Toledo, Viceroy of Naples, was preparing with all his might 
to drive them out, and thus, while the flames of war were hardly 
extinguished in Parma, another outbreak in Central Italy 
was threatened. 

At the end of September, 1552, Julius III. had entrusted a 
commission consisting of four Cardinals with the task of 
deliberating upon measures for bringing about peace between 
Charles V. and the French king. He still hoped he would at 
least succeed in preventing this new disturbance of the peace 
of Italy, and repeatedly deliberated to this end with Cardinals 

1 See Serristori s *report of August 28, 1552 (State Archives, 
Florence). With regard to this matter, cf. HUBER, IV., 

173-4- 

2 See Legaz. di Serristori, 311 ; ADRIANI, IX., 3 ; REUMONT, 
Toskana, I., 187. 

3 *Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 65, n. 636 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican) . 

4 According to a coded "report of Ipp. Capilupi to Card. E. 
Gonzaga, of October 19, 1552, Dandino is supposed to have said 
that Card. Farnese had endeavoured to obtain the post which was 
given to Este (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

5 SOZZINI, 92-3. 

VOL XIII. 10 



146 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

de Cupis, Pacheco, Verallo, Puteo, Cicada and Mignanelli. 1 
As he was well aware that the Viceroy of Naples was urging 
the Emperor to undertake an expedition against Siena, he 
sent Bernardo de Medici to Pedro de Toledo at the end of No 
vember and advised him to wait a little longer before dispatch 
ing his troops. Pedro, however, persisted in his intention. 2 

In Rome, where the recollection of the dreadful sack of 
1527 still lived in the memory of the people, new tears concern 
ing the inimical intentions of the Spaniards again arose in 
December. The Pope, in consultation with the Cardinals, 
took precautionary measures, whereupon the Spanish party in 
Rome, as well as the Viceroy, made complaints. They should, 
however, have been pleased, as far as that was concerned, for 
the Pope, making the best of a bad bargain, allowed, in spite 
of his " neutrality," the Spanish troops to march through the 
States of the Church. The precautionary measures which 
he adopted served only to prevent deeds of violence and 
disturbances in his own territories. 3 He sent Achille de 

1 See Serristori s *reports of September 16 and 28, and October 3, 
1552 (State Archives, Florence) ; RAYNALDUS, 1552, n. 44 ; 
DRUFFEL, II., 766-7, 778, 790-1. Cardinal Pacheco emphasizes 
the great desire of the Pope to mediate for peace, in a *letter to 
Card. Madruzzo, dated Rome, September 20, 1552 (Vice-regal 
Archives, Innsbruck). 

2 Regarding this dispatch, see PIEPER, 45. 

3 Cf. besides Lasso s letter in DRUFFEL, II., 831, 840, the 
*Diario di Cola Coleine (loc. cit., supra, Chigi Library, Rome) ; 
CARO, Lett, pubbl. da Mazzuchelli, II., 98 ; Serristori s *reports 
of December 17, 18, and 19, 1552 ; in that of the 19 he says : 
" Torno S.B ne a alterarsi grandemente sopra 1 haverle questa 
mattina in consistorio replicato il card. S. Jacomo et Burgos che la 
faceva male a armare dolendosi del modo che si era proceduto seco." 
(State Archives, Florence). The *brief for the episc. Nepes. [P. A. 
de Angelis] et abb. Breregno, regarding commissariatus ad hospi- 
tandum pedites et equites, quos vicerex Neapolis in Hetruriam 
mittit, is dated December 15, 1552 (Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 66, n. 
811. Secret Archives of the Vatican). Concerning the prepara 
tions for war at that time, see also Quellen und Forschungen des 
Preuss. Histor. Inst., VI., 101. 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE VICEROY. 147 

Grass! to Naples again at the last moment, at the end of 
December, once more to beg the Viceroy to come to a peaceful 
arrangement, but again in vain. 1 

In the first days of the new year, 1553, Garcia de Toledo, 
the son of the Viceroy, started from Naples with the greater 
part of the Spanish army, and marched through the States of 
the Church to Cortona ; his father proceeded with 30 galleys 
and 2500 Spaniards past Civitavecchia to Leghorn, 2 while 
Camillo Orsini had put Rome in a state of defence. 3 The 
Pope, who, just at that moment, was lying ill with an attack 
of gout, endeavoured to protect his subjects from the very 
severe hardships which the passage of the Imperial troops 
had brought in its train. 4 He commissioned Cardinal Alvarez 
de Toledo to persuade the leader of the Spanish army to agree 
to an armistice ; 5 this attempt, however, was unsuccessful, 
while the Emperor gave his approval to the arbitrary pro 
ceedings of his Viceroy. As the Venetian ambassador declares, 
Charles V. allowed Pedro de Toledo to do as he pleased, so as 
not to give rise to the idea that he was wanting in courage and 
military skill since his failure before Metz. 6 

1 Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1553, n. 23, and PIEPER, 45. 

2 See ADRIANI, IX., 4 ; SOZZINI, 93 ; GALUZZI, 200-1 ; REUMONT 
Toskana, I. 189. 

3 See Serristori s *reports of January 4 and 10, 1553 (State 
Archives, Florence) ; FIRMANUS, 499-500 ; cf. also the *reports of 
Cristof. Trissino to Card. Madruzzo, dated, Rome, January 8 and 
I 5. I 553 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck), and *Diario di Cola 
Coleine (loc. cit., Chigi Library, Rome). 

4 Cf. the * briefs to Orvieto of January 9, and to Card. Savelli, 
legate of the Marches, of January 13, 1553, in Min. brev. Arm. 41, 
t. 67, n. 15 and 27 ; ibid., n. 30 to Abb. Brisegno : Charge of lodg 
ing Imperial army, January 14, 1553. Cf. n. 42, 43 to the episc. 
Nepes. and Card. S. dementis of January 19. The Pope excused 
himself in a very friendly brief of January 10, 1553 (n. 18), for not 
having been able to greet him on his unexpected arrival in Civita 
vecchia (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

5 *Cardinal Burgensi, dated January 14, 1553, loc. cit. n. 31. 

6 Venet. Dispatches, II., 593-4. 



148 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The benevolent neutrality which the Pope observed with 
regard to the Emperor afforded Charles the less satisfaction as, 
on the representation of the French ambassador, a captain 
of Henry II. was not prevented from marching through the 
Papal States with his mercenaries. 1 Those who knew the 
character oi Julius III. thoroughly, believed that he would 
not take up a decisive position, until victory had unmistakably 
declared itself for one side or the other. The adherents oi the 
Emperor thought it hard that there should be no qualified 
Spanish ambassador in Rome, who would have kept the very 
disunited Spanish Cardinals together. 2 To the joy of the 
French party a violent dispute arose between the Pope and 
Cardinal Juan Alvarez de Toledo in March, 1553. This 
quarrel, indeed, was settled, but had as a consequence the 
temporary withdrawal of the Cardinal from the Curia. 3 The 
fortification of the city was, meanwhile, so far advanced that 
it seemed assured against any attack, and they hoped to render 
the Borgo quite impregnable in two months. 4 

At the beginning of February, 1553, it had transpired at the 
Curia that two envoys were about to be sent, who were to 
arrange for a peace between the Emperor and the French king. 
At first they contented themselves with the sending of couriers 
to the nuncios who were at the courts of the said 

1 See * briefs to Asc. della Corgna and Card. Fulvio della Corgna, 
of January 15, 1553. Min. brev., t. 67, n. 32-3. Secret Archives 
of the Vatican. 

2 See the coded **report of Serristori of February i, 1553 (State 
Archives, Florence). 

3 Cf. MASIUS for this, Lettere, 121 ; and Serristori s *reports of 
March n, 13, and 21, 1553 (State Archives, Florence). 

4 See Serristori s *letter of January 4, 1553. On January n, 
he * writes : " Qui si attende a fortificar Borgo con far bastioni e 
fossi, dove ci sono a lavorare da 400 guastatori ; " on March 14 he 
*says : " Ogni giorno il s. Camillo Orsini va crescendo il nuinero 
delli guastatori per la fortificatione di Borgo, il qual vuole che in 
duoi mesi sia inespugnabile." According to his *report of March 
23, the number of " guastatori " amounted to 700. (State 
Archives, Florence). 



LEGATES SENT TO BELLIGERENTS. 149 

Princes. 1 A month later Onofrio Camaiani was sent to Florence, 
and Federigo Fantuccio to Siena, for the purpose of arranging 
a peaceful issue of the troubles in the latter city. 2 In a con 
sistory of April 3rd, 1553, the appointment of the two Cardinal- 
Legates took place, which had already been planned during 
the summer and autumn of the previous year. 3 Dandino was 
to go to the Emperor and Capodiferro to Henry II., and they 
were instructed to declare, in the name of the Pope, that the 
latter only wished to fulfil his duty as Father of Christendom, 
and that he had no other interest in the establishment of peace 
than the well-being of all. For these reasons he offered 
himself as a mediator for the purpose of bringing about an 
agreement. 4 Dandino left the Eternal City on April I4th, 
and Capodiferro two days later. 5 

In May the Pope made still further attempts, by means of 
repeated missions to Siena, to bring the " miserable and 
barbaric war " which raged there between the Imperialists and 



1 *Serristori on February i and 6, 1553 (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

2 Concerning both dispatches see PIEPER, 46. The *Memoriale 
for Camaiani in Cod. Ottob., 1888, p. 1-2 of the Vatican Library. 
The departure of Camaiani took place on March 2 (see Serristori s 
"letter of that date. State Archives, Florence). The *briefs to 
Siena, Termes, and Card. Este with regard to Fantuccio, are of 
March 28, 1553. Min. brev., t. 67, n. 231-233 (Secret Archives of 
the Vatican). 

3 See RAYNALDUS, 1552, n. 44 ; cf. PIEPER, 50. 

4 Concerning the dispatch of the two legates, see, besides 
Serristori s *reports of March 29 and April 3, 6 and 8, 1553 (State 
Archives, Florence), and Capilupi s *letter of April 3, 1553 (Gon- 
zaga Archives, Mantua), RAYNALDUS, 1553, n. 18 seqq. ; FIRMANUS 
500 and especially PIEPER, 50-1, 161-2, 166 seqq. A rare impres 
sion of the Bulla facultatum H. card. Imolensis (dated 1553, 
April 3) Lovanii, 1553, is in the British Museum. 

5 See FIRMANUS, 500 and *letter of Serristori of April 14, 1553 
(State Archives, Florence). Cf. Nonciat. de France, I., 28, and 
KUPKE in Quellen und Forschungen des Preuss. Histor. Inst., IV., 
82 seqq. 



150 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the French to an end. 1 At the beginning of June, Julius III., 
who at that time appointed the Duke of Urbino as Captain- 
General of the Church, 2 went to Viterbo, in order to discuss 
matters with the Sienese representatives there. 3 The hopes 
which were entertained of the success of this step 4 were not 
realized, as Cardinal d Este was opposed to it. He had 
already received news that a turn in the position of affairs was 
imminent, 5 which soon, indeed, proved to be the case. The 
threatening of Naples by a Turkish fleet forced the Imperialists 
to strengthen the garrison there, and they were consequently 
obliged to raise the siege of Siena on June I5th. 6 The Sienese 
question, however, which had assumed such unexpected 
importance, had by no means thereby found a solution. 

In the meantime the tw r o peace legates had reached the end 
of their journey, but they did not manage to come to any 
arrangement. 7 It seemed, indeed, at that time, as if the 

1 Concerning the dispatch of G. A. Vimercato and Card. N. 
Gaetani see SOZZINI, 131, 135, 137-8, and PIEPER, 47-8. Numerous 
*briefs concerning the dispatch of G. A. Vimercato in Min. brev. 
Arm. 41, t. 68, n. 326, 340-1 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See FIRMANUS, 501. 

3 Cf. besides SOZZINI, 139-140, ADRIAN!, IX., 4, and Carte 
Strozz., I., 500, the *report of Serristori dated Rome, 1553, 
June 2 (the Pope goes to Viterbo to-day ; va con speranza grande 
di concludere I accordo perche 1 ambasciatore P ranzese gle lo 
prometto certo ; oltre che per una lettera che scrive un agente del 
card, di Ferrara da S. Germano al legato S. Giorgio si vede che il 
re lo desidera), and the *letters from Viterbo of June 6 (conference 
with the Cardinals), 9 (the Pope s attack of gout), and 17 (to 
morrow we return to Rome). State Archives, 

4 See Serristori s *report of July 3, 1553, concerning the consis 
tory on this date (State Archives, Florence). 

5 See PIEPER, 49. 

6 SOZZINI, 143-4. The Pope allowed the march of the Imperial 
troops through the States of the Church. Min. brev., t. 67, n. 406, 
415, 427 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

7 Cf. GACHARD, Archives du Vatican, 52-3, and Biogr. Nat., III., 
864-5. MASIUS, Lettere, 122-3 ; Venet. Dispatches, II., 603-4 . 
PIEPER, 52-3. 



FAILURE OF THE LEGATES. 151 

exasperation and eager desire for war which filled the hearts of 
Charles V. and Henry II. with hatred against each other, had 
assumed a more intense character than before. The news 
from the legates sounded so hopeless that the general congre 
gation of Cardinals proposed their recall. On July 3ist, by 
command of the Pope, the affair was once more discussed by 
a special commission of six Cardinals : Carpi, Puteo, Pighino, 
Alvarez de Toledo, Sermoneta and de Cupis. De Cupis, on 
this occasion, spoke strongly in favour of recalling them, but 
Carpi opposed him, pointing out the Emperor s increasing 
success in the war, which would force Henry II. to come to 
terms. Most of the Cardinals approved of this view, 1 and on 
August ist, the Pope decided in this sense, the peace mission 
of the legates being extended for two months longer. 2 

It was only with great difficulty that Dandino succeeded 
in inducing the Emperor to formulate his conditions of peace 
with greater exactitude ; these, however, went so far that 
Henry II. utterly refused an answer. Thereupon the legates 
started on their return journey to Rome at the beginning of 
October. 3 

They travelled slowly ; on again reaching the Eternal City 
on December 3rd, 4 Dandino could see the harmful effects 
consequent upon the Sienese war. In the very populous 
Florentine colony which had long existed in Rome there were 
many exiles and other opponents of the Medici. The 
hopes of these people, who clung with the greatest tenacity 
to their old ideals, were strengthened when Piero Strozzi, 5 
who had been appointed French commandant in Siena, 
instead of Termes, reached Rome at the end of the year, where 

1 See Serristori s detailed **report of July 31, 1553 (State 
Archives, Florence). Cf. TURNBULL, Queen Mary, n. 4. 

2 " Ha giudicato S.S. 1 ^ doppo d haver udito i pareri et voti delle 
due congregation! generale et particulare esser meglio che i legati 
restino che richiamarli." *Serristori on August i, 1553 (State 
Archives, Florence). Cf. PIEPER, 54. 

3 See PIEPER, 54-5. 

4 See FIRM AN us, 501. 

5 Cf. COPPINI, P. Strozzi nell assedio di Siena, Florence, 1902. 



152 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

he discussed with the Pope the prolongation of the armistice 
in connection with the affair of Parma. 1 

The year 1554 brought with it the decision as to the fate of 
Siena. The shrewdest of all the politicians in the Italy of 
those days, Cosimo de Medici, who had been reconciled to the 
Emperor by a secret treaty of November 25th, 1551, overcame 
the neighbouring Republic by means of a base act of violence. 
On January 26th, 1554, his troops took forcible possession of 
the fortress of Camullia, situated immediately in front of the 
gates of Siena. His undertaking, as he declared to the Sienese, 
had no other object than to restore to them their freedom and 
independence, of which the French had robbed them. The 
Republic was not deceived by such hypocritical good-will. 
With fierce determination the Sienese prepared to defend their 
independence, and thereupon an inhuman war at once broke 
out, which was waged on both sides with almost unexampled 
stubbornness and barbarity. 2 

When, in May 1554, a new nuncio, in the person of Sebas- 
tiano Gualterio, was sent to France in the place of Prospero 
Santa Croce, he received, in addition to his principal mission of 
urging Henry II. to make peace with the Emperor, special 
directions to offer the Pope as mediator in the Sienese struggle. 
In the instructions, the very great injury which the Sienese 
war was causing to the States of the Church is emphasized. 
The Pope had been obliged to pay 150,000 scudi for putting 
Rome and the other possessions of the Holy See in a state of 
defence ; the salary of the Duke of Urbino as Captain-General 
of the Church necessitated an annual outly of 30,000 scudi ; 
moreover, the dislocation of traffic and commerce by land 

1 The prolongation of the armistice (see *Barb., 2,392, p. 166-7. 
Vatican Library) was signed by Card, du Bellay and Lanssac on 
February 3, 1554, ratified by Henry II. on March 3, and delivered 
to the Pope on April 26 (see SAUZE, 374-5 and COGGIOLA, Farnesi, 
14-5) ; Julius III. communicated it to Ottavio by a *brief of April 
27, 1554 (Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 70, n. 233. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). On April 29, the Breve assolutorio for Ottavio Farnese 
was issued ; see COGGIOLA, 15-6, 254-5. 

2 See REUMONT, Toskana, I., 199 seqq. 



WEAKNESS OF THE POPE. 153 

and sea had also to be taken into consideration. In these 
instructions stress is also laid on the neutrality of the Pope, 
who had allowed the partisans of France to draw military 
stores from the States of the Church and enrol troops there. 1 
That was to the point, 2 but on the other hand it could not be 
denied that on the whole the Papal " neutrality " had a more 
or less Imperialist tendency. This was the result, not only 
of the old weakness of the Pope for Charles V., but was much 
more due to the very friendly relations that had all along 
existed between him and Cosimo I. 3 These had, however, 
been very much disturbed in July, 1554, when Julius III. had 
been weak enough to allow the French auxiliary troops, 
destined for Siena, to march through the States of the Church. 
Besides this there were also serious differences with the 
Florentine ambassador, Averardo Serristori. 4 The former 
friendly relations were, however, at once restored when the 
Pope s brother, Baldovino, congratulated the Duke on the 
brilliant victory which his troops had gained over Piero 
Strozzi at Marciano on August 2nd, I554- 5 

Julius III. again made several vain attempts, from October, 
1554, to the end of January in the following year, to bring 

1 See Nonciat. de France, I., 22 seqq. 

2 Concerning the incredibly weak behaviour of Julius III., and 
his curious neutrality, see REUMONT, III., 2, 509. 

3 With his *brief of December 27, 1551, Julius had sent the Duke 
a blessed Cap and Sword. Min. brev. t. 62, n. 1054. Ibid., t. 66, n. 
763 a * brief characteristic of their intimate relations, to Cosimo I., 
on November 29, 1552 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 Cf. concerning this DESJARDINS, III., 343-4 ; GORI, Arch., I., 
28 ; Riv. Europ, VI. (1878), 629 seqq. ; Stor. Ital. Ser. 4, II., 12-3 ; 
Nonciat. de France, I., n. 55, 81. That Julius III. had previously 
suggested the recall of Serristori is evident from the **brief to 
Cosimo I. of June 10, 1554, unknown until now, (Min. brev. Arm. 
41, t. 71, n. 342. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

5 See Nonciat. de France, I., 84 n. 2. Baldovino and the 
Governor of Rome illuminated their palaces at the celebration of 
the victory ; see *Diario di Cola Coleine, Chigi Library, 
toe. cit. 



154 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the vexed Sienese question to a peaceful solution. 1 He did not 
survive till the fall of the Republic ; his old trouble, the gout, 
and an unwise starvation cure brought his life to an end on 
March 23rd, 1555. 2 

1 See Nonciat. de France, I. xlix seqq. A. Agostini, who was 
sent to the Emperor in January, 1555, was to impress on him the 
necessity for a peace with France (see PIEPER, 68). Cf. also 
PALANDRI, n. 83, concerning the complaints of Julius III. with 
regard to the conduct of Cosimo I. 

2 The state of health of Julius III. was so grave that Serristori 
was of opinion, as early as the Autumn of 1554, that a slight 
attack would bring about his death (*Report of September 29, 
1554. State Archives, Florence). On February 12, 1555, the 
Pope was again attacked by gout, and had to take to his bed 
(See MASSARELLI, 247). His strength gradually decreased, as the 
doctors ordered a very low diet, a drastic measure which his 
stomach, accustomed to rich food, could not withstand (see 
Panvinio in MERKLE, II., 248, n. i). The Bishop of Pa via *writes 
on March 18 : " S.S tA gia sono 32 giorni die sta in letto senza 
periculo, ma debole et senza appetite et come esso dice in termine, 
se gli sopragiungesse alcuno accidente che forse la fariano male " 
(State Archives, Florence) ; however, it was still hoped on March 9, 
that he would soon recover (*N.S. tuttavia continua nella sua 
indispositione, ma non pero piu grave sperandosi che presto sia per 
convalersi. G. Maggio on March 9, State Archives, Bologna) ; 
and on the 16, Serristori * writes : " N.S. se bene e assai battuto sta 
pero assai quieto in modo che presto si dovera levar da letto." On 
March 19 the Pope s state was grave, and on the 21, hopeless. See 
concerning this, besides MASSARELLI, 247, the *letters of Fulgenzio 
Gianettini of March 21 and 22 (State Archives, Bologna) and the 
*reports of Serristori of March 19, 21 and 22 (State Archives, 
Florence) ; the passage from the letter of the 22, relating the 
disappointment of the relatives whose requests the dying Pope did 
not grant, is printed in the Nonciat. de France, I., xliv., n. 4. 
On March 22, " a hore 20." F. Gianettini announces : " La notte 
passata, alle 7 hore S.S ta udi messa et confesso et reconciliato pig- 
lio il s to sacramento della communione et li a poco chiedi 1 estrema 
untione, which he received. To-day all the Cardinals went to the 
Pope, whom no one could any longer understand." State 
Archives, Bologna ; Ibid, the announcement of the death, 



VACILLATION OF JULIUS III. 155 

In the crypt of St. Peter s, the simple sarcophagus, dis 
tinguished only by the words " Pope Julius III.," which 
contains his remains, can still be seen. 1 It is not by chance 
that this Pope has no special tomb, for his reign has left no 
deep traces. He did not realize the expectations to which his 
activities as Cardinal, and the zeal he displayed at the begin 
ning of his pontificate, gave rise. 

He had nothing in common with the great Pope after whom 
Giovan Maria del Monte was called, but the name. And this 
is not only true in the sense of his not being the patron of art 
and letters, but in other respects as well, as the very qualities 
which specially distinguished Julius II., independence of 
character, energy and power, were totally wanting in him. He 
was of a sanguine temperament, with rapidly changing moods, 
easily influenced and exceedingly nervous and timid, and was 
constantly in a state of vacillation and indecision. The times, 
full of the harshest contrasts, called for a strong unbending 
character ; such a man as Julius III. was quite incapable of 
dealing with the particularly difficult conditions. Paul IV. 
afterwards described his compliance and dependence on the 
Imperialists in the sharpest terms ; he said that Julius III. 
had no longer been master in Rome, and had been obliged to 
do what the Spaniards wanted. 2 It is at all events certain that 
Julius made a fatal mistake when he allowed himself to be 
led into making war on Ottavio Farnese, the consequences of 
which caused great financial and moral injury to the Holy See. 3 

written immediately afterwards, " a hore 19." Cf. also Acta 
consist, in GULIK-EUBEL, 34 ; J. v. MEGGEN in the Archiv. fur 
schweiz. Reform-Gesch., III., 514 ; the Portuguese reports in 
Corpo Dipl. Port., VII., 375-6. 

1 See DIONYSIUS, Crypt. Vatic, tab., LV. ; TURRIGIO, 387 ; 

FORCELLA, VI., 70 ; DUFRESNE, QI. 

2 See *report of Navagero, dat. Rome, July 25, 1556 (St. Mark s 
Library, Venice). 

3 See supra p. 140. In consequence of his friendly attitude to 
the Emperor, satires on the dead Pope continued to be published, 
especially in France. Cf. FAVRE, Olivier de Magny, 59 seqq. 
Concerning the scarcity of money at the death of Julius III., cf. 
Mitteil. des Ostr. Inst., XIV., 544. 



156 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

It is also undeniable that the Pope by no means drew the 
correct inferences from the exceedingly grave position in which 
the Church was placed by the serious defection in the north ; 
he never sufficiently realized how greatly the times had 
changed. The Church, already bleeding from a thousand 
wounds, was daily receiving new blows from incensed enemies 
and undutiful children. Julius III. gave the painful impres 
sion that, instead of retiring within himself in prayer and 
contemplation, he gave himself up in a more ingenuous manner, 
like the great nobles of the Renaissance period, to the amuse 
ments of comedies, court jesters and card-playing. The 
" Hilaritas publica " which one of his medals extols, 1 was 
not in place at a time when the faithful Catholic chronicler, 
Johann Oldecop, had this inscription placed on his house in 
Hildesheim : " Duty has ceased, the Church is convulsed, 
the clergy has gone astray, the devil rules, simony prevails, 
the Word of God remains for all eternity." 2 

One must not, however, go too far in accusing Julius III. 
He has been unjustly made responsible for the interruption 
of the Council, and the unfortunate sudden change of affairs 
in Germany ; he is also not to blame for the short duration of 
the reconciliation of England with the Church. It was, how 
ever, unavoidable that a deep shadow should have been thrown 
over his pontificate by all these events, and that this should 
dim his very remarkable activity within the Church, and 
especially his efforts for reform. Because this activity was not 
sufficiently known, and was therefore underestimated, the 
dark side of his pontificate is more evident to us, while the, 
at any rate weaker, bright side has fallen too much into the 
background. 3 

1 See VENUTI, 91. 

2 Cf. JANNSEN-PASTOR, VIII., 427. 

3 All that Julius III. had done for Rome and the States of the 
Church was almost entirely forgotten. In this respect his care for 
strict justice is especially worthy of remark. Cf. thereupon 
Buonanni s *report of September 20, 1550, and Serristori s of 
September 16, 1552 (State Archives, Florence) ; see also the 
" Bulla deput. card. Tranen. et de Puteo ac S. Calixti et S. Clemen- 



VACILLATION OF JULIUS III. 157 

tis ad superintendendum rebus urbis et audiendum quaerelas," 
dat. 1553 VI. Id. Oct. ; printed copy in the Colonna Archives, 
Rome ; Ibid, the *brief of May 29, 1554, against the " banditi 
dello stato Romano." See also in Appendix No. 15, the *brief of 
May 6, 1552, concerning the work of making the Upper Tiber 
navigable. On March 3, 1551, Julius III. appointed Paulus de 
Tarano as commissary " super dessicatione paludum " of the 
States of the Church to the borders of Siena and Florence. Arm. 41, 
t. 59, n. 219 ; ibid. t. 64, n. 388, the *brief for Bernardus Machia- 
vellus Florent. of June 22, 1552, concerning the continuation and 
rendering safe of the drainage of the marshes at Foligno, Trevi and 
Montefiascone, begun by Paul III. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 
Concerning his care for the defence of Rome and Civitavecchia, cf. 
infra Chapter XIV. To the brighter side of the character of 
Julius III., which is overlooked, belongs also his great benevolence. 
His almoner, the worthy Francesco Vanuzzi (cf. FORCELLA, XII., 
514), paid 245 scudi monthly to the poor. The " Ospedale degli 
Incurabili " and the institution " delle orfanelle " each received 
100 scudi a month ; besides this, convents and other needy 
establishments were generously and regularly aided. See *Intr. 
et Exit., 1554-1555, Cod. Vat. 10605 of the Vatican Library. 



CHAPTER VI. 

EFFORTS OF JULIUS III. FOR REFORM CREATION OF 
CARDINALS. 

AT the very beginning of his reign, in March, 1550, Julius III. 
had taken in hand the carrying on of the reform work begun 
by his predecessor, and, in order to deliberate on this most 
important matter, in which the reform cf the abuses in the 
Dataria was especially to be considered, he appointed a com 
mission, consisting of Cardinals de Cupis, Carafa, Sfondrato, 
Crescenzi, Pole and Cibo. 1 Cibo soon fell dangerously ill, and 
died on April i4th. 2 As other members of the commission 
also fell ill or had to be absent from Rome, the matter came 
temporarily to a standstill, but the Pope re-opened it by urging, 
in a consistory of July 2ist, 1550, the energetic resumption of 
the work, in view of the near approach of the Council. He 
submitted the question to the Cardinals, whether it would be 
better to form a new commission, to wait for the arrival of the 
absent members, or to summon them. The College of Car 
dinals decided on the latter course, and resolved that new 
members should be appointed in the place of those who were 
prevented from returning. 3 As gross abuses had become 
apparent during the last conclave, the Pope at the same con 
sistory of July 2ist 4 commissioned Cardinals Medici and 

1 Cf. supra p. 57 and Appendix Nos. 7 and 8. 

2 See the "reports of Buonanni of April 9 and 14, and that of 
*Serristori of April 13, 1550 (State Archives, Florence). 

3 See *Acta consist, cancell., VI., 54 ; and SCHWEITZER, Re- 
formen unter Julius III., 53-4. As Schweitzer is preparing a 
special publication, I have purposely refrained from entering into 
many particulars. 

4 Cf. SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 18-19 ; SCHWEITZER, 54. 

158 



COMMISSION FOR REFORM. 159 

Maffei to consider proposals for reform. By the beginning of 
August, as we are informed by a Florentine correspondent, 1 
Julius III. had reformed his own entourage, and had also 
spoken of a reform of the College of Cardinals. 2 

How zealously the Pope intended to carry out his campaign 
of refoim, even before the meeting of the Council, is shown 
by the fact that on September 7th, 1550, he commissioned 
the former secretary of the Council, Massarelli, to prepare a 
summary of such reform proposals as had not yet been delib 
erated on at Trent. These were now to be finally dealt with 
in Rome, for which purpose three of the most experienced 
members of the Sacred College, Cervini, Pole and Morone, 
were summoned to return to the Curia at the end of September. 3 
On October 3rd, the Pope was in a position to announce that 
the labours of Cardinals Medici and Maffei were proceeding 
most favourably, and that they had already drawn up a Bull 
for the reform of the conclave. De Cupis was to communicate 
this document to the different Cardinals, so that they might 
say whether they had anything to add or to delete. 4 The 
Florentine ambassador sent a copy to Cosimo I. on October 
I3th, telling him to keep it secret, and above all, to take care 
that the officious humanist, Giovio, did not get a glimpse of 
it and prematurely make it public. 5 

1 " Ha fatto la reforma della casa sua." *Buonanni on August 6, 
I 55- Concerning the Conclave reforms, the latter thinks : 
" L opera e santissima, ma chi la fara metter in esecutione ? " 
(State Archives, Florence). 

2 See in Appendix No. 9., Buonanni s *letter of August 2., 1550 
(State Archives, Florence). 

3 See MASSARELLI, 190, 193. 

4 See Acta consist, in LAEMMER, Melet., 206 ; cf. GULIK, 34 and 
SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 20. 

5 " Aspettonsi i rev mi S. Croce et Inghilterra perche possa essere 
vista da loro et poi dagl altri cardinal! la minuta della bolla del 
conclave, che sara presto espedita a fine che di poi possa mandarsi a 

S.M. tA sopra 1 indicatione di detto concilio di Trento 

Con questa sara la copia della riforma che S.S> vorebbe dare ai 



l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

When, at the end of October, Cardinals Cervini, Morone and 
Pole had arrived in Rome, decisive steps with regard to the 
question of reform were expected in the immediate future. 1 
In November and December the most exhaustive deliberations 
were repeatedly held in the consistory and elsewhere concern 
ing this important question. 2 Even the sceptical Florentine, 
Buonanni, no longer doubted as to the sincerity of the members 
of the commission. 3 

A compilation of the dispensations which hitherto had been 
granted by the Dataria, and which had given rise to much 
scandal, of itself shows the difficulties which had to be over 
come. 4 Seventeen of these, which were to be duly discussed 
and examined, w r ere specially called in question. Cardinals 
de Cupis, Carafa, Cervini, Crescenzi, Pisani and Pole were 
entrusted with this work in December. The Pope, says the 
Florentine ambassador, Serristori, by his reform of the Dataria, 
wishes to show that in his efforts for reform, he is beginning 
at home. 5 The same object was served by the continued 

conclavi a venire, la quale prega i rev mo de Medici che non sia 
publicata et sopratutto non vada in man del Jovio, poiche S.S ta 
come pare giusto vuole prima .ch ella sia vista dal collegio et 
ritoccata dove paresse bene et poi publicata, passata ch ella fusse 
per consistorio." *Buonanni, Rome, October 13, 1550 (State 
Archives, Florence). 

1 " Poiche si trovano qui i rev mi S. Croce, Morone et Inghilterra 
si mettera mano alle cose della riforma, la quelle dicono che sara 
fuori inanzi del Natale." *Buonanni, Rome, October 25, 1550 
(State Archives, Florence). See also Buonanni s *report of October 
30, and the letter of Masius in LACOMBLET, Archiv, VI., 165. 

2 Cf. MASSARELLI, 198, 199, 202, 204. 

3 " Di qua s attendera al presente alia reforma, la quale si trova 
in man d alcuni reverendissimi, che la faran piu stretta che potranno 
per quanto stara in loro." *Buonanni on November 14, 15^0 
(State Archives, Florence). 

4 See SCHWEITZER, 55. 

5 Serristori announces the *installation of the commission " in 
ultimo concistorio, acci6 che nella reforma si cominciasse prima di 
quel tocasse all utile di S.S ta " on December 20, 1550 (State Ar 
chives, Florence). 



REFORMS IN THE CURIA. l6l 

retrenchment in the expenses of the court, already begun in 
February. 1 On February 27th, 1551, the work on the reform 
of the Dataria had already progressed so far that the Pope 
could indicate to the delegated Cardinals the principles accord 
ing to which the decrees to be promulgated were to be drawn 
up. 2 Julius III. had already, on February i2th and i6th, 
gone minutely into the question of a reform of the system of 
preaching and confession, with Cardinal Crescenzi, the Bulls 
in connection therewith being laid before the Inquisition. At 
the same time a reform of the Penitentiary was being planned. 3 . 
Julius III., in a secret consistory of February iSth, ordered 
that a further commission of eleven Cardinals should assemble 
twice a week in the apartments of the Dean of the Sacred 
College, and that a report as to the progress of their work 
should be submitted to him every Saturday. 4 It appears 
from a note in the Pope s own hand, that he was also employed 
upon a reform of the Signatura gratia, by which the dispen 
sations were very substantially limited. 5 On February 23rd / 
the Pope again discussed the question of reform for the whole 
day with Cardinal Crescenzi, and for this purpose had the old 
Bulls in the archives of the Castle of St. Angelo examined, 6 

1 See Matteo Dandolo s *report of February 12, 1550, in State 
Archives, Venice (cf. DE LEVA, V., 139) and the *letter of Buonanni 
of December i, 1550, in which he says : " S.S. tA o per meglio dir 
il suo maiordomo ha fatta una reforma bestialissima di persone e di 
bestie che mangiavano in casa, et dicono che fra tutte sono state 
300, per le quali prova il detto maiordomo che si avanzeranno 
1 anno 30,000 scudi." (State Archives, Florence). Concerning 
the Ruoli della famiglia di Giulio III., see MORONI, XXIII., 63-4. 

2 See MASSARELLI, 217, and SCHWEITZER, 55. 

3 " lam tempus est, ut ad Nos et ad tua penitentiariae, de cuius 
reformatione agendum est, officia redeas." * Brief to Card. 
Ranuccio Farnese of February 27, 1551 (Arm. 41, t. 59, n. 97. 
Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

4 See *Acta consist, cancell. VI., 72a (Consistorial Archives), and 
MASSARELLI, 216. 

5 See SCHWEITZER, 55. 

6 See MASSARELLI, 216. 

VOL. XIII. II 



l62 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and at least part of the reform work prepared which was to be 
made ready before the opening of the Council. 1 Then the 
political troubles which arose through the question of Parma 
came to prevent progress in the matter. However much these 
may have interfered with the peaceful continuation of the 
work, the opinion of an expert of the time is justified, who says 
that an important beginning had already been made in this 
direction before the opening of the Council. There can be no 
doubt that Julius III. was not afraid to take the work in hand 
with determined energy, and with clear insight to fix on 
precisely those institutions which were chiefly in need of 
reform : the Dataria, the Signature* gratia and the conclave. 
The immediate result of his endeavours was, certainly, not 
great, but that was not the fault of the Pope, since he did not 
fail in admonitions ; but it was, above all, a consequence of 
" the difficult times and of the immense amount of work called 
for by the re-opening of the Council/ 2 

How very sincerely the Pope was animated by this wish to 
abolish abuses in the Church, wherever he found them, is also 
shown by his various reform statutes. It appears from these 
still unpublished documents, that his care was extended to the 
secular as well as the regular clergy. The statutes, which 
were issued immediately after his election, were concerned 
chiefly with Italy, but there were also others for Germany, 
Spain and Portugal. 3 

The reform decrees, published by the Council in its I3th 
and I4th Sessions, were to secure the official jurisdiction of the 
bishops and to render possible the punishment of bad ecclesi 
astics. In the further deliberations of the Council, the old 
dispute regarding the authority of the Pope over the Council, 

1 "Attendesi alle cose della reforma, parte delle quali si pub- 
lichera di qua et parte si manderanno alia resolution del concilio." 
*Buonanni, February 26, 1551 (State Archives, Florence). 

2 Opinion of SCHWEITZER, 56 ; cf. SAGMULLER, Papstwahl- 
bullen, 22-3. 

3 For France only one document. See summary of * Briefs 
which are in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, in Appendix No. 
28. 



FURTHER REFORM DECREES. 163 

which had been so fateful to the synods of the XVth century, 
again showed itself. Julius III. declared with outspoken 
candour, in view of the dangerous advance of the Spanish 
pretensions, that, although it was his greatest wish to proceed 
energetically \vith the work of reform, the authority with 
which God had invested him must, at the same time, not 
be impugned. 1 Events would prove, after the conclusion ol 
the Council, and the end of the war concerning Parma, 
whether he was really determined to carry out his work of 
reform. The plan of continuing this in Rome, with the help 
of the members of the suspended Council, was not approved 
of by them, 2 and he was therefore obliged to take up the 
laborious task alone. 

How earnestly the Pope felt about this matter is shown by 
the fact that during the whole of May, 1552, his mind w r as 
occupied with the idea of degrading the unworthy Cardinal del 
Monte, whose elevation had so severely compromised him, and 
of setting him back into the lay state. 3 Unfortunately, the 
idea came to nothing, but, on the other hand, the work con 
cerning the reform of the conclave was again taken up. The 
draft of a Bull drawn up by Maffei and Medici concerning this 
matter was placed in the hands of Cervini for final revision. 
The latter handed the Pope his work at the end of July, and 
the decisive steps were to be taken after the summer vacation. 4 
During the vacation, Julius III., in a consistory of August 
24th, published a salutary restriction of the giving of benefices, 
which were frequently asked for on the most frivolous grounds. 
Henceforth only the canonical grounds were to be regarded 
as valid, and the association of any definite condition, in 
connection with the grant, was also forbidden. 5 

1 See supra p. 124. 2 See supra pp. 127 seq. 

3 " II card, di Carpi mi ha detto sapere di buon luogo che S.S tA 
ha in animo di far tornare al seculo il card, de Monte et darli per 
moglie la sig ra Ersilia." Coded *report of Serristori of May 10, 
1552 (State Archives, Florence). 

4 See Cervini s letter in DRUFFEL, II., 669 ; cf. SAGMULLER, 
Papstwahlbullen, 26. 

5 See Acta consist, in SCHWEITZER, 56. 



164 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

A consistory of September i6th, 1552, in which the Pope 
produced a comprehensive plan for carrying out the work of 
reform, caused a great sensation. This was to begin with the 
new regulations about the conclave, so that the candidate 
whom God desired should be chosen, and the election not be 
hampered by human cunning and trickery. The one chosen, 
continued the Pope, should be admonished to observe the 
commandments of God and the Church with fidelity. It was 
to be impressed on the Cardinals that their most sacred duty 
was to assist the Pope with such counsel as they considered 
wholesome and salutary ; they were not to possess more than 
one bishopric, which they were to visit in accordance with their 
duty, and they were forbidden to hold pastoral offices in 
commendam. Julius III. recommended to the bishops a strict 
observance of their duty of residence, from which only those 
were to be exempt who had to hold a fixed office in Rome or 
elsewhere. The bishops w r ere to invest with benefices only 
such priests as were worthy, and no one was to receive Holy 
Orders in Rome or elsewhere without the permission of his 
ordinary. After the confirmation of these regulations, the 
reform of the Dataria, of the Penitentiary, and lastly, of 
worldly princes, was to be carried out. 1 

The Pope had spoken so earnestly that even the Spaniards, 
such as Pacheco, believed in the sincerity of his intentions. 2 
The representative of King Ferdinand I., Diego Lasso, was of 
opinion that even the Council could undertake no greater 
reform. 3 

At the end of October, 1552, the Cardinals of the reform 
commission began their deliberations under the presidency of 
Cervini, who had been summoned to Rome ; two protocols 

1 SCHWEITZER was the first to draw attention (p. 57) to the 
speech of Julius III. preserved by Massarelli. Serristori refers 
in his *report of September 16, 1552 (State Archives, Florence), 
to the consistory, but just as briefly as do the Acta consistorialia 
of the Consistorial Archives. 

2 See the *letter of Card. Pacheco to Card. Madruzzo, dat. 
Home, September 20, 1552 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck). 

3 See DRUFFEL, II., 767. 



WORK OF THE REFORM COMMISSION. 165 

inform us of the progress they made. One, that of Cardinal 
Maffei, includes the months of October and November, while 
the other, drawn up by the president, begins with the Novem 
ber of 1552, and continues until the April of the following 
year. 1 

At the first sitting, which took place on October 26th, 1552, 
Cardinals Pacheco, Puteo, Pighino, Cicada and Maffei assisted, 
as well as the president. From other reports it appears that 
Cardinals Verallo and Carafa were also present at the sittings 
of the commission from time to time. 2 They all worked in 
accordance with the programme laid down by Julius III., 
and, in addition to the reform of the conclave, were also occu 
pied with that of the consistory. With regard to the latter, 
Cervini proposed that every bishop, or other prelate, should, 
on his election, make a profession of faith, and that bishops 
should be pledged to the observance of their duty of residence 
by the formula of their oath. In November the Cardinals 
dealt chiefly with those abuses which prevailed in the Signa- 
tura gratice. One reason for the state of things existing there 
was, it was said, to be found in the large number of officials, 
in consequence of which things happened for which the term 
used, " exorbitant," seems only too fitting. Complaints were 
especially made with regard to the laxity in the examination of 

1 SCHWEITZER has also been the first to bring these two pro 
tocols to light (57, 58) of which one (Concilio, LXXVIIL, 72 
seqq.) is in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, the other (Carte 
Cervini, XXXII., 17 seqq.) in the State Archives, Florence. In 
the Maffei Archives, Volterra, which, unfortunately are not well 
arranged, there are only a few unimportant letters of the Cardinal. 
Besides Cervini, Card. Mignatelli was also summoned to Rome by 
the *brief of September 28, 1552 (Arm. 41, t. 65, n. 636. Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See Lasso s report in DRUFFEL, II., 825, and MASIUS, Lettere, 
121. The commission does not seem to have possessed more 
than six members (see the Portuguese report of November 2, 1552, 
in the Corpo dipl. Port. VII., 193). When the names of the 
Cardinals are changed, this is explained by the fact that each of 
them had a representative. 



1 66 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

candidates for Holy Orders in Rome, the acceptance of presents 
by the ordaining prelates, the non-observance of the canonical 
age, the bestowal of benefices on youths, connivance at the 
concubinage of higher clerics and other evil practices. 1 In 
December the views of the Spanish bishops were laid before 
the commission, 2 and on December 2oth the Pope deliberated 
in a Congregation concerning the reform of plenary indul 
gences, desired by the commission of Cardinals. 3 

The work of the commission in January and February, 
1553, was chiefly concerned with the duty of residence of 
the bishops, and it was not until the middle of March that 
the matter was so far arranged, that canons could be drawn 
up, whereupon the reform of the Penitentiary was next taken 
in hand. 4 

On April I7th, 1553, the Pope informed the members of the 
Sacred College, assembled in consistory, of the proposals of the 
reform commission, which were then read out, and he gave it 
as his opinion that a beginning should be made with the Bull 
concerning the conclave. All the Cardinals were to submit 
their views, so that after these had been examined, the final 
text of the Bull could be drawn up. 5 That the Pope himself 
took a personal share in the work may be seen from the fact 
that he himself prescribed the subjects for the further delibera 
tions of the commission, which lost a valuable member in July, 

1 See SCHWEITZER, 58-9. 

2 See Cervini s letter in DRUFFEL, II., 828. 

3 See Camillo Capilupi s *report to Card. E. Gonzaga, dated 

Rome, December 21, 1552, in which he says :" Hieri si 

fece una congregatione inanti S.S t&1 dove si parlo del modo che 
die si ha a tenere nel concedere queste indulgenze plenarie che 
vengono ogni di dimandate a S.S^ da questi r mi , parendo ad 
alcuni card 1J della riforma, che quest usanza che si tiene del 
publicare dette indulgenze sia per essere cagione che vengano in 
dispreggio, attacandosi per i cantoni delle strade stampate." 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

4 See SCHWEITZER, 59-60; cf. MASIUS, Lettere, 118-9. 

5 See Acta consist, in RAYNALDUS, 1553, n. 46 ; cf. SAGMULLER, 
Papstwahlbullen, 26. 



WORK OF THE REFORM COMMISSION. 167 

1553, through the death of Cardinal Maffei. 1 Two of the 
documents which the Pope dictated to Massarelli at the end 
of December, 1553, are still in existence. 2 

The year 1554 is described by experts as being the most 
fruitful period of work in the pontificate of Julius III. 3 How 
fully this opinion is justified is shown by the collection of 
drafts, proposals and protocols concerning the reform negotia 
tions of that period preserved in the Papal secret archives. 4 
From these we can understand with what true zeal this difficult 
task was handled in the numerous sittings. The deliberations, 
begun on January ist, 1554, dealt with the entrance into the 
clerical state and the granting of benefices. From January 
loth the commission was also occupied with the reform of 
monasteries. On January i4th the Florentine ambassador 
wrote of the favourable prospects for the realization of reform ; 
the disputes which had arisen in Spain concerning the meaning 
of several of the decrees of the Council of Trent also contributed 
to the acceleration of the work. 5 In the later deliberations, 
the settlement of the duty of residence and the reform of the 
Signatura were more fully discussed than any other subjects 
before the commission. On February I2th the Pope personally 
took part in the deliberations, and declared that although the 
matters of reform were not yet fully settled, he considered it 
better that a part of the resolutions should now be published. 
To this end, a Bull should be drawn up, which was to introduce 

1 The Pope s sorrow at the loss of this man is brought out by 
Serristori in his *report of July 17, 1553 (State Archives, Florence). 
The death of Card, de Cupis (December 10, 1553), was also a great 
blow to him. 

2 More details in SCHWEITZER, 61. The Pope also speaks of 
the continuation of the reform work already begun, in his instruc 
tions for Delfino of December i, 1553, see PIEPER, 183. 

3 SCHWEITZER, 61. 

4 *Concilio, LXXVIIL, 248-9 (January, 1554), 285-6 (February, 
I 554), prepared by the indefatigable Massarelli, first used by 
SCHWEITZER (62). 

5 See in Appendix No. 21 a, Serristori s *report of January 14, 

1554. (State Archives, Florence). 



1 68 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the matter, the draft of which should be sent to the Cardinals 
for their approval. Eight of these documents, among which 
are the opinions of Cardinals Morone and Carpi, are still 
preserved. 1 

With regard to the summer of 1554 we have, unfortunately, 
up to the present, no detailed information, although there is a 
decree of Julius III. of this time, which ordains that no member 
of a religious order may, for the future, accept a bishopric 
without the consent of his Superior and the Protector of his 
order. At the end of November the Pope addressed earnest 
admonitions to the Cardinals to keep their dwellings and 
entourage in all modesty and propriety, and to distinguish 
themselves by well-doing and generosity to the poor. 2 In 
the same month the deliberations concerning the reform of the 
Papal election were also finally concluded. The Bulls to be 
issued on this matter, the improvement in which had been 
repeatedly discussed, remained as drafts, and their publica 
tion, in the opinion of the Florentine ambassador, would 
take place before the end of January, 1555. 3 As, however, 
the work was taken in hand in the most painstaking 
manner, and the intention was to abolish all possible hin 
drances to a conscientious election, the new Bull concerning 
the conclave could only be read aloud in the consistory of 
November I2th, 1554, after which it was sent to the different 
Cardinals. 4 

The commission was above all occupied at that time with 
the question of the reform of the bishops. This part of the 
programme was so far worked out by the end of November, 
that it outlines could be read in the consistory and handed 

1 *Concilio, LXVIII., 226a, 353-370 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). Cf. SCHWEITZER, 62. 

2 See *Acta consist, in Consistorial Archives ; SCHWEITZER, 
64-5. 

3 *Letter of Serristori of January 26, 1553 (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

4 See *Acta consist, in Consistorial Archives ; RAYNALDUS, 
1554, n - 2 3 SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 27-8, 291-2 ; SCHWEIT 
ZER, 63. 



A REFORM BULL DRAWN UP. 169 

to all the Cardinals for approval. 1 In December a draft for 
the reform of the seculars and regulars was also prepared, to 
which the Cardinals likewise gave their sanction. 2 A draft 
from the hand of Julius III. himself proves that he was also, 
at this time, engaged upon the reform of the College of Car 
dinals. 3 At the end of January, 1555, the Pope was able to 
inform the King of Spain that he had succeeded, in spite of the 
opposition of clergy and laity, in preparing a comprehensive 
Reform Bull, which would soon appear. 4 The death of the 
Pope intervened and prevented this ; the official document 
is preserved in the Papal secret archives. 5 It begins, in 
accordance with the original plan drawn up by Julius III. 
himself, with the Pope and Cardinals, then passing on to the 
bishops, the ordination of the clergy, the bestowal of benefices, 
the Signatura, the Penitentiary and the regular clergy. Besides 
these points, the explanation of the Holy Scriptures, and the 
nature and preaching of Indulgences, are also dealt with. A 
special Reform Bull for the Penitentiary had already been 
drawn up, which had not yet been made public, but which, 
it seems, had already in many respects been carried into 
practice. 6 

When the work of Julius III. for reform is impartially 
considered, it becomes quite clear to us that it must in no way 
be judged in such a depreciatory manner as was done by 
his contemporaries, 7 and the investigators who followed 

1 See *Concilio, LXXVIII., 331-2 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican) ; SCHWEITZER, 63-4. In Appendix No. 24 Serristori s 
*report of December i, 1554 (State Archives, Florence). 

2 See *Concilio, LXXVIII., 339-40 ; SCHWEITZER, 64. 

3 See *Concilio, LXXVIII., 344. 

4 See the instructions for A. Agostino in LAEMMER, Mantissa, 
169-70 ; cf. SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 28-9. 

5 *Reformatio, quae addenda erat per Julium III. Pont. Max., 
I 555 sed non conclusa. Concilio, LXXVIII., 374 seqq. (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

6 Cf. G6LLER, II., I, I2I-2. 

7 Especially by Seripando, whose judgment was first published 
by HOFLER in the Abhandlungen der Miinchner Akademie, IV., 3, 



170 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

them. 1 It is absolutely false to say that Julius III. had done 

nothing with regard to this most important question. As a 

matter of fact, he once more took up the reform work of Paul 

III., showed the most lively interest in it, and employed himself 

in the most painstaking way with the reform of the College of 

Cardinals, the conclave, the Dataria, the Signatura and the 

Penitentiary. If conclusive results were not attained this 

was in no way owing to any unwillingness or want of activity 

on the part of the Pope ; there can be no possible doubt as to 

his earnest (desire and efforts to attain the desired end. It is 

also due to him that a great deal of preparatory work was 

done, without which the later reforms could not have been 

carried out. The appointment of new Cardinals holds a much 

more important place in the diplomatic correspondence of the 

times of Julius III. than the work of reform in the Church. 

As Cosimo de Medici and Charles V. both knew the compliant 

disposition of the Pope, they at once began to urge him to 

put an end to the preponderance of the adherents of France 

in the Sacred College, at one decisive blow, by a great creation 

of Cardinals. The Florentine ambassador, Serristori, was, 

above all, active in urging this. He had already, immediately 

after the election of Julius III., drawn the attention of Cosimo 

de Medici to the danger of the hopes of the hated Cardinal 

Salviati being in all probability crowned with success in the 

next conclave. As he found little sympathy for his schemes 

on the part of the Pope, the ambassador endeavoured to win 

over the influential Cardinal Crescenzi. 2 Cosimo de Medici 

pointed out to Julius III., by a letter in his own hand, of 

February loth, 1551, the danger that would result from a 

53, and afterwards printed by CALENZIO (Document!, III., 222). 
CANTU has already noticed (Eretici, II., 8) that the document on 
reform made public by O. Gratius is a forgery. 

1 As is the case with RANKE, DRUFFEL, MAURENBRECHER and 
even with REUMONT (III., 2, 512). SCHWEITZER (51-52) was the 
first to state the truth from the original documents, after SAG- 
MULLER (Papstwahlbullen, 24-25) had already disputed the tra 
ditional opinion. 

2 Cf. Legaz. de Serristori, 241-2, 254-5. 



CANDIDATES FOR THE CARDINAL ATE. 171 

Pope following him who would be quite devoted to France, 
and that only a corresponding increase in the Sacred College 
could obviate this disaster. 1 Even should the Pope raise 
strong objections to such a proceeding, Serristori still believed 
that the war about Parma would force him to this step, 2 and, 
indeed, Julius III. addressed a letter to the Emperor on July 
27th, 1551, in which he complained of the intrigues of the 
French party with regard to the Papal election, and declared 
that he would, and that before All Saints, appoint new Car 
dinals. Charles V. thereupon requested that the four Spanish 
Cardinals already in the Sacred College should be strengthened 
by the appointment of eight new ones. To the remark of the 
nuncio, Bertano, that eight was too many, he agreed that four 
would be sufficient. 3 No special names were referred to at 
this time by the Emperor, but serious difficulties arose when the 
question had to be treated in detail. Julius III. was agreeable 
to the appointment of Pighino and Bertano, but was strongly 
opposed to the elevation of the Archbishops of Palermo and 
Otranto. The matter was still further complicated by the 
demand of Charles V. that four Cardinals should be reserved 
in petto, upon whose names the Emperor should decide later. 4 
This last proposal Julius III., with perfect justification, 
refused to accept. His irresolution and the difficulty of his 
position were further increased by the threats of the French, 
who craftily represented that the restoration of peace would 
only be possible if their king were not irritated. 5 To the fear 
of a French schism was added the consideration which had to 
be shown with regard to the prelates of the Council, besides 
the fact that other powers also were urging the claims of their 
candidates in a creation of Cardinals. While the representa 
tives of France were working for the advancement of Louis 

1 DESJARDINS, III., 241-2. 

2 Legaz. di Serristori, 264 ; cf. 279. 

3 See DRUFFEL, III., 252 (cf. 1., 732) ; Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 
75-6. 

4 See DRUFFEL, III., 243-4, 254. 

5 Legaz. di Serristori, 288. 



172 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

de Guise, a brother of the Cardinal of Lorraine, Serristori, was 
actively engaged on behalf of Luigi and Giovanni, sons of 
Cosimo I. 1 

It is no wonder that the Pope, irresolute by nature as he was, 
deferred the decision of the matter. A letter of Bertano, of 
November I2th, 1551, urging him to wait no longer, and thus 
avoid new complications, 2 at length put an end to his hesi 
tation, and on November 20th the first great creation of 
Cardinals of Julius III. took place. 3 All the eleven who were 

1 See Legaz. di Serristori, 285. In his *letter to Cosimo I. on 
November 27, 1551, Julius III. made excuses for the non-appoint 
ment of Luigi (Addit. MSS. 8,366, p. iyb., British Museum). 

2 Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 102. 

3 Only two Cardinals had been appointed previously : Inno- 
cenzo del Monte on May 30, 1550 (cf. supra p. 69 seq.}, and on 
October 12, 1551, the Croatian Paulist monk, George Utissenich 
(cf. DRUFFEL, III., 253-4 RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 71-2) who enjoyed 
his dignity but a short time as he was put to death by the autho 
rized agent of Ferdinand I., on December 17, 1551, on a false 
suspicion of carrying on traitorous dealings with the Turks (see 
BUCHOLTZ, VII., 283 ; KRONES, Ostr. Gesch., III., 216 seqq. ; 
HUBER in the Archiv. fur Ostr. Gesch., LXXV., 528-9, 539, 541 ; 
PLATZHOFF, Mordbefugnis, 41, Berlin, 1906). The news reached 
Rome on January 14, 1552 (Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 138 ; cf. 
also Serristori s *reports of January 19, and 22, 1552 (State 
Archives, Florence), where the representative of Ferdinand I., 
Diego Lasso, did not succeed in gaining anything further than 
that his master was absolved, on January 30, until a stricter 
examination " ad cautelam " took place, from the eccles 
iastical punishment to which the murderer of a Cardinal was 
liable. Ferdinand had to take an oath before the nuncio, Marti- 
nengo, " de parendo nostris et ecclesiae mandatis " (see THEINER, 
Mon. Slav, merid., II., 30 ; DRUFFEL, II., 86-7). A very searching 
examination followed, in which 116 witnesses were heard, and then 
long negotiations ensued. It was not until February 14, 1555, 
that the Papal sentence was finally pronounced, that the King and 
the murderer of the Cardinal were not liable to punishment, and 
deserved none (see BUCHOLTZ, IX., 612-13, and UTIESENOVIC, 
Lebensgersch. des Kard. Georg, Vienna, 1881, Append. 73). Con 
cerning the Cardinal s relations to the Reformation in Hungary and 



THE NEW CARDINALS. 173 

appointed were Italians ; Sebastiano Pighino was added to 
these, but out of consideration for his position at the Council, 
he remained reserved in petto, and his creation was only 
published on May 30th, 1552. x 

The most able of the new Cardinals 2 were undoubtedly the 
Papal private secretary, Girolamo Dandino, and the Arch 
bishop of Bari, Jacopo dal Pozzo, known under the name of 
Puteo. Besides Pozzo, Giammichele Saraceni and the Bishop 
of Albenga, Giambattista Cicada, distinguished themselves 
among the new Cardinals by their learning, while Pietro 
Bertano, then acting as nuncio at the court of the Emperor, 
and the Sienese, Fabio Mignanelli, were experienced diplo 
matists. The two nephews of Julius III., Cristoforo del Monte 
and Fulvio della Corgna, were also worthy of the purple. 
Corgna displayed, as Bishop of Perugia, very remarkable 
activity in the cause of Catholic reform. Two of the other 
Cardinals appointed at this time, Giovanni Poggio and Aless- 
andro Campegio, proved clearly, like Corgna, the ecclesiastical 
spirit which animated them, by their protection of the Jesuits. 
Giovanni Ricci, originally from Montepulciano, owed the red 
hat to his skill in business affairs, by which he had made 
himself indispensable to Julius III. ; his manner of life was 
not blameless, but later he entered on a better course. 3 In 

Siebenbiirgen, see SCHWICKER, in the Oestr. Vierteljahrsschrift fiir 
Kath. Theologie, 1867, 397-8. 

1 See FIRMANUS, 499. 

2 Concerning the promotion of November 20, 1551, see Acta 
consist, in GULIK, 35-6; DRUFFEL, I., 811-2, 820, III., 239-40; 
Nuntiaturberichte, XII., n. 108. Concerning the personality of 
the different Cardinals, see *Contelorius in the Secret Archives of 
the Vatican, XL, 49, and CIACONIUS, III., 768, seqq. ; CARDELLA, 
IV., 306-7 (with wrong date December 2oth) ; cf. PALLAVICINI, 13, 

1-2. 

3 Friedensburg and Kupke give an account of Bertano s previous 
life in the Nuntiaturberichte, XL, xviii. ; XII., xix. seq. ; cf. 
MERKLE, II., 321 n. 2, and LAUCHERT, 671. After the death of 
Bertano, Claudio Malopera* wrote on March 12, 1558, to Card. 
Madruzzo : " Era un huomo da bene et molto dotto " (Vice-regal 



174 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the year 1557 he interested himself greatly in bringing the 
Jesuits to Montepulciano. 1 In the appointment of Gianandrea 
Mercuric the Pope took into consideration the important 
services which he had rendered him as secretary, 2 while Julius 
III. was still a Cardinal, and in the case of the Venetian 
patrician, Luigi Cornaro, the recommendation of the Republic 
of St. Mark had great weight. 

As far as the political views of the new Cardinals were 
concerned, the experienced agent of Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga 
gave it at once as his opinion that most of them would incline 
more to the French than to the Imperial side. 3 The complaint 
of the French, that Julius III. had only undertaken the 
increase of the Sacred College in the interests of Charles V., 
proved to be quite unfounded. 4 

Requests that the Pope would undertake a further creation 
were repeatedly made in the time that immediately followed ; 
the French were especially active in endeavouring in every way 
to get their former candidate, Louis de Guise, appointed, 5 and 

Archives, Innsbruck). Concerning Mignanelli see Nuntiatur- 
berichte, III., 41, 42; VIII., 10, n ; MERKLE, I., 162, and 
besides the eye-witnesses, quoted in previous note, also AZZOLINI, 
Le Pompe Sanesi, I., 83, 84, Pistoia, 1649. Concerning Cicada, cf. 
also MAROCCO, Monumenti, IV., 89, 92, concerning Poggio, 
see GARAMPI, 286 ; and HINOJOSA 87 ; concerning Ricci, see 
GARAMPI 289 ; MERKLE, I., 149, 194 ; MACSWINEY, Portugal, III. 
216, and especially L. MELE, *Genealogia d. famiglia Ricci (Ricci 
Archives, Rome). F. della Corgna afterwards built himself a 
magnificent palace near Perugia, now the Villa Umberto I., which 
Zuccaro embellished with paintings. 

1 Cf. Vol., V. 109 of the " Istromenti e lettere " in Ricci Archives, 
Rome. 

2 Cf. BOGLINO, 45 seqq., CAMPORI, CIII. d.s. pontefici, 7. 

3 See Nuntiaturberichte, XII., 94, n. i. 

4 See RIBIER, II., 357-8 ; ROMIER, 52 ; ADRIANI, VIII., 5 ; 
SAGMULLER, Papstwahlen, 199. 

5 See in Appendix No. 20, the *report of C. Titio of March 14, 
X 553 (State Archives, Florence). 



THE NEW CARDINALS. 175 

in the Curia itself there were only too many aspirants. 1 Julius 
III. was repeatedly offered large sums from this quarter, but, 
great as the need of financial aid was at this time, the Pope 
would have nothing to do with such shameful bargains. 2 It 
need hardly be said that the relatives of Julius were also active 
in begging for consideration. As the Pope often changed his 
mind, it was, however, difficult for the ambassadors to foresee 
what would actually take place. The well-informed Serristori 
was, at anyrate, in a position to report to Florence on October 
26th, 1553, the promotion of Guise, of two relatives of the 
Pope, and of an Imperial candidate not yet definitely settled, 
as being extremely probable. 3 This promotion was confi 
dently expected by many on November 2gth ; Serristori 
learned at the last moment from the Pope s brother that the 
settlement of the matter had been postponed, but certainly 
not over the Ember Days, arid that the number was pro 
visionally settled at four. 4 This proved to be the case, and 
the creation of four Cardinals finally took place on December 
22nd, 1553. Besides the Imperialist Archbishop of Palermo, 
Pietro Tagliavia, two very youthful relatives of the Pope, 
Roberto de Nobili and Girolamo Simoncelli, received the 
purple on that day, while Henry II. ought to have been satisfied 
by the elevation of Louis de Guise. 5 Tagliavia, renowned 

1 The Pope complained of this ; see the "letter of Ipp. Capilupi 
to Card. E. Gonzaga of November 22, 1553 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua) . 

2 See Serristori s **report of November 26, 1553 (State Archives, 
Florence) . 

3 **Letter of October 26, 1553 (State Archives, Florence). Cf. 
Report of the Portuguese Ambassador of October 22, 1553, in 
Corpo Dipl. Port., VII., 266. 

4 Serristori s **letter of November 28, 1553 (State Archives, 
Florence). Cf. Report of the Portuguese ambassador of Novem 
ber ii, 1553 in Corpo Dipl. Port., VII., 272. 

5 Concerning the creation of December 22, 1553, see Serristori s 
"reports of December 21 and 22, 1553 (State Archives, Florence) ; 
Acta consist, in GULIK, 36-37 ; RIBIER, II., 480-1 ; Corpo Dipl. 
Port-. VII., 306-7; * CONTELORIUS, loc. tit.; CIACONIUS, III., 



176 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

far and wide for his boundless love of the poor, is universally 
acknowledged to have been an admirable man. Roberto de 
Nobili was a Cardinal upon whom the representatives of the 
Catholic reform party could rest their greatest hopes. Highly 
gifted irom an intellectual point of view he is said to have 
spoken Latin and Greek at ten years of age he distinguished 
himself still more by his great piety. Like Aloysius of Gonzaga, 
whom he specially resembles, he was most scrupulously pure 
of heart. He could never do enough in his ascetic exercises ; 
he fasted strictly, slept on a board, wore a hair shirt, assisted 
at Mass every day, listened frequently to sermons and often 
received Holy Communion, and from motives of humility 
would not allow his portrait to be painted. A beautiful letter 
of consolation which he addressed to a sick friend testifies, 
among other things, to the depth of his sincere piety. The 
favour which he enjoyed from Julius III. was only used to 
assist the needy. He repeatedly thought of renouncing the 
dignity of Cardinal and of retiring into a religious order, but 
his confessor, the Jesuit, Polanco, dissuaded him from this 

784-5 ; CARDELLA, IV., 331-2. Concerning Tagliavia, cf. also 
MASSARELLI, 325, and BOGLINO, 46-7 ; concerning Simoncelli, see 
MERKLE S note to Firmanus, 502 ; concerning the appointment of 
Guise, a *brief of Julius III. to the Cardinal of Lorraine, dat. 1553, 
December 22, in the Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 69, n. 809 ; ibid. n. 812, 
a *brief to R. de Nobili of same date, in which the Pope makes the 
following remark, as a postcript, concerning the reason for the 
promotion : " quamquam et ingravescentis nostrae aetatis cogi- 
tatio et charissimorum consanguineorum nostrorum quotidianae 
flagitationes, non nihil nos, ut humanos, ut idipsum maturaremus 
perpulerunt." It was originally intended that Ambrosius Catha- 
rinus should also have received the purple at that time ; Julius III. 
had in 1552 appointed him Archbishop of Conza, but he died on 
November 8th, 1553 (see SCHWEITZER, A. Catharinus, 229-230, 
Miinster, 1910). Ipp. Capilupi also names Mons. d Arras in the 
*letter of November 22, 1553, quoted supra p. 175 n. i, as a probable 
candidate (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) . A Bull issued on January 
26, 1554, forbade two brothers to be Cardinals at the same time ; 
see Bull., VI., 475-6. 



FRANCIS BORGIA. 177 

step. Assisted by him, he died, after a painful illness, with 
the most perfect resignation to the Divine Will, on January 
i8th, 1559. Men like Charles Borromeo, Bellarmine and 
Baronius venerated this Cardinal so early called away to a 
better life as a Saint. 1 

Julius III. would gladly have welcomed another man, who 
possessed the same distinguished qualities as de Nobili, into 
the Senate of the Church. This was the Duke of Gandia, 
Francis Borgia, a great grandson of Alexander VI. Borgia 
had come to Rome on October 23rd, 1550, stayed with the 
Jesuits, 2 and several days later was received by the Pope. 
It was believed that he had come to Rome on account of the 
Jubilee, and only very few were aware that Francis Borgia 
had already entered the Society of Jesus as early as 1548, but 
had received permission from Paul III. to retain his position 
as prince for three years longer. 3 This period he employed to 
marry his elder children, to arrange his affairs, and to conclude 
the theological studies he had begun in 1546 by passing his 
examination as doctor on August 2oth, 1550. As his eldest 

1 Besides the biographies of Turigio (1632) and Bartolucci (1675), 
see especially NARDO, Vita del card. Rob. Nobili, Urbino, 1728. 
PARIGI (Notizie del card. R. Nobili, Motepulciano, 1836) gives 
hardly anything new. The letter of condolence, which merited a 
place in the collection of Reumont, in NARO, 20-1. Julius III. 
gave Nobili excellent teachers in Giulio Poggiano and Ottavio 
Pantagato (Cf. TIRABOSCHI, VII., i, 28 [Roman edition].). As to 
the Cardinal s death, see MASSARELLI, 329, who bestows the 
greatest praise on him, and " *Avviso di Roma " of January 21, 
1559, in Cod. Urb. 1039 of the Vatican Library. The epitaph of 
Nobili in FORCELLA, V., 254. A. Cervini also says, in the *Vita di 
Marcello II. (cf. Vol. XIV. of this work) of R. Nobili : " Questo 
mirabilmente risplende in tutte le virtu morali come christiane, ma 
il mondo non fu degno di cosa si pura " (Library in Ferrara). 
For the laudatory inscription which was placed in the Palazzo at 
Montepulciano, see the Miscell. Montepul. of the Ricci Archives, 
Rome. 

2 See Cartas de S. Ignacio, II., 534-5. 

3 Cf. our statements in Vol. XII., p. 96 seq. of this work. 
VOL, xm, 12 



178 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

son had attained his majority in August, 1550, he intended 
handing over his dukedom to him and placing himself in Rome 
at the disposal of his superior, Ignatius of Loyola. 1 

After Borgia had received, on January 5th, 1551, the neces 
sary consent of the Emperor to the carrying out of his plan, he 
informed the Pope of the vows of his order, by which he was 
bound, and of his intention to renounce all worldly honours. 
Julius III., nevertheless, formed the plan of making this 
distinguished prince a Cardinal. This, however, Borgia 
evaded, by flying at the approach of darkness on the night of 
February 4th, 1551, to the little Basque town of Onate in 
Guipuzcoa. 2 Here he relinquished, after the arrival of the 
Emperor s permission, all his estates, rents and titles, by a 
notarial document of May nth, 1551, and began his new life 
by going about the streets of Onate, clad in the simple habit 
of the Jesuits, and carrying a beggar s sack to collect alms. 

This change of life, in the case of a man of such high rank, 
caused the greatest sensation. Julius III. had granted a 
plenary indulgence for the devout assistance at Borgia s first 
public Mass, which he had to say on November i5th in the 
open air ; 12,000 persons had flocked together for this occasion 
and he distributed Holy Communion to more than 1240 of the 
faithful. 

Borgia afterwards rendered his Order the greatest services, 
first as a preacher, and then as General, through the reputation 
in which he was held as well as through his talent for admin 
istration. By two large donations, he rendered it possible 
for Ignatius of Loyola to found the Roman College of the 
Society of Jesus, an educational establishment which soon 
overshadowed the University of Rome, in the wealth ot its 
teaching power and the excellence of its curriculum. 3 

1 P. SUAU, Hist, de S. Fran?ois de Borgia, 210 seqq. Paris, 1910. 
ASTRAIN, I., 290 seqq. The doctor s diploma for Borgia, of August 
20, 1550, in Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, II., 703 ; his will, of 
August 26, 1550, ibid. I., 537 seqq. 

2 Mon. Ign. Ser. I., iii., 353 ; iv., 257, 430. 

3 Polanco, September 14, 1555 ; Mon. Ign. Ser., I., x., 608. 



BORGIA REFUSES THE CARDINALATE. 



I 79 



When Charles V. again proposed this eminent Spaniard for 
the cardinalate, in March, 1552, Julius III. was inclined to 
grant his request, 1 but Ignatius of Loyola went himself to the 
Pope and represented to him that it would be of far greater 
service to the glory of God if the former Duke of Gandia were 
to remain in the humble position he himself had chosen. 2 
Julius III. allowed himself to be persuaded, and even remarked 
that he also would prefer the position of a simple Jesuit to his 
own, for " you only require to think how you can serve God 
best, while we have many obstacles which distract us." 3 The 
Pope, however, would not decide the matter against the 
wishes of Borgia ; the latter remained silent and thus the 
affair appeared to be settled. 

It was, nevertheless, the general opinion that a grandee of 
Spain could not remain a simple priest. Already by 1554 
the former Duke was repeatedly proposed for the red hat by 
Charles V. and Philip II., while a report of unknown origin was 
current among the Roman as well as the Spanish Jesuits in 
that year that he would this time accept the purple. 4 These 
rumours, however, proved to be unfounded, and Borgia 
induced the Spanish king co abandon his plan, through the 
influence of the Princess Juana, the sister of Philip II., and 
his representative during her brother s absence in England, 
while Julius was again turned from his purpose by Ignatius. 5 
At the latter s instigation, Borgia was at that time the first 
of the Society of Jesus to take that vow, through which the 
Constitution of the order endeavoured, as far as possible, to 
prevent the aspiration after places of honour, and the wish 
to mitigate the poverty imposed by the Rule. 6 

1 Cf. SUAU, 270. 

2 Mon. Ign. Ser. I., iv., 255 seqq., 283 seq. 

3 Ibid. 257. 

4 Polanco to Nadal, May 15, 1554 ; Mon. Ign. Ser. I., vi., 712 
seq. ; Nadal to Borgia, June 17, 1554 ; Nadal, Epist. I., 265 seq. 

5 POLANCO, IV., 494-5. 

6 Ibid., 592. S. Franc. Borgia, III., 174. 



CHAPTER VII. 

SPREAD OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. THEIR REFORMING 
ACTIVITIES IN SPAIN, PORTUGAL, ITALY AND GERMANY. 

THE friendly relations of Julius III. with the Jesuits dated 
from the time of the Council of Trent, where the Pope, as 
Legate, had become acquainted with the distinguished quali 
ties of several members of the Order, and had learned to appre 
ciate them. Except for a temporary misunderstanding in the 
year 1553, l he remained more favourably inclined to the Society 
of Jesus than to any of the other reform orders, 2 during the 

1 Cf. O. MANAREUS, De Rebus Soc. Jesu, 121 seqq., Florence, 
1886. 

2 Julius III. confirmed and increased the privileges of the 
Barnabites, by two Bulls, of February 22 and August u, 1550 (see 
Litt. et constit. cleric. S. Pauli, 17 seqq., 25 seqq. ; the second Bull 
in Bull. VI., 426-7. Cf. also BARELLI, 232 seqq., 235, 245-6, 249). 
On the recommendation of Card. Carafa, Julius III., also con 
firmed, by the Bull of June 10, 1551, all the privileges of the 
Theatines. (Original in the General Archives of the Theatines in 
Rome. See SILOS, I., 308 seqq. ; cf. also MAGGIO, Vita di Maria 
Carafa, 279, Naples, 1670). By the *brief of October 4, 1552, for 
Ludovico infante Portug., Julius III. gave permission that the 
congregation founded by Martinus, O. Min. in the diocese of 
Lisbon, and confirmed by the Holy See, should wear the cuculla of 
the Italian Capuchins. Arm. 41, t. 66. n. 651 ; ibid. t. 67, n. 13 a 
*brief for Card. Messanens., that Bernardus Balbanus, O. Cap., 
who had expounded the gospel during the past year amid a great 
concourse of people, and whom the public also wished to have for 
this year, might continue his mission of preaching, dated January 8 
1553 (Secret Archives of the Vatican). According to MAROCCO, 
Monumenti, I., 140-1, the Capuchins founded a mission in Colle- 

180 



NEW CONFIRMATION OF THE SOCIETY. l8l 

whole of his pontificate. By a Bull of August 2ist, 1552, he 
instituted and delivered to the Jesuits the German College, of 
the increasing importance of which mention will often be made. 
A Bull of October 22nd of the same year not only confirmed 
all the privileges of the Order, but added important ones 
thereto, especially the authorization bestowed on the General 
and on the superiors of the order to invest the students of 
their colleges with the degree of doctor. The greatest benefit, 
however, which Julius III. conferred on the Society of Jesus 
consisted in the Bull, already published on July 2ist, 1550, 
which confirmed the Order anew, supplementing anything 
that might be wanting in the bull of Paul III., and completing 
everything in the sense and spirit of the holy founder. 1 

That a new confirmation of the Society of Jesus would have 
to be sought from the Apostolic See was very soon apparent. 2 
Many things were not so clearly expressed in the Bull of 
foundation as to exclude the idea that it would be advantage 
ous to supplement and explain it more fully, but the draft for 
the new Bull was not seriously taken in hand till 1547. ^ was 
clear that this must possess four qualities ; first, completeness, 
so that it might show forth all the essential points of the 
constitution of the Order ; secondly, it must possess a certain 
breadth of expression, so as not to render useful alterations 
impossible ; thirdly, clearness, and fourthly, a really devotional 

vecchio in the Sabine district in 1552. Concerning the promotion 
of Peter of Alcantara by Julius III., see the Freiburger Kirchlex., 
IX., 1862. Proofs of favour for the Dominicans in RIPOLL- 
BREMOND, V., 15 seqq. On January 30, 1551, Julius III. approved 
of the reformed statutes of the. Augustinians (see EMPOLI, Bull. ord. 
Erem. S. Aug., Romae, 1628, 214-215 ; cf. PAULUS, Hoffmeister, 
168). On October 24, 1551, Julius confirmed the indulgences for 
the devotional exercise of the Forty Hours Prayer (Quaranf Ore) 
introduced by the new Reform Order; see SALA, Docum. di S. 
Carlo Borromeo, II., 117 seq. 

1 The three documents in the Bull., VI., 422 seqq., 459 seqq., 464 
seqq. See also Inst. Soc. lesu, I., seqq., 29 seqq., Florence, 1892. 

z Constitutiones Soc. lesu latinae et hispanicae, App. 306, 
Madrid, 1892. 



l82 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

character, so that of those who read it, and felt drawn to the 
Order, those whose vocation was genuine might remain, while 
those who were not suitable might be frightened away. Much 
work was necessary in order to meet these requirements, as the 
Bull had to be altered or supplemented in more than a hundred 
places. 1 The draft finally accepted contained, indeed, all 
the principles peculiar to the Jesuit Order, so as to make it 
for ever its foundation stone. 2 

This matter, which was, in essential points, briefly outlined 
in the Papal Bull, Ignatius now began, in the same year 1547, 
to elaborate in the constitutions of his Order. By 1550 these 
points were dealt with in the first draft, and fully completed by 
1552 in the second, which Ignatius never altered, except 
superficially, before his death in 1556. They were at once 
published in the Order, and introduced, by way of experiment, 
first by Nadal in Sicily in the year 1552, in the following year in 
Spain and Portugal, and by Ribadeneira in North Germany. 3 

1 Ibid., 330 seqq., ASTRAIN, I., 126, seqq. 

2 An enumeration of the most important deviations from the 
text of the Bulls of Paul III. in ASTRAIN, I., 133. 

3 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 59 seqq. In many handbooks of 
Church history and in the reference books (ERSCH & GRUBER, 
Allgemeine Enzyklopadie der Wissenschaften und Kiinste, Sect. 2, 
XLL, 195 seqq., Leipsic, 1887 ; cf. XV. 433-4) Lainez is represented 
as the organizer of the Jesuit order, and described as the co-founder 
who was the first to draw up the constitutions of the order in their 
final form. This view is not tenable according to the information 
afforded by the authorities. It is true that Ignatius consulted 
Lainez, as he did others ; Ignatius himself says that the idea of 
establishing colleges originated with Lainez (Mon. Ign. Ser. 4, I., 
220) ; his influence, however, is not authenticated beyond this. 
The first general congregation in 1558 makes it quite clear that the 
constitutions introduced in 1552 and confirmed by it, were drawn 
up by Ignatius (Deer. post, elect., 15, 53, 78). The same convic 
tion is also frequently expressed by those in the confidence of 
Ignatius : Polanco, Nadal, Gongalvez, Ribadeneira, and Cani- 
sius ; through these one can learn all the details of the history of 
the development of the constitutions. The contrary view, which 
makes Lainez the co-founder or the real founder of the order, a rose 



LAST YEARS OF ST. IGNATIUS. 183 

Full authority was given to them in the first General Congrega 
tion of the Order in 1558. 

After the publication of the constitutions the life work of 
Ignatius was essentially completed. At the death of Julius 
III., the last year of his own life was drawing near, and during 
this he could not undertake much that was new. Under Paul 
IV. he was to see, not only the Roman and German colleges, 
but his whole work, threatened with annihilation, without 
having any other defence to offer than his own heroic trust in 
God. Ever-increasing illness warned him of the approach of 
death ; indeed, he had already believed that the end had come 

very late and is supported by nobody who has really studied the 
sources of Jesuit history. As the constitutions confirmed in the 
first general congregation contained the declarations as well (Deer, 
post elect., 24, 25, 31, 38, 41, 42, 54, 55, 57, 58, 68, 69, 78) there can 
at least be no idea that these originated with Lainez and were 
added to the constitutions at the first general congregation (as in 
HERZOG-HAUCK, Realenzyklopadie fur protestantische Theologie 
und Kirche, 1900, VIII., 747, 769). Theoph. Raynaud was of 
opinion that the declaration to the Const. P., 40., 14, i, was 
composed by Lainez during the life of Ignatius and sanctioned by 
him (Opera, XVIII. , 167, Lyons, 1665). Bayle understood this to 
mean that Lainez had drawn up the whole of the declarations 
(Dictionnaire, III., 139, Basle, 1741). This assertion of Bayle was 
taken up by others, but of late non-Catholic historians seem to be 
again giving up these views. GOTHEIN, 405-408, does not mention 
any co-operation in the composition of the constitutions, and 
HERZOG-HAUCK, Realenzyklopadie, VIII., 746 names Ignatius 
alone as " creator " of the organisation of the order, although he is 
not credited with the declarations. Herm. Miiller endeavoured 
(Les origines de la Compagnie de Jesus. Ignace et Lainez, Paris, 
1908) to prove from an Arabian text (of the XlXth century) that 
Ignatius had drawn from Islamic sources, especially in his precepts 
concerning obedience, and that Lainez had altered the constitu 
tions after him, and had therefore become the real organizer of the 
order. F. HUBERT wrote against him in the Theol. Literatur- 
zeitung, 1899, 310-1 ; Jos. BRUCKER in the Fltudes, December 5, 
1898, 705-709; H. THURSTON in the Month, XCIV. (1899), 
518-526. 



184 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in 1550, and he joyfully awaited his dissolution. 1 On January 
30th, 1551, after the first draft of the constitutions had been 
sanctioned by the members of the Order assembled in Rome, 
he expressed the -desire to relinquish the dignity of General. 2 
He was confined to his bed during almost the whole of the year 
1554, so that a representative had to be chosen for him on 
November ist, in the person of Nadal. 3 He quickly recovered, 
however, after his unskilful physician, whom Ignatius obeyed 
implicitly, had been replaced by a better one, 4 but in the 
middle of July, 1556, he gave up temporary affairs for ever, 
and in the morning of July 3ist the soul of the saint, who had 
spent himself for the greater glory of God, passed to the vision 
of its Creator. 5 

Sixteen years had not yet passed since the life work of the 
dead Saint had been first crowned with the approbation of the 
Holy See, on September 27th, 1540. Ten unknown strangers, 
whom the people had mocked at a short time before on account 
of their broken Italian, and spitefully designated as heretics, 
had at that time been named in the Papal brief as members of 
the Society of Jesus. Now, the new order was spread over the 
four quarters of the globe, as far as Japan, Brazil, Abyssinia 
and even the Congo ; the members of the Order numbered some 
I500 6 as early as 1554, and in the following year the number 
of missions amounted to 65. 7 Among the members, doctors 

1 Mon. Ign. Ser. 4, L, 56. 

2 Ibid. Ser. i, III., 303. Cartas de S. Ignacio, II., 295. 

3 Mon. Ign. Ser. i, VIII., 42 ; Ser. 4, I., 169. 

4 Ibid. Ser. 4, I., 169. 

5 See POLANCO, VI., 35. The exceedingly simple rooms in 
which Ignatius of Loyola lived from 1544 till his death (cf. TACCHI 
VENTURI in the Studi e docum. XX., 316-17), have been spared 
at the building of the professed house, out of veneration for the 
holy founder of the order, and converted into chapels, and are in 
existence at the present day. The low narrow rooms contain 
countless inscriptions and costly mementoes. Further details 
in the interesting pamphlet " Les chambres de S. Ignace de Loyola 
au Jesus de Rome." Rome, 1900. 

6 POLANCO, IV., 476. 7 Ibid. V., n. 6. 



ORGANIZATION OF THE ORDER. 185 

from the first universities, and nobles from the greatest families 
were to be found. As Papal nuncios, they had penetrated to 
Ireland, Poland, Egypt and Japan ; as theologians they had 
shone at the Council of Trent ; as preachers they had attracted 
great notice at the universities of Louvain and Salamanca, 
and at the courts of Valladolid, Brussels and Vienna ; as 
missionaries they had reawakened Christian life in districts 
where it had seemed extinct, and as instructors of youth they 
had, with unostentatious activity, raised up a new generation 
of zealous Catholics. The outward organization of the Order 
had also made much progress. Portugal could, as early as 
1546, be constituted as a separate province, 1 with its own 
provincial superiors. Spain followed in I547 2 , an d after that 
one or more new provinces were added every year, until, in 
1556, these numbered twelve, including Abyssinia. The 
whole of this mighty edifice, had arisen as a logical develop 
ment of the resolution, formed thirty-five years before on a 
sick bed in Loyola by a knight who had hitherto led a worldly 
liie, and who was, till that moment, completely uneducated 
and untrained from an intellectual point of view 7 . From such 
an insignificant germ had this wonderful development come, 
in spite of continual opposition, persecution and calumny. 

The strongest response to the idea of Loyola was naturally 
to be found in Spain. The old Catholic ideals, for the most 
part untainted by the innovations in religion, were still para 
mount there, and, unlike the Catholics in other lands, people 
still had the courage and enthusiasm to fight for them. The 
struggle for the defence and propagation of the faith had been 
a powerful incentive, not so long before, in the wars against the 
Moors, and in the voyages of discovery, and when Ignatius 
showed how this fight could be continued with spiritual 
weapons, it was bound to meet with an enthusiastic response. 
As a matter of fact, among the first six followers of Loyola, 
we find, besides one Portuguese and one Savoyard, four 
Spaniards, and for a long time to come, the founder s own 

1 Mon. Ign. Ser. i, I., 449. 

2 POLANCO, I., 247. 



l86 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

country provided him with those able disciples who \vere all the 
more valuable to their master, as many of them only placed 
themselves at his disposal alter they had completed their 
studies as doctors of theology or law, or as experienced preach 
ers or spiritual directors. One finds Spaniards, therefore, in 
almost every place where the new Order was at work. 1 The 
Spaniard Domenech planted it in Sicily, d Eguia in France, 
Francis Xavier and Cosmo de Torres in India and Japan. 
Spaniards accompanied the Papal Legates to Poland and 
Germany, and were as eminent as theologians at the Roman 
College and in Paris as at Trent. The principal counsellors 
of Loyola were Spaniards, viz. : Polanco, Nadal and Lainez, 
while the first three Generals of the Order were also Spaniards. 
The friendly reception which the creation of Loyola met with 
in his native land is evidenced by the large number of colleges 
which arose there within a very short time. Under Paul III. 
Valencia already had one in 1544 ; in 1545 Valladolid, Gandia 
and Barcelona followed ; in 1546 Alcala, in 1548 Salamanca ; 
after the accession of Julius III., Burgos was founded in 1550, 
Medina del Campo in 1551, Onate in 1552, and Cordova in 
1553. In the year 1554, missions were established in Avila, 
Cuenca, Placencia, Seville, Granada, Simanca (noviciate) and 
Sanlucar de Barameda, in 1555 in Murcia and Saragossa, and 
in 1556 a college in Monterrey in Galicia. 2 In the year 1554 
139 Jesuits 3 were already resident in these colleges, and in the 
first four months of the same year, nine able men entered the 
order in Alcala and ten in Valencia. At the end of March 
Nadal received eleven students at Salamanca. 4 Under Julius 
III. Ignatius had, by 1552, established two, and in 1554, three 
additional provinces of the Order in Spain, in accordance with 
a new classification : Castile, Aragon and Andalusia. He 
appointed a common superior for all the provinces of the 
peninsula in the person of Francis Borgia. 5 The golden age of 

1 ASTRAIN, II., 567. 

2 Ibid. I., 257 seqq., 298 seqq., 412 seqq. 

3 Inventory ibid. 409-411. 

4 Ibid. I., 413 ; cf. 312-3, 315, 435 ; II., 244 seqq. 

5 Ibid. I., 401. Cartas de S. Ignacio, IV., 9-10. 



THE JESUITS IN SPAIN. 187 

the Spanish provinces is, in no small degree, to be attributed 
to the zeal of Borgia and the esteem in which he was held. 1 

What gave most edification in Spain on the part of the first 
Jesuits was the new life which they brought into the care of 
souls. There was at that time, a great deficiency of religious 
instruction for the people in the Iberian peninsula ; preaching 
was regarded as the prerogative of the monks, parish priests 
devoting so little attention to it that it actually gave offence 
if a secular priest made an appearance as a preacher. 2 It was, 
therefore, very much appreciated when the Jesuits made it 
their business to announce the Word of God in their churches, 
many of them passing through the country as travelling 
preachers, and taking up their abode for shorter or longer 
periods in different towns, to open out the way for a moral 
renovation of the people. 3 Wonders are related of the success 
of the missionaries. In Alcala, during the carnival of 1558, 
Antonio de Madrid, in an address lasting a quarter of an hour, 
induced all the prostitutes who, by order of the authorities, had 
to assemble before the doors of their houses, to give up their 
sinful calling. 4 In Granada, Bautista Sanchez preached so 
impressively concerning the neglect of the poor in the hospital, 
that the audience at once offered gold rings, ear-rings and 
costly raiment for their relief, and, on the following day, sent 
generous alms to the institution and personally took part in the 
duty of attending to the poor. 5 One result of their preaching 
was that religious life, and especially the reception of the 
Sacraments, was greatly improved. The number of confes 
sions, not by any means very large, which is quoted as a proof 
of this, 6 witnesses to the depths to which matters had sunk in 
this respect. 7 

1 ASTRAIN, II., 104-5. 2 Ibid. II., 502, 512, 519. 

3 Ibid. 502 seqq. 4 Ibid. 506. 

5 Ibid. 509. 

6 In four months of the year 1564, 3500 confessions were heard 
in Valladolid, 5265 in Avila, 6300 in Salamanca. Ibid. 503. 

7 It is significant that the Archbishop of Toledo forbade the 
faithful to communicate more frequently than once a year. 
POLANCO, II., 121 n. 287. 



l88 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The new Order won all hearts, however, through its work in 
connection with the instruction of youth. Hitherto it had 
been quite unheard of that members of a religious order should 
engage in such an unlearned occupation. 1 It touched and 
affected people when the Jesuits, with a bell in their hands, now 
collected the children in the streets and took them in procession 
to the church to give them religious instruction. In Toledo, 
the people rushed to the windows at such an unusual sight, 
and gave praise to God. 2 The visits of the Jesuits to the prisons 
and hospitals, as well as their heroic self-sacrifice at the time 
of the plague, also served to win for them general respect and 
esteem. Many Jesuits lost their lives in the service of the 
sick. 3 

The teaching activity of the new Order in its colleges was of 
the greatest importance for ecclesiastical reform. As soon as 
instruction for externs began in these institutions, pupils 
flocked to them. The college of Murcia numbered 140 of these 
in the first two years of its existence. Belmonte in 1569 had 
some 400, Seville in 1561 about 500, Cordova 650 at the same 
period, and Monterrey in the fourth year of its existence 800. 4 
Such able clerics came from the college of Monterrey that it 
became a sort of proverb among the bishops : " He comes 
from Monterrey ; therefore we can ordain him with full confi 
dence." 5 The college of Medina gave different Orders such 
able members that one superior said : " Let us leave aside our 
theological lectures and sermons, and confine ourselves to 
teaching grammar; we shall attain more in this way." 6 

If the Society of Jesus nowhere found more numerous 
friends than in Spain, it also nowhere else met with such 
violent opposition. The dislike of Archbishop Siliceo of 

1 ASTRAIN, II., 553. 

2 Ibid. II., 522-3. 

3 Ibid. 525 seqq. 
*Ibid. 587-8. 

5 Report of Father Valderrabano S. J. of the year 1562 Ibid. 
II, 574- 

6 Report of Father Olea S. J. of the year 1563, Ibid. 576. 



OPPOSITION TO THE SOCIETY. 189 

Toledo was clearly expressed in the reign of Julius III. 1 In 
October, 1551, he forbade all members of the new Order to 
practise their official priestly duties, and this prohibition was 
solemnly announced in all the churches of the archdiocese 
during High Mass. By this step, however, the archbishop had 
attacked the Papal privileges of the new Order, and thereby 
the honour of the Holy See. Julus III., therefore, addressed 
to Siliceo, on January 2nd, 1552, a letter in which he highly 
praised the Jesuits, 2 and the nuncio, Poggio, defended the 
oppressed Order most warmly. As Philip II. also declared 
himself against Siliceo, there was no other course open to him 
than to withdraw his decree. 

A privilege of the older Orders, to the effect that no other 
monastery might be built within a radius of 140 yards, led to 
stormy manifestations in Saragossa against the Jesuit college 
opened there on April I7th, 1555. 3 The Augustinians especi 
ally declared that their rights were infringed upon by the 
erection of the college. The archbishop took their part and 
the Jesuits were looked upon and treated as if they were 
excommunicated, the populace getting into a state of the 
greatest excitement against them. Matters went so far that 
the Jesuits had to leave the city on August ist ; the struggle, 
however, was decided in their favour on September 8th, and 
it became possible to re-open the college. 

The attack on the book of the Exercises also continued 
during the whole pontificate of Julius III. In 1553, Siliceo 
appointed a commission for the examination of the accusa 
tions, which censured nineteen propositions. 4 As, however, 
Paul III. had already confirmed the Exercises in 1548, the 
attacks did not succeed in winning much support. 

The Order developed in Portugal even more rapidly than in 
Spain. Nothing under the sun was prized more highly in that 

1 Ibid. I., 351-365. Documents concerning the struggle, 
in the Cartas de S. Ignacio, III., 455 475- 

2 Cartas de S. Ignacio, III., 460. 

3 ASTRAIN, I., 438 seqq. 

4 Ibid. I., 366-384. The censure is printed in POLANCO, Chron., 
III., App. 501 seqq. 



19 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

country, says a shrewd observer, 1 than the king s favour, and 
the fatherly care of John III., 2 whose relations with Julius III. 
were very friendly, was always accorded to the Jesuits, while 
his royal brothers, the Infantes Louis and Henry, followed the 
example of the king ; the former, indeed, would willingly have 
entered the Order himself. 3 The Cardinal and Grand In 
quisitor, Henry, also interested himself in all the affairs of the 
Jesuits, " as if they had been his own." 4 

The enmities and difficulties with which the rising Society 
of Jesus had to struggle in Spain, did not, happily, assail them 
in the neighbouring country of Portugal. By the year 1552, 
the number of those who had entered the Order had risen to 
318, 5 among whom were to be found the sons of the Governor 
of Lisbon and the Grand Captain of Madeira. 6 In the year 
1551, the Cardinal-Infante, Henry, gave up his college in 
Evora 7 to the Jesuits, which, by 1554, possessed 300 pupils ; in 
1555, the Order received the so-called Royal college of Coimbra, 8 
from John III., which formed part of the University ; the 
Jesuits, however, soon relinquished this. In 1553, a second 
mission in Lisbon, the so-called professed house of St. Roch, 

1 POLANCO, IV., 558. 

2 This was expressly mentioned in the concessions with regard 
to the great military orders (cf. SCHAFER, III., 85 ; V., 150, 
156 ; and Corpo Dipl. Port., VI. and VII. passim}. In the year 
1551 the Pope sent the Golden Rose to the eldest son of the King 
(see MACSWINEY, Portugal, III., 228 seqq.) and also made him 
other presents ; see ANT. DE PORTUGAL DE FARIA, Portugal e 
Italia, 203-204, Lisbon, 1901 ; cf. ibid. 78-79 concerning the 
ecclesiastical relations with the Holy See. For the beatification 
of the Portuguese Gundisalvo, see NOVAES, VII., 91. 

3 Cartas cle S. Ignacio, IV., n. 268. 

4 POLANCO, VI., 751, n. 3250. 

5 Epist. mixtae, III., 25. 

6 ASTRAIN, I., 586-7. 

7 POLANCO, II., 377 ; III., 422 ; IV., 543. Paul IV. confirmed 
the granting of the college to the Jesuits on April 15 and September 
20, 1559 (DELPLACE) Synopsis actorum S. Sedis in causa Soc. 
lesu, I., 17, Florence, 1887. 

8 POLANCO, V., 588-9. 



THE SOCIETY IN PORTUGAL. 

was established, 1 while in the same year instruction for extern 
students was begun in the college of Lisbon, 2 at which the 
attendance in 1554 was 600. 3 In the opinion of the public 
there was nobody like the Jesuits, and they had so much work 
to do in the care of souls and in imparting instruction that 
their numbers were not equal to the task. 4 

The opposition of the Grand Inquisitor, Cardinal Henry, 
preserved them from the heavy burden of being obliged to 
undertake the work of the tribunal of the Inquisition at 
Lisbon, thereby rendering, according to Polanco, a great 
service to the Order. 5 Ignatius was put into great perplexity 
by the wish of the king in this matter, not, indeed on account 
of any principle being involved, but rather because the office 
of Inquisitor would be regarded as a sort of prelacy, and his 
Order was not permitted to accept any such dignities. He 
caused six of the most able Jesuits to consult on the matter 
for three days, and then resolved to submit the question to the 
decision of the king. When the answer reached Portugal the 
office of Inquisitor had, however, already been given to a 
Dominican. 6 

In spite of all this outward success, however, it was precisely 
in Portugal that the Order had to pass through a crisis such 
as had presented itself in no other country. 7 There was no 
firm guiding hand there ; Simon Rodriguez had proved 
himself inefficient in his position as provincial. In the 
reception of novices the selection was not sufficiently 
careful, and a striving after independence and a tendency 
towards worldliness began to make itself felt among 
the members of the Order, which, in the end, would 

1 NADAL, Epist., I., 197 seqq. 

2 POLANCO, III., 394, 402-3. 
* Ibid. IV., 524. 

4 Ibid. II., 135-6, 676 ; IV., 527 ; V., 566. 

5 " Prorsus de Societate benemeritus fuit, quod impedivit, ne 
id fieret." Ibid. V., 603, n. 1663. 

6 Ibid. Mon. Ign. Ser. i, IX., 226 ; Ser. 4, I., 320, 327. Epist. 
Mixtae, IV., 702. 

7 ASTRAIN, I., 585-629. 



IQ2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

have led to the most evil consequences ; in addition to this, 
Rodriguez himself was endeavouring to make his province 
independent of the rest of the Order, and to form it according 
to his own ideas. The dissatisfaction of the insubordinate 
elements found open expression when Rodriguez was deposed 
in 1552. However, it was precisely in this crisis that Ignatius 
and his disciples showed in the clearest manner that they were 
determined to oppose the threatened disaster with inflexible 
energy. Some 130 members of the order, who refused to 
submit, were at once expelled, and Ignatius gave his sanction 
to this step on the part of his delegate, Torres. 1 In July, 
I 553> there only remained 105 Jesuits in Portuguese terri 
tory. 2 

Peace was again threatened in the beginning of 1553, when 
Rodriguez returned to Portugal and endeavoured to win over 
the court to his reinstatement. It was only in June, 1553, 
that he obeyed the order of Ignatius to repair to Rome. He 
thereupon insisted that his case should be formally and justly 
examined. After some hesitation, however, he submitted to 
the decision of the judge, which proved to be unfavourable to 
him. 3 In the meanwhile the constitutions of the order had 
been published in Portugal, and on this foundation the Portu 
guese province took a new lease of life. 

In Italy, a specially wide field of work was displayed for the 
reforming activities of the order. The reports of the Jesuit 
missionaries, as well as other sources, show how neglect of 
religion had increased in that country to an almost incredible 
extent. The missionaries often complain that the people are, 
for the most part, ignorant of the commonest prayers, 4 and 
that persons are to be met with who have not been to confession 

1 Brief of December i8th, 1552 : Mon. Ign. Ser. i, IV., 559 
seqq. 

2 Epist. Mixtae, III., 397. 

3 Letter of Luis Goru^alvez of May 20, 1554 : Epist. Mixtae, 
IV., 1 80 seqq. When an old man, Rodriguez in 1574 returned 
to Portugal and died in Lisbon in 1579. 

4 POLANCO, II., 175, 503. TACCHI VENTURI, 267 seqq. 



" ITALIAN INDIES." 193 

for seven and eight, and indeed for thirty or forty years. 1 
However much the neglect of religion may be attributed to 
the consequences of the almost incessant feuds and wars which 
ravaged Italy, the state of affairs was undoubtedly in part an 
inheritance from the Renaissance period, in which not a few 
bishops and Popes neglected their duties in the most repre 
hensible manner. The injury to religious worship by neglect 
was especially noticeable in the most remote parts of the 
peninsula. The ignorance in the Abruzzi, in Calabria and in 
Apulia was still so great in the period between 1561 and 1570, 
that the Jesuit missionaries named those districts the " Italian 
Indies." 2 The people, were, however, by no means inimical 
to religion ; whenever worthy priests took them in hand, 
they flocked to them and were easily led to adopt an exemplary 
Christian mode of life. Landini writes in 1551, from the dis 
trict round Modena, that he could clearly see the moral 
improvement which had taken place since his first visit ; the 
people now came to hear sermons, even on week days, who 
formerly did not understand even what the ringing of the bells 
meant ; no one left the church before he did, and some went 
to other places in order to hear sermons there ; the people 
would not let him go until he had promised to come back, 
and they would come to meet him when he approached a 
place, while the priests from distant neighbourhoods would 
beg him to visit their parishes. 3 

Conditions in the island of Corsica were particularly bad, 
and, at the request of the Signoria of Genoa, Pope Julius III. 
on August 5th, 1552, appointed two Jesuit missionaries, 

1 POLANCO, II., 19-20 (Tivoli), 224, 226, 245 (Sicily), 483 
(Venice). TACCHI VENTURI, 268; BUSCHBELL, 12 (Verona). 
When, as in Camerino in 1556, a Jesuit summoned anyone to 
confession, outside Lent, the people at first laughed ; the women 
were, however, so astonished that people should speak of sermons 
and of going to the sacraments at such a time, that they almost 
thought the end of the world had come. POLANCO, VI., 84. 

2 TACCHI VENTURI, 269-270. 

3 Brief of May 16, 1551 : Epist. Mixtae, V., 700; cf. Epist. 
quadrimestres, I., 311. 

VOL. xm. 13 



IQ4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

endowed with full authority for the visitation of churches 
and monasteries. 1 The reports of these two Papal commis 
saries, Silvestro Landini and Emmanuel Gomez de Monte 
Mayor, afford a by no means gratifying picture of religious 
conditions. 2 The island was divided into six bishoprics, but 
for 60 or 70 years none of the said bishops had been seen in 
Corsica. The priests were so ignorant that, at the beginning 
of February, 1553, not one of those whom Landini had ex 
amined, even knew correctly the formula of consecration for 
Mass ; they went about in secular dress and worked the whole 
day in the woods in order to gain a living for themselves and 
their children. The churches were in ruins, and were often 
used for the shelter of cattle. The people were in the greatest 
poverty and suffered greatly from the corsairs, while in all 
religious matters the grossest neglect prevailed. Landini, 
who, in his missionary journeys in the Modena and Genoa 
districts in 1551 and 1552, had experienced the most incredible 
things, writes on February 7th, 1553, 3 that he had never seen 
anything to equal the state of affairs in Corsica ; what had 
been written to him from Rome was, indeed, true, that he 
would find his Indies and Abyssinia here, for the greatest 
ignorance prevailed concerning God, the most dreadful super 
stition, countless feuds, the most bitter hatred, murder in all 
directions, satanic pride, unceasing immorality, and to all this 
was added usury, fraud, perfidy and outbursts of ungovernable 
fury. Some were secretly infected with heresy, many did not 
know how to make the sign of the cross, and grey-haired men 
and women could not say the Our Father or the Hail Mary. 

In spite of all this it was easy, here as well, to bring the 
people back to the practice of their religion, and to a change in 
their morals. The missionaries were besieged by the people 
from morning till night. The church in Bastia was daily 

1 Extract from the Brief in (DELPLACE), Synopsis actorum 
S. Sedis in causa Soc. lesu, I., 13 ; cf. Appendix, Instructions 
for reform. 

2 POLANCO, II., 464 ; III., 80 seqq. The letters of Landini 
and Gomez in the Epist. Mixtae, III., 62, 88, 91, &c. 

3 Epist. Mixtae, III., 114 seqq. 



LANDINI IN CORSICA. IQ5 

thronged at the sermons of Landini, and more than six Fran 
ciscans had to assist him daily with the confessions, while 
there were from 60 to 150 Communions every day. People 
who had lived for twenty years in enmity were reconciled, and 
countless cases of concubinage were either dissolved or the 
parties married. 1 Landini compared the newly inflamed zeal 
with that of the early church. 2 

While several bad priests were endeavouring, through 
calumnies in Rome, to obtain the recall of the Papal com 
missaries, the members of the senate in Bastia, the governor 
of the island, and numerous influential Corsicans bore splendid 
testimony to the Pope and Ignatius of Loyola concerning the 
activities of the missionaries. 3 The mission had, however, 
to be abandoned in the following year, 1554, because the 
Corsicans, trusting to help from France, had risen in rebellion 
against the suzerainty of Genoa, and the whole island was filled 
with the tumult of war. Landini succumbed there to the 
effects of his hardships and privations, on March 3rd, 1554 ; 4 
in Corsica he was venerated as a saint. 5 

The cause of the deplorable state of religious life in the 
island was, above all, to be found in the ignorance of the 
priests. It was a quite unheard of thing, even in Italy, that 
parish priests should preach ; many of them never heard 
confessions, while numbers were hardly able to read. 6 For 
this reason Ignatius of Loyola was anxious, above all things, to 
establish colleges, since religious reform could only be built 
up on the basis of instruction, and there were no adequate 
means of providing such. Domenech writes from Palermo 
on July 4th, 1547, that a Jesuit college was much required 
there " because such crass ignorance prevails here among the 
clergy that it would hardly be credible, did one not have it 

1 Ibid, in, 114, 168-9. 

2 Ibid. 114, 167, 173. 

3 Printed in Epist. Mixtae, III., 182-201, 210 seq. 

4 POLANCO, IV., 36 seqq. 

5 Ibid. Appendix 68 1 seqq. : Processo intorno alia santita 
del P. Silv. Landini. 

6 TACCHI VENTURI, 27 seqq. 



196 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

before one s own eyes. The reason for this is to be found, 
for the most part, in the fact that there is no opportunity for 
learning, as here, in the capital of the kingdom, there is not 
even one public grammar school." 1 

Jesuit colleges were, therefore, urgently required. To the 
missions of the Order in Rome, Tivoli, Padua, Bologna, 
Messina, and Palermo, which had already been established 
under Paul III., there were added, apart from the Roman 
College, during the reign of Julius III., Venice, 1550, Ferrara, 
Naples, Florence, 1551, 2 Modena, Parma, Bassano, 1552, 
Monreale, 1553, Argenta near Ferrara, Genoa, Syracuse, 
Catania, and Loreto in 1554. In the year of Loyola s death, 
there also arose colleges in Siena and Camerino. So many new 
foundations were, naturally, only possible because of the 
numbers of those who applied for admission into the Order. 
Julius III. asked, in astonishment, when the candidates 
destined for the colleges of Florence and Naples were presented 
to him in 1551 : " Will there then be anyone left in Rome ? " 
They were, however, able to reassure the Pope on this 
point. 3 

The incentive to the establishment of these institutions were 
usually the sermons preached by an important member of the 
Order in a particular city. When the arrangements for the 
establishment of a college were completed, however, Ignatius 
did not send any piominent subjects, but merely several young 
men from the Roman College, as he thought it more advantage 
ous for such a house to begin in a modest way, and then to 
develop into a flourishing state, than that it should commence 
with a great brilliancy which it could not afterwards retain. 4 
It was also his principle that every college must be self-sup- 

1 Litterae quadrimestres, I., 51. 

2 Cf. ibid. FUETER, Das erste Auftreten der Jesuiten in 
Florenz ; Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, XXVIII., 432-3, 
Gotha, 1907. Concerning the protection of the Jesuits by the 
Duchess of Florence, see TACCHI VENTURI in the Civilta Cattolica, 
July 16, 1898, and Arch. stor. Ital., Ser. 5, XXII., 217. 

3 POLANCO, II., 173. 

4 Ibid. 432. 



FOUNDATION OF COLLEGES. 197 

porting, 1 so that almost all these establishments had at first to 
contend with great poverty. In Perugia the Jesuits lived for 
a time only on bread, wine and soup, 2 and in other places, they 
were also in very straitened circumstances. In Venice they 
had to exercise the greatest caution, even before they got as 
far as the foundation of a college. The Republic suspected 
political intrigues everywhere, and the very fact of the Jesuits 
writing to Rome every week awakened suspicion. It was a 
dangerous thing to hear the confessions of ladies of the aris 
tocracy and to admonish them as to the frequent reception 
of the Sacraments, a thing for which the Barnabites had shortly 
before been driven from the city. When the college really 
was founded, many of the students did not persevere, for the 
commercial spirit of this centre of trade was not favourable 
to learning. 3 In Messina, people wanted a college, it was true, 
but they were not provided with the necessary capital ; in 
Modena the Jesuits were reviled as hypocrites and ignorant 
men ; 4 gradually, however, the new Order struck firm roots, 
in spite of all difficulties. The instruction of youth was the 
chief weapon which the Jesuits employed in Italy to fight the 
incursions of Protestantism. 

Looked at from a literary point of view, the reform work 
of the new Order vindicated itself in all directions, in scientific 
as in everyday life, with the learned as with the unlearned, even 
during the lifetime of its founder. Convents of nuns, which 
had got into a depraved state, were again brought by the 
Jesuits, by means of the Exercises, into a proper way of life. 5 
Vagrant monks, who often had enlisted among the soldiery, 6 
the Jesuits endeavoured to bring back to their monasteries. 7 
They went to the prisons and galleys to bring spiritual con 
solation to the neglected prisoners. 8 Lainez and, later, Nadal, 
as well as several Capuchins, accompanied, as military chap- 

1 Ibid. 507. 2 Ibid. 438. 

3 Ibid. 480. 4 Ibid. 459. 

5 Ibid. 175, 502. 6 Ibid. 238, n. 164. 

7 Ibid. 29, 461. 

8 Ibid. 37-8 (Palermo), 184 (Florence), 231 (Messina), 425 
(Rome), 435 (Perugia), 458 (Modena), 483 (Venice). 



198 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

lains, the Christian fleets which sailed from Sicily against the 
corsairs ; x Baptista Romanus, a converted Jew, made use of 
his acquaintance with oriental languages to win over the 
Mahommedans and renegades on Turkish ships for the Church. 2 
The Jesuits fought against usury, 3 collected alms for the poor, 4 
reconciled enemies, 5 endeavoured to procure refuges for 
repentant Magdalens, 6 and were already making attempts to 
train up Arabic speaking missionaries for the conversion of 
North Africa. 7 

By far the most thorny field of operations presented itself, 
however, to the reforming zeal of the young Order, on the 
other side of the Alps. Nadal, who knew the conditions in the 
Iberian and Appenine peninsulas from his own experience, 
went to inspect the German Jesuits as visitor in 1555, and he 
openly declares that the work in Germany is considerably 
more difficult and just as glorious as that in the Indies. 8 
" It is an unspeakable misfortune that such a great, powerful 
and noble nation should be in such a sad state. With the 
grace of Christ, there is, however, much hope that she may be 
helped, and I am persuaded that God will do so through our 
Order, with the authority and favour of the Apostolic See." 9 
" Woe to us " he says in another place, "if we do not help 
Germany/ 10 " There are neither members of religious orders 
here, nor clergy, nor theologians, so that the Catholic princes 
and bishops do not know where to begin. Good Catholics have 
of necessity to put up with married parish priests, public 
concubinage, and half-Lutheran preachers." One reason for 
the terrible state of affairs was the fact that there was no 

1 Ibid. 45-6, 237-8. GUGLIELMOTTI, Gucrra de pirati, II., 208. 

2 POLANCO, II., 484, n. 159. 

3 Ibid. 36, 483. 

4 Ibid. 233, 503. 

5 Ibid. 225, and passim. 
e Ibid. 234. 

7 Ibid. 51-2 

8 Epist. IV., 214. 

9 To Ignatius, Dillingen, April 22, 1555,; Epist., I., 298. 

10 Ibid. IV., 215-6. 



THE JESUITS IN GERMANY. 1 99 

Catholic in Germany who did not read the books of the religious 
innovators, and that other religious works were not sold at all. 
" We found all the inns full of the works of Luther and other 
heretics ; women and children read them, and we were only in 
districts which call themselves Catholic." 1 There was hardly 
any Catholic in Germany who wrote in opposition to these 
books ; 2 the older Catholic works were no longer published 
and could hardly be obtained, so that Catholics said they had 
nothing to read except heretical books. 3 Catholic theologians 
also read these works everywhere, and thus got into a state of 
theological bewilderment. 4 

This shrewd observer perceived that the cure of these great 
evils could only be effected, in Germany as elsewhere, by the 
foundation of colleges. Nadal also pointed out a means for 
helping Germany, of which there was hardly any mention in 
other lands, viz. : literary activity. He wished that Lainez 
might come to Germany and write there against the Lutherans ; 
he also discussed with the chancellor, Widmannstadt, as to 
whether, on his application, a printing press might not be 
established in Vienna, which would daily issue Catholic 
pamphlets against the Lutherans. 5 

During the lifetime of Loyola, however, they did not succeed 
in founding any great number of colleges in Germany. The 
German princes did not understand why establishments for 
religious orders should be founded, seeing that it was not 
monasteries, but bishops and parish priests that were required. 6 
Only in 1552 did they manage to found a college in Vienna ; 
by the year 1555, this already numbered 400 students, under 
10 professors. 7 Besides this the city possessed a noviciate 

1 Ibid. I., 301-2. 2 Ibid. 306. 

3 Ibid. 309. 4 Ibid. 303. 

5 Ibid. 305, 309. 

6 Ibid. 289 ; POLANCO, II., 262. 

7 DUHR, Gesch. der Jesuiten in den Landern deutscher Zunge, 
I., 49, Freiburg, 1907. The introduction of the Jesuits into 
Trent, planned by Madruzzo, did not succeed ; see *letter of 
Card. Pole to Madruzzo, dated Rome, February 27, 1553, in the 
Arch. Trid. caps. LV., n. 25 (Vice-regal Archives, Innsbruck). 



200 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and a house of studies in the year of Loyola s death, while 
three other colleges, in Cologne, Ingolstadt and Prague, arose 
during the last year of the life of the founder. 

The Order owed the college in Cologne, and still more those 
in Ingolstadt and Prague, to the influence of that man who in 
the time to come was to be the founder of the German province 
of the order, and the animating spirit of all their undertakings 
Peter Canisius. Cologne, for the Church of the XVIth 
century a post as important as it was often imperilled, received 
the Jesuits at first in a manner anything but friendly. 1 It 
was especially the sermons of Canisius which gradually gained 
them friends. 2 "If we could only open a school," writes 
Leonhard Kessel, the superior of the Jesuits in Cologne, in 
1549, " then all the youth, and with them the others, would 
be won for Christ." 3 This wish was fulfilled when the post of 
director of the " Collegium Tricoronatum " became vacant, 
owing to the apostacy of its head. The city-council did not 
wish to give this establishment into the hands of the Jesuits, 
but the son of their Burgomaster, Johannes Rethius, who had 
taken their side, induced them to do so. The " Collegium 
Tricoronatum " developed very rapidly, and became for 
Germany, very much what the Roman College was for the whole 
Order, a school to send out workers in all directions. 4 

Canisius had at once been sent, with Salmeron and Le Jay, 
to Ingolstadt, to give lectures at the university. The new 
professors, however, had only an audience of fourteen, of whom 
the greater number possessed neither the necessary preliminary 
instruction nor any interest in religion or science. Salmeron 
and Le Jay were therefore soon recalled, but Canisius remained; 
he attained many successes and gained general esteem by his 

1 BRAUNSBERGER, I., 136, 672-3. 

2 Ibid. 143. 

3 To Ignatius, October 4, 1549, in the Litt. quadrim., I., 172. 
Concerning L. Kessel, whose greatness lay in the care of souls, 
see TH. VIRNICH in the Annalen des Histor. Vereins fiir den 
Niederrhein, part 90, Cologne, 1911. 

4 DUHR, I., 33 seqq. Mon. Ign. Ser. i, XL, 200 seqq. KLIN- 
KENBERG, Das Marzellen-gymnasium, Cologne, 1911. 



THE CHURCH IN BOHEMIA. 2OI 

private lessons among the students, by his lectures and by his 
zeal in the care of souls. A college would have been the most 
important step, in view of the insufficient preliminary training 
of the students, but the negotiations, begun in 1555, did not 
advance, and Ignatius, therefore, summoned the Jesuits from 
Ingolstadt to Vienna. Three years later Canisius was recalled 
to Bavaria, and the college was opened in the following year. 1 

Many Bohemians were in the habit of studying in Ingol 
stadt. The success of the Jesuits there, as well as in Vienna, 
awakened the hope in the minds of Bohemian Catholics of being 
able to procure the theological seminary of which their country 
stood in need, through the help of the new Order. In the year 
1552 they addressed themselves, with this intention, to King 
Ferdinand I., who assented all the more readily to the proposal, 
as the state of the Church in Bohemia seemed even more hope 
less than in Germany. Catholics, Utraquists, Bohemian 
Brethren and Lutherans all struggled together for the mastery ; 
there was no bishop in the country, unworthy subjects crept 
into the priesthood from abroad in all sorts of ways, while the 
clerical state was despised, many parishes being without 
priests, which were then seized by Protestant preachers, the 
University also being in the hands of the Utraquists. Canisius 
had been negotiating since 1554 about the foundation of a 
college, to be directed by the Jesuits ; two years later it 
became possible to open one in the convent of St. Clement in 
Prague. 2 

While Canisius was pursuing his activities for the colleges 
of Prague and Ingolstadt, his fixed residence was in Vienna, 
where the position was so serious that, in the opinion of Nadal, 

1 DUHR, I., 53 seqq. BRAUNSBERGER, I., 688 seqq. Mon. 
Ign. Ser. i, X., 535 seqq. W. FRIEDENSBURG, Zur ersten Fest- 
setzung der Jesuiten in Bay era, 1548-1549 : Archiv fur Ref- 
Gesch, 1912, 85-89. 

2 A. KROESS, Gesch. der bohm. Provinz der Gesellschaft Jesu, 
I-, 3-36, Vienna, 1910. BRAUNSBERGER, I., 495 seqq., 545 seqq., 
762 seqq. Mon. Ign. Ser. i, VIII., 78-9 ; X., 689 seqq. Cf. 
SCHMIDTMAYER in the Mitteil. fiir die Gesch. der Deutschen 
in Bohmen, XLIIL, 122 seqq. 



2O2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the whole city would have fallen a victim to Lutheranism, had 
it not been for the efforts of the Jesuits. 1 Canisius took an 
active part in the work of his brethren ; he preached with great 
success in German and Italian, gave lectures on the Epistle 
to the Romans, took charge of the prisoners, and visited the 
parishes in the neighbourhood of the city, which were all 
without priests. 2 Ferdinand I. was most desirous, in the years 
from 1553 to 1556, of having him made Bishop of Vienna, and 
was earnestly urged thereto by the Papal nuncio, but Canisius 
absolutely refused this dignity. 3 In spite of considerable 
progress, things remained in a very serious condition in 
Vienna, and Canisius writes on January 5th, 1554, that he is 
astonished that it has not come to martyrdom for the Catholics 
who have remained true to their faith in the city on the 
Danube. 4 

It was in Vienna that Canisius composed that most import 
ant of all his works, his Catechism. 5 Hitherto there had been 
no handy abstract of the Catholic religion, suited to the needs 
of the times ; the school teachers, even in Catholic districts, 
were usually Lutherans, 6 and Catholic children were taught 

1 Epist. I., 311. 

2 DUHR, I., 73-4. A. KROESS, Der sel. Petrus Canisius in 
Osterreich, 31 seqq., 37 seqq., Vienna, 1898. 

3 For the question whether Canisius really carried on, for a time 
at least, the direction of the bishopric, cf. N. PAULUS in the Zeitsch- 
rift fur Kath. Theologie, 1898, 742 seqq. A brief of Julius III., 
of November 3rd, 1554, entrusted him with the management 
of the bishopric for a year (BRAUNSBERGER, I., 506 seqq.} ; 
Polanco writes to him on April 2, 1555 : " Delia administratione 
del vescovato non se parla piu, si che V. R. e libera al tutto." 
Mon. Ign. Ser. i, VIII., 623 ; cf. ibid. 279, 400, 403, the letters of 
January 15, February 12 and 13, 1555. 

4 BRAUNSBERGER, I., 443. 

5 BRAUNSBERGER, Entstehung und erste Entwicklung der 
Katechismen des sel. Petrus Canisius, Freiburg, 1893. BRAUNS 
BERGER, II., 883 seqq. PAULUS in the Zeitschrift fur kath. 
Theologie, 1903, 170 seqq. 

6 NADAL, Epist. I.. 311. 



THE CATECHISM OF CANISIUS. 2O3 

according to a Lutheran catechism. Ferdinand I. therefore 
called upon the Vienna Jesuits to draw up a catechism of the 
Catholic faith. Immediately after his arrival in Vienna in 
1552, Canisius was entrusted with this work, and as early as 
1554 he was able to lay the first part of his Catechism before 
the king. It appeared in the following year without the name 
of the author, but with an Imperial decree at the beginning 
which prescribed the use of the little book for the schools of the 
hereditary Austrian dominions. It was intended for teachers 
and young students, and was therefore written in Latin. As 
early as 1556 a short extract from the larger catechism appeared 
at Ingolstadt in Latin and at Dillingen in German. A third 
catechism, which was intermediate between the two others, 
was first printed in Cologne in 1558. All these catechisms 
went through many editions and were extensively translated. 
They were of the utmost importance in Germany for the work 
of Catholic reform, as children were taught in accordance with 
them for hundreds of years. 1 

To possess a college in Paris, the centre of theological studies, 
had very early been the cherished desire of Loyola, but it was 
precisely in France that the Society of Jesus had to wage a long 
battle with the officials and prelates of gallican leanings, before 
winning the right of admission. 2 It is, however, a fact that 
they soon gained powerful friends there. Charles de Guise, 
Cardinal of Lorraine, won over by Ignatius during his residence 
in Rome in I550, 3 proved himself a real protector. Henry II. 
was favourable to them in spite of the opposition of his imme 
diate entourage. 4 No fewer than three Jesuit colleges soon 
afterwards owed their foundation to the Bishop of Clermont, 
Guillaume du Prat, among them the very important college 
of Paris. But, the Jesuits had to carry on a more than ten years 
struggle concerning the foundation of this Paris college, in the 

1 Cf. JANNSEN-PASTOR, IV., 437 seqq. 

2 H. FOUQUERAY, Hist, de la Compagnie de Jesus en France, 
195 seqq, Paris, 1910. 

3 POLANCO, II., 89-90. Mon. Ign. Ser. i, XL, 451 ; cf. ROMIER, 

35-3 6 - 

4 Mon. Ign. loc. cit. 



204 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

course of which interesting side lights were thrown upon the 
attitude in influential circles towards the Holy See. 

Bishop du Prat had recognized that the raising of the 
standard of higher education was essential for combating the 
advance of Lutheranism. He therefore fixed upon a house 
in Paris, belonging to the bishops of Clermont, for a college, 
in which professors for the schools of his diocese could receive 
the necessary scientific training. The only difficulty was 
the dearth of young men who were inclined to enter. He 
applied, therefore, to Ignatius, from Trent, 1 in 1546, through 
Le Jay, and when he had returned to France in the following 
year, he thought of handing over his house of studies to the 
Jesuits there as their own property. 2 

This plan, however, could only be carried out if the new Order 
were received in France through a royal decree. The king 
indeed did sign such a document as early as 1550, and again 
in 1551, at the request of the Cardinal of Lorraine ; before 
this decree could, however, be made legally absolute it had to be 
examined by the Royal Council, have the chancellor s seal 
affixed to it, and be registered by the Parliament. The agree 
ment of the gallicanly-inclined Parliament was very hard to 
obtain, and the difficulties were increased by a misunderstand 
ing on the part of Viola, the superioi of the Jesuits. In order 
to induce the Royal Councilto give its approval, Viola had 
laid before it the Papal decree of October t8th, 1549, by which 
the privileges of the Society of Jesus were confirmed, and the 
Council communicated this Papal document to the Parliament. 
The whole affair thus took on an entirely different aspect. 
It was no longer a question of allowing the Jesuit colleges into 
France, but rather a discussion of the privileges of the Jesuits, 
and in particular of the validity of Papal privileges on French 
soil. 

Special offence was given to the procurator-general of the 
Parliament, Noel Bruslart, by the Pope s withdrawal of the 

1 Epist. Broeti, laii &c., 307-8. 

2 TOURNIER in the Eludes, XCVIII. (1904), 465 seqq., 622 
seqq. FOUQUERAY, 150 seqq. 



THE JESUITS IN PARIS. 2O5 

new Order from the jurisdiction of the bishops, and his releasing 
them from the duty of ecclesiastical tithes. Parliament 
declared, in accordance with the wishes of Bruslart, that the 
Jesuit Order transgressed the rights of the king, as well as those 
of Parliament, and also violated the episcopal regulations. 1 
The matter remained in this state for a time, and the Papal 
document was returned to the Jesuits. 

It was only at the end of 1552 that Paschasius Broet, a 
native of France and a student of the University of Paris, who 
had been appointed provincial for France in the June of that 
year, took some further steps. He succeeded, by means of a 
royal command of January loth, 1553, which instructed the 
Parliament to register the former mandate in favour of the 
Jesuits. The opposition of the Paris jurists was, however, by 
no means yet overcome ; on January i6th the advocate- 
general, Seguier, demanded that representations should be 
made to the king, and on February 8th the resolution was 
adopted that, before the proceedings went any further, the 
royal patent and the Papal Bull must be delivered to the 
Bishop of Paris, Eustache du Bellay, and the theological 
faculty for examination. 

Eustache du Bellay was a gallican ; he did not regard the 
Jesuit Order as legally established, and had refused to its 
members the right to hear confessions and the permission to 
preach, because they were not subject to his jurisdiction. 
They could therefore only carry on their priestly duties in the 
Benedictine abbey of St. Germain-des-Pres, which was not 
subject to the diocese of Paris, or work in the neighbouring 
diocese of Soissons. The jurisdiction over the Jesuits which 
he had always claimed now seemed assured to him, when 
Parliament assigned to him the decision concerning them ; 
naturally, it was not to be expected that he would decide 
against himself, by acknowledging the Papal privileges of the 
Jesuits. 

When Broet presented himself before the bishop, in order 
to deliver the Papal Bull to him, du Bellay declared quite 

1 Ibid. 197, 199. 



206 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

plainly that there were already too many Orders even without 
the Jesuits. Upon the reply that the Pope and the king had 
confirmed the Society of Jesus, the bishop answered that the 
Pope could give no confirmation for France, and the king just 
as little, since it was a matter of ecclesiastical jurisdiction. 1 
His judgment was therefore unfavourable. The very name, 
" Society of Jesus," he declared to be arrogant. 2 The Jesuits, 
by their vow of poverty, injured the mendicant orders, and 
the parish priests by their preaching and hearing confessions, 
while many of their privileges encroached on the rights of the 
bishops, of the Pope, and of the universities. As they pro 
fessed to be desirous of working for the conversion of the Turks 
and unbelievers, they were at liberty to erect houses at the 
confines of Christianity ; it was a long way from Paris to Con 
stantinople. 

The theological faculty proved no less unfriendly. They 
first of all sought to delay matters, but finally the dean declared 
to the provincial, Broet, that the Jesuits would not be success 
ful, that their privileges had not been confirmed by " the 
Church, that is to say, a Council," and that the Pope could 
confer no prerogatives to the detriment of bishops and parish 
priests. 3 

When, on August 3rd, 1554, the Parliament pressed for an 
answer concerning the question of the Jesuits, twenty theo 
logians examined the Papal Bulls daily, until a decision was 
arrived at on December ist, 1554. This amounts to a com 
plete condemnation. 4 The very name of the new Society is 
offensive, according to this document ; it is deserving of cen 
sure, because it receives everyone without distinction. All 
deviations from the older Orders in the constitutions of the 
Society are held to be blameworthy, and the accusation is 

1 Broet to Ignatius on March 4, 1553 : Epist. Broeti, &c., 87. 

2 Du PLESSIS D ARGENTRE, Collectio iudiciorum, II., 194. 
FOUQUERAY, 206. 

3 Broet to Ignatius on March August 9, 1553 : Epist. Broeti, 
&c., 94- 

4 In Du PLESSIS D ARGENTRE, II., 194, and (without the in 
troduction) in POLANCO, IV., 328. 



OPPOSITION IN PARIS. 207 

again made that their privileges are contrary to the rights of 
ecclesiastical and secular personages. Finally and compre 
hensively, the Society of Jesus is declared to be dangerous to 
the Faith, disturbing to the peace of the Church, destructive 
to the religious Orders, and to pull down more than it builds 
up. This condemnation of a Papal document is prefixed by 
an introduction, in which the doctors express their " deep 
veneration for the Holy See." 

That such an august and learned body should express itself 
in this manner, naturally occasioned the greatest excitement 
against the new Order ; sermons against the Jesuits were 
heard in the pulpits, and placards against them were affixed to 
the walls. On May 27th, 1555, the bishop forbade them the 
exercise of their priestly functions, under pain of excom 
munication, until the Bull should be confirmed by him, the 
faculty and the Parliament. Broet submitted, although the 
excommunication would have been invalid, but he appealed 
to the Holy See. 1 

The founder of the Order remained quite unmoved by the 
general excitement caused among the Jesuits by the Paris 
decree. When the most esteemed Roman fathers represented 
to him that the decree should be contested in writing, and the 
false accusation denied, he replied with perfect composure that 
this was not necessary, nor would he allow any direct steps to 
be taken against the distinguished faculty later on. The 
Society of Jesus, he said, would last for a long time yet, and 
the University of Paris likewise, and he did not therefore think 
it advisable that opposition should be further increased and 
perpetuated by a direct reply. 2 His plan was to obtain 
testimonials from ecclesiastical and secular princes, as well as 
from universities in all districts where the Jesuits were in 
active work, and to lay these before the Pope, of whose author 
ity there was question in this matter, and then quietly wait 
to see which would be the mightier, the Paris decree or the 

1 Epist. Broeti &c., 102. 

2 Mon. Ign., Ser. 4, I., 216 (Gon9alvez for February 17, 1555) 
375-6, 426, 



208 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

judgment of the whole world. These testimonials were given 
in great numbers by the most distinguished persons ; among 
others by the Portuguese king, John III., the Viceroy of Sicily, 
the Duchesses of Tuscany and Ferrara, by many bishops, by 
the Universities of Ferrara, Valladolid, Coimbra and Louvain, 
and by the Inquisitors at Ferrara, Florence, Evora and Sara- 
gossa. 1 

It was not, however, necessary to make use of these docu 
ments. When the Cardinal of Lorraine came to Rome, at the 
conclusion of the political alliance with Paul IV., in 1555, there 
were four Paris doctors in his retinue, among whom was the 
composer of the decree of December ist, 1554. A calm 
discussion between these doctors and four of the most learned 
Jesuits was arranged, under the presidency of the Cardinal of 
Lorraine, the result of which was that the Cardinal decided 
in favour of the Jesuits, and the doctors acknowledged their 
mistake. A short written refutation of the decree, drawn up 
by the Jesuit, Olave, who was himself a doctor of the Paris 
faculty, strengthened the effect of the Roman pronouncement. 
The decree of December ist was soon forgotten, even though 
it was never formally revoked. 

During the lifetime of Loyola, the order only obtained one 
college in France, at Billom, in 1556. 2 This town was, even in 
secular matters, under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Cler- 
mont, and the latter endowed the college from his own private 
means. Royal recognition was, therefore, in this case, not 
necessary. 3 

Similar difficulties to those in France were also met with 
by the Jesuits at the introduction of the Order into the Nether 
lands. 4 There as well no college could be opened as long as 
the Society of Jesus had not been sanctioned by the govern- 

1 Printed in the Acta Sanctorum lulii, torn. VII., Einleitung 
zum Leben des hi. Ignatius, 47, 48. 

2 FOUQUERAY, 175 seqq. Mon. Ign., Ser. i, XL, 366. 

3 Epist. Mixtae, V., 725. Epist. Broeti &c., 184. 

4 (DELPLACE), L etablissement de la Compagnie de Jesus dans 
les Pays -Bas, Brussels, 1886. ASTRAIN, II., 366 seqq. 



THE JESUITS IN THE NETHERLANDS. 20Q 

ment, and it proved extremely difficult to obtain this sanction. 
Charles V. was prejudiced against the new Order, and when 
the Emperor had gone to Spain, the opposition of the two most 
influential men in the country, Granvelle and Viglius van 
Zwichem, had still to be reckoned with. Van Zwichem raised 
great difficulties ; he was specially of opinion that the privileges. 
of the Jesuits could not be reconciled with the rights of the 
bishops and parish priests. 1 

Ignatius, however, did not despair. At the end of 1555 he 
sent the still youthful Ribadeneira to the Netherlands, who 
attracted attention in Louvain and Brussels by his Latin 
sermons, winning the favour of powerful members of the court, 
especially of the Count of Feria, and obtained in February, 
1556, through their mediation, an audience with Philip II., 
who received him in a friendly manner. He had been carrying 
on negotiations since June, especially with Ruiz Gomez de 
Silva, whose influence in favour of the Jesuits wa^ of the 
utmost importance, and what remained to be done was 
achieved by means of letters of recommendation from the 
Infanta Juana of Spain, and from Francis Borgia to Queen 
Maria of Hungary, who spent some time in Brussels in July, 
1556. On August 2oth, 1556, Philip II., regardless of the 
opposition of the president of the Council, Viglius, issued the 
decree by which the Society of Jesus received civic rights in 
Belgium. 2 

1 Cartas de S. Ignacio, VI., 573 seqq. 

2 Ibid. 575 seqq. ; cf. CAUCHIE in the Bullet, de la Comm. 
Roy. d hist., Ser. 5, II., 160 (1892). 



VOL. xm. 14 



CHAPTER VIII. 

ACTIVITY OF THE ROMAN INQUISITION IN ITALY. SPREAD 
OF HERESY IN GERMANY, POLAND AND FRANCE. 

IN his struggle against the Protestant movement which 
threatened the unity of the faith in Italy, Julius III. followed 
in the footsteps of his predecessor. One of the first acts of his 
reign was the confirmation of the Roman Inquisition, recently 
founded by the Farnese Pope. On February 27th, 1550, he 
appointed six Cardinals as members of this tribunal : de 
Cupis, Carafa, Sfondrato, Morone, Crescenzi and Pole. Their 
first duty was to decide on an answer, which had been asked 
for by the nuncio, Prospero Santa Croce, then at the court of 
King Ferdinand I., with regard to the matter of the Bohemian 
Utraquists. 1 It is, therefore, evident, and this is confirmed 
by other documents, that the Roman Inquisition was to be 
considered as a central court for all the countries of Christen 
dom, although its principal sphere of activity was in Italy, 
where, now as always, countless false doctrines were con 
tinually making their appearance. Besides Modena and 
Ferrara, the dominions of the Republic of Venice were in 
special danger. 2 Julius III., in the year 1550, carried on an 

1 See MASSARELLI 157. 

2 See the briefs in RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 37-38, 57, and FONTANA, 
411, 418, 419, 420 seqq. Cf. TACCHI VENTURI, I., 306, 329, 330. 
COMBA gives a list of those accused by the Venetian Inquisition 
from 1541 to 1600, in the Riv. Crist., III. and IV. Concerning 
the Anabaptists in the Venetian territory see DRUFFEL, II., 
15; Theol. Stud, und Krit., 1885, 22, 23; BENRATH, Reform, 
in Venedig, 78 seqq. With regard to Brescia, see the *brief for 
the suffragan-bishop there, of May 22, 1550. (Arm. 41, t. 56, 
n. 459. Secret Archives of the Vatican). Cf. BROWN, VI., 
3, App. n. 122. 

210 



THE INQUISITION IN VENICE. 211 

active correspondence with the nuncio, Beccadelli, concerning 
this matter. The Signoria was not remiss in taking measures 
against the heretics, among whom were many Anabaptists j 1 
the agreement between Rome and Venice was, however, 
seriously interfered with when the Council of Ten resolved, in 
November, 1550, that a representative of the secular authority 
should always be present at the final judgment of a heretic. 
The Pope saw in this a threat to ecclesiastical liberty, and a 
transgression of the old canons, and expressed his disapproval 
of the decision to the Venetian ambassador, as well as to the 
nuncio. 2 

As such a procedure was often followed, Julius III. issued a 
Bull for the protection of ecclesiastical rights against the 
encroachment of the secular power. He laid the document 
before the Roman Inquisition, whose sanction it first received 
in a sitting of December 30th, 1550, and again on January 2nd, 
1551. 3 The Bull was published on March 27th, 1551 ; it 
expressly laid down, under the threat of excommunication, 
that no one except the persons authorized by the Roman 
Inquisition should occupy themselves with the proceedings 
against heretics, by which regulation, however, the rights of 
the bishops should not be prejudiced. 4 Thanks to the skill 
of the nuncio, Beccadelli, the question was settled by an 
arrangement with the Venetian Republic, which was also 
sanctioned by Achille de Grassi, who was expressly sent to 
Venice by the Pope. 5 

1 Besides FONTANA, 411 and MASSARELLI, 170, 172, 175, 184, 
cf, BECCADELLI, I., 96 seqq. A complete collection of Beccadelli s 
*nunciature reports from Venice of the years 1550-1554 are in the 
Cod. Vat. 6752 of the Vatican Library. 

2 See MASSARELLI, 202, 203, 204 ; cf. BECCADELLI, I., 99-100. 

3 See MASSARELLI, 207-8, 209. 

4 The Bull Licet a diversis (Bull. VI., 431 seq., and FONTANA, 
416-417) is dated March 18, 1551, but was first published on March 
27 (see MASSARELLI, 220). Cf. concerning this document 
PHILLIPS, VI., 581 seq. ; HERGENROTHER, Staat und Kirche, 607. 

5 HINSCHIUS, VI., 336, only refers to Sarpi s " Discorso dell* 
officio dell inquisitione," 2, 39 seqq., Geneva, 1639, for the agree- 



212 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

It had often happened, even under Clement VII., that 
heretical opinions were proclaimed from the pulpit. The 
Roman Inquisition therefore issued a decree, on May 2oth, 
1550, according to which all those who expounded the Word 
of God were bound to preach openly against Lutheran tenets, 
otherwise they would be regarded with suspicion, and steps 
taken against them. 1 

In the following year the members of the Roman Inquisition 
took part in deliberations concerning the issue of a Bull by 
which the system of preaching and hearing confessions should 
be reformed. In the summer of 1552 they were also engaged 
in an inquiry against members of the new orders of the Barna- 
bites and Angeliche, who had fallen into a dangerous position, 
through the over-excited behaviour and arrogance of Paola 
Antonia Negri. The end of the proceedings, in which Cardinal 
Carafa had displayed all his energies, was the expulsion of 
Paola Negri from the order of the Angeliche, the separation 
of the latter from the Barnabites, and the condemnation of 
the writings of the late (d. 1534) Fra Battista da Crema, from 

ment with Venice ; the important communications and reports 
of Beccadelli (I., 102-104) seem to have escaped his notice, as 
well as that of DRUFFEL, I., 865. GOTHEIN S (Ignatius, 526) 
information is far from complete. Cf. also MASSARELLI, 223. 
Serristori s *report of April 2, 1550 (State Archives, Florence, 
proves that the Pope, shortly after his election, made up his mind 
to take steps against the constant intervention of the laity in 
Venice ; see further BROWN, V., n. 656 ; cf. ibid. 684. Julius 
III. defines his attitude with regard to this matter in his instruc 
tions for Archille de Grassi, dated August 23, 1551 (Casanate 
Library, Rome, XIV., 38, pp. 97 seqq.) printed incorrectly in WEISS, 
Pap. de Granvelle, III., 579-580, corrections by DRUFFEL, I., 
866, and in the Nuntiaturberichte XII., n. 62. The instructions 
bear the date August 23, not August 27, in the collection of 
Istruzioni (I) in the Doria-Pamphili Archives in Rome, while 
the copy in Stockholm (Library H., 22) has the wrong date 
August 27. Concerning the dispatch of the " Magister s.palatii," 
caused by the appearance of the Anabaptists in Venice, see 
Muzio, Lettere, 217 seq. 

1 See PASTOR, Dekrete der romisch. Inquisition, 61. 



HERETICAL BOOKS IN ITALY. 213 

whom Paola Negri and her followers had taken many dangerous 
views. In order to prevent such abuses for the future, Julius 
III. appointed, on July 2gth, 1552, a friend of Carafa, Cardinal 
Alvarez de Toledo, who held the same views as the latter, as 
protector of the Barnabites, and he was authorized to visit 
both them and the Angeliche. 1 The jurisdiction of the tribunal 
was considerably extended by a severe edict which Julius III. 
published on February ist, 1554, against blasphemers. The 
Roman Inquisitors were appointed as judges for this crime, 
and authority was bestowed on them to inflict corporal 
punishmentJ 

One of the principal reasons for the spread of Protestant 
opinions in Italy was the inundation of the country with 
heretical books. 3 The permission to read such books, reserved 
to the Pope by the Bull In Coena, had been very extensively 
granted since the time of Leo X. ; the hoped for advantage 
of a more effective fight against error had not, however, been 
gained. The evil consequences which ensued were all the more 
to be deplored, as such writings were widely read by monks 
and lay persons, under the pretext that they had the necessary 
permission for doing so. Carafa had, as early as 1532, 
demanded the withdrawal of all such permissions in the 

1 Cf. the valuable work of O. PREMOLI, Fra Battista da Crema 
secondo document! inediti, Rome, 1910, in which, however, 
the important *brief of Julius III., which I discovered (Appendix 
No. 1 6) in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, does not appear. 
Proceedings were taken, not by the Inquisition, but by the Tri 
bunal of the Governor, against a Roman woman, Fausta Orsi, 
in 1552 (see BERTOLOTTI in the Riv. Europ., XXIII., 618, 1883). 
" Fu rimessa in carcere " says Bertolotti, and he continues without 
giving any further proof " e senza fallo abbruciata come strega 
confessa." Ibid., 627 seq., concerning another witchcraft case 
in Rome, in the year 1557. 

2 Bull,. VI., 478 seqq. The *letter of Serristori dated July 3, 
1554, shows how Julius III. supported the Inquisition in their 
proceedings against those who came under this Bull (State Ar 
chives, Florence). 

3 See TACCHI VENTURI, I., 307 seqq., 313 seqq. 



214 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

programme for reform addressed to Clement VII. 1 Julius III. 
carried out these measures, and by a Bull of April 2Qth, 1550, 
recalled all those authorizations to read or keep Lutheran or 
other heretical or suspect books, which had been granted by his 
predecessors, by Papal legates, by grand penitentiaries or by 
anyone else. Everybody, no matter what their rank or 
position, was bound to deliver such workb to the Inquisition 
within sixty days, the sole exception to this regulation being 
the Inquisitors or the commissaries of the Inquisition, during 
the term of their office ; measures against disobedience to this 
order were to be taken by the Inquisitors-General. 2 The fact 
that a burning of heretical books took place in Rome, as early 
as June 3rd, 1550, shows with what expedition this regulation 
was carried out. 3 

The Pope who, in spite of his clemency, was repeatedly 
obliged to take stricter measures against the Jews, 4 had agreed 

1 See BROMATO, II., 186 ; cf. REUSCH, I., 179 seg. Concerning 
Carafa s programme, see Vol. X. of this work, 310 seq. 

2 The Bull in EYMERICUS, App. 115-6, and FONTANA, 412-13; 
cf. REUSCH, I., 171-2, 180 seq. The president of the Council 
received special authorization on June 4th, 1551 ; see THEINER, 
I., 482 ; HILGERS, Index, 505. 

3 See Seripandi Comment, in MERKLE, II., 440. An *edict of 
the Inquisition against an Italian book, dated August 12, 1553, 
in the Archives of S. Angelo, caps. II., n. 17 (Papal Secret Archives) 

4 See Bull, VI., 404 seqq., 484 seqq. ; ERLER in the Archiv. fur 
Kirchenrecht, LIII., 43-44 and RIEGER-VOGELSTEIN, II., 145 
seqq. PIETRO M. LONARDO (Gli Ebrei a Benevento, Benevento, 
1889) mentions measures against the Jews in Benevento (May 2, 
1550). I also noted in the Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 58, n. 1034 : 
*Hier. Gualterutio, December 29, 1550, " Commissio ad inquiren- 
dum contra Hebreos," as many Jews are carrying on usury in the 
States of the Church and forging coins ; ibid. t. 60, n. 426. *Legato 
Romandiole, dated June 3, 1551 : Jews may not ask more interest 
than in Bologna and Imola ; t. 63, n. 203 : *Seb. Martio, dated 
March 22, 1552 : against Jews, unbelievers and Portuguese, who 
practise usury in Ancona, measures will be taken ; t. 64, n. 264 : 
Marco Spaventio, dated April 25, 1552 : against usury of the Jews 
in Bologna ; Arm. 42, t. i, n. 44 : *Bull. pro Hebreis status eccL, 



THE INQUISITION AND THE JEWS. 215 

that the Inquisition should confiscate and burn the Talmudical 
books in the year 1553. He also authorized an edict of the. 
Inquisition of September I2th, 1553, whereby all the princes, 
bishops and inquisitors received instructions to do the same 
thing. 1 The Jews begged the Pope to recall the decree, or at 
least to allow them the use of the simple rabbinical writings. 
Thereupon there followed a Bull of May 29th, 1554, ordering 
the Jewish communities to deliver up all books containing 
blasphemies and aspersions against Christ, within four months ; 
no one was to trouble them with regard to other books, which 
did not contain such blasphemies. 2 The Inquisition speedily 
set about the execution of this decree in the States of the 
Church. 3 

As regards the activity of the Roman Inquisition against 
heresy, the latest investigations of the time of Paul III. go far j 
to confirm the expert opinion of Seripando, that the proceed 
ings of this tribunal were conducted in a moderate and clement 
manner, in keeping with the nature of the Farnese Pope, that 
severe corporal punishment and executions were of rare 

dated February i, 1555 : removal of the regulation that syna 
gogues must contribute to the maintenance of catechumens in 
Rome, and order that the treasurer shall pay the latter a yearly 
sum of 200 ducats. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

1 See EYMERICUS, App., 119; GRATZ, Gesch. der Juden, IX., 
346 seq. , REUSCH, I., 47 ; ERLER, loc. cit., 44 ; BERLINER, Zensur 
hebraischer Biicher, 3 seq., Frankfurt, 1891 ; RIEGER-VOI.GES- 
TEIN, II., 146 seq. ; FUMI, 156. Cf. **letter of Sirleto, Rome, 
September 9, 1553. Cod. Vat. 6177, p. 359 (Vatican Library). 
Cf. Luzio, Pronostico, 88-89, for the friendly attitude towards 
the Jews adopted by Cardinal E. Gonzaga. 

2 Bull, VI., 482-3. 

3 Cf. Muzio, Lettere Catholiche, 171 seqq., Venice, 1571; 
GIAXICH, G. Muzio, 53-54, Trieste, 1847 ; REUSCH, I., 47 seqq. 
The mitigation of the decree of May, 1554, mentioned in Reusch, 
according to GRATZ, IX., 359, is contained in the **Bull of Decem 
ber 18, 1554, in Arm. 41, t. 72, p. 718 ; Arm. 42, t. T, n. 33 : 
*Universitati Hebreorum, dated January 26, 1555 : Prorogatio 4 
mensium eis statutorum ad corrigendum eorum libros ad alios 
4 menses (Secret Archives of the Vatican). 



2l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

occurence, and that many acquittals took place when the 
contrary had been expected. 1 The same thing is also true of 
the time of Julius III., as far as an opinion can be formed 
without the perusal of the inaccessible documents of the Roman 
Inquisition. It is expressly declared that Cardinal Carafa, 
who had great influence in matters concerning the Inquisition, 2 
was not pleased with the moderate measures of Julius III. 3 
The ambassador of Bologna also declares that the Pope had 
much milder views concerning proceedings against heretics 
than those held by Cardinal Juan Alvarez de Toledo, 4 a man 
whose ideas resembled those of Cardinal Carafa. In the case 
which the ambassador had in mind, it can be proved that the 
procedure was in accordance with his statement. The 
naturalist, Ulisse Aldrovandi, who was sent from Bologna to 
Rome in 1549, was at once set at liberty, 5 while others escaped 
with slight punishment. 6 

At the same time, Julius III. did what his office required 
from him, for the protection and purification of the faith. 7 

1 See BUSCHBELL, 220 seqq. 

2 Cf. opinion of Cardinal E. Gonzaga in his "letter to Capilupi, 
dat. November 4, 1553, in Cod. 6503 of the Court Library, Vienna. 

3 See also Vol. XIV. of this work, chap. VII. 

4 *Letter of Gir. Biagio to Bologna, dat. Rome, June 4, 1550, 
with regard to the proceedings against Annibale Monterentio. 
Biagio announces on July 19, 1550, that Monterentio went before 
the Inquisition himself ; although Carafa and Toledo were very 
much against him. he was mildly treated (State Archives, Bologna) . 

5 See FANTUZZI, Scritt. Bol., I., 167; BATTISTELLA, 119-120; 
Massarelli in MERKLE, I., 861 ; BUSCHBELL, 200-201. 

6 See the *Sententia of January 29, 1551, in App. No. 10 
(Vatican Library). 

7 If GRIMM (Michelangelo, II., 423) means that Julius III., 
" let Lutherans be Lutherans " he is quite mistaken. Contem 
poraries judged him otherwise. Andrea del Monte says, in the 
"manuscript dedicated to Julius III. : " Super insig. montium : 
Horum temporum haereses iam alias damnatae fragiles sunt et 
tuo tempore tuis auspiciis infringi coeperunt, quotidie a te fran- 
guntur malleis inquisitorum, quos infringendis haeresibus pre- 
fecisti " (Cod. Vat. 3561, Vatican Lib,). 



THE CARDINAL INQUISITORS. 217 

He repeatedly took part in person at the sittings of the Roman 
Inquisition, especially in the early years of his pontificate. 1 
The data concerning the members of the tribunal do not allow 
the membership to be established with certainty. Massarelli 
counts seven Cardinals as Inquisitors-General in February, 
1551, namely Carafa, Carpi, Alvarez de Toledo, Cervini, 
Crescenzi, Verallo and Pole. 2 In March of the same year, 
the Inquisition was engaged on an examination of the bishops, 
Thomas Planta of Coire, and Vettore Soranzo of Bergamo, 
who were suspected of heretical views. The investigation 
ended with an acquittal in both cases. 3 

1 See MASSARELLI, 207, 209, 212, 216, 219. 

2 MASSARELLI, 216. This does not, however, agree with the 
fact that in the sentence delivered by Carpi on March 4, 1551 
(see Bullet. Senese, XV., 304-305) the Cardinal describes himself 
as " unus ex sex per univ. rempubl. christ. haeret. pravit. inquisi- 
toribus." It appears from RAYNALDUS, 1552, n. 57, and FONTANA, 
Document!, 423, that the tribunal only counted four members in 
January, 1552, viz., Carafa, Carpi, Toledo and Cervini. In April, 
1553, there were six, viz., Carafa, Toledo, Cervini, Verallo, du Puy 
and Pighino (see FUMI, 324) ; in July, August and September of 
the same year, and in the February of 1554, other names appear, 
viz., Carafa, Carpi, Toledo, Verallo, Pighino and Puteo (see 
EYMERICUS, App. 119 ; FONTANA, 425, 427, and FUMI, 208). 
Medici only took part in the sittings of the Inquisition temporarily 
as a substitute for Puteo, who was ill (see MULLER, Konklave, 235.) 
In this way the occasional appearance of new names may be 
explained. Bartol. Serristori *announces on November 4, 1553, 
that Card. Verallo was seized with illness the day before at the 
sitting of the Inquisition, so that the session had to be suspended 
(State Archives, Florence). 

3 See MASSARELLI, 219, 223, with a correction p. 892. Cf. the 
briefs to the Swiss of July 18, (Archiv. fur schweiz. Reform-Gesch., 
II., 27) and October 10, 1551 (see WIRZ, Bullen, 360-361). For 
this matter cf.. also MAYER, Gesch. des Bistums Chur, II., 100-101. 
See further in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. 41, t. 62, n. 
895 : *brief to the Emperor of October 10, 1551 ; ibid. t. 70, n. 94, 
the ** brief by which Soranzo was given back, dat. February 14, 
J 554 (t. 71, n., 292 again with the date May 24, 1554). Secret 
Archives of the Vatican. 



2l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Juliu^ III., who had, even as Cardinal, 1 shown himself 
opposed to personal severity to those who were accused of 
heresy, granted, by a Bull of April 29th, 1550, absolution to all 
those who had fallen into heresy, and were only prevented 
from retractation by fear of the public penance and the shame 
attached to it, on condition of their presenting themselves 
privately before the Inquisition, abjuring their errors and per 
forming a secret penance. Those subject to the Spanish and 
Portuguese Inquisitions, however, and especially the relapsed 
Jews in those countries, were excluded from this absolution. 2 

The execution of those who obstinately persevered in their 
heresy, only took place in Rome in isolated cases under Julius 
III. The diary of the native of Trastevere, Cola Coleine, 
mentions on June 6th, 1552, that seven Lutherans were led 
to S. Maria sopra Minerva, where they abjured their errors. 
From the same source we learn that on March 2ist, 1553, 
eleven Lutherans, among them the Minorite, Giovanni Buzio 
from Montalcino, were likewise taken there. On September 
4th, 1553, a silk- weaver was executed with Buzio on the Campo 
de* Fiori, who not only denied Purgatory, the authority of the 
Pope, and the doctrine of Indulgences, but also declared that 
Julius III. was Antichrist. According to Coleine, the recon 
ciliation of sixteen Lutherans to the Church again took place 
before S. Maria sopra Minerva on November 4th. 3 If the 
Pope urged the execution of the relapsed heretic Fanino in 
Ferrara, 4 this was more on account of the dangerous state of 
affairs prevailing there, the palace of the Duchess Renee being 
known as the " Refuge of the Heretics/ 5 

1 Cf. BUSCHBELL, 202-3, 204, 219, 306-7, 312-3. 

2 See Bull., VI., 415, seqq. ; FONTANA, Document!, 415. Cf. 
also the Order of the Roman Inquisition of June 10, 1553, in 
PASTOR, Dekrete, 61. 

3 See in App. No. 25 the passages from Cola Coleine (Chigi 
Library, Rome). 

4 FONTANA, Documenti, 418; cf. FONTANA, Renata, II., 270, 
seqq., 275 seqq. See also the Zeitschrift fur luth. Theol., 83 seqq., 
1862 ; DRUFFEL, Herkules von Ferrara, 36-7 ; BUSCHBELL, 

l8o-l8l, 220. 5 POLANCO, IV., 67. 



MODERATION OF THE INQUISITION. 2IQ 

The few cases in which heresy was punished by death under 
Julius III. were described in detail in Germany by means of 
pamphlets, 1 in order to give the impression in that country 
that a violent persecution of Italian Protestants was being 
carried on. What actually took place is best understood from 
the letter of Vergerio to Bullinger, on October 8th, 1553, con 
cerning the state of affairs in Italy. He says : " People might 
believe that hundreds were being burned daily, but this is by 
no means the case ; not a single person has been put to death, 
although in some places heretics are, to a certain extent, 
persecuted." 2 

In the Florentine ambassadorial dispatches mention is 
repeatedly made of heretics being sent from Tuscany to 
Rome. 3 That the same thing was true of Naples can 
be seen from ajgttej^cjjhe_c^rrniiissary-general of the Roman 
Inquisition, the Dominican, Michele Ghislieri, to Cardinal 
Cervini, on August 4th, 1553. Ghislieri, who was specially 
zealous for the work of the Inquisition, saved in 1551 the gifted 

1 " Dreadful news as to what Julius III. has done to two Chris 
tians," trans, by Earth. Wagner, 1551. . . . F.Schwartz. "True 
report of thre martyrs, killed by the Pope (1551)-" " True stor Y of 
Montalcino, who was martyred in Rome, for his Confession of 

Faith. 1554 " "A true story of two splendid men, called 

Fanina of Favencia and Dominico of Basana, who, on account of 
the Holy Scriptures, were killed and martyred in Italy by the 

Pope named Julius III." (1554) " A Histor Y of how 

Antichrist in Rome again murdered two Christians in this year 
1553." trans, by M. Waldner, Nuremberg, 1554. Concerning the 
rare lampoon, " Modus ad inquirendum Luteranos " composed in 
Germany and bearing the name of Rome, 1553, as the fictitious 
place of publication, see LAUCHERT, 29. 

2 " Diceres quotidie centum comburi. Ft non est ita, ne unus 
quidem, tametsi levis quaedam persecutio paucis in locis oborta 
sit" (CALVINI Opera, XIV. [Corp. Ref. XLII], 636). This 
important testimony has not been sufficiently noticed until now. 

3 Cf. Serristori s *reports, dat. Rome, January 22, and February 
2, 1552. (State Archives, Florence). Concerning certain bare 
footed friars, who were delivered up from Ravenna and Rimini at 
the same time, see SLEIDAN, Correspondence, 231, 235. 



220 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Minorite, Sisto da Siena, a converted Jew, from the threatened 
death by fire, reconciled him to the Church, and thus gained a 
useful champion for the faith. 1 On September igth, 1554, 
Ghislieri sent to Cervini a list of sixteen names of Servites, who 
had preached Lutheran sermons. It is evident, from a pro 
nouncement of the tribunal of the faith in Bologna, 2 how 
frequently members of the Servite Order were at that time 
convicted of heresy. The religious ferment in that town had 
also taken possession of the youthful students. Proceedings 
had to be instituted in 1553 against a large number of the 
students oi the Spanish college, some of whom belonged to 
very distinguished families, on account oi their Protestant 
opinions. The moderate and shrewd manner in which the 
inquiry was conducted would have been impossible under 
such a man as Carafa. The benevolent Julius III. succeeded 
in arranging this painful matter in private. 3 Notice of the 
spread of heresy reached the Roman Inquisition specially from 
the duchy of Urbino, the diocese of Lucca and the territory of 
Milan. It was rather difficult to intervene in Milan, as the 
archbishop repeatedly got into conflict with the Inquisitors. 4 
Added to this there was constantly in this diocese great inter 
ference on the part of the secular authorities, which caused the 
Cardinals of the Roman Inquisition to lay a complaint against 
the Milanese Senate before the Emperor and the Governor in 
the August of 1553. During these disputes, Rome was at 
great pains to prevent the Spanish government from making, 
use of the Inquisition for political purposes. 5 

1 Cf. CANTU, II., 451 seq. ; TACCHI VENTURI, I., 344; Bullet. 
Senese, XV., 304-5 ; XVII, 5, 30 seqq. 

2 See BUSCHBELL, 212 seqq., 321, 322 ; cf. TACCHI VENTURI, I., 
532- 

3 Cf. the thorough investigations of A. BATTISTELLA in the Atti 
per le prov. d. Romagna,,JXIX., 138 seqq. 1901. 

4 See BUSCHBELL, 213 ; CARCERERI, Riforma e Inquisitione nel 
ducato di Urbmo, Verona 1911 ; cf. FUMI, 210-211. 

5 See FUMI, 199-200, 201-2, 205-6. Cf. to complete, the two 
**documents of November 30, 1552, and January 21, 1553 (Arm. 
39, t. 60, p. 13-14, 30-31. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 



THE INQUISITION IN NAPLES. 221 

The territory of Milan was all the more threatened by the 
innovators because of its proximity to Switzerland, but the 
Catholics in that country also rose successfully against them, 
an undertaking which Julius III. supported, as far as possible, 
through his nuncios. 1 

Most disquieting news from Naples, which under Paul III. 
had been a rallying point of the innovators, 2 had repeatedly 
reached Cervini. Great excitement had been specially caused 
when, in 1551, a grand-nephew of Cardinal Carafa, the Marquis 
of Vico, Galeazzo Caracciolo, fled to Geneva and became the 
intimate friend and supporter of Calvin. 3 In order to provide 
the Neapolitan district with vigorous assistance, a delegate of 
the Roman Inquisition was installed there in the year 1553. 4 

1 Concerning Paolo Odescalchi, who was sent to Switzerland in 
July, 1553, see, besides HUBERT, Vergerio, 133, 288, Wmz, Bullen, 
361-2. The * brief of July 17, 1554, is missing here ; it was 
addressed to the seven Catholic Cantons, and contained the 
admonition to support the Bishop of Chur in warding off the 
Lutherans and other heretics, who were continually coming to 
Switzerland from Italy and elsewhere (Min. Brev. Arm., 41, t. 71, 
n. 426. Secret Archives of the Vatican). Ottaviano Raverta 
(Rovere), Bishop of Terracina, arrived in Switzerland in the 
autumn as the Pope s ambassador. He supported the Catholic 
Cantons in their proceedings against the innovators in Locarno, 
where the Protestant service was forbidden, and those who did not 
obey were driven out on May 3, 1555. See MEYER, Die evang. 
Gemeinde in Locarno (their emigration to Zurich, and their subse 
quent fate), Zurich, 1836. DIERAUER, Gesch. der schweiz. 
Eidgenossenschaft, III., 300-301 ; RHEINHARDT-STEFFENS, VII.- 
VIII. 

2 See Vol. XII. of this work, 495 seqq. In 1554 Julius III. 
ordered that the property of the heretics in Naples should not be 
confiscated in future ; see AMABILE, I., 219 ; HINSCHIUS, VI., 333. 

3 See KAMPSCHULTE-GOTZ, Calvin, II., 247, Leipsic, 1899. 

4 Cf. LEA, The Inquisition in the Spanish dependencies, New 
York, 1908. Moronessa mentions the activity of Pacheco and 
Rebiba against heresy in the Neapolitan district, in LA.UCHERT, 638, 
n. 2. Concerning the interposition of A. Caro in Benevento, see 
Studi stor., XVII., 532, XVIII., 490. 



222 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Concerning the proceedings instituted against the Neapolitan, 
Matteo da Aversa, Ghislieri writes from Rome to Cardinal 
Cervini on August 4th, 1553 : " The accused had undergone 
the torture of the scavenger s daughter, but remained firm ; 
it was only after three or four days that he was brought to 
acknowledge many errors, as for example, that he had found 
it impossible to believe that Christ was God." 1 Cardinal 
Pole would not consent to the employment of this frightful 
measure in the case of Aversa. In a conversation with Carafa, 
the English Cardinal told him that although he approved of 
the object, he repudiated such means of attaining it. 2 

The Jesuits, who were, in principle, in agreement with the 
inquisition, chiefly made use of peaceable instruction as a 
means of converting heretics. It was reported from many 
places that they had succeeded in reconciling many to the 
Church, even when they had gone so far, as several did in 
Venice, as to deny the immortality of the soul. In Ferrara, 
the Jesuit, Pelletier, united his efforts with those of the King of 
France and the Duke, Ercole, to obtain the conversion of the 
Duchess Rence. She confessed with many tears to Pelletier 
and received Holy Communion from his hands in 1554 ; 3 it is, 
however, true that she afterwards relapsed into heresy. 4 

Besides peaceable persuasion the Jesuits principally sought 
to counter the Protestant invasion of Italy by the instruction 
of the young. This they did in Genoa 5 and Naples. In the 
latter city, the followers of Juan Valdes instigated a violent 
persecution against them in the year 1552. This did not 
prevent Salmeron from preaching against the reformers in the 
following year, with such success that very many were con- 

1 BUSCHBELL, 214-5, 319-20. 

2 See BECCADELLI, II., 351. 

3 Cf. POLANCO, II., 205, 217, 451, 481; III., 149; IV., 77. 
Pelletier s letter to Ignatius, dat. Ferrara, September 24, in the 
Epist. Mixtae, IV., 360 seqq. ; cf. ibid., 390, 429. How reserved, 
and even disapproving, Nadal s attitude is, is seen in POLANCO, 

II, 35- 

4 See HERZOG, Realenzyklopadie, XVI., 659-60. 

5 Cf. Rosi, La Riforma religiosa in Liguria, 52-53, Genoa, 1894. 



PRELATES FALSELY ACCUSED. 223 

verted. 1 The measures employed by the reformers to frustrate 
the activity of the Jesuits is evidenced by a characteristic case 
of which we learn in Rome. A Calabrian, 33 years of age, was 
sent by them to the Jesuits so that he might spy out their 
pursuits, as a novice, and attempt to seduce some of them. 
His outward life was blameless, and he confessed and com 
municated frequently. When, however, it became evident 
that he held heretical views, he was dismissed, but on leaving 
the noviciate he was arrested by the Inquisition. As he 
proved to be repentant, he got off with being condemned to the 
galleys. 2 

Very often quite innocent persons were accused of heresy. 
This fate overtook, not only the above-mentioned Bishop of 
Bergamo, but other prelates as well. Even a Cardinal, and 
such a distinguished personage as Morone, came under sus 
picion. A certain Frate Bernardo of Viterbo, who had been 
brought before the Inquisition, called his orthodoxy in ques 
tion. Perhaps it might have gone as far as the arrest of Morone 
by the Roman tribunal, if Julius III. had not informed the 
Cardinal, and afforded him the opportunity of at once justifying 
himself, whereupon the Frate retracted the unjust allegations 
he had brought against him. 3 The defence of the suspected 
Archbishop of Otranto, Pietro Antonio de Capua, and of the 

1 See TACCHI-VENTURI, I., 326-7. A *brief for the Neapolitan 
Cardinal of July i, 1552, authorized him to condemn heretics to 
the punishment of the galleys (Arm. 41, t. 65, n. 451, Secret 
Archives of the Vatican) . 

2 The case is cited by RULE (Inquisition, II., 192-3, London, 
1874), who refers it to ORLANDINI, Hist. Soc. lesu, P. I., u, 7, 33 8 > 
Cologne, 1621. Orlandini s source is the work of O. Manareus, first 
printed in 1886, where the matter is stated on p. 115 seqq. ; more 
over, it was not the case of a Calvinist, as Rule states. Manareus 
(118) and Orlandini in accordance with him (n, 8) relates that two 
chests of books were presented to the Roman professed house of 
the Jesuits from Venice ; among them were Catholic books, but 
they were mostly Protestant works, which Ignatius caused to be 
thrown into the fire. Cf. TACCHI VENTURI, I., 309, n. 3. 

3 See Morone s report in CANTU, Eretici, II., 181-2 ; cf. 171. 



224 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Patriarch Giovanni Grimani of Venice was not so easy. The 
Emperor had repeatedly and urgently requested the purple for 
de Capua, but always in vain, as the inquisition had instituted 
an investigation against the archbishop, on a charge of hetero 
doxy. Even though the accused succeeded in proving himself 
innocent, 1 the dignity of the cardinalate was not conferred on 
him. The absolute want of foundation for the accusation 
against the Patriarch Grimani was shown in a similar manner, 
but although nothing could be proved against him but a few 
imprudences, the red hat was refused to him as well, in spite 
of urgent requescs from the Republic of St. Mark. The scandal 
and shame of having been brought before the Inquisition for 
examination was so great that Julius III. assured the Venetian 
ambassador that all the waters of the Tiber could not wash it 
away. 2 

While Italy succeeded in warding off the dangers threatening 
the Church, the state of affairs in the countries beyond the 
Alps was steadily growing more gloomy. The issue in Germany 
was no longer doubtful, since the revolt of the Elector Maurice 
of Saxony and his fellow conspirators had been successful and 
the treaty of Passau had confirmed it (August I5th, 1552). 
Neither the Pope nor the Emperor was in a position to give a 
different turn to affairs. Julius III. resolved, with a view to 

1 See in Appendix No. 22 the * brief of May 31, 1554 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

2 Cf. besides DRUFFEL, III., 253-4, Corpo Dipl. Port., VII., 272, 
306 ; DE LEVA, G. Grimani ; Atti d. Instit. Veneto, Ser. 5, VII. 
(1880-1881) ; DE LEVA, Su duo lettere del card, di Trani ; ibid. ; 
CARCERERI, G. Grimani, 8-9, Rome, 1907 ; BUSCHBELL, 47 seqq., 
ii 6 seqq. Card. Farnese referred later to the case of Grimani in 
the lawsuit of the Carafa family (see *Proc. Carafa, t. LVL, 96, 
in the Arch. crim. of the State Archives, Rome). It was also 
merely a matter of thoughtless utterances in the case of the 
Augustinian hermit Aurelius Novocomensis ; see the "letter to 
the Lombardic Congregation, dat. April 5, 1550, in the *Regesta 
H. Seripandi, XXIII., 181 ; ibid. i82b the *Formula abiurationis 
of the said Novocomensis (General Archives of the Augustinians in 
Rome) , 



MORONE SENT TO GERMANY. 225 

saving what was still possible, and strongly defending his own 
position, to send to the assistance of the nuncio, Zaccaria 
Delfino, 1 then at the Court of Ferdinand I., for the Diet con 
voked at Augsburg, an experienced diplomatist and a shrewd 
judge of conditions in Germany, in the person of Cardinal 
Morone. On account of the painful experiences which the 
representative of the Pope had had at former Diets, there were 
at first misgivings in Rome, when, in accordance with the 
wishes of Charles V., it was proposed that a Cardinal-Legate 
should be allowed to take part in the contemplated discussions 
concerning religion. 2 Cardinal Otto von Truchsess alone 
represented, in a letter addressed directly to His Holiness, the 
urgent necessity for an able Cardinal-Legate, well acquainted 
with the state of affairs in Germany. 3 Truchsess also re 
peatedly begged the influential Cardinal Cervini to take steps 
in Rome to gain this end. 4 The appointment of Morone as 
Legate to Ferdinand I. followed on January 7th, 1555 ; on 
February I3th, the Pope, who was at that time confined to bed 
with the gout, gave him the Cross, and five days later Morone 
left the Eternal City. 5 His office, as may well be imagined, 

1 Delfino, the successor of Girolamo Martinengo, had arrived in 
Vienna on February 7, 1554 ; see PIEPER, 66-67 > ibid., 181 seqq. 
his instructions, dated December i, 1553. The credentials for 
Delfino in DRUFFEL, IV., 316, dated November i, are not, as 
Pieper (67 n ) believes, of December i, but of November 20, 1553. 
It is also quite wrong when Druffel describes Bishop Delfino as 
legatus de latere, in the above passage. The true state of the case 
is shown from the text given in Appendix No. 21 (Secret Archives 
of the Vatican). Delfino received a monthly provision of 150 
scudi, the French nuncio twice that sum ; see *Intr. et Exit., 
1554-1555 in Cod. Vat., 10605 of the Vatican Library. 

2 Cf. LANZ, III., 610-611 ; DRUFFEL, IV., 529. 

3 ""Cardinal d Augusta [TruchessJ to Julius III., dat. Dillingen, 
June 26, 1554. Litt. di princ. XIX., 275 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). 

4 See DRUFFEL, IV., 547. 

5 Acta consist, in PIEPER, 69, n. 5. FIRMANUS, 505. "Letter 
of the Bolognese ambassador of February 13, 1555 (State Archives, 
Bologna). The "passport for Morone, dated February 16, 1555, 

VOL. XIII. 1 



226 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

was a most difficult one, for, as Delfino states, a considerable 
number, even of Catholics, were inclined to assent to the 
dangerous agreement of Passau. 1 Julius III. gave the 
Cardinal strict injunctions to defend, in a fitting manner, at 
least the Papal authority during the impending negotiations. 2 
In Morone s company were the Jesuits, James Lainez and 
Jerome Nadal, to act as his theological advisers. 3 

For a long time before his departure on this mission, Morone 
had been co-operating in a work which was to be of the greatest 
importance for the Catholic regeneration of Germany. 

All those who thoroughly understood the conditions in 
Germany, the bishops as well as the Papal nuncios, had been 
pointing out for years that the state of religious neglect of the 
people in the districts which were still Catholic, arose chiefly 
from the extraordinary scarcity of priests, a thing which had 
made itself felt still more since the political and ecclesiastical 
revolution. The Catholic clergy, whom the reformers repre 
sented as the source of all evil, and endeavoured to bring into 
contempt by every means in their power, were threatened with 
extinction. 4 No one understood better than Ignatius of 

in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. 44, t. 4, n. 62 ; ibid., 
n. 63-71, a number of briefs which relate to this mission, and of 
which only one is printed in RAYNALDUS, 1555, n. 4. 

1 **Delfino to Card, del Monte, dat. Augsburg, March 9, 1555 
(Lett, di princ., XIX., 154. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

2 See the *brief of February 16, 1555 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). Cf. RAYNALDUS, 1555, n. 3-4, and in Appendix No. 26, 
the "letter to Capilupi of February 16, 1555 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua) . 

3 See BRAUNSBERGER, I., 521. 

4 See the numerous testimonies in JANNSEN-PASTOR (VIII., 418 
seqq.) which could be largely added to. The nuncio Martinengo 
also repeatedly speaks of the want of priests. See his *letters, 
dated Vienna, April 22 and May 20, 1551. In that of April 22 he 
says : " Queste provincie, monsignor mio, quanto a sacerdoti non 
potrebbon star peggio di quello che stanno. Mi vien detto 
ch in alcuna diocesi si trovano ducento benficii curati senza pastori 
et plebani, et, si qui sunt, o sono infetti d heresia o vero uxorati o 



A COLLEGE FOR GERMANS. 227 

Loyola that a thorough change must take place, if the Catholic 
regeneration of Germany was to be taken in hand in an energetic 
manner. The idea of founding in Rome a training college 
for secular priests who should distinguish themselves by their 
piety and learning, and would be capable ot acting as spiritual 
advisers, preachers, professors, and as bishops, and of planting 
them like leaven in the German dioceses, was maturing in his 
mind. Such a college could not be founded in Germany itself, 
for, as Ignatius pointed out in a memorandum intended for 
Charles V., 1 not only was heresy openly rampant there, but 
everything had been so ruined by many pretended Catholics, 
that their bad example could only have the most injurious 
effect on the young students. The justice of this consideration 
was shown by the fate of the college founded by Cardinal 
Truchsess in Dillingen in the year 1549, Ior the training of 
priests. Although Julius III. raised this institution to be a 
university in 1551, 2 and the Cardinal devoted the whole of 
his fortune and income to it, it never realized the expecta 
tions of its founder, until it was given into the hands of the 
Jesuits in the year 1564. 3 

senza ordini sacri, tal che per questa gran penuria de preti ogni 
giorno son sollecitato a dispensar confrati, acci6 potessero essi non 
ostante 1 apostasia far questo essercitio, ma non estendendosi tanto 
oltre le mie faculta, non posse sodisfare alle loro domande, onde o 
per via del concilio o d altro hanno estremo bisogno di qualche 
buona provisione " (Nunziat. di Germania, 63. Secret Archives of 
the Vatican). See also Le. Jay s letter in the Zeitschrift fur Kath. 
Theol., XXXIL, 612. 

1 Draft in SCHROEDER, 203-4 c f- STEINHUBER, I., 2nd Ed., 12. 

2 See SPECHT, Universitat Dillingen, Freiburg, 1902, 22 seqq., 55 
seqq., 60 seqq., 609 seqq. By a *brief of April I, 1550, Julius III. 
ordered the support of the Dillingen College, by carrying the brief 
of Paul III. into effect (Arm. 41, t. 55, n. 248). A *brief for Card. 
Truchsess of January 14, 1555, allows, out of consideration for the 
Dillingen institution, and the want of priests, the ordination of 
illegitimate students (Arm. 42, t. i, n. 14. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). 

3 See JANNSEN-PASTOR, VII., 157. 



228 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

A further reason which Ignatius had for wishing this training 
college for German priests to be in Rome lay in the difficulty 
of rinding in Germany the pecuniary support for such an 
institution, and of providing it with suitable professors. 
Added to this there was the dislike for the Papacy which was 
prevalent in Germany, in many cases even among Catholics, 
which not infrequently degenerated into actual hatred. In 
order to combat this feeling, the students were to be given an 
opportunity of convincing themselves, by personal observation, 
of the " love, benevolence, and the desire to help and to save " 
of the Holy See, and in this manner to induce people to change 
their opinions. 

The idea of founding such an establishment first took shape 
in the mind of Cardinal Morone. After he had conferred about 
the matter with Ignatius of Loyola, the latter placed his Order 
at the disposal of the Cardinal for this important undertaking. 
After Morone had communicated his plan to Cardinals Cervini, 
Carpi and Alvarez de Toledo, he went with Cervini to Juliua 
III., who joyfully gave his consent to the proposal. He said 
he had already thought of something similar himself, and 
would be glad to further the design. 1 

The first steps were taken as early as 1551, but on account of 
the unhappy war about Parma and the financial difficulties 
connected with it, the carrying out of the undertaking was 
deferred. Ignatius, however, did not lose heart, but continued 
his preparations full of confidence in Providence. In May, 
1552, he drew up a memorandum concerning the manner in 
which the foundation was to be proceeded with. 2 Those 
accepted should as a rule be between 16 and 21, of good dis 
position, healthy, and not in any way deformed ; they should 
moreover be of average intelligence, capable of forming correct 
judgments and possessed of agreeable manners. The rudi 
ments of learning and noble birth were desirable, and they 
should also come from different dioceses. In order to obtain 

1 See POLANCO, II., 421 seqq; Cf. Ignatius to the Papal nuncios, 

1554, in SCHROEDER, 211. 

2 SCHROEDER, 9 seqq. STEINHUBER I. 2nd Ed., 8. 



FOUNDATION OF THE " GERMANICUM. 22Q 

such students, the Pope was desired to apply to the Emperor 
and the King of the Romans, as well as to the princes and 
prelates of the Empire, either directly or through his nuncios. 
A promise should be given that all the expenses of maintenance 
for the students would be met, and the youths chosen should 
clearly be given to understand that they would return to their 
own country armed with learning and piety, and provided with 
ecclesiastical benefices. In order that a beginning should be 
made at once with the college, the Cardinals were begged to 
decide as soon as possible the sums they intended to provide, 
and to give their donation without loss of time, as the expenses 
would be twice as great in the first year as later on. For the 
present the establishment could be started in a hired house ; 
this, however, should be as near to the Roman College as 
possible, as the students were to attend the lectures there. 

In July, 1552, Julius III. took the final steps for the founda 
tion of the " Germanicum," by appointing six Cardinals : 
Morone, Cervini, Alvarez de Toledo, Carpi, Truchsess and de 
Puy, as protectors of the institution. In accordance with the 
scheme which Ignatius laid before them, a Bull was drawn up 
on August 3ist, 1552, by which the new college was founded 
and placed in the hands of the Society of Jesus. 1 Ignatius had 
already written 2 to the Jesuits in Vienna and Cologne, in order 
that they might send students for the German College. The 
opening took place in October, and by December, twenty-four 
students were already in residence, which number was increased 
to about sixty two years later. 3 Ignatius composed the 
regulations for the establishment, and the rules for the students, 
just as he had drawn up the draft for the Bull of foundation. 4 
His wise constitutions, which the Saint, in the absence of 
older models, had to draft almost from the beginning, are 
" in their pregnant brevity, decision and moderation, a master- 

1 The Bull dat. August 31, 1552, but first published in 1553 in 
SCHROEDER, 40 seqq. ; first draft ibid. 30, 31. 

2 On July 30 and 31, 1552, in SCHROEDER, 20 seqq. 

3 Ibid., 197. 

4 The constitutions in their first and second drafts in SCHROEDER, 
51 seqq., 195 seqq. ; the Rules ibid., 93 seqq. 



230 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

piece, which has served as a model for countless seminaries." 1 
Concerning the progress of the students in learning and 
their moral development, letters from Roman Jesuits of the 
year 1554 express themselves in very favourable terms ; on 
the other hand, Ignatius had much trouble and labour through 
the want of sufficient means for their maintenance. According 
to the original idea, the Jesuit Order was to have nothing 
to do with the financial affairs of the college, but circumstances 
forced Ignatius to take this burden as well on his shoulders. 
The question of funds repeatedly occurs in his memorandum 
concerning the college, for there lay the greatest danger lest the 
whole undertaking should suffer shipwreck. In the September 
of 1552, he made a proposal that, first the Cardinals, and then 
the prelates and secular princes should be applied to for 
voluntary contributions, and that annual payments should be 
asked for from the rich orders, abbeys and benefices. 2 There 
upon an appeal for donations was circulated among the fifty- 
eight Cardinals at the beginning of December ; the Pope 
himself entered his name for 500 ducats yearly, and thirty- 
three Cardinals for larger or smaller sums, so that an annual 
income of 3565 ducats seemed to be assured for the time being. 3 
This source of revenue, however, being dependent on the 
good-will of the donors, was, of necessity, somewhat uncertain, 
besides which, it was only sufficient for a very limited number 
of students, while Ignatius would have gladly seen these 
increased to 200 or 300 ; for this, however, a yearly income of 
from 8000 to 9000 ducats would be necessary. 4 The financial 

1 STEINHUBER, I., 2nd Ed., 20; cf. 61. "The Collegium 
Germanicum in Rome, the foundation of which St. Ignatius 
carried out with such tenacious energy, was the ideal model for the 
seminary of the decree (of the Council of Trent). By its wise 
statutes, which the Saint himself drew up for his Institute, he has 
become the Augustine of modern times." M. SIEBENGARTNER, 
Schriften und Einrichtungen zur Bildung der Geistlichen, 86. 
Freiburg, 1902. 

2 SCHROEDER, 36-37. 

3 Ibid., 131-132. STEINHUBER, I., 2nd Ed., 10-11. 

4 SCHROEDER, 207. 



THE EDICT OF CHATEAUBRIANT. 231 

position of the Curia made it impossible to grant a fixed, 
assured, annual income to the college for all time, instead of the 
vountary contributions now bestowed. Ignatius, however, 
did not despair. He was determined to keep true to his pur 
pose, the importance of which was fully recognised by Julius 
III., 1 who, in January, 1554, pointed out to the Emperor, 
through his nuncio, the importance of the new college, and 
requested him to support it. 

An all important part in the spread of religious dissension in 
Germany had been taken by Henry II. of France, when he 
supported the Protestant princes in their revolt against Charles 
V. This alliance, however, did not in the least prevent the 
king from proceeding with fire and sword against the propa 
gators of the new doctrines in his own kingdom, when he saw 
in them rebels against his royal authority and the laws of the 
realm, and disturbers of internal peace and national unity. 
The Edict of Chateaubriant of June 27th, 1551, included all 
the proscriptions already issued against the Protestants, and 
rendered them more severe in many points. This Edict was 
published on the same day, September 3rd, 1551, on which 
Henry II. forbade his subjects to send any money to Rome, 2 
on account of the attitude of Julius III. with regard to the war 
about Parma. Shortly afterwards, on October 3rd, 1551, the 
French " Defender of the Faith " concluded his alliance at 
Lochau with the Protestant princes who were conspiring against 
Charles V. Before taking the field in their support, he 
impressed upon the Parliament, on January I2th, 1552, that 
they should carefully watch over all matters concerning the 
faith, and see to the eradication of heresy by the exemplary 

1 See LAEMMER, Zur Kirchengesch., 117-8. Gothein, in his 
work concerning Ignatius of Loyola, deduces, in a perfectly arbi 
trary manner, a great " revolt " of the whole of the first students 
of the college, from some remarks contained in a letter of P. Peter 
Schorich of October 16, 1554. (See Katholik, 1899, I., 36 seqq.) 
It is proved by the Intr. et Exit, in Cod. Vat. 10605 of the Vatican 
Library, that Julius III. paid 500 ducats yearly, until his death, 
for the " Collegio di Germania." 

2 See SOLDAN, I., 228 seqq. ; cf. supra p. 102. 



232 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

punishment of the guilty. Proceedings in France were, there 
fore, conducted strictly in accordance with these directions. 
In Agen, Troyes, Nimes, Paris, Toulouse and Rouen the here 
tics were sent to the stake ; this was above all the case in 
Lyons, which had become the principal market for the here 
tical writings smuggled in from Geneva. 1 In 1554, the Pope, 
through his nuncio, Gualterio, specially requested the king 
to suppress these publications, 2 to which the writings of the 
gallican Charles du Moulin were also added. The relations 
between Rome and Paris were, and for the present remained, 
very strained ; the neutral position taken up by Julius III. 
in political affairs displeased Henry II. and, in addition to this, 
there were perpetual disputes with regard to the application 
of the Concordat. 

Julius III. had, in this respect, made important concessions 
to the king in October, 1550, and in March, 1553. These were, 
however, in spite of repeated explanations on the part of Henry 
II., by no means observed. As had previously been the case 
with Santa Croce, so had his successor, Gualterio, over and over 
again to struggle against the encroachments of the secular 
power. Henry II. maintained, in this matter, an attitude in 
keeping with the state of political affairs at the moment ; if 
the Pope was necessary to him, he made him fair promises, but 
when conditions altered, he simply broke them. 3 

1 SOLDAN, I., 233, seqq. 

2 See Nonciat. de France, I., 25 ; cf. ROMIER, 55. That Julius 
III. also took other steps against heretics in France is proved from 
the briefs in RAYNALDUS, 1550, n. 35-36 ; 1551, n. 12 ; FONTANA, 
Document!, 410 and Renata, II., 527-8. Cf. also the * brief to the 
theological faculty at Angers, dat. August 31, 1554 : Permission 
to exclude from their midst all " baccalaurei, licentiati et magistri 
qui in suis concionibus aliove fidelium cetu propositiones here- 
ticas aut scandalosas proposuerint aut defendere nixi fuerint " 
(Arm. 41, t. 71, n. 513. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 See Nonciat. de France, I., LVL, seqq. ; cf. also THOMAS, III., 
235-6. The confirmation of the German Concordat of 1448 by 
Julius III. in RAYNALDUS, 1554, n - *9- Romier will publish the 
nunciature reports of the predecessors of Gualterio. See a brief 



HERESY IN POLAND. 233 

In Poland, the development of conditions which were very 
dangerous to the continued existence of the Catholic Church 
in that country, had first become apparent under Paul III., 1 
but still continued to spread under Julius III. In the summer 
of 1550 exceedingly grave machinations were brought to light 
in the Diet at Petrikau. The king would not agree to the 
demand for the reform of the Church in the sense demanded 
by the innovators, and he appointed the eminent Bishop of 
Kulm, Stanislaus Hosius, as his ambassador at Trent. On 
December I3th, 1550, the spiritual jurisdiction of the bishops 
was confirmed by a royal decree, and the followers of the new 
doctrines were deprived of all their dignities and offices. 2 
The danger for the Church was, however, by no means lessened 
by these measures, for a great part of the nobility had em 
braced the Protestant doctrines, and the defiant attitude of 
their adherents is proved by the excesses which they permitted 
themselves against everything which the Catholics held most 
holy. In a suburb of Cracow they pulled the crucifix down 
and threw it in the mud ; in the village of Chrencice the church 
was robbed of all its ornaments, and even the Sacred Host was 



of January 26, 1555, against the attacks of the French governor 
on ecclesiastical liberty in Corsica, in RAYNALDUS, 1555, n. 7. 
Encroachments on the part of the secular authorities occurred 
frequently in Spain, on account of the demoralisation of the 
clergy there. Julius III. took steps here in the sense " ne ius 
ecclesiasticum obsolesceret neve sceleri libere habenae laxarentur " 
(see RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 82 seqq). See also with regard to Milan, 
SALOMNE, Mem. degli ambasc. di Milano, no seqq., Milan, 1806. 
With regard to Genoa, see Rosi, La morte di J. Bonfadio, Genoa, 
1895. With regard to Venice, see GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 523. 
Julius III., complained at once concerning such things in the case 
of the Republic of Lucca ; see the *report of the ambassador at 
Lucca, dated Rome, July 12, 1550 : " Nel parlare che fece S.S^ 
mostro che la dispiacesse che le S.V. mettessero mano in preti senza 
consenso del vescovo o del suo vicario." (State Archives, Lucca). 

1 Cf. Vol. XII., of this work, p. 488 seqq. 

2 See DEMBINSKI, Beschickung des Tridentinums, 26 ; EICHORN, 
I., 119. 



234 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

thrown into the fire. 1 It was especially to be deplored that 
at such a dangerous time, only a few of the bishops, such as 
those of Gnesen and Cracow, fulfilled their duty. The bishops, 
moreover, took things very easily in preparing for the Council, 
and it was not until June, 1551, that they deliberated about it 
in a synod at Petrikau. Hosius, whom Julius III., at the 
request of the king, had confirmed as Bishop of Ermland, 2 on 
May nth, 1551, took part in this synod ; he drew up, at that 
time, his celebrated Confession of Faith, 3 which the members 
of the synod accepted. Several of the bishops now bestirred 
themselves, and carried out wholesome reforms in their dio 
ceses. Many, however, forgot only too soon what they had 
recognized as their duty at the synod, and again lapsed into 
their former state of indifference. 4 The funds for the embassy 
to Trent could only be collected with difficulty ; the mission 
was at last entrusted to Peter Glogowski, who also visited 
Rome, where he represented the conditions in Poland in such 
a favourable light to the Pope, that Julius III. was deceived as 
to the real state of affairs. 5 How dangerous things really were, 
came to light in the Diet opened at the end of January, 1552. 
John Sigismund was openly called upon to sanction the new 
teaching as to justification, the marriage of priests, and com 
munion under both kinds. The king, however, could not be 
induced to give way to such revolutionary proposals. In his 
heart the last of the Jagellons was a sincere Catholic, and 
faithful in the discharge of his religious duties, but, good- 
natured as he was, he did not possess the strength of character 
to offer a determined opposition to these dangerous proposals. 6 

1 Cf. WOTSCHKE, Gesch. der Reformation in Polen, no, Leipsic, 
1911 ; see also EICHORN, I., 120. 

2 See Hosii epist., II., xliii., 993 ; cf. EICHORN, I., 138-9. 

3 For this cf. HIPLER in the Freiburger Kirchenlex., VI., 2nd Ed., 
297-9 ; BELLESHEIM, Besprechung des zweiten Bandes der Epist. 
Hosii, in the Histor-Polit. BL, CX., 262-3. 

4 See EICHORN, I., 121 seqq. 

5 See RAYNALDUS, 1553, n. 53-5 ; DEMBINSKI, 29, 65. 

6 A good description of the religious attitude of John Sigismund 
is to be found in the *Relatione del regno di Poloiae del vescovo 



HERESY IN POLAND. 235 

In the matter of the Council, he allowed himself to be influ 
enced by his hesitating, visionary secretary, Modrzewski, who 
had the idea of a free council in his mind. The resolute Catho 
lic, Hosius, was passed over, and men appointed to proceed 
to Trent, who were as compliant as they were uncertain in 
their views. 1 

In Rome, it was soon realized that Glogowski had reported 
much too favourably. On September 2oth, 1552, the Pope 
addressed a letter to the inquisitor at Cracow, telling him to 
make investigations concerning the suspicious proceedings of 
several Polish bishops with regard to heresy. 2 When King 
John Sigismund remarried in the year 1553, the Pope made use 
of his letter of congratulation to point out to him earnestly 
that the king should, by his authority, protect the Catholic 
Faith against abuse and attack. 3 Similar exhortations were 
addressed, some time afterwards, to the bishops and the 

di Camerino (Camillo Mentuato ; see CIAMPI, I., 169, 359) in the 
Cod. R., I., 26 of the Chigi Library, Rome, which RANKE used 
(II., 6), but put erroneously " about 1555," although he could 
have seen the correct year in RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 73. This says : 
" A molti di questi (in the king s entourage) comporta che vivano 
come li piace, perche si vede che S.M t&i e tanto benigna che non 
vorria mai far cosa che dispiacesse ad alcuno et io vorrei che nelle 
cose della religione fosse un poco piu severa, poiche ogni anno esso 
si confessa, ogni giorno va alia messa et ogni festa ode la predica, 
1 introito, la gloria, il credo, benedictus et agnus Dei canta a tutta 
voce con li cantori, cosi ci tirasse gli altri, che gli sarebbe facile, 
sebene alcuni dicono il contrario." Serristori announces the 
appointment of Mentuato, as nuncio in Poland in the *letter of 
April 6, 1551 (State Archives, Florence). In accordance with this 
letter, BIAUDET (none 1 at. 95), who is otherwise so exact, must be 
rectified. 

1 See DEMBINSKI, Beschickung, 31 seqq., 35 seqq. ; cf. KRASINSKI, 
86 seqq. 

2 *Min. Brev. 1552, Arm. 41, t. 65, n. 616 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). The suspicion against the Bishop of Gnesen was un 
founded ; the Bishop of Chelm, however, J. Uchanski, was justly 
suspected of heterodoxyy : see EICHORN, L, 205-6. 

3 *Regi Poloniae, dat. 1553, May 22 (Min. Brev. Arm., 41, t. 68, 
n. 373. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 



236 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Polish nobility, as well as once more to the king and queen. 1 
The latter did not justify the hopes 2 which the Catholics of 
Poland had placed in her, 3 and her husband, now as before, let 
matters take their course, although Hosius never wearied 
in urgently recommending the protection of the Catholic 
religion, by work of mouth as well as by letter. If the king 
allowed the Church to be torn to pieces, Hosius prophesied to 
him on March i2th, 1554, then God would also allow his king 
dom to go to pieces. 4 The want of zeal of the greater number 
of the bishops is shown by the fact that, at the synod at 
Petrikau, in 1554, besides the Primate of Gnesen and Hosius, 
only the Bishops of Cracow and Plozk appeared. There was 
nothing to be done but arrange for a new synod. The Pope 
was requested to send a nuncio to this, in the person of Lippo- 
mano. 5 The appointment of Lippomano, on January I3th, 
1555, was one of the last official acts in the pontificate of Julius 
III. 6 

1 The letters to the bishops and nobles in RAYN ALDUS, 1553, n. 
40, 41, Cf. the *letter to the bishops dated May 27. 1553. Mm. 
Brev. loc. cii., n. 371 ; ibid., n. 393 to the king, dat. May 27 ; n. 395 
to the Archduchess Katharina on her marriage, dat. May 28 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). Julius III. treated the interests 
and wishes of Poland with great consideration when the Russian 
Grand Duke, Ivan the Terrible, attempted to usurp the title of 
king, by the promise, which was scarcely meant to be sincere, of 
submitting to Rome in an ecclesiastical sense. Cf. as to this, 
FIEDLER, in the Sitzungsber. der Wiener Akad., XL., 50-51 ; 
PIERLING, Rome et Moscou, 19-20, Paris, 1883 ; Papes et Tsars, 
44-45, Paris, 1890 ; La Russie, I., 334-5 ; UBERSBERGER, I., 282-3, 
287. 

2 Cf. Martinengo s *letter to Card, del Monte, dat. Vienna, June i, 
I 553- Nunziat. di Germania, LXIIL, 179 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). 

3 Cf. BELLESHEIM in the Histor. polit. Bi., CX., 265. 

4 Hosii epist., II., 411. 

5 See EICHORN, I., 212. 

6 THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 575 ;cf. EHRENBERG, 69, n. 2. 



CHAPTER IX. 

ACCESSION OF QUEEN MARY OF ENGLAND. HER MARRIAGE 
TO PHILIP OF SPAIN. 

AT this time the Church found some compensation for the 
severe losses which she had sustained in various European 
states, especially in Germany, by the success which crowned 
her efforts elsewhere, and, apart from the development of the 
missions outside Europe, the Catholic Restoration in England 
must hold the first place among these successes. 

During the pontificate of Julius III., England went through 
two great religious revolutions, in the first of which doctrine 
and liturgy were subverted in favour of the already far- 
advanced Protestantism, this period being followed by a com 
plete return to the old religion. 1 

Shortly before the death of Paul III., the Protector Somerset, 
the uncle of the young King Edward VI., was overthrown, and 
was succeeded by the Earl of Warwick, who became Duke of 
Northumberland in 1551. This change in the government 
had, at first, raised hopes in the minds of Catholics that the 
old religion might be restored, and Mass, as of old, was at once 
celebrated in various parishes of London and Oxford. The 
first events of the year 1550, however, soon put an end to these 
hopes ; on January 25th, a decree was issued, according to 
which the old Latin missals, breviaries, etc., were to be 
delivered up for destruction, the pictures in the churches being 
likewise destroyed, except in so far as they represented princes 

1 See H. GAIRDNER, The English Church, 262 seqq. ; J. TRESAL, 
225 seqq. ; LINGARD, VII., 16 seqq. ; cf. A. F. POLLARD, The 
History of England from the accession of Edward VI. to the 
death of Elizabeth, 1547-1603, London, 1910. 

237 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and other dignitaries who could not during their lives have 
been suspected of sanctity. 

Other decrees of January, 1550, aimed at the framing of new 
church laws, and a new formula for the consecration of bishops 
and other ministers of religion. 1 Many valuable manuscripts 
shared the fate of the ecclesiastical books, at the end of 1550 
whole waggon loads of manuscripts from the Oxford Library 
being destroyed, of which many had nothing more in common 
with " Mass-books " than the red capitals of the title page, and 
of the headings of the chapters. Very many of these were 
thrown away on hucksters, while shiploads of manuscripts 
crossed the sea for the use of bookbinders. 2 

The most decisive innovation, however, was shown in the 
" Book of Common Prayer," 3 of the year 1552, which was 
really a remodelling of the original edition authorized by 
Parliament in 1549. 4 

Somerset had taken great pains, on the death of Henry 
VIII., to bring the influence of Protestant ideas to bear on the 
almost completely Catholic state of religion at that time. The 
introduction of communion under both kinds, the permission 
for priests to marry, and the use of the vernacular in the 
services of the church, did not of themselves form an essential 
ground for a break with Catholic doctrine. A general confes 
sion of sin before communion was, it is true, declared to be 
sufficient in the Book, of Common Prayer of 1549, but con 
fession to a priest was also allowed. Alterations, pregnant 
with fateful results, were now introduced in respect to the Holy 
Sacrament of the Altar, which, amid a flood of vulgar pub- 

1 GAIRDNER, 276-7. TRESAL, 259-260. 

2 GAIRDNER, 290-291. 

3 G. CONSTANT, La transformation du culte anglicain sous 
Edouard VI. ; Revue d hist. ecclesiastique, XII., 38-80, 242-270, 
Louvain, 1911 ; cf. GASQUET and BISHOP, Edward VI. and the 
Book of Common Prayer. An examination of its origin and early 
history, London, 1890. BELLESHEIM in Katholik, 1891, I., 
3-19. BAUMER in Histor-Polit. BL, CVIIL, i seqq., 103 seq. Cf. 
also KAWERAU in the Histor. Zeitschr., LXXIL, 140 seq. 

4 Cf. Vol. XII., of this work, p. 476. 



THE SECOND BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER 239 

lications, now became the central point of the most violent 
attack and insult. Under Somerset, however, some care was 
still exercised, the liturgy of the Mass in the first Book of 
Common Prayer having included many of the outward cere 
monies in order that the uneducated might still believe that 
nothing essential had been altered, while the educated could 
still infer, from many expressions which still remained, the 
doctrines of the Catholic Faith. 

Quite another spirit, however, pervaded the second Book 
of Common Prayer of 1552. If the doctrine of Luther had 
been the standard of the first changes in the liturgy of the Mass 
in the year 1549, the second compilation was made in the spirit 
of Zwingli and Calvin. The Book of Common Prayer in its 
original form did away with everything which caused the Mass 
to appear as a sacrifice, but the second, on the other hand, 
removed everything which could form an acknowledgment 
of the Real Presence of Christ in the sacrament. 

The way to this change to the most extreme Protestantism 
had already been prepared under Somerset. Theologians 
of the most advanced tendencies found, at that time, a refuge 
in England, which was denied them everywhere else ; l Bucer 
came to England in April, 1549, from Strasbourg, flying before 
the Interim, and was at once made professor of theology in 
Cambridge ; a little time before, the Italian, Peter Martyr 
Vermigli, who had come to England at the invitation of Cran- 
mer, in 1547, received a professor s chair at Oxford. A 
visitation of both universities in May, 1549, removed various 
Catholic professors. Countless abusive publications, intro 
duced from the continent, and allowed to be freely printed in 
England, prepared public opinion for Calvinistic teaching, 
while the defenders of the old faith had to publish their answers 
abroad. 2 As far as Cranmer himself was concerned he was 
always receding in his writings further and further from both 
Catholic and Lutheran doctrines, and, as he himself confessed, 

1 GAIRDNER, 263. 

2 GAIRDNER, 266, says, " The press in England, too, was free 
at least to the enemies of the old beliefs." 



240 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had only allowed a few Catholic expressions still to appear 
in the first compilation of the Book of Common Prayer, 
in order not to arouse too great excitement among the 
people. 1 

Northumberland was never, as he acknowledged later, at 
the hour of death, really persuaded of the truth of the Pro 
testant doctrines, but he showed himself, none the less, the 
zealous friend and the active promoter of the new religion. 
In order to gain greater freedom for this purpose, the first 
thing to be done was to remove the Catholic bishops. Bonner, 
Bishop of London, was the first to be cast into prison, on 
December 4th, 1549. Bishop Gardiner, of Winchester, had 
long been in the Tower, and he was deprived of his bishopric on 
February i4th, 1551, while Heath, of Worcester, was thrown 
into prison on March 4th, 1550. Day, of Chichester, was 
declared to have forfeited his see on October ist, 1551 ; Tun- 
stall, of Durham, who had been a prisoner in his house since 
May 20th, 1551, suffered the same fate on October 3rd, 1552. 
Several other suspected prelates had to resign, while Thirlby, 
of Westminster, was removed to the unimportant diocese of 
Norwich. 2 

Among the bishops who took the places of the deposed 
prelates, Ridley, of London, was particularly active in pro 
moting the spread of the new doctrines. 3 He was inducted 
into Bonner s see on April ist, 1550, and on May 5th, he 
ordered a strict visitation of his diocese, in the course of which 
everything which was reminiscent of the old idea of the 
Catholic Mass was specially to be rooted out. Particular 
instructions were given in this visitation that the altars were 
to be thrown down in the churches, as the conception of the 

1 CONSTANT, loc. cit. 244. 

2 LINGARD, VII., 60 seqq. TRESAL, 236 seqq. Concerning the 
deposition of Bonner, GAIRDNER, 269, says, " It would seem that 
the real object of this irregular and unjust prosecution was 
simply to deprive a bishop who was so strong an upholder of the 
still recognized doctrine of transubstantiation. The whole case 
was prejudiced, &c." 

3 GAIRDNER, 278-9, CONSTANT, 246 seqq. 



DESTRUCTION OF ALTARS 241 

Mass as a sacrifice was strongly bound up with the idea of an 
altar. " So long as there is an altar," preached Hooper, " the 
ignorant people will always dream of a sacrifice." 1 Ridley 
himself gave the example of destruction. On the night of 
June nth, 1550, he had the high altar removed from St. 
Paul s in London, and during Whitsun week the same thing 
was done in all the churches of London. By a royal decree of 
November 24th, all the bishops were instructed to proceed in 
a like manner. The work of destruction was completed by 
the end of 1550. The Venetian ambassador, Barbaro, wrote 
at the end of May, 1551, that bells and organs were still used, 
but that they no longer had any altars or pictures. 2 The 
altars had been everywhere removed, without consideration 
for their artistic value or their venerable old age. Scarcely a 
voice was raised against these revolutionary proceedings, for, 
although many bishops might feel uneasy in their consciences, 
their authority had been swept away with that of the Pope. 3 
The people lost all respect for the desecrated churches, in which 
dealers bought and sold, bringing in their horses and mules, 
while bloody conflicts and mortal combats not infrequently 
took place there. " People are turning the churches," says 
a royal decree of 1552, " into common inns, or rather into dens 
and sinks of iniquity." 4 

The introduction of Calvinism into public worship was 
inaugurated by the destruction of the altars. Apart from this 
the first Book of Common Prayer of 1549 na ^ really pleased 
nobody. The people stood aloof from the new services, 5 while 
Cranmer himself only regarded the liturgy of 1549 as a tem 
porary measure. Excited by reforming preachers, the young 
king declared that if the bishops would not alter the Book of 

1 CONSTANT, 247. 

2 ALBERT, Ser. I., II., 247. BROWN, V., n. 703, p. 348. 

3 GAIRDNER, 284, " Episcopal authority was well-nigh destroyed 
already." 

4 CONSTANT, 249. Concerning the low tone of morality under 
Edward VI. cf. POCOCK, Eng. Hist. Review, 1895, 417 seqq. 

5 GAIRDNER, 268, 277. 

VOL. XIII. j() 



242 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Common Prayer, he would do so himself. 1 Above all, however, 
the foreign theologians who had sought refuge in England 
urged more extreme measures. So it came about that a 
country which was desirous of throwing off the authority of the 
Pope, on the ground that he was a foreign bishop, actually 
made over to foreign influence the remodelling of its re 
ligion. 2 

As early as April, 1549, Cranmer, in a meeting with Bucer, 
Peter Martyr Vermigli, Fagius, Dryander and Tremellius 
deliberated on the reform of the liturgy. 3 Calvin himself 
wrote in January to King Edward as the new Josias, and 
exhorted him to extirpate the " great abyss of superstition " 
which still remained over from the Papal supremacy. 4 Bucer 
had the greatest influence in bringing about the new develop 
ment in public worship, and after his death (February 28th, 
1551) the still more advanced Peter Martyr took his place. On 
March gth, 1552, the new Book of Common Prayer was laid 
before the House of Lords, and was accepted by both Houses 
on April i4th. 5 

The introduction to the new Bill refers to the second edition 
of the Book of Common Prayer as if it were only an improved 
edition of the first, but in all essential points identical with it. 
This is, however, by no means the case. The liturgy of 1549 
was an attempt at conciliation, which endeavoured to satisfy 
Protestants as well as Catholics, as far as was possible ; the 
liturgy of 1552, on the contrary, had the fullest intention of 
avoiding every expression and every ceremony which the 
followers of the old religion could construe in accordance with 
their own views. Nothing of the Catholic Mass remains in the 
new Order of Communion. Besides this, the second Book of 
Common Prayer abolishes private Confession and Extreme 

1 Ibid. 304. 

2 Ibid, 291. "Never was greater deference paid to foreign 
opinion than was now done in a Church which had been emanci 
pated from the jurisdiction of a foreign bishop." 

3 CONSTANT, 244. 
*Ibid. 205. 

5 Ibid. 478. 



THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES. 243 

Unction. 1 As far as the Sacrament of Holy Orders was con 
cerned, they still retained the grades of deacons, priests and 
bishops, at least in name. One result of the totally altered 
conception of Holy Communion was the fact that the ordina 
tion of priests possessing the real power of consecration was no 
longer proposed, indeed the very idea of ordaining priests in 
this Catholic sense was completely excluded. 2 The new 
Prayer Book could, therefore, receive the unqualified appro 
bation of the most advanced Protestants. Peter Martyr 
wrote on June I4th, 1552, to Bullinger that all the traces which 
might have still nourished superstition were expurgated from 
it. Bullinger and Calvin, who were begged to give their 
opinion of it by English refugees in 1554, considered that fault 
could only be found with it in points of no great importance. 3 

As in the case of the Book of Common Prayer, the other 
confession of the faith of the Anglican Church, the Thirty-nine 
Articles, can also be traced to Cranmer. As early as 1549 
he had drawn up a list of tenets which every preacher had to 
sign before receiving license to preach. .There were originally 
forty- five of these, then forty- two, and finally thirty-nine. 
King Edward VI. signed forty- two Articles on June I2th, 
1553. They formed a mixture of Lutheran, Zwinglian and 
Calvinistic doctrinal propositions, with a trace of Catholicism 
running through them, the chief point being the Protestant 
principle that the Bible is the sole rule of faith. The doctrine 
of justification was presented in the Lutheran sense, that of 
communion in that of Calvin. The royal supremacy over 
the Church was enjoined in the widest sense of the word. 4 

On the 6th of the following month, the fifteen year old king, 
\vho had long been an invalid, died, and with his death, the 
carefully planned work of ecclesiastical revolution seemed as 
if it would again fall to pieces. It is true that the dying king 

1 Ibid. 474-5. 

2 Ibid. 479-80. 

3 Ibid. 477. 

4 MULLER, Die Bekenntnisschriften der reformierten Kirche, 
505 seqq., Leipsic, 1903. 



244 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had, under the influence of Northumberland, been induced to 
attempt, by his own power, to alter the succession, and leave 
the sceptre in safe Protestant hands. In accordance with this 
arrangement, the sixteen year old Lady Jane Grey, the grand 
daughter of Henry VIII. s sister Mary, and the wife of Lord 
Guildford Dudley, Northumberland s son, was proclaimed 
queen on July loth. This alteration in the succession, as it 
had taken place without the consent of Parliament, was too 
plainly illegal, and too clearly the result of Northumberland s 
ambitious intrigues, for the people to give it their approval, 
and when the rightful heiress to the throne, Henry s eldest 
daughter Mary, unfolded her royal banner, defenders flocked 
round her in countless numbers. Northumberland s army 
went over to her, and on July igth, Mary was proclaimed 
queen in London amid the joyful acclamations of her people. 1 
Mary, the daughter of Catherine of Aragon, 2 had not only 
received a careful and indeed learned education for court life 
under the direction of Margaret Pole, the mother of the future 
Cardinal, and who was to die as a martyr in 1541, but also a 
deeply religious training in a Catholic sense. Her religious 
feelings were yet more strengthened in the hard school of 
suffering, through which she had to pass after the repudiation 
of her mother. Separated from the latter, and assigned to the 
household of her sister Elizabeth, she received the worst 
apartments in the house, 3 her jewels and costly clothes were 
taken from her, 4 the attendants who were faithful to her were 

1 BROSCH, VI., 415. 

2 J. M. STONE, The History of Mary I., Queen of England, 
London, 1901. Cf. ibid. The Youth of Mary Tudor : Dublin 
Review, Ser. 3, XXII., 363 seqq., 1889 ; Mary Queen of England : 
ibid. XXIII. , 324 seqq., 1890 ; Philip and Mary : ibid. XXIV., 
no seqq., 1890; The personal character of Mary Tudor: The 
Month, XCIV., 128, 1899 ; ATH. ZIMMERMANN, Maria die Katho- 
lische, Frieburg, 1890 ; Privy expenses of the Princess Mary, 
ed. FRED. MADDEN, London, 1831 ; LINGARD, VII., 2-3. STEPHEN 
LEE in the Dictionary of National Biography, XXXVL, 333-354. 

3 Chapuys on January 3, 1534, in GAYANGOS, V., i, n. i, p. 4. 

4 The same on March 25, 1534 ; ibid. n. 31, p. 95. 



PERSECUTION OF MARY. 245 

sent away, while her confessor was replaced by a Lutheran. 1 
She was given over to the care of a relative of Anne Boleyn, 
who daily caused her much sorrow, neglecting her in her ill 
nesses, 2 and even striking her in the face. 3 Anne Boleyn, her 
sworn enemy, 4 thought of making her one of her train-bearers, 5 
and would have been most happy to have seen her on the 
scaffold. 6 Indeed, her father threatened her with death, 7 
and she had only to thank the energetic intervention of the 
Emperor for her escape. In spite of all this severity, however, 
they did not succeed in what they aimed at, namely, in making 
her renounce her title and right to the throne. She could not, 
she said, declare her parents to be adulterers, or be disobedient 
to the Church. 8 

After the death of Anne Boleyn and her own mother, Mary 
was, indeed, induced, under fear of death, and in order to 
obtain the acknowledgment of her right to the throne, to sign 
a document recognizing the supremacy of the king, and declar 
ing that her mother s marriage was invalid. Before doing so, 
however, she signed a protest declaring that document to have 
been obtained by force, and consequently illegal. 9 She 
absolutely refused to hear of the Protestantism introduced 
by Somerset and Northumberland, and steadfastly refused, 
under the latter, to have the new liturgy celebrated in her 
house, until the king attained his majority ; rather than do 
this she was prepared to lay her head on the block, and at 
length they ceased to press her any further. 10 

x The same on May 14, 1534 ; ibid. n. 57, p. 154-5. 

2 The same on November 18, 1534 ; ibid. n. in, p. 329. 

3 The same on February n, 1534 ; ibid. n. 10, p. 34. 

4 The same on March 30, 1534 ; ibid. n. 32, p. 96. 

5 The same on January 29, 1534 l ^- n - 8 > P- 2 7- 

6 Ortiz on November 22, 1535; ibid. n. 231, p. 573. Cf. 
Catherine of Aragon on October 10, 1535 ; ibid. n. 210, p. 548. 

7 Chapuys on April 22, 1534 ; ibid. n. 45, p. 129. 

8 The same on May 14, 1534 ; ibid. n. 57, p. 155. 

9 The same on October 8, 1536 ; ibid. V. 2, n. 104, 105. 

10 LlNGARD, VII., 70. ZlMMERMANN, 28 seqq. STEPHEN LEE, 

loc. cit., 340. 



246 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The first acts of Mary s reign bore the stamp of that mildness 
which she everywhere disp^ed when she acted according to 
her own judgment, and followed the dictates of her own heart. 
Only seven of the conspirators against her were brought before 
the courts, and only three were executed. She would willingly 
have pardoned even Northumberland, if her Council had not 
opposed her. 1 Lady Jane Grey, whose execution was repre 
sented to Mary as inevitable, found a defender in her. 2 She 
was only brought before the courts and condemned after three 
months (on November I3th, 1553), but even then Mary 
endeavoured to have her kept in mild captivity. 3 When the 
sermon of the royal chaplain, Bourne, was interrupted on 
August i3th, a decree followed declaring that the queen did 
not wish to force anyone s conscience, but to convert the people 
by the preaching of learned men. 4 On the i8th of the same 

4 month a Royal Proclamation was issued, in which her subjects 
were enjoined to live peacefully and in Christian love with one 
another, by avoiding the newly discovered devilish expressions, 
" papist " and " heretic." The queen desired that everyone 
should be of her religion, but no force would be used until a 

final decision was arrived at. 5 

1 LINGARD, VII., 127-8 n. The Venetian ambassador Soranzo 
writes on August 18, 1554, concerning Mary : " Her Majesty s 
countenance bears the impress of great goodness and mildness, 
which is not contradicted by her behaviour ; for although she 
had many enemies, and so many of them had been condemned 
to death, if the Queen s wishes alone had had weight, then not 
one of the executions would have taken place." (BROWN, V., 
n - 934> P- 533)- It caused great excitement when Northumberland 
declared himself a Catholic on the scaffold, and attributed all 
the troubles of recent years to the breach with the Church. His 
declaration was printed in London, in English, Latin and Dutch, 
and called forth, especially on the part of John Knox, many 
polemic rejoinders. Cf. Diet, of Nat. Biog., XVII., no. 

2 LINGARD, VII., 126-7. 

3 GAIRDNER, 326. 

" That this was Mary s sincere intention at the outset of her 
reign, there is no reason to doubt," says OAIRDNER, 318. 
5 Ibid. 318. 



THE MASS RESTORED. 247 

True to these principles, the queen was satisfied, in the mean 
time, by repealing various measures of the time of Edward 
VI., the legality of which she had never acknowledged. 
Bishops Bonner, Tunstall and Voysey were restored to their 
sees, while Gardiner, Heath and Day were again recognized 
as rightful bishops. Mary raised the distinguished statesman, 
Gardiner, to the dignity of chancellor. At the wish ot the con 
gregations, the celebration of the Latin Mass was again begun 
in several London churches on the Feast of St. Bartholomew, 
and the same was done in the cathedral on the following Sun 
day ; Mass was not, however, regularly celebrated until the 
decision of Parliament was promulgated on December 21st. 1 
For the deceased king a funeral service was, however, publicly 
held in accordance with the Book of Common Prayer, but a 
Requiem Mass was celebrated in the Tower in the presence of 
only 300 chosen participators. 2 The chancellors, Mason and 
Gardiner, restored the old statutes and the old religion in the 
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. The foreign Protest 
ants left the country, provided with passports, as did Vermigli 
and the French Protestants in London, to whom a special per 
mission to leave was given, as well as letters to the mayors of 
Dover and Rye. 3 Among the Protestant bishops who had 
usurped the places of the rightful occupants of the sees, Ridley, 
Coverdale and Hooper were sent to prison. 4 Cranmer re- 

1 Ibid. 319-320. 

2 LINGARD, VII., 133. The Sienese ambassador in France, 
Claudio Tolomei, recognised in this, on August 31, 1553, the first 
sign that Mary wished to put an end to the schism : "La Reina 
Maria ne 1 esequie del Re suo fratello fece celebrar due Messe, 
1 una al modo inghilese e 1 altra al modo romano ; la qual cosa 
fa ancor segno ch ella ha animo di tornare a 1 obedienza de la 
Chiesa." (Luc. BANCHI, Alcune Lettere politiche di Claudio 
Tolomei, vescovo di Tolone, scritte alia repubblica di Siena, 
ora primamente edite, Siena, 1868, 3 [Nozze Publication]). 
Charles V. considered the Mass said for Edward VI. to have been 
a mistake on the part of the Queen. ANCEL, Reconciliation, 
530. 

3 GAIRDNER, 321. *lbld. 320. 



248 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

mained confined to his palace till insulting letters from his pen 
against the Holy Mass were publicly read in the streets, where 
upon he and Latimer were sent to the Tower in September. 1 
Until the opening of Parliament, nothing had so far been said 
of the reconciliation of England with the Holy See. 

In the Eternal City, however, and especially in the Pope s 
immediate surroundings, men eagerly discussed the question. 
Julius III. wept for joy when he learned, on August 5th, 1553, 
from a dispatch of the French nuncio, of Mary s victory and 
accession to the throne. 2 Cardinal Pole, who, as an English 
man, a relative of the queen, and the companion of her youth, 
took the deepest personal interest in these events, said in his 
answer to the Duchess of Mantua s letter of congratulation, 
that a more remarkable dispensation of Providence had not 
been experienced for many centuries. 3 

Deliberations were at once begun, as to how the interests of 
the Church could best be served in this favourable state of 
affairs. Pole, who had received the joyful intelligence one day 
later than the Pope, in the solitude of the Benedictine abbey of 
Maguzzano on the Lake of Garda, at once sent the abbot, 
Vincenzo Parpaglia, with a letter of congratulation to Julius 
III. 4 He enj oined him to inform the Pope, by word of mouth, 5 

I GAIRDNER, 323. 2 ANCEL, Reconciliation, 521. 

3 " Et perche questo e stato un efetto cosi grande della pro- 
videntia di Dio, che 1 eta nostra et forse ancora delli nostri 
maggiori di molti secoli non ha visto il piu notabile." *Pole 
to the Duchess of Mantua on September 12, 1553 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 

4 BROWN, V., n. 784. Cf. TH. PHILLIPS, History of the Life 
of Reginald Pole, Oxford, 1764 ; HOOK, Lives of the Arch 
bishops of Canterbury, III., London, 1869 ; REUMONT S criticism 
in the Bonn Theol. Lit. Bl., V., 998 seqq. ; ZIMMERMANN, Kardinal 
Pole, sein Leben und seine Schriften, Ratisbon, 1893 ; MARTIN 
HAILE (Maria Halle), The Life of Cardinal Pole, London, 1910. 
Concerning this last work, cf. ZIMMERMANN in the Histor. Jahrb., 
XXXI. , 818-9, and CONSTANT in the Rev. des Quest Hist., XC., 
498 seqq. 

5 Informatione del sig r . Abbate di San Saluto (Solutore 
in Turin) (Corsini Library, Rome, 33, E 19, p. 4). 



POLE S ADVICE TO THE POPE. 249 

that in his, Pole s, opinion, everything that was good was to 
be hoped for from the new queen, who had steadfastly repudi 
ated all the innovations during her brother s life, and had clung 
to the dogmas and rites of the Universal Church. The most 
serious matter, however, was the schismatical separation from 
Rome, against which no one in England had protested after 
the death of More and Fisher, and to which Mary herself had 
consented. As far as the queen personally was concerned, 
she would easily be persuaded to return, not only from con 
scientious motives, but also out of respect for her mother. For 
many others, however, the restoration of the Church property 
which had been seized, would prove a stumbling block ; in his 
opinion, the whole difficulty lay precisely in this point. 1 He 
thought, however, that the following measures might, in the 
meantime, be adopted. The Pope could, through his legates, 
cause the other sovereigns to take steps to approach Mary, 
and, in the same way, unofficial intermediaries, who, he hoped, 
would not be repulsed on this occasion, could appear in Pole s 
name, and endeavour to win over the queen. Should Mary 
agree to the sending of a Papal legate, then everything was 
gained ; should she, on the other hand, raise difficulties, then 
English members of Parliament could negotiate in friendly 
conferences with a legate and learned theologians in Flanders 
or in Picardy. It was to be hoped that the queen would not 
send bigoted persons to such a conference, for an endeavour 
must be made to win them over, so that they might work for 
the reconciliation of their own country. 

1 " Quello di che si pu6 temere, e circa lo scisma, al quale anch 
essa si trova haver consentito insieme con tutto il regno .... 
bench e si sappia, che mal volontieri essa vi consent!, non solo 
per rispetto della conscienza, ma anche per cio che il lasciare 
1 obbedienza della Sede apostolica era di diritto contrario alia 
causa della Regina sua madre et alia sua propria, onde si pu6 
credere, che etiandio in questa parte quanto alia persona sua 
non vi debba essere difficolta, ma si bene per rispetto di molti, 
che sono interessati per li bene della Chiesa . . . Tal che a parer 
mio tutta la difficolta sara in questo punto " (Loc. cit. Corsini 
Library, Rome). 



25O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Before Parpaglia reached Rome with these instructions, he 
returned once more to Pole in Maguzzano, on August I2th, 
1553, accompanied by a Papal envoy. 1 Julius III. had antici 
pated the proposals of the English Cardinal. Immediately 
after he had learned of Mary s accession he summoned, on the 
same day, a consistory of the Cardinals, in which Pole was 
appointed legate " to the Christian princes, and especially to 
the new queen." The matter appeared so urgent to the Pope 
that he would not wait for the drawing up of the Bull bestowing 
full powers on the legate, but sent an envoy to Pole on the 
following day with the brief of appointment. The Papal 
envoy met Parpaglia in Bologna, and he, in view of the altered 
conditions, did not continue his journey to Rome. 2 

Pole had now, as legate, to open communication with the 
queen and the Emperor. He sent Henry Penning with a letter 
to Mary on August I3th, and Antonio Fiordibello to Charles 
V. with a letter on the 2ist of the same month. 3 He earnestly 
exhorted the queen to the restoration of ecclesiastical unity, 
introduced himself as legate and begged her to state the time 
and manner in which he was to perform his mission. He 
besought the Emperor to promote the restoration of England 
to the Universal Church. Should Charles V. not consider that 
the proper time had arrived for taking such steps, then Fior 
dibello was instructed to declare that the interests of Catholics 
could only be jeopardized by any procrastination. It was the 
custom in England that all those who considered that their 
rights had been infringed, should lay their complaints before 
the first Parliament of a new reign, and it would be an irrepar 
able loss for Catholics did they not use this opportunity of 
vindicating their rights. 4 

Pole sent a second letter to Mary on August 27th ; 5 every- 

1 ANCEL, 523. 2 Ibid. 521-2. 

3 BROWN, V., n. 766, 771. Concerning the date of n. 771, 
see ANCEL, 526. 

4 BROWN, V., n. 772. Pole often returns to this view ; see 
ANCEL, 529, n. 2. 

5 BROWN, V., n. 776; Italian in Corsini Library, 33, E. 19, 
p. 90. The letter was brought by Michael Throckmorton. Ibid. 



POLE S LETTER TO THE QUEEN. 251 

body, he said, was anxiously waiting to know what the queen 
would do, and especially whether she would restore the title 
of Head of the Church to him upon whom the Lord of heaven 
and earth had bestowed it. The great importance of this 
question, Mary could, without the study of learned books, 
draw from the testimony of the men who had been looked upon 
as the most learned and pious in the land, More and Fisher, 
and which they had sealed with their blood. He himself had 
always founded his hopes for the restoration of England to the 
faith on these facts, in the face of many doubters, for the blood 
of the martyrs for the Holy See, and the prayers ot so many 
persecuted Catholics, could not, in his opinion, remain for ever 
unanswered. This alliance with the centre of unity would be 
more valuable to the queen than the favour of foreign princes. 

If Pole, at the close of his letter, spoke of himself as being 
about to leave Maguzzano, he was soon to be disappointed, for 
he was urged on all sides not to start for England ior the time 
being. 

When Pole, soon after his appointment as legate, sent 
Parpaglia to the Pope with the letter of August 13th, he had 
proposed, before taking any further steps, to apply to the 
nuncio in Brussels, Girolamo Dandino, and through him to 
obtain more detailed news as to the religious conditions in 
England. 1 Dandino had already anticipated this request ; 
immediately on receiving the news of Mary s accession, he had 
sent the youthful Francesco Commendone to London, in order 
that he might privately collect information. What Commen 
done learned in England, however, was not very satisfactory. 2 
He certainly found the queen, with whom, in the deepest 
secrecy, and through the Venetian ambassador, he obtained an 
audience, filled with the best will to restore her country to the 

1 BROWN, V., n. 767 ; cf. ANCEL, 525. Ipp. Capilupi announces 
on August igth, 1553, to Cardinal E. Gonzaga concerning Pole s 
letter : " Heri in consistorio furono lette le lettere sue, et da 
S.S^ et dal collegio fu laudato la deliberatione fatta da S.S.R ma 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

2 Cf. Julius III. to Pole, September 20, 1553 (Nonciat. de 
France, I., n. i). 



252 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Church, but she was prevented from doing so by the feeling of 
the people, who, for the most part, cherished a deadly hatred 
for the Holy See, by the self-interest of the many who had 
taken possession of the property of the Church and who sat 
among her councillors, and by the influence of her " heretical 
and schismatical " sister, Elizabeth, whom her father had pre 
ferred to the rightful queen, and " whose name was in the heart 
and mouth of everybody." 1 For all these reasons Mary wished 
that proceedings should be conducted with the greatest caution; 
no one was to know that there was any understanding between 
her and the Holy See. 

Commendone returned to Dandino with this news at the end 
of August, and was at once sent by him to Rome. On Sep 
tember 1 5th, he communicated his experiences in London 
to the Cardinals in a consistory, without, however, re 
ferring to his audience with the Queen. His report made a 
deep impression, and it was quite evident that there was no 
need to hurry in sending a legate to England. The news which 
Dandino sent from Brussels also made any other decision 
impossible. 

Even before Commendone s return to Brussels from England, 
Dandino had a conversation with Granvelle on August I4th. 
The Imperial minister emphasized the fact that they must give 
the queen time to gain a firm footing, as otherwise a revolt 
would break out which could certainly reckon on the ready 
support of France. 2 Diego di Mendoza, who had been for two 
years ambassador in England, also thought that there were 
fewer well-disposed people there than was supposed. The 
question of Church property was not a matter of indifference, 
even to the lower classes, on account of the duty of tithes, 
and they had now been for a long time accustomed to the 
freedom from these which heresy afforded them. 3 On August 
27th the Emperor informed Dandino, through Granvelle, that 

1 Ibid. 4. 

2 Dandino to Card, del Monte, on August 15, 1553, in ANCEL, 
530. 

3 Ibid. 



WISHES OF THE QUEEN. 253 

he thought it inadvisable that Pole should go to England by 
way of Trent. 1 

In the midst of all these reports Julius III. resolved to try a 
middle course. 2 He sent Pole to Brussels so that he might 
be nearer to England, but not with the title of legate to Eng 
land, so that he might, together with Dandino, act as a medi 
ator between the Emperor and France. On September 27th 
the legate received his new instructions, and on the 2gth he 
left the Lake of Garda. 3 

Soon after his departure from Maguzzano Pole learned that 
Queen Mary also considered the presence of a legate in England 
impossible for the present. Penning, who had gone to London 
with a letter from Pole at the beginning of August, had at last 
sent news of the success of his mission. 4 He only arrived in 
London on September i8th, 1553, and had a three hours 
audience with the queen on the following day. She declared 
that she would give the half of her kingdom to have a legate 
in the country, but that the heretics were capable of anything 
when irritated, and that drastic measures were out of the 
question. The queen then repeated a request which she had 
already entrusted to Commendonc, that permission should be 
given to hold regular church services in England, even before 
the interdict and censures against the country were removed. 5 
She especially wished to have a solemn High Mass celebrated 
as of old at her approaching coronation, which could not be 
deferred. Pole contented himself, in the meantime, by absolv 
ing Mary herself, and by exhorting her from Trent on October 
2nd, not to depend too much on a purely secular policy, but 
to fix her trust more on God, repeating, at the same time, his 



1 Ibid. 53 -53 r - 

2 Cf. the **report of the Florentine ambassador in Rome, of 
September 18, 1553 (State Archives, Florence). 

3 ANCEL, 535, 744. By a "letter of September 27, Pole in 
formed Cardinal Madruzzo of his impending arrival in Trent. 
Original in the Library at Trent. 

4 ANCEL, Reconciliation, 745 seqq. 

5 BROWN, V., n. 785, p. 408-409. 



254 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

request that he might be allowed to return to his own country 
before the opening of her first Parliament. 1 

Before this letter, however, reached its destination, the queen 
had been crowned on October ist, 2 and on the 5th, Parliament 
had begun its sittings. Before its opening the queen, with all 
the members of both Houses, had, in accordance with the 
ancient custom, been present at a Mass of the Holy Ghost, and 
at the opening session congratulatory addresses, expressing 
affection for the queen s person, were offered on all sides. 
There were two questions, above all others, which Mary 
desired to have settled by her first Parliament : that the 
marriage of Catherine of Aragon should be recognized as valid, 
and that the ecclesiastical problem should be solved. As far 
as the latter was concerned the repudiation of the little loved 
liturgy of the Book of Common Prayer, and the return to the 
old form of service, offered little difficulty, but the submission 
to the Papal See was another matter. For thirty years preach 
ers had been inveighing against the Pope, and the return to his 
authority seemed inextricably bound up with the restitution 
of Church property. 

First of all the draft of a Bill, drawn up in quite ordinary 
terms, was laid before Parliament, which at a single stroke 
declared all the enactments of the last two reigns, relating 
either to the marriage of Catherine of Aragon or to the religion 
of the country, to be invalid. In the Upper House this met 
with no opposition, but the contrary was the case in the Lower 
House, where every attempt to establish the Papal authority 
was viewed with suspicion and violently opposed. The Lower 
House, wrote the queen on October 28th to Pole, 3 could never 
be reconciled to the idea that the Crown should renounce the 
title of Head of the Church. She herself resolved that she 
would never, on any conditions, make use of such a title, and 
in the torturing uncertainty of how she was to act, should 
Parliament insist on her retaining it, she begged the legate to 
give her his advice. 

1 Ibid. n. 805. 2 LINGARD, 137 seqq. 

3 QUIRINI, IV., 119-121. ANCEL, 760. 



THE GOVERNMENT PROCEED CAUTIOUSLY. 255 

The first attempt to win everything by a bold stroke had 
thus been frustrated by the hatred against the Papacy. The 
government therefore proceeded very cautiously. In the 
second session two new Bills were laid before Parliament, one 
of which related to the marriage, of Queen Catherine, every 
reference to the Papal dispensation which had rendered it 
possible being carefully avoided. The object of the second 
Bill was to abolish all the religious laws issued under Edward 
VI. If this passed, the Catholic Church would not, it was 
true, be established, but Calvinism would at least be abolished. 
No opposition was raised in either House against the first Bill, 
but the other was debated foi two days, and was finally, it 
appears, unanimously accepted on November 8th, 1 nor did the 
people raise any particular objection to it. It is true that 
placards with the new regulations were in many places torn 
down, and several Protestants held a meeting to consider what 
was to be done, but after some ten or twelve unruly agitators 
had been arrested, and two of them hanged, the others lost 
courage. 2 

A letter from the queen to Pole on November I5th informed 
him ot the victory gained. 3 The composition of the Parlia 
ment did not give much hope of winning anything further, but 
in three or four months another Parliament would be con 
voked, and the success already attained was, in the opinion 
of all the queen s friends, an auspicious beginning, which would 
pave the way for a return to the Church. The Bill concerning 
the marriage of her mother in itself constituted a recognition 
of the Holy See, as it was only on the authority of the latter 
that the validity of the marriage could be founded. 

The bearer of this letter, Henry Penning, met Pole on 
November 30th in Dillingen, 4 where the Cardinal had been 

1 LINGARD, 139-140. 

2 Renard on December 20, 1553, in ANCEL, 773. 

3 QUIRINI, IV., 121-123. 

4 " All ultimo di Novembre a due ore di giorno arrive mon- 
signor Henrico a Tilinga con 1 infrascritta speditione al cardinale 
Polo." Mary s letter of November 15, 1553, follows (Corsini 
Library, 33 E., 19, p. 419). 



256 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

detained, very much against his will, since the middle of Octo 
ber. At first he had been kept back for some time by the 
necessity of obtaining passports through the different German 
territories, 1 and when he had at last started, on October 22nd, 
his journey was suddenly brought to an end two days lacer in 
Heidenheim (in the Jaxt-Circle), 2 by the wish of the Emperor. 
An Imperal envoy, the distinguished courtier, Juan de Men- 
doza, declared, in the name of his master, that the excited 
feeling in England might break out into open rebellion if a 
Papal legate were even to approach the country ; Pole was, 
therefore, enjoined to wait, at least until the Emperor had 
come to an understanding with the Pope. 3 

Nothing now remained for the legate to do but to return to 
Dillingen, to the Bishop of Augsburg. A letter addressed to 
the Emperor on October 2Qth did not advance matters, nor 
nor did another letter sent to the Pope at the same time have 
any more success, 4 for the Emperor had been working for a 
long time to prevent the mission of Pole, and he succeeded 
at length in winning Julius III. over to his views. 

Even at the time when the nuncio, Dandino, the very man 
whom the English Cardinal was to replace as peacemaker, took 
leave of the Emperor in Brussels, on October 5th, Charles V. 
spoke plainly against the mission of Pole. 5 Dandino en 
deavoured in that audience to represent the return of England 
to Catholic unity as an easy matter, and recommended Pole 
as the most suitable man for the position of English legate. 
The Emperor replied that Pole s appearance in England would 
afford the enemies of the Holy See in that country a pretext 
for stirring up a rebellion, in which case they were certain of 
being supported by France. One must not, he said, begin by 

1 BROWN, V., n. 816. 

2 Pole s letter to Charles V. of October 24, 1553, in BROWN, 
V , n. 819 ; cf. ANCEL, 757. 

3 BROWN, V., n. 820. 

4 See BROWN, V., n. 823, 820; ANCEL, 757. 

5 The instructions of Charles V. to his ambassador in Rome 
of October n, 1553 (Archives, Simancas) give us information 
concerning Dandino s audience ; see ANCEL, 752, n, 2. 



REPORTS FROM ENGLAND. 257 

sending a legate, but proceed carefully, step by step. These 
considerations made an impression on Dandino, and he re 
turned to Rome thoroughly convinced of the truth of the 
Emperor s arguments. 

Similar views were put forward by a messenger, Francesco 
Vimercato, whom Dandino, shortly before his departure from 
Brussels, had sent to England. 1 Vimercato also came to the 
conclusion that conditions in England were not yet ready for 
the work of a Papal legate. The mere report that one was to 
be sent had already caused great excitement. Matters, there 
fore, must be very carefully considered. Why pluck the fruit 
before it was ripe, when it might still, by the grace of God, 
become mature ? The devil had acquired such power in that 
country, which had sunk so deep in the mire of heresy that 
many people did not even believe in the immortality of the 
soul, and no longer knew God or honoured Him. Vimercato 
considered it almost a miracle that Mass was nearly every 
where restored. 2 

Julius III. was discouraged by these reports, and sent word 
to his legate on October 28th, that, for the present, he had 
better remain where he was. The Emperor was of opinion 
that the role of mediator between himself and France was not 
sufficient to justify Pole s presence in Brussels, and that people 
looked on the peace mediation as a mere transparent subter 
fuge. The Pope was so fully persuaded of the good- will of 
Charles V. that he unhesitatingly followed his advice. 3 

On the same day, October 28th, and again on November 
1 5th, 4 Pole also received most solemn warning from the queen 
against entering English territory. A premature appearance 
on the part of a Roman legate, in the prevailing state of sus 
picion and hatred against the Pope, would only do more harm 
than good. 5 The people would murder him rather than allow 

1 ANCEL, 753-754- 

2 Ibid. 755. 

3 Del Monte to Pole on October 28, 1553 ; Nonciat. de France, 
I., n. 4. 

4 Concerning both letters cf. supra pp. 254 seq. 

5 Letter of October 28, ; cf. ANCEL, 759-760. 

VOL. XIII. 17 



258 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

him to exercise the duties of his office. 1 Penning received a 
verbal communication from Mary that it was at her urgent 
request that the Emperor had restrained the English Cardinal 
from his purpose. " It is true, however," remarks Penning, 
" that this caution on the part of the queen is entirely owing 
to the representations of the Imperial ambassador, with whom 
she discusses all her affairs." Several members of Parliament 
had assured him that the arrival of the Cardinal would give 
pleasure to everyone, and that the only difficulty in the way 
of reconciliation to Rome was the return of Church property. 2 
Noailles, the French ambassador in London, also declared, at 
this time, that Pole s appearance in England was desired by 
Protestants as well as Catholics. 3 Great hopes were placed in 
the influence Noailles had over Mary, for the settlement of a 
question which for the moment occupied England to the ex 
clusion of all others this was the marriage of the queen. 

Up to this time, the idea of a reigning queen on the throne 
of England had been something unheard of, and nobody in the 
country believed that Mary could maintain her position without 
a consort. 4 Her ministers therefore urged from the very 

1 Letter of November 15 ; cf. ANCEL, 760. 

2 " Mons. Henrico dice, che la Regina gli approve la fermata 
di mons. rmo, dicendo che lei stessa aveva fatta istanza alia 
M tfil Cesarea, che le facesse fermare ... La causa che la muove 
a procedere tanto reservata nasce dal consiglio e persuasioni 
degli ambasciatori della Maesta Cesarea, alii quali communica 
il tutto. Dice similmente mons. Henrico per quanto egli ha 
potuto penetrare per le parole di alcuni del Parlamento, che 
1 andata di mons. rmo nostro sarebbe accetta e grata a tutti 
universalmente, ma che la restitutlone dell obbedienza partirebbe 
qualche difficolta, non per altro che per 1 interesse delli beni 
ecclesiastici occupati." Relatione di mons. Henrico, November 
3, 1553 (Corsini Library, 33 E. 19, p. 43). 

3 In LINGARD, 142. 

4 GAIRDNER (328) says : " A Queen-regnant was then a novelty 
in England and no one supposed she could maintain her position 
without a husband." Cf. LEE in the Diet, of Nat. Biog., XXXVI., 
342. 



CANDIDATES FOR MARY S HAND. 259 

beginning, that she should, in spite of her thirty-seven years, 
seek a husband. Many different proposals were made. From 
among her subjects, Edward Courtenay, a scion of the royal 
house of York, who had been placed in the Tower at the age of 
twelve, after the execution of his father in 1539, but whom 
Mary had set at liberty and created Earl of Devonshire, 1 was 
specially put forward ; Mary is said also to have considered 
Cardinal Pole, who was not yet a priest. 2 Many foreign 
princes were named as candidates, as for example, the King of 
Denmark, Philip of Spain, a son of Ferdinand, King of the 
Romans, the Infante of Portugal, and the Duke of Savoy. The 
queen, it appears, would have preferred Courtenay, who was 
beloved by the people on account of his youth and good looks, 
and because of his unjust imprisonment in the Tower, and he 
was also the chosen candidate of Gardiner. Mary, however, 
laid this important matter before the Emperor, her usual 
adviser. 

Charles V. had already proved himself a true friend and 
protector of Mary in the troubles of her youth, and she thought 
that she could trust him above all others, now that she was 
queen. 3 She had already asked his advice when it was a 
question of the punishment of Lady Jane Grey and the rebels, 
as well as in the solution of the religious problems, 4 and if she 
had considered his decision regarding the rebellion too severe, 

1 He translated the work " De Beneficio Christi " (cf. Vol. 
XII., of this work p. 496) into English while in the Tower, perhaps 
to incline Edward VI. favourably towards him. Cf. Diet, of 
Nat. Biog., XII., 336. 

2 She is said to have asked Commendone if the Pope would 
release the Cardinal from the obstacle of his orders (A. M. 
GRATIANI, De Vita I. F. Commendone, Paris, 1669, p. 44). ANCEL 
(751, n. 4) rejoins that Pole had never thought of marrying; 
but the question is whether Mary did not think of such a marriage. 
It is erroneous to state that Pole offered himself as bridegroom 
in a letter contained in the Archives of Simancas ; see GAIRDNER, 
in the Diet, of Nat. Biog., XLVL, 46. 

3 Cf. supra p. 245. 

4 LINGARD, 126. 



260 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and had repudiated, 1 at least in the beginning, his advice 
concerning the religious question, as a sort of cowardice, she 
nevertheless came round more and more to his way of thinking, 
and her confidence in him remained unshaken to the end. 

The accession of Mary opened new and brilliant prospects 
for the policy of Charles V. His constant adversary, the 
King of France, seemed to have succeeded in uniting the crowns 
of Scotland and France on the head of his son, Francis, and the 
Scottish queen, Mary Stuart, was already receiving her educa 
tion at the French court, as the bride of the heir to the throne. 
If the Emperor could now succeed in marrying his son Philip 
to the English queen, then the House of Hapsburg would have 
obtained a new crown, and perhaps a new kingdom, by mar 
riage, and the brilliant diplomatic success of his French rival 
would be eclipsed. These plans of the Emperor were, at any 
rate, one reason why Charles wished to keep the Papal legate 
far from England, for Pole was looked upon as an opponent 
of the Spanish marriage, and the religious change might call 
troubles into being which would cross or, in any case, delay the 
Imperial designs. 

As early as August I4th, 1553, Charles V. gave his ambas 
sador in England, Simon Renard, instructions, written in his 
own hand, to proceed carefully, and step by step, until he had 
brought about Mary s marriage with Philip. 2 Renard s task 
was rendered easier by the behaviour of Philip s most dangerous 
rival, Courtenay. This young man was wanting in firmness 
and moral rectitude ; he endeavoured to compensate himself 
for all his deprivations during his years of captivity, by 
unbridled licence in the company of notorious women, and he 
thereby lost more and more the respect of the virtuous queen. 
On September 20th, Renard was able to inform his master that 
Mary had definitely given up all thought of Courtenay. The 
Emperor then caused it to be pointed out to her that a foreign 

1 ANCEL, 532. 

2 LINGARD, 130. Cf. for the history of Mary s Spanish mar 
riage, the very searching investigations recently published by 
CONSTANT in the Rev. d hist. dipl., XXVI., parts I. and II. 



THE SPANISH MARRIAGE PROPOSED. 261 

prince would be more suitable for the position of royal consort 
than either Courtenay or Pole. He was himself too old to 
have the honour of sueing for her hand, but although he might 
not offer himselt as a bridegroom, he would at least solicit her 
favour for the one who was nearest his heart, his son Philip. 1 

Although Philip was eleven years younger than she was, 
this proposal made an impression on Mary. The union with 
" so powerful and so Catholic a Prince " appeared to offer the 
necessary guarantee that she " would be able to re-establish 
and confirm religion in England ; " as she afterwards made 
known to Pole, 2 it was especially for this reason, and because 
she wished to reassure the country by the hope of an heir, that 
she had consented to marry at all. 

The intention of the queen was hardly rumoured before it 
aroused violent opposition. The greater nobles were dis 
satisfied because they did not wish for a powerful prince, and 
the Protestant party because they feared a Catholic Regent. 3 
The common people were excited by the illusion that England s 
independence would be endangered by the connection with the 
power of Spain. The jealousy of France was naturally aroused 
to the highest pitch by a union between .England and the 
Hapsburgs. The French ambassador in London, Noailles, 
joined the Protestant party and all the other malcontents, and 
incited the people against the queen by every means in his 
power. 4 

Among the confidants of the queen, Gardiner advised her 
in the most decided manner against the Spanish marriage, 
and he had the greater part of the nobility on his side, although 
a few of them, with Norfolk, Arundel and Paget at their head, 
approved of the queen s plan. 5 The Commons resolved on an 
address in which the queen was indeed requested to marry, 
but only to choose her husband from among the nobles of 
England. This opposition, however, in which Mary thought 

1 LINGARD, 131. 

2 BROWN, V., n. 882, p. 489. 

3 ZlMMERMANN, 58. 

4 LINGARD, 143. 

5 Ibid. 131 seqq., 142-3. 



262 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

she saw only an intrigue of Gardiner, irritated the queen. On 
October 3oth, the day on which Parliament had passed the 
address, she summoned Renard to her presence. She led him 
into her oratory, knelt down befoie the Blessed Sacrament, 
and after invoking the Holy Ghost, made a solemn vow that 
she would take no other husband than Philip. 1 When the 
Commons appeared before her on November I7th and read her 
the address, Mary answered them in person. Hitherto, she 
said, the rulers of England have been independent and free to 
arrange their marriages, and I am not prepared to give up this 
right ; in the choice of a husband I shall think of my own 
happiness as well as of the well-being of the kingdom. 2 

Opposition had gradually to give way before such deter 
mination, and the Imperial envoys, the Count of Egmont and 
Laing, accompanied by two others, landed in Kent on January 
2nd, 1554, to ask, in proper form, on the part of Philip, for 
Mary s hand. Mary referred them to the Royal Council, who, 
she said, knew her intentions ; her first husband, however, 
was her kingdom, and nothing would induce her to be untrue 
to the fidelity which she had promised it in her coronation 
oath. 3 On the i4th the marriage settlement was signed and 
made public. It had been drawn up by the clever statesman, 
Gardiner, and made any dependence of England on Spain 
absolutely impossible. Philip was to assist the queen in the 
government of the kingdom, but all the offices of state were only 
to be held by natives of the country ; if Philip should outlive 
the queen, he would have no right to the succession. 4 

In spite of these careful provisions, however, the official 
announcement of the marriage gave the Protestant party in 
the country a welcome pretext for instigating the people to 
rise, and in the choice of means for so doing they were by no 
means too particular. The most incredible stories were 

1 Ibid. 144. STONE, in the Dublin Review, XXIII. , 333. 

2 LINGARD, 146. 

3 Ibid. 147 (H. GRIFFET) Nouveaux eclair cissements sur 
1 histoire de Marie, Paris, 1766, xxx. 

4 LINGARD, 147-148. RYMER, Foedera, XV., 377. 



WYATT S REBELLION. 263 

circulated ; the country, it was said, would be inundated with 
foreigners, and the English would be made slaves and dragged 
away to the mines of Mexico. 1 A plot was set on foot to marry 
Elizabeth to Courtenay, and to place them both on the throne ; 
this plot was to be put into execution after the arrival of 
Philip. 2 

The shrewd Gardiner, however, succeeded in getting the 
whole secret from Courtenay, and thereby forced the con 
spirators to put their plans into immediate execution, in spite 
of their want of preparation. 3 In order to organize the revolt, 
Carew went to Devonshire, Croft to the borders of Wales, the 
Duke of Suffolk, who probably hoped to place his daughter, 
Lady Jane Grey, upon the throne, into Warwickshire, and 
Thomas Wyatt into Kent. The success of these instigators of 
revolt was, on the whole, very small, and after a fortnight, the 
Duke of Suffolk was again in the Tower, from which he had 
only a little while before been released by the clemency of 
Mary, while Carew was a fugitive in France, and Croft a pris 
oner of the crown. 4 

The only dangerous rising was that stirred up by Sir Thomas 
Wyatt in Kent. 5 The enthusiasm of the 1500 men who were 
soon under arms, quickly died away, it is true, so that numbers 
of them soon began to desert, but when the troops which 
Mary had sent against them under the Duke of Norfolk went 
over to Wyatt, an army several thousand strong was soon 
marching on London. In the general panic which seized the 
Council, the queen remained full of courage and confidence in 
her victory. She had sent an envoy at the commencement of 
the rising to find out what were the demands of Wyatt, but 
when he brought back an insolent answer and conditions 

1 GAIRDNER, 330 ; cf. LINGARD, 149. 

2 LINGARD, 149. 

3 Ibid. 150. 

4 GAIRDNER, 330. LINGARD, 151-2. 

5 JOHN PROCTOR, History of Wyate s Rebellion, London, 1555. 
R. P. CRUDEN, History of Gravesend (1842), 172 seqq. GAIRDNER, 
330 seqq. ZIMMERMANN, 59 seqq. LEE in the Diet, of Nat. Biog., 
LXIII., 187 seqq. 



264 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

impossible of fulfilment, she resolved to face the danger boldly. 
She ordered the Lord Mayor to summon an extraordinary 
meeting of the citizens of London in the Guildhall on February 
ist, 1554. Mary appeared there, with the royal sceptre in her 
hand, surrounded by her ladies and officers of state, and made 
a speech to those assembled, full of masculine power and 
determination. She complained, in dignified words, of the 
disobedience and insolence of the rebels. They had at first 
only attacked her marriage with the Spaniard, but now it was 
clear what the actual intentions of her enemies were. She 
was to entrust her person, the guarding of the Tower, and the 
appointment of her councillors to rebellious subjects who were 
striving after the possession of the royal power and the abo 
lition of religion. She, however, trusted her people, who 
would not deliver her over to the insurgents. As regards the 
Spanish marriage, she had only acted on the advice of her 
Council ; she had so far remained unmarried, and with the 
help of God, could continue to do so. Should, however, the 
marriage with Philip not gain the approval of Parliament, 
then she gave her royal word that she would never marry all 
the days of her life. 

This speech had an immediate success. Next morning more 
than 20,000 men had volunteered for the defence of the 
capital. Wyatt, meanwhile, continued his march, and on 
February 3rd he encamped on the right bank of the Thames, 
in Southwark. Here, however, he was exposed to the fire of 
the cannon in the Tower, and withdrew from his position within 
three days. The danger was not yet over, however. On 
February 7th, at two o clock in the morning, Mary received 
the news, in her palace at Whitehall, that Wyatt was advancing 
and was already not far away, and that she had better seek 
refuge in the Tower as quickly as possible. The bold leader 
had succeeded, in spite of the fact that the bridges were 
destroyed, in crossing the river, and, with the connivance of 
several traitors, who were waiting to open one of the gates to 
him, he was now marching, not far from Whitehall, on the 
city of London. Everybody in the palace thought of treachery, 
Gardiner on his knees besought the queen to flee to Windsor, 



THE REBELLION CRUSHED 265 

but when Renard assured her that her flight would be the signal 
for a general rising of the malcontents and the massacre of the 
Catholics, and as, moreover, the leaders of the royal troops 
swore fealty, Mary declared firmly and steadfastly that she 
would remain at her post. Wyatt s attempt proved to be a 
complete failure ; half of his undisciplined levies had already 
run away on their approach to London, while others made 
their escape in the darkness of the night. The royal troops 
succeeded in cutting Wyatt off from the main body of his army, 
and he was captured and subsequently executed, the remainder 
of his force being dispersed. 

The Spanish marriage had only been a pretext for the rising 
in the case of Wyatt, as well as in that of the Duke of Suffolk. 
The true reason lay in the fear of the Protestants that Mary 
would restore the Catholic religion. 1 Wyatt expressed himself 
to this effect in private, 2 and his followers venerated him 
after his death on account of his " zeal for God s truth " as a 
martyr. 3 

In spite of its want of success, the rising of Wyatt forms a 
landmark in the reign of Mary. Till then it had made little 
impression on her when the Emperor and his ministers had 
recommended severity against the malcontents, and had 
impressed upon her that such people were not to be won by 
clemency, but were only confirmed in their arrogance and 
incited to fresh disobedience. The recent events, and especi 
ally the rising of the Duke of Suffolk, now came as a clear 
proof of monstrous ingratitude. Mary resolved, therefore, 

1 " It was in truth, an heretical conspiracy with a political 
pretext." (GAIRDNER, 330). 

2 Ibid. " In Kent, Wyatt said to an adherent, who expressed 
the hope that he would establish religion : Hush ! the word religion 
must not be mentioned, for that would turn the hearts of many 
away from us. You must only complain of the inundation of 
foreigners. But, in confidence, I shall tell you as a friend, we 
mean in reality only the establishment of God s word." Cf. 
Pole in BROWN, V., n. 854, p. 461, and the suggestions in LINGARD, 

153. 157. 158. 

3 GAIRDNER, 330. 



266 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to take stern measures. Fifty of the soldiers who deserted 
were hanged, as well as six of the rebels in Kent. Four of the 
ringleaders were sent to the scaffold, namely, the Duke of 
Suffolk, his brother and principal adviser, Thomas Grey, 
Thomas Wyatt and the former secretary of the Council, 
William Thomas, who had urged the murder of the queen. 
Four hundred rebels were also made to appear before the 
queen with halters round their necks and beg for forgiveness 
upon their knees, whereupon she graciously pardoned them. 

These punishments could certainly not be quoted as a proof 
of undue severity, but it must be regretted that the queen 
allowed herself to be persuaded into abandoning her former 
attitude of clemency towards Lady Jane Grey. On February 
8th, when she had hardly escaped from the attack of Wyatt, 
and was still feeling the effects of the recent dangers and 
anxieties, she was induced to give the order for the carrying out 
of the sentence pronounced in November, 1553, but afterwards 
deferred, on the unhappy tool of a criminal policy. On 
February i2th, 1554, Lady Jane Grey, as well as her husband, 
suffered death with great courage at the hands of the exe 
cutioner. 1 

The victory which had been gained, however, strengthened 
the position of the government more than any measures of 
severity. The Spanish marriage, concerning which many had 
despaired during the rising, now met with hardly any oppo 
sition. Parliament unanimously confirmed the marriage 
treaty on May "5th. 2 The representatives of the country had 
been given to understand that the only means of providing a 
counterpoise to the threatened union between France and 
Scotland lay in the marriage of Mary with the Spanish prince, 
as the heir of Philip and Mary would bring Flanders to the 

1 The Chronicle of Lady Queen Jane and of two years of Queen 
Mary, ed. by J. G. NICHOLS, 1850. G. HOWARD, Lady Jane 
Grey and her times, London, 1822. A. STRICKLAND, Tudor 
Princesses, London, 1868. P. SIDNEY, Jane the Queen, London, 
1900. R. DAVEY, The nine days Queen : Lady Jane Grey and 
her times, London, 1909. 

2 LINGARD, 171. 



MARY MARRIED TO PHILIP. 267 

English crown. No prejudice to England or the English 
people could follow on the marriage. On July igth, Philip, 
accompanied by the united fleets of England, Spain and 
Flanders, appeared in sight of the English coast, 1 and on the 
following day he landed on English soil. On July 25th, the 
Feast of the Patron Saint of Spain, St. James, the marriage 
was celebrated at Winchester, with the greatest pomp. Before 
the ceremony, Gardiner read aloud the documents by which 
Charles V. abdicated the thrones of Naples and the Duchy of 
Milan in favour of his son, so that Philip might give his hand 
to the English queen as a reigning sovereign. 

The plan of the Spanish marriage had been joyfully wel 
comed in Rome from the beginning. When the negotiations 
concerning this union which was so warmly desired by the 
Emperor were concluded in December, 1553, Charles at once 
sent the joyful news to Rome. The Pope received the an 
nouncement on the morning of New Year s Day, and he con 
gratulated the Emperor in a warmly expressed brief, ol the 
same date. 2 Among the Cardinals, Morone, in particular, 
had done everything he could to promote the union of Mary 
with the heir to the Spanish throne. 3 

Cardinal Pole, on the other hand, was regarded in Rome, 
as well as by the Emperor and in France, as an opponent of the 
Spanish marriage. He seems to have made his views known 
as early as October 2nd, at the very beginning of his English 
legation, when he addressed a letter from Trent to Edward 
Courtenay. 4 On October 27th, in a report to the Pope, he 
declared that he was kept in Dillingen and away from England 
because it was feared that he would never co-operate in deliver- 

1 Viage de Felipe Segundo a Inglaterra, ed. GAYANGOS, Sociedad 
de Bibli6filos Espanoles, 1877. English Historical Review, 
1892, 253 seqq. 

2 Printed in RAYNALDUS, 1554, n. i. It is given there as 
follows : " Quo nuntio vix quidquam nobis gratius potuit 
accidere." 

3 ANCEL, 762. 

4 BROWN, V., n. 806. 



268 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

ing his country into the hands of a foreigner. 1 In February, 
1554, the English ambassador in France wrote that people 
there were of the opinion that Pole had worked against the 
marriage of the queen with Philip. 2 This report, however, 
was unjust ; at the same time the Cardinal, as he himself 
acknowledged, had, irom the first, been of opinion that Mary 
had better, at her age, remain unmarried. 3 

In Rome, the news of the legate s attitude was received with 
disquietude. Cardinal Morone was enjoined to inform him, 
on behalf of the Pope, on December 2ist, I553, 4 that an am 
bassador had no right to put forward his own views, but only 
those of his sovereign. The Pope was convinced, for many 
reasons, that the English queen should bestow her hand on 
the Spanish prince ; he considered the queen too weak to be 
able permanently to govern, without the support of a husband, 
her violent and unsettled subjects, who were, moreover, 
infected by the religious innovations. He, further, did not 
believe that one of the nobles of England would be in a position, 
as husband of the queen, to reduce the country to obedience, 
both on account of the different parties in the state, and of the 
intrigues of foreign powers, while, in order to sweep his rivals 
from the field, a native prince would be much more likely 
to have recourse to dangerous concessions. On the other hand, 
the King of Spain, who was England s neighbour by reason of 
his possessions in Spain and Flanders, could re-establish 
ecclesiastical unity in England by his great authority, and 
defend the queen against her enemies at home and abroad. 
For these reasons the Pope considered it not only a rash thing 
to oppose the marriage, but also detrimental to religion and 
the interests of the Holy See, and he therefore wished Pole to 
adopt this view. Should he appear at the Imperial court, 



1 Ibid. n. 820, p. 437. 

2 ANCEL, 764. 

3 BROWN, V., 856, p. 464. 

4 See the text of the important *declaration, which escaped even 
Ancel, according to the manuscript in the Corsini Library, in 
Appendix No. 2ib. 



ANXIETY OF JULIUS III. 269 

he was requested to show himself favourable, by word and deed, 
to the Spanish marriage, so as to satisfy the Emperor. As 
Morone added, the Pope was not without anxiety as to whether 
Pole would yield to him. Julius had often said that it was 
folly to oppose oneself to a rushing stream ; to wear oneself 
out in vain and win nothing was the height of folly. Morone 
believed that he could allay the Pope s fears ; he said that 
Pole would keep God before his eyes and would never act 
contrary to the will of His Holiness. Pole was also requested 
to keep these representations of the Pope a secret, out of con 
sideration for Italian and foreign princes. A brief of the same 
time from Julius III. to Pole, 1 enjoined the latter to have 
confidence in the advice of Morone. 

1 Brief of December 20, 1553, mentioned in ANCEL, 762. 



CHAPTER X. 

LEGATION OF CARDINAL POLE. THE RECONCILIATION OF 
ENGLAND WITH THE HOLY SEE. 

MARY had, even before her marriage with Philip, been en 
couraged by the increased respect felt for the Crown since the 
victory over the rebels, to take further steps towards a Catholic 
restoration. 

In so doing, she was entering upon an undertaking, the 
prospects of which were by no means hopeless. 1 Paget wrote 
to Somerset, in the year 1549, that eleven-twelfths of the coun 
try was Catholic at heart. 2 According to the opinion of an 
English Protestant, who had taken refuge on the continent, 
the country people still clung so firmly to the Papacy in 1553, 
that the nobles could only allow themselves the preaching 
of the " Gospel " within their four walls. 3 When Commendone 
and Vimercato had depicted conditions in England in such 
dark colours, they had only the state of affairs in the capital 
in their minds. " The people of London," wrote Dandino in 
reference to this, " are, it is true, hardened in their heresy, 
but in the rest of the country it is not so to the same 
extent." 4 

It was especially from two classes of the population that 
Mary had to fear resistance to her attempts at restoration : 
first, from the lowest orders, who had been the most influenced 
by the foreign preachers, and consequently gave free vent to 

1 ANCEL, 771 seqq. 

2 LINGARD, 60. 

3 Cf. Dodmer s letter to Calvin, of Decmber 17, 1553 : Calvini 
Opera, XIV. (Corp. Ref. XLIL), 706. 

4 ANCEL, 774. 

270 



THE OLD WORSHIP RESTORED. 271 

their hatred in the most crude manner, 1 and secondly, from 
the wealthy and noble class, who wished to hear nothing of a 
return to the old religion because they feared that they would 
be forced to restore the Church property ; from these, however, 
there was less opposition to a Catholic restoration on the 
ground of any religious conviction. In the confusion of con 
stantly changing doctrines and confessions of faith, they had 
for the most part lost all hold on religion, and were ready, at 
the word of the government, to accept almost any doctrine. 2 
Among the measures of 1554, several related to the restora 
tion of the old form of worship, while the Mass had already 
been re-established by an Act of Parliament in December, 
1553 ; 3 now, on March 2ist, 1554, an ordinance of the Council 
was promulgated, according to which the nobility of the 
country districts were ordered to erect altars in their village 
churches, within fourteen days. 4 In Holy Week and Easter 
Week the ceremonies of the Church were carried out in the old 
Catholic manner, while Mary herself, accompanied by four 

1 " One morning a tom-cat was found hanging on the gallows in 
priest s clothes, with the tonsure and a picture of the Host in its 
paws. On May 10, 1554, a gun was fired in church at the preacher, 
Pendleton. In both cases the perpetrator remained undiscovered." 
(GAIRDNER, 339). The voice in Aldersgate street should also be 
mentioned here. A voice was heard in an old wall which declared 
that the Mass was idolatry ; when a blessing was invoked on 
Elizabeth the voice answered Amen, but when the same was 
invoked for Mary, the voice remained silent. As many as 600 
people assembled to hear the " angel voices " until the govern 
ment drew the originator of the disturbance from within the wall 
and placed him in the pillory. Renard to the Emperor, on 
March 14, 1554, in ANCEL, 774. Cf. LINGARD, 171 ; GAIRDNER, 

34 

Cf. The recent publication : CONSTANT, La commencement de 
la restauration catholique en Angleterre par Marie Tudor (1553). 
Rev. Hist., 1913. 

2 LINGARD, 175. 

3 Cf. supra p. 247. 

4 Acts of the Privy Council, 1552-1554, p. 41 1 . LEE, 344. 



272 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

bishops, took part in the processions during the Rogation 
Days. 1 

Mary s principal care, however, was directed to bringing 
about a thorough reform of the clergy, and on March ist, 
measures were taken against married clergy. As the eccle 
siastical edicts of Edward VI. had already been repealed by 
Mary s first Parliament, the old law of the Church, which 
allows of no married priesthood, again came into force, and the 
government considered that it was, therefore, justified in ex 
pelling them. About a fifth or a sixth part of the entire 
clergy, and a fourth in the diocese of London, were affected 
by this measure. A considerable number, however, received 
new appointments, when they had done penance, and had put 
away their wives. 2 Many of the Protestant bishops had 
already been deprived of their offices, and quite apart from the 
fact that many of them were guilty of high treason, the govern 
ment had the right to proceed independently in their case, for 
the bishops appointed by Edward acknowledged themselves 
that they had received their power from the king, 3 so that the 
sovereign was entitled again to withdraw it from them. It 
was another matter, however, when it came to the question of 
appointing new bishops in the place of those who had been 
removed, as, for this, it was necessary to have the sanction of 
the Pope. In a letter of February 24th Mary laid the matter 
before Pole, 4 and thus, for the first time after his long period 
of waiting, Pole was called upon to act in his official capacity 
as Papal legate. 

Pole had been obliged, since the middle of October, 1553, 
to spend the remainder of the year in painful inactivity in 
Dillingen. Not until December 28th did the longed for 
invitation of the Emperor reach him, not indeed to proceed 
to England, but to begin to carry out his mission as peace- 

1 GAIRDNER, 336. LEE, 344. 

2 GAIRDNER, 337. 

3 LINGARD, 1 8, 24. The dignity of bishop was bestowed with 
the proviso : " quamdiu bene se gesserint." Ibid., 175 n. 

4 BROWN, V., n. 859. Cf. Mary to Pole, January 23, 1554, ibid.^ 
n. 849. 



APPOINTMENT OF NEW BISHOPS. 273 

maker between Charles and the King of France. 1 On January 
25th, 1554, he made his solemn entry into Brussels, 2 and in 
February he repaired to the French court. Henry II. received 
him in a friendly manner, but Pole was unable to accomplish 
any more in his case than he had previously been able to do 
with the Emperor. 3 

Pole received Mary s letter in France. The English queen 
was exceedingly anxious that the new bishops should be con 
secrated before the opening of Parliament on April 2nd, so that 
they could take part at once in the sessions, and in the religious 
discussions throw their influence into the scales. She enclosed 
a list of ten or twelve suitable candidates. 4 

Pole s powers, however, did not extend so far as to enable 
him fully to satisfy the queen s wishes, since no one could have 
foreseen such a remarkable state of things at the beginning of 
his legation, as that there should be an appointment of bishops 
before the reconciliation of the kingdom with the Holy See. 
As the matter, however, was urgent, Pole sent a confidential 
messenger to London to tell the queen that it was necessary 
that the bishops chosen should, before their consecration, at 
least reconcile themselves with the Holy See ; they must 
either apply to the Papal legate individually, or they could 
send him an authorized representative, who would seek recon 
ciliation in the name of all of them, or, again, Pole would send 
an envoy to England fully empowered to arrange the matter. 5 
Pole wrote on March 2nd to Julius III., 6 who sent him a brief 
on the 8th of the same month, giving him the full authority 
required. 7 In accordance with this brief Pole could elevate 

1 ANCEL, 762. 

2 Pole to Julius III., January 28, 1554, i n BROWN, V., n. 850. 
SGACHARD, La Bibliotheque Corsini, 116-7, Brussels, 1896. 

MARTIN, Pole, IV., 341-2. ANCEL, 763-4. ACTON gives emenda 
tions on Gachard s work in the North British Review, LI., 193 
seqq., 1869-1870. * BROWN, V., n. 859. 

5 Muzzarelli, to del Monte, March 16, 1554, in ANCEL, 775-6. 

6 BROWN, V., n. 862. 

7 Printed in WILKINS, Concilia, IV., 91-2, and in the Docnm. ad 
legal, card. Poli spectantia, Rome, 1895. 

VOL. XIII, l8 



274 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to offices in metropolitan and cathedral churches such persons 
as had accepted ecclesiastical positions from laymen and 
schismatics, even in the case of those who had themselves 
been tainted with heresy. These concessions, however, 
appeared so unusual to the Pope himself, that he did not 
venture to lay them before the Cardinals for approval, from 
fear of opposition, but only discussed the matter with Mororie. 1 

On April ist, the eve of the opening of Parliament, Gardiner 
was able to consecrate .six new bishops. In a letter written 
on April 7th in her own hand Mary begged the Pope to give his 
explicit confirmation, thereby acknowledging for the first 
time, publicly and solemnly, the Papal Supremacy. Julius 
III. read the royal letter, with many tears, five times to the 
assembled Cardinals, 2 granted the desired confirmation in a 
consistory of July 6th, and in a brief of July loth, joyfully 
acknowledged the queen s zeal. 3 

The Parliament which met on April 2nd was rather 
concerned with the marriage of the queen than with 
the religious question. W 7 hile the sessions were being held, 
much attention was attracted by a debate conducted by 
the Convocation of the clergy at Oxford with the three 
leaders of the Protestants, Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer, 
which was held simultaneously with the Parliamentary sittings 
from April I4th to the 2oth. On the 27th the result, which 
was favourable to the Catholics, was announced, and on the 
30th the Dean of Rochester, Walter Philips, acknowledged 
once more the doctrine of Transubstantiation, and retracted 
his former views. As had happened formerly under Edward 
VI., when the Catholics had complained, in similar circum 
stances, of the want of freedom of speech, so did the Protest 
ants now raise similar objections. 4 

1 ANCEL, 776. 

2 RAYNALDUS, 1554, n. 7. Mon. Ign. Ser. i, IV., 665. 

3 RAYNALDUS, 1554, n - 5~7- 

4 LINGARD, 197. GAIRDNER, 338. A second disputation, 
planned to take place at Cambridge, fell through as the Protestant 
theologians refused to take part in it. ZIMMERMANN, 72. 



CHURCH PROPERTY. 275 

Among the Bills laid before Parliament, one is deserving of 
particular attention, although it was rejected in the House of 
Lords. All bishops, and especially the Bishop of Rome, were 
expressly forbidden by the Bill to demand the restitution of 
Church property. 1 The matter which formed the last and 
greatest obstacle to the return of the country to the Church, 
was here plainly put forward. In order that she might 
succeed in settling this difficult question, the queen had once 
more to seek the help of the legate, who had returned to 
Brussels on April iQth. 

Pole was much perplexed by Mary s request. In the brief 
appointing him legate for England, the Cardinal had only 
received authority to forego the restoration of the revenues 
which had been drawn by the wrongful possessors from the 
sequestrated Church property. Of the renunciation of the said 
real estate of the Church, there had been no mention ; on the 
contrary, the text of the brief made it pretty clear that, as a 
rule, the return of the real estate wrested from the Church was 
insisted upon previous to the giving up of the revenues. 2 It 
had become quite clear by this time that the legate s authority 
was not sufficiently comprehensive, so Pole sent Niccolo 
Ormanetto from Brussels to Rome on April 24th, and Henry 
Penning to London on May 4th, to negotiate further with the 
Pope and the queen concerning this burning question. 3 
Ormanetto had, besides this, to report on the legate s mission 
to France. 4 

Mary pressed for a speedy answer. In the first audience 
granted to Penning, she at once asked what was being arranged 
with regard to the Church property, and as often as she saw 
him, she returned to the same subject. 5 In her own opinion 

1 ANCEL, 778. 

2 In the " Documenta," p. 6, quoted supra, p. 273, n. 7, it is 
stated : " Cum possessoribus bonorum ecclesiasticorum (restituis 
prius, si tibi expedire videretur, immobilibus per eos indebite 
detentis) super fructibus male perceptis ac bonis mobilibus con- 
sumptis concordandi, etc." 

3 ANCEL, 779. 

4 Ibid., 767. 5 Ibid., 779 n., 3, 780 n. 3. 



276 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the Pope should show himself as generous as possible, and 
absolutely forego the return of the Church property. Pole, 
on the other hand, would not consent to such a solution. 1 
Such a procedure he thought would give an appearance of bar 
gaining about the return of the country to the Church ; Eng 
land should, he maintained, first come back to the Church, and 
leave everything else to the Pope s generosity. This view 
of the matter, however, appeared too severe to Muzzarelli, the 
nuncio in Brussels, and also to the Pope himself. In a brief of 
June 28th, Julius III. gave his legate the fullest authority to 
leave all Church property, moveable and real, in the hands of 
the present possessors. 2 Unfortunately, however, the terms of 
the brief 3 did not exclude all doubt as to the Pope s intentions, 
and later on aroused distrust in the hearts of suspicious 
persons. 

The brief arrived in Brussels on July 29th. 4 A few days 
before, the Spanish marriage had been celebrated, and it now 
seemed as though the longed-for hour had at last come when 
Pole could perform the duties of his office as legate on English 
soil. In the meantime, however, fresh difficulties had arisen, 
of such a serious character that Pole himself regarded his 
mission as no longer possible of execution, and begged the 
Pope to recall him. 

The Cardinal had had no success in his peace mission to 
France, and he had aroused the displeasure of the Emperor by 
his premature departure. When he presented himself before 
Charles V. on April 2ist, and made his report concerning the 
unfortunate result of his mission, the Emperor, instead of 
answering him, declared that if he had nothing further to say, 

1 Ibid., 779, 780. 

2 WILKINS, Concilia, IV., 102-3. WEISS, papiers de Granvelle, 
IV., 264. ANCEL, 781. 

3 Pole received authority to deal with the question of Church 
lands " arbitrio tuo auctoritate nostra tractandi, concordandi, 
transigendi, componencli, et cum eis, ut praefata sine ullo scrupulo 
in posterum retinere possint, dispensandi." 

4 ANCEL, 781. 



DIFFICULT POSITION OF POLE 277 

it would be much better if he did not appear before him again. 1 
The Cardinal had made his position still worse by omitting to 
send the Emperor any communication from France concerning 
the steps he had taken with the king, and by never referring, 
by a single word, to the Spanish marriage, in his correspondence 
with the queen. The old suspicion that he was opposed to the 
marriage was again revived, and people even went so far as to 
suspect him of favouring Wyatt s insurrection. His very 
sojourn on French soil was regarded as an expression of friend 
ship for the power which was Mary s worst enemy, and gave 
rise to a demonstration, from which Pole withdrew by a speedy 
departure. 2 

Not only had Pole s work as peacemaker completely failed, 
but his mission to England, which could not take place without 
the agreement of the Emperor, seemed quite hopeless. The 
deeply offended legate withdrew to the abbey of Dilighem near 
Brussels, 3 and it was from there that he conducted the above 
mentioned negotiations concerning the Church property, but 
otherwise he completely withdrew from political life. As 
early as the beginning of May he had begged the Pope to 
appoint someone else in his place as legate ior England. 4 In 
Rome, however, under no circumstances could such an idea be 
entertained ; by the recall of a Prince of the Church, once 
appointed and so solemnly dispatched, they would have 
compromised themselves in the eyes of the whole world, and, 
perhaps, have irretrievably endangered the return of England 
to the Church. Pole s painful position during these months of 
uncertainty and delay, was rendered still more bitter by the 
knowledge that his attitude was not sanctioned in every respect 
in Rome. Morone pointed out to him that he should have 
expressed himself clearly in favour of Philip s marriage with 

1 Pole to Julius III., April 22, 1554, in BROWN, V., n. 877 ; cf. n. 
882, p. 494 ; ANCEL, 765. 

2 ANCEL, 764-5. 

3 Ibid., 767. 

4 Pole to Morone, May 25, 1554, in BROWN, V., n. 882, p. 492-3. 
Pole s request for recall, mentioned here, was known to Morone as 
early as May 6, ibid., n. 884, p. 497 ; cf. ANCEL, 769, n. i. 



278 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Mary, and thus have removed all ground for suspicion. Even 
now he might make up for this omission by truthfully explain 
ing to the Emperor his position with regard to the marriage. 1 
The legate answered that he had always, since his arrival in 
Brussels, expressed himself as being in agreement with the 
Emperor regarding the union of Philip with Mary. The 
determination with which Charles and Granvelle had repulsed 
him could only have been greater if they had proceeded to 
blows. 2 He therefore persisted in his request for recall. 

In this apparently hopeless entanglement, the relations 
between England and the Pope found a shrewd agent 3 in the 
person of the nuncio in Brussels, the Archbishop of Conza, 
Girolamo Muzzarelli, a Dominican, on whose skill and modera 
tion Morone had already bestowed the greatest praise. 4 
Muzzarelli understood how to induce the Emperor gradually 
to form a more favourable estimate of Pole, and, as early as 
June loth, he was able to write to Rome that the Emperor 
would no longer oppose the journey of the legate to England. 5 
The actual conclusion of the Spanish marriage on July 25th, 
gave Pole himself the courage to come out once more from his 
retirement. On July nth he sent a messenger to England 
with a letter of congratulation to Philip. 6 A little later he also 
ventured to apply again to Charles V. and to congratulate 
him. The bearer of this letter, Ormanetto, had to seek the 
Emperor in his camp ; he avoided Ormanetto s urgent requests 
that he would at last allow the Papal legate to fulfil his duties, 
by evasive answers, and declared that he must first enquire as 
to the state of affairs in England. 7 

Repulsed by the Emperor, the English Cardinal applied 

1 Ibid. 767. 

2 BROWN, V., n. 882, p. 492. 

3 ANCEL, 769. 

4 See in Appendix No. 2ib, Morone s letter to Pole of December 
21, 1553. (Corsini Library). Muzzarelli had been in Brussels 
since March 15. 

5 ANCEL, 769. 

6 BROWN, V., n. 917. 

7 ANCEL, 770. 



POLE AND THE EMPEROR. 27Q 

to King Philip on September 2ist, and complained in suitable 
terms of this " eternal postponement " of his hopes. Who 
was this prelate who was kept so long standing knocking at 
the door ? It was a man, who on account of his defence of 
the rights of Philip s consort to the throne, had been driven 
from his home and his country, and had now been eating the 
bread of exile for twenty years. -Besides this, Pole was not 
begging admittance as a private individual. As Peter, when 
freed from his prison, had, according to the Acts of the Apos 
tles, to stand knocking at the door of Mary, the mother of John, 
till it was at length opened to him, so now another Peter had 
to stand knocking at the door of another Mary. He could 
understand that she had been afraid to open to him before, 
but now she had the support of her husband, and the interests 
of the queen herself required that Peter should be allowed 
to enter, for her legitimacy, as well as her right, depended on 
the acknowledgment of the Pope. 1 

On September 28th Pole repeated the same arguments in a 
letter to the Emperor, 2 which he again sent by Ormanetto. 
Charles, however, once more answered that the right moment 
had not yet come, and that he would speak further with the 
legate after his return. 3 

The audience which he had thus promised to the English 
Cardinal took place on October nth at Brussels. 4 Pole 
explained that two obstacles stood in the way of the return of 
England to the Church, namely, the errors in matters of faith, 
and the question of Church property. In the case of the former 
the Pope could not yield, but in the matter of Church property, 
he was prepared to make concessions. Pole did not, indeed, 
inform the Emperor to what extent Julius III. had already 
modified his claims, in the brief of September 28th, but he 
spoke of the powers with which the brief given him at the 

1 BROWN, V., n. 946. 

2 Ibid., n. 947. 

3 ANCEL, 770. 

4 Pole to Julius III., October 14 (not 13), 1554, BROWN, V., n. 
952. ANCEL, 784. 



280 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

beginning of his legation had invested him. The Emperor 
answered that there was no cause for anxiety as far as the 
question of doctrine was concerned, as they had to deal with a 
people who had no firm convictions about religion at all ; as 
he had learned from his experiences in Germany, the whole 
matter resolved itself into a question of the Church property, 
and in this connection he desired to see the full powers of the 
legate, and would wait for the return of his ambassador, 
Erasso, before coming to any further decision. 

As had been the case in this audience, Pole did not explain 
the full extent of his powers either to the Emperor or Mary. 
He had already anticipated the desire of the Emperor to see 
the brief of September 28th, by handing it to Granvelle before 
the audience, but he kept another important document a 
profound secret. The Pope had promised him, in a brief of 
August 5th, that he would always confirm and consider valid 
anything which his legate might do. 1 His reason for keeping 
this back lay in his anxiety to avoid anything in the negotia 
tions about the return to ecclesiastical unity which might, in 
his opinion, be regarded as a business transaction, or the Papal 
concessions in the light of a bargain. The no less conscien 
tious Muzzarelli, however, did not share Pole s views on this 
point. He impressed on the legate that he must, of necessity, 
inform the Emperor, as well as the English sovereigns, of the 
full extent of his powers ; they must have an exact knowledge 
of this, in order to be in a position to take the most suitable 
measures for bringing back England to the faith. In conse 
quence of Pole s reserve, the goodwill of the Pope was called 
in question in Brussels as well as in London, and he was sus 
pected of first wishing to gain the submission of England to 
the Holy See, and of intending then to have recourse to stern 
measures by demanding the return of the Church property. 2 

As the powers conferred by the brief of September 28th did 
not appear to either Philip or Charles to be sufficiently compre 
hensive, the Emperor enjoined his ambassador in Rome, 

1 Printed in WEISS, Papiers de Granvelle, IV., 70. 
2 ANCEL, 785. 



POLE S POWERS. 281 

Manrique, to request Julius III. to amplify them. People 
in Rome, he wrote to Manrique, appeared to think that the 
present possessors of the Church property thought more of 
their material prosperity than of the welfare of their souls, and 
also that they were very numerous, and that, in their endeav 
ours to secure their property, they would make desperate 
attempts to stir up the people. 1 Pole, who preferred to have 
special powers and authorization to those contained generally 
in the brief of August 5th, added his request to that of the 
Emperor. Besides the authority conferred in the brief of 
September 28th, to enter into agreements and negotiations 
with regard to Church property, they begged that the further 
brief might confer the right, expressed in clear and distinct 
terms, of absolutely renouncing Church property, and that the 
clause in the former brief, to the effect that, in cases of special 
importance, application should be made to Rome, should be 
completely withdrawn. 2 

Before the answer to this application arrived, the last 
obstacles in the way of Pole s appearance in England were 
removed. As the steps which he had taken with regard to the 
Pope showed, the Emperor was now in earnest about his pro 
mise to allow the legate to fulfil the duties of his office, while 
Philip also wished to be a ruler in a Catholic kingdom. Mary 
openly declared that she was ready to give her life for the 
re-establishment of ecclesiastical unity. 3 Two Dominicans 
and two Franciscans, one of whom was the learned Alfonso de 
Castro, had come to England with Philip, and preached in 
London in their habits ; although they had, at first, been 
mocked at, on this account, they soon gained great influence 
by their learning. 4 It made a great impression, also, when 
Gardiner, on September 30th, openly acknowledged, in a 
sermon preached before a large congregation at St. Paul s 
Cross, that he had grievously erred by his co-operation in the 

1 Ibid. 786. 

2 Pole to Julius III., October 19, 1554 in BROWN, V., n. 954. 

3 ANCEL, 787. 

783. 



282 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

schism under Henry VIII., and that his imprisonment under 
Edward VI. had been a just punishment for what he had done. 1 

If the favourable opportunity was not to be missed, the 
departure of Pole for England was very urgent, for Parliament 
was to be opened on November i2th, and the question of 
reunion must then be discussed. 

The Imperial ambassador in London, Simon Renard, 
arrived in Brussels just at the right moment, on October 20th. 
On the 22nd, he explained the state of affairs in England to 
Pole, in the presence of the nuncio. 2 He said that three 
classes of people there were opponents of reconciliation with 
Rome : those in whose eyes religious freedom meant the same 
thing as carnal freedom ; those who had been enriched by the 
goods of the Church ; and, finally, the ambitious, to whom 
risings and unrest in the country were ever welcome. The 
expressions in the brief of September 28th had aroused fears 
in England that Pole would take legal proceedings against the 
holders of Church property after the reunion with Rome, and 
demand restitution. Then Renard laid the following ques 
tions before the English Cardinal. Did he propose to make a 
solemn entry into London, invested with the insignia of his 
office as legate ? Would he exercise his powers in agreement 
with Mary and Philip ? Would the Pope grant him an 
amplification of the powers he had already received ? Pole, 
answered that they must, above all things, cease to expect 
that the breach could be healed by this prolonged delay. He 
would make no difficulty about appearing in England as a 
simple Papal envoy, without the insignia of a legate, he would 
not hesitate to seek the advice of their Majesties in the exercise 
of his powers, and he had no doubt as to the readiness of the 
Pope to meet their wishes. 

In a further meeting on October 25th, Renard again returned 
to the question of Church property, and the extension of the 
powers given him by the Pope. In order to satisfy him, Pole 
showed him the secret brief of August 5th, in which Julius III. 

1 Ibid. 

2 Pole to Julius III., October 23, 1554 in BROWN, V., n. 955. 



POLE AT LAST STARTS. 283 

had, from the first, promised his concurrence with all the decis 
ions of the legate. Renard was exceedingly pleased and 
declared that if the existence of this document had been known 
earlier, all the recent steps which had been taken with regard 
to the Pope would have been unnecessary. On Renard s 
advice, the brief was also laid before the Emperor, who 
remarked in astonishment to Muzzarelli : "If the legate is not 
already in England, he has only himself to thank for it." 1 

Pole s time, therefore, had at last arrived. His joy, as 
Muzzarelli wrote was " inconceivably great," and in his letters 
to London and Rome he expressed it in the strongest terms. 2 
His satisfaction could only be increased by a letter from the 
queen, on November 6th. She informed him that she had, on 
the previous Saturday, announced to her Council, in a formal 
sitting and in the presence of her husband, that in her opinion 
the time had now come to summon the legate and to complete 
the reconciliation with Rome. All had unanimously agreed 
with this opinion of the queen, and two of the most influential 
members, Lord Paget and Lord Edward Hastings, had at once 
been commissioned to repair to Brussels and invite the legate 
to England in the name of the Royal Council. 3 On November 
8th the English ambassador in Brussels, John Mason, showed 
this official invitation to the Emperor, and on the following 
day, Granvelle informed the English Cardinal that it was now 
time to prepare for the journey to London. 4 

On November nth Paget and Hastings presented themselves 
before the legate, and again at once referred to the burning 
question of the Church property, which now formed the only 
obstacle to the reconciliation of their country with the Pope. 5 
Pole had his farewell audience with the Emperor on the i2th, 
and on the following day he left Brussels. 

1 ANCEL, 788. 

2 Muzzarelli to del Monte, October 28, 1554 in ANCEL, 789. 
Pole to Mary, October 27, in BROWN, V., n. 958 ; Pole to Philip, 
October 27, ibid., n. 959 ; Pole to Cardinal Morone, ibid., n. 960. 

3 ANCEL, 789. 

4 Pole to Julius III., November n, 1554, in BROWN, V., n. 962. 
6 Ibid., n. 962, p. 592. 



284 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

His journey to London was like a triumphal procession. 1 
On November igth he was received at Calais, on his first 
entering into English territory, in the most solemn manner, by 
the marshall at the head of the garrison, and all the officials. 
When he landed at Dover he was welcomed by Lord Montague 
and Thirlby, the Bishop of Ely, who were accompanied by a 
great number of the nobility, in the name of the queen and King 
Philip. The further he advanced, the greater was the number 
of the nobles of the country who joined him, until at last 1800 
gentlemen formed his retinue. 

At Canterbury Pole was received with joyful acclamations 
by the people. From thence he sent Richard Pate, Bishop of 
Worcester, to their Majesties, to ask when they would grant 
him an audience. When he proceeded, two days later, two 
members ot Parliament brought him the news at Gravesend 
that the sentence of attainder pronounced against him by 
Henry VIII. had been reversed by Parliament, amid cries of 
jubilation, in the presence of the queen and King Philip. 
In handing him the document which had been drawn up 
concerning this, the two members informed him that their 
Majesties desired him to appear before them as legate, wearing 
all the insignia of his office. 

The same proposal had been made to Pole at Canterbury, 
but then he had declined to accept it, but now, as their Majes 
ties wished it, he had to give way. The large silver legate s 
cross was affixed to the prow of the royal barge which the 
queen had sent to meet him at Gravesend, and the Cardinal, 
accompanied by a great number ot vessels, which carried the 
greatest nobles of the land, sailed up the Thames to West 
minster. There he was welcomed on landing by Gardiner, 
at the gate by King Philip, and at the top of the steps, which 
he ascended in the company of Philip, by the queen, who was 
radiantly happy, and declared that she had not felt such 
gladness on her accession to the throne. 2 This memorable 

1 Description of the journey in a letter of Pole to del Monte, of 
November 25, 1554, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, Inghil- 
terra, III., 69-70. Cf. ANCEL, 790 seqq., LINGARD, 177. 

2 LEE, 346. 



POLE IN ENGLAND. 285 

day was November 24th. Pole took up his temporary resi 
dence in the archiepiscopal palace at Lambeth. 

The task which had brought the legate to England could only 
be accomplished with the help of Parliament, which had been 
sitting since November i2th. In the opening speech, Gardiner 
declared that the first Parliament of the queen s reign had 
restored the former religious conditions, the second had 
confirmed her marriage treaty, and the third was asked to bring 
about the union of the kingdom with the Universal Church. 1 
No opposition to the royal wishes was expected, and both 
Houses had very willingly reversed the sentence of attainder 
on Pole. The manner in which the reconciliation with Rome, 
was now to be effected in Parliament was discussed by Pole 
and Gardiner on November 25th. This was determined by the 
legate on the following day, and carried into execution, as had 
been alreadv arranged, on November 28th, 2Qth and 30th. 
It happened very fortunately that, just as Pole was deliberating 
with the sovereigns, the Papal Bull, containing all the altera 
tions asked for by the Cardinal, should have been delivered to 
him. 2 

On November 28th Parliament assembled in the royal 
palace of Whitehall. Pole was solemnly brought in and 
delivered a long discourse setting forth the purpose of his 
mission. 3 He thanked them, first of all, for having, by their 
repeal of the act of attainder, restored to him his native land, 
his estates and his title of nobility. He had returned, he said, 
to restore to his country her title of nobility, which in the 
sorrowful events of the preceding decades she had forfeited. 
Till now, England had distinguished herself by her devotion 
to Christ and the Holy See ; this devotion she had fostered, 

1 LINGARD, 177. 

2 ANCEL, 792. The Bull was discovered by Ancel in the *Reg. 
Vat., 1795, p. 295. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). It bears the 
date August i, 1554, so that the reconciliation of England may 
appear to be a result of the Queen s marriage on July 25, ANCEL, 
792. 

3 Contents of the speech, from a copy in the Secret Archives of 
the Vatican, in ANCEL, 793. 



286 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and through Boniface, had spread among other nations. She 
had been deprived of this great prerogative and noble title 
because the Holy See would not give way to a criminal passion, 
and because, in contradiction to their forefathers, she had gone 
to foreign nations in order to be indoctrinated with the abom 
inations of their false teaching. Now, however, God had 
raised up a queen who would lead her country out of this house 
of bondage, and the two highest powers on earth, the Pope and 
the Emperor, had come to support her. King Philip, as the 
representative of the Emperor, v/ould establish temporal peace, 
and he himself, as the representative of the Pope, had come 
to give his countrymen spiritual peace. Only two conditions 
were necessarily bound up with the reunion of the country 
with the Holy See : they must acknowledge their transgression, 
and they must repeal the laws against the Papal supremacy. 

After this speech, Pole retired, and Gardiner continued the 
discussion. His exhortation to reunion with the Church 
was received with universal applause, and on the following 
day the proposal was formally voted upon and carried. 

On November 30th, Parliament again assembled in the 
great hall of the royal palace. Philip sat at the queen s left 
hand, and the Cardinal on her right, but at a greater distance 
from the throne. Gardiner announced the decision of the 
previous day, and begged their Majesties to act as mediators 
between the representatives of the people and the legate. A 
petition to this effect was then read aloud, which all present 
loudly acclaimed, after which the queen and Ring Philip 
handed it to the legate and begged absolution for schism and 
all censures. Pole then caused the Bull concerning his powers 
and authority to be read, and gave thanks to God in a short 
speech for England s reconciliation. Then all, the queen and 
king not excepted, fell upon their knees and received abso 
lution in the name of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost. A 
loud and oft repeated " Amen " resounded on all sides, and a 
solemn Te Deum in the royal chapel closed the proceedings. 1 

Two days later, on the first Sunday in Advent, Pole made his 

I LINGARD, 179. ANCEL, 794-5. 



DECREES ABOUT CHURCH PROPERTY. 287 

entry into London, amid universal enthusiasm. After Bishop 
Bonner had celebrated High Mass in the presence of the legate 
and King Philip, Gardiner preached at St. Paul s Cross on the 
text from the liturgy of the day : " Now is the time to arouse 
from sleep." He was listened to by 25,000 people. When 
Pole returned to the archiepiscopal palace, the people thronged 
round him in such crowds to receive his blessings, that Par- 
paglia writes that he could not have believed that London 
contained so many inhabitants. 1 

The burning question of the Church property was finally 
settled immediately after the reconciliation. 2 Two petitions 
on the matter were addressed to the Crown, one from Parlia 
ment, and the other from the clergy. In the former, Parlia 
ment besought their Majesties to obtain from the legate all 
those dispensations which the changes during the time of 
schism made necessary, and they desired, in particular, that 
the right of possession should be assured to the present holders 
of Church lands. In the other petition the clergy renounced all 
claim on the stolen ecclesiastical property. Pole issued the 
desired decree on December 24th. In accordance with this, 
all the charitable institutions and schools founded during tLe 
schism were to remain in being, and all the marriages and 
episcopal " acta " concluded during this period without the 
necessary Papal dispensation were declared valid, while the 
possessors of Church property were not to be disturbed, either 
now or in the future, on ecclesiastical grounds. A compre 
hensive Bill oi January 1555 then declared that all the statutes 
promulgated since the twentieth year of Henry VIII. against 
the Papal authority were invalid, and confirmed the legate s 
decree. 

As a sign that a new era had begun and that the old troubles 
were forgotten, at the return of England to the Universal 
Church, all those who still remained in prison on account of 
their participation in the rebellion of Northumberland arid 
Wyatt, were released from the Tower on January i8th, 1555, 3 

1 ANCEL, 795-6. 2 LINGARD, 179-182. 

3 Ibid. 184. 



288 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Elizabeth returned to court, while Courtenay received " per 
mission " to travel for the purpose of improving his education. 
He died suddenly in Venice in 1556. 

Viscount Montague, Bishop Thirlby and Sir Edward Carne 
were appointed ambassadors to Rome on February i8th, to 
announce officially to the Pope the happy news of England s 
return to the Church. 1 

Julius III. received the first news of the events of St. 
Andrew s Day, on December i4th, in a letter from the hand ot 
King Philip. 2 The Feast of St. Andrew, to which he owed his 
deliverance at the sack of Rome, 3 again became for him a day 
of rejoicing. He caused the royal letter to be read to as many 
Cardinals, prelates and others as the Hall of Consistory could 
contain, and then proceeded to St. Peter s in order to assist at 
a Mass of thanksgiving in St. Andrew s Chapel. Afterwards, 
prayers of thanksgiving for fourteen days were prescribed 
and a Jubilee indulgence proclaimed. 4 The joyful events were 
celebrated in other parts of Italy, as well as in Rome, 5 by 
solemn thanksgivings and bonfires, 6 while pamphlets an 
nounced the great triumph in the most distant lands. 7 The 

1 Ibid. 

2 ANCEL, 796. Nonciat. de France, I., 175. A letter of Pole of 
November 30, (RAYNALDUS, 1554, n. 15. BROWN, V., n. 966) 
only reached Rome later. An official letter of Mary and Philip of 
December 16, in RIBIER, II., 542. 

3 Cf. supra p. 47. 

4 See Acta Consist, in RAYNALDUS, 1554, n - 16 ; Nonciat. de 
France, I., 175 ; BECCADELLI, Monumenta, II., 315. 

5 See PAGLIUCCHI, 126 : L allegrezza publica et ringraziamenti 
fatti a Dio dalla Santita di N.S. Julio papa III. et dal sacro collegio 
per il ritorno del regno d Inghilterra alia cattob ca unione, Milan, 
1555. The " Oratio in laetitia ob reconciliationem Britanniae 
Romae celebrata," of U. Foglieta, dedicated to Julius III., 
appeared at that time in print in Rome. 

6 Cf. Arch. Stor. Napolit., II., 575. MERKLE, II., 448. 

7 Two pamphlets adorned with the arms of the Pope and 
England, which were printed in Rome, must be mentioned here : 
i. Copia delle lettere del ser. Re d Inghilterra, del rever. Card. 
Polo legato della S. Sede Apostolica alia Santita di N.S. Julio 



" THE GOLDEN ROSE." 289 

auditor of the Rota, Antonio Agostini, was commissioned to 
present Queen Mary with the Golden Rose, her consort receiv 
ing a consecrated sword and hat of state. 1 

Papa III. sopra la reduttione di quel regno alia unione della Santa 
madre Chiesa et obedienza della Sede Apostolica, s.l.et a. ; 2. II 
felicissimo ritorno del regno d Inghilterra alia catholica unione et 
alia obedientia della sede apostolica, s.l.et a. Cf. QUIRINI, V., 303 ; 
BECCADELLI, Monumenta, II., 313, n. 51. 

1 See RAYNALDUS, 1555, n. 2 ; PIETER, 67-68 ; BROWN, VI., i, 
n. 30, 37, 66. 



VOL. XIII. 19 



CHAPTER XI. 
SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE NEW WORLD. 

THE Apostolic See devoted special attention to the missions 
in the New World during the reign of Julius III. A brief 
of July 20th, 1554, made an attempt to provide for the scarcity 
of missionaries in America, in accordance with which suitable 
members of the Franciscan, Dominican and Augustinian 
Orders could receive permission to go as missionaries to 
America from the Archbishop of Seville, the Bishops of Avila, 
the Patriarch of the West Indies, and the former Bishop of 
Pamplona, Antonio Fonseca, even without the sanction of the 
superiors of their own Order. 1 A new bishopric was founded 
at la Plata on June 27th, 1552, in the modern Bolivia, for 
Spanish South America. 2 Portuguese South America had 
always been under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of 
Funchal, in Madeira, whom Clement VII. had appointed 
metropolitan for the whole of the Portuguese colonies. 3 This 
arrangement was brought to an end on February 25th, 1551, 
and San Salvador (Bahia) was founded as a bishopric for 
Brazil. 4 Soon afterwards, on June 26th, 1551, Funchal lost 

1 RAYNALDUS, 1554, n. 30. 

2 Acta Consist. (Consistorial Archives) ; cf. RAYNALDUS, 
1552, n. 58 ; GAMS, 160. By the *brief of September 27, 1552, 
Thomas de S. Martino elect, de la Plata in Indiis, received author 
ity to take four monks with him, capable of instructing in the 
gospel, preaching, &c. (Brev. Julii III., Arm. 41, t. 65, n. 635. 
Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 Cf. Vol. X. of this work, p. 366. 

4 Acta Consist, loc. cii. RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 79. Corpo dipl. 
Port., VII., 2 seq. The Bull of Foundation of July 3, 1550, in 

290 



THE JESUITS IN BRAZIL. 2QI 

its metropolitan rights as an independent see, and became a 
suffragan bishopric of Lisbon. 1 

The superior of the Jesuit mission in Brazil, Manoel Nobrega, 
had, in particular, worked, in his letters to Europe, for the 
establishment of a separate bishopric there. It was his 
opinion that only the respect felt for a bishop, and the power 
which he could wield, would be sufficient to improve the moral 
conditions of the country, of which Nobrega s letters give such 
a sad picture. 2 

For some time after his arrival, Nobrega s letters bore the 
stamp of joyful anticipation. In spite of their cannibalism 
and polygamy, the savages seemed to be easily capable of 
civilization. They asked for instruction in reading and writing, 
as well as in Christian doctrine ; they came willingly to the 
Christian church, and behaved there like white people. 3 
" Nowhere in the world," wrote Nobrega on August loth, 
1549, " na d such favourable prospects been opened to Christ 
ianity," 4 while again, on September I4th, 1551, he thought the 

the Bullarium Patronatus Portugalliae, I., Lisbon, 1868, 177 
(cf. MARCELLING DA CIVEZZA, VI., 778). Concerning the estab 
lishment of the oversea Spanish and Portuguese bishoprics, 
cf. F. X. HERNAEZ, Colleccion de Bulas, Breves y otros docu- 
mentos relatives a la Iglesia de America y Filipinas, II., i seqq., 
663 seqq., Brussels-Paris, 1879. 

1 Acta Consist, loc. cit. 

2 Materiaes e achegas para a historia e geographia do Brasil, 
publicados por ordem do Ministerio da Fazenda. No. 2 : Cartas 
do Brasil do Padre Manoel da Nobrega, Rio de Janeiro, 1866, 
50, 57. Ibid. 104, Nobrega names the Brazilian bishopric as a 
work of the Portuguese Jesuit provincial, Simon Rodriguez : 
" Vossa Reverendissima foi principio de tao grande bem " ; 
cf. POLANCO, III., 465 : " Cuius [episcopi] promotionem apud 
regem nostri [the Jesuits] curaverant." Nobrega also recommen 
ded the introduction of the Inquisition as a means of freeing the 
slaves : " o melhor remedio destas cousas seria que o Rei mandasse 
inquisidores ou commissarios para fazer libertar os escravos, 
ao menos os que sao salteados." Materiaes, 79. 

3 Materiaes, 48, 84. 4 Ibid. 66. 



2Q2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

savages in Pernambuco would be easy to convert, but that he 
would require a larger number of priests than was at present 
at his disposal to continue the good work. 1 By the end of 
1553, four Jesuit settlements had already been founded, in 
Bahia, Porto Seguro, Espirito Santo and San Vincente, to 
which Piratininga, the present San Paolo, was added in Janu 
ary, I 554- 2 The instruction of the Indian children, to which 
the missionaries zealously devoted themselves, seemed specially 
full of promise. 3 

The atrocities committed by the white people, who were for 
the most part deported criminals, 4 soon destroyed these hopes. 
Nobrega complains 5 that they spoke of the natives as dogs and 
treated them as such. They introduced slave raids (saltos), 
induced the aborigines to embark on ships under false pre 
tences, and sailed away with them and sold them as slaves. 6 
Their owners, moreover, troubled themselves very little about 
the welfare of their slaves, they worked them to death and 
then threw them in heaps on dunghills. 7 Frequently they 
took possession of the Indian women, white women having 
only left Europe in small numbers, and real marriages with 
coloured people not being considered fitting, the consequence 
of these conditions was a most shocking state of immorality. 8 

Here as elsewhere, the missionaries proved themselves 
almost the only friends of the oppressed people. They ex 
horted and protested in their sermons, and backed up their 
protests by the refusal of the Sacraments ; 9 they assembled 
the slaves to instruct them in Christianity, 10 and wrote to the 

1 Ibid. 91 ; cf. 88 : " Mui facil cousa e serem totos christaos, si 
houver muitos obrieros que os conservem em bons costumes." 

2 POLANCO, IV., 611. 

3 Materiaes, 84, 88, 101. 

4 POLANCO, V., 622. 

5 Materiaes, 151. 
*Ibid. 55- 

7 Ibid. 152. 

8 Ibid. 54, 79. 

9 Ibid. 79, 102. 

10 Ibid. 88. 



THE JESUITS AT BAHIA. 2Q3 

King of Portugal to send out free labourers 1 and white women. 2 
They met with a certain amount of success, and in some cases 
astonishing results were obtained. 3 Everything was spoilt 
however, as far as the immediate future was concerned, by the 
arrival of the bishop, upon whom such hopes had been built. 
Pedro Fernandez Sardinha, who reached Bahia on June 22nd, 
1552, 4 was not capable, in spite of his zeal, of filling his difficult 
post in a successful manner ; the clergy, too, whom he had 
brought with him from Portugal, were the dregs of their sacred 
calling, and destroyed by their bad example and their indis 
criminate dispensation of the Sacraments, everything which 
the missionaries had, with so much trouble, attained. The 
activities of the Jesuits among the white population in Bahia 
were thus quite brought to an end. Nobrega retired to some 
distance from the town, leaving only one missionary behind 
for the benefit of the children. 5 The bishop fell into the hands 
of the cannibals in 1556 and was eaten by them. 6 

The Indians of the primeval forests had no fixed place of 
abode ; it might easily happen that the missionary who 
instructed them would find, on his return, nothing but their 
burnt down village. 7 Besides this, the different hamlets often 
consisted of no more than six or seven huts, and this scattered 
condition of the Indians greatly increased the difficulty of 
instructing them. Marriages worthy of the name were also 
almost unknown among them, and they had neither chiefs nor 

1 Ibid. 100. 

2 Ibid. 79; cf. 54- 

3 Materiaes, 55, 77-8, 91, 148, 150. Sometimes Indians who 
had been seized as slaves were allowed to go free, as their captors 
had been refused absolution in confession (Ibid. 102). Female 
Indians preferred to suffer ill-usage than to return to a life 
of sin with their master (Ibid. 120). Cf. the testimony of Correa, 
in POLANCO, III., 463 : " multos esse in illis praesidiis non 
utcunque, sed egregie pios ac bonos." 

4 Materiaes, 94. 

5 Ibid. 148-9 ; cf. 129, 144. 

6 Ibid. 148, 153. 

7 POLANCO, II., 159. 



294 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

any idea of community life ; each one was king in his own 
hut and did as he pleased. 1 

The missionaries were, therefore, convinced that until a 
certain amount of civilization and order had been introduced 
among them, there could be no question of lasting success, 2 
and they were extremely careful in baptizing them, chiefly on 
this ground. 3 

As far as lay in their power, the missionaries themselves 
endeavoured to pave the way for more civilized conditions, 
by uniting several hamlets into one larger village, with a view 
to rendering the work of instruction easier, or, in accordance 
with the principle adopted in the later settlements, by collect 
ing the converts into special communities. 4 Law and order, 
however, could only be introduced among the Indians on a 
large scale, when the state lent its assistance for this purpose. 
Nobrega, therefore, wrote in 1554 that everything was again 
going to ruin among the savages in the neighbourhood of 
Bahia ; tribes were destroying and devouring one another in 
marauding expeditions, while families were living in a per 
petual state of feud with each other. It was the duty of the 
authorities to intervene at this juncture, for the savages them 
selves would prefer a mild condition of dependence to the 
present state of affairs. 5 

The only obstacle was that the whites took little interest in 
the civilization of the natives. On the contrary, it was 
considered sound policy to encourage the dissensions among 
them, for the safety of the white people was based on the fact 
of the Indians destroying one another. 6 Therefore they incited 
one tribe against the next, encouraging them in the enjoyment 

1 POLANCO, IV., 631. 

2 Ibid. IV., 631, V., 626. Materiaes, 131, 147. 

3 POLANCO, II., 159, 382, 387, 388, 393, 725 ; III., 472 ; IV., 
623 : " Nee nisi post longam probationem quemquam baptiza- 
bant " ; V., 636 : " Cum magno delectu a nostris ad eum (bap- 
tismum) admittebantur. " 

4 Ibid. III., 472 ; IV., 615. Materiaes, 56, 99. 

5 Materiaes, 107. 

6 Ibid. 150 seqq. 



DIFFICULTIES OF THE MISSIONARIES. 

of human flesh, while there were not wanting even white 
people who shared their dreadful feasts, with a view to giving 
them an example. 1 The Creoles, cross-breeds between whites 
and Indians, also worked in direct opposition to the mission 
aries, by trying to make the natives who had been baptized 
renounce Christianity, and treating them as cowards or women 2 
if they would not do so. 

It is astonishing and worthy of all admiration that the 
missionaries did not lose heart under such difficulties. Living 
in the greatest poverty, 3 hated by the rich on account of their 
sermons against the slave raids, 4 hindered sometimes by the 
governor, who did not pay them the cost of maintenance 
settled on them by the king, 5 hampered by differences of opin 
ion with the bishop, 6 and crushed by the consciousness that 
their success did not correspond to the labour it involved, 7 
they never ceased to defend the rights of humanity, in dis 
putations and in letters to Portugal laying their complaints 
before the king, 8 and all the time continuing their efforts to 
comfort and alleviate the miseries of the unfortunate natives, 
in as far as it lay in their power to do so. 

As the labours of the Jesuits met, for the present, with so 
much opposition in the Portuguese settlements on the coast, 
they earnestly hoped that better prospects would open before 
them somewhere else. 9 This seemed to be the case in Para 
guay. 10 That country had been subject to the Spaniards for 
years, and what the missionaries had been vainly trying to do 
in Brazil, namely, to establish law and order among the 
Indians, had been already accomplished there. The natives 

l lbid. 150; cf. 87. 

2 POLANCO, IV., 613. 

3 Ibid. 626, 628. Materiaes, 102, 104. 

4 POLANCO, III., 461. 

5 Ibid. V., 623. 

6 Ibid. III., 462, 465 ; cf. Materiaes, 104-5, 148. 

7 POLANCO, V., 632, 638. Materiaes, 147, 149, 157- 

8 Materiaes, 90, 98, 106. 

9 POLANCO, II., 718 ; III., 456. 

10 Ibid. III., 456-460. Materiaes, 131, 166, 167. 



296 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had been instructed in Christianity by travelling missionaries 
of the Franciscan Order, and afterwards by secular priests ; 
as, however, there was a great need of spiritual assistance, the 
Indians had repeatedly, since 1552, sent messages to the Jesuits 
in Brazil to come to their aid. 1 There was no want of readiness 
on the part of the Jesuits to grant their request, but the plan 
fell through on account of the opposition of the Portuguese 
authorities. 

In 1557, with the arrival of a new governor, Men de Sa, 
conditions in Brazil took a more favourable turn. Men de Sa 
supported the missionaries in every way. He at once reunited 
the natives in the neighbourhood of Bahia in three large vil 
lages, each of which contained a church ; schools arose for the 
Indian children, while law and justice were administered 
among the natives in a humane manner. These efforts were 
not, it is true, received with any thanks by the colonists. 2 

While the mission on the Brazilian coast was thus preparing 
for its period of greatest development by a time of probation, 
the conversion of the Indians in Mexico was being definitely 
provided for. 3 

Fernando Cortez had been accompanied by two priests when 

1 POLANCO, III., 458 ; IV., 615, 617 ; V., 620. 

2 Materiaes, 156 seqq. One of the first Protestant missionary 
attempts also took place at this time. The Frenchman, Durand 
de Villegaignon, an apostate Catholic, had founded a colony 
in Brazil in 1550, and requested Calvin to send missionaries 
These, however, declared, three months after their arrival, that 
they could make nothing of the savages (Calvini Opera, ed. G. 
Baum, E. Cunitz, E. Reuss, XVI., 434). Nobrega speaks of 
Villegaignon (Materiaes, 174) : " Estes Francezes seguiam as 
heresias de Allemanha, pricipalmente as de Calvino, que esta 
em Genebra e segundo soube delles mesmos e pelos livros que 
Ihe acharam muitos, e vinham a esta terra a semear estas here 
sias pelo Gentio." 

3 JERONIMO MENDIETA (died 1604), Historia ecclesiastica 
Indiana, Mexico, 1870. MARCELLING DA CIVEZZA, Stona umver- 
sale delle Missioni Francescane, VI., 523-668, Prato, 1881 ; VII., 
2, ibid. 574-882, 1891. 



THE FRANCISCANS IN MEXICO. 297 

he first landed in the New World, and on the news of the com 
pletion of the conquest of Mexico in 1523, five Franciscans had 
immediately set sail for America. The actual founders of 
Christianity in New Spain, however, were the twelve Francis 
cans who, invested with the fullest powers 1 by Leo X. on April 
25th, 1521, and by Adrian VI. on May I3th, 1522, entered the 
capital in 1524 under Martin of Valencia, who died in 1534. 
Cortez himself went out to meet them with a brilliant retinue, 
falling on his knees and kissing their hands, to the amazement 
of the numerous natives who had flocked to the spot, and 
introducing them to the chiefs as the ambassadors of heaven. 2 
Numerous members of the other Orders now joined this first 
band of Franciscan missionaries, lists of whose names are still 
in existence. In the years 1529 and 1530 no less than twenty- 
six, in 1538 thirty-one, and in 1542 eighty-six priests received 
the royal permission to proceed to Mexico. 3 Two reports 
which Martin of Valencia and Juan Zumarraga sent to Europe 
on June I2th, 1531, telling of the success of their labours, 
awakened great enthusiasm in many persons for the vocation 
to the missionary life. 4 According to Martin of Valencia, in 
1531 there were already twenty Franciscan convents in 
Mexico, of which the greater number were, indeed, little more 
than Indian huts, but in 1555 the number of Franciscan settle 
ments had increased to fifty, and at the close of the XVIth 

1 Paul III. amplified this authority on February 15, 1535. 
Printed copy of the briefs in MENDIETA, 3, 5-7 (CIVEZZA, VI., 
542). 

2 Villagomes (MENDIETA, 3, 12) describes the scene as an eye 
witness (ClVEZZA, VI., 550). 

3 CIVEZZA, VI., 553-558, where an (incomplete) list of the Fran 
ciscans is given (taken from the Archive de Indias in Seville) 
who were sent by the King to Mexico from 1524 to 1550. 

4 Cf. LUDWIG SCHMITT, Der Kolner Theologe N. Stagesyr, 
Freiburg, 1896, 170 seqq. ; N. PAULUS in Katholik, 1897, II., 
239. The two reports (in Italian in CIVEZZA, VI., 564-568) 
were circulated in French and Latin translations (Toulouse, 
1532, and Cologne, 1532). CIVEZZA, VI., 568, and PAULUS, 
loc. cit., 239. 



298 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

century to seventy. 1 The Franciscans were joined in 1526 
by the Dominicans and in 1533 by the Augustinians. In 1528 
Juan Zumarraga, chosen by Charles V., arrived in the capital 
of the country as bishop-elect of Mexico and protector of the 
Indians. He was consecrated bishop in Spain in 1532, and 
returned to his diocese with numerous new missionaries. As 
early as 1546 the city of Mexico was able to be raised to be an 
archbishopric, with the suffragan sees of Oaxaca, Mechoacan, 
Tlaxcala, Guatemala and Chiapa. 2 

The Franciscans in Mexico from the very beginning made the 
instructions of youth the chief aim of their work. 3 In each of 
their convents great halls were erected, in which on an average 
500 native boys, and sometimes as many as between 800 and 
1000, received instruction in reading, writing and ecclesiastical 
chant. They had, especially at first, the sons of the more in 
fluential natives in view, who would later occupy the more 
important positions. The education of the girls was also 
looked after, and for this purpose pious women, mostly mem 
bers of the Third Orde^, were brought over from Spain to act 
as teachers. 4 Bishop Zumarraga, in a letter to Chailes V. on 
December 2ist, 1537, declared that it was one of the most 
pressing requirements of the mission that a large college for 
boys should be built in each diocese, and a second one for girls. 
The instruction given to the boys should be extended so as to 
include Latin grammar, while the girls should be educated 
from about their sixth year by nuns and pious women, and be 
married when they attained the age of twelve. 5 By their zeal 
in the erection of schools the Franciscans must be regarded 
as the founders of the Mexican system of public education, for 
in the old Aztec kingdom instruction by means of schools was 
still unknown. 6 

1 CIVEZZA, VII., 2, 438, 530. 2 GAMS, 156. 

3 Martino da Valenza, in CIVEZZA, VI., 565. Mendieta in 
ibid., 552. 

4 CIVEZZA, VI., 554, 567. 

5 Ibid. VI., 630 ; VII., 2, 844. 

6 JOAQUIN GARCIA ICAZBALCETA, La instruction publica en Is 
ciudad de Mexico durante el siglo XVI., Mexico, 1893. 



PETER OF GHENT. 2Q9 

A simple lay-brother, Peter of Ghent (died 1572) won 
special renown as an instructor of youth, teaching the children 
of the capital for almost fifty years. In the morning they 
learned reading, writing and singing, while in the afternoon 
he gave them lessons in Christian doctrine. He had chosen 
fifty of the most advanced pupils and sent them out on Sun 
days, two by two, so that they might fill the office of catechists 
to their countrymen. Peter was also one of the most influen 
tial men in Mexico, from his knowledge of building and his 
skill in many crafts, so that Alonso de Montufar, Zumarraga s 
successor in the archiepiscopal see (1551-1569) said that it was 
not he, but Brother Peter, who was the real bishop of Mexico. 
Peter of Ghent could actually have become Archbishop of 
Mexico, if he had not preferred to remain in his humble 
position. 1 

While the missionaries were teaching the young people 
Spanish, they themselves learned the Mexican language from 
their pupils, and one of their chief reasons for beginning 
operations by the instruction of the young was that they saw 
in this the easiest way of acquiring the idioms of the country. 2 

After they had attained to sufficient proficiency in this, the 
conversion of the actual Aztec territory was accomplished in a 
comparatively short time. The heathen temples were for the 
most part destroyed, and the images broken. Zumarraga 
writes as early as 1531 that 500 temples had been cast down 
and 20,000 idols burned. 3 Catholic chapels arose on every 
side, of which Peter of Ghent had already erected 100 by 
1529, 4 and to these the Indians flocked in great numbers. 

1 SERV. DIRKS, Le Frere Pierre de Mura, sa vie ct ses travaux 
en Mexique, Ghent, 1878. F. KIECKENS, in Precis hist., XXIX., 
277 seqq., Brussels, 1880. CIVEZZA, VI., 538-542, 600-603 
623-626 ; VII., 2, 761-777. 

2 Mendieta describes how the missionaries took part in the 
childish games of the boys, noting down at once the words which 
fell from their lips, and gathered together in the evenings to find 
the most suitable Spanish expressions for the Nahuatl idioms. 
CIVEZZA, VI., 552. 

3 Ibid VI., 566. *Ibid., VII., 2, 770. 



300 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The capital of the country might serve as a symbol of the 
religious change which had taken place, for it had arisen in less 
than four years from the ruins of the city destroyed by Cortez, 
more beautiful and magnificent than before. Where the temple 
of the god of war had formerly stood, the cathedral, dedicated 
to St. Francis, now arose, into the foundations of which the 
broken images of the Aztec gods had been thrown. In the 
part of the city called Tlatelolco a second cathedral was to be 
found, besides which there were about thirty churches for 
the natives. 1 

In many cases, it is true, the conversions were only super 
ficial ; Bishop Zumarraga complains in 1537 that Indians of 
advanced age kept up their old superstitious customs, and 
relinquished their idols and habits, especially that of polygamy, 
most unwillingly ; the missionaries, therefore, had above all 
things to endeavour to confirm the youth in the Christian 
religion. 2 The learned Bernadino of Sahagun (died 1590) 
thought that the early missionaries had been wanting in the 
" wisdom of the serpent," for they had not discovered that the 
Indians went to the Christian church, while still retaining their 
old idols. 3 The missionaries, however, who lived in the closest 
touch with the people, could not be permanently mistaken 
as to their mentality, and there are many reasons which explain 
the rapid conversion of such great masses of the natives. 

The victory over the old Mexico was, in the eyes of the 
Indians, also a victory over the Mexican gods, and they had to 
explain to themselves the fact that the Spaniards were able 
to destroy the idols unpunished, in the same way. 4 Besides 
this the old religion had been a hard yoke for those of the lower 
classes. The blood of their own children was sometimes 
demanded of them, and the prospect of immortality was held 

1 W. H. PRESCOTT, History of the Conquest of Mexico, 7, 2, 
London, 1854 ; II., 266. 

2 ClVEZZA VII., 2, 844. 

3 C. CRIVELLI in the Catholic Encyclopaedia, X., 255, New 
York, s.a. [1911]. 

4 PRESCOTT, 2, 4, 8; 5, 2 (I., 149, 195-6; II., 47-8). 



OBSTACLES IN MEXICO. 301 

out to them, not as a state which would depend on their moral 
conduct, but rather on their rank in life, or the manner of their 
death. The contrast between the arrogant Mexican priests, 
who considered themselves far above the common people, and 
the simple unselfish Franciscans could not fail to bring out the 
superiority of the missionaries. It made a great impression 
on the Indians, that the religious went about barefoot, and 
were content with as poor nourishment as they had themselves. 1 
Of still greater weight was the fact that the missionaries 
showed a comprehension of the needs of the poor natives, and 
defended and protected them whenever they could. That the 
conquerors, whom they looked up to as " white gods " should 
so reverence these poor missionaries, increased still more the 
esteem in which they held them. 2 The national place of 
pilgrimage, Guadelupe, had also a great influence on the 
conversion of the Indians ; they were firmly convinced that 
Our Lady had appeared in 1531 to one of their own people 
there, and had left her picture painted on an Indian cloak, as a 
palpable proof that the Christian religion was not for the white 
man alone. 

The greatest obstacle to the christianizing of Mexico came, 
here as elsewhere, from the whites. "The Indians," writes 
Peter of Ghent on February I5th, 1552, 3 to the Emperor, " are 
overwhelmed with work and cannot earn enough to live. 
They must perform compulsory labour for their masters for a 
whole month, perhaps at a distance of forty or fifty miles from 
their homes, and are not, during that time, able to till their 
own fields, and when they return to their huts they find their 
wives and children in misery, with hardly enough to cover them, 
and their little property has then to be sold to provide them 
with the means of existence." As a consequence of this, the 
Indian population began to die out. On March 8th, 1594, the 
missionaries wrote to the Spanish government that the tax- 
paying Indians had diminished by 300,000 in seven years, and 
that without any pestilence. 4 

1 Motolinia in CIVEZZA, VII., 2,874. 

2 Mendieta in CIVEZZA, VI., 550 seqq. 

3 CIVEZZA, VI., 600 seqq. 4 Ibid. VII., 2, 871. 



302 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Spanish government cannot be blamed altogether for 
this state of affairs. A great many royal regulations were 
issued in favour of the natives of Mexico, 1 and the first vice 
roys, Mendoza and Velasco, also showed much good will. The 
work in the mines by the Indians, was, for example, abolished 
by Velasco, who said that the freedom of the Indians was of 
more value than all the mines in the world, and that all human 
and divine laws could not be trampled underfoot for the sake 
of profit. 2 In consequence, the condition of the natives really 
did improve ; they won more and more freedom, were able to 
do their work as they desired, and, except in the towns on the 
coast, actual slavery never seems to have gained a firm footing 
in Mexico. 3 They were not condemned to extinction, as in so 
many other colonies ; among the thirteen and a half millions 
of inhabitants of Mexico to-day, there are little more than two 
million white people, the others being, with the exception of 
80,000 negroes, all Indians or Mestizoes. 

But, in the early times after the conquest, and especially in 
the years when no viceroy ruled in Mexico, and the country was 
under an " Audiencia " or Court of Justice, the condition of 
the natives was indeed unbearable. The good will of the 
viceroy was not able to cope with the force of prevailing cir 
cumstances, and nobody in Mexico troubled much about laws 
which had been made in Spain. 4 In the struggle against these 
evils the Franciscans rendered services both to Mexico and to 
humanity which cannot be too highly esteemed. They never 
ceased to preach against the oppression of the defenceless, 
and addressed complaint after complaint to Spain. On this 
account they were calumniated, alms were refused to them, 
the Indians were taught to be suspicious of them, and their 
correspondence with Spain was watched. They succeeded, 

1 List in ibid. VI., 613. 

2 Ibid. VI., 610. 

3 J. SAUMAREZ MANN in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, XVIII., 
nth Ed. 337, Cambridge, 1911. 

4 Rodrigo de Albornoz to Charles V. on December 15, 1555, 
in CIVEZZA, VI., 608. 



" PROTECTORS OF THE INDIANS." 303 

however, by seizing favourable opportunities, in getting their 
letters of complaint through to Spain, with the result that the 
"Audiencia" was abolished, and another court, favourable 
to the Franciscans, was set up in its place. 1 

It was, above all, Bishop Zumarraga who carried on the 
struggle against the " Audiencia " and later on, after he had 
been, on February 24th, 1528, together with the Dominican, 
Julian Garces, first Bishop of Tlaxcala, appointed " Protector 
of the Indians," he did not cease to enter the lists on behalf of 
his clients. 2 The Franciscans, Motolinia (died 1569) and 
Mendieta (died 1604) were also the champions of freedom 
for the Indians. 3 The provincials of all the Orders working 
in Mexico addressed a joint petition to Philip II. in 1562, 
begging him to avert the ruin which threatened the new Church 
in Mexico. 4 Indeed, it was the belief of many people in the 
country that the Indians there would have been exterminated, 
as were those of the Antilles and elsewhere, had it not been for 
the determination of the Franciscans. 5 

As in the actual territory of the Aztecs, the Franciscans also 
spread the faith in the neighbouring countries. They w r ent 
very early to Mechoacan, which was able to be formed into a 
separate province of the Order with fifty convents in I575- 6 
They had a great deal to suffer in Yucatan, where the Spaniards 
endeavoured in every way to prevent the christianizing of the 
natives, but in spite of this some thirty-seven mission centres 

1 Mendieta in CIVEZZA, VI., 614-615. 

2 In the struggle with the " Audiencia " he went so far as to 
let his Franciscans preach openly and in the plainest terms 
against its members (CIVEZZA, VII., 2, 622). A letter of com 
plaint of Zumarraga of August 2nd, 1529, which demanded the 
deposition of the " Auditores " Matienzo and Delgadillo, and 
the severe punishment of the president, Guzman, ibid. VI., 

613- 

3 CIVEZZA, VII., 2, 622 seqq., 854 seqq. CRIVELLI in the Catholic 
Encyclopaedia, X., 185-6, 601-2. 

4 CIVEZZA, VII., 2, 854. 

5 Ibid. 875. 

6 Ibid. VI., 643. 



304 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

were founded between 1534 and 1600. 1 The Franciscans 
began their work in Guatemala in 1539 ; 2 in the year 1603 
they had already twenty-four convents, 3 while Nicaragua and 
Costa Rica formed an independent province in 1579, with 
twelve settlements. They had been working among the 
savage tribes of Zacatecas since 1546 at least, 4 and suffered 
much persecution there, not a few of them losing their lives. 5 
In Guatemala the Dominicans had preceded the Franciscans 
in 1538. Under the guidance of Dominic of Betanzos their 
sphere of activity was also extended over many provinces. 
They had three large convents, in the capital of the country, 
in Oaxaca and Puebla, besides twenty-two settlements in 
Mexico proper, twenty-one in the territory of the Zapotecas, 
seventeen among the Mixtecas, as well as one in Vera Cruz 
and another in S. Juan d Uloa. 6 They were specially active 
in Nicaragua, as well as in Gautemala. 7 To the north of 
Guatemala there was a tract of land named Terra de Guerra, so 
called on account, of the savagery of the inhabitants and the 
vain attempts which had been made to subdue it. When Las 
Casas book concerning the conversion of the Indians was 
written, many Spaniards scornfully challenged the Dominicans 
to attempt in this country the use of the purely peaceful means 
of conversion advocated by the member of their Order. The 
Dominicans accepted the challenge, and they succeeded, 
without the support of armed power, in gaining an entrance 

1 Ibid. VII., 2, 511. In the last quarter of the XVI th century, 
the mission was partly given over to secular priests. A list of the 
parishes given up and of those retained ibid. 523-527. 

2 Ibid. VI. 646-7. 

3 List in ibid. VII. 2, 538-541. 
* Ibid. 545-6. 

5 Ibid. 552. Zacatecas appears as an independent province 
of the Order in 1604 ; it had then 16 convents, a number which 
had risen to 35 by 1733. List in ibid. 551-2. 

6 TOURON, O.P. Histoire generate de I Amerique, V., and VI., 
Paris, 1768. Names of the first missionaries, ibid. V., 36-7, 
186-7. For the convents cf. V., 106. 

7 TOURON, V., 194-5. 



LINGUISTIC LABOURS. 305 

into the country and in changing the former " land of war " 
into the present day Vera Paz. Royal decrees assured the 
freedom of the converted Indians. 1 

Among the Dominican bishops, Julian Garces, first Bishop of 
Tlaxcala, was, together with Las Casas, a zealous champion of 
the Indians, as well as their defender. He addressed a memor 
andum to Paul III., calling on the authority of the Holy See 
itself against those who would deny to the Indians all power 
of being received as members of the Christian body. 2 In this 
he represents in glowing terms, the good moral behaviour of his 
proteges. Paul III. answered this memorandum by his 
celebrated brief against slavery. 3 

The zealous labours of the missionaries in Mexico also bore 
great fruit in the advancement of learning. The science of 
languages has absolutely no other source of information with 
regard to the ancient languages of Mexico than their researches. 
Two of the first Franciscans, Alonso Molina and Bernardino de 
Sahagiin had mastered all the intricacies of the prevailing 
language of the country, the Aztec. Molina composed a dic 
tionary and grammar of Aztec, and we may specially mention 
Sahagiin s translation of the Epistles and Gospels into classical 
Aztec. 4 Franciscans and Dominicans in the XVIth century 
also composed dictionaries and grammars of the other lan 
guages of Mexico, Miztec, Zapotec, Maya and a number of other 
dialects, which were in part printed at the time, for use in 
spreading the faith. 5 

The necessity of gaining a knowledge of the ideas and cus 
toms of the Aztecs, also led to the study of the antiquities of 
this remarkable people. Bernardino de Sahagun succeeded, 
after the most exhaustive and diligent study, in providing data 
which are acknowledged to be the most complete which are to 

1 Ibid. 266 seqq. Copy of the decree, ibid. 286. 

2 Ibid. 137 seqq. 

3 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 519 seq. 

4 Evangeliarium, Epistolarium et Lectionarium Aztecum sive 
Mexicanum (1563). Published by Bernardino Biondelli, 1858. 

5 Jos. DAHLMANN, Die Sprachkunde und die Missionen, Frei 
burg, 1891, 90 seqq. Mendieta in CIVEZZA, VII., 732 seqq. 

VOL. XIII, 20 



306 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

be obtained in this field of research. 1 A work, planned on a 
very large scale, which deals with the antiquities of Mexico, 
from heathen times, as well as with its ecclesiastical history, 
was composed by Juan de Torquemada, 2 the " Livy of New 
Spain." The same subject was treated by Toribio de Bena- 
vente, one of the twelve missionaries who came to Mexico in 
1524. 3 He was greeted at the time by the Indians with the 
name of " Motolinia," which means " poor," on account of his 
poverty-stricken appearance, and from that he always made 
use of the name. In his fight for the freedom of the Indians 
he was keenly opposed to Las Casas, whose ideas seemed to 
him exaggerated. Jeronimo de Mendieta deals in his Indian 
ecclesiastical history with the christianizing of Mexico. Almost 
everything that we know concerning ancient Mexico and its 
wonderful civilization can be directly traced to these historical 
works of the Franciscans, which, for the most part, were only 
published during the XlXth century. 

1 BERNARDINO DE SAHAGUN, Historia general de las cosas 
de Nueva Espafia, published by Bustamente, Mexico, 1829, by 
Lord Kingsborough, London, 1830 ; French translation, Paris, 
1880. 

2 Entered the Franciscan Order in 1583 in Mexico, and died 
there in 1624. His work, Monarquia Indiana, appeared first 
in Seville in 1615, in Madrid in 1723. 

3 TORIBIO MOTOLINIA, Historia de los Indies en la Nueva 
Espafia, o Ritos antiguos, sacrificios e, idolatrias de los Indios de 
la Nueva Espafia y de su conversion a la fe, y quienses fueron 
los que primero la predicaron ; published by Lord Kingsborough, 
London, 1848, in Mexico, by J. G. Icazbalceta, Mexico, 1858. 



CHAPTER XII. 
THE EAST INDIES AND THE MISSION OF SAINT FRANCIS XAVIER. 

IN the East Indies, the work of the missions was not greatly 
developed under Julius III., although it gained a firmer footing 
and struck deeper roots. " We are not yet troubling," writes 
the Jesuit, Melchior Nunez, on December 7th, 1552, from 
Bassein," 1 to make many Christians. Those whom we gain 
we first and above all things thoroughly instruct, and make it 
our chief endeavour to retain those already won over to the 
faith and to teach them, for up to the present matters have 
been very serious in this respect." 

On the first arrival of the Portuguese in India, rough soldiers 
had endeavoured, in their own way, to assist in the spreading 
of Christianity by immediately baptizing the native prisoners 
of war. Priests, too, had been in the habit of administering 
baptism in the same " military " way. 2 There were, happily, 
exceptions, and Nunez speaks of the Franciscan, Antonio do 
Porto, who took great pains with the instruction of the new 
converts, as being one of these. 3 Fra Antonio is known to 
have not only destroyed temples and erected churches, but 
also to have founded several institutions for the education 
of orphan boys. 4 It was not the same everywhere, however. 
The vicar of Goa, had, according to his own testimony, baptized 
no fewer than 120,000 heathens on the Fishing Coast in three 
years, and often from 1000 to 1500 a day. 5 Yet all these 

1 Selectae Indiarum Epistolae, 165 ; cf. 145, 182. 

2 Expression of POLANCO (II., 145, n. 343). 

3 Sel. Ind. Epist., 165. 

4 MULLBAUER, 56, 327. 

5 POLANCO, II., 145. 

307 



308 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had, as Francis Xavier wrote in 1542, nothing of Christianity 
about them but the name. 1 

Francis Xavier had recognized from the first that the 
principal work to be done lay in the instruction of the new 
converts, and he, therefore, laid the greatest stress on this 
point. He did not, by any means, bring a cut and dried scheme 
with him from Europe for the furtherance of this object, for 
we find him, in 1542, earnestly begging, in a letter from India, 
the advice of his colleagues in Rome, as to how he had better 
proceed with his missionary work. 2 He also, at first, admin 
istered baptism immediately after the most essential lessons 
had been given, leaving further instruction for the future. 

Experience, however, soon showed that much more care 
must be exercised, as so many begged to be received into the 
Church from merely human motives. 3 These nominal 
Christians afterwards either refused to listen to instruction, or 
eventually returned to the worship of their idols and to their 
heathen customs. The Jesuits, therefore, instituted a cate- 
chumenate of from three to four months, and those who were 
found to be insincere were sternly sent away. 4 

Ignatius of Loyola had given twofold advice for the purpose 
of confirming Christianity in India : first, the instruction of the 
children must be piovided for, and, secondly, houses for the 
instruction of the catechumens must be established for the 
adults. 5 His advice was joyfully followed by the Jesuits in 
India. The principal care of Francis Xavier was to gather the 

1 To Ignatius, October 28, 1542 : Mon. Xav., I., 273. Anton 
Criminalis S. J. referred his conversation with Diego de Borba 
to the authority of the theologians who declared a catechumenate 
of several months to be necessary. De Borba endeavoured, 
in spite of this, to defend the practice of immediate baptism, 
by pointing out the peculiar Indian conditions. See BROU 
in the Eludes, CXXVIII. (1911), 603 seqq. 

2 September 20, 1542 : Mon. Xav., I., 259. 

3 Nic. Lancilotti describes this drastically in a letter to Ignatius 
of October 10, 1547 : Sel. Ind. Epist., 25. 

4 POLANCO, II., 146, n. 344. 

5 Ibid. 145, n. 343. 



MISSION ON THE FISHING COAST. 309 

children together in the first place, and through them influence 
the parents ; he introduced this method of procedure through 
out the whole of India. 1 At a period when instruction was 
nowhere given to foreigners in the Jesuit colleges in Europe, 
schools 2 arose everywhere in India where the Jesuits were to be 
found, in which the native children were taught reading, 
writing and catechism. 3 It was not, at first, possible to build 
houses for catechumens in each place, but, in 1555, several 
rooms were set apart in the college of Goa, where from twelve 
to fifteen catechumens were constantly receiving instruction, 
which lasted for two or three months. Female catechumens 
received the necessary instruction under the supervision of a 
respectable matron in the hospital. 4 

Further progress was made, especially by Henrico Hen- 
riquez, 5 to whom it was of great advantage in his mission on 
the Fishing Coast, that all the natives belonged to the same 
tribe, and that the whole population, as such, had embraced 
Christianity. 6 To make up, to some extent, for the want of 
priests, Henriquez introduced a system of instruction given by 
catechists. He chose the most gifted among the new converts, 
and appointed them to give Christian instruction in the 
various villages, and in cases of necessity to baptize, while 
serious offences were to be brought to the knowledge of the 
missionaries. As Henriquez was very careful in choosing his 
catechists, their number did not exceed nine or ten ; they 
discharged their duties to the complete satisfaction of the 
missionaries, so that Henriquez thought that, should the priests 
all die, Christianity might still be maintained by these cate 
chists on the Fishing Coast. A trustworthy man was also 
appointed in each village, who held meetings for prayer, and 
gave religious instruction in the native tongue. 7 The new 

1 Ibid. V., 656, n. 1805 ; 670, n. 1849. 

2 Ibid. II., 5. 

3 POLANCO, V., 659, n. 1813. 

4 Ibid. II. ,652, n. 1789 ; V., 659, n. 1814. Sel. Ind. Epist., 182. 

5 Sel. Ind. Epist. ,140-1. POLANCO, II., 141, 406. 

6 POLANCO, II., 406, n. 486. 

7 Ibid. 141-2, 406. 



310 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

converts -learned the usual prayers in Latin, according to the 
Roman custom, although Henriquez soon allowed them much 
liberty in this respect. 1 

A further praiseworthy practice of Henriquez and his com 
panions lay in the fact that they earnestly devoted themselves 
to the study of the language of the country. 2 The first Jesuit 
missionaries, who found themselves confronted by a multi 
plicity of native dialects, and did not wish to confine their 
activities to limited districts, had to make use of an interpreter 
for their sermons. With these, however, they often had un 
pleasant experiences. When Henriquez understood Tamil 
better, he found many mistakes made by the interpreter in the 
translation of the ordinary prayers. 3 The new translation, as 
he wrote to Rome, cost him from three to four months hard 
work, as no words existed in the language for Christian ideas. 
He reported this so that the missionaries on the Congo might 
be, warned ; they should not attempt the translation of the 
prayers until they had a thorough command of the language. 
Nicholas Lancilotti also said frequently in his letters to 
Ignatius that the missionaries in India should have special 
districts assigned to them for their labours, and should be 
strictly enjoined to master the language of the country. 
Little confidence could be placed in interpreters, and Henriquez 
owed his success in great measure to the fact that he had 
thoroughly learned the language of the natives. 4 It was 
Henriquez who drew up the first Tamil grammar, which he 
printed for the use of the missionaries. 5 

The Portuguese officials formed the greatest obstacle in the 
way of the advancement of the mission. Xavier had already 
written to Rodriguez in Portugal, telling him that he should 

* Ibid. 406. 

2 Henriquez to Ignatius on October 31, 1548, and November 
21, 1549, in CROS, Francis Xavier, I., 387-8, and in Sel. Ind. 
Epist , 93 ; cf. POLANCO, I., 351 seqq., 472 ; II., 142, 407. 

3 Sel. Ind. Epist., 94. Francis Xavier had already found 
such in the Malabar translations (Mon. Xav., I., 317). 

4 Letter of October 29, 1552 : Sel. Ind. Epist., 140. 

5 J. DAHLMANN, Die Sprachkunde und die Missionen, 10. 



DIFFICULTIES WITH OFFICIALS. 311 

never agree to any of his friends being sent to India as an 
official ; however upright a man might be at home, they all 
fell into dishonourable ways in India. 1 A post in India was 
considered as much a reward for services rendered as an easy 
way of making money ; the native tribes who had both 
embraced Christianity and submitted to the Portuguese rule, 
were especially plundered in the most ruthless manner. It 
had already happened, writes a missionary from the Fishing 
Coast in 1555, 2 that an official with a salary of 2000 or 3000 
ducats, had in the course of one or two years gathered together 
from 100,000 to 200,000 ducats of the royal revenue, by extor 
tion from the poor pearl fishers. Such people were, naturally, 
hostile to the missionaries, as the protectors of the poor, did 
not pay them the sums the king had appointed for them, and 
raised obstacles in their way whenever they could. 3 Lan- 
cilotti also wrote from the Fishing Coast, that it was hardly 
possible to describe the ruin they caused ; all that the mission 
aries had taken many years to bring about, was destroyed in a 
few months by their avarice, and there was a real danger lest 
the whole of the 70,000 Christians on this coast should fall 
away through their behaviour. 4 Francis Xavier therefore 
wrote to John III. that he would " flee " to Japan, so as not to 
lose his time in India ; it was a " martyrdom " to see every 
thing destroyed which had been built up with so much trouble. 5 
Henriquez also was of opinion that with a good official, much 
more would be gained in the matter of the conversion of the 
natives with a single priest, than with twenty under a bad 
one. 6 

The immorality of the Portuguese was almost a greater 
obstacle to the spread of Christianity than their avarice. 
Alfonso Cyprian, for example, writes from S. Thome that the 
ecclesiastical as well as the secular authorities conducted 

1 Mon. Xav., I., 375. 

2 POLANCO, V., 671-2. 

3 Ibid. 650, 674. 

4 Ibid. 679. Sel. Ind. Epist., 199-200. 

5 From Kotschin on January 26, 1549 : Mon. Xav., I., 510. 

6 POLANCO, VI., 800, n. 3429. 



312 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

themselves in such a manner that it was a scandal to the 
natives when the Europeans led such lives ; the new converts 
fell away again, while others refused baptism when they saw 
the abandoned way in which Christians lived. 1 It is true 
that S. Thome, which lay on the extreme borders of the 
Portuguese territory, had become a place of refuge for all those 
who dared not live elsewhere. Similar complaints were also 
heard, however, from other parts of India. 2 The ease with 
which slaves could be procured in India furthered the general 
immorality in a special way. 3 Rich Portuguese possessed as 
many as 300 or more, 4 so that it was, in many cases, possible 
for them to have regular harems of twenty or more slaves. 5 

To all this was added the invasion of southern India by 
Islam, in which the missionaries not only found a powerful 
rival, concerning whose progress the Jesuits often complained, 6 
but also a dangerous enemy. In a petition to King John III. 
the missionaries relate that in 1554 the Arabs had caused the 
loss of two Christian misbions in Travancore, by inducing the 
king, with presents of money, to forbid the Christian priests 
to preach or build churches. 7 The new converts, especially 
in the Moluccas, where the natives had eagerly embraced 
Christianity, suffered from the attacks of Saracen pirates. 
Many Christians were murdered or plundered, others being 
thrown into the sea if no one offered to buy them, while many 
Christian villages were burned to the ground. 8 

As they had done in the East Indies, so did the Jesuits 
penetrate into Abyssinia as the pioneers of the Church. The 
hope of again being able to reunite the Abyssinian Church with 

l lbid. V., 683. 

2 V ALIGN AN i, Historia del principle y progresso de la Corn- 
pania de Jesus en las Indias orientales, I., 7 (Mon. Xav., I., 39). 

3 POLANCO, II., 147, n. 345. 

4 Ibid. 658, n. 1810. 

5 Ibid. II., 147, n. 345. 

6 Lancelotti in POLANCO, V., 678, n. 1876. F. Perez in the 
Sol. Ind, Epist. 75. 

7 Sel. Ind. Epist., 198. 

8 POLANCO, IV., 668. 



JESUITS IN ABYSSINIA. 313 

Rome had first arisen under Paul III., 1 and was still enter 
tained under Julius III. As of old, the Holy See again made 
use of the mediation of Portugal. At the beginning of the year 
1555 the Pope thought he was able to take a decisive step ; in 
consideration of the distance of the country, he appointed, on 
January 23rd, three bishops chosen from the Society of Jesus ; 
of these he fixed on Nunez Barreto as patriarch, and Fathers 
Andreas Oviedo and Melchior Carnero as assistant bishops with 
the right of succession. 2 His Holiness hoped all the more for 
the success of this attempt as he had succeeded in 1553 in 
bringing about the reunion of the Nestorians in Mesopotamia. 3 

1 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work p. 112 seq. 

2 See Acta Consist, in RAYNALDUS, 1555, n. 10 ; cf. ibid. 1554, 
n. 25 seqq. ; BECCARI, X., 39 seqq., Mon. Ign. Ser.., VIII., 460 
seqq. The departure of the three bishops was delayed by the 
death of Julius III. ; they then took with them a letter of Paul 
IV. of March 10, 1556, to the Negus Claudius (see BECCARI, 
X., 52 seq.) The instructions of Ignatius in the Mon. Ign. Ser. 
i, VIII., 676 seqq. The new Patriarch sent the Jesuit, Gonzalo 
Rodriguez from Goa in advance, who encountered in the mean 
while (see his letter of September 13, 1556, in BECCARI, V., 358 
seqq.) unexpected difficulties. When Oviedo finally reached 
Abyssinia in the spring of 1557, he could accomplish nothing 
for the union, owing to the attitude of the Negus Asnaf Sagad. 
The Negus Adamas Sagad, who succeeded in 1559, forbade the 
preaching of the Catholic religion, and arrested the bishop. 
After his death in 1563, Oviedo was set free ; he devoted himself 
to the spiritual care of the Portuguese kept in imprisonment in 
Abyssinia, and persevered there, in the most difficult conditions, 
until his death in 1577 ( see BECARRI, X., 196-7, 209-210 ; As- 
TRAIN, II., 389) although Pius V. had allowed him on February 
5th, 1566, to proceed as bishop to Japan ; see BECCARI, V., 

4 2 4-5. 

3 Cf. for the journey to Rome of the chosen " Catholicos," 
Sulaka and the foundation of the united Chaldean patriarchate 
of Mosul, besides RAYNALDUS, 1553, n. 42 seqq., the reports 
in the periodical " Bessarione " 1898 and 1901, also " Oriens 
Christianus," 1906, 261 seqq. In both essays the Portuguese 
report in the Corpo dipl. Port., VII., 311-312, has been over- 



314 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

What hopes Julius III. placed in the Jesuits for the con 
version of the East, may best be understood from the fact that 
he gave them permission, by a Bull of October 6th, 1553, to 
found three colleges, one in Jerusalem, a second in Cyprus, and 
a third in Constantinople. 1 These establishments, which 
might have become of the greatest importance, never came 
into existence, but, on the other hand, Julius III. lived to see 
the beginning of the mission in far-off Japan. To this island 
kingdom, possessed of a scenery of indescribable beauty, 
Providence now sent a man who must be counted one of the 
most heroic pioneers of the religion of the Cross. 

Filled with a burning zeal for the spread of the doctrines of 
Christianity, the Apostle of India, Francis Xavier, had pro 
ceeded, in the last year of the pontificate of the Farnese Pope, 
to Japan, where he landed in Kagoschima on August i5th. 2 
On November 5th, 1549, ne sent his first impressions and 
experiences in an exhortation to his fellow- workers. " The 
greatest trials you have until now endured are small in com 
parison with those you will experience in Japan. Prepare 
yourselves for difficulties, by setting aside all consideration 
for your own interests." 3 

looked. Cf. also the *relatio eorum quae gesserunt nuntii missi 
a Julio III. in partibus Orientis, in the Cod. Vat. 3933, p. 73-75, 
of the Vatican Library. The patriarch of Armenia had been 
in Rome in 1550 ; see *Passus pro Stephano patriarcha Armen. 
cathol. Roma revertente, dat. 1550, April 23, in the Arm. 41, 
t- 55, n. 345 ; cf. ibid. n. 363 : *Imperatori (recommendation of 
the patriarch of Armenia on his return home, dated April 25, 
T 55) , t. 64, n. 355 : *Passport for the Armenian Messichi, 
who came from Tauris to Rome, remained there for a time and 
shall remain still longer, dat. May 24, 1552. The **letter of 
instructions of Julius III. to Ignatius, patriarch of Antioch, 
is also noteworthy (cf. CIACONIUS, III., 747), of May 26, 1553, loc. 
cil., t. 68, n. 385. 

1 See the Bull (the only copy) contained in the Rossiana Library, 
Vienna, in the Etudes, LXX., 75 segq. (1897). 

2 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 119 seqq. 
3 Mon. Xav., I., 584-5. 



THE MISSION TO JAPAN. 315 

The Europeans in Japan really felt as if they had come into 
a new world. All the habits, customs and forms of courtesy 
were different, the food was scanty and unusual, and the 
language was difficult. A missionary wrote later that one 
must again become a child in Japan, and learn once more how 
to speak, sit down, walk and eat. 1 Instead of the respect 
which the Portuguese had paid to the priests, the missionaries 
found the opposite here, because, with all their ceremonious 
politeness to one another, the Japanese felt nothing but con 
tempt for strangers, especially when they, as was the case with 
these messengers of the faith, appeared in poor apparel. 

Political conditions, moreover, were not favourable to the 
spread of Christianity, as the country was in a state of anarchy. 
Japan was nominally under the dominion of the Emperor and 
his representative, the Schogun, but both of them were, as a 
matter of fact, completely powerless. 2 The actual power was 
in the hands of more than sixty petty princes, the Daimios, who 
waged perpetual civil war on each other. The well organized 
Buddhist monasteries, which were well provided with armed 
forces, had great political influence, perhaps the greatest in the 
country, arid that these would soon attack Christianity, " and 
not in words alone," Xavier recognized from the first. 3 

It was fortunate for the missionaries that the Daimios were 
exceedingly anxious to attract Portuguese ships to their 
harbours, and hoped to gain this end by protecting the mission 
aries. It was also favourable to the spread of Christianity 
that there was no single central government and no universal 
religion. The dominant form of religion was Buddhism, which 
was divided into some six opposing sects. 4 Xavier was, 
however, more filled with confident expectations by the lively 

1 VALIGNANI in the Mon. Xav., I., no. 

2 More details concerning political conditions in JAMES MUR 
DOCH (in collaboration with Isoh. Yamagata), A History of Japan 
during the century of early foreign intercourse (1542-1651), 
Kobe (Japan), 1903, 15-17 ; H. HAAS, Geschichte des Christen- 
tums in Japan, I., 96-105, Tokio, 1902. 

3 Mon. Xav., I., 594. 

4 HAAS, I., 122 seqq. 



3l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

interest which the Japanese took in religion, and by their 
character, which disposed them to be influenced by arguments 
founded on reason, than by any other circumstances. " If 
God, our Lord," he writes, " gives us ten years oi life, we shall 
see great things in this country." 1 

Soon after his arrival in Kagoschima, Xavier began, with 
the help of his companion, Paul Anjiro, to draw up a summary 
of Christian doctrine in the Japanese language. As, however, 
Anjiro did not know the language sufficiently well, the work 
was not a success, and educated Japanese laughed at it. 2 
Mockery and laughter also were not wanting when Francis, 
after some time, produced his work in the public streets and 
began to read it aloud. Nevertheless, the whole bearing 
of the missionary, the thought that he had come so far only 
to promote the salvation of a foreign race, and the sublimity 
of the doctrine which shone through the imperfectly expressed 
language, gradually made a powerful impression. After the 
lapse of a year, 100 Christians could be counted in Kagoschima, 
while the throng round the missionaries was so great that the 
bonzes obtained from the Daimio a prohibition of further con 
versions. Francis then repaired to Hirado, an island to the 
west of Kiuschiu, where Portuguese ships had put in. 3 After 
very promising beginnings, however, he left this mission to his 
companion, Cosmas de Torres, and himself proceeded to the 
largest of the Japanese islands, Nippon. 

It had been Xavier s plan, from the very first, to get as far as 
the capital of the country, Meaco, the present Kioto, and to 
penetrate into the presence of the Emperor, in order to obtain 
from him the permission to preach. After being driven out of 
Kagoschima, he determined no longer to postpone the carrying 
out of this plan. He left Hirado at the beginning of October, 

1 Mon. Xav., I., 599. 

2 The opinion of the later missionaries in Valignani s Historia 
(Mon. Xav., I., 119). 

3 The report that Xavier said that at that time, neither he nor 
his companion, Juan Fernandez, understood Japanese, arises 
from a misunderstanding ; see KNELLER in the Zeitschrift fur 
Kath. Theologie, XXXV., 581 seqq. (1911). 



DIFFICULTIES IN JAPAN. 317 

1550, and spent a considerable time in Yamaguchi in Nippon, 
going on from thence in the middle of December to Meaco ; 
he left this town in February, 1551, in order to return to Hirado. 
At the most trying time of the year, insufficiently clad, and 
often barefoot, in the company of the lay-brother, Fernandez, 
he accomplished an exceedingly difficult journey through the 
snow-covered country. The travellers often sank to their 
knees in the snow in the bad roads, and often had to plunge 
into icy streams to their waists. In the villages they were 
mocked and laughed at by the people who flocked round them 
in crowds, and stoned by the children, while in the inns at night 
they found nothing but a mat and a wooden Japanese pillow, 
that is to say, if, in their miserable clothing, they were received 
in the inns at all. 

This painful pilgrimage was, moreover, almost without 
result, as far as their main object was concerned. In Yama 
guchi, indeed, Francis was allowed to read his book even to the 
Daimio for about an hour, but there were no conversions. 
Nothing could be done in Meaco, on account of the state of war 
prevailing there, and Francis could only have thought of an 
interview with the Emperor, because he did not understand 
the conditions in Japan. 1 

At all events, he brought back one important realization 
from his journey. He now knew that the Emperor was a mere 
shadow, who could not vie with the Daimio of Yamaguchi in 
real power. He had also learned that the poverty and mean 
ness of his appearance was an obstacle to the spread of the 
Gospel. He therefore resolved to dress better, and to offer 
the presents which he had brought from India for the Emperor 
to the ruler of Yamaguchi, Ouchi Yoschitaka. He was 
received in a frendly manner by the latter, who gave him, as 
a return gift, an old bonze house, with the permission to preach 

1 Concerning the details of the journey we have inlormation 
from Xavier s companion, the lay-brother, Fernandez, from 
whose lips L. Froes and others noted them down. Cf. CROS, 
II., 99-125. 



3l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the Gospel freely. 1 The preaching, moreover, was not unsuccess 
ful ; in five or six months, they had from five to six hundred 
baptisms. Xavier s most important conquest was a half-blind 
actor who was baptized in the name of Lawrence, and was 
afterwards received as a lay-brother into the Society of Jesus ; 
in countless sermons and disputations he won thousands for 
Christianity, among others several Daimios. 

Still more favourable prospects were opened to the messen 
gers of the faith by the Daimio of Bungo, Otomo Yoschischige, 
who invited Francis to go to him at Funai and promised every 
support to the missionaries. 

In the meantime, circumstances had aiisen in India, which 
made the presence of Francis necessary. 2 He therefore 
returned to Goa in November, 1551, with the intention of 
endeavouring to introduce Christianity into China, as soon as 
the troubles in India were settled. 

Francis Xavier had long been persuaded that if Christianity 
was to gain a firm footing in Asia, this, the largest and most 
important country of the continent, must, above all others, be 
won over to the faith. He had, therefore, resolved to present 
himself before the Emperor of Japan in Meaco, in order to 
obtain from him- a passport for China. 3 He had been able to 
convince himself in his discussions with the Japanese of the 
respect felt for Chinese learning and wisdom in Eastern Asia, 
for his arguments were often met with the rejoinder that it was 
difficult to believe that the Christian doctrine contained the 
truth, since it was unknown to the Chinese. 4 On the other 
hand, however, he was fully aware of the difficulty of his 

1 " Mandou polas ruas da cidade poor scriplos em sea nome, 
que ele folgaua que a ley de Deus se pregase em suas terras, e 
que ele daua, Iigen9a que os que a quisesem tomar a tomasem." 
Mon. Xav., I., 683. 

2 Cf. CROS, II., 179-190. The fact that Xavier did not leave 
Japan because he despaired of winning the country for Christian 
ity, is shown in detail, in opposition to the opinion of most Pro 
testant writers, by HAAS, loc. cit. supra, II., 1-12, Tokio, 1904. 

3 Mon. Xav., I., 599 ; cf. 644. 
* Ibid. 684. 



XAVIER AND CHINA. 319 

undertaking. Foreigners were strictly forbidden to enter 
Chinese territory ; even the Portuguese who were shipwrecked 
on the .Chinese coasts, were loaded with chains and cast into 
prison for years, while death might easily follow the punish 
ment of the bastinado inflicted by the mandarins. All this, 
however, did not intimidate Xavier. At first he had hoped 
to penetrate into China as the companion of a Portuguese 
envoy, his own friend, Pereira, but this plan was frustrated by 
the opposition of the commandant of Malacca, Alvaro de 
Ataide, who retained Pereira there on the pretext that he was 
required for an expected siege of the town. 

Then Xavier determined to carry out his plan alone, and, 
if necessary, to bear patiently the severity of the Chinese laws ; 
he may have thought that no other course was open to him 
daring the lifetime of Alvaro. 1 " I am journeying," he writes, 
" deprived of all human protection, to the island of Canton, 
in the hope that a friendly heathen will take me over to the 
continent of China." 2 

Portuguese ships used often to lie for months at a time off 
the island of Canton, that is to say off the rocky island of 
Sanchoan (Sancian, Chang-Tschouen) in order to make a land 
ing there at a favourable opportunity, and carry on smuggling 
with the Chinese of Canton. The island itself was barren, 
and during the time of their stay, the Portuguese lived in 
hastily constructed huts of straw, which they burned on their 
departure. To this place, therefore, Francis caused himself 
to be conveyed, in order that he might risk his lite for the 
conversion of China. 

Abandoned though he had been hitherto, the Saint was now 
to be thrown still more on his own resources. From among his 
companions, he was obliged to send back a Portuguese lay- 
brother, as unfit for work, and an interpreter whom he had 

1 If he should be obliged to return to India, he wrote on October 
22nd, 1552 : " nao vou com esperar^a que em tempo de D. 
Alvaro de Gama se fara couza n a China, de que fique memoria." 
Mon. Xav., I., 791. 

2 From Singapore on July 21, 1552 : Mon. Xav., I., 767. 



320 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

secured for Canton soon left him for fear of the punishments of 
the mandarins. The captain of the ship, who had brought him 
out of consideration for Alvaro, was not very well-disposed 
to him. He was, it is true, received into the hut of a Portu 
guese, who looked after him, but after the departure of this 
man, he suffered great want, and had to beg for bread. Only 
a Chinaman of about twenty, who had been brought up in 
Goa, and had almost forgotten his own language, and a 
servant, were faithful to him. 

In spite of all this, and notwithstanding the warnings he 
received from the Portuguese, as well as from the Chinese 
traders, Francis held fast to his resolution. A Chinaman was 
at last induced, by the promise of a large reward, to undertake 
to convey him to Canton, and to set him down before daybreak 
at the gate of the city. He had to trust to this man, in spite 
of the danger that he might take the reward, and then get rid 
of the troublesome stranger by throwing him into the sea. 
Even this danger did not deter him, and when the Portuguese 
begged him, for fear of his getting them into trouble, to put off 
his hazardous enterprise until after the departure of their 
ships, he was obliged to proceed with his great undertaking 
quite alone, and deprived of all earthly assistance. 

His plans, however, were never carried out. On November 
22nd, 1552, he was attacked by a violent fever, and on the 
27th, at two o clock in the morning, he was claimed by death. 
On this barren island, in a wretched hut, he met his end, as 
his great soul would have desired it, in the full strength of his 
manhood, in the full fervour of his love for God and man, in 
the utmost poverty and abandonment, like in his death to Him, 
in whose footsteps, in life, he had always endeavoured to 
tread. 1 

1 Concerning Xavier s death and burial we possess the report 
of an eye-witness, the Chinaman, Anton (in CROS, II., 342-354 ; 
cf. VALIGNANI in Mon. Xav., I., 190). That the day of his death 
was not December 2, but November 27, is shown by CROS 
(contrary to ASTRAIN in Razon y Fe, V., 375-386, Madrid, 
1903), loc. tit., 355 seqq., and in the Eludes, XCVII., 680-702, 
Paris, 1903. Cf. Analecta Bollandiana, XXIII., 410, Brussels, 
1904. 



DEATH OF ST. FRANCIS XAVIER 321 

The only witness of his death, the Chinaman Anton, laid his 
body, according to the Chinese custom, in a sort of coffin, into 
which was sprinkled lime, to hasten decomposition and enable 
the bones to be carried away. When the grave was opened 
once more, 1 shortly before the departure of the ship, on 
February 171*1, 1553, they found the body perfectly incorrupt. 
In Malacca it was solemnly received, but was buried without a 
coffin. On August I5th, they again found no trace of corrup 
tion. The Saint s body was brought to the church of St. Paul 
in Goa, at the beginning of Holy Week, 1554, and was later 
placed in a tomb in the convent of Bom Jesus, where, to this 
day, it has never fallen into dust. 2 

In Francis Xavier were united qualities, which, at first sight, 
seem to contradict one another. He was, above all, a man of 
action, who could never rest, and to whom everything he did 
seemed trifling and of no importance, because his eyes were 
always fixed on what yet remained to be done. He would 
have liked to have been everywhere at the same time, in order 
to spread Christianity in all directions. His activity, there 
fore, might appear feverish and unbalanced, his hazardous 
enterprises foolhardy, his constant journeyings as the expres 
sion of a mere love of wandering. Alexander Valignani was 
alone, in the XVIth century, in pointing out, in contradiction 
to such a view, the successes of the Saint. " He was guided in 
all he did," Valignani remarks, 3 " by a wonderful foresight, 
for his undertakings succeeded very well, and in all the places 

1 It is marked by an inscription in Portuguese and Chinese 
The remains of the chapel erected over the hut in which Xavier 
died are quite near (see Supplement to the Allgemeine Zeitung, 
1865, No 30). A *Relatio sepulturae S. Francisci erectae in 
Sanciano insula anno 1700, with a plan of the island and the 
chapel of the Jesuit missionary, Caspar Castner, in Cod. 150 
of the Library in Lyons. Cf. SOMMERVOGEL, II., 853 ; Civilta 
Catt. (1894), IV., 757 seqq. 

2 ADOLF MULLER, A pilgrimage to Goa to the grave of St. 
Francis Xavier, in the Katholischen Missionen (1891), 69 seqq. 
100 seqq. ; Civil .Catt. (1891), 371 seqq. 

3 VALIGNANI in Mon. Xav., I., 192. 

VOL. XIII. 21 



322 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

wherehe came, he left a seed of God s Word, which blossomed 
later on and brought forth good fruit." In order to estimate 
properly the activity of Francis Xavier, we must bear in mind 
that he did not look upon himself as a single independent mis 
sionary, but as the superior of a band of such, whom he had 
to distribute over the half of a continent. In order to be able 
to assign to each the sphere of activity to which he was best 
suited, he had to know the countries and peoples from his own 
observation. He often used to say, when he sent missionaries 
to a certain district : " How could I send these messengers 
with a clear conscience, if I did not know the conditions there 
from my own observation and experience ? J>1 It appeared 
to him to be his mission to prepare the way everywhere, to take 
the task of the pioneer on his own shoulders, so that his fellow- 
workers and those under him should be able to reap the fruits 
of his labours. " I beg God, our Lord," he writes in the year 
of his death, " to grant me the grace to open the way for others 
even if I attain nothing myself." 2 It is hardly possible to over 
estimate the importance of the fact that, thanks to his travels 
and hardships, the countries of Asia in which the labours of 
the missionaries were most likely to be successful were clearly 
indicated, namely, not the effeminate and dreamy Hindoos 
and Malays, but rather the Chinese and Japanese. 

To this restless activity, Xavier joined the intuition and 
fervour of the mystic. Already in the early days of his priest 
hood, the signs of mysticism were to be seen in him. 3 He 
devoted to prayer many hours of the night, and as much time 
as his labours left him free, and he found such interior delight 
in it that all his troubles seemed to him " a sweet cross." 4 
The determination with which he clung to his resolutions, he 
obtained by laying his plans before God. He was undecided 
for a long time, he wrote, as to whether he should proceed to 

1 Ibid. 65. 

2 Mon. Xav., I., 701. He often expresses the wish to be able 
to prepare the way for others, e.g. ibid, I., 695, 729. 

3 CROS., I., 145. 

4 A. DE QUADROS (1555) in the Sel. Ind. Epist., 185. Letter 
of Xavier of November 5, 1549 : Mon. Xav., I., 576. 



METHOD OF ST. FRANCIS XAVIER. 323 

Japan or not, but when God gave him to understand, in the 
depths of his soul, that such was His Will, then he could not 
fail in answering the call without being worse than the heathens 
of Japan. 1 

In spite of the great sacrifices which Xavier demanded from 
himself, he was by no means strict or severe towards others, 
but was of a captivating mildness and humility, and displayed 
a loveable friendliness in his dealings with his neighbours. 
He understood how to suit himself to everybody and to win 
their regard ; princes and great dignitaries in Portugal, as well 
as soldiers and sailors, or the half-civilised barbarians in India. 
In Malacca, he went to the place where the soldiers were play 
ing, and when they wished to stop out of respect for him, he 
encouraged them to continue, remarking jokingly that soldiers 
are not monks, and that he wished to enjoy himself with them. 2 
He sent a sharp reprimand to a member of his order in Malacca, 
who had a severe and abrupt manner. 3 He was full of joy and 
merriment everywhere, and one of his companions, the Japan 
ese, Bernard, who came later to Europe and died at Coimbra, 
relates of him, 4 that in their most difficult journeys in Japan, 
he would often skip for joy, throw an apple into the air and 
catch it again, while tears of joy would stream from his eyes 
when he praised God aloud, who had chosen him to publish 
the joyful tidings in those far lands. 

He showed the greatest respect for ecclesiastical dignitaries, 
and the members of other religious .orders, and required those 
under him to do likewise. Only once did he appeal to his 
powers as Papal nuncio, and that was when, in Malacca, 
Alvaro wished to prevent his journey to China. He thought 
everything could be attained by humility, and that it was 
better to do a little good without causing irritation, than much 
good with bad feeling. 5 

1 x Letter of June 22, 1549 : Mon. Xav., I., 539. 

2 VALIGNANI, 68. 

3 Letter April 14, 1552 : Mon. Xav., I., 745 seqq. 

4 F. FOURNIER in the fitudes, CIX., 666 (1906). 

5 Mon. Xav., I., 746. 



324 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

" The Apostle of the Indies," so wrote three generations ago 
the Protestant diplomat, John Crawford, " deserves to be 
counted among the greatest men who ever came to Eastern 
Asia. No one can read his life, so full of virtues and merits, 
without being carried away by admiration for the unselfishness 
of this great man." 

The latest researches have fully confirmed this opinion. A 
Protestant missionary in Japan gives us the results of his 
investigations concerning Francis Xavier in the following 
terms : " Whoever contemplates his indefatigable activity 
in an unprejudiced manner, cannot fail to recognize that he 
bears the title of apostle with perfect justice. Xavier was not 
only a disciple of Ignatius, whom he venerated to an almost 
religious degree, nor only a devoted member of the Society of 
Jesus ... he was also a follower of Jesus Himself, on whose 
model he had formed himself, learning from Him, in a degree 
to which few attain, the lessons of humility, modesty, morti 
fication, joyful resignation and loving condescension to the 
most lowly. In heartfelt intimacy with his Divine Model, 
this holy man had penetrated into the secrets of God s kingdom. 
His whole life showed that he felt himseli called, not by men, 
and not through men, but by Jesus Christ and God. . . This 
gave him the intrepid, undaunted courage of a hero, who, 
fearing God and nothing else in the world, shrank from no 
danger, and willingly encountered the greatest ; this spurred 
him on to that burning zeal, in which he never tired of working 
as long as it was day for him ; this filled him with the confi 
dence of victory which is the pledge of success." 

" For such a vocation to the apostolate, Xavier was en 
dowed by nature with qualities which must have proved of 
the greatest service. He was gifted with a clear understanding 
and great intellectual activity, he was magnanimous and full 
of enthusiasm, and with all his mildness and gentleness was 
full of fire and energy, while through all his humility there 
shone a perfect confidence in himself ; a moral equipment 
from which God could well expect great things, when, after he 
had given up his life, his worldly pleasures and earthly ambi 
tions, he fixed his hopes on Him alone and on eternal life. 



" APOSTLE OF THE INDIES. 325 

At the same time, Xavier was not only a servant of God and a 
true disciple of Jesus, he was also a son and servant of His 
church, and a true member of the Society to which he had 
dedicated himself. His understanding of the doctrine of Christ 
was that of the Catholic Church, his piety was that of his 
Order. This ought not, however, to make his Protestant 
judges blind to the fact that he was a man of God . . . who 
with heart and soul clung to his holy and sublime vocation." 1 
In the Catholic world the veneration of Francis Xavier 
which was inaugurated by his canonization by Gregory XV. 
in 1622, is still living and fruitful. Old Goa is a dead town 
at the present day, and only awakes to life when the earthly 
remains of Francis Xavier are exposed to the veneration of 
thousands of the faithful. 2 Rome, since 1616, possesses, in 
the right hand of the Saint, with which he baptized countless 
thousands, a precious relic. The magnificent altar which 
contains it stands opposite the shrine of the founder of his 
Order. No greater honour could fall to the lot of the disciple 
of Ignatius, but he deserves it in the fullest degree, for his 
heroic labours introduced a new epoch for the christianizing 
of the whole civilized world of the East. 

1 HAAS, 232-233. 

2 Concerning the veneration of St. Francis Xavier, cf. DAURIG- 
NAC, Gesch. des hi. Franz Xaver, German by Clarus, Frankfort, 
I 865, 396 seqq., 408 seqq., 418 seqq., ^2gseqq. ; CROS, II., 478 seqq. ; 
A. BROU, Saint Franois Xavier, II., 370 seqq., Paris, 1912 ; 
SOMMERVOGEL, Bibl., X., 1657 seqq. Concerning the last great 
pilgrimages to Old Goa, see Kolnische Volkszeitung, 1911, No. 87. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

JULIUS III. IN RELATION TO LETTERS AND ART. MICHAEL 

ANGELO AND THE REBUILDING OF SAINT PETER S. THE 

VILLA GIULIA. 

JULIUS III., who had received a classical training from the 
humanist, Raphael Brandolini Lippo, lived at a time when the 
Renaissance had reached its zenith. He had always displayed 
a lively interest in science and art, and it was, therefore, 
natural that great things should have been expected from him 
after his elevation to the Papacy. The humanists at once 
began to hail his election, 1 and openly declared their hopes 
of the beginning of a Golden Age. 2 It seemed certain that the 
unusual and well known generosity of the Pope would be 
favourable to their hopes, but it soon became clear that the 
means for a true return to the age of Maecenas were not avail 
able. The financial distress, which made itself felt only too 
soon, and which was increased to an almost unbearable degree 
by the war with Parma, had a paralysing and restraining 
effect in all other fields of activity. It is significant of the 
unfavourable circumstances which prevailed, that the wish of 
the Pope to have the works of his master, Brandolini, pub 
lished, in token of his gratitude, should not have been fulfilled. 3 
Julius III., however, showed no lack of desire to be a patron 

1 A. F. RAINERIUS, Thybris s. de creatione lulii III. P.M., 
Ronae 1550. 

2 Cf. the Poem *Divo Julio III. Pontif. Max., in the Cod. Ottob., 
1351, p. 3b, Vatican Library. See also the panegyric of Julius III. 
by Muzio, in which he says : " Nuovo Papa, nuovo anno et anno 
santo Risplende al mondo." Rime, 656, Venice, 1551. 

3 Cf. BROM in the Romischen Quartelschrift, II., 177-8, 180 seqg. 

326 



THE VATICAN LIBRARY. 327 

of learning as his great predecessor had been, and humanists 
such as Galeazzo Florimonte, Romolo Amaseo and Paolo 
Sadoleto readily found appointments at his chancery. 1 The 
Pope also passed over the fact that, now and again, pagan 
expressions found their way into the documents compiled by 
these men, even when they dealt with matters of purely 
ecclesiastical importance, a thing which would justly have been 
blamed in later times, when stricter views prevailed. 2 The 
traditional and much too great freedom of speech which pre 
vailed in Rome at that time, was by no means lessened under 
Julius III., and Pasquino could again jeer and mock as he had 
done before in the classical days of the Renaissance. 3 

It was far more to the credit of Julius III., who also collected 
a library of his own, 4 that he appointed the learned Cardinal 
Marcello Cervini to be librarian for life of the Vatican Library, 
as early as February 24th, 1550, and invested him with full 
powers. 5 It was in accordance with the wishes of Cervini 
that, three years later, the Pope sent an envoy to the Greek 
Basilian monasteries, in order to borrow the sacred and profane 
manuscripts preserved there, for the purpose of having them 
copied. 6 

In the first year of his pontificate, Julius III. interested 
himself in the reform of the Roman University. On November 
5th, 1550, he entrusted Cardinals Cervini, Morone, Crescenzi 
and Pole with this task. 7 This commission, to which were 

1 Cf. supra p. 74. 

2 See PALLAVICINI, 13, 17, 2. 

3 Cf. GNOLI, Storia di Pasquino ; Nuova Antologia, XXV., 74 
(1890). 

4 Cf. the inscription in CIACONIUS, III., 758. In this library, 
the Apronian Virgil was to be found, which came into the hands of 
Card. I. del Monte after the death of Julius III., and later went 
to Florence : see TIRABOSCHI, III., 29-30 (Neapolitan Edition). 

5 See the * brief in Appendix No. 5 (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican). 

6 See the *brief of February 24, 1553, for Hannib. Spatafore 
archimand. Messan. O. S. Bas. in the Appendix Nos. 17-18. 
(Secret Archives of the Vatican). 7 See MASSARELLI, 198, 199. 



328 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

afterwards added Cardinals Guido Ascanio Sforza and Maffei, 
inaugurated several salutary reforms in 1552. Besides this 
the efficiency of this institution was doubled by an increase in 
its revenues. 1 German universities, such as Heidelberg, 
Ingolstadt and Wiirzburg, were also favoured by Julius III., 
and the college in Dillingen was raised by him to the status of 
a university. 2 

The evidences of favour for the humanists and literati were, 
on account of the pecuniary difficulties, not very numerous, 
but whenever one of these received any promotion, he ex 
pressed his thanks in extravagant but unmeaning verses, as 
was the case with Girolamo Fracastoro, 3 Fausto Sabeo 4 and 
Francesco Modesto. 5 

Among the teachers whom Julius III. provided for the young 
Roberto de Nobili weie Giulio Poggiano and the Servite, 
Ottavio Pantagato, the former celebrated as an elegant stylist, 
and the latter as an eminent humanist. The noble poetess, 
Ersilia Cortese, 6 wife of Giovan Battista del Monte, and the 
learned poet, Onorato Fascitelli, 7 also enjoyed the Pope s 
favour. Julius III. appointed the eminent Ludovico Becca- 
delli as nuncio in Venice, and later on his vicar-general in 
Rome ; when Morone went to Germany, Beccadelli accom 
panied him, and it was reported that he would be created a 
cardinal on his return. 8 The learned Guglielmo Sirleto was 

1 See MARINI, Lettera, 121, 127; RENAZZI, II., 132-3, 252 seqq. 

2 See HAUTZ, Heidelberg, I., 229, 449, 452, 460, 464 ; PRANTL, 
Ingolstadt-Munchen, I., 185 ; cf. RAYNALDUS, 1551, n. 76 ; 
WEGELE, Wiirzburg II. 26,, seqq. Concerning Dillingen cf. suprv 
p. 227. 

3 Ad lulium III. P.M., most excellently rendered by SCHLUTER, 
M.A. Flaminus und seine Freunde, 145 seqq., Mayence, 1847. 

4 See CIACONIUS, III., 757. Achille Bocchi also belongs to the 
humanists promoted by Julius III., see MAZZUCHELLI, II., 3, 1389. 

5 Cf. ALBINI, II Modesto, Imola, 1886, and Atti per le prov. d. 
Romagna, Ser. 3, XV., 376 (1897). 

6 See TIRABOSCHI, VII., i, 22 and 3, 47 (Neapolitan Edition). 

7 Cf. MINIERI RICCIO, Mem. d. scritt. di Napoli, 73 seqq. 

8 See BECCADELLI, Monum., I., 35-6, 40, 65. 



JULIUS III. AND GIOVIO. 329 

promoted, and his commentary on the New Testament, which 
was directed against Valla and Erasmus, was approved. 1 

Unfortunately, Julius III. also had relations with literati 
of quite a different stamp. The Pope had hardly been elected 
when Paolo Giovio addressed a letter of congratulation to him, 
which is very characteristic. In this Giovio expresses the hope 
that he will be able to come to Rome as soon as he has recovered 
from the gout, and the weather has improved ; he takes the 
liberty of remarking, however, how greatly he was disappointed 
when the apartments he was to have occupied in the Vatican 
had been otherwise disposed of ; he was quite determined that 
the Pope should compensate him with a pension. Cardinal 
Medici was commissioned by the Pope to assure Giovio that a 
dwelling in the Vatican would be provided for him. 2 Although 
the said Cardinal informed him once more in June, 1550, that 
the Pope was well disposed to him, 3 the calculating humanist 
thought it wise to ingratiate himself still further by the dedi 
cation of a work to His Holiness. In the dignified brief of 
August i5th, 1551, in which Julius III. thanked Giovio for 
the dedication of his " Eulogium of Celebrated Men," a book 
of international interest, he promised him an honourable 
reception 4 on his proposed journey to Rome, and a few months 
later sent him a reward. Giovio thereupon promised to extol 
his benefactor with a " golden pen." 5 His death, however, 
on December nth, 1552, put an end to his plan. 

Pietro Aretino had at once opened relations with Julius III., 
and sent him a sonnet on his election. The Pope was weak 
enough to feel flattered by this, and Aretino was immediately 
rewarded. 6 On October 3ist, 1550, the officious poet sent the 

1 Cf. MERCATI, in the Theol. Revue (1909), 61. 

2 See Periodico de Como, XVI. (1904), 17-18. 

3 Ibid. 1 8, n. i. 

4 See the *brief of August 15, 1551, in Appendix No. 14 (Secret 
Archives of the Vatican). 

5 See letter of December 6, 1551, in ATANAGI, Lett, facete, I., 
84-5, Venice 1582. 

6 " A Pietro Aretino ha fatto S.S. td gratia d un cavalerato di 
S. Pietro, che suol vendersi 300 scudi o piu et questo per conto d un 



33 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Pope some more verses. 1 How well Aretino perceived the 
changed tendency of the times is shown by the religious writ 
ings which he composed, and a new edition of which he dedi 
cated to the Pope. 2 Aretino came, full of hope, to Rome in 
I 553> where Julius received him very kindly, so that the vain 
poet at once dreamed of attaining to the dignity of Cardinal ; 
as this, of course, was not bestowed on him, he left the 
Eternal City a disappointed man. 3 

Although not much was to be hoped for from Julius III. 
by the humanists, they still continued to extol him in poems. 4 
The extravagance and pomposity of this sort of literature, in 
which all the gods of the ancients play their part, was in 
singular contrast to the services which the Pope really rendered 
to the advancement of literature. A still unpublished pane 
gyric in verse by Antonius Franciscus Rainerius, about the 
pontificate of Julius III., is very characteristic of such men. 5 
In this the generous disposition of the Pope is extolled, as are 
his care in supplying Rome with provisions, the summoning 

sonetto ch egli fece sopra la creatione di S.S. t& ." Buonanni 
April 30, 1550 (State Archives Florence). 

1 Ternali in gloria di Giulio III., etc., Lyons, 1551 ; cf. MAZU- 

CHELLI, I., 2, I0l8. 

2 See Al beat. Giulio III., etc., II genesi, I humanita di Christo e i 
salmi. Opere di P. Ar., Vinegia, 1551 ; cf. BRUNEI, I., 401 ; 
MAZUCHELLI, I., 2, 1016 ; also Luzio in the Giorn. stor. di lett. 
Ital., XXIX., 236-7. 

3 Cf. Lett, al Aretino, II., 345, 391-2, 498, Paris, 1609 ; MAZU 
CHELLI, I., 2, 1013. Atti Mod., III., 88 ; BONGI, Annali Giolitini, 
II., 10 ; Luzio, Pronostico, xxii., xxxv.n. 

4 Besides the poems in CIACONIUS, III, 357, cf. the poems men 
tioned supra p. 326, n. 2, and those referred to in the following note. 
See also the *poem in the Addit. MS. 17514, of the British Museum, 
and Vol. VI. of this work p. 457 note. Gian Vitale sang the 
praises of the Pope and all the members of the Sacred College 
(cf. MONGITORE, Bibl. Sic., I., 305) in his Sac. Rom. Ecclesiae 
Elogia, Roma, 1553. 

5 *Antonii Francisci Rainerii, Mediol. de vita sanctiss. ac 
beatiss. lulii III. Pont. Max. ab initio pontific. (Cod. Ottob., 865, 
p. 4 seqq. Vatican Library). 



JULIUS III. AND THE LITERATI 33! 

of the Council, and even the war with Parma, which he had 
waged for the defence of religion ! The death of his nephew, 
Giovan Battista del Monte, is deplored, and Fabiano del 
Monte is extolled as the comfort of his old age. There is added 
a well-merited verse of praise for the Pope s efforts to secure 
peace, and, finally, the artistic enterprises of Julius are lauded 
in an altogether extravagant manner ; the poet, it may be 
added, has nothing to say about the advancement of letters. 1 
There is no lack of writings, both printed and in manuscript, 
dedicated to Julius III. 2 Among those which are printed, the 
" Anatomy of Vice " is noteworthy ; this is by Lorenzo 
Davidico, who, in view of the depravity of the clergy of the 
cinquecento, which he depicts unsparingly, had fixed his hopes 
on the new Orders : the Jesuits, the Barnabites and the 
Theatines. 3 

1 REUMONT S statement (III., 2,705) concerning an academy 
in the villa of Julius III., originated in an old erroneous inter 
pretation of the inscription there, which has already been cor 
rected by TIRABOSCHI (VII., i, 119). 

2 In the Vatican Library I noted *Cod. Vat. 5831 : lo. Petri 
Ferretti de exarchatu Raven, libri 7, 5832 : I. P. Ferretti eccles- 
iasticarum disciplinarum divinarumque constit. commentaria 
sive de institutis et moribus eccles. libri 8. (See also in the Secret 
Archives of the Vatican, XL, 45, p. 324 seqq. *Tractus de re 
frumentaria [1551] ; 561 seqq : *Ptolomaeus Blaesius Nicanus, 
De morte lo. Bapt. de Monte in bello Mirandol. [1551] ; 571 seqq : 
*Tractatus de transitu exercitus petendo ac concedendo vel 
denegando [1555]. Cod. Vat., 3561 : *Andreas de Monte, super 
insig. montium (Latin and Hebrew) : *Triumphus Montium 
editus a fratre Mariano Cavense eremita [ord. S. Aug. ; cf. OSSIN- 
GER, Bibl. August.] s. theolog. coltore ad divum lulium III. P.M. 
et O. (dedication dated, Cavis, Kal. Maii 1551) in the Cod. R. 4, 
1 8 of the Angelica Library in Rome. Theological works dedicated 
to Julius III. in LAUCHERT, 31, 124-5, 432, 465, 602, 654. Con 
cerning a work dedicated to the Pope by G. G. Albani : De im- 
munit eccl. see MAZZUCHELLI, I., i, 274. The curious work by 
G. B. Modio : II convito o vero del peso della moglie, Rome, 
1554, is dedicated to Cardinal I. del Monte. 

3 L. DAVIDICO, Anatomia delli vitii, Florence, 1550, preface. 



332 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The most important work dedicated to Julius III. was a 
volume of masses for four voices, 1 by Giovanni Pierluigi da 
Palestrina 2 . The composer, afterwards of world-wide cele 
brity, thus expressed his thanks for the position of director 
of the choir of St. Peter s, which had been bestowed on him 
by the Pope in September, 1551. In January, 1555, Julius 
III. summoned his protege to become a member of the choir 
of singers of the papal chapel, omitting in his case the searching 
examination which had been prescribed for all candidates on 
August 5th, 1554. As it w r as a case of a composer of such 
promise, Julius also overlooked the fact that Palestrina was 
married, although the charter for the members of the choir of 
the Papal chapel prescribed celibacy. 3 

Finally, it is also worthy of note that the life of Michael 
Angelo by Ascanio Condivi, and published in Rome, in July, 
I 553, by Antonio Blado, was dedicated to Julius III. It is 
suggested by the author that the dedication will certainly be 
agreeable to His Holiness, as he so much prized the virtue and 
genius of the master. 

Nothing shows more clearly the contradictory qualities which 
were combined in the character of Julius III., than the fact 

Cf. concerning this work, TACCHI VENTURI, I., 34 seqq. Concern 
ing I. Nachianti s Enarrationes in epist. Pauli ad Ephesios, which 
was dedicated to Julius III., see LAUCHERT, 588-9. ZIMMER- 
MANN mentions the J. Strada appointed by Julius III. in 
the Mitteil. des Oestr. Inst., Erg-Bd., VI., 836. Among the 
privileges to printers that of March 24, 1553, is of interest : *De 
non imprimendo ad 10 annos historiam regum Gothorum [appeared 
in 1554 see BERTOLOTTI, in the Arch. stor. Ital., VII. (1891), 
117-128] a fratre archiepiscopi Upsalensis, quam archiepiccopus 
intendit imprimi facere. 

1 Rome, 1554. Copy in the Academia di S. Cecilia, Rome. 

2 Born 1526, not 1524, as BAINI thinks, nor 1514, as AMBROS 
(IV- 3) gives it. See HABERL in the Kirchenmusikalischen 
Jahrbuch, 1886, 42. 

3 Palestrina took up his new post on January, 13, 1555 ; see 
Diarium in AMBROS, IV., 6 ; cf. CELANI in the Riv. music. Ital., 
XIV. (1907), 103. 



JULIUS III. AND MICHAEL ANGELO 333 

that the man who honoured an Aretino should have given 
expression to the beautiful idea that he would willingly give 
up the remainder of the years allotted to him to lengthen those 
of Michael Angelo. 1 

These words were followed up by actions which corresponded 
with them. Whenever he had an opportunity, the Pope 
showed his respect for and confidence in the great master, to an 
even greater extent than had been the case with Paul III. 
He gave open expression to this by making Michael Angelo sit 
beside him 2 in the presence of several Cardinals and other 
great dignitaries, and by giving him the large salary of fifty 
scudi a month. 3 These tokens of favour were all the more 
significant, as the disparagers and detractors of Michael 
Angelo never tired, now as of old, of stirring up intrigues 
against him. The master, who was already suffering greatly 
under the weight of years, also had to endure great anguish of 
mind. Hatred and envy were the outcome of the exceptional 
position to which he had been called by Paul III., for the re 
building of St. Peter s, a matter in which Julius III. also 
showed the greatest interest, and which he zealously promoted. 4 
The stern rectitude with which Michael Angelo provided that 
" promises, emoluments and presents " should play no part in 
this vast work, added to the number of his enemies from day 
to day. Untroubled, however, by all this hostility, Michael 
Angelo remained true to his principle, never to accept any 
material for the building which was not trustworthy and 
serviceable, even if it fell from heaven. 5 

1 CONDIVI, Iviii. 

2 See Ticciati s supplement to Condivi ; Quellenschriften zur 
Kunstgesch., VI., 97. 

3 This " solita provisione " was paid punctually up to the death 
of Julius III. ; see *Intr. et Exit., 1554-1555 in the Cod. Vat. 10605, 
where it is regularly booked from March, 1554. till March, 1555 : 
"Am. Michelangelo Buonarotti scudi venticinque d oro et ven- 
ticinque di moneta per el mese passato." (VaticanLib.). 

4 See the * Bulls in Appendix No. 27. 

5 See Lettere di M., ed. Milanesi, 555. Cf. CONDIVI, lix. ; see 
also THODE, I., 220. 



334 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 

As had been the case in the time of Paul III., so now again 
it was the followers of Sangallo who raised a storm against the 
director of the rebuilding of St. Peter s. Although he had been 
invested with the most unlimited authority, they hoped, in 
view of the complaisance and irresolution of Julius III., that 
this time they would attain their end. The anxious fear with 
which Michael Angelo guarded the secrets of his studio was 
used to prejudice the members of the Fabbrica di S. Pietro 
against him. At the end of the year 1550, these latter set 
themselves to address a letter to the Pope, which was intended 
to destroy the confidence which Julus III. had in the master. 
The principal accusation, besides that of extravagance, con 
cerned the secrecy with which the plans were kept. "As to 
the building, and how it will turn out," says the letter, " the 
deputies can make no report, as everything is kept secret from 
them, as if they had nothing to do with it. They have several 
times protested, and are now protesting again to ease their 
consciences, that they do not approve of the manner in which 
Michael Angelo is proceeding, especially as regards the demo 
lition. The destruction has been, and is still to-day, so great, 
that all who have witnessed it have been deeply moved. 
Nevertheless, if Your Holiness approves of it, we, the deputies, 
shall have no further complaint to make." 

The result of these accusations was the celebrated meeting 
of the members of the Fabbrica and others engaged on the 
rebuilding, summoned by Julius III., before whom Michael 
Angelo was to justify himself. According to the account of 
Vasari, 1 the Pope himself communicated to the master the most 
important, and the only detailed accusation, which the building 
commission, and especially Cardinals Salviati and Cervini had 
made against him. This concerned the bad lighting of the 
apse of the new St. Peter s. Michael Angelo asked permission 
to be allowed to answer the deputies of the Fabbrica in person. 
Then followed a dramatic discussion with Cardinal Cervini, 
who avowed himself to be the originator of the accusation. 
" Monsignore," replied Michael Angelo, " three other windows 

1 VASARI VII. 232-3 ; Cf. THODE i, 222-3. 



JULIUS III. AND MICHAEL ANGELO. 335 

are to be placed above those already provided." " You have 
never let a word as to this be heard," answered the Cardinal. 
Michael Angelo replied, " I am not obliged, and have never 
intended to be obliged to give information concerning my plans 
to your Eminence, or to anyone else. It is your duty to pro 
vide the money and to see that nothing is stolen. It is my 
business alone to look after the plans of the building." Then, 
turning to the Pope, he continued : " Holy Father, see what 
reward I get ; if the afflictions I experience do not prove of 
advantage for my soul, then indeed do I lose my time and 
trouble." Graciously laying his hand on his shoulder, Julius 
answered him, saying : " You are .gaining merit for both body 
and soul, have no fear." 

The attempt, therefore, to overthrow the master had, on the 
contrary, the effect of strengthening his position more than 
ever. In order to put a stop to further troubles, Julius III., 
on January 23rd, 1552, ratified the motu proprio of Paul III., 
of October, 1549, sanctioned everything hitherto carried out by 
Michael Angelo for the building of St. Peter s, ordered that his 
models should be carefully preserved, and only altered by 
himself, and confirmed the extensive powers already bestowed 
on him as chief architect of St. Peter s. 1 

This was not, however, the end of Michael Angelo s diffi 
culties. More painful than the hostility, which did not 
meanwhile cease, 2 but which, thanks to the favour of the Pope, 

1 The document, erroneously given by BUONANNI (80 seq.), was 
first published correctly by POGATSCHER in the Repert. ftir 
Kunstwiss., XVIII., 403-4. GIORDANI (p. 49) writes : " Gia fin 
dall 1552 era entrato il Vignola a servizio della chiesa e in quell 
anno gli si attribuiva il pomposo titolo di architetto della basilica 
di S. Pietro, in aiuto a Michelangelo," and likewise cites *R. Tesor. 
seg. 1552, f . 10. When one opens this volume in the State Archives 
Rome, however, one finds at the place quoted, for January, 1552, 
only the entry : " Al Vignola architetto di N.S.sc. 25 d oro." 
This corresponds as little with the contents given by Giordani, as 
the other passages of this volume (f . 8 and 27 where " per la cura de 
architetto 13 scudi d oro " is entered. 

2 This is evident from the letters, VASARI, VIII., 319. 



336 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

he had no longer cause to fear, was another disastrous cir 
cumstance which now overtook him. The exhaustion of the 
Papal finances had, by May, 1551, the effect of causing the 
money necessary for the continuation of the rebuilding of St. 
Peter s to come in ever decreasing amounts ; how much this 
was the case is shown from the fact that from January ist to 
Ma Y, i55i, 121,554 ducats were provided for the building, 
while only half this sum was to hand during the next four 
years. 1 In consequence of this critical situation, and the 
renewed difficulties of the master, Duke Cosimo I. thought that 
he would at last succeed in getting Michael Angelo to return 
to Florence. 2 The latter was, however, determined to remain 
at his post in the Eternal City. In a letter of August 20th, 
!554> Vasari employed all his eloquence to induce him to 
return to Florence, urging the afflictions which beset him in 
Rome, and the want of appreciation shown for him there. 3 
Michael Angelo, whose hand had already begun to tremble 
greatly, thanked him in a few words. " From your letter," 
he wrote," I recognise the love you bear me, and you may well 
believe that I would gladly lay my bones to rest beside those 
of my father, as you beg me to do ; should I, however, go away 
from here, then great disadvantages would ensue for the 
building of St. Peter s, and I should be the cause of great 
scandal and misfortune. When everything is so far forward 
that nothing more can be changed, then I hope to do what you 
write, should it not be sinful to cause discomfort to several 
rascals, who expect me to go away from here at once." 4 

It was, above all, religious motives which caused Michael 

1 FEA, Notizie intorno a Raffaele, Rome, 1822, 35. It was 
most significant that the Fabbrica of St. Peter s in 1554 did not 
receive less than 50,000 scudi from the inheritance of Sigismondo de 
Conti ; see the introduction to his Storie, I., xxxiii., Rome, 1883. 

2 Endeavours had already been made in this direction as early 
as June, 1550 ; see the *letters of Buonanni, dat. Rome, June 8, 
1550, in the State Archives, Florence. Cf. VASARI, VII., 235-6, 
and THODE, I., 454 concerning the attempts in 1552. 

3 VASARI, VIII., 318-9. THODE, I., 455. 

4 Lettere, ed. Milanesi, 534. GUHL, I., 159. 



JULIUS III. AND MICHAEL ANGELO. 337 

Angelo to devote his last powers to the great work for which 
he had refused any earthly payment, as he wished only to work 
for the love of God, out of veneration for the Prince of the 
Apostles, and for the salvation of his soul. The thoughts 
which filled his rnind at that time are shown by the touching 
sonnet which he enclosed in his letter to Vasari : 

Giunto e gia 1 corso della vita mia, 

Con tempestoso mar per fragil barca, 
Al comun porto, ov a render si varca 
Conto e ragion d ogn opra trista e pia. 

Onde 1 affettuosa fantasia, 

Che 1 arte mi fece idol e monarca, 

Conosco or ben quant era d error carca, 

E quel ch a mal suo grado ogn uom desia, 

Gli amorosi pensier, gia vani e lieti, 

Che fieno or, s a duo morte m avvicino ? 
D una so l certo, e 1 altra mi minaccia. 

Ne pinger ne scolpir fia piu che quieti 
L anima volta a quell Amor divino 

Ch aperse, a prender noi, in croce le braccia. 1 

Condivi, in his life of Michael Angelo, tells us how Julius III., 
in his admiration for the aged master, showed the tenderest 
consideration for his failing strength, and carefully avoided 
taxing it, though always seeking his opinion and advice in his 
artistic undertakings. 2 Several special duties also fell to the 
lot of Michael Angelo. He designed, 3 for example, the plans 
for the rebuilding of Bramante s staircase in the Belvedere, 

1 GUASTI, Rime, 230. 

2 CONDIVI, Iviii. 

3 VASARI VII., 228 seqq., 233. GEYMULLER, Michelangelo als 
Architekt, 38, 40, 46, KALLAB, 89. THODE, I., 452-3. In the 
account books of Julius III. (Tesor. seg. 1555, p. 53!}) we find the 
*payment of 10 scudi for Bastiano (Malenotti) soprastante della 
fabrica di S. Pietro a buon conto del modello che m. Michelangelo 
pittore ha cominciata per far una facciata di un palazzo di ordine 
di N.S. (State Archives, Rome). It is evident from this that the 
similar note in LANCIANI, III., 39, n. i, does not refer to the 
Vatican, as he thinks, but to the palace beside S. Rocco. 

VOL. XIII, 22 



338 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and for a fountain which was to be erected there ; he also made 
the designs for the palace of the Rota, which was to be built 
alongside S. Rocco. Fabrizio Boschi, in the Casa Buonarotti 
in Florence, has represented Michael Angelo seated beside the 
Pope, who is surrounded by his court, and explaining to him 
the plans for the palace of the Rota. 1 

Michael Angelo s advice was also sought with regard to an 
undertaking which still keeps the name of Julius III. alive in 
Rome, the celebrated Villa or " Vigna di Papa Giulio." 2 The 
Pope proved, in the laying out of this villa, how thoroughly 
he was animated by the joyous, beauty-loving spirit of the 
Renaissance. The preference shown, at this period, for artistic 
elaboration in the designing of country seats, and for the gay 
enjoyment of life, is evidenced here in all its splendour. 

Even as a Cardinal, Julius III. possessed, together with his 
brother Baldovino, a small villa, with a vigni, about a quarter 
of an hour outside the Porta del Popolo, on the Flaminian Way, 
which he had inherited from his uncle, Cardinal Antonio 
Ciocchi. The Campagna, which at that time extended to the 
gates of Rome, bears a much more kindly appearance on the 
north than on the south of the city, where the contrasts are 
greater and the countless relics of antiquity give a very 
melancholy character to the whole landscape. The charm of 
rustic solitude which the district outside the Porta del Popolo 
once possessed has more and more disappeared owing to the 
encroachments of the modern city, and has been altogether 
destroyed by the recent drastic changes, the exquisite view 
on Monte Mario alone remaining. In order fully to appreciate 
this creation of Julius III. one must bring the former conditions 
before one s mind. With its gently rising hills, broken by 

1 E. Steinmann intends to publish this picture in his work 
(shortly to appear) about the portrait of Michael Angelo. 

2 Vigna, not Villa. The whole estate is mostly so named by 
contemporaries. It is also so designated in the *report of Nava- 
gero of September 5th, 1556 (in the St. Mark s Library, Venice) 
concerning the confiscation of the estates of Fabiano del Monte by 
Paul IV. Lasso also (DRUFFEL, II., 824) speaks only of a " viniera " 
Massarelli (cf. infra p. 345, n. 3) always says " vinea." 



THE VILLA GIULIA 339 

steep limestone rocks crowned with evergreen oaks, with the 
dips in the valley and the then free open vistas over the blue 
mountain ranges which encircle Rome on the north, this spot 
was admirably suited for a villa situated in the immediate 
neigbhourhood of the city, a " villa suburbana " such as the 
great nobles .of the Renaissance loved. 1 Julius III. gave 
evidence of a cultured taste when he resolved to create, by the 
extension of the already existing grounds, a place of rest and 
recreation in such lovely surroundings, a place where, freed 
from the constraints of state, he might enjoy life in his gay 
manner, give banquets and spend his time in untrammelled 
conversation with his friends, as well as with poets and artists. 
The place had also the advantage that the Pope could easily 
reach it without entering the busy city, by passing through 
the covered passage from the Vatican to the Castle of St. 
Angelo, whence a barge could convey him up the Tiber. 

It was soon evident that Julius III. intended to carry out 
his plan with true Roman magnificence. By the purchase of 
numerous vineyards, and plots of ground, 2 a very extensive 
space was procured, in the centre of which the new villa was 
to arise. The Pope s interest was gradually concentrated 
on this estate to such an extent that his work in the Vatican 

1 RIEGL (Barockkunst, 104) who carefully interprets the 
intentions of Julius III., falsely denies to it the character of a 
" villa suburbana " in which the rural element, that is the garden, 
is of essential importance, because he knows nothing of these 
surroundings, which have now entirely disappeared. BURCK- 
HARDT S opinion (Gesch. der Renaissance, 3rd ed., 249) holds good, 
namely that the Villa of Julius III. is the most important " villa 
suburbana " we have preserved to-day. " Praedium subur- 
banum " is the designation clearly bestowed on the whole estate 
in the inscription mentioned infra p. 348, in the second court. On 
Bufalini s plan (L) which gives the state of the neighbourhood at 
the beginning of the Pope s reign, the villa is called " vinea 
S.D.N.P. lulii III." ; the Villa itself was not then built. 

2 Cf. the extracts from the *documents of the State Archives, 
Rome, in TESORINI, 86-7 ; LANCIANI, III., 15-16, and BALESTRA in 
his monograph (p. 9 seqq.} quoted infra p. 344, n. i. 



34O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

began to come to a standstill. 1 His Holiness now began to 
seek for a model for his new country house from among 
existing residences. The thought of the celebrated Palazzo 
del Te, belonging to the Gonzaga family in Mantua, and of the 
Villa Madama erected by Cardinal Giulio de Medici, smiling 
across from the cypress-crowned Monte Mario, filled his 
imagination. 

From the information now at our disposal it is not easy to 
determine either who designed the plans for the Villa Giulia 
or who carried them into execution. Vasari claims, in the 
description in his life, the honour of having drawn up the 
first plans, even if others carried them out. It was, at all 
events, he who translated the fantastic ideas of the Pope into 
sketches, which were then corrected by Michael Angelo. 
Vignola is supposed to have completed the apartments, halls 
and decoration of the villa from countless plans of his own, 
but the deep set nymphaeum indisputably owes its origin to 
Vasari and Ammanati, the latter afterwards executing the 
loggia over this well-house. Vasari concludes with the signi 
ficant words : " However, in this work one could display 
nothing of what one could do, and do nothing in the right way, 
as, from day to day, the Pope had new ideas, which had to be 
carried out in accordance with the never-ending instructions 

1 Concerning these undertakings cf. of the older writers, 
CHATTARD, II., xxvi., 14, 49, 193-4. J 96, 377. 435-6, 544 ; III., 
1 06, iio-in, and of the more modern, ANCEL in the Revue 
Benedictine, XXV., 49-50. See also MAI, Spicil., IX., 376 ; 
FORCELLA, VI., 183. Concerning the works in the Belvedere, 
where the Pope loved to reside at the beginning of his reign (cf. 
supra p. 59), cf. also MASSARELLI, 202 ; LANCIANI, III., 37 ; 
KALLAB, 86, 88, 89. One can read the name of Julius III. at the 
right hand side of the Galleria Lapidaria above a door. The 
apartments of the maestro di camera, now the residence ; of the 
sotto-prefetto of the Vatican palace, were tastefully decorated by 
Julius III. In two halls, the roof paintings, containing a large 
coat of arms of Julius III. in the centre, are in a fair state of 
preservation. 



THE POPE S ARCHITECTS. 34! 

of the maestro di camera, Pier Giovanni Aliotti." 1 In his life 
of Taddeo Zuccaro, Vasari again refers to his share in the work, 
emphasizing the fact that he had prepared the drawings for the 
villa and the nymphseum before any of the others, and that 
Vignola and Ammanati had merely followed out his designs. 
The walls, he adds, were executed by Baronino da Casal Mon- 
ferrato. 2 Only this last statement is confirmed by the docu 
ments concerning the building. 3 One seeks in vain among 
them for the name of Vasari in connection with the sums 
expended on the villa, while we find on February ist, 1551, 
Vignola named as the Pope s architect, with a monthly salary 
of thirteen gold scudi. 4 In the life of Girolamo da Carpi, the 
annoyance of Vasari at the changeable decisions of the Pope, 
again finds expression, when he mentions that in the evening, 
His Holiness had rejected what he had sanctioned in the 
morning. 5 

It is certain that unpleasantness arose between the Pope 
and Vasari, in consequence of which the latter s work was 
limited to making the first design. 6 Vignola, whom Julius III. 
had known in Bologna, erected the principal part of the villa, 
and completed his work in the short period between 1551 and 
1553, as is proved by the building accounts, while Ammanati 
executed the nymphseum court. 7 Nearly all the painters and 

1 VASARI, VII., 694. Aliotti is mockingly referred to by 
Michael Angelo as " II Tantecose " ; ibid. 231. 

2 Ibid. 81-82. 

3 See BERTOLOTTI, Bartolomeo Baronino da Casalmaggiore, 
architetto in Roma nel secolo XVI., Casale, 1876, 21. 

4 KALLAB, Vasari-Studien, 87. 

5 VASARI, VI., 478. 

6 See WILLICH, 56. Nothing appears to have come of the 
proposed painting of the loggia of the villa with frescoes in 1553 by 
Vasari (see KALLAB, 87, 90, 91). At the beginning, Vasari stood 
high in the favour of Julius III. (see GAVE, Carteggio, II., 377). 
The contents of the Vasari archives, to be edited by Frey, should 
throw new light on the relations of Julius III. to Vasari. 

1 Cf. GURLITT, 41-42 ; WILLICH, 58 ; THIEME, Kiinstlerlexicon, 
I., 414, P. GIORDANI has lately endeavoured in the Mem. e studi 



342 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

sculptors in the Rome of that day, especially Taddeo Zuccaro 
and Prospero Fontana, were employed on the decoration of the 
interior, which was begun in 1552. l The Spanish faience, 
which was procured in 1554 for the flooring, seems to mark 
the end of the work. 2 

The laying out of the magnificent gardens and pleasure 
grounds was carried out with great activity at the same time 
as the actual building of the villa, as was the purchase of the 
adjoining land. Besides elms and chestnuts, countless fruit 
trees were planted, and kitchen gardens and vineyards laid 
out. Costly shrubs and flowers were procured from Naples, 
and set in terra cotta vases. The total number of plants and 
trees purchased amounted to about 36,000, while additional 
expense was incurred for the erection of aviaries, fish-ponds 
and various fountains. 3 

In a sense, the church of S. Andrea, which had been erected 
by Vignola to the north, on the Flaminian Way, on the spot 
where Cardinal Bessarion, bearing the relics of the Apostle, 
had once made a halt, belonged to this magnificent villa, which 
had gradually absorbed the greater part of the land up to 
Monte Parioli. An exquisite laurel grove adjoined the church, 
and this elegant little structure is of special interest on account 
of the employment, presumably for the first time, of an ellipse 
cut in half lengthwise, to serve as a means of connecting the 
two. 4 An inscription, which may still be read, requests the 

intorno a J. Barozzi, 131-2, to fix more clearly the share of Vignola 
in the villa, but much still remains mere supposition. VENTURI 
(loc. cit., 355) firmly shares the view of Willich. 

1 See BERTOLOTTI, loc. cit. supra 20, and Art. Veneti, 25 ; P. 
GIORDAN: in L Arte, X. (1907), 134-5. Concerning a compart 
ment of the arch above the fountain court of the Villa Giulia, see 
DOLMETSCH, Ornamentenschatz, Stuttgart, 1887, Taf. 57, No. 6. 

2 See the document from the Secret Archives of the Vatican in 
App. No. 23. 

3 See LANCIANI, III., 16-17. 

4 Concerning this building, which owed its erection to a vow of 
Julius III. (cf. supra p. 47) cf. STERN, Piante e elevatione, profili e 
spaccati della villa suburbana di Giulio III., Rome, 1784, 107 seqq., 



THE " VIGNA DI PAPA GIULIO. 343 

visitors, who have been delighted with the contemplation of 
the beauties of the villa, to pray in this holy spot for the builder 
and the owner. 

It is very difficult to-day to form any idea of the impression 
which the Vigna di Papa Giulio then made, for, apart from the 
demolitions of later times, 1 an essential element is wanting, 

LETAROUILLY, I., 199-200 ; FORCELLA, XII., 211 ; GURLITT, 51-2, 
184, 1 88 ; EBE, Spatrenaissance, I., 142-3 ; WILLICH, 64 seqq. ; 
LANCIANI, III., 26-27. The church was then called S. Andrea 
della Vigna, as is to be seen in a *letter of E. Capilupi to Card. 
Gonzaga of December 20, 1552, in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 
1 The villa estate, which Julius III. willed to his brother Baldo- 
vino, had the most varied fortunes. When Baldovino died in 
August, 1556, Paul IV. confiscated the possessions of Fabiano del 
Monte in April, 1557, because they had been procured with the 
money of the Apostolic Camera (TESORONI, 44-5, 99-100). When 
Pius IV. annulled this sentence, he excepted the Villa Giulia, of 
which a part was given to the Borromei, and through them came 
to the Colonna (see BALESTRA in the work cited infra p. 344, n. i, 
and ibid. p. 44 seq.}. The principal building, already restored in 
one place under Paul IV. (see Intr. et Exit. 1558, December 8, 
State Archives, Rome), remained in the possession of the Pope and 
served for a long time as a lodging for Cardinals, ambassadors and 
princely personages, who prepared here for their solemn entry into 
the city (see ERULEI, 23-4). Paul V. restored the nymphaeum 
(see STERN, 76). Clement XIV. and Pius VI. endeavoured to 
restore the villa, which had suffered greatly from the preceding 
war troubles, and which fell into complete decay during the 
French period. Under Leo XII. it served as a veterinary school, 
and under Gregory XVI. as a hospital, under Pius IX. first as a 
book depot and then as a powder magazine. The Italian govern 
ment next used the building for military purposes, but, at the 
instigation of Letarouilly, it was finally made into a museum by 
royal decree of Februry 7, 1889, for the remains found outside 
Rome, and especially for those of Etruscan origin. The present 
director, Prof. G. Colini, was the first to look after the sadly 
dilapidated building and the crumbling nymphaeum ; the last 
restoration in 1911 is owing to his efforts. Cf. HERMANIN, 
Kunstchronik, N.F. XXI., 339-340. The performance of come 
dies in the villa, spoken of here, is not supported by any docu 
mentary evidence. 



344 HISTORY OF THE POPES, 

namely the surroundings, which had been laid out with so much 
artistic taste ; the pleasure grounds and the magnificent 
gardens, in which cypresses, laurels and myrtles exhaled their 
perfume, pomegranates and other fruit trees blossomed, and 
fountains threw their sparkling waters into the air, while in all 
directions, antique marble statues, inscribed tablets, little 
temples, grottos and summer-houses gleamed among the dark 
trees. 

A little harbour was constructed on the Tiber, where the 
Pope, arriving from the Vatican in a magnificently equipped 
barge, landed. From here a shady arbour, 120 paces in length, 
led to the point where the Vicolo dell Arco Oscuro branches 
off from the Flaminian Way. Here Julius III. had erected a 
monumental fountain adorned with Corinthian pilasters and 
columns. In the two side niches were placed the statues 
of Fortune and Abundance, and in the centre a large inscrip 
tion, surmounted by the Papal arms, announced that Julius 
III; had dedicated this work in the third year of his pontificate, 
for the benefit of the public. Under the inscription, the w^ater 
gushed forth from an antique head of Apollo, while the upper 
corners of the whole structure were adorned with statites of 
Rome and Minerva, the central pediment with two granite 
pyramids, and the summit with an antique Neptune. 1 

From the street corner, at which the fountain stood, a private 
road, bordered with fruit trees, led, alongside the Vicolo dell 
Arco Oscuro, to a circular open space, in which the principal 
building of the Villa Giulia stood, rising out of a small depres- 

1 EGGER (Veduten, I., i) published a pen and ink drawing from 
the Vienna library, which is by an anonymous artist of the XVI th 
century, and which shows the original appearance of the fountain 
Cf. the monograph of BALESTRA, La Fontana pubblica di Giulio 
III. e il palazzo di Pio IV. sulla via Flaminia, Rome, 1911. Both 
investigators have overlooked a copper-plate engraving of H. 
Cock : Fontis ornatiss. structura a lulio III. P.M. ad viam 
Flaminiam facta, in J. M. Heberle s (Cologne) Cat. 103, No. 3003. 
CLAUSSE, Les San Gallo, III., 193-4, Paris, 1902, declares that 
Francesco da Sangallo was also employed at the construction of 
this fountain. 



THE VILLA G1ULIA, 345 

sion in the valley ; this is the only part of the villa which is in 
a good state of preservation to-day. 1 The facade, two storeys 
in height, with a large rustic porch and pillars supporting a 
balcony, is severe and simple, for it was considered good taste 
to. conceal the splendour and magnificence of such a building 
from the outer world. The visitor realizes this when he pene 
trates into the interior. Through the gateway one enters first 
the simple atrium, on each side of which there is a large hall. 
Of the former exceedingly rich decoration of these rooms, there 
only remain the mythological and allegorical frescoes on the 
ceiling, the work of Taddeo Zuccaro, and the frieze, richly 
adorned with stucco and gold. 2 The halls on the ground floor 
correspond with two others on the upper storey, while over the 
atrium there is a central hall, as well as several smaller apart 
ments leading towards the courtyard. These form the only 
dwelling rooms in the villa ; they were sufficient, as it was not 
the Pope s intention to create a permanent residence, but only 
a place of rest and recreation, to which he might retire for a 
short time, in summer or in winter, generally only for a single 
day, 3 to recruit after the arduous duties of his position. He 

1 The earliest description of the villa is given by B. Ammanati in 
a letter to M. M. Bonavides of May 2, 1555, first printed in the 
Giorn. arcadico, IV., 387, Rome, 1819, and again in BALESTRA, 
65-6. Cf. also STERN, 10-11 ; LETAROUILLY, 421 ; ERULEI, 9 
seqq. ; WILLICH, 61 seqq. ; RIEGL, 105-6. LANCIANI (III., 24.) 
has restored the old designs. 

2 Cf. LANCIANI, Dei fratelli Zuccari, pittori, Jesi, 1892 ; FRIED- 
LANDER, 52. 

3 Cf. the exact statements of Massarelli in MERKLE, II., 177, 213, 
219, 221, 222, 223. That the Pope frequently went to. the villa 
is also proved from the "report of the Mantuan embassy (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua), but it is an exaggeration, which is connected 
with the partisanship of the Florentine historian when ADRIANI 
(VIII., i) writes : "la maggior parte del tempo dimorava ozioso 
a un suo giardino, etc." The additional remark : " onde i 
cortegiani e altri a cui la cosa importava se ne disperavano," shows 
how such pronouncements originated in personal feelings. The 
statement that Julius III. laughingly answered an official who 
addressed to him the customary formula : " Beatissime pater, 



346 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

wished, however, to be surrounded by beauty on all sides, and 
therefore had these upper rooms richly decorated with stucco 
and frescoes. Of special interest are the " vedute," views in 
perspective with the surrounding landscape, on the frieze, 
which are still in a good state of preservation, and which 
represent the appearance of the seven hills in those days, as 
well as the Villa Giulia itself. This new fashion in pictures, 
which had already made its appearance in isolated cases, as, 
for instance, in the Palazzo del Te, was becoming much more 
common. 1 It inaugurated the period when, in pictorial 
representations, not the artistic, but the descriptive " motif " 
takes the first place. 

On coming out of the atrium into the first court, one reaches 
a semi-circular portico, which was richly adorned with stucco 
and frescoes. The only part which is still comparatively well- 
preserved, is the decoration of the barrel vaulting, depicting 
arbours of roses and vines, animated by putti and birds. The 
statues, of which there were thirty, above the principal cornice 
and round the walls of the court, have all disappeared. 2 In 
the centre there was a large and magnificent antique basin, 
constructed out of a single piece of porphyry. This gift, by 
which Ascanio Colonna expressed his thanks for the restoration 
of his dominions, originally came from the Baths of Titus, and 
was subsequently taken to the Sala Rotonda of the Pio- 

cras erit consistorium " by saying : " Cras erit vinea," is from the 
same source. On the strength of this anecdote ERULEI says (p. 7 : 
Per la villa oblio ogni altro negozio religiose e civile ! " In 1552 
Julius had a great feast at the villa on St. Andrew s Day, to which 
he invited all the Cardinals ; see Lasso s report in DRUFFEL, II., 
825, and the * letter of C. Capilupi of November 20, 1552 (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua). 

1 Cf. FRIEDLANDER, 86. These views [vedute] are unfortunately 
not yet published. 

2 Interesting statements concerning the antiquities of the villa 
and their subsequent dispersion in LANCIANI, III., 20, seqq. zgseqq. 
Cf. CRACAS, 1888, n. 80 ; HUBNER, I., 108-9. Besides the antiques, 
there were also modern marbles in the vigna, cf. BERTOLOTTI, 
Artisti Subalp, 97, Mantua, 1884. 



THE VILLA GIULIA. 347 

Clementino Museum in the Vatican. 1 The water flowed into 
the basin, at the sides of which two shells of green veined 
marble were fixed, from the bill of a swan, held by a Venus. 

The sides of this magnificent court were formed by walls 
two storeys in height, consisting of round arched blind arcades, 
separated by columns, with Ionic half-columns in front, and 
crowned by a plain Attic capital. At either end of the two 
side walls, exits led out respectively to the gardens and the 
park. 

The transverse building which separates this first court from 
a second one, was built by Ammanati, 2 as the outline sketches 
and an inscription on one of the pillars testify. The threefold 
entrance opens in the centre of the building, and several steps 
lead to a loggia, the roof of which, once gorgeously decorated 
with stucco ornamentation and gold, is supported by fourteen 
Ionic columns of different coloured marbles. To the right and 
left of this loggia there are rooms, close to which one descends 
by two external flights of stairs to the sunken fountain-court, 
with a still lower, and exceedingly graceful grotto, the so-called 
Fontana Segreta, as it is named in Ammanati s description of 
May, 1555. The fountain-court itself consists of two storeys, 
with niches which were adorned with antique busts and statues. 
Only a few busts are still preserved, but in the lower storey, 
where there are two grottos resembling loggias, there are still 
the colossal figures of the Arno and Tiber, crouching over two 
basins. The semi-circular centre of the court is surrounded 
by an open-work railing, which was likewise adorned with 
statues, and which encloses the actual nymphseum, the Fontana 
Segreta, which lies a storey lower down. The roof of this 
building is borne up by eight female Hermae, made from a 

1 See VASARI, I., in ; CANCELLIERI, Lettera intorno la maravi- 
gliosa tazza di porfido regalata a Giulio III. da A. Colonna, Roma, 
1821 ; cf. Arch. d. Soc. Rom., IV., 329-330 ; LANCIANI, II., 190 ; 
Guida del Museo Vaticano di scoltura, Roma, 1908, 16. The 
Amazon sarcophagus, now set up in the Cortile del Belvedere also 
comes from tjie villa Giulia ; see AMELUNG, Die Skulpturen des 
Vatikanischen Museums, II., 120 seqq. 

2 See WILLICH, 57. 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

design of Vignola. 1 The pavement is composed of costly 
marbles of different colours, while from the well the waters of 
the Aqua Virgo gush forth in a glittering stream. Two little 
winding stairways, which are concealed in the grottos, give 
access to this central point of attraction of the building. In 
these apartments the artist has depicted on the roof and walls 
the saga of the Aqua Virgo, after Frontinus, as well as the signs 
of the zodiac, the seasons, and the principal deities of the 
ancients ; the paintings after Frontinus are destroyed, but the 
others still remain. These are, to a great extent, rather free 
representations, in the taste of the Renaissance period, which 
prove, as do the figures of the goddess of love, frequently found 
throughout the villa, that the austere spirit of the Catholic 
Reformation had not yet found its way into the court of Julius 
III. 2 Very characteristic, too, are the large tablets of marble, 
let into the reverse side of the fountain-court, bearing two 
inscriptions in classical Latin, the one containing the regu 
lations for the gardens (Lex hortorum) and the other, probably 
inscribed later, relating to the history of the villa, and the 
testamentary direction that it is to remain in the possession of 
the family of the del Monte. 3 

1 Ibid. 62 n. 

2 This judgment may appear too severe to some people. All the 
more do I believe myself justified in repudiating an accusation 
which, though quite unfounded, has been lately again brought 
against Julius III. CANCELLIERI (Mercato, 269) noted, in his 
zeal for collecting material, from THEOD. SPRENGER, Roma nova, 
Franco*. (1667) 470, the anecdote about the Priapus, which Julius 
III. had installed at the villa, which BRUZZONE (Vigna di Papa 
Giulio : Fanfulla della Domenica, 1890, n. 23, and ibid. n. 33) 
cites in a very weak essay (Giulio III.) as a. proof of the paganism 
of the Pope, although no contemporary mentions anything of the 
sort. Sprenger, who wrote a full century after the death of 
Julius III., also gives other anecdotes, the unhistorical character 
of which is only too palpable. 

3 Already published by STERN (Taf. 30). LANCIANI (in the 
Arch. Rom., VI., 230-1) has overlooked this, as well as the publi 
cation of both inscriptions by LETAROUILLY (466-7) ; cf. also 
CIACONIUS, III., 760, and TESORONI, 43-44. 



THE VILLA GIULIA. 349 

As in all such country residences, the nymphaeum, where the 
owner could enjoy refreshing coolness during the hot months, 
forms the most attractive feature of the whole building, and is, 
accordingly, the most richly decorated part. After having 
been scandalously neglected for a long time, the nymphseum 
of the Villa Giulia has been carefully and lovingly restored in 
recent times, so that one can, at least to a great extent, realize 
its one-time magnificence. It is true that the figure ornamen 
tation of the building, and the statue of the sleeping Aqua 
Virgo, the praises of which were sung by the poets of the day, 1 
as well as the plane trees which shaded them, are no more, but 
when it was furnished with costly plants and flowers, and the 
sparkling waters were in full play, this fountain building must 
have been a beautiful object, and the same may be said of the 
whole exquisite villa, even though it was not, as a whole, in 
perfect unity of style. One can, to a great extent, understand 
the enthusiasm of the contemporaries who compared the 
grounds to the gardens of Nero. That is, no doubt, as much 
an exaggeration as are the 250,000 scucli which the villa is 
supposed to have cost. 2 The expenses must, however, have 
been on a very large scale. Julius is more deserving of blame 
in having at such a critical period devoted so much money to 
the erection of a sumptuous building, in which, moreover, 
ecclesiastical decorum was not always observed, than he was in 
thankfully retiring, suffering in health as he often was, to his 
beautiful villa, although this does not imply that he was by any 
means inactive as far as his duties were concerned. 3 As one 
of the last buildings of this kind, at the end of the Renaissance 
period, the Villa Giulia clearly shows the worldly tendencies of 
this Pope, who, though he did not disregard the claims of the 

1 See SAGGIATORE, I., 2, 91-92 ; cf. Anec. litt., IV., 429 seqq., 
445 seqq. The statue of the Aqua Virgo stood opposite the 
Caryatides. 

2 SEGNI, XIII., 829. Cf. Lasso s report in DRUFFEL, II., 824 ; 
the opinion of a visitor to Rome in 1554 (see ROT., Itin. Rom., 249) 
which goes to prove that the villa was easily accessible ; CONDIVI, 
Iviii. ; ADRIANI, VIII., 119-120. 

3 Cf. supra p. 140. 



350 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

new age, by no means drew all the inferences which the altered 
state of affairs demanded. 

In accordance with the bad custom of the time, antique 
building material was greatly made use of in the construction 
of the Villa Giulia ; it appears from the accounts, that, as in 
the time of Paul III., the district that was especially plundered, 
was that of the Aqua Albulae. 1 

Valuable discoveries at that time proved the inexhaustible 
wealth of the soil of Rome in the relics of antiquity. Among 
these, two are deserving of special mention. In 1551, there 
was found a superb, but unfortunately imperfectly preserved, 
example of early Christian plastic art, in the statue of St. 
Hippolytus, which was afterwards placed in the Christian 
museum of the Lateran. 2 In the Via de Leutari, the cele 
brated statue of Pompey was found, which the Pope bought 
for 500 scudi and presented to Cardinal Capodiferro, whose 
palace, afterwards called the Palazzo Spada, it still adorns. 3 
Cardinal Ricci also distinguished himself at this time as an 
indefatigable collector of antiques. 4 Not a few of these 
treasures went abroad ; it is related of the ever generous Pope 
that he gave to Cardinal Guise, who made use of his stay in 
Rome to collect antiquities with the most ardent zeal, the 
valuable collection of coins from the legacy of Cardinal 
Grimani. 5 

1 Cf. LANCIANI, II., 45, 109-110, 119-120, 132 ; III., 18-19. 

2 See KRAUS, Roma Sott., 368-9, and Gesch. der christl. Kunst, 
I., 229-230. 

3 See HELBIG, Fuhrer, II., 170. 

4 See LANCIANI, III., 106-7. Ricci also collected porcelain 
during his stay in Portugal, which, as a very rare curiosity, came to 
Europe at that time from China. In his letters, he says that it 
comes from the Antipodes ; a small piece cost two, and a fine 
piece ten ducats ; see MELE, *Genealogia d. famiglia Ricci (Ricci 
Archives, Rome). 

5 Cf. HEULHARD, Rabelais, 314, Buonanni "reports on March 8, 
1550 : " II card. Guise attende a buscar piu medaglie antiche et 
piu statue che puo et fu donate da S.S ta a i di passati di tutte 
queste medaglie bellissime, che restaron del card. Grimani ch erano 
in castello." (State Archives, Florence). 



THE PALAZZO CARDELLI. 351 

Vignola remained the official architect of Julius III. during 
the whole of his pontificate. 1 It is not, however, certain 
whether he is the creator of the gracefully simple hall with 
wings on the Capitol, towards Monte Caprino, which still bears 
the arms of Julius III. 2 Another task, which is certain to have 
fallen to the lot of Vignola, was the reconstruction of the palace 
of the Cardelli family, situated in the Rione Campo Marzo, 
which received the name of Palazzo di Firenze, after its subse 
quent possessor, Cosimo de Medici. 

Julius III. had bought this building with the money of the 
Apostolic Chamber in the first year of his reign, in order to 
provide his brother Baldovino with a suitable residence of his 
own. In November, 1552, Baldovino was already living there, 
but it was a year later that the presentation of the palace and 
the Villa Giulia was made to him and his heirs. 3 The Palazzo 
Cardelli had in the meantime been completely rebuilt by 
Vignola. Not only was the pillared courtyard at the entrance 
enlarged, and the principal staircase embellished, and made 
more convenient, but a new connecting building between the 
courtyard and the garden was erected. This part is adorned, 
on the side of the garden, with a beautiful double loggia. 4 The 
interior of the palace was richly and tastefully decorated with 
stucco ornamentation and frescoes. Unfortunately, sufficient 

1 He bears this title in the account books ; see BERTOLOTTI in 
the Atti Mod. Ser. 3, I., 84. 

2 Giordan! has lately declared himself against the commonly 
accepted belief that Vignola designed it, in consideration of the style 
of the building. He is, however, mistaken when he, as well as all the 
others, including WILLICH (p. 68) attributes both pillared halls to 
the time of Julius III., for the lilies of the Farnese family appear 
on the hall on the other side towards the Aracoeli. 

3 Cf. TESORONI, 31-32, 35-36, 38-39, 89-90. 

4 Cf. LETAROUILLY, 660, seqq., plate 318-9; TESORONI, 36-7; 
WILLICH, 70-1 ; FERRI, La ricostruzione del portico del Vignola 
nel palazzo di Firenze, Rome, 1846. GIORDANI (p. 135-6) 
declares that tradition must be accepted with reserve in this case 
as well. 



352 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

research concerning this important work has not been made. 
Vasari states that Prospero Fontana was engaged upon it ; 
probably, however, Zuccaro, who nearly always appears in 
conjunction with Vignola, as well as Primaticcio, co-operated 
in the work. 1 Besides this palace, Julius III. had instructed 
Vignola to begin the building of a second one near the Via della 
Trinita (now del Clementine) the completion of which was 
delayed by his death. It is evident, from an amusing letter of 
the Pope to his brother on September 23rd, 1553, that he had 
personally inspected the beginning of the work. 2 

The love which Julius III. felt for his family is also shown 
by the monuments which he caused to be erected to his grand 
father, Fabiano, and his uncle, Cardinal Antonio. He chose 
for these the last chapel on the epistle side of the church of 
S. Pietro in Montorio. The plans for this pious work, the first 
artistic undertaking of Julius III. after his election, were 
furnished by Vasari, 3 although the advice of Michael Angelo 
was also sought. Vasari had proposed Raffaello da Montelupo 
for the figures on the monuments, but Michael Angelo would 
not accept him. They were therefore executed by Bartolomeo 
Ammanati, to whom are also attributed the sturdy boys on the 
balustrade of the chapel. The paintings and the vaulting are 
by Vasari, who also executed the picture over the altar, the 
baptism of the Apostle Paul by Ananias. The two monuments 
are opposite to one another, and are symmetrically executed 
in the same form. The sarcophagus, with the recumbent 
figure of the deceased, is raised on a bold substructure, the 
statues of Religion and Justice being placed in niches over the 
tombs. The epitaph for the Cardinal : " The Church, by his 
death, has lost, as it were, her father," sounds, indeed, rather 

1 See VASARI, VII., 415 ; GIORDANI, 138. 

2 See TESORONI, 37, 88-9. The care of Julius III. for the 
preservation of the Papal palace at Avignon, which was sadly in 
need of repair, is clear from his *brief to Card. Farnese of April 17, 
1553 (Arm. 41, t. 68, n. 295. Secret Archives of the Vatican). 

3 Cf. his design in the Louvre at Paris, which E. Steinmann is 
about to publish. Here may be seen the epitaph for Fabiano del 
Monte 4 which has now disappeared, 



ARTISTS IN ROME. 353 

extravagant, but the gratitude of Julius III. here finds suitable 
expression. Although not without faults, this family monu 
ment nevertheless reminds one of a better time, and makes a 
thoroughly dignified impression. 1 

Besides Ammanati, Vasari and Zuccaro, Julius III. employed 
numerous other artists. Of these special mention may be made 
of Giovanni da Udine, Daniele da Volterra, Girolamo da Carpi 
and Pietro da Imola. 2 

In spite of many signs of decline, considerable artistic 
activity prevailed at this time in Rome, to which, moreover, 
many artists from northern countries, and especially the 
Netherlands, came as visitors. Their stay in Rome proved 
fateful for many of them, because, on the one hand, they 
acquired the style then in vogue, and on the other, fell under 
bad influences. Many, however, as, for instance, Antonio 
More, the court painter of Charles V. and Philip II., derived 
great benefit from their sojourn in Rome, and developed into 
eminent colourists. Jan van der Straet, from Bruges, the 
friend of Vasari, executed pictures in the Vatican between 
1550 and 1553. 3 

Artistic crafts reached great perfection and flourished during 

1 Cf. VASARI, VII., 226-7, 229-230, 231, 235, 693 ; FORCELLA, 
V., 254 ; NIBBY, Roma, I. (1899), 589 ; KALLAB, 84, 86, 87, 89 ; 
THIEME, Kunstlerlexikon, I., 414 ; REUMONT, III., 2nd ed., 724 ; 
ESCHER, Barock, 116. In the July of 1554, Ammanati received 
the remainder of the payment " della scultura della capella del 
card. Montalto." (*Intr. et Exit, in the Cod. Vat. 10605 of the 
Vatican Library). Card. Fulvio della Corgna also found his 
resting place in S. Pietro in Montorio (see FORCELLA, V., 260). 
Card. Ricci erected a similar tomb for himself in the chapel 
opposite that of the del Monte ; see FORCELLA, V., 254. 

2 Cf. VASARI, VI., 478 ; KALLAB, 84, 86 ; Atti Mod., Ser. 3, I., 
83. Payment for Pietro da Imola in the *Exit. 1551, April 29 
(State Archives, Rome). 

3 Cf. BERTOLOTTI, Artisti Belgi e Olandesi a Roma nei secoli 
XVI. e XVII., Florence, 1880, 46-47, 51 ; V. v. LOGA in the Jahrb. 
des oster. Kaiserhauses, XXVII., 96-97 ; HOOGEWERFF, Neder- 
landsche Schilders in Italic, 142-3, 155-6. 

VOL. XIII. 23 



354 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the pontificate of Julius III., as they had done under his pre 
decessor. In the account books, payments to goldsmiths, 
jewellers, medallists, and engravers frequently appear. One 
meets here the name of the celebrated Alessandro Cesati, 
called " il Greco," and of a pupil of Benvenuto Cellini, named 
Manno Sbarra. 1 

If one compares the artistic activity under Julius III. with 
that under his predecessor, one finds a great disparity between 
the two periods. The great impetus which Paul III. knew how 
to give to every enterprise is non-existent in the reign of his 
successor ; apart from the Villa Giulia, few works of import 
ance were executed. This is partly to be attributed to the 
irresolution of Julius III., and partly to the shortness of his 
pontificate, but, above all, to his financial difficulties. It was 
for this reason also that the laying out of the streets 2 and the 
works for the fortification of the city, and especially of the 
Borgo, 3 which followed, and which had been begun on a grand 

1 Cf. PLON, Cellini, 393-4 ; Atti Mod., II., 258 ; BERTOLOTTI, 
Art. Veneti, 31 and Art. Lomb., I., 312. Concerning the medals 
of Julius III. see also L Arte, X., 137. A well-known artist of the 
Emilia (cf. MALAGUZZI-VALERI, Lo scultore Prospero Spani detto il 
Clemente, Modena, 1894) furnished watches. In the *Intr. et 
Exit. 1554-1555 one also finds Giov. di Prato Tedescho orefice 
(Cod. Vat. 10605 of the Vatican Library). Cf. the Monatsbericht 
fur Kunstwissenschaft of HELBING UND SEIDLITZ, I. (1900), 77. 
The organ of the silver chapel of the Hofkirche in Innsbruck is 
traditionally considered to be a gift of Julius III. ; no proofs of 
this, however, are forthcoming in the inventories of the archives 
of the Franciscan Province of the Tyrol. 

2 Cf. LANCIANI, III., 8. 

3 The city walls were not only considerably repaired (cf. NIBBY, 
Le Mura di Roma (1820), 319, 320, 337, 358 ; Revue archeol., VII., 
129, 130, 136, 138, 232, 234, 237, 336, 339 ; FORCELLA, XIII., 31 ; 
CLAUSSE, II., 351) and restorations undertaken at the Castle of St. 
Angelo (PAGGLIUCCHI, 122), but the fortifications of the Borgo 
were also continued. LANCIANI (III., 59) knows of only one 
document in support of this, that of June 12, 1553. There are, 
however, others. See the *report of C. Capilupi of March 14, 1553 
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), concerning the beginning of these 



APPEARANCE OF THE CITY. 355 

scale by the Farnese Pope, were restricted to very moderate 
limits. The appearance of the city was very little altered 
during this pontificate, in all essentials it remained as before. 
This appearance, however, Rome was not to retain for long, 
she was to undergo a far-reaching metamorphosis during the 
latter half of the century. It will, therefore, be in place, 
at this point, to give some description of the city, as it appeared 
at the close of the period of the Renaissance. 

works in App. No. 19. Cf. also PAGLIUCCHI, 124-5 ; ROCCHI, 
Piante, 68 seq., 78, 214 ; RAVIOLI, Notizie sui lavori di archil, 
milit. dei nove Sangallo, 15-16. Concerning Jacobo Fusti Cas- 
triotto, who was in the service of Julius III. and then served 
under the Imperialists against Siena, cf. Vol., XII. of this work 562, 
seq. Concerning the restoration of the Ponte di S. Maria, which 
did not resist the inundation of 1557, see FANFANI, Spigol. 
Michael Angelo, 136 seq., Pistoia, 1876. Concerning a medal 
struck to commemorate the improvement of the port and fortifica 
tions of Civitavecchia, see VENUTI, 93. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

ROME AT THE END OF THE RENAISSANCE PERIOD. 

THE Rome of the Cinquecento was surpassed in population by 
Paris and London, 1 and in beauty by Venice, and perhaps also 
by Florence. The appearance of the city, crowded together 
as it was in the low-lying district between the Tiber, the Pincio 
and the Capitol, and filled with busy traffic, made, with its, for 
the most part, badly saved and dark crooked streets and its 
hoary buildings, a decidedly unfavourable impression, 2 in 
spite of its numerous palaces and interesting churches. But, 
taken as a whole, the dwelling place of the Head of the Church, 
this " world in miniature," was the universal patria? because 

1 The population of Rome did not exceed 50,000 under Leo 
X. cf. Vol. VIII., of this work, p. 128, n. Under Paul III. the 
numbers increased, but the 90,000 which RIESS (p. 157) gives 
for the middle of the XVI. th century is, however, somewhat 
exaggrerated. According to MOCENIGO- ALBERT (p. 35) the popula 
tion under Paul IV., during whose reign many people left the 
city, amounted to between 40,000 and 50,000, and afterwards 
increased to about 70,000. Venice with 162,000, London with 
185,000, and Paris with 300,000 (see RIESS, 157) were much 
more populous than Rome. The population of the Eternal 
City was continually changing, to a remarkable degree, as is 
stated by MOCENIGO, loc. cit. 

2 MOCENIGO-ALBERI (34) expressly declares that the city did 
not appear very beautiful as a whole. 

3 Cf. ibid. 31. See also the passage from the treaty of Leo X. 
with Charles V. (Urbe quae semper communis patria est habita) 
cited by REUMONT in the Arch. stor. ital. Ser. 3, IX., 80. On 
the tombstone in S. Stefano Rotondo of a prelate of Sieben- 
biirgen, who died in Rome in 1523, we read : Natum quod 

356 



HEEMSKERCK S PANORAMA. 357 

of its historic past, its sacred relics, its artistic treasures, its 
rare medley of ruins and buildings from classic times, from the 
Middle Ages and from the Renaissance, because of the austere 
grandeur of its surroundings, as well as because of the cos 
mopolitan character of the population which had flocked 
together from the most different countries to the central point 
of the Catholic world a place, in short, which was like no 
other in the world. 

From a number of sources of different kinds, it is possible 
to form a fairly true picture of the condition of the capital 
of the world, which had recovered, during the long and peaceful 
reign of Paul III., from the terrible catastrophe of 1527, and 
had taken a new lease of life, owing to the improvement of 
sanitary conditions, the beautifying of the streets, and the 
awakening of a revived activity in the sphere of building. All 
this had been continued under the pontificate of Julius III. 1 

Besides the Italians, Leonardo Bufalini and Ulisse Aldrov- 
andi, it is specially to two men of northern origin that posterity 
owes a detailed knowledge of the Rome of the Cinquecento. 
One was Marten Van Heemskerck, a pupil of Jan van Scorel, 
who, like so many of his countrymen, came to the Eternal City 
in 1532, to pursue his studies, and lived there till 1535. 2 
Heemskerck made very good use of his time. A great number 
of his sketches and drawings have been preserved, and now 
form a treasure of the cabinet of copper-plate engravings in 
the Berlin Museum. In this collection there are large and small 
views of Rome, its hills, ancient monuments, ruins, churches, 

gelidum vides ad Istrum Romana tegier viator urna Non 
mirabere, si extimabis illud Quod Roma est patria omnium 
fuitque (FORCELLA, VIII., 209.) 

1 Besides AMASAEUS, Oratio in funere Pauli III. P.M., Bologna, 
1563, and MODIO, II Tevere, Rome, 1556, 7, cf. Vol. XII., of 
this work, p. 566 seq. Concerning the increase of prices under 
Paul III., see LUTOLF, Schweizergarde, 32. Navagero *states 
on October 3Oth, 1557, that houses were four times dearer in 
Rome than in Naples (Court Library, Vienna). 

2 Cf. PREIBISZ, M. v. Heemskerck, Leipsic, 1911, and HOOGE- 
WERFF, Nederlandsche Schilders in Italie, 195 seq. 



358 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

palaces, galleries of statues and old gardens, which are, from 
their accuracy, priceless treasures of the greatest historical 
and archselogical value. Almost always drawn on the spot, 
they give, with conscientious fidelity, and without additions 
and embellishment, everything just as it was at the time. 1 
Other sketch-books of visitors to Rome, and the copper-plate 
engravings of the time, afford a valuable supplement to these. 
Among the latter, the collection of engravings on copper, 
" Speculum Romanae Magnificentiae," of the enterprising 
publisher, Antoine Lafrery, who settled in Rome in the middle 
forties of the XVIth century, takes a prominent place. 2 

The second northerner is the learned lawyer of Frankfort, 
Johann Fichard, who, during his residence in Rome in the 
autumn of 1535, had the happy idea of consigning his varied 
impressions to writing. 3 The hasty notes, written on the 

1 Cf. J. SPRINGER in the Jahrb. der Preuss. Kunstsamml., V. 
1884), 327 seqq. ; XII. (1891), 117 seq., and in the Stud, zur Kunst- 
gesch. fur A. Springer 226 seq., as well as the critical inventory 
of MICHAELIS, Romische Skizzenbiicher, in the Archaol. Jahrb., 
VI. (1891), 126 seqq. ; HUBNER, I., 16, 52 seq. A complete 
edition of the sketch-books of Heemskerck is being prepared by 
Christian Hiilsen and Hermann Egger. Of this magnificent work, 
which will reproduce 300 sketches in 180 plates in tinted photo 
type, and among them 20 plates in coloured facsimile, with a 
descriptive catalogue, I was allowed, through the kindness of the 
publisher, the use of the first sheets. 

2 Cf. Jahrb. des deutsch. arch. Inst., VII., 83 seq. ; v. FABRICZY, 
in the Arch. d Arte, VI. (1890), 112 seq. ; EH RLE, Roma prima 
di Sisto V., ii seqq., and HUBNER, I., 15 seq., 34 seq., 69 seq., 
57 seq. 

3 J. Fichard s Italia was published by J. C. v. FICHARD in the 
Frankfurtischen Archiv fur altere deutsche Literatur und 
Geschicte, III. (1815), i seqq., with a good introduction, but re 
mained almost forgotten till SCHMARSOW again drew attention 
to this great source of information in the Repertorium fur 
Kunstwissenschaft, XIV., 130 seqq., the reading of which filled 
me in my early youth with enthusiasm for Rome. Concerning 
J. Fichard cf. JANNSEN, Bohmer, III., 426, and JUNG in the Archiv 
fur Frankfurter Geschichte, II. (1889), 209 seqq., and Allgem. 



JOHANN FICHARD. 359 

spot in Latin, were not intended for publication, whereby 
their value is notably increased. They by no means belie the 
dryness of the legal mind, but are, for that very reason, 
reliable, coming, as they do, from a prosaic observer. Only 
very rarely does the enthusiasm of the humanist break forth in 
Fichard s impressions. He feels no tremor of delight at the 
sight of Italy s splendours, he merely considers them from the 
point of view of a scholar. His notes are as important as they 
are interesting, not only for the knowledge of the then con 
dition of Rome which they afford us, but also for the glimpses 
we get of the opinions entertained at that time. The vague 
ness of men s ideas as to the remains of antiquity, the pre 
ponderance of antiquarian interest over that of the connoisseur 
of art, several remaikable errors concerning very important 
works of the Renaissance, all these, even to the use of 
magical arts to discover the perpetrator of a theft, are 
admirably characteristic of the knowledge and ideas of that 
epoch. 1 

Fichard remarks that three points of view give the best sur 
vey of Rome ; the summits of the Pantheon, the Castle of St. 
Angelo and the Capitol. He acknowledges that he has never 
himself got a satisfactory view of Rome, for everything was 
separated and cut up by hills and gardens. He cites Monte 
Caprino (what is now considered to be the Tarpeian Rock), 
which was not then built over, as affording the best general 
view. 2 It was just there, where to-day stands the Palazzo 
Caffarelli, the present seat of the German embassy, that 
Heemskerck, in the year 1535, sketched his great panorama, 

Deutsche Biographic, VI., 757 seqq. The manuscript of the 
Italia has disappeared (see JUNG, Frankfurter Chroniken, XX.) 
which is much to be regretted, especially on account of the 
sketches added to it. 

1 This magician was a Jew (see FICHARD, Italia, 73) . BERTOLOTTI 
treats of " streghe, sortiere e maliardi nel sec. XVI. in Roma," 
in the Riv. Europ., XXII. (1882), 882 seq. ; XXIII. (1883), 
581 seq. Cf. also RODOCANACHI, Rome, 342. 

2 FICHARD, Italia, 24, 26, 70. 



360 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

which has happily been preserved. 1 The value of this lies 
in the unusually faithful representation of the actual objects, 
and it is thereby distinguished from all the earlier attempts, 
which have a traditionally conventional character. The 
Netherlander has worked with such genuine national assiduity, 
and with such painstaking accuracy, that one might well 
describe his panorama as a memorial drawn as a parting 
reminder of the Eternal City. The more one studies the 
details, the better does one realize the immense historical 
value of his sketches. The artist, who has depicted a panor 
ama before the eye of the spectator, begins on the left hand 

1 First reproduced, with introduction by DE Rossi, in the 
" Antiken Denkmalern, " Vol. II., plate 12, published by the 
German Archaeological Institute. Cf. SPRINGER in the Jahrb. 
der Preuss. Kunstsammlungen, XII. (1891), 123 seq. ; MICHAELIS, 
Romische Skizzenbucher, 169 ; DE Rossi, Panorama circol. 
di Roma (Estr. d. Bull. arch, commun.), Rome, 1892. Similar 
reproductions in RODOCANACHI, Rome, 217, 220. The date on 
the panorama is not 1534, or 1536, but (according to Hiilsen) 
*535 . in this case one is relieved of the necessity (in contra 
distinction to van Mander) of prolonging the artist s stay in 
Rome to four years, instead of three. Concerning the great pan 
orama of Rome, Professor Hiilsen kindly informs me that he and 
Egger have come to the conclusion that it is not the single- 
handed work of Heemskerck, but owes its origin to a contem 
porary Dutch artist, whose name he still hopes to succeed in 
discovering. " This artist," continues Hiilsen, " is further 
represented in the second Berlin volume, as, e.g., by the view 
of the Forum, reproduced in my Forum p. 34, fig. 7, and by the 
picture of St. Peter s Square, reproduced in EGGER, Romische 
Veduten, Plate 19. Apart from the style of the drawing, the 
difference in the writing is decisive. Heemskerck, when he was 
in Rome, as his less certain autographs in the first volume prove, 
wrote in a quite Norse script, whereas the name which was cer 
tainly written at the same time by the artist on the panorama 
approaches the Italian style of writing. Egger wishes to read 
the date as 1536, of which I am not quite convinced, but that 
becomes of less importance if Heemskerck is discarded as the 
author." 



VIEW OF ROME. 361 

with the Aventine, and travels through the west, north and 
east, returning again to the same hill, at the foot of which one 
sees the neighbourhood of S. Maria in Cosmedin, the Casa di 
Cola di Rienzi, the not yet destroyed Ponte di S. Maria (Ponte 
Rotto) and the harbour full of ships, while in the distance 
appear the Janiculum, with S. Pietro in Montorio and the twin 
towers of the Porta S. Pancrazio. In the foreground, we see 
the citadel of the Savelli, built into the Theatre of Marcellus, 
arising majestically a little to the right, and behind it the old 
town with its maze of houses, massive towers and churches. 
The extensive palace of the Cancelleria, the pointed tower of St 
Agostino, the flat dome of the Pantheon, the column of Marcus 
Aurelius (not yet crowned with the statue of the apostle) and 
the Palazzo di S. Marco stand up as salient points in the dist 
ance. The artist has been specially successful in reproducing 
the manner in which the city is dominated by the Castle of 
St. Angelo, which is shown as a darkly threatening fortress, 
on the summit of which floats the large standard of the Pope. 
The Vatican rises high from out the Borgo, with the venerable 
pile of St. Peter s and the gigantic construction of the new 
building of Bramante beside it. Then follows in the fore 
ground, forming the actual central point of the panorama, the 
Capitoline Hill, shown in profile, and not yet having the form 
given to it by Michael Angelo. One sees the piazza of the 
Capitol, with the obelisks and the celebrated palms which 
stand between the palace of the Senators and the church of S. 
Maria in Aracoeli. Far away rises the mighty Torre delle 
Milizie, while farther to the north, in the lonely hill district, 
which forms a background, appear the basilica of S. Maria 
Maggiore with the great patriarchal palace, the then very high 
tower of the Conti, and, only lightly sketched in, the gigantic 
halls of the Baths of Diocletian, as well as the Lateran. At 
the feet of the spectator lies the Forum, alive with herds of 
cattle, with the Basilica of Constantine, the Arch of Septimus 
Severus, the remains of the Temple of Saturn, the beautiful 
portico of the Temple of Faustina and Antoninus, as well 
as the three columns of the Temple of Castor, while to the 
right we see the mighty mass of the Colosseum, the Arch of 



362 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Titus and S. Maria Nuova (S. Francesca Romana). To the 
east one recognizes, at the foot of the Tarpeian Rock, S. Maria 
della Consolazione, S. Teodoro and the monuments of the 
Velabro, while above are the ruins of the Palace of the Caesars. 
The Septizonium is also clearly recognizable, as well as S. 
Anastasia with its campanile and the steps by which people 
once entered this church. To the right the Aventine, with the 
battlement crowned fortress of the Savelli, give the finishing 
touches to this wonderful panorama. 

Viewed as a whole, what strikes one most in this picture is 
the great preponderance of the mediaeval character. Not 
only in the Trastevere, but elsewhere as well, countless towers, 
with which all the dwellings of the nobles, and especially those 
of the Cardinals, 1 were provided, rose aloft towards the sky. 
Square, furnished with loopholes, and crowned with battle 
ments, they are a reminder of bloody times. The highest 
of these towers are the Torre delle Milizie and the legendary 
Torre di Nerone, which play such an important part in medi 
aeval views of the Eternal City. 2 The principal tower of the 
palace of the Senators on the Capitol, with its loopholes and its 
turrets at the four corners, still bears the stamp of the XlVth 
century. In the case of the churches, too, one sees hardly 
anything but mediaeval campanili ; the few cupolas which had 
existed from the time of Sixtus IV. are almost entirely invisible 
on account of their want of height, whereas it is precisely the 

1 Cf. ALBERTINI, Opusculum de mirabilibus novae urbis Romae^ 
ed. Schmarsow, Heilbronn, 1886, 31. 

2 This tower, built under Gregory IX., frequently changed 
owners, but again came into the possession of the Conti family 
in 1546 (LANCIANI, II Panorama di Roma delin. da A. v. d. 
Wyngaerde ca. 1 a. 1560, Rome, 1895, 13, and Nuova Antologia 
1912, 165 seq.) A special work concerning the towers of Rome 
has yet. to be written. Cf. meanwhile ADINOLFI, La Torre de 
Sanguigni, Rome, 1863 ; Giorn. Arcadico, 1889, II., 282, 373 ; 
III., 49 ; GNOLI, Roma, 135 segq., 138 seqq., 152 seq. ; DENGEL, 
S. Marco, 76 ; SABATINI, La Torre dei Cenci, Rome, 1906 ; La 
famiglia e le torri dei Frangipani in Roma, Rome, 1907 ; La 
famiglia e le torri dei Crescenzi, Rome, 1908. 



SMALLNESS OF THE CITY. 363 

numerous domes of the baroque period which give the Rome 
of to-day her special character of stately majesty. 

No less astonishing is the smallness of the actual city, in 
comparison with the immense still unbuilt district with its 
chaos of ancient ruins, and its lonely dominating basilicas and 
monasteries. Everywhere this silent region is sharply divided 
by the shades of a mighty past from the modern city. 

This contrast between the inhabited and the uninhabited 
districts which are enclosed by the Aurelian walls, is also 
clearly io be seen in the panorama of Hendrik van Cleve, 1 
drawn in 1550, and from the large plan of the city, engraved 
on wood, which Leonardo Bufalini prepared at the end of the 
pontificate of Paul III., and published in 1551, under Julius 
III. 2 

Rome had no central point, for the Vatican, the residence of 
the Renaissance Popes, as well as the Lateran, the seat of the 
Head of the Church in the Middle Ages, were situated on the 
borders of the municipal territory. The Leonine City, or the 
Borgo, remained under Paul III. what it had been under Julius 
II. and the Medici Popes, the intellectual quarter, which 

1 Preserved in the Roman Gabinetto nazionale delle stampe 
(F. N. 3379). See BARTOLI in the Bull. arch, commun., XXXVII. 
(1909), 3 seqq. 

2 Bufalini s plan is of immeasurable value for the knowledge 
of Roman topography, and gives, besides the plan of Du Perac, 
executed in 1577 ( e d- EhRLE, Rome, 1908), a clear picture of the 
appearance of Rome about the middle of the Cinquecento, before 
the great reconstructions of Greogry XIII. and Sixtus V. We 
owe a new edition, based on the copy in the Vatican Library, 
to EHRLE : Roma al tempo di Giulio III. La pianta di Roma 
di L. Bufalini del 1551, Rome, 1911. The comparative lowness 
of the houses in Heemskerck s panorama is very characteristic 
of Rome before the Baroque period. The cupola of S. Agostino, 
e.g. which to-day is almost invisible in a view of the city, in 
the panorama, as well as in many of the smaller sketches (f. 16 : 
view from the Villa Madama ; f . 58 V : panorama from the Borgo) 
stands up high over the whole Campo Marzo ; the same is true 
of S. Omobono, at the foot of the Capitol, which to-day is hardly 
to be seen among the surrounding houses. 



364 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

character had been, once for all, impressed upon it by three 
mighty buildings, the time-honoured place oi burial of the 
Prince of the apostles, the Castle of St. Angelo and the Palace 
of the Vatican, which contained the most extensive collection 
of art treasures. From the Vatican the Rione del Vaticano 
afterwards took its name, namely that part of the city which 
was strengthened under Paul III. and Julius III. with new 
fortifications, and which formed, from the time of Sixtus V., 
the fourteenth of the districts into which Rome was divided. 1 
The principal street of the Borgo, called after its builder, 
Alexander VI., the Via Alessandrina, now the Borgo Nuovo, 
praised by Fichard as " a royal road " ; 2 Paul III. caused it 
to be paved. This quarter, which had suffered terribly in the 
Sack in 1527, had gradually regained its former character and 
splendour. To the magnificent palaces which had been 
erected here for Branconio dell Aquila, and for Raphael, as 
well as for Cardinals Domenico della Rovere, Adriano Castel- 
lesi, Soderini, Pucci and Accolti, 3 various new buildings had 
been added, among which the Palazzo Cesi held a prominent 
place. 4 After the death of its founder, Cardinal Paolo Emilio 

1 Cf. MOCENIGO-ALBERI, 39 ; ADINOLFI, La. Portica- di S. 
Pietro ossia Borgo nell eta di mezzo, Rome, 1859; REUMONT, 
III., 2, 657. 

2 See the *Taxa per lo matonar la via Alexandrina del Borgo 
di Roma, dat. October 22, 1544 (Mandat. 1543-1545, p. 195, 
State Archives, Rome). One can see in the drawing of Giov. 
Ant. Dosio, reproduced in EGGER, Veduten, Plate 16, what 
the appearance of the Borgo Nuovo was in 1560. Prof. Hiilsen 
has drawn my attention to the rare and little noticed engraving 
of Hendrik van Cleve, Burgus Romae (in the Ruinarum varii 
prospectus engraved by Theodore Galle) which Dosio amplifies 
by representing the greater part of the south side of the square 
about as far as S. Gregorio in Cortina. 

3 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work p. 129 seq., and RODOCANACHI, 
Rome, 24 seq., 186 seq. Card. Giov. Salviati (died 1553) lived 
in the palace of Dom. della Rovere (cf. FERRI, 21 seq.) at the 1 
beginning of the reign of Julius III., see BUFALINI (B). 

4 Now the Collegio S. Monica, via S. Ufftzio, No. i, which, 
in essentials, is fairly well preserved (Cf. GNOLI in the Bull. d. 



THE VATICAN. 365 

Cesi, in 1537, this building, which was situated on the left side 
of St. Peter s, near the city wall, came into the hands of the no 
less aitistic brother of Paolo, Federigo Cesi, who received the 
purple in 1544. In the Cesi gardens, which Heemskerck 
sketched, and which every cultivated stranger visited, numer 
ous antiquities were to be seen, as, for instance, the Silenus, 
now in the Villa Albani, and the two statues of barbarians 
which were placed in the Palace of the Conservatori in 1720. 
The altered arrangement of these sculptures which was made 
by Federigo Cesi, is explained in a description of them by him, 
composed in 1550. Of the whole collection, the most import 
ant private one at the time of Paul III., after that of the Valle, 
only a few unimportant fragments remain. 1 

Fichard describes the Papal palace at the beginning of the 
reign of the Farnese Pope ; he emphasizes its great extent, for 
the Vatican consisted of a series of palaces. The entrance to 
it was in the form of a terrace, in the lower part of which the 
officials lived and worked ; in the middle storey, officials of a 
higher degree resided, among them a few Cardinals, as, for 
instance, Nicholas von Schonberg, in the reign of Paul III. 
Fichard extols the size of the Vatican, its splendour, and its 
wealth of loggias, apartments, halls, and the staircases by 
which one could ascend to the top floors. As the objects of 
chief interest, he specially mentions the Sixtine Chapel, the 
wonderfully well-filled library, and the Belvedere, incompar 
able both from its position and its view, with Bramante s 
winding staircase and the celebrated gallery of statues. 2 

1st. Germ., XX., 276 seq.) A *brief of Paul III. to the Doge of 
Venice, of January 2, 1546, refers to the collection of works of 
art belonging to Card. Cesi, and speaks of a legacy of coins and a 
statue of Scipio Africanus in jasper, of which the cardinal was 
robbed by a legal decision (Arm. 41, t. 35, n. 10 Secret Archives 
of the Vatican). 

1 See MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzenbiicher, 139 seq. ; ALDROVANDI, 
122 seq. ; HULSEN-EGGER, I., 14 seq.; HUBNER, I., 87 seq.; 
BURCKHARDT, Beitrage, 559 seq. Concerning Rot s visit see 
Itin. Rom., 262. 

2 FICHARD, Italia, 47-49. 



366 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Fichard s description is the first complete and well arranged 
account of this world-renowned collection of ancient remains. 
In one instance, he has observed with even closer attention 
than Ulisse Aldrovandi, whose statistics, drawn up in 1550, 
of all the antiquities contained in Rome, is, by reason of its 
accuracy and reliability, regarded as a most excellent guide. 1 
The description of the Frankfort scholar is supplemented by 
the pen and ink drawings of Heemskerck, 2 while a picture by 
Hendrik van Cleve, now in the Imperial Picture Gallery in 
Vienna, reproduces the grounds of the Belvedere and its 
adornment with statues in 1550. 3 

As was the case .with the Capitoline collection, a super 
intendent was also appointed for the Belvedere by Paul III. 
The magnificent examples of sculpture which Julius II., Leo 
X., and Clement VII. had collected there, the Apollo, Venus 
Felix, Laocoon, Cleopatra, Tiber, Nile, Tigris, and torso of 
Hercules, was enriched by the Farnese Pope with only one 
really important example, the statue of the so-called Antinous, 
found in a garden not fax from the Castle of St. Angelo in 1543, 
but which in reality represents Hermes. The remaining 
antiquities, as numerous as they were valuable, which were 
discovered during the long reign of Paul III., were destined 
by him for his family and their palace. 

Julius III. had a fountain erected in the vestibule of the 
Belvedere, where the above-mentioned Torso now stands, 
which attained a great celebrity, and which formed a most 
effective ending to the long corridor of Bramante. 4 He did not 
enrich the collection himself, as he was too much occupied 
with the decoration of the Villa Giulia. In spite of this, how- 

1 Delle statue antiche, che per tutta Roma in diversi luoghi e 
case si vegono di Messer Ulisse Aldroandi, in Lucio Mauro, Le 
Antichita della Citta di Roma, Venetia 1562, 115 seq. (appeared 
first in 1556) Cf. Archaol. zeitung (1876), 151 seq. ; BURCHARDT 
Beitrage, 553 seq. ; HUBNER, I., 29 seqq. 

2 See MICHAELIS, Gesch. des Statuenhofes im Belvedere, 33 ; 
HUBNER, I., 78 seq. 

3 EGGER, Veduten, 33, plate 46. 

4 MICHAELIS, Statuenhof, 37-8. 



OLD ST. PETER S. 367 

ever, the gallery of statues in the Belvedere of the Vatican 
with which Ulisse Aldrovandi begins his well-known descrip 
tion of the antiquities in Rome, was the most important of all 
the museums of ancient remains. 

The Vatican, embellished under Paul III. by the gorgeous 
Sala Regia and the Capella Paolina, was considered the largest 
and most beautiful palace in the world. The Venetian 
ambassador, Mocenigo, who gives this opinion in 1560, com 
pares it to a small town, about which one can with difficulty 
find one s way, and which it is impossible to describe. 1 It 
was, however, a great disadvantage for the Papal residence 
that the air in this district proved unhealthy in summer. 2 
Strangers were allowed to visit the Vatican in all its parts, 
with that liberality which most of the Popes displayed ; when 
Julius III. was staying at his villa, people were even allowed, 
under the guidance of an official of the court, to view the 
magnificently furnished private apartments of the Pope. 3 

The Loggia of the Benediction, adjoining St. Peter s, which 
was begun by Pius II. and completed by Julius II., in which 
the Bull In Coena Domini was read on Maundy Thursday, is 
erroneously described by Fichard as the palace of the Rota, 
of which he, as a lawyer, gives an exhaustive description. 4 

The Frankfort scholar gives an essentially correct description 
of old St. Peter s, with its five long aisles ; he mentions the 
broad entrance steps, the wide square vestibule and the atrium, 
with its fountain (Cantharus) adorned with bronze pine cones 
and gilded peacocks. There were also fragments of ancient 
statues here at that time. In the vestibule of this venerable 
basilica of Constantine, which was still for the most part 
standing, the marble statue of St. Peter, now in the crypt, and 

1 MOCENIGO-ALBERI, 34. 

2 Navagero emphasizes this in his *reports of August 15, 1556 
(St. Mark s Library, Venice). 

3 See ROT, Itin. Rom., 258. The Castle of St. Angelo was also 
then to be visited ; Ibid. 262. 

4 FICHARD, Italia, 45-47. He has mistaken this for the palace 
of Innocent VIII., which lies behind it. Concerning the " Loggia 
della Benedjzione " see EGGER, Veduten, 24. 



368 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Giotto s Navicella, attracted his particular attention. Of the 
doors which led into the interior of the stately building, the 
one to the extreme right, the so-called Porta Santa, was only 
opened in years of Jubilee. The main entrance, with the 
bronze door, by Filarete, caused Fichard to fall into the error 
of providing the side entrance also with a door of bronze, 
whereas, in reality, it only had a carved wooden one, the work 
of Fra Antonio di Michele da Viterbo, 1 placed there under 
Eugenius IV. 

The interior of the place of burial of the Princes of the 
Apostles, made holy by a long and glorious past, with its 
wealth of chapels, altars, mosaics, frescoes and sepulchral 
monuments, must have filled every visitor with astonishment 
and admiration. A walk to-day through the crypts of St. 
Peter s gives some idea of the treasures which had been gathered 
together there in the course of the centuries. 

The basilica formed such a museum of the history of the 
Church and of art as the world had never seen. Many monu 
ments had been repeatedly changed as to their place. For 
example, Fichard saw the tomb of the Piccolomini Pope, of such 
special interest to every German, in the chapel of St. Andrew, 
then named S. Maria della Febbre. Outside this hallowed 
spot, in the left hand aisle of the basilica, were the confessionals 
of the seven penitentiaries, for as many different languages. 
Opposite, on the right hand wall of the church, one could see 
Pollajuolo s monument of Innocent VIII., and then the very 
neglected resting places of the Medici Popes, Leo X. and 
Clement VII. On the same side was also the celebrated bronze 
seated statue of St. Peter, which Fichard describes as indiffer 
ent, but a very ancient work. The tomb of Pope Nicholas V., 
with whose accession the Renaissance had ascended the Papal 
throne, he declares to be superb ; it was at that time already 
within the area of the still unfinished new building. The Doric 

1 FICHARD, Italia, 43-44. Cf. SCHMARSOW in the Repert. fiir 
Kunstwiss., XIV., 132, 133 ; see also SPRINGER, II., 2nd ed., 364. 
See also the description of the time of Pius IV. by O. Panvinio in 
MAI, Spic., IX., 367 seq. 



STATE OF THE OLD BASILICA. 369 

erection at the Tomb of St. Peter, raised under Leo. X., the 
Frankfort jurist compares to a chapter house, because the 
throne of the Pope and the seats of the Cardinals were placed 
there. 1 

The days of the old basilica were numbered, on account of 
the new building begun by Julius II. Several highly interest 
ing drawings by Heemskerck give us an idea of the state of the 
work at the beginning of the reign of Paul III. ; he reproduces 
some interesting details with the fidelity and conscientiousness 
peculiar to him. Several of his sketches are uncommonly 
plastic in their effect. 2 Specially valuable is a sketch of the 
old and new St. Peter s, taken from the south. In this one 
sees the provisional choir of the new building, and the connect 
ing structure of the arches of the south tribune, afterwards 
broken up ; the mighty square pillars, with the south and east 
connecting arches ; of old St. Peter s there are, first of all, S. 
Maria della Febbre and the Obelisk, still surmounted with a 
sphere, which stands in its old place alongside the new building, 
the choir chapel of Sixtus IV., over against which stands the 
remaining portion of the nave of the old basilica, the front part 
with its somewhat projecting gable, and, further to the right, 
the atrium, shut in by the palace of the arch-priest and by 
that of Innocent VIII., and dominated by the Sixtine Chapel 
and the top storey of the old Vatican palace. Underneath, 
the picturesque Leonine belfry and the narrow side of the 
western galleries belonging to the Loggie of Raphael, still open 
at that date, appear the Loggia of the Benediction and the 
front part of the mighty portico of Paul II., with the entrance 
door to the Vatican erected by Innocent VIII., and close to 
these the ramparts from which, on festivals, the trumpets were 
sounded. In the distance one can see the long stretched out 

1 FICHARD, Italia, 43-44. Heemskerck sketched the tomb of 
Innocent VIII. in its old position ; see MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzen- 
biicher, 158. 

2 GEYMtfLLER, Entwurfe, 324, 328, plates 24 and 52. SPRINGER 
in the Jahrb. der Preuss. Kunstsamml.,V., 327, seq., XII.. 118 seq. ; 
MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzenbiicher, 136, 155, 163-4. EGGER, 
Veduten, 29 seq., plates 29-34. HiJLSEN-EiiGER, I., 6 seq., 8 seq. 

VOL, XIII, 24 



370 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

gallery of Bramante, the pinnacle-crowned Belvedere, and 
the Nicchione in its original one-storeyed form. 1 The great 
interest taken by the artist in the new building is shown by the 
fact that he made quite a number of further sketches of it. 
Vasari s fresco in the Cancelleria shows the progress made 
with the work under Paul III. We can learn from other 
sketches made about the year 1550, the state it had reached 
at the end of the reign of the Farnese Pope, and at the begin 
ning of the pontificate of Julius III. 2 

Fichard praises the square in front of St. Peter s as the finest 
in the whole city, 3 although it was then only half as large as 
to-day ; the obelisk which Sixtus V. placed in the centre was 
not yet in position, nor were the two fountains or the mag 
nificent colonnade of Bernini. The principal adornment of 
St. Peter s Square, in which bull-fights were still held in the 
time of Julius III., 4 as was also the case in front of S. Marco 
and S. Maria in Trastevere, was then the beautiful fountain, 
begun by Innocent VIII. and completed by Alexander VI. 5 
Rome could not yet point to those incomparable fountains 
which were later on such a feature of Roman art. Heemskerck 
has also drawn St. Peter s Square several times, showing the 
front part of the old building and the Vatican. One of these 
sketches, lately discovered in the Court library, Vienna, gives 
an exceedingly instructive picture of the unevenness and 
difference of level of the square. One can see very clearly in 
this the difference between the steep ascent which led to the 
Vatican, and the gentler slope of the ground towards the 
external flight of steps of the basilica, which had been restored 
by Pius II., and at either side of which stood the statues ol the 
Princes of the Apostles. 6 

Under Paul III. mercenaries 7 guarded the entrance to the 

1 EGGER, Veduten, 29 seg., plate 29. 

2 Ibid., 31 seq. 

3 FICHARD, Italia, 42. 

4 Cf. MASSARELLI, 211, 213, 214. 

5 Cf. EGGER, Veduten, 25. 

6 Ibid. 23 seq., plate 17. 

7 The " guardia tedescha " as FICHARD calls them (p. 71). 



THE RIONE DI PONTE. 371 

Vatican ; these were first replaced by the Swiss in I548. 1 The 
Borgo was very strictly guarded at that time ; Fichard par 
ticularly points out that no one was allowed to enter by the 
Porta S. Petri who had not permission from the guard of the 
Castle of St. Angelo. 2 At the other end of the bridge of St. 
Angelo the statues of St. Peter and St. Paul had been standing 
since 1530 as the guardians of the Leonine City. It was only 
after crossing this bridge that one entered the actual city. 

The character of the Rione di Ponte, of which the river forms 
the boundary on two sides, is clearly indicated by the first 
great palace to the right of a person coming from the Borgo. 
Here, on the banks of the Tiber, lived the noble and artistic 
banker, Bindo Altoviti, the friend of Raphael and Michael 
Angelo. 3 Besides the banks of the Florentines, among which 
that of Giovanni Gaddi was pre-eminent, there were also Ger 
man houses, the best known of which were those of Fugger and 
Welser. Perino del Vaga had adorned the palace of the Fugger 
with mythological frescoes. 4 

As Bufalini s plan very clearly shows, the streets leading 
into the heart of the city from the residence of the Head of the 
Church, radiated in all directions from the Ponte S. Angelo. 
On the right side of the bridge, one came, through the new Via 
Paola, to the national church of the Florentines, built by 
Jacopo Sansovino, past which the longest and most beautiful 
street 5 in Rome at that time, the Via Giulia 6 , laid out under 
Julius II. by Bramante, and improved by Paul III., followed 
the course of the river as far as the Ponte Sisto. To the left, 
the street called after the prison situated there, the Tor di 
Nona, 7 also running parallel to the Tiber, formed the connec- 

1 See LUTOLF, 45 seq. 

2 FICHARD, Italia, 50. 

3 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 120 seq. 

4 See SCHULTE, Fugger I., 201 seq. ; SCHMIDLIN, Anima, 242. 

5 So FICHARD calls it p. 25. 

6 See *Mandata 1539-1542, p. 144 (State Archives, Rome). 

7 See CORVISIERI in the Arch. d. Soc. Rom., I., 118 ; BARACCONI, 
Rioni, 280 seq. ; SIMONETTI, Vie, 105-6 ; cf. BERTOLOTTI, Le 
prigioni di Roma nei sec. XVI. -XVIII., Roma, 1890. 



372 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

tion with the Corso ; it divided at the church of S. Maria in 
Posterula, which was built on the banks of the river, into the 
Via Sistina or del Orso, on the right, which led into the Scrofa, 
and on the left, into the new Via della Trinita (later Via di S. 
Lucia, Monte Brianzo, Piazza Nicosia, Fontanella di Borghese 
and Condotti), which intersected the Scrofa and Corso, 1 and 
ended in the then unbuilt piazza below the convent of the 
Trinita de Monti. To the latter one ascended by a steep path, 
shaded by trees. 

Paul III. had opened out another new street, the Via di 
Panico, more towards the centre of the city, by which one 
could reach the fortified Palazzo Orsini on Monte Giordano, 
from the Castle of St. Angelo ; this palace was inhabited in 
1550 by Cardinal Ippolito d Este. 2 From the said street, the 
very busy Via di Tor Sanguigna, afterwards called the Via 
dei Coronari, from the numerous dealers in rosaries, branched 
off. 3 This busy thoroughfare of Sixtus IV., which, to this day, 
affords one of the most characteristic street scenes in Rome, 
with its beautiful, but unfortunately neglected palaces, and 
its little Quattrocento houses, dating from the time of the 
first of the Rovere Popes, led to the tower of the Sanguigni 
and to the Piazza Navona. 

The most important and the finest link between the city and 
the Vatican was the celebrated Canale di Ponte, 4 which owed 

1 At this spot there stood in the time of Julius III. the Croce 
della Trinita , often mentioned in the documents ; see TESORINI 
12, n. i. 

2 See BUFALINI (G.) 

3 The lower part of this street was called Via dell Imagine di 
Ponte (see ADINOLFI, Via Sacra, 88) after a picture of a saint, of 
which Albertus Serra de Monteferrato had the architectural frame 
work renewed by Antonio da Sangallo ; see Arch. d. Soc. Rom., 
XVII., 445 n ; SIMONETTI, Vie 44. 

4 See ADINOLFI, Canale di Ponte, 3 and 46. On Bufalini s plan 
the street is marked with the name Forum numulariorum 
banchii. The celebrated Contrada de Banchi was to have been 
saved, according to the original plan of the reconstructions, but it 
fell, however, in 1889, when so many other objects of interest in 



INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. 373 

its name to the fact that, during the frequent inundations, it 
resembled a canal in the city of the lagoons. 1 An inscription 
which has survived all the changes of the centuries, still 
reminds us of the inundation of 1275. 2 The height to which 
the Tiber repeatedly invaded the city is also evident from the 
mark on the church of the Minerva concerning the inundations 
in the years 1422, 1495 and 1530. 3 It was only the great 
inundations that were commemorated by such records, for 
lesser ones took place every few years, as may be gathered 
from the reports of the embassies. 4 The poorer population 
in the parts of the city situated close to the Tiber, suffered 
terribly under these calamities. 5 

In the Canale di Ponte was situated the Papal Mint, or the 
Zecca, erected by Antonio da Sangallo, and changed by Paul 
V. into the Banco di S. Spirito, from which comes the present 
name of Via del Banco di S. Spirito. 6 At the Zecca the 
Canale di Ponte branched off into two streets : to the left, 
the Via dei Banchi Nuovi, with its continuation to the palace 
of the Massimi, leading past S. Marco and forming part of the 
celebrated old Via Papale, which ended at the Lateran and 
thus connected the two principal churches in Rome ; 7 to the 

Rome were destroyed under the new government ; cf. LANCIANI, 
Renaissance, 279. 

1 Another street, only destroyed with the Ghetto in 1887, was 
called Fiumara for the same reason. 

2 For the inscription, the oldest of the kind existing in Rome, 
see GREGOROVIUS, Gesch. Roms., V., 3rd Ed. 147. 

3 See Vol. V. of this work, p. 476 seqq., and Vol. X., p. 354. Cf. 
BERTHIER, Minerve, 32. 

4 Concerning the great inundations in March, 1559, see EHRLE, 
Roma di Giulio III., 24 ; for the still worse one of September, 1559, 
see Vol. XIV. of this work ; concerning that of 1551, see Riv. d. 
bibliot., XVII, ; 96. 

5 See MOCENIGO-ALBERI, 33. 

6 See ADINOLFI, Canale, 32-3 ; RODOCANACHI, Roma, 189. 

7 See ADINOLFI, La via sacra o del Papa, Roma, 1865, and 
Laterano e via maggiore, Roma, 1857. Cf. REUMONT, III., i, 439 
seq. 



374 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

right of the Zecca one reached the Campo di Fiore and further 
on the Piazza Giudea, the fortress of the Savelli, built into the 
Theatre of Marcellus, and the foot of the Capitoline hill, 
through the Via dei Banchi Vecchi and the Via del Pellegrino, 1 
laid out by Sixtus IV. Fichard says that these central streets 
were the most celebrated and the busiest of all, and that one 
commercial house joined on to another there. 2 

This remark of the Frankfort traveller is confirmed by the 
plan of Bufalini and by that of Ugo Pinardo, made some years 
later. One can see clearly from these how the whole life of 
the city thronged to the quarter nearest to the Bridge of St. 
Angelo, the highway to the Vatican. 3 All the rich merchants 
and bankers, many distinguished prelates and artists, as well 
as countless rich " cortegiane," lived there. In this neighbour 
hood the real centre of life in the age of the Renaissance, with 
all its splendour and all its corruption, was to be found. 4 Here 
also were the much frequented inns, such as the Albergo del 
Leone, in the Via Tor di Nona, and a little further on, the 
Albergo dell Orso. This mediaeval brick building, in the 
round arches and ornamentation of which an old-world element 
makes itself felt, is still in existence, and, although much 
mutilated and re-built, still serves as an inn. 5 Not far from 

1 At the beginning of the Via del Pellegrino a secondary street, 
the Via di Monserrato, branched off to the right of anyone coming 
from the Castle of St. Angelo, which led across the Piazza Farnese 
and the Piazza Spada, through the Via Regola and Via Fiumara 
to the Ponte Quattro Capi. 

2 FICHARD, 24. 

3 See ROCCHI, Piante iconogr., 47 ; cf. BARACCONI, 121. 

4 Concerning the scandalous behaviour of the " cortegiane," as 
prostitutes were then called, and who even, carried on their trade 
in the churches, see, in addition to Vol. V. of this work, 129 seq., 
TACCHI VENTURI, I., 182, and CALVI in the Nuova Antologia, CLII. 
(1909), 597 seq. 

5 See the article, Un albergo del Quattrocento, in the publication 
" Emporium," XXIII. (1906), 72-73. In 1554, the Salem monk 
M. Rot put up here ; see his Itin. Rom. 248. Cf. also NOACK. Das 
deutsche Rom., 52-53. 



PALACES IN THE RIONE DI PONTE. 375 

the Albergo dell Orso, the maestro di camera of Julius III., 
Giovan Battista Galletti, had his dwelling, which was richly 
adorned with antiques. 1 

For the great personages who lived crowded together in the 
Rione di Ponte, distinguished artists of the Renaissance created 
palaces in the maze of traffic-filled streets of this Quattrocento 
quarter, mostly on narrow and irregular foundations, but 
which were distinguished by their splendour and stately 
magnificence, and contained countless precious antiques, as 
did almost all the houses of the upper classes. 2 Only too 
many of these buildings, such as the great Palazzo Altoviti, and 
the elegant house of the Bini, 3 have been completely destroyed. 
Others, as, for instance, the one time cardinalitial palace of 
Alexander VI., which, in the time of Paul III., was inhabited 
first by Cardinal Antonio Pucci and then by Guido Ascanio 
Sforza, 4 the so-called old Cancelleria (now the Palazzo Sforza- 
Cesarini) have been disfigured by alterations. Nevertheless, 
we can still admire in their original beauty, the picturesque 
Palazzo Alberini-Cicciaporci, a characteristic building of 
Giulio Romano, and the masterpiece of Jacopo Sansovino, the 
Palazzo Niccolini-Amici, originally erected for the banker, 
Giovanni Gaddi, who made it a centre for the artists and 
humanists of the time. 5 In the Via Giulia, the severe palatial 
dwelling (now the Palazzo Sachetti) of the artistic Cardinal 

1 Cf. ALDROVANDI, 186 seq. ; HUBNER, I., 100. The treasurer of 
Julius III., Francesco d Aspera, who was also a collector of 
antiques, lived near S. Macuto ; cf. BUFALINI, ed. Ehrle, 43. 

2 Aldrovandi knew of above a hundred such houses. There 
was no palace of importance in which several antique statues, 
busts, reliefs or inscriptions were not to be found. HUBNER, 

I., 74- 

3 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 120 seq. ; see also LANCIANI, 
Renaissance, 276, 286 ; RODOCANACHI, Rome, 233. 

4 The Pucci palace is noted on the panorama of Heemskerck (see 
DE Rossi, Panorama, 12), G. A. Sforza on Bufalini s plan (G.) 

5 Cf. LETAROUILLY, I., 14 ; ADINOLFI, Canale, 44 seq. ; BARAC- 
CONI, Rioni, 269. 



37^ HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Ricci, 1 where Benvenuto Cellini, and, after 1542, Costanza 
Farnese 2 lived, is still to be seen. 

The dwellings of the Quattrocento, which for the most part 
had only two windows on each storey and a loggia above, 3 
are still generally recognizable by the fine and elegantly 
executed doorways and windows. Not only were the arms of 
the owner introduced here, but also his name and a motto. 
Thus one can see on the house of the architect, Prospero 
Mochi, in the Via dei Coronari (No. I48) 4 over the windows of 
the first floor, the name of the owner, and over the doorway, 
the words : Tua puta que tute fads (Thy deeds alone are thy 
property). The palace of Cardinal Domenico della Rovere 
(now the Palazzo de Penitenzieri) has retained the name of 
this prince of the Church over the windows of the first floor, 
and over those of the second floor, his " Impresa," Soli Deo, 
which also appears in his Chapel in S. Maria del Popolo. For 
eigners also copied this custom of thus distinguishing their 
dwellings. An example of this is afforded by the house of the 
Spanish family of Vaca, in the Via della Vignaccia (now del 
Parlamento No. 60) : over the doorway the name of the family 
is inscribed, and underneath the verse : Ossa et opes tandem 
partas tibi Roma relinquam (My bones and my wealth I shall 
at last leave to thee, O Rome) . 

Since the time of Leo X., the exterior of the houses of the 
better classes had been tastefully decorated with " sgraffiti " 
and frescoes in one tone, a form of decoration the fame of 
which reached as far as Poland, and was largely used there. 
Raphael s pupils, Giovanni da Udine, Perino del Vaga, 
Polidoro da Caravaggio, Maturino and others produced ex- 

1 Now Via Giulia No. 66 ; cf. VASARI, V., 466., 489 seq. ; 
LETAROUILLY, I., 92 ; CLAUSSE, II., 389 seq. ; CALLARI 90, seq. 
RIEGL, Barackkunst, 72 ; LANCIANI, III., 107 ; HULSEN, II libro 
di Giuliano S. Gallo, V. ; GNOLI, Roma, 171 and Bollett. d Arte, 
V. (1911), 201 seq.; VI. (1912) 12. 

2 Cf. Massarelli in MERKLE, I., 145 ; LANCIANI, Scavi, II., 152. 

3 Cf. GNOLI, Roma, 156. 

4 Built by Pietro Roselli ; see GNOLI in Associaz. art. fra i 
cultori di architettura A., 1910-1911, Bergamo, 1912, 70 seq. 



EXTERNAL DECORATION. 377 

quisite works of this kind, which have, unfortunately, almost 
all gone to ruin, or been defaced until they are unrecognizable. 
Thus a frieze, which Caravaggio and Maturino painted, show 
ing the history of Niobe, on a palace in the Via della Maschera 
d Oro, can hardly be made out. Similar work on a house in 
the Vicolo del Campanile near S. Maria Traspontina, is in a 
better state of preservation, but that in the Vicolo Calabraga 
(now Cellini) is almost faded, while that on that most interesting 
dwelling of the procurator of the Anima, Johann Sander (Via 
del Anima No. 65) has been painted over and altered. The 
frescoes on the Palazzo Ricci give us to-day the best idea of 
this beautiful street decoration. 1 

Giovanni da Udine had in the time of the first Medici Pope, 
decorated the palace of Giovan Battista Branconio dell 
Aquila with stucco, while in other cases they used terra 
cotta for decoration. 2 Since the time of Paul III. it had 
become more and more the custom to adorn the houses with 
stucco, paintings, reliefs and statues. An outstanding ex 
ample of this is afforded, in addition to the Palazzo Capodi- 
ferro (now Spada) by the still excellently, preserved house of 
the celebrated goldsmith, Gianpietro Crivelli ; 3 this is situated 

1 Cf. MACCARI, Saggio di archit. e race, di decoraz., Roma, 1867 ; 
LETAROUILLY, I., no ; Rassegnad Arte, V., 97-98 ; GNOLI, Roma, 
159 seqq. 164, seqq. ; RODOCANACHI, Rome, 305 seq. and plate 39 ; 
HIRSCHFELD, Zur Geschichte der Fassadenmalerei in Rome, 
Halle, 1911. The house on the Via Maschera d Oro is now No. 7, 
that in the Vicolo del Campanile is No. 5, and that in the Vicolo 
Cellini in No. 31. Concerning the house of Sander, the court 
yard of which is reproduced in NOACK, Das Deutsche Rom, 21, 
Dr. K. H. Schafer is preparing a special and richly illustrated 
work. 

2 The few remains of such ornamentation which are still in 
existence are cit ed by GNOLI, Roma, 165 seq. A reproduction 
of the remains on the house in the Via Arco de Ginnasi No. 23, in 
STETTINER, 434. 

3 Via dei Banchi Vecchi, Nos. 22-24. Cf. LETAROUILLY, I., 
99 ; GNOLI in the Arch. d Arte, VI. (1893), 236, 287 seq. Another 
house with stucco decoration, and with the arms of Paul III., is 
in the Via Giulia, No. 93. 



378 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in the Rione di Ponte, not far from the old confraternity 
Church of S. Lucia del Gonf alone. Here one can see repre 
sentations of ancient armour, trophies, coats of arms, lions 
heads, genii, garlands of fruit and other ornamentation. Of 
special interest are the two bas-reliefs, which represent two 
events in the reign of Paul III. : the reception of Charles V. 
in Rome, and the conclusion of peace at Nice. Crivelli dis 
tinguished himself by his great generosity, and when the 
Franciscan, Giovanni da Calvi, founded a Monte di Pieta, 
to combat the usury which was one of the great plagues of 
the Renaissance period, and which was not practised by the 
Jews alone, he gave the institution, at that time quite small, 
but always growing, accomodation in his house. 1 

If the Rione di Ponte was especially the home of the bankers 
and business men, the Rione di Parione 2 was the quarter of 
the prelates, courtiers, notaries, booksellers, coypists, archeo- 
logists and humanists. This quarter contained three open 
spaces in the Middle Ages, of which the Piazza Parione, near 
the Church of S. Tommaso, had been built over since the 
XlVth century, 3 while the two others, the Campo di Fiore 
and the Piazza Navona, are still in existence. Cardinal 
Estouteville had removed the market in 1477 from the Piazza 
of the Capitol to the Piazza Navona. 4 Every Wednesday, 
as Fichard expressly testifies, the special market for clothing, 
cloth, arms and other objects, which is now held in the Campo 
di Fiore, was held in this open space. At carnival time the 

1 Cf. TAMILIA, II s. Monte di Pieta di Roma, 1900, 24 seq., 101 
seq. Ibid. 31 seqq., concerning the procession introduced by 
Julius III., which took place on the 3rd of May every year, and 
was partially a charitable festival. 

2 The name, according to LOHNINGER (S. Maria dell Anima, 
Rome 1904-3), come from the Parione family. 

3 From the documents of the Archives of the Anima, it is 
evident that numerous ruins of antiquity existed in that neigh 
bourhood, which the members of the Curia bought in order to use 
them as building material for their houses. (Information kindly 
given me by the rector, Mgr. Lohninger). 

4 See CAPOGROSSI GUARNA, I mercati di Roma, Roma, 1873. 



RIONE DI PARIONE. 379 

former circus of Domitian was the scene of the most brilliant 
pageants and processions (festa di Agone), which attracted 
curious spectators from all parts. 1 

On one side of the Piazza Navona was to be seen the Spanish 
national church of S. Giacomo, while on the other side arose, 
in the neighbourhood of the German national church, S. 
Maria dell Anima, the extensive palace which had come into 
the possession of Cardinal de Cupis, in which the once powerful 
but afterwards so unfortunate Cardinal Ascanio Sforza had 
lived. 2 

South of the Tor Millina, on which, with its pinnacle adorned 
with sgraffiti, one could "still read the name of the family, 3 
Cardinal Oliviero Carafa had caused to be erected the statue 
of Pasquino which was the distinguishing symbol of this 
Rione. Near the Pasquino, which was regarded by artists 
as one of the most exquisite examples of sculpture, rose the 
palace which the artistic Cardinal Antonio del Monte, uncle to 
Julius III., had had built for himself. 4 According to Bufalini s 
plan of the city, the influential Cardinal Alvarez de Toledo 5 
also lived in this neighbourhood. In the Via Parione the 

1 Cf. Vol. XL of this work, 351 seq. 

2 It is evident from the plan of Bufalini (G) that de Cupis not 
only possessed the old palace of A. Sforza (cf. Nuova Antologia, 
Ser. 3, XLIII [1893], 434), the Piazza Navona, Nos. 33 to 40, and 
the Via dell Anima, Nos. i to n, but also the house of Eck, Via 
dell Anima, Nos. 15-18, and Piazza Navona, Nos. 28-29, as well as 
the two houses adjoining, on the south, Via dell Anima Nos. 12 to 
14, and Piazza Navona, Nos. 30 to 32, which belonged to the 
Anima. De Cupis wished to appropriate these " vigore bullae 
Sixti IV " but did not succeed in doing so. On June 3, 1520, 
" litibus cessit." The Anima then rented both houses to the 
sister of de Cupis, Francesca de Cupis (uxor Angeli de Bubalis) and 
her son Cristoforo, first for two years, and later ad locationem 
perpetuam " ; in 1545 they were sold (Archives of the Anima, 
Rome). 

3 Cf. G. B. GIOVENALE in the Annuario, 1909-1911, Roma, 1911, 
127 seq. of the Accademia di S. Luca. 

4 See VASARI, V., 452 seq. ; TESORONI, 39-n. 

5 BUFALINI (H). 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

business house of Antoine Lafrery was to be found, which, 
until the time of Gregory XIII., was the chief centre of Roman 
copper-plate engraving. 1 South-west from the Via Parione 
was situated the Pozzo Bianco (Puteus Albus) which gave 
its name to the church of Our Lady there. This fountain, 
which is to-day on the Janiculum, near Tasso s Oak, plays, 
like the Chiavica di S. Lucia, an important part in the docu 
ments of the XVth century, as a topographical designation of 
the district. The appearance of this neighbourhood was 
afterwards completely changed by the erection of the mag 
nificent church of the Oratorians, founded by St. Philip 
Neri. 

The Rione di Parione was especially rich in remarkable 
buildings, which, even though they are, to a great extent, 
changed, and very much neglected, are still capable of arousing 
the special interest of the lover of arts. In the Via Parione 
the portal of a palace erected in 1475, and still adorned with 
the arms of the family, reminds us of Cardinal Stef ano Nardini ; 
in the time of Julius III., the administration of the " Mons 
Julii " had its quarters here. 2 This building, greatly neglected 
at the present day, was afterwards the residence of the 
" Governatore " and therefore received the name of Governo 
Vecchio, after which the street is also named. 3 The residence 
of Cardinal Cortese adjoined the back of this palace. In this 
building, which is still in existence, was the original home of 
the hospital of the Germans of Siebenbiirgen. It became 
in 1533, by the presentation of Rosa of Siebenbiirgen, the 
property of the German national church, S. Maria dell Anima, 
by which it was sold in 1542 to Cardinal Cortese. 4 

1 See EHRLE, Pianta di Roma del 1557, JI seq. ; cf. Repert. fiir 
Kunstwissenschaft, XXXIII., 402 seq. 

2 This is evident from BUFALINI (G). 

3 Concerning the palace see FERRI, 22 seq. and CALLARI, 42 seq. ; 
cf. LETAROUILLY, I., 19. Description of the beautiful doorway 
and the characteristic hall in STETTINER, 424-425. 

4 The donation of Rosa took place on April 19, 1533, the sale to 
Cardinal Cortese on August 21, 1542 (Archives of the Anima, 
Rome). 



THE CANCELLERIA. 381 

Cardinal Medici, afterwards Pius IV., 1 resided in 1552 in 
the palace of Cardinal Fieschi, later called the Palazzo Sora ; 
the elegant residences of the Pichi 2 and Caccialupi 3 families, 
as well as those of the prelates, Turci 4 and Thomas le Roy, 5 
are equally well preserved. All these were, however, sur 
passed in beauty by the Palazzo Massimo alle Colonne and 
the Cancelleria. 

The Cancelleria was, until the completion of the Palazzo 
Farnese, which does not appear in Heemskerck s panorama, 
the largest and most splendid building of the new Rome. 6 
Here the powerful and gifted nephew of Paul III., Ales- 
sandro Farnese, had his residence, and through him it became, 
as well as the Vatican, a centre of diplomatic, literary and 
artistic life. By the side of this enormous erection, which, 
in the time of Julius III., was still called after its founder, 
Cardinal Riario, 7 numerous small houses had been erected. 
The old basilica of S. Lorenzo in Damaso, which had been 
incorporated in the Cancelleria, was celebrated, at the time 
of Fichard s visit, for the masses of the great composers which 
were sung there daily. 8 

1 See RODOCANACHI, Rome, 31. Concerning the palace (now 
Liceo Terenzio Mamiani) see LETAROUILLY, I., 195 ; CALLARI, 
38 seq. ; GONLI, Roma, 163. 

2 Piazza Pollarola No. 43 ; cf. CALLARI, 327 seq. and GNOLI, op. 
cit., 279, n. 5. 

3 Vicolo Savelli Nos. 44-54. Over the beautiful portal one can 
see " Johannes Caccialupus." For the adornment of the house with 
pictures, tapestries and statues see Arch. stor. Lomb., XX., 89 seq. 

4 This house, erected in 1500, now Via Governo Vecchio No. 124, 
still bears the coat of arms, and on the pediment of the first floor, 
the inscription of the owner ; see LETAROUILLY, I., 13 ; BELLI, 
Case abit, in Roma da uomini illustri, Roma, 1850, 54. 

5 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 115. 

6 " Omnium vero magnificentissimum et amplissimum palatium 
s. Georgii," says FICHARD, Italia, 23, Concerning the Cancelleria 
cf. Vol. VI. of this work, p. 179 ; and RODOCANACHI, 28-29. 

7 See BUFALINI (H). 

8 FICHARD, Italia, 23-25. 



32 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In the old Palazzo Massimo, in the back part of which 
Germans had worked as the first printers in Rome, 1 the num 
erous bookshelves still retained there in the time of Paul III. 
were a reminder of the days when scholars used to assemble 
there to interchange their views. 2 The original residence of 
this ancient family had been destroyed in the Sack, but in 
1535 Baldassare Peruzzi built a new palace for Pietro Massimo, 
a truly great work, and wonderfully made to fit in with the 
curve of the then narrow street. The work of the artist 
could, it is true, only be fully appreciated by one who was 
familiar with the former conditions, but even to-day everyone 
can take pleasure in the pillared courtyard, which, with its 
little fountain, and the glimpse of the staircase and the loggia 
on the first floor, makes a particularly beautiful and pictur 
esque whole. All the details of this noble building belong 
to the best period of the Golden Age. 3 

In the Rione di Parione were also the houses of the Galli 
and the Sassi, celebrated for their collections of antiques. 
Heemskerck in 1535 made pen and ink sketches of the galleries 
of both and of the statues placed there. One can see from 
these sketches that the Sassi still possessed the statues which 
came into the possession of the Farnese in 1546, the Venus 
Genetrix, the Apollo and the Icarios relief which went to 
Naples, as well as the Hermes which is now in the British 
Museum. In the Casa Galli, which was on the north side 
of the Piazza della Cancelleria, could be seen, among the 
statues and sarcophagi, the Bacchus of Michael Angelo. 4 

1 Description in NOACK, Das deutsche Rom, 60. 

2 FICHARD, Italia, 24. 

3 Cf. BURCKHARDT, Gcschichte der Renaissance, 52, 104, 106, 
205, 298, 323 ; EBE, I., 25 seqq. ; RIEGL, Barockkunst, 69 ; 

RODOCANACHI, 204 ; HtJBNER, I., 104. 

4 See SPRINGER in the Jahrb. der Preuss. Kunstsamml., V., 327, 
330 seqq. MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzenbiicher, 141, 153, 170 ; 
HUBNER, L, 100, 114 ; HULSEN-EGGER, I., 1 6 seq., 39 seq., 42 seq. 
Cf. ROCCHI, 253 seqq., especially concerning the Casa Sassi ; Arch. 
d. Soc. Rom., XX., 479 seqq. ; HULSEN-EGGER, I., 42 seq. Some 
remains of the old house are still in existence in the new building 
erected in 1867, Via del Governo Vecchio No. 48. 



THE CAMPO DI FIORE. 383 

The second great open space of the Rione di Parione was 
the Campo di Fiore, laid out by Sixtus IV., which was bounded 
on the south-west by the Rione della Regola. From its 
central position between this mediaeval part of Rome, which 
stretched along the Tiber, and the quarters of Parione and 
Ponte, in which the life of the city pulsated during the Ren 
aissance period, it represented the actual Forum of Rome. 
The Papal Bulls were affixed there, the regulations of the 
Governatore published, executions carried out, and the horse 
market held. 1 On the south-eastern part of this open space 
the nephew of Eugenius IV., Cardinal Francesco Condulmero, 
had built a large palace on the ruins of Pompey s Theatre, 
which later came into the hands of the Orsini, who let it to 
members of the Sacred College ; at the time of Julius III., 
Cardinal Francisco de Mendoza 2 lived there. Behind this 
palace (now the Palazzo Pio) there are two old churches, S. 
Barbara and S. Maria " in Grotta Pinta." North of S. Maria 
was the confraternity church of the German bakers, S. Elis- 
abetta, 3 only recently destroyed. 

In consequence of the busy traffic which centied in 
the Campo di Fiore, numerous vaulted shops and inns 
were to be tound. The celebrated publishers, Antonio Blado 
and Antonio Salamanca had their business premises there. 4 
Of the inns, one, the Albergo della Vacca, was part of the 
extensive property of Vannozza de Catanei, known from the 
history of Alexander VI., who also had houses let to inn 
keepers in other places. 5 To this day, a Quattrocento building 

1 Cf. FICHARD, Italia, 25 ; GNOLI, Roma, 183 ; RODOCANACHI, 
Rome, 31 ; see also Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 131 seq. 

2 BUFALINI (H) ; cf. RODOCANACHI, Rome, 31. 

3 See DE WAAL, Campo Santo, 179 seq. 

4 See GORI, Archivio IV., 225. Cf. concerning A. Blado, Riv. 
Europ., XXII. (1880), 16 seq. ; Giorn. stor. d. lett. Ital., XXIII., 
307, 328 ; concerning Salamanca see Repert. fiir Kunstwissen- 
schaft, XXXIII. , 402 seq. 

5 Cf. ADINOLFI, Canale di Ponte, 13 seq. ; IMPERI, S. Maria della 
Consolazione, 74 ; RODOCANACHI, Rome, 257 ; see also FOR- 

CELLA, VIII., 52O. 



3^4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

close to the Campo di Fiore, in the Vicolo del Gallo (Nos. 
12-13) at the corner of the Via de Cappellari, bears the name 
Casa di Vannozza. That it belonged to her is clear from the 
fact that the marble coat of arms affixed to the front of the 
house shows the bull of the Borgias. It has been believed 
up till now that this building, which has been preserved with 
only trifling alterations, is the Bell Inn, which in accordance 
with the journal of Burchard, was in the later years of the 
XVth century, the temporary lodging of German princes. 
The documents in the archives of the Anima, however, show 
that this house belonged to the Valle, who let it in 1479 to the 
German innkeeper Johannes Teufel, whom the Italians euphe 
mistically named Angelo ; two years later this man bought 
part of the building. 1 The celebrated Bell Inn, which was a 
favourite meeting place of the Germans in Rome, 2 was, there 
fore not the house of Vannozza, but was alongside it in the 
Via de Cappellari. Other Germans carried on the profitable 
business of innkeeping in Rome during the Cinquecento ; 
in the Borgo there were, as early as the time of Eugenius IV., 
more than sixty German inns and eating houses. 3 

The Albergo del Sole, as well as the Bell, had a great reputa 
tion in the XVth century, and, although much altered, it still 
exists at the present day in the Via di Biscione (Nos. 73-76). 
No one now dreams that this ordinary looking building, with 
the deep arched entrance and dark picturesque courtyard 
was once a hotel for foreigners of the first rank, in which the 
ambassador of France was lodged in 1489.* It is situated 
where the poultry market (Piazza Pollarola) adjoins the Via 
di Biscione ; here the palace of the Pichi may be recognized 
by a fine doorway bearing the name of the builder. The 

1 In 1525 the house came into the possession of the Anima ; see 
NAGL-LANG, Mitteil, aus dem Archiv. des deutsch, National- 
hospizes, Rom., 1899, 207 ; SCHMIDLIN, Anima, 107 seq. 

2 NOACK (Das deutsches Rom, 51), gives an illustration of the 
house of Vanozza, but identifies it, as do all the others, as the Bell 
Inn. 

3 See MURATORI, Script., III., 2, 878 ; GREGOROVIUS, VII. 2 , 696, 

4 Ibid, VII, 2 , 705 ; RODOCANACHI, Rome, 258. 



THE RIONE BELLA REGOLA. 385 

names of an inn and a street in this neighbourhood remind us 
still of an old inn named Paradise, probably on account of 
its moderate prices. Before the Corso Vittorio Emanuele 
was laid out one could read at the point where the Via del 
Paradiso branches off from the Via Papale, the inscription 
of Girolamo Zorzi concerning the great inundation of the 
Tiber in the reign of Alexander VI., in December, 1495. 1 
The street of the Baullari (trunkmakers), which was appro 
priately situated in the quarter of the inns, leads to the 
Palazzo Massimo. 

Like the Rioni Ponte and Parione, the Rione della Rcgola 
contained a large population. As the name Regola (Arenula), 
meaning sand or gravel, indicates, this was the quarter along 
side the Tiber which was crossed by the Via Giulia and a 
street parallel to it, which went through the Piazza Farnese 
to the Ponte Ouattro Capi. The sharp contrasts, of which 
the Eternal City offered so many examples, were, perhaps, 
nowhere more frequent than in this quarter, The huge 
luxurious palaces were in acute contrast to the little old 
churches, and the streets filled with people carrying on their 
trades, the names of which they still retain to the present 
day : Via de Cappellari (hat makers), Via de Giubbonari 
(doublet makers), Via de Pettinari (comb-makers). 2 Many 
Jews had also settled here, and where they were most numer 
ous, the old palace of the Cenci stood. 3 One can best form 
an idea of the condition of this neighbourhood at that time, 
for it has been completely changed by the laying out of the Via 
Arenula, if one enters the dirty Via di S. Bartolomeo de Vaccin- 
ari, 4 where, above all, a pre-gothic house of the XHIth century 

1 Cf. Vol. V., of this work, p. 476 seqq. 

2 Certain trades were also carried on elsewhere in special streets, 
hence Via Coronari (see supra p. 372), Via Cartari (papermakers), 
Via Chiavari (locksmiths), Via Calzettari (shoemakers), Via 
Pianellari (slippermakers) ; cf. SIMONETTI, Vie, 16 seq. We can 
see what an ordinary street in Rome looked like at that time, from 
a drawing of Fed. Zuccaro, copied in the Bullet. d Arte, V. (1911). 

3 See STETTINER, 443. 

4 Their Brotherhood, founded in 1552, belonged to the parish 
church of S. Stefano de Arenula ; cf. SIMONETTI, Vie, 31. 

VOL. Kill. 25 



386 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

with a pillared portico attracts the notice of the antiquarian. 
Such open porticos on the ground level afford welcome protec 
tion from rain ; they are characteristic of mediaeval houses, 
in most oi which a covered loggia was provided. 1 In the 
porticos antique pillars were often introduced, as in the case 
of the house in the Via df S. Bartolomeo. Through the last 
arch of this house one enters the Vicolo del Melangolo, a 
neighbourhood which represents the mediaeval state of the city 
in a striking manner. 2 

The Rione della Regola contained three houses for pilgrims : 
S. Maria di Monserrato for Spaniards, S. Tommaso for English 
men, and S. Brigida for Swedes. The exiled Archbishop of 
Upsala, Olaus Magnus, 3 lived in S. Brigida, which was in the 
Piazza Farnese. S. Girolamo della Carita and the church 
of S. Benedetto in Arenula, which was in the year 1558 given to 
the confraternity of the Trinita de Pellegrini, 4 also belonged 
to the Rione della Regola. 

This quarter had been notably improved when Sixtus IV. 
had joined it to the Trastevere by the erection oi the Ponte 
Sisto ; it received a very great development under Paul III., 
because the magnificent Palazzo Farnese, begun in 1530 by 
Antonio da Sangallo, which, in accordance with the will of 
Paul III., became the property of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, 
was situated there . This truly regal building, 5 of immense size, 
which was finished as far as the fa9ade on the Via Giulia soon 
after 1547, was marked on Bufalini s plan as the palace of Paul 
III. It attained a world- wide celebrity, as much because 
of the share taken by Michael Angelo in its erection, as because 

1 See GNOLI in the Nuova Antologia, CXXXVII. (1908), 678. 

2 The Vicolo Melangelo, as well as the house Via de Vaccinari 
No. 29, are reproduced in STETTINER, 369, 398. 

3 See ROT, Itin., 248 ; BERTOLOTTI, Artisti Bolognesi, 27. Con 
cerning O. Magnus cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 478, n. 2. The 
archbishop received a monthly income from Julius III. ; see *Intr. 
et Exit. 1554 in the Cod. Vat. 10605 of the Vatican Library. 

4 See Mel. d. Archeol., XXI., 481. 

5 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 579 seqq. ; see also RODOCANACHI, 
Rome, 30 seq. 



THE PALAZZO FARNESE. 387 

of the collection which it contained. Cardinal Alessandro, 
although he was often in financial difficulties, acquiied, in the 
grand manner of the Medici, treasures of every description : 
manuscripts, books, and pictures, but above all statues. The 
latter were partly purchased, and partly obtained by means of 
special excavations in Rome and the neighbourhood. The 
Baths of Caracalla afforded the richest finds, for there were 
brought to light in 1546 and 1547 works of art which threw all 
former discoveries into the shade. Among these were the 
group known as the Farnese Bull, the Hercules, the Flora and 
numerous other valuable pieces of sculpture. 1 

Not far from the Palazzo Farnese, near the Ponte Sisto, is 
the palace of Girolamo Capodiferro (now Palazzo Spada), built 
in 1540, and decorated by Giulio Mazzoni, a pupil of Daniele 
da Volterra. The celebrated house of Branconio dell Aquila, 
in the Borgo, served as a model for this, the imitation being 
clearly apparent in the facade, which is almost too richly 
decorated with statues, stucco and other ornamentation. The 
decoration of the picturesque courtyard is much more success 
ful. Behind the palace, a garden extends down to the Tiber. 
Julius III. enriched the collection of the Cardinal by the present 
of the colossal statue of Pompey. 2 

The house of the highly respected physician in ordinary to 
Paul III., Francesco Fusconi of Norcia, was between the 
Palazzo Farnese and the Campo di Fiore ; he too had collected 
valuable antiques, as the statue of Meleager, now in the Vatican, 
testifies. Latino Giovenale, another collector of antiquities, 
also lived in this neighbourhood. 3 

1 Cf. LANCIANI, Scavi, II., 160 seqq., 181 seq., and Renaissance, 
125 seq. See also Bull. arch, com., 1900, 44 seq., ROCCHI, Piante, 
252 ; HUBNER, I., 96 seq. Concerning Card. A. Farnese as a 
collector, cf. Nuntiaturberichte, X., 292, 397 seq. 

2 Cf. VASARI, VII., 70 ; LETAROUILLY, 243 seqq. ; BURCK- 
HARDT, Gesch. der Renaissance, 200 ; RIEGL, Barockkunst, 68 
seq. ; HUBNER, I., 85. 

3 See ALDROVANDI, 163, 164 ; MARINI, Archiatri, I., 325 seqq. ; 
MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzenbiicher, VII., 99; HELBIG, i 2 , 75-6; 
HUBNER, I., 98, 102. 



388 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

On the other bank of the river, opposite the Rione della 
Regola, the Trastevere, rich in old churches and towers, which 
formed a Rione by itself, spread out on all sides. Foreigners 
seldom penetrated into this part of the city, which was very 
thickly populated. It was the quarter of the wine-dealers and 
sailors. The hospital for mariners, as also that for the Geno 
ese, were not far from the venerable church of St. Cecilia. 1 
From the harbour on the Ripa Grande, a steep flight of steps 
and an easy carriage road led to the hall of the Dogana, close 
to which was the little church of the sailors, S. Maria della 
Torre, so called after the tower erected by Leo IV. in the 
IXth century. 2 The great orphanage of S. Michele rose here 
towards the end of the XVIIth century. 

Almost the whole of this quarter of the city was intersected 
by a long street, the Via Trastiberina (now Lungarina and 
Lungaretta) which led from the Ponte di S. Maria (later Ponte 
Rotto) past the churches of S. Salvatore della Corte and S. 
Agata, to the piazza and basilica of S. Maria in Trastevere. 
Right and left of this main artery, which was laid out by Julius 
II., a maze of dark and tortuous lanes spread out, the most 
interesting of which have been sacrificed to the embankment 
of the Tiber. It is very difficult to-day to form an idea of the 
former state of the neighbourhood. The houses, many of 
which possessed loggie and small perrons, were nowhere so 
crowded together as here, 3 while among them were numerous 
small churches and convents, as well as the very substantial 
dwellings of the old patrician families, such as the Stefaneschi, 
Ponziani, Papareschi, Normanni, Alberteschi, Mattei, and 
Anguillara, which were provided with towers, giving them the 

1 See BUFALINI (C). 

2 See HERMANIN, Stadt Rom, 25 and plate 33. Concerning 
S. Maria della Torre cf. also EGGER, Veduten, plates 69, 76, p. 38, 40. 

3 Only a few are still in existence. Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, 
p. 132, n. 2. Illustrations of the houses of the Xlllth century 
opposite S. Cecilia in STETTINER, 401. A very old house may still 
be seen in the Vicolo della Luce. Concerning the ancient Via 
Vascellari, which is, unfortunately soon to be destroyed, see 
ANGELI in the Giorn. d ltalia, 1912, n, 207, 



TRASTEVERE. 389 

appearance of fortresses. The quarter of S. Pellegrino in 
Viterbo 1 gives us a better idea to-day of the mediaeval appear 
ance which the Trastevere presented at the end of the Renais 
sance period. The numerous towers were specially character 
istic, but of these only two have been preserved, the Torre 
Anguillara 2 and that of the Gaetani on the island at the Ponte 
Quattro Capi. Of the citadels of the nobles, the exceedingly 
interesting dwelling of the Mattei at the Ponte S. Bartolomeo 
still remains. The very great number of towers, which 
astonish us in all the representations of the period, gave the 
name of " De Turribus " to the Church of S. Lorenzo de 
Janiculo, destroyed at the erection of the Monastery of S. 
Egidio. 3 

No part of the city approached the Trastevere in picturesque 
charm, the Ripa Grande affording a most attractive view from 
the opposite bank ; Pieter Brueghel painted it from there in 
the year 1553. 4 

Through the porta Settimiana, then recently erected by 
Alexander VI., went the old road of the pilgrims journeying 
to St. Peter s, the Via Sancta (now the Lungara) leading to 
the Porta S. Spirito in the Borgo. Along this road, of which 
Julius II. intended to form a corresponding street to the Via 
Giulia, only isolated houses and churches were to be found, for 
this district lay outside the fortifications. It was the district of 
the large " vignas," among which those of Cardinals Maffei, 
Salviati and Farnese were prominent ; the celebrated Far- 
nesina of Agostino Chigi also belonged to Cardinal Farnese. 
Among the churches of the Janiculum, S. Pietro in Montorio 
goes back to the IXth century, S. Onofrio having only been 

1 Cf. PINZI, I principal! monumenti di Viterbo, Viterbo, 1894, 
and EGIDI, Viterbo, Napoli, 1912. 

2 Cf. GNOLI in the review, Cosmos Cathol., 1901. 

3 See ASHBY in the Mel d archeol., XXI., 482. The house of the 
Mattei (now Ferrini) is in the Piazza Piscinula, Nos. 186-189 ; 
several dainty gothic windows and the portal with the arms and 
the tesseJated escutcheon, are still in a good state of preservation. 

4 See EGGER, Veduten, 15, 38, and plate 70. 



39 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

founded in 1435, by the hermit Niccold di Forca Palena. 1 
Like the Trastevere, the Rione di S. Angela was a real 
quarter of the people. This was enclosed by the Rioni Regola 
and S. Eustachio on the west, and by Pigna on the north and 
Campitelli on the east. Numerous Jews lived here, who, 
besides extensive money transactions, carried on, even at 
that time, a business which they have continued to practise 
in Rome to the present day, that of tailors. 2 In Bufalini s 
plan there is a street near S. Angelo in Pescaria, which is desig 
nated Via de Giudei. It is clear from Aldrovandi and others 
that the later Piazza del Pianto bore, in the Cinquecento, 
the name of Piazza Giudea. In this neighbourhood, the Santa 
Croce had their palace, which contained numerous antiquities. 3 
Even as early as the beginning of the Renaissance period 
the eitizens of Rome had made some attempt to beautify this 
quarter as well, a proof of this being a remarkable building 
of the Quattrocento in the Piazza del Pianto which has sur 
vived all the transformations which this neighbourhood in 
particular has undergone in recent times. This building is the 
dwelling, erected in 1467, of Lorenzo de Manili, who, being 
an enthusiastic lover of antiquity, connected his houses by a 
large inscription which runs under the windows of the first 
floor, and which imitates so exactly the Roman capitals of the 
best period that it might easily be taken for an antique build 
ing. This pompous inscription states that when Rome shall 
be re-born in its ancient form, he, Laurentius Manlius (he 
described himself in this way, because he was descended from 
the celebrated old Roman family) would contribute to the 
adornment of his beloved native city, as far as his modest for- 

1 Cf. TOMASETTI, Campagna Romana, II., 476 seq. The vignas 
on Bufalini s plan (C). Cf. ROT, Itin. Rom., 262. The Vigna 
Salviati was visited in 1551 by Julius III. ; see MASSARELLI, 211. 

2 Cf. VocELSTEiN-RiEGER, II., 117 seq. ; RoDOCANACHi, Rome, 
2 35 se( l- A tombstone of 1543 which has been saved from the 
Jewish cemetery in Trastevere, is now in S. Paolo fuori le mura ; 
see FORCELLA, XII., 15. 

3 See ALDROVANDI, 236 ; MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzenbiicher, 
141 : HUBNER, I., 113 ; HULSEN-EGGER, I., 17 seq. 



THE THEATRE OF MARCELLUS. 39! 

tune would permit. As a true representative of the Renais 
sance, he dated the inscription according to the foundation 
of Rome, and had his name cut in Greek letters on the facade, 
into which fragments of antique sculpture and inscriptions 
were introduced. On the sills of the windows towards the 
Piazza Costaguti one may read the characteristic greeting, 
expressive of the joy of the builder at the new birth of beauty 
in the Eternal City : Have Roma. 1 

The fish-market was held in the Portico of Octavia, near 
the adjoining church of S. Angelo in Pescaria. 2 Older visitors 
to Rome will still remember this exceedingly picturesque 
in spite of all the squalor corner, which has been frequently 
reproduced by artists. 

The most important monument of antiquity in this quarter 
was the Theatre of Marcellus. This building, owned by the Sa- 
velli since 1368, had the appearance of a mediaeval stronghold, 
imparted to it by its earlier owners, the Pierleone, but greatly 
lessened by the reconstruction carried out by Baldassare 
Peruzzi. In the arches on the ground floor were the vaulted 
warehouses of merchandize, which even to this day retain the 

1 The house of Lorenzo de Manili, whose antiques are praised 
by Albertini (see HUBNER, I., 104) now bears the number 18 ; 
Gnoli was the first again to draw attention to this extremely 
interesting building (see Giorn. d ltalia, 1906, n. 36, and Roma, 
148, 152 seq. ; better reproductions in STETTINER, 409). The 
inscription, not quite accurately published by RODOCANACHI 
(Rome, 177) is as follows : VRBE. ROMA. IN. PRISTINAM. 
FORMA [M.R] ENASCENTE. LAVR. MANLIVS. KAR1TAE. 
ERGA. PATRI [AM. SVAM. A] EDIS. SV. ||NOMINE. MANLI 
ANAS. PRO. FORT[VN]AR. MEDIOCRITAE. AD. FOR. 
IVDEOR. SIBI. POSTERISQ [SVIS. A. FUND.] P. ||AB. VRB. 
CON. M.M. CC. XXI. L.AN.M.III. D.II. P. XL CAL. AVG. For 
good old reproductions of the Pescaria see EGGER, Veduten, 
plate 52, 53. 

2 See FICHARD, 25. A reproduction of the fishmarket, com 
pletely destroyed in 1878 and 1889 in LANCIANI, Renaissance, II. ; 
cf. BARACCONI, 443 ; BARTOLI, n. 58 ; RODOCANACHI, Rome, 261, 
plate 52. 



39 2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

impress of the Middle Ages. 1 Of the palaces of the Mattei, 
only one was in existence at that time ; the others, erected 
under Pius IV., in the Flaminian Circus, have given quite 
another character to the neighbourhood near the church of S. 
Caterina de Funari, built in 1544. 

The Rione di Ripa followed the Tiber opposite the southern 
part of Trastevere, the island, with the church of S. Barto- 
lomeo, also belonging to it. In this church, the chapel of the 
guild of the mill-owners, is still in existence ; one can see on 
the tombs there, more or less roughly represented, the floating 
mills which had been anchored not far from the island since 
the time of Belisarius. 2 The district of the Rione di Ripa, 
which was covered with buildings without any open spaces, 
only reached as far as the Ponte di S. Maria, which, restored 
under Julius III., was destined to fall a victim to the inun 
dation of 1557, and on the landward side, turned in the direc 
tion of the Capitol and the Velabro. Not far from the latter, 
rose the church of S. Giovanni Decollate, the church of the 
confraternity which provided criminals with the consolations 
of religion before their execution. There were nothing but 
smaller houses near the old basilica of S. Maria in Cosmedin. 
It was a neglected neighbourhood, where the palace of a noble 
of the Xlth century stood in the midst of indescribable filth ; 
this was the dwelling of Nicholas Crescentius, the exterior of 
which was most curiously adorned with antique fragments, 
and which then bore, as we can see from Heemskerck s pan 
orama, the name of Casa di Pilato, later changed to di Ricnzo. 3 

1 Cf. HERMANN, 17 and plate 33. 

2 Cf. RODOCANACHI, Corporations ouvrieres a Rome, I., Paris, 
1894, 71 seq. ; GREGOROVIUS, I. 3 , 354 ; BARTOLI, Vedute, c. 

3 See FICHARD S description, Italia, 65 ; cf. LANCIANI, The 
destruction of Ancient Rome, New York, 1899, 17 ; BARACCONI, 
315 ; TOMASSETTI in the Roma Antologia, Ser. 3, Ann. i, 1880. 
The name Casa di Pilato is connected with the Passion Play (cf. 
Vol. V. of this work, p. 53 seq.) ; see LANCIANI, Pagan and 
Christian Rome, London, 1892, 180 seq. A fine old reproduction 
of the Casa di Pilato in EGGER, Rom. Veduten, plate 55. As a 
correlative to the Casa di Pilato there was the house of the High 



THE RIONE DI CAMPITELLI. 393 

To the south the Rione di Ripa included the whole of the 
Aventine, the Baths of Caracalla and Monte Testaccio. On 
the open space in front of the latter the traditional coarse 
amusements of the Roman populace always took place at 
carnival time, when the municipal officials and the upper 
classes would also be present. 1 There were no houses of any 
kind on the Aventine, with its venerable churches and the 
picturesque remains of the citadel of the Savelli. 

The Rione di Campitelli, which extended to the Porta S. 
Sebastiano, also included a district which was very little built 
over. In this quarter, to which the Colosseum and the Pala 
tine belong, there was no life except at the foot of the Capitol. 
The principal remains here were the two churches of Our Lady, 
S. Maria della Consolazione, with an old picture of the Madonna, 
at which the many votive offerings and pictures testified to 
the great veneration in which it was held, 2 and the church of 
the Roman Senate, S. Maria in Aracoeli, built on the ruins of 
the Capitoline Temple of Juno, and with which the wonderfully 
poetical legend of the appearance of the Queen of Heaven to 
the Emperor Augustus is associated. 3 

On the left of the great flight of steps which in 1348 led to 
the church from the piazza of the Capitol, Fichard saw a con 
siderable number of marble sculptures, several of which have 
survived to the present day. The church itself, over which 
the Senate had the right of patronage, was and still is very 
rich in sepulchral monuments. The Frankfort traveller, 

Priest Caiaphas in the Via Bocca della Verita. It reminds us of 
the Osteria della (sic) Caiffa, the name of which Ruffini, in his 
extremely superficial Notizie storiche intorno all origine dei nomi 
di alcuni "osterie (13) erroneously derives from a former owner. 
(Information kindly given me by Prof. Hiilsen). 

1 Cf. Vol. XI. of this work, p. 356, n. i ; see also BARTOLI, n. 62 ; 
GNOLI S essay in the Giorn. d ltaJia, 1909, n. 53, and G. FERRI in 
the Corriere d ltalia, 1912, n. 48. The Testaccio games were 
already described in 1404 ; see The solace of pilgrims, ed. Mills, 
Oxford, 1911, 51 seq. 

- See FABRICIUS, Roma, 247. 

3 Cf. HULSEN, The legend of Aracoeli, Rome, 1907. 



394 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

however, mentions only the tomb of St. Helena, that of Queen 
Catherine of. Bosnia and the resting place of the humanist, 
Flavio Biondo. 1 

The Capitol, so celebrated on account of the memories 
associated with it, was visited by all foreigners because of the 
bronzes presented by Sixtus IV., the She-Wolf, the Thorn 
Extractor, Camillus, fragments of the bronze Colossus, and 
Hercules. Under Paul III. it lost the appearance of a mediae 
val citadel, which it had until then preserved. In an engraving 
of the year 1538 we can already see the magnificent external 
staircase which Guglielmo della Porta executed from the 
design of Michael Angelo, and the statue of Marcus Aurelius 
so effectively set up in the middle of the square. 2 The recon 
struction of the front of the Palace of the Senators took place 
soon afterwards, as did that of the porticos at the sides, of 
which that on the right hand rose during the reign of Julius 
III. 3 

On the north, the Rione di Campitelli adjoined the Rione 
della Pigna, which formed a rather irregular square in the 
middle of the city. This district contained the best preserved 
monument of antiquity, the Pantheon, called by the people 
S. Maria Rotonda. The open space in front of it was then much 
higher, so that one had to descend to the entrance by a flight 
of steps. Small houses stood round about the building, being 
even built on to it on the left side. Its condition at that time 
can be clearly seen from a drawing by Heemskerck. One 
can here see, behind the point of the gable, the little Roman 
esque belfry built in 1270 ; the vestibule is on the left side, 
and is half walled up ; Paul III. was the first to remove this 
unsightly masonry. The Egyptian basalt lions, afterwards 
removed to the Vatican, and the magnificent bath of porphyry, 
which now adorns the tomb of Clement XII. in the Lateran, 

1 FICHARD, Italia 30 ; see also FABRICIUS, Roma, 242 seq. 

2 See HERMANIN, plate 5. Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 568 seq. 
Concerning the Capitoline collection of antiques cf. Vol. IV. of 
this work, *p. 459. Cf. also HUBNER, I., 77, and HULSEN-EGGER, 
I., 29 seq. 

3 Cf. supra p. 351. 



THE RIONE BELLA PIGNA. 395 

stood in front of this exquisite circular building. Small 
houses had also been built into the splendid ruins of the 
adjacent Baths of Agrippa. 1 

The most important church of the Rione della Pigna was 
that of the Dominicans, S. Maria sopra Minerva, containing 
the tomb of St. Catherine of Siena. Against the church stood 
a library which was of special celebrity, 2 as was the small, but 
excellently arranged collection of books belonging to the 
Augastinians of S. Maria del Popolo. The houses of the 
Porcari, in the immediate neighbourhood, were rich in antiqui 
ties, as well as the Casa Maffei, not far off, near the Arco di 
Ciambella, in the picturesque courtyard of which Heemskerck 
saw the statue of the dead Niobe, which afterwards came into 
the possession of the Bevilacqua, and eventually reached 
Munich. This collection, one of the oldest in Rome, had 
already diminished in the time of Aldrovandi. The house was 
at that time occupied by the eminent Cardinal Bernardino 
Maffei. 3 

The little church of S. Giovanni della Pigna, rebuilt by 
Vittoria Colonna in the piazza of the same name, the Palazzo 
del Duca d Urbino 4 (later Doria) and the Palazzo di S. Marco 
(now di Venezia) also belonged to the Rione della Pigna. The 
last-named served Paul III., and also occasionally Julius III., 

1 Cf. FICHARD, 56 seq. ; SPRINGER in the Jahrbuch der Preus- 
Kuntssammlungen 1891, 121 seq. ; MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzen. 
bticher, 136, 155, 160 ; BARTOLI, 47 ; HERMANIN, 15 and plate 18 ; 
HULSEN-EGGER, I., 7. Concerning the romanesque belfry cf. 
ASHBY, Un Panorama de Rome par Ant. v. d. Wyngaerde : Mel 
d archeol., XXL, 481, n. i. 

2 See FICHARD, Italia, 57, who states : " Praeter Vaticanam 
bibliothecam istic paucas habet excellentes." FABRICIUS (Roma, 
207), also mentions especially the libraries of S. Maria in Aracoeli 
and S. Agostino. 

3 See MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzenbiicher, 134 ; HUBNER, I., 103 
seq., no seq. ; HULSEN-EGGER, I., 3. 

4 See ADINOLFI, Roma, II., 292 seqq. ; RODOCANACHI, Rome, 
34. Cardinal Cajetan had lived in the palace ; see Arch. d. Soc. 
Rom., XVII. , 407. 



396 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

as a summer residence. 1 The mighty building, with its 
magnificent halls, was excellently suited for the reception of 
the Pope and his extensive suite. A very special curiosity, 
which did not escape the notice of Fichard, was the gigantic 
map of the world at the end of the Quattrocento, which was 
preserved in the palace and was adorned with reproductions 
of human beings, and land and sea monsters, and which 
excited much interest and admiration. 2 Not far from the 
monumental building of the Palazzo di S. Marco was the little 
church of S. Maria della Strada, given to the Jesuits by the 
Farnese Pope. 

The frequent residences of the Popes in the Palazzo di S. 
Marco gave an importance to the Rione della Pigna, which 
was separated from the Rione di Trevi 3 by the Corso (Via 
Lata), in which the Colonna had their very extensive palace 
near the SS. Apostoli. The fountain of Trevi still retained the 
simple form given to it by Nicholas V. A great part of the 
Rione di Trevi, which reached as far as the Porta Salara and 
the Porta Nomentana, was uninhabited. 

Mighty ruins stood on the Quirinal ; the remains of the 
Baths of Constantine and the Temple of Serapis. In front of 
the baths, facing towards the piazza, stood the statues of the 
Horse-breakers, on a clumsy mediaeval base ; on account of 
their size and their good state of preservation, they were among 
the most popular monuments in Rome, and the Quirinal was 
named Monte Cavallo after them. It was almost entirely taken 
up with gardens, vineyards, olive groves and villas. Pomponius 
Laetus and Platina had already laid out villas and gardens on 
the Quirinal, which was much esteemed on account of its good 
air. Cardinals Prospero Colonna, Oliviero Carafa and Ridolfo 
Pio da Carpi had done likewise. The artistic collection of 
Cardinal Carpi comprised, besides statues and reliefs, small 

1 See DENGEL, Palazzo di Venezia, 96 seqq. 

2 Cf. DENGEL, Die verschollene Mappa Mundi im Palazzo di 
Venezia zu Rom : Mitteil. cler Geogr. Gessellschaft in Wien, LV. 
(1912). 

3 Cf. ADINOLFI, Roma, II., 275 seq. 



THE QUIRINAL. 397 

bronzes, terra cottas, vases, and antique furniture, as well as 
books, manuscripts, and pictures. The smaller objects of 
this collection, of which Aldrovandi gives an enthusiastic 
description, were almost all in the palace of this Cardinal in the 
Campo Marzo ; the marble statues were nearly all placed in 
the villa, the extensive gardens of which Aldrovandi calls a 
paradise on earth. 1 

The collection of Cardinal Carpi was, however, surpassed 
by that of Cardinal Ippolito d Este, the son of Lucrezia 
Borgia. This ardent collector of antiquities had filled his 
residences in the city with treasures of this kind, and since 
1554, he had been gradually bringing the most important 
works of art to his villa on the Quirinal, with the beautifying 
of which he was still occupied in 1560. This wonderful country 
house, on the southern slope of the hill, which occupied the 
site of the grounds of the later Papal palace, was celebrated 
for the arrangement of the fountains, which were richly 
adorned with statues. 2 

Paul III. was specially fond of staying on the Quirinal. He 
possessed a garden there as early as 1535, which attracted 
much notice on account of its beauty. 3 Later on he lived in 
the villa of Cardinal Caraf a, and it was there that the old Pope 
of eighty-two breathed his last. 4 In the gardens of the 
Colonna near S. Silvestro, Michael Angelo and Vittoria Colonna 
carried on those conversations on Sunday afternoons which 
Francesco de Hollanda has preserved for us, and which have 
been said to have been the last flickerings of the spirit which 
made the Renaissance great and noble. 5 Vittoria always 
had in mind the idea of building a convent of nuns on the ruins 

1 Cf. ALDROVANDT, 201, seqq., 295 seq. ; LANCIANI, II., 112. III., 
176 seq. ; BARTOLI, n. 88 ; HUBNER, I., 85 seq. Concerning the 
Dioscuri see MICHAELIS in the Bull. d. 1st. germ., XIII., 259 seq., 
and HUBNER, Detailstudien zur Gesch. der Antiken Roms in der 
Renaissance, Rome, 1911, 318 seq. 

2 Cf. LANCIANI, III., 186 seqq., igi seq. ; HUBNER, I., 90 seq. 

3 FICHARD, Italia, 41. 

4 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 452 seq. 

5 KRAUS-SAUER, III., 704, 777. 



39$ HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of the Temple of Serapis, in order that the last remains of 
paganism might be trodden under the feet of pure-minded 
women. 1 

Towards the north, and round that magnificent relic of 
antiquity, the column of Marcus Aurelius, and named after it, 
lay the Rione di Colonna 2 In the middle of the XVIth cen 
tury, the ambassadors of France and Portugal had their 
palaces in this quarter, near Monte Citorio, while the Imperial 
ambassadors resided in the Palazzo Riario 3 (later Altemps) 
which is still in the Rione di Ponte. Formerly almost all the 
ambassadors lived in the Rione di Ponte ; the transference of 
their residences into the Rione di Colonna was a sign of the 
coming change of the centre of life in the city, which was soon 
to be brought about in an ever increasing degree. 

The principal church in the Rione di Colonna was S. Lorenzo 
in Lucina, which, since May, 1554, had been the title of Car 
dinal Morone, the largest parish in Rome thereby becoming 
subject to him. 4 The palace of Cardinal Ouinones (later 
Fiano) 5 adjoined the church ; at this point, where until 1662 
an ancient triumphal arch, the Arco di Portogallo, spanned the 
Corso, the fully built over part of this street ended. 6 Several 
names still remind us of the end of the houses, such as the Via 
Capo le Case. To the north the Rione di Colonna reached as 
far as the Porta Pinciana and the Porta Salara. 

Towards the end of the Renaissance period, the Rioni of S. 
Eustachio and Campo Marzo increased in importance. The 
Rione di S. Eiislachio, called after the church of the same name, 

1 Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 757. 

2 Cf. ADINOLFI, Roma, II., 335 seqq. 

3 See BUFALINI (G). Although the court of the Riario palace 
is very much altered, the original front and the side towards the 
Vicolo de Soldati, with the large tower, which resembles that of 
the palace of S. Marco, are in a good state of preservation. 

4 Cf. the "letter of Ippolito Capilupi to Cardinal E. Gonzaga 
dated Rome, May 10, 1554 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). 

5 Cf. EHRLE, Roma al tempo di Giulio III., 33, n. 14. 

6 Concerning the state of Corso at that time, cf. LANCIANI in the 
Bull. arch, comun., 235 seq., and Renaissance, 37 seq., 113 seq. 



THE RIONE DI S. EUSTACHIO. 399 

stretched eastwards from the Rioni Ponte and Parione. The 
University was situated there, as well as the much frequented 
church of S. Agostino, and numerous palaces of the Roman 
nobles. In the neighbourhood of the University, in the Piazza 
de Lombardi, there stood, near the venerable church of S. 
Salvatore in Thermis, 1 the Palazzo Medici, the residence of Leo 
X. when a Cardinal. In this palace, which came into the hands 
of the Farnese under Paul III., the unhappy Duke and Duchess, 
Ottavio and Margherita Farnese, resided from the year 1538, 
for which reason it was called the Palazzo Madama. Two 
drawings by Heemskerck give a complete picture of the costly 
antiquities which the palace contained. Most of these, which 
were placed there without any special arrangement, were still 
in the gallery, when Aldrovandi wrote his description of them. 
The two Aphrodites, the two statues of Bacchus, and the 
Tyrannicides were placed here, and on the wall of the adjoining 
garden the Dying Gaul. The Villa Madama, with its collec 
tion, which also belonged to the Duchess Margherita, was a 
possession of inestimable value. 2 

The palaces of the distinguished family of the della Valle, 
the members of which had been from eaily times zealous 
collectors, contained an even greater number of treasures of all 
kinds. The gallery of the old Palazzo della Valle, of which 
the diligent Heemskerck has left us a sketch, 3 was adorned by 
the celebrated statue of Pan, which, while it was in the posses 
sion of Leo X., was used for the decoration of the triumphal 
arch of the Valle, and under Clement VII. was placed in the 
Capitolme museum, by the side of the Marforio. The principal 
pieces of sculpture, which had also been used for the said 
triumphal arch, were placed by Cardinal Andrea della Valle 
(d. 1534) in his palace close by (now the Palazzo Valle- Rustici- 

1 Concerning this church, only destroyed in 1907, the objects of 
interest in which were placed in the palace at S. Luigi de Francesi, 
see SABATINI, La Chiesa di S. Salvatore in Thermis, Roma, 1907. 

2 See MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzenbticher, 121, 152, 161 seq. ; 
LANCIANI, Scavi, I., 146 seq. ; HULSEN-EGGER, I., 4-5 ; HUBNER, 
105, seq. 

3 See MICHAELIS, he. cit.. 158. 



4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Bufalo). 1 This building, the principal entrance of which was 
adorned by a large head of Zeus, was a real museum. Every 
where, in the entrance hall, in the courtyard, as well as on the 
upper floors, there were so many marble works of art that the 
prosaic Fichard cries out in admiration that the real treasures 
of Roman antiquity were to be found there. 2 In the quadri 
lateral court, which had been built for the statues, there were 
at that time, the Venus de Medici and the Ganymede of the 
Uffizi. After the death of the Cardinal, his nephew, Quinzio 
de Rustici, 3 became the owner of these treasures. 

Not far from this magnificent residence, Cardinal Andrea 
had a new palace built by Raphael s pupil, Lorenzetto, in the 
present day Piazza di Valle ; this had not been completely 
finished on account of the catastrophe of 1527. 4 The treasures 
collected there as well, aroused the admiration of Fichard. 5 
The rarest works adorned the celebrated gallery of statues 
on the upper floor, the corridors at the sides of which opened 
on to pillared halls. An engraving by Hieronymus Cock, 
which he perhaps executed from a drawing by Heemskerck, 
shows this marvellous hall with its precious contents ; a 
drawing by Francesco de Hollanda, made rather later, gives an 
exact picture of the right wall. The manner in which antique 
reliefs, statues in niches, and busts in circular recesses, were 
arranged, became a model for the whole of Rome. 6 This new 
palace was inherited by the Capranica family, whose name it 
still bears. 7 They sold the antiques to Cardinal Ferdinando 

1 Now Corso Vittorio Emanuele No. 101, with the inscription 
" Andreas Car. de Valle " over the principal entrance ; cf. LETA- 

ROUILLY, I., 17. 

2 Italia, 68. 

3 See MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzenbucher, 235 seq., where the 
collections of the Valle are treated in a very detailed manner ; cf. 
also HULSEN-EGGER, I., 15 seq., and HUBNER, I., 117 seq. 

4 See VASARI, IV., 579 ; c f. RODOCANACHI, Rome, 34. 

5 Italia, 68. 

6 See HUBNER, I., 74 ; cf. BURCKHARDT, Beitrage, 564 seq. 

7 Via del Teatro Valle No. 16. The site of the gallery of statues 
is now occupied by the Teatro Valle. The investigator into the. 



PALACES IN THE R. DI S. EUSTACHIO 401 

de Medici in 1584, who used them for the adornment of his 
villa on the Pincio, but most of them were removed to Florence 
in the XVIIIth century. In Cock s engraving one can see the 
Marsyas of the Uffizi, the so-called Thusnelda and the two 
large clothed statues of the Loggia de Lanzi, the statue of a 
barbarian of the Giardino Boboli, and many other master 
pieces now preserved in the city on the Arno. 1 

Under Leo X. the Rione di S. Eustachio was enriched by 
two new and imposing palaces : the Palazzo Lante ai Capre- 
tari, built by Jacopo Sansovino, and the Palazzo Maccarani, 
which Giulio Romano designed for the Cenci. The Palazzo 
Patrizi, situated near the French national church, was also 
celebrated, as were the Palazzo Caffarelli (Vidoni) and the 
Palazzo Piccolomini in the Piazza Siena. 2 Constanza Picco- 
lomini, Duchess of Amalfi, gave up her residence to the 
Theatines, under Sixtus V., who transformed it into a monas 
tery, alongside which arose the large baroque church of S. 
Andrea della Valle. The little church of S. Sebastiano di Via 
Papse, of which an altar in the new building reminds us, 
disappeared in the complete reorganization of the district 
which was undertaken at that time. 

The master of ceremonies of Alexander VI., Johannes 
Burchard, from the diocese of Strasbourg, had built himself 
a large house in the Rione di S. Eustachio, not far from the 
Palazzo Cesarini ; on the tower of this house one could read the 
inscription " Argentina," a name which still lives on in the 
name of the street and theatre there. This house was an 
exception in the city of the Renaissance, for it was built in 
the gothic style, as was customary in Germany. Pait of it, 
though in a deplorable condition, can still be seen. 3 

history of Christina of Sweden, Baron v. Bildt, lives in the palace ; 
he is enthusiastically devoted to antiquity, art and literature. 

1 See MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzenbiicher, 225-235. 

2 See ADINOLFI, Via Sacra, 65 seq. ; CALLARI, 45 seq., 51 seq. ; 
TOM ASSET n, II palazzo Vidoni, Roma, 1905 ; HULSEN, Bilder aus 
der Gesch. des Kapitols, Rom, 1899, 8, 29. Cf. also Vol. VIII. , of 
this work, p. 129 seqq. 

3 Via Sudario No. 45 : see GNOLI, La Torre Argentina in Roma, 
Roma, 1908 ; NOACK, Das deutsche Rom, 58 seq. ; STETTINER, 445. 

V,CVL, XIII... 26 



4O2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Rione di Campo Marzo restricted the former Campus 
Martins to a much smaller space. The central point of this, 
the most northern part of Rome, which was bounded on the 
west by the Tiber, and on the east by the Pincio, was that 
mighty monument of antiquity, the Mausoleum of the Emperor 
Augustus. It had served the Colonna as a fortress in the 
Middle Ages, and had been turned into a garden under Paul 
III. ; the Soderini had laid it out by using the remains of the 
walls which encircled it, and adorning it with statues in the 
fashion of the period. The obelisk, found in 1519 near S. 
Rocco, which had once stood at the entrance of the Mausoleum, 
lay, broken into four pieces, in the Via di Ripetta. 1 

Many foreigners, as the names of the streets prove, had 
settled in this quarter, on account of the national charitable 
institutions lor the Bretons, the Portuguese, the Sclavonians 
and the Lombards : S. Ivo, S. Antonio, S. Girolamo and S. 
Ambrogio (afterwards S. Carlo in Corso). This district had 
improved a great deal since the time of Leo. X. 2 Under 
Julius III. it became still more important, for it was that Pope 
who had the great Palazzo Cardelli, which had been used by 
Cardinal Carpi from 1537 to 1547, reconstructed and decorated, 
to serve as a residence for his brother. 3 The celebrated 
hospital of S. Giacomo in Augusta, the old Benedictine monas 
tery of St. Gregory Nazianzen, S. Maria, SS ma Trinita de 
Monti on the Pincio, the burial place of the Rovere, S. Maria 
del Popolo, 4 which was filled with the most beautiful works 
of the Renaissance, all belonged to the Rione di Campo Marzo. 
The neighbouring gate, by which most of the visitors from 
the north entered the Eternal City, formed, with the bastions 
of Sixtus IV., a very picturesque object, as we can see from 
the sketch of Heemskerck. 5 

1 See HERMANIN 27, plate 38 ; EGGER, Veduten, I., 20, plate 7. 

2 Cf. TESORONI, II palazzo di Firenze, 7, and RODOCANACHI, 
Rome, 200 seq. 

3 See supra p. 351. 

4 FABRICIUS (Roma, 254), says : No church in Rome contains so 
many marble monuments. 

5 See EGGER, Veduten, 19, plate 2 ; HULSEN-GGER, I., 6. 



THE PIAZZA DEL POPOLO. 403 

The irregular Piazza, del Popolo was not yet adorned with 
the obelisks. Three streets, intersecting the Rione di Colonna, 
led thence into the city : on the right, the Via di Ripetta, on 
the left, the Via del Babuino, and in the centre, the Via Lata, 
or Corso, so called from the races held there in carnival time. 
These main streets, however, were by no means the busiest ; 
near the gate the houses were few in number, while to the right 
and left, garden walls arose. The Via Babuino, named after 
the Silenus on a fountain, was not built over towards the Pincio. 
The northern part of the Ripetta is called Via Populi in Bufa- 
lini s plan. The small cross-street, joining the Ripetta to the 
Corso near the Mausoleum of Augustus, received the name of 
Via de Pontefici from the frescoes with which the Spanish 
humanist and poet, Saturnio Gerona, who lived there, had 
decorated his house. They were portraits of the Popes under 
whom Saturnio had served during his fifty years residence in 
Rome. 1 

If one looks at the above mentioned districts of Rome, the 
most astonishing thing is the crowding together of the popu 
lation in the low-lying neighbourhood of the Tiber. The 
wide hilly districts to the north and south and east, the Pincio, 
the Quirinal, the Viminal, the Esquiline and the Coelian, were, 
like the Aventine, almost uninhabited. 2 Besides the venerable 
basilicas, high towers, dating from mediaeval times, rose up 
everywhere, but, apart from monasteries, there were in these 
neighbourhoods, which seemed consecrated for ever to prayer 
and seclusion, but few dwelling houses. The principal reason 
for this is given in a remark of Fichard, which seems very 
surprising in view of the plentiful supply of water now at the 
disposal of Rome, but which may be understood if we bear in 
mind the systematic destruction of the Roman aqueducts at 
the time of the Sack. The Frankfort traveller says that he 
saw very few fountains in the whole city. The population 
had to be content with the water from cisterns and from the 

1 Cf. LOHNINGER, S. Maria dell Anima, no seq. Concerning 
Gerona s benevolence, cf. FORCELLA, VIII., 136. 

2 Cf. Bufalini s plan ; see also FABRICIUS, Roma, 26. 



404 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Tiber, which was daily carried round the city. 1 To what a 
great extent this was done is evident from the fact that the 
water-carriers formed a guild of their own (the Compagnia 
degli Acquarenari). 2 They procured the water at the Porta 
del Popolo, where it was not yet contaminated, and then left it 
standing for four or five days. It seems incredible that the 
water of the yellow Tiber was considered healthy, and was 
carried about by Paul III. as well as by Clement VII., when 
they were travelling. The physician, Alessandro Petroni, the 
friend of Ignatius of Loyola, praises the beneficial effects of the 
water of the Tiber, in a pamphlet dedicated to Julius III. 3 

The uninhabited district, which comprised two-thirds of the 
space enclosed by the Aurelian walls, was full of the magic 
of past associations. The mighty remains of antiquity, as 
well as the venerable basilicas and monasteries, dating from 
the early days of Christianity and from mediaeval times, lay 
scattered in magnificent isolation and picturesque solitude. 
They formed the chief attraction for the pilgrims, who con 
tinued to flock in crowds to the centre of ecclesiastical unity, 
while the wonders of the old churches did not escape the notice 
of scholars, 4 who, however, as well as educated people in 

1 FICHARD, Italia, 26 ; see also SCHMARSOW in the Repert. fur 
Kunstwissensch, XIV., 132, and GNOLI, Roma, 189 seq. ; cf. also 
FABRICIUS, Roma, 165. 

2 Cf. CANCELLIERI, Sopra il tarantismo etc., Roma, 1817, 68 seq. ; 
LANCIANI, Renaissance, 78 seq. ; BARACCONI, 154 seq. ; RODO- 
CANACHI, Rome, 210, 245. 

3 A. Petronius, De aqua Tiberina ad Julium III. P.M., Romae 
1552. Giovan Batt. Modio, on the other hand, stated his opinion 
that the water was unhealthy in his now exceedingly rare publica 
tion 77 Tevere (Roma, 1556) dedicated to Cardinal Ranuccio 
Farnese, and he suggested that the Cardinal should lay the matter 
before Paul IV., and improve it by means of aqueducts (p. 59 seq.} 
The physician Andrea Bacci, however, addressed a memorandum, 
Del Tevere (s.a. later ed. Venice, 1576), at the same time to Cardinal 
Farnese in which he declared the water of the Tiber to be perfectly 
harmless. 

4 Cf. FABRICIUS, Roma 202, 211, 224, 226, 



THE RUINS OF ANCIENT ROME. 405 

general, were far more attracted by the ancient ruins and 
buildings, for the study of which the topographical works of 
Bartolomeo Marliani, of 1544, and of Lucio Fauno, of 1548, 
gave a great deal of useful information. 1 The ruins of ancient 
Rome lay quite alone, for the vignas which many Cardinals 
and nobles had laid out in the hilly districts possessed for the 
most part only modest country houses, which were only occu 
pied in the autumn. The great ostentatious villas, with 
extensive grounds, had as yet scarcely made their appearance, 
and the districts which had been the centre of Republican and 
Imperial life in ancient Rome, were now occupied by vine 
yards, gardens and fields, presenting a purely rural appearance, 
with a desolate area of ruins, of the complete desertion and 
solemn seclusion of which it is difficult at the present time to 
form any idea. 2 

Surrounded in great measure by old plane trees, dark 
cypresses, lofty pine trees and thick laurels, these old ruins were 
the delight of artists. The sketches of Heemskerck, as well as 
many of the later engravings of Du Perac, afford a picture of 
indescribable romantic charm. 3 In many places the ruins 
served as warehouses or stables, as does the Sette Sale to this 
day ; the Venetian ambassador, Mocenigo, says that it is 
wonderful to see how vineyards, gardens and little copses have 
arisen round the antique arches and buildings. 4 

The ancient buildings presented themselves to the spectator 
in all their splendour ; they were far better preserved than 
they are to-day, for, in spite of all the destruction of past 

1 The work of Pirro Ligorio, with its wealth of divergent 
opinions, first appeared in 1553 ; such ideas, however, had already 
been prevalent ; see EH RLE, Roma di Giulio III., 27. 

2 The condition at that time can be very well seen on Bufalini s 
plan, as well as on that of Pinardi. See ROCCHI, Piante, 47-48, 85 ; 
cf. FICHARD, Italia, 24. Bufalini (E) sketches the Vinea lo. Bapt. 
de Montibus, near the pyramid of Cestius. 

3 See Du PERAC, I Vestigi dell antichita di Roma, Roma, 1575, 
and LAFRERY, Specul. Rom. magnificent. ; EHRLE, Pianta del 
1577, 10 seq., 15 seq. 

4 MOCENIGO-ALBERI, 31. 



406 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

centuries, many of them still preserved their old marble facing, 
their columns and other ornamentation. The creeping 
plants and brushwood, which had taken root wherever the 
cracks in the brickwork had been laid bare, had contributed 
slowly but surely to the work of destruction. 

Great ruins always have something sublime in their appear 
ance, affecting the spectator no less through the actual mass of 
stonework than by their appeal to the imagination, which 
gives a new existence to their former grandeur. Nowhere was 
such an impressive and affecting picture of the past offered 
to the traveller as in Rome, by the sight of this world of ancient 
gods and men lying in fragments. The melancholy which 
overcomes us " poor sons of a day " at such a spectacle, finds 
effective expression in the verses with which Joachim du 
Bellay, in the first book of his " Antiquites de Rome " (1558) 
speaks of the ruins which he had visited. 

In singular contrast to the archaeological cultns, which was 
so devoted to the worship of the antique, is the ruthless manner 
in which the ancient buildings were robbed of their marbles 
and columns during the whole of the Renaissance period, and 
used as convenient materials for new buildings ; in their 
merciless search for antiquities, much more was destroyed 
than was ever intended or realized. Very disastrous too were 
the excavations under the foundations of the ancient buildings. 
One can clearly see how, in the Cinquecento, the mighty halls 
of the Baths of Diocletian were undermined and caused to 
collapse by such excavations. At the beginning of the reign 
of Julius III., a Sicilian priest had built a little chapel close 
to these great Baths of the ancient city, but he was driven 
thence by the vagabonds who used the ruins as a place of 
refuge. 1 These Thermae, with their majestic halls, gave 
Fichard the impression of a row of churches. As a building 
he considered them worthy of the greatest admiration, but it 
was rather difficult at that time to determine for what purpose 
they had been erected. 2 Great changes were began in that 

1 Cf. HERMANIN, 19, plate 24 ; see also Bollet. d Arte, III- 
(1909), 364 seqq. 2 FICHARD, Italia, 40. 



THE COLOSSEUM AND FORUM. 407 

neighbourhood by the laying out of tb.9 villa, the celebrated 
Horti Bella] ani, which owed its origin to the artistic and 
ostentatious Cardinal du Bellay. 1 

The Baths of Titus and the Amphitheatrum Castrense, 
which served the monks of S. Croce in Gerusalemme as a 
garden, were, at that time, as the engravings show, in a much 
better state of preservation than they are to-day. The 
Colosseum made an immense impression on all visitors to 
Rome, although the lower storey was still partially buried, up 
to the capitals of the arches. Fichard describes it as the largest 
and most beautiful of all the monuments of antiquity ; no 
where else, he says, can one realize so well the majesty of the 
Roman people as in this wonderful woik, with the sight of 
which one can never be satiated. What must it have been, he 
adds, when it was still in a perfect state, and adorned with all 
its statues ! 2 

Heemskerck s sketches give a striking picture of the state 
of the Forum, in which the ruins and columns were half buried 
in earth and rubbish. They also show how the Arch of Titus 
was still quite walled in by its mediaeval covering, while the 
Arch of Severus, on the other hand, had all three openings 
laid open to a considerable depth, but was still crowned by its 
mediaeval battlements. Between the Arch of Severus and the 
Temple of Saturn, and quite close to the ruins of Vespasian s 
Temple, stood the old church of SS. Sergio e Bacco, which, 
more fortunate than others, had escaped destruction at the 
demolitions of Paul III. in connection with the solemn entry 

1 Cf. NIBBY, Roma. Parte antica, II., 802 ; LANCIANI, II., 138 
seq. ; EHRLE, Roma prima di Sisto V., 33 ; BARTOLI, 76 ; BARAC- 
CONI, 133 ; ROMIER in the Mel. d archeol., XXXI., 27 seq. Con 
cerning the entrance portal of the Villa, which has only lately been 
removed, see Annuario d. Assoc. artist, fra i cultori di architett. 
Rom., 1908, 58 seq., and Nuova Antologia, CXXXVI. (1908), 411 
seq. Concerning the deer park, which was near the Baths of 
Diocletian at the time of Leo X., see Vol. VIII. of this work, 

P- 133- 

- See FICHARD, Italia, 32, 35 ; cf. MICHAELIS, Rom. Skizzen- 
biicher, 153, 163 ; HERMANIN, plate 21. 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of Charles V. into the city. 1 S. Maria Nuova still had the 
facade of Honorius III. The building alongside the church 
was connected with the Palatine by the mediaeval fortress of 
the Frangipani. 2 Fichard could still admire, in the Basilica 
of Maxentius, then called the Templum Pacis, one of those 
immense white marble Corinthian columns, which once stood 
as the central pillars. He declared this column, which was 
later placed in front of S. Maria Maggiore, to be the most 
beautiful in Rome. In the Circus Maximus, which served as a 
vegetable garden, the arches which supported the tiers of seats 
were still in a good state of preservation ; the Romans of older 
times had had warehouses and taverns arranged there, where 
they could refresh themselves during the summer months. 3 
With regard to the Palace of the Caesars on the Palatine, at 
that time called the Palazzo Maggiore, Fichard acknowledged 
that he could not form any clear idea of what it once had 
looked like. 4 The hill, still covered with mighty ruins, was 
partly in the possession of monasteries and private persons, 
and partly without any owner. Everything was much over 
grown with shrubs and trees, between which vineyards had 
been planted in suitable places. In several of the unfenced 
parts flocks of cattle and sheep were feeding. 5 An exquisite 
drawing by Heemskerck gives a very valuable general view 
of the south-western slope of the Palatine, and the expanse of 
the Circus Maximus. Heemskerck has also sketched the 
panorama which unfolds itself before the delighted eye of the 
visitor to the Palatine, taken from the platform of the Belve 
dere towards the Colosseum, as well as the picturesque ruins 
of the Velabro. 6 

1 See HULSEN, Das Forum, 2nd Ed. Rome, 1905, 36 seq. ; cf. 
ibid. 38 seq., concerning the description which Marliani gave in 
1544 of the Forum and its monuments (" an exhaustive and 
critical piece of work for that period ") and the controversy with 
P. Ligorio in the time of Julius III. 

2 Cf. BARTOLI, n. 4. 

3 FICHARD, 34. 

4 Ibid. 37. 5 Cf. HERMANIN, plate 26. 
6 See EGGER, Veduten, I., 44 47, plates 96, 99, 112, 113. 



THE PALATINE. 409 

Excavations had already been begun on the Palatine under 
Leo. X., and on a more comprehensive scale under Paul III., 
which were continued under Julius III. Pirro Ligorio 
describes these as an eye-witness. The transformation, which 
gave a great part of the Palatine a perfectly different appear 
ance, is chiefly connected with the name of the nephew of the 
Farnese Pope, Alessandro Farnese having remodelled his 
vigna built there, and turned it into a magnificent villa. The 
value the Cardinal attached to this property is clear from the 
fact that in the document of presentation of his villa near the 
Palazzo Maggiore in favour of Ottavio Farnese, on April I7th, 
1548, he laid it down that it should always remain in the 
possession of the Farnese family. 1 

Of the principal ornament of the Palatine, the celebrated 
Septizonium, only the east front then remained. Heemskerck 
repeatedly sketched this last fragment of the gorgeous fa$ade 
of the palace of Septimus Severus facing the Appian Way, and, 
conscientious as ever, he has not omitted the little additions 
made to the building by the Frangipani in the Xllth century. 2 

The whole neighbourhood of the Imperial Fora, which was 
essentially altered under Pius V. by the laying out of the Via 
Alessandrina, afforded until then an exceedingly remarkable 
spectacle. In chaotic confusion the towers of the Conti, 
Colonna and Gaetani rose above miserable houses and the 
massive residence of the Knights of St. John, built in the 
XlVth century. A much greater part of the Forum of Nerva 
was then preserved than at the present day ; of the Forum of 
Trajan, which surpassed all the others in size and splendour, 
the ruins of the great Exedra were still standing on the southern 
slope of the Quirinal. Paul III. had uncovered the pedestal 
of the triumphal arch of the Emperor, and during these excava 
tions the little church of St. Nicholas ad Columnam, built in 

1 Cf. LANCIANI, I., 179 ; II., 34 seqq., 45 seqq. ; III., 112. 

2 See HULSEN, Das Septizonium. Programm zum Winckel- 
mannsfeste 1886 ; HERMANIN, 22, plates 27 and 30 ; BARTOLI, n. 
23-24 and in the Bull. d Arte, III. (1909), 258 seq. ; EGGER, 43 seq., 
plates 92-94. Cf. also the valuable essay of HULSEN in the 
Zeitschrift fur Geschicte in der Architektur, V., I. 



410 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the Xllth century, was pulled clown. A row of houses which 
surrounded the spot, was only demolished in 1812. The 
church of S. Maria di Loreto, erected by the Guild of Bakers, 
was not yet completed. 1 In the immediate neighbourhood, 
in the Macel de Corvi, Michael Angelo had his modest dwelling 
and studio ; the building was modernized later on, but early 
in the year 1902, the last remains of the house in which the 
master lived for thirty years disappeared. 2 

The traveller who pursued his lonely way through peaceful 
vignas to the remains of ancient Rome, was reminded at every 
step of the power which had subdued the pagan, by the 
churches and monasteries which he met with at every turn, 
The book of the world s history lay here spread out before him, 
a striking reminder of the transitoriness of all that is earthly, 
and of the eternal power of God ; the realization of this was 
intensified as the stillness in which this region was wrapt 
seemed to grow deeper, the only sound that broke the silence 
being the Angelus bell at noon and eventide. The solemn 
influence of the surroundings was still further increased when 
the pilgrim entered the venerable sanctuaries, each with its 
distinctive features, where, in the days of primitive Christianity, 
the martyrs and saints had found their resting place. All 
these were still untouched by the later, and often so devastating 
alterations and restorations. With their columns, mostly 
taken from ancient buildings, their gleaming marble floors, and 
grave mosaic pictures, they must have been eloquent apolo 
gists for the one unchanging Church, which had here, for more 
than a thousand years, untroubled by all outward vicissitudes, 
prayed and offered sacrifice as in the days of the Apostles. 

Among all the Christian monuments contained in the Rione 
de Monti, 3 none was so venerable and rich in holy and great 
memories of the history of the Church and of the world, as the 

1 See HERMANIN, 14, plates 15-17. 

2 It was situated in the Vicolo de Fornari, No. 212 ; see LAN- 
CIANI, Renaissance 185 ; MACKOWSKY, 249 seq. ; STEINMANN in the 
Deutschen Rundschau, 1902, May number, 279 seq. 

3 Cf. ADINOLFI, Roma, I., 181 seq. 



THE LATE RAN. 411 

Lateran Basilica, which, as the cathedral of the Bishop of 
Rome, was named the " Mother and Head of all the churches 
of the world." From the adjoining palace, the chapel of 
which, on account of its particularly sacred and important 
relics, was called the Sancta Sanctorum, the Popes of ancient 
and mediaeval times had governed the Christian world ; five 
General Councils had been held there. 

The reconstruction begun under Pius IV. in 1560 had not yet 
destroyed the original form of the exceedingly picturesque 
palace. It was a very extensive and complicated medley of 
buildings, designed in a most confused way, which had been 
collecting there since the IVth century ; several drawings of 
Heemskerck enable us to reconstruct the old palace com 
pletely. 1 Even then the building had greatly deteriorated ; 2 
the Scala Santa, which was connected with the old palace, was 
on its north fagade. On the wide unpaved space there, Heems 
kerck saw and sketched the statue of Marcus Aurelius, on the 
base which had been erected by Sixtus IV., and in front of 
which stood two lions on short pillars. To the left of the north 
entrance was situated the great Council Hall, with the dainty 
gothic Loggia of the Benediction, which Boniface VIII. had 
dedicated in the Jubilee of 1300 ; to the right was the Bap 
tistery, the entrance to which was opposite to that of to-day. 3 
In front of the principal facade of the basilica, which had 
three gothic windows, there was a portico with six columns. 
The interior of the church, which has since been entirely 
modernized, caused, in its then intact condition, the great 
memories of the Middle Ages to pass like living pictures before 
the mind of the spectator. In the portico were the tombs of 
Alexander II., John X., John XII. and Sylvester II. In the 

1 Cf. Ges. Studien zur Kunstgesch. fur A. Springer, 227 seq. 
A model of the basilica and its surroundings was in the Roman 
Jubilee Exhibition of 1911, which was prepared by A. Consolani 
from the old drawings and plans, See also LAUER, Le Palais de 
Latran, Paris, 1911. 

2 Cf. ROHAULT, Le Latran au Moyen-age, Paris, 1877, 250. 

3 Cf. J. SPRINGER in the Ges. Studien fur A. Springer, 226 seq. ; 
EGGER, Veduten, I., 41 seq. ; HULSEN-EGGER, I., 36 seq. 



412 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

interior of the five aisled basilica was the monument of Martin 
V. Many places showed the traces of the troublous times 
through which the basilica had passed. Fichard saw, in the 
beautiful gleaming pavement, which was polished like a mirror, 
the traces of a conflagration. The learned traveller could still 
see the " Lex Regia " in the church, and he especially admired 
the exquisite columns, not yet enclosed in pilasters, as well as 
the frescoes of Gentile da Fabriano, afterwards completely 
destroyed. 1 

The basilica of S. Maria Maggiore, which formed the central 
point of the very extensive Rione de Monti, still bore, at that 
time, the grave impress of the old days. The large side 
chapels of Sixtus V. and Paul V. were not in existence, nor were 
the palatial buildings which form wings on either side of the 
principal fagade, nor the tasteful double portico which Fuga 
erected between them in 1743. From the summit of the old 
fagade, the mosaics shed their glory on the spectator ; these 
had been executed at the end of the XHIth century by Filippo 
Rusutti, to the order of Cardinals Giacomo and Pietro Colonna. 
The vestibule erected by Eugenius III. was still to be seen, as 
was the magnificent patriarchal palace, which adjoined the 
basilica. 2 Four ancient monasteries, among them that of St. 
Adalbert, formed a fitting environment for this, the most 
important of the churches dedicated to Our Lady in Rome. 
S. Croce also still had its old vestibule at that time, but this, as 
well as the interior, fell a victim to the reconstructions in the 
baroque style by Gregorini in I743- 3 

The many tombs and inscriptions which covered the w r alls 4 

1 FICHARD, 20, 60-61. The interior of the Lateran Basilica (not 
yet reconstructed) is shown by the fresco of Poussin in the church 
of S. Martino ai Monti. 

2 Cf. ADINOLFI, Roma, II., 213 seq. ; BIASIOTTI, La Basilica 
Esquilina di S. Maria Maggiore ed il Palazzo apud S.M.M., Roma, 
1911, 30 seq. 

3 Cf. HERMANIN, 34, seq. 

4 Cf. the large collection in Forcella, which is, however, some 
times not quite accurate, and the exceedingly able review of his 
work by GNOLI in the N. Antologia, Ser. 2, XXIV. (1880), 729 seq. 



INSCRIPTIONS AND EPITAPHS. 413 

and floor of this, as well as all the other churches of Rome, 
made a deep impression. The inscriptions told of the never 
ceasing care which the Popes of all centuries had devoted to 
the restoration and adornment of the churches of their seat of 
government with relics and indulgences. The epitaphs, which 
almost covered the floor, as is still the case to-day in S. Maria 
in Aracoeli and S. Onofrio, proclaimed the names and deeds of 
countless distinguished, celebrated, rich or learned men. 
What a wealth of memories they contain, from the touchingly 
simple tombstones of the earliest Christian days, to the mag 
nificent marble monuments of the Renaissance, with their 
elegant Latin inscriptions, partly pious and partly tinged with 
paganism ! A great part of Rome s history, her Popes, 
Cardinals, prelates, nobles, scholars, poets, humanists and 
artists was enshrined here. No part of her history, down to 
that dreadful year of war and pestilence, 1527, and to the 
restoring activity of Paul III., but had left its traces on these 
stones. All states, professions and ages were represented 
here ; deep piety, true love, bitter grief, as well as verbosity, 
offensive vain-glory, and not infrequently comic naivete all 
these found expression here. The numerous tombs of foreign 
ers bore witness to the eminently cosmopolitan character of 
Rome, the capital of the world. Representatives of all the 
provinces of Italy, as of all the different countries of Europe, 
especially of Spain and Germany, were to be found among 
them. 1 

See also REUMONT in the Arch. stor. Ital., Ser. 3, IX., i, 80 seq- 
As many of these gravestones stood up so much above the floor 
that walking became exceedingly difficult, Paul IV. ordered that 
they should be set lower, which order was repeated by Pius IV. and 
Gregory XIII. ; see GNOLI, Roma, 100. Concerning the tombs 
of Rome worthy of note from an artistic point of view, cf. GERALD 
S. DAVIES, Renaissance. The sculptured tombs of the I5th 
century, London, 1910. 

1 Examples in GNOLI in the N. Antologia, loc. cit., 732 seq. 
Unfortunately the beautiful tombs of the Renaissance which 
breathe a Christian spirit are not noticed here. Inscriptions of 
Paul III. which perpetuated privileges granted to the churches, in 



414 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

More than by all these memories and treasures of art, how 
ever, pious pilgrims were attracted by the graces which they 
could obtain in the Holy Places, and by the relics which were 
preserved there. The guide for pilgrims, in which the Mira- 
bilia Romce were set forth, described these in the most complete 
way. Before everything else came the Tomb of the Prince 
of the Apostles, St. Peter, the pilgrimage place of the whole 
world. It was the first spot to which the pilgrims flocked 
from every land. The pilgrimage to the seven principal 
churches, for which rich indulgences were granted, was under 
taken on a single day. 1 The pilgrim would begin with the 
church of St. Paul, which was situated far outside the gate 
of that name. Then came the church of St. Sebastian, on the 
Via Appia, which was reached by the Via delle Sette Chiese. 
The opportunity of visiting the neighbouring catacomb 2 was 
generally taken advantage of when there. Visits to the 
Lateran, S. Croce, S. Lorenzo fuori le mure, S. Maria Maggiore, 
and finally St. Peter s, were also necessary in order to gain the 
great indulgence. This pilgrimage, always difficult on account 
of the great distance between the churches, was rendered still 
more arduous by the bad condition of the roads. 3 

No pilgrim failed to be present at the great ceremonies, at 
which the Pope either celebrated himself, or at which he 
assisted. The Pope himself celebrated regularly at Christmas, 
Easter, and the feast of SS. Peter and Paul, unless prevented 
by illness. The splendour and magnificence of Catholic ritual 
was then displayed on the grandest scale, not only in St. 
Peter s, but also in all the other principal basilicas. An over- 

FORCELLA, I., 167 ; V., 252. Julius III. also granted similar 
marks of favour ; see Le cose meravigliose, 15, 26. C/. DE WAAL, 
Roma Sacra, Vienna, 1905, 445. 

1 Cf. Vol. VIII. of this work, p. 137. 

2 See ROT, Itin. Rom., 258 ; G. Fabricius, who visited Rome in 
1542 (see Allg. Deutsche Biographie, VI., 510 seq. and Bull. dTst. 
arch,. XIII., 262), mentions in his Roma (p. 214 and 219) among 
the catacombs accessible at that time, also those near S. Agnese 
and S. Pancrazio. 

3 See RODOCANACHI, Rome, 308. 



PAPAL CEREMONIES. 4 T 5 

whelming impression was made on all present when the Head 
of the Church pronounced, on Maundy Thursday and Easter 
Day, from the Loggia of the Benediction, close to St. Peter s, 
the solemn Blessing on the city and the world, " Urbi et Orbi." 
In the Jubilee year of 1550, more than 50,000 persons had 
flocked together to St. Peter s Square, while in 1554, the 
number amounted to 30,000. 1 

On the Feast of the Annunciation, it had been customary 
since the middle of the XVth century for the Pope to proceed 
in solemn procession, accompanied by the Cardinals, prelates, 
and nobles to S. Maria sopra Minerva, where, after High Mass, 
in accordance with a foundation of Cardinal Torquemada, 
poor maidens there were 150 of them in 1550 received their 
dowry. 2 Like their predecessors, Paul III. and Julius III. 
never failed to be present on the other great feasts of the 
Church, unless prevented by illness. Above all, they made 
a special point of never omitting to take part in the procession 
of Corpus Christi, and at the Requiem Mass on the anniversary 
of their predecessor s death, which, as w r ell as the Coronation 
Day festivities, took place in the Sixtine Chapel. They also 
took part in the ceremonies of Holy Week. 3 

The affecting solemnities of Holy Week began on Palm 
Sunday. The Pope, who generally said mass very early in his 
private chapel, 4 appeared at nine o clock in the Sixtine Chapel 
for High Mass, generally celebrated by one of the Cardinals. 
Then followed the Blessing of the Palms. The first palm was 

1 See MASSARELLI, 166 ; ROT, Itin., 252. 

2 See MASSARELLI, 162 ; Rot, Itin., 256. 

3 See for the following the *Diaries of the Masters of Ceremonies, 
Blasius de Martinellis, Johannes Franciscus Firmanus and Ludo- 
vicus Bondonus de Branchis Firmanus (Secret Archives of the 
Vatican, Arm. 12). Much of the information in MERKLE, II., 491 
seqq., is taken from L. Firmanus ; cf. MASSARELLI, 165 seq. ; ROT, 
Itin., 250 scq. 

4 As was the custom of Julius III. In the case of Paul III. the 
private mass is not mentioned either on this day or on Maundy 
Thursday ; a Cardinal celebrated praesente papa ; see I. FR. 
FIRMANI *Diaria, XII., 27. 



416 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

presented by the Dean of the Sacred College to the Pope, who 
then distributed palms to the Cardinals, ambassadors, Roman 
nobles, the Penitentiaries of St. Peter s, his famiglia, and such 
persons as had gained admission to the ceremony. On the 
Wednesday, three hours before the Ave, began the so-called 
Tenebrae. In St. Peter s, the Sudarium of St. Veronica was 
exposed on the morning of this day. 

On Maundy Thursday, the Pope said mass very early and 
gave communion to all the members of his court. At ten 
o clock the Capella Papale began in the Sixtine Chapel. After 
the High Mass, celebrated by a Cardinal, Julius III., accom 
panied by all the members of the Sacred College, and many 
bishops and prelates, bore the Blessed Sacrament to the 
Capella Paolina, 1 built by Paul III. Then followed the reading 
of the Bull In Coena Domini in Latin and Italian, by a Cardinal 
from the Loggia of the Benediction, and then the great Papal 
Blessing. Then, in the Hall of Consistory, came the " Man- 
datum " when the Pope personally washed the feet of twelve 
poor men. On the same day the Sudarium of St. Veronica 
was again exposed in St. Peter s. In all the churches of the 
city there was adoration of the Blessed Sacrament. A German 
who visited Rome in the spring of 1554, relates how great was 
the fervour displayed in the adoration of the Holy Eucharist, 
which was in happy contrast to the indifference and irreverence 
which had generally prevailed in the golden age of the Renais 
sance. On this day the " sepulchres " were made the central 
point of attraction for the faithful, and they were adorned in 
every possible way, with costly rugs, silver candlesticks, and 
with countless lights and many-coloured lamps. 2 This 
impetus to the veneration of the Holy Eucharist, which was 
also shown in other places at the period of the Catholic Refor 
mation, Rome owed to the Confraternity of the Blessed Sacra 
ment, which had been founded by Paul III., in 1539, at the 
instance of the Dominican, Tommaso Stella. 3 

1 Under Paul III. the Sacred Host was taken to the Capella 
Parva ; cf. MORONI, VIII., 294. 

2 Cf. ROT, I tin., 251.. 3 See TACCHI VENTURI, I., 194 seq.. 



HOLY WEEK. 417 

The solemn and unique ceremonies with which the Church 
commemorates the death of her Bridegroom, in so affecting a 
manner, began very early on Good Friday. On this day the 
Pope personally brought back the Blessed Sacrament from the 
Pauline Chapel to the Sixtine. The singing of the Passion, 
according to St. John, was followed by a sermon. Immediately 
afterwards, the intercessory prayers were sung, in which the 
necessities of all men are remembered. All present took part 
in the affecting Adoration of the Holy Cross. First of all the 
Pope approached the Cross, barefooted and divested of all the 
outer insignia of his high office, then the Cardinals, prelates 
and ambassadors. The Mass of the Presanctified was cele 
brated by a Cardinal. On Good Friday evening, the Brother 
hood of the Gonf alone had, since the XI Vth century, been in the 
habit of making a procession, carrying crosses, to the Colos 
seum. In the year of Jubilee, 1550, 1500 men took. part in this 
pious pilgrimage, of whom 335 bore large crosses. The 
Brotherhood of the Cross, of S. Marcello, also arranged a pro 
cession in this year, in which 1200 men took part, many of 
whom scourged themselves. They all visited the four principal 
churches prescribed for gaining the Jubilee Indulgence. 1 

On the morning of Holy Saturday a Cardinal officiated in 
the Sixtine Chapel in the presence of the Pope. At the Gloria, 
the music started, and the bells were again rung. 2 That was 
the signal for all the churches of Rome to announce the 
approaching Feast of the Resurrection. The unique impres 
sion caused by the wave-like rise and fall of the sound of the 
bells of every size and depth of tone led Rabelais to make his 
celebrated comparison of the Eternal City to a chiming island. 3 

At the celebration of High Mass in St. Peter s on Easter 
Sunday, the Pope distributed Holy Communion to all the 
Cardinals, the Canons of the Basilica, the Roman nobles, and 
whatever princes might be present, as, for example, in 1550, 
to the Dukes of Urbino and Ferrara. 4 

1 See MASSARELLI, 166. 

2 ROT, Itin., 252. 

3 Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, ,786. 

4 See MASSARELLI, 166 ; ROT, 252. 

VOL. xiii. 27 



418 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Not only strangers, but the Romans also, flocked in great 
numbers to the ecclesiastical ceremonies, while in Lent they 
assisted regularly at the so-called " Stations " in the different 
churches. During this time, the otherwise so silent Rione de 
Monti came to life, all classes hastening to the tombs of the 
martyrs. During the Renaissance period there were proceed 
ings of a very worldly character here. 1 A remarkable and 
salutary reaction against such unseemly proceedings in holy 
places was, however, making itself felt. It was the champions 
of the Catholic Reformation who, in this also, gave the incen 
tive to improvement. 

Long before the Council of Trent had impressed upon clergy 
and laity what was to be observed in the Holy Sacrifice of the 
Mass and what was to be avoided, those men, burning with the 
love of God, who had inscribed the reformation of ecclesiastical 
conditions on their banners, at the head of whom was Ignatius 
of Loyola, and, soon in keen emulation of him, the youthful 
Philip Neri, had devoted the whole of their powers to teaching 
all, by word and example, how to venerate in a fitting manner 
the House of God, a thing which had so much suffered in the 
time of the Renaissance. Whoever visited S. Dorotea in 
Trastevere, the seat of the Oratory of Divine Love, S. Maria 
della Strada, the church of the founder of the Jesuits, S. 
Girolamo della Carita or S. Salvatore in Campo, where Philip 
Neri lived and worked, or the little churches of the Theatines 
in the Campo Marzo or on the Pincio, or that of the Capuchins, 
S. Nicola de Portiis, on the Quirinal, could not but be deeply 
moved. Evil-living men of the Renaissance, who visited them 
out of curiosity, were not infrequently completely converted. 2 
Here were to be found priests who, in their lives, were repre 
sentatives of that reform that was so longed for and so often 

1 Cf. RODOCANACHI, Rome, 307 seq. A humanist in Rome had 
made a list of the stations in elegant verse ; see MARUCCHI, Basil, 
et eglises de Rome, Rome, 1909, 63 seq. 

2 See Le cose mervigliose di Roma (cf. infra, 422, n. 3), 21 ; CAPE- 
CELATRO, 175 seqq;, 178 seqq. and especially TACCHI VENTURI, I., 
1 86, seq. 



IMPRESSIVE CEREMONIAL. 419 

discussed. These little poorly-equipped houses of God were 
so eagerly sought after that they could no longer contain the 
multitude of the faithful who flocked there for the masses and 
sermons. There is still in existence a petition of the time of 
Julius III., begging the Pope to commission Ignatius of Loyola 
to build a larger church, as S. Maria della Strada was too small 
and inconvenient for the great numbers who wished to hear 
the word of God there, and to receive the sacrament of pen 
ance. 1 This was the first step towards the erection of the 
magnificent church of the Gesu, to which were afterwards added 
the great church of the Theatines at S. Andrea della Valle, and 
that of the Oratorians at S. Maria in Vallicella, which w r ere not 
only of great importance for the religious life of Rome, but 
were also a notable addition to the beauty of the city. 

For all the ceremonial of the Church which was conducted 
by the Pope in person, or in his presence, very strict regulations, 
going into the minutest details, had been fixed from time 
immemorial, and the exact carrying out of these was carefully 
watched over by the master of ceremonies. The pomp which 
was displayed on these solemn occasions by Paul III. and 
Julius III., found a fitting setting in the majestic music which 
accompanied them. A German who spent Holy Week and 
Easter in Rome in 1554, points out that, in this respect, most 
wonderful effects were obtained, both in the Lateran and at 
St. Peter s, where Palestrina was choirmaster. 2 

Not only the church festivals, but the churches themselves 
made a deep impression on all strangers. It is noteworthy 
that Fichard, despite all his enthusiasm for antiquity, names, 
as the principal objects of interest in the Eternal City, the 
Vatican, with the Library and the Belvedere, the Cancelleria, 
the Basilica of St. Peter, the Lateran, S. Paul fuori le Mura, 
S. Maria Maggiore, S. Maria sopra Minerva, S. Maria del 
Popolo, and the German national church, S. Maria dell 
Anima, with the beautiful tomb of Adrian VI. 3 

1 Cf. Studi e docum., XX. (1899), 345 seqq. 

2 See ROT, Itin., 250, 252, 261. 

3 FICHARD, Italia, 67. 



420 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Eight years after the visit of the Frankfort traveller, an 
unknown Florentine pilgrim to Rome wrote some notes con 
cerning the principal creations of Renaissance art which were 
then to be seen in the Eternal City. These remarks, 1 which 
are interesting from several points of view, begin with the 
Basilica of the Prince of the Apostles, and its reconstruction. 
The anonymous writer particularly praises, among the works 
of art in the basilica, the Pieta of Michael Angelo, which had 
been placed in the Oratory of St. Gregory after the demolition 
of the chapel of St. Petronilla. 2 Of the remaining monuments 
in St. Peter s, only the tombs of Sixtus IV. and Innocent 
VIII. are mentioned. The Stanze and the Loggie of Raphael, 
then still in all the fresh glory of their colouring, and the 
Sixtine Chapel, with its incomparable frescoes, he cites as the 
most remarkable objects of interest in the Vatican. He 
complains, with justice, of the destruction of Fra Angelico s 
Chapel of the Blessed Sacrament. Among the churches, he 
only mentions those which contained prominent examples of 
Renaissance ait. At S. Agostino, besides Raphael s Isaias, 
the Madonna del Parto, by Jacopo Sansovino, and the marble 
group, representing Our Lady, St. Anne, and the Divine Child 
by Andrea Sansovino, were regarded, even at that time, as 
objects of the greatest interest. The former stands to-day to 
the right of the entrance, and the latter on the left side, at the 
third column, under the Isaias. The Florentine praises the 
Sybils of Raphael, in S. Maria della Pace, as one of the most 
beautiful of that painter s works in Rome. He also mentions 
Baldassare Peruzzi s Presentation in the Temple, which was 
not then repainted to such an extent as it is to-day. Of the 
many splendid marble tombs in S. Maria del Popolo, he only 
speaks of the two largest and most beautiful : the monuments 
of Cardinals Girolamo Basso and Ascanio Maria Sforza, by 



1 Published and explained by FABRICZY in the Arch. Stor. Ital., 
Ser. 5, XII., 275 seq., 328 seq. 

2 Cf. MACKOWSKY, 366 seq. The Madonna della Febbre was not 
erected here in 1545, but as early as 1542 ; see FABRICIUS, Roma, 

248. 



WORKS OF ART. 421 

Andrea Sansovino. Very remarkably, he omits all mention 
of Pinturrichio s frescoes on the ceiling of the choir, or of the 
glass paintings of Claude and Guillaume Marcillat, and even 
of the wonderful Chigi chapel. On the other hand he tells us 
of the two pictuies by Raphael : the Madonna di Loreto, which 
afterwards disappeared, and the celebrated portrait of Julius 
II., which now adorns the Uffizi ; both of these were at that 
time, hung on the pillars of the church on solemn occasions. 
In S. Maria in Aracoeli, he admired Raphael s Madonna di 
Foligno, and in the church of the Dominicans, S. Maria sopra 
Minerva, he makes mention of Filippo Lippi s frescoes in the 
Carafa chapel, and Michael Angelo s statue of Christ, as the 
principal works of art there. The tombs of Leo X. and 
Clement VII. are mentioned, but, as may easily be understood, 
not praised. Of the Moses of Michael Angelo in S. Pietro in 
Vincoli the Florentine says that it appears to him to be a 
" divine " work. He also makes mention of the tombs of 
Pietro and Antonio Pollajuolo in the same church. The statue 
of St. James, by Jacopo Sansovino was at that time in the 
Spanish national church of S. Giacomo, and is now in S. Maria 
in Monserrato. 

Among the works of art in the city on the other side of the 
Tiber, the Florentine extols the fresco decoration of the 
Farnesina and the incomparable Tempietto of Bramante in S. 
Pietro in Montorio. In this church, Raphael s Transfiguration 
still adorned the high altar at that time. He was also still 
able to admire in the same church, besides Sebastiano del 
Piombo s fresco, the Scourging at the Pillar, which is still pre 
served, the adjoining picture of St. Francis by Michael Angelo, 
which afterwards disappeared. 

Just as the Florentine traveller only cites works of the 
Renaissance, so does Ulisse Aldrovandi confine himself almost 
exclusively to the works of antiquity in his account, drawn up 
in 1550. Of the modern works of sculpture, he mentions only 
a few, principally some works of Michael Angelo, to whose 
Moses he believes he is giving the highest possible praise when 
he says that it could take its place by the side of any ancient 



422 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

work of art. 1 One looks in vain for the name of. any other 
modern master in Aldrovandi s list. How little he values 
them in comparison with the sculptors of antiquity is evident 
from such remarks as : "A Mercury with a lyre, a beautiful 
statue, but modern." " A female figure, with bare breast, 
but a modern work." One learns even less from the descrip 
tions of the Bolognese scholar concerning Rome s wealth of 
paintings, or of the many costly treasures which the palaces 
of the nobles, and, above all, of the Cardinals, contained. 2 

How much the interest of most people was captivated by the 
works of antiquity, is apparent in the guide-books of the time, 
where most of the space is invariably devoted to these, the 
details concerning mediaeval objects of interest being mostly 
confined to lists of the relics and indulgences of the different 
churches. In one such guide-book of the year I563, 3 an 
estimate of the time necessary for a visit to the principal 
objects of interest in Rome is given, which is very character 
istic. The arrangement for a three days visit is for a stranger 
who starts very early, and has a horse at his disposal. The 
Borgo is taken as a starting point for the first day, after which 
the Trastevere, the island in the Tiber, Monte Testaccio, S. 
Paolo fuori le Mura, S. Gregorio, the Baths of Caracalla, 
S. Stefano Rotondo, and the Lateran are to be visited. A 
tour is suggested for the second day which makes still greater 
demands on the traveller with a thirst for knowledge : from 
the Mausoleum of Augustus to S. Maria del Popolo, the Trinita 
de Monti, Monte Cavallo with the celebrated vignas of Car 
dinals Carpi and Este, then S. Agnese outside the walls, the 
Baths of Diocletian, S. Pudenziana, S. Maria Maggiore, the 
Sette Sale, the Colosseum, the Palatine, the Forum, the 
Capitol, the Theatre of Marcellus, the Portico of Octavia, and 
finally the Capodiferro and Farnese palaces. The tour on the 

1 ALDROVANDI, 2QI. 

2 Cf. BURCKHARDT, Beitrage, 557 seq. 

3 Le cose meravigliose dell alma cittd di Roma, Roma, 1563 (a copy 
of this now very rare treatise in the Bibl. Vittorio Emanuele, 
Rome). CICOGNARA mentions a Venetian edition of 1544, Cata- 
logo, etc., II., Pisa 1821, 184. 



PRIVATE COLLECTIONS. 423 

third day was to begin at the Piazza Colonna ; besides a visit 
to the Column of Trajan, the church of the Minerva and the 
Pantheon, the guide-book recommended a visit to one of the 
valuable private collections of ancient and modern pictures, 
namely the house of Mgr. Girolamo Garimberti, Bishop of 
Gallese, on Monte Citorio. The mid-day meal was to be taken 
at one of the osterie in the Piazza Navona, near the Pasquino. 
For the afternoon a visit to the Villa Giulia was recommended. 1 

" In the houses of several Cardinals and many private 
persons," continues the same guide, " there are still many 
beautiful things to be seen, which I do not name, because they 
are continually being changed, and I do not wish needlessly to 
trouble the traveller." This change was always in the direction 
of centralization of the ancient works of art. At the beginning 
of the Cinquecento there were still many small collections, 
which gradually disappeared. Already in the fourth decade 
of the century, the larger collections of the Belvedere, the 
Capitol, the Cesi, Medici and Valle, surpassed the smaller ones 
in value, whereas formerly, it appears, the really valuable 
pieces were fairly evenly distributed. At the time of Aldro- 
vandi, the moderate sized collections, containing several really 
fine works, such as were still to be found in the houses of the 
Sassi, Maffei and others when Heemskerck was in Rome, had 
already lost their importance. 2 Admission to several of these 
depended upon the influence which the traveller could com 
mand. 

The numerous and excellently arranged charitable institu 
tions, which were at once a great object of interest and a 
special feature of Rome, were highly praised by all foreigners. 3 
The chief centre of Christianity had, from time immemorial, 
given a living proof of the fructifying energy of the Catholic 
faith in her works of charity. As had been the case in the 
Middle Ages, so now the Popes, Cardinals, prelates and laity 

1 Le cose meravigliose, 48 seqq. For Garimberti, see HUBNER 
I., 100. 

2 See HUBNER, I., 74. 

3 See above all FABRICIUS, Roma, 215 seq., 232, 261. 



4^4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of all conditions in the time of the Renaissance were filled with 
a noble zeal to minister to the needs of the sick, the miserable 
and the poor. From the point of view of age and comprehen 
siveness, the hospital of Santo Spirito, which had been re 
organized by Sixtus IV., took the first place among the 
charitable institutions. The hospital of S. Salvatore near the 
Lateran, and that of S. Giacomo in Augusta, which had been 
endowed by the Cardinals of the House of Colonna, also 
enjoyed a great reputation. These, as well as the hospitals 
attached to S. Maria della Consolazione, S. Antonio and S. 
Rocco, which the Popes encouraged in every way, by pecuniary 
support and privileges, were distributed throughout the city 
in such a way that the needs of the different quarters were 
well provided for. 1 

The national hospices represented a special form of benevo 
lent institution which had been founded by the very numerous 
foreigners resident in Rome, for the benefit of their fellow- 
countrymen. In these the Catholic character of Rome as 
the centre of the Universal Church, found a very characteristic 
expression. The Germans boasted of the largest number of 
such institutions in comparison to their number, the first place 
among these having been taken, since the XlVth century, by 
the Anima and Campo Santo. To these were added smaller 
houses for the Flemish and Walloons, the Bohemians and 
Hungarians. The Spanish, next to the Germans the nation 
most largely represented in Rome, had, close to S. Giacomo 
in the Piazza Navona, and S. Maria in Monserrato, houses for 
the lodging and nursing of their poor and sick pilgrims. In a 
like manner, the Portuguese, French, English, Scotch, Irish, 
Poles, Hungarians, Swedes, Dalmatians, and South Slavs, as 
well as the Lombards, Genoese, Florentines, Sienese and 
Bergamaschi had their own churches and national hospices, 

1 See Vol. V. of this work, p. 63, and the special literature 
mentioned there. The celebrated surgeon Gisbert Horst from 
Amsterdam practised in the hospital of S. Maria della Consolazione 
( I 543- J 564) ; see PERICOIJ, S. Maria della Consolazione, Imola, 
1879, 98. 



CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 425 

and, in most cases, confraternities in connection with them. 1 
Several of these institutions were destroyed by the falling 
away from the faith of so many peoples, but, in spite of this, 
the Eternal City preserved, even at that critical time, her old 
pre-eminence in generous hearted love of her neighbour. In 
closest union with the silently increasing movement in the 
direction of Catholic Reformation, Christian charity produced 
in Rome, as in other cities of Italy, the most glorious fruits. 
After the members of the Oratory of Divine Love had endowed 
a department of their own for incurables in the old hospital 
of S. Giacomo in Augusta, Cardinal Giulio de Medici, who 
became Pope Clement VII., founded, in the year 1519, the 
Confraternita delia Carita for the assistance of the poor who 
were ashamed to ask for charity, for the consolation of prisoners 
and for the burial of the indigent. It was also Cardinal de 
Medici who prevailed on Leo X. to sanction the convent for 
Magdalens in the Corso, which had been founded by the mem 
bers of the Oratory of Divine Love. The orphanage near S. 
Maria in Aquiro owed its origin to another Roman prelate. 

A great number of institutes arose under Paul III. and were 
protected by him, by means of which the ingenious charity 
of benevolent and holy men sought to combat the material 
and moral evils of the time. The Minorite, Giovanni da 
Calvi, the merchant Crivelli, and Cardinal Quinones laid the 
foundations of the Monte di Pieta at this time. A self-sacrific 
ing son of Spain, Ferrante Ruiz, in conjunction with two 
nobles of Navarre, founded an establishment for the insane, 

1 Cf. Vol. I. of this work, pp. 248-255, and for the Anima the 
splendid monograph of SCHMIDLIN (Freiburg 1906), which is 
founded on a thorough research among archives. The hospital of 
the Poles was near S. Stefano alia Chiavica, that of the Sienese 
near S. Caterina da Siena in the Via Giulia (see Le cose meravi- 
gliose, 25-26). The Bergamaschi received the church of S. Maria 
della Pieta (see SIMONETTI, Vie, 32 ; ibid., 49 for the church and 
hospital of the Genoese). Concerning the great number of 
foreigners in Rome, see RODOCANACHI, Rome, 243 seqq. ; ibid. 
(p. 225 seq.) regarding the disappearance of the old higher nobility 
and the preponderance of the " mezzo ceto " in Rome. 



426 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the care of whom had been up till now, almost neglected. A 
house of refuge for converted female sinners near S. Marta, 
the hospice for poor girls in peril, near S. Caterina de Funari, 
the institute for converts near S. Giovanni del Mercatello at 
the foot of the Capitol, and a society to assist the poor who 
were ashamed to beg, all these owed their origin to the zeal of 
another Spaniard, Ignatius of Loyola. Philip Neri founded 
in the time of Julius III. the Compagnia della Trinita for the 
assistance of needy pilgrims, which had Christ alone as its 
protector. There were also various other institutions for poor 
girls. 

In yet another manner did the impetus in Catholic life make 
itself felt in the field of charity. The charitable institutions 
were better directed, and more care was devoted to the 
spiritual needs of the sick and incurable. In this also it was 
the example given by Ignatius, and later by Philip Neri, which 
was so helpful in recalling to the minds of the clergy and laity 
the words of Our Lord : " As long as you did it to one of these 
my least brethren, you did it to me." 1 

1 See TACCHI VENTURI, I., 355 seqq., 365, 381 seq. ; cf. also Vol. 
X. of this work, p. 476 seq. The services of F. Ruiz were commemo 
rated in 1573 in the Chapel of the Madonna della Pieta in the 
Piazza Colonna by the following inscription : D.O.M. Ferdinando 
Ruitio Hispalensi praesbytero integerrimo quod religionis ergo 
hospitalem hanc domum pauperibus exteris ac mente captis 
primus erigendam curaverit, quod eandem annuo censu de suo 
dotaverit, quod ibidem pietatis studio diem suum obire voluerit 
sodales et curatores domus viro optime merito pos. pro eius eterna 
salute quotidianas Deo preces sacrumq. anniversarium ad XIII. 
Kal. April, supremo eius die instituere M.D. LXXIII. When 
Benedict XIII. removed the lunatic asylum in 1728 to the Lungara, 
this inscription was placed in the entrance hall of the chapel of S. 
Maria della Pieta there (see FORCELLA, XII., 387 seqq.] ; at the 
demolition of the asylum in 1911 it disappeared. In the church of 
S. Caterina de Funari, which is very difficult of access, the chapel 
endowed by F. Ruiz, and richly adorned with coloured marbles and 
paintings is, however, stilt in existence ; it is the first on the left 
hand side. See NIBBY, Roma nel 1838, Parte prima moderna, 
Roma, 1839, 149. 



" THE HOLY CITY/ 1 427 

As in all other things, so in the field of charity preparations 
were being made for the glorious epoch of Catholic reformation 
and restoration, in which gentle saints and mighty Popes were 
indef atigably engaged in the relief of the spiritual and corporal 
needs of their fellow men. While this remarkable epoch 
brought about a complete change in spiritual life, so did the 
" Roma Aeterna," which had received a very worldly impress 
in the days of the Renaissance, undergo a similar metamor 
phosis, and that not in her outward appearance alone. With 
her great and glorious churches, charitable institutions, great 
monasteries, and seminaries for priests of all the different 
nations, she again became, through the increase of the religious 
sense among her inhabitants, that for which Providence had 
designed her, as the seat of the successors of St. Peter, the Holy 
City, which embodied, in the most glorious manner, the 
Christian ideal. 



APPENDIX 

OF 



. 

UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS 



AND 

EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES. 



APPENDIX. 



PRELIMINARY NOTICE. 

THE documents brought together here are only intended to 
serve as a confirmation and completion of my book, as it is not 
my purpose to make a special collection of original records. 
The source of each is given as exactly as possible but explan 
atory remarks are, for reasons of space, as brief as possible. 
As far as the text itself is concerned, I have, as a rule, retained 
the original script, changes made with respect to capitals and 
punctuation require no explanation. Where emendation has 
been attempted, it need only be mentioned that trifling errors 
and obvious slips of the pen have been put right without special 
remark. Additions are indicated by square brackets, doubtful 
or obscure passages are followed by a note of interrogation or 
" sic." Such passages as I did not consider essential or useful 
for my purpose have been omitted ; these are indicated by 

dots ( ). 

Professor Dr. Pogatscher and the Rev. Dr. Bruder have 
rendered me such valuable assistance in the correction of these 
documents as well as in other parts of these volumes, and Prof. 
Dr. J. Schmidlin such aid in the collection of the matter, that I 
must take this opportunity of again tendering my most grateful 
thanks to these scholars. 

i. ENDIMIO CALANDRA TO HIS BROTHER SABiNO. 1 

1550, Febniar 8, Roma. 

... S ha posto S. S^ il nome di Giulio et mostra di volere 
essere magnanimo, grato et cortese, ma come s e fatto inspera- 
tamente et appunto, come vi scrissi, che subito che e stato 

1 See supra, p. 43. 

431 



432 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

proposto da Frances! Farnese vi e callato come in creatura sua 
non havendo riguardo a promesse fatte ne a fede data, non 
s e visto ancora molta allegria nelli animi delle persone, se non 
che sia fatto il Papa che qui a starene senza tanto tempo 
pareva cosa molto strana, et per quello che se ne spera per li 
saggi che ha dati di se qui et in altro luogo quando ha governato, 
si tien per certo chel suo habbia ad essere un buon papato . . . 
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

2. PIRRO OLIVO TO SABINO CALANDRA.* 

1550, Februar 12, Roma. 

.... Pensi V. S. che dopo tante gratie fatte el belle parole 
S. S ta disse che si riputava gran gratia chel cardinale nostro 
le addimandasse qualche gran cosa. In somma e troppo, et il 
cardinale con tutta la corte ne sta con allegrezza infinita. 
Tutta la citta poi ne mostra contento infinite, perche gia 1 ha 
sgravata di molte gravezze impostele da Papa Paulo. Ha 
ordinato che le spoglie che per morte di cardinal! andavano 
alia sede apostolica siano de qui innanzi degli heredi o s hab- 
bino a dividere fra i servitori di quel cardinale, secondo la 
mente sua. Dona ad ogniuno et ad ogniuno fa gratia, onde 
voglio che speriamo di lui quel bene et servigio di Dio che ci 
promette cosi generoso animo. Egli e persona allegra, populare, 
ha gia dato ordine a certi commissari] deputati sopra delle 
vettovaglie che faccino che la citta sia abundevole et che le 
cose si paghino a mercato conveniente . . . 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

3. PIRRO OLIVO TO SABINO CALANDRA. 2 

1550, Februar 15, Roma 

. . . Giovedi volse che si desse principio alle maschere et 
domani ha ordinato che si corrano i palii. Egli e poi allegro 
et burla volentieri colli suoi, come fece 1 altra sera che man- 
giando del cardo disse al suo copier : Habbiam noi bevuto da 
che mangiamo il cardo ? Al quale rispose il copiere, che non 
voleva che S. S tA/ disordinasse : Padre santo, si, et egli trovan- 
dosi in piedi colle mani alle cintura rispose : Padre santo, no. 
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

1 See supra, p. 52. For P. Olivo cf. SIOKEL, Romische Berichte, in the 
Sitzungsberichten der Wiener Akademiel CXXXII1., 114. 
* See supra, p. 53. 



APPENDIX. 433 

4. BENEDETTO BUONANNI TO COSIMO I., DUKE OF TUSCANY. l 

1550, Februar 23, Roma. 

... II sig. Baldovino andera presto a starsene in palazzo in 
Torre Borgia et per quanto s intende non ha animo S. B ne 
di fare cardinal lui, ma quel prepostino, 2 suo allievo, per il 
quale si mandera in breve. All ambasciator mio 3 disse S. 
S u che disegnava di dargli il suo cappello et qui si vedra quel 
che sa fare la fortuna quando ella toglie a sollevare un homo. 
Credo che simil resolutione oscurera assai molte buone opere di 

5. S tA nella qual credo che habbino a vedersi molte volte 
alcune cose da basso animo, come fu quella notte di carnovale 
quando volse che a tavola sua mangiaseno il s or Baldovino, 
T arcivescovo Sipontino, 4 il vescovo di Vasona 5 et il suo medico 
da Barga ; 6 la qual cosa fu molto considerata et dette assai 
che dire . . . 

[Orig. State Archives, Florence.] 

5. POPE JULIUS III. TO CARDINAL MARCELLO CERVINL 

1550, Februar 24, Roma 

Dilecto filio nostro Marcello tituli sanctae Crucis in Hieru- 
salem presbitero cardinali. [Dijlecte fili noster, salutem. 
Accepimus quod alias felicis recordationis Paulus papa III 
immediatus predecessor noster, defuncto bonae memoriae 
Augustino episcopo Chisamensi 8 bibliothecario bibliothecae 
nostrae palatinae, ne dicta bibliotheca detrimentum pateretur, 
de tua multiplici doctrina ac singulari erga rem litterariam 
studio et amore confisus, eiusdem bibliothecae protectionem 
et curam circumspectioni tuae forsan vivae vocis oraculo 
demandavit, ita quod eiusdem bibliothecae custodes ac in ea 
scriptores et operarios quoslibet ad libitum tuum connrmare 
aut amovere et toties quoties opus foret alios deputare et de 
[sajlario bibliothecario pro tempore debito quomodolibet 
disponere aliaque facere et exequi posses, quae ad ipsius 
bibliothecae conservationem et augmentum pertinere judi- 
cares. Ut autem hoc honestum et laudabile negocium, quod 
nobis valde cordi est, eo libentius et animosius peragere valeas, 

i See supra, pp. 49, 70, 71. * Innocen/o del Monte. 

A. Semstori. < g. Pichini 5 T 

See supra, p. 142, n. 3, Concerning the physicians. 
fce supra, p. 327. " Ag. Steuco. 

VOL. XIII. 



434 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

quo nostra quoque fueris in hoc auctoritate munitus, com- 
missionis dicti Pauli predecessoris vigore per te hactenus gesta 
confirmantes ac rata habentes, protectionem et curam huius- 
modi tibi quoad vixeris ita, quod omnia et singula supradicta 
libere agere et exequi possis, auctoritate apostolica tenore 
presentium demandamus, mandantes custodibus, script oribus 
ac operaiis predictis ut tibi non secus ac nobis obediant et ad 
quos spectat ut de dicto salario ad libitum tuum disponant, 
contrariis non obstantibus quibuscunque. 
Datum Romae 24 februarii 1550 anno primo. 

Blosius. 

[Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 55, n. 62. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 

6. AVERARDO SERRISTORI TO COSTMO I., DUKE OF TUSCANY. x 

1550, Februar 26, Roma. 

. . . E disse ai Conservatori di Roma che voleva attendere 
S. B ne per il benefitio di questa citta alle cose della iustitia et 
della abondantia. Circa quel che toccava alia iustitia disse, 
che pensava et d intenderla et di sapere farla eseguire senza 
ch alcuno potesse sperare d haverle a dare a intendere una 
cosa per un altra et che sperava in Dio che detta iustitia 
sarebbe si bene et si indifferentemente usata in questa corte, 
che i buoni havessero a starne interamente contenti. Circa 
la abondantia disse, che haveva bisogno d aiuto et in questo 
caso commesse a detti Conservatori che vedessero che i 
frumenti et biade non fussero tenute nascoste per le fosse et 
granai da chi n haveva in quantita per aspettare di venderle 
care, ma che al prezzo honesto si mettessero per le piazze 
solite, perche a questo modo si provederebbe per adesso a un 
honesto vivere, et se no 1 facevono giuro loro, che non sola- 
mente tornerebbe la gravezza della macina, ma ne metterebbe 
loro dell altre. 

[Grig. State Archives, Florence.] 

7. CONSISTORY OF MARCH IOTH, 1550. 2 

. . . [lulius III] habuit orationem, qua egit gratias rev. d. 
cardinalibus de assumptione sua ad summum pontificatum 

1 See supra, p. 54. * See supra, pp. 57, 158. 



APPENDIX. 435 

suumque prosequendi concilii desiderium ostendit manda- 
vitque rev. d. decano, Tusculano, Crescentio, Sfondrato, Cibo 
et Polo, ut de curiae Romanae reformatione in curia presertim 
datariatus curam susciperent. 

[Acta consist. Camer. VIII. Consistorial Archives of the 
Vatican.] 

8. AVERARDO SERRISTORI TO COSIMO I., DUKE OF TUSCANY. 1 

1550, March 10, Roma. 

. . . Entro di poi S. S ta a dire che havendo pensato piu 
volte, d onde potesse nascere ch el clero fusse cosi odioso nel 
conspetto dei principi temporali, s era resoluta a credere che 
procedesse solo dalla avaritia, che nei capi s era mostra [ta] 
in questa corte, dalle non buone provision! che si facevono nel 
conferire i beneficii, et dal troppo luxo di detto clero nel 
vestirsi, et che havendo animo di rimediarvi s era resoluta 
circa la cosa dell avaritia di far reformare il datariato et a tale 
effetto elesse i r mi Trani, Theatino, Sfondrato, Crescentio, 
Inghilterra et Cibo perche riducessero le cose di detto offitio a 
quel che loro S. B ne giudicavono convenire et che S. S u farebbe 
osservare inviolabilmente quel che da loro fusse resolute et 
stabilito. Circa le provision! dei benencii che vacassero, disse 
che non tenessero S. S 1 ^ di natura cosi facile ch ella havesse 
havuta a indursi ai preghi di quel r mi che gle li havevano 
domandati dai indulti sopra questa chiesa et quella et ch ella 
vi s era mossa per un fine solo, ch era d alleggerirsi di tanto 
peso per havere piu compagni in dette provisioni a fin che si 
potesse piu oportunamente provedere ai beneficii che vacassero 
di persone che fussero apte a tenere le chiese et reggerle. Circa 
il luxo disse che presto ref ormerebbe la casa sua et che dal suo 
esemplo confoitava ciascuno a seguirla in se nei suoi creati e 
servitori. Satisfece sommamente S. S ta< in tutto quel ch ella 
disse et ogni di va avanzando 1 aspettatione che s havena delle 
buone opere sue . . . 

[Orig. State Archives, Florence.] 

9. BENEDETTO BUONANNI TO COSIMO I., DUKE OF TUSCANY. 2 

1550, August 2, Roma. 

. . . S. S u disse hier mattina che col collegio de cardinali 
bisognava far come con un monasterio che non si potesse 

1 See supra, pp. 57, 158. * See supra, p. 159. 



436 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

reformare per diligentia che vi s usasse et che all ultimo fusse 
forzato il vescovo di luogo a commetter che non si potesse 
metier alcuna monaca in detto monasterio per lassar consumar 
et morir quelle che v erano et che cosi poteva farsi con decto 
collegio per lassare spegnere il superfluo che v era . . . 
[Orig. State Archives, Florence.] 

10. JUDGMENT OF CARDINAL MARCELLO CERVINI AS 
INQUISITOR. 1 

1551, Januar 29, Roma. 

Nos Marcellus divina providentia cardinalis s tao romanae 
ecclesiae tituli s ta Crucis, unus ex inquisitoribus generalibus 
universi orbis a s ta Sede Apostolica delegatis gratiam et 
salutem in Christo Ihesu Deo ac Domino nostro. Cum summi 
Dei legumque omnium iuscitiae sanctiores peccatores vel 
nequissimos sincere et ex intimo corde humiliates mira de 
mentia complectantur et pro gemitibus et lacrimis culpas 
enormes condonent et, permutatis poenis gravioribus in levi- 
ores, eosdem uti filios emendent, Nos ab hac lege non dis- 
cedentes, perspecta quantum nobis constat in exteriori homine 
humilitate ac resipiscentia Annibalis Montarentii Bononiensis 
iuris utriusque doctoris ab haeresibus, quibus fuerat implicitus, 
cognita insuper obedientia ad subeundas poenas illi decretas 
ex iure in sententia contra eundem lata per nos et coniudices 
nostros ill mos et rev mos inquisitores generales, authoritate nostra 
et eorundem ill rum et rev rum dominorum inquisitorum etc., iudi- 
cavimus preces humillimas dicti Annibalis exaudiendas et 
misericorditer sublevandas ac permutandas in parte poenas 
eidem ut supra impositas, sperantes te Annibalem hie praesen- 
tem hac dementia magis ac magis Deo, ecclesiae et ministris 
eiusdem fore devinciendum, in detestationem malignantium 
haereticorum et in salutem animae tuae. 

Imprimis igitur bona tua, a quibus ex iure excideras, paterno 
animo tibi condonamus ex gratia, volentes ea omnia in tua esse 
facultate, ac si nunquam ab eis ob haereses decidisses, con- 
cedentes et volentes insuper quod possis assequi et adire 
quascunque haereditates quovis iure obvenientes ; et pro 
huiusmodi gratia condemnamus te ad numerandum et solven- 
dum libras quinquaginta bolonenorum monetae Bononiensis 

1 See supra, p. 217. 



APPENDIX. 437 

rectoribus societatis pauperum verecundorum Bononiensium, 
et tenearis hoc fecisse infra terminum praesentis anni, et cum 
persolveris tantum pecuniae, debeas habere a rectoribus prae- 
dictis attestationem in scriptis, quam consignes domino 
inquisitori Bononiensi pro tempore etc. 

Item sententias per te quomodocunque latas vel instrumenta 
per te facta, cum ultra annum implicitus esses haeresibus, 
firma et rata volumus, facimus et decernimus. 

Item abolemus infamiam, quam incurristi ex decretis canoni- 
cis ob graves haereses, quibus per aliquot annos adhaeseras, 
restituentes tibi insuper ex misericordia gradum doctoratus et 
facultatem ad officia publica consequenda, non autem ad 
beneficia ecclesiastica. 

Volentes tamen, ne videamur dissimulare tarn grave scelus 
haeresis, quod loco istarum poenarum tenearis toto tempore 
vitae tuae ieiunare singulis feriis sextis dieque eadem dicere 
septem psalmos poenitentiales et largiri elemosinam pauperi 
ut tibi suggesserit Spiritus Sanctus. Itidem volumus et 
imponimus quod serves feria quarta de ieiunio, psalmis et 
elemosina per annum continuum. 

Item quod tenearis perpetuis temporibus ter in anno con- 
fiteri peccata tua sacerdoti et devotius sumere sanctissimum 
Eucharistiae sacramentum. 

Item loco perpetui carceris, in quo eras immurandus, ex 
dementia tibi decernimus civitatem Genuae, quam nequeas 
egredi nisi de licentia inquisitoris Genuensis ; cum vero e 
Genua discesseris, civitas Bononiensis erit tibi career per- 
petuus ; quern non exibis nisi ex licentia inquisitoris Bononi 
ensis. 

Item volumus et imponimus tibi quod ter in mense te 
praesentes inquisitori Genuensi vel Bononiensi, si Bononiae 
fueris, ut cognoscat an in veritate ambules etc. Volentes quod 
tenearis ad huiusmodi commutationes et impositiones poeni- 
tentiae sub poenis et censuris in tua abiuratione positis etc. ; 
reservantes insuper officio npstro authoritatem remittendi, 
reducendi, commutandi, mitigandi poenas ut supra per nos 
commutatas et impositas omni meliori modo etc. 

[Cod. Vat. 6429, 3839, Vatican Library.] 



43$ HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

11. AVERARDO SERRISTORI TO COSIMO I., DUKE OF TUSCANY. 1 

1551, Jamiar. 31, Rom. 

. . . Le stanze erono parate di panni bellissimi et finissimi 
et a capo della tavola fu messo un candelliere d argento sopra 
una banchetta piccola ch era in terra, si vago et fatto con si 
mirabile arte, che ciascuno haveva che dime. Dicono che 
1 ha fatto uno da Venetia che lavora in Pesaro, et che della 
manifattura sola domanda mille scudi. La torcia che stava 
sopra detto candelliere, alto a mio credere circa 3 braccia, 
usciva d una canna d argento finta a modo di torcia, ma non 
mostrava detta torcia altro di se che il lume, et per via d un 
contrapeso s andava sempre tanto alzando in quella canna 
d argento la torcia quanto ella s andava consumando. Data 
che lu 1 acqua alle mani fu messo al pie della tavola un pesce 
d argento, che per via di contrapesi ando caminando sino al 
capo d essa movendo capo et coda nel medesimo modo che 
quando un pesce vero e nelT acqua. Come fu giunto in testa 
di detta tavola, dette uno sguizzo in aere, et aprendosi sopra 
la schena comincio a tornare indietro, et in luogo delle lische 
erono stecchi, dei quali ciascuno ando pigliando secondo che 
arrivava inanzi a altrui. Sopra le porte principali della casa 
ch erono due, furono messe due tele grandi con 1 arme del 
Chr mo et con una inscriptione a pie, che diceva Henricco II 
F rancorum Regi ob Bononiam receptam ac Galliae et Scotiae 
Regnum terra marique feliciter pacatum. Si fecero inanzi al 
banchetto grandissimi fuochi, et doppo, diverse sorti di musiche 
divinissime. . . . 

[Orig. State Archives, Florence.] 

12. IPPOLITO CAPILUPI TO THE DUCHESS OF MANTUA. 2 

1551, Februar 3, Rom. 

At the Pranzo in the Belvedere " S. S** and6 con tutta la 
compagnia de cardinal! che erano 24 alia commedia, dove sono 
stato anch io : il luogo dove stanno li spettatori non e capace 
piu di dugento persone, ne ve ne capiscono ancho tante, perche 
la persona di S. S u et de r mi occupano la maggior parte, la 
scena e piccola similmente a proportione del luogo, ma bella e 

1 See supra, p. 63. * See supra, p. 65. 



APPENDIX. 439 

vaga da vedere : la commedia e stata 1 Aulularia di Plauto 
latino, ben vestita et recitata da fanciulli con intermezzi di 
buone musiche et di certi Norcini che hanno fatto ridere assai, 
et e sodisfatta generalmente a tutti." 

[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

13. IPPOLITO CAPILUPI TO THE DUCHESS OF MANTUA. 1 

1551, Februar 14, Rom. 

Festival of the Carnival. La domenica passata, che fu il di 
della creatione di S. S u essa secondo il costume invitfc tutti i 
rev mi a disenare con seco et dopo pranzo li condusse insieme 
con gli ambasciatori di Francia, Portogallo et Vinezia et altri 
in Belvedere a veder recitare una commedia composta da m. 
Alessandro Martio Senese et servitor del rev mo S. Giorgio, la 
quale per quel che ognuno riferisce riusci molto inepta et poco 
honesta et nelli atti et nelle parole, et poco manco che non f usse 
sibilata con tutto che vi fosse la presentia di S. S t?l et li spec- 
tatori fussero pochi per la incapacita del luogo et persone 
honorate, et S. S t& fastidita dall ineptie di detta commedia si 
adorment6 et dormi buona pezza et alia fine della commedia 
disse che [chi] 1 havea composta meritava iscusatione perche 
era Sienese. . . . Here follows a report concerning further 
festivities, bull-fights on St. Peter s Square, etc. 
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.] 

14. POPE JULIUS III. TO PAULUS Jovius. 2 

1551, August 15, Rom. 

Julius pp. III. 

Venerabilis f rater, salutem etc. Librum, quo illustrium 
virorum 3 imagines 4 pro ingenio et eloquentia tua 5 varie et 
copiose ornasti, a te nobis nuper missum, valde libenter 
accepimus ; nee minus libenter cognoscendis illorum moribus 
et actis, praesertim tarn erudite, a te explicatis, aliquid non- 
nunquam succesivi temporis non mediocri cum voluptate im- 

See supra, p. 65. See supra, p. 329. Corrected from ducum. 

4 Cf. FUETER, 51 f 55. 

6 Corrected from inferno elequentiae tuae elegantia. 



44 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

pertiemus. Interea (vero) 1 maioris historiae tuae partem 
alteram, quam te nobis scripsisti ita iam comparatam habere 
ut in lucem (hominum) 1 prodire possit, cum aliquo etiam 
desiderio nostro expectabimus. (Speramus scilicet per labores 
et vigilias tuas res gestas aetatis nostrae ad posteritatis 
memoriam quam diutissime propagatum iri, et ad celebritatem 
eius nominis, quod iampridem in multiplici literarum laude 
consecutus es, praeclarum cumulum accessurum.) 1 Quod 
vero, si per pedum aegritudinem tibi licitum fuerit, te ad 
nos accessurum polliceris, id si divino adiuvante numine 
evenerit, nos quidem te, quern doctrinae et urbanitatis 2 causa 
semper plurimum dileximus, libentissime videbimus, atque 
omni, quam res et tempus feret, benevoli ac propensi animi 
significatione prosequemur. 

Datum etc. Romae apud sanctum Petrum etc. die XV augusti 
1551, anno 2. Rom[ulus Amasaeus]. 

[Min. brev. Arm. 41, t. 61, n. 693. Secret Archives of the 
Vatican.] 

15. POPE JULI