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HISTORY OF THE POPES
VOL. XX.
PASTOR S HISTORY OF THE POPES
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from
the German of LUDWIG, FREIHERR VON PASTOR. Edited, as to
Vols. I. -VI., by the late FREDERICK IGNATIUS ANTROBUS, and,
as to Vols. VII -XX., by RALPH FRANCIS KERR, of the
London Oratory. In 20 Volumes.
Vols. I. and II. A.D. 1305-1458
Vols. III. and IV. A.D. 1458-1483
Vols. V. and VI. A.D. 1484-1513
Vols. VII. and VIII A.D. 1513-1521
Vols. IX. and X. A.D. 1522-1534
Vols. XI. and XII. A.D. 1534-1549
Vols. XIII. and XIV. A.D. 1550-1559
Vols. XV. and XVI. A.D. 1559-1565
Vols. XVII. and XVIII. A D. 1566-1572
Vols. XIX. and XX. A.D. 1572-1585
The original German text of the History of the Popes is published
by Herder & Co., Freiburg (Baden).
THE
HISTORY OF THE POPES
FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER
ORIGINAL SOURCES
FROM IHE GERMAN OF
LUDWIG, FKEIHERR VON PASTOR
EDITED BY
RALPH FRANCIS KERR
OF THE LONDON ORATORY
VOLUME XX
GREGORY XIII. (1572-1585)
LONDON
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNEK & CO.. LTD.
BROADWAY HOUSE : 68-74 CARTER LANE, E.G.
1930
BX
V.io
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY THE DEVONSHIRE PRESS, TORQUAY
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XX,
PAGE
Table of Contents ix
List of unpublished documents in Appendix . . xxiii
The Revolt in the Low Countries. Decisive change in
the situation in the Netherlands . . . 1-24
The Catholic Revival in Germany. The German
Congregation. Bavaria. The Tyrol. Salzburg . 25-65
The Nunciatures of Portia, Gropper and Ninguarda in
South Germany, Austria and Bavaria . . 66126
Nunciatures in South-West Germany. State of Religion
in Switzerland ...... 127186
The Catholic Revival in Germany .... 187-242
The " Declaration " of Ferdinand. Rudolph II and the
Catholic Revival 243-283
State of Religion in North Germany .... 284-353
The situation in the Rhineland. Treves, Aix-la-Chapelle,
Cologne . . . 354~3 8 4
The Catholic Revival in Poland .... 385-416
The Missions to Sweden and Russia .... 417-447
Foreign Missions. Japan. China. The Indies . . 448-480
Foreign Missions. The Turkish Empire. Africa. Spanish
America ....... 481-512
The Papal States. Brigandage. The Pope s care for
Rome ...... . 513-556
Gregory XIII. and Art. New Churches and Buildings 560-606
Decorations at the Vatican. The Ouirinal. Death of
the Pope. Importance of his Pontificate . . 607-643
Appendix of unpublished documents . . . 644-653
Index of Names ....... 655
l For Bibliography see Volume XIX.
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME XX.
CHAPTER I.
THE REVOLT IN THE LOW COUNTRIES. DECISIVE CHANGE IN THE
SITUATION IN THE NETHERLANDS.
A.D. PAGE
William of Orange the soul of the opposition to Spain . i
Principal object of the Calvinists brutal ferocity of
their persecution of Catholics . . i
1 573 Orange formally becomes a Calvinist but is denounced
by the pastors as an atheist and that " he wor
shipped his own advantage as his God " . . 2
Utter failure of Alba s regime, and he leaves the Low
Countries (December 1 8th) .... 3
The Pope wishes for a peaceful settlement with the
rebels ....... 3
Requesens succeeds Alba Orange does his best to
make the task of Requesens difficult . . 4
Increase of discontent even in the loyal Provinces . 4
1576 Death of Requesens (March) ..... 4
The States General convoked their demands . . 5
The " Pacification of Ghent " 5
John of Austria appointed Governor ; he has authority
to make great concessions, but does not win
sympathy ...... 6
1577 The " Perpetual Edict " (February i2th) confirms the
" Pacification " and is approved by Philip II. . 7
The Pope sends Sega to the Low Countries to support
the peace proposals and promote the Catholic
restoration ..... 7
Orange takes the citadel of Namur (July 24th)
The new Governor the Archduke Matthias of Austria
is won over by Orange ....
Renewed outrages upon Catholics a storm of icono-
clasm begun in churches and convents . 9
Ever growing anxiety in Rome . . .10
1578 The Pope once more attempts a peaceful intervention . 1 1
The charge of this given to Castagna . . .12
The wild excesses of the Calvinists are distasteful to
Orange . . . . . .12
1578 The Walloons act with energy and form a Catholic
League .13
1579 The Catholic " Union of Arras " (January 6th) . . 13
The Calvinist " Union of Utrecht " (January 23rd) . 13
ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
Alessandro Farnese sent as Governor . . . .14
He concludes the " Peace of Arras " (May lyth), which
makes a decisive and important change . . 15
Attitude of the Walloon States praised by the Pope . 1 6
1581 The States General of Holland renounce allegiance to
Spain . . . . . . .17
Edict by Orange of December aoth his hopes of
assistance from France . . . . .18
Anarchy in Flanders and Brabant . . . .18
1584 Victory of Farnese, who promises an amnesty . . 19
Murder of William of Orange (July loth) . . .19
Fall of Antwerp restoration of churches ... 20
The Catholics of the southern provinces : their
mentality . . . . . . .21
Quick recovery of the Church The Jesuits . . 22
Result of the victories of Farnese . . . .23
1585 The Capuchins Triumph of the Catholic revival . 24
CHAPTER II.
THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL IN GERMANY. THE GERMAN
CONGREGATION. BAVARIA. THE TYROL. SALZBURG.
Interest of Gregory XIII. in Germany ... 25
1573 He gives new life to the German Congregation . . 26
And seeks information as to the state of affairs in
Germany ....... 27
Reports from Cardinal Truchsess, Delfino and Canisius 28
Present a gloomy picture the bishops the clergy . 29
Lack of learned, capable, hard-working men . . 30
Deplorable condition of the Chapters . . . -31
Election capitulations by the Canons . . . -31
Tie the hands of the bishops, who surfer the continuance
of scandals ....... 32
Hostile suspicion of Rome becomes gradually less . 33
And some of the reports are hopeful Protestant
theologians becoming held in contempt . . 33
Divisions and discord among the Protestants . . 34
A great desire for religious revival calls to the Pope
for help ....... 35
Need for permanent nuncios ..... 36
And for the establishment of seminaries 37
Care in appointing to canonries less delay in replying
from Rome to requests wider faculties should
be granted ....... 38
Suggestions from Truchsess and Portia ... 39
The German nunciatures The German College in
Rome ....... 40
1 5 79 Gregory XI 1 1. is its second founder .... 41
Albert V. of Bavaria the pivot of Catholic hopes . . 42
Attitude of the Bavarian dukes .... 43
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI
A.D. PAGE
Albert V. becomes a stronger champion of the Church . 44
Takes energetic steps for religious instruction . . 45
His firmness ........ 46
Promotes the Catholic restoration everywhere . . 47
Wins back Baden to the Church . . . .48
*573 State of religion in Baden-Baden .... 49
The Pope s reliance upon Albert V. . . . .50
1576 Especially in the struggle for the bishoprics of Northern
Germany ....... 51
Sincere piety of William V., son and successor of Albert 52
He refuses all concessions to the Protestants . . 53
And does his utmost to give new life to religion . 55
His influence in the election of bishops 55
Strong support of the Church in the Tyrol by the
Archduke Ferdinand ..... 56
Bad state of religion in the Tyrol .... 57
Energetic measures by Ferdinand . . . -57
The Francescan Johann Nas his influence and work . 58
The Pope and the Imperial territories 61
A beginning to be made at Salzburg The mission of
Ninguarda (1554-1573) .... 62
Advice given by him ...... 65
CHAPTER III.
THE NUNCIATURES OF PORTIA, CROPPER AND NINGUARDA IN SOUTH
GERMANY, AUSTRIA AND BAVARIA.
1573 The appointment of Portia and Caspar Cropper as
nuncios (May 5th) ...... 66
Good reputation of Portia ..... 67
Instructions laid down for him ..... 68
Portia and the Archbishop of Salzburg ... 72
From whom he obtains far-reaching promises . . 73
But does not trust him over-much .... 74
Ninguarda s opinion of the Archbishop ... 75
Who hesitates in the matter of a synod ... 76
W r hich however is at last held from August 26th to
September 3rd ...... 77
Principal points of reform ..... 78
Efforts for establishment of seminaries ... 79
Portia at Innsbruck ...... 80
Difficulty with the claims of the princes . . .81
The episcopal election at Wiirzburg .... 82
And Gurk ........ 83
Efforts of Portia in Wurtemberg .... 84
Ninguarda in Salzburg ...... 86
1572-1574 His visitations in the diocese .... 87
1574 Ninguarda and Duke Albert in Munich ... 88
Condition of affairs in Freising and Ratisbon . . 89
Question of the reform of religious Orders ... 91
Xll TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
Description by Portia and Ninguarda of the
monasteries and convents . . . -93
Ninguarda and the monasteries in Ratisbon . . 95
State of religious houses in Austria .... 96
Ninguarda in Vienna ...... 97
Is given full powers for his visitation .... 99
And also the Imperial authority for exercise of them . 100
1574-1576 Strenuous work of this visitation . . . 101
1576 Ninguarda returns to Salzburg (March 2oth) The
Synod. ....... 109
Efforts to establish a seminary at Salzburg . . 1 1 1
1577 Ninguarda returns to Italy . . . . .112
Memorials for reform from the Archduke Charles and
some of the Bishops . . . . .113
Special memorial by Ninguarda . . . .116
Instructions to Portia relating to seminaries and
colleges . . . . . . .121
1573 Difficulties at Augsburg ...... 123
Death of Cardinal Truchsess (April 2nd) and election
of the new Bishop . ..... 125
1575 Recall of Portia from Augsburg (May) . . .126
CHAPTER IV.
NUNCIATURES IN SOUTH WEST GERMANY. STATE OF RELIGION IN
SWITZERLAND.
*575 Nunciatures of Portia and Sporeno . . . .127
Sporeno in the Tyrol Portia describes his new duties
as impracticable . . . . . .128
Unsatisfactory state of the dioceses of the Upper Rhine
Portia and Sporeno arrive at Freiburg in
Breisgau (October 4th) . . . . .129
Visits to Sion, St. Gall, Strasbourg and Constance . 130
1576 Sporeno remains with the Archduke Ferdinand
(January) 131
Journeys of Portia . . . . . . .131
The University and Seminary at Freiburg . . .132
T 575 Death of the Bishop of Basle and election of Blarer . 137
Which is confirmed in Rome . . . . .138
!575 Negotiations between Bishop Blarer and Portia. . 139
Great work of Blarer in the diocese of Basle . .141
Lamentable conditions in Strasbourg . . 143
Good will of the Bishop . . . . . .144
Insistence of the nuncio, Portia . . . .145
Whose efforts are seconded by the Bishop . . . 147
Influence for good of the parish-priest Rasser . .148
1576 Work of Portia in the diocese of Spires . . . 149
State of the diocese Diocese of Constance . . .153
1578 Death of Portia ; he is succeeded by Ninguarda . . 154
Labours of Ninguarda, 1578-1583 .... 155
His action in Bavaria and his complaints . . .159
TABLE OF CONTENTS. Xlll
A.D.
1583 Assembly of the Bavarian Bishops . .160
The Concordat of Bavaria
Ninguarda s nunciature in Switzerland .
Work of the Jesuits in Lucerne. . . .164
The Swiss dioceses . . .165
Conditions in the Catholic Cantons .
1578 Bonhomini in the Valtelliria . .168
1579 He is appointed nuncio in Switzerland . .169
The Helvetian College in Milan . . 1 70
The Swiss visitation by Bonhomini . . . .172
Accusations against him .
His attitude towards these makes a great impression . 1 77
His energy and courage disarm opposition . . 179
The difficulties about the diocese of Chur . .180
Jesuit College established at Freiburg Journeys of
Bonhomini .... .181
1581 End of his nunciature in Switzerland . . 183
Importance of his work The Jesuits are his auxiliaries 1 84
He establishes the Capuchins, whose convents are a
starting point for religious revival . .185
Charles Borromeo and Switzerland . . . .186
CHAPTER V.
THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL IN GERMANY.
1573 Missions of Caspar Cropper . .187
1574 Alexander Trivius and Nicholas Elgard .
Travels of Elgard ... .189
Decadent state of the diocese of Bamberg . .190
Quite different is the condition of Eicbstatt . .192
1573-1617 Bishop Julius Echter of Wiirzburg ; his energy. 193
And great work of restoration . . . 194
The seminary and university of Wiirzburg . .199
And important charitable foundations . .201
The monastery and territory of Fulda . . 204
Work of the Abbot Balthasar von Dernbach . . 205
Fulda becomes " a Catholic fortress " Protestant
attack upon the Abbot . .209
His great difficulties Action of the Pope .
And of the adversaries of the Abbot .
Who continues his work of reform . .215
Elgard at Fulda his suggestions .
1576 Steps taken by Balthasar .
The Bishop of Wiirzburg and the Abbot .
Violence to Balthasar at Hammelburg . 221
Demands of Gregory XIII. . . 223
But Balthasar has to wait twenty-six years for re
instatement. ; . . 22 5
His exile 22 7
XIV TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A - D - PAGE
Continued support of the Abbot by the Pope . . 229
The Jesuits at Fulda In the end Fulda is once more
substantially Catholic . . . . .231
Conditions in the diocese of Mayence .... 232
Elgard s experiences in the diocese . . . -237
Resistance to the Catholic reforms conies from the
nobles and inhabitants of the cities . . . 238
CHAPTER VI.
THE " DECLARATION " OF FERDINAND. RUDOLPH II. AND THE
CATHOLIC REVIVAL.
The so-called " Declaration of Ferdinand " : variety
of opinion as to its legal value . . . . 243
The Elector Augustus of Saxony and the Declaration 245
Protestant hope of its confirmation at the Diet of
Ratisbon ....... 248
1575 Which opens in October its work . . . .250
1576 The Pope sends Cardinal Morone to the Diet (April) . 254
Work of Morone the advantage of his presence in
Germany ....... 256
Salentin of Isenburg, Archbishop of Cologne . .259
The Duke of Bavaria and the Emperor . . .260
Anxiety of Morone . . . . . .261
Split in the Protestant party 263
Death of Maximilian II. (October i2th) Result of the
Diet 264
The new Emperor, Rudolph II., a contrast to his father 265
His action Joy of the Catholics . . . .266
1579 Melchior Klesl of Vienna and Catholic restoration . 267
1581 Bonhomini nuncio to the Emperor his activities . 268
1582 The Diet of Augsburg Cardinal Madruzzo as legate . 269
His memorial and plans . . . . . .270
His arrival at Augsburg and reception (June) . . 273
Negotiations at the Diet . ..... 274
Close of the Diet (September 2oth) ; its results . . 281
CHAPTER VII.
STATE OF RELIGION IN NORTH GERMANY
Difficult task of Cropper in the north of Germany . 284
Prospects for Catholic revival there . . . .285
Help hoped for from Bavaria . . . . .286
Conditions in the diocese of Hildesheim . . .287
Question of the succession to the bishopric . . .289
Z 573 At the death of Bishop Burchard (February 23rd)
many claimants for the diocese arise . . 291
Ernest of Bavaria is elected . . . . .291
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV
A.D. PAGE
1574-1575 He makes a long stay in Rome .... 293
Trivius makes a visitation of Hildesheim . . . 293
Case of the diocese of Halberstadt . . . .295
Tt ceases to be a Catholic diocese . . . .301
Duke Julius of Brunswick becomes bishop . . .301
Members of the House of Brunswick. . . . 303
Johann von Hoya, Bishop of Miinster . . . 304
Visitation of the diocese. ..... 305
The Dukes of Jiilich-Cleves and Miinster . . . 306
1573-1574 The nuncio Cropper at Miinster. . . .309
His embarrassing position . . . . 311
1574 His instructions from Rome . . . . -313
John William of Cleves, Bishop of Miinster . . . 315
1575 He resigns on the death of his eldest brother . -315
Candidates for the succession to Miinster . . .316
1585 After a long struggle Duke Ernest of Bavaria becomes
Bishop of Miinster ..... 346
Condition of the diocese of Paderborn . . . 347
Instructions to Elgard who visits Halberstadt and
Magdeburg His report. .... 348
1575 Trivius sent to Northern Germany .... 350
His visit to Minden . . . . . . 351
Bremen, Liibeck, Verden, and Hamburg . . . 352
Religious conditions in these places. . . . 353
CHAPTER VIII.
THE SITUATION IN THE RHINELAND. TREVES. AIX-LA-CHAPELLE.
COLOGNE.
1567-1581 Jakob von Eltz, Archbishop of Treves . . 354
His visitations and ordinances . .... 355
Religious state of the electorate .... 357
1574-1614 The struggle at Aix-la-Chapelle . . . . 359
Importance to the faith of the electorate of Cologne . 359
The Archbishop Salentin of Isenburg. . . . 361
1577 His resignation election of Gebhard Truchsess . . 362
Character and conduct of Gebhard .... 364
1582 His apostasy ....... 365
The Pope takes action and sends Minucci on a mission
to Cologne ....... 368
Candidates for the Archiepiscopate .... 370
Gebhard marries Agnes von Mansf eld (February 2nd) . 371
His deposition by the Pope (April ist) . . -373
Ernest of Bavaria nominated archbishop (June 2nd) . 374
The war of Cologne . . . . . . -375
Victory of the Catholic cause its importance . -379
Necessity for a permanent nuncio in Lower Germany . 380
1585 Bonhomini appointed to this post (January 1 9th) . 382
Importance of this nunciature ..... 383
XVI TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX
THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL IN POLAND.
A.D. PAGE
1572 Death of Sigismund Augustus, the last Jagellon. 385
Candidates for the crown Commendone succeeds in
averting the selection of a Protestant . . 386
1573 Henry of Anjou elected King (May 1 6th) . . . 387
Confederation of Protestants at Warsaw . . .387
1574 Henry returns to France on the death of Charles IX. . 388
1575 The candidates Stephen Bathory elected (December
1 4th) 389
1576 Who is crowned and announces his election to the Pope 390
Gregory XIII. recognizes him as King and sends
Laureo as nuncio (November 6th) . . . 391
Great confusion of faith in Poland The sects . .391
Bathory keeps his promise to the Confederation, but
does his best to restore the Catholic Church . 393
Is helped in this by Hosius, the Jesuits and the nuncios 393
1578 Sends to make his obedientia and appoints a permanent
ambassador in Rome ..... 395
Bathory gives every possible support to Catholic
restoration. . .... 395
And effectual help to the Jesuits .... 395
Important works of the Jesuits in Poland . . . 396
Peter Skarga the " Canisius " of Poland . . .401
Energy of the Bishops of Ermland, Kulm, Wilna,
Lemberg and Chelm . . . . .405
Zeal of the nuncio Caligari, w T ho sometimes lacks
prudence . . . . . . .406
1581 He is recalled and replaced by Bolognetti . . . 407
The vigorous and exemplary nunciature of Bolognetti . 408
1583-1584 Two Polish Cardinals created . . . .411
State of religion in Transylvania labours of the
Jesuits . . . . . . .412
Pontifical seminaries established in Poland . . . 415
CHAPTER X.
THE MISSIONS TO SWEDEN AND RUSSIA.
Hopes from the training of missionaries for Sweden . 417
The Catholic wife of John III. Antagonism of
Eric XIV 417
John III. not so anti-Catholic as his predecessors . .418
His candidature for the throne of Poland . . . 418
1572 Negotiations opened with the Holy See . . .419
Gregory XIII. replies with courtesy but with firmness . 420
The first missionaries to Sweden . . . .421
1576 The King decides to send an embassy to Rome . 422
1577 The Swedish envoy La Gardie in Rome . . 423
Possevino called upon to accept the mission to Sweden . 424
Is La Gardie sincere ? . . . - 425
Possevino reaches Stockholm on December igth . ,426
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XV11
A.D. PAGE
1578 John III. accepts the Tridentine profession of faith
and is absolved by Possevino who leaves Sweden
on May 2oth . . . . . 4 2 7
Plan for setting up a seminary for the northern
countries ..... . 428
Discussion on the concessions asked for by John III. . 429
1579 Possevino a second time in Sweden . . 430
His experience of the hesitation of the King . . 431
Who is influenced by political motives chiefly . . 432
1583 On the death of the Queen and marriage (1585) of the
King to a Protestant there is a great change for
the worse .... ... 433
Gregory XIII. and the Czar Ivan IV. . . . 434
1581 Three envoys from Russia arrive in Rome . . . 435
Cunning of Ivan IV., who asks for a Papal envoy to
Moscow ....... 436
Possevino is given this task ... . 437
His journey and arrival in August . . 439
Diplomatic skill of the Russians . . . .440
Russia and Poland . . . . . . 441
1582 The discussion in the Kremlin on reunion . . . 442
Possevino and Ivan ... -443
A second Russian mission to Rome . . . . 445
Possevino s mission a failure his memorials to the
Pope ..... . 44 6
CHAPTER XI
EOREIGN MISSIONS. JAPAN. CHINA. THE INDIES.
Activity of Gregory XIII. in the matter of foreign
missions .... . 448
The Japanese mission zeal of the converts . . 449
Perils and perseverance of the missionaries . . 451
The Jesuits in Japan .... . 452
Interesting conversions The new King favours the
Jesuits 455
Apostolate of Francis Cabral . . . 456
And of Alessandro Valignani his great work . . 457
1582 The Japanese envoys to Rome start their journey . 460
1585 And arrival in Rome (March 23rd) . . . 461
The discourse of Consalvi to the Pope on Japan . . 462
And the reply of Boccapaduli . . -4^3
Edification given by the envoys .... 465
Hopes for the faith in China ... . 4^6
1574 Valignani starts for China . . . -4^7
His plans for organization of the mission . . 468
1582 Matteo Ricci in China .... 4^9
His extraordinary work there . . 47
The missions in Portuguese India . . . 47 2
The Jesuit province of the East Indies . 473
The Great Mogul Akbar and the Jesuits . . 475
The Augustinians and Franciscans in the Philippines . 478
VOL, xx. &
xviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XII.
FOREIGN MISSIONS. THE TURKISH EMPIRE. AFRICA. SPANISH
AMERICA.
A.D. PAGE
1580 The Jesuit mission in Abyssinia . . . .481
Missions on the west coast of Africa Dominicans in
Mozambique and on the Zambesi . . . 482
1569-1580 Condition of Catholics in European Turkey
Work of the Franciscans . . . 483
1580 Visitation of the Balkan peninsula by Boniface de
Stefani ....... 484
1584 And by Komulowic and the Jesuit Raggio produce
good results ...... 485
1573 Catholics in Constantinople Efforts of Gregory XIII.
for the union of Greek schismatics . . . 486
1580 Mission of Cedulini to Constantinople its difficulties
ill-will of the Venetians ..... 487
Cedulini s account of the Latin Church in Turkey . 488
1 583 Result of the reports of Cedulini to the Pope . . 490
1578 The Armenians, Jacobites and Maronites send envoys
to Rome ....... 490
Jesuit missionaries sent to the Maronites . . . 492
Satisfaction of the Pope with result of this mission
He establishes the Maronite College in Rome . 494
1583 Bishop Abel sent on a mission to the eastern patriarchs 495
Negotiations with them ...... 496
Christianity in Spanish possessions in America . . 498
The Catholic hierarchy there ..... 499
Franciscans and Dominicans in America . . * 502
Turibio, " the Apostle of Peru " .... 503
Jesuit missions in Mexico ..... 504
And in Peru ........ 505
Importance of the work of Jose de Acosta . . -507
Difficulties in Brazil Dread of Portuguese colonists . 509
Jose de Anchieta, " the Apostle of Brazil " . . . 510
1585 Missions in Japan restricted to the Jesuits. . 511
Active part taken by the Pope in all that concerns the
missions ....... 512
CHAPTER XIII.
THE PAPAL STATES. BRIGANDAGE. THE POPE S CARE FOR ROME.
Heavy financial burdens on the Holy See . . -5*3
Heavy revenue insufficient for extraordinary expenses 514
Strong fiscal measures examination of all title deeds 515
This affects the great Roman families . . .515
1581 Many confiscations of fiefs ... . 516
The greater number submit, but there is some resistance 517
Difficulty in the Romagna Report of the president
Ghislieri . 158
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XIX
A.D. PAGE
Rich natural resources of the Romagna its
government .... . 520
Witness of Ghislieri to the devotedness of the
Romagnoli . . . . . . .521
Political party feuds are very general. . . . 5 22
Brigandage, a national scourge . .... 523
Bandits are protected by the land-owners . . . 524
The Pope relaxes severity and affairs become worse . 525
The brigand chiefs. .... . 526
Bandits even in Rome itself . 5 2 7
1580 The Pope complains of some of the Cardinals . . 528
Severe enactments against all who aid or abet bandits . 529
Punitive expedition of Cardinal Sforza . . 531
1581 Death of Sforza the bandits raise their heads . . 532
Outrages by Piccolomini . ... . 533
Malatesta, Valenti and the " Priest of Guercino " . 534
Murder of Francesco Peretti . . . . -53^
1583 Serious disturbances in Rome the Orsini danger
threatened by the bandits .... 537
" No one dares go outside the gates " . . 53^
1585 Failure of every attempt to suppress brigandage . . 539
All Italy suffers Avogadro, the Venetian bandit . 540
Increase in the population of Rome . . . 541
The Pope imposes no fresh taxes his assiduity for the
provisioning of Rome ..... 542
His efforts to preserve Rome from the plague . . 543
1580 His care for the sick in an outbreak of influenza. . 544
Mendicants and vagabonds Public morals . . 545
Strictness of Gregory XIII. as to the Carnival . . 546
Restrictions in theatrical performances . . . 548
Efforts to improve the ports of the Papal States . . 549
Works at Ancona and Civitavecchia . . . . 55
Terracina and Lore to . . . . . 551
1580-1581 Description of Rome by Montaigne . . . 55 2
Plans of Rome by Du Perac-Lafrery ." . . . 554
" Rome the most cosmopolitan city in the world "
(Montaigne) ....... 559
CHAPTER XIV.
GREGORY XIII. AND ART. NEW CHURCHES AND BUILDINGS.
The mand -.iti, vrgistri, etc. of Gregory XIII. . . . 560
Chief architects employed by the Pope : Yignola, della
Porta and Lunghi . ..... 561
And the painters : Vasari, Zuccaro and Muziano . . 562
W r ith them many others associated . . . .563
The artistic programme of Gregory XIII. . . . 564
One of his chief cares the completion of St. Peter s . 565
Unfortunate destruction of older remains . . . 566
The Gregorian Chapel ...... 567
XX TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1580 Translation to St. Peter s of relics of St. Gregory
Nazianzen ....... 570
1581 Montaigne s account of the Gregorian Chapel . . 573
Much restoration in the churches . -574
The Lateran, St. Mary Major and Aracoeli . -575
New Church of the Gesu . . . . . 576
And of the Oratorians : Sta Maria in Vallicella . .580
Many other convents and churches assisted . . 582
The Greek Church and College of St. Atanasio . . 584
The English College and that for Maronites . . 585
The Roman College of the Jesuits .... 586
Reconstruction of the Roman University . . .589
Establishment of hospitals ..... 590
Erection of fountains ...... 592
Improvement of the streets and roads in view of the
Jubilee of 1575 594
New appoach to the Capitol The Borgo Pio . . 595
Restoration of the bridges . . . . .596
But the removal of materials from ancient buildings
continues ....... 597
Works at the Cancellaria and the Capitol . . . 598
1574 The Pope issues a Constitution concerning building . 600
Previous enactments of earlier Popes . . . .603
What the Constitution aimed at and its provisions . 604
CHAPTER XV.
DECORATIONS AT THE VATICAN. THE QUIRINAL. DEATH OF THE
POPE. IMPORTANCE OF HIS PONTIFICATE.
1576 Gratitude of the Romans to Gregory XIII.. . . 607
Statue and inscription in his honour . . . .608
Extensive works at the Vatican .... 609
Frescoes by Vasari . . . . . . .609
Also by Sabbatini, Sammachini and others . . . 610
Work in the Pauline Chapel and the halls . . 613
And in the Loggie .... . . 614
The Galleria Geografica . . . . . .616
The maps by Ignazio Danti . . . . .617
The so-called " Tower of the Winds " . . .621
Visits of the Pope to the villa of Cardinal Este on the
Quirinal ....... 622
1583 He decides upon the erection of a Papal residence there 622
1584 The works in the Quirinal ..... 624
Frequent visits of the Pope to Frascati . . . 625
Works at Fiumicino, Civitavecchia and Ancona . .626
Improvement of roads and bridges . . . .627
Benefactions to Loreto . . . . . .628
Number of schools and seminaries erected at the Pope s
expense . . . . . . .629
Vigour and strength of the Pope .... 630
TABLE. OF CONTENTS.
PAGE
1581 His recovery from an illness .
- -Ss His activity in all affairs .
Holds a consistory on April 8th, is taken ill and dies
Burial rnthGregorian Chapel the monument to him 637
Estimate and importance of the pontificate ot
Gregory XIII. . .
" His memory must always remain in benediction
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN
APPENDIX.
PAGE
I. Camillo Capilupi to the Duke of Mantua . . 644
II. Cleansing of morals in Rome, 1573-1582 . . 644
III. Pompeo Strozzi to the Duke of Mantua . . . 647
IV. Pompeo Stroz/i to the Duke of Mantua . . . 647
V. AvvisodiRomaof October 3oth, 1577 . . . 647
VI. Ciov. Ant. Odescalchi to the Duke of Mantua . . 648
VII. Avvisidi Roma of August 6th and loth, 1580 . . 648
VIII. Audiences of Cardinal Santori with Gregory XIII.
concerning the Greek Church of S. Atanasio . 649
IX. AvvisodiRomaof May 30th, 1584 . . . . 649
X. AvvisodiRomaof June 61 h, 1584 .... 650
XI. Notes on the pictures and buildings of Gregory XIII. 650
XXI 11
CHAPTER I.
THE REVOLT IN THE Low COUNTRIES. DECISIVE CHANGE
IN THE SITUATION IN THE NETHERLANDS.
THE politico-religious struggles in the Low Countries, which
were closely connected with the disturbances in France, had
occupied the attention of Gregory XIII. and his advisers
since the beginning of the pontificate. The development of
affairs there had been followed in Rome with the greatest
interest because a triumph of Calvinism in the Low Countries
would be of decisive importance to the future of the Church,
not only in France, but also in England and Germany.
William of Orange, who was the soul of the opposition to
Spain in Holland, was obviously principally influenced by
political considerations. His sense of statesmanship clearly
recognized the impossibility of drawing the whole of the
seventeen provinces into united action against Philip II.,
which would have given a completely free hand to the
Calvinists, whose principal object was the total destruction
of the Catholic Church, whereas the majority of the people
of the Netherlands still belonged to the latter. Not content
with prohibiting Catholic worship, and the spoliation of
churches and monasteries, the Calvinists practised the most
brutal ferocity against the Catholic priests. They initiated
a methodical persecution of them and the unfortunate men
who fell into their power were put to death with every refine
ment of torture. " Never," wrote a contemporary on May
3oth, 1572, " has the holy Church been so persecuted either
by Goths or Turks." 1 A leading part in this was taken by
the head of the Gueux, Count William von der Mark, Lord
1 Cf. BLOK, Verslag van onderzoekingen naar Archivalia in
Italic, s Gravenhage, 1901, 34 seq. ; HOLZWARTH, II., i, 496 seq.,
II., 2, 63, 85 seq., 98 seq., 133 seq., 512 ; PIRENNE, IV., 40 seq.
VOL. XX, I
2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Lumey, who on July gth, 1572, at Briel, sent to the gallows,
after many tortures, seventeen religious, for the most part
Franciscans, and two lay-brothers, who had almost all fallen
into the hands of the Gueux at Gorcum. 1 Such persecution
of the Catholics involved Orange in the danger of losing,
in his struggle with Spain, the southern provinces, which
were almost entirely Catholic. He therefore wished, together
with Calvinism, to tolerate the practice of Catholic worship
as well, a plan the realization of which met with the greatest
opposition on the part of Calvinist fanaticism. Since the
Calvinists were Orange s strongest supporters, he formally
joined their church in October, 1573, but, for political reasons,
he was still unwilling to consent to the immediate suppression
of Catholic worship, and at first would only countenance a
division of the churches and of ecclesiastical property between
the Protestants and Catholics. This brought down upon him
the wrath of the Calvinist pastors, who denounced him as
an atheist, and declared that the prince changed his religion
as he would his coat, that all he cared about was considerations
of state, and that he worshipped his own advantage as his
God. 2
A politician who was able so cleverly to draw advantage
out of every circumstance was bound to prove an extremely
dangerous enemy to Philip II. That all Alba s efforts had
turned to the advantage of Orange alone was obvious to anyone
who studied the situation at the moment when Gregory XIII.
ascended the throne. The iron military dictatorship of the
duke, and his system of taxation which threatened to bring
1 See G.Esxius, Hist. Martyrum Gore., Douai, 1603; Acta Sanct.
lulii II., 754 seq. ; HOLZWARTH, II., 2, 25 seq., 47 seq.; Katholik,
1867, II., 253 seq., 457 seq., 579 seqq. ; FRUIN in Verspreide
Geschnften, II., 277 seq. ; MEUFFELS, Les martyrs de Gorcum,
Paris, 1908. G. HESSE, De Martelaren van Roermond, Sittard,
1911 ; cf. Anal. Holland., XXXVIII. (1920), 447 seq.
2 See PIRENNE, IV., 49 seq., 143, 185. Even as late as 1578
Mass was being said in Orange territory, at Breda, to the great
indignation of the Calvinists ; see BEZOLD, Briefe des Pfalzgrafen
Joh. Casimir 1., Munich, 1882, 326.
ALBA LEAVES THE LOW COUNTRIES. 3
ruin upon a people that was so rich in commerce and industry,
had led at the beginning of 1572 to the insurrection of Holland
and Zeeland. Although Alba remained for the moment
master in the field, he was unable to subdue the cities of
Holland. This unfortunate state of affairs, and the complaints
which reached him from all parts, shook the confidence of
Philip II., who, alarmed at the extraordinary cost of the war,
at length resolved to change the governor. When, on December
i8th, 1573, the duke left the Low Countries, the entire
responsibility for the catastrophes which had occurred during
his period of government was laid upon his shoulders. The
hatred which his oppressive rule had aroused not only weakened
the authority of the King of Spain, but also that of the Catholic
Church. Later on the Bishop of Namur was of the opinion
that Alba, in seven or eight years, had done more harm to
the cause of religion than had been done by Luther, Calvin,
and all their supporters together. 1 This was of course a great
exaggeration, which nevertheless contained an element of
truth.
It was also realized in Rome that the pacification of the
Low Countries could never be brought about by the violent
methods of Alba. Gregory XIII. wished for a peaceful
settlement of the controversies between Philip II. and his
subjects in the Low Countries, all the more so as the con
tinuance of the rising made the necessary league against
the Turks impossible, as well as the struggle against Queen
Elizabeth of England. 2 The Pope therefore was disposed
towards a peaceful settlement with the rebels, and said
that they must not be afraid of treating with Orange himself. 3
After the departure of Alba, Philip II. unfortunately
refused to go in person to the Low Countries, as Pius V. had
already several times advised him to do. 4 It was in vain
that the theological faculty at Louvain appealed to his
1 See GACHARD, Actes des fitats-Generaux, I., Brussels, 1861,
256.
2 See HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, II., xxxvi. seq.
3 See Corresp. de Philippe II., ed. GACHARD, III., 68.
4 See Vol. XVIII. of this work, pp. 10, 93.
4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
feelings as a man and a Catholic, and adjured him to come
to their country. Once again the government passed into
the hands of an official who was always a Spaniard and looked
down upon the Netherlanders ; this was Luis Requesens,
hitherto viceroy at Milan. The choice of this man, apart
from anything else, cannot be described as a happy one :
Requesens was indeed worthy of all respect and was a man
of strong Catholic sentiments, but he was in bad health,
hot-tempered and nervous, and proved himself by no means
suited to his difficult task. 1
Orange did his best to make the task of Requesens more
difficult and to spread mistrust of him everywhere, because
it was only by maintaining a state of unrest that he could
attain his ends. He had the satisfaction of knowing that by
the autumn of 1574 the new governor was already more hated
than Alba. 2 The death of Requesens at the beginning of
March, 1576, was for him a happy release. In consequence
of his unexpected demise the government passed into the
hands of the Council of State, whose position immediately
became extremely difficult.
Even in the time of Requesens the discontent in the provinces
which still remained loyal to the king and the Church had
become so great, that they would have joined the insurgents
of the north, if they had not feared the suppression of their
religion on the part of the Calvinists. The general indignation
was increased by the mutiny which broke out among the
Spanish troops who were in need of money and the necessaries
of life. This was turned to good effect by Orange, who was
able so cunningly to conceal his real purposes that even many
Catholic priests believed that he was still a Catholic at heart !
With insidious devices the prince was put forward as the
defender of the liberties of his country and the common
saviour from the tyrannical government of the Spaniard. 3
When the ground had been sufficiently prepared by means
of an unscrupulous propaganda, Orange, who was the guiding
1 See PIRENNE, IV., 65 seq. ; BLOK, III., 164 seq.
2 See PIRENNE, IV., 68.
8 See ibid. 100.
THE PACIFICATION OF GHENT. 5
spirit of the whole movement, 1 thought that the time had
come to venture upon an act of violence. In the autumn
of 1576 the members of the Council of State were arrested,
and by means of the States of Brabant, Flanders and Hainault,
the States General were convoked. Further revolutionary
steps followed. Thereafter things moved swiftly along their
beaten path. Simultaneously with the demand for the
withdrawal of the Spanish troops, the assembly of the States
General formed a national army which at once marched
against the royal troops. The latter withdrew to the fortress
of Antwerp. Incited by the delay in the discharge of their
pay, they there began to sack and massacre, and as a
consequence hastened on the conclusion of a treaty of alliance
between the States General and Holland and Zeeland. The
principal obstacle to this had lain in the religious question.
The provinces of the north, where the Calvinists had obtained
the upper hand, remained firm in their suppression of Catholic
worship within their territories. Influenced by the cruelties
practised at Antwerp and the threatening attitude of the
masses of the people, 2 even the representatives of the Catholics
of the south gave their consent. Thus the Pacification of
Ghent was concluded on November 8th, 1576. The States
of Flanders, Brabant, Hainault, Artois, Valenciennes, Lille,
Douai, Orchies, Namur, Tournai, Utrecht, and Malines on
the one hand, and those of Holland and Zeeland under Orange
on the other, promised mutual assistance against their enemies,
especially in driving out the Spanish soldiers. Later on the
States General were to be summoned from all the provinces
of the Low Countries in order to regularize what had been
done. In the meantime all the edicts and enactments of
Alba against the heretics were suspended, and the absolute
authority of Calvinism in Holland and Zeeland was guaranteed,
though these two provinces were not to undertake any
1 See RITTER, in Deutsche Zeitschr. f. Geschiohtswissenschaft,
III. (1890), 28 seq. ; BLOK, HI., 20 seq.
2 Catholics who resisted the complete confiscation of their
churches were threatened with massacre ; see Corresp. de Philippe
II., ed. GACIIARD, IV., 769 seq.
O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
proceedings against the Catholic Church outside their own
territories. 1
A little while before the signing of the Pacification of
Ghent the new governor at length arrived . This was the half-
brother of Philip II., Don John of Austria. The victor of
Lepanto came full of far-reaching plans. Armed with
authority to make great political concessions, he hoped that
he would very soon be able to smooth over the disturbances
in the Low Countries, and then lead his forces in a bold coup
de main across the Channel, liberate Mary Stuart, depose
Elizabeth, and himself ascend the English throne with the
Queen of Scots. 2 His passionate character made him totally
unfit for his position, nor was he destined to succeed in winning
any sympathies in the Low Countries. Orange made every
effort from the first to oppose the Hapsburg prince, who had
before anything else to engage in a struggle to obtain
recognition as governor. In spite of this, after months of
negotiation there was concluded on February i2th, 1577,
the so-called Perpetual Edict. This confirmed the Pacification
of Ghent, and approved the withdrawal of the Spanish troops,
while on the other hand the States General bound themselves
to recognize the royal authority and to maintain the Catholic
religion everywhere, even in Holland and Zeeland. 3 This
treaty, which was at once approved by Philip II., and was in
striking contrast to the Pacification of Ghent, was a severe
blow to Orange and the Calvinists. The news of its conclusion,
which reached Rome in the middle of March, caused the
greatest joy there. 4
A month earlier the Pope had sent to the Low Countries
1 RlTTER, I., 496. HOLZWARTH, II., 2, 323 Seq. PlRENNE,
IV., 109 seq. BLOK, III., 208 seq. ; HUBERT, 35 seq.
2 See HAVEMANN, Don Juan, 186 seq., 194 seq. ; KRETSCHMAR,
47 seq. ; cf. HUYBERS, Don Juan van Oostenrijk, landvoogt der
Nederlanden, 2 Vols, Amsterdam, 1915.
8 See HOLZWARTH, II., 2, 362 seq. ; BLOK, III., 218 seq., 224 ;
PIRENNE, IV., 126; HUBERT, 36.
4 See *Odescalcm"s report, dated March 16, 1577, m the Gonzaga
Archives at Mantua. Cf. also the Briefs in THEINER, II., 334 seq.
SEGA IN THE LOW COUNTRIES. J
a special nuncio in the person of Filippo Sega, with instructions
to support the peace proposals of Don John, to defend Catholic
interests in the settlement of the various questions, and finally
to further the expenditure against England, for which purpose
he had been given a letter of credit for 50,000 gold ducats. 1
When Sega reached the Low Countries he found that one
part of his mission, namely that which was concerned with
Catholic interests, had already been fulfilled by the Perpetual
Edict, but he could not fail to see how difficult was the position
of Don John, since Orange was doing all in his power to reopen
the quarrel, which had just been healed. Sega supported
Don John both with his advice and by his actions. In view
of the want of money felt by the new governor, he did not feel
any hesitation in handing over to him the draft for 50,000
gold ducats, which had been intended solely for the war
against Elizabeth of England. It was entirely in keeping
with the intentions of the Pope when Sega also energetically
promoted the cause of Catholic restoration by recommending
to the bishops of the Low Countries their duty of residence. 2
In purely political matters the nuncio brought his influence
to bear for the complete reconciliation of the provinces with
Spain, though in this question, in accordance with the
instructions which he had received, he maintained a wise
reserve. In July came his transference to the nunciature
at Madrid, rendered vacant by the death of Ormaneto. 3
By this time it could already be foreseen that the
1 See MAFFEI, I., 261 seq. ; HANSEN, Nimtiaturberichte, 1.,
309 ; KTREZSCHMAR, 50 seq. The brief to Don John, dated
February IT, 1577, regarding Sega s mission, in THEINER, II., 333.
Sega s credentials also dated February n, 1577, in PIOT, Corresp.
de Granvelle, VI., 205 note. On the same day Grgeory XIII
informed the Cardinals of Sega s appointment ; see *Acta consist.,
Consistorial Archives of the Vatican. Sega was even expected
to treat with Orange ; see THEINER, II., 335.
2 See MAFFEI, I., 262 seq., 266 ; cf. A. TIEPOLO, 265.
3 See *" Relatione compendiosa della negotiatione di Mgr.
Sega " in the Inf. polit., 28, p. 309 seq. in the State Library at
Berlin. See Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 352, n. 2.
8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
restoration of peace was not to be expected from the Perpetual
Edict. The Calvinists of Holland and Zeeland refused to
accept the settlement unconditionally, because they were
not willing to abandon their persecution of the Catholics.
The agents of Orange were active in their efforts to stir up
the southern provinces against the governor of Philip II.,
and in this they were successful beyond all expectations.
Don John very soon realized that the ground was tottering
under his feet. Having learned that Orange was preparing
a blow in order to obtain possession of his person, he left
Brussels. A bold stroke on July 24th, 1577, placed him in
possession of the citadel of Namur. The cry of the perfidy
of the Spaniards echoed throughout the country. The hour
haa come for Orange to reap the harvest of his anti-monarchical
propaganda. Antwerp and Brussels hailed him joyfully as
the " restorer of freedom and fatherland," and the States
of Brabant chose him as the regent of their territory. Nor
was his advantageous position in the least degree shaken by
the choice as governor of the Archduke Matthias, the younger
brother of the Emperor Rudolph II., which had been brought
about by the jealous aristocracy. Orange was able with
extraordinary cleverness to win over the young and inexperi
enced Hapsburg prince to his policy, and thus reduce him
to a mere figurehead. The military and political direction
of the insurrection remained in his own hands. Even in
religious matters he gained an important victory by the
union at Brussels of the seventeen provinces of the Low
Countries, which took place on December loth, 1577.
Whereas the Perpetual Edict had obliged the States General
to " support in every way and everywhere the Catholic
religion," in this new agreement, the Calvinists and Catholics,
in the interests of their struggle with the common enemy,
guaranteed each other mutual toleration. 1 What this meant
to the adherents of the Catholic Church was soon to be seen.
Deaf to the warnings of the Pope, 2 the majority of the
1 See PIRENNE, IV., 127 seq., 135 seq., 140 seq., 150 seq.
2 See the memorandum to the Netherlands episcopate of
November 16, 1577, in THEINER, II., 336 seq
VIOLENCE OF THE CALVINISTS. 9
Catholics, out of hatred for Spain, had made common cause
with the Calvinists, who, however, were not on that account
at all disposed to abandon the destruction " of the papistical
idolatry." After they had, even in 1577, taken every
advantage of the political position in order to carry on an
agitation in their own favour, and to perpetrate acts of violence,
such as the arrest of the Bishops of Bruges and Ypres, at the
beginning of the following year there broke out in several
places a storm against the Catholic Church, which rivalled
that of 1566.
The Calvinist preachers, and with them a horde from the
Palatinate, and Netherlander priests who had fled to the
Palatinate, with the violent Peter Dathenus at their head,
made their way into Flanders and Brabant, and cleverly
profiting by the political conditions, launched a campaign
to the death against the ancient Church. 1 An oath was
imposed upon Catholic priests to treat Don John as an enemy
and not to preach against apostasy from the faith. Anyone
that refused was subjected to every kind of persecution.
In May the Jesuits and Franciscans at Antwerp were driven
out, and their churches profaned. As early as January the
Jesuits had had to fly from Utrecht, and the same thing
happened to the Franciscans in April. At Amsterdam at
the end of May the Calvinists made their way into the Rathaus,
drove out the Minorites and pillaged the churches, in which
Calvinist sermons were at once begun. Similar scenes took
place at Haarlem. The fanatical mob carried out a terrible
work of destruction at Ghent ; as a result of the Calvinist
preaching Catholic priests were not able by March to walk
through the streets in their habits. In May a storm of
iconoclasm was begun in the churches and convents. Aftei
the walls of the Catholic churches had been carefully washed
and covered with whitewash, they were used for Calvinist
worship. On June 28th six religious were burned alive on
false charges. In a like manner in many other places in
1 For what follows cf. HOLZWARTH, II., 2, 419 seq ; RJTTER, I.,
536 seq. ; BLOK, III., 256.
10 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Flanders the Catholic priests were ill-treated and persecuted,
their churches profaned, and church property put up for
auction. 1 At the end of August Dathenus wrote that ol
the twenty-eight cities of Flanders twenty-four had received
the " Gospel." He said nothing about the fact that his
followers there " had sacked and devastated churches,
convents, abbeys and hospitals with worse cruelties than
Moors and barbarians." At Antwerp by the end of October
six churches had been taken from the Catholics and handed
over to the Calvinists. 2
In Rome the course of events in the Low Countries was
being followed with ever growing anxiety. 3 Now as before
the Pope favoured a peaceful settlement of the disturbances
that were taking place. 4 In view of the contradictory
accounts that arrived of the complicated events, it was
extremely difficult to decide whether it would be opportune
to send a Papal legate for the restoration of peace. A special
commission composed of Cardinals Morone, Galli, Granvelle,
Sforza, Orsini, Madruzzo and Guastavillani was formed to
treat of this matter. 5 Although the greater number of the
Pope s advisers thought that " the appearance of the apostolic
cross " in the rebellious provinces was premature, 6 neverthe
less the nuncio in Germany, Bartolomeo Portia, received that
charge at the end of 1577, w ^ n directions himself to obtain
further information from the Low Countries. Prevented
by the disturbances caused by the war from making his own
observations on the spot, Portia was enabled, from the news
which he received, to come to the conclusion that nothing
1 See PIRENNE, IV., 174 seq. ; HOLZWARTH, II., 2, 425 seq.
2 See v. BEZOLD, Briefe, I., No. 115 note; HOLZWARTH, II.,
2, 455 ; RITTER, I., 537.
3 See *Odescalchi s reports dated Rome, July 24, August 14,
October 12, December 4, 1577, in the Gonzaga Archives at
Mantua.
4 Cf. HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 173, n. 3, II., xxxviii.
5 See MAFFEI, I., 267.
6 Odescalchi reports this in his memorandum dated Rome,
November 27, 1577, in the Gonzaga Archives at Mantua.
THE POPE S EFFORTS FOR PEACE. II
but armed force would be able to restore order in the Low
Countries. 1 On the other hand the Pope was informed that
the inhabitants of that unhappy country had become so
alienated from Spain, that nothing but the mediation of a
third power could restore peace ; Gregory XIII., therefore
brought his influence to bear upon Philip II. to accept the
mediation of the Emperor. 2
Statements of a similar nature confirmed Gregory XIII.
in his desire to attempt once more a peaceful intervention in
the disturbances in the Netherlands instead of the drastic
procedure against the States General which was desired by
Spain. 3 News of the negotiations of the Duke of Anjou with
the insurgents decided the Pope in June, 1578, to take definite
steps. First there came the mission of Frangipani to Henry
III. to prevent the alliance between Anjou and the Nether-
landers. 4 Then at the end of June Cardinal Madruzzo was
charged to enter into negotiations with the Emperor Rudolph
II. for the cessation of the disturbances in the Low Countries.
The Pope s plan was built upon the fact that he believed, as
did Philip II., that it was first of all necessary to remove
the Archduke Matthias. The Emperor Rudolph must
further forbid any assistance begin given to the insurgents
within the Empire. But Gregory XIII. intended to carry
out his real peace negotiations himself, by means of his
legates. 5
At the beginning of July 1578 Madruzzo set out ; in order
to obtain a happy issue to his mission the Pope ordered special
prayers and processions by means of the promulgation of a
1 See HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 205, 214, 255, II.,
xxxviii seq.
8 See THEINER, II., 430 seq. and HANSEN, loc. cit., II.,
xxxix.
8 The opposition in Rome asserted that the " stati uniti " did
wish to remain Catholic ; see *Odescalchi s report dated Rome,
April 5, 1578, in the Gonzaga Archives at Mantua.
4 See the *Relatione di Mgr. Sega in the Inf. polit., 28, p. 331,
in the State Library at Berlin.
6 See HANSEN, loc. cit., II., XL seq., 195 seq., 203 seq.
12 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
general jubilee. 1 Since neither the Emperor nor Philip II.
raised any objection to the sending of a Papal representative
to the discussions of the Assembly for the pacification of the
Low Countries, at the end of August 1578 this charge was laid
upon Gian Battista Castagna, a man who was in great favour
at the court of Spain. 2 A long time nevertheless had to
elapse before the negotiations between the representatives
of the States General and those of Philip II. were opened
at Cologne under the mediation of the Emperor.
In the meantime a change of great importance had begun
to take place in the Low Countries. Since Orange wished
to unite the whole nation against Spain the wild excesses of
the Calvinists were bound to be very distasteful to him.
But at the same time he had no means of restraining them,
for the very reason that he would thus have lost his strongest
support against Spain. The less successful were his attempts
to curb the terrorism of the Calvinists, the less satisfied were
the Catholics with his government, and they little by little
became accustomed to the idea of a reconciliation with the
Spanish power, which at any rate gave them assurance of
personal safety and the defence of their faith. 3
The Catholic Walloons in Hainault and Artois acted with
the greatest determination. There for the first time a definite
stand was made against revolutionary excesses. The leader
ship in this movement was taken by the Catholic Bishop of
1 After the Pope had come to an agreement with the Cardinals
and had obtained their consent in a consistory held on July 23,
1578 (see *Acta consist. Consistorial Archives of the Vatican)
a Bull was prepared on July 30 (reprinted by THEINER, II.,
431 seq., and also to be found in Compte rendu de la Commiss.
d hist. de Belgique, V., 2 (1892), 465 seq.). Cf. also *Odescalchi s
report of July 26, 1578, in the Gonzaga Archives at Mantua, and
the Avviso di Roma of August 9, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 289, Vatican
Library.
2 See THEINER, II., 433 seq. ; HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, II.,
218 seq. (reprint of the Instruction dated August 29, 1578) ;
BROM, Archivalia, I., 223 seq.
8 See BLOK, III., 256 seq.
THE UNION OF ARRAS. 13
Arras, Matthieu Moullart, Jean Sarrazin, the Abbot of Saint-
Vaast, and the Catholic nobles. 1 They clearly realized the
consequences that threatened them if the revolutionary
movement should penetrate into their Catholic district, as it
had especially succeeded in doing at Ghent. 2 As soon as this
danger seemed to be imminent, they energetically took up an
attitude of defence. In October, 1578, the States of Hainault
and Artois planned the formation of a Catholic league, which
had for its object the strict carrying out of the terms of the
Pacification of Ghent, defence against " the barbarous and
worse than Spanish arrogance of the secretaries and their
accomplices " and the maintenance of the Catholic faith.
The authors of this plan had taken their stand upon an
absolutely legal basis, and no fault could be found with them
if they were determined to defend themselves against the
violation of solemn pledges given by the Calvinists. 3
The Walloon provinces were successful in warding off a
tyrannical Protestant government ; first of all at Arras, and
afterwards at Lille and Douai, their adversaries were defeated.
Here, as in the whole of the remainder of the Walloon territory,
an end was put, together with Calvinism, to the rule of the
democratic masses, in favour of the aristocracy and the upper
classes of the people. On January 6th, 1579, Artois, Hainault,
Lille, Douai and Orchies formed the Union of Arras, the object
of which was the defence of the Catholic religion and
reconciliation with Philip II. 4
The answer to this was the Union of Utrecht, which was
formed on January 23rd, 1579, between the five northern
1 See PIRENNE, IV., 192 seq., which shows that Ranke s state
ments (Papste, II. [8], 63 seq.) need correction. For particulars
of Moullart cf. Gallia christ., III. ; for particulars of Sarrazin
see HIRSCHAUER, Corresp. de J. Sarrazin, Arras, 1912.
2 See Michele s report in ALBERT, I., 4, 400.
* According to PIRENNE, IV., 202.
4 See HOLZWARTH, II., 2, 460 seqq. ; PIRENNE, IV., 204 seq. ;
BLOK, III., 268 ; HUBERT, 39 seq. ; BUSSEMAKER, De afscheiding
der Waalsche Gewesten van der Generale Unie, II., Haarlem,
1896, 124 seqq.
14 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
provinces which had not surrendered, and from which was to
emerge the republic of the Netherlands. Holland, Zeeland,
Utrecht, Guelders, Groningen and Ommelande, to which there
were soon joined Friesland and Overyssel, as well as Calvinist
Ghent, Ypres, Antwerp, Bruges and Brussels, formed a union
similar to the Swiss Confederation, for the defence of the
national rights and the Pacification of Ghent. The decisions
of the league on religious questions were naturally an obstacle
to this alliance. Holland and Zeeland were to go on as they
thought best, and the other provinces received a like liberty.
The religious settlement which had been come to in July by
Orange and the States General was urged upon them, according
to which the right to practise any religion and the distribution
of the churches between the Calvinists and the Catholics was
made dependent upon the existence of a sufficient number
of the adherents of the respective religions. 1
After this events moved quickly. It was in vain that
Orange attempted to prevent the reconciliation of the Walloon
provinces with Spain. He met his match in Alessandro
Farnese, in whom Philip II. had at length set a capable man
at the head of affairs, after Don John, who was a soldier,
but no diplomatist or politician, 2 had died on October ist,
1578. 3 The high hopes with which Gregory XIII. hailed this
appointment 4 were fully justified. Equally distinguished
as a general and as a diplomatist, the son of Margaret, the
former regent of the Low Countries, and of Ottavio Farnese,
possessed all the qualities for resuming the struggle with
Orange. 5
1 See HOLZWARTH, II., 2, 440 seq, ; BLOK, III., 276 seq. ;
RlTTER, I., 545.
2 See FEBVRE S opinion, in Philippe II. et la Franche-Comte,
Paris, 1914, 699.
8 According to *Odescalchi s memorandum of October 18, 1578,
" domenica sera " came to Rome by the " dolorosa nova " and
caused much grief to the Pope. Gonzaga Archives at Mantua.
* Brief of December 3, 1578 ; see BROM, Archivalia, I., 225.
6 See FEA, A. Farnese, Torino, 1886; HOLZWARTH, II., 2,
446 seq. ; PIRENNE, IV., 243 seq. ; BLOK, III., 282 seq.
THE PEACE OF ARRAS. 15
Without paying any attention to the peace congress at
Cologne, from whose deliberations, 1 which had been begun
on May 7th, 1579, Farnese looked for no results, he brought
to a conclusion the separate negotiations with the Walloon
provinces. On May I7th a treaty was concluded at Arras
between himself and the Walloon territories of Artois, Hainault,
Lille, Douai and Orchies, by which those territories dissociated
themselves from the insurgents, and submitted themselves
to the crown of Spain. They naturally insisted upon a great
measure of autonomy and freedom. Philip II. had to promise
to protect the privileges of the States, to remove the foreign
troops, and always to appoint as governor-general a member
of his own family. In return an oath of obedience and of the
preservation of the Catholic faith was taken. 2
The decisive and highly important change which thus took
place in the affairs of the Low Countries by means of the
Peace of Arras, was principally owing to the Walloon clergy.
They alone, from the commencement and throughout the
course of the negotiations, which took place in the celebrated
Abbey of Saint- Vaast, showed a complete understanding of
the position, while the aristocracy and the States still hesitated
for a long time in consequence of the deep-rooted antipathy
for Spain. On April 27th, 1579, the ecclesiastical States
had informed the Pope of their intention. In this document
they pointed, as the reason for the attitude taken up by the
Walloon States, to the misdeeds of the Calvinists, the
destruction of the churches, and the banishment of the clergy
in almost every part of Flanders. Whereas they had actually
1 For particulars of the nugatory proceedings of the Cologne
Peace Congress, and the attitude of Castagna see GACHARD,
Corresp. de Guillaume le Taciturne IV., Introduction 98 seq. ;
KERVYN DE LETTENHOVE, Huguenots, V., 395 seq. ; LOSSEN in
Hist. Taschenbuch, V., 6, 277 seq. ; HANSEN in the Westdeutschen
Zeitschrift, XIII., 223 seq. and in the Nuntiaturberichte, II.,
lix. seq.
2 Sec DUMONT, V., 350. Philip II. ratified the peace as early
as June 29, 1579 ; see GACHARD, Actes des tats G&ieraux, II.,
No. 1845,
l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
carried out these cruelties there, in violation of the Pacification
of Ghent, the Calvinists intended to do the same in Artois
and especially at Arras, but had been prevented from doing
so by the fact that the Catholics had plucked up courage,
and had successfully adopted an attitude of self-defence.
In order to prevent a recurrence of such acts of violence,
and for the defence of the Catholic faith, the Walloon States
had met, and were prepared to be reconciled to Philip II.,
if he, for his part, would guarantee liberal peace terms. To
this end they asked for the help of the Pope. 1
When, on May i8th, 1579, Gregory XIII., together with
praise for the attitude taken up by the States, promised his
assistance, 2 the peace, as the result of the prudent and
restrained attitude of Farnese had already been settled, and
in consequence, not only had an end been put to the tyranny
and despotism which had prevailed hitherto, but the main
tenance of the ancient Church in the aforesaid provinces
had been assured. Even before the news reached Rome, the
Pope had caused prayers to be said in all the monasteries and
religious houses for a happy issue. 3 The peace, and the
capture of Maestricht, which soon followed, filled Gregory
with the greatest joy. 4 On August ist the Walloon States
were honoured with a special brief, and Alessandro Farnese
was sent the blessed hat and sword. 5 After this the Pope
felt that he could be at peace, which was very welcome to
him ; 6 thenceforward he could watch the development of
1 See THEINER, III., 93 seq. Cf. also the "Letter of John
Metellus Sequanus to Cardinal Sirleto dated Cologne, April 24,
1579, in which the Cardinal is asked to use his good offices with
the Pope in favour of peace. Vat. 6190, 2, p. 411 seq., Vatican
Library.
2 See THEINER, III., 94 seq. ; cf. HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte,
IL, 329, 337-
* *Avviso di Roma of June 7, 1597, Urb. 1047, p. 186, Vatican
Library.
4 *Avviso di Roma of July 22, 1579, ibid. 242.
5 THEINER, III., 95 seq. ; MAFFEI, II., 24.
6 See the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives
at Rome.
THE AIMS OF ORANGE. 17
events in the Low Countries with renewed hope ; Bois-le-duc
and other cities which were tired of the yoke of the Gueux,
voluntarily returned to their obedience to Philip II. 1
The sentence pronounced on Orange by the King of Spain
was answered by the prince in his Apologia. On July 26th,
1581, the States General of Holland, Zeeland, Flanders,
Guelders, Friesland, Utrecht, Overyssel and Malines solemnly
renounced at the Hague their allegiance to the King of Spain. 2
Now that the authority of the lawful king, which was
set aside in accordance with the political principles of the
Huguenots, 3 had actually passed into the hands of Orange,
it became more and more clear that what was aimed at was
i he total destruction of the Catholic Church. Orange himself,
for political reasons, was naturally opposed to a persecution
of the Catholics, for, with the exception of Zeeland, Calvinism
had not been successful in obtaining absolute dominion in
any of the northern provinces. 4 In all that part of the
country, especially in Utrecht and the west, the Catholics still
formed the majority ; 5 in consequence, however, of the
influence of the spirit of Erasmus, they, like that scholar, were
confused, uncertain and weak ; moreover they had no one to
lead them, since their bishops had been taken away from them,
and the spirit of Catholic reform had not as yet penetrated
among them. 6 Thus it is not surprising that but few of them
See PIRENNE, IV., 224 seq. ; BLOK, 111., 279.
2 PUMONT, V., 413.
3 See KILLER, I., 489, 547 seq.
4 See BLOK, III., 321.
5 See ibid. 380. The opinion held by RANKE (Papste, II." 68)
and others that the northern provinces were " completely pro-
testant " is untenable.
8 The great deterioration of the clergy in many places, notably
in Utrecht, Maastricht and Roermond can be seen from BLOK,
III., 378 (cf. Katholik, 1871, I., 708 seq.) and FRUIN, Verspreide
Geschriften, III., s Gravenhage, 1901, 254 seqq. where emphasis
is also laid on the change for the better which took place towards
the end of the pontificate of Gregory XI II., when the energetic
S. Vosmeer infused a new spirit into the clergy of northern
Holland (see ibid. 286 seq.).
VOL. XX. 2
l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
showed any readiness to undergo danger and sacrifice for
the Catholic faith. Frightened and intimidated, they
remained partly crushed, partly indifferent, while a noisy
minority tried to trample upon their religion. And this state
of affairs gradually grew worse. Thus in 1573 Catholic
worship in private was still permitted, and Catholics were only
forbidden the public exercise of their religion. But after
the renunciation of allegiance to Philip II., the more zealous
Calvin ists brought fresh pressure to bear, and Orange gave
way to them completely. An edict published by him on
December 2oth, 1581, prohibited in the strictest way, both in
the cities and in the country districts, any meeting whatever
in the churches or private houses in Holland for the purpose
of " papistical usages," such as masses, sermons, etc. ; nor
was it any longer lawful to wear sacerdotal vestments. 1
In his war against Spain Orange placed his chief hopes in
the assistance of France, but from the Duke of Anjou he met
with nothing but disappointment. In the meantime the
fortune of war was favourable to Farnese. On November
3oth, 1581, he captured Tournai, and on July 5th, 1582,
Oudenarde. The terms which he granted to both these cities
excited general surprise by their moderation. Farnese wished
to win over his opponents by his leniency. 2
The question of the possession of Flanders and Brabant,
which were situated between the Catholic confederation of
the south and the Calvinist rule in the north, was still in doubt.
The political anarchy which prevailed in those provinces
had been made use of in the cities by the Calvinist minority
for the suppression of Catholic worship. At Brussels, Antwerp
and Ghent the adherents of the ancient faith were ill-treated
in defiance of all law and right, and driven into exile. The
Catholic priests who had the courage to remain were obliged
1 See H. J. ALLARD, Een Encycliek van Willem den Zwijger,
Utrecht, 1884. Cf. also DOLLINGER, Kirche und Kirchen, 64 ;
KNUTTEL, De Toestand der Nederlandsche Katolieken ten tijde
der Republiek, I., s Gravenhage, 1892, 2 seq. ; HUBERT, 61 ;
FRUIN, loc. cit., 271 seq.
* See PIRENNE, IV., 251 seq.
VICTORY OF FARNESE. IQ
to say mass with closed doors, as was the case later on in
France, at the time of the great revolution. In 1584 even
this was forbidden at Brussels. 1 At last the persecution
ceased with the victory of Farnese. After Ypres and Bruges
had fallen at the beginning of 1584, Ghent too was forced
to surrender in September. When this news reached Rome
a mass of thanksgiving was celebrated in S. Giuliano, the
national church of the Flemings. 2
Already the question was being discussed in Rome of the
mission of a distinguished prelate to support the work of
Catholic restoration in the Low Countries, but it was decided
that the propitious moment had not yet come. 3 With far-
seeing policy F^arnese promised a general amnesty ; even the
Calvinists of Ghent, who had committed so many crimes
against the Catholics, were granted a period of two years to
decide whether they would in future live as Catholics. In
the meantime the insurgents had lost their leader by the
murder of Orange (July loth, 1584). 4 Brussels capitulated
1 See PIRENNE, IV., 222 seq.
1 See *Odescalchi s report of October 20, 1584, in the Gonzaga
Archives at Mantua.
8 *Agebatur nee non de mittendo aliquo authoritatis praelato
in Flandriam qui converses confirmaret et quos posset ad meliorem
reduceret mentem, sed rebus adhuc fluctuantibus expedire non
est visum quod, ut credo, net postea. Report of F. Sporeno to
the Archduke Ferdinand dated Rome, September 22, 1584,
Government Archives at Innsbruck.
4 For particulars of the murderer Balthasar Gerard and of his
execution, see GACHARD. Corresp. de Guillaume le Taciturne, VI.,
and Bullet, de I acad. roy. de Belgique, XXIII. ; also FREDERIKS,
Oorspronkelijke Verhalen en gelijktijdige Berichten van den
moord gepleegd aan Prins W. v. Oranje, s Gravenhage, 1884.
For particulars of earlier murder plots of Philip II., the best
authority is PLATZHOFF, Mordbefugnis, 67 seq. RANKE (Papste,
II. 8 71) still maintains that " a Jesuit of Treves supported "
B. Gerard in his murderous designs. This assertion was proved
to be a calumny as long ago as 1764 by REIFFENBERG (Hist. prov.
ad Rhen. inf., 296 seqq ; a work which Ranke himself quotes a
few pages further on !) ; and later on, MARX (Geschichte des
2O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on March loth, 1585. The siege of Antwerp, the second
capital of Brabant, proved extraordinarily difficult, 1 but it
fell at last on August I7th. The time granted to the Pro
testants there for their acceptance of the Catholic faith was
extended to four years, on account of their great number. 2
Then there began everywhere the restoration of the Catholic
churches, many of which had been converted by the Calvinists
into warehouses, and even into stables. 3 Filled with renewed
courage the champions of the Catholic restoration returned
to their task, which had been interrupted by the revolution. 4
Er/stiftes Trier, II., 2 [1862], 513 seq.) draws particular attention
to this fact. But all this did not prevent WENZELBURGER (Hist.
Zeitschr., LI 1 1., 63 seq.) from referring to Orange s murderer as :
" armed with the blessing of a Jesuit confessor." Droysen speaks
in the same strain. For the opposite point of view cf. DUHR,
Jesuitenfabeln, 724. The *Relatione del successo della morte
di Guilelmo de Nassau (Inf. polit., XII., 280-287, State Library
at Berlin) has been over-rated by Ranke. As GACHARD points
out (Compte rendu de la Commiss. d hist. de Belgique, IV., i [1873],
61 seq.), it contains nothing new about the deed. FORNERON
(Rev. de France, May 15, 1881) calls B. Gerard " un fou." The
news of Orange s death reached Rome in the beginning of August ;
see F. Sporeno s report dated August 2, 1584. On October 6
*Sporeno reports that lie handed to the Pope a picture of B.
Gerard s execution. Government Archives at Innsbruck. For
particulars of a letter of Baronius about B. Gerard see FRUIN in
Verslagen en mededel. der K. Akad. van Wetenschapen, XL, Amster
dam, 1882.
1 Cf. MOLTKE S opinion on the subject in Ges. Schriften, II., 21.
2 See PIRENNE, IV., 267 (cf. 259) ; HUBERT, 41.
3 See ibid. 485.
4 What great obstacles eminent bishops like Francis Sonnius
and William Lindanus had to contend with in their efiorts for
reform, cf. HOLZWARTH, II., 2, 265 seq. ; Katholik, 1871, II.,
103 seq., 442 seq. ; HABETS, Gesch. van het Bisdom Roermond,
II., Roermond, 1892. Two memoranda of Lindanus, written in
the year 1578, and preserved in the Secret Papal Archives (Nunziat.
di Germania, 91, p. 88 seq.} have been published by BROM in the
Publicat. de la Societe hist, dans le duche de Limbourg, 1892. They
give us a picture often a sad one of ecclesiastical conditions in
the Netherlands.
WEAKNESS OF THE CATHOLICS. 21
This was, especially at first, extremely difficult, because the
Catholics of the southern provinces, who were still under the
influence of the ideas of Erasmus, displayed such indifference
and weakness as to afford a striking contrast to the zeal and
activity of the Calvinists in the north. In the case of the
majority of the inhabitants of the southern provinces the
Catholic faith was rather a matter of habit than a real
conviction. Men followed their religion merely externally
" as a usage which was deeply rooted by long custom." 1 In
view of such tepidity and indifference about religion, it is
hardly surprising that when political disturbances broke out
men should have turned their backs upon the ancient Church
merely in order to combat the Spanish dominion. Strenuous
labours were needed in order to win back such apostates,
and restore a true religious life to the tepid. 2
After their separation from the north had removed the danger
of Calvinist rule from the Walloon provinces, it was soon seen
that the material losses were greater than the moral. The
majority of the people, especially in the country districts,
were still, as before, attached to the ancient Church. 3 There
fore Gregory XIII., who even in the time of the war in the
Low Countries had devoted special attention to the work
of Catholic restoration, 4 was able to hope for the best results,
1 See PIRENNE, IV., 171.
1 A memorandum *Remedia pro instauranda in Belgio religione
catholica, dated Louvain, September 8, 1574, suggests : " Accura-
tior populi in fide per concionatores doctrina cum visitatione ac
reformatione cleri ac potissimum cathedralium ecclesiarum
secundum canones." State Archives at Naples.
8 See PIRENNE, IV., 172 seq., 486.
4 See supra, p. 7 in the matter of the commissions entrusted
to Sega. See also HOLZWARTH (Katholik, 1871, II., 665 seq.}
where he deals with the unfulfilled project of founding a seminary
which should serve as a training school for good clergy for the
northern provinces. The University of Louvain, in 1580, sent
Gregory XIII. a present of 2,000 gold ducats ; see de RAM,
Considerations sur 1 hist. de I universit6 de Louvain, Brussels,
1854, 92.
22 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
all the more so as he was zealously supported by the govern
ment. It was obviously a disadvantageous circumstance
that many of the bishops were not suited to their office.
Requesens had repeatedly complained of the supineness and
lack of courage of some of the bishops, 1 in whose case the wise
decrees which had been approved by the synods of 1570 and
1574, on the basis of the decrees of the Council of Trent, had
remained to a great extent a dead letter. 2 If, in spite of this,
the Catholic Church quickly recovered from its state of
decadence, and began to flourish more than ever, 3 this was
in no small degree to be attributed to the activity of the
Jesuits.
At first the Jesuits in the Low Countries belonged to the
Rhenish province of the congregation, until the General,
Francis Borgia, formed a special Belgian or Flemish province
on September 24th, 1564. Its development was hindered,
not only by the insurrection in Holland, but also by the tact
that Alba, who was a strong supporter of cesaropapalism,
showed an obvious antipathy for the Society of Jesus. 4 In
spite of this the Society found many protectors. Better times
came with Requesens, who fully realized the services which
the Jesuits could render to the country, and therefore extended
to them his full sympathy. 5 After his death a further period
of difficulty for the members of the Society of Jesus ensued,
with the so-called Pacification of Ghent. The steadfastness
with which they refused in 1578 to take an oath which was
incompatible with the rights of the lawful sovereign and the
interests of the Church led to their expulsion. 6 The Calvinists
1 See Corresp. de Philippe II., ed. GACHARD, III., 306, 350.
2 See ibid. 307 ; PIRENNE, IV., 484.
3 According to PIRENNE,. IV., 486.
4 See Vol. XVIII., page 104 of this work.
6 See Corresp. de Philippe II., ed. GACHARD, III., 21 ; FRUIN
in Verslagen en mededeL der K. Akad. van Wetenschappen, XI.,
322 ; PIRENNE, IV., 498.
8 See A. PONCELET, La Compagnie de Jesus en Belgique,
Anvers, 1907, 2. Interesting particulars in the Litt. ann.,
especially 1582, p. 206 seq., 1584, p. 237 seq.
FARNESE AND THE JESUITS. 23
instinctively recognized in them their most dangerous enemies,
and wherever they obtained the upper hand the fathers had
to go away. 1 They repaired to Louvain, where Bellarmine
taught theology between 1570 and 1576. 2 As Louvain at
that time was ravaged by a terrible plague the Jesuits under
took the care of the sick ; four of the fathers succumbed there
in the performance of this work of charity, and seven others
died in other places as victims to their love for their neighbour.
The victories of Alessandro Farnese, which were so decisive
for the restoration of the ancient Church, were all the more
gratifying to the Jesuits because friendship for the Order of
Loyola was a family tradition with the Farnese. Under the
protection of the victorious general the Jesuits returned
immediately. They, and in this Philip II., who in other
respects had shown but little favour towards the Jesuits, was
in complete agreement with Alessandro Farnese, were to secure
the spiritual results of the victory. Courtrai had scarcely
been occupied when the Jesuits appeared there; they also
quickly made their way to Bruges, Ypres, Ghent, Antwerp
and Brussels. 3 In 1583 Farnese busied himself with the
establishment of a Jesuit college at Mons, and the Order owed
to his intervention with Philip II. the fact that in 1584 its
right was recognized to acquire and hold property under
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, as well as that of making free use
of the privileges granted to it by the Apostolic See. 4
A special protector of the Jesuits was the Bishop of Liege,
Gerhard von Groesbeek, who also supported in every possible
way the needs of the work of Catholic restoration. He
nevertheless in this met with so much opposition on the part
of the clergy of Liege, that he was only able to obtain small
results. 5 His successor, Ernest of Bavaria, who was appointed
1 Cf. PIRENNE, IV., 499 seq.
8 Cf. COUDERC, Card. Bellarmin, I., Paris, 1893, 92 seq. ;
FRENTZ, Kard. Bellarmin, Freiburg, 1921, 35 seq.
1 See SACCHINI, V., 189.
* See SACCHINI, V., 189 ; Bullet, de la Commits, d hist. de
Belgique, V., 2 (1892), 160-1.
5 See PIRENNE, IV., 410 seq.
24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in 1581, was more fortunate. It is worthy of note that it
was especially under this worldly bishop that the Catholic
reform made great strides. 1 The principal credit for this
belongs to the Jesuits, who had great influence with him.
In the autumn of 1585 the first Capuchins joined the Jesuits
in that part of the Netherlands which was subject to Spain. 2
They too co-operated vitally in recovering for the Catholic
Church the nation that during the rebellion had become a
playground for the heretics, supported by France, Germany
and England. 3 If the Capuchins have been called " the
Jesuits of the Poverello," this is especially true in the case
of the Spanish Netherlands. 4 Of great importance, too,
for the ecclesiastical life of that people was the apostolic
nunciature established at Cologne by Gregory XIII., which,
in October, 1584, was filled by the capable Bonhomini. 5 Thus
the Pope, at the close of his pontificate, in the midst of the
anxieties occasioned by the state of France, could at least
look with joyful anticipations to the neighbouring territories
held by Philip II. in the Netherlands. The restoration of
political order by Farnese could not fail to assist in the triumph
there of the religious revival.
1 See ibid. 428 seq.
2 Cf. BOVERIUS, II., 165 seq. ; ROCCA DA CESINALE, I., 367 seq. ;
ALENCON, Documents (Paris, 1894), 89 seq.
3 See Sega s opinion in his report of August 2, 1578, in HANSEN,
Nuntiaturberichte, II., 212 seq.
4 Cf. PIRENNE, IV., 515.
5 See MAERE, Origines de la nonciature de Flandre in the Rev.
d hist. eccles., VII., 577. Cf. infra p. 382 seq.
CHAPTER II.
THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL IN GERMANY. THE GERMAN
CONGREGATION. BAVARIA. THE TYROL. SALZBURG.
The second year of the pontificate of Gregory XIII. had
hardly begun when news reached Cologne from Rome that
the new Pope had especially taken the interests of Germany
to heart, that he was thinking of enlarging the German College
at Rome, and that a special congregation of ten Cardinals had
been appointed to discuss the question of the best way of
assisting Germany. 1
This was that German Congregation which, projected under
Pius IV., 2 had been formed in 1568 by Pius V., but which,
1 Document dated June 30, 1573, in HANSEN, Rheinische
Akten, 648.
* SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten xi. A *Consilium pro restituenda
Germania (Graziani Archives at Citta di Castello, Instruz., I.,
224) also gives, first and foremost, the following advice : " Con-
gregatio instituatur, per quam S. D. N. iuvet Germanium in
spiritu apostolicae mansuetudinis ac veritatis orthodoxae in
Christo lesu ad maiorem Omnipotentis gloriam. Necessitatem
congregationis metiri possumus ex interitu aeterno tot animarum,
ex calamitate nationis christianae, ex S. D. N. obligatione. Tem-
pus opportunum ex electione tarn pii, tarn sapientis, tarn mansueti
pontificie, ex sectis et pugnis mutuis haereticorum, unde pax
ecclesiastica consequatur, ex pace christianorum principum, ex
spe concepta a piis omnibus. Ad congregationem cardinales
eligantur, qui pietate, sapientia, dignitate sint excellentes, quibus
congregatio adiurigatur ex selectis iureconsultis et theologis, qui
congregation! sint a consiliis. lurisdictio nulla sit congregationi
ordinaria, sed summa auctoritas et gratia apud S. D. N. et omnes
statue ecclesiae, quod efflagitat negotii magnitude et difficultas.
Misisteria congregationis : Primum ut curet concilium oecumeni-
cum celebrari. Reformationem item universalem expediri em-
caciter. ..." The approximate date of this document can be
25
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on account of the unfavourable circumstances, had held its
meetings " with but little result." 1 At the beginning of 1573
Gregory XIII. gave it new life ; for its members he chose by
preference the German Cardinals, Truchsess, Mark Sittich von
Hohenems, Hosius, Cristoforo and Lodovico Madruzzo ; of the
Cardinals on the congregation who were not of German origin,
Morone, Zaccaria Delfino, Farnese and Santa Croce had known
Germany as nuncios, while Tolomeo Galli, as secretary under
Pius IV., had had to make himself acquainted with conditions
there. 2 Truchsess died in this same year, and Commendone
took his place. 3
When the hope of being able to strike a powerful blow at
the Turks had been proved to be impossible of fulfilment,
fixed from the remark about the council and also from the sentence :
" In editione librorum observetur cathalogus editus Romae sub
Paulo IV. cum emendatione S. D. N. (Pius IV.)" ; cf. the above
sentence about the " electio tarn pii pontificis " which had only
just recently taken place.
1 Cardinal Truchsess in the N untiaturberichten , III., xviii. ;
Cf. Vol. XVIII., p. 247 of this work.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, III., xv seq. SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten,
xvii seqq.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, III., xv seq. ; Bernerio on March 6, 1574,
ibid., 366. The session of January 7, 1573, of which both Truch
sess and Cusano give a report (SCHWARZ, loc. tit., xvii) is also
mentioned by *Aurelio Zibramonte who says that the following
cardinals were present : Morone, Truchsess, Farnese, Delfino,
Galli, Madruzzo, Hosius and F. Boncompagni (letter of January
J 6, 1573, addressed to the Duke of Mantua : Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). The protocols of the meetings of the German Con
gregation from May 18, 1573, to February 28, 1578, from a manu
script in the Borghese Library, are reproduced by SCHWARZ,
loc. cit. t 73-131. These reports are supplemented by some loose
sheets, originally prepared for the state secretariate and bound
up with the volumes of the Nunziat. di Germania. Such reports
of single sessions are to be found in Vols. XCI. and CII. They
begin just where the Borghese manuscript stops, i.e. with the
session of April 17, 1578 (Vol. XCI., 18), and continue up to the
end of the pontificate of Gregory XIII.
GREGORY XIII. AND GERMANY. 27
Gregory XIII. felt doubly inclined to pay all possible attention
to events in Germany. It was the Cardinal of Augsburg who
tried to turn to the advantage of his own country the plans
that had proved vain as far as the east was concerned. 1 In
every way Otto Truchsess intervened on behalf of his own
country ; when, in July, 1572, the immediate return of
Commendone from Poland was erroneously expected, Cardinal
Otto proposed that Commendone should be employed at
Vienna for the religious revival in Germany. 2 Cardinal Hosius
of Ermland, too, intervened with the Pope on behalf of Ger
many ; he specially urged that steps should be taken to
bring about the return of Saxony to the Church. 3 It was also
possible to obtain information as to the state of affairs in
Germany from the Dominican, Feliciano Ninguarda, who
was in Rome until September 1572, as the representative of
the ecclesiastical province of Salzburg. 4 Peter Canisius was
expected in April, 1573, to take part in the election of the
new General of the Jesuits ; in the meantime he was charged
to obtain information from the Archbishop of Salzburg, and
the princes of the Tyrol and Bavaria, as to what would be in
their opinion the best way to further the interests of religion. 5
The Secretary of State, Galli, soon found himself called upon
to make a definite statement that it was intended to make
use of none but peaceful means ; at the news of the meeting
1 Seb. Beretarius in M. RADERUS, De vita Petri Canisii (1614),
139.
2 SCHWARZ in the Rdmische Quartalschrift, IV. (1890), 40-3.
The ideas developed in this article will be met with again in
Otto s later memorandum (see infra p. 28).
3 SCHWARZ. Zehn Gutachten, xvi.
* Nuntiaturberichte, III., xiv.
* Ibid, xxi seqq. * Brief to the Archbishop of Salzburg, dated
January 24, 1573 : " Volumus dil. fil. Petrum Canisium tecum
agere nonnullis de rebus ad hanc quam diximus curam pertinenti-
bus ; cuius verbis fidem adhibebis et quid tibi spiritus s. in
animum immittat expones, cupimus enim tuam sententiam
cognoscere, quam propter prudentiam et pietatem tuam plurimi
facimus." Consistorial Archives, Salzburg.
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the German Congregation the rumour had been spread,
especially in Vienna, that Rome was planning a massacre of
St. Bartholomew against the religious innovators in Germany.
Galli replied to the request for enlightenment from the nuncio
in Vienna that there was not the least idea of armed inter
vention nor of violent measures " which are no longer suited
to these times, and in no way represent the intentions or ideas
of the Pope." 1 Cardinal Otto, too, wrote at the beginning
of 1573 to Duke Albert V. : 2 Gregory XIII. intends to devote
his attention to Germany " in all kindness and gentleness,"
" zealously and in all seriousness " ; if only he knew what to
do, how hard he would work !
What serious efforts were being made at that time in Rome
to obtain detailed information as to the state of affairs in
Germany, is clear from a whole number of written opinions
intended for the use of the German Congregation, and which
go in great detail into the means to be adopted in coming to
the assistance of Germany. 3 The Cardinal of Augsburg had
already expressed his views on this question to Pius V. in
1568. He now, at an audience, in January, 1573, laid his
opinions before the new Pope with certain unessential
alterations. 4 Zaccaria Delfino, who was at that time nuncio
in Vienna, made a speech before the German Congregation
on the same subject before January 7th, 1573, 5 while Peter
Canisius made a report concerning the information which,
in accordance with the instructions he had received, he had
obtained from the Archduke of the Tyrol and the Duke of
Bavaria as to the best procedure of reform. 6 Canisius had
handed on the task of consulting the Archbishop of Salzburg
on the subject to Ninguarda, 7 whose report, however, 8
1 Galli on March 7, 1573, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., xxi.
1 On January 31, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., xxiv.
8 Printed ibid, i seqq.
4 Ibid., 1-19. For the date of this and the following memoran
dum, cf. Nuntiaturberichte, III., xviii.
SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 19-28.
6 Ibid., 29-33. f- Nuntiaturberichte, III., xxi seq.
7 Ibid, xxv seq.
8 Of February 24, 1573, in THEINER, I., 106-9.
REPORT OF CARDINAL TRUCHSESS 29
represents his own ideas rather than those of the archbishop.
Lastly there are a number of reports from unknown writers. 1
The accounts of the state of Germany which are given in these
reports present a gloomy picture. Any improvement in the
state of affairs must start with the bishops, in so far as they
are still men of good will. But, as Cardinal Otto Truchsess
points out, the clergy resist the smallest attempt at reform,
and reject the decrees of Trent, relying on pretended privileges.
The bishops do not dare to interfere by means of synods,
visitations or strong measures. If an immoral priest is
removed by his bishop, he goes to a neighbouring diocese and
there meets with a ready welcome on account of the scarcity
of priests, or, as happens every day, he goes to the Protestants,
from whom he is certain to receive some prominent and
well-paid office. It is impossible to fill the place of such
fugitives except by men who have given public scandal, or
at any rate, have fallen under manifest and grave censures.
A bishop finds himself in the difficult position of having to
tolerate against his will parish priests and others who are
simoniacal, unsuitable, scandalous, excommunicated, and
the like ; he must keep his parishes filled in some way, for
otherwise the danger will arise of the parishioners turning to
the Protestants in order to have a preacher. 2
Moreover there are a great number of Protestants even in
the territories of the ecclesiastical princes. 3 Even among the
counsellors of the bishops there are some who, either openly
or in secret, favour the new doctrines. 4 The blame for this
rests with the Protestant universities, whence, according
to the view of an experienced witness, almost all the errors as
1 In SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 33-70. No. VII : " Abusus Germaniae "
(ibid., 50-2) is by the nuncio B. Portia (cf. Nuntiaturberichte, V.,
473-5) < No. VIII. is given in a German translation in Katholik,
1900, II., 440 seqq. A memorandum of May i, 1573, by Rhetius
for the German Congregation in HANSEN, Rheinische Akten,
644-7.
2 SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 4.
3 Ibid., 34.
* Mainzer Gutachten, ibid., 37.
30 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to faith have come. 1 Catholic high schools in Germany are
very few in number, and these few are in a deplorable state. 2
Academic degrees, to which great importance is attached in
Germany, are conferred there as elsewhere indiscriminately,
upon learned and unlearned, good and bad, Catholics and
Protestants. 3 The bishops are very badly provided with
trustworthy assistants, both for the government of their
temporal territories and for their ecclesiastical administration ;
there are in fact hardly any men in Germany who are learned,
honourable, capable, hard-working or God-fearing. 4
It is a perpetual menace to the German church that in
filling canonries preference is given to men of noble birth. 5
Since the young nobles are aware that their birth opens to them
the way to canonries, prelacies, and the episcopal and archi-
episcopal dignity, they care nothing about studv or piety, but
pass their time in drinking, hunting, and with women. Even
the deans, provosts and archdeacons give for the most part
the worst possible example. The prelates are rarely to be
seen in the churches, and the canons hardly ever. If in the
course of the year there should be some special or rich distribu
tion of gifts, they walk about chattering outside the choir
while their representatives perfunctorily go through the
office. 6 At the office itself they think it beneath their dignity
to sing even one antiphon or one verse of a psalm ; in their
opinion it is far more fitting for a noble to make a great show
in the streets with military trappings and arms, very often
1 Ibid.
2 Ibid., 63.
3 Ibid., 37-
Ibid., 4.
5 Cf. ALOIS SCHULTE, Der Adel und die deutsche Kirche im
Mittelalter (Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen, edited by U. STUTZ,
63-4), Stuttgart, 1910 ; A. L. VEIT in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XXXIII.
(1912), 323-58, where, on page 325 seq., further literature on the
subject is given. Examples of the absence of the burgesses from
the chapters*, in LOSSEN. Kolner Krieg, I., 19 ; FIEDLER, Re-
lationen, 69 ; SUGENHEIM, Bayrische Kirchenzustande, 96.
6 SCHWARTZ, loo. cit., 65.
REPORT OF CARDINAL TRUCHSESS. 31
with gold chains round their necks, and amuse themselves
with dogs and horses. The revenues of the richest churches,
so they say, are intended by the will of the founders only for
the maintenance of the nobles, and the divine office for the
lower classes ; whence has come the proverb : " the vicars
go to church for the canons, and the canons go to hell for the
vicars." 1 Deans, archdeacons and others must, it is true,
when they take possession of their benefice, take an oath
to receive sacred orders within a given period, but they evade
this oath in various ways. Thus it comes about that in the
greater churches it is rare to find a priest among the canons,
and this example is only too often followed in the smaller
churches. 2 For the rest, most of the burgesses can obtain
admission to the chapters if they have the doctorate, but
every effort is made to exclude them altogether, which has
already been the case in some churches. Cologne provides
an exception ; there the cathedral chapter still contains eight
doctors, all men of distinction ; these have the same right of
voting in the chapter as the nobles, but they cannot obtain
prelacies. 3 Besides their own canonries the noble canons
obtain possession of all the rich benefices of the whole diocese,
so that there is no prospect of advancement for other priests,
no matter how pious or learned they may be. 4
Before the election of the bishop the canons draw up an
election capitulation by means of which they strive to protect
themselves as far as possible against the authority of the
future bishop and to minimize their own obligations. They
do not intend, as they say, like common priests, to have
launched against them visitations, improvement of morals
or reforms, nor to be hampered by canons and regulations
like monks, nor to become Jesuits. Each one must take an
oath that in the event of his being elected bishop he will observe
this election capitulation, that he will not ask to be dispensed
1 Ibid., 66.
2 Ibid., 66 seq.
3 Ibid., 68 seq.
4 Ibid., 65 seq.
3^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
from his oath, and that he will not give information as to this
arrangement to anyone, not even the Pope. 1
The bishops who are chosen from among such people,
naturally, after the life they have led, know nothing about the
administration of their office, nor do they take any interest in
it, nor do they dare, on account of the election capitulation,
to touch the plague-spot of their canons, and suffer shocking
scandals to go on. They hand over the care of the diocese
to a representative, who, however, has not the necessary
authority to obtain obedience to his orders ; while they, for
their part, strive to raise and enrich their own families, amuse
themselves with a display of luxury and worldly pomp, and
strive to be looked upon as princes rather than bishops. 2
The outcome of all this in many dioceses has been either that
the bishop himself has apostatized from the Church, or that
the chapter has elected a Protestant as bishop, unless they
have preferred to make no election at all, and to place the
civil administration of their hitherto ecclesiastical territory
in the hands of a Protestant prince. 3
The salvation of the German Catholics could not, under
these difficult circumstances, come from the bishops, but only
from the centre of the universal Church, and nothing short of
this extraordinary means of salvation seemed to hold out any
real prospect of success. The evil, so states a report of about
1576, seems to be almost incurable, for the very reason that
ecclesiastics and prelates are no longer willing to listen to the
mother and mistress of all the churches, the Roman Church. 4
Among many German Catholics, Rome has a bad name, says
a priest who was probably educated in Rome ; the reply is
made, if they speak of reform in Germany, that they might
well make a beginning with Rome itself ; if the suggestions
for reform, be they mild or be they strong, bear the stamp of
Rome, they are condemned as harsh and unsuitable, and it is
only under the pressure of necessity that the appearance of
1 Ibid., 66.
2 Ibid., 67.
8 Ibid., 68.
SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 37.
HOPE AWAKENED. 33
union with the Roman See is still maintained. 1 The Protest
ants, for their part, among whom the very name of Rome is
as much hated as that of the Turks, 2 speak in quite another
way : the conviction of the infamies of the Roman See is with
them the foundation and pivot of all their doctrines, and
anyone who could remove this conviction would have healed
Germany of all her ills. 3
It is only by taking into consideration such expressions of
opinion that the importance of the reforms that were carried
out at the Roman court by Pius V. can be estimated. 4 In
spite of the hostile suspicion with which the news of this
initial reform was at first received, it gradually acquired greater
force. 5 The hope that some day God would raise up a Pope
who would take Germany to his heart, had been awakened
among the better disposed. 6
On the other hand some of the reports are full of expressions
of hope. A report on the condition of Protestant Saxony
deems that the princes are wearied of the quibbles of their
theologians, that the nobility are deriding their shallowness,
the townsfolk holding them in contempt, and the countryfolk
extolling the bygone days on account of their purity of morals
and their piety. If to-day the prince-elector of Saxony or of
Brandenburg were to join the Catholic Church, the nobles,
townsfolk and countryfolk would flock into it on the same
day. 7 The Cardinal of Augsburg, who saw a special miracle
of Providence in the fact that Germany had not fallen into
complete ruin, was also of opinion that if the necessary zeal
1 Ibid., 38, cf., 48.
2 Ibid., 33.
3 Ibid., 54-
* " Boni vero gaudent maxime Deo gratias agentes, de bona
fama iam de V. S. (Pius V.) sparsa et de studio V. S. reformandi
et emendatione Romanae curiae." Otto Truchsess to Pius V.,
1568, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., n. 2.
6 " Ut vel invitis Germanorum auribus religiosa Romanorum
fama influeret," ibid., 40.
6 Otto Truchsess, ibid., 2.
Ibid., 56.
VOL, XX. ^
34 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and earnestness were employed, the salvation and improve
ment of the majority might without doubt be looked for
very quickly. 1 We still have Catholic princes. It is true
that the bishops hesitate at the magnitude of the work of
reform, but they hope for assistance on the part of the Pope
and the Emperor ; some provinces and cities have remained
true to the Catholic faith, as have innumerable prelates, counts,
barons and nobles who rule over huge territories. Many who
are doubtful and undecided would very easily be won over
with gentle correction. Division and discord have made
their way into the ranks of the Protestants, and they are
fighting fiercely among themselves. 2 Their strength is very
much weakened ; their dealings with foreign powers are no
longer very active, and there is much mutual mistrust.
Their adherents are weary of the everlasting divisions and
changes of religion, and every year more of them are inclined
to turn to the ancient Church. If they could but see the
Catholics free from at anyrate public scandals, and if they
had hard-working priests, there is no doubt that every day a
large number would be won back. 3
According to the author of a memorial from Mayence the
Catholics in the Empire were stronger than the Protestants,
if not perhaps in numbers, 4 at any rate in power ; but they
were naturally over timid, because no one encouraged or
revived their still actual living faith. 5 A sign that was full
. t 4.
2 The religious disruption had come to such a pass, that, in
1574 the Venetian ambassador in Vienna, Giovanni Corraro, was
of opinion that chaos itself (1 istessa confusione) could be more
easily described than the number of religions in Germany, most
of which no longer knew what they ought to believe. Fontes
rerum Austriacamm, XXX., 331.
s SCHWARZ, IOC. Clt., 4-7.
4 Ibid., 35. If one counts as Protestants all those who made
use of the so-called evangelical freedom in the ordering of their
lives, then, without doubt, this kind of Protestant was certainly
more numerous than the number of those who kept to the laws
of the Church.
6 Ibid., 34.
CALLS TO THE POPE FOR HELP. 35
of promise was the fact that the Protestants were asking to
hear the word of God. The errors that were holding them
back from the word of God, could not last for long, if the
Church could only provide learned ministers, who were skilled
in word and deed. Even in the Protestant districts there
were still a number of Catholics who, by their words and
writings, and by their good lives and example, were encourag
ing the doubtful, reclaiming those who had been led away,
or at anyrate causing them to question their false beliefs.
Lastly there was among all Catholics, from the Pope
downwards, a great desire for the religious revival of Germany.
Whence could this come, except from the fact that God wishes
a renewal of the struggle against error P 1 " Now is the time
to awake from sleep," Truchsess cries to the Pope. " The
cause of Christ is astir in us, of whom your Holiness is the
representative on earth. Your Holiness must trust in God,
and gather together men of action and experience, as well as
the necessary means, nor feel any doubt that God is still
strong enough to produce saving grace and the most abundant
fruits in the vineyard of Germany, which implores so insistently
the help of its pastor Gregory." 2
In spite of all the discontent occasioned by the behaviour
of the prelates and the authorities in Rome the conviction
of the divine institution of the Papacy was still alive among
the Catholics, for whom even in Germany Rome still possessed
a power that could in no way be passed over. All the reports
sent to the German Congregation look for salvation in the
religious affairs of Germany from the intervention of the
Holy See.
The necessity of having more representatives of the Pope in
Germany, besides the nuncio at Vienna, is again and again
brought out in the reports from all parts. On account of the
long interruption in their relations with it, the Cardinal of
Augsburg was of opinion that the German princes, both
Catholic and Protestant, had become distrustful of the
Apostolic See ; they thought that Rome no longer cared
1 Ibid., 34-5.
2 Ibid., 17.
36 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
about them, and the Protestants let no opportunity slip
of widening the breach by their invectives, calumnies and
falsehoods. Therefore there was need of more representatives
of the Pope in the various districts, to whom they could make
known the needs of the country, and from whom they could
seek advice and help, or at any rate consolation. 1 Before we
can think of converting the heretics, says Delfino, we must
before everything else be sure of our own prelates. And
how can this be possible if we are not definitely and thoroughly
informed as to the means available, and the method of govern
ment, the zeal and the negligence of each prelate ? " It is
certainly a great evil that we know so little as to the state
of affairs in Germany. It is the result of this ignorance if
in the years that have elapsed so many ecclesiastical offices
have been so ill provided for." 2 The greater number of the
metropolitan and cathedral chapters in Germany have for
years past been filled with Protestants, not only through the
neglect of the bishops, but also because the officials of the
Dataria in Rome have not paid sufficient attention to the
matter. Every bishop ought therefore to be obliged to send
a list of the persons who are suited to fill such offices. 3 As
things are to-day, it is stated in another report, 4 the Romans
and Germans take no trouble to know anything about each
other ; the German prelates only go to Rome to obtain the
confirmation of their appointment, and then hardly give
another thought to the Apostolic See ; their confirmation
itself is only looked upon as a matter of payment.
Another report, on the then burning question of seminaries,
aims at showing what great difficulties could be obviated
by the presence of permanent nuncios. 5 All reasonable men in
Germany see in these institutions the most efficacious means
of reform, and anyone that refuses to come to the assistance
of Germany in that matter, was refusing to help her altogether.
1 SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, i seq.
2 Ibid., 20.
3 Ibid., 28.
4 Ibid., 36, 42.
6 Ibid., 43-4-
NEED OF NEW SEMINARIES. 37
The bishops and princes, who had not moved a finger in that
direction, would be more likely to be aroused by the spoken
word than by any number of letters. Many of them, moreover,
are men of good will, but now some of them write to Rome in
one sense on the subject of the seminaries, and others in
another, and thus the question becomes more and more
involved, and drags on interminably ; in the end nothing is
accomplished, or else the Protestants get to know of the
plans of the Catholics and circumvent them. For example,
if the question were to be raised whether the seminaries were
to be established by means of the contributions of the clergy,
then immediately all would cry out that on account of the
bad times they had not enough to live upon, although in
many cases it was manifest that the opposite was the case.
But if it was suggested that the abandoned monasteries and
their revenues, which were, moreover, being turned to very
bad use, should be made over to the seminaries, then there
would be another outcry, some saying that the monasteries
were being destroyed, while others would think that it was
intended to seize the property of the monasteries, not for the
seminaries, but for some private purpose. It was therefore
very difficult for Rome to decide who was to be believed. The
supporters of the project grew weary or else died, while the
heretics robbed the monasteries and educated their children
with the money of the Catholics. If there were nuncios at
hand, they would at once be able to come to a decision in
accordance with the information they had themselves obtained.
" In a word " so the writer concludes, " it is necessary to
establish more seminaries, and more quickly, and better ones
than at present, for otherwise all negotiations for reform will
be vain and useless. 1
It is further recommended in these plans of reform that
care should be taken for the instruction of the faithful by
means of suitable books, and that Rome should therefore
encourage capable writers, 2 at the same time subjecting the
1 Mid., 44, cf. 13-4, 31, 37, 57, 63-4.
8 Ibid., 39, 60. " Capable writers should be assembled together
in one spot where they could devote themselves to the composition
38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
printing and spread of heretical works to severe penalties
with the help of the Catholic princes. 1 The penetration of
Protestants and doubtful Catholics into the cathedral chapters
might be prevented if in future no canonry were to be conferred
upon anyone who had not sworn to the Tridentine profession
of faith. 2 To put a stop to the loss of the bishoprics, an
attempt should be made to bring pressure to bear uporf the
Emperor never to grant to bishops-elect the investiture of
their civil rights, unless they were prepared to accept the
Papal confirmation, make the profession of faith, and receive
sacerdotal orders. 3
Rome should show itself ready to favour the Germans and
show itself friendly towards them, and therefore be quick
to give effect to the requests which came from Germany.
Only a short time before a German abbot had had to wait
for three years, and at great expense to himself, for his
confirmation. In consequence of this delay and this dragging
on of affairs, prelates had themselves installed in their benefices
by lay authority, without seeking the confirmation of Rome,
and having thus become disobedient in one point to the
Apostolic See, they soon became so in others, and in the end
even became filled with hatred of Rome. 4
Lastly, very wide faculties must be granted for Germany
in certain cases so as to mitigate the severity of the ecclesiastical
laws, and for the remission of sins and ecclesiastical penalties,
the absolution of which is in itself reserved to the Apostolic
See. The bishops, says the Cardinal of Augsburg, must have
in greater measure than they have at present the right to
and spread of literature " (ibid., 49). On September i, 1574,
Canisius made a similar suggestion to the General of his Order.
NADAL, Epistolae, III., 821.
1 SCHWARZ, loc, cit., 38, cf. 35 seq. See also P. M. BAUMGARTEN
in Hist. Jahrbuch, XXXI. (1910), 88 seq. For particulars of
similar suggestions made in the year 1566, see O. BRAUNSBERGER,
ibid., XXX. (1909), 62-72.
2 SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 12, 37.
3 Ibid., ii.
4 Ibid., 46.
NEW NUNCIATURES. 39
appoint learned priests who, in cases of heresy and other sins
which are to-day very common in Germany, have full authority
and power to absolve. Daily experience shows that neither
the clergy nor the people can be induced to have direct recourse
to either the bishop or the Apostolic See for absolution. 1
The bishops themselves are not uncommonly as much involved
in ecclesiastical censures as they are, 2 and must find in the
nuncio someone to admonish them. " In this way many
grave evils which at present seem incurable might be
removed." 3 It seemed better to others, however, that such
powers should be given only to the nuncios, because the
German bishops had not the necessary knowledge of canon
law. 4 Cardinal Truchsess, too, in the end limited his
suggestions, to the extent of desiring that only bishops who
had proved themselves fit should be given these extraordinary
powers. 6
The wishes and suggestions of the Cardinal of Augsburg
(who died on April 2nd, 1573), which were also expressed in
similar terms by the nuncio Bartolomeo Portia, 6 made a great
impression in Rome ; in the course of the year 1574 briefs
were sent to Cardinal Otto s successor at Augsburg, as well
as to the Bishops of Wiirzburg and Ratisbon, in which his
suggestions were to some extent accepted. 7
The desire of the German Catholics to have in their midst,
in addition to the nuncio at the Imperial court, a larger number
of representatives of the Holy See, was also acted upon by
Gregory. As early as 1573 he sent one such to Upper Germany,
and another to Central Germany, and especially for the North. 8
Both these nuncios, contrary to the custom of the time, were
not accredited to any definite court, but were sent to all the
1 Ibid., 12, cf. 1 8, 48.
* Ibid., 58.
3 Ibid., 12 seq.
4 Ibid., 60.
5 Ibid., 18. Cf. MERGENTHEIM, I., 134-45.
6 Nuntiaturberichte, III., 315-7.
7 MERGENTHETM, I., 91 seqq., 145.
8 See infra, p. 66.
40 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
princes in their district. The nunciature of Upper Germany
was discontinued after ten years and that of Lower Germany
after five. But the latter had a successor after 1584 in chat
of Cologne, which lasted for two centuries. Already (in 1580)
a permanent representative of the Holy See had been sent to
Graz. The above-mentioned nunciatures were distinguished
from those of former times, most of which had been embassies
intended for the transaction of political business, by their
religious purpose ; in their case politics became a purely
subordinate consideration.
In the reform plans laid before the German Congregation it
had been strongly insisted upon that the German College
in Rome must be enlarged and that it must revert entirely
to its original purpose. It has happened, says one of the
reports, 1 that excellent young men, who wish to devote them
selves to the priesthood, but met with opposition from their
parents, have fled to Rome, but, on account of the poverty
of the German College, have not been able to obtain admission
there, and have been obliged, with many difficulties, to return
to toil and drudge in their own country. In the end the
college had come to be German in little more than name. If
every year ten or twelve good priests could be sent to Germany
it would produce very great results. Since they had been
educated in Rome these priests, in whatever part of Germany
they were, would look to the Roman Church as their mother,
and could, in the capacity of eye-witnesses, refute the constant
calumnies against the Pope, the Cardinals, and the state of
Rome. Even though there were seminaries in Germany,
they should cause some of their students to be educated in
Rome ; in that case they would be removed as far as possible
from the danger of infection, and they would learn the truth
far better in Rome by what they saw, than they would in
Germany from books, to which must be added the enthusiasm
which would be enkindled in an unspoiled German youth
by receiving his education in a place where everything would
speak to him of the foundations of the true faith. The German
1 SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 41.
THE POPE S CARE FOR GERMANY. 41
College, says another report, ought to be increased to at least
100 students ; l if, against this 2 the objection were raised of the
cost of living in Rome, and the unfavourable climate for
Germans, in favour of seminaries on German soil, the practical
Cardinal Truchsess refused to accept these objections, 3 and
said that experience had shown that it was impossible at the
moment to carry into effect the decrees of the Council of Trent
in all the dioceses ; they must therefore turn their attention
to a general seminary, and for this purpose it was impossible
to think of Germany, but rather, and above all, of Rome.
The more students were received there, the better it would be ;
in course of time the good repute of such a universal German
college in Rome would induce many even of the nobles to
send their sons there to be educated.
Otto Truchsess, as well as Cardinal Hosius, Canisius and
Albert V., had many times during his life vainly given
expression to such desires, but now, when he expressed them
for the last time, only a short time before his death, he met
with a response far greater than he could ever have hoped for.
A pamphlet of 1579 speaks of Gregory XIII. as the second
founder of the German College, a Pope who was truly
" German," who from the first had with the greatest kindness
devoted special attention to " our " Germans ; in the German
College he was maintaining 130 youths ; in Austria and
Bohemia he had established two colleges, and had raised two
Austrians to the cardinalate. 4 Another contemporary thinks
that it may be said that Gregory has " a German heart,"
and that there is no nation to which he devotes so much
attention as Germany ; in every mass, the same writer says,
he recommends to God the German Church. 5
1 Ibid., 49 seq.
2 Ibid., 57 seq.
8 Ibid., 13 seq., cf. 17.
4 " Est enim hie Gregorius vere Germanicus Pontifex, qui inde
ab initio Germanos nostros summa est humanitate complexus
magnamque illorum rationem semper habuit, ut de illis possit
bene mereri." MORITZ, 8, n. i.
6 Perneder from Rome, January 2, 1586, JANSSEN-PASTOR,
V.i>i 193.
42 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Among the secular princes of Germany whose assistance
for the German College had been especially sought by Peter
Canisius, only one gave any proof of acquiescence and favour
able dispositions, 1 the man who, in the opinion of Paolo
Tiepolo, 2 was the only one of the princes of Germany whom
Gregory XIII. could trust at the beginning of his pontificate ;
this was the Duke of Bavaria, Albert V. Bavaria was indeed
at that time the pivot of Catholic hopes. It is true that
Canisius also speaks of the Archduke of the Tyrol, Ferdinand,
as being, in 1567, a pioneer of Catholicism together with
Albert, 3 but he too gives the first place to the Duke of Bavaria,
as being a man who had no equal in Germany in his zeal for
religion. 4 His view of the importance of Bavaria was justified
by the event. The example of Albert V. and his son inspired
courage in the ecclesiastical princes who were his neighbours ;
by means of the daughter of Albert V., Mary, the wife of the
Archduke Charles of Styria, the princes of Austria were stirred
up to zeal for the Catholic faith ; the intervention of Bavaria
in the war of Cologne saved the bishoprics in the north of
Germany, and assured the continuance of the Catholic
Empire.
Already in the time of Luther, William IV., the father of
Albert V., had resisted all temptations to apostatize from
the Catholic faith. The Lutheran princes naturally did all
they could to induce the powerful prince of Bavaria to follow
their example. 5 At the same time even at Munich men saw
1 STEINHUBER, I., 49. CANISTI Epist., VI., 290. GOETZ,
Beitrage, V., n. 469. SCHWARZ, loc. cit.
2 ALBERI, II., 4, 228.
3 " duos et praecipuos illos Catholicorum heroes (to Hosius on
September 7, 1567, CANISII Epist., VI., 37). It is these same two
that Commendone also calls " le principal! colonne de la fede
cattolica in Germania " (to Canisius on October 6, 1568 ; ibid.,
225).
4 To Francis Borgia on August 27, 1567 ; CANISII Epist., IV.,
25. Under Ferdinand I. he called Bavaria and Austria Catholic
countries (to Otto Truchsess on January 17, 1556 ; ibid., I., 596).
6 REIZLER, IV., 309.
WILLIAM IV. OF BAVARIA. 43
with feelings of envy how many nobles and princes, by their
acceptance of the new doctrines, had got into their own hands
so many bishoprics and abbacies. 1 Even though the attitude
of William IV. towards the great political changes had not
always been without blame from the Catholic point of view, 2
and his zeal for religion had to some extent been held in
suspicion even by a Papal nuncio, 3 none of these things alters
the fact that it was that prince who might, more easily than
the others, have enriched himself by the confiscation of seventy
Bavarian monasteries, 1 who resisted that temptation from
conscientious motives. 5
In spite of everything, however, even in Bavarian territory
the tendency towards the new doctrines made some progress
at first. The nobility were for the most part inclined towards
them, 6 and the abuses among the Catholics paved the way
for them. 7 In the first years of his reign, Albert V., the son
and successor of William IV., was wanting in resolution as to
matters of religion ; 8 he sought to find salvation in concessions,
especially in granting the chalice to the laity, and allowing
1 Ibid., 308 ; cf. 152.
2 Ibid., 76, 240, 251.
3 Ibid., 307.
4 Ibid., 96, 307.
8 " That the dukes had been led into the Roman camp by
motives of self- interest is one of those historical fairy-tales which
it seems impossible to eradicate. ... If pure selfishness, without
any religious motive, had decided the ecclesiastical policy of the
Bavarian princes, then the dice would have fallen quite differently.
For as things soon shaped themselves, desertion to the Protestant
camp promised incomparably greater advantages to the Bavarians
than did supporting the old Church." Thus REIZLER, IV., 93 seq.
Concerning Christopher von Schwarzenberg, cf. ibid., 75 seq: and
N. PAULUS in the Hist, polit. Slattern , CXI. (1893), 10-32 ; CXII.,
I44-54-
8 RlEZLER, IV., 348, 501, 524.
7 DOEBERL, I., 385-90.
8 JANSSEN-PASTOR, IV. 15 - 16 112 seq. Cf. Eisengrein to
Cromer on February 29, 1568, in PFLEGER, 150 ; DOEBERL, I.,
438 seq.
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the marriage of priests. 1 Already, far-seeing Catholics felt
the most serious apprehension ; Austria they said has already
failed us, if Bavaria too should apostatize, the ancient religion
in Germany is finished. 2
By the time that these apprehensions had found expression,
an important change had already taken place in the views of
the duke. As early as 1557 Albert declared that he would
rather come, with his wife and children, to a state of misery
than make any further concessions in the matter of religion. 3
After 1563 he steadily became a stronger and stronger champion
of the ancient Church. His chancellor, Simon Thaddeus Eck,
who was a convinced Catholic, the half-brother and disciple
of the theologian, Johann Eck, but above all the influence
of the Jesuits and the impression made by the Council of
Trent, which had at length been brought to an end, may
explain this change. 4 Certain experiences which he had had
on the occasion of the so-called conspiracy of the nobles at
Ortenburg in 1564, and above all the correspondence that was
confiscated at the trial, convinced him that all his leniency
had not prevented the Protestant nobles from describing
their duke as Pharoah, and his efforts for the chalice and
the marriage of priests as the work of a madman and inspired
by the devil. 5 Further, the trial broke the resistance of the
1 See Vol. XVI. of this work, p. 115 ; SCHWARZ in the Hist.
Jahrbuch, XIII. (1892), 144 seq. P or Ormaneto s mission to
Bavaria, of. the official documents in ARETIN : Bayenis auswaertig
Verhaeltnisse, Records, 6-16.
2 Canisius to Lainez on October 14, 1569, CANISII Epist., VI.,
533 i / RIEZLER, IV., 499 seqq.
3 Ibid., 507.
4 Ibid., 497. The words of the Roman Breviary : the Apostles
Peter and Paul, O Lord, have taught us Thy law " were applied
by Albert V. to himself with reference to Peter Canisius and
Paul Hotfaeus. A. BRUNNER, Excubiae tutelares, Munich, 1637,
55i.
6 RIEZLER, IV., 528, cf. 525. There was no real conspiracy
although there was a well-founded suspicion of such. See
DOEBERL, I., 442 seq.
ALBERT V. OF BAVARIA. 45
nobles, and left the duke a free hand in the matter of religion. 1
Whereas in 1563 Albert V. was of the opinion that the
people would "in no way " suffer themselves to be deprived
of the use of the chalice, and that nothing ," neither mildness,
nor harshness, nor scourging, nor punishment, nor torture "
would be of any use, but that they would have to be banished
from the duchy, 2 in the very next year the duke s council came
to the conclusion that the desire for communion under both
kinds was by no means general. 3 A visitation of the fiscal
district of Burghausen, where the request for the chalice was
especially strong, seemed to confirm this view. 4 At the
beginning of 1571, a few years after Bavaria had received the
concession of the chalice granted by Pius IV., it had already
fallen into disuse, and the chalice was forbidden to the
laity. 5
From 1564 onwards energetic steps had been taken for the
religious instruction of the people by means of missions ;
those who would not suffer themselves to be wen over, were
to be banished. 6 A new and important religious ordinance
of September 30th, 1569, 7 sought to put a stop to the two
principal causes of the religious dissensions in Bavaria, by a
careful surveillance over the primary schools and the press,
A visitation of the whole duchy was proclaimed, and officials,
markets, cities, and indeed all subjects, were threatened with
severe penalties if they failed to conform to the orders. On
January 5th, 1570, an " ecclesiastical council " was set up,
which was composed of ecclesiastics and laymen, and was to
1 RIEZLER, IV., 532.
2 ARETIN, Maximilian, I., 108 seq.
8 KNOPFLER, 154 seq. RIEZLER, IV., 518 seq.
4 In ARETIN, loc. cit. 156 seq. Cf. KNOPFLER, 215 seq.
5 RIEZLER, IV., 550. KNOPFLER, 213. Description of the
dogmatic confusion which was aggravated by the concessions,
ibid. Cf. the Visitation Records of the years 1558 and 1559
given by HOLLWECK in the Hist.-polit. Slattern, CXIV. (1894),
728 seq., 737.
RIEZLER, IV., 542 seq.
Ibid., 546.
46 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
I
serve as a permanent vigilance committee to watch over the
carrying out of the laws concerning religion. 1
By 1571 the triumph of the old doctrines might be said to
have been assured. 2 Of the Protestant nobles, the duke
wrote at that time, nothing but the fear of the opinion of the
world holds some of them back from an open profession of
Catholicism. 3 Among the learned and wealthy, and in the
larger cities, some looked upon it as a point of honour not to
allow themselves to be won over too easily, a thing that is not
difficult to understand. On December I4th, 1570, the Council
of Munich pointed out to the duke that during recent years
the departure of rich people had occasioned a reduction in the
ordinary taxes of 100,000 florins, and that there was reason
to fear yet more departures. 4 But Albert V. refused to allow
himself to be influenced by this ; the losses of the moment, he
thought, would be compensated in course of time ; a people
" whose God is their belly and their purse, and whose religion
is based upon the unbalanced calculation of their mind "
could never bring the blessing of God upon their country. 5
1 Ibid., 559. ARETIN, Maximilian I., 162 seq. As early as
April 29, 1559, Canisius had recommended the duke to set up a
mixed council of that kind ; but he warned him, at the same time,
not to overstep the boundaries between spiritual and temporal
jurisdiction. CANISII Epist., II., 268 seqq.
2 RIEZLER, IV., 552. According to the " Priester Verzeichnis "
20,000 priests renounced the chalice (ARETIN, loc. cit., 160). In
Wasserburg, in 1569, 250 priests still wanted the chalice ; in
1571 the number was much smaller (ibid.). In Landshut it was
given up without any difficulty (KN6PFLER, 216). Traunstein
gives an isolated instance of " obstinacy, temerity and uncouth-
ness " where the citizens could not be induced to receive either
under one kind or under two kinds. (ARETIN, loc. cit., 160). For
the forbearing treatment of Apian cf. ibid., 163 seq. ; RIEZLER,
IV., 55L
3 GOETZ, Beitrage, V., n. 598.
*Ibid., n. 550. KNOPFLER, 218. Similar complaints of the
harm done to the country by the forced emigration were heard
in the Landtag of 1568. RIEZLER, IV., 544.
8 KNOPFLER, 219.
ALBERT V. OF BAVARIA. 47
Relying upon such principles as these the duke did all in
his power to promote the Catholic restoration everywhere.
In the small countship of Haag, which was entirely surrounded
by Bavarian territory, the count, Ladislaus von Frauenberg, 1
had in 1557 introduced Lutheranism. 2 After the death of
the count, without heirs, the countship passed to the Duke
of Bavaria, who at once sent Martin Eisengrein to Haag to
restore the Catholic, religion. Eisengrein won back to the old
faith the court preacher of the dead count, Caspar Franck ;
the latter, having been ordained priest, returned in 1568 to
the scene of his former activities, and by his prudence succeeded
within a few months in winning back all the inhabitants to the
Catholic Church. 3
For a time at anyrate Duke Albert V. reintroduced the
Catholic faith at Ortenburg. Count Joachim had summoned
Lutheran preachers into his little state, but the Duke of
Bavaria contested his right to do so, as Ortenburg was not
politically independent, and occupied the countship in force
and drove out the preachers. The Imperial Chamber, however,
1 For details about him : W. GOETZ in the Oberbayrischen
Archiv, XLVL (1889-90), 108-65 ; W. GEYER in the Beitr. zur
bayrischen Kirchengeschichte, I., Erlangen, 1895, 207 seqq. ;
RIEZLER, IV., 316 seq., 473, 538.
2 GOETZ (loc. cit., 148) thinks that: "There seems to be no
doubt that the chief reason was the hope that, by changing
sides, he would more easily obtain a divorce from his wife."
3 PAULUS in the Hist.-polit. Slattern, CXXIV. (1899), 547, 550,
557. L. PFLEGER, Eisengrein, 28 seq., 150 seq. Moreover, as
early as 1564, while Count Ladislaus was still alive, complaints
were heard from Haag about the introduction of the new doctrine.
The people said that it had brought nothing but bad luck, war,
dissension, famine, hunger and trouble into the world ; " Die
Herrschaft beim Evangelio sei geschwinder, beschwere die Unter-
tanen hef tiger " (PAULUS, loc. cit., 549). For details about
Gaspar Franck, cf. ibid., 545-57, 617-27 ; RAESS, Konvertiten, II.,
Freiburg, 1866, 15-84 ; HUNGERI Orationes, L, Ingolstadt, 1601,
531 ; ARETIN, loc. cit. 191 ; Panegyric in ROB. TURNER, Panegyrici
. . . Orationes, Ingolstadii, 203 seqq.
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
decided the controversy in favour of Ortenburg in 1573, which
again threw open its territory to Lutheranism. 1
Even in the time of Duke William IV. the political
independence of the lordship of Hohenwaldeck had been a
matter of controversy. Albert V. put an end to the dispute
by renouncing his rights, but under the condition that there
should be no changes in religion in Waldeck. 2 In this way
a strong check was put upon the efforts of the zealous
Protestant Lord of Waldeck. 3
Another territory which did not belong to Bavaria was
also won back to the Church by the influence of Albert V. ;
this was the small margravate of Baden-Baden . The Margrave
Philibert had allowed the parishes there to be occupied by
Lutherans. When, in 1569, he fell in battle at Moncontour
against the Huguenots, through the influence of his aunt, the
Duchess Jacobea, the mother of Albert V., the guardianship
of Philibert s eleven year old son passed to the Duke of
Bavaria and the Count of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. Albert
caused his ward to be educated as a Catholic by Eisengrein
and the Jesuits at Ingolstadt. 4 and sent as governor to Baden-
Baden the zealous Catholic Count Otto Henry von Schwarzen-
berg. 5 At first the preachers thundered violently from the
pulpit against the new " atheist authority " and the governor
was jeered at. But the labours of the energetic and untiring
Jesuit, Georg Schorich, soon brought about a change. Priests
were summoned from abroad and the Catholic worship was
, IV., 527, 537.
2 Ibid., 539-
8 Ibid., 540 seq. Cf. W. KNAPPE, Wolf Dietrich von Maxlrain
und die Reformation in der Herrschaft Hohenwaldeck, Leipzig,
1920.
4 PFLEGER, Eisengrein, 106 seq. and in the Zeitschrift fur die
Geschichte des Oberrheins, LVII. (N. F. XVIII. ), 1903, 696-704.
6 RIEZLER, IV., 604 seq. KARL REINFRIED in the Freib.
Diozesanarchiv, XXXIX. (N.F. XII.), 1911, 90-110; cf. XLVII.
(1919), 1-45. William IV., as the mouthpiece of Philibert, had
also expelled the Protestant preachers from Baden-Baden.
RIEZLER, IV., 292.
STATE OF BADEN-BADEN. 4$
again solemnly introduced. The number of those who
attended Schorich s sermons had by 1571 grown from fifteen
to four hundred. A Catholic school met with such success
that people sent their sons from abroad to Baden-Baden,
there to receive a Catholic education. On April i5th, 1573,
Schorich was able to write that thirty-eight churches had
been won back together with almost the whole of the
margravate, and that twenty-four Lutheran pastors had been
driven out. 1 " As far as I know/ wrote the Jesuit Hoffaus
on August I5th, I573, 2 " Baden is the first case of the
recovery of an entire Protestant province."
After the premature death of Schorich the progress of the
Catholic religion fell off considerably, yet in 1576 the nuncio
Portia found two zealous secular priests labouring in Baden,
though they were justly dissatisfied with the government,
which interfered in everything. There were, they complained,
hardly two parish priests in the state who had received their
investiture from the bishop. 3
But these and similar interferences in ecclesiastical matters
do not alter the fact that the ancient faith, when Gregory XIII.
ascended the throne, found in Albert V. a strong supporter
and protector. Wherever an opportunity offered the Duke
urged, even with other princes , manifest decision and firmness
in religious matters ; this he did especially in the case of the
ever-hesitating Emperor Maximilian at the Diet of Augsburg,
of 1566, and of his son and successor Rudolph II. at the Diet
of Ratisbon. 4 Albert V. was therefore much trusted by the
1 DUHR, I., 402 seqq. In the year 1574 seventeen localities,
which had hitherto been Protestant, were again provided with
Catholic priests. BIERORDT, Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche
in Baden, II., 52.
2 DUHR, I., 406. Recognition of the Duke s services : Morone
to Albert V. on September 17, 1576, in ARETIN, Maximilian, I.,
Records, I., 33 seq.
3 Portia to Galli on April 4, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 405 seqq,
For the young Margrave s visit to Rome see *Capilupi s Memor
andum dated February 27, 1585, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
4 RIEZLER, IV., 585 seq., 608,
VOL, XX, 4
50 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Pope. Tears came to the eyes of Pius V. when he learned
of the efforts which the Duke of Bavaria had made with
Maximilian II. for the recall of the religious concessions in
Austria in 1568 ; he could not sufficiently thank Our Lord,
he told the Cardinal of Augsburg, that in those critical times
there was still in Germany a Catholic prince who was so
steadfast, noble and judicious. 1 Delfino, the nuncio of
Gregory XIII. assured the duke during the election at
Ratisbon in 1575, that the Pope placed the greatest
"confidence and hope " in him among all the princes of
Germany, 2 that he as well as all good men spoke of him as a
" pillar of the true faith " ; 3 according to Cardinal Hoisus,
he was, among the princes of Germany, a " lily among thorns." 4
The Pope had recourse to Albert every time there was reason
to hope that a word of weight from the prince would turn the
balance in favour of the Catholics. When in Rome anxiety
was felt concerning the election of a worthy successor to
the dead Cardinal of Augsburg, Albert \\as asked , to bring
his influence to bear upon the cathedral chapter, a!s well as
to do the same in the cases of those of Eichstatt and Freising. 5
If the needful resoluteness against the Protestants was
wanting in the Archduke Charles of Central Austria, or anxiety
was felt as to the firnmess of the newly elected Emperor, by
the Pope s wish it was the Duke of Bavaria who was chosen to
address to them his exhortations. 6 He even, by the Pope s
id., 588.
2 ARETIN, Bayerns auswartige Verhaltnisse, Records, I., 31.
8 MORITZ, 259, n. i. Pius V. also regarded him as " columen
in Germania religionis catholicae " (Letter of the Nuncio at
Vienna of July 14, 1566, in ARETIN, Maximilian, L, 153). Canisius
writes of him : " Tanto catholicae pietatis tuendae studio flagras,
ut losiam aliquem aut Theodosiurn nobis referre videaris " (De
Maria Virgine, Ingolstadii., 1577; Epist. nuncup., fol. 5).
4 ARETIN, Maximilian, L, 165.
6 Brief of April 6, 1573, in THEINER, I., 101, n. 10. Albert V.
to Gregory XIII. on May 28, 1573, ibid,
6 ARETIN, loc. cit., 237. Brief of April 9, 1575, in THEINER, II.,
8, n. 1 6.
ZEAL OF ALBERT V. 51
desire, addressed a letter to far-off Sweden in 1578, to encourage
King John III., who wished to return to the Catholic Church,
in his purpose. 1 Above all, as was natural, the Curia
encouraged him to prevent further losses to the Catholics in
Germany itself, and to prepare the way for and promote the
conversion of the Protestant princes and provinces. 2 In the
fierce struggle for the bishoprics of northern Germany,
Minister, Hatberstadt and Hildesheim, the hopes of the
Catholics were above all fixed upon the protection of the
Duke of Bavaria. It was to him that Cardinal Morone had
recourse 3 when, in 1576, there was a danger of the young
Duke of Cleves falling into the hands of Protestant tutors.
Special briefs urged the Bavarian duke to interest himself
in the conversion of the Prince Elector of Saxony, and of Duke
Adolphus of Holstein. 4
If, by the confession of Albert V. 5 it was Peter Canisius and
his companions to whom he owed his own changed opinions
in religious matters, it is easy to understand why later
Catholics, in their gratitude, have honoured Canisius with
the title of Apostle of Germany. In winning over Bavaria,
1 RIEZLER, IV., 602.
2 SCHELLHASS (Nuntiaturberichte, IV., cxii) thinks that : " It
may be confidently asserted that, in the matter of German Reform,
the Curia relied entirely on the Prince [Albert V.]."
3 On September 17, 1576, in ARETIN, Bayerns auswartige
Verhaltnisse, Records, I., 34 seq.
* September 4, 1574, m THEINER, I., 225, n. 7. The hope of
seeing the Saxons return to the old Church occupies a prominent
place in the correspondence of the Papal Nuncios (Nuntiaturber
ichte, III., Ixxv, IV., Ixxxvii, V., xcvii, cii seqq.}. This hope grew
specially strong in 1574 when the dishonesty of the Saxon Court
theologians was revealed. They professed to be opposing Calvin
ism but were really supporting it. The Elector Augustus ex
pressed himself in bitter terms against this continued deception,
and the Duke of Bavaria had to put a check to the aspirations of
Rome. It seemed to him that the matter was being delayed
chiefly by human respect (ibid., IV., Ixxxix, V., ciii).
5 On April 27, 1574, in THEINER, I., 225, n. 7.
52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he was able, by means of this state, to bring an influence to
bear which extended far beyond its borders ; his spiritual
influence long survived in Bavaria after the death of Albert V.
on October 24th, 1579.
The son of Albert V. and his successor, William V., proved
himself, by his personal and deep piety, even more than his
father, the supporter and protector of the Catholic religious
revival. 1 Even before he ascended the throne, it caused
general surprise and made a deep impression when, in 1576,
the young prince, together with his wife, Rene"e of Lorraine,
who shared his ideas, in order to gain the Papal indulgence
of the Jubilee, visited four churches every day for fifteen days,
and for several weeks, on appointed days, fed a number of
poor men, served them with their own hands, and sent rich
presents to Loreto and the sanctuaries of Rome. 2 In 1569
at Landshut he attended every day the Lenten sermons of
the Jesuit Schorich, together with his court, and would not
allow the poor people in the church to give up their places
on his account, because they were as much creatures of God
as he was. Moreover, he already at that time took part in the
public religious exercises, and visited the sick in the hospitals.
The whole city was edified by this " because hitherto no Duke
of Bavaria had ever been seen to do such things." 3 Pilgrim
ages, as well as frequent communion, which was looked upon
almost as a superstition, once again became common as the
result of the example of William and Renee, and religious
life flourished to such an extent that Munich was called the
Rome of Germany. 4 William too conferred great and almost
prodigal benefits on the Jesuits. He built their great church
1 For his character cf, the notices in STIEVE, Politik, I., 407-38 ;
RIEZLER, IV., 626-32 ; for the religious side especially
BRUNNER, Excubiae tutelares, 561-604 ; F. X. KROPF, Historia
provincia S. J. Germaniae superioris, P. 4, dec. IX., nn.
377-403.
2 BRUNNER, loc. cit., 565. DUHR, I., 170.
3 Schorich in DUHR, I., 710.
4 BRUNNER, loc. cit., 563 seq. For the religious celebrations
at William s accession to the throne ibid., 566.
WILLIAM V. OF BAVARIA. 53
of St. Michael at Munich, as well as their beautiful college ;*
others of his works are their houses at Ratisbon and Altotting ; 2
he also caused the abbeys of Biburg and Ebersberg to be
handed over to the Jesuits, 3 and as " the father of poor young
students " came to the assistance of their impoverished houses
at Munich and Ingolstadt. 4 His private life was entirely
under the direction of the Jesuits, who, however, had no
influence over his political life. 5 At the age of thirty-nine,
in 1597, ne resigned the throne, in order to be able to devote
himself more zealously to the salvation of his own soul, and
what we are told of the remaining twenty-nine years of his
life, his zeal for prayer, and the severity of his penances,
read like a page from the life of a saint. 6 It was said of him, 7
as it was of his wife, Renee, 8 that he never committed a mortal
sin. In spite of this, William, at the end of his life thought
that he had never done anything to merit paradise. 9 The
motto of his arms : Agnosce, dole, emenda, bears witness to
his constant striving after perfection. 10
That no religious concessions to the Protestants were to be
looked for from William V. was evident in the first days of
his reign. A request that reached him secretly from south
Bavaria for communion under both kinds, he indignantly
tore in pieces saying that he would never consent to it. 11
1 DuHR, I., 185 seq., 625 seq. Cf. Hist.-polit. Blatter, XVIII.
(1846), 440-3 ; for the costs ibid. XI. (1843), 682-7 ; JOSEPH
BRAUN, Die Kirchenbauten der deutschen Jesuiten, II., Freiburg,
1910, 49-95-
2 DUHR, I., 206 seq., 396 seq.
3 Ibid., 376, 400.
* Ibid., 297, 316 seq.
6 STIEVE, loc. cit., 417 : " It is certain that the Jesuits were
consulted only to determine whether a proposed action were
sinful.
8 BRUNNER, loc. cii. ; KROPF, loc. cit., especially nn. 396, 403.
7 Ibid., n. 395.
8 BRUNNER, loc. cit., 595.
9 KROPF, loc. cit., n. 405.
10 BRUNNER, loc. cit., 561. RIEZLER, IV., 629.
11 Ninguarda to Galli on December 5, 1579, in THEINER, III., 654.
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Certain measures in favour of the new doctrines were feared
^from his first national Diet, but William declared that in any
thing that was essential he " would break its head . . . you
can then attack me as much as you like." 1 When, at the
close of the Diet, two Protestants were chosen among the
deputies of the Diet, he could not rest until they were replaced
by two Catholics. " Would to God," Ferdinand of the Tyrol
wrote at that time to William V., " that the Emperor and the
Archduke Charles had long ago acted in the same way, for
then things would never have gone so far as they have." 2
The ordinances of Albert V. against attendance at Protestant
worship in places outside his jurisdiction, and for the banish
ment of the innovators, were renewed. 3
When Protestantism tried to make its way from Waldeck
into the Bavarian territory at Aibling, the holder of that
lordship, Wolf Dietrich von Maxlrain, was informed of the
treaty of 1582, by which Bavaria had renounced her claims
upon Waldeck, but it was enacted that any change of religion
in the territory was prohibited. A little time before this
the duke had caused to be arrested in the neighbourhood of
Waldeck certain parish priests who were suspect, and the
leader of the Protestant movement in those parts was ordered
in 1581 either to embrace the old religion or go into banish
ment. The more obstinate followed the latter course. In
I 5^ > 3> by the desire of William V. the Bishop of Freising
pronounced excommunication upon the Protestants of
Waldeck, whereupon the duke with his troops cut off the
little state from all communication with the outside world.
As there were very scanty crops in Waldeck the inhabitants
were soon obliged to give in. In May there was already
talk of an exodus of 330 of the inhabitants of Waldeck to
Tuntenhausen. Even the family of von Maxlrain returned
to the Church. 4 William V. acted with special severity,
and quite in accordance with the laws of those days, against
1 ARETIN, Maximilian, I., 235.
2 Ibid., 236.
3 RIEZLER, IV., 634.
4 RIEZLER, IV., 634-6.
WILLIAM V. OF BAVARIA. 55
the Anabaptists, whose principles were incompatible with
the ordinary life of the state. Envoys had come from
Moravia who sought to induce them to join their sect and
remove themselves to Moravia. In 1586 they induced 600
persons to emigrate, but no further result of this mission
occurred during the pontificate of Gregory XIII. The year
1587 witnessed the execution of an Anabaptist, which was
later followed by others in the territory of the Abbey of
Kempten. 1
William V. did all that he could to give new life to religion
in his own state by his example, by his care for the splendour
of divine worship, 2 and by special enactments. As soon as
he had assumed the reins of government, he expressed
a wish to reform his court ; 3 he took care that the
members fulfilled their religious duties, so that the court of
Munich was jokingly spoken of as a monastery. 4 He sought
to raise the clergy, especially by the establishment and support
of institutions aimed at the training of good priests. 5
At the same time the zeal of William V. was even
less restricted to the limits of Bavaria than was that of his
father. Minucci, the secretary for German affairs in Rome,
wrote in 1593 that it was the general opinion that anything,
that concerned the Catholic religion for that very reason
became a matter of concern to William. 6 At the Diets, with
the Archduke of Central Austria, with the Bishop of Wiirzburg,
the Margrave of Baden, and the Prince-Elector of Saxony,
he put in his word to revive their zeal for the Church or to
recall them to Catholicism ; at the election of the Bishops
of Eichstatt, Augsburg and Cologne, he brought his influence
to bear. Blame has inevitably fallen upon him for having too
often placed his sons or brothers in episcopal sees, but the
fact cannot be gainsaid that, against the loss of so many
1 Ibid., 636 seq.
2 STIEVE, Politik, I., 415.
8 Ninguarda to Galli on December 5, 1579, in THEINER, III., 653.
4 STIEVE, loc. cit. t 416.
See supra, p. 53.
STIEVE, loc. cit., 404.
56 HISTORY OF THE
bishoprics, which had passed over to Protestantism, no better
protection could have been found than to fill them with
members of the powerful princely house of Bavaria.
As she had done in Bavaria, so did the ancient Church find
strong support in the Tyrol. The Archduke Ferdinand II.
made the following declaration in 1580 in the presence of
an envoy from Brixen : " You must know that I am a
Catholic prince, and with the help of God intend to remain
so ; Our Lord could not punish me more severely than by
allowing me to apostatize from the Catholic faith. You
may therefore tell the Lord of Brixen that I will not spare
myself if he needs rny help for the preservation of the
Catholic religion, and that it is my intention, as far as I can,
to defend the Church, even though it costs me my life s
blood." 1
When the Archduke took over the government of the
Tyrol, religion was in a very bad state, in spite of all the
religious ordinances of his father, the Emperor Ferdinand I.
Scarcely one in a hundred, say the contemporary reports
of the government of the Emperor and his son, goes to church
on Sunday, and many do not even know the Pater Noster ;
swearing and blasphemy are prevalent, nor are murders and
robberies uncommon. A great quantity of Protestant books
have made their way into the country ; Tyrolese who have
served as soldiers abroad have brought back the new doctrines
to their own land ; 2 more especially the miners, on account
of their dependence upon the Protestant mine-owners abroad,
have been led into heresy in great numbers. 3 There was,
moreover, a lack of Catholic priests, and the few there were
were insufficiently educated, and had many vices, things
which, as elsewhere, made any useful activity impossible
for them. 4 Things were very bad in the diocese of Brixen
in 1566 ; the bishop was continually absent, his vicar had
not received priest s orders, and the auxiliary bishop had no
1 HIRN, L, 162.
2 Ibid., 74 seqq.
3 Ibid., 142 seq., 197 seq.
4 Ibid., 87 seq.
THE TYROL. 57
knowledge of German. 1 Of the eighteen canons of Trent in
1565, half did not say mass, and on the occasion of the visita
tion of 1577 not one f tne fi ye canons who were present had
received sacred orders. 2 Nevertheless, the higher clergy,
and for the most part the aristocracy, remained faithful to
the Church. 3 The Archduke Ferdinand strove to put an end
to this state of affairs. 4 In the first years of his rule many
ordinances insisted on the observance of such precepts of
the Church as fasting, 5 hearing mass, 6 and the sanctification
of Sundays and festivals. 7 The government especially
brought pressure to bear to ensure that the sacraments of
penance and communion should be received at least once
a year, for to abstain from those sacraments was the surest
sign of Protestant leanings. If instruction and warnings
did not produce the desired effect in this respect, there followed,
both in the case of the townsfolk and the countryfolk, the
threat of banishment. 8 Besides this, Protestant books were
confiscated 9 and a strict watch kept over the press. 10 Officials
had to swear allegiance to the Church, and expressly to
the Roman Church. 11 Attendance at foreign high-schools,
especially Protestant ones, are forbidden. 12
The carrying into effect of these ordinances cannot for
the most part be described as harsh. In the case of the
Protestant miners, who showed themselves very ready to
propagate their ideas, and who argued about them, even
coming to blows about it, in the taverns, the government
1 Ibid., 79.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., 134, 138.
* Decree of September 16, 1566, ibid., 167.
5 Ibid., 169.
6 Ibid., 173.
7 Ibid., 175.
8 HIRN., I., 176 seqq.
9 Ibid., 182.
10 Ibid., 192.
11 Ibid., 194.
11 Ibid., 203.
58 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
intervened for the most part by ordering the mine-owners to
dismiss them, a thing, however, which was hardly ever carried
into effect. 1 Above all, recourse was never had to wholesale
banishment, but the cases in which obstinate heretics were
obliged to leave the country amounted to several hundred. 2
Gregory XIII. praised the religious zeal of the Archduke
of the Tyrol on July 26th, 1572, 3 and when he created his son
Andrew a Cardinal in 1577, he said that the promotion was a
reward for the services of his father, " for he is a strong arm
of our faith." 4
The Catholic Tyrol at that time possessed an extraordinary
man in the Franciscan, Johann Nas, 5 who had been born in
Franconia, at Eltman on the Maine. Nas was a convert ;
from being a tailor s apprentice and a lay-brother in his
Order, he was raised to the priesthood, and in that capacity,
after some earlier labours in Bavaria, devoted his great talents
after 1571 to the Tyrol, as a preacher in the cathedral of
Brixen, 6 as commissary-general of the Franciscan convents, 7
and lastly as auxiliary bishop of Brixen.
Nas was an orator, and highly esteemed as a popular
preacher ; he was feared by the Protestants on account of.
his polemical writings, which were several times reprinted,
and widely read, and which bear witness to the power of his
words, though they were inevitably couched in the bitter,
1 Ibid., 197.
2 Ibid., 199 seqq.
3 THEINER, I., 35.
4 HmN, II., 378.
5 Autograph notes by Nas on the principal dates in his life up
to 1580, published by ZINGERLE in the Zeitschrift fur deutsche
Philologie, XVIII. (.1886), 488-90. JOH. BAPT. SCHOPF, Johannes
Nasus, Franzjskaner und Weihbischof von Brixen, 1534-90
(Programm des k. k. Gymnasiums zu Bozen), Bozen, 1860.
HIRN, I., 250-62, 264. G. SCHNEIDER in Archiv fur Unterfranken,
XVI., i (1836), 179 seqq. JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. (15-16), 401.
6 See SINNACHER, 581 seq., cf. 585 seq.
7 Brief of appointment of July 4, 1578, given by M. STRAGANZ
in the Forschungen und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte Tirols, V.
, 307 ; SCHOPF, 45.
JOHANN NAS. 59
biting, and sometimes vulgar, language which had been
introduced by the preachers of the new doctrines. 1 In 1563
his eloquence led to the closing of the Frauenhaus at Ingolstadt,
and in 1566 he brought about the return of the city of Straubing
to Catholicism. 2
The former tailor s apprentice preached the Lenten sermons
at Munich in 1568, in the presence of Albert V. ; in 1573 he
pleased the Archduke at Innsbruck so much that he had again
in the following year to preach in the presence of the court ;
in 1576 he was sent to Pustertal to suppress the tendency to
Protestantism, as, in the opinion of the government, he had
" a special gift for dealing with people of that sort," and in
1585 the Archduke assured him that he had confirmed in the
faith not a few people who were hesitating ; 3 in 1577 and
1578 he preached the Lent at Augsburg, in the presence of
from 4000 to 5000 people. 4 "As everyone admits," wrote
the nuncio Portia, 5 "he is most eloquent in the German
tongue, displays great zeal, and works incredibly hard in
his constant sermons and his writings against the heretics . . .
He is much loved by the Duke of Bavaria, who is displeased
that he has been got hold of by the Archduke, with whom
he is also in great favour." "He leads a good life," the
nuncio goes on to say, 6 and has a love for learning, though he
is lacking in real culture. He works hard, is. loved by the
princes, and labours with no small results. Moreover, he
does not aim at honours or riches, he loves solitude and retire
ment, so that it may well be believed that he is working only
for the love and honour of God."
There is no need to conceal the fact that Nas also suffered
greatly from the defects of his good qualities. He was a
man with a gift of expression, but he was also harsh and
. l He himself apologizes for the " abuse and coarse buffoonery "
of these writings. SCHOPF, he. cit., n.
2 Ibid., n, 15.
3 HIRN, I., 256, 262 n. 4.
4 Ibid., 256, n. 3. SCHOPF, 44.
5 On July 28, 1573, Nuntiaturberichte, III., 47 seq.
6 Ibid., 50.
60 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
obstinate ; he was frank and out-spoken, but regardless of
what he said ; he was firm arid resolute, but narrow and
precipitate in his judgments. Portia speaks of him as an
uncouth and violent nature, 1 when he was instructed to adjust
his quarrels with the Jesuits ; to the scandal of the people
Nas had attacked them in his public sermons at Innsbruck,
making accusations that were manifestly unjust, and in any
case not suited to the pulpit. 2 Portia attributed it to the
moderation shown by the Jesuits that the quarrel did not
assume more serious proportions, 3 but all remonstrances to
Nas were in vain, so that the nuncio told the Archduke that
he would have to address himself to the Pope in order that
he might be forbidden to preach. But Nas went on in his
sermons to even more dangerous ground ; he spoke against
those who paid too much attention to good works, and main
tained, without any due limitations, that it was better to
hear sermons than mass. Many were of opinion that the
superiors of his Order ought to send him elsewhere, but that
this should be done under some pretext, so as not to annoy
the prince, who loved him greatly. 4 It may be attributed to
the attacks made upon them by Nas that for a time the
Archduke withdrew his favour from the Jesuits. 5 However,
1 " La natura dell huomo et rozza et rotta " (to Galli on July 28,
1573, Nuntiaturberichte, III., 47). " Huomo di natura molto
rozza et spirito indomito " (to Galli on February 24, 1574, ibid.,
358).
8 C/. Nas Apologia to a cleric of Brixen (Melchior von Fabri),
dated January 30, 1573, in JULIU JUNG, Zur Geschichte der
Gegenreformation in Tirol, Innsbruck, 1874, 11-24. Original
letter in the possession of the Franciscans at Halle. In the
beginning of 1574, he even reproached the Jesuits with their name
of Society of Jesus. *Initium et progressus Collegii Societatis lesu
Oenipontani, p. u, Archives of the Jesuit College at Innsbruck.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, III., 47.
4 Nuntiaturberichte, III., 358 seq.
6 HIRN, I., 243. " Tantam concepit offensionem, ut multa
eius aperta iudicia non verbis modo, verum reipsa ostenderit "
(*Initium et progressus, 12 seqq.). When, in 1575, Ferdinand
wished to nominate Count Schweikart von Helfenstein as governor.
SALZBURG. 6l
Nas soon fell out of favour with Ferdinand II., 1 and after
1576 the Jesuits once more were restored to favour. 2
Later on the momentary mistakes of this fiery zealot were
again smoothed over, for, in a kind of testament in 1583,
he asks pardon and prayers for all " who are otherwise of the
Catholic faith," and promises his own prayers and forgiveness. 3
Only heretics and abandoned sinners are excluded ; in their
case he has nothing to retract of what he has spoken and
written against them.
These last words of his are characteristic of this unwearied
champion of the Church. Worn out by his labours he died
at Innsbruck in 1590, when not yet 57 years of age. The
Archduke Ferdinand II. erected a monument to him in the
ducal church ; he must always hold an important place in
the history of Catholic reform in the Tyrol.
In view of the friendly attitude adopted by the princes in
Bavaria and the Tyrol, it was natural that Gregory XIII.
should first attempt the religious revival of Germany in that
ecclesiastical province which embraced, in addition to the
Imperial territories, those of the Archduke Charles, and the
bishoprics of Passau, Ratisbon, Brixen, and Freising, as
well as Bavaria and the Tyrol ; this was the ecclesiastical
province of Salzburg. Pius V. had already had the same idea ;
from the beginning of his pontificate, he had deeply pondered
and discussed the best way to bring back Germany to Catholic-
asm, and it seemed to him that the best thing for this purpose
was the convocation of provincial synods throughout Germany.
" By reason of the personal qualities of the Archbishop of
" inter ceteras conditiones hanc addi voluit, ne deinceps lesuitis
tarn familiariter uteretur." Helfenstein refused, fell into dis
favour and left the Tyrol (ibid., 15 seq.}. Helfenstein had been
a convert since 1565 (ibid.} ; HIRN is mistaken, I., 240,
n. i.
1 Portia to Galli on May 8, 1574, Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 47.
* List of benefactions 1576-83 in *Initium et progressus, 23, 24,
26, 29, 32, 34, 36. A certain amount of mistrust remained.
HIRN, I., 245 seq.
3 SCHOPF, 48.
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Salzburg this was Johann Jakob Khuen von Belasy and
by reason of the importance of his ecclesiastical province,
which touched upon so many neighbouring states, and which
on the whole was still Catholic," a beginning ought to be made
at Salzburg ; the other German bishops would then follow
the example of the Archbishop of Salzburg. 1
The instrumen t chosen by Pius V. to carry out this plan
was the Dominican, Feliciano Ninguarda, who came from
Morbegno in the Valtellina, and had been since 1554 i* 1
Germany as vicar-general of his Order and professor of theology
at Vienna, and who since 1559 had devoted his services to
the archiepiscopal see of Salzburg, 2 and was one of the most
zealous and determined supporters of the ecclesiastical reform ;
in this respect his influence over the archbishop cannot be
too highly estimated. 3 Even before the decree of Trent about
seminaries he had pressed for the establishment of such
institutions at Salzburg and Passau ; he and the Bishop of
Lavant were the representatives of the archbishop at the
Council of Trent, 4 and had received the praises of the presidents
at the Council. 5
In 1566 Pius V. summoned this zealous Dominican reformer
to Rome ; he listened to his advice and then sent him back
to Salzburg armed with the necessary Papal briefs, to urge
in the Pope s name, and with all his power, the convocation
1 Ninguarda to Galli on February 24, 1573, in THEINER, I., 107.
2 SCHELLHASS, Akten, L, 40 ; III., 40.
3 The opinion of SCHELLHASS, ibid., I., 42.
4 On May 26, 1562, they were admitted as representatives.
THEINER, Cone. Trid., I., 720. RAYNALDUS, 1562, n. 47. LE
PLAT, V., 171-4. Ninguarda on the difficulties of withdrawing
the chalice in Salzburg, September 9, 1562, ibid., 489 seq. Cf.
Fickler s letter of June 4, 1563, ibid., VI., 96. About the presidency
of Salzburg, ibid., 3 seq., 87, 92.
* Cf. the imprimatur of the four presidents of the Council of
Trent on Ninguarda s book, "Assertio fidei " (Venice, 1563).
According to the preface, dated February 19, 1561, he wrote the
Assertio " at the urgent request of Michael Khuen, Archbishop
of Salzburg (d. 1560).
NINGUARDA AT SALZBURG. 63
of a provincial synod, 1 which was actually held in 1569. 2
It was Ninguarda who in the end brought this about ; he
drafted the decrees of the synod, and induced the assembled
bishops to ask for the Papal approval of their decrees, 3 and
then himself went to Rome to obtain the confirmation of
Pius V. An illness, followed by the outbreak of the plague
at Salzburg prevented his return for a long time ; 4 then the
Pope died, and the long delay that ensued led some to think
that the synod oi Salzburg had been buried with Pius V. 5
In spite of this Gregory XIII. gave its decrees his approval
as his predecessor had done ; at the same time he approved
of a scheme which, by the desire of the bishops, Ninguarda
had drafted for the province of Salzburg. 6 Fourteen briefs
which Ninguarda took back with him to Germany were
intended to enable him to inaugurate the carrying into effect
of the decrees of the synod of 1569; they were addressed
to the five bishops and the five chapters of the ecclesiastical
.province of Salzburg, as well as to the four secular princes
over whose territories it extended. 7
I THETNER, I., 107. A *letter of Commendone to Ninguarda,
in Salzburg, dated September 26, 1568, in the British Museum,
London, Cod. Egerton, 1078, p. 150 (according to kind information
received from Professor Dengel).
2 Reprinted in DALHAM, 348-556. Ninguarda s speech at the
opening of the synod, ibid., 349-54 ; the request for Papal con
firmation, ibid., 547 ; list of members, ibid., 548 ; WIEDEMANN,
I., 258 seqq. A *report of Ninguarda to Commendone about the
synod, dated July 31, 1569, in A. 42, t. u, n. 129, Papal Secret
Archives.
3 SCHELLHASS, IOC. tit., 43.
4 Ibid., 44 seq.
5 So thought Ferdinand of Tyrol ; see Nuwtiaturberichte, III., 43.
6 SCHELLHASS, Akten, L, 45. The synod was subject to the
criticism of the Cardinals Commendone, Alciati and Morone
(THEINER, I., 107). For the alterations they made in the texts
of the decrees, cf. Nuntiaturberichte, III., 130 seq., 422 seqq. ;
WIEDEMANN, L, 261.
7 SCHELLHASS, loc. tit. The brief for the Archbishop of Salzburg
of June 28, 1572, in DALHAM, 557.
64 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
At the beginning of December, 1572, Ninguarda reached
Brixen, going thence to Innsbruck to visit the Archduke,
and thence to Salzburg. He everywhere urged the carrying
out of the decrees of the provincial synod ; the best means,
in his opinion, would be to hold a diocesan synod at Brixen,
and another provincial synod at Salzburg. At the court of the
Archduke he asked for the assistance of the secular arm. All
welcomed these proposals and declared themselves entirely
prepared to carry them out. Ninguarda s demands for
a seminary met with greater difficulties. The canons
of Brixen declared that they were too burdened with
taxes by the Archduke, so that nothing could be expected
from Ferdinand II. but an evasive reply. 1
At that time Ninguarda did not go beyond Salzburg in
his projected tour. The archbishop retained him, because
he had need of his help for the new provincial synod, and
Cardinal Galli approved this step of the archbishop. 2 In the
meantime in Rome it became more and more clear, in the
course of the discussion of German affairs, that it was necessary
to consult at first hand with men who were well acquainted
with the state of affairs in Germany. Ninguarda accordingly
received orders on February 7th, 1573, to return to Rome. 3
On receipt of this summons, which was so great an honour,
he pointed out that he was being withdrawn from a work
which he had just begun, to its great injury. As information
was specially desired in Rome as to the best means to bring
back Saxony to Catholicism, Ninguarda took the opportunity
of expressing his views in a long memorandum 4 as to the best
way of carrying out the work of reform in Germany.
1 SCHELLIIASS, Akten, I., 48-53, and letter to Gregory XIII. of
February 18, 1573, in THEINER, I., 105 seq. Cf. SCHELLHASS,
Akten ueber die Reformtatigkeit Fel. Ninguardas in Bayern und
Oesetrreich, 1572-7, in the Zeitschrift des westpreussischen Gesch-
ichtsvercins, XXXVII. ; B. ALBERS in the Studien und Mitteil-
ungen aus dem Benediktiner und Zisterzienserorden, XXIII. (1902),
126-54.
2 SCHELLHASS, Akten, III., 53.
3 Ibid., 54. Nuntiaturberichte, III., xxvi.
4 Dated February 24, 1573, in THEINER, I., 106-8,
ADVICE OF NINGUARDA. 65
According to the advice given by Ninguarda it was still
too soon to think of Saxony or other places which were already
Protestant. They must first devote their attention to states
that were nearer and already Catholic ; in these the Catholics
should be encouraged in every possible way to persevere in the
ancient faith and in a Christian life, and those who had
apostatized brought back. For this purpose it would be
well to take steps to ensure that the clergy were first instructed
and trained, so as to afford a model of the Christian life. It
would be well to devote their attention to more distant
countries later on, for otherwise they would be leaving what
was certain for what was uncertain ; by means of the peoples
thus renewed the faith would be automatically carried to
the furthest parts of the country. This had always been the
intention of Pius V., to whom was due the plan of holding
everywhere in Germany, in accordance with the instructions
of the Council of Trent, provincial councils, beginning with
Salzburg. Ninguarda therefore urged that they should con
tinue in the course thus marked out. He himself had no idea
at the moment beyond securing the promulgation and the
observance of the synod by means of a new provincial council.
If this were successful, in a few years time there would be a
whole province that was solid in faith and completely united
to the Apostolic See. The Pope would then have to take care
that the other archbishops followed the example of Salzburg ;
in this way ecclesiastical life would first be restored in the
Catholic territories, and gradually spread to Saxony and the
other territories which had recently apostatized.
VOL. xx.
CHAPTER III.
THE NUNCIATURES OF PORTIA, CROPPER AND NINGUARDA IN
SOUTH GERMANY, AUSTRIA AND BAVARIA.
WHILE Ninguarda was waiting at Salzburg for the new
provincial council, which for various reasons was put off
again and again, the discussions in Rome had led to important
results. On May 5th, 1573, the German Congregation resolved
to send Bartolomeo Portia, at that time abbot of Moggio, as
" apostolic nuncio " to Upper Germany ; x his actions were
to extend to the states of the Archduke Ferdinand of the Tyrol,
Charles of Styria, Duke Albert V. of Bavaria, and the Arch
bishop of Salzburg. 2 At the same meeting of the congregation,
Gaspar Gropper, Auditor of the Rota, who had been born
at Soest in Lower Germany, was selected for the difficult
task of inducing the cathedral chapter of Augsburg to approve
the foundation of a Jesuit college, and of negotiating at Cleves
concerning the election of the young duke, John William,
as coadjutor of the Bishop of Miinster. 3 Gropper too was
expressly given the powers of a nuncio, and received the full
faculties of a legate a latere for the cities and dioceses of Treves,
Cologne, Mayence, Augsburg, Spires, Worms, Miinster and
Minden, the whole of Westphalia, and the duchies of Cleves,
Julich and Berg. 4 Thus, as had been asked for in a report
to the German Congregation, there were now three nuncios
1 SCHWA RZ, Zehn Gutachten, 74.
2 Draft of Portia s Instruction, in the Nuntiaturberickte, III.,
I7-34-
8 SCHWARZ, IOC. Clt.
4 SCHWARZ, Gropper, 41. The document here reproduced
settles the dispute as to whether Gropper was really a nuncio
(Nuntiaturberichte, I., 724 seqq., III., xxxvii). Cf. GOETTING,
Gel. Anz., 1897, I., 311, n. i.
66
BARTOLOMEO PORTIA. 67
on German soil, at Vienna, in North Germany and in south
Germany. 1 As far as possible, another desire expressed in
the same report, had been complied with, namely that
nunicos should be appointed who spoke German, since
Latin was not familiar to the princes of Germany and the
bishops. 2
The choice of Portia for the difficult nunciature of south
Germany was looked upon as a good one. 3 Portia belonged
to the school of Charles Borromeo ; he had been ordained
priest by him in 1566, and had received from him the abbey
of Moggio. In 1570 he had, by the Pope s orders, undertaken
the visitation of the dioceses of Aquileia, with such good
results that as early as 1571 there had been thought of sending
him as nuncio to the Imperial court. So shrewd a judge as
Morone thus describes Portia in 1576 : " he is versatile,
experienced, capable, and has so good a reputation and is held
in such high esteem by the princes that great results may be
looked for from his labours." 4 The poet Torquato Tasso
has sung his praises in enthusiastic terms. 6 The reports sent
by Portia to Rome show him as " a diplomatist of the first
rank " ; 6 on all sides we have evidence of his independent
judgment, the clearness of his ideas, and the shrewdness of
his observations. He was not very proficient in German,
and therefore had generally to carry on his negotiations in
Latin, 7 but was able to make up for this defect by his
versatility. He was also well fitted for the office of nuncio
in south Germany by the fact that his family, old-established
gentry from Friuli, had always been attached to the service
of the sovereigns of Austria, and Bartolomeo Portia himself,
after the visitation of Aquileia, had gone to Graz, and had
1 SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 61 .
8 Ibid.
8 For particulars about him, cf. HANSEN, Nuntiaturberichte, I.,
5-10 ; SCHELLHASS, ibid., III., xx, IV., cix-cxi.
4 HANSEN, loc. cit., 7.
5 Ibid., 10.
6 Schellhass opinion, Nuntiaturberichte, III., Ixxxviii.
7 Ibid., 169.
68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
there won the favour of the Archduke Charles. 1 Above all,
he knew how to adapt himself to his hearers in conversation,
and always to adopt the right tone. 2 The effect of these
distinguished talents was still more enhanced by a great
modesty, which led him never to speak of himself without
necessity, and never to ignore the merits of others. Portia s
reports to Rome were entirely confined to the matter in hand,
so much so that when he had escaped from some deadly peril
in Styria, he only mentioned it much later, when the occasion
seemed to call for it. 3
Detailed instructions 4 laid down for the nuncio his line of
action.
According to this document, the object of his mission was
to bring pressure to bear on the bishops in favour of eccles
iastical reform, and to remove the difficulties in its way with
the help of the Pope and the princes. 5 He was to keep in close
touch with the nuncio and the Imperial court, and was to
visit the bishops regularly in turn. 6 Since, contrary to the
regulations of the Council of Trent, the German bishops foi
the most part had not got the doctor s degree, he was to press
them to have theologians and canonists with them. Every
three years at least the bishops must go to Rome. 7 It was
the duty of the secular princes to further the work of reform
initiated by the supreme ecclesiastical authorities, and subjects
must be made to understand that they have to deal with
Catholic princes, who are prepared to uphold the faith. They
must be given to understand that they are offending against
their own ruler if they send their sons to foreign universities. 8
1 Nuntiaturbenchte, III., 42.
2 Ibid., Ixxxix.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid., 17-34. Although it is only a draft, it was probably
repeated verbatim in the actual Instruction. SCHELLHASS, ibid.,
16, n. i.
5 Instruction, Nos. 2-5.
8 Ibid., Nos. 53-4.
7 Ibid., Nos. 57-8.
8 Ibid., Nos., 48-50.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR PORTIA. 69
The princes make complaints of the prelates and the Roman
authorities, so Portia must have at hand the mandates and
warnings addressed to the bishops, as well as the decisions
of Rome, and give assurances that only in the most pressing
cases would recourse to the Curia be refused. 1
As a guide for the details of the reform the nuncio must
make use of the decrees of the synod of Salzburg, and the
decisions of the German Congregation in Rome. 2 It was
therefore natural that the projects aimed at in those decisions
should be repeated in the instructions for the information
of the nuncio. Thus Portia must insist that none but
Catholics are appointed to offices of importance, that heretical
books are replaced by Catholic ones, that three or four Catholic
printing presses are established, that Catholic scholars and
preachers are assisted, students sent to the German College
in Rome, and that new breviaries and other works which are
lacking are printed. 3 The nuncio must inform the Pope of
learned Catholics so that they may be recommended to the
princes as their advisers ; 4 he must especially protect the
Jesuits, and insist that the bishops also have a care for the
advancement of the other Orders. 5
Besides these general regulations, Portia s instructions
also contained detailed hints as to his relations with each of
the bishops and princes, and especially as to his manner of
appealing to the conscience of the Archbishop of Salzburg.
He that desires the end, Portia must say to him, must also
desire the means, and since Salzburg can only become more
Catholic by the co-operation and assistance of many persons,
the archbishop must employ his wealth to procure such
assistance, and especially to attract more theologians to his
service. If the archbishop should raised objection, Portia
must reply : the Pope is well aware that if the reform is
introduced in those places where the bishops are also princes,
1 Ibid,, No. 52.
2 Ibid., No. 2.
3 Ibid., Nos. 45-7, 55, 56, 59.
4 Ibid., No. 51.
5 Ibid., No. 15.
70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in that case the rest of the diocese, as well as the neighbouring
territory, will also be put into good order. Lastly, it will be
well to lay down this general principle : the Council of Trent
has now been ended for ten years, but it is not clear that any
steps have been taken for putting it into force. Above all,
concubinage must be rooted out, and seminaries must be
established ; the archbishop must once for all set himself to
the establishment of a seminary at Salzburg, and send some
youths to the German College. In a word, as the archbishop
is so wealthy, he may well spend a part of his wealth for the
honour of God I 1 The archbishop promises a great deal and
does very little ; let the nuncio therefore at least insist that
the work of reform is begun. 2
In the case of the Archduke Ferdinand II. of the Tyrol,
who had the reputation of interfering with the rights of the
Church, Portia must ask for his co-operation in the further
reform of his states, and point out to him that he cannot
accomplish anything in this direction without the bishops.
He must be praised for having forbidden his subjects to
attend foreign universities, but he must also prevent his
subjects from contracting marriage with Protestants from
vStyria and Carinthia, because it has been by mixed marriages
that the states of the Emperor and the Archduke Charles
have been ruined. Portia must try and put an end to the
misunderstandings between the auxiliary bishop, Nas, and
the Jesuits at Innsbruck. Lastly the Archduke must restore
the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Trent. 3
The position in the states of the Archduke Charles in Central
Austria was more serious than in the Tyrol. The nuncio,
the instructions say, may follow one of two courses : he may
either induce the Archduke to revoke the concession made
in the last two Diets, or merely content himself with regulariz
ing the position of the Catholics. In the latter case Portia
must in the first place have recourse to the bishops and warn
them to provide their parishes with good priests who will
1 Instruction, Nos. 7-10.
2 Ibid., No. 53.
3 Ibid., Nos. 16-24.
INSTRUCTIONS FOR PORTIA. 71
preach pure Christian doctrine to the people. This will apply
to the Archbishop of Salzburg and the Patriarch of Aquileia
and their suffragans, especially, in Carniola, the Bishop of
Laibach, whose diocese was in so bad a state. Special
attention must be paid to the decadent state of the monasteries.
The nuncio must praise the Duke of Bavaria for his zeal,
and promise the paternal benevolence of the Pope towards the
candidature of his son Ernest for the dioceses of Hildesheim
and Cologne. On account of the proximity of Bavaria to
the city of Ratisbon, which was almost entirely Lutheran,
Portia must take an opportunity of getting information
concerning the intolerable position of the ecclesiastics there,
and the best way of remedying it. 1 Duke Albert must also
urge his son-in-law, the Archduke Charles of Styria, to show
greater firmness. 2 At Munich the nuncio will also be able
to find out who, generally speaking, among the German princes
are disposed to return to the Catholic Church, whether it be
the young Duke of Wurtemberg, or one of the sons of the
Duke of Zweibriicken, or a member of the house of Brunswick. 3
Information concerning Weilderstadt in Wurtemberg, which
was still to a great extent Catholic, might be obtained from
the councillor, Fickler, at Salzburg. 4
The warnings which were given to the nuncio concerning
Salzburg undoubtedly betray considerable mistrust of the
archbishop. It was felt in Rome that Johann Jakob did
not take the carrying out of the Council of Trent at all seriously,
and that he had kept on putting off the promised synod in
order to gain time. 6 This mistrust was one of the reasons
why it was resolved to complete the work of Ninguarda at
Salzburg by sending a special nuncio, who was ordered in his
instructions to deal directly with the archbishop and bring
pressure to bear on him. 6 When Portia, who had come from
1 Ibid., Nos. 35-9.
2 Ibid., No. 40.
3 Ibid., No. 42.
4 Ibid., Nos. 11-12.
6 Nuntiaturbericht?, 111., 15.
6 Ibid., 17.
72 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Venice and Trent, reached Brixen on July i8th, 1573, he
there learned that Archbishop Johann Jakob had in the
meantime summoned the new provincial synod for August 24th,
1573. It seemed, therefore, that nothing further was required
than that Portia should busy himself with the early realization
of the desired meeting of the bishops. He therefore departed
from his instructions and his original plan, and did not go on
to Salzburg, but went first to Munich, and then, not finding
Duke Albert V. there, to Innsbruck to the Archduke Ferdinand;
to know more exactly the intentions of those princes concerning
reform could not fail to be useful to him at the synod. He
reached Salzburg on August 12th. 1 The archbishop expressed
his goodwill towards the work of reform, 2 but went on to point
out the great difficulties which he met with outside the limits
of his civil principality.
Canonical visitations, he complained, could only be made
with the help of a civil official, and the latter often interfered
on behalf of the authority of his sovereign, and caused a
disturbance, or he made known the programme of the visitation
to persons who, for the sake of peace, were opposed to any
improvement, or else he secretly made known the articles
of the visitation in order to expose them to derision and give
warning to the guilty. If a man were prevented from obtaining
a parish on account of his ignorance, he would bribe the court
officials, who put him in possession of the parish. To cover
up such things, appeal was made to the Papal approbation,
which, however, no one had seen. 3 If Rome, the archbishop
added, would first ask the bishops concerning concessions
made to the princes, the condition of the clergy would be
improved. 4 It was only because of pressing business, and
because he wished to act in common with the other bishops,
1 Ibid., xlvi seq., 74.
* Portia to Galli on August 20, 1573, ibid. 79.
8 Ibid. These complaints refer to the territory of the Archduke
Charles. Ibid. 87.
4 Ibid., 79 seq. Ninguarda also impressed this point on Pius V.,
Gregory XIII., and Sixtus V. ; see REICHENBERGER in the Rom,
Ouartalschrift, XIV. (1900), 375 seq.
THE ARCHBISHOP OF SALZBURG. 73
that he had not yet laid these grievances before the Pope.
At the same time a general meeting of the bishops was
difficult ; Freising, Brixen, Gurk and Lavant would stand out. 1
Portia replied that the archbishop could, before he did
anything else, begin the reform in the territories of his civil
principality ; the example of Salzburg and the intervention
of the Pope would show the way to success in the other parts
of his ecclesiastical province. But above all, the provincial
synod must not be deferred any longer ; the perpetual delays
only made the state of affairs more serious. 2 The archbishop
appeared to agree to this, but he soon said to Portia that he
was made very anxious by a fear that the nuncio had come
to assume the presidency of the synod, and to play a part in
it that was incompatible with the dignity of the archbishop ;
Portia s modesty at once brushed aside this difficulty, and he
made it clear that it was indifferent to the Pope whether the
nuncio or the archbishop laid before the synod the Pope s
desires and demands. After this Johann Jakob appeared to
be very much relieved, and he visibly became more enthus
iastic about the synod. 3 The nuncio then went on to fan the
archbishop s enthusiasm still further, and he obtained the
most far-reaching promises. For the seminary, which was
also to serve for the suffragan sees of Chiemsee, Gurk, Seckau,
and Lavant, two houses had been bought only two days
previously. 4 Ratisbon and Passau were to have a common
seminary in the last-named city ; Freising, on the other hand,
was to have its own. 5 Concubinage would be removed from
the city of Salzburg within 14 days, as only one of the canons
there had fallen into this sin, but for the other parts of the
ecclesiastical province the archbishop could only venture to
make conditional promises. 6 Apart from that, in the
principality of Salzburg no one dared to appear publicly as
1 Nuntiaturberichte, III., 80.
2 Nuntiaturberichte , II T., 80 seq.
3 Ibid., 81.
*Ibid., 83.
5 Ibid., 83 seq.
6 Ibid., 84.
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a heretic, and if anyone belonging to it had become guilty of
suspicious acts outside his own country, on his return he was
thrown into prison and was made to give an explanation of
his sentiments. 1 The refusal of the chalice had at first given
rise to seditious talk, which had given the archbishop a great
deal of anxiety, 2 but now men s minds were once more at rest.
Only the mountain districts, 3 and the territories bordering
on Styria and Carinthia were still unresigned, though a preacher
who had been sent to the Carinthian district had accomplished
a great deal, contrary to all expectation, so that the archbishop
thought of going there himself at the beginning of October.
He thought of appointing a limit of two months, within which
they must either give way or be banished. 4
Portia did not trust overmuch in the promises of the
archbishop. He thought that the power of Johann Jakob
did not extend so far : moreover he was proceeding with more
regard to human respect than was necessary ; he spoke a
good deal of the rising which had broken out in his state at
the beginning of the Lutheran innovations, 5 and feared the
renewal of such occurrences, because the neighbouring princes
were not friendly to him. Albert V., he said, was usurping
the rights of the Church : ecclesiastics were obliged to keep
dogs for hunting at great expense, devote themselves to music,
and lend him money, which was not repaid. The duke would
not allow the bishops to contribute to the seminaries, and
would not establish one himself ; he oppressed the monasteries
with expenses without the permission of the Pope. The
Archduke Charles prevented ecclesiastical visitations. On
the other hand the Archduke Ferdinand showed great zeal
against the heretics and allowed but little encroachments
on spiritualities. 6 In contradiction to the mistrust of Portia
85.
2 Cf. Ninguarda at the Council of Trent, 1562, in LE PLAT, V., 173.
3 Ninguarda calls them " genus hominum ferox, inquietum et
indomitum." Ibid., 172.
4 Nitntiaturberichte, III., 85 seq.
Ibid., 85.
6 Ibid., 87.
THE ARCHBISHOP OF SALZBURG. 75
Ninguarda was of opinion that the archbishop would now
certainly keep his word ; the archbishop s councillor, Fickler,
on the other hand, told the nuncio that he must not cease to
insist until he saw things accomplished, and Portia added that
henceforward he would apply himself to this with all zeal.
On the other hand he bestows praise on the archbishop ;
he assists every day at a sung mass and vespers, and on
Sundays at matins, though he is too much inclined to princely
pageantry. If he is spoken to about economy, so that he
may be able to surround himself with men of piety and learning,
he excuses himself on the score of the great Imperial taxes,
or of the damage caused by inundations, or the large necessary
expenses. Very little improvement is to be looked for in
this respect, unless the archbishop should change his views,
or great pressure bring about what requests have not been
able to do. 1
The nuncio was shown to be no pessimist when, in spite
of all promises of the immediate opening of the provincial
synod, it did not even yet appear to be certain. The nuncio
had hardly handed over his first report to Rome to the courier,
when the archbishop, in a long speech, protested that he would
willingly carry out the injunctions of the Pope, but that the
difficulty of getting all the bishops together was so great that
he was inclined to a further postponement of the synod ;
it was necessary to trust to time for the carrying out of the
decrees of the synod, and to proceed with great prudence
and gentleness. 2 Portia replied that he was very much taken
aback by such a statement ; after such great preparations
and proclamations he could not in honour draw back. If
nothing was done, it would have been better if the provincial
synod of 1569 had never been held. This continual delay
was making him a laughing-stock, and, in a word, it would
be all over with the good name of the archbishop both as a
churchman and a prince. 3 These considerations made a
visible impression on Johann Jakob ; he declared that he
1 Ibid., 87 seq.
- Portia to Galli on August 25, 1573, ibid., 92 seq.
3 Ibid., 93 seq.
76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
would sooner abdicate than bring his authority into disrepute,
but that if he tried to call together the members of the council,
Ernest of Freising would excuse himself as being only a civil
administrator ; the coadjutor of Brixen, though he was a
good man and prepared to face every obstacle, would certainly
not come ; the Bishops of Gurk and Lavant would be detained
as the councillors of the Archduke ; each of the provosts
and archdeacons would have some excuse to make, even
perhaps that they must be at the disposal of the Duke of
Bavaria for hunting. 1 Behind such subterfuges it was highly
probable that the real motive would be that the princes feared
lest the synod should bring to light their usurpations and
interference in ecclesiastical matters. 2 Portia replied that
in anv case those who were summoned would send their
representatives, and reports concerning these abuses. 3 If
the bishops did not come, then the glory of the archbishop
would be all the greater, if he, in spite of all the difficulties,
alone stood firm, and brought the synod to an end. Pie must
therefore definitely perform what was the most important
duty before God and man which had occurred for many years. 4
Johann Jakob then seemed to give way, but only to adduce
a personal difficulty. It was not fitting, he thought, that
the nuncio should exercise any authority at the synod, or
that he should even assist at it ; this the dignity of the church
of Salzburg demanded, as well as the state of the times, and
the dignity of the persons taking part in it. In 1569
Commendone had gone awa} on the very day that the
provincial synod was opened. It would be best for the nuncio
to go away at once, otherwise the meeting of the bishops
would certainly either not take place, or would be unsuccessful.
Portia did not fail to defend the rights of the Apostolic See,
but in the end showed himself ready to leave Salzburg before
the synod commenced ; before his departure, however, he
wished to speak to the bishops and prelates who had arrived. 5
1 Ibid., 95.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid., 96.
5 Nuntiaturberichte, III., 96 seq.
THE SYNOD OF SALZBURG. 77
Johann Jakob thereupon began to suspect that he wished
to obtain information about himself, but when Portia had
satisfied him as to this, it seemed that the difficulties had at
last been overcome.
But all this was merely apparent. That same evening
letters of refusal arrived from the Bishops of Lavant and
Passau, and some of the archdeacons of Styria, who all said
that it was impossible for them to come. Once more the
archbishop was undecided, and once more Portia had to lay
before him the considerations which had made so great an
impression before. With the help of Ninguarda and the
provost of the chapter, who was an aged and much revered
man, he succeeded in keeping the archbishop firm in his
previous decision. The Bishop of Passau, who was not far
away, was ordered by means of a courier, to attend, and
arrived on the evening before August 25th, and thus the synod
was assured. Portia had thus with much labour at last
obtained a first result. 1
The synod was then held from August 26th to September
3rd. 2 On this occasion Johann Jakob presided in person
and himself put forward all the proposals ; 3 of the other
bishops, only those of Passau and Chiemsee were present ;
the Bishops of Seckau-Lavant and Gurk did not even send
a representative. 4 The opening discourse, as well as that
at the end, was delivered by Ninguarda, 5 who spoke of his
efforts in Rome to obtain the approbation of the earlier synod, 6
and of his other services. The discussions were in great
1 Ibid., 98 seq.
a Records in THEINER, I., 489-509. For the transactions, cf.
the Protocol, ibid., 504, and Portia s report to Galli of September
18, 1573, Nuntiaturberichte, III., 124 to 138.
3 Portia, loc. cit., 12.5. He had not done so in the year T569.
4 Portia, loc. cit., 124 seq. List of members in THEINER, I.,
508 seq.
6 DALHAM, 564 seq.
THEINER, I., 489 seqq. A second part dealing with the
corrections made in Rome in the Acta of the Synod of 1569 in the
Nunitaturberichte, III., 422-9.
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
measure based upon a document divided into forty points,
which he had drawn up and sent to each of the bishops. 1
Before his departure Portia had summarized the principal
points of reform ; these concerned concubinage, seminaries,
episcopal visitations, the need of theologians and canonists
at the episcopal courts, the triennial visits of the bishops
to Rome, the setting up of printing-presses, and the sending
of students to the Germanicum in Rome. 2 All these points
were agreed to, except that they were unwilling to set up
printing-presses in addition to those in Bavaria, in order, as
Portia thought, to save expense. 3 As to the interference of
the civil authorities in ecclesiastical matters, many complaints
were raised. 4 As to the changes in the decrees of 1569 which
had been made during their revision in Rome, the request
was made that in three cases they might be allowed to adhere
to the original decrees. 5 The profession of faith of the Council
of Trent was then solemnly made by all taking part in the
council. 6
During the synod Portia went to visit the Archduke Charles
at Graz. On his return, he found the archbishop filled with
joy at the success of what had been accomplished, and much
more zealous and resolute than before. At the beginning of
October Johann Jakob proposed personally to carry out an
episcopal visitation in the threatened districts on the borders
of his diocese, to administer the sacrament of confirmation
from place to place, where it had been almost forgotten, to
remove communion under both kinds, to reintroduce Extreme
Unction, which had almost fallen into disuse, and to combat
the marriage and concubinage of priests. Two preachers
were to instruct the ignorant people during the visitation. 7
The synod had shown great zeal concerning the seminaries,
1 Reprinted with the synod s answers in THEINER, I., 492 seqq.
2 Ibid., 503 seqq.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, III., 139 seq., but cf. 128.
Ibid., 129.
6 Ibid., 129 seqq.
Ibid., 134.
7 Ibid., 134 seq.
THE SYNOD OF SALZBURG. 79
as well as visitations. Seminaries were to be begun at the
latest within six months, and the visitations were to be com
menced immediately after the closure of the synod. Naturally,
as regards the seminaries, the bleeding of the clergy by the
civil princes had been taken into consideration, and much
stress had again been laid upon the difficulties which the
princes and their rebellious subjects might put in the way
of the episcopal visitors. 1 In spite of all the fair promises
Portia remained doubtful and anxious. 2 In the course of
a journey to Munich and Freising in October, 1573, he found,
not only that the cathedral chapter of Freising was opposed
to a seminary, but he also learned of a secret arrangement that
had been come to at the synod of Salzburg. None of the
bishops, it had been decided, was to establish a seminary within
six months, but it was to be considered enough if two more
professors were added to the already existing schools. 3
The difficulties that lay in the way of the seminaries were
actually very real. The Archbishop of Salzburg made serious
efforts to transform the buildings which he had acquired into
a seminary. 4 His greatest difficulty lay in finding a suitable
director for the establishment. 5 So long as Portia was at
Salzburg he did not let a day go by without reminding the
archbishop of the seminary, 6 but it was not until 1582 that
it was actually established. 7 Greater zeal was shown by the
Bishop of Passau, Urban von Trennbach, who had already
opened his seminary at the beginning of April, 1573. 8 The
visitations too were delayed ; it was necessary, it was said,
that the decrees of Salzburg, which were to form the basis
of the canonical visitation, should first be published. 9
1 Ibid., 136.
2 Ibid., 135, 136.
3 Ibid., 190.
4 Ibid., 216.
5 Ibid., 343.
6 Ibid., 148.
7 SCHMIDLIN, Kirchliche Zustande, I., 82. Cf. WIDMAN, 97 seqq.
* Nuntiaturberickte, III., 404.
* Ibid., 269, 297 n.
8O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
"After his return from Bavaria, Portia took up his residence
at Innsbruck. The city, he pointed out in his justification
of this choice to the Secretary of State in Rome, was almost
the central point of the territory included in his nunciature.
He had already obtained all that could be obtained for the
moment from the Archduke Charles, namely his verbal and
written promise to support the decrees of the synod of Salzburg.
The constant presence of a mentor with the zealous Duke of
Bavaria was useless, while it would be even harmful with
the dilatory Archbishop of Salzburg. Moreover he had
his informants in the most distant parts of his district, for
example, the experienced Ninguarda at Salzburg, the
chancellor Hans von Kobenzl at Graz, and at Freising the
administrator himself, Duke Ernest. 1 They were satisfied
with these reasons in Rome, though they would have preferred
that the nuncio should keep a watch over his territory by
means of constant journe}^. 2
During the few months that Portia remained at Innsbruck
he found many opportunities of displaying his zeal. Numerous
though the tasks assigned to him in his instructions were, 3
he soon found himself obliged to devote his whole attention
to them all. He laboured at restoring peace between Johann
Nas and the Jesuits, 4 at settling the controversies between
the Archduke Ferdinand and the Cardinal Bishop of Trent,
Lodovico Madruzzo, and between the Archduke Charles
and the Patriarch of Aquileia, Francesco Barbaro. By reason
of a dispute which he was carrying on with Ferdinand concern
ing his civil rights, Madruzzo was keeping away from his
diocese, nor was Portia able to effect any improvement in
their relations. 5 As far as Aquileia was concerned, he was
of opinion that the patriarch would have to be satisfied with
1 Portia to Galli on December 9, 1573, ibid., 273 seq,
2 Galli to Portia on November 21, 1573, ibid., 243.
3 See supra, p. 68.
4 Portia to Galli on July 28, 1573, loc. tit., 47 seqq.
6 JOSEPH HIRN, Der Temporalienstreit des Erzherzogs Ferdinand
von Tirol mit dem Stifte Trient (1567-78), Vienna, 1882. SCHELL-
HASS, Nuntiaturberichte, III., Ixviii seqq.
CLAIMS OF THE PRINCES. 8l
the restoration of his spiritual rights, and abandon his civil
ones.
The constant complaints made by the prelates of the princes
and their ecclesiastical rights, real or presumed, were one of
the most difficult questions with which the nuncio had to deal.
The Duke of Bavaria had on his own account sent his vice-
chancellor, Eisengrein of Ingolstadt, to the synod of Salzburg,
who was to inform him if, in the proposed reform " there
were anything which might be harmful to us as sovereigns."
With regard to their demands, the bishops must come to an
agreement with him as their sovereign, but nothing was to be
included in them which " was opposed either to our sovereignty
as prince or to ancient established customs, or to their common
duties and obligations to our state." 2 These claims met with
much disapproval in Rome, 3 but Portia saw no way of
obviating them. The evil is a great one, he wrote ; the
establishment of seminaries as well as episcopal visitations
is rendered almost impossible ; 4 whatever is left over, after
the modest requirements of a few monks have been satisfied,
in seventy-two monasteries which are supposed to be for
the most part wealthy, goes to the duke ; the election of
superiors is not free, and the representatives of the prince
who attend them strive to secure the appointment of good
administrators, without taking into consideration their
scholastic attainments. The Jesuits themselves, although
they are in other respects highly esteemed by the duke, are
very discontented because his hunting parties impose a great
burden on their houses ; they say that they have pondered
deeply how they can in conscience accommodate themselves
in this matter to a prince who has in other respects deserved
so well of them. But every day they become more hopeless.
At Salzburg the prelates say that the whole world would not
be able to modify the duke s encroachments in a single point. 5
1 To Galli on January 6 and March 31, 15 74, ibid., 302, 397
2 Eisengrein s Instructions, ibid. t 133 n.
3 Galli to Portia on October 10, 1573, ibid. t 158.
4 See supra, p. 72 seq.
5 Portia to Galli on October 30, 1573, loc. cit., 198 seq.
VOL, XX, 6
82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Portia proposed getting the Pope to intervene with the duke
and the other secular princes, but it was thought that he
would obtain more by a direct appeal to the secular rulers. 1
On the strength of the reports received from the nuncio it
was decided in Rome to address a brief to Albert V. on behalf
of the monasteries. 2 But Portia did not dare to irritate the
duke and his advisers, and kept back the brief on his own
responsibility, in spite of the prudent terms in which it was
expressed, seeming, indeed, to acquit the prince of all blame. 3
How carefully, after the accession to the throne of Gregory
XI II., they followed the course of events in Germany in other
matters as well was seen when, on October 2oth, 1573, Portia
sent word of the grave illness of the Bishop of Wiirzburg,
Frederick von Wirsberg, suggesting that steps should be
taken by means of the nuncio Gropper and the Bishop of
Eichstadt to see that so important a diocese did not fall into
the hands of the Protestants. 4 Briefs were at once sent to
Gropper and the chapter of Wiirzburg, 6 and after the death
of the bishop further instructions were sent to Portia to send
to Wiirzburg his companion Schenking, in the place of Gropper
who was too far away ; an order was also sent to the nuncio at
Vienna, Giovanni Delhno, to urge the Emperor to appoint a
Catholic, a brief to the Bishop of Augsburg, who held a canonry
at Wiirzburg, another to the chapter as a body, and separate
ones to each of the eight canons. 6 Such precautions were
unnecessary ; even before Portia received the copies of the
briefs, the great reforming bishop, Julius Echter of
Mespelbrunn, had been elected at Wiirzburg. 7
1 Portia on October 10, 1573, ibid., 153.
2 Galli on November 21, 1573, ibid., 241. Copy of the Brief
in THEINER, I., 117. Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, III., 248, n. 2.
3 To Galli on December 16, 1573, ibid., 281 seq.
4 To Galli on October 12, 1573, ibid., 160 seq.
5 Galli to Portia on November 15, 1573. ibid., 225. Copy of the
Briefs in THEINER, I., 103 seq.
6 Galli to Portia on December 12, 1573, Nuntiaturberichte, III.,
276 seqq.
7 Ibid., Ixxix.
THE DIOCESE OF GURK. 83
A short time before the diocese of Wiirzburg fell vacant,
Bishop Urban of Gurk had also died ; to the nuncio there
then fell the thorny task of procuring for that very neglected
diocese a bishop who would be zealous for reform. At Rome
they would have liked the councillor at the Imperial court,
Eder, a layman who had been twice a widower, but who,
according to the nuncio at Vienna was looked upon as " a
Catholic of the purest faith and the greatest zeal in this
country," 1 and, according to the Cardinal Secretary of State,
was " very learned and Catholic." 2 But just at that moment
Eder had published at Dillingen a book under the title " An
evangelical inquisition on true and false religion " which
found favour in Rome and with Duke Albert V., but excited
the anger of the Emperor in the highest degree. 3 The
Archbishop of Salzburg, who had the right of nomination to
Gurk alternately with the Duke of Carinthia, and whose turn
it was on this occasion, would only decide upon Eder if he
were to be asked in writing by the Emperor, and if the Dukes
of Bavaria and the Tyrol would recommend the councillor
of the Imperial court. It was to no purpose that the nuncios,
Delfino and Portia, brought pressure to bear upon the arch
bishop, or that his own tried adviser, Ninguarda, who was
also wished for as Bishop of Gurk, but who shrank from such
an honour on account of the responsibility, 4 strongly urged
the cause of Eder, or that the Archdukes Ferdinand and
Charles were in favour of him, or that the Emperor, at any
1 Ibid., 229, n. 4.
2 Galli on November 15, 1573, ibid.
3 Ibid. For information about this book cf. STIEVE, Politik, I.,
145 ; also in the Mitteilungen des Instituts fur osterr. Geschichts-
forschung, VI., 440, n. i ; Galli to Cropper on October 23, 1574,
in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 200, cf. 236 ; *Galli to the Venetian nuncio
on March 13, 1574 (Nunziat. di Venezia, XIII., 280, Papal Secret
Archives) : " Eder has written a very good book ; the Pope has
had it translated into latin. It would be better not to publish
it in Rome but in Venice." The nuncio is to pilot it through the
press.
4 Nuntiaturberichte, III., 286, n. 2.
84 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
rate verbally, withdrew his opposition. The matter was ended
when Eder, on account of his precarious financial state, entered
into a third marriage with a rich widow. The dean of Brixen,
Christopher Andreas von Spaur, became Bishop of Gurk. 1
Portia had been given a special charge on behalf of the
little Wurtemberg city of Weilderstadt, which belonged to
the diocese of Spires. So far some remains of the old religion
had been preserved in Wurtemberg. When, in 1581, the
envoys of the Duke of Bavaria went to Liege, where Duke
Ernest was to be solemnly installed as bishop, the inhabitants
of the territory of Ulm crowded round them, showing them
their rosaries and strings of paternosters, and bewailing with
tears that they had been forcibly forbidden the exercise of
the old religion, and telling joyfully of the masses and Catholic
sermons which they had had during the stay of Duke Albert
at the baths of Ueberkingen. 2 At Geislingen, where the
influence of the good parish .priest, Georg Oswald, who had
been banished in 1531, had for a long time continued to produce
great effects, the Protestant pastors, as late as 1597, had to
seek the intervention of the council of Ulm against " papistical
superstitions," and especially against the attendance at mass
at Ueberkingen and Eybach, and against the pilgrimages to
Dozburg and Hohenrechberg ; 3 ; the acta of the visitation in
1569 inveigh against the " idolatry " of placing wooden crosses
on graves, and in 1575 against masses for the dead and vigils,
which the superstitious people still clung to ; in 1584 severe
penalties were enacted against those who still followed the
customs of the papistical church. 4 Weilderstadt especially
had, " by a miracle of God," remained entirely Catholic, 5
and the little city was specially recommended by Rome to
1 Ibid., Ixxix-lxxxv.
2 " Robert! Turner! sermo panegyricus, quo Bavariae dux
Ernestus . . . fuit inauguratus episcopus Leodius," in his
Panegyric! sermones duo, Ingolstadt, 1583, 97 seq.
3 Hist.-polit. Blatter, LI. (1863), 266.
* Ibid., 264 seq.
6 Portia s Instructions, Nuntiaturbe/ichte, III., 21, cf. 19.
Portia to Gall! on August 20, 1573, ibid., 89.
JOHANN FICKLER. 85
the care of the nuncio Portia. From Weil came one of the
most capable advisers of the Archbishop of Salzburg, Johann
Fickler, and from him Portia was able to obtain accurate
information -as to what he ought to do, to find out whether
it would not be possible to win over a councillor of the Duke
of Wurtemberg, or some distinguished local magnate, how
many people in the neighbourhood of Weil attended mass on
festival days, and how it would be possible to introduce a
good preacher into the city. 1 Fickler told him that not many
people went to mass at Weil from outside, but that a preacher
of repute was very much wanted and could easily attract
large crowds, because a great number of the inhabitants of
the duchy who were directly the subjects of the Empire had
not yet been infected by error, and were determined to remain
firm in the Catholic religion. 2 Moreover, the almost extinct
monastery of the Augustinians at Weil, couM, with the help
of their religious superiors, be filled with good religious, or
be changed into a college. 3 Fickler revived this latter project
again in 1576 at the Diet of Ratisbon. 4 A preacher had in the
meantime become doubly necessary at Weil, because the
parish priest there, who had hitherto been a Catholic, had
married and was preaching the new doctrines ; his place
was first filled by a man who was quite unsuitable, and then
by a disciple of Dillinger, who also failed to fulfil what was
expected of him. 5 Nevertheless, all Portia s efforts to find
an efficient substitute for him failed ; not even Peter Canisius
could help him. 6
1 Instruction to Portia, ibid., 21.
1 Portia to Galli on August 20, 1573, ibid., 89 seq.
3 Ibid., 91.
4 Ibid., V., 483 seqq.
6 Portia to Galli on September 29, 1.573, an d February 17,
1574, Nuntiaturberichte, III., 142, 344.
Portia to Galli on December 23, 1573, ibid., 299. Two briefs
of Gregory XIII., dated November 15, 1574, to the town of Weil,
and to the Bishop of Spires concerning the mission of Johann
(Fickler) to Weil, in THEINER, I., 124 seq. A brief of August 24,
1577, to Rudolph II. in favour of the Catholics of Ulm, ibid., II.,
264.
86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Besides Weilderstadt, Schwabisch-Gmiind had also remained
entirely loyal to the old faith. 1 When the nuncio at Vienna,
Zaccaria Delfino, invited the council and municipality to the
Council of Trent in 1561, he. highly praised their steadfastness
in the Catholic religion. 2 Gregory XIII., too, addressed to
the city a letter of thanks, which was taken there by the
student of the German College, Vitus Miletus. 3 After 1574
the Council took determined steps against the few innovators
at Gmiind ; their banishment had already been decided upon,
but could not be carried into effect because of the threats
of the Protestant states of the Empire. 4
For the most important of the questions affecting it, the
carrying out of the reform decrees of 1569, the vast arch
diocese of Salzburg, now as before, had to depend upon the
energy of Ninguarda alone. The first step was to secure the
publication of the decrees, to serve as a guide for future
episcopal visitations. 5 It was Ninguarda who took this
wearisome task upon himself; 6 even by the end of 1575 he
had still to discuss with Rome the last sheets that remained
to be published. 7
In the meantime Rome brought pressure to bear upon this
busy man to undertake, for the purpose of carrying out the
synod of 1569, his journey to the various bishops and princes,
1 Fielder s Memorandum of 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 485.
2 " Pietas vestra nobis satis perspecta est probeque novi vos
hactenus per varies insultus adversarii fidem catholicam in omni
patientia, dilectione et perseverantia conservasse." Vienna,
September 24, 1561 : E. WAGNER in the WilrUembergische Viertel-
jahf she/ten fur Landesgeschichte, N.F., I. (1892), 114.
3 Ibid., N.F., II. (1893), 314. The letter of May 24, 1575, in
SCHWARZ, Gropper, 287.
4 WAGNER, loc. cit., II., 282-325, MORITZ, 152.
6 Ninguarda to Galli on December 10, 1573, in THEINER, I., 512 ;
to Portia on December 18, 1573, in the Nuntiaturberichte, III.,
297, n. i.
6 Ibid., Ixvii., 137, 216, 235, 270. SCHELLHASS, Akten Ii.,
226, 273, 279.
Ibid., III., 59, 67.
THE TASK OF NINGUARDA. 87
which he had already begun in 1572. l Ninguarda himself,
when he sent the acta of the synod of 1573 to Rome, 2 asked
for a renewal of the now obsolete commendatory briefs to
the princes whom he had not yet visited : the Emperor,
the Archduke Charles, and the Duke of Bavaria, and caused
a fourth to be included to the excellent Catholic Landgrave,
Georg Ludwig von Leuchtenberg of the Upper Palatinate. 3
But the interests of the publication of the synod of 1569, as
well as the desire of the Archbishop of Salzburg to keep his
experienced adviser by his side, kept Ninguarda at Salzburg
until January, 1574. 4 In the meantime the skilful and hard
working Dominican had received yet a third and a fourth
task. In February 1573 his religious superiors had appointed
him to act as provincial and visitor of the Dominicans of
Bohemia and Austria, 5 while in November there came from
the Pope the yet heavier task of visiting all the houses of the
Mendicant Orders in the dioceses of Salzburg and Freising,
and in the states of the Archdukes Charles and Ferdinand. 6
In Rome, Portia had urged a visitation of the monasteries ; 7
the German Congregation had advised this on November iQth,
I 573 8 an d on December 5th the three nuncios, Delfino,
Gropper and Portia, had been given orders to send a report
of the monasteries in the territories included in their nuncia
tures. 9 Delfino replied by advising delay. 10 Portia excused
* Ibid., L, 59.
2 Complete list of documents sent in the Nuntiaturberichte, III.
183, n. 5. Cf. THEINER, I., 510.
8 Nuntiaturberichte, III., lii, 132. SCHELLHASS, Akten, I., 58.
4 Ibid., 59.
5 Ibid., 55. Portia to Galli on November 29, 1573, Nuntiatur-
berichte, III., 142, 233.
6 Galli to Portia on November 21, 1573, ibid., 240, cf. Ixiii seqq.
The Duke of Bavaria is not mentioned, probably so as not to give
him any further opportunity of interfering with the religious
houses.
1 Ibid., 240, n. 4.
8 SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 80.
9 Nuntiaturberichte, III., Ixiv, 259 seq., 260, n. 3. SCHWARZ,
Gropper, 74 seq., 142 seqq., 227 seqq., 232 seq., 245.
10 Nuntiaturberichte, III., 295, n. i.
88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
himself on the ground that sufficient knowledge of the state
of the monasteries could only be obtained by going to them
all. 1 This task was entrusted to Ninguarda, who during the
years that followed especially directed his energies to the
reform of the Orders.
At the end of January, 1574, Ninguarda went to Munich,
whence he went up the Iser to Freising and Landshut, and
thence to Ratisbon and Pfreimd in the Upper Palatinate,
travelling thence down the Danube to Straubing and Passau,
whence he was summoned to Austria. 2 At Munich he met
Duke Albert V., and at Pfreimd the zealous Catholic mother
and guardian of the eleven year old Count of Leuchtenberg ;
at Freising, Ratisbon and Passau he visited the cathedral
chapters, and in the last-named two cities the bishops as well ;
at Freising he saw the administrator, Duke Ernest. Every
where he sought, with all the authority of a Papal nuncio,
to work on behalf of the synod of Salzburg. He urged the
ecclesiastical authorities to take seriously the reform ordinances
of that synod, and the representatives of the civil authorities
to back up the reforming efforts of the bishops. Ninguarda
met everywhere with a cordial reception, and, at anyrate in
appearance, with good-will. The Duke of Bavaria, whom
he informed of the grievances of the clergy against the civil
officials, promised to inquire into the matter. 3 The Countess
of Leuchtenberg received the Dominican with every mark
of h onour ; for a century, she said, no envoy of the Apostolic
See had been seen in the state, and she only knew of one bishop
within living memory who had administered the sacrament
of confirmation there. She was glad to show favour to the
bishops and clergy. 4
1 To Galli on December 23, 1573, ibid., 294.
2 SCHELLHASS, IOC. tit., 61-77.
8 SCHELLHASS, Akten, I., 61. Ninguarda s speech before Albert
V. and the latter s reply, ibid., 241 seqq., 246 seq.
4 Ibid., 73. Morone s extract from Ninguarda s report of his
visit on February 19, 1574, ibid., II., 56. As the Countess dowry
had been seized in the Netherlands, she asked for Papal mediation
with Philip II., which was granted to her. Ibid., 52, 231, 262,
264 ; III., 190.
FREISING AND RATISBON. 89
During the previous year Portia had received a bad account
of the cathedral chapter of Freising. The administrator
reported that it was opposed to any sort of reform. At one
time it would maintain that the administrator s only business
was to look after the temporal affairs, and at another reminded
him of the oath which he had had to take at his election to
leave everything as it was. Thus he had wished to carry
out at once the decrees of the synod of Salzburg about
seminaries, and had set aside a house for that purpose, but
the chapter " which is opposed to such institutions as to
everything else," had again raised the objection of his oath. 1
In the presence of Ninguarda the chapter now promised in
writing to obey in all things, and apologized for its previous
negligence. 2 Ninguarda was supported by a representative
of the duke, Andreas Fabricius, Duke Ernest s majordomo,
whom Ninguarda had asked for from Albert V., on account
of the ill repute of the chapter. 3
Ratisbon had an even worse name than Freising ; Portia
wrote* that the clergy there were perhaps the most corrupt
in all Germany.
It is a fact that Ninguarda, immediately after his arrival
in the city, was presented with long memorials detailing
the shortcomings of the chapter and its dean, as well as of
the custodian and former scholastic of the cathedral, 6 for
which misdeeds the dean and chapter, after Ninguarda s
return from Pfreimd, attempted to excuse themselves in
writing. 6 At Ratisbon, too, there were not wanting com
plaints of the arbitrary action of the Bavarian court in
conferring benefices. 7 The bishop, David Kolderer, who
1 Portia to Galli on October 21, 1573, Nuntiaturberichte, III.
188.
2 SCHELLHASS, IOC. tit., 63.
3 Ibid., 244, 245, 247. Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, III., 363, n. 2.
4 On August 20, 1573, ibid., 83. Cf. Portia s instructions from
Rome, No. 3, ibid., 30.
6 SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., 43-51.
6 Ibid., 63-71.
7 Ibid., 52 seqq.
90 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
received the Pope s representative courteously, expressed in
writing his readiness for reform, but said that he was powerless
before the vagaries of the chapter, as the latter was exempt,
and he himself was bound by the election capitulation. 1
Ninguarda nevertheless succeeded in arranging a settlement
between the bishop and the chapter on the question of the
seminary, 2 while the chapter itself promised to do away with
the abuses. 3
The old religion was not yet extinct among the population
of the city. The magistracy, Ninguarda reported, 4 was
indeed Protestant, and there were very few Catholics among
the burgesses proper, and even these, for the most part, did
not openly profess themselves as such, out of fear of the
magistracy. But among the working classes the adherents
of the old religion were still numerous, while even among the
burghers some were returning to it. There were also many
Catholics among those who came from outside, some of whom
belonged to the aristocracy, as well as the large entourage of
the bishop, and of the greater and lesser prelates, as well as
of the monasteries. 5 On the other side of the Danube, opposite
Ratisbon, was Stadtamhof, which was subject to the Duke
of Bavaria, and was, with its 200 communicants, entirely
Catholic. Of the six parish churches in Ratisbon, St. Ulrich,
in the neighbourhood of the cathedral, was always filled
with the faithful on festival days. Since 1570 the bishop had
caused the divine service there to be carried on according
to the full Catholic ritual ; the church, which had been in a
ruinous state, had been rebuilt by the pious contributions
of the faithful, and sumptuously decorated, and this had
brought back many Protestants to the faith. Whereas before
1 Ibid., 42 seq.
2 Ibid., 74-7.
3 Ibid., 71-4.
4 Ibid., 57-63-
5 A companion of Morone in 1576 estimated the number of
Catholics who could lead unmolested lives as low as 800. The
real number was certainly higher than that. Nuntiaturberichte,
II., 57, n. 4.
THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 91
there had only been 600 communicants, now there were more
than 1500, and nothing but the attitude of the magistracy
prevented the return of many others. Of the large number
of chapels, the majority were either in the hands of Protestants
or were used for profane purposes. The territory of the free
city of Ratisbon hardly extended more than a mile outside
the walls of the city.
At Passau Ninguarda also worked for the carrying out of
the decrees of Salzburg, both with the chapter and with the
bishop, whose acquaintance he had made at Salzburg. 1
Whenever, in the course of his travels, he found monasteries
in the cities which he visited, the zealous Dominican also
devoted himself to the other part of his instructions, the
reform of the religious Orders.
Portia set forth his views as to the general state of the
monasteries in a report of a rather later date, 2 which was
principally concerned with the state of affairs at Augsburg,
but which may be unconditionally extended to all. 3
The question of the religious Orders, he thought, was much
more complicated and difficult than was supposed. He sums
up under three heads the disorders which had " grown beyond
all bounds, together with the complete decline of monastic
discipline." The primary cause of the decadent state, of the
monasteries was that men of education and good family no
longer entered them, first, because they would infallibly
lose their good name and would manifestly endanger the
salvation of their souls in those undisciplined monasteries,
and secondly because the Protestants had brought the religious
Orders into disrepute, for which the religious themselves had
given occasion. It thus happened that for the most part
only those entered who had no other means of livelihood,
of were of no use for anything. There was no proper
noviciate, and the novices were only distinguished from laymen
1 SCHELLHASS, IOC. tit., 75.
2 To Galli on October 2, 1574, Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 225 seq.
8 He is corroborated, with regard to the Mendicant Orders of
Bamberg, by N. Elgard to Galli on October 4, 1575, in SCHWARZ,
Cropper, 321 seq.
Q2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and from the professed monks by their dress. In the general
disappearance of religious discipline things could not well be
otherwise, when there were no capable masters of novices.
It was from this ill-trained and ill-instructed body that
in the end the superiors were chosen, who proceeded to show
by their conduct and government the way they had them
selves been trained. A thing that especially ruined the rich
monasteries was the fact that whether they liked it or not
they had to afford hospitality on their journeys to the princes
and their suites. They found themselves all the more obliged
to put up with this inconvenience because the princes had
the appointment to the offices of the monastery in their hands,
and could vent their displeasure on those who opposed them.
Hence came the perpetual taxes and money contributions
of the monasteries, and hence the election of abbots, who
were well qualified indeed to maintain and increase the
revenues, but who had no zeal whatever for religious discipline.
These abuses were especially to be regretted because, with
the exception of the Mendicant Orders, each monastery was
independent, and self contained, so that the lack of discipline
in one could not be improved by sending a capable man from
another monastery. When monks had entered an Order,
they lived on and remained there until their death, and
rendered no account to anyone, neither as to their rule, of
which there was generally no copy in existence, whether
they called themselves Benedictines or Augustinians, nor
as to their state or their government. The abbots lived apart
from the rest, like secular nobles, and had their own servants
to wait upon them, and their own horses and hounds. The
rest were provided with abundant maintenance and had
whatever freedom they desired.
Portia frankly confessed that he could not see how this
state of affairs was to be remedied. Cures for " such mortal
diseases " could indeed be suggested, but how were they to be
applied ? To force such persons, who were supported by such
powerful protectors, to the observance of a rule that was
not in being, would be impossible, and would only open the
way to complete apostasy, which, in view of the general
THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 93
absence of discipline, was near enough as it was. And even
supposing the impossible took place, namely that the civil
officials no longer battened upon the monasteries, a thing
which would never be realized so long as the world remained
what it was, but even if it should happen that the officials
no longer placed obstacles in the way of the rights of the
Church, who was there to enforce the ordinances made during
the course of the visitation ? all the more so as neither the
existing state of affairs, nor the good-will of the religious
themselves, nor the dispositions of the princes was suitable
for a visitation of the monasteries, nor what it would have
to be if religious discipline was to be restored.
This gloomy picture drawn by the nuncio did not directly
concern the Mendicant Orders, who were the only ones con
templated by Ninguarda s visitation. As a matter of fact
Portia s description was only partly true of the monasteries
of Bavaria.
At Munich the Poor Clares generally enjoyed a good name,
so much so that the visitor did not think it necessary to hold
a visitation of their convent. 1 In the same way two houses
of Franciscan nuns of the Third Order there were highly
praised by the duchesses, Anna and Jacobea. 2 Ninguarda
found " almost everything in a good state " among the
Observant Friars Minor at Munich. 3 The Franciscans at
Landshut received even higher praise ; 4 their superior was a
very good preacher and did much good in the city. 5 The
Franciscans at Munich and Landshut only complained of the
arbitrary action of the commissary-general Nas. 8
1 SCHELLHASS, Akten, I., 63.
a Supplica addressed to Rome on June 15, 1574, in THEINER,
II., Si.
8 SCHELLHASS, loc. tit., 61.
* " Hoc monasterium est huic civitati laudi et commodo
maximo." Ibid., 260.
6 Ibid., 257, 258, cf. 64. When he visited Landshut in 1576,
Morone was delighted to find Catholic life in a flourishing condition.
Nuntiaturberichte, II., 45.
SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., 248, 257. For Nas and the German
Franciscans, cf. SCHWARZ, Gropper, 320 seq.
94 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In other cases the abuses were not very great, and were
rather the result of the difficulties of the times than of bad
will. The Conventual Augustinians at Munich carried out
the offices of the Church carefully, but there was no superior
in the monastery because they did not know how to provide
a successor for the prior, who had recently died ; there was
no teacher of grammar and no real novice master for the
young religious. Contrary to the enactments of Pius V.,
in cases of illness women relatives were admitted to the
monastery, the novices did not go to confession often enough,
and the monastery was burdened with debts. Nlnguarda
thought of seeking from the General of the Augustinians the
necessary authority to send two of the younger monks
to Italy for the renewal of the religious life, and of asking
the help of the duke for the payment of the debts. 1 The
convent of the Dominicans at Landshut suffered principally
from its poverty, the greater number of the friars were often
out of the enclosure in order to obtain means of subsistence,
for the same reason the novices were unable to devote them
selves entirely to their studies and the spiritual life, or the
master of novices to his duties ; the church and convent were
threatened with ruin. 2 Ninguarda tried to help them by
asking the duke to give the Dominicans part of the revenues
of the deserted Benedictine monastery of Biburg, or some
other monastery. 3 The prior, who had committed many
faults through ignorance, escaped with a severe warning. 4
On the whole Albert V. could boast that the worst evils had
been removed from the monasteries of Bavaria, and that
speaking generally the conditions were not so bad. 5
1 SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., I., 62, 249 seq., 251 seqq., 253 seqq.,
II., 88, 248.
2 Ibid., I., 255.
3 Ibid., 260.
4 SCHELLHASS, Akten, I., 64.
5 " Effectum quoque est Suae Celsitudinis pietate,, ut quae
graviora atque enormiora iis in locis conspicerentur, statim sint
correcta et sublata, ita ut Bavarica monasteria, quantum quidem
per temporum horum impedimenta omnino potuit, non ita turpia
aut scandalosa hucusque apparuerint." Albert V. on December
24, 1574, Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 388 seq.
NINGUARDA IN RATISBON. 95
On the other hand Ninguarda found a lamentable state of
affairs in Ratisbon. 1 There were only one or two monks
left in the monasteries of the Scots, the Franciscan Conventuals
and the Dominicans, the roof and walls of the house of the
Augustinians had fallen, the church was more like a stable
than the house of God, and two Italian lay-brothers who lived
among the ruins in secular dress, and gained their livelihood
by trade, had a very bad reputation. The three noble
monasteries, in which only the abbess took vows, were a
scandal to the whole city, especially two of them which,
being directly subject to the Empire, paid no attention to
any bishop. However, even in Ratisbon the state of the
monasteries was not altogether bad. The eleven Poor Clares
kept their enclosure irreproachably, as well as the rest of
their religious discipline ; 2 the same was the case with the
eighteen Dominican nuns. The abbot and the sixteen
Benedictines at St. Emmeran did credit to the Catholics by
assiduity at the office and their good conduct. 3 Outside the
city, in the diocese ot Ratisbon, there were many monasteries
which refused to have anything to do with the bishop, looked
upon the Duke of Bavaria as their only superior, and lived
without any sort of discipline. 4
Straubing and Passau did not fall within the limits covered
by Ninguarda s visitation faculties. In spite of this in the
first named city he visited the Carmelites and admonished
them in a friendly way to wear the religious habit and to live
in accordance with their state. At Passau, at the request
of the bishop, he visited the Canons Regular and the Bene
dictine nuns. Among the Canons he found everything in
order ; 5 he urged the nuns to observe the enclosure and to
1 SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., I., 69-73 ; II., 62 seq.
2 Ibid., I., 71.
3 Ibid., II., 62. In his " informatio " (ibid., I., 69), Ninguarda
makes no mention of this monastery because it did not come
under his jurisdiction.
4 Ibid., I., 72 ; II., 99 seqq.
5 Ibid., I., 76.
96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
obey the bishop ; they promised to obey and thanked him
for his warning. 1
At Passau Ninguarda received from Rome, from the superiors
of his own Order, as well as from the nuncio at Vienna and
the Dominican prior there, a pressing invitation to go as
soon as possible to Vienna and restore order among the
monasteries there. This referred especially to Italian religious.
One result of the legatine instructions sent to Portia was
that the Dominicans and Franciscan Conventuals had begun
to send unworthy members of their Italian houses beyond
the Alps. Consequently many religious houses with good
revenues in Styria, Carniola and Carinthia had passed into
the hands of the Italians, who were a sore trial to the patience
of the Archduke. 2
The Emperor in his capital was no less dissatisfied with
the Dominicans, Franciscans and Augustinians who came
from Italy, because, as he said, they did not understand the
German language, and gave scandal by their dissolute lives. 3
At the request of the States of Austria he was on the point
of driving them all out. Delfino informed Rome of this, and
the procurators-general of the three Orders were ordered to
find good German monks there for the monasteries of Vienna.
Only Flemings, however, and Italians living in Austrian
territory could be found, and when the Emperor remarked
that he could have found real Germans, Delfino begged him
to seek for them himself, while he in the meantime would
1 Ibid.
* Portia s Instructions, No. 31. Nuntiaturberichte, III., 26 seq.
SCHELLHASS, IOC. tit., 1., 107, n. 3. WlEDEMANN, II., 187.
3 SCHELLHASS, loc. tit., 80 seq. Maximilian further particularizes
his complaints in two letters to Rome of January 2 and March 8,
1574, ibid., I., 237 seqq. ; II., 77 seqq. However, all the Italian
monks were not giving scandal (ibid., II., 82). Ninguarda praises
a Dominican of Vienna whom he describes as a " persona assai
literata e virtuosa." He was a professor at the university and
everyone spoke well of him. His lectures did much good (ibid.}.
The answer given by the monks in Vienna to the accusations,
ibid., III., 34.
THE AUSTRIAN MONASTERIES. Q7
try and reform the Italians. He placed all his hopes for the
reform of the monks in Ninguarda, who was summoned for
that purpose from Passau. 1
If Ninguarda had found the state of the Bavarian
monasteries not entirely bad, he was to have the saddest
experience of them in Austria. This was the case with the
first monastery which he visited in the territory of the Emperor,
that of his own Order at Krems. The two friars who were
still there did not at first make such a bad impression, and
it was only afterwards that it was discovered that they had
conspired to deceive the visitor ; one of them was later on
condemned by Ninguarda to the galleys. 2
Ninguarda reached Vienna a little after the middle of
March, 1574. He first presented to the Emperor the brief
accrediting him as the authorized envoy of the council of
bishops at Salzburg. That synod, he declared, marked the
beginning of an improvement in the sad state of affairs in
Germany, but that the concurrence of the Emperor was needed
for the carrying out of its decrees. 3 Maximilian promised
his help, so long as the bishops would do their duty. Ninguarda
then gave him the names of certain abbots, provosts and
parish priests, who not only lived with women as their wives,
but professed heretical opinions. 1
The nuncio Delfino had already on many occasions asked
for the intervention of the civil power in the case of such
persons, but a commission of inquiry had hardly been appointed
when it reached the ears of the Emperor that some of these
abbots were dissipating the property of their abbeys in favour
of their sons. The government had cunningly tried to place
the abbot of Melk in close confinement, but had wrapped its
action in profound mystery, in order that the guilty man
might not escape to the Protestants with the gold and silver
objects belonging to the monastery. 5 In consequence of
1 Ibid., I., 57, n., 80 seq., n. i.
2 Ibid., I., 78; II., 58; III., 161, 172,
3 Ibid., I., 78 seq. ; cf. II., 8i ; 91.
* Ibid., I., 79.
6 SCHELLHASS, Akten, 1., 79, n. 2,
VOL. XX. 7
98 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the protests of Ninguarda the Emperor promised in future
to leave the punishment of the guilty to the bishops. As
for the foreigners in the monasteries of Vienna, who gave
signs of improvement, the Papal envoy obtained permission
to allow them to remain, so long as the superior and some
of the monks in each monastery were Germans, and German
novices were received. 1
Ninguarda might well believe that he had accomplished
something ; he hastened to provide the Dominican convent
at Vienna with a German superior and preacher, as well as a
capable master of novices, and to admit four novices. 2 But
the Emperor Maximilian very soon went back to some extent
upon his word with regard to the Italian monks, 3 though he
again renewed his promises when Ninguarda protested. 4
But the promise to take action against the Abbot of Melk
was not taken seriously by the Emperor ; only a little while
before he gave it he had said that there was nothing serious
in the matter and that he had punished the abbot s accusers. 5
Nevertheless in 1577 the Bishop of Passau made the most
serious accusations against him, as well as against a whole
number of Benedictine and Cistercian abbots in Austria. 6
In the meantime so many scandals concerning the
monasteries had reached the ears of the zealous Dominican
that he would willingly have taken refuge anywhere rather
than visit them. 7 But the question of the foreign religious,
1 Ibid., 8 1 seq.
2 Ibid., cf. II., 82.
3 Explanation of April 21, 1574, ibid., II., 106 seq.
4 Ibid., I., 83 seq. Ninguarda s reasons for not straightway
excluding all foreigners, in his letter to the Emperor of April 29,
1574, ibid., in seqq., only gradually could a preponderance of
Germans be brought about. The Emperor thereupon declared
himself satisfied (ibid., ITO).
6 Ibid., 79, n. 3*
6 Ibid. t V., 39 seq. For the visitation of the Conventual Francis
cans of Austria and Bohemia by Paolo da Norcia, cf, ibid., 94 seq.,
233 and I., 82, n. 2, 95, n. 2.
To Galli on March 26, 1574, ibid., II., 80.
NINGUARDA S VISITATION. 99
and the oppression of some of the Imperial officials, which
was by no means favourable to the cause of the Catholic
religion, 1 made him prolong his stay in Vienna from March
iQth to June i/j-th. His original plan had been to present
himself first before the Archduke Charles at Graz, as the
representative of the reforming synod of Salzburg, and then
to take in hand the reform of the monasteries of Styria and
Carinthia. 2 While he was there, however, he received news
that the prior of the Dominicans at Prague had been arrested
by the order of the archbishop and the civil authorities, 3
and decided to go first of all to Prague. Before he set out,
however, by the advice of Delfino he undertook the visitation
of the Conventual Franciscans at Vienna. 4
Ninguarda had received ample powers for the tour which
he now began. As the visitor of the Dominicans he had two
duties to perform ; he was charged by his own superiors to
visit the territories of the Archduke Charles and the Emperor,
with the exception of Hungary ; 5 he was charged by the
Pope to do the same in Austria, Bohemia and Moravia. 6
As far as the Mendicant Orders in general were concerned,
that is to say the Augustinians, Franciscans, Dominicans
and Carmelites, he at first only had powers as visitor for
Salzburg, Freising and the states of the Archdukes Charles
and Ferdinand. 7 Ninguarda had naturally pointed out in
Rome that it was necessary that his mandate should also
include Central Austria, for otherwise the monks would be
constantly escaping from one region to another ; at the same
time he had also begged that someone else should be given
this huge task, whereas he himself had enough to do with
1 To G?lli on May 7, 1574, ibid., 232.
2 Ibid., 81.
3 Ibid., I., 84.
4 Ibid., 87 ; II., 240 seq.
5 See supra, p. 87 seq.
6 Brief of January 9, 1574, Nuntiaturberichte, III., 308, n. 8.
Ninguarda himself had desired the Papal commission (ibid.).
7 Brief of November 20, 1573, ibid. t 240 ; SCHELLHASS, loo. cit.,
I., 59.
100 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the convents of his own Order. 1 But the reply came from
Rome that the Pope did not know of anyone else who was
capable of carrying out this duty, and that Ninguarda must
therefore also take this burden upon his own shoulders, 2 to
which the loyal servant of the Holy See replied that he would
shrink from no labours, in obedience to the Pope, no matter
how great the difficulties might be ; it seemed to the Emperor
as well to be absolutely necessary that his faculties of visitation
should be extended to Central Austria. 3
In addition to his plenary ecclesiastical powers Ninguarda
also obtained the Imperial authority for the exercise of his
office, since the monasteries were forbidden to receive visitors
without the express consent of the Emperor. 4
In the middle of June, 1574, Ninguarda was able at last
to set out upon his intended journey to Prague. The Imperial
mandates, which would have opened to him the doors of the
Augustinian and Franciscan convents, had not yet reached
him ; he could therefore, for the moment, only deal with the
houses of his own Order, and convince himself by personal
experience of their sad condition.
At Ratz the Dominican convent had been abandoned for
sixteen years ; the buildings were in the hands of the citizens,
who were allowing them to fall into ruin. At Znaim a fire
had several years before destroyed the Dominican convent ;
the religious, one of whom had recently been sent thither by
Ninguarda, were living there literally among the ruins. The
visitation of this convent, and that of Briinn, Ninguarda
postponed until he returned. 5 At Olmutz, too, where, in
spite of his haste, he had to wait for fifteen days for an
Imperial official in order to discuss the question of the religious,
the convent of the Dominicans was almost extinct ; many
accusations were made against the Italian prior and the two
1 To Galli on April i, 1574, ibid., II., 86.
2 Galli to Ninguarda on June. 12, 1574, ibid., 254.
8 Ninguarda to Galli on April 8, 1574, ibid., 91.
* Ibid., I., 85, of. II., 92, 93, 240, 241, 250, 252.
i Ibid., I., 87 seq.
NINGUARDA S VISITATION. 101
religious who still remained. 1 Ninguarda replaced him by a
German, who later on also led an unedifying life. 2 He also
admitted two novices. At the convent of the Dominicanesses
at Olmiitz he made the enclosure more strict. 3
At Prague the conditions were no better. The arrested
Dominican prior, on whose account the visitor had hastened
his journey, had escaped from prison. The only inhabitant
of the convent was a novice, with two brothers of the Order
whom Ninguarda himself had a short time before summoned
by letter. At the houses of the Franciscan Conventuals and
the Augustinians in each case he only found two religious,
who were leading scandalous lives ; he had to throw the two
Franciscans into prison. Ninguarda did what he could under
the circumstances ; he gave the Dominicans a new prior,
and the Franciscans a new provincial and a new guardian ;
he was compelled by necessity to leave the superior of the
Augustinians, who promised in writing to amend his ways,
in his office. In other convents he especially insisted upon
the observance of the enclosure. He naturally interested
himself especially in the members of his own Order ; he
systematized the legal position, obtained from the government
the restoration of the property of the monastery, which had
been confiscated on account of the flight of the prior, and
increased their diminished revenues. 4
At the end of July Ninguarda began to collect fuller informa
tion as to the condition of the religious Orders in the rest
of Bohemia by making further journeys. He first went
towards the east, to Pilsen, Mies, Pniow and Eger. Then,
again starting from Prague, he went northwards to Leitmeritz,
Gablonz and Melnik. 5 In Rome, however, they began to fear
that the indefatigable Dominican, who was the right hand of
the Holy See for the reform of the monasteries of Germany,
would succumb under the burdens laid upon him. A Papal
1 SCHELLHASS, Akten, I., 88.
2 Ibid., 98 ; II., 282.
9 Ibid., I., 89.
4 Ibid., 89-91.
6 Ibid., 91-93.
102 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
brief therefore allowed him, in the case of those religious
houses which he had not been able to visit in person, to choose
one or two representatives to do so. 1 In accordance with this
permission he chose the provincial of the Conventuals to
visit the convent of the Observants at Kaaden in western
Bohemia, where none but the guardian remained. He in
formed himself later on of the state of the monasteries in
south Bohemia, at Bechin, Budweis and Neuhaus, in the
course of his journey to Moravia.
Even in the monasteries of Bohemia bright spots were not
altogether wanting. Ninguarda praised the five Franciscan
Observants as well as the twenty Poor CJares of Eger. The
prior of the Dominicans there had distinguished himself as
an administrator and preacher. 2 Of the Franciscan
Observants at Pilsen there only remained two old men ;
of the Augustinians at Pniow, as at Melnik, only the superiors
were left, but they did honour to their state. 3 The same
could be said of the two Conventuals whom the Archbishop
of Prague had sent to the two Observant houses at Neuhaus
and Bechin, which had entirely died out. 4 But generally
speaking religious life in Bohemia was at its last gasp. The
superiors themselves gave a wholly bad example, and
Ninguarda imprisoned the guardians of the Minors at Mies
and Leitmeritz, 5 and the prior of the Dominicans at Pilsen,
who was the only religious left in that convent. 6 For the
most part, too, the monastic buildings were in a miserable
state ; those of the Dominicans at Pilsen, Eger and Gablonz,
1 Galli to Ninguarda on July 10, 1574, ibid., II., 263 ; Memor
andum of the German Congregation dated July 7, in SCHWARZ,
Zehn Gutachten, 92.
2 SCHELLHASS, IOC. tit. I., 93.
3 Ibid., 92 seq.
4 Ibid., 96. On December 5, 1574, Ninguarda wrote from the
Franciscan monastery at Neuhaus : " E assai ben in ordine (the
building), ma merce di quel signore (Lord of Neuhaus) ch e
catholico." Ibid., II., 281.
5 Ibid., I., 93.
6 Ibid., 92.
NINGUARDA S VISITATION. 103
were on the point of falling into ruin, 1 and that of the Minors
at Mies was half in ruins ; their convent at Lietmeritz seemed
like a lodging house ; a crowd of tenants, men and women,
often persons of ill-fame, had made it their dwelling place.
The buildings were to a great extent falling down through
old age, and the church was full of cracks. 2 The revenues
were hardly enough for one inmate. The Conventuals at
Mies could spare nothing for the repair of their house. 3 Just
as the Franciscan Observants had entirely abandoned their
houses at Neuhaus and Brechin, so had the Dominicans at
Leitmeritz and Budweis. 4 At Weisswasser a secular ruler
had confiscated the convent of the Augustinians, and had
left no religious there at all. At Rakow the convent of the
Augustinians had experienced much the same fate ; the
prior, who alone remained of all the religious, had, trusting
to the noble owners, for two years refused obedience to the
archbishop, so much so that the visitor deemed it useless to
make a special visit there. 5
Ninguarda, in common with the ecclesiastical and secular
princes, felt that he had good reason to be satisfied with the
results of this journey. It was the first visitation that had
been made for many years, and everything had passed over
without disputes or disturbances, while not a few evils had
been remedied. Ninguarda owed much to the assistance of
the Archbishop of Prague, who, on bidding him farewell, had
begged him to keep a close watch upon the monasteries of
Bohemia.
But if the visitor thought that there would be an interior
change in the religious whom he had visited, he was very soon
1 Ibid., 92-4.
2 Ibid., 93 seq.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid., 93, 96. Concerning Budweis ibid., II., 281. The
monastery had been given up in 1566 ; Ninguarda regretted that
" si perche la citta e catholica, come anco che in tutta Boemia
non ho veduto droppe la cathedrale di Praga la piu bella chiesa
ne ho ritrovato al trove tanta argentaria come li." Ibid.
5 Ibid., I., 95.
104 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
disillusioned. Soon afterwards the Archbishop of Prague
had recourse to Ninguarda, and through him, to the General
of the Dominicans, and earnestly begged him to do all that
he could to have the Dominican convents occupied by other
capable and active religious, because so far very little result
seemed to have been produced by the visitation. 1
In Moravia, whither Ninguarda went on December 3rd,
1574, the same state of affairs prevailed as in the rest of
Bohemia. Here too there were monasteries in a state of
absolute poverty, occupied by lay tenants, with three, or
even fewer religious, who were not uncommonly quite un
worthy. Ninguarda began his visitation at Iglau, and then
went on at once, without stopping at Briinn, to Olmiitz, to
settle a dispute between the city and the Dominicans. When,
after this, he was making ready for his visitation of Briinn,
an Imperial order reached him to go at once to Vienna. He
reached that city on December 24th, 2 and learned that he
had been summoned on account of the Italian monks, whom
the Emperor wished to drive out altogether. 3 At last
Maximilian II. agreed once more to allow a postponement
in the case of the three monasteries in Vienna. 4 Ninguarda
had hardly set out for Prague when, in accordance with an
Imperial injunction of February 4th, 6 all the property, both
moveable and immoveable, of the three Mendicant convents
was inventoried and sequestrated. 6 It was the council for
convents which had taken this step, and this, as Ninguarda
knew, was, with two exceptions, composed of declared
Protestants, who only wished to injure the Church. 7 After
1 The Archbishop to Ninguarda on January 8, 1576, ibid., IV,
no seqq.
2 ScHELLHASS,Akteri, I., 97-9 ; II., 281 seq.
3 Ninguarda and Delfino to Galli on the first and second of
January, 1575, ibid., III., 23 seq. ; cf. I., 100 ; III., 26, 31, 35, 38,
41 seqq.
4 Ibid., I., 100. Ninguarda to Galli on January 28, 1575, ibid.,
III., 46 seqq.
5 Ibid., 60 seq., 62 seq. THETNER, II., 62 seq., 63.
6 SCHELLHASS, lOC. tit., I., IO2.
7 lo Gall on March 2,. 1575, ibi- r l. t III., 169.
NINGUARDA IN AUSTRIA. IO5
this the superiors of the Augustinians and the Franciscan
Conventuals at once gave full authority for the repatriation
of all the Italians in the convents of Vienna. 1
After his visit to Vienna it had been the intention of
Ningtiarda to complete his visitation of Moravia, 2 but the
Archduke Charles, who had been living at Vienna since the
end of 1574, incessantly urged the visitor to devote his attention
as soon as possible to the territories of Central Austria ; unless
help was soon given to the monasteries there, there would
be an end of them. 3 Armed with full powers from the prince, 4
and with the authority of the Archbishop of Salzburg, 5
Ninguarda went to Central Austria, 6 where he remained
until the beginning of September ; after anothei visit to
Vienna he then went on to Moravia. 7
In the course of his journey Ninguarda was able to convince
himself that the Archduke had not exaggerated with regard
to Styria and Carinthia. Religious life there was indeed
at its last gasp, nor was it any better in Moravia. A number
of the monasteries were entirely empty, or had been turned
to other purposes ; of the convents of men, only two still
had five religious. 8 Moreover, the moral conduct of these
1 Concerning the Emperor s wish that these monasteries should
be attached to German Provinces of their respective Orders, see
ibid., 39, 182 seqq. ; cf. I., 208, n. i. ; III., 65 seq., ij6seq., 181 seqq.
8 Ibid., I., 104 ; III., 170.
3 Ninguarda to Galli on January 14, 1575, ibid., III., 28.
4 Ibid., I., 104,
5 Ibid., 106.
6 On March 12, 1575, ibid., 102. Ninguarda to Galli on January
2, 1575, ibid., III., 23.
7 Ibid., I., 222-9.
8 Ninguarda s report of his visitation, ibid., I., 104-8, 204-20.
It is impossible to give an exact itinerary of Ninguarda s journey ;
see Quellen und Forschungen, I., 104, n. 5, 204, n. 3. In the
following list the names of completely abandoned religious houses
are given in brackets. The number of religious that Ninguarda
found in each house are added in brackets. In Styria Ninguarda
visited the Dominicans at Leoben (2), Graz (?), Pettau (4), Neuk-
loster (5) ; the Conventual Franciscans at (Bruck a. d. Mur),
106 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
intruders was such that at Laibach the officials of the Archduke
demanded that Ninguarda should degrade the guardian of
the Conventuals, and hand him over to the secular arm,
because he had incurred the death penalty. 1 In other convents
conditions were rather better. In the course of his journey
through Styria the visitor went to Tuln ; there, six years
earlier, Commendone had found eight Dominican nuns, who
in spite of their wretched poverty were leading irreproachable
lives ; Ninguarda only found five still alive, who also gave
no cause for blame. 2 The same was true of the Dominican
nuns at Mahrenberg in Carinthia, at Graz, 3 and at Studenitz ; 4
yet here, as was generally the case with the convents of Austria,
there was no strict observance of the enclosure, which the
Papal legate now introduced for the first time. The prior of
the Augustinians at Fiirstenfeld was praised as a man who
was alike capable in spiritual and temporal matters 5 . The
Marburg (i), Cilli (3), Pettau (4) ; the Observant Franciscans at
Graz (2), (Lankowitz), (Judenburg) ; the Augustinians at (Juden-
burg), Fiirstenfeld (2), (Radkersburg), (Giissing) ; the Carmelites
at Voitsberg (2) ; the Dominican nuns at Graz (14), Studenitz (7) ;
the Poor Clares at Judenburg (8) ; in Carinthia and Carniola he
visited the Dominicans at Freisach (3) ; the Conventual Fran
ciscans at Villach (i), Wolfsberg (i), Laibach (i), Minkendorf (2) ;
the Augustinians at (Volkermarkt), Hohenmauthen (i) ; the
Dominican nuns at Mahrenberg (4), Michelstetten (5) ; the Poor
Clares at (Sankt Beit), Bischofslaak (8), Minkendorf (8) ; in
Mahren he visited the Dominicans at Znaim (3), Olmiitz (2),
Briinn (3) ; the Observant and Conventual Franciscans at Znaim
(2), Olmiitz (2), Briinn (Observants 5, Conventuals i) ; the
Augustinians at Tebiz (i), Briinn (4) ; the Dominican nuns at
Olmiitz (8), Briinn (2 convents of 8 nuns each) ; the Poor Clares
at Znaim (their convent occupied by 3 Benedictine nuns), Olmiitz
(3) ; the sisters of the Third Order at Briinn (6).
1 SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., I., 213. Similiar conditions at Briinn,
ibid., 229.
2 Ibid., 103.
3 Ibid., 206.
4 Ibid., 211. " Laudabiliter ac religiose vivunt." Archduke
Charles to Gregory XIII. on March 12, 1576, ibid., IV., 117.
5 Ibid., I., 210.
NINGUARDA IN MORAVIA. IO7
Franciscan Observants at Lankowitz and Judenburg had a
very good reputation, but their fine and well-kept houses were
now abandoned, because the religious had been taken to
fill up the convent at Innsbruck, but they had been much
loved by the people of Lankowitz, while at Judenburg both
nobles and prelates bewailed their loss. 1 At Minkerdorf in
Carniola he found eight Poor Clares who were still keeping
their enclosure with great exactitude, and living in accordance
with their rule. The two Franciscan Conventuals in the same
place were also in a good state. 2
In Moravia too some of the Franciscan Observants stood
out ; at Znaim the guardian of the convent was living with
one brother, in accordance with the rule of the Order ; but
there was a want of harmony between them as well as of the
enclosure ; 3 in the same way everything was satisfactory with
the five Franciscan Observants of Brunn, 4 though here too
the enclosure was not observed, and the office had ceased,
since all the fathers collected alms outside. Under their
direction there were six nuns of the Third Order, who lived
" in a praiseworthy and irreproachable way." 5 The same
applied to the eight Dominican nuns at Olmiitz. 6 On his
way to Moravia Ninguarda visited the nuns of his Order near
Krems, who observed their rule " not inaccurately." 7 That,
in spite of the general decadence, all that was required was
the strong hand of a capable man in order to revive the
monastic life, was shown in the case of the Benedictine
monastery of St. Lamprecht near Friesach. The Benedictines,
not being Mendicants, were not subject to Ninguarda s visita
tion, yet the abbot invited the visitor to come to them, because
there were at St. Lamprecht a fugitive Dominican from
Landshut, and a Benedictine who had apostatized and
1 Ibid., 106, 107.
2 SCHELLHASS, Akten, I., 214.
3 Ibid., 224.
4 Ibid., 228.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid., 225, cf. 89.
7 Ibid., 222.
108 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
afterwards repented, and had taken refuge there. " The
abbot," 1 wrote Ninguarda, 2 " is a man of excellent life, and
full of zeal, not only for the Catholic faith, but also for monastic
discipline, so that everyone rightly loves and reveres him.
Would to God that all the other convents in this country
had such superiors, for things would then be far better than
they are now. Before his appointment his monastery had
practically died out, for it had no monks. But thanks to
his zeal, he has not only restored the buildings very well,
but, which is much more important, has provided the
monastery with many good monks. They now number
twenty, including the one who repented, among whom six
are already priests, and the others youths. They have a
very good name and give much edification ; the reason for
all this is to be found in the diligence with which the abbot
maintains discipline and the monastic enclosure." 3 The
convent of the Premonstratensians at Bruck on the Thaya
near Znaim also had in Abbot Sebastian Freytag of Czoppern,
an excellent abbot and reformer. 4
In the meantime Ninguarda, who was in request in so many
places, and with no one to replace him anywhere, had been
frequently warned that he was wanted again in Salzburg. 5
1 John Trattner, Abbot, 1562-91 ; see PIRMIN LINDNER,
Monasticon Metropolis Salzburgensis antiquae, Salzburg, 1908, 53.
2 To Galli on May 5, 1575, SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., IV., 97.
3 " Tutti danno di se buonissimo adore et edificazione per la
diligenza, qual usa il reverendo abbate in mantener la disciplina
et clausura dell osservanza monastica " (ibid.). On April 4, 1581,
Archduke Charles recommended this monastery to the support
of the Pope, and, at the same time, praised the abbot who " et
verbo et exemplo inter omnes harum mearum provinciarum
praelatos veluti stella luce t." THEINER, III., 260. C/.DUHR, I., 504.
4 SCHELLHASS, Akten, I., 225 ; V., 183. W. SCHRAM in the
Zeitschrift des Vereins fur Gesch. Mdhrens und Schlesiens, III.
(1899), 312 seqq.
6 Galli to Ninguarda on May 22, 1574, SCHELLHASS, Akten, II.,
246; on January 29 and February 12, 1575, ibid., III., 56, 65.
Ninguarda to Delfino on April 8, 1575, ibid., 183. On September
1 8, 1575, yet another warning, ibid., IV., 103.
NINGUARDA AT SALZBURG. IOQ
As the result of the insistence of the German Congregation, 1
on January yth, 1576, he received a Papal injunction to let
everything else be and to go to Salzburg for the carrying out
of the provincial synod. 2 If Ninguarda, wrote the Archbishop
of Salzburg, 3 had been with him, no doubt much would have
been done, which was still delayed ; if he could return by the
middle of Lent, in that case he and the bishops of the province
would hold diocesan synods.
Ninguarda left the visitation of some of the Franciscan
convents to the Franciscan Observant, Michele Alvarez,
who had been appointed by his superiors, visitor of all the
monasteries of his Order, 4 and after a visit to the Archduke
Charles at Graz, who wished to discuss certain matters with
him, 5 he went to Salzburg. When he reached that place
on March 2oth, 1576, the parish priests and prelates of the
whole diocese had assembled for the synod. The decrees
of the provincial synod of 1569 and the liturgy were published,
and their carrying out ordered, each member being given a
copy ; the archdeacons and deans of the district were ordered
to do the same in the case of their priests after their return. 6
Gregory XIII. had sent briefs recommending concerted
action against the worst vices of the clergy to the Archbishop
of Salzburg, the Archduke Ferdinand and Duke Albert V. 7
Session of January 4, 1576,* SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 112.
2 Ninguarda to Galli on February 22, 1576, SCHELLHASS,
Akten, IV., 106.
3 On February 8, 1576, ibid., 109.
4 Ibid., I., 231. For particulars about, him, cf. SCHELLHASS
in Quellen und Forschungen, VI. (1904), 134-45- See also i n f ra >
p. 122, n. 4.
5 The most important question of all was the establishment of
the Jesuit College at Graz. The matter was settled by handing
over the convent of the Dominican nuns at Studenitz while
sparing the Dominican Priory at Neukloster (ibid., L, 220, 230,
n. 8 ; IV., 10 1 seqq.). By a Brief of July 10, 1577, Gregory XIII.
dissolved Studenitz (ibid., V., 227).
6 Ibid., L, 234.
7 Ibid., 234 seq. For the result cf. ibid., 234, n. i ; 235,
n. i.
110 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
At the wish of the Archduke, 1 a meeting was held on January
I5th, 1576, at which the archbishop, together with the Bishop
of Chiemsee, and the representatives of Freising, Ratisbon,
Passau and Brixen, discussed the steps to be taken, and
appointed a diocesan synod for March 1576. 2 The last
meeting decided upon a limit of three months for ecclesiastical
offenders, after which they must expect severe punishment. 3
An agreement with the rulers of the Tyrol and Bavaria made
it impossible for them to escape punishment by flying to a
neighbouring district. 4 It was inevitable that the synod
should once more discuss the usurpations of the secular princes
in ecclesiastical matters. It had already been decided at
the meeting in January to collect the facts which gave grounds
for complaint, for the purpose of making an appeal to Gregory
XIII. and asking for his intervention ; in order that the
secular princes might not be confirmed in their previous line
of action it was also decided to ask the Pope not to entrust
in future to the secular princes questions which, like con
cubinage, came under the jurisdiction of the bishops, and not
to make any further concessions to the civil authorities
without the knowledge of the bishops. By another decision
of the January meeting it was their intention to present the
same request at the coming Imperial Diet. The synod then
concluded by all present promising obedience to the decrees,
and making the profession of faith. It was then announced
that the archbishop, on the occasion of one of his canonical
visitations, would see whether they had been faithful to
their promises. 5 By the command of the metropolitan, all
the bishops of the ecclesiastical province of Salzburg were
to hold similar synods in their own dioceses.
1 In a document written by Ferdinand on October 26, 1575,
in SCHELHORN, Ergotzlichkeiten, I., Ulm Leipzig, 1762, 699 seq.
2 A. v. Arzt in SINMACHER, Beytrage, VII., 607. The Arch
bishop to Gregory XIII., in GARTNER, Salzburgische gelehrte
Unterhaltungen, III., Salzburg, 1812, 180 seqq.
3 GARTNER, loc. cit.
4 SCHELLHASS, Akten, I., 235.
6 SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., 236, n. i.
MORONE AT RATISBON. Ill
In spite of all these promises and exhortations the representa
tives of the Holy See did not consider that further insistence
would be out of place. When in 1576 Cardinal Morone was
at the Diet of Ratisbon as Papal legate, he did not lose the
opportunity of repeating, from the mouth of one of the greatest
dignitaries of the Church, what had already been said so
often. In a letter to the whole of the clergy of the ecclesiastical
province of Salzburg, Cardinal Morone complained, after a
courteous introduction, that both from his personal observa
tion and the testimony of others, he found that in spite of
all the decrees everything was in its former state, both among
the bishops and canons, and the regular and secular clergy.
He summed up the principal ordinances of the provincial
synod of Salzburg, together with some additions of his own,
in 47 points, upon the observance of which he again insisted. 1
The hand of Ninguarda can be clearly recognized in this
document. He had accompanied the Archbishop of Salzburg
to Ratisbon and had spoken with Morone. 2 Portia too, who
was also present at Ratisbon, called the attention of the
Cardinal legate in writing to eight points which he should
strongly impress upon the Archbishop of Salzburg. 3
The representatives of Rome were especially and justly
dissatisfied with the archbishop in one respect. " It seems
necessary," Portia wrote in his eight points, 4 " to insist
urgently upon the establishment of a seminary, because the
necessity for it is obvious and the suffragan bishops will not
move a finger until they see the archbishop make up his
mind." A year earlier Delfino had also urged the erection
of a seminary, " on which everything depended " with the
greatest insistence. 5 The archbishop had excused himself
by saying that he wished first to wait for the return of
Ninguarda, though Delfino did not attach much weight to
1 Ibid., IV., 123-37.
2 Ibid., 121, n. i.
3 Ibid., 122.
* Ibid.
5 Ibid., 216, n. 2.
112 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that excuse. For many years past, he wrote to Galli, 1 the
archbishop has enjo)/ed vast revenues, but it is not apparent
that he uses even a small part for the good of the Church.
With an expenditure of from 2000 to 3000 thalers a year he
could maintain a seminary, or, what would be better, a number
of students with the Jesuits, and at that cost he could educate
so many persons that the whole ecclesiastical province would
be supplied with the good and trained priests, who are at
present entirely lacking. But Johann Jakob has no sym
pathy with the Jesuits, and will not make use of them, so
that there is reason to fear that he will stop short with mere
words or with a nominal seminary. In 1577 negotiations
were begun with the Jesuits, and an agreement was drafted
for the establishment of a seminary. 2 Ninguarda sent the
plan of the building to Rome, 3 but the matter again came
to nothing. It was only in 1582 or 1583 that the institution
which had been so long projected came into existence. 4 The
visitation of the archdiocese, on which Portia also insisted,
had been commenced by the archbishop in the neighbourhood
of his episcopal city at the end of 1576 ; visitors were also
sent to Styria. 5
After his great labours Ninguarda felt a desire to be allowed
to return to Italy. He sent a letter from Ratisbon to Morone,
who had already left, 6 begging him to urge his recall in Rome.
The Pope acceded to the request of the man who had worked
so hard, and appointed him Bishop of Scala near Amain,
on February 25th, 1577. 7
In the middle of April Ninguarda again went to Graz to
1 On October 21, 1575, ibid.
2 Ninguarda to Galli on February 21, 1577, ibid., IV., 214 seqq.
Negotiations with the Jesuits of February 26, 1577, ibid., 218-21,
cf. 223. Hoffaus to Ninguarda on March 10, 1577, ibid., 224.
3 Ibid., 223, n. 2.
4 Rieder in ZSCHOKKK, Theol. Studien und Anstalten in Oster-
reich, Vienna, 1894, 618. Cf. WIDMANN, 97, 150.
5 SCHELLHASS, Akten, IV., 222 seq.
6 Of October n, 1576, ibid., 208.
7 Galli to Ninguarda on March 2, 1577, ibid., V., 204,
LAY INTERFERENCE. 113
the Archduke Charles, in order to discuss the religious reform
of Central Austria, and towards the end of August, 1577, he
set out for Italy. 1 He was entrusted with a number of
memorials containing plans for reform and complaints to be
laid before the Pope 2 by the Archduke Charles and the govern
ment of the archduchy, as well as by the bishops of Gurk,
Passau, Salzburg and Chur.
However gloomy these documents may be, with their
dispassionate enumeration of the gravest abuses, they
nevertheless have their bright side. They afford proof of a
serious wish for reform, and leave one amazed at the trust
of the reformers, who, in spite of all the decadence, never
despaired, as well as at the inherent vitality of an organism
which set itself triumphantly to overcome such deep-seated
maladies. From what these documents reveal the historian
can learn the radical causes of the decay of religion, and can
see how it was indeed based upon what had so often been
insisted upon on the part of the clergy, namely, that the
principal cause of the decay was to be found in lay interference
in ecclesiastical matters.
As the Bishop of Passau points out, 3 the hands of the bishop
were tied by the civil authorities. This was especially the
case in the conferring of ecclesiastical benefices, above all
in that part of the diocese which was under the rule of Austria.
The civil bureaucracy, without the knowledge of the bishop,
welcomed heretical preachers, even when they had been driven
out of other places, as for example apostate monks, and
1 SCHELLHASS, Akten, V., 53, n. 2.
2 Memorandum of the archducal government on the reform of
monasteries and clergv, dated May TO, 1577, ibid., IV., 225 ; of
the bishop of Gurk on the disadvantages of administering the
chalice to the laity and on concubinage, ibid., 233 seqq. ; of the
Bishop of Passau on various abuses, ibid., V., 35 seqq. ; of the
ecclesiastical province of Salzburg on the encroachments of the
secular power, ibid., 41 seqq., with covering letter and letter of
recommendation for Ninguarda, ibid., 50 seqq., 54 seqq. ; of the
Bishop of Chur on September 2, 1577, ibid., 55 seqq.
3 loc. cit.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
protected them. At Hofkirchen and Wels a crowd of 300
men with arms in their hands had protected their pastor
against the commands of the Emperor and the bishop. 1
Where the right of patronage over ecclesiastical benefices
was held, the priest who was chosen was placed in possession
of his office without the bishop ; 2 if he was subsequently
rejected by the latter and forbidden to remain in the diocese,
the laity maintained and protected him. 3 The cities, the
prelates, and the laity had forcibly confiscated certain
revenues in Austria, and secretly employed them for their
own purposes, so that it was no longer possible to maintain
a priest there. 4 Abbots, prelates, provosts, administrators
and stewards were appointed and deposed by the civil
authorities. There was a custom in Bavaria by which, at the
death of an abbot or provost the civil authority prevented
a new election, and placed a steward in the place of the
deceased. The monasteries in consequence were falling
into ruin. 5 Moreover the bishop no longer had any real
power to punish ecclesiastics who failed in their duties. If
a priest married, the laity defended him ; in Austria un
married priests were not allowed in certain places. 6 If the
bishop summoned a lesser prelate or a parish priest before
his tribunal, they took refuge with the secular prince. The
administrator of the convent at Fiirstenzell, who had not
appeared when thus summoned, had been excommunicated
by the bishop of the diocese. The officials of the Archduke
then wrote to the bishop in imperious terms, and under their
threats, the excommunication had to be removed. 7 To these
things were added usurpations in the administration of Church
property, 8 and contempt for the ecclesiastical tribunals. The
1 Ibid., Memorandum, no. 5.
2 Ibid., no. 13,
3 Ibid., nos. 14, 15.
4 Ibid., no. 1 6.
5 Ibid., no. 20.
6 Ibid., no. 9.
7 Ibid., no. 21.
9 Ibid., nos. IT, 12, 17, 18, 22.
LAY INTERFERENCE. 115
bishop s representatives were ill-treated by the laity, by
the heretics, and by the preachers. 1 Government officials
summoned matrimonial causes before them, and a divorce
could be obtained from a preacher for ten shillings. 2 Not
even purely ecclesiastical matters were free from attack ;
the preachers and states issued professions of faith, and the
laity claimed to decide upon the services of the Church. 3
It was partly for this reason that there was cause for com
plaint of so many abuses in the celebration of divine worship.
In many parts of Austria mass was either not celebrated at
all or very rarely. Priests consecrated out of mass and
absolution was given after a merely general confession ; men
would have nothing to do with the rites and ceremonial of the
Church. 4
The memorial from Salzburg makes much the same
complaints. 5 In this Duke Albert V. is specially complained
of because, even in the case of ecclesiastical benefices belonging
to Rome, he claims the right of collation of those sent by
the Pope 6 . It is especially insisted that the princes prevent
ecclesiastical visitations.
But the point which the Salzburg memorial brings out
above all others is the interference of the civil authorities
in the Church s right of possession. When a priest dies,
at once the civil authorities appear on the scene, make an
inventory of his property, and decide what is to be done with
it. On the death of a prelate, they at once on their own
authority appoint an administrator and steward, undertake
the administration and appoint a new prelate ; sums of
money which the dead man has left, pass as " loans " into
their own pockets. 7 If a priest is unable to pay his debts
the officials call together the creditors and decide what each
1 Ibid., no. 6.
2 Ibid., no. 10.
3 Ibid., nos. 7, 8.
4 Ibid., nos. 1-4.
Ibid,, V., 43-50.
6 Ibid., no. 17. The duke is not mentioned by name.
7 Ibid., no. i.
Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
is to have, while they confiscate the possessions of the poor
priest. 1 In addition to the taxes which are common to all,
they arbitrarily demand many others from ecclesiastics,
and more and more as the years go by. There are also taxes
for colleges and seminaries, so that there is nothing left for
the bishop s diocesan seminary ; 2 moreover, contrary to all
right and liberty, in some places they have begun to levy a
personal tax upon all ecclesiastical persons of both sexes.
Some of the secular princes, without the bishop s knowledge,
obtain from the Pope leave to oppress ecclesiastics yet further.
Church property is hypothecated and sold by the lesser
prelates and parish priests with the consent of the prince
alone and without the knowledge of the bishop, even when
the needs of the church do not require it. 3 Superiors of
Orders, both of men and women, have to pledge their property
for the prince, and are in danger of losing it if the prince does
not pay. 4 During recent years prelates, chapters and rich
priests have had to lend money to the sovereign without any
term being fixed for repayment. This is still the case, and
if they have nothing to give, they must raise loans and pledge
the property of the Church. 5 As the result of these extra
ordinary expenses monasteries and churches cannot be restored
and are falling down. 6
After Ninguarda had presented in Rome the memorials
entrusted to him, he proceeded to make his own observations
on the abuses in Germany in a carefully drawn up document, 7
and then summed up the principal points more briefly for
the use of the German Congregation. 8
Ninguarda does not repeat the matters treated of by the
1 Ibid., no. 2.
2 Ibid., nos. 5, 6. According to one manuscript, by colleges
is meant Jesuit colleges.
3 Ibid., nos. 7-9.
4 Ibid., no. 10.
6 Ibid., no. ii.
6 Ibid., no. 12.
7 Ibid., V., 177-94-
8 Ibid., 194-7.
MEMORIAL OF NINGUARDA. 117
bishops of the province of Salzburg, and especially by the
Bishop of Passau, but adds to them some remarks of his own.
In the first place he alludes in strong terms to a deep-seated
evil in the religious life of German} 7 , the election capitulations
of the bishops, by which the canons sought to tie the hands
of the future bishop, so that he should not interfere with them,
and their dissolute lives. These capitulations had to be sworn
to, and on account of his oath the bishop did not then dare
to lift a finger against the canons. 1
Moreover, on account of the scarcity of priests, many
benefices which had no cure of souls attached to them were
left vacant ; the princes, whether ecclesiastical or secular,
whose business it was to confer them, then kept the revenues
without concerning themselves about the office for which the
benefice had been founded. Some of these benefices which
had fallen into unlawful hands might be recovered in Central
Austria by means of the Archduke Charles, and at Ratisbon
by Duke Albert, and then better employed. 2 Naturally
Ninguarda again recommends, as he had so often done before,
the annual visitation of the dioceses by their bishops. The
Archduke Charles had insisted upon the necessity for this
in Central Austria, but it was equally important for the whole
of Germany. On the occasion of these canonical visitations
the sacrament of confirmation would again be given ; at
present there were old men who did not even know that there
was such a sacrament. The priests with their women and
their frequentation of taverns, their disputes and altercations,
und their indifference about the care of souls and their sacred
functions, made canonical visitations urgently necessary.
After these remarks, the memorial turns to the subject on
which the author, more than anyone else, was expected to
give his opinion, the reform of the religious Orders. He
recommends the regular visitation of the monasteries as
an important step. The Archduke Charles had already
.asked for a special visitor for the very decadent Cistercian
178.
2 Ibid., 179.
IlS HISTORY OF THE POPES.
monasteries in his dominions. l This should not be an Austrian ,
but should live there and annually visit his subjects. Niriguarda
approved of this plan, which was also well suited for the
whole of Germany, besides Central Austria. 2 The Archduke
had recommended the bishops as visitors of the Benedictines,
but Ninguarda thought it better that the various monasteries
should be united into one congregation, which should then
nominate its own visitors, as the religious would have a better
understanding of their own conditions than the bishops. 3
Among them there were still some whose religious spirit
was undiminished, and who were sufficiently filled with zeal,
and desired with all their hearts the reform of the monasteries ; 4
this was especially the case with the abbot of St. Lamprecht,
who might be entrusted with the difficult task of inaugurating
the visitation, with every hope of success, and who was more
over very much in favour with the Arch duke, as well as with the
Archbishop of Salzburg.
A similar course of action could be adopted in the case
of the Canons Regular of St. Augustine. They had many
monasteries, especially in the ecclesiastical province of
Salzburg, but they were in a very decadent state. Many
of them no longer wore the habit of the Order ; in one of
the houses there was not a single member, from the highest
to the lowest, who had not a woman and children. Not
one of them had ever seen the rule of St. Augustine. 5
Other religious communities already had their visitors,
but these were themselves in need of reform. This was
.the case with the Carthusians, who had in some places for a
long time past begun to give up monastic discipline. 6 The
same applied to the Premonstratensians of Bohemia and
Moravia, whose General, like the General of the Carthusians,
lived in France, and thus too far away. The office of visitor
1 Ibid., IV., 225-33. Details, ibid., V., 39 seq.
z Ibid., V., 1 80.
3 Ibid., i Si.
4 Ibid., 182.
6 Ibid.
e Ibid., 183.
MEMORIAL OF NINGUARDA. 1 19
held by the so-called " abbot of abbots " was handed down
in one fixed monastery from abbot to abbot But among
other things this " abbot of abbots " was very far from being
an ideal religious ; he was held in no respect by his subjects,
and either omitted the visitations altogether or made them
superficially. Such an arrangement could no longer be
tolerated, but after the death or removal of a visitor, some
capable successor, drawn from any abbey, must be appointed.
For the moment the person best fitted for this would be
Abbot Sebastian of Bruck, near Znaim, who was a pious and
exemplary religious who had reformed his own monastery,
and then established two seminaries, one for the religious
and one for boys of good birth. 1
The visitors of all these monasteries must also turn their
attention to heretical books, because heresy had found its
way among some of the religious by means of such literature. 2
With regard to the Mendicant Orders, that is the Augustinian
Hermits, the Franciscans, the Carmelites and the Dominicans,
there were already in Rome detailed reports of the visitation
made by Ninguarda ; in his memorial, therefore, he only
touches briefly upon the more serious evils, such as scandalous
life, dispersion of property, unwillingness to wear the religious
habit, and friendship with Protestants, under whose protection
they seek refuge from their superiors, in order to be able to
continue their scandalous life. Even in Catholic districts
the secular princes assume unlimited rights over the convents,
on the ground that they had been founded by their ancestors.
They wait for the death of a superior, and then do not allow
a new election, but take possession of the property of the
convent, which is allowed to go to ruin. 3 In the case of the
nuns the absence of enclosure is especially lamentable ; they
take part in dances both inside and out of the convents,
masquerade at the carnival and go hunting. 4
Since many houses are reduced to one or two religious, he
1 Ibid., cf. supra, p. 108.
2 loc. cit., 184.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid., 189.
120 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
had thought of suppressing all the convents in a province
and leaving only one, uniting there all the religious of the
province, and concentrating all the revenues of the houses
suppressed. But against this was the consideration that
if the half-ruined buildings of the monasteries left vacant
had to be restored, there would be very little revenue left,
while the removal of the religious to another place would be
harmful to the needs of the laity, as in many places the divine
worship at the monastery was the only one which the few
still remaining Catholics could attend. Therefore it seemed
better to leave the one priest of the Order where he was, and
try to provide him with good fellow religious. 1
Light is thrown upon the state of affairs at the time by
the fact that several monasteries could not find any lay-brothers
to work in the kitchen, so that they were obliged to have
recourse to women. Ninguarda tried to remove the women
cooks from the monastery kitchens, but Gregory XIII.
decided at length that in places where the enclosure bull
of Pius V. had not been published, respectable women of
at least 46 years of age might, in cases of necessity, do this
work. Ninguarda also obtained permission for respectable
and elderly women to enter the monasteries, but only if they
were accompanied ; any rule to the contrary had been shown
to be impracticable in the case of Germany. During the
stay of the Emperor at Prague in 1575 this concession was
made use of too freely ; complaints reached Rome, and the
entrance of all women into the monasteries was again for
bidden in the diocese of Prague. But soon the people of
Prague had recourse to Cardinal Morone and Ninguarda
during the Diet of Ratisbon ; they felt that the enforcement
of the bull was doubly impossible at Prague because the
national States held their meetings in the monasteries, and
while these were going on it was necessary that all sorts of
people should be admitted. 2
As the principal means for the renewal of monastic life
Ninguarda again urged the establishment of seminaries for
1 SCHELLHASS, Akten, V., 184 seq.
2 Ibid., 1 86 seq.
SEMINARIES FOR RELIGIOUS. 121
religious, for the training of a vigorous new generation. This
matter had been often discussed, and recently in the presence
of Cardinal Morone at the Diet of Ratisbon. The Augustinians
and Franciscan Observants were thinking of establishing a
seminary at Munich ; the Dominicans contemplated three,
at Bozen, Freiburg and Vienna ; the General of the Franciscan
Conventuals, a short time before his departure; had chosen
Friuli as the place best fitted for the purpose. The carrying
out of this useful project would be ensured if the Pope would
issue a definite order, and at the same time urge the obtaining
of the best possible professors and teachers. 1
At the suggestion of Ninguarda Portia was instructed to
bring pressure to bear upon the Duke of Bavaria for the
establishment of a seminary for religious in one of the
monasteries of his states, 2 and a brief to the duke 3 was
intended to further this project. In the meantime the nuncio
opinted out the difficulty, 4 in the then condition of the
monasteries of Germany, of finding a sufficient number of
suitable professors ; at the same time, so great was the dislike
of the religious in Germany, that it would be difficult to find
a sufficient number of intelligent youths to enter the
monasteries. Therefore there must be established in the
Catholic universities houses for religious novices, who could
attend the university lectures. This had already been
attempted with much success at Dillingen, where he had
seen more than thirty young religious, drawn from various
places, being instructed with great profit in learning and
a good manner of life. One of these students already bore
the abbot s crozier in a praiseworthy manner. 5 Duke
Albert V. agreed with the nuncio 6 that a house of studies
for young religious might be established at Munich, or at
188-9.
2 Galli on October 30, 1574, Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 255.
3 In THEINER, I., 250.
4 To Galli on November 20, 1574, Nuntiatitrberichte, IV., 289.
6 Ibid.
6 Answer of December 24, 1574, to Portia s memorandum,
ibid., 338.
122 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ingolstadt, at the Jesuit College ; the Jesuit schools were
every day sending out to the various houses young men
who were sufficiently trained in sacred and secular learning. 1
When, some ten years later, the monasteries had been
rescued from their state of decadence, it could be stated as a
generally accepted fact that a great part of this change for
the better had been effected by the Jesuit colleges. Gretser
wrote 2 that they were the sources of supply for the
monasteries, and no one could deny that the revival of some
of the Orders and the re-population of the empty monasteries
had begun with the opening of the Jesuit schools. Elgard
too saw in the disappearance of the instruction of the young
the reason for the decadence of the monasteries, and that
therefore the way to their revival must be sought in the
schools, where learning, and still more piety, were taught.
Such were the schools of the Jesuits ; if many of the religious
were opposed to the Jesuits as newcomers, and put difficulties
in their way, they were causing their own ruin. He considered
that the Mendicant Orders in Bamberg and Franconia would
have been destroyed if they had not gradually been reinforced
by the pupils of the Jesuits. 3
The Spaniard, Michele Alvarez, who to some extent carried
on the work of Ninguarda in reforming the Orders among
the Franciscan Observants of the monastic provinces of
Austria, Strasbourg, Bohemia and Hungary, in a memorial
of I579 4 finds little to praise in the monasteries which he
visited, but sees salvation from their terrible state of ruin
in the formation of a new generation of friars. He thought
1 Ibid., 338 seq. Cf. DUHR, 1., 500 seqq.
2 " Haereticus vespertilio " : Opera omnia, XI., 872.
3 SCHWARZ, Cropper, 322. Cf. DUHR, I., 499-508.
4 Printed by SCHELLHASS in Quellen und Forschungen, VI.
(1904), 137-45. For Alvarez work in Austria, for his dispute
with Nas in which both appealed to Gregory XIII., for the
Brief of July 19, 1578, which entrusted to the Archduke the duty
of warning Nas to be willing to make peace, for the foundation
of the Franciscan Province in the Tyrol in 1580 see MAX STRAGANZ
in the Forschungen und Mitteilungen zur Gesch. Tirols und Vorarl-
AUGSBURG. 123
of summoning capable teachers and professors from Spain. 1
The Premonstratensians in Moravia had established such
colleges. 2 The General of the Cistercians, who visited the
monasteries of his Order in Bavaria in 1573, on the other
hand, thought that the damage could be repaired by sending
young religious from Bavaria to the Cistercian monasteries
in France to be educated. 3 By the advice of Ninguarda
the Augustinians at Munich thought of sending monks to
Italy for the same purpose. 4
If the reform at Salzburg was delayed by the fact that
Ninguarda was not, for a long time, to come to the side of
Johann Jakob, it was also impeded by the fact his other
adviser and mentor, the nuncio Portia, was summoned from
the neighbourhood of Salzburg to a new sphere of action,
which had a short time before been occupied by the Papal
nuncio, Gaspar Gropper, namely Augsburg.
At first, the only thing that was under consideration in
the Imperial city of South Germany was the establishment
of a Jesuit college, which had been desired by Cardinal Otto,
and had for many years been zealously striven for by the
patrician families of the Fugger and Ilsung. The adversaries
of this project were the Council of Augsburg and the cathedral
chapter. Without the consent of the Council no ecclesiastics
could acquire any settled property, but the attempt to apply
to the purposes of a Jesuit college a piece of land that was
already in ecclesiastical hands was again and again ship
wrecked by the claims of the cathedral chapter. 5
In the meantime, at the end of September, 1572, a few
months after Gregory XIII. ascended the throne, the provost
of the house of the Augustinian Canons of the Holy Cross
at Augsburg died, and a new election was delayed because
it was difficult to find a possible successor in the utterly
bergs, V. (1908), 303-9 ; HIRN, I., 250. Cf. v. OTTENTHAL in the
Mitteilungen des osterr. Hist. Institute, XI. (1890), 322 seqq.
1 SCHELLHASS in Quellen und Forschungen, VI., 141 seqq.
*Ibid., 141.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 338.
4 Ibid., n. 6.
6 Nuntiaturberichte, IV., xv-xxviii.
124 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
decadent convent. The patricians then thought of suggesting
to the bishop, and through him to the Pope, a plan for trans
ferring the five remaining religious of the convent of the
Holy Cross to another house of the same Order in Augsburg,
and changing the convent of the Holy Cross into a Jesuit
college. Cardinal Otto, who was then in Rome, was opposed
to this, but the chapter, who thought that he was in favour
of the plan, resolved to oppose their bishop, and against this
express prohibition caused Anton Beirer, hitherto procurator
of the convent, to be elected on January 7th, 1573, as the
new provost. After this it was no longer merely a question
of the Jesuit college with Cardinal Truchsess, who took up the
gauntlet that had been thrown down, and gave orders that
the election of Beirer should be declared invalid, and himself
fought for the handing over of the convent of the Holy Cross.
A memorial from the Fugger and Ilsung, 1 which was taken
to Rome by Nicholas Elgard, who at that time held a canonry
at Augsburg, and a petition from Elgard himself, 2 which was
supported by Cardinal Otto, 3 laid the matter before the Pope.
Gregory XIII. showed himself favourable to the project,
but first wished for an assurance that Beirer had not really
been canonically elected, and to know whether the disturbances
which Cardinal Otto feared from the handing over of the
convent were really to be expected. 4 The Fugger and Ilsung
definitely replied in the negative to both questions in a further
memorial. 5 Commendatory letters from the princes of
1 Dated November 19, 1572, in THEINER, I., 27-31. The
description of the monastery given by the patricians is called
mendacious by THEINER (ibid. 27), though confirmed by Cardinal
Truchsess (ScHWARZ, Cropper, 20, cf. 40) and by Portia (Nuntia-
turberichle, V., 476).
2 In SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 17-19.
3 Ibid., 19-23.
4 Nuntiaturberichte, IV., xxx seq. Briefs of March 13, 1573^
to the patricians and to the princes providing Elgard with recom
mendations, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 27-9.
6 Dated May 30, 1573, in THEINER, I., 88-91. A memorandum:
of the same date for the German Congregation ibid., 91 seqq. ;
another one, probably from Elgard, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 40.
AUGSBURG. 125
Bavaria and the Tyrol, as well as from the Emperor himself,
rendered a definite decision on the part of the Pope possible,
and he handed over the convent of the Holy Cross to the
Jesuits.
But before this took place a settlement of the question
had become more complicated. On April 2nd, 1573, Cardinal
Otto had died in Rome. The cathedral chapter of Augsburg
held that during the vacancy in the see it fell to it to confirm
Beirer, and it at once proceeded to do so. They drew up
an election capitulation for the new bishop which made it im
possible for him to hand over the convent of the Holy Cross,
and this was sworn to by the new bishop, Johann Egolf von
Knoringen on May 22nd, 1573. J In Rome, however, where
nothing was known of this capitulation, the newly-elected
bishop was charged, in a brief of July I5th, to carry out,
together with Duke Ernest of Bavaria, the handing over of
the convent, and the nuncio Cropper, who reached Germany
on July 23rd, had the difficult task of making it possible
for the bishop to perform a duty which he had bound himself
by oath not to do. 2
Gropper did not accomplish a great deal during his flying
visit to the bishop, but Johann Egolf handed him a copy of
the election capitulation, which excited great indignation
in Rome. 3 The German Congregation then decided, 4 after
long discussion, 5 to have the foundation of the college of
Augsburg carried out by the nuncio Portia.
With this decision, Portia found himself faced by a task
which soon filled him with disgust. At first the canons tried
to avoid making any reply to his remonstances ; the nuncio
had to wait for months in Augsburg doing nothing, and when
at last he received a reply it was clear that the chapter had
no intention of doing what was required of them. Neither
protests, nor memorials, nor admonitions from the Pope
1 Nunliaturberirhte, IV., 263-74.
2 Ibid., xxxv. Cropper s instructions of July 19, 1573, in
SCHWARZ, loc. cit,, 43 seq.
8 Nuntiaturbenchte, IV., xxxvii., xliii.
4 On March 2, 1574, * n SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 86,.
6 Ibid., 81, 82, 84.
126 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and the Emperor, and still less negotiations carried on by
Duke Albert V., had any effect. The matter ended with
the recall of Portia from Augsburg in May, 1575. 1
Nevertheless, out of consideration for the bishop, who was
seriously ill, Portia put off his departure until September.
At the approach of death, Johann Egolf became more and
more troubled by the election capitulation to which he had
sworn, but for a long time he would not express himself on
the subject to the nuncio. It was only a few days before
his death, on June 4th, 1575, that he freed himself from the
matter that was weighing upon his conscience.
The successor of Johann Egoll was Marquard von Berg,
the author of the election capitulation. It now seemed that
all hope of the Jesuit college had vanished, yet it was just
at this moment that its realization became possible. Contrary
to all expectations, the syndic and the Council gave their
consent in 1580 to the foundation of the establishment, and
within a short time the college which had so long been resisted
was set up. 2
1 See infra, p. 128.
2 Agricola, dec. 4, .n. 407-32, p. 214^
CHAPTER IV.
NUNCIATURES IN SOUTH WEST GERMANY. STATE OF RELIGION
IN SWITZERLAND.
THE new task which fell to Portia opened out to him an
entirely new sphere of work. 1 Besides the north and south
of Germany, the Pope wished for information from his nuncio
concerning the state of affairs in south-west Germany and
in Switzerland. The first to be chosen for this difficult task
was Francesco Sporeno, a Franciscan from Udine, who had,
as lecturer in the convent of the Holy Cross at Innsbruck,
attracted the attention of the Archduke Ferdinand, had been his
representative in Rome since 1573, and since 1575 had been
trying to pave the way to the episcopal see of Miinster for
Andrew, Ferdinand s son. 2 Sporeno seemed to be the very
man for those parts of further-Austria which belonged to
the Archduke ; by his means it would be possible and easy
to obtain the powerful help of Ferdinand for the restoration
of the ancient religion in the dioceses of the Upper Rhine,
the revival of the as yet Catholic university at Freiburg in
Breisgau, and the seminaries which had so long been needed
for the training of novices for the deserted monasteries of
Germany. Since, however, a task which included Switzerland
as well as the south-west of Germany seemed to be too great
for one man, it was decided that Portia should share it. 3
He and Sporeno were at first to work together at Freiburg
and in the territory of Basle, after which Sporeno was to
1 On May 6, 1575, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 10 seqq. ; REINHARDT-
STEFFENS, 60.
a Nuntiaturberichte, V., xiii. seqq. ; HIRN, II., 83-5.
8 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 10 seq.
127
128 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
separate from the nuncio and devote himself to Switzerland. 1
Another four months passed, however, before the two
envoys could set out from Augsburg for their new field of
labour. Sporeno was still delayed for several months by
the affairs of the Tyrol ; he visited the monastery of
Georgenberg, 2 and occupied himself with outstanding questions
of reform ; he especially projected severe measures against
the concubines of the clergy ; the penalties of whipping
and exile, and, in case of relapse, of perpetual imprisonment,
were to be employed against them, and, for reasons frequently
reiterated, 3 the Tyrol, Bavaria and Salzburg were to act
in like manner. 4 It was inevitable that the carrying out
of such a project should involve a journey which would take
up a great deal of time, 5 as also did the negotiations concerning
the succession to the episcopal see of Minister, to which
Sporeno had again to devote himself upon his return from
Rome. 6 When, at the end of August, his instructions for
his new nunciature reached the hands of Portia, he too found
himself delayed.
In a letter to Rome, 7 Portia describes the new duties
which were assigned to him as impracticable. He was of
opinion that not only the professors and rectors, but also
the pupils for the projected seminaries were lacking.
The Jesuits could not provide them because of the smallness
1 Ibid., 12. The credentials for Portia and Sporeno to the
bishops and chapters, etc., of April 30, 1575, in REINHARDT-
STEFFENS, 55 seqq.
z Archduke Ferdinand to the Pope on July 9, 1575, in THEINER,
II., 66 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte , V., 92, n. 5. Sporeno to Galli on
July 6, 1575, in REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 61. Ibid., 63, 65 seq.,
69 seq., also in the letters quoted below dated August 6 and 15,
October 4, 10, 19, November 2, 1575.
3 Cf. supra, pp. 29, no.
4 Portia on August 22, 1575, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 155 seq.
5 Ibid., 157, n. 4.
6 Sporeno to the Pope on July 9, 1575, ibid. 147, n. 3. Sporeno
was in Munich at the beginning of September, 1575, on account
of the Minister question, ibid., 186, and n. i.
7 Of August 6, 1575, ibid., V., 115-20.
THE UPPER RHINE.
of their own numbers ; experience had shown that the
introduction of Jesuit schools into the universities led to
disturbances, and for this reason the Jesuits had recently
left the city of Ingolstadt, and in order to prevent a renewal
of the disputes the General had forbidden their return. The
state of affairs at Freiburg was even worse than at Ingolstadt,
for there the university did not recognize either the Archduke
or the Emperor as its superiors, and would not allow a
visitation. In the dioceses of the Upper Rhine the state
of affairs was very unsatisfactory Thus at Strasbourg
only six of the canons were looked upon as Catholics, and
they were only allowed to go out in their ecclesiastical dress
in the limited space between their houses and the cathedral ;
they could not appoint any preacher, nor recite the office
in choir aloud, nor celebrate mass except with closed doors.
When the election of a bishop had to be held at Basle, only
three of the canons were stated to be Catholics. The roads
through Switzerland were closed on account of the plague,
and in Alsace because of the troops of Henry of Conde, who
lived on plunder. 1
Sporeno, who reached Augsburg on August I3th, for the
most part confirmed this disturbing account of the nuncio,
in the light of his own observation and experience at
Innsbruck. 2 Galli replied to the objections of Portia 3 that
nothing could be accomplished in this world without difficulties,
and that the nuncio must do what he could in order to satisfy
the Pope. On October 4th Portia and Sporeno entered
Freiburg in Breisgau. 4 Until the time of his departure for
the Diet of Ratisbon in June 1576, the city on the Upper
Rhine became the centre of Portia s activities.
During the first few months it seemed that he could not
by any means leave Freiburg. In order to fulfil his duties
as nuncio he intended successively to visit the diocese of
1 For the insecure conditions in Alsace at the end of 1575, see
Nuntiatiirberichte, V., xlii-1.
2 Portia on August 15, 1575, ibid., 136.
3 On September 3, 1575, ibid. 164 seq.
4 Portia on October 4, 1575, Nuntiatiirberichte, V., 198.
VOL, XX. 9
13O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Sion, the Abbey of St. Gall, the city of Strasbourg, and the
Bishop of Strasbourg, who lived at Zabern. But the abbot
and monks of St. Gall had fled because of the plague, and
in the other places, as he had already been warned, all the
roads were closed. 1 When, on October I5th, Portia sent a
first and long report to Rome, 2 he learned that the abbot
of St. Gall was at Rorschach ; he then set out to find him, 3
but because of the plague he only got as far as Constance, 4
whence he sent to Rome a memorial on the reform of the
University of Freiburg. 5 At Constance he met Duke Eric II.
of Brunswick, 6 but otherwise the only result of his journey
was the visitation of the Cistercian abbey of Salem. 7
There Portia found things in a fairly good state ; besides
the abbot, the monastery contained forty-five monks, thirty-
seven of whom were priests ; 8 it had a good name in the
neighbourhood, and the nuncio himself said that nowhere
in Germany, generally speaking, had he found a better
observance of external monastic discipline. 9 Nevertheless
the monks received the Papal envoy with a certain reluctance,
and Portia contented himself with pointing out to them
certain matters which needed reform, and bestowing upon
them general praise. 10
In the meantime Sporeno had worked together with Portia
at Freiburg until the middle of October, and had made the
journey to Salem and Constance with him. 11 Immediately
1 Portia on October 10, 1575, ibid., 202 seq.
2 Ibid., 207-14.
3 Portia on October 19, 1575, ibid., 216 seq.
4 Portia on November 2, 1575, ibid., 254 seq.
5 Ibid., 218-25 ; THEINER, II., 533-5.
6 Nuntiatiirberichte, V., 226-30.
7 Ibid., 233-54.
8 Ibid., 239.
9 Ibid., 236.
10 To the abbot and fathers on October 28, 1575, ibid., 244-50,
The abbot s reply of October 29, ibid., 251-4. Cf. THEINER, II..
26-70, 70-2.
1 1 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 200, 210.
JOURNEYS XDF PORTIA. 13!
on his arrival at Salem the Franciscan received a summons
to Innsbruck from the Archduke Ferdinand, 1 and at the
beginning of November went once more to Rome as his
representative. 2 The Curia still counted upon his going
back to Portia 3 but Sporeno remained entirely in the service
of the Archduke of the Tyrol. At the end of January, 1576,
Ferdinand IT. requisitioned his services to accompany his
son Andrew on his pilgrimage to Rome. 4 The Pope thereupon
dispensed him entirely from his duty as Portia s companion,
and appointed him, though reluctantly, titular Bishop of
Sebaste. 5
When Portia returned to Freiburg at the beginning of
November, 1575, without Sporeno, he found himself at first,
to his great disgust, tied to that city. He complained that
there he knew nothing of what was going on in the world ; 8
the letters which he wrote remained on his table, because
he could find nobody to take them. 7 He anxiously awaited
the time when the way to the various parts of his nunciature
should be reopened. 8 At the end of January, 1576, his
desire was granted ; he went to Porrentruy to visit the Bishop
of Basle, and thence to Besancon, on his way back visiting the
Bishop of Strasbourg at Dachstein, and reaching Freiburg
once more about February 22nd. A few days later he received
orders to set out upon another long journey, this time to the
Bishop of Spires. He got there at the end of March, but
returned almost immediately to Freiburg. At the end of
1 Portia on October 23, 1575, ibid., 230.
2 Portia on November 18, 1575, ibid., 270.
3 Ibid., xviii seq.
* On January 20, 1576, ibid., 330.
5 On Februray n (15), 1576, ibid., 330, n. 4 ; THEINER, II., 181.
6 On November 12, 1575, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 258. The same
complaint had already been made on October 15, ibid., 211 seq.
7 On January 3, 1576, ibid., 300. A letter from Freiburg to
Rome had taken a month to reach its destination so that Portia
often thought that his manuscripts had been lost. Ibid., cxiii.
" per non stare inutilmente tra queste mura con noia et
crucio d animo rinchiuso." On January 17, 1576, ibid. t 307.
132 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
May he was called to quite a new field of labour, 1 so Portia
certainly could not complain of want of employment. In
addition to Freiburg and the abbey of Salem, he was able
to bring his influence to bear in person in the three dioceses
of Strasbourg, Basle and Besancon, and by letter from
Besangon on the Bishop of Lausanne ; the questions in which
he interested himself, whether by way of encouragement or
reproof, were by no means unimportant.
In Freiburg itself the nuncio and to some extent his
colleague Sporeno, devoted themselves in the first place
to the often discussed project of a seminary for young monks,
and the reform of the university.
Freiburg might be considered the most suitable place for
a monastic seminary ; 2 there was there a Catholic university
where the religious who went there could study, and there
were also the two almost entirely empty monasteries of
Oberried and All Saints, the buildings and revenues of which
might with advantage be handed over to the projected
establishments. 3 Two colleges were contemplated, one of
which was to be used by the novices of the Mendicant Orders,
and the other by those of the remaining Orders.
When Sporeno, to whom the question of these seminaries
1 Ibid., xix-xxii.
2 In Freiburg most of the religious houses were in a satisfactory
or good condition, as for example the convents of the Sisters of
Penance and of the Tertiaries, also the convent of Voluntary
Poverty and especially that of the Poor Clares. " Also the
religious houses for men gave no grounds for complaint, and the
blameless conduct of the Augustinians was especially a matter
for rejoicing. They carried on a Latin school in their house and
made their members diligently attend the colleges of the university.
A beautiful library was the pride of the monastery. Another
Augustinian monastery, in the town, All Saints/ was at this
time (of the archiducal visitation) quite empty." HIRN, I., 12.4.
Ibid., 122 seq. for the conditions of the religious houses in Upper
Austria.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 10, n. i ; 131, n. 2 ; 133, n. and p. i.
Gregory XIII. to Archduke Ferdinand on April 30, 1575, in
REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 59.
FREIBURG I. BREISGAU. 133
was entrusted, was preparing to visit the monastery of the
Williamites of Oberried, seven religious were hurriedly
admitted to the empty monastery, and the admission of
three more was expected. The house therefore was once
again full, and therefore safe, and Portia, who had announced
his visit, was not admitted at all. 1
There were better hopes in the case of the monastery of
All Saints. The congregation of the Canons of St. Augustine
still had three religious in three houses of the Order, one of
which was All Saints. The monastery was large, well
situated and solidly built, and had a revenue of a thousand
florins, which could, in Portia s opinion, be used for the
education of candidates for the cloister ; part of the house
could be given over to the religious who were sent to study
at Freiburg by their supporters ; they would live at the
expense of their monastery, under the care of some learned,
pious and prudent man, who could certainly be found in
Freiburg. But as a result of the behaviour of the Council
of Freiburg, whose discourtesy, perversity and obstinacy
were beyond belief, nothing could be accomplished without
the Archduke Ferdinand. 2
The latter declared himself in favour of the project ; 3 in
Rome it was decided to carry out in the monastery of All
Saints, of the two suggested sections of the seminary, only
that for the monastic students. 4 A brief of January 2oth,
1576, addressed to Portia and Sporeno, gave them authority
to take possession of the convent of All Saints ; 5 a second, 6
1 Portia on October, 1575, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 210.
3 Ibid., 210 seq.
3 Decree of November 5, 1575, ibid., 274 seqq.
4 Ibid., 311, n. 3. Brief to Ferdinand II. of January 21, 1576,
in THEINER, II., 184 seq.
5 Nuntiatiirberichie, V., 433, n. 3.
6 Of January 21, 1576, in THEINER, II., 185 ; Nuntiaturberichte,
V., 312. According to a decree of the German Congregation
dated January 4, 1576, the statutes of the Freiburg College were
to be drafted by the Rector of the German College. SCHWARZ,
Zehn Gutachten, 113.
134 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sent in six copies, giving the address in Freiburg, was to
invite six abbots to send their young subjects to make their
studies there. But the foundation of the establishment
came to nothing owing to the resistance of these abbots ; even
before this the Archduke Ferdinand and the Cardinal Bishop
of Constance had met with no response each time they put
forward similar projects. 1 On this occasion the Cardinal
of Constance showed himself but little inclined to the plan. 2
It may also have seemed distasteful to the Canons of St.
Augustine, for an attempt was being made to take away
from them a monastery at Augsburg, and now a similar
attempt was being made at Freiburg. In any case no further
steps were taken in Rome in the matter, and Portia was forced
to abandon it whether he liked it or not.
Whereas the affairs of the religious seminaries were
principally in the hands of Sporeno, the whole matter of
the University of Freiburg was entirely in those of Portia.
He wished to avoid a real visitation of the university, as
being too invidious ; he contented himself with informing
himself in secret as to its condition, and then bringing influence
to bear upon individual professors in private interviews.
What he learned in this way was not reassuring. 3 It was
true that lectures in all four faculties were still delivered
at Freiburg, as well as in Latin, Greek and Hebrew ;
the university was still Catholic, and the professors made
the profession of faith on taking office, but as the Protestants
of the surrounding districts sent their sons to the Protestant
universities of Strasbourg, Basle and Zurich, Freiburg had
1 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 434.
2 Ibid., 313.
3 See Portia s memorandum of October 15, 1575, ibid., 218-25 ;
THEINER, II., 533-5. As a matter of fact an archiducal visitation
of the university had been held at the end of July, 1575 (HiRN, I.,
337). Portia was of opinion therefore (on October 19, 1575,
Nuntiaturberichte, V., 224) that Gregory XIII. should com
municate his wishes with regard to reform to the Archduke so
that the latter could impose them on the university in his own
name and as coming from his own initiative.
THE UNIVERSITY OF FREIBURG. 135
very much declined. In the medical faculty there were
more professors than pupils ; the total number of students
was not more than 250 and of these 80 lived together in
college and were maintained in great poverty. 1 Above all,
the students of the faculty of law betrayed their poverty
in their appearance and dress, and they were guided by no
other aim than quickly to accumulate a little practical
knowledge, so that they might earn their bread. 2 In the
teaching of canon law and theology the attempt was made
to get through it as quickly as possible, so that the students
received little more than an external smattering of those
sciences. 3 Moreover the lectures only lasted at the outside
for half an hour, and there were three months vacation for
the higher classes. 4 The dogmatic theology lacked all true
scholastic form ; 5 the professors were badly paid, were for
the most part former students of the university itself, and
did not rise above a very ordinary degree of mediocrity ;
to attract better material from outside would only be possible
by considerably increasing the emoluments, while the jealousy
of the local professors would have made it impossible for
foreigners to come. 8 In consequence of the remarks of Portia,
that it would be well to improve the study of scholasticism,
or to introduce it on account of the Protestant schools of
the neighbourhood, the professors tried to attract a capable
man from Louvain, but they were asked for an annual stipend
of 600 thalers, whereas at Freiburg an annual payment of
200 scudi was looked upon as something extraordinary. The
attempt thus failed, but it was seen from the first that unless
there were an improvement in the revenues it would be im
possible to assist the university. 7 Various plans for doing
this came to nothing ; there was a suggestion for handing
1 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 222.
2 Ibid., 220.
3 Ibid., 223.
* Ibid., 22 T.
6 Ibid.
6 Ibid., 222.
7 Portia on March 14, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 371.
136 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
over to it the abandoned monasteries, or of obtaining a large
contribution from the many religious houses which still
existed. 1 A third solution was put forward, of which the
rector and professors of the university declared themselves
to be in favour in a memorial to Portia ; 2 it was suggested
that each of the greater churches should set aside one benefice
for the university. Portia recommended this suggestion
of the professors to Cardinal Morone at the Diet of Ratisbon,
where he insistently harped upon the importance of the
University of Freiburg. It alone provided priests for the
dioceses of Constance, Basle and Strasbourg, and it was
generally believed that it was due to it that Catholicism
had not disappeared in Swabia, on the Lake of Constance,
and in the territory of Basle. 3 It appeared to the German
Congregation that it would be difficult to put this plan into
execution. 4 Nevertheless, at the suggestion of Portia, the
rector and the leading professors addressed a memorial to
the nuncio, 5 in which they reiterated their request. This
petition was lost, and it was only on September 5th, 1577,
that Portia, who was at that time nuncio in Cologne, could
send a new copy to Rome. 6 In the December of the same
year the matter passed outside his jurisdiction ; in Rome
it was thought that it would first be necessary to obtain
the consent of the Archduke Ferdinand, and Portia realized
the impossibility of getting into touch with the Archduke
from Cologne. 7
The efforts made by Portia on behalf of the university
as a source of supply of priests and religious, helped towards
the religious regeneration of the whole of south-east Germany.
At the same time, in his capacity of nuncio, he sought to
1 See Portia s memorandum of October 19, 1575, ibid., 224.
2 Of March 5, 1576, in THEINER, II., 185 seq.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 481 seq.
4 Protocol of May 29, 1576, in SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 116.
6 Of August 8, 1576, in THEINER, II., 186; Nuntiaturberichte,
V., 495-
6 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 161. Cf. SCHREIBER, II., 138, 308.
7 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 206, cf. V., 520, n. 2,
BASLE 137
bring his influence to bear in all the dioceses in the region of
Freiburg. In this connexion he first turned his attention
to the diocese of Basle.
Portia had already, in a letter to Rome from Augsburg, 1
before he set out for the scene of his new nunciature, spoken
of the death of the Bishop of Basle, Melchior von Lichtenfels.
He at once received in reply a brief 2 seriously calling the
attention of the canons of Basle to their duties with regard
to the forthcoming election. Bearing a letter from the Arch
duke Ferdinand, Sporeno, or the nuncio himself, if he were
not detained by the election of the Bishop of Augsburg, was
to go there, in order to prevent the nomination of an unsuitable
man. 3
As had happened before, after the death of the Bishop of
Wiirzburg, 4 so now the pontifical brief came too late. 5 But,
as had been the case at Wiirzburg, this time too the votes
fell upon the most worthy candidate, 6 Jakob Christopher
Blarer von Wartensee, hitherto canon of Basle and Constance,
whose family had, during the period of the religious changes,
given more than one distinguished man to the Church. 7
1 Of June 12, 1575, ibid., V., 40.
2 Of July 2, 1575, ibid., 60, n. REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 60.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 60 seq.
4 See supra, p. 82.
6 Portia reports the completion of the election on the nth,
the arrival of the brief on the i8th of July; see REINHARDT-
STEFFENS, 62 ; Sporeno to Galli concerning the election on
July 19, ibid.
8 On June 22, 1575, Sporeno loc. cit., 63. Cf. Nuntiaturberichte ,
V., Ixx.
7 Gerwick Blarer, Abbot of Weingarten 1520-67, according to
Truchsess, " a pillar and support of religion " ; Abbot Diet helm
Blarer, 1530-64, the " Third Founder of St. Gall " ; Abbot Louis
Blarer of Einsiedeln, 1526-44 (Freib. Kirchenlex. (2), II., 902,
V., 62, XII., 1267). According to STALIN (VI., 758) Abbot
Gerwick was " together with Otto Truchsess the most active
promoter of the counter-reformation in Swabia " ; according to
MEYER VON KNONAU (Herzogs Real-Enzyklopddie, VI. [3], 351)
Abbot Diethelm was " one of the most distinguished representa-
138 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
When three months later Portia went to Freiburg, Blarer
was not yet appointed bishop, because the Papal approbation
had not yet arrived, and it became the first duty of the nuncio
to obtain it. 1
A memorial to the German Congregation in 1573 points
it out as a serious drawback that the approbation of German
dignitaries was often so long delayed in Rome. 2 The case
of Blarer shows that the blame did not always lay with the
Curia. A few days after his election 3 he had sent a petition
for its confirmation, while at the same time he asked that
he might receive priest s orders outside the usual time and
receive episcopal consecration from a single bishop assisted
by two abbots, and also retain his two canonries ; there was
also a request for the reduction of the annates on account of
his poverty. But it was August before this petition, together
with the acta of the election, reached Constance where an
agent was to recommend it to the Cardinal bishop of that
place, Mark Sittich von Hohenems. In the middle of
September it came back in its entirety to Blarer, who,
probably in an altered form, once more sent it to his agent,
only to receive a definite reply at the beginning of October
that the Cardinal was ill, and could not attend to
business. 4
Portia and Sporeno, who reached Freiburg soon after this,
expressed themselves as much surprised at the delay. Blarer,
so Portia said to the auxiliary bishop of Basle, had everywhere
the highest reputation for piety and learning, even with the
Pope. He would willingly take the matter up, and a reply
tives of the restored Catholicism in Switzerland." However, the
heretical reformer, Ambrose Blarer, was also a member of the
same family. For particulars about him cf. Freib. Kirchenlex.,
II., (2], 902 ; Allgem. Deutsche Biogr., II., 691.
1 Memorandum of the suffragan of Basle, Mark Tegginger, on
October 12, 1575. Nuntiatiirberichte, V., Ixx, n. i.
2 SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 46. See supra, p. 38.
3 On June 30, 1575.
4 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 288, n. 2. Portia to Galli on December
13; T 575, in REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 77,
BASLE. 139
might be obtained from Rome within a month. 1 As far as the
poverty of the sadly reduced diocese of Basle was concerned,
both the nuncio and the Curia promised every facility. 2
Naturally, Gregory XIII. pointed out that it was not right
that the officials in Rome should entirely forego their
accustomed fees, and the diocese of Basle could still afford
to pay something. 3 At his visit to Porrentruy Portia offered
to pay the expenses of the confirmation in Rome out of his
own funds, and Blarer could repay him in Germany. 4
Before all these negotiations between the bishop and
Portia, 5 and Portia and Rome were completed, several further
months elapsed. It was the end of December when the
nuncio sent to Rome the request of the bishop-elect for con
firmation, and the reduction of the annates, at the same
time recommending that account should be taken of his
desire to retain, of the two benefices which he held, at anyrate
that at Constance. 6 The profession of faith of the new
bishop, the careful inquiries into his previous behaviour
and his moral conduct, together with the instrument of
election, could only be sent on March i4th. 7
On April 5th the documents were in Rome ; 8 on the nth
of the same month the confirmation of Blarer was proposed
1 Nuntiaturberichte, V., Ixx.
8 Portia on December 26, 1575, ibid., 294 and Ixxvi. An
auditor of Cardinal Lodovico Madruzzo was Blarer s representative
in Rome. Ibid., 319, n.
8 Galli on January u, 1576, ibid., 318.
4 Ibid., 339, n. 2.
6 They were carried through in Portia s name by Tegginger,
suffragan of Basle, in December, 1575 (ibid., Ixxiv, n. 3).
Tegginger disguised himself and, carefully avoiding the main
roads, crept into Basle in order to ordain Blarer to the priesthood.
Portia to Galli on December 13, 1575, in REINHARDT-STEFFENS
78.
6 Portia on December 26, 1575 ; also on March 14, 1576 ;
ibid., 295, 370 ; REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 78, 93. Ibid., 98 seq.,
also Portia s letters to Blarer of May 30 and June 4, 1576.
7 Portia on March 14, 1576; Nuntiaturberichte, V., 369 seq.
9 Ibid., 451, n. 5.
140 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
by Ludovico Madruzzo and granted on May 4th. 1 A Papal
brief 2 allowed the bishop-elect to take possession of his
diocese before the bulls were sent, and the annates were
reduced to one third. 3 With regard to Blarer s desire to
retain the benefice which he held at Constance, out of con
sideration for the Cardinal of Constance, nothing was definitely
decided. 4 Blarer received through both Portia and Morone
the authorit}^ to be consecrated by one bishop assisted by
two abbots. 5
On the occasion of his visit to Porrentruy at the end of
January, 1576, Portia, on account of the good qualities of
Blarer, made an exception to the usual custom of Rome of
not treating with bishops who were not yet consecrated
concerning the affairs of the pastoral office. He strongly
urged upon him the reform decrees which he was insisting
upon everywhere : synods, frequent canonical visitations,
care in conferring sacred orders and the appointment of
parish priests, and examination and concursus of parish
priests, and above all the establishment of a seminary, as
there was not a single school in the whole diocese, so that
even the Catholics sent their sons to Protestant teachers in
Basle. The bishop-elect listened with attention and promised
to carry out his pastoral ministry in person. He pointed
out that in some of the matters touched upon by the nuncio
the work had already been begun, but that there were very
great and real difficulties in the diocese ; the poverty of the
diocese was a special hindrance to the establishment of a
seminary, and it would be impossible to find a way out of the
1 Ibid. SANTORI, Diario concist., XXV., 103, 106.
2 Of March 12, 1576, in REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 97.
3 SANTORI, loc. cit.
4 Consultation on the subject on May 4, 1576, N untiaturberichte ,
V., 451, n. 5. Portia felt this rebuff very keenly (to Blarer on
May 30, 1576, ibid., 451). For Blarer s canonry in Basle, ibid.,
Ixxxii.
5 Ibid., Ixxix. Portia to Galli on September 29, 1576, in
REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 102. Gregory XIII. to Blarer on
November 6, 1576, ibid., 103.
BISHOP BLARER. 14!
difficulty unless the Pope would grant him the revenues
of the abandoned monasteries. 1
Portia formed a favourable impression as to the personality
of Blarer, who was scarcely thirty-three ; he led a life that
was truly ecclesiastical, loved study, was rilled with the love
of his neighbour and with piety, was convinced of the import
ance of the episcopal office and often said mass. 2 Blarer
has " the capacity, the scientific culture, and the independence
of spirit to accomplish great things." 3
As bishop, Jakob Christopher Blarer became indeed the
restorer of the diocese of Basle. 4 He insistently asked Charles
Borromeo for his synodal constitutions ; 5 in 1581 he held a
synod at Delsberg, inviting Peter Canisius, 6 laboured for the
establishment of a Jesuit college at Porrentruy, which, after
great difficulties, came into existence in 1591 ; 7 he was zealous
in the visitation of his diocese, and admitted no one to the
care of souls without a favourable report from the examiners. 8
It was especially by means of the college at Porrentruy that
he succeeded in regenerating his clergy ; he himself paid the
expenses of the education of poor youths. 9 Jakob Christopher
only reaped the fruits of his labours and sacrifices under the
1 Portia on February 14, 1576, in REINHARDT-STEFFENS,
86-91 ; Credentials for Portia to Blarer on November 12, 1576,
ibid., 72. A brief of March 22, 1578 (WiRz, 409) once more
warns the bishop of his duty with regard to good priests, visita
tions and seminary.
2 REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 90 seq.
3 On February 27, 1576, ibid., 92. Also on February 2, 1576,
ibid., 83.
4 " One of the most remarkable clerics to appear at that time,
an energetic and unfailing representative of the counter-reforma
tion " (DIERAURER, III.. 352). Cf., his reports to Rome in
SCHMIDLIN, III., 68-76, and FIALA in the Freib. Kirchenle^., II. 2
902-6.
5 FIALA, he. cit., 903.
6 SCHMIDLIN, he. cit., 69.
7 SCHMIDLIN, III., 70. DUHR, I., 222-6.
8 SCHMIDLIN, he. cit.
8 Ibid., 73-
142 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
successors of Gregory XIII. ; when in 1602 he carried out a
solemn visitation by means of the auxiliary bishop, Franz
Bar, together with the vicar-general and a Jesuit, the people
everywhere flocked to the sermons and catechism, which was
held twice a day by the Jesuits, willingly threw open the
churches and gave every sign of their submission. 1
A short time after Blarer had taken possession of his diocese
his Protestant subjects demanded the free exercise of their
religion. The bishop s desire and efforts, on the contrary, was
to rule over none but Catholics. He won back the Sissgau,
where the new doctrines had already taken too deep root,
to the city of Basle. In order the better to cope with the
Protestants in the other parts of his territory, on September
28th, 1579, he concluded a treaty at Lucerne with the Catholic
cantons of Switzerland, which was solemnly sworn to at
Porrentruy on January I3th, 1580. The cantons bound
themselves to support the bishop in bringing back his heretical
subjects to the true Christian religion, and their obedience
to their lawful superior, but refused to make use of any force
without their own consent. Uri, which at first had had no
share in this treaty, was advised by Gregory XIII. to adhere
to it, 2 and later on the Pope praised the bishop for this
alliance. 3 Blarer himself preached to the Protestants in
the districts of Birseck and Laufen. A short time before the
death of Gregory XIII. a decision by arbitration assured
to the Catholics as well as the Protestants in both these
districts the free exercise of their religion, and forbade any
use of force. It was only after the death of Gregory that
greater results were obtained. 4
1 Ibid., 72. For particulars of the auxiliary bishop, Bar
1550-1611) see GFRORER in the Zeitschrift fur die Gesch. des Oberr-
heins, N.F., VXIII. (1903), 86-103.
2 On November 22, 1579, WIRZ, 415.
3 On May 10, 1580, ibid., 420.
4 FIALA in the Freib. Kirchenlex. 2 , II. 1 903 seq. ; DIERAUER, III.,
355 ; DUHR, I., 476. Cf. CONSTANTINE SCHMIDLIN, Das Jahr-
hundert der politisch-religiosen Umwalzungen in den deutschen
Vogteien des ehemaligen Furstentums Basel 1502-1608 (special
STRASBOURG. 143
Jakob Christopher, in taking possession . of his office, so
states the encomium on his epitaph, had found his diocese
oppressed by error and sin, but owing to his prudence and
firmness it had been saved. 1 Portia therefore had been right
in the estimate which he had formed of Blarer from the time
of his first meeting him in 1576, and that his intervention
on his behalf had not been wasted. His exhortations to
the other bishops whom he spoke with during the course
of the same year were not altogether in vain. After his
visit to Blarer at Porrentruy, Portia had gone to Besan^on,
and on his way back had met Johann von Manderscheid, 2
Bishop of Strasbourg, at Dachstein, where the bishop had
built himself a splendid residence. For the most part Johann
lived at Zabern ; Strasbourg was closed to him, and Portia
himself thought that his life would be in danger should he
go there. 3
In that city, which was entirely Protestant, Catholic worship
was still tolerated, though with closed doors, only in two
or three convents of nuns until their death. 4 Of the twenty-
four canons six or eight still remained at Strasbourg, 5 the
rest only passing some six weeks in the city every year, so
as to receive the rich revenues of their office. 6 The cathedral
chapter of Strasbourg was composed entirely of the sons
of princes, counts, and barons, and was looked upon as the
most distinguished in Germany ; at the time of Portia s
visit it included the sons of the Dukes of Saxony-Lauenberg,
Cleves and Holstein. The canons were entirely secularized,
reprint from the Geschichtsbldttern, IV.), Laufen, 1908-10, part II.,
and also TROXLER in the Zeitschrift fur schwiezerische Kirchen-
geschichte, VI., 63 seq. Troxler is preparing a work on Blarer.
1 SCHMIDLIN, III., 69, n. See also infra, p. 174.
2 K. HAHN, Die kirchlichen Reformbestrebimgen des Strass-
burger Bischofs Johann von Manderscheid 1569-92, Strassburg,
1913-
3 Portia on February 23, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 354.
4 Ibid., 351.
6 Portia, loc. cit., 354.
6 Cropper on November 5, 1574, in SCHWARZ, Cropper, 436.
144 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and wore the dress of secular nobles ; new members were
admitted at will, and with only the sanction of the provost.
Portia would very gladly have seen the making of the profession
of faith made a condition for admission, but the bishop did
not dare to lay any such proposal before such important
nobles. 1
Johann von Manderscheid received from his contemporaries
the character of a good life, and of love for the Church ; 2
to the nunico he appeared to be very courteous, restrained,
prudent, hard-working and intelligent, but too covetous of
honours. 3 Portia recommended to the bishop the seminary,
visitations and a synod ; Johann Manderschied showed his
good will in these respects but emphatically pointed out
the difficulties of his position. No diocese in Germany had
fallen so low as his, and none moreover was richer in privileges
and liberties, but now it was plunged in licentiousness. In
spite of long reflection, he had been able to find no means
of raising his clergy, as to whose lack of culture and morals
he expressed himself in much the same way as did public
opinion. 4
The auxiliary bishop, Johann Delphius, 5 pointed out, on
the following day, that professors were lacking for a seminary ;
Portia might be able to come to their assistance in this respect.
The scarcity of priests militated against any strong stand
against concubinage ; the priests who were expelled would
be received with open arms by the Protestants, and could
1 Portia on February 23, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 340.
2 See DUHR, I., 134 seq. The Papal confirmation, which was
also asked for by Cardinal Otto Truchsess (cf. his "letter to Mander
scheid of July 2, 1569, with an autograph postscript, Strassburger
Bezirksarchiv] was not granted to the bishop until June 26, 1573.
SCHWARZ, Cropper, 39.
3 Portia on February 23, 1576, loc. cit., 355.
4 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 346. Cf. HAHN, Die kirchen lichen
Reformbestrebungen des Strassburger Bischofs Joha,nn von
Manderscheid, 53.
5 For particulars of him see POSTINA in the Festgabefur Hermann
Grauert, Freiburg, 1910.
STRASBOURG. 145
not be replaced. To fill the parishes only by means of a
concursus was equally impossible because of the want of
priests, and because their appointment was in the hands of
lay patrons. 1 As to the point that at that time it was
impossible tq obtain equality of rights for Catholics and
Protestants in the city of Strasbourg, it would seem that
Portia found himself in agreement with the account given
by the auxiliary bishop. It was moreover of no use to count
upon the extreme step of Imperial intervention, because no
attention was any longer paid there to the commands of
the Emperor. 2 With all the greater insistence did the nuncio
urge the bishop to resist the spread of the new religion at
anyrate in the territory where he had civil authority, and
Johann promised this with great firmness. In Schlettstadt,
which was seriously threatened, he had, in the course of his
journey obtained from the council the promise to remain
true to the old faith. He had introduced a good preacher
at Oberehnheim, and wished to do the same at Schlettstadt ;
there was moreover a good parish priest there, who was much
revered by the older councillors. The fate of both these
cities depended upon the way in which religious events
turned out at Colmar. The promulgation of the Council
of Trent had proved to be impossible even under his
predecessor. 3
The Archduke Ferdinand had already exhorted the bishop
to visit his diocese in 1570 and again in 1573, 4 but on both
occasions without result, although a Papal brief had placed
all the necessary faculties at his disposal. 5 Johann von
Manderscheid contented himself with obtaining information
as to the conditions in his diocese, and especially the state
1 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 347-5.
Ibid., 351-
3 Ibid., 352 seq.
* K. HAHN in the Zeitschrift fur die Geschichte des Oberrheins,
N.F. XXVI. (IQII), 206 seq., 208 seq. Under date February 18,
1578, Ferdinand asked the Pope to found seminaries in Constance,
Basle and Besan9on. THEINER, II., 367.
6 On March 30, 1574, in HAHN, he. cit., 211, n. 5.
VOL. XX. I0
146 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the clergy, by means of his assistant. 1 Portia now pointed
out to him that such measures were not sufficient, that he
ought rather to appoint true and real visitors, who would
strive to correct, not only the faults of the clergy, but also
the errors, abuses and immorality of the laity , t and demand
an account of the state of the churches, the ecclesiastical
furniture and the celebration of the sacred functions. Portia s
advice bore fruit : 2 after 1576 there was great activity in
the matter of canonical visitations, 3 which continued after
the death of Gregory XIII. Sixtus V. gave the bishop
authority to visit all the ecclesiastical institutions in his
diocese. 4
On May 22nd, 1578, Gregory XIII. had already asked for
information as to what steps had been taken so far for the
establishment of a seminary. 5 As the bishop told Portia,
he would gladly have invited the Jesuits to direct the institute,
but feared the disturbances to which such a step might give
rise. 6 It would seem that in this matter as well the nuncio
succeeded in giving him courage. On the strength of this
the bishop, in the very year following his visitation, wrote
to the Pope 7 that he was thinking of establishing a Jesuit
school, and of equipping it with the revenues of the deserted
monasteries. In 1580 the college was opened at Molsheim ; 8
a Papal brief confirmed the new establishment. 9
1 Ibid., 207. Nuntiaturberichte, V., 347.
2 Ibid., 348.
3 Cf. HAHN loc. cit., 204-49, 501-43, 573-98.
4 On April 30, 1588, ibid., 220.
5 HAHN, loc. cit., 271.
6 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 349.
7 On April 20, 1577, in THEINER, II., 297.
8 DUHR, I., 133-6. N. PAULUS in the Revue cath. d Alsace,
1887, 175 seqq., cf. ibid., 1867, 1869, 1875. HAHN, loc. cit., XXV.
(1910), 246-94. Owing to pressure of work, the Jesuits had
refused, at first, to undertake the college, and had advised the
bishop to apply to other Orders, " non enim Deus Societatis
tantum Deus est, sed etiam aliorum." HAHN, loc. cit., 270.
9 Of April 27, 1584, HANN, loc. cit., 277. Cf. THEINER, III.,
4i, 252.
STRASBOURG. 147
If, at the beginning of his government, opinions were
rightly divided about Bishop von Manderscheid, who was
the son of a Protestant mother, 1 after the foundation of the
Jesuit college, his ecclesiastical conduct continued to gain
in zeal and firmness. In consequence of the remarks of the
rector of the Jesuits, Ernfelder, he had himself ordained a
priest. 2 The schools at Schlettstadt, Oberehnheim, Benfeld
and Zabern were reformed on the model of that at Molsheim. 3
The bishop gladly seconded the efforts of the Jesuits for
the instruction of the children and the common folk by means
of the catechism. 4 A circular from the bishop to the chapters
of the territory enjoined 5 that there should be hung up in all
the churches a printed notice containing the principal points
of the Catholic faith, and that this should be read aloud
after the sermon. In those places where the bishop was
also the civil prince, by the advice of Portia he took proceedings
against the Protestants : henceforth only Catholics were to
be recognized as citizens, and those who did not fulfil their
religious duties were to be driven out. 6 The reform of the
clergy, after the canonical visitation, began to make progress,
so much so that in the city of Strasbourg itself Catholic life
began to revive. 7
Among the lower clergy of Alsace one who especially
distinguished himself was Johann Rasser, who was first
parish priest at Colmar and afterwards at Ensisheim. 8 A
report to the Archduke 9 praises him in that not only " at
1 M. LOSSEN in the Abhandlungen der bayr. akad. der Wissen-
schaften, 1889, 754, n. 18.
2 HAHN, loc. cit., 280.
3 Ibid., 282.
4 DuHR, I., 459.
5 Of September 20, 1582 ; HAHN, loc. cit., 284.
6 HAHN in the Zeitschrift fur die Geschchichte des Oberrheins,
N.F. XXV., 285.
7 Ibid., 291.
8 GFRORER in the Zeitschrift fur die Geschichte des Oberrheins,
N.F., X. (1895), 514 to 519. Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie,
XXVII., 332 (especially for his poetical and literary activities).
9 From Landvogt George von Thurn, 1580 ; GFRORER, loc. oit.,
515. HIRN, I., 270.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the altar, or in the pulpit, but also in the choir and the school,
he served God and His Highness the prince so faithfully
and well that such zeal and diligence, united to such keenness
and unwearied labour had never yet been seen in anyone " ;
" the whole of his conduct and character gave occasion for
no complaint." Rasser was the true founder of the academy
of Ensisheim ; he increased from his own property, and the
annual revenues of his parish, the limited income received
from the deserted monasteries. Worn out with years and
feeble health in 1584 he thought of handing over the school
to the Jesuits. It was only in 1614 that this project was
carried out ; in the negotiations carried on in 1584 with the
Jesuit, Ferdinand Alber, the latter marvelled at Rasser s
" sincerity, purity, rectitude and zeal for souls " ; owing to
his labours the people of Ensisheim became good Catholics. 1
Rasser was also the principal adviser of the Austrian
government in his district in ecclesiastical matters, and in
the canonical visitations he repeatedly acted as its representa
tive. 2 But his mixing himself up with the civil authorities
had certain evil consequences ; Bishop Blarer wrote once
concerning the Archduke s exhortations for the carrying
out of the Tridentine decrees, 3 that it was just as " as though
a man had been given a good sword and had had his hands
tied behind his back, and was then scolded and severely
beaten."
Thanks to its parish priest Rasser, the Imperial free city
of Colmar, which was ecclesiastically dependent upon Basle,
had for a long time resisted the religious changes. But in
May, 1575, despite the religious peace, two Protestant pastors
had been forcibly introduced. 4 There soon followed a
prohibition on the part of the council against people sending
their sons to the school of the canons of St. Martin, against
the use of the large bells and the organ in that church, as
1 DUHR, II., i, 271.
2 GFRORER, loc. cit., 514.
3 Ibid., 504. SCHMIDLIN, III., 76.
4 Portia on June 12, 1575, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 40.
SPIRES. 149
well as a prohibition to the Dominicans to preach. 1 There
was also a danger lest the neighbouring cities of Schlettstadt,
Oberehnheim, Turkheim and Kaisersberg should follow the
example of Colmar. Portia at once had recourse from
Augsburg to the nuncio in Vienna in order to obtain the
intervention of the Emperor, as the Archduke Ferdinand
had no power to intervene in the free cities of the Empire. 2
But no definite step was to be expected from the Emperor
Maximilian II., 3 even though Gregory XIII. had recourse
to him in an autograph letter 4 on behalf of Colmar, and though
later on the Curia did all in its power to save the Catholic
religion in that city of the Empire. 5 Immediately after the
arrival of the nuncio Portia at Freiburg the prior of the
Dominicans at Colmar informed him that the Catholic
religion there was bound to perish. 6 In 1586 the council
of Colmar was entirely Protestant. 7
More cautious, perhaps, than Johann von Manderschied,
in his early days, was his colleague Markward von Hattstein
(1560-1581) in the diocese of Spires. The principal city
of the diocese had turned to Protestantism in 1540, and only
the numerous clergy, the officials of the Imperial tribunal,
and less than thirty citizens still adhered to the old faith,
but the Council, which was very much opposed to Catholicism,
in violation of the religious peace, forbade men to assist at
Catholic sermons. 8 Moreover the city of Spires was surrounded
by the territories of the Counts Palatine, who were zealous
reformers ; some parts of the diocese were surrounded by
1 See Portia s report to Morone, 1576, ibid., 304, n. 2.
2 Ibid., 40 seq. ; HIRN, I., 203 seq.
3 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, V., Ixii-lxvii.
4 Of December 10, 1575; ibid., 214, n. i. The Pope also
addressed himself to the Archduke Ferdinand on February 25,
1576; THEINER, II., 181.
5 Nuntiaturberichte, V., Ixv.
6 Portia on October 15, 1575 ; ibid., 209.
7 SCHMIDLIN, III., 67. F. LERSE : Geschichte der Reformation
cler ehemaligen Reichstadt Colmar, Miilhausen, 1856, 9.
8 Portia on April 4, 1576 ; Nuntiaturberichte, V., 399.
150 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the possessions of the Protestant Dukes of Wurtemberg,
and the Margrave of Baden-Durlach. In some villages the
bishop and the Count Palatine exercised their jurisdiction
jointly. 1 The cathedral chapter of Spires was still Catholic,
and the scholastic, Andreas von Oberstein, dean of the
cathedral since 1586, was further " a man who enjoyed the
highest reputation throughout Germany on account of his
rare piety and sanctity, and his truly religious conduct, and
who kept the canons obedient to their duties and under strict
discipline." 2 According to Portia, too, 3 Oberstein was one
of the most pious and deserving ecclesiastics in all Germany,
as all bore witness, and as was specially recognized by the
fathers of the Society of Jesus, since it was to him they owed
their residence in that city and all that they possessed there,
for it had been Oberstein who, in 1567, had been successful
in bringing about the establishment of the Jesuit college
at Spires. 4
The attention of Portia had been drawn to Spires since
1573. The Calvinist Count Palatine, Frederick III., at that
time was seeking from the Council the expulsion of the Jesuits
from Spires, and had already gone so far as to cut off from
the city the supply of wood and victuals. The bishop
allowed himself to be intimidated, but not so the chapter. 5
The Jesuits had recourse through Portia to Gregory XIII.,
and the latter asked, through the nuncio at Vienna, for a
letter from the Emperor to the Council of Spires, which for
the time being settled the dispute. 6
1 SCHMIDLIN, III., 87 seqq.
2 Minucci, 1588, ibid., 90, according to STEINHUBER, Ger-
manicum, I., 236.
8 On July 30, 1577, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 147. Oberstein
stayed with the Jesuits for three weeks making the Spiritual
Exercises, after which he thought of becoming a Carthusian.
DUHR, I., 543.
4 Ibid., 115. Cf. REMLING, Bischofe, II., 375 seq.
5 Portia on December 9, 1573 and January 6, 1574; Nuntia-
lurberichte, III., 266, 305.
6 Galli on January 23, 1574 ibid., 322 ; cf. 335, n. ; 336, n. 21.
SPIRES. 151
But in the following year it broke out afresh. As was
always the case every fifteen years, on June 24th, 1575, there
was a renewal of the terms of the contract existing, on the
basis of the convention of 1420, between the council and the
clergy of the city. On this occasion the council protested
because this contract did not include " the sneaking Jesuits
of Spires, who had been secretly introduced in these days." 1
Portia at once had recourse to the Emperor through the
nuncio at Vienna, as well as to the Pope and Duke Albert V. 2
But the Bishop of Spires had already anticipated him. On
July 20th, 1575, a letter from the Emperor arrived from
Prague which again saved the Jesuits. 3 The briefs of
Gregory XIII. to the chapter and the bishop 4 were no longer
necessary when they came ; but the hatred of the Council
of Spires was not extinguished, and they forbade the citizens
to harbour the pupils of the Jesuits. 5
When the bishop sent to the nuncio his reply to the papal
brief, 8 so that he might forward it, he subjoined two requests
to it. He desired that the property of the church of Our
Lady of Landau, which was falling down and was neglected
by unworthy priests, might be given to the parochial church
of St. Nazarius at Udenheim, so that it might not fall into
the hands of the Protestants, 7 and also that the almost extinct
convent of the Franciscans at Spires might be used for a
seminary. 8 These suggestions gave the nuncio an opportunity
of going in person to Spires. With regard to the convent
of the Franciscans he pronounced in favour of the bishop s
1 Portia on July 9, 1575 ; ibid., V., 74. Extract from the
Protestation, ibid., 159, n. 2.
2 Ibid., 74-6.
8 Portia on August 29, 1575 ; ibid., 162, n. 4. DUHR, I., 119.
4 Of July 30, 1575, in THEINER, II., 51 seq., 52.
8 DUHR, I., 119.
6 Of September 6, 1575, in THEINER, II., 53. Ibid., 52 seq.
the reply of the Chapter on September 5.
7 Ibid., 53 seq. Cf. Portia on September 12, 1575; Nuntia-
turberichte, V., 182.
8 Portia on February 4, 1576; ibid., 319.
152 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
wishes, 1 but he thought that the church of Landau, as the
last remains of Catholicism, ought to be left to that city. 2
The German Congregation approved of these decisions. 3
Before Portia came to these decisions he had met with
several surprises at Spires. Immediately after his arrival,
the suffragan, Fabricius, and the vicar-general, Beat Moses,
informed him that the news of the arrival of a Papal legate
would throw the whole city into an uproar, and that the
nuncio must therefore either remain hidden at Spires, or
chose the neighbouring Udenheim for his residence. Portia
could not devote much time to the question and decided on
the latter alternative. At Udenheim he at once received
further news that the bishop was ill and unable personally
to visit the nuncio. 4 Actually during the whole of his stay
Portia was able to. keep in touch with that timid man, either
in writing or by means of Michael, the rector of the Jesuits.
In the meantime the nuncio took the opportunity of getting
information as to the state of affairs at Spires. He learned
that the bishop was looked upon as a member of the supreme
tribunal, but in no way as the head of the diocese ; he did
not dare to mention the Council of Trent or reform. 5 Some
even doubted his staunchness in the faith, as he was in constant
relations with the Count Palatine and with John Casimir ;
both these had publicly stated that the diocese would be at
peace so long as Bishop Markward lived, and that later on
they would know what to do. The suspicions against his
faith were removed when Markward in the most definite
way declared that he had always been a sincere Catholic
and wished always to remain so ; he was cut to the heart
to think that such suspicions were entertained about him ;
his only reason for keeping on good terms with the Count
1 Ibid., 401.
2 Ibid., 403. Cf. Portia to Bishop Markward on March 27,
1576; ibid., 413-7; THEINER, II., 188.
3 SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 115.
4 Portia on March 27, 1576 ; Nuntiaturberichte, V., 396 seq.
5 Portia on April 4, 1576 ; ibid., 400. Moreover see REMLING,
Bischofe, II., 370, 374.
SPIKES. 153
Palatine was that Spires might not be destroyed as had
already happened in the case of the diocese of Worms, which
had been practically reduced to nothing. 1 Portia found the
secular clergy of Spires better than elsewhere, a thing which
was to be attributed to the zeal of the pious and prudent
dean. 2 On the other hand the regular clergy were in a bad
state.
In the convent of the Dominicans there was only one
religious, who had recently been in prison ; he belonged to
a special congregation consisting of three houses with ten
depraved religious. The nuncio suggested to Rome that
this congregation should be suppressed. 3 The supreme
authorities of the Order, moreover, had for a long time been
working to that end, and Portia himself had been engaged
upon the matter at Freiburg. 4 The profound decadence
of the convent of the Friars Preachere had led to the Council
of Spires causing Protestant pastors to preach in the church
of that Order as well as in that of the Augustinians. 5
Otherwise, that part of the diocese of Spires which lay
in Wurtemberg and the Palatinate might be said to have been
lost to Catholicism. A third part remained, but there the
clergy were in a bad state ; some of the priests had attempted
to marry openly. Among the laity the Anabaptists had
a strong following. At the instance of the chapter the bishop
promised to make a visitation, but afterwards excused himself
on the score of his duties as president of the supreme tribunal,
and the disturbances caused by the war. 6
In the diocese of Constance Portia thought it unnecessary
}o interfere, or to do more than make some inquiries into
1 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 409 seq. Cf. his letter to Portia of
April 5, 1576; ibid., 420.
2 Ibid., 400.
3 Ibid., 400 seq. As a matter of fact five convents belonged to
that Congregation ; see ibid., lix, n. 6.
4 Ibid., Iviii-lxi, 325 seq. Acta capitulorum generalium O.P.,
ed. B. M. REICHERT, V., Romae, 1901, 105, 123, 160.
5 Nuntiaturberichte , V., 400.
> 6 Ibid., 402.
154 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
its condition, all the more so, as he wrote to the auxiliary
bishop of Constance, Balthasar Wurer, 1 because of the zeal
and capacity of that prelate, whom he had learned to appreciate
and esteem by his personal dealings with him. Before his
departure from Freiburg the nuncio nevertheless felt himself
obliged in a letter to Wurer 2 to recommend to the reforming
zeal of the auxiliary bishop all the principal abuses which he
had noticed in the diocese of Constance ; the radical cause
of all the evils he declared to be the ignorance of the clergy,
who took upon themselves the sacerdotal office without
knowing its duties. The Austrian government treated the
Protestants of Constance with great consideration ; above
all they refused to allow any Jesuit college there so as not
to rouse religious feeling. 3 The Jesuit mission, however,
was doing much good in Constance ; 4 in 1592 scarcely half
the inhabitants were still Protestants, and where formerly
there had been only one Catholic there were now ten or more. 5
Portia s activities in Upper Germany came to an end
with his departure for Ratisbon. At the beginning of 1577
the Pope sent him as his representative to Cologne, and at
the end of the following year he was chosen as nuncio to
the Emperor, but he did not hold that office for long. Hardly
recovered from a serious illness he set out for the national
Diet of Bohemia at Prague, and died there as the result of
a relapse, a victim to his devotion to duty and his zeal in
the service of the Holy See. 6
Portia s successor in 1578 in Upper Germany was Feliciano
Ninguarda, who now, no longer as a simple Dominican, or
as Papal commissary, but as Bishop of Scala and real nuncio,
1 On June 5, 1576, in REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 100.
2 Ibid., 100-2. For the deplorable conditions prevailing in
the diocese of Constance cf. SCHMIDLIN, III., 7 seqq. ; GMELIN
in the Zeitschrift fur die Geschichte des Oberrheins, XXV., 129-204 ;
SCHELLHASS, ibid., N.F. XXXII. seq.
3 HlRN, I., 204.
4 DUHR, I., 408 seqq.
5 HIRN, I., 205.
6 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 8 seq.
NINGUARDA. 155
took upon himself the reform work of his predecessor. 1 If
Portia had especially distinguished himself as a capable
diplomatist who, in his dealings with the civil and ecclesiastical
princes and other dignitaries, had been able to give the first
impulse to reform, Ninguarda in his turn sought above all
to apply a healing hand to the evils of the clergy, and
especially of those in the monasteries. The labours and
sacrifices which he endured in carrying out his task were
marvellous. Between the years 1578 and 1583 he indefatig-
ably travelled about the vast district of his nunciature ;
he was not dismayed by the hardships of the winter in the
north, or by the sight of the discouraging state of affairs ;
neither the weariness of the unending monotony of the work
of reform, nor the resistance which he encountered, nor the
want of results could ever make him fold his hands in despair.
Thus in 1578 he laboured with but scanty results at the
reform of the cathedral of Freising, and the visitation of the
monasteries of Neuenzell and Weihenstephan. 2 At the
beginning of the following year he devoted his attention
to the chapter of Brixen, 3 and addressed severe remonstrances
to the Archbishop of Salzburg, 4 because after a lapse of ten
years the decrees of the provincial synod of Salzburg had
not been put into force. During the months of August and
September he spent some time in visiting Constance. 5
1 His appointment, which had for its object the influencing of
the Archduke Charles, was discussed by Odescalchi in a"*letter
of May 24, 1578, to the Duke of Mantua. Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
3 SCHLECHT, Ninguarda, 68. Ordinance made to the canons on
October 10, and their reply in THEINER, II., 361 seqq.
3 Rescript to the bishop in February, 1579, to the canons
on February 14, and their answer which caused a warning to be
sent to the bishop on February 26, ibid., III., 28 seqq. ; to the
Poor Clares at Brixen on February 22, ibid., 33 ; to the
Dominicans Trent on January 16, 1579 ; ibid., 35.
4 On April 15, 1579, ibid., 37.
6 SCHELLHASS in the Zeitschrift fur die Geschichte des Oberrheins,
N.F., XXXII. (1917), 3-43. REINHARDT-STEFFENS, n, 141
529, 713-
156 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Ninguarda devoted his activities to Ratisbon after the
beginning of 1580 ; the year before, to the advantage of
the diocese, the bishop, David Kolderer, had died ; Gregory
XIII. after some hesitation, 1 had consented to the request
of the chapter 2 and the Archbishop of Salzburg 3 that the
five year old son of Duke William V. should be chosen as
bishop, and appointed Ninguarda as administrator of the
diocese. The nuncio therefore devoted special attention to
Ratisbon. He visited the cathedral church, the two collegiate
churches, and the Charterhouse of Priihl ; also the three
convents of noble women, the Franciscans, Benedictines,
Scots, and Dominicans, the nuns of S. Clare and Holy Cross,
and the Augustinian Canons and Hermits. 4 In 1581 there
was issued a severe ordinance against the immoral clergy
of the diocese, which was also printed. 5 In 1580 there was
a visitation of that part of the diocese of Eichstatt which
came within Bavaria, especially Ingolstadt, 16 as well as of the
capital of Bavaria 7 and Passau. 8 During the following years
the work of reform at Salzburg especially absorbed the energies
of the nuncio ; in September 1581 he visited the canons, for
whose benefit he embodied his demands in a decree of October
24th ; similar enactments had already been issued for the
clergy, the Hospitallers and the monasteries ; on October
3ist a general decree for the court, the city and the civil
government completed the work. 9
As one who was so zealous for the reform of the Orders,
1 On November 21, 1579; ibid., 16.
2 On August 15, 1579 ; in THEINER, III., n seqq.
8 On August 17, 1579 ; ibid., 16.
4 SCHLECHT, loc. cit., 69. REiciiENBERGER in the Romische
Quartalschrift, XIV. (1900), 356 seqq.
6 On April 25 ; in THEINER, III., 254.
6 SCHLECHT, loc. cit., 70, 124-50.
7 Ibid., 70.
8 Ninguarda to Bishop Urban on August 20, 1580 ; in THEINER,
III., 143-6.
9 SCHLECHT, loc. cit., 71-4. Since 1580 George von Kuenburg
had been coadjutor to the Archbishop of Salzburg who had been
struck with apoplexy. WIDMANN, 104.
NINGUARDA. 157
Ninguarda 1 encouraged the Benedictines of Swabia during
the years 1580-1583,2 as well as to the other religious con
gregations of Bavaria who were desirous -of joining together
in one congregation and establishing a seminary for young
novices. This scheme came to nothing when it already seemed
to be almost realized. 3
In 1582 Ninguarda issued some enactments concerning
prohibited books, 4 and the enclosure in monasteries. 5 His
health, however, had in the meantime suffered badly ; he
could no longer walk and one arm was completely paralysed.
He was accordingly given permission to return to Italy, 6
1 A mandate for the nuncio from the Archduke Charles to the
religious superiors in his territory on June 23, 1578 ; in THEINER,
III., 359. Ninguarda s visitation regulations for the Benedictine
monasteries have been brought to light by B. ALBERS in the
Studien und Mitteilungen aus dem Benediktiner und Zisterzienser-
orden. Regulations for the convent of nuns at Niedernburg
(diocese of Passau) in August, 1581, and July, 1583, in volume XXI
(1900), 197-216; for Tegernsee in July, 1581, ibid., XXII. (1901),
113 seqq., 334 seqq. ; for Salzburg in September and October, 1581,
ibid., 338 seqq., 349.
2 THEINER, HI., 138 seq.
3 Cf. Ninguarda s pronouncement to the Bavarian Benedictines,
Cistercians, Augustinian Canons and Premonstratensians on
May 24, 1583, in ALBERS, loc. cit. XXII., 127 ; SCHMIEDER, ibid.,
XII. (1891), 80 seq. A house for the seminary had already been
bought in Ingolstadt ; but, in spite of this, it was decided to find
accommodation for the religious in a separated part of the
Georgianum in Munich (Romische Quartalschrift, V., 127). Con
cerning the plan of a seminary for the female orders, see ARETIN,
Maximilian, I., 348.
4 On May i, 1582, in THEINER, III., 326. Cf. REUSCH, I., 472.
He confiscated those books which contained sham miracles,
mythical stories of the saints and such like things (ibid., 478 ;
JANSSEN-PASTOR, 1. 19 - 20 , 77, n. For the inquiry into the
miraculous hosts of Andechs, see SCHLECHT in the Jahresbericht
des Hist. Vereins Dillingen, VIII. (1895), 65 seqq.
5 On May 13, 1582, in THEINER, III., 327 seq.
6 Madruzzo to Galli on July 21, 1582; Nuntiaturberichte, II.,
472.
158 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
but was content to go to a spa to seek his cure. 1 In the
autumn of 1582 and the following year he again devoted
himself to important tasks.
In addition to his reforming activities among the chapters
and monasteries, Ninguarda also had important business
to transact and conclude at the courts of the princes and
magnates. These took him in the first instance to Graz, 2
to the Archduke Charles, to whom he addressed severe
remonstrances on account of his concessions to the Protestants
The disturbances at Chur obliged him to make a stay of four
weeks in 1578 with the Bishop of Chur at Fiirstenburg, and
in the following year to undertake long journeys in
Switzerland. 3 But most important of all were the negotiation
between Ninguarda and the Duke of Bavaria.
Although Albert V. had done so much on behalf of the
Catholic cause, yet the interference of his officials in the
affairs of the Church caused much discontent among zealous
Catholics. The nuncio Portia had already had to listen to
the gravest complaints on this subject, but had seen no way
of providing a remedy. 4 Cardinal Morone, on leaving the
Diet of Ratisbon, had made grave remonstrances to the
Duke s councillor, Fend ; Fend, however, had sheltered
himself behind the plea that, in view of the negligence of
the bishops, they ought to be glad that at anyrate the govern
ment took steps to remedy the grave abuses, that unless it
did so Bavaria would no longer have any Catholic Church,
and that the levies made upon the property of the monasteries
rested upon Imperial privileges. 5
Much the same reply was received by Ninguarda 6 when
1 SCHLECHT, Ninguarda, 75. For the Papal permission to
return, see Nuntiaturberichte, II., 490.
2 Where he stayed from May 30 until June 26, 1578, THEINER,
II., 351 seqq.
3 See infra, p. 166.
4 See supra, pp. 72, 81, cf. 117.
5 Fend s report of his conversation with Morone has been
brought to light by SCHELLHASS in Quellen und Forschungen, XIII.
(1910), 366-78.
6 THEINER, II., 365.
NINGUARDA AND BAVARIA. 159
in the Pope s name he again raised the former complaints,
though naturally in a courteous and prudent way, in the
presence of Albert V. himself. 1 The Duke was displeased
that all his efforts on behalf of the Church only met with
rebukes, and as long as he lived Ninguarda did not dare to
take any further steps in the matter, but under Albert s
son, William V., hope again revived in ecclesiastical circles.
The new Duke himself obviously had in view the regularization
of his political relations with the Church, and immediately
after his succession to the throne he assured the Pope 2 that
he would as prince make every effort to keep his conscience
unstained, and not interfere in matters which did not
pertain to him.
But the question whether the interferences in ecclesiastical
matters, which rested upon a long tradition, were the province
of the Duke of Bavaria or not, was a question that was hotly
debated. When Ninguarda, immediately after the succession
to the duchy of William V., again made the old complaints,
the Duke s councillors maintained that they were ; Ninguarda
denied this. Georg Eder, the councillor of the Empire, to
whom the Duke submitted the written opinions of the
councillors and the nuncio, declared in a memorial that he
took the part of the theologians rather than the jurists, as
custom could never justify an abuse. Finally, he advised
the Duke to consult with the bishops and the Pope concerning
the points under discussion. 3
William then drew up the debated points in twenty-two
requests, which he submitted to Ninguarda and the nuncio
at Vienna, Bonhomini, for their observations, 4 and in the
spring of 1581 he sent his court preacher, Martin Dum, to
the Pope to ask for absolution for what had been done in
the past, as well as for the confirmation of the claims now
put forward for the future, and the concession of new ones.
Rome, however, referred the duke to the bishops.
1 Ibid., 362-5.
2 On November 24, 1579, ibid., III., 7.
3 ARETIN, loc. cit., 292-6.
4 ARETiN, Maximilian, 1., 296; Auswartige Verhaltnisse,
Urkunden i, 43 seqq., 48.
l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the meantime the desired meeting of the bishops was
again and again postponed. At first it was arranged for
September, 1581 ; in preparation the nuncio held conferences
with the duke s representatives from June 28th to July 4th,
and mnay points were then settled. 1 Under the presidency
of Cardinal Madruzzo, and in the presence of the nuncios,
Ninguarda and Bonhomini, a further conference was held
with the Bavarian councillors on the occasion of the Diet
at Augsburg in 1582. 2 But the assembly of the bishops
had not yet been brought about at the beginning of the follow
ing year, so that Gregory XIII. had to remind the Duke of
Bavaria of it on January 29th, 1583. 3 William V. replied 4
that he too was very desirous of this meeting of the bishops,
and again pointed out that he did not wish for anything
that he could not have by right and with a clear conscience.
On August i5th of the same year there met together at Munich
the Archbishop of Salzburg, and the Bishops of Freising,
Ratisbon, Passau and Chiemsee, and from their negotiations
with the representatives of the duke there resulted the
concordat of Bavaria. The duke s councillor, Erasmus
Fend, displayed special zeal, beyond all the rest, on behalf
of the claims of the duke ; 5 it was he who in September,
1581, had called attention to and insisted upon the conditions
prevailing in France, Spain and Portugal, 6 namely, that
what was permitted to the Emperor and to those sovereigns
must also be allowed to the Duke of Bavaria in his own
dominions. On the other side, Ninguarda showed himself
very ready to meet the wishes of the government. The
Bavarian councillors naturally did not succeed in obtaining
all that they asked for, but several rights which the dukes
1 ARETIN, Maximilian, I., 296.
2 On September 10 ; see SCHLECHT in the Romische Quartal-
schrift, V., 80.
3 ARETIN, Maximilian, I., 300, n. 14.
4 On February 21, 1583 (new style), THEINER, III., 411.
5 ARETIN, loc. cit., 300 seq.
6 To William V. on September 5, 1581 ; see ARETIN, Auswartige
Verhaltnisse, Urkunden i, 47 seq.
THE CONCORDAT OF BAVARIA. l6l
had hitherto only enjoyed de facto, were now granted to
them de jure under the concordat. Both parties gained an
advantage in that henceforth various legal uncertainties
were cleared up. 1
Nevertheless, almost another ten years elapsed before the
concordat of Bavaria was promulgated in 1592. The reason
for this lay in the fact that Duke William wished, together
with its confirmation, for other things which Rome found a
difficulty in granting. Above all he wished that Munich
should be made an episcopal see, with a diocese including
the district of the capital. It is easy to understand why
such a request was made, since seven bishops shared the
spiritual authority over Bavaria, namely, those of Salzburg,
Chiemsee, Augsburg, Eichstatt, Ratisbon, Freising and
Passau, 2 yet none of these seven had their see in a city which
was subject to the Duke of Bavaria. Hence came the desire
that the capital of the Duchy should also be the place of
residence of one of the principal ecclesiastical dignitaries.
The diocese of the new bishop was not to extend outside
the city of Munich, but he was to be directly subject to the
Pope, and to exercise a kind of authority over the other
bishops who ruled in Bavaria ; he was to be the president
of the ecclesiastical council and to hold the office of nuncio.
The plan came to nothing because of its singularity. 3
When at the end of 1583 Ninguarda bore the petition for
the diocese of Munich, together with other requests, across
the Alps, his work in Germany was ended. At the beginning
of 1583 he was appointed Bishop of S. Agata dei Goti, and
in 1588 received the bishopric of Como, where he died in
1595. In 1584 Cardinal Galli inquired whether his health
would permit of his going back to Germany ; in 1586 he was
again designated as nuncio to Switzerland, but no further
I RIEZLER, VI., 271 seqq. DOEBERL, I., 466-74.
2 ARETIN, Auswartige Verhaltnisse, 64.
3 SCHLECHT, loc. cit., IV., 363-76. RATZiNGER in the Hist.-polit.
B latter n, CX., 346-56, and in the Forschungen zu/ bayr. Geschichte,
Kempt en, 1898.
VOL. XX. IX
l62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
work was given to him in those countries for which he had
made such great sacrifices. 1
During the whole course of his travels through the
vast territory of his nunciature, Ninguarda nowhere
received a better impression of the piety of the faithful
than in Switzerland.
In the cantons of Lucerne, Unterwalden, Uri, Schwyz and
Zug, so he wrote in his report to Galli, 2 both the authorities
and private persons received him everywhere as the represen
tative of the Holy See, with a love and veneration such as
he had nowhere met with in Germany. " All, from the
highest to the lowest, show the greatest zeal for the mass,
for the Catholic faith, and for Christian piety. Not only on
festival days, but also on working days, the churches are
filled with the faithful, with their rosaries or their prayer
books in their hands. I can recall no place in the whole
of Germany where the churches are so frequented by so
many people or with such deep piety as in these Catholic
cantons, where apostasy from the faith is punished by
death."
But Ninguarda also saw very clearly some dark spots. The
original cantons belonging to the diocese of Constance were
much neglected by the officials of the bishop, who was
generally absent. This had the result that the Catholic
authorities, who, in the absence of the ecclesiastical organiza
tion, interfered with the best intentions, were gradually in
self defence adding to their powers in a way that was both
unfitting and harmful, so that ecclesiastical liberties were
threatened with extinction. In one of his reports to the
Secretary of State, Ninguarda speaks of the scandalous lives
led by ecclesiastics, the complete non-observance of the
enclosure in convents of women, the encroachments of the
civil authority, who had reduced many convents to a state
of absolute dependence, and had usurped judicial powers over
the clergy. The one exception was Lucerne, where the
1 REINHARDT-STEFFENS, Introduction, p. c.ccxciii seq.
2 On June 22, 1579, REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 361.
THE JESUITS IN SWITZERLAND. 163
tribunal for ecclesiastics had for some time been left in the
hands of the dean. 1
Charles Borromeo had a little while before formed the same
opinion as Ninguarda. 2 After his journey into the interior
of Switzerland in 1570 he had laid two proposals before the
Holy See for the religious revival of that country : there
should be an authorized representative of the Pope in Switzer
land, who, unlike former nuncios, should direct his attention,
not to political questions, but primarily to the internal reform
of the Church ; there should also be established at Lucerne
a Jesuit college for German Switzerland, and the projected
seminary at Constance should be set up. 3
In the time of Pius V. it had not been possible to realize
either of these proposals, 4 but his successor at once took care
that German Switzerland should have its educational establish
ments. Gregory XIII. s plan of founding a Jesuit college
at Constance was not carried into effect, so it was with all
the greater pleasure that he acceded to the request of the
citizens of Lucerne that some members of the Society of
Jesus should be sent there. During the summer of 1574
they began their pastoral work as well as their school. 5 The
instructions which the provincial of the Jesuits in Upper
Germany gave to the two fathers who were first sent to
Lucerne, recommended them to adapt themselves as far as
possible and in all things to the simplicity of the people.
1 Ninguarda to Galli on July 8, 1579; REINHARDT-STEFFENS,
I., 380 seqq.
2 Cf. Vol. XVIII., p. 314 of this work.
3 REINHARDT-STEFFENS, Introduction, p. cccxxvii.
4 Cf. Vol. XVIII., p. 322 of this work.
5 Cf. SEGESSER : Rechtsgeschichte von Luzern, IV., 551 seq.
and Ludwig Pfyffer, II., 94 seq. ; FLEISCHLIN, Aus den Annalen
des Gymnasiums zu Luzern, in the Monatsrosen, XXV. ; GRUTER :
Das Kollegium zu Luzern unter dem ersten Rektor P. Martin
Leubenstein, Lucerne, 1905 ; DUHR, I., 211 seq. See also J.
BUCHER : Zur Gesch. des hoheren Schulwesens in Luzern, in the
publication issued to commemorate the opening of the Cantonal
School Building, Lucerne, 1893.
164 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Father Leubenstein was especially to occupy himself with
preaching, and Father Liner with the catechism ; to the
latter the hospitals, prisons and the sick were also expressly
recommended. " In the sermons they were to avoid words
of rebuke, and love and prayer were to predominate. They
were not to occupy themselves with the objections of the
heretics, but must inculcate Catholic doctrines solidly, in a
short and popular form, and not too learnedly. The same
thing must apply to the catechism. They must be discreet
in their requirements, learn the language well, and not be
too easy in dealing with women outside the confessional.
Generally speaking, they must not engage in controversies
with the clergy, and at. first, at anyrate, not even touch upon
their shortcomings. By acting thus all would realize that
they had no other end in view than the salvation of souls." 1
The work of the Jesuits at Lucerne had hardly been begun
when it was threatened by the unhealthy climate of the city,
situated in a marshy lowland, so that in 1576 there was an
idea of giving it up again. But the municipal council as
well as the Pope insisted that the work which had been begun
must be continued. In May, 1577, there followed the establish
ment of the college, to which was made over the most beautiful
building in the city, the so-called Palace of the Knights (the
present Rathaus). The school was opened in the autumn,
and quickly succeeded. Noble benefactors, and, above all,
the secretary of the municipality, Cysat, and the magistrate,
Ludwig Pfyffer, occupied themselves concerning the material
welfare of the establishment. 2 The work of the fathers was
not limited to their labours in the school, which at first,
indeed, was not their chief preoccupation ; preaching and
the care of souls took the first place. The results of their
work was shown at the jubilee of 1576. Religious associations
were soon formed, as for example the Confraternity of the
Rosary in 1578, in which many pious persons enrolled
themselves. 3
1 See MAYER, II., 192 seq.
2 DUHR, I., 215 seqq.
3 GRUTER, loc. cit., 31.
PORTIA IN SWITZERLAND. 165
A long time elapsed before Borromeo s second suggestion
was fulfilled, the sending of a special nuncio to Switzerland,
in reality a nuncio for the work of internal reform. As early
as October, 1573, there had been the appointment of Bishop
Volpi of Como as nuncio in Switzerland, but its only purpose
was resistance to the Genevese, who wished to be joined
to the federation as an additional canton. As far as can
be ascertained Volpi contented himself with a written agree
ment, which the Pope in 1574 supported by a special brief. 1
When the nuncio Bartolomeo Portia and the Franciscan,
Francesco Sporeno, were sent to the south-west of Germany
in 1575, their mission included Switzerland, and in particular
the dioceses of Chur, Lausanne and Sion. 2 But, apart from
the fact that Sporeno was not a nuncio, Portia could not
devote his attention exclusively to Switzerland, and thus
Borromeo s idea was not fulfilled by his mission. Portia s
warnings, however, met with a favourable reception from
the Bishop of Basle, Jakob Christopher Blarer, 3 whose diocese
extended into both Alsace and Switzerland. Of the instruc
tions which Sporeno had received concerning Switzerland,
he was only able to carry out one. 4 In February, 1576,
he went to the Bishop of Chur, Beatus von Porta, at his
castle at Fiirstenburg, and visited Vintschgau. The lamentable
state of the diocese of Chur gave Sporeno plenty to do.
Under the pretext of recovering certain debts from the
bishop, the partisans of the Salis family were troubling
the Bishop of Chur to such an extent that the latter
asked the Pope through Sporeno to relieve him of his
office. Gregory XIII. would not consent to this. The
bishop himself at length realized how dangerous a new
election would be, and worked to get Abbot Joachim Opser
1 THEINER, I., 135. REINHARDT-STEFFENS, Introduction,
p. cccliii seqq.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, V., xv. See supra, p. 127.
3 See supra, p. 139 seqq.
4 For the commissions entrusted to Sporeno see Nuntiatur
berichte, V., 10, n. i.
l66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of St. Gall appointed as his co-adjutor with the right of
succession.
Sporeno, who was soon afterwards recalled, was followed
by Ninguarda, who, in addition to the question of Chur, 1
was to direct his attention to the reform of the secular clergy
and the monasteries, 2 and did so with all zeal. He remained
at Fiirstenburg almost a whole month, 3 and besides the bishop,
he visited the clergy and the monasteries, and issued regulations
for the cathedral chapter. 4 In June he went to Lucerne,
Oberwalden, Nidwalden, Uri and Schwyz to carry out the
duties of his mission. 5 He met with a courteous reception,
especially at Lucerne.
Ninguarda s work, however, was for the most part
temporary and transitory, and it was while he was in Switzer
land that the question of the nunciature was definitely settled,
and a true nuncio appointed, who was to devote himself
entirely to Switzerland. 6
Already in August 1577 Uri, Unterwalden and Zug had
suggested that the Pope should be asked to send a
representative, who should devote himself to the necessary
reform of the clergy in the federation, and in the dioceses
of Chur, Sion and Basle. But no definite decision on this
point had been arrived at. The matter, however, seemed
to be all the more pressing in that in the democratic Forest
cantons the authorities, in spite of their good will, had not
the power to carry out a reform of the clergy. The conditions
1 REINHARDT-STEFFENS, Introduction, p. ccclxvii seq. MAYER
gives a detailed account of Bishop Beatus in his Geschichte des
Bistums Chur, II., 122 seqq., 170 seqq.
2 REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 121 seqq.
3 From November 9 to December 8, 1578, ibid., Introduction,
p. ccclxxviii.
4 Ibid., I., 205 seq., 213 seq.
5 Ninguarda to Galli on June 22, 1579, ibid., 357 seqq.
6 For what follows : SEGESSER, Rechtsgeschichte von Luzern,
IV., 428 seqq. ; FELLER, Lussy, II., 39 seqq. ; MAYER, II., 202 seq. ;
REINHARDT-STEFFENS, Introduction, p. cccxcv seqq. ; J.
BERTHIER, Lettres de J. F. Bonomo (to Fribourg), Fribourg, 1894.
A SWISS NUNCIATURE ? 167
were different in Lucerne, where the Council, in conjunction
with the Jesuits, were working to remove the abuses in the
Church.
These different conditions partly explain the unfavourabl
attitude adopted by Lucerne, when the secretary of the
municipality, Balthasar Luxsinger of Schwyz, urgently
pressed Rome to send a nuncio. The authorities in Lucerne
feared lest the position of their Captain of the Guard in Rome,
Jost Segesser, should be threatened by the presence of a
nuncio in Swiss territory, and treated the intervention of
Luxsinger all the more coldly because he arbitrarily stated
that he had the right to make official application to the Pope
in the matter. They therefore demanded that Luxsinger
should be called to account, and stirred up the seven Catholic
cantons to send a letter to Gregory XIII. on February 2 4 th,
1578, stating that if Luxsinger had asked for a nuncio thi
had been done without the knowledge of and against the
wishes of the cantons ; the sending of such a nuncio at that
moment would give rise to suspicion and distrust, and was
therefore undesirable, that Segesser was sufficient for all
their business, and that the Pope could very well continue
to make use of the Captain of the Guard in all his trans
actions with them. Ludwig Pfyffer expressed himself even
more strongly in his letter to Cardinal Mark Sittich von
Hohenems. 1
In absolute disagreement with the biassed and selfish
point of view of Lucerne, Melchior Lussy of Stans, who, with
Pfyffer, was the most important representative of the Swiss
Catholics, 2 maintained the need for a nuncio. The Governor
of Uri, Walter Roll, expressed himself in like manner. 3
March lyth, 1578, the canton of Schwyz associated itself
with the plan of Uri, Unterwalden and Zug. In spite of this,
however, Lucerne maintained its hostile attitude, 4 but just
1 See THEINER, II., 391 seqq. and SEGESSER, Pfyffer, II., 424, "
2 Cf. Vol. XVII I. of this work, p. 315 seq.
3 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 113 seq.
4 See Sammlung der eidgenossischen Abschiede, IV., 2, 645;
SEGESSER, Rechtsgeschichte von Luzern, IV., 429.
l68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
then an event occurred which resulted in the sending of a
special nuncio to Switzerland.
On February I5th, 1578, Gregory XIII. charged the Bishop
of Vercelli, Giovanni Francesco Bonhomini, who had once
accompanied Charles Borromeo on his travels through Switzer
land, with the visitation and reform of the dioceses of Novara
and Como. 1 Since the territories in Switzerland and the
Federation belonged to the latter, Bonhomini was once again
brought into direct contact with Switzerland. In the middle
of July, 1578, the zealous bishop began by making a visitation
of the most difficult part of his district, the Valtellina, where
there had been no bishop within living memory. He there
administered the sacrament of confirmation to 5000 persons,
and gave communion to 3000, and encouraged the Catholics
who had gathered together from the distant mountains to
resist the religious changes. A prohibition on the part of
the government of the three leagues put an end to this work
on August 2nd. 2 Bonhomini then devoted himself to the
visitation of the territory proper of the diocese of Como ;
at Lugano and in the Ticino he carried out the work of reform
with such good results that even to-day his work there is
still held in honour. 3 At the same time he brought pressure
to bear on all sorts of persons for the sending of a special
nuncio to Switzerland ; he especially addressed himself with
great insistence to Charles Borromeo. The latter wrote in
January 1579 to Speciani, his distinguished agent in Rome
with Gregory XIII. : .since Bonhomini had carried out his
visitation of the Ticino to the great satisfaction of the Swiss,
it might also be hoped that he would be able to effect much
good as a visitor of the interior of Switzerland itself, provided
that the Bishop of Constance, Cardinal Mark Sittich, was
of the same opinion. In this way it would be possible to
discover by experiment what a nuncio could accomplish,
and the visitation could also be extended to the territories
1 REINHARDT-STEFFF.NS, I., 118-9.
2 See ibid., 133 seq., 144 seq., 148 seq., 150 seq., 155 seq., 157 seq.
3 >See EHSES MEISTER, Nuntiaturberichte, I., xxiii,
BONHOMINI APPOINTED NUNCIO. l6q
bordering on the German Empire. As Cardinal Mark Sittich
agreed to this, and was also willing to share the expenses
of the visitation, Gregory XIII. ordered that the necessary
briefs should be prepared for Bonhomini after Easter. 1
Bonhomini was ready to obey the Pope s orders, but he
expressed doubts as to the wisdom of the title of visitor,
which would not satisfy the Swiss because they thought they
deserved a nuncio as much as the princes. At Rome where
an intrigue on the part of Lussy against Segesser was suspected
they would not at first hear of a Swiss nunciature, but later
on Charles Borromeo intervened on behalf of an appointment
being made in the sense desired by Bonhomini. A decisive
factor was the memorial which the Archbishop of Milan sent
to Rome on April 6th, 1579.
In this he set forth in the clearest way the importance of
the questions that had to be dealt with in Switzerland, and
how the chances of success would be greater in proportion
to the authority enjoyed by the Pope s representative. The
visitor should therefore be given the title of nuncio. The
name of visitor was much disliked, and bad ecclesiastics,
who feared punishment, would try to make it even more
hateful among the people. Moreover, many things would
be withheld the visitor on the pretext that they were being
kept for the nuncio. 2
The result of this was the appointment on May 2nd, 15/9,
of Bonhomini as Papal nuncio in the dioceses of Constance
Chur, Lausanne, Sion and Basle, and in all other territories
" which were subject or united to the Federation and the
allies." Bonhomini was to make a personal visitation of
those territories and dioceses, and to carry into effect the
decrees of the Council of Trent, for which purposes he was
given full faculties. 3
1 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 231 seq., 246 seq.
2 See ibid., 316 seq.
3 See ibid., 325 seq. ; cf. 340 seq. the credentials for the seven
Catholic regions dated May 27, 1579. In the Bull of January i,
1580 (ibid., II., i seq.) which granted faculties to Bonhomini,
the latter is described as "ad Helvetios, Rethos et Sedunenses
170 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
At the same time Gregory XIII. took another step which
was of great importance for the religious revival of Switzerland
by founding the Helvetian College at Milan.
In this establishment, which was to be dependent upon
the bishop of Milan for the time being, at least fifty youths
from Switzerland and the Orisons were to be educated, and
trained as model priests. It was again Charles Borromeo
who led the Pope to take this extremely important step for
the carrying out of the work of Catholic reform. What the
German College in Rome was for Germany, the Helvetian
College in Milan was to be for Switzerland : a training ground
for the formation of a capable, educated and zealous priest
hood. The Pope expended an annual sum of 2400 scudi
upon the institution, and gave his sanction to the handing
over to it of the provostship of the Humiliati of S. Spirito,
with its gardens, buildings and revenues. The college was
given all the rights and the dignity of a university, and the
tuition was undertaken by the Jesuits. 1
After Bonhomini had had a personal interview with
Borromeo at Milan, and another with Volpi at Como, he set
out for the scene of his labours. It may truly be said that
a new era in the ecclesiastical history of Switzerland began
when this distinguished representative of Catholic reform
crossed the pass of the St. Gothard at the beginning of July,
1579. The nuncio was accompanied by the canon of Milan,
Bellini, as auditor, Canon Caresana of Vercelli as secretary,
eisque subiectos et confederates ac in Basiliensi et Constantiensi
diocesibus noster et Ap. Sedis nuntius cum potestate legati de
latere."
1 Cf. Vol. XIX., 246; MAYER, II., 60 seq. ; WYMANN, Der heilige
Karl Borromeo &c., Stans, 1903. REJNHARDT-STEFFENS, I.
and II. gives new documents which throw additional light on the
genesis of the college. See also WYMANN, in Schweiz. Geschichts-
freund, LII., 294 seq., LIII. and LIV. passim. Picture of the
magnificent building (Palazzo Elvetico), which is now used for
State Archives, in WYMANN : Kardinal Borromeo und seine
Beziehung zur alten Eidgenossenschaft, Stans, 19*0, 92, 123, 127.
For Borromeo s visitation of the Collegium Helveticum in March,
1583, see Katholische Schweizerblatter, 1896,
BONHOMINI IN SWITZERLAND. 171
and the Jesuit Wolfgang Pyringer, an Austrian, as interpreter
and preacher. 1
Bonhomini made such speed on his journey as to reach
Baden in Aargau in time to assist at the federal Diet. On
July loth, he there presented to the representatives of the
seven Catholic cantons his credentials as Papal nuncio,
pointing out at the same time that his mission, as well as
the foundation of the Helvetian College, was a fresh proof
of the good will of the Pope, so often manifested before.
The requests which he presented to the assembly concerned
three points : first, intervention on behalf of the Catholics
of the Valtellina, whose ill-treatment in the matter of the
suppression of Catholic preaching and the unrestricted liberty
accorded to that of the Protestants he had seen for himself
in the previous year as visitor : secondly, that a person should
be appointed by the Catholic cantons to assist him in his
work at Chur and Sion, and if necessary in an even wider
field : thirdly, full information as to the abuses and scandals
existing among the secular and regular clergy, the removal
of these being his principal duty. 2
On July i6th Bonhomini began by making a visitation
of the city of Lucerne, for which purpose he put himself into
touch with the Council. In order to complete the work
more quickly he shared it with the members of his legation.
After a visitation had also been made in the territory of
Lucerne the nuncio went on to Unterwalden, where he was
lodged by Lussy in the Winkelriedhaus, and thence he
proceeded to Uri and Schwyz. Everywhere the authorities
received him with marks of honour, and he insisted especially
upon the suppression of the concubinage of the clergy and
the wearing of the sacerdotal dress. Ill-natured accusations
made by guilty priests were soon recognized by the people
as calumnies. 3
Bonhomini found himself faced by a difficult situation by
1 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., cdxiii seqq., II., x. For
Pyringer cf. SOMMERVOGEL, VI., 855.
2 REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 388 seq.
3 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 396 scq., .\\-j, 431.
172 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the fact that the authorities of Schwyz, in violation of canon
law, had thrown Abbot Heer of Einsiedeln into prison because
of crimes of a moral nature. By so doing they had incurred
excommunication, which, however, Bonhomini prudently
refrained from pronouncing. He solved the difficulty by
conveying the abbot to Einsiedeln, interning him there in
his own rooms, suspending him and instituting a canonical
process against him. The people of Schwyz apologized
for having arrested him, whereupon Bonhomini absolved
them. 1
The visitation of Schwyz passed off better than anywhere
else. Bonhomini then went to Zug, the parish priest of
which he described as the best priest he had yet found in
Switzerland. 1 The nuncio bestowed great praise upon the
laity of the Catholic cantons, in contrast to the clergy, who
had to a great extent fallen into a very decadent state ;
although they were not free from covetousness and drunken
ness, they otherwise led irreprehensible lives, and showed
a strong Catholic feeling. Their weaknesses were explained
by the temptations put before them by all the princes, and
by the want of moral guidance on the part of the priests,
who for the most part gave them a very bad example.
Bonhomini devoted himself to their improvement with all
the greater vigour ; he refused to delay the work of reform
as had been suggested at Lucerne. It made a very good
impression when the Pope s representative, in spite of the
fact that at first he found himself in financial straits, granted
all dispensations and every kind of favour gratuitously. 3
From these districts which were entirely Catholic Bonhomini
then passed on to places where the population was avowedly
mixed, and first of all Aargau and Thurgau. There he
frequently found an unspeakably sad state of affairs. Of
the eleven canons at Zurzach, ten were living in concubinage,
though these promised to amend their ways. At Rheinau,
1 See ibid., II., xi.
2 See ibid., I., 431.
3 See ibid., 447, 452 seq., 462 seq.
BONHOMINI IN SWITZERLAND. 173
besides the abbot, there were only three religious ; the abbot
himself knew no Latin. 1
Form Rheinau Bonhomini intended to go to St. Gall, but
the Abbot of that place, Joachim Opser, 2 thought it his duty
to advise caution because of the fear of a Protestant rising :
" We are not in Italy, nor yet in the five cantons," he wrote
to Bonhomini. The latter replied that he did not understand
what he meant by so unworthy a letter, but felt it his duty
to remind the abbot that he must not treat with contempt
the help which the Holy See was offering him. 3
At the beginning of September Bonhomini interrupted
his visitation by stopping for six days at Constance. There
he discussed the affairs of Switzerland and the interests of
the Federation with Ninguarda, as well as the religious state
of Constance itself, and came to an agreement with him as
to uniformity of procedure in the visitations. He carried
away a good impression of the activities of Ninguarda, and
with him visited the convent of nuns at Munsterlingen and
the ancient Benedictine abbey of Reichenau, and was also
with him on the occasion of the removal of Abbot Funck
of Petershausen. The resistance which he encountered
in his efforts to introduce the enclosure at Miinsterlingen
was very displeasing to Bonhomini. " I have not yet met
with any opposition among the Protestants ; " he wrote to
Rome, " it has all come from ecclesiastics and monks,
and now the nuns are beginning, but God is stronger than
them all." 4
Bonhomini had to put off the visitation of the abbey of
St. Gall because the abbot excused himself on the ground
1 See ibid., 481. As late as 1584, the Provost of Zurzach was
called upon by Charles Borromeo to reform himself and to bring
back the inhabitants of Kadelburg to the Church ; see Fribourg
Diocesan Archives XL, 239 seqq.
2 For Opser s worthy predecessors cf. E. ZIEGLER, Abt. Otmar II.
von St. Gallen : Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Gegenreformation
in der Schweiz, Zurich, 1896.
3 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, L, 467, 472.
4 See ibid., 486.
174 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of having had to go to take the baths, and when he came
back it was not possible to have speech with him. The
nuncio visited several parishes and monasteries in the territory
of the abbey. In two convents of women he not only found
that, as was the case everywhere, the enclosure was not kept,
but also that the breviary was not recited at all. " How
great is the negligence of ecclesiastical superiors in these
matters ! " exclaims the zealous disciple of Borromeo in
one of his letters. " The Council of Trent is quite unknown ;
the convents of women will give me plenty to do, but with
the help of God I hope to overcome all the difficulties." 1
After a wearisome journey through Thurgau Bonhomini
went to Porrentruy, to the Bishop of Basle, Blarer von
Wartensee, who, as he states in his report to Rome, " is not
like the others, but shows a pious anxiety to meet me." The
principal subject of discussion at the meeting at Porrentruy
was the plan for an alliance between Blarer and the Catholic
cantons, which was to result in the restoration of Catholicism
in those parts of the diocese of Basle which had fallen into
Protestantism 80 places with 40,000 inhabitants. Bonhomini
advised a change in the abnormal position by which Blarer
did not reside in his own diocese, and caused Porrentruy
to be separated from Besancon and united to Basle.
An attempt made by the nuncio at Porrentruy to reform
the Cistercian monastery of Liitzel in Alsace not only led to
troublesome controversies with the religious, but also with
the officials of the Archduke Ferdinand of the Tyrol, who
saw in the conduct of Bonhomini an interference with his
sovereign rights. 2
At the beginning of October the nuncio was at Soleure,
where he carried out the visitation of the city and the neigh
bouring countryside, preached, and took proceedings against
two concubinists. 3
After Bonhomini had met with so many difficulties, he
1 See ibid., 489.
2 See ibid., 489, 543 seq., 553 seq., II., xii-xiii ; Zisterzienster-
Chronik, XXI. (1909), 84 seqq.
3 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 556.
BONHOMINI IN SWITZERLAND. 175
experienced all the greater joy when he met with full approval
of his mission at Freiburg, which he reached on October loth.
Not only was the welcome of the city more solemn and splendid
than it had been anywhere else, but more important still
was the fact that he found a kindred spirit in the provost,
Peter Schnewly, 1 a man distinguished alike for his learning
and piety, who supported his efforts for reform in the most
zealous way. In spite of the plague Bonhomini visited many
places in the territory of Freiburg, although he had to put off
the completion of his visitation until a later time, because
pressing business recalled him to Lucerne. 2 The grave
accusations which the ecclesiastics of Uri, Schwyz, and
Unterwalden had made in September, 1579, against the Pope s
representative, were to be discussed at the Diet which was
to be held there. Faced by the terrible nature of the abuses
which he met with, Bonhomini may have occasionally acted
with harshness, 3 but in the main his conduct was entirely
justified, and the accusations made against him were mere
pretexts ; the real cause of the opposition to him lay in his
enactments against concubinage ; to this there was added
the democratic spirit of independence which found it hard
to endure the interference of a stranger.
How little real foundation there was for the accusations made
against Bonhomini may be clearly seen from an extraordinarily
characteristic document bearing the title : " Accusations
and complaints made by the whole clergy of the three
cantons of Uri, Schwyz and Unterwalden/ 4 This states
1 Bonhomini s letters to Schnewly, the most important source
for the introduction of the Jesuits into Fribourg, have been
published by Berthier in the Revue de la Suisse cath., 1894.
Schewly s treatise on State and Church has been published by
Holder in the Archiv fur kath. Kirchenrecht, LXXIX. (1899),
291 seqq., 425 seqq. ; LXXX. (1900), 18 seqq. For particulars
of Schnewly himself cf. BRASEY : Le chapitre de 1 insigne collegiale
de St. Nicolas a Fribourg, Fribourg, 1912, 42 seqq.
2 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, II., xiii.
3 Cf. Zisterzienster-Chronik, XXL, 16, 123 seq.
5 German and Latin text in REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 495 seq.
176 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
that " the foreign bishop " says that he wishes to enforce
the enactments of the Council of Trent, but in reality his
reforms are directed against that Council, which places the
work of reform in the hands of the diocesan bishop ; this
is the Bishop of Constance, who takes no interest in his diocese ;
reform at the hands of the auxiliar} bishop would be willingly
tolerated, but not at those of a stranger, and least of all of an
Italian, for the latter, on the pretext of making a visitation
is only trying to obtain information as to the wealth of the
Germans in the Alps ! This is followed by the equally untrue
statement that Bonhomini, like the vendors of indulgences
in the days of Luther, had demanded money for his indulgences.
It is interesting to see how this memorial deals with the
principal point at issue, the enforcement of celibacy. It is
impossible under the present circumstances of benefices and
of the houses of parish priests to do without the service of
women, since no ecclesiastic can himself collect his revenues,
which to a great extent consist in tithes in kind, or look after
gardens or manage the house. It is not denied that con
cubinage is a sin and a scandal, but it is not given to everyone
to live in chastity ! Some indulgence must be shown, because
they had not been trained to a higher ecclesiastical life. Lastly
the memorial of accusation formally asks the civil authorities
to drive out " the foreign bishop." If it is insisted upon
imposing this Italian upon them they would rather expatriate
themselves in a body !
Bonhomini s treatment of this accusation, which the
secretary of the municipality of Lucerne, Renward Cysat,
rightly described as a " vile document, and one unworthy
of priests " was very dignified. On October 2Qth he first
of all informed the envoys of the seven cantons of the Pope s
decision to maintain a permanent nuncio in Switzerland
after his departure, to look after the interests of religion.
He then passed on to the accusations which had been made
against him on the part of the recalcitrant priests. His first
idea had been not to let such an act pass unpunished, but
after mature reflection he had decided to pardon it, and
further begged the delegates to abstain from any sort of
ATTACK ON BONHOMINI. 177
punishment. On the other hand, he made inquiries on his
own plenary authority into the accusations made against
him, and sent the result to the Pope for decision as
the one supreme judge. Bonhomini then passed on to the
consideration of the points which lay at the root of the existing
abuses : the concubinage of priests, the usurpation of punitive
jurisdiction against the clergy, the neglect of the enclosure
by convents of nuns, and the conferring of ecclesiastical
benefices in defiance of canon law. The abuse mentioned
in the second place had already been removed, therefore
Bonhomini asked all the more urgently for help in dealing
with the concubinage of the clergy. With regard to this
he addressed a special exhortation to the authorities of Schwyz,
Uri, Unterwalden and Zug, imploring them no longer to
allow God to be constantly offended, the people to be exposed
to great dangers, and their Catholic name dishonoured. He
then pointed out in detail the necessity he was under, both
because of the canon law, and the instructions he had received
from the Pope, of punishing the violation of celibacy by
suspension. The enforcement of the enclosure in the convents
of nuns, in accordance with the prescriptions of the Council
of Trent, was not a matter of very great hardship, because
this did not entirely prevent visits from relations, or their
being lodged in houses outside the convent. The question
of the conferring of benefices too was easier to arrange than
was thought by many people. The right of patronage would
not be violated, but rather confirmed. They might ask
the authorities at Freiburg concerning the suggestions he
had made to them, and follow their example. Finally,
Bonhomini pointed out that the requirements for reform
contained nothing more than the Catholic cantons had already
accepted by their adherence to the Council of Trent. 1
How great an impression was made by Bonhomini s
attitude is seen from the letter which the seven cantons wrote
to the Pope on October 3oth. They thanked him for sending
1 See THEINER, III., 57 seq. ; REINHARDT-STEFFENS, 1.,
590 seq.
VOL. XX. 12
178 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the nuncio, whose coming, because of their religious needs
and especially the reform of the clergy, had been very
necessary and much desired. This letter expressly states
that Bonhomini had fulfilled his mission perfectly, and had
shown himself helpful and kindly tov/ards them. 1 The
nuncio, too, had every reason for not being dissatisfied with
the results of his labours, even though he had not been able,
as far as his demands were concerned, to arrive at an agree
ment with the Catholic cantons with regard to united action.
In the meantime he proposed, in view of the existing condition
of Switzerland, henceforward to adopt a method more in
conformity with his purpose, and more likely to be effectual,
by dealing separately with each canton concerning his plans
for reform. By this means he was able to effect much good,
especially in Lucerne and Freiburg, which later on, owing
to the power of example and the influence of those two cities,
gradually made its way into the other cantons. 2 In order
to carry out his lofty aims he continued as before to labour
unceasingly both in word and in writing. Fie was very soon
able to point to good results in the cantons of Uri and Schwyz, 3
more especially in his struggle against concubinage, which
was so strongly approved of by the Holy See. 4
Even the Abbot of St. Gall, Joachim Opser, 5 now showed
himself more amenable. Bonhomini was able to carry out
his visitation there, and on September 28th to hold a meeting
of the clergy with regard to the publication of the reform
decrees. He did the same at Wyl. What strong Catholic
feeling there still was in Switzerland was shown by the
enthusiastic welcome accorded to him in the territory of
Appenzell, which had not seen a bishop for a century. At
the same time he was not without experiences of another
1 See ibid., 604 seq.
2 See SEGESSER, Rechtsgeschichte von Luzern, IV., 432.
3 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 625, 636.
4 See ibid., 617, 628, 641.
5 For J. Opser, who eventually sided completely with the
Catholic Restoration, see SCHWETWILER in the Zeitschr. fur
schweiz. Kirchengeschich., XII., 43 seqq.
BONHOMINI IN SWITZERLAND. 179
kind, such as his offensive rejection by the Charterhouse of
Ittingen and the Abbey of Wettingen, where the abbots had
been stirred up by the local governors. Bonhomini summoned
them to appear at Lucerne. 1 Thence he went on December
I2th for the second time to Freiburg, in order to continue
his visitation and hold a diocesan synod. After Freiburg
he intended to visit the Valais. Although the governing
body of the Protestant movement there held itself entirely
aloof, yet the tendency towards a state church, and the
submission of the church to the state had obtained such a
hold there that the Pope s representative met with an offensive
refusal ; the prevalent opinion that the visitation was a
pretext for the covetousness of the Curia formed an excuse
for the prevention of the correction of a very demoralized
state of affairs by the supreme authority. 3 The same was
the case elsewhere, but Bonhomini s energy and courage
refused to be dismayed by any difficulties. When the
circumstances demanded it, he knew how to give way, and
this was shown by his conduct before the envoys of the
Catholic cantons at Lucerne in January, 1580.
As a result of the complaints that had been made, especially
by the monasteries of Thurgau, as well as of the difficulties
which Bonhomini had met with from the governors of the
Catholic cantons in the conferring of benefices, a very un
favourable impression of him had got abroad, which even
affected the people of Lucerne, who thought that he had
treated them with little consideration. Bonhomini explained
and defended his conduct and disarmed all opposition by
declaring that in future, before he published any edicts
he would inform the cantons of them. He hoped that in
1 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, II., xv. \Vith reference to
Ittingen, see the essay by BUCHI in the Zeitsohrift fur schweiz.
Kirchengeschichte, I., 84 seq. This essay deals with the course
of the reform in the religious houses of Thurgau. For W r ettingen,
see Zisterzienser-Chronik , XXL, 122 seqq.
2 Fueter is right in laying special emphasis on this point in
his review on the reports of the Swiss Nuncios in the Historische
Zcitschrift, CI., 163.
l8o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
return for this they would help him in punishing guilty
priests.
After this Bonhomini was kept busily employed by the
disputes between the Bishop of Chur, Beatus von Porta,
and his bitter adversaries. His behaviour in this matter
showed how little truth there was in the idea which the nuncio s
enemies had formed of him as a fiery southerner". There
being no hope of being able to settle the matters at issue
between the Bishop of Chur and his adversaries by the way
of law, nor of inducing the League of the House of God to
recognize all the rights of the Bishop of Chur, Bonhomini
maintained the principle that for the saving of the diocese
it was necessary to make great concessions in economic
questions, for in Chur, he wrote, it is not right but might
that decides matters. 2 He further insisted that Beatus von
Porta should take up his residence at Chur. At the con
ferences which he held with Beatus at Fiirstenburg in
Vintschgau the bishop refused to return to Chur. All that
Bonhomini could obtain was a resignation into the Pope s
hands, which was at first to be kept secret ; he then went to
Innsbruck, to the Archduke Ferdinand, and afterwards to
Brescia for an interview with Charles Borromeo. By his
advice, after summoning a synod in his diocese of Vercelli,
he set out upon a journey to Rome, in order personally to
inform the Pope and the Cardinal Secretary of State concerning
the affairs of Chur and other matters in Switzerland. In
June he was back at Chur, where he prevented any further
action on the part of the League of the House of God by
announcing the eventual resignation of the bishop. He
then went to Baden to the federal Diet, where he laid before
the representatives of the seven cantons the proposal that
they should definitely embark upon the reforms of the secular
and regular clergy which he had suggested. 3
The difficult question of Chur entailed new and fatiguing
1 See MAYER, Konzil von Trient, I., 261 seq. ; REINHARDT-
STEFFENS, II., 43 seq. ; HURBIN, II., 247.
2 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 634 ; II., xx.
3 See ibid., II., xxi seq.
JOURNEYS OF BONHOMINI. l8l
journeys* in July and August, without however any definite
result. The nuncio was comforted, however, by finding
a more favourable disposition towards reform at Lucerne.
At Freiburg he was able to remove all the difficulties concern
ing the establishment, which he had long and eagerly
advocated, of a Jesuit college, which Gregory XIII. had
erected by a bull of February 25th, 1580 " to promote the
salvation of souls, the instruction of youth, and the eradication
of innovations in the faith." 1
In the autumn this indefatigable man, in the interests of
the dioceses of Lausanne and Basle, undertook a journey
to Burgundy, visiting Cardinal de la Baume, Archbishop
of Besancon, and displaying his zeal for the introduction
of ecclesiastical reform in the Franche Conte. He then visited
Bishop Blarer at Porrentruy for the second time, and urged
him to move more quickly against his subjects who had
apostatized from the Church. He then visited, with the
concurrence of the officials of the Archduke Ferdinand, the
Abbey of Liitzel in Alsace, and with that of the Archbishop
of Besangon, the city of Porrentruy. Then he went by way
of Basle, to Thurgau, where the obstinacy of the Abbot of
Kreuzlingen and the abbess of the Cistercian convent of
Feldbach caused him great annoyance. He there met with
the same experiences as his master Borromeo had done in
the Ticino ; in both places it was the ambition and selfishness
of the governors which stood in the way of reform and
encouraged the recalcitrant monasteries. 2
The month of October was occupied by a journey into
South Germany and the Tyrol. Bonhomini was successful
in winning over the Archduke Ferdinand to a settlement of
the disputes at Chur, and of ecclesiastical affairs in the
Austrian part of the dioceses of Basle and Constance, as
well as in overcoming the opposition of the provincial of
the Jesuits, Paul Hoffaeus, to the foundation of the Jesuit
college at Freiburg on the ground of the lack of suitable and
1 See ibid., II., xxii.
2 See ibid., xxv seqq.
l82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
trained subjects. 1 At Ratisbon, whither he went on November
7th, he had a conference with Ninguarda on the subject of
Chur. There he found the state of affairs more critical than
ever ; the very existence of the diocese was at stake. Although
he was personally threatened, he did not lose courage.
Trusting in the power of prayer, in which he asked the help
of all his friends, he succeeded at last in bringing about a
settlement between the chapter and the League of the House
of God, by which, by the sacrifice of certain rights, the
existence of the diocese was saved. The new election, which
had become necessary owing to the resignation of Bishop
Beatus, was put off until Corpus Domini in the following year,
and Bonhomini thought that he could leave the ancient
Roman city with an easy mind on October 29th. 2 At Lucerne
he was at last successful in coming to a satisfactory agreement
with the . government, concerning the reform of the clergy
in accordance with the mind of the Council of Trent. 3 Thus,
with his mind relieved, he was able to set out for Freiburg
accompanied by Peter Canisius and another Jesuit ; as the
people of Berne had complained on a previous occasion that
the nuncio always avoided their city, he this time took the
road through Berne. But on his arrival there he found
himself exposed to the vulgar attacks of the populace, in
spite of the fact that he was accompanied by an official of
the city of Lucerne. 4 At Freiburg, where he spent the
greater part of December, he was happily successful in
removing the last difficulties in the way of the establishment
of the Jesuit college, to which, in virtue of the Papal authority,
the property of the lapsed Premonstratensian abbey of
Marsen had been assigned. 5 Bonhomini presented the two
1 See DUHR, I., 227.
2 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, II., xxviii seq. Cf. HIRN, II.,
218 seq. ; EHSES-MEISTER, Nuwtiaturberichte, I., xxviii.
3 See SEGESSER, Rechtsgescliichte von Luzern, IV., 452 seq. ;
REINHARDT-STEFFENS, II., 546 seq.
4 MAYER, I., 280 seq. REINHARDT-STEFFENS, II., 554 seq.
5 Cf. BUCHI in the Freib. Geschichtsbldlter, 1897 ; DUHR, I.,
26 seq. For particulars of the eminent Rector of the Jesuit
END OF BONHOMINl S NUNCIATURE. 183
fathers to the Council with the words : " Men of Freiburg,
you have here a precious stone which you must wrap up
carefully, enclose it in a silken covering, and treat it with
special veneration as a holy thing." 1
At the beginning of 1581 Bonhomini repaired to his diocese
of Vcrcelli, whence he hastened in March to Chur to super
intend the election of the bishop at which Peter Rascher
was elected on June 3rd. 2 He knew already that after this
act his nunciature in Switzerland was ended. A decisive
factor in the Pope s decision was the by no means energetic
action taken by the Catholic cantons in reference to the
occurrences at Berne, in defiance of the rights of nations,
which had made a deep impression in Rome. 3 The Swiss
nunciature was to remain vacant for a time, so that men
there might learn better to appreciate the presence of a
representative of the Holy See in their midst. 4
Bonhomini then returned to his diocese of Vercelli, but
he was not able to devote himself to it for long, since in August,
with expressions of the most lively confidence, the Pope
entrusted him with the visitation of the diocese of Novara.
While he was getting ready for this, there came on September
i6th, 1581, his appointment as nuncio at the Imperial court
in succession to Ottavio di Santa Croce, who had died
unexpectedly. 5
His selection for this post, which was as honourable as
College at Fribourg (the Silesian Peter Michael), see DUHR, loc. cit.
and also KALIN in the Freib. Geschichtsbldtter, 1901.
1 See RIESS : Petrus Canisius, 473.
2 See MAYER : Geschichte des Bistums Chur, II., 174 seq.
3 Cf. the Brief of February u, 1581, in the Archiv fur schweiz.
Kirchengeschichte, II., 57.
4 g ee EHSES-MEISTER, Nuntiaturberichte, I., xxix. Cf.
HURBIN, II., 247.
5 See ibid., xxix-xxx. After Bonhomini s departure, Ninguarda
was once more left to deal with the more important matters
connected with Switzerland. See MAYER, I., 223 seq. ; Zeitschrift
fiir schweiz. Kirchengeschichte, X., 209 seq. For S. Croce, cf.
HAMSEN, I., 302, II., Ixvi.
184 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
it was important, shows how highly Bonhomini s work in
Switzerland was appreciated in Rome, for that distinguished
disciple of Borromeo, though he was often incapacitated by
illness, had, in his noble zeal for duty, left no place of eccles
iastical importance unvisited, and, filled with a burning love
for the Church, had done all that was in his power for the
renewal of the secular and regular clergy, who had fallen
into so decadent a state. " Would that such a man had
been sent " wrote Canon Marcantonio Bellini to Charles
Borromeo, "before the apostasy of Switzerland." 1
Bonhomini had made no mistake in thinking that it would
be the work of years to set upon a firm basis the work of
reform which he had begun in Switzerland. The abuses
there had been so long rooted, and had spread so far, that
it was not enough " to have once cleansed the temple." 2
What was above all wanted was an auxiliary force to carry
on the work in the way it had been begun.
Such a force, ever unwearied, the nuncio found in the Jesuits.
He had had personal experience of their work at Lucerne,
but he aimed at establishing more of their houses. His plan
for introducing the Jesuits at Baden had come to nothing.
On the other hand Bonhomini, by the foundation of the
college at Freiburg, had ensured the work of reform, and
removed the danger of the city and its territory being drawn
by the neighbouring Protestant cantons to embrace the new
doctrines. 3 In course of time the college of Freiburg
became a stronghold of the Catholic Church in the west
of the Federation, as that at Lucerne already was for
the centre of Switzerland. 4
Further help came to the Swiss Catholics by the mission
1 Letter from Einsiedeln dated August 15, 1579, in REINHARDT-
STEFFENS, I., 435. " The results achieved by Bonhomini before
he had even completed his first six months in Switzerland were
altogether extraordinary," says BUCHI in the Zeitschrift fur
schweiz. Kirchengeschichte, I., 148.
2 See GRUTER, loc. cit., 33.
3 Cf. DUHR, I., 228, 440, 479.
4 According to DIERAUER, III., 339.
THE CAPUCHINS IN SWITZERLAND. 185
of the Capuchins. Already in 1570, Charles Borromeo,
with his wonted foresight in all things ecclesiastical, had
turned his attention to them. It was the Archbishop of
Milan who. together with Bonhomini, supported the efforts
of Walter Roll and Melchior Lussy for the establishment of
a Capuchin convent at Altdorf. 1 It was in 1581 that the
first fathers reached the little town where legend places the
scene of William Tell shooting at the apple ; above the church
was built the small and hospitable convent so well known
to all visitors to the Forest Cantons. 2
Bonhomini had already introduced some Capuchins into
the Valtellina in 1578, but the foundation of a convent there
was not possible on account of the disturbances concerning
the Bishop of Chur. 3 On the other hand the pontificate
of Gregory XIII. saw the successful establishment of the
convents at Stans and Lucerne, where the sanctuary of
Wesemlin was entrusted to the fathers. 4 These convents,
which afterwards increased in number, were the starting
point of the revival of religious life in Switzerland,
and Charles Borromeo devoted special attention to
them.
At the end of 1583 the great Archbishop of Milan once
again appeared in person in Switzerland, accompanied by
a Jesuit and a Franciscan. He began by holding a visitation
for the reform of the Misoxthal in the Grisons. The zeal
and self-sacrifice which he displayed were rewarded by
extraordinary results. The people flocked in great numbers
to the sacraments, many Protestants returned to the Church,
while many who were hesitating were confirmed in the faith,
and ancient abuses were removed. The opposition of the
Protestants in the Grisons, however, prevented the further
carrying on of the visitation in the Grisons and Valtellina,
1 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, I., 192 seq. ; II., 123, 141, 225,
238, 255, 306.
2 See Chronica provinciae Helveticae Ordinis Capucinorum,
Solod., 1884, 6 seqq. Cf. Geschichtsfreund, LIL, 292 seq.
3 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, L, 158 ; II., 493.
4 See Chronica, 12.
l86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
as well as the foundation of a Jesuit college at Rovereto. 1
Towards the end of his life Charles Borromeo had in view
another journey into Switzerland, in order to consecrate
the Capuchin churches at Altdorf and Stans, but death
prevented him from putting this plan into execution. The
great merits of the Archbishop of Milan in the preservation
and purification of the Catholic Church in Switzerland 2 can
never be forgotten there ; to this day, in every part of the
country there are numerous signs and proofs of grateful love
and veneration for the man whom Paul V. included in the
catalogue of the saints. 3
1 In addition to the sources quoted Vol. XIX. of this work,
pp. 92, 93, see also MAYER, I., 193 seq. ; Geschichtsfreund, LIV.,
2 TO, 213. With reference to the work of CAMENICH, C. Borromeo
und die Gegenreformation im Veltlin, Chur, 1901, see WYMANN
in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XXIII., 633 seq., and MAYER in the Schweiz.
Rundschau, II., 416 seq.
2 Cf. KOHLER in the Archiv fur Kulturgeschichte, XIII. (1917),
149.
3 See MAYER, I., 201 ; WYMANN in the Geschichtsfreund, LI1.,
263 seq., LIV., 144 seq.
CHAPTER V.
THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL IN GERMANY.
At the same time as Portia, on May 5th, 1573, Caspar Cropper
had been sent beyond the Alps as the second of the new
nuncios in Germany. Cropper came from Lower Germany,
from Soest. After profound studies in law he devoted himself
first to the service of the Duke of Jiilich-Cleves, and afterwards
of the archdiocese of Cologne. Together with his celebrated
elder brother, Johann, he resisted in 1558 the unfortunate
election of the Count of Mansfeld as Archbishop of Cologne,
fled to Rome, and there, after his brother s death, obtained
the benefice which he had held, and became a member of the
Rota. 1 Thus he seemed to be the man best fitted to protect
the interests of the Church in Lower Germany.
With the exception of Augsburg and the dispute concerning
the monastery of Holy Cross, 2 Cropper s duties at first only
concerned the diocese of Minister in Westphalia. Gradually,
however, these duties were added to. A bull of July ist,
I 573 3 assigned to him as his sphere of action, first the cities
and dioceses on the Rhine, namely, Treves, Cologne, Mayence,
Spires, and Worms, then Augsburg, with the whole of West
phalia, including Miinster and Minden, and lastly, all the
territories of the Duke of Jiilich-Cleves and Berg. 4 Naturally,
this vast territory, in almost the whole of which Catholicism
and Protestantism were struggling for the supremacy, was
1 SCHWARZ, Cropper, xx-xxviii, cf. 363-85.
2 See supra, p. 123 seq.
3 Printed in extenso in MERGENTIIEIM, II., 228-39. The
faculties contained therein were extended and amplified by a
Brief of March 12, 1574, ibid., 242-5.
4 SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 41 ; cf. xxxv. Credentials dated June n,
T 573> to Duke William of Cleves in KELLER, 194 seq. ; to the
Archbishop of Mayence in THEINER, I., 97 ; to the Bishop of
Wiirzburg, the Cologne Chapter, the Council and Burgomaster
187
l88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
too large for the energies of a single man, and after a brief
sojourn in the centre of Germany, Cropper s activities were
almost entirely confined to the Lower Rhine and Westphalia.
For the visitation of Minden, Bremen, Liibeck, Verden and
Hildesheim, his place was filled by Alexander Trivius, a canon
of Bonn, who had been the companion of Cardinal Commendone
for many years. 1
Cropper soon had to relinquish the care of central Germany
entirely to his colleague, Nicholas Elgard, who there carried
on a work that was distinguished for its zeal, and was highly
valued in Rome.
Elgard, who was a native of Elcherait near Arlon in
Luxemburg, and had been educated by a parish priest of
the neighbourhood, had been sent after his ordination as
priest to the German College in Rome by the Archbishop
of Treves, and again went to Rome as the envoy of the
aristocracy of Augsburg in the dispute concerning the
monastery of Holy Cross, where the German Congregation
had chosen him to accompany the nuncio Cropper. 2 Very
soon, however, this travelling companion threw his principal
into the shade. As early as October, 1573, both the nuncio
and his companion thought that they had accomplished
their mission and asked to be relieved of their office. 3 Rome,
however, would not hear of this ; the complications in
Cropper s field of activity became greater and greater ; fresh
duties continued to be laid upon him from Rome, so that
Cropper had to content himself with transferring a part of
his burden to the shoulders of his companion, who was not
yet thirty. In June, 1574, Elgard, as Cropper s representative,
set out upon a journey which took him from Cologne to
Eichsfeld, to the Archbishop of Mayence, to Fulda, Wiirzburg,
of Cologne and the Bishop of Miinster in SCHWAKZ, loo. cit., 36-8 ;
to the Archbishop of Cologne on July 8, to the Bishop of Minden
on July 1 8, ibid., 42-3. Instruction for Cropper on July 19,
1573, ibid., 43-56.
1 SCHWARZ, loc. cit., xcii-xcvii.
2 Ibid., xxviii seq.
3 Ibid., Ixx.
MISSION OF ELGARD. 189
Bamberg, and to the Prince-elector of Treves at Mergentheim. 1
Elgard s reports found high favour in Rome ; 2 a mission to
the centre of Germany, which it had at first been intended
to entrust to Alexander Trivius, was given to him, and in
the middle of winter, on January i6th, 1575, Elgard again
set out upon his travels. He visited Fulda for the second
time, and met the Archbishop of Mayence at Aschaffenburg.
Following his own natural inclination for the direct care of
souls, he occupied himself with this for about five months
at Eichsfeld, which was almost entirely ngelected, and thence
made two expeditions into Protestant territory. In April
he had a conversation immediately after the midnight office
with the dean of the cathedral at Halberstadt, and with the
same complete secrecy he went on to Magdeburg. In May
he went to the neighbourhood of Naumburg, intending to get
detailed information with regard to that diocese, as well as
Meissen and Merseburg. At the end of July Elgard left
Eichsfeld, and passing through Hersfeld, went for a third
time to Fulda, Mayence, Wiirzburg and Bamberg, where he
received orders from the Pope to go to Ratisbon, to assist
at the election of the future King of the Romans. 3 From
Cologne, whither he returned after the election on December
3rd, 1575, he accompanied Cropper to Minister, for the election
of the bishop. Both before this journey and after it, the
Pope s orders took him to Westphalia, to the Archbishop of
Cologne, and twice to the court of Cleves ; thence he was
sent by the orders of the Secretary of State in Rome to the
Diet of Ratisbon, to place himself at the disposal of Cardinal
Morone. 4 At the suggestion of the latter, Elgard was
appointed auxiliary bishop of Erfurt ; worn out by his zeal
and his labours, he died there in 1587, when he was hardly
forty years old, one of the most worthy representatives of
the Holy See in Germany at that time, and one of the brightest
glories of the German College. 5
1 Ibid., Ixxiv-lxxvii.
2 Galli to Gropper on November 6, 1574 ; ibid., 212.
3 Ibid., Ixxi.v, Ixxxi, Ixxxiii-lxxxix.
4 Ibid., xci.
5 Ibid., xcvii, 390-402. STEINHUBER, I., 209-20.
190 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
If in Bavaria and Salzburg, as far as the higher clergy
were concerned, the impulse towards an improvement in
religious conditions came entirely from Portia and Ninguarda,
the position of the Papal representatives in Central Germany
was not quite the same. There certain energetic defenders
of the Catholic Church arose among the prelates themselves,
who did not receive their inspiration and guidance in interesting
themselves in the disastrous state of affairs from the nuncios.
In the profoundly decadent diocese of Bamberg, however, 1
Gropper and Elgard were the only ones to urge men to rise
up from the abyss of decadence, but for the moment their
words fell on sterile ground. The clergy of Bamberg were
no better than their bishop, but Bishop Veit von Wurtzburg
had done good service to the diocese as its temporal ruler, 2
though from the moral point of view he was the principal
stumbling block of the diocese. After he had, to the general
scandal, accorded a solemn public funeral to the mother
of his sons and his open concubine, he had, however, amended
his ways, and at the instance of the Bishop of Wiirzburg had
received priest s orders. Cropper s report on this state
of affairs 3 brought him orders to visit the diocese, when he
had hardly completed his duties in the north. 4 This duty
was afterwards transferred to Trivius, and by him was given
to Elgard. 5 The latter brought great pressure to bear,
especially for the establishment of a Jesuit college at Bamberg,
with the idea that they should at least begin with the founda-
1 LOOSHORN, Geschichie des Bistums Bamberg, 1556-1622,
Bamberg, 1903.
2 W. HOTZELT : Beit II. von Wurtzburg, Fiirstbischof von
Bamberg 1561-77, Freiburg, 1919.
3 Of September 26, 1573, i n SCHWARZ, Gropper, 411.
4 Galli on the I2th and igth of December, 1573, ibid., 76, 85.
Cropper s reply of January 20, 1574, ibid., 114. The German
Congregation on December 10, 1573, in SCHWARZ : Zehn
Gutachten, 83.
5 Credentials for Trivius dated July 30, 1574, to the bishop and
chapter of Bamberg, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 168 seq. Instruction
for Trivius dated August, 1574, ibid., 176 seqq.
ELGARD AT BAMBEKG. IQI
tion of some sort of school. But he could not do anything
with the timid bishop, either in this matter or in anything
else. 1 When in the course of his travels he came again to
Bamberg in the following year, he found no more signs of
results of his efforts than if he had never been there. 2 In
other respects he considered the bishop to be a kindly old
man, who was still true to the Catholic faith. 3 He admitted
no canon who had not made the profession of faith, and was
thinking of demanding the same thing from all the professors.
At Forcheim, near Bamberg, he would not allow a Protestant
to be admitted into the Council. 4 Elgard praised the auxiliary
bishop, Jakob Feucht, as a zealous preacher, though, in
order to publish his sermons, he neglected reform. 5 The
common people at Bamberg were not in such a bad state,
and could easily be brought back to better ways, since the
Protestant preachers had not as yet been able to obtain
access to the city. 6 With regard to the monasteries in
Bamberg, the Papal envoy could find little good to say. 7
Yet Gregory XIII. lived to see, in 1583, a bishop given to
Bamberg in Ernest von Mengersdorf who was very zealous
for reform. 8
1 Elgard to Galli on August 23, 1575, in SCHWARZ, dropper, 305.
His memorandum about a Jesuit College, answer of the bishop
and Elgard s reply ibid., 306-13, cf. 319 seq. On December 3,
T 575, Galli desired Elgard to press for a school without Jesuits,
ibid., 331 seq. Cf. Elgard to Galli on Augrst 15, 1574, i n THEINER,
I., 214 seq.
2 To Galli on November 24, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 328.
Cf. to Galli on October i, 1575, ibid., 319.
3 To Madruzzo on July 31, 1574, ibid., 171.
4 To Galli on October 8, 1575, ibid., 323.
5 SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 323. Earlier, on July 31, 1574, Elgard
had been vrore unqualified in his praise of the assistant bishop
(ibid., 173).
Ibid., 324. " Populus non est emnino pessimus sed
miserrimus " (ibid., 316).
7 To Galli on October 4, 1575, ibid., 320-3.
8 SCHMIDLIN, II., 143. On August 29, 1579, a brief was
addressed to Zobel von Gibelstadt, Veit von Wiirtzburg s
IQ2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In quite a different case from Bamberg was Eichstatt,
where the bishop, Martin von Schaumberg (1560-1590) had
from the first realized the importance of the Council of Trent.
With the exception of the Bishop of Lavant, his auxiliary
bishop had been the only representative of the episcopate
of Germany at Trent during the last period of the Council.
Immediately afterwards Schaumberg set up the first seminary
in Germany in accordance with the prescriptions of Trent,
and maintained it at his own expense until Gregory XIII.
provided it with revenues of its own. 1 He generally drew
the professors from the German College in Rome, to which
he also sent many pupils. 3 Immediately after the Council
Bishop Martin began to devote his attention to the moral
regeneration of his diocese ; however frank and friendly
he was in his relations with them, he nevertheless in the case
of bad priests made use of ecclesiastical censures, imprisonment,
fines, suspension and banishment. The diocesan synods
recommended by the Council could with difficulty be held at
Eichstatt, yet the bishop managed to provide a substitute
by capitular meetings of the eight deaneries. At his death
Schaumberg left behind him a body of clergy whose morals
were above reproach, and the scarcity of priests had been
overcome ; most of the people went regularly to mass and
frequented the sacraments ; no Protestant was admitted
to the rights of citizenship. 3 If all the bishops had been like
immediate successor, in which he was severely blamed for having
appointed a Protestant governor of Carinthia and Styria (THEINER,
III., 21). Zobel s successor, Martin von Eyb, who had notified
nis election to Rome on January 17, 1581 (TKEINER ,111., 248),
was likewise rebuked by the Pope, on April T, 1581, for the very
same thing (ibid., 249). His excuses of June 17 (ibid., 250) were
rejected by- the Pope on July 1 5 (ibid. , 2 52 ) . Cf. Nuntiatitrberich te,
II., Ixxxvi.
1 SUTTNER, Geschichte des bischonichen Seminars in Eichstatt,
Eichstatt, 1859. SCHMIDLIN, II., 76.
2 STEINHUBER, I., 280 seqq.
3 JULIUS SAX : Geschichte der Bischofe und Reichsfiirsten von
Eichstatt, II. (1884), 453 seqq. SCHMIDLIN, II., 75-9. Between
BISHOP JULIUS OF Wt)RZBURG. 193
Martin von Schaumberg, in the opinion of a Protestant
scholar, there would never have been any separation from
Rome. 1
The diocese of Wurzburg had, in the second year of the
pontificate of Gregory XIII., an even greater bishop in Julius
Echter of Mespelbrunn. 2 No Bishop of Wurzburg ruled
over the diocese for 43 whole years as he did (1573-1617), and
none of his predecessors or successors have even approached
his important services to the diocese. Equally great as a
civil ruler and as a prince of the Church, and endowed with
extraordinary shrewdness, vast prudence, an iron will and
a great power of administration, he restored the diocese of
1587 and 1590, Robert Turner wrote to a Jesuit who was to
become cathedral preacher at Eichstatt and described the con
ditions prevailing there as follows : " Principem esse gemmam
sacerdotum, populum suavissimum et sanissimum, ecclesiam
optime conformatam, clerum numerosum sine labe communi,
quae nos et prodidit Luthero et perdidit Deo " (Epistolae,
Cologne, 1615, 375). According to Ninguarda s secretary the
bishop was " integerrimae vitae sed timidus, unde canonici
liberius vivunt, cum eos coercere non audeat." SCHLECHT in the
Rom. Quartalschrift, V. (1891), 127.
1 In the funeral panegyric Turner said of him : " Qui tota vita
ita dixit, ita fecit, ut et vita verbo et verbum vitae et utrumque
fidei fecerit fidem, usque eo, ut ab haeretico audiverim, si omnes
sacerdotes fuissent hac vita Martini, numquam secessio fuisset
facta a Roma " (Orationes, Cologne, 1615, 223). Cf. Eiszepf s
extracts from the funeral oration in SCHLECHT, loc. cit. t 126, n. 4.
2 GROPP, I., 409 seq., JOH. NEP. BUCHINGER, Julius Echter von
Mespelbrunn, Bischof von Wurzburg und Herzog von Franken,
Wurzburg, 1843. C. BRAUN, Heranbildung des Klerus, I.,
162 seqq. A. L. BEIT in the Hist.-polit. Bldttern, CLX. (1917),
113-27. TH. HENNER in the Neujahrsbldttern der Geschellschaft
fur frdnkische Geschichte, XIII. (1917). Cf. HENNER S Jubilaums-
schriften (Munich, 1918), CI. B. HESSDORFER (Wurzburg, 1917),
B. BRANDER (ibid., 1917). Various notices by RULAND in the
Serapeum, 1863, 219 seqq. ; 1864, 104 seq. ; 1866, 33 seqq. ;
1867, 9 seqq. ; 1870, 260 seqq. W. GOETZ in Herzogs Real-
Enzyklopddie, IX 3 ., 628 seqq. v. WEGELE in the Allg. Deutsche
Biographie, XIV., 671 seqq.
VOL. XX. 13
194 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Wiirzburg from a state of complete disorganization and
bankruptcy to a healthy condition, and from the religious
point of view, brought it back permanently to the old Church.
Among those who were well disposed towards the Church
the election of the not yet thirty years old dean of the chapter
was hailed with joy. He was born in 1545 of parents who
were staunch Catholics, at the castle of Mespelbrunn 1 in
Spessart ; he had made his studies at good Catholic schools,
as a boy with the Jesuits at Cologne, 2 as a young man at
the academies in Belgium, France and Italy, 3 and had
obtained his licentiate in law in Rome itself. 4 Although
he was the youngest of the canons, in 1567 he was scholastic
of the cathedral, and in 1570 its dean. In this capacity, a
short time before he was raised to the episcopal dignity* he
asked the superior of the Jesuits on the Rhine whether good
and zealous priests could not be sent from Cologne to
Wurzburg ; 5 twenty days after his election he wrote in the
same sense to Rome to obtain some teacher from the German
College for his diocese. 6 An annual report of the Jesuits
on the Rhine 7 seems, therefore, to be right in describing
1 For particulars of the castle see SCHULTE VOM BRUHL, Deutsche
Schlosser (1889) ; Zeitschrift fur Kulturgeschichte, 1873, 231 seq. ;
for the year of his birth : Archiv fur Unterfranken, V., 2 (1839),
181 seq.
2 HANSEN, Rheinische Akten, 627, 695.
3 The Archbishop of Mayence lays stress on both these facts
in his letter to Gregory XIII. of March 16, 1574, i n THEINER, I.,
236 ; the Archbishop of Treves did the same on March 20, 1574,
in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 127.
4 RANKE (Papste, II 9 ., 80), and others are wrong in saying that
he was at the German College ; see LOSSEN in the Forschungen
zur deutschen Geschichte, XXIII. (1883), 361, n. i ; BRAUN, I.,
163, n. i. About his studies and the years before his episcopal
election see SCHAROLD in the Archiv filr Unterfranken, VI., 3
(1841), 154 seqq. ; WEGELE, Geschichte, I., 130-4.
*The superior s letter of August n, 1572, in HANSEN, loc. cit.,
626.
6 In BRAUN, I., 163.
7 Of September 16, 1574, in HANSEN, loc. cit., 695.
BISHOP JULIUS OF WttRZBURG. 195
the new prince bishop as the declared friend of the Jesuits
and of ecclesiastical reform. Julius swore to the Tridentine
profession of faith on March 27th, 1 and two days later promised
in a letter, in which he asked for confirmation from Rome, 2
to carry on the work of reform of his predecessor, Frederick
von Wirsberg. He prepared himself for his sacerdotal
ordination and episcopal consecration on May 2Oth and
22nd, 1575, for several days and with great devotion by
means of the spiritual exercises of the Jesuits, and often
said that he wished to live in a manner befitting a Catholic
bishop, 3 and either to do all that appertained to his office
or resign the episcopal dignity. 4
Nevertheless the first years of the government of the new
bishop did not seem to hold out any great hopes for the future.
Many had expected from him an immediate and strong course
of action, as for example that he would, by means of a
diocesan synod, remind a clergy that was forgetful of its duties,
of their obligations, and that he would employ force against
those who were obstinate. Instead of this the new bishop
contented himself with demanding as a condition for ordina
tion, or for the conferring of a benefice, the making of the
Tridentine profession of faith, 5 with trying to influence the
clergy by means of spiritual exercises, 6 and with reprinting
the Breviary of Wiirzburg, 7 and if, in 1575, he expelled immoral
1 HANSEN, loc. cit., 68 1.
2 THEINER, I., 238, Cf. 236. SCHWARZ, loc. tit., I2J, 138, 211.
3 Jesuit letters of June 16 and 18, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit.,
291 seq. Cf. HANSEN, loc. cit., 705.
4 Elgard to Galli on August 23, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 305.
cf- 355-
6 Portia to Galli on January 26, 1577, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 38.
6 In the years 1574 and 1575. REININGER, 201.
7 RULAND in the Serapeum, 1863, 219 seqq. He also had a
prayerbook of the Archduke Maximilian of Austria (for soldiers)
republished in 1600 and the following years (ibid., 1864, 104 seqq.).
About the printing of the Catechism of Canisius in 1590 and 1614,
ibid., 1867, 9 seqq. ; about the Wiirzburg hymn books, 1591-1615,
ibid., 1866, 33 seqq.
196 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
women from the houses of the clergy and the canons, this
was limited to the city of Wiirzburg itself. 1 Some preachers
were also expelled, but down to 1577 only fourteen had thus
been driven out. 2 Echter is a tedious temporizer, wrote
one of the Jesuits. 3 Even the Pope complained 4 that in
spite of the insistence of Elgard, Julius would not be persuaded
to hold a diocesan synod before his metropolitan, the Arch
bishop of Mayence, held a provincial one ; at the same time,
only common action on the part of the bishops could effect
a sensible improvement of the clergy. Gregory XIII. did
not deem it out of place to remind the bishop of his promise
to set up a Tridentine seminary, and charged Cropper, 5 as
well as Elgard, 6 to address remonstrances to him on this
subject as well as about the synod ; Portia, too, on the occasion
of his visit to Wiirzburg in 1577, again brought pressure to
bear on behalf of both synod and seminary. 7
But if Bishop Julius only proceeded very slowly, this was
not from any want of zeal, but because he only wished to
undertake what he could carry out. It was impossible, so
1 Elgard to Galli on August 23, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 305.
2 Portia, loc. cit., 37.
3 " satis magnus cunctator," in HANSEN, loc. cit., 674, n. i.
In a written complaint of the year 1573 (published by S. MERKLE
in the Archiv fur Unterfranken, XLI. (1899), 263 seqq.} the bishop
is even suspected of Protestant leanings. RANKE (loc. cit., 79 seq.)
thought it probable that Julius had hesitated as to whether he
should make his bishopric Protestant and hereditary. Opposed
to this view are LOSSEN, loc. cit., 359 seq., S. KADNER in the
Beitrdgen zur bayr . Kirchengeschichte, IV. (1898), 128-36 ; WEGELE,
loc. cit., 158.
4 On November 27, 1574, in THEINER, I., 238. " Chi tentara
per se solo si concitara un odio immortale de principi, et forse
senza frutto potendo avvenire che da gl altri non habbia
approbatione," declared Julius in reply to the nuncio Portia.
Portia to Galli on January 26, 1577, Nuntiaturberichte, 1., 38.
6 On November 27, 1574, i n SCHWARZ, Gropper, 226.
6 On January 22, 1575, ibid., 242.
7 Portia, loc. cit.
BISHOP JULIUS OF WtFRZBURG. 197
he pointed out to Elgard, and later on to Portia, 1 to proceed
with severity against the ecclesiastics of the territory, because
in that case they would leave the country, and the whole
district would be deprived of Catholic worship. He devoted
his attention rather to the training of young and good priests,
and the moment he found any such at his disposal, he put
him in the place of some unworthy priest. Elgard did not
venture to contradict him, but he was of the opinion 2 that
Bishop Julius in his excessive zeal, embarked upon too many
plans, so that one hindered the other ; 3 but that it was fair
to say that, considering his youth and the fact that he had
only recently begun to govern, he had fulfilled his duties as
bishop with steadfastness and resolution. 4 Portia too, in
1577, recognized the bishop s zeal. 5 It was quite true that
his hands were tied on every side by great obstacles. Julius
complained to Cardinal Madruzzo at the Diet of Ratisbon
that the patrons of more than 300 parishes would not allow
the parish priests they nominated to be subjected to the
examination desired by the Church. So that he might have
some support against these patrons he suggested that the
Pope might make a complaint to the bishop in a brief, to
the effect that he had not opposed this arrangement with
sufficient energy ; this suggestion was actually carried out. 6
If Bishop Julius saw the only hope of better conditions
for the Church in the schools and the rising generation, he
was able to find confirmation for this view in the experience
of his predecessor. Frederick von Wirsberg had been a
zealous pastor ; he himself preached and administered the
1 Elgard on August 23, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit. ; Portia loc. cii.
2 To Galli on November 24, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 329.
8 " Tarn multa fervore quodam proponit, ut metuam, ne
seipsum multitudine nimia confundat et impediat." Ibid.
* " Ego ipsi plurimum confido in Domino. Nam pro ea aetate
et initio administrationis suae constanter et fortiter omcium
episcopale praestitit." Memorandum of July, 1576, in SCHWARZ,
loc. cit., 355.
6 loc. cit., 37 seq.
6 Nuntiaturberichte, II., 493, 512.
198 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sacraments. After he had taken possession of his see he
issued a series of enactments against the Protestants. On
fixed days of the week the Council of Trent was read to the
clergy, and later on this reading was again repeated. The
higher clergy and religious superiors were obliged in 1569
to take an oath according to the formulary of Trent, and
to exact the same thing from their subjects. 1 But in spite
of all this the bishop himself realized that the ecclesiastical
revival was making very little progress. Often the pious
old man rose in the night to pray God to raise up for the diocese
a more energetic successor. 2
As far as the education of youth was concerned, Frederick
von Wirsberg had prepared the ground for his successor in
a remarkable way. His first attempt at setting up an estab
lishment for higher education in 1561 failed indeed, 3 but
in 1567 a Jesuit college, as well as a house of studies was estab
lished. 4 Nevertheless the want of a true university in the
district of Franconia was badly felt, since the youths who
attended the high-schools returned home almost Protestants,
or at any rate were " neither flesh nor fish." 5 There was also
a want of a theological seminary in accordance with the
prescriptions of the Council of Trent, since the college of
Frederick von Wirsberg was intended for students in all
the faculties. The prince bishop Julius supplied these
deficiencies, and established education in Franconia in such
a way as to make it independent of outside resources, and
well provided for in every way. First ol all he obtained
for the Jesuit college the pontifical and Imperial privileges
which converted it into a university. 6 He further established
I GROPP, I., 386. WEGELE in the Allg. Deutsche Biogr., VIII.,
60 seq.
2 GROPP, I., 388.
3 BRAUN, I., 106 seqq.
4 Ibid., 124 seqq., 139 seqq., 145 seqq.
5 Julius to the Chapter on February 28, 1575, ibid., 178.
6 Gregory XIII. on March 28, 1575, in GROPPER, I., 499 seq. ;
WEGELE, Geschichte, II., 80 seqq. Maximilian, II., on May n,
1575, ibid., 84 ; cf. BRAUN, I., 167 seqq.
THE UNIVERSITY OF WtFRZBURG. 199
three colleges which were intended to ensure to the rising
generation a means of recovery and protection from danger. 1
The first, the college of St. Kilian, for forty theological students,
was to form the true Tridentine theological seminary ; to
this was attached a house for students in all the faculties. 2
The second, the Marian College, intended to serve as a
preparatory school for that of St. Kilian, was also for forty
students ; this was to serve for the classics and philosophy. 3
The third institution for poor boys, was in its turn to serve
as a preparatory school for the Marian. 4 To these three there
was added in 1607 a seminary for 24 young nobles ; 5 in this
way, provision had now been made for all, as far as education
was concerned. The teachers and professors in all these
institutions were drawn by Bishop Julius from the Jesuits.
So as to prepare a suitable residence for his university,
as well as for the college of St. Kilian, he erected a splendid
new building. 8 He too had to contend with the same financial
difficulties which had prevented Bishop Frederick from
founding the university which he too had had in view. But
in spite of all difficulties, and in spite of the opposition of
his unintelligent chapter and their hostility to the Jesuits,
Julius was successful in carrying out his intentions. Some
times it is true, there was a tendency on his part to have
recourse to force, the natural effect of his iron will. When
X A written document, dated January 2, 1589, decreed that
the work of education should be distributed among three colleges.
BRAUN, I., 316 seqq.
8 Ibid., 175 seqq.
8 Ibid., 259.
Ibid., 312.
6 BRAUN, I., 351. F. K. HUMMER, Das von Fiirstbischof Julius
gestiftete Seminarium nobilium zu Wiirzburg, Wiirzburg, 1906.
6 BRAUN, I., 285 seqq. BUCHINGER, 147 seqq. Opening
celebrations on January 2, 1582 (WEGELE, Geschichte, I., 196 seq.,
II., 127). About the university, see Kunstdenkmdler von Unter-
franken und Wiirzburg, XII. (1914) ; R. STOLZE, Erziehungs und
Unterrichtsanstalten im Julius-spital seit 1580 bis 1803, Munich,
200 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for example the chapter would not concede the use of an
empty monastery for the projected Tridentine seminary, he
himself handed over the building to the Jesuits, brevimanu,
and the chapter had to give way whether they liked it or not. 1
The zeal of Bishop Julius was not yet satisfied with all
these institutions. He was not only a promoter of learning,
but he was also a fathei of the poor and needy. 2 The
destructive military campaigns of which the Duchy of
Franconia had been the scene during the XVIth century,
had directly injured many pious institutions, and given their
unscrupulous administrators an excuse for being unfaithful
to their trust. The prince-bishop now intervened ; he
examined the state of these institutions, saved some from
ruin, and improved and reorganized them in general. Several
of his enactments on behalf of the still existing hospitals,
such as that for Arnstein in 1573, for Heidingsfeld in 1585,
for Miinnerstadt in 1591, for Dettelbach, Gerolzhofen,
Mellrichstadt, Neustadt, and Rottingen in 1616, together
with the ordinances on behalf of Ebern, Karlstadt, Volkach,
Hassfurt, Iphofen and Konigshofen, are couched in eloquent
language. 3 In many instances the efforts of Echter on behalf
of ancient institutions took the form of an almost entirely
new foundation. He himself described the spirit which
guided him in his works of charity in an autograph postscript
to the statute for the hospital at Volkach, which he had rebuilt
from its foundations ; 4 " I do not remember having ever
read of anyone dying a bad death who willingly devoted
himself to works of charity, for such a one has many to inter
cede for him, and it is impossible for the prayers of many
people not to be heard."
The most important of the bishop s charitable foundations
was the great Julian hospital which still exists in the city
1 BRAUN, I., 180, 259 seq. In 1581 Gregory XIII. issued a
prohibition preventing the bishop from seizing the property of
the Jesuits (ibid., 206, n. i). Cf. DUHR, I., 126 seqq.
2 BUCHINGER, 243 seqq. JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. 15 " 16 , 239.
3 BUCHINGER, 244.
4 Of 1607, ibid., 246.
BISHOP JULIUS OF WtFRZBURG. 2OI
of Wiirzburg. Persons with means were not to be admitted
to this wealthy institution, and no attention was to be paid
to recommendations in admitting inmates, because owing
to such recommendations and payments the sick would be
crowded out by the healthy. This bishop wished to assist
none but the needy : the poor, the sick, the orphans, pilgrims
on their way, and all in need, and these were assisted
gratuitously out of the large revenues. The cathedral chapter
made objections to this splendid undertaking as well, but
at last agreed that the revenues of the deserted monastery
of Heiligental and other funds should be made over to the
hospital. Bishop Julius himself laid the first stone on March
I2th, 1576, on March I2th, 1579, he signed the charter of
foundation, and on July loth, 1580, he was able to consecrate
the church of the hospital. 1
The great Bishop of Wiirzburg also distinguished himself
in yet a third kind of foundation, and the epitaph which his
successor placed upon his tomb records the fact that he had
built more than 300 churches. 2
When Bishop Julius had won for himself an established
reputation both with his own subjects and throughout the
Empire, and had laid the necessary foundations for a religious
revival, he set himself in 1585 to the task of restoring the
ancient faith, and carried it out with the resolution and
prudent gentleness which distinguished him. As early as
1582 the nobility of Franconia had demanded of him the
suppression of the ecclesiastical council, and of the Jesuits,
as well as a chapel for Lutheran sermons, and marriage for
the clergy of the country. 3 This last blow struck on behalf
of Protestantism failed before the calm firmness of the bishop. 4
1 BUCHINGER, 247-56.
z GROPP, I., 429.
3 BUCHINGER, 277, 290 seq. JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. 15 * 16 , 235.
Jos. CHMEL, Die Handschriften der k.k. Hofbibliothek in
Wien, L, Vienna, 1840, 368, supplement to no. xxvii. The
knights also expressed their opposition to the foundation of the
university.
4 BUCHINGER, 291.
202 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Three years later, in the year of the death of Gregory XIII.,
Julius Echter took the offensive. 1 Missionaries and visitation
commissions were sent throughout the country, and every
subject was obliged to declare whether he preferred to return
to the old faith or leave the country. The prince-bishop
himself took part in the visitation. 2 In two years 120
Lutheran pastors had to leave. 3 Very few of the Protestants
preferred exile to returning to Catholicism. 4 As early as
June, 1586, we are told that hardly a sixth part of the state
remained Protestant. Bishop Julius himself estimated
the number of converts at that time at 53,000 ; only 34
persons had gone into exile. In the two years 1586 and
1587 fourteen cities and 200 villages, with their 62,000
inhabitants had again become Catholic. 5 Very often the
reports speak of the readiness and joy with which the
people came back to the ancient faith. 6 By 1590 Protes-
1 EUCH. SANG, Triumphus Franconiae, Wiirzburg, 1618,
reproduced in GROPP, I., 637-46.
2 BUCHINGER, 172 seqq. HEPPE, Fulda, 161 seqq. where some
extracts from original sources may be found on pp. 173, 174 n.,
1 79, *83 seq., 187, 188 n. RITTER, I., 626.
3 RITTER, I., 627. SANG (loc. cit., 639) merely remarks:
" Tempore progrediente non deni aut viceni, sed centeni ... ex
diocesi moti sunt."
4 " Inventi sunt, quanquam numero non ita magno, qui . . .
hinc migrarunt " (SANG, Triumphus, loc. cit., 643). Some actual
figures in JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. 11111 , 238; DUHR, I., 488 seq.
Cf. RITTER, I., 628. Speaking of the entirely Protestant county
of Wertheim, SANG says (p. 645) : " . . . ut intra paucorum
mensium spatium nova denuo et nobilissima ad catholicam
religionem accessio facta fuerit, et ex universis vix unus aut alter
inventus, qui piis monitis repugnaret et de abitu loqueretur vel
cogitaret." Certain districts bordering on Saxony remained
Protestant. DENZINGER in the Archiv fur Unterfranken, X., i
(1850), 121 seqq.
5 DUHR, I., 486, 488.
8 Ibid. " But in general Wiirzburg was like every other place
where the counter-reformation had been energetically undertaken.
In the very next generation the people had become completely
BISHOP JULIUS OF WttRZBURG. 203
tantism in Wiirzburg may be said to have been destroyed. 1
Although Bishop Julius had done nothing against the
Protestants in his duchy which had not long been in common
use against the Catholics in Protestant districts, yet his
method of procedure called forth strong complaints. The
three secular Electors, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Count
Palatine of Neuberg, together with the Duke of Wurtemberg
and other princes made strong protests by letter. A series
of Protestant writings heaped abuse upon the courageous
person of the reformer, but Bishop Julius did not allow him
self to be deterred by this. He replied to the princes calmly
and in a dignified way, treating these abusive letters like
votive offerings by hanging them up for a time at the altar
of his castle chapel. 2
In spite of the uproar caused by events in Franconia,
Bishop Julius was by no means the only Catholic prince who
set himself to the task of restoring the ancient faith in a state
that had become almost completely Protestant. The signal
for this really came from the tomb of the man who, sent in
the first instance from Rome, had planted Catholicism in
Germany, namely from Fulda. What bishops who were
already advanced in years had not ventured to do, was there
ventured upon by a Benedictine abbot of only twenty-two,
Balthasar von Dernbach, 3 and his example, in spite of the
changed and devoted both to the Church and to the Jesuits."
(GoETZ in Herzog s Real-Enzyklopddie, IX., 1 634). Cf. HEPPE,
Fulda, 193 : " The altered manner of public life made it almost
impossible to imagine that the Protestant teaching had once
nourished here." JANSSEN-PASTOR, V., 15 " 16 238.
1 BUCHINGER, 169 seqq. SCHMIDLIN, II., 128.
2 BUCHINGER, 179 seqq., 332. HEPPE, loc. cit., 170 seqq., 188 seq.
Mission of the Elector of Saxony, ibid., 176 seqq. Memorial
presented by the knights to the chapter and the bishop s reply,
ibid., 174, n. i, 178 ; cf. 186 seq.
8 H. HEPPE, Die Restauration des Katholizismus in Fulda,
auf dem Eichsfelde und in Wiirzburg, Marburg, 1850 ; also
Katholik, 1863, I., 716-46. J. GEGENBAUR, Geschichte der
religiosen Bewegung im Hochstifte Fulda wahrend des 16 Jahr-
204 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
failures at first, had the effect of inspiring courage in
others.
Fulda and its surrounding territory had at one time been
rich in monasteries, but, as Elgard wrote in I575, 1 the principal
monastery was now no longer a monastery, and the rest had
disappeared. Of the religious of the ancient and celebrated
abbey of St. Boniface, those who formed the chapter had
to be nobles ; of these there were only four, and they, like
the other canons, lived each one by himself in his own house.
As the last remaining trace of their special position they wore
the scapular over a dress that could hardly be described
as a fitting raiment for a secular priest. 2 Besides the
members of the chapter ten monks attended the office in
choir. The learning of the canons was so little that they
were unable to succeed in understanding even sufficient
Latin. 3
In the city of Fulda, as in the whole of the principality,
the appeal of the Confession of Augsberg had become more
and more strong ever since the middle of the century. As
is shown by the repeatedly renewed demands of its subjects,
toleration of the new faith had not yet been allowed, although
Abbot Philip Schenk von Schweinsberg had in 1542 allowed
freedom in the matter of communion under two kinds and
in the use of the Latin tongue at baptisms. In spite of the
Catholic sentiments of the abbots, the new doctrines continued
to make progress under the influence of the neighbouring
hunderts (Progr.) Fulda, 1861. KOMP, Fiirstabt Balthasar von
Fulda und die Stifts-rebellion von 1576, in the Hist.-polit Blatter,
LVI. (1865), 1-26, 106-33, 186-208, 288-99 (revised reprint together
with certain hitherto unpublished documents by G. RICHTER,
Fulda, 1915 ; cf. Fuldaer Geschichtsbldtter, X. (1911), 39 seqq. ;
XI. (1912), 65 seqq. KOMP, Die zweite Schule Fuldas und das
papstliche Seminar, 1571-3, Fulda, 1877. H. v. EGLOFFSTEIN,
Fiirstabt Balthasar von Dernbach und die katholische Restaura-
tion im Hochstifte Fulda, 1570-1606, Munich, 1890.
1 On March 9 to Galli, in THEINER, II., 74.
2 Ibid.
8 Ibid., 75.
THE ABBOT OF FUI.DA. 205
Protestant states, and the last traces of the ancient religion
threatened soon to disappear entirely. 1
It was under these threatening conditions that Balthasar
von Dernbach assumed the reins of government in 1570.
The new abbot came from a completely Protestant family
of Hesse. 2 In his early youth he went to Fulda, where his
great-uncle William von Klaur was abbot. We do not know
exactly how it was that Balthasar embraced the Catholic
faith, not only externally, but with all his heart, nor how
he succeeded in preserving the spotless purity of his morals
in a society that was certainly not a school of virtue. It is
certain that the gifted youth soon drew attention to himself ;
as his subsequent life showed he was possessed in the highest
degree of strength of character, resoluteness, steadfastness,
prudence, and gentleness combined with deep piety and zeal
for religion. 3 Even before he was twenty he became a canon,
in 1568, and was elected abbot in 1570.
From the commencement of his rule 4 Balthasar set himself
1 KOMP in the Hist-polit Blatter, LVL, 8. Against Heppe s
description of the edict of 1542 and its significance, see Katholik,
1863, I., 719 seqq. Evidence that the old faith had not been
completely wiped out, ibid., 724 seqq.
2 " In it (in Lutheranism) his father had lived and died ; also,
without doubt, he himself, the abbot, had been baptized,
instructed and educated in it from his youth " (Instruction for the
ambassadors of the Protestant princes to Balthasar on September
24, 1573, in HEPPE, loc. cit., 200). " Di cui Icdano infmitamente
la bonta et la constanza, che in cosi giovenile eta non eccedendo
il 23 anno in lui risplendono, che truovandosi cinto da heretici et
nato di padre et di parenti infettissimi, etc." (Portia on December
9, I 573> Nuntiaturberichte, III., 265). Cf. EGLOFFSTEIN, loc. cit.,
2 seq. According to other accounts, Balthasar s father was the
only knight of Hesse who still remained Catholic (KoMP, Zweite
Schule, 7 ; Katholik, 1863, I., 745). His mother, though originally
Protestant (see KOMP, loc. cit., 26), communicated in 1574 at
Fulda under one kind (HANSEN, Rheinische Akten, 680).
3 Cf. Katholik, 1853 ; I., 744.
4 He says so himself in a letter of December 28, 1573, to
Gregory XIII. THEINER, I., 92.
206 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to restore as far as possible the Catholic faith in his principality.
He began by removing from his entourage all untrustworthy
officials, and frequently at great expense summoned capable
men to his counsels. 1 A second step was the establishment
of a Jesuit college. The nobility, in paying their homage,
had asked for a school ; two of Balthasar s new councillors,
who had both studied at Treves under the Jesuits, called his
attention to the new Order, of which Balthasar had not even
heard, and on October 2Oth, 1572, the new establishment
was opened at Fulda. 2 The chapter, to whom the abbot
had at his election given a promise in writing that he would
not annoy " the diocese and the abbey with foreign eccles
iastics " had consented to this. 3 Gregory XIII. allowed the
Franciscan convent, which had been empty for twenty years,
to be used for this purpose. 4 In 1579 the number of the
pupils had already risen to 250. 5
Other enactments followed these first steps. Prohibitions
were issued against the singing of Lutheran hymns at divine
worship, and the use of the books of the innovators ; Catholic
practices were again introduced, such as the administration
of baptism in Latin, processions, etc. ; a sodality of Our
Lady was established. Balthasar interested himself especially
in the improvement of his clergy and of the monks of his
abbey, by insisting upon the prescriptions of Trent, 6 and
1 KOMP, loc. cit., 7. HANSEN, loc. cit., 691. Abbot Balthasar
to Gregory XIII. on April 20, 1577, in THEINER, II., 300.
2 KOMP, loc. cit., 9-12. DUHR, I., 128 seqq.
3 Cf. Katholik, 1863, I., 729 seqq. (against Heppe). That, in
spite of this promise, the Jesuits could have been introduced
without the chapter, was admitted by the Dean of the chapter
and two of the canons. Ibid., 732.
4 Brief of June 28, 1573, in SCHANNAT, Diocesis, 352. Zaccaria
Delfino recommended the Abbot to the German Congregation.
SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 22.
5 HANSEN, loc. cit., 738.
6 KOMP in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, LVI., 12. SCHANNAT, loc. cit.
350. There is room for doubt as to whether the date of the
mandate is March 14, 1573, or 1574.
THE ABBOT OF FULDA. 207
Gregory XIII. supported the efforts of the prince-abbot
by granting privileges. 1 Above all Balthasar himself influenced
others by the example of his holy life and fear of God. He
zealously assisted at the office and sermons, carefully observed
the ecclesiastical fasts, and prepared himself to receive his
abbatial benediction by making the spiritual exercises of the
Jesuits. 2
It was easy to foresee that the Protestants would not accept
all this in silence. As early as March 8th, 1571, the knights
held a meeting at Hiinfeld, asked once more for the concession
of the Confession of Augsburg, and told the abbot that they
had indeed asked for a school, but not a Jesuit school. 3 With
the knights was associated the chapter, 4 which, in spite of
its former approval of the foundation of a Jesuit college, now
refused its consent to the carrying out of the plan. 5
Soon the agitation affected others. The municipal council
asked 6 that the religious peace should not only be understood
according to the letter, and complained that they had been
deprived of the chalice as well as of the use of Latin at
baptisms. 7 The magistracy expressed their desire for the
1 A dispensation for the ordination to the priesthood of a
23-year-old candidate dated June 22, 1573 , and faculties for
absolution from heresy of the same date, in SCHANNAT, loc. cit.,
351 ; a dispensation for the ordination of illegitimate candidates
dated February 17, 1574 ; and another one for the absolution of
apostates on May 17, 1574, ibid., 366, 367. Cf. SCHWARZ, loc. cit.,
76 ; MERGENTHEIM, II., 227 seq. ; cf. I., 102 : " And thus Fulda
was provided with counter Reformation faculties quite as
richly, or even more richly than were most of the German
Ordinaries."
2 KOMP, loc. cit. For the confirmation a Wiirzburg document
of Bishop Frederick von Wirsberg in the Augsb. Postztg., 1899,
suppl., 163.
3 KOMP, loc. cit., 10.
4 Ibid.
6 Ibid., n, 12.
On May 28, 1573, in HEPPE, Restauration, 29, n. i.
7 On July 24, 1573. Zeitschrift des Vereins fur hessische Gesch. y
II. (1838), 77 seqq.
208 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Confession of Augsburg, 1 and laid their demands before the
abbot through the municipal council and the chapter. 2
Rejected by Balthasar, the chapter and the nobles met in
a Diet at Geisa, in order to draw up a common petition, in
which a supposed consent of the abbot to the Confession of
Augsburg was mentioned. 3 Whereas the other petitions
were still couched in terms of respect to the prince, that of
the nobles and canons clearly struck the note of future
rebellion.
Balthasar did not allow himself to be alarmed. On August
26th, 1573, he replied by issuing a detailed religious edict, 4
in which he justified the course he had adopted by custom
and the terms of the religious peace, and ended by commanding
them in the name of the obedience they owed to their sovereign
to accept the ancient faith. Every kind of interference in
ecclesiastical government was forbidden, as well . as all
discussion of the subject or any speech against the Catholic
religion. Balthasar summoned the knights and the canons
to his presence, each party separately, and warned the canons
that in convoking the nobles they had exceeded their powers
and had dared to take the part of the innovators ; 5 the knights
he referred to his edict on religion. The latter replied by
once more demanding the free use of the Confession of
Augsburg. 6 The heads of the magistracy, when they received
the edict, declared that they would act in common with the
council and the citizens, but the latter, at a further meeting,
expressed themselves almost unanimously against the
abbot. 7
The storm which these repeated meetings and petitions
stirred up soon threatened to lead to disturbances, even
outside the borders of the state. The significance of a Catholic
1 HEPPE, lac. cit., 30 seq,
*Ibid., 31.
3 On August 24, 1573, ibid., 32.
4 In SCHANNAT, IOC. Clt., 356-63.
5 KOMP in the Hist.-polit Blatter, LVI., 14.
6 On August 27, 1573, in HEPPE, Restauration, 32.
7 Ibid., 36.
THE ABBOT OF FULDA. 2OQ
Fulda in the midst of its neighbouring states, all Protestant,
was recognized from the first by the adherents of both the
old and the new religions ; it was like a Catholic fortress
placed in the midst of an enemy country. Zaccaria Delfino
recommended the cause of the abbot to the German Con
gregation in Rome in this light. 1 The Landgrave William
of Hesse said that he could not tolerate the Jesuits at Fulda
because they not only attracted the flower of the nobility
of Hesse to their college, but were also able to spread their
books everywhere in secret. 2 Abbot Balthasar was further
the first ecclesiastical prince who had dared to make use of
the religious peace of Augsburg in favour of Catholicism.
Should he be successful, his example would certainly find
imitators among the other prelates ; on the other hand,
if they could succeed in crushing and driving out the courageous
Abbot of Fulda, the Protestant princes would be encouraged
to adopt a similar policy with regard to the other ecclesiastical
princes. 3 It thus came about that the private disputes at
Fulda very soon became a question involving the whole of
Germany, and drew down a violent storm on the head of
Balthasar. The Prince-elector of Saxony, the two Landgraves
of Hesse, and at first the Margrave of Ansbach, 4 who, however,
soon withdrew, united in making a common attack. There
was already talk of armed intervention, of the expulsion by
force of the Jesuits, who, as a new sect, were not included
in the religious peace, 5 of the removal of Balthasar, and the
election of a Protestant prince-abbot.
On October 2ist, 1573, an embassy from the three princes
1 SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 22.
2 KOMP, Zweite Schule, 23.
3 Rhetius on January 25, 1574, in HANSEN, Rheinische Atken,
668 seq. ; DUHR, I., 764.
4 At a meeting on September 14, 1573 (HEPPE, he. cit., 38)
which took place under the auspices of the Elector Augustus
(EGLOFFSTEIN, Fiirstabt Balthasar von Dernbach, 9, 84). For
a meeting of tbe ahove named princes held at Leipzig, cf. Nuntia-
turberichte, III, Ixxvii, 288, 305, 345.
5 1 bid, 331.
VOL. XX. 14
210 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
arrived at Fulda ; in the event of the abbot refusing the free
concession of the Confession of Ausgburg and the banishment
of the Jesuits, the envoys were to proceed to threats, and
to demand from the dean and chapter the election of the young
Count Palatine, Frederick j 1 the abbot gave his reply on
the following day, asking for time for reflection. 2 Without
the permission of the prince the envoys then went to the
municipality and reminded the council and the magistrates
that the Protestant princes would give them their support,
in maintaining " the pure doctrine." 3 In spite of the protest
of the abbot they also got into touch with the nobles and
the chapter. 4 A special envoy from the Landgrave William
Johann Meckbach, advised the citizens to avail themselves
of the Landgrave s help. 5
Naturally the noble canons and knights were emboldened
by all this. At the beginning of November they again
presented themselves before the abbot. But the canons
again received a severe rebuke ; the nobles, who once more
demanded the expulsion of the Jesuits and asked for a
Protestant preacher, were informed by the prince-abbot
that he was prepared to submit the whole affair to the
Emperor and the tribunal of the Imperial Chamber for
decision. 6 The chapter sought to adopt another method
of procedure, by issuing an order of expulsion to the Jesuits
1 The envoys instruction of September 24, 1573, in HEPPE.
loc. cit., 199 seqq. The Elector of Saxony, however, was not
really so eager in the Fulda affair as he gave himself out to be
(MoRixz, 413, n., 415 ; Nuntiaturberichte, III., 266, 323).
Landgrave William was opposed to the abbot for political reasons
as well ; see Graziani to Galli on January 20, 1574, in THEINER, I.,
412.
2 Report of the envoys of October 24, 1573, in HEPPE, loc. cit.
203-9. KOMP in the Hist.-polit Blatter, LVL, 15 seq.
3 Report in HEPPE, loc. cit., 209-11.
4 Ibid, 211, 221.
6 Ibid., 45.
6 KOMP, loc. cit., 15-8. DUHR, I., 130. Supplica of the Chapter
of November 3, 1573, in HEPPE, loc. cit., 222-5.
THE ABBOT OF FULDA. 211
on their own account, as shairng in the government of the
abbey. 1
Balthasar was not left without help in his difficulties :
by the intervention of a friend, the tribunal of the Imperial
Chamber at Spires had already, on November I3th, 1573,
issued an edict from the Emperor in his favour. 2 Albert V.
assured the abbot of his support 3 and recommended his
case to the Emperor, as also did the Archduke of the Tyrol
and the Archbishop of Mayence. 4 Later on Gregory XIII.
took up the cause of the persecuted abbot strongly. Balthasar
had asked for his intervention ; 5 the Pope, according to
his desires, could do two things for him ; he could obtain
a prohibition from the Emperor to the princes to interfere
in his government and, under the pretext of religion, invade
his territory, and he could issue an Imperial declaration
that the rights over religion in his own territory belonged
to him, and that the Jesuits, since they had been approved
by the Pope and the Council of Trent, were included in the
religious peace. The Pope might further exhort the chapter
of Fulda to obedience. Gregory XIII. acceded to these
two requests on February I3th, 1574, in two letters, to the
Emperor 6 and to the canons of Fulda. 7 On April 3rd he
also had recourse to the more important Catholic princes
of Germany, namely, the Dukes of the Tyrol, 8 Styria 9 and
1 Of November 6, 1573, in SCHANNAT, loc. cit., 363 seq. (extract) ;
HEPPE, loc. cit., 231-4. Concerning the reply of the Jesuits of
November 12, see DUHR, I., 130. A letter of consolation from
the General of the Order to Thyraus of February 16, 1574, i n
REIFFENBERG, Historia S.J. ad Rhenum inferiorem, Cologne,
1764. 135.
2 SCHANNAT, loc. cit., 364 seqq. KOMP, loc. cit., 19.
3 On November 27, 1573, in HEPPE, Restauration, 238 seqq.
* Albert on the 22, Ferdinand on the 30, Maximilian II. (to the
Archbishop of Mayence) on the 24 January, 1574, in THEINER,
Schweden, IT., documents 289 seq.
6 On December 28, 1573, in THEINER, I., 92.
6 Ibid., 256.
7 In SCHWARZ, Gropper, 121.
8 In THEINER, I., 256 seq.
9 In SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 133.
212 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Bavaria, 1 and the three ecclesiastical Electors, 2 asking them
to unite with the Emperor on behalf of the abbot. He also
asked the new King of Poland, who had gone to Fulda on
his journey to his kingdom, 3 to take up the cause of the abbot
with the Protestant princes. 4 It is an act of madness, and
something contrary to the laws of the Empire, Gregory wrote
to Portia on the same date, 5 for a prince to wish to prevent
another from living as he chooses in his own house, or from
having with him those religious whom he chooses ; not even
among the Turks would anything of the sort be done.
Nevertheless, peace was far from being restored by the
decision of the Imperial Chamber. Johann Meckbach, the
envoy of the Landgrave of Hesse, again presented himself
at Fulda ; 6 he was to suggest to the chapter whether they
ought not to remove the abbot as a lunatic, and put in his
place either the dean or the young Count Palatine. The
justificatory letters of Balthasar to the Prince Elector of
Saxony 7 and the two Landgraves 8 were rudely rejected. 9
Augustus of Saxony sent Balthasar s letter to the Landgrave
William and advised him to ask the chapter to expel the
Jesuits, and send the canons an auxiliary force of 500 or
1000 horse. 10 From Spires too there came news of the enrol
ment of troops to march against the ecclesiastical princes ;
a beginning was to be made with Fulda. The abbot was
advised to hand over the principality to his brother and fly
in disguise to Cologne. 11
1 DUHR, I., 131.
2 SCHWARZ, IOC. dt., 134.
3 SCHANNAT, Historia. Cod. Prob., 429.
4 SCHWARZ, 133.
5 Galli to Portia on April 3, 1573, Nuntiaturberichte, III., 401 seq.
6 On January 14, 1574, HEPPE, loc. cit., 54 seq.
7 Of December 4, 1573, ibid., 49.
Delivered by the envoy Johann Klinghard, who arrived in
Cassel on January 12, 1574, and in Marburg on the I7th. Ibid.,
58 seq.
9 Reply of the Saxon on December 18, 1573, ibid., 52, n.
"Ibid., 53-
11 Lopperz on February n, 1574 (HANSEN, Rheinische Akten, 672).
OPPOSITION TO THE ABBOT. 213
Soon afterwards, on March ist, 1574, Maximilian sent
out four injunctions in defence of the prince abbot ; l these
were addressed to the three principal opponents of Balthasar,
the nobility of Fulda, 2 the magistracy 3 and the chapter.
But these Imperial edicts caused as their first result nothing
but a fresh outbreak of indignation. In order to win over
the Emperor to their side, Balthasar s three principal
adversaries sent him a joint letter 4 to which the citizens
associated themselves, while the nobility decided to have
recourse to the tribunal of the Chamber. 5
In one matter, however, the letters of the Pope and the
Emperor produced a very definite effect : the canons dis
sociated themselves from the nobles, passed over to the side
of the abbot, and declared that the views which they had
hitherto held and the reasons by which they had defended
them had been mistaken. 6 They everywhere spoke openly
of the force of the declaration made by Ferdinand, now made
public for the first time, as an appendix to the religious peace
of Augsburg, 7 to which they denied any juridical authority,
even supposing that it was authentic. It had been the
Landgrave William of Hesse who, in the letter from the
three Protestant princes which he himself had written, had
brought to light this declaration, which had hitherto been
quite unknown ; according to this the nobles, the cities,
and the municipalities which were not immediately subject
to the Empire were to be left free to use the Confession of
Augsburg, so long as they could show that it had been in
use with them before 1555.
1 HEPPE, loc. cit., 60. KoMPinthe//* s/.-/?o^/. Blatter, LVI., 20 seq.
z HEPPE, loc. cit., 235-7.
8 SCHANNAT, loc. cit., 430 seq.
4 Drafted by the Landgrave William at the beginning of April
and dispatched on May i, 1574 ; printed in the Zeitschrift des
Vereins fur hessische Geschichte, N.F., II. (1869), 187 seqq. Cf.
HEPPE, loc. cit., 62.
6 Ibid., 6 1 seqq.
6 Their explanation of June 18, 1574, ibid., 65-70.
7 Ibid., 67 seq.
214 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
If the withdrawal of the chapter of Fulda was a blow for
the Protestant party, no less so was the reply of the Emperor
rejecting the demands of the citizens. 1 Thus matters seemed
to have taken a favourable turn for the prince abbot. At
the end of March, 1574, there was hope that the disturbances
at Fulda had been brought to an end ; 2 a letter from
Wiirzburg in the middle of April expressed the view that
}he piety and firmness ot the abbot would have great results
for Germany, would dispel the vain fears of the other princes,
and encourage them to unite together for the defence of the
Church. 3
Abbot Balthasar then proceeded unperturbedly with his
plans. On March 27th, 1574, he openly instructed the
magistracy to banish all those who refused to become
Catholics. 4 When the Imperial decision came he turned
likewise upon the nobles, and forbade communion in the
Lutheran form in the cities and the whole territory. 5 In
the June of the same year Protestant officials and ministers
were again dismissed. 6 As it had been steadily maintained
in the statements and demands of the nobles and the citizens
that the Confession of Augsburg had already been in possession
for ten years past, on August I3th, 1574, Balthasar summoned
the burgomaster and the council to his castle and asked each
one what proofs they had for such an assertion. Most of
them could find nothing to say. Then on August 2oth the
abbot presented to them their own petition, proving that
they had repeatedly asked him for a Protestant preacher,
1 On July 3, 1574, ibid., 73; printed in the Zeitschrift des
Vereins fiir hessische Geschichte, II., 94 seqq.
2 HANSEN, loc. cit., 677.
3 The Jesuit Thyraus to L. Kessel on April 15, 1574, Nuntiatur-
berichte, III., 409, n. 2 (in the last line read " sedari " instead of
" scctari ").
4 HEPPE, Restauration, 61.
5 Ibid., 73. Protest of the knights against it on October 7,
1574, ano - reply of the abbot on February 17, 1575, ibid., 74 seq.
6 Ibid., 71. Lopperz on July 18, 1574, in HANSEN, Rheinische
Akten, 691.
OPPOSITION TO THE ABBOT. 215
which showed that they had never had one. On October I5th
and i6th he repeated this demonstration before the
magistracy. 1 Under the existing circumstances this had a
special importance for Fulda, for if the Confession of Augsburg
had never been legally in use, it was impossible to appeal
to the declaration of Ferdinand I. on the religious peace of
Augsburg.
These proofs, however, were not sufficient to block the
movement. The knights had recourse to their princes,
and protested against the threat of expulsion from the princi
pality. 2 Balthasar referred them to legal procedure. In
the difficulty they experienced in finding a handle, the
nobles clung to the declaration of Ferdinand I., and with
their colleagues of Eichsfeld demanded 3 its confirmation
by the Diet of the Electors, which had assembled at Ratisbon
in 1575 for the election of the future Emperor. The electoral
Diet at length referred the matter to the Imperial Diet of
Ratisbon in the following year, before which the nobles and
citizens of Fulda appeared with a long list of grievances
against their prince. 4 But discussion of the matter was
no longer necessary, since in the meantime open rebellion
had broken out at Fulda.
In 1575 Balthasar had once more devoted himself to the
work of reform with his accustomed zeal. In February,
Nicholas Elgard, the companion of the nuncio Cropper,
went to Fulda. He had already been there in the June of
the previous year, and it was during his stay there that the
canons had sent to the nobles their letter of withdrawal ;
by way of excuse for their previous conduct, they called
1 KOMP in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, LVI., 23 seqq.
2 On October 7, 1574, HEPPE, loc. cit., 74.
3 In a memorial presented on September 5, 1575, according to
HEPPE (loc. cit., 76), in October, according to KOMP (loc. cit., 25).
Concerning Heppe s version of the Fulda-Eichsfeld trouble and
the affair of the Declaration at the assembly of the Electors,
p. 95 seq. , cf. the opinion of MORITZ (151, n. 8) who does not agree
with Heppe.
4 Printed in HEPPE, loc. cit., 111-20. Cf. MORITZ, 265, n. 3.
2l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
attention, through the dean, to the utter ruin which threatened
the principality at the hands of the Protestants, for which
reason they had tried to hold back the abbot from taking
any rash steps. 1 At his second visit Elgard went into matters
with the abbot and the chapter in greater detail.
The principal difficulty in the way of reform lay in the fact
that, in some parts of the principality, it was not clear to
which diocese they belonged. For this reason the abbot
had proposed to the chapter that the whole of the little state
should be incorporated in one of the neighbouring dioceses,
or that Fulda should be made into a diocese of its own ;
failing this the existing state of affairs should indeed be
continued, but the whole position subjected to reform. Elgard
was of the opinion that it would be advantageous to confer
on the abbot an authority similar to that of a bishop over the
whole of his principality. 2 He could be appointed as Papal
delegate for possibly six or seven years, or else the Bishops
of Mayence and Wiirzburg could appoint a special official
for Fulda with the necessary powers. 3 Elgard further
recommended the third plan of carrying out a radical reform
of the existing state of affairs. As far as the chapter was
concerned, this would consist in its return to the rule of
St. Benedict, though on account of the heretics, the wearing
of the monastic habit might be omitted. The canons, how
ever, did not give Elgard any reply on this point, but they
told the abbot that on entering the Order they had found
a certain manner of life in use, and that they were only bound
to the observance of that, and that the existing customs
must be preserved. 4
Elgard had, nevertheless, obtained this much, that the
canons began to feel ashamed of their conduct though the
true remedy could only come from Rome. Thither then,
1 Cropper to Galli on August 15, 1574, in THEINER, I., 213.
Elgard to Madruzzo on July 31, 1574, * n SCHWARZ, Cropper, 171.
2 Elgard to Galli on March 9, 1575, in THEINER, II., 75.
3 Elgard to Galli on October 19, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit.
326 seq.
* THEINER, II., 76.
ADVICE OF ELGARD. 217
Elgard sent his views. First of all he insisted that there
was no need to give up hope, as something is always accom
plished by continued exhortations and warnings. The Pope
should address a brief to the canons, and urge them themselves
to draw up a scheme of reform. 1 Elgard had been led to
give this advice by his secret conviction that the canons
were prepared out of very shame to remove some of the abuses,
if only in order not to have to own to them in Rome. 2 He
further suggested the sending of a special representative
to Fulda with wider faculties ; the abbot might be urged to
cause some of the young nobles to be educated with the
Jesuits and at the German College. Once the chapter was
filled up and renewed with such men, everything else would
right itself.
Elgard s suggestions were acted upon in Rome in their
entirety. 3 The news that the Pope desired that some youths
should be sent from Fulda to the German College in Rome
was received with great joy by Balthasar. 4
Elgard had recommended in Rome that the canons should
be treated with gentleness, for otherwise they would be driven
to side with the seditious citizens and the angry nobles. 5
The abbot too was warned by other friends not to ask for
too much at a time. 6 But Elgard saw for himself after a
few months on the occasion of his third visit to Fulda how
little the abbot allowed himself to be dismayed by the
difficulties which he met with. There were at that time in
the neighbourhood of the principality bands of soldiers who
had been enrolled for the Huguenot wars, and who were
uttering threats against the abbot on account of his " Jesuitical
reforms." In spite of this, not only did Balthasar go on
1 Ibid.
2 Gropper to Galli on August 15, 1574, ibid., I., 213.
8 Briefs to the abbot and chapter of May 7, 1575, in SCHWARZ,
loc. cit., 284.
4 Elgard on February 17, 1575, ibid., 258. Cf. STEINHUBER, I.,
221 seq.
THEINER, II., 76.
6 KOMP in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, LVL, 106 seq.
2l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with the building of the Jesuit college, but at that very time
set to work with all zeal to put an end to the disgraceful
lives of the canons. 1 By this time there was hardly a
Protestant left at his court, and those who would not take
the Tridentine profession of faith were dismissed. 2
When, in January, 1576, Balthasar took steps once more
to fill the abbey with worthy monks, he asked for the con
currence of the chapter in their maintenance, as well as for
the construction of the necessary buildings. The canons
replied that the present revenues did not suffice for this.
The abbot declared his readiness to take upon his own
shoulders the administration of the property, and therefore
insisted upon an examination into the accounts, and finally,
when this was refused by the administrator, he threw him
into prison. 3 Steps were then taken against the immorality
of the canons. He was dissuaded from his design of whipping
the concubines out of the city in a body, but he nevertheless
caused the dean s " lovely maiden " to be arrested in the
public streets, and only released her after she had promised
on oath not to set foot any more in the monastery. 4
Then there occurred what Elgard had feared : the chapter
once more made common cause with the nobles.
The barons were especially irritated with Balthasar because
he had redeemed not a few lordships which they had pawned,
and that for the small sum for which they had been pledged.
Moreover, Balthasar had resolutely opposed their attempts
to be made directly dependent upon the Empire, with the
assistance of their neighbours in Franconia who were thus
directly dependent, and so free themselves from Balthasar s
authority over them. 5
Besides the canons and the knights, the citizens as well
were irritated by the new measures taken by the abbot. He
i Elgard to Galli on August 10, 1575, in SCHWARZ, Cropper, 301.
8 An unknown correspondent to Elgard on December 3, 1575,
ibid., 332.
8 KOMP, loc. cit., 107.
Ibid., 108.
6 Ibid., 109 seq.
FULDA AND WtTRZBURG. 210
would not approve the election of a zealous Protestant as
municipal secretary, and asked the council for the keys of
the city. 1 Attendance at Protestant worship was forbidden
throughout the district. 2 An ordinance of December 27th,
1575, 3 ordered fathers of families and all citizens to attend
mass on Sundays and festivals, together with their households.
The controversy over a new regulation of the city earned for
the two senior burgomasters an imprisonment of 14 days. 4
In this way the idea gradually took shape in the
minds of the nobles and the canons of removing the
abbot and placing the abbey in the hands of an admin
istrator. The understanding between the malcontents and
the nobles of Franconia makes it easy to see why for the
same purpose they joined forces with their powerful neighbour,
Bishop Julius of Wiirzburg, upon whom the greater part
of the principality was dependent ecclesiastically, and who
had so far given little trouble to the Protestants in his own
principality in eastern Franconia. It is much more difficult
to understand how Bishop Julius should have allowed himself
to be mixed up in such a project. He himself a few months
later tried to justify his action to the Pope. He was influenced
by his anxiety, he said, lest the principality of Fulda might
pass entirely into the hands of the heretics ; if he had not
intervened it would already be in their power. 5 That such a
1 Ibid., in. HEPPE, Restauration, 117.
* EGLOFFSTEIN, Fiirstabt Balthasar von Dernbach, 32.
3 Promulgated on January i, 1576, printed in HEPPE, loc. cit.,
106, n. 2, cf. 116 ; SCHANNAT, Dioecesis, 368 (with the impossible
date, July 27, 1576).
4 On March 27, 1576, HEPPE, loc. cit., ng.
6 On July 17, 1576, in THEINER, II., 192. As late as 1-582
Julius told Madruzzo that he felt certain the abbot would never
be able to govern the nobles and people of Fulda which would
also be a source of embarrassment to neighbouring countries
(Madruzzo to Galli on August 4, 1582, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 493,
cf. III., 39 seq.). WEGELE says (Gesch, I., 161) : " With regard
to motives . . . the only point that he brings forward in his own
defence, namely, that he refused to allow the Abbey of Fulda
to fall into the hands of the enemy through internal intrigues for
220 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
danger existed cannot be denied ; it is equally clear that
Bishop Julius could not feel much sympathy with the proceed
ings of Balthasar, who was his direct opposite in everything.
If he had not intervened the conspirators would have found
another administrator, and a Protestant ; that would have
meant the end of Catholicism in Fulda, and he himself would
have been seriously threatened in Wiirzburg. It is thus
possible to understand to some extent the course of action
adopted by the great Bishop of Wiirzburg, but it will always
remain a stain upon his memory. 1
The nobles had already entered into relations with Julius.
When the questions at issue between the abbot and the chapter
became more and more involved, Balthasar proposed a
decision by arbitration, for example, by the prince Electors
of Treves and Mayence. But the chapter wished to have
as arbitrator either the Bishop of Wiirzburg alone, or else
the entire Roman Empire, and Balthasar at length agreed to
this. 2 Julius suggested the following plan : the two prelates
of Wiirzburg and Fulda were respectively to nominate each
other as co-adjutors with the right of succession, but Balthasar
rejected this strange plan. There then began secret meetings
of the canons and nobles with Neidhardt von Thiingeri, the
dean of the chapter of Wiirzburg, and some of the nobles of
Franconia, and on May 6th a decision was arrived at that
an embassy of three nobles and two canons should treat with
the bishop concerning his acceptance of the title of co-adjutor. 3
The carrying out of their plan was made easier for the
conspirators by the fact that Balthasar, on May ist, 1576,
had gone to the second largest town of his principality, to
Hammelburg in the immediate neighbourhood of the territory
of Wiirzburg. There had been no Catholic priest at Hammel-
which he was in no way responsible, must be considered as some
thing more than a mere pretext, for it must be admitted that the
danger he feared was by no means remote."
1 KOMP, loc. cit., 177 seqq.
2 Ibid., 106. HEPPE, loc. cit., 135, n. i. Nuntiaturberichte, II.,
33-
8 KOMP in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, LVI., in.
THE ABBOT AND BISHOP JULIUS. 221
burg since 1553, and Balthasar celebrated mass there for
the first time, which was not, however, done without the
opposition of the council. On June 8th he told the citizens
of Hammelburg that he did not intend to interfere with the
practice of their religion, but that Catholic worship must be
permanently carried out in Hammelburg for the future. He
would recommend the Catholic priest not to show hostility
towards the Confession of Augsburg, but he expected the
same attitude towards the old faith from the preachers. 1
In the meantime Balthasar received bad tidings one after
another. Bishop Julius, whom he asked for an account of
his dealings with Fulda, openly admitted on June i3th, that
in order to lessen the danger to the abbot, he had accepted
the coadjutorship. Immediately after this Balthasar learned
that the nobles, the canons and the city had publicly declared
on June iyth that they wished to elect a new ruler. In spite
of this the abbot took no precautions ; even when the news
came that the conspirators with 100 horsemen were only
two hours distance from the city, he still refused the advice
to take to hasty flight, saying that those who were coming
were all bound by their oath of fealty. 2
On June 2oth the rebels entered Hammelburg, produced
a long list of grievances and threatened to hold the election
of a coadjutor. 3 On the afternoon of the following day, the
feast of Corpus Domini, Balthasar went in a friendly way
to meet Bishop Julius, who had announced his coming ;
in spite of the advice of a trusted friend, that he should rather
go at once to the Diet of Ratisbon, he still continued to put
his trust in the bishop. 4
On the Friday the rebellion broke out openly. Without
warning, the conspirators went to the abbot, demanded
that he should voluntarily abdicate and formally hand over
the coadjutorship to the bishop, who, with Balthasar s consent,
1 Ibid., 1 1 1-7. HEPPE : Das evangelische Hammelburg und
dessen Untergang durch das Papsttum, Wiesbaden, 1862, 82-131.
2 KOMP, loc. cit., 121 seq.
3 KOMP, loc. cit., 123. HEPPE, Restauration, 140 seq.
* KOMP, loc. cit., 124.
222 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was also present. Already they refused to accord to the abbot
his title, and the air was filled with cries and uproar, yet the
abbot, although so gravely threatened, remained firm. 1
Other means were then adopted. On the morning of Saturday,
shortly after midnight, a great tumult broke out. The
marshall of Wiirzburg climbed through a window into the
abbot s lodgings, the door was thrown open, the alarm bell
rung, the abbot s servants disarmed, and the Jesuit who
accompanied him ill-treated. The whole day was passed in
pressing the abbot with angry threats : "If your lordship
will not consent, it will be a case of : sign or sink " ; if they
were forced to come back again and the abbot would not
consent, they would cut him into as many pieces as he had
drops of blood in his veins, and they 2 would kill him like
a mad dog. 3 In the evening of the same day Balthasar let
himself be persuaded to sign an already prepared document,
and hand over the administration of the abbey to Bishop
Julius. On Sunday the citizens took the oath to their new
master ; on the following Wednesday, in the presence of
the abbot and the bishop, homage was paid in Fulda, after
the new administrator had been canonically elected and
installed in the church. 4
Balthasar went first to Neuhof. There he was met by
his two brothers and his chancellor, Winkelmann, who were
returning from the Diet at Ratisbon, and brought the news
that the Emperor had, on June 28th, 1576, ordered the re
instatement of the abbot under severe penalties, and that
the Imperial commissaries had set out with them from
Ratisbon and were already at Wiirzburg. 5 On July 3rd
Balthasar had again been forced to sign a report to Louis
of Hesse, announcing his resignation in the sense desired
1 Ibid., 125 seq.
2 Ibid., 129.
3 Cf. Balthasar s letter to the Pope dat. August i, 1576, where
events are described, in THEINER, II., 191, and EGLOFFSTEIN,
Fiirstabt Balthasar von Dernbach, 41 seq.
4 KOMP, loc. cit., 129-33.
6 Ibid., 187 seq. EGLOFFSTEIN, loc. cit., 48.
GREGORY XIII. AND FULDA. 223
by his adversaries ; x but they could not induce him to sign
a similar letter to the Pope, 2 notwithstanding the fact that
he was entirely in his adversaries hands. On July I2th,
he escaped them by flying to the territory of Mayence, where
he found refuge in a small castle near Hausen. 3 Thence
he sent his complaints to the Pope. 4
Naturally what had happened at Hammelburg had made
a deep impression on Gregory XIII. 5
That act of violence was, as Erstenberger, the secretary
of the Imperial Chancery put it, a glaring example of the
way " they were trying to extirpate and devour the priests " : 6
fi strict reparations were not insisted upon, it would find
many imitators, and that would mean the end of all Gregory
XIII. s plans for reform in Germany. As Giovanni Delfino
wrote six days after the occurrence, the case was one of the
most important that had occurred in those times, not only
on account of the violence offered to the person of the abbot,
but also because of its serious consequences, and the arrogance
hwich their enemies would display if this offence did not meet
with prompt and severe punishment. 7 Similar expressions
also are of frequent occurrence in the correspondence of
Roman circles. 8 Gregory XIII. therefore demanded in
the most definite terms the reinstatement of the abbot. On
September 3rd he sent a special messenger with five briefs,
to the Emperor, Bishop Julius, the Archbishop of Mayence,
1 Reproduced in HEPPE, loc. cit., 275 seqq.
2 Reproduced in SCHANNAT, Diocesis, 10 seqq.
3 KOMP, loc. cit., 189. On August 4 he retracted his letter to
the Landgrave. HEPPE, loc. cit., 281 seq.
* On August i, 1576, in THEINER, II., 190 ; SCHANNAT, Hist.,
269 seq.
5 " S.S U ha questo fatto molto a core (Galli on August n,
1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 118) ; una causa che preme a N.S.
quanto meritamente deve " (Galli on August 18, 1576, ibid.,
129).
6 July 28, 1576, in MORITZ, 414, n. 2.
7 To Galli, Ratisbon, 1575, June 29, Nuntiaturberichte, IJ., 66.
8 Ibid., 94, 122,
224 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Duke of Bavaria and the chapter of Fulda, 1 and when
Balthasar s letter arrived, further briefs were sent of September
I5th to Maximilian II., the Bishop of Wiirzburg, the Prince
Elector of Mayence, the Archduke Ferdinand of the Tyrol
and Balthasar himself. 2 The brief to Bishop Julius threatened
him with excommunication. 3 Immediately after the events
at Hammelburg Morone as well addressed reproofs to Bishop
Julius. 4 They had in Rome, however, taken into considera
tion the fact that the reinstatement of Balthasar might
prove impossible ; in that case Bishop Julius was provisionally
to hand over the abbey into the hands of a third party, who
was to be nominated by Morone, until a definite settlement
of the case had been arrived at ; in this way an honourable
way out of the difficulty was opened to the Bishop of Wiirzburg
as well. 5
The Imperial edicts for the reinstatement of Balthasar
were not carried into effect. Bishop Julius declared that
without a judicial decision he could not renounce his canonically
acquired rights over the abbey ; 6 the nobles of Fulda and
the canons refused to obey them ; 7 the nobles of Franconia
refused to accept Balthasar as their neighbour ; 8 the nobles
of Franconia and Fulda, moreover, were able to get together
more than 4000 horsemen, so that the Emperor was unable
1 Galli to Morone on September /], 1576, ibid., 147. The Brief
to Maximilian II., in THEINER, II., 193.
* Galli to Morone on September 15, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II.,
149. The Briefs to Julius and Balthasar in THEINER, II., 193 seq. ;
the one to the Emperor in SCHANNAT, Hist., 270, the one to
Julius also in SCHANNAT, Dioecesis, 368.
8 But Morone was left free to send it or not (Nuntiaturberichte,
II., 149). On October 31 it was in the hands of the bishop
(THEINER, II., 197).
4 On June 27, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 114.
6 Galli to Morone on September i, 1576. Gregory XIII. to
Bishop Julius on September 15, 1576, in THEINER, II., 193.
KOMP in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, LVT., 189 seq.
7 EGLOFFSTEIN, Fiirstabt Balthasar von Dernbach, 53 seq.
8 Morone to Galli on August 9, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 114.
Cf. MORITZ, 411 seq., 416 seq.
BALTHASAR S " VIA DOLOROSA." 225
to enforce his orders. 1 Morone, too, held back the brief
which threatened the Bishop of Wiirzburg with excommuni
cation ; in Germany, he wrote, 2 there is very little submission
to the Holy Sec, so he was afraid that Bishop Julius might
be won over to Protestantism, a fear that even Balthasar
later on described as groundless. 3
A stormy outlook now opened for the prince-abbot
Balthasar. From the first he had resigned himself to
tribulation. He told Elgard in a moment of danger that
he was more fitted to be the anvil than the hammer, 4 and
when the Jesuit Lopperz came to him with tears in his eyes
after his arrest, the abbot consoled him by telling him that
he had often prayed to Our Lord to be pleased to prove him,
and to prove him greatly for the glory of God and the Church. 5
Balthasar s via dolorosa was a long one. He had to wait
for 26 years for his reinstatement, and during that time he
had, so to speak, to pass as a beggar from door to door in
order to obtain what was his plain and clear right. But
the sorely tried man remained steadfast. With the revenues,
which the convention of Hammelburg had assigned to him
as the price of his resignation, 6 he might have led a life of
ease, but he refused the convention, and thus condemned
himself to the loss of his princely state, and to humiliation
and struggles. For many years he remained without any
assured means of support, and had to depend upon the
hospitality of strangers, while his chapter enjoyed the revenues
of the abbey and mocked at their abbot. 7 Standing firm,
amid his sacrifices and privations, and in no way dismayed
1 Morone to Galli on October 10, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II.
1 66.
2 Ibid.
3 KOMP, loc. cit., 198.
4 " se passurum, non percussurum." Elgard on August 10,
1575, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 301.
6 KOMP, loc. cit., 131.
6 Ibid., 129. Balthasar in THEINER, II., 192.
7 Balthasar to Gregory XIII., on April 20, 1576, THEINER, II.,
301.
VOL XX. 15
226 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
by the artifices of the pettifogging notaries and their endless
scribblings, Balthasar continued unmoved to defend his cause,
which was at the same time the cause of the whole of Catholic
Germany. If he had not distinguished himself before as a
statesman, he now proved himself to be such.
When it was seen that the Imperial mandates could not
be put into force, Maximilian II. laid the matter before the
Diet of Ratisbon, which had just assembled. 1 The Council
of the Prince Electors declared in favour of the abbot, but
that of the Princes on the other hand was divided, since even
among the Catholics, Bishop Julius had " great friends "
who " perhaps had more regard for his friendship than for
justice." 2 Even the Duke of Bavaria for a short time allowed
himself to be won over by the Bishop of Wiirzburg. 3 The
Protestants in general were not against the abbot, who was
present in person at Ratisbon from the end of August ; 4 the
zealous Lutheran Landgrave William himself preferred him
as a neighbour to the powerful Julius. 5 On condition that
Balthasar would allow the free use of the Confession ol
Augsburg they were prepared to join the Catholics with
their eighteen votes, and thus secure a majority for the abbot.
But Balthasar could not be induced to enter into any such
agreement. 6 In view of the divergence of opinion Maximilian
II. at length decided on October 5th that the abbey should
be placed in sequestration to the Empire until a definite
settlement could be arrived at.
With the commencement of the reign of Rudolph II. the
1 Balthasar to Gregory XIII., on November 10, 1576, ibid.,
194-6. MORITZ, 411-8.
2 Morone to Galli on October 7, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 166.
3 EGLOFFSTEIN, Fiirstabt Balthasar von Dernbach, 44 seq.
(Albert s letter of renunciation to Julius is dated August 8, ibid., 50,
n. 5). KOMP in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, LVI., 119 seq., Nuntiatur
berichte, II., 114, 122. LOSSEN in Forsch. zur deutschen Geschichte,
XXIII., 354.
4 MORITZ, 415.
5 Ibid., 416 n.
6 THEINER, II., 195.
BALTHASAR IN EXILE. 227
negotiations concerning the carrying out of the Imperial
decree led to fresh difficulties for the abbot. The new
Emperor had to refer the question to his advisers, but, as
Balthasar seriously suspected, the latter had been persuaded
by his adversaries not to show him any favour. If the abbot
asked for his metropolitan, the Archbishop of Mayence, as
administrator of Fulda, it was said that that prelate was
not impartial, as he had given shelter to the exiled abbot ;
if he proposed the Prince Electors of Cologne and Treves,
the answer was made that they were too far off. Thus the
choice was bound to fall either upon a Protestant or upon a
partisan of Julius. 1 Moreover it was customary in the case
of sequestration for the confiscated property to be left
to its owner on the condition of his maintaining an
administrator ; in the case of Balthasar this was not
observed. 2
At last the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, Henry
von Bubenhausen, went to Fulda on March I2th, 1577,
as administrator. The bishop renounced his right to the
oath of fealty of his subjects, but retained the right of appoint
ing officials who were bound to him by oath, so that the
common folk imagined that they were still the subjects of
the bishop. 3 Bubenhausen proved himself in all things
in favour of his feudal lord, the Bishop of Wiirzburg, and
opposed to the abbot. Balthasar still had to work for a
long time before he was at length assigned a definite place
of residence, and a fair share of the revenues of the abbey.
He very much feared, he wrote to the Pope, that the sum
would be calculated in such a way that he would not be able
to give anything to his loyal supporters. He had only been
able to send one councillor to the Emperor to watch over
his affairs, since his means did not permit of his going in
person to Vienna and making his appearance there as a prince. 4
1 Ibid., 196.
2 Ibid.
3 Balthasar to Gregory XIII. on the 8th and 2Oth of April,
I 577> ibid., 298 seq., 300 seq.
4 Ibid., 299.
228 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Gregory XIII. intervened on behalf of Balthasar, 1 and
succeeded in getting the Emperor to invite him together
with the bishop to Vienna for a conference. 2
The result of this meeting was favourable to Balthasar.
An Imperial decree of December 4th, 1577, referred his case
to a judicial decision, and in the meantime assigned him an
annual charge of 10,000 florins on the revenues of Fulda
and the castle of Neuhof as a residence. 3 But Balthasar
received neither the 10,000 florins nor Neuhof, as the
administrator entered a protest ; he had to take refuge
in the territory of the Archbishop of Mayence at Seligenstadt, 4
until, in 1578, Rudolph II. assigned to him the castle of
Bieberstein near Fulda, with its rents and services. 5 Still
more painful for him was the fact that the Emperor referred
his case to the tribunal of the Imperial Chamber, where
such matters were apt to drag on interminably, sometimes
for ten years. 6 As he wished to see whether the intercession
of Gregory 7 would not win over the Emperor, and as the
Pope had forbidden him to trust his case to the civil courts, 8
the abbot tried once more to gain his ends by negotiations
and agreement with the Bishop of Wiirzburg. But these
negotiations, which since 1578 had been carried on by the
Archbishop of Mayence, before the Bishop of Spires, and
in 1582 at Mayence and the Diet of Augsburg, came to
nothing. 9 In 1584 therefore, recourse was had to legal
1 On June 7, 1577, ibid., 303.
2 KOMP, loc. tit., 195.
3 Ibid. Cf. Balthasar to Gregory XIII. on October 26, 1577,
in THEINER, II., 305 seq.
4 Balthasar to Gregory XIII. on February 16, 1578, ibid.,
383 seq.
5 KOMP, loc. tit., 200.
c Ibid., 306, 383.
7 Of December 14, 1577, ibid., 307.
8 Gregory XIII. to Rudolph II. on February 4, 1584, in THEINER,
III., 542 ; to Balthasar on February 27, 1580, and February 5.
1584, ibid., 543.
9 KOMP, loc. tit., 202-4.
THE POPE AND THE ABBOT. 22Q
procedure, 1 which at last, after another eighteen years delay,
brought about a settlement. By an Imperial decree of
August 7th, 1602, 2 the prince abbot Balthasar was reinstated
in all his rights and dignities, and his adversaries were ordered
to make restitution.
In all these controversies the abbot s most staunch
supporter was the Pope. It is true that the three eccles
iastical Electors also repeatedly took his part, 3 but the sorely
tried man always had recourse in the first place to Rome.
Gregory XIII., as he himself said, 4 never ceased to write
to the Emperor ; 5 he frequently addressed himself to the
Bishop of Wurzburg, 6 and repeatedly threatened him with
excommunication, 7 while he sought to obtain the support
of the other Catholic princes. No nuncio went to Germany
without having the cause of the abbot committed to him
as one of his principal duties. 8 There can be no doubt that
without the continued insistence of the Pope and the nuncios
the cause of Balthasar would have failed miserably.
1 KOMP, loc. cii., 204 seq. A sensation was caused in 1576 by
the written defence of the chancellor Winkelmann : " Informatio
iuris," ibid., 206. Gregory XIII. to Balthasar and to Julius on
September 9, 1576, Balthasar to Gregory XIII. on October 25,
1577, in THETNER, II., 303 seqq.
2 SCHANNAT, Historia, 431 seq. ; Diocesis, 373.
8 C/. the documents in THEINER, II., 302 seq. (forwarded to
Rome by Balthasar on June 4, 1577) and in the Rom. Quartalschrift,
1897, 431-45 (brought to light by Ehses).
4 To Balthasar on November n, 1581, THEINER II., 264.
6 See supra p. 228, and letters of December 23, 1576 ; April 5,
1578; November u, 1581 ; February 4, 1584, in THEINER, II.,
198 seq., 386 ; III., 542.
6 See supra, p. 224, and letters of December 18, 1576, and
February 4, 1584, in THEINER, II., 199; III., 5^2; SCHANNAT,
Historia, 272 seq.
7 THEINER, II., 193.
8 KOMP in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, LVI., 198. *Instructions for
the Imperial nuncio Annibale di Capua, of December 7, 1576
(Var. polit. 129, p. 173, Papal Secret Archives), and Bonhomini
of September 30, 1581 (Barb. p. 208, Vatican Library).
230 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The Protestants of the territory of Fulda had not obtained
the advantages they expected from the expulsion of their
lawful master, for Bishop Julius at first acted with the greatest
severity towards the adherents of the Confession of
Augsburg.
He has appointed a Protestant as administrator, Balthasar
complained to the Pope, 1 the Catholics are persecuted and
put in prison for trifling offences ; the banished pastors have
returned, and the concubines have been recalled, even those
who have taken a solemn oath not to do so. The officials,
so he again said later on, 2 who had been dismissed by him
for disloyalty, or who were tainted by the new doctrines,
were now upheld, and in the course of a few months the
learned and pious Catholics whom Balthasar had collected
from all parts with great labour and expense, would all have
gone away.
In reality, however, Julius was very far from allowing
any legal status to the Confession of Augsburg. When,
immediately after the arrest of Balthasar at Hammelburg,
such proposals had been laid before him, he had managed
adroitly to evade them. 3 Similar requests had been laid
before the administrator, Henry von Bubenhausen, but the
Emperor had decided that the religion of the magistracy
must be authoritative for Fulda. 4
The Jesuit college, the object of so many attacks, was
maintained at Fulda, and continued to grow. 5 In 1584
a pontifical seminary for forty noble students was added to
it ; the Jesuit Lopperz was enabled to bring this institution
into being by pointing out to Gregory XIII., on the occasion
1 On August i, 1576, THEINER, II., 191.
3 To Gregory XIII. on April 20, 1577, ibid., 300.
3 HEPPE, Das evangelische Hammelburg, 154 seqq.
4 HEPPE, Restauration, 146-50.
5 DUHR, I., 132. Lopperz to Gregory XIII. on December 15,
1584, in THEINER, III., 543. Cf. Jahresbericht dev Rheinischen
Provinz of January i, 1577, in HANSEN, Rheinische Akten, 713 ;
KOMP, Zweite Schule, 26 seq. Credentials for Lopperz to the
Pope of October 27, 1583, in THEINER, III., 417 seq.
THE JESUITS AT FULDA. 231
of a visit to Rome, that the conversion of the rest of the
country depended upon the nobility of Germany. The prince
abbot Balthasar assisted the Jesuits of Fulda as far as his
revenues permitted. 1 He had recourse by means of
personal letters to Sixtus V. and Gregory XIV. on behalf
of the seminary. In order to give new life to the
Catholic faith, he wrote, no better means could be
imagined than this seminary, since " the common people
depend to such an extent upon the nobility that they easily
and willingly accept any religion which they see to be
supported by the aristocracy." 2
The reason why the doctrines of the innovators were able
to make such progress in the territory of Fulda is explained
by these words, as well as the fact that they were easily
stamped out again among the common folk. They had
never taken any deep roots in their hearts. When Balthasar
returned to his principality in 1602, he found all the necessary
conditions for a restoration of Catholicism. The last of the
recalcitrant canons had died in the previous year. 3 The
instructions and other activities of the Jesuits had reformed
the capital, and restored the religion of bygone days its good
name. 4 Within a few years the whole principality of Fulda
was once more substantially Catholic. 8
The sorely tried abbot had found a friend and a protector
from the first in his metropolitan, the Archbishop of Mayence,
Daniel Brendel, of Homburg ; when the first difficulties
arose concerning the project of a Jesuit college at Fulda,
1 Jahresbericht der Rheinischen Provinz of January i, 1580, in
HANSEN, loc. cit., 738. KOMP, in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, LVI.,
202. For the erection of the high altar and the foundation of
two free places in the college of Fulda on September 29, 1599,
see SCHANNAT, Dioecesis, 371 seq.
2 To Gregory XIV., 1590, ibid., 370. The same opinion is
expressed in Balthasar s letter to Sixtus V. of May 12, 1585, in
EHSES-MEISTER, I., 74, cf. 103.
8 KOMP, loc. cit., 291.
4 DUHR, I.. 133.
* KOMP, loc. cit., 293 seq. Katholik, 1863, I., 741 seqq.
232 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Daniel at once took his part and encouraged him. 1 Nor
was it long before Daniel himself began to follow the example
of the reforming abbot.
The new doctrines had made considerable progress even
in Mayence, and at first conditions were not changed under
that zealous Catholic, Daniel. Mayence has a Catholic prince,
wrote an eye-witness, Robert Turner of the Germanicum,
in 1581, but the government is in the hands of his Protestant
subjects. 2 Out of consideration for the neighbouring
Protestant princes, the archbishop was obliged to fill the
greater part of the offices at his court with Protestants ;
even in the kitchen there were Lutheran servants, and noble
boys entered the service of the prince on the condition that
they were not to become Catholics. 3 Above all the arch
bishop stood in need of trustworthy fellow workers. With the
exception of his chancellor and a simple court chaplain, wrote
Elgard, 4 he has no one he can talk to about Catholic interests.
Especially was he in need of a capable and moral priesthood.
Nevertheless the election of Daniel to the see of St. Boniface
marked the salvation of the archdiocese ; his cleverest rival
for the mitre was a secret adherent of Protestantism, and
immediately embraced it openly. 5 As bishop, Daniel as
he himself stated to the nuncio Gropper sought from the
first with all his might to maintain the Catholic faith among
both clergy and people. 6 As far as good will is concerned
Elgard thought, 7 the archbishop leaves nothing to be desired,
1 Document dat. Dec. 10, 1571, in *Collegii Fuldensis exordia
et annuae literae, library of the seminary at Fulda. BROWER,
Fuldensium antiquitatum libri IV., Antwerp, 1612, 365.
SCHANNAT, Dioecesis, 354. Nuntiaturberickte, III., 266.
2 " Sedet ad clavum princeps catholicus, tractat clavum subditus
haereticus." Triumphus Bavaricus, in TURNER, Panegyrici
sermones duo, Ingolstadt, 1583, 109.
3 TURNER, loc. cit., 108.
4 To Galli on February 27, 1575, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 264 seq.
5 KNIEB, 58.
6 Gropper to Galli on October T, 1573, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 413.
7 On August 10, 1575, ibid., 301 seq.
MAYENCE. 233
but he is too much immersed in affairs of state, and with the
exception of the Jesuits has no one to work with him. It
was just at the time of Elgard s visit, that the difficulties
that lay in the way of any sort ot reform were shown. Daniel
had just then attempted to purify the morals of his clergy,
but everything was shipwrecked by the opposition of the
chapter, which held up the election capitulation of the arch
bishop as an impregnable shield against any sort of reform. 1
As far as the greater part of his diocese was concerned, the
archbishop could do little more than prepare the way for
a better future by his care to provide good priests. His
efforts in this respect won for him the high praise of Gregory
XIII. 2 As early as 1558 Daniel Brendel sent some youths,
among them the future Bishop Julius of Wiirzburg, to be
educated at the Jesuit college at Cologne. 3 He soon
planned and founded a similar institution at Mayence, 4
and very gratefully welcomed the offer of Gropper to
receive youths from Mayence at the German college in
1 Ibid., 302, 352. That efforts for reform were made is proved
by a Jesuit letter from Mayence dat. March 30, 1575 (library at
Leyden, Cod. 77) : " Generale quoddam bellum concubinariis in
variis Germaniae partibus indictum est, Pontificis, ut arbitror
edicto, sed impellentibus, ut alii fingunt, lesuitis. Dux Bavariae
libens edicto paruit et S.S mi voluntatem perfecit. Reverendis-
simus noster, ne ea in parte segnior videretur, totam etiam suam
dioecesim expurgare coepit." All concubines driven out.
" Singula iam fere canonicorum collegia Moguntiae sunt expurgata.
Sunt sane permulti, qui admodum gaudent, tanto se onere elevari
et a turpi vita vindicari. Longum esset, quae in Effordia, ubi
duo de nostris agunt, acta sunt commemorari. Missi sunt in
cam dioecesis partem, quae oppidis aliquot, pagis vero plus quam
ducentis abundat, et Saxoniae proxima est, aliquot visitatores,
in quibus fuit D. suffraganeus qui aliquot milia confirmationis
sacramento armavit. In Badensi quoque marchionatu quatuor
ex societate degunt, sacerdotes duo, totidem adiutorcs ; multum
hi catholicam fidem promo vent."
2 Letter of October 26.. 1574, i n SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 209.
3 HANSEN, Rheinische Akten, 334, 339.
4 DUHR, I., 103 seqq.
234 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Rome. 1 For the primary schools he sought for Catholic
masters, who were to teach in accordance with the Catholic
catechism and had to make the Tridentine profession of
faith. 2
Daniel was several times urged by Cropper 3 and afterwards
by Elgard 4 to hold a visitation of his diocese. Their exhorta
tions had their effect, at anyrate for part of the archdiocese,
namely the Thuringian district of Eichsfeld, on the western
border. On March 4th, 1574, the archbishop set out to
visit that long neglected part of his state, 5 which had not
seen its pastor since 1544. 6
Lutheranism had made great progress at Eichsfeld. As
was the case at Fulda, 7 it had been spread outside the cities
by the aristocracy, who had learned the new doctrines at
the university of Erfurt, and who since 1547 had introduced
Protestant preachers into the Catholic churches. 8 The
leading inhabitants in the two principal cities, Heiligenstadt
and Duderstadt, had also been won over to the new doctrines
during the time of their studies at Erfurt, and about the
time of the Peasants War had drawn the whole citizen
population with them. 9 The magistracy at Eichsfeld favoured
the innovations and tried to deceive the archbishop as to
the true state of affairs. 10 As soon as Daniel had seen with
his own eyes how matters stood, he wrote to the Emperor
1 Daniel to Gregory XIII. on December i, 1575, in THEINER, I.,
95. Johann Schweikart von Cronberg, afterwards Elector, was
among their number. STEINHUBER, I., no. SCHWARZ, loo. cit.,
209. KNEIB, 125.
2 SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 414.
3 Ibid., 1 10, 414.
4 Ibid., 262.
5 KNIEB, 127.
6 Ibid., 59. Cropper to Galli on August 15, 1574, in THEINER,
I., 212.
7 See supra, p. 231.
8 KNIEB, 47 seqq., 63 seqq.
9 Ibid., 42 seqq., 79 seqq.
1 Ibid., 45, 61 seq.
DANIEL BRENDEL. 235
Rudolph II. 1 that " the horrors, the devastation and the
moral and ecclesiastical abuses in several places " were far
worse than anything he could have been told or have imagined.
It had been quite impossible during his short stay to restore
everything to its former state.
Nevertheless, during his stay at Heiligenstadt Daniel did
all that he could ; he placed at the head of the officials a
convert from Mecklenburg, Leopold von Stralendorff, who
was trustworthy and experienced ; 2 he again forbade
communion under both kinds, and redeemed several territories
which had been pledged to Protestant nobles. 3 At his
visitation of Duderstadt he replaced two evangelical preachers
by two Catholic priests. 4 The same thing was only done
in the country districts at that time in a few cases, namely
when the pastor had committed some offence against the
lord of the manor. 5 Some of the parishes asked that they
might be given Catholic pastors, 6 but owing to the want of
good priests it was often found impossible to comply with
their requests.
On the whole, compared with the Protestant princes of
his time, Daniel acted with great gentleness. 7 When, as
the result of a nocturnal attack he had got into his power
the hated tyrant Barthold von Wintzingrode, and had thus
recovered the castle of Bodenstein which belonged to him
by right, he left the religious conditions unchanged in the
neighbourhood of the castle. 8 He renewed the promise of
religious liberty to the knights, and allowed some of the
nobles to have private Lutheran worship in their own houses. 9
Even later on he adhered strictly to the religious peace.
1 On April 16, 1579, ibid., 128.
z Ibid., 128 seq.
3 Ibid., 129 seq.
Ibid., 133.
6 Ibid., 130 seq.
6 Ibid., 149, cf. 212, 215.
7 KNIEB, 136.
8 Ibid., 133 seqq<
9 Ibid., 136,
236 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In his struggle with the Prince-Elector Augustus he laid it
down as his guiding principle that in view of the " general
peace and common welfare of the country " he did not wish
to claim anything to which he had not a right, and further
that he did not desire or seek anything but "to be left in
quiet possession of those things which belonged to him, and
to which he was bound by his office and which it was his
duty to carry out." 1 In spite of this leniency Daniel s
stay of two months in Eichsfeld was of great importance for
Catholicism, and Gregory XIII. expressed his great gratitude
to him for it. 2
Immediately after Daniel had left Eichsfeld Stralendorff
thought it necessary to issue a severe decree in order that
the enactments of the Prince-Elector might not be flouted.
The "running back" of the Protestant preachers into the
neighbourhood was prohibited under severe penalties at
Duderstadt and Heiligenstadt, and in the case of contumacy
under the penalty of banishment. It caused much bad blood
when Stralendorff thus threatened the Protestants with
a measure which they had themselves employed a short time
before against the Catholics of Eichsfeld, namely that those
who died in Protestantism were not to be buried in con
secrated ground. 3 Daniel approved of the steps taken by
his chief magistrate. Otherwise the archbishop left the
carrying out of the Catholic restoration to a commission
composed of the excellent auxiliary bishop of Mayence,
Stephen Weber, and three other members. Two Jesuits
and a worthy secular priest assisted the commission ; 4 it
began its visitation of Heiligenstadt at the end of December,
on February ist, 1575, it reached Duderstadt, and in the
middle of the month turned its attention to the parishes
of the territory. The country people for the most part
1 Ibid., 214.
2 On September 17 and November 27, 1574, in THEINER, I.,
241 ; SCHWARZ, Cropper, 225.
3 KNIEB, 139 seq.
4 Ibid., 140. Elgard gives a very favourable report of the four
commissioners, June 18, 1575, to Galli, in SCHWARZ, loo. cit., 295.
ELGARD AT MAYENCE. 237
accepted the reform without much difficulty. The common
people, the commission reported, is " dissatisfied with the
evangelical preachers who have been imposed upon them " ;
the people do not wish for anything but that " by your
princely favour, they may be removed once and for all." 1
By 1575 in 72 villages where there was no reason to fear
the influence of the nobility, almost the whole of the population
had been persuaded to receive communion at Easter. 2 During
1579 and 1580 Elgard, who had been auxiliary bishop of
Erfurt since 1578, administered the sacrament of confirmation
to 5000 persons in Eichsfeld. 3 By the end of 1576 the
Protestant pastors had been driven out from fourteen villages
and replaced by Catholic priests ; 4 and the removal of the
preachers went on slowly but steadily during the years that
followed. 5 In 1576 Daniel established a Jesuit college at
Heiligenstadt, the " most important work " that he accom
plished in Eichsfeld for the restoration of Catholicism. 6 The
foundations for a revival of Catholic life were laid under
the government of Daniel, but another ten years elapsed
before the whole of the little state, with the exception of a
few places, was reunited to the Church. 7
Elgard had experience of the way in which attachment
to Catholic usages was still rooted in the people when, in
1574, he took part in the visitation, instead of the auxiliary
bishop, who had been recalled to Mayence, and was thus a
witness during the season of Pentecost of the great pilgrimage
which still took place at that time to the celebrated
Hiilfensberg. Great crowds flocked thither, and the nobles
themselves from the neighbouring Protestant territories
were present. Some of the leaders of the aristocracy, who
had been brought up in Protestantism, remained on the
KNIEB, 149.
Ibid., 148.
Ibid., 203.
Ibid., 200.
Ibid., 206.
Ibid., 179 seq., 201 seq. ; DUHR, I., 109 seqq.
7 KNIEB, 244-416.
238 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
mountain the whole day without food in order to hear Elgard
preach a second time in the evening, having heard his sermon
in the morning. A Jesuit who had been summoned from
Heiligenstadt preached on the Monday after Trinity to from
2000 to 3000 people. 1 The number of the pilgrims
increased during the following years, and at Hiilfensberg too
the number that approached the sacraments continued to
grow. 2
The resistance to the reform, both at Fulda and in
Eichsfeld, came from the nobles and the inhabitants
of the cities ; in those country districts too where the
aristocracy or Protestant citizens had influence over the
rural population, the visitors met with difficulties. 3 At
the beginning of March, 1575, almost the whole of the nobles
of Eichsfeld met together at the instigation of the two brothers,
William and Henry von Westerhagen, without the permission
of the Prince-Elector, and addressed a petition to their lord, 4
and when the latter rejected it and prohibited such meetings
without the permission of the Prince-Elector, 5 had recourse
to William of Hesse, who with his customary zeal for
Protestantism interested him in their cause.
William wrote to Daniel and asked for the support of the
Prince-Electors of the Palatinate and Saxony. 6 But Frederick
of the Palatinate, who complied with the request, was no
longer able to occupy himself with the matter after Daniel
had made his reply. William had asked the Prince-Elector
of Saxony, by means of a special envoy, to send from the
Saxon archives to the Emperor and the tribunal of the
Imperial Chamber the declaration of Ferdinand I. to which,
following the example of Fulda, the nobles of Eichsfeld had
1 Ibid., 158, cf. 107 seq. Elgard to Galli on June 18, 1575, in
SCHWARZ, loc. tit., 297.
2 KNIEB, 201.
3 Ibid., 149, 164, 206 seq.
4 Of March 9, 1575, ibid., 150 ; printed in HEPPE, Restauration,
251-6.
5 On March 22, 1575, ibid., 257-60.
6 Ibid., 88-91. KNIEB, 151-5.
EICHSFELD. 239
called the attention of the Landgrave. 1 But Augustus curtly
replied that the nobles of Fulda and Eichsfeld could them
selves have recourse to the Emperor, at whose command
he would hand over the declaration to the tribunal of the
Chamber. In his reply to the Landgrave William, Daniel
called attention to the way in which the Protestants had
abused his patience, and to the way in which their ignorant
preachers, some of whom could hardly read, committed
outrages against their lords, and treated the sacraments
without respect. Nothing was known of Ferdinand s
declaration. William then tried to defend the Protestant
preachers, 2 and once more, with threats, and appealing to
the laws of the Empire, demanded religious liberty for his
co-religionists. He also worked for a defensive alliance
with the Prince-Electors of the Palatinate and Saxony. 3
Frederick of the Palatinate, who was the most violent
upholder of his religious convictions in his day, had the
effrontery to say that no man should have violence done to
him on account of his religion ! 4
There was certainly no question of violence in Eichsfeld,
according to the view of the archiepiscopal visitors ; on
the contrary, they complained of the extraordinary leniency
of the archbishop. Three preachers had so far been sent
away by him ; two of them had been recalled by the efforts
of the nobles, and the third was not inconvenienced by his
removal. So instead of resisting force by force, nothing
happened except in the case of the recalcitrant ; a final date,
June 24th, 1575, was fixed, but this was again extended. 5
The visitors thought that such procedure would only confuse
the people ; the populace feared lest " they should be left
defenceless to be flayed alive by the Junkers." 6
1 Cf. supra, p. 213.
2 April 12, 1575, in KNIEB, 155. The document shows the
credulity of the Landgrave. Examples of it, ibid, and in HEPPE,
Restauration, 91.
3 On April 6th and 9th, KNIEB, 155.
4 Ibid., 156.
5 Ibid., 164, 170.
6 Ibid., 164.
240 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Twice again the nobles had recourse to the archbishop ;
the first time through their colleagues outside Eichsfeld,
and again by a new petition. They did not, however,
obtain anything ; after their interview with Daniel their
envoys gave them the advice that they should impose due
moderation upon the evangelical pastors, and not use the
property of the Church for their own advantage, but only
for the honour of God. 1 They then once more brought before
the Prince-Elector of Saxony their previous request that
he would support the confirmation of the declaration of
Ferdinand at the coming Diet of the princes at Ratisbon.
The Prince-Elector agreed to do this, and the Landgrave
William was also prepared to support their demands, but
insisted that the other Protestant princes should also be
stirred up to take action. 2
Apart from the nobles the resistance to the reform
found its chief support among the population of the cities,
whose leaders, like the nobles, had received their education
at the university of Erfurt. In spite of this it would be
comparatively easy, for example, to win back Heiligenstadt
to the faith ; in 1574 the citizens told the magistrate
Stralendorff that they would willingly attend the Catholic
mass, if only there were better priests. 3 As a matter of
fact every year Catholicism gained ground at Heiligenstadt.
In 1584 there were 2064 communions, and more than 3000
in the following year. Greater and greater vigilance was
used to see that none but Catholics were admitted to the
municipal council, and processions, which had once been
customary, were again introduced. 4
On the other hand, the powerful Duderstadt, where
Catholic worship had been entirely forbidden since 1562,
obstinately resisted Catholic reform, so that by 1574 the
whole of the citizens had apostatized. 5 After Daniel, on
1 Ibid., 165-70.
z Ibid., 171 seq. Cf. MORITZ, 122; HEPPE, loc. cit., 93.
3 KNIEB, 142.
4 Ibid., 203 seq.
88.
DUDERSTADT. 241
the occasion of his visitation, had removed the two pastors,
and taken away the churches from the Protestants, 1 the
citizens had at first gone voluntarily to the Catholic mass,
but, under the influence of the council and the masters of
the guilds, this was soon changed. Those who attended
Catholic worship were mocked at, threatened with being
excluded from the magistracy, and their sons beaten. More
over, the new parish priest who was appointed, a priest who
was not very exemplary in other respects, proved himself
weak before the pressure of the Protestants, and with a
miserable forgetfulness of his duties, handed over to them
once more one of the churches of Duderstadt. The preacher
then fulminated from the pulpit against the Pope and the
Catholics, to whom no obedience must be paid. The council
forbade the citizens to attend the sermons of the Catholic
parish priest, and threatened those who disobeyed with
expulsion from the city. 2 When the visitors demanded the
restitution of the church which had thus unjustly been taken
away, the citizens were filled with anger, and swore they would
shed their blood for their faith, and to kill those who were
sent to them by the visitors. The council in the meantime
appealed to the declaration of Ferdinand I., and to the Prince-
Electors, and presented a protest to the visitors by the hands
of a Brunswick notary from Gflttingen. Daniel again stated
that he knew nothing of the declaration of Ferdinand, and
that if his commissary had made any concession with regard
to the Confession of Augsburg this had been done without
his authority. He then caused the disobedient preacher
to be removed, but desired that in other respects the objectors
should be converted by the way of instruction rather than
by violence. 3
The citizens of Duderstadt were only confirmed in their
resistance by this leniency. When further injunctions were
received from the archbishop they set the fortifications in
order and laid in supplies of gunpowder ; the pastor was
1 Ibid., 133.
2 Ibid., 136 seqq.
3 Ibid., 144-8.
VOL. XX. 1 6
242 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
instructed to resume his duties. 1 A deputation was sent
to Daniel by the opposing party, 2 but the Prince-Elector
replied by proclaiming his rights and renewing his orders.
At length, when nothing else had proved of any use, he had
recourse to stern measures. One of the principal sources
of revenue of the city was from the sale of the beer of Duder-
stadt, which was celebrated even as far off as Vienna. Now
Daniel threatened, 3 in case of further disobedience, to forbid
the export of this celebrated beer. At first neither this
threat nor the actual prohibition had any effect, until at
length StraJendorff confiscated thirty barrels of beer at the
city gates. 4 After this the prohibition of the export of the
beer became one of the principal grounds of complaint of
the citizens of Duderstadt.
Even before Daniel had taken this severe measure, the
citizens had had recourse to the Protestant princes with the
request that they would uphold their cause at the Diet of
Ratisbon which had already been convoked. The city also
sent a representative thither. The knights of Eichsfeld,
like those of Fulda, rested their hopes on the confirmation
of the declaration of Ferdinand at the electoral Diet of
Ratisbon, to which the nobles of Eichsfeld sent a special
representative, and the nobles of Fulda a petition. The
princes there assembled thus, after so many requests, had
to devote themselves to the consideration of all the questions
connected with the declaration of Ferdinand. 5
1 KNIEB, 160.
2 In May, August and September, 1575, ibid., 160-2.
3 On March 3, 1576, ibid. 163.
4 On April 16, 1576, ibid.
5 MORITZ, 151 seqq. The Declaration is given in LEHMANN, 55 ;
[ERSTENBERGER] De Autonomia, 81, Munich, 1593- HEPPE S
version (Restauration, 3 seqq.) is incredibly careless just at the
principal passage.
CHAPTER VI.
THE " DECLARATION " OF FERDINAND. RUDOLPH II. AND
THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL.
UNTIL, during the disturbances at Fulda, a Saxon councillor
had unearthed in the archives of the Prince-Elector the so-
called declaration of Ferdinand, and had placed it in the
hands of the Protestants, 1 it had remained entirely unknown
to the public for almost twenty years, and only in certain
forgotten documents were there a couple of unimportant
references to it. 2 After the Landgraves of Hesse and the
Prince-Elector of Saxony, however, had appealed to this
document before the Emperor, and it had been subsequently
printed in Saxony and Hesse, 3 and spread among the
Protestants by the Landgrave William, the declaration
began to assume importance and became the central point
of the questions at issue between the parties.
Opinions as to the legal value of this document varied
according to men s religious views. The Protestants
defended its legal force as a self-evident fact, without giving
any reasons ; the Catholics challenged it. The Prince-
Elector of Mayence stated to the people of Eichsfeld 4 that
he knew nothing about the declaration ; if such a document
really existed he, as an Elector and Chancellor of the Empire,
ought to have it in his chancery, which was not the case. A
year before, 5 the chapter of Fulda, which at that time had
once more rallied to the abbot, contested the legal value of
1 MORITZ, 22.
2 1560 and 1570, ibid., 23.
3 Dated 1555, ibid.
4 On February 13, 1575, KNIEB, 146.
5 On June 18, 1574, in HEPPE, loc. cit., 67.
243
244 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the declaration in a detailed statement. 1 It was impossible
to find a trace of it either in the chancery of Mayence or in
that of the supreme tribunal. The religious peace of 1555
made no mention of it, but on the contrary laid it down
that no contrary declaration was to have any force. None
of those who had been present at the Diet of 1555, and none
of the oldest assessors of the supreme tribunal could remember
it. As far as the tribunal of the Chamber was concerned,
moreover, no Imperial constitution could have any force
if it had not been sent to it by the Elector of Mayence as
chancellor^ but no one remembered such a communication
of the declaration, which moreover preceded the religious
peace by a day, and would therefore have been cancelled
by it. The secretary of the Imperial Chancery, Erstenberger,
especially brought out this latter fact, 2 showing that the
cancelling clause in the religious peace, which had been written,
sealed and signed with the consent of all the states, was " so
stable and complete " that the declaration could not be
adduced against it.
The Protestants too for the most part knew nothing of the
declaration until 1574. At the Diet of Augsburg in 1566
they promised to observe the religious peace of 1555 without
changes or additions, nor did they at that time make any
mention of any accessory enactment of the Emperor
Ferdinand. 3 When, on the first appearance of the declaration,
the Protestant states sought for copies of it in their archives,
none were to be found. The ordinance had been kept entirely
secret, and had not even been given to the representatives
of the states of the Empire to copy, although it had been
discussed with them. 4 The Imperial Chancery only had a
draft of it, and the original copy was in the sole possession
1 Its author was the Spires jurist, Winkelmann, who afterwards
became Balthasar s chancellor. Ibid., 66, n.
2 To Albert V. of Bavaria, Vienna, July 17, 1574, in the Reports
of the meetings of the Munich Academy for the year 1891, Munich,
1892, 159 seq.
3 ERSTENBERGER, ibid., 160.
4 MORITZ, 33, n.
THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. 245
of the Elector of Saxony, 1 who was affected by the declaration
owing to special circumstances.
The Elector Augustus had interested himself at the Diet
at Augsburg in 1555 in bringing about the religious peace,
but had also sought to obviate the disastrous consequences
which that peace might have for him. After the Schmalkaldic
war Catholicism had begun to revive in Merseburg and
Naumburg owing to the activity of Bishops Helding and
Pflug ; if this continued Augustus would not have been
able so easily to incorporate those two dioceses into his own
territory. 2 He could not, with a clear conscience, so he
wrote in this connexion to his representative at Augsburg, 3
see, either now or in the future, the episcopal cities such as
Magdeburg, Halberstadt, Halle, Jiiterbog, Merseburg,
Naumburg and others which lay within his principality or
its vicinity, being " disturbed on account of the Christian
religion " on the pretext of the religious peace. The coun
cillors of Saxony, who had laboured at Augsburg that religion
should be left free, were above all things determined on this. 4
After his attempt to obtain religious liberty for all his subjects
had failed, he pointed out to the sovereign together with the
other Protestant states, that there would inevitably be war
or a revolution if the barons, cities and communes which
were subject to certain bishops and ecclesiastics were interfered
with by them on account of their Protestant religion which
they had long practised. 5 It was remarks such as these
which led to the so-called declaration of Ferdinand, by which
such barons, cities and communes were assured the desired
independence from their ecclesiastical princes.
1 The original document was completed in duplicate (RSTEN-
BERGER, loc. cit., 159). The electoral councillor Lindemann
vouches for the fact, and therefore it is probable that he had both
original copies before him in the electoral chancery.
2 Autonomia, 391 (a).
3 See RANKE, Deutsche Geschichte : Werke, VI., 322.
4 Autonomia, 391 (b). MORITZ, 28.
5 According to the introductory words of the declaration.
Cf. LEHMANN, 47.
246 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It is not clear what it was exactly which led to this Imperial
concession. For the sake of simplicity the negotiations
were carried on only by the representatives of the two religious
parties. 1 At first the Catholics refused to have anything
to. do with it, until King Ferdinand, who presented himself
in person in the room where the discussions were being held,
at length declared that he would not let the councillors
separate until everything was settled. Then the Catholics
took counsel together, and decided to leave the whole matter
to the decision of Ferdinand. After a period of reflection
which lasted until night, it was finally announced to both
the parties that the king wished to meet the wishes of the
Protestants, though without disturbing the religious peace ;
his declaration on this point, was, in spite of the derogatory
clause of the religious peace, to be binding, and the king
should give the States of the Confession of Augsburg " an
accessory, authentic, sealed, and signed ordinance " on the
subject. 2
No true accessory ordinance was ever made. A declaration
concerning the general promise was authenticated, sealed
and signed by Ferdinand, in virtue of the Imperial authority,
without any further summoning of the States, but it was
not sent to all the Protestant States, but only sent in secret
to the Elector of Saxony. Substantially the negotiations
about the declaration had come to nothing, but the Elector
Augustus had obtained his end. As far as its text was
1 Act of His Royal Majesty on September 2oth and 2ist, 1566,
in LEHMANN, 50 seq. It would be worth while to examine more
closely into the origin and reliability of this report which seems
to be unknown except for the version printed in Lehmann. It
is remarkable that, not only according to the Autonomia
(392), but also according to the Saxon envoys to the Diet
of 1576, apart from the actual introductory words of
the declaration, no documentary evidence existed as to how
they came into being. It is difficult to see how this can
be reconciled with the report mentioned by LEHMANN (50
seq.).
2 LEHMANN, 51.
THE DECLARATION OF FERDINAND. 247
concerned the declaration was quite general ; l that it had
been asked for by Saxony, with special reference to his own
position, is clear from the express declaration which the
Emperor Maximilian II. made to the Catholic states " after
diligent research " ; 2 it is also clear from the researches
of Erstenberger, 3 and also from the otherwise inexplicable
fact that the declaration was only sent to the Elector of
Saxony, while it was kept secret from all the rest. 4 Taking
it altogether this document shows the hopeless misery of the
state of affairs in Germany. Constrained by necessity
Ferdinand had to adopt a policy which admirably succeeded
in saying " yea and nay " at the same time, for by his
declaration he withdrew what had been granted by the
religious peace, placed the Catholics in an inferior position
to the Protestants, and among the Catholics themselves
placed the ecclesiastical princes under the secular ones ; its
1 It was the Saxon councillors who pressed for the general
terms of the declaration, the Elector himself thought only of
Naumburg and Merseburg (Morone to Galli on July 16, 1576,
Nuntiaturberichte, II., 89). Augustus was only concerned with
the rounding off of his territory and the filling of his coffers ;
general considerations had no interest for him. Cf. KOLDE in
Herzog s Real-Enzyklopddie, II. 3 , 252 ; KLUCKHOHN in the Allg.
Deutsche Biogr., I., 676, 679.
2 On August 15, 1576 ; see the report of the Mayence councillor,
of this date in KNIEB, 187 ; another report in MORITZ, 28, n. 4, 358.
3 Autonomia, 390 seqq.
4 Arguments against this view brought forward by MORITZ
(22 seqq.} are rightly described as unconvincing by KNIEB (188,
n. i). That the representations which eventually led to the
declaration originated from all the Protestant States is evident
from the declaration itself ; and neither Maximilian II. nor
Erstenberger would wish to deny it. The Emperor says (MORITZ,
29, n.) that the declaration was " not principaliter desired by
all the States of the A.C., but only by Saxony particulariter,
which means that the declaration, though certainly desired by
all the States of the A.C., was, nevertheless, not " principaliter"
desired by them all, for the beginning and original impulse came
from Saxony.
248 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
derogative formulas made both documents mutually
destructive, while it honoured with the beautiful name of
peace a work which of its very nature was bound to prove
an apple of discord and an incendiary torch. Out of a pure
love of peace a fire was enkindled which was to burn until
the sea of flames of the Thirty Years War had reduced the
whole of Germany to ashes.
The hopes of getting the declaration confirmed by the
Electoral Diet of Ratisbon were very promising. The invalid
Emperor was bound to be inclined to make concessions as
he was very anxious that his successor should be elected
during his life-time, and the supreme dignity thus be ensured
to the House of Austria. It would seem that some of the
German princes wished to place the Imperial crown upon
the head of a Protestant, but France, in spite of her internal
dissensions, aimed at the empty semblance of universal
dominion, by aspiring at the same time to the throne of
Poland as well as of the Empire. 1 It is true that all these
schemes did not in the end turn out to be very dangerous ;
the aspirations of France did not meet with much approval
in Germany, 2 and Augustus of Saxony, who alone of all the
Protestant princes had any serious chance of attaining to
the Imperial crown, preferred being a wealthy duke to being
an impoverished Emperor. 3 He therefore allowed himself
to be won over to the election of the Hapsburg prince, 4 and
strongly promoted his candidature with the other princes
of the Empire. 6
At the same time there was also a threat of serious danger
from that ardent Calvinist, the Elector Frederick III. of the
Palatinate, the declared enemy of the Catholics and the
opponent of the existing constitution of the Empire. 6 He
1 MORITZ, 43 seq.
2 Ibid., 45 seq.
3 Ibid., 96, cf. 46 seq.
4 Ibid., 55, 61.
5 Ibid., 61.
6 Otto Truchsess calls him " Author seditionum et receptor
rebellium omnium nationum," in SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 5.
THE PROTESTANTS NOT UNITED. 249
aimed, not only at preventing the election of a Hapsburg, 1
but also was opposed to any appointment being made during
the life-time of Maximilian, because at the death of the
Emperior the Imperial vicariate would pass into the hands
of the Electors and himself, in which case he would undoubtedly
make use of his position to place the dioceses of the north
of Germany in the hands of Protestants. 2 At anyrate he
intended to make use of the coming electoral Diet to extort
from the Catholic states the so-called " exemption " or
abolition of the reservatum ecclesiasticum, and above all the
confirmation of the declaration of Ferdinand. 3 The Catholics
especially had reason to fear lest with the vicariate of Frederick
in the Empire, to use the words of the Venetian ambassador,
Tron, in Germany and perhaps in the rest of the world, that
which was most exalted might be dragged down to the lowest
depths. 4 They had, nevertheless, every reason to desire a
happy issue to the election, and it was to be expected that
they would be ready to purchase the desired result by making
concessions.
Fortunately for the Catholics there was a want of union
among the Protestants. William of Orange had put away
his wife, Anna, the daughter of Augustus, on account of
adultery, and even before his divorce had married Charlotte
de Bourbon, who was living at the court of the Palatinate ; 5
on account of this " dog-nuptials," as Augustus put it, 6
there was the deepest enmity between the Protestant leaders,
the Elector of Saxony and the Elector Palatine, and thus
the prospect of united action by the whole Protestant party
at the electoral Diet was seriously endangered. 7 As far as
favouring the confirmation of the declaration was concerned all
the Protestant states were indeed agreed, but in other respects,
1 MORITZ, 82 seq.
*Ibid., 83, cf. 44, 51.
3 Ibid., 105 seq.
4 ALBERT, I., 6, 192.
5 MORITZ, 106 seq., in seq.
fl Ibid., 145.
* fbid., 147,
250 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
:
with the exception of the Landgrave William, they were but
little inclined to favour the plans of the Count Palatine.
At the beginning of October, 1575, a brilliant gathering
f princes assembled at Ratisbon.
The Emperor was accompanied by his son, Rudolph, King
of Bohemia, his wife, and the three Archdukes. With the
exception of the Calvinist Elector Palatine, who was
represented, and not for the better, by his Lutheran son,
Louis, ah 1 the Prince Electors were present in person ;
there were also present the Archbishop of Salzburg, the Duke
of Bavaria, and several other princes of the Empire. Cardinal
Lodovico Madruzzo had suggested to the Pope that he should
send a legate a latere to the Electoral Diet, but the Pope
found a difficulty in consenting to this in the fact that it
was not customary, and it was not known how the legate
would be treated. 1 When subsequently, the Emperor,
unquestionably out of consideration for the Protestants,
refused to accept a legate, the nuncio at Vienna, Giovanni
Delfino, was instructed to represent the Catholic cause at
Ratisbon ; 2 in other words, he was to point out to the Emperor
that the principal obstacle to reform was the fact that the
bishops-elect of Germany received investiture from the civil
power before they had the Papal approbation. 3 So as to
prevent the movement in favour of the " exemptions " he
was to devote himself to the defence of the religious peace. 4
On October loth the sessions were begun at Ratisbon and
1 *Report of Giulio Masetti to the Duke of Ferrara, dat. Rome,
June 15, 1575 (State Archives, Modena).
2 MORITZ, 139 seq. Credentials for Delfino, dat. August 20,
T 575 to the Emperor and the Archbishop of Mayence, in THEINER,
II., 21 seq. Delfino s reports from Ratisbon to Galli between
October 7 and November 3, 1575, ibid., 463-70. According to
an *Avviso di Roma, dat. August 13, 1575, the German Congrega
tion, on August 6, resolved to send a nuncio. Urb. 1044, P- 5 12
Vatican Library.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, I., xxxi, n. i.
4 STIEVE, Ursprung des Dreizigjahrigen Krieges, I., Munich,
1875, n. 94-
THE DIET AT RATISBON. 251
the twelve Electors informed the Emperor that they had
made up their minds about the election. October 24th was
chosen for the day of the election.
But matters were not destined to proceed so smoothly,
and very soon the question of the declaration of Ferdinand
divided men s minds to such an extent that it seemed as
though the electoral Diet would have to be dissolved without
anything having been accomplished. The Protestant Electors
definitely insisted that the declaration must be included in
the election capitulation of the future King of the Romans,
while the Catholic party equally decidedly would not hear
of this. The councillors of the Electors and several times
the princes themselves met in conference ; again and again
the Emperor was asked by both parties to intervene and
he summoned the ecclesiastical Electors at one time, and
the secular Electors at another to confer with him. 1 But
it seemed that nothing was of any avail.
The Catholic states and princes recognized the declaration
which was now presented to them in the original as authentic,
but nevertheless would not admit the validity of the document.
The Archbishop of Treves declared that he had heard from
three or four of the princes how the declaration had come
to be made, and no one was able to give him a satisfactory
reply. 2 The Elector of Cologne declared that his chancellor
and his majordomo had been present at the discussion of
the religious peace ; they could well remember " the weari
some business, but knew nothing of any discussion of the
declaration." 3 The Protestants, including the Elector of
Saxony, made no reply to these statements, and even when
the Emperor asked them why they had never brought the
matter to light before, while his father was alive, or at the
time of his own election, "they could not make any other reply
than that they had been waiting for the present occasion." 4
1 MORITZ, 154 seqq.
2 LEHMANN, 127. MORITZ, 160.
8 LEHMANN, 127. MORITZ, 156, n. 3.
* " Non hanno saputo dir altro, si non d haver aspettato questa
occasione." Delfino to Galli on October 28, 1575, in THEINER, II.,
466.
252 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Maximilian found himself in a very embarrassing position.
The Elector Augustus had already declared on October i8th,
that the declaration must not be thrown overboard ; that
if the ecclesiastics did not give way it was probable that in
three days time the Emperor would see very few secular
Electors at Ratisbon. 1 On the following day the same threat
was again made by the three Protestant Electors. 2 The
Emperor implored and adjured them ; he would rather, he
said, be 100 feet underground than have the electoral assembly
broken up without completing its work. 3 But everything
seemed useless.
In the meantime, one thing seemed clear ; if the Catholics
held firm their adversaries would give way. In reality the
declaration was no longer of any great importance to the
Elector of Saxony. 4 Even without it he had been able to
get the dioceses of Merseburg and Naumburg into his power, 5
and to put off the election of the king until the Greek Kalends
for the sake of a religious scruple seemed to him, in view of
its incalculable consequences, to be too serious a thing to do. 6
He decided to adopt a way out of the difficulty which the
Emperor proposed to him on October 2ist, and to refer the
question of the declaration to the next Diet. Augustus
won over the Elector of Brandenburg, as well as the Elector
Palatine, to this view ; the Count Palatine did not inform
his councillors, to whom the failure to elect the king seemed
likely to be useful to the revolutionary plans of the Palatinate,
before the session. 7 In this way, on October 27th the election
of Rudolph II. took place, and was followed by his coronation
1 MORITZ, l6l.
*Ibid., 162.
3 Ibid., 163.
4 Cf. ibid., 189.
5 " They have devoured and already digested their [founders]"
said a councillor of the Palatinate in 1570 with regard to Saxony
and Hesse. Ibid., 123, n. 4.
6 Autograph memorandum of Augustus, ibid., 167. Cf.
IANSSEN-PASTOR, IV., 15-16 391, n 2
7 MORITZ, 1 68 seqq.
THE DIET AT RATISBON. 253
on November ist. 1 The election capitulation was the same
as at the election of Maximilian in 1562.
With a view to obtaining help against the Turks, the
Emperor, on his way back from the election, convoked a
new Diet for February I5th in the following year at Ratisbon,
but this, on account of the nomination of Maximilian as
King of Poland, was postponed to April ist, and afterwards
to May ist. 2 The Landgrave William of Hesse then recom
mended his fellow princes not to agree to a single farthing
of tax for the Emperor s Turkish war, unless he first approved
the declaration. 3 This unworthy attempt to profit by the
necessities of the Emperor did not, however, meet with much
approval. 4
As far as the Catholics were concerned, Duke Albert V.
warned his representatives at the Diet not to be led into any
discussion of the declaration or of any religious exemptions,
saying that he would rather " suffer and endure " anything
than consent to depart from even a syllable of the religious
peace. The declaration was certainly invalid, and offensive to
Catholics, since it placed the ecclesiastical princes in a worse
position than the secular princes. The suppression of the
reservatum ecclesiasticum would make benefices hereditary,
and would at last lead to the undoing of the nobles ; the
attempt to obviate these sad consequences by means of
Imperial constitutions would be a vain one, and would break
down the religious peace. The dioceses, moreover, had not
been established in order to provide for the nobles, but only
for the sake of that Catholic worship which the Protestants
could not comply with. 5 Albert V. also tried to influence
the other princes. 6 He wished to present himself at the Diet
1 Description of the election and coronation : Delfino to Galli
on October 28 and November 3, 1575, in THEINER, II., 465 seq.,
468 seq.
2 MORITZ, 176, 188, 194.
3 MORITZ, 189, 192, 222 seq.
4 Ibid., 197.
5 Ibid., 241 seq.
6 Ibid., 242.
254 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
only after the religious question had been dealt with, so
that the rancour of the Protestants might not be directed
against him as the zealous supporter of the old religion. 1
It was perhaps for this reason that he put off a visit to Augustus
of Saxony until the very time of the Diet. 2
In Rome men were fully convinced that this Diet might
turn out to be of decisive importance.
At the consistory of April 23rd, 1576, Gregory XIII.
expressed his determination to observe the previous custom
of sending a special legate to the Diet of Germany ; when
Santa Croce objected that perhaps the presence of a Papal
envoy would not be pleasing to the Emperor, the Pope replied
that even so a legate should be sent ; he did not for his part
intend to omit anything that he could do. This decision
of the Pope s met with the approval of all the Cardinals. 3
Gregory then chose for this difficult task Cardinal Morone,
the best of his diplomatists, and when the Cardinal, who was
already seventy-seven years of age, wished to be excused,
Gregory said to him that either Morone or the Pope himself
should go to Ratisbon. 4 Care for religion, so it was stated
in the legate s instruction, 5 must naturally be the principal
1 Ibid., 243.
2 Ibid., 243, 246 seq.
3 Protocol of the Consistory, in the Nuntiaturberichte, II.,
ii seq.
4 Elector Frederick of the Palatinate to whom " a reliable and
well-known person of experience reported it " (KLUCKHOHN, II.,
971 ; of. MORITZ, 249). Pompeo St.rozzi *reports on April 21
to the Duke of Mantua that when Morone shrank from the mission
the Pope implored him with tears to go. On April 24 Strozzi
*reports that Morone received the legatine cross some days before,
and on the 29th, that he intended to start that evening. On
November 17 *he writes that Morone had arrived on the previous
day. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
5 Of April 26, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 21 seqq. Of less
importance are two memoranda of Cardinal Lodovico Madruzzo
about resisting attacks on the Catholic Church and winning back
the lost North German bishoprics and the apostate German
princes. Ibid., 12 seqq., 17 seqq.
LEGATION OF MORONE. 255
preoccupation of Morone during the Diet, but with the
Emperor he must present himself principally as his counsellor
in the question of Poland and Hungary, as well as in that
of the Turkish peril. With the help of the princes and the
Catholic bishops he must prevent the discussion of the
declaration of Ferdinand and of the suppression of the
reservatum ecclesiasticum ; on his way to Ratisbon he could
come to an arrangement on this subject with Ferdinand of
the Tyrol and with Duke Albert of Bavaria. With the
Emperor, from whom secret concessions were to be feared,
Morone was to point out clearly that by his constant readiness
to give way the Church in Germany was being ruined.
Maximilian should also not confer investiture with civil
rights upon those who had been intruded into ecclesiastical
office. 1
Morone set out from Rome in April. He made a fairly
long stay at Innsbruck with the Archduke Ferdinand, 2 and
at Landshut with Duke William, the heir to the throne of
Bavaria. The city seemed to him, on account of the great
concourse of people at the churches, the Catholic sentiments
of the inhabitants, and the piety of the royal couple, like a
jewel in the midst of filth. 3 With Duke Albert, who was at
the baths of Ueberkingen, Morone could only communicate
by letter. 4 When the legate learned that the arrival of the
Emperor at the Diet was not to be expected immediately,
he delayed his journey ; finally he fixed his residence at
Eckmuhl, three miles from Ratisbon. On June 9th he
reached the scene of the Imperial assembly, and it was only
with difficulty that he could find lodging in the city, which
1 Morone s credentials are dated April 25, 1576, Nuntiatur-
berichte, II., 28. Cf. -THEINER, II., 153 (to the Emperor), 154
(to the Spanish envoys). For Morone s faculties see DOLLINGER-
REUSCH, Geschichte der Moralstreitigkeiten, II., Nordlingen,
1889, 244 seq. ; MERGENTHEIM, I., 2365^., cf. 234. Cf. SCHELL-
HASS in the Quellen und Forschungen, XIII., 273 seqq.
2 To Galli on May 25, 1576, Nuutiaturberichte, II., 38 seq.
3 To Galli, Eckmuhl, June 6, ibid., 45.
4 MORITZ, 258 seq.
256 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was almost entirely Protestant, and which shunned him and
his companions as though they had been stricken with the
plague. 1
While they were still waiting for the coming of the Emperor,
the Protestant councillors, and especially the representatives
of Hesse and the Palatinate tried to arrive at a common
course of action on behalf of the Protestant party. A general
meeting of all the representatives of the innovators, however,
could not be held because of the attitude of reserve adopted
by the envoys of Saxony. The envoys of the Palatinate
therefore drew up a memorial which met with the approval
of the rest of the Protestants ; this especially insisted upon
a demand which dated from before the religious peace, and
was to the effect that those who adhered to the Confession
of Augsburg should not be forced by the Catholic authorities
to leave the country. 2
Morone at once became the spiritual centre of the Catholic
party. The legate had come filled with grave anxieties ;
he thought that by reason of the absence of the princes he
would be obliged to treat with the councillors, though the
greater number of these were not free from heresy. In his
opinion the Protestants were filled with the most joyful
expectations by reason of the necessities of the Emperor
and the weakness of the prelates, " who have as much unity
as an untied besom, and wish to enjoy life, no matter what
may become of the world : many of them are not even firm
in the faith." 3
Morone s first duty therefore was to win the confidence
of the Catholics and give them new courage. On the occasion
of the first visit of courtesy paid to him by the councillors,
he was able, as Delfino wrote, 4 to charm them by his courtesy,
while he sought thereafter in every way to be well informed
as to conditions in Germany. " If my health permits me,"
1 Nuntiaturberichte, II., 45.
2 LEHMANN, 129 seqq. Cf. MORITZ, 198 seq.
3 To Galli on May 25, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 38.
4 On June 20, 1576, in THEINER, II., 528.
MORONE AND THE EMPEROR. 257
he wrote, 1 " to assist more generally at their banquets, as
I have begun to do, it will be easier for me to win them over ;
I will do all I can." The Cardinal also made a deep impression
by his knowledge of conditions in Germany. As the coun
cillors of Bavaria wrote, he knew how to talk about public
affairs, and of the beginnings and spread of Lutheranism,
as though he had been present " at all the Diets and at all
that had occurred." 2 The representatives of the Electors
of Treves and Mayence, and of several other bishops, promised
him that they would take no action concerning the religious
question without his knowledge. 3 With the Emperor
Maximilian II., too, Morone was in much favour. On the
occasion of the legate s first visit, the sick Emperor was
unable to go to meet him, but had himself carried to the top
of the stairs, welcomed him with expressions of great joy,
and gave his hand to all the Cardinal s suite. In the Emperor s
private room Morone was placed upon a seat almost equal
to that of Maximilian, and went on to speak of his desire of
serving him, of the Polish question and the Turkish war,
and of religion, with so much skill that Maximilian showed
the greatest satisfaction. 4 With regard to the religious
position the Emperor remarked that it was difficult to describe
the ill-will felt by the Protestant princes in Germany towards
the Catholics. A great part of the blame for this, he said,
naturally fell upon the prelates, who only thought of the
temporal dominion which they had acquired by means of
their spiritual position, who neglected their principal duty,
the care of souls, and gave the worst possible example to
the rest of the clergy. 5 When he took his leave, Maximilian
again accompanied the legate to the stairs. Delfino, who
was present at the audience, wrote to Rome : "if there is
a man who is able to do any good in Germany, it is Morone
1 On June 19, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 56.
2 MORTTZ, 249, n. 5.
8 Nuntiaturberichte, II., 56.
4 THEINER, loc. cit. For the negotiations with the Emperor
cf. Morone to Galli on June 19, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 50-6.
5 Ibid., 55-
VOL. xx. 17
258 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and no one else : not only the Emperor, but the whole court,
is full of his praises." 1
The presence of Morone in the German Empire was also
to the advantage of the whole work of Catholic reform in
Germany. By the wish of the authorities in Rome all the
promoters of German Catholic reform went to meet him ;
Delfino, Portia, Ninguarda, Elgard and Canisius gave him
oral and written reports, and took counsel with him. 2 The
Protestants naturally were not all pleased to see at Ratisbon
this " lank and lean man " with his " white beard " and the
unaccustomed " scarlet mantle and zuchetto," who in spite
of his " advanced age " 3 could still cross the Alps ; but in
their acts and methods of expression they fully recognized
his great ability. 4
The speech with which Maximilian II. opened the Diet
on June 25th contained not a word about the religious
question, 5 but a written memorial from the councillors of
the Electors, which had been accepted by all the Protestants,
and only to some extent moderated by the councillors of
Saxony, at once demanded before anything else the con
firmation of the declaration of Ferdinand, 6 and although
it was once again made clear that " several of the princes
had never had any previous knowledge " of this much
discussed document, 7 and although the councillors of Saxony
affirmed in the presence of their Elector that the declaration
1 Delfino in THEINER, II., 528. For the negotiations with regard
to the Polish question, the League against the Turks, Flanders
and religion, see Morone to Galli on June 19, 1576, Nuntiatur-
berichte, II., 50-6.
2 MORITZ, 272. Ninguarda composed at the Diet his Informatio
concerning conditions in Germany ; see SCHELLHASS, Akten, I.,
47-108, 204-37.
3 MORITZ, 271.
4 " A crafty, experienced head most qualified for that kind of
business." Frederick of the Palatinate, in KLUCKHOHN, II., 960.
* MORITZ, 280 seqq., cf. 279,
6 Ibid., 281-7.
286.
THE DIET AT RATISBON. 259
could not apply to the affairs of Fulda and Eichsfeld, 1 the
demand nevertheless stirred up a veritable storm. The
Catholics declared that they would go away rather than permit
any religious discussion ! 2 First must come the discussion
of the religious question or there will be no tax for the
Turkish war ! threatened the Protestants. 3 When Saxony had
associated itself with this threat, a further petition was
submitted, which was also principally in favour of the
confirmation of the declaration of Ferdinand. 4 " God grant
that this discussion may be calmed " wrote the envoy of
Austria, " for otherwise we shall see a very strange Diet." 5
The Catholics had all the less thought of giving way in
that they possessed at that time an energetic leader in that
curious personality Salentin of Isenburg. Although he was
Archbishop and Elector of Cologne, Salentin wore a secular
dress, with a feather in his hat and a dagger in his belt, and
abused priests with all his might. When Morone crossed
the Alps, Salentin was on his way to Rome, in order to obtain
permission from the Pope to resign his diocese and then get
married. The two travellers met at Sterzing, where Morone
used his influence to persuade the other to give up his journey
to Rome and attend the Diet. 6 But at Ratisbon Salentin
entirely avoided any meeting with Morone. In spite of
everything he was quite firm in the Catholic faith, 7 and it
was under his influence that a decision was arrived at, at a
meeting of the Catholics, that " rather than give up a syllable
of the ancient, Catholic and true faith, and above all of the
religious peace, they would give all that they possessed, body,
property and blood." 8 A memorial to this effect was solemnly
sent to the Emperor. 9 Morone too presented to him a
1 Ibid., 282, n. 4, 288 n.
2 Ibid., 293 seq.
3 Ibid., 300-7.
4 Ibid., 308 seq., 313.
5 Ibid., 302.
Nuntiaturberichte, I., 15 ; II., 36.
7 MORITZ, 311.
8 Ibid., 314.
9 Ibid.
260 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
memorial against the declaration, encouraged the Catholic
councillors, and set them upon the way which in the end
actually brought them out of their difficulties. From what
had already happened, it could indeed be gathered that the
Elector of Saxony " upon whom all the other princes had
fixed their eyes " was not at heart prepared to fight very
zealously for the declaration. By means of the Duke of
Bavaria, who was just at that time paying a visit to Augustus
of Saxony, an attempt was to be made to induce him to give
way, and as William, the son of the Duke of Bavaria, was at
Ratisbon, a bridge between the Cardinal and Dresden was
already prepared. 1
In the meantime the hopes of Morone continued to fade. 2
After a further declaration on the part of the Protestant
princes, he was informed by the Emperor that it would be
very difficult to put off the discussion of the declaration to
a future Diet. The legate was already reconciling himself
to the idea that it would be confirmed at Ratisbon, 3 when
news came from Duke Albert that the Elector of Saxony
would not insist strongly upon the declaration. It was for
this reason, in order not to associate himself with his co
religionists among the supporters of the declaration, and so
as not to "be troublesome " to the Emperor, that he had
not come to Ratisbon, and in the meantime had instructed
his councillors not to neglect the other business on account
of the declaration. If he " holds firm and does not give way
easily," Albert wrote encouragingly to the Emperor, " even
those who protest " would leave things as they are ; but
if on the other hand he yields a finger to them, they would
at once insist upon his whole hand. 4 Augustus wrote to
his representatives at Ratisbon that they must not under
any pretext allow themselves to be led into uttering threats
1 Ibid., 315 seq.
2 " Di Sassonia non si puo spera bene alcuno, perch e la moglie
da lui amatissima e troppo vehemente nel Lutherismo." Morone
to Galli on July 26, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 98.
3 Ibid., 96 seq.
4 MORITZ, 323-7.
THE DIET AT RATISBON. 26l
of refusing help against the Turks. If it were a question
of destroying the religious peace, he asked " should the States
for that reason fail to come to the assistance of his Imperial
Majesty against the Turks, and allow it to come about that
they were swallowed up one after the other, until in the end
they all perished together ? " It would be a strange form
of resistance to say : " I do not wish to assist the supreme
authority ; I wish to let the Empire go to pieces, and myself
be devoured by the Turks, in order that this or that may be
done." 1 Naturally, however, Augustus avoided leaning too
definitely to either side, and his instructions to his councillors
at Ratisbon were certainly expressed very vaguely. 2
In spite of the promise of the Elector of Saxony, Morone
remained in a constant state of dread because of the instability
of Maximilian, 3 and the Catholics felt it necessary to seek
for powerful supporters with the vacillating Emperor. They
had indirect recourse to the Archduke Ferdinand of the Tyrol
through the Spanish ambassador, who was a zealous Catholic, 4
and King Philip. 5 Albert V. s news concerning the views
of the Elector of Saxony had hardly reached Ratisbon, when
at once, on the following day, Ferdinand and the Archbishop
of Salzburg repaired to the Emperor, and Ferdinand in
particular appealed very strongly to his conscience. 6 On
August i3th, Albert V. of Bavaria, who had been begged to
come by Morone, presented himself before Maximilian, and
received from the Emperor the express assurance that the
demands of the Protestants would not be granted at any cost. 7
1 MORITZ, 353.
2 Ibid., 348-55.
8 To Galli on August 9, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 115.
* MORITZ, 273 Cf. the envoy s reports in BIBL in the Archiv
fur osterr. Gesch., CVI. (1918), 416 seqq.
6 Nuntiaturberichte, II., 116.
6 MORITZ, 345 seqq., 347.
7 Ibid., 357. The duke, through his chancellor Elsenheimer,
had previously sounded the emperor. Maximilian had already
expressed to the chancellor his opinion that the Protestants
behaved towards the members of the old faith like the wolf in
262 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
He repeated the same assurance more fully when, at a banquet
which Johann Jakob of Salzburg gave to the princes on August
1 5th, the Archbishop of Mayence complained to the Emperor
and again declared that the Catholics would return home
without having settled anything rather than give their
approval to the smallest concession. The Emperor added
that the Catholics had more reason to complain of the
Protestants than the latter had of them. 1
In this way at last, on August 25th, Maximilian declared
his intention of confirming the religious peace of Augsburg ;
to change it would be impossible without the consent of both
parties ; it was not necessary to unite the declaration to
the decrees of the Diet nor to refer it to the supreme tribunal. 2
Neither of the two parties was satisfied by the Imperial
reply. The Catholics felt injured because the vice-chancellor
Weber sent them the resolution with an exhortation to
preserve the peace, and thus seemed to imply that the
disturbers of the peace were to be looked for among the
Catholics. They therefore drew up a protest enumerating
a series of usurpations on the part of the Protestants. 3 The
Protestants showed themselves even less satisfied. Some
of the Imperial councillors, who were indeed quite indifferent
about religion, but feared disturbances in the Empire if the
innovators were not taken into consideration, urged them
to take further steps. 4 In accordance with the ideas of
these " court Christians " and especially their leader, Lazarus
Schwendi, who demanded general religious liberty for Catholics
and Protestants alike, 5 a new Protestant petition was drawn
up on September gth ; in this, the declaration of Ferdinand,
the fable which blamed the sheep for polluting the water ; "in
the same way the Catholics must always be in the wrong according
to these people " ; what they did themselves they accused their
opponents of doing. Ibid., 356, n. 4.
*Ibid., 358-
2 Ibid., 366. LEHMANN, 140 seq.
3 MORITZ, 383.
Ibid., 368.
5 Ibid., 360 seqq.
THE DIET AT RATISBON. 263
which had hitherto been so zealously demanded, became
quite a secondary matter. 1 The Elector of Saxony also
remarked that he doubted whether the Protestant states would
be willing to tolerate papistical subjects in their territories. 2
This petition could not have much effect because it was
signed by only a part of the Protestant states. At the party
discussions it became increasingly difficult to conceal their
want of unity ; the Palatinate and Brandenburg insisted
that the religious concessions should be made a condition
of the subsidy against the Turks, but on the other hand the
Elector of Saxony forbade his representatives to adopt an
attitude which seemed to him to savour too much of holding
a pistol at men s heads. Hesse tried to compromise by
making no mention of any such condition to the Emperor,
but the Saxons had already decided not to insist any further
as far as he was concerned. 3
In spite of the split in the party some of the princes did
not cease even now to talk bombastically. 4 But the Land
grave William of Hesse, who more than the others loved to
talk in this way about religion, had to put up with being told
by the Elector Augustus that William himself knew quite
well that by the declaration of Ferdinand and the outcry
for independence " something very different from religion
was understood and sought for." 5
From July 28th to the beginning of September the dis
cussions of the subsidy against the Turks were suspended.
When they were once more renewed, the religious concessions
no longer made their appearance, as they had previously
done, as a condition of the subsidy. At the meeting of the
Electors the Palatinate and Brandenburg united on behalf
of the condition, but later on only the Palatinate took this
stand ; 6 when the assembly of the Electors and that of the
1 Autonomia, 99 (b).
3 MORITZ, 375.
3 Ibid., 368-73.
4 Ibid., 379, 381.
5 Ibid., 377-
Ibid., 395, 396.
264 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
princes met, only Hesse and Woltenbiittel clung to it. 1 The
representatives of Hesse wrote that everyone was walking
warily and that no one wished to be called ungrateful. 2 The
offers made for the subsidy against the Turks at first were
so small that the F^mperor expressed his indignation ; 3 after
protracted negotiations they were granted with comparative
liberality. 4 In the end, however, after Maximilian II. had
died at Ratisbon on October i2th, 1576, the sums agreed
upon were only paid very slowly to his successor. 5
On the very day, September 29th, on which the final decision
concerning the subsidy against the Turks had reached the
hands of Maximilian, the Protestant States once more
assembled to take counsel concerning the reply which the
Emperor had sent a few days before to their petition of
September gth. 6 One point in the Imperial reply was
especially displeasing to the Protestants ; this stated that
the declaration of Ferdinand, in spite of its derogative
formula, was in contradiction to the religious peace. A reply
to the Imperial decree was prepared, but the Emperor, who
was now seriously ill, can hardly have seen it.
When Maximilian received the Protestant demand of
September gth, he asked the Catholics to agree to its being
referred to the next Diet. This would have been the best
possible way of making the dispute everlasting, and for this
reason the Catholics would not agree. 7 By their success
at the Diet, the confidence of the Catholics in themselves
had much increased, as well as their trust in Rome as the
result of the action of Morone.
Minucci attributes the happy issue of the Diet to the efforts
of the Archduke of the Tyrol and the Duke of Bavaria with
398.
z lbid.
8 Ibid., 330.
4 Ibid., 394-8.
6 MORITZ, 452 seqq. F or Maximilian s death, ibid., 433 seqq.\
JANS~SEN-PASTOR, IV., 15 " 16 495 seq. ; BIBL, loc. cit., 352 seq.
6 MORITZ, 401 seq.
7 Ibid., 399 seq.
THE NEW EMPEROR. 265
the Emperor, and no less to the zeal and the " incomparable
prudence " of the legate, Cardinal Morone. 1 The latter
as well as the Pope expressed their great gratitude to the
Duke of Bavaria. 2
The change of government after the death of Maximilian II.
at first seemed to open out to the Catholics the prospect of
far-reaching consequences. The accession to the throne
of Rudolph II. filled the Protestants with anxiety, 3 since
the new Emperor, in contrast to his father Maximilian, was
animated by strict Catholic sentiments. A short time after
he had assumed the reins of government he removed the
Protestant servants from his court, and refused to the
Protestant states of Upper Austria the confirmation of the
religious concessions made by his predecessor. 4 Rudolph
chose his confessors from among the Jesuits, and a Jesuit
was his court preacher. 5 At the first audience which the
Papal nuncio Delfino had with Rudolph, the Emperor gave
him such satisfactory assurances of his attachment to the
Holy See and the Church, that the highest hopes were built
in Rome from the change in the Imperial throne. 6 Although
these were not fulfilled, and though the diplomatic relations
of the new sovereign with the court of Rome were not without
their difficulties, 7 nevertheless the attitude of Rudolph
1 Report of October 6, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, II., 185.
2 ARETiN, Maximilian, I., 216.
3 See JANSSEN-PASTOR, IV., 15 16 497.
4 See the reports of the nuncio G. Delfino, dat. November 19
and 21, 1576, in THEINER, II., 532.
6 See SACCHINUS, 1576, n. 86; 1578, n. 80; 1579, n. 122;
1580, n. 166.
6 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., xxxiv-xxxv.
7 Rudolph II. s obedientia mission, though announced
immediately after his election, did not arrive in Rome until
1 8 months later (April 27, 1577) ; and even then it arrived without
decree of election and oath of the king. In spite of this, however,
Gregory XIII., on July ist, gave his solemn confirmation and
supplied all defects. But the Bull of Confirmation was not
accepted either by the imperial envoys or by Rudolph II. to
whom Gregory had sent it by the nuncio (see SCHMID, in the
266 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
towards religious questions was much more satisfactory
than that of his predecessor. This was clearly shown in
his filling the principal offices at the court and in the Imperial
government with men who were manifestly Catholics, as
well as by Rudolph s efforts to win back his subjects to the
Catholic Church. It was naturally another question whether
Rudolph possessed the necessary strength and tenacity to
accomplish this difficult task.
The Emperor Rudolph and his brother, the Archduke
Ernest, to whom the administration of Austria was entrusted,
were to some extent driven to interfere by the excesses of
the Protestant pastors, who roused the animosity of their
hearers to such an extent that the latter " every time they
came away from a sermon were ready to tear to pieces with
bloody hands the Papists as idolators and slaves of the
devil." 1 Nevertheless the government ventured upon its
first steps only with diffidence, 2 and it was only when the
Emperor and his brother realized the weakness of the
Protestants of Austria, the result of their internal dissensions,
that they interfered with greater resoluteness, encouraged
and supported by Duke Albert and the Papal nuncio. In
June 1578 the carrying on of Protestant worship was forbidden
in Vienna. 3 This step taken by the Ernperor in defence
of his sovereign authority filled the Catholics with the greatest
Hist.-Jahrbuch, VI., 186 seqq.). John Tonner * wrote to Rudolph
from Rome on June 26, 1577, saying that Galli was the " anctor
and contriver of all these difficulties ; and the Pope a great
canonist who desired to have everything rigidissime iuxta literam.
I said to certain Cardinals quite bluntly : distinguamus tempora
et concordabimus scripturas, et quod tempora praesentia non
ferunt istum rigorem et obstinationem. Herberstein Archives
(Eggenberg) at Graz. Cf. H. von ZWIEDINECK-SUDENHORST, in
the Archiv fiir osterr. Gesch. LVIII. (1879), 175 seqq.
1 See JANSSEN-PASTOR, IV., 15 " 16 500.
2 For what follows cf. BIBL S exhaustive work : Die Einfiihrung
der kathol. Gegenre formation in Niederosterreich durch Kaiser
Rudolph II., 1576-80, Innsbruck, 1900.
3 See BIBL, loc. cit., 88 seq.
MELCHIOR KI.ESL. 267
joy. " Praise be to God " wrote the Imperial councillor,
Doctor Georg Eder, to Duke Albert, " that we have seen
such a day." 1 On July I3th, 1578, Gregory XIII. wrote
a brief in which he congratulated Rudolph II. on the action
he had taken. 2 Two years later the struggle with the
Protestant states was settled in the sense that the quarrel
some nobles and barons were obliged to act merely on the
defensive.
While the internal weakness and complete want of unity
of the Protestant states was becoming more and more evident,
there arose a highly-gifted champion 3 of Catholic restoration
in the person of the son of a Viennese baker, Melchior Klesl,
who had been brought back to the Catholic Church by the
Jesuit, Scherer. 4 In 1579 the Emperor appointed him
provost of the cathedral of St. Stephen, and chancellor of
the University of Vienna. Two years later Klesl became
vicar-general of the Bishop of Passau in Lower Austria.
At his suggestion the Emperor in 1581 renewed the ordinance
of Ferdinand I. by which no one could be admitted as a
professor at the University of Vienna, nor have the right
to promotion, who had not made the profession of the
Catholic faith according to the formula prescribed by Pius IV. 5
Things were in this favourable condition when Bonhomini,
in December, 1581, began his nunciature at the court of the
Emperor.* 5 This indefatigable man, who had taken Charles
1 See ibid., 91.
2 THEINER, II., 347.
8 See BIBL, loc. cit., v.
4 In addition to the four-volume work of HAMMER-PURGSTALL,
cf. (for particulars of Klesl) KERSCHBAUMER S monograph (Vienna,
1865) which, though exhaustive and based upon the Roman
archives, does not solve all problems.
5 See KINK, Geschichte der Universitat Wien, I., Vienna, 1854
319 seq.
6 See EHSES-MEISTER, I., xxx ; HANSEN, I., 300 seqq. His
*instruction of September 30, 1581, in the Cod. Barb., p. 203,
Vatican Library. Minutes in Var. polit., 179, Papal Secret
Archives.
268 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Borromeo as his model, 1 proved himself once again in his
new office the zealous supporter of reform and Catholic
restoration, not only in the Empire, but also in Austria and
Hungary. From the first Bonhomini s activities were on
similar lines to those adopted by him in Catholic Switzerland,
in the fortunes of which, 2 no less than in the religious interests
of his own diocese of Vercelli, 3 he took a constant and active
part, though only from a distance ; in his new sphere of
action too, which was so much wider, his first endeavour
was to raise the moral state of the clergy, and for this purpose,
no less than for that of fighting against the religious innova
tions, to establish new houses for the Jesuits, first of all at
Pressburg, 4 and then at Linz and Krems. 5 It seemed to
him that one of the principal difficulties was the scarcity
of priests. 6
Bonhomini was very pleased with his reception by the
Emperor. Among other things he obtained from Rudolph
the handing over of the heretic, Massilara, who went by the
name of Paleologus. 7 As far as Austria was concerned,
Bonhomini thought that, in consequence of the good will
of Rudolph and of some of the Catholic councillors, matters
would develope favourably everywhere. 8 Higher interests,
1 See Bonhomini s *letter to John Anthony Guernerius (Canonic-
Bergomati) dat. Posonii, IV., Cal. Ian., 1582, Min. Epist., 1582-4,
n. 98, Jesuit Library at Exaeten.
2 Numerous *documents bearing on this, ibid.
3 Cf. the beautiful "letter to the Chapter of Vercelli dat.
Viennae, XIX., Cal. Ian., 1581, Min. Epist., loc. cit.
4 See the "letter to the rector of the Jesuit College at Vienna
dat. Posonii, Prid. Id. Febr., 1582, Min. Epist., loc. cit.
5 See the "letter to the Archduke Maximilian dat. Viennae,
VIII., Cal. April, 1582, ibid.
6 See the "letter to Victor August Fugger Kirchbergensis
parochiae rector dat. Viennae, XIII., Cal., April, 1582, ibid.
7 See EHSES-MEISTER, I., xxx. For Paleologus cf. Vol. XVI.
of this work, p. 319 ; XIX., 303 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, II., 411,
414, 419, 448.
8 "Letter to the Bishop of Passau, Urban von Trennbach, dat.
Viennae, XI., Cal., April, 1582, Min. Epist., loc. cit.
LEGATION OF MADRUZZO. 269
however, suddenly tore the nuncio away from his new sphere
for a time, for the Pope sent him orders to assist at the
Emperor s first Diet, which Rudolph had convoked at
Augsburg for April 22nd, 1582. This assembly not only
attracted the attention of the whole of Germany, but it was
also fully realized in Rome how important it was, and how
advantageous it would be to be properly represented during
the discussions.
That the presence of a nuncio, even though the latter
possessed all the zeal of a Bonhomini, would not suffice,
was very evident, and it was realized that a legate a later e
would have to defend the rights of the Church, and prevent
any further concessions being made to the Protestants. As
candidates for this office, the names of Cardinals Delfino
and Madruzzo were put forward as the most suitable, 1 and
next those of Commendone, Cesi and Maffei. 2 The most
prominent candidate from the first was Lodovico Madruzzo, 3
who, as Prince-Bishop of Trent, was also a prince of the
Empire, and was, as Cardinal Protector, in close relations
with Germany, besides being possessed of a detailed knowledge
of the conditions of the Empire. It was upon this
distinguished prince of the Church, who in 1578 had introduced
the reform in accordance with the decrees of the Council of
Trent into his diocese, 4 that the Pope s choice at length fell.
At a consistory of March 3rd, 1582, Gregory XIII. announced
to the Cardinals the appointment of Madruzzo, and they
cordially approved of his choice. 5 The choice also met with
general praise, but, as the ambassador of the Este remarked, 6
not from Madruzzo himself. He was at that time in such
1 *Report of Giulio Masetti, dat. Rome, February 8, 1582,
State Archives, Modena.
2 *Report of G. Masetti dat. Rome, February 9, 1582, ibid.
3 * Report of G. Masetti dat. Rome, February 19, 1582, ibid.
4 Cf. the *Vita of L. Madruzzo in the Cod. Massetti of the
Municipal Library, Trent.
5 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., 381.
6 * Report of G. Masetti dat. Rome, March 7, 1582, State
Archives, Modena.
270 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a bad state of health that the sessions of the German Con
gregation had to be held at his house. 1 Nevertheless he
resolved to obey the call of the supreme head of the Church.
Fully realizing the importance of his mission, he made a
study of the acta of the preceding Diets, and drew up a
memorial concerning the subjects which it could be foreseen
would be brought up for discussion at Augsburg. Such were
the two great questions around which since 1575 the struggle
between the Catholics and Protestants had especially turned ;
the so-called " exemption " or the suppression of the reservatum
ecclesiasticum, and the confirmation of the declaration of
Ferdinand I. By settling these questions in accordance
with their desires the Protestants intended, as Madruzzo
pointed out in his memorial, to strike a death-blow at the
existence of Catholicism in Germany. He therefore deduced
the necessity for a close alliance between the Catholic states,
and a revival of resistance to any further propagation of the
new doctrines. 2 These two suggestions met with the fullest
approval of the Pope and his Secretary of State, Galli. The
latter made them the basis of the instructions which he drew
up for the legate. It has been very rightly pointed out that
this important document marks the great progress which
the cause of the Catholic restoration had made in Rome
during the last five years. It points to the fact that the
time had come to abandon the defensive attitude which
they had been obliged to adopt even at the time of the mission
of Morone in 1576, and to aim at obtaining positive results
against Protestantism by delivering a bold attack. 3 The
ecclesiastical and secular princes who had remained loyal to
Catholicism must, in close union, no longer wait, as they
had hitherto done, for the Protestant demand to be set forth,
but they must in writing put before the Diet the many
1 *Reports of G. Masetti dat. Rome, March, 8, 9 and 10, 1582,
ibid.
2 Madruzzo s memorandum dat. March 15, 1582, see Nuntiatur-
berichte, II., 382 seq., cf. Ixviii seq.
3 See ibid., Ixx seq. The actual wording of the Instruction
ibid., 390 seq., published for the first time by HANSEN.
MEMORIAL OF MADRUZZO. 27!
violations of right which, in defiance of the religious peace
of Augsburg and . to the great harm of Catholicism, the
Protestants had been guilty of in almost every part of Germany,
and especially at Magdeburg, Halberstadt, Bremen and, quite
recently, at Aix. " By this application of the old principle
that attack is the best form of defence, Cardinal Galli hoped
to take his adversaries by surprise, to put them on the
defensive, and thus in any case prevent any further loss
to the Catholic Church, and also with great probability even
gain something." 1 If, in spite of this, he should not
be successful in preventing the demands of the Protestants
from being put forward and discussed, the legate was to
make this dependent upon the restoration of the dioceses
of which the Protestants had, contrary to all right, taken
possession after the religious peace.
Besides the plan for restoration, another for reform was added
to Madruzzo s instructions. The Cardinal legate was to take
advantage of the presence of so many bishops in order to
urge them to repair the damage done and to remove the many
abuses of which the Holy See had definite information from
the nuncios Portia and Ninguarda. The Pope s representatives
were severely to remind the bishops of Germany of their
pastoral duties, and above all to urge them to make a visitation
of their dioceses, to establish seminaries, and to effect the
moral regeneration of their clergy.
As the death of the Elector of Mayence and Chancellor
of the Empire, Daniel Brendel, which took place on March
22nd, 1582, delayed the Emperor s journey, Madruzzo and
Bonhomini put off their arrival at Augsburg. The Cardinal
remained at Trent, whence, still continuing his study of the
acta of the preceding Diets, 2 he urged the Bishops of Salzburg,
Treves and Bamberg to undertake the journey to Augsburg, 3
and drew up a reply to the " book of concord " of the
Protestants. 4 Bonhomini at first laboured at Vienna in
1 Ibid., Ixxi.
8 See ibid., 413 seq., 415, 420, 424.
3 See ibid., 419, 421, 427.
4 See ibid., 423, cf. 433, 596 seqq.
272 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the interests of the Catholics of Hungary. 1 In April he
went to Bohemia, 2 where he urged the establishment of a
Jesuit college at Pilsen. After he had celebrated the festival
of Pentecost at Prague, he went to Munich in order to consult
with the Duke of Bavaria about the defence of Catholic
interests at the Diet. He had already announced his visit
to William V. from Vienna, and had exhorted him to prepare
his weapons in time, so as successfully to oppose any demand
from the Protestants for the suppression of the reservatum
ecclesiasticum.
On June I4th, 1582, there also arrived at Munich Cardinal
Madruzzo who had left Trent on June ist, and had then
stayed for a few days at Innsbruck with the Archduke
Ferdinand. 3 What the Cardinal learned from the Archduke
concerning the inexperience of the young Emperor, and the
tepidity of the ecclesiastical princes, 4 was bound to cause him
great anxiety. All the more pleasant, therefore, were the
impressions which he formed at Munich. Once more the
ducal court of Bavaria was shown to be the rallying point
of Catholic interests in Germany. Duke William showed
himself as full of zeal for the Church as though he had been
a representative of the Holy See. 5 The Archdukes Ferdinand
and Charles, too, who arrived at the same time, showed the
most satisfactory dispositions. Madruzzo and Bonhomini
went into the position at prolonged conferences, and settled
with Duke W illiam their method of procedure at the coming
Diet. Although the Duke of Bavaria did not conceal from
himself the difficulties of keeping the Catholic party united,
he agreed with Madruzzo in all essentials, especially with
regard to taking the offensive. 6 At these conferences there
also took part Germanico Malaspina, who had held the nuncia
ture at the court of Graz since 1580, and had directed the
1 EHSES-MEISTER, I., xxxi.
2 SCHMIDL, Historia S.J. Prov. Bohemiae, II., 480.
3 Nuntiaturberichte, II., 379, cf. 427, 432, 435.
4 See ibid., 428 seq.
5 See ibid., 432, 435.
6 See ibid., Ixxiv.
THE DIET AT AUGSBURG. 273
resistance to the Protestants there. 1 The importance attached
in Rome to the Diet of Augsburg is shown by the fact that
the Pope sent yet a fourth representative to Augsburg in
the person of Feliciano Ninguarda. 2
On June I7th the Cardinal legate Madruzzo arrived in
Augsburg with a great retinue. 3 On the following day there
also came Bonhomini and Malaspina, and the new Archbishop
of Mayence, Wolfgang von Dalberg, who was not yet confirmed
by the Pope, and of whom Madruzzo formed a very favourable
impression. 4 The Cardinal, as well as the Archduke
Ferdinand, Duke William and Bishop Julius of Wiirzburg,
expressed the hope that the Elector Augustus of Saxony,
the recognized leader of the Protestant states, would not
insist too strongly on the " exemption." Madruzzo thought
so well of the hopes for the Catholic cause, that he felt
strengthened in his plan, already approved by the Holy
See, of anticipating the possible attacks of the Protestant
party by himself taking the offensive. 5 But at the very
moment of the opening of the Diet an event occurred which
upset this plan entirely.
The Emperor made his entry into Augsburg on June 27th,
with a splendid retinue, in which were to be seen the Archdukes
Ferdinand and Charles, and Duke William of Bavaria. At
his first audience Madruzzo urged the defence of the Church
in forcible terms, and Rudolph, who treated the Pope s
representative with great honour, replied that he for his
part would not be found wanting. 6 In the Imperial
1 Cf. REICHENBERGER, I., 431 seq. For the development of
religious conditions in Inner Austria see JANSSEN-PASTOR, V., 15 " 16
248 seq., where the more recent literature is made use of. The
publication of the Graz Nuntiaturberichte is being prepared by
Professor Tomek (Vienna).
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., 374.
8 See the list given in FLEISCHMANN, Deskription des Reichstages
7,11 Augsburg, Augsburg, 1582, 107 seq. Cf. MAFFEI, II., 234.
4 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., 437, 439.
5 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., 441 seq.
6 See ibid., 446 seq. Cf. MAFFEI, II., 237.
VOL. xx.
274 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
programme which was read on July 3rd, nothing but political
questions were mentioned, especially the Turkish subsidy.
The religious question on the other hand was, following the
precedent set by Maximilian, passed over in complete silence.
But it very soon came to the fore when the Margrave, Joachim
Frederick of Brandenburg, the Protestant and married
administrator of the archiepiscopal see of Magdeburg,
although he had neither been confirmed by the Pope nor
had received investiture from the Emperor, demanded for
his representative, not only a place and a vote, but also, as
supposed Primate of Germany, the presidency of the council
of the princes. 1 Madruzzo had protested against so manifest
a violation of the reservatum ecclesiasticum immediately before
the opening of the Diet, through the Duke of Bavaria, and
by an autograph memorial. 2 He was therefore extremely
surprised when the hereditary marshal of the Empire, when
he read the Imperial programme, accorded the first place,
without rousing any objection, to the representative of the
Archbishop of Magdeburg, and above George Agricola, Bishop
of Seckau, the representative of Salzburg. To the protests
made by Madruzzo the envoy of Salzburg excused himself
by saying that there was an arrangement between Magdeburg
and Salzburg to take this position at alternate sessions, and
that moreover other Protestant princes had a place and a
vote among the ecclesiastical princes without having received
the Papal approbation. Further negotiations resulted in
Madruzzo and Malaspina, who were supported by the Duke
of Bavaria and the Elector of Mayence, being successful in
winning over the envoy of Salzburg and in inducing him
to make a protest, which was not only directed against the
presidency which the representative of Magdeburg had
usurped, but also called in question his right to sit and vote
at the Diet. 3 Moreover, the Cardinal legate on July 6th
1 Cf. LOSSEN, Der Magdeburger Sessionsstreit auf dem
Augsburger Reichstag von 1582, in the proceedings of the historical
class of the Munich Academy, XX. (1893), 623 seq.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., 452,
3 See ibid., 455 seq.
THE DIET AT AUGSBURG. 275
personally addressed severe remonstrances to the Emperor,
pointing out the evil effects for the Catholic religion and the
ecclesiastical princes which would follow if one who had
neither the Imperial investiture nor the Papal approval,
and who had never so far taken his seat, were to be admitted.
Such an act would in fact grant to the dioceses the dangerous
privilege of choice of religion. 1
It was at once evident that the Emperor was afraid of
a definite decision, from his fear of prejudicing the subsidy
against the Turks which was being asked of the Diet. He
was anxious to compromise the point at issue, by allowing
the envoy of Magdeburg to be admitted as the representative
of the chapter. Such an expedient, however, was rejected
not only by Madruzzo and the Catholic princes, but also
by the administrator himself. 2 It became clear in the course
of the heated discussions which followed after July I2th
that the threat of the Catholic princes that they would rather
leave the Diet than grant the right to a seat and a vote to
the representative of Magdeburg was seriously meant. It
was evident, however, later on, that even the Catholics
would be glad to arrive at a compromise. Madruzzo worked
without ceasing to prevent any such weakness, and to keep
the Catholics united in offering a firm resistance. He found
a strong supporter in this in the Duke of Bavaria, whose
brother Ernest, Bishop of Liege, Freising and Hildesheim,
who arrived on July i5th, fully realized the hopes that had
been built upon him.
This was all the more valuable as by this time the two
ecclesiastical Electors, Wolfgang von Dalberg of Mayence and
Johann Schonenberg of Treves, in order to prevent the violent
breaking up of the Diet, were inclined to a compromise,
by which the envoy of Magdeburg might be allowed to take
his seat at the Diet, at anyrate on this occasion, and without
prejudice as to the future. An Imperial decree to this effect
had already been drafted when the efforts of Madruzzo were
successful in making the Catholic princes change their
1 See ibid.
2 See LOSSEN, II., 19.
276 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
minds. 1 However, such aggravating changes were introduced
into the said decree that the envoy of Magdeburg and his ad
viser, the Elector of Saxony, could not feel satisfied with it. On
July 26th an approval of the thus amended decree was given
by the majority of the Catholic states. It was at once presented
to the Emperor, who, after cancelling certain expressions
in it, declared his acceptance of it, and sent the proposal to
the Elector of Saxony and the administrator of Magdeburg.
Both made a reply. 2 It was now a case of preventing the
discussion of any further compromise, and in this too Madruzzo
was successful. He pointed out to the new Emperor in a
memorial the danger to the constitution of the Empire and
the Catholic religion which the attempted innovation on
the part of the representative of Magdeburg was bound to
involve. Finally he reminded His Majesty in grave words
that he must bear in mind his sworn undertaking to protect
the Catholic religion and the Apostolic See. As Madruzzo
afterwards learned, what he had said made so deep an
impression upon Rudolph II. that at the discussion wifh
his councillors he rejected any further talk of compromise,
and, placing his hand upon his cap, exclaimed : "If this
were my Imperial crown, I would rathei resign it than grant
anything which would do harm to the Catholic religion." 3
Despairing of any success the administrator of Magdeburg
left the Diet on July 28th. " I am satisfied," the Cardinal
legate wrote on the same day to Rome, " with the existing
state of affairs, nor is what has been accomplished to be
despised." 4 These words betray his regret that he had not
been able to obtain even more, namely, the exclusion from
the Diet of all those other bishops who had not been confirmed
by the Pope. Yet Madruzzo had every reason to be satisfied,
for it was undoubtedly " an important success for the party
of the Catholic restoration that by their determined opposition
1 See LOSSEN, Sessionsstreit, 648 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, II.,
474-
2 See LOSSEN, loc. cit., 652 seq.
8 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., 479.
* Ibid.
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 27?
the pretended Primate of Germany, and what was more,
the son of an Elector, had had to leave the Diet, with nothing
more than the reservation of his rights, without the other
Protestant princes having seriously accepted his claims, or
made his cause their own." 1
If, after the much appreciated 2 result of the dispute
concerning the intrusion of the representative of Magdeburg,
they hoped in Rome for further successes, disappointment
was in store for them. The Protestants avenged the defeat
which they had suffered by the most vigorous resistance
to the Imperial request for help against the Turks, by violently
taking the part of the council of the city of Aix, which had
become Protestant, and in maintaining the assurance of
the liberty of conscience which had been guaranteed to the
innovators there in defiance of existing rights. The religious
position in the ancient capital of the Empire was of extra
ordinary importance, because its accessibility to the innovators
was bound to influence the Low Countries and Cologne,
and open an obvious breach in the defences of the territory
of the Lower Rhine, which was still Catholic. Madruzzo
at once fully realized the importance of this, but he did not
meet with that support from most of the Catholic princes
which he required if he was to attain complete success. 3 In
the meantime the Protestants remained with the advantage
over the question of Aix, though they did not succeed in
obtaining anything more than an armistice. 4
Madruzzo was very justly grieved that he had not been
able to obtain more help for the Archduke Charles of Styria
in his struggle with his Protestant states, yet it was entirely
his doing when the Emperor rejected a delegation of the
nobles of Styria when they came with their complaints. 5
The Cardinal legate met with insurmountable difficulties
with regard to a number of other tasks. Such were the
1 LOSSEN, loc. cit., 655.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., xcii, n. 2.
3 Ibid., Ixxxi seq.
4 See RITTER, I., 587.
6 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., Ixxxv seq.
278 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
reinstatement of the Archbishop of Cambrai, the preparations
for the new election at Munster, the settlement of the disputes
between Fulda and Wiirzburg, and his interposition in the
efforts being made to Protestantize the territories of Bamberg
in Carinthia, by their vice-regent, John Frederick Hoffmann,
whose activities were tolerated by Bishop Martin of Bamberg. 1
If, in these as in other matters, the legate had to complain
so much of the indifference of most of the ecclesiastical princes,
he also had reason to lament the want of that good will on
the part of Rudolph II., on which he had so much counted.
The Imperial coronation of Rudolph II., which the Pope
had suggested, and for which Gregory XIII. intended to go
to Bologna, proposing also to share in the expense, was given
up on account of the temporary strained relations with Poland,
which made any journey abroad impossible ; the publication
of the new calendar was also put off until the following year. 2
Naturally nothing could be done to give effect to the anti-
Turkish league, 3 which the Pope had so much at heart, in a
Diet which, after long discussions, only granted forty "Roman
months " in five years, and furthermore rejected the request
to unite the new tax to those of 1576.
Undoubtedly what made the most painful impression on
Madruzzo was the fact that the bold plan for a systematic
attack on the Protestantism of Germany had been shown
to be quite impracticable, on account of the weakness,
indecision and indifference of the greater number of the
Catholic states.
Immediately after the end of the controversy concerning
the right to intervene of the representative of Magdeburg,
Madruzzo had prepared a memorial in which were enumerated
the complaints of the Catholics concerning the violation
of the religious peace, and had communicated it to Duke
William of Bavaria. 4 Cardinal Galli, to whom Madruzzo
1 See ibid. Ixxxiii seq. ; supra, p. 191, n. 8 ; Bonhomim s
"Instruction (supra, p. 267, n. 6), p. 206.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., Ixxxviii seq.
a Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 370, n. i.
4 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., Ixxxix, 443, 447, 494-
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 279
sent this work, praised its accuracy and opportuneness. He
only regretted that the controversy about the representation
of Magdeburg had prevented its being presented immediately
at the opening of the Diet, according to the original plan,
because it would certainly have intimidated the Protestants.
Since it was now clear that any form of consideration only
rendered their enemies more bold and provocative, he
hoped that the Catholic states would now come before
the Diet with their protests. 1 Their co-operation was
necessary as the Cardinal legate could not present it him
self, since the Apostolic See had never recognized the
religious peace. 2
As just at that moment the Catholics were being provoked
by offensive demonstrations against the Pope, 3 energetic
action on their part was to be looked for. But instead of
this the majority put up with these demonstrations patiently,
like lambs, and did not dare to present the protest to the
Diet. Their feebleness was so great that out of human
respect there was not even any discussion. Madruzzo there
fore found himself obliged to take the initiative. On August
I5th, the Feast of the Assumption, he assembled the eccles
iastical Electors and the other ecclesiastical states at his
lodging in order to make a strong appeal to their conscience
concerning the measures to be taken to preserve the Catholic
Church in Germany. 4
The Pope, so said the Cardinal legate, 5 had done all that
lay in his power to defend the Catholic Church in Germany
against the attacks of Protestantism. For this purpose he
had sent many nuncios, had founded colleges and seminaries
in Rome and Germany, and everywhere exerted his influence,
and given his help and advice. Since the expected result
had not been obtained, and the danger was steadily increasing,
he now had to remind the ecclesiastical princes, who every
1 Memorandum of August 4, 1582, ibid:, 489.
2 Cf. Vol. XIV. of this work, p. 343.
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., xc, 500, 521, 538.
4 See the report of August 18, 1582, ibid., 508 seq.
5 Text of the discourse ibid., 600.
280 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
day had the sufferings of the Church before their eyes, of
their duty. The legate was all the more ready to become
the spokesman of the Pope, because he had, here in the Diet,
more clearly realized the dangers and the abuses.
In the first place Madruzzo bitterly complained that during
the five and twenty years that had elapsed since the religious
peace of Augsburg, nothing whatever had been done to avert
the loss of such illustrious dioceses as Merseburg, Naumburg,
Verden, Meissen and Magdeburg. There was now the danger
of the further loss of the dioceses of Liibeck, Halberstadt,
Minden, Osnabriick, Paderborn and Bremen. As the
representatives of these dioceses, though they had not yet
been approved by the Pope, had been allowed to take part
in the Diet, the Catholic majority in the council of the Empire
was endangered. But nothing was being done by the Catholic
states to face this danger. An academic struggle against
independence was of no use, if the followers of Luther and
even of Calvin were given admission to the cathedral chapters
without protest. More and more Protestant assessors were
finding their way into the supreme tribunal, which was of
such great importance in the settlement of religious questions,
while the ecclesiastical princes themselves nominated persons
under suspicion. The bishops neglected their spiritual
supervision of the Catholics in the free cities, which every
day fell more and more into the hands of the innovators.
Notwithstanding this alarming state of affairs no one
thought of remedying the abuses, or defending the common
weal. The indifference and confusion of the Catholics stood
out in strong contrast to the activity of their adversaries.
In allusion to the matter of the vice-regent Hoffmann, against
whom the Bishop of Bamberg refused to take any action,
Madruzzo pointed to the grave abuse by which some of the
bishops did not give to the Pope the obedience that they
were bound to give. He also complained that the episcopal
functions and ecclesiastical ceremonies were so neglected
that the people had become accustomed to the lack of them.
A stern warning to those present to turn their attention to
the measures that must be taken, and an assurance that the
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 28l
Holy See would not fail in its support, brought the discourse
to an end.
Although the Duke of Bavaria warmly supported the
forcible review given by Madruzzo, the ecclesiastical princes
lost precious time in protracted discussions. " I still remain
without any reply to my statements," wrote Madruzzo to
Rome, " they discuss, and admit the necessity of finding a
remedy, but the evil is so deep-rooted that any attempt to
heal it sets the whole body in a terrible state of excitement.
They all realize the losses that have been suffered, but they
do not dare do more than grieve over them with useless
sighs." 1
After the Catholic states had presented their complaints
against the Protestants on August 3Oth, 2 Madruzzo hoped
for a similar step on the part of the ecclesiastical princes,
but the latter at last, on September 3rd, gave him a reply
to his discourse, which, together with a justification of them
selves against the reproaches which he had made, although
it was full of protests of devotion to the Pope and promises
for the future, contained no word of any intention of bringing
before the Diet the complaints of the Catholics, or their
claim to the restitution of the confiscated Church property. 3
In any case this would have been too late, for the ecclesiastical
princes had put off their reply to the moment when everyone
was preparing to leave the Diet.
Madruzzo remained there for a few days after the closing
of the Diet (September 2oth). 4 At his farewell audience
1 See ibid., 526, cf. 524, 530, 532.
2 See LEHMANN, I., 203 ; HABERLIN, XII., 331 seq.
3 See BEZOLD, I., n. 399.
4 Bonhomini remained four days longer and then returned to
Vienna where he immediately resumed his reforming activities
by continuing his visitation of Hungary and Slavonia (see EHSES-
MEISTER, I., xxxi). G. Malaspina had already left Augsburg on
September 16 in order to be in Graz in good time for the provincial
Diet which the Archduke Charles had summoned for the end of
the year. While there, he intended, as Madruzzo reported to
Rome (Nuntiaturberichte, II., 535), to watch over the seed which
282 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
with Rudolph II., on September 23rd, he obtained a verbal
promise from the Emperor that in future he would grant
no investiture before the bishop-elect had been confirmed
by the Pope. On the other hand the Cardinal legate had not
been able to prevent the bishops who had been present at
Augsburg, who were not yet thus confirmed, from being
allowed to sign the decrees of the Diet. 1
If we look to the results of the Diet of Augsburg, we shall
find that the foresight of Bonhomini was justified, when on
June 28th he told Canisius that they might feel satisfied
if the Church came out of it without further losses. 2 This
much at any rate had been attained, though to a great extent
only owing to the favourable circumstances, since, if the
dangerous discussions about independence and the declaration
of Ferdinand were avoided, this was entirely due to the
Elector Augustus of Saxony, who, in spite of the pressure
of the Count Palatine, would not hear of the treatment of
such questions. 3 The by no means unimportant success
in the dispute about the right to a seat of the representative
of Magdeburg was entirely due to Madruzzo. 4 If, notwith
standing his zealous efforts, the Cardinal legate did not obtain
more, this was the fault of the Catholic states, whose timid
behaviour Cardinal Galli described, on September I5th, 1582,
in the severest terms. At the beginning of the Diet they
would not anticipate the Protestants by asking for help
he scattered with so much zeal and energy. How important it
was that Malaspina should remain permanently in Graz was seen
later on during his absence which was caused by affairs in Cologne
(see MAFFEI, II., 372). With reference to Ninguarda cf. supra,
p. 159 seq.
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., xcii, 561.
2 The passage in question taken from the letters contained in
the *Min. Epist. of Bonhomini (Library at Exaeten) in the
Nuntiaturberichte, II., 443, n. 3. Cf. also, in the same hand
writing at Exaeteri, the *letter of Bonhomini to the Archbishop
of Prague dat. Viennae, XII., Cal., April, 1582.
3 See RITTER, I., 576 seq.
* Cf. LOSSEN, II., 20.
RESULT OF THE DIET. 283
against their encroachments, for fear of irritating them ;
when they were themselves attacked, they roused themselves
for a moment, but in the end, when the attacks of their
adversaries became more violent, they did not dare to open
their mouths. Since all the zeal of the Pope and his legate
had proved in vain, so Cardinal Galli concluded, the only
thing to do was to pray to God that He would be pleased
to receive His Church in Germany, weakened and sorely
humbled though she was, into His good-will and favour. 1
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, II., 547.
CHAPTER VII.
STATE OF RELIGION IN NORTH GERMANY.
OF the two nuncios sent beyond the Alps in May, 1573,
Gropper found himself faced with a far more difficult task
in the north of Germany than did Portia in the south. From
the ecclesiastical point of view northern Germany was to
a great extent a devastated area, or threatened to become
so in the immediate future. All the dioceses to the east of
the Elbe might be considered as lost to the Catholics ; the
civil princes there had been able to place their younger sons
in the episcopal sees, and they in their turn, under the cloak
of Lutheranism, had converted their bishoprics into civil
principalities. Thus Schleswig, Schwerin and Ratzeburg
had passed into the hands of the Dukes of Holstein and
Mecklenburg, Kammin into those of the Dukes of Pomerania,
and Brandenburg, Havelburg and Lebus into those of the
Margraves of Brandenburg. Further south, between the
Elbe and the Weser, the same fate had befallen the dioceses
of Merseburg, Naumburg and Meissen, which had become
civil territories of the Elector of Saxony. 1 Further north
the struggle for Halberstadt and Hildesheim was still being
carried on, and the issue in the case of the latter seemed very
doubtful. Things were better for the Catholics in Westphalia,
where there was still much that might be saved for Catholicism
at Osnabriick, and perhaps everything at Minister and
Paderborn, if the Protestant candidates could be kept out
of the episcopal sees ; the same might be said of Cologne.
As well-informed witnesses testified, 2 the situation could
1 Cf. the precis and literature on the subject in SCHMIDLIN,
Kirchliche Zustande, III., 244 seq.
2 See Minucci s memorandum of 1588 on the condition of the
Church in Germany, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 751.
284
THE POSITION IN NORTH GERMANY. 285
only be saved if those princes who were genuinely and truly
Catholic would follow the example of their Protestant fellow
princes, and like them, endeavour to place their younger sons
in the episcopal sees, since, surrounded as they were by
Protestant princes, and sometimes hampered by difficulties
in their own territories, the bishops in the north could only
maintain their position when they were the sons of princes
and found support in the respect due to their house. But
in the case of the Catholic princely houses, things were much
less favourable than in that of the Protestants, since, as
Minucci pointed out in I588, 1 almost all the cathedral
chapters of Germany were at least partly composed of
Protestants, and were inclined to a dissolute life, a thing
which, from their point of view, could be carried on more
easily under a Lutheran bishop. It was true that in Upper
Germany, which was still more or less Catholic, the Lutheran
canons themselves wished for bishops of the old faith, because
they had seen how in other places the right to free election
by the chapter had disappeared together with the Catholic
bishop, and with it all chance of being able to obtain lucrative
offices for themselves and their families as the price of their
votes. 2 This on the other hand was not the case in the whole
of the neighbouring Lutheran territory in the north. More
over the sons of the Catholic princes stood aloof, since the
episcopal office implied their being bound to celibacy and
their episcopal duties ; besides this they had to reckon, not
only with the canons who elected them, like their Protestant
colleagues, but also had to try to obtain the Papal confirmation;
lastly, the Protestant princes did not shrink in any way from
simony, but openly bought votes for ready money. " God
grant that those canons who still wish to be Catholics, may
be preserved from corruption." The only princes to whom
the Catholics could look for protection for the threatened
sees were, in Minucci s judgment, the Wittelsbachs of Bavaria,
since the Duke of Cleves had only one son, while of the
Hapsburgs, Andrew of Austria, the son of a woman of the
1 Ibid., 750 seqq.
8 Ibid., 752.
286 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
middle classes, Philippine Welser, was not held in much
esteem, and Cardinal Albert, the son of Maximilian II., who
was more Spaniard than German. 1
It was true that the adherents of the old faith placed all
their hopes of success in the struggle in the north in Bavaria,
and whatever was saved in Lower Germany was only preserved
for them by the fact that Duke Ernest of Bavaria had been,
one after another, placed in simultaneous possession of five
bishoprics. 2 As was only natural, Gregory XIII. had only
been induced to consent to this with great difficulty, in view
of the opposition of the Council of Trent to such an accumula
tion of benefices in the hands of one man, 2 but the necessity
of the case over-rode his wishes. Although Duke Ernest
was anything but a model Catholic bishop in his conduct,
it was necessary by force of circumstances to support him,
as the one hope of finding a way out of the difficulty ; in
the north he governed with full authority a territory far
larger than his native country, and for almost two centuries
the episcopal sees of the whole of Germany were to a great
extent in the hands of the princes of Bavaria.
The first northern diocese which called for the help of
Bavaria was Hildesheim, where the state of affairs was almost
desperate.
At the end of the XVth century the bishopric contained
about 330 parishes, in addition to the cities of Hildesheim
and Goslar. When Gregory XIII. ascended the throne there
were still in the city of Hildesheim the actual provostship
of the cathedral, as well as certain monasteries and families,
together with the magistracy of Marienburg, in all, twenty-one
villages with ten or twelve parishes. 4 Some parts of the
1 Nuntiaturberichte, I., 751.
2 " It may be said that the preservation of the Catholic Faith
in the Lower Rhine and in Westphalia is a result of the close
connection which bound together the interests of the House of
Bavaria and Catholic ideals." RIEZLER, IV., 645. LOSSEN, II.,
67.
3 RIEZLER, IV., 640, 647.
4 K. GRUBE in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, CI. (1888), 481, 500.
HILDESHEIM. 287
diocese lay within the territory of neighbouring princes ;
of that district which the bishop held as a secular prince,
the so-called Stift Hildesheim, the neighbouring princes took
about two-thirds in the war of the principality of Hildesheim. 1
Of the " little principality " which still remained to him,
he had been obliged to pledge the greater part to the council
of Hildesheim, or abandon it to the violent attacks of the
Duke of Holstein. All these lost territories passed over to
the new faith when their new masters did so. 2 The city
itself accepted Lutheranism in 1542. 3 All the citizens were
forbidden to go to the cathedral during the Catholic services. 4
" I and my church are entirely destroyed, both in spiritual
and temporal things," wrote the bishop, Valentine von
Teteleben to Rome in 1545. 5 In 1551 Hildesheim had in
Duke Frederick of Holstein a bishop " who never went to the
church," to use the forcible words of Oldecop, " and who
ate and drank like a yokel," and one moreover who supported
Lutheranism with all his power, dying in 1556 as the result
of his intemperance. 6 By the recommendation of the Emperor
this Lutheran had obtained confirmation from Rome. 7
After the death of Frederick, Duke Henry of Brunswick
did not wish again to see the son of a powerful princely house
in the episcopal see. To the great displeasure of the Lutherans
the choice of Hildesheim then fell upon a noble of the diocese,
1 BERTRAM, 35.
2 GRUBE, loc. cit., 481-500. Change of religion in Grubenhagen,
Gottingen, Kalenberg, Liineburg : BERTRAM, 88-93, in Wolfen-
biittel, ibid., 93-9, 264.
3 GRUBE, loc. cit., 486. BERTRAM, 99 seqq., 121. When, in
1548, the town appealed to the Emperor for mercy, it declared
that it had : " come into the business quite innocently ; for after
the conquest of the principality of Wolfenbiittel we were three
times called upon (to apostatize) and at last under compulsion
and against our will, and thus we were innocently drawn into the
quarrel." BERTRAM, 129.
*lbid., 131.
5 Ibid., 149.
6 Ibid., 198, 201.
Ibid., 182, 191.
288 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Burchard von Oberg, who was a strict Catholic of blameless
life. 1 Oberg endeavoured cautiously to preserve the remains
of the old faith in the principality and the villages, but he
was only able to introduce Catholic parish priests in those
places where he enjoyed civil authority. In the city of
Hildesheim itself, he was powerless against the municipal
council. 2
In the cathedral, however, Catholic worship according
to the ancient ritual was still maintained, and when Alexander
Trivius, in the course of his journey through the north of
Germany assisted at mass at Hildesheim in 1575, he was
deeply moved ; what he had found nowhere, neither in
Germany nor elsewhere, he found at Hildesheim, namely
that the office in choir throughout the year was begun at
midnight. 3 The state of the cathedral chapter, too, seemed
not to be very bad, and Bishop Burchard declared that most
of the canons were free from all blame. Naturally the
Lutheran council thought otherwise. 4
So long as Duke Henry the younger of Brunswick- Wolfen-
biittel lived, the Catholic religion found in him a protector.
But Henry was already an old man, and his son Julius was
a confirmed Lutheran, so the idea of looking for a protector
elsewhere was inevitable. Hermann von Horneburg, the
trusted adviser of Bishop Burchard, went for that purpose
to Munich in 1566 ; after his return, in the December of the
1 Ibid., 248, 249.
2 Ibid., 255, 257.
3 To Galli on May 3, 1575, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 281. It was
not until the year 1608 that the night office was postponed until
four o clock in the morning. BERTRAM, 341.
4 BERTRAM, 250 seq. At Hildesheim graduates in theology,
canon or civil law and medicine were admitted as canons (Statute
of February 26, 1387, in DOBNER, Urkundenbuch der Stadt
Hildesheim, II., n. 649, cf. n. 722). By a statute of December i,
I 575 graduates could only be admitted provided they had studied
for four years at a University. This resulted in the exclusion of
the burgesses (BERTRAM, 366). For the diocese it was rather an
advantage to have a support in the Westphalian nobility.
HILDESHEIM. 289
same year, the bishop formally petitioned for Duke Ernest
as his co-adjutor. 1 In 1567, Horneburg, on the occasion
of another visit to the capital of Bavaria, received the reply
that he must first obtain the approval of the Pope, and was
sent to Rome for that purpose. 2 Bishop Burchard, in a
letter to his representative in Rome, explained the reasons
for his request in urgent terms ; he would give his blood and
his life in order to obtain security for the Church of Hildesheim,
but the question of salvation or destruction depended upon
the choice of a co-adjutor. 3 Pius V. feared to burden his
conscience by granting a second diocese to the young adminis
trator of Freising, and in January, 1568, he refused the request
of Horneburg. Duke Albert was satisfied with this ; he said-
that he had yielded to the repeated requests of the bishop,
but left everything to the pleasure of the Pope. 4
When Duke Henry died on January nth, 1568, it was at
once obvious who was destined to be his successor. The
Catholic vice-chancellor of Henry, Ludwig Halver, the
confessor of the dead prince, had to seek a new sphere of
activity in the service of Bavaria, and left the state as its
last Catholic secular priest. Faced with the threatened
danger, on November 3Oth, 1568, the bishop and twelve
canons, the majority of the chapter, came to an agreement
which assured the existence of what remained of the ancient
Church in Hildesheim for centuries ; they bound themselves,
by their dignity, honour and loyalty, not to accept, after
the death of the present bishop, any other successor than
the son of Duke Albert of Bavaria. 5 Albert V., when he
was informed of this, contented himself with replying that
he had no objection to the request for the co-adjutor being
again put forward in Rome. 6
In spite of this agreement, some of the canons of Lutheran
1 LOSSEN, I., 128, 130.
2 Ibid., 131.
3 BERTRAM, 273.
4 LOSSEN, I., 132 seq.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid., 135.
VOL. XX. 19
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
leanings did not give up hopes of getting the diocese of
Hildesheim into the hands of a bishop of their own way of
thinking, namely, either the young son of Duke Julius, who
had already been asked for for Halberstadt, or the Lutheran
Bishop of Liibeck, Eberhard Holle. The opportunity of
getting into touch with Brunswick came when Bishop
Burchard renewed the lawsuit for the lost property of his
principality, and Duke Julius proposed an arrangement by
which the Dukes of Brunswick, Henry Julius of Wolfenbiittel,
and Eric II. of Kalenberg were to retain everything in return
for the cession of certain offices. The chancellor of Hildesheim
was in favour of this compromise, and had won over the old
and, as Horneburg insisted, childish bishop. In order to
ensure this, those who favoured the arrangement would have
been glad to have induced Duke Albert to pronounce in its
favour. But the embassy which was sent to Munich in 1570
was secretly anticipated by Horneburg. The Duke, he
insisted, must at the conference take up his stand uncondition
ally in favour of the administrator of Freising ; once he
was in possession of Hildesheim Duke Ernest could obtain
other dioceses, beginning with Halberstadt and Minden, and
then proceed to restore the Catholic religion once more in
the north. As a result of the reply which the envoys of the
chapter took back from Munich, the whole arrangement fell
to the ground, and with it the aims of Brunswick upon the
diocese of Hildesheim. 1
But very soon a further difficulty presented itself. Duke
Ernest showed very little desire for so small a diocese as
Hildesheim, while its inhabitants showed very little wish
for him. The chancellor Eck said on one occasion that they
would just as willingly see the Pasha of Buda as their bishop. 2
Therefore Bishop Burchard became more and more inclined
to entertain the aspirations of Duke Adolphus of Holstein
on behalf of his younger son. Faced with the Lutheran
Holstein the Catholics naturally had to increase their demands,
but Adolphus promised everything that was asked, :< they
1 LOSSEN, I., 134 seqq., 139.
Ibid., 140, 141.
HILDESHEIM. 2QI
might submit quite extraordinary conditions, and Duke
Adolphus would offer to grant and accept them all." The
negotiations were already well advanced when, on February
23rd, 1573, Bishop Burchard died. 1
Numerous claimants for the diocese at once made their
appearance ; above all, Duke Julius did all that he could
to obtain Hildesheim for his nine year old son. Recourse
was had to all the neighbouring princes to obtain their influence
with the canons, public prayers were ordered in all the churches,
while a special embassy to Hildesheim was charged to give
expression to the wishes of the duke. 2 Horneburg realized
that the danger lay in delay. On the day of the bishop s
death he had sent a messenger to Munich, but now he no
longer waited for any decision to arrive. The envoys of the
Duke of Brunswick were to arrive in the evening of March
7th ; at ten o clock in the morning of March 7th the chapter
assembled for the election, and an hour later proclaimed
Duke Ernest of Bavaria as the new bishop. 3
Albert V. had decided to accede to the request of the
chapter, and therefore applied to Cardinal Truchsess in Rome
to obtain the Pope s approval. He himself and his son, he
wrote, looked for nothing from the election but annoyance
and trouble, and if they had accepted it this had only been
in order that the principality might not fall into Lutheran
hands, and in course of time it could be handed over to a
good bishop. In place of the Cardinal of Augsburg, who
just at that moment suddenly died, the question of Hildesheim
was taken up with the greatest zeal before the new Pope,
Gregory XIII., by Cardinal Hosius and the Bavarian
ambassador, Fabricius. On the very evening of the audience,
April i8th, the Pope informed the Cardinal of Ermland that
he gave his approval ; in October, 1573, Fabricus set out
on his journey with the brief of nomination. 4
1 Ibid., 140 seq.
* Cf. BEKIRAM, 281 seq. ; LOSSEN, I., 141.
3 Ibid., 141 seq.
* Ibid., 143, 147-9. The briefs dealing with the nomination,
to Ernest, the Chapter, &c. given in the Ntwtiaturberichle, III.,
158, n. 4. Cf. THEINER, I., 114, 116 seq.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
That a princely house which was strongly Cathob c should
thus unexpectedly plant itself firmly in the midst of north
Germany, in territory which had hitherto been unmistakably
under the dominion of the new doctrines, excited unparalleled
surprise everywhere. It was feared that the suit for the
property belonging to the chapter of Hildesheim would be
taken up again with renewed vigour, and that the Catholic
religion would be restored to its former position. But the
Protestant princes of Saxony, Brandenburg, Hesse, the
Rhenish Palatinate and Wurtemberg, were willing enough
to enrich themselves at the expense of the " Gospel," but
not to make sacrifices, so they congratulated the Duke of
Bavaria upon the election that had taken place, and did
not raise a finger to annul it. 1 Duke Julius was extremely
annoyed at the shipwreck of his plans, but at last decided
not to "go grey-haired before his time " on this account. 2
It was different with Adolphus of Holstein, who sought in
every way at least to get his son recognized as co-adjutor
and successor of Duke Ernest. But in spite of all the promises
made by Holstein, this " co-ad jutorship " in the episcopal
administration of Hildesheim was looked upon as " the
perpetual ruin and destruction " of the diocese. 3
Duke Ernest, a man of sympathetic character, who knew
how to make himself quickly loved everywhere, but who
was not free from moral faults during the years of his youthful
passions, was not yet twenty years old when he was elected
Bishop of Hildesheim, and had often hesitated as to whether
he ought to remain in the ecclesiastical state. 4 So that he
might persevere therein many would have been glad to see
him go for a time to Rome. He himself had importuned
the nuncio Portia, during his stay at Freising, to facilitate
his going to Rome. 5 At the Curia it was desired that he
should take with him his cousin, the son of the Duke of Cleves,
1 LOSSEN, I., 144 seq.
2 Ibid., 146.
3 Ibid. ; BERTRAM, 297 seq.
* Nuntiaturberichte, III., 88, 141, 179.
6 Portia to Galli on October 21, 1573, ibid., 189.
HILDESHEIM. 2Q3
who was intended for the bishopric of Miinster ;* Albert V.
had it in mind to give him as an additional companion the
young Duke of Holstein. 2 In spite of all the difficulties
and opposition the Bavarian councillor and ambassador
of Albert V. in Rome succeeded in bringing it about that
Ernest actually visited Rome in March, 1574, though without
the wished-for companions. 3 There the young prince
remained until the end of 1575, strictly watched over by
his tutors, which had the effect of making him neglect
the struggle against his passionate nature, and all his
good intentions until he could become master of his own
freedom. 4
Ernest only remained at Hildesheim from October 3Oth,
1580, until June 3rd in the following year, 5 and even this
short stay was broken by a long journey to Liege, 6 of which
diocese he also found himself called upon to take charge.
Nevertheless his period of government was fortunate for
Hildesheim. When, in 1575, Alexander Trivius made a visita
tion of the diocese of Hildesheim by command of the Pope,
he was able, in spite of the absence of the bishop, to see that
the mere election of the powerful Bavarian prince had made
a great impression on the Protestants ; the haughtiness with
which they had tried to tyrannize over the priests had to a
great extent disappeared, and if the bishop had only been
present he might without much trouble have introduced
the necessary reforms among the clergy, and brought back
1 Portia to Galli on February 17, 1574, ibid., 340.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., 384.
4 LOSSEN, I., 334-58. For the flight of the young duke from
Rome and his return see K. SCHELLHASS in the Quellen und
Forschungen, X. (1907), 325-64.
6 BERTRAM, 290 seq.
8 From January 6 to February IT, 1581, ibid., 290. For the
journey to Liege, cf. ROB. TURNERI, Sermo panegyricus de
triumpho, quo Bavariae dux Ernestus . . . fuit inauguratus
episcopus Leodius, in his Panegyrici sermones duo, Ingolstadii,
1583, 91-187.
2Q4 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
the laity to better ways. 1 Trivius tried especially to stir up
the clergy to a more careful fulfilment of their duties : thus
he brought pressure to bear upon the canons of St. John,
who did not satisfy their obligations as to the choir, because
their church was in ruins, yet still received the revenues, to
make them fulfil this duty in some other church. 2 By the
wish of the Papal legate, even after his departure the episcopal
administration continued to address remonstrances to the
clergy of the diocese. 3
An episcopal visitation followed the Papal one in 1608; by
the authority of the Pope this was held jointly by the represen
tatives of Bishop Ernest and the Elector of Mayence, the
metropolitan of Hildesheim. 4 The ecclesiastical tribunal,
the so-called " omciality," again came into existence during
the first years of the government of the new bishop, and was
followed in 1586 by the establishment of the consistory or
ecclesiastical council. 5 All that was possible was done for
the restoration of the ancient religion under Duke Ernest.
Catholic parish priests were gradually introduced in the
territory of which the bishop was also secular prince. 6 In
1573 a former student of the German College, Henry Winichius
(died 1612), whom Trivius found generally praised, began
to preach in the cathedral. 7 By slow degrees the Jesuits,
too, arrived, and in 1601 their house was converted into a
college which held its own in spite of all opposition. 8
Only two years after Duke Ernest had first been thought
of as the future Bishop of Hildesheim, in 1567, he was also,
1 Trivius to Galli on May 3, 1575, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 281.
2 Ibid., 282. Line 20 should read: "otiose comeduntur
(instead of commendentur] peccata populi " (according to OSEE,
IV., 8).
3 BERTRAM 335.
4 Ibid. 339-44-
6 Ibid., 336.
6 Ibid., 398-431.
7 Ibid., 345. SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 281.
8 BERTRAM, 349, 356 seqq. For Winich cf. SCHREIBER, II.,
299 seqq.
HALBERSTADT. 205
though only fifteen years old, intended for three other
episcopal sees, those of Minden, Halberstadt and Magdeburg. 1
In the case of the latter the Catholics had almost immediately
to give up all hopes ; the administrator there, Joachim
Frederick of Brandenburg in 1570 gave the first example of
open contempt for the reservatum ecclesiasticum by marry
ing and still retaining his diocese. The cathedral chapter
consented to his marriage, 2 and, at anyrate after 1574,
demanded marriage or at least espousals as a condition for
the admission of new canons. 3 " If God does not work
a miracle," wrote the nuncio at Vienna, Zaccaria Delfino, in
!573> " Magdeburg and Halberstadt, as well as Naumburg,
Merseburg and Meissen, are irrevocably lost." 4
In the case of Halberstadt at anyrate, all hopes had not
as yet been given up in Rome. Lutheranism had been intro
duced into the city, but its adherents had behaved with great
moderation.
Elgard, 5 who visited Halberstadt in 1575, found in the
parish church no traces of the usual iconoclastic destruction.
The chapter to which the city was subject, was looked upon
as above reproach ; at least half were still Catholics, 6 and
the other half only Protestants in the sense that they received
communion under both kinds. The offices were celebrated
in the old way ; in the Church of Our Lady, ladies of the
1 LOSSEN, I., 137 seq.
*Ibid., 138.
3 Trivius to Galli on September 16, 1574, in SCHWARZ, Cropper,
193-
4 Ibid., Ixxxii.
5 Report of June 18, 1575, in THEINER, II., 45. " Nobis
totique clero et omnibus monachis monialibusque licet secundum
leges Sanctitatis vestrae et Sedis Romanae vivere, missas celebrare,
divinis cultibus vacare." The chapter to the Pope on October
26, 1574, ibid., I., 230. For the convents of nuns see Romische
Quartalschrift, XIII., 50 seqq.
6 Portia writes on June 26, 1574, that it had been reported to
him that there was only one single Protestant. Nuntiaturberichte,
IV., 86.
296 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
best families assisted at mass even on week days, and on
Sundays many of the faithful heard mass in the cathedral
and heard Catholic sermons.
Nor 88 years Halberstadt had been under the same bishop
as Magdeburg, when, in 1566, at the election of the new
Protestant administrator of Magdeburg the canons of
Halberstadt had severed the connexion. It seemed to Julius,
at that time Duke of Brunswick- Wolf enbiittel, that the
time had come to get possession of Halberstadt, and he
proposed his little son of two years old to the chapter as
the future bishop. Julius was himself a zealous Lutheran,
but the government was for the moment in the hands of his
grandfather, Henry the younger, who was a sincere Catholic ;
Julius promised to give his heir a Catholic education, and
guaranteed to the chapter that he would not press the matter
any further if Rome refused to accept his request on behalf
of the two years old child. The chapter was therefore of
opinion that they might agree. But Pius V. did not let
himself be deceived, and ordered the canons under pain of
excommunication and forfeiture of their right of election to
have nothing to do with the request. 1
Nevertheless, the canons did not dare for two years to
proceed to a new election. When Pius V. died, the duke
tried harder than ever to obtain the Papal approval for his
son. Through the dean of St. Martin at Minden, Georg
Gogreff, he tried to win over the nuncio Gropper to his side, 2
and obtained from the Emperor Maximilian II. a letter of
recommendation to Gregory XIII., 3 as well as to Cardinals
Delfino and Madruzzo ; 4 the youthful candidate himself
addressed an autograph letter to the Pope, 5 and the chapter
of Halberstadt again interested himself on his behalf. 6 On
1 Portia to Galli on June 26, 1574, ibid., 86. Elgard, loc. cit.,^.
2 Gropper to Galli on August 15, 1574, in THEINER, I., 216.
3 Memorandum of April 29, 1574, ibid., 227 seq.
4 Gropper, loc. cit.
6 Portia to Galli on December 24, 1574, Nuntiaturbevichte, IV.,
325. Cf. THEINER, I., 231.
6 On June 7, 1574, in THEINER, I., 228.
HALBERSTADT.
August I5th Cropper sent to Rome these petitions from the
duke and the chapter, together with the letters of recom
mendation and a report of his own. 1
But the German Congregation decided on November icjth
not to give its consent. 2 A short refusal was sent to the
Emperor, 3 and letters to the chapter and the Archbishop
of Mayence, 4 ordering an immediate election. The frightened
canons declared their readiness to obey, 5 but informed the
duke of the brief. Julius entertained the representatives of
the chapter very courteously for two days, and then summoned
his little son and had him examined in the little catechism.
The clever boy, who was that Henry Julius who later on
made a name in literature as a dramatic poet, answered
everything, and his father deemed that he had thus given
proofs of his fitness for the episcopal office ; he said that
he would write again to Rome, and that in the meantime
a new election was not to be held. 6 Then the canons began
to fear for their lives if they opposed the headstrong duke, 7
and in their fear addressed a new petition to Rome. 8
They said that it was very easy for the Pope to send them
orders, but very hard for the chapter to carry them out.
Moderation was necessary in Halberstadt, and it was by its
1 Ibid., 212-9.
2 SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 101. Amongst other things it
was said that Henry Julius was an only son, and therefore the
Duke of Brunswick would certainly not make a cleric of him.
But on July i, 1568, a second son, Philip Sigmund, was born,
and on April 23, 1573, the duke had a third, Joachim Charles.
Together with a fourth son and an unmarried daughter they were
all provided with church property. COHN, Table, 86.
3 Of November 26, 1574, THEINER, I., 233.
4 On July 30, 1574, ibid., 229.
5 Portia to Galli on September u, and Galli s reply of October
2, 1574, Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 204, 230.
6 Portia on October 16, 1574, Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 246.
7 For the duke s cruelty see Elgard on June 18, 1575, in THEINER,
II., 44. He was also hated on other grounds. Nuntiaturberichte,
IV., 422 ; V., 14.
8 On November 26, 1574, in THEINER, I., 230-3.
298 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
use that the chapter had been able to carry on Catholic worship
since 1517 ; the intervention of the Emperor on behalf of
Henry Julius, and his own great qualities were a sufficient
guarantee of his suitability.
The canons, however, secretly informed the Pope through
the Duke of Bavaria that the boy s tutor was a Lutheran
and the catechism in which he had been examined was the
small catechism of Luther. The Pope rejected their third
request for approval for the young Brunswick prince and in
a further brief ordered the immediate election of a bishop
under pain of forfeiture of their right of election. Hermann
von Horneburg informed the Duke of Bavaria and the nuncio
Portia of all these secret affairs, and gave them to understand
that the election of Halberstadt would also fall upon Duke
Ernest. 1 The chapter did not dare to speak openly, and
when Duke Julius sent his councillor Gogreff to Cropper to
complain bitterly of the brief of July 3oth, the canons
supported his complaints by means of a representative. 2
This double dealing of the canons had the consequence
that Rome could not immediately send the order for the
election of the bishop, for they wished there first to know
whether the canons would really, at the Pope s orders, proceed
at once to the election of Duke Ernest, and whether the
latter s father was prepared, even with armed force, to defend
the castles and the inhabitants of the territory of Halberstadt
against Julius. 3 When Portia had at length been satisfied
as to this by the Duke of Bavaria and Horneburg, the desired
brief, 4 which ordered the new election in imperious terms,
was granted on May 7th, 1575.
Albert V. at once advised Portia not to send the brief for
the moment ; but when he had received satisfactory assurances
from Horneburg concerning the consent of the chapter of
J Portia on October 16, 1574, Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 246 seq.
z Ibid., 362, n. Gropper to Galli on November u, 1574, i n
SCHWARZ, Gropper, 217.
3 Portia on February 19, 1575, Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 421 seq.
4 In THEINER, II., 33 ; cf. Nuntiaturberichte, V., 14.
HALBERSTADT.
Halberstadt, it was dispatched in September, 1575. l But
this soon proved to be a mistake. Horneburg had been
quite right in saying that the chapter was well disposed
towards a new election, but Julius was all the less ready to
accept it. He forced the chapter- to make a protest against
the brief, 3 and the chapter allowed itself to be forced to do so,
thinking that it had sufficiently expressed its true sentiments
by supporting Henry Julius own petition with such weak
arguments. 4 Not much stronger were the reasons which
were expressed in an appendix to their letter ; 5 the only thing
worthy of notice in it was the assurance that the grandfather
and the father of the candidate, as well as himself, had
demanded a Catholic education. 6 A canon of Halberstadt
took the documents in person to Rome.
The Curia now found itself seriously embarrassed. It
was impossible to wage war with such persons as the canons of
Halberstadt. Duke Albert could only intervene in the matter
when the episcopal dignity of his son was at stake. But if
the chapter had not the courage to ask openly for Duke Ernest
as bishop, the latter could only have any right to the bishopric
if the Pope, without paying any attention to the chapter,
conferred it upon Ernest out of the plenitude of his own power,
and such an appointment had difficulties of its own, because
the canons could not be relied on. At first it was intended in
1 Nuntiaturberichte, IV., 19, 167.
2 Albert V. on May 23, 1576, ibid., 465.
3 Memorandum of October 6, 1575, in THEINER, II., 33 seqq.
4 Amongst the arguments brought forward to prove that the
tender years of the postulant was no obstacle, they pointed out
that Jeremias and John the Baptist had been sanctified before
birth and that, at the miraculous multiplication of the bread, the
Saviour had received the seven loaves from a boy 1 Moreover,
with God nothing is impossible ; for Saul and Saint Augustine
both started badly but finished well ; while just the opposite
took place in the case of Judas the traitor and Julian the Apostate.
Henry Julius wanted to become a bishop ; God, who gave the
desire will also grant the power to accomplish.
5 THEINER, II., 34-6.
8 Ibid., 36.
300 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Rome to reject the appeal of the chapter, and a brief to that
effect was already drafted. 1 But they soon began to ask
themselves whether it would not be better to accept the son
of the Duke of Brunswick as bishop, provided his Catholic
education could be ensured. Duke Julius and the chapter
itself, so the latter were informed in a Papal brief, 2 had
frequently offered that the young Henry Julius should be
sent to Rome or to a Catholic university. 3 The Pope decided
that he must come to the Eternal City, and the chapter was
to inform him whether the young duke would set out immedi
ately. During the time of the absence of the future bishop
the Pope wished one of the chapter to act as administrator
of the diocese.
At the same time the question whether it would not
be possible to place Duke Ernest in Halberstadt by
the direct appointment of the Pope continued to be
discussed. Horneburg secretly sought to learn the views
of the chapter of Halberstadt, and found it, as before, in
favour o f the son of the Duke of Bavaria. 4 As Duke Albert
wrote to Portia, 5 if the larger and better part of the chapter
desired the postulation of the Dukes of Brunswick to be
rejected, the direct appointment of Duke Ernest by the Pope
would not meet with any difficulty.
The Emperor Maximilian II. made an unexpected end
of all these plans. Julius of Brunswick was only taking
all this trouble to obtain the Pope s approval, because, accord
ing to the prevailing laws, that was a necessary condition
for the conferring of civil power in the diocese. At the
instance of Brunswick, the Emperor, without paying any
attention to the Papal approbation, now secretly conferred
the so-called " regalia " on the son of the duke for two years. 6
In this way the fate of Halberstadt was decided, and it ceased
1 Printed ibid., 175.
2 Of March 10, 1576, ibid., 176.
3 Cf. on this subject Nuntiaturberichte, V., 363.
4 Portia on August 17, 1575, Nuntiaturbeyichte, V., 511.
5 On May 23, 1576, ibid., 465-70.
6 Portia, loc. cit., 510 seq.
HALRKRSTADT. 3OI
to be a Catholic diocese. Duke Albert V. told Portia at
the Diet of Ratisbon there was now no longer any need to
take counsel upon the subject Morone endeavoured to
persuade the duke that he might give a favourable turn to
the matter by bringing his influence to bear upon the Emperor, 1
but Albert knew the Emperor too well to indulge in any further
hopes, and refused to make any move in the matter.
In 1578 Rudolph II. renewed this civil investiture to the
young Duke of Brunswick for another two years ; in all
probability he did so with the condition of his seeking for
the Papal confirmation. Duke Julius entered upon further
negotiations with the chapter, and, to the horror of the
Protestants, had the tonsure and minor orders conferred
upon the bishop elect. About ten days later his enthronement
in the cathedral of Halberstadt took place with purely
Catholic ceremonial. 2 To this was joined a further concession
on the part of the chapter. When, on May 5th, 1584, the
bishop elect was espoused to a daughter of the Elector of
Saxony, the chapter gave its consent, Henry Julius being
made to promise that nothing should be changed in the
existing religious conditions of the diocese, and that his heirs
should have no right to the principality. 3
Although Duke Julius, in spite of the fact that his father
was a Catholic, became a zealous supporter of Protestantism,
his cousin, Duke Eric II. of Brunswick-Kalenberg, although
he had been brought up by a Protestant mother, had in 1546
returned to the faith of his father and his ancestors, and had
then endeavoured to restore it in his dominions by means
of a general visitation of the churches and the expulsion of
the pastors who resisted the Interim. The only thing wanting
was a supply of suitable priests ; the Diet made use of his
constant need of money to wring from him in 1553 and 1555
the free exercise of religion and the recall of the evangelical
pastors. Eric II. moreover, was but rarely in his principality,
1 Ibid.
2 LOSSEN, II., 561.
3 Ibid., 564 seq. THEINER, III., 526 seqq.
302 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and in 1553 he appointed his Protestant mother as
regent, and she laboured for the destruction of the old
religion. 1
The hopes of the Catholics again rose when, in 1576, Eric II.
espoused the Catholic Duchess Dorothea of Lorraine. Even
when this marriage was only talked of, the convert, Rudolph
Clenck, who came from Bremen, and was afterwards professor
of theology at Ingolstadt, 2 called the attention of the nuncio
Portia to it, as a favourable circumstance for the Catholic
cause. He said that he had learned from letters from his
own country that people there were wearied of the constant
religious changes ; he himself was prepared to give up his
own good position in order to devote himself henceforth
to the restoration of the Catholic faith in the north. 3 In a
conference at Constance Portia tried to bring influence to
bear on the duke, as well as on his bride and his mother. 4
Eric seemed well-disposed, spoke of founding a Jesuit
college, and accepted the offer made by Clenck, who was
set free by Duke Albert V. from his duties in Bavaria. 5 But
Clenck died in 1578, and his efforts as well as those of his
companions were of no avail to Brunswick, as the duke, who
ought to have supported him, remained absent from his
1 K. GRUBER in the Hist.-polit. Bldttern, CI. (1888), 494-6.
2 For particulars of him L. PFLEGER, ibid., CXXXII. (1903),
45 seqq., go seqq. ; for his activities in the Brunswick affairs
K. SCHELLHASS in the Quellen und Forschungen, XVI. (1914),
91 to 142 ; Nuntiaturberichte, V., xcvi-ci ; for his proposed
mission to Russia, PIERLING, Rome et Moscou, Paris, 1883,
101 seqq., 153 seq. ; SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., XIII. (1910), 296 seqq.,
306 seqq., 332 seqq.
3 Portia on March 20, 1576, Nuntiaturberichte, V., 376.
4 Portia on October 20 and 21, 1575, ibid., 225 seqq., 228 seqq.
Cf. supra, p. 130.
5 Nuntiaturberichte, V., 378. Clenck to Portia on February 26,
1576, ibid., 384 seq. Another Hamburg convert living in Rome,
Joachim Delius, offered his services to the duke for the Counter-
Reformation in Brunswick. Galli to Eric II. on July 19, 1577,
in SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., XVI., 113, n. i.
THE HOUSE OF BRUNSWICK. 303
territory until 1581. l Later on the news of the apostasy of
the Archbishop of Cologne did the greatest harm to the
attempts to restore Catholicism. 2 At the request of Duke
William Gregory XIII. addressed a brief to Eric, advising 3
him to return to Brunswick, but the duke answered the
nuncio Campegio, who handed him the Pope s letter at
Venice, that it was out of the question to bring back his
principality to Catholicism, and that to live there, entirely
surrounded by heretics, could only be injurious to his own
soul. 4 Eric II. died in 1584 without lawful heirs, and his
principality passed to Duke Julius ; in 1588 there were no
longer any Catholic priests there. 5
Besides Eric there was another member of the House of
Brunswick who was among the first converts of the princely
houses of Germany. Otto Henry, the eldest son of the reigning
Duke of Brunswick-Harburg, made up his mind to return
to the old faith during a stay at the court of the Archduke
Ferdinand of Tyrol. 6 Otto Henry was quite right in saying
in his reply 7 to a letter of congratulation from the Pope, 8
that he had to make great sacrifices for his faith ; he had to
renounce his inheritance and go about the world as an
1 Al negotio, per cui (Clenchio) e passato nel ducato Bruns-
vicense, non s e dato principle per 1 absenza del duca Erico, che
si truova in Loreno con la moglie." Portia on July 30, 1577.
Portia and Clenck were in constant correspondence. Ibid., 132,
146, 159, 176, 197-
2 Gregory XIII. to Eric on July 18, 1583, THEINER, III., 413.
8 On April 12, 1581, in SCHELLHASS, loc. cit., XVI., 140, cf.
114 seq.
4 Campegio to Galli on May 20, 1581, in SCHELLHASS in the
Ouellen und Forschungen, XVI., 141 seq., cf. 115. Some letters
of recommendation for Eric to the King of Spain, of July 18, 1583,
and September 7, 1584, in THEINER, III., 413, 532.
5 GRUBE in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, CI., 496. PFLEGER, ibid.,
CXXX11., 98 seq. Letter of condolence to Eric s widow Dorothea,
of December 21, 1584, in THEINER, III., 532.
6 J. HIRN in the Hist. Jahrbuoh, V. (1884), 217-25.
7 Of July 27, 1581, in THEINER, III., 262 seq,
Of April 28, 1581, ibid., 262,
304 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
official ; his memory was erased from the annals of his
country.
Besides Hildesheim and Halberstadt, the dioceses of
Miinster, Paderborn and Osnabriick were for a time in danger
of being lost to the Catholic religion. The bishopric of
Miinster 1 had been on the point of being converted into a
secular principality during the reign of the Prince-Bishop
Francis of Waldeck (1532-1553), who was at the same time
Bishop of Minden and Osnabriick. The break up of the
Schmalkaldic League put an end to these attempts, and
compelled the bishop to intervene as the supporter of the
religious reform, 2 which, however, for the moment made but
little progress. Things only began to improve under the
third successor of Francis of Waldeck, Johann von Hoya
(1566-1574).
Von Hoya was a man of culture, and a learned jurist, who
had previously laboured as a councillor, and then as president
of the supreme tribunal of Spires. 3 To him was due a change
in the administration of civil 4 and ecclesiastical justice, 5
corresponding to the period of his government of Miinster,
and under him began a reform of moral and religious conditions
owing to the initiative of the zealous Gottfried von Raesfeld, 6
who was appointed dean of the cathedral in 1569.
Pius V. had recommended to the bishops of Germany,
as a means for the restoration of religion, the visitation of
their dioceses, so that the moral irregularities of the clergy
1 LOSSEN, Der Kolnische Krieg., I. : Vorgeschichte, 1565-81,
Gotha, 1882. L. KELLER, Die Gegenreformation in Westfalen
und am Niederrhein, I., Leipzig, 1881. AUG. HUSING, Der
Kampf um die katholische Religion im Bistum Miinster, 1535-85,
Miinster, 1883.
2 SCHWARZ, Akten, ix-xvi.
3 For his beginnings W. E. SCHWARZ in the Zeitschrift filr
vaterlandische Geschichte und Altertumskunde Westfalens, LXIX.
(1911), 18-21.
4 RICH. LUDICKE, ibid., LIX. (1901), 1-168.
5 W. E. SCHWARZ, Die Reform des bischoflichen Offizialats in
Miinster durch Joh. v. Hoya (1573), ibid., LXXIV. (1916), 1-228.
6 Ibid., 80.
MONSTER. 305
might no longer afford a breeding ground and excuse for
error. 1 Johann von Hoya acted upon this advice of the Pope
in the years 1571-1573. 2
The visitation showed that there was no scarcity of priests
in the diocese, though there was a want of educated ecclesiastics
who were fitted to oppose the spread of Protestant doctrines.
Anti-Catholic views about Purgatory, prayers for the dead,
the invocation of the saints, and other matters had secretly
made their way, leading to a neglect of masses for the dead,
the observance of feast days and fasts, and of Extreme Unction.
In eleven parishes communion was given under both kinds,
and sometimes under one ; in nineteen it was always given
under both kinds, which led to consecration outside mass,
for the purpose of giving communion to the sick, and this
was sometimes done from anti-Catholic motives. As far as
the moral state of the clergy was concerned concubinage was
inevitably very common, though many were not guilty of
this. 3 Protestant views and leanings were often to be found
among the aristocracy, but only rarely among the middle-
classes. The few remaining Anabaptists were not of any
importance. 4 Among the religious Orders the Brothers and
Sisters of the Common Life stood out especially, 5 but in
most cases the dry records of the visitation do not afford a
clear account of the state of the monasteries. 6
1 Brief of June 13, 1566, in LADERCHI, 1566, n. 252. KELLER,
359 seq. Cf. CANISII Epist., V., 156.
2 SCHWARZ, Akten (Miinsterer Geschichtsqudlen. VII.), 1-300.
3 Ibid., cv-cxviii. " In general the protocols created an
impression that it would not have been so very difficult to have
brought about a changed condition of affairs by means of energetic
decrees such as Johann von Hoya had in mind. The early death
of the bishop and the events which followed did immeasurable
harm to the cause of moral reform." Ibid., cxvii.
4 Ibid., cxix seqq.
5 Ibid., cxxxiii, cxlviii seq.
6 A comparison of the accounts given in the acts of visitation
with the complaints of the visitor Boucherat show this to be
especially the case in regard to the Cistercian Houses in Westphalia.
Ibid., cxxx.
VOL. XX, 20
306 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Peter Canisius, after a visit he paid to Johann von Hoya,
who was at that time Bishop of Osnabriick, had said that
no one on earth seemed to be exposed to such great dangers
and difficulties as the bishops of Westphalia, and of Germany
in general. If the Pope were not careful, at their death the
sectarians would fall upon the dioceses and appropriate them.
It was therefore advisable that the bishops should during
their lifetime choose co-adjutors, so that the sectarians might
have no chance of interfering in the election of a new bishop. 1
Johann von Hoya followed this advice. At first, while he
was Bishop of Osnabriick, he was still rather indifferent about
reform, 2 but when, in 1567, persuaded by Commendone and
Canisius, he had received priest s orders and episcopal consecra
tion, he began to display much zeal. 3 But his health, partly by
his own fault, became steadily worse, 4 and the prospect of
his death filled the Catholics with fear, since Hoya held the
three dioceses of Osnabriick, Minister and Paderborn, and
Duke Henry of Lauenburg, his bitter and powerful rival, who
was his relative by marriage and was already Archbishop
of Bremen, was planning to build up a large and permanent
civil duchy by destroying the other dioceses in the north.
In order to defend itself from the shrewd and powerful
Lauenburg, Minister too was driven to seek the support
of a distinguished Catholic princely family. It was therefore
of the greatest importance for the dioceses of Westphalia
when Duke William IV. of Jiilich-Cleves-Mark, who ruled
over the largest principality in the north-east of Germany,
became a Catholic by the advice of the friend of his youth,
Werner von Gymnich. Until 1566, William, whether
deliberately or no, had favoured the new doctrines in his
territory, but in that same year he issued three edicts which
were quite in accordance with the spirit of the Catholic
1 To Francis Borgia on January 27, 1566, CANISII Epist., V., 169,
2 LOSSEN, I., 224 seq.
3 CANISII Epist., V., 581. Pius V. s permission for the bishop
to print the Roman Catechism, in KELLER, 386, cf. 390.
4 About his illness, SCHWARZ in the Zeitschrift fur vaterldndische
Geschichte, &c,, LXVIII. (1910), 50.
MONSTER. 307
restoration, and after 1570 he showed every sign of his
intention of preserving and restoring Catholicism. His
sons, Charles Frederick and John William, were educated
by Werner von Gymnich in strict accordance with the old
faith, but his two elder daughters were too rooted in Lutheran-
ism for much hopes of their conversion to be entertained. 1
A great part in the consolidation of the Catholic religion
among the people of Cleves was played by the Jesuits. 2
Now that Duke William had thus once more become " a
prince who was eminently Catholic and peaceful," 3 Johann
von Hoya was very glad when in 1571 it was proposed to
him by the court of Cleves that he should accept John William,
William IV. s second son, as his co-adjutor. He at once
agreed. 4 By the advice of Gottfried von Raesfeld, the dean
of the cathedral of Minister, who was a fervent and influential
Catholic, 5 the cathedral chapter expressed its readiness to
enter into further negotiations, provided that the Pope agreed
to the proposal of Cleves. 6 A carefully drawn up capitulation 7
safeguarded the rights of the diocese and of the Catholics.
The duke and Johann von Hoya, who had been furnished
with many letters of recommendation, -especially by the
Emperor, 8 King Philip II., 9 and the Duke of Alba, 10
1 KELLER, 5 seqq., 27, 36. JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. 15 16 226 seqq.
2 JANSSEN-PASTOR, V., 15 16 > 227 seq.
3 Conference at Ahaus from November 5 to 7, 1571, KELLER,
159 seq.
*Ibid., 156, 158.
5 The Cleves envoy Henry von der Recke had received, on
June 13, 1571, a special instruction concerning negotiations with
Raesfield. Ibid., 157.
6 Conference from November 9 to 12, 1571, ibid., 160 seq.
7 Of November n, 1571, in SCHWARZ, Cropper, 1-3. Cf.
SCHWARZ in the Zeitschrift fur vaterldndische Geschichte, LXVI1I.
(1910), 19-24.
8 To Pius V. and, on June 20, 1572, to Gregory XIII., KELLER,
171, 178 seq. Cf. the Instruction of the imperial envoys in Rome
dat. June 28, 1572, in SCHWARZ, Cropper, 6.
9 To Pius V. and to his Roman envoys, both dated February 24,
1572, KELLER, 169 seq.
10 Of January 10, 1572, ibid., 164 seq.
308 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
presented to the Pope a request for his approval of their
plan. 1
But in the meantime the court of Cleves had once again
given grave reason to doubt the sincerity of its Catholic
sentiments. The hereditary prince, while on a visit to Vienna,
received communion under both kinds, while his sister was
chosen as the bride of the Duke of Prussia, Frederick Albert,
and William IV. himself decided to preside in person at the
betrothal of his son-in-law in the east. The future Duchess
of Prussia expressed herself in a purely Protestant manner
in a letter to William of Orange which was intercepted by
the Duke of Alba. These things had forced the duke to
send one embassy after another to Alba, so that he might
not, in spite of everything, lose the powerful support of
Spain. 2 In Rome at first they could not quite bring them
selves to believe in a marriage between the princess of Cleves
and a Lutheran, 3 but such occurrences could only confirm
the Pope in his resolve to make his own conditions before he
gave his consent to the duke. Besides William IV., the
hereditary prince, Charles Frederick, must sign the election
capitulation of Minister, and guarantee its being carried out,
as well as the Catholic education of his brother, and must
see to this being done in Rome itself. In the meantime
negotiations concerning these conditions were carried on
through the nuncio at Vienna and the Emperor ; 4 the duke
was instructed in a brief to treat verbally 5 with the nuncio
Caspar Gropper.
1 On October 15, 1572, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 10, n ; cf.
KELLER, 338. For numerous other letters of recommendation
cf. SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 3, 6; KELLER, 168 seq., 188, 389 seq., 392.
2 Instructions for the envoy Masius of December n, 1571 ;
April 22, 1572 ; January 28, 1573, in KELLER, 161, 174, 189.
Masius reports of 1571 ; March 29, 1572 ; January 2, 1573, ibid.,
1 66, 172, 187.
3 SCHWARZ, Gropper, xlviii, and in the Zeitschrift fur vatev
Idndische Geschichte, LXVIII., 28.
4 KELLER, 192, 194. SCHWARZ, Gropper, xix, n. 3.
5 Of May 3, 1573, in KELLER, 193.
THE NUNCIO CROPPER. 309
In the autumn of 1573 the nuncio Cropper arrived on the
Lower Rhine, after paying a visit to the Bishop of Miinster
at Ahaus, 1 and at Cologne, at the beginning of December,
he arranged a conference with a representative of the council
of Cleves, 2 and after that, when the duke had returned from
Konigsberg, he laid his views before him at Diisseldorf in
the middle of July, 1574. 3 As had been the case with the
preliminary written negotiations, so now only one of the
demands of Rome met with any difficulties ; against the
journey to Rome of the young prince the councillors urged
his delicate state of health, and above all the opposition of
the nobles. These objections seemed so well founded to
the nuncio that he allowed himself to be led into acting on
his own responsibility, and even during the discussions at
Cologne he suggested that the tutors and professors of John
William should make the Tridentine profession of faith, and
should promise on oath that the pupil entrusted to them
should receive a Catholic education in the sense of the Council
of Trent, deeming that the Pope would be satisfied with
this. 4
The nuncio s task was naturally not limited to the choice
of a coadjutor. With regard to the burning question of the
duke s religious attitude, Gropper was warned in his instruc
tions 5 to point out to him that only a small part of the officials
in his state were Catholics, and that there were many
infringements upon the spiritual jurisdiction of the bishops.
If Catholics were appointed as officials, it would be easy, in
view of the general opinions of the people, to restore the
old religion completely, especially with the help of canonical
1 Gropper to Galli on October 20, 1573, in SCHWARZ, Gropper,
422 seq.
2 Brief summary of the proceedings from December 2 to 4,
1573, in KELLER, 189-201.
3 Brief summary of the proceedings from January 13 to 16,
1574, ibid., 204, 205. The duke s reply of January 16, ibid,,
206-8.
4 Ibid., 199.
6 Of July 19, 1573, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 43-56.
310 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
visitations. 1 The nunico was to do all he could to induce
the prince himself to make the Tridentine profession of faith,
and to obtain the Pope s absolution for his past life, because
it was undeniable that he had formerly given great scandal
to the Church by tolerating communion under both kinds,
the Lutheran chant of the psalms, the use of flesh meat on
forbidden days, and the suppression of the mass. 2 The duke
must also no longer allow his Lutheran sister publicly to
favour the innovators, and must bring his influence to bear
on the education of the princesses ; rather should he entrust
his daughters education to zealous Catholic women, or place
them in some good convent, or at the court of a Catholic
princess. Lastly the university of Duisburg and the schools
of Diisseldorf should be visited from Cologne. 3
The nuncio did not dare to present all these demands to
the duke s councillors at the same time. At the conferences
at the beginning of December, he began by giving proofs
of the neglect of the duke s government in dealing with the
innovators, by quoting recent cases, which he had partly
seen for himself. At Biiderich he had seen with his own eyes
the work of the destroyers of images and altars ; yet there
were scarcely 100 persons concerned : was it possible that
they could not be forced to obey ? At Werdohl complaints
had been made to him that, entirely at the will of the officials,
an apostate monk had been allowed to come and preach,
against the orders of the duke. At Wesel the city supported
Protestantism in defiance of the orders of the sovereign.
Such things were not calculated to make the Pope decide in
favour of the requests of the duke. In the diocese of Minister
he had been informed that they intended to have recourse to
extraordinary steps against Cleves if the spread of false
doctrines were not checked. 4
On the following day the councillors promised to remove
these abuses, and it is a fact that the Elector Frederick of
1 Ibid., 49.
2 Ibid., 49 seq.
3 Ibid., 50.
4 KELLER, 198 seq.
DIFFICULTIES OF CROPPER. 31 1
the Palatinate complained to the Landgrave of Hesse in the
following year that the papistical mass had been restored
at Biiderich and Orsoy, where the Protestant religion had
been established for fifteen years. 1
After further discussions, it seemed well to the nuncio
in the afternoon to inform the councillors in confidence of
the whole of his instructions. They naturally were of opinion
that too much was being asked of the duke, when the eccles
iastical princes themselves employed Protestant officials.
On the other hand they agreed to a larger number of Catholic
professors being employed in the schools of Duisburg and
Diisseldorf. 2
Cropper now found himself in an embarrassing position,
He felt that he ought not to present himself before the duke,
who was unwell, and had only recently turned to Catholicism,
with too harsh demands, and when he found himself in his
presence he remained entirely silent about the communion
under both kinds which William IV. was even then receiving ;
of the demands concerning the duke and his family he only
mentioned the wish that his daughters should receive their
education at a Catholic court, or with Queen Maria Maddalena,
the Emperor s sister. 3 He made his worst mistake when he
imprudently said, in the presence of the councillors, that the
communion under both kinds need not constitute a matter
for disagreement, and that he would rather ask for a dispensa
tion from the Pope. 4 The councillors immediately took the
nuncio at his word : " Since His Holiness so kindly offers
a dispensation " they also asked for the concession of the
chalice for the rest of the duke s subjects. 5 It did not help
Cropper when later on he spoke of the dispensation " which
he might perhaps be able to obtain " for the family of the
duke and a small part of the court. 6 In the duke s final reply
1 Ibid., 214.
2 Ibid., 200 seq.
3 Ibid., 204 seq.
4 Ibid., 201.
5 Ibid., 203.
8 Ibid., 206. SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 98.
312 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the chalice was demanded for all his subjects, 1 and the nuncio
had the unpleasant task of exculpating himself as far as he
could for this suggestion in his report to Rome. 2 For the
rest he pointed out strongly how much had been already
obtained in the fact that so autocratic a prince had given his
solemn assurance that he would maintain the Catholic religion
and stamp out heresy energetically. This was much more
than they could have dared to expect at first. As a result
the churches of Diisseldorf, which had been deserted, were
now once more open, and the duke himself assisted at mass
there. What was still wanting might be looked for in the
future. 3
On December 22nd, 1573, Gropper had informed Rome
of the grave illness of the Bishop of Minister. 4 Three months
later the condition of Johann von Hoya had become so much
worse that Conrad von Westerholt and the syndic Schade
went from Minister to Gropper and the Duke of Cleves, to
take counsel as to what was to be done. A little more than
a week later Johann von Hoya was dead, and a new struggle
was to begin between the Catholics and the Protestants
for the possession of the three bishoprics of Miirister, Paderborn
and Osnabriick. 5
In Rome everything possible had been done to prevent
further losses. Credential letters were sent to the chapters
of the three vacant dioceses, 6 and to the Electors of Mayence
and Cologne, 7 as well as warnings to Gropper to exercise
the greatest vigilance and care. Osnabriick was in the
meantime in the hands of Duke Henry of Saxony-Lauenburg,
who was already in possession of the archbishopric of Bremen ;
1 KELLER, 208.
2 To Galli on January 20, 1574, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 101.
3 Ibid., 102.
4 THEINER, I., 99.
5 SCHWARZ, Gropper, liv.
6 Of February 5, 1574, in THEINER, I., 233 seq.
7 Of February 5, 1574, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 102 seq. Gropper
speaks to the duke about briefs to Mayence and Treves,
ibid., 130.
MONSTER. 313
an election capitulation must secure the diocese for Catholic
ism. 1 Paderborn took refuge under the powerful protection
of Salentin of Iscnburg, the Elector of Cologne, whom it
asked for as its administrator. 2 More anxious was the position
of the diocese of Minister. As the brothers of Duke Julius
of Brunswick had, during the course of military raids into
the territory of Minister and Paderborn, promised to undertake
their charge as coadjutors, Duke Julius, who was also making
efforts to obtain possession of the dioceses of Hildesheim
and Halberstadt, now maintained that after the deaths of his
brothers their rights had passed to himself. In the meantime,
so as to obtain protection from Brunswick, the cathedral
chapter had resolved to ask for the son of the Duke of Cleves
as coadjutor. 3 By Galli s orders, Cropper was instructed
to inform Cleves that Rome was favourably disposed to the
wishes of the duke, but that means must be found of ensuring
that the diocese did not suffer any loss during the minority
of John William. An experienced administrator must there
fore be chosen ; if possible he should be taken from the
cathedral chapter of Minister ; otherwise they might ask
the Archbishop of Cologne, or some other person pleasing
to the duke. Perhaps it might be well to follow the example
of Freising and separate the civil and ecclesiastical administra
tions. Nevertheless Cropper must insist upon John William
going to Rome, while everything would be done to care for
the health of the prince. 4
As Cropper had suggested to the duke and the chapter, 5
he went himself to Minister for the election, and there, on
April 28th, 1574, the canons assembled in chapter and after
an hour announced the acceptance of the postulation of the
1 Ibid., 163. LOSSEN, I., 257.
2 On April 21, 1574, i n SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 136.
3 Cropper on December 22, 1573, in THEINER, I., 99.
* Galli to Cropper on February 6 and April 3, 1574, in SCHWARZ,
loc. cit., 119 seq., 131 seq.
6 To the duke on April 8, 1574, ibid., 135. Cf. KELLER, 212.
314 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
son of the Duke of Cleves. 1 Conrad von Westerholt was
unanimously chosen as civil " vicar " of the diocese, and
at once made the profession of faith in the hands of the nuncio.
Greater difficulty was experienced in finding a representative
for the spiritual interests of the bishop-elect. With the
consent of the chapter Gropper himself asked his colleague
Elgard to undertake it, but the latter sought to escape the
proposed honour. 2
The nuncio profited by his presence in Minister to urge
strongly upon the chapter on April 23rd, the principal questions
of reform ; he insisted upon the necessity of a canonical
visitation, and the establishment of a seminary, which had
best be entrusted to the Jesuits. The chapter declared
themselves ready to do so. If the canonical visitation of
the whole diocese had not yet produced its full results, this
was due to the death of the bishop ; they were willing to have
Elgard as their spiritual head. The establishment of a
seminary was beset for the moment with difficulties, but the
dean and chapter were well-disposed towards it and considered
it both useful and necessary. 3
Thus the existence of the diocese of Minister seemed to
be once more assured, and a fresh support for the Catholic
religion seemed to have been found in the princely house
of the Lower Rhine. The duke again confirmed in his own
name and that of his eldest son all that had been agreed upon
in the negotiations concerning the coadjutorship and the
petition, and promised on his honour as a prince, and con
firmed it by oath, that he and his successors would observe
it in perpetuity ; he would also as far as he could see to it
1 Report of the Cleves councillors to the duke dat. April 24,
1574, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 136. Gropper to Galli on June 10,
1574, ibid., 151.
2 Gropper, loc. cit., 152 seq.
3 Cropper s memorial to the Chapter in KELLER, 390-2 ; the
chapter s reply of May 21, 1574, ibid., 394-7. For the date of
both documents cf. SCHWARZ, in the Zeitschrift fur vaterldndische
Geschichte, LXVIIL, 65, 68.
JOHN WILLIAM OF CLEVES. 315
that the Emperor approved and confirmed all that had been
done. 1
The education of the future bishop semed to be in good
hands ; his tutor, master and chaplain freely and willingly
made the profession of faith, and promised to watch over
the orthodoxy of his household. The young prince himself
went frequently and almost daily to church with his suite,
assisted at mass, listened attentively to the sermons, and
studied diligently. 2 It was true that the approval of the
postulation had not yet come from Rome, but in deference
to the renewed protests of the duke the demand that John
William should receive his education in Rome had been
abandoned. The German Congregation wished to define
some of the points in the capitulation more exactly. 3 The
negotiations as to this dragged on, especially as the duke
had once more gone upon a journey, this time for the betrothal
of his second daughter, also to a Pretestant, the Count Palatine
of Neuburg. It did not seem, however, that the wishes of
the German Congregation need offer a serious objection,
especially as the duke, as well as the chapter of Minister 4
after his return, 5 did not think that any further guarantee
was called for. Thus on the whole the hopes of the Catholics
might be considered as well founded.
But suddenly all these fair prospects fell to the ground.
On February Qth, 1575, the eldest son of the Duke of Jiilich-
Cleves died in Rome. 6 John William thus became the
hereditary prince, and it was taken as a matter of course
that he would succeed his father as civil prince and resign
the bishopric.
Thus the struggle for Munster broke out afresh, and this
time lasted for ten whole years. It was clear how much was
at stake. If the most important diocese of Westphalia,
1 Gropper, loc. cit., 153 seq.
2 Gropper to Galli on June 10, 1574, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 154.
8 Protocol of August 12, 1574, in SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 95.
4 In KELLER, 402.
Gropper to Galli on December 13, 1574, i n THEINER, I., 222.
6 Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 202.
316 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
which hitherto, like a barrier, had separated the Lutherans
of the north of Germany from the Gueux of Holland, fell
into Protestant hands, Osnabriick, Paderborn and Hildesheim
could hardly be saved from the same fate ; the Catholic duchy
of Julich-Cleves could scarcely be maintained for long, and
in any case the duke would find himself with a dangerous
neighbour, like the Spaniards in Flanders. Under these
circumstances the eyes of the Catholics again turned to Duke
Ernest of Bavaria as their saviour. The Spanish governor
wrote at once from the Low Countries in this sense to Conrad
von Westerholt, 1 as well as to Duke Albert V. himself. 2
Immediately after the death of the hereditary prince of
Cleves, the Duke of Bavaria sent his envoy, Jakob Tandorf, 3
to obtain information as to the position of affairs. The Duke
of Cleves at once gave his consent to the Bavarian candida
ture, 4 and an envoy from Cleves, Henry von Recke, laid
the matter before the chapter of Minister. 5
It was natural that covetous eyes should at once be turned
upon the bishopric of Minister from all quarters. 6 But only
one of these candidates, Duke Henry of Saxony-Lauenburg,
was any serious danger to Duke Ernest. 7
Henry s father, the Protestant duke, Francis I., who was
related through his wife and sister with the kings of
Sweden and Denmark, and with the principal princely houses
of northern Germany, 8 was deeply involved in debt,
and therefore sought in 1564 to provide for his two sons,
Henry and Frederick, by means of canonries at Cologne ;
Henry acted in every v/ay there as a Catholic ; he attended
the lectures at the Catholic university, kept the vigils,
1 LOSSEN, I., 323.
2 On March 25, 1575, in KELLER, 405.
3 His instructions of March ist and 4th, 1575, ibid., 403 seq.
4 To Duke Albert V. on April 9, 1575, ibid., 405.
6 Ibid., 405.
6 Ibid., 406, 411 seq., 417, 420.
7 For particulars of him SCHWARZ, Gropper, Iviii seqq. ; LOSSEN,
1., 240 ; Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, XI., 506 seq.
8 CoHN, Table, 58.
THE MONSTER SUCCESSION. 317
confessed and communicated under one kind, assisted
diligently at mass and at the office in choir, even during
the years when he did not as yet receive any revenues from
his benefice, took part in the processions even during the
bad weather, and acted as sub-deacon at high mass. 1 Never
theless they did not feel full confidence in him in Rome ;
and when his great uncle, Duke George of Brunswick, the
Archbishop of Bremen, died, and the chapter chose the
great-nephew in 1567 as his successor, the new ruler of the
archdiocese of Bremen was not able, in spite of the warm
recommendation of the Emperor, to obtain the Papal
confirmation. 2
Duke Francis I. nevertheless sought to provide for his
son by means of another ecclesiastical principality, and when
the succession to the sees of Johann von Hoya came under
ever increasing discussion, Francis turned his eyes to
Osnabriick in 1572. Johann von Hoya was not opposed
to the suggestion, but advised him before anything else to
obtain the approval of the Pope, without which Henry could
not obtain " either this or any other diocese." 3
During the years that followed the Lauenburger acted
upon this advice. He first thought of going himself to Rome,
but, as he wrote to Otto Truchsess, 4 the attacks ot the Gueux
prevented his doing so. So he had recourse to the nuncio
Cropper, and by means of his councillor, Schrader, had the
formal canonical inquiry into his life and capabilities carried
out and sent to Rome. The evidence, 5 as well as Gropper s
to Rome, 6 were altogether favourable and the German
1 The inquiry concerning Henry of November-December, 1573,
in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 82, 83. Henry was made Subdeacon between
the Diets at Spires of 1570 and 1572. Henry to Otto Truchsess
on December 9, 1572, ibid., 16.
2 Maximilian II. to Pius V. on January 10, 1568, and the Pope s
reply of February 10, in LADERCHI, 1568, n. 97.
3 SCHWARZ, Gropper, Ix.
4 December 9, 1572, SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 14.
5 Ibid., 80-5.
6 Of January 20, 1574, ibid., 113 seq.
318 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Congregation expressed itself in favour of Henry s being
approved, 1 provided the informative process were sent in
due form. 2
Henry was kept fully informed of all that was happening,
and when the chapter of Osnabriick genuinely asked for him
as the successor of the dead Johann von Hoya, on condition
of his having the Papal approval, he resolved to remove the
last obstacle to his confirmation by making the Tridentine
profession of faith in the presence of Christopher Bicker
Abbot of Hersfeld, 3 at the end of which was to be found
the promise that he himself, and, as far as it rested with him,
his subjects, would maintain the Catholic faith until death.
He sent the documents to Rome, and presented a copy to
the nuncio Cropper. The latter noticed first that the formula
of the profession of faith had not been inserted verbally,
and when he was afterwards given a document written in
Henry s own hand, signed and sealed by him, which contained
the Tridentine formula, he discovered at the end a clause
stating that the whole only held good " subject to the other
oaths and promises made by the petitioner." 4 The duke s
envoy tried to justify this clause, saying that his master
had been obliged at Bremen to promise to observe the religious
peace. But Gropper declared that with such clauses added
the document had hardly any value ; the German Con
gregation in Rome came to the same conclusion, 5 and Cardinal
1 On March 2, in SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 85.
2 On June 22, 1574. For the precautions taken to secure the
Catholic character of the foundation see LOSSEN, I., 257 seq.
3 Bicker on June 22, 1574, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 164-7. For
the personal character of the abbot cf. A. Trivius to Galli on
March 30, 1575, in THEINER, II., 472 : The abbot is " persona
assai grave et buon cattolico," the prior is " di buonissima vita."
4 Gropper to Galli on August 15, 1574, in THEINER, I., 217 seq.
5 On September 7, 1574, i n SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 97.
The clause can only refer to the promise at the end of the Tridentine
Confession of Faith. The dogmas contained in the confession
had therefore been unconditionally accepted by Henry. Cf.
Henry s letter to Morone of August 20, 1576, in SCHWARZ, Gropper,
THE MtTNSTER SUCCESSION. 319
Madruzzo wrote to the duke to the same effect. 1 The German
Congregation sent Cropper a warning 2 that the profession of
faith, even though it were to be made in the full form, was
no longer sufficient, if the elect was not beyond reproach
both in doctrine and in morals ; the nuncio must therefore
keep his eyes open as to this.
Cropper understood quite well what was hinted at by this
remark. Henry s former zeal for religion had disappeared,
and he had commenced a love affair with Anna Broich, a
pupil of his former landlord at Cologne, had taken her to his
estates at Bremen, and had finally been formally betrothed
to her before a Lutheran pastor ; in the document 3 which the
pastor drew up for this purpose, it is stated that Henry had
told him as his pastor and confessor, that not having the
gift of continence he had therefore decided on matrimony.
By so doing, Henry, who, being a sub-deacon, could not
according to Catholic ideas contract matrimony, had disclosed
his defection from the faith, though naturally he took care
not to say anything in public to that effect, and even occasion
ally so expressed himself as to display his great reverence
for the Apostolic See. 4
Even before he went as far as this it had become very
unlikely that Henry of Bremen would submit to the demands
358 : " Finalis itaque clausula iuramenti . . . cum haberet, nos
subditis nostris aliam religionem nullam permittere debere et
velle, quam quae iuramenti forma comprehenderetur, existimavi-
mus ... si illam tarn absolute . . . poneremus et ederemus
nobis inde maxima pericula oboriri et violatae fidei scandala . . .
excitari posse. . . . Ad utrumque igitur evitandum . . . apposui-
mus clausulas, &c."
1 SCHWARZ, Cropper, 212. Discontent at Bremen caused by
the making of the Confession of Faith ; ibid., 169.
2 On November 25, 1574, SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 101.
3 Of October 25, 1575, LOSSEN, I., 376.
4 " che sarebbe sempre osservantissimo della Sede Apostolica,
supplicando che Nostro Signore non volesse dar orecchia
a maligni." Henry to Trivius ; see the latter s report to Galli
of April 4, 1575, in THEINER, II., 474.
320 , HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the Pope. Alexander Trivius, who had a personal interview
with him at the beginning of April, 1575, received from Henry
a reply to his remonstrances to the effect that he wondered
that the Papal approval had not been sent, when he for his
part had done all that was required. 1 Nevertheless the
German Congregation 2 did not think it advisable to reply
any further to Henry ; it would be better to try and bring
pressure to bear upon the Emperor not to confer investiture
with the civil power any more in the dioceses before the Papal
approval had been given, as Maximilian II. had immediately
put Henry in possession of the civil power in defiance of
existing laws. On May nth, 1575, Henry took possession
of the diocese of Osnabriick as reigning prince. 3
For a long time past the Duke of Lauenburg had been aiming
at obtaining yet a third bishopric, the important one of
Miinster. Thus Ernest of Bavaria had a dangerous com
petitor, as Henry was well endowed with good qualities and
had been especially successful as regent, 4 and, moreover,
had behind him that powerful party which was striving to
open a breach in the observance of the so-called reservatum
ecclesiasticum, so that it was actually very badly observed.
Henry seemed to be the very man to make it an accomplished
fact. 5
A powerful ally of the Duke of Lauenburg was also to be
found in Salentin of Isenburg, the Archbishop of Cologne.
He was thinking of resigning, and wished to have Duke
Ernest as his successor, who would in that case have to
abandon the diocese of Miinster and leave it to Henry. 6
1 Trivius to Galli on April 4, 1575, ibid., 472.
2 On April 26, 1575, in SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 109.
3 SCHWARZ, Gropper, Ixiii. LOSSEN, I., 259.
4 Ibid., 381. Trivius in THEINER, II., 474. Moreover, Henry
was also an energetic persecutor of witches : "In the diocese,
in the year 1583 alone, 163 persons, of whom 121 were women,
were put to death in the town of Osnabriick." KRAUSE, in the
Allgemeinc Deutsche Biographie, XI., 507.
5 LOSSEN, I., 303 seqq., 306. KELLER, 404.
6 LOSSEN, I., 289 seqq.
Mt)NSTER. 321
Duke Ernest, however, was not without his supporters.
The head of the chapter of Minister was on his side, the dean,
Gottfried von Raesfeld, " who combined a great capacity
for public affairs, gre^t knowledge, and much firmness of
character with strong Catholic opinions." 1 The loyal
friendship of the Duke of Cleves was also of the very greatest
importance to Ernest. As a new election could not take
place until John William had resigned his rights to Miinster,
it was in the power of William IV. to prevent any election
which was not acceptable to him.
Albert V. therefore tried to obtain at last for John William
the Papal approval which he had not yet received. 2 But
when the two envoys of Cleves and Bavaria, Hammerstein
and Fabricius, explained their plans for Miinster in the
presence of the Pope, Gregory XIII. listened to them with so
threatening a look that Fabricius feared they would receive
a downright refusal, and was relieved when at last the Pope
referred the matter to a commission of Cardinals. 3 The Pope
would have preferred to have seen Andrew of Austria, the
son of the Archduke Ferdinand, as Bishop of Miinster. 4 When
1 According to SCHWARZ, Akten, xxxix. For Raesfeld see
H. DEGERING in the festival publication : Aus dem geistigen
Leben und Schaffen in Westfalen, Miinster, 1906, 137 to 250 ;
DUHR, I., 144 seq.
2 William to Hammerstein on June 2, 1575, in KELLER, 410.
Albert V. to William on June 16, ibid., 411.
3 Fabricius to Albert V. on July 16, 1575, ibid., 414 ; cf. LOSSEN,
I., 281 seq.
4 Ferdinand s request for Andrew dat. July 9, 1575, in THEINER,
II., 66. On July n Spore no suggested that Ernest, if he obtained
Miinster, might renounce Freising in favour of Andrew (Nuntia-
turberichte, V., 147, n. 3). The Pope wished Ferdinand to come
to an understanding with Albert (ibid., 157, n. 4). The Archduke
opened negotiations with William V. on the subject (KELLER,
411 seq.}. On September 19, Gregory XIII. desired the Duke
of Bavaria to use his influence in support of Andrew, should Ernest
have no prospects of success (LossEN, I., 328 ; KELLER, 418).
Cf. Gregory to Ferdinand on September 19, 1575, in THEINER, II.,
5-
VOL. XX. 21
322 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Duke Ernest returned to Munich after a stay in Rome of a
year and a half, he took with him a brief 1 to the chapter of
Minister, in which nothing more was asked of the future
bishop than that he should be a zealous Catholic, of irreproach
able morals, and the son of a Catholic father. A brief to
Gropper declared that this description was intended to apply
equally to Ernest and Andrew. 2
When these briefs were dispatched from Rome, they were
in ignorance of the events which had in the meantime taken
place at Minister. At first it seemed as though the canons
were in favour of Bavaria, so that the election of Duke Ernest
was expected at the coming chapter on St. Martin s day, in
1575. 3 But when this chapter was held at Dulmen it was
seen that the secret efforts of Henry of Bremen to win them
over 4 had had their effect. Only ten or eleven votes of the
canons were given for the Wittelsbach prince, while the
seventeen junior canons gave theirs for the Duke of Lauenburg.
So as not to be forced to a decision the older canons left the
chapter-room 5 and wrote to Rome 6 to ask which of the two
rivals the Pope preferred.
Rome replied on January 28th, 1576, and when a report
from the Duke of. Cleves on the events at Diilmen arrived
on February 3rd, 7 another brief followed on the same day.
But both the Papal letters were delayed for a long time on the
way, and in the meantime the deadlock in the chapter of
Minister became so embittered as to seem beyond repair.
The older canons pledged themselves to remain firm for
1 Of December 17, 1575, in SCHWARZ, Gropper, 334 seq.
*Ibid. t 334-
3 LOSSEN, I., 284 seq. Cf. Gropper on May 7, 1575, in THEINER,
II., 38. For the Chapter meetings at Horstmar and Liidinghausen
see LOSSEN, I., 280, 283 ; KELLER, 415 seq.
4 LOSSEN, I., 308. KELLER, 413.
5 LOSSEN, I., 330.
6 On November 22, 1575, in THEINER, IT., 30.
7 Of January 12, 1576, in THEINER, II., 160 seq. Requesens
had also written to Rome on the subject on January i. KELLER,
424.
CANDIDATES FOR MONSTER. 323
Ernest, and as soon as the other party heard of this they too
united in drawing up a signed and sealed document in favour
of Henry of Bremen. 1 It was partly Cropper s fault that
things had been allowed to go so far. As early as May I4th,
1575, Cardinal Galli had made it clear to him that the Duke
of Lauenburg had no chance of receiving the Papal approval, 2
but the nuncio had failed to make this sufficiently clear, with
the result that the party of Henry had strengthened its
position.
It was only after the disunion in the chapter had taken
place that the first of the Pope s replies reached the hands of
Cropper on March loth, 1576, the second coming on February
4th. 3 The younger canons were warned in this to unite
with the older ones ; only the son of a Catholic father could
hope to receive the Papal approval. John William, however,
would not renounce his postulation until he had received the
Pope s consent to his doing so, whereupon the postulation was
indirectly recognized as valid. 4 A covering letter to Cropper 5
mentions both the candidates for Minister, Ernest and Andrew,
by name, and that of Ernest in the first place.
But when Cropper presented this brief on March i8th it
was obvious that he was too late. It was true that all the
canons protested their obedience to the Pope, and declared
that they only wished for a Catholic bishop, but it was main
tained in the discussions at the chapter that the Duke of
Lauenburg was also a Catholic, and that they could not
understand why the son of a Protestant could not be a good
Catholic. Even though the brief expressly excluded the
son of a non-Catholic from election, the party of the younger
canons nevertheless were successful in obtaining an appeal
to the Pope in the name of the chapter, asking him to declare
1 Cropper to Galli on March 28, 1576, in SCHWARZ, Cropper, 443.
2 Ibid., 286.
3 Cropper loc. cit. in accordance with which LOSSEN (I., 375)
must be corrected.
4 The simultaneous answer to the Duke of Jiilich was in the
same sense. See THEINER, II., 161 ; KELLER, 427.
5 In SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 337.
324 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
whether he approved the Duke of Bremen or the Duke of
Bavaria. 1 The reply from Rome naturally once again
excluded Lauenburg 2
A short time after his return to Cologne Cropper received
through Tandorf, the envoy of Bavaria, a belated brief,
that of January 28th, 1576. Unlike that of February 4th,
which had already been presented, in this one Henry of
Bremen was expressly excluded by name. Therefore the
nuncio set out a second time for Minister. After a conference
on April 5th, the party of the younger canons declared that
they could not for the moment arrive at a definite decision
because all the canons were not present. 3 At the chapter
held in Easter week, with the promise of which the canons
had comforted the nuncio, Gropper, in spite of three days
efforts, was still unable on this his third visit, to obtain any
decision. 4
Gropper left Miinster with the impression that the party
of the younger canons adhered thus tenaciously to Henry
because of their reliance on Salentin of Isenburg. Salentin,
they thought, when he went to Munich and Rome, would
be able to arrange everything in favour of his friend, Henry. 5
Henry, too, developed great activity in favour of his candida
ture. An embassy declared in his name to the chapter that
he would maintain the diocese in the " ancient Catholic
and Roman religion." 6 He sent a second embassy to Duke
Albert V., and wrote 7 to William IV., 8 as well as to the Pope,
1 Protocol of the negotiations in KELLER, 430 seq. Cropper s
report of March 28, 1576, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 443 seqq. Cf.
LOSSEN, I., 375 seqq.
2 Of June 2, 1576, ibid., 405.
3 KELLER, 431.
4 LOSSEN, I., 386. KELLER, 440. A Brief of March 17, 1576
(THEINER, II., 163 ; KELLER, 429) was not delivered.
5 LOSSEN, I., 387.
6 Ibid., 380 seq. The envoys Instruction of March 22, 1576,
in KELLER, 432.
7 Instruction of April 17, 1576, ibid., 437.
8 Ibid., 432-5.
MONSTER. 325
when he assured him of his deep respect. 1 Rome answered
that he must prove his words by his deeds. 2
It was clear to both parties that the hope of salvation
for the friends of Bavaria, as well as the impregnable barrier
for the opposing party lay in the decree of postulation in
the hands of the Duke of Cleves. It was round this decree
that all the efforts of both parties turned in the time that
followed. The nuncio Cropper wished the Pope to confirm
it in full form. 3 But this suggestion met with difficulties
in Rome. Might not the young John William yet wish to
transform Miinster into a civil principality ? And could they,
above all, put their reliance unconditionally in the court of
Cleves ? John William was about to make his first communion,
and his father wished him to receive it under both kinds.
Albert V. was begged by Rome to be on his guard against
such double-dealing. 4 Elgard was sent to the Lower Rhine
expressly to bring pressure to bear upon the duke ; he was
not, however, able to obtain anything more than further
delay. 5 That the duke should gradually lose interest in the
approval of the postulation was quite to the liking of the
Pope.
All the more urgently, therefore, did the adversaries of
Bavaria try to get the decree of postulation from the hands
of their enemies, and all they did in the time that followed
seems to have been influenced by this idea. All of a sudden
the party of the younger canons manifested an extraordinary
friendship for Bavaria in chapter. Their leader, the civil
vicar, Conrad von Westerholt, expressed himself in private
conversations as envoy to Cleves in favour of the candidature
of Duke Ernest ; if we trust him, he said, everything will be
1 On April i, 1576, in THEINER, II., 163 seq.
2 On June 2, 1576, ibid., 169.
3 LOSSEN, I., 387.
4 Brief of March 10, 1576, in THEINER, II., 170.
5 Elgard to Galli on May 29, 1576, ibid., 170 seq. Cf. LOSSEN,
Zur Geschichte des Laienkelches am Hofe des Herzogs Wilhelm
von Jiilich-Cleve, 1570-9, in the Zeitschrift des Bergischen
Geschichtsvereins, XIX,
326 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
done in accordance with the wishes of Duke William. 6 At a
meeting of the chapter on July 25th he declared that he
would no longer be opposed to Ernest, so long as he did not
wish to introduce the Inquisition into Minister, and if they
were satisfied concerning the lawsuit of the chapter against
Schenking, the majordomo of Ernest. Albert V. gave
satisfactory assurances on both these points. 2
At the meeting of the chapter on November I3th it seemed
that they would at last come to a decision. The dean of
the chapter proposed a capitulation with Bavaria, and no
opposition was raised ; they were in agreement that the
earlier arrangement of 1575 should form the basis of the
capitulation, and all the twenty-three canons present declared
amid solemn applause that now all difficulties were removed. 3
On February 5th, 1577, tne capitulation was definitely decided
upon by representatives of the chapter, together with von
der Recke and three envoys of Bavaria, and accepted by
the whole chapter on the following day. Westerholt then
declared that in spite of the agreement their choice must
remain free, and von der Recke promised that the document
of the postulation of John William, which had hitherto been
the palladium of the party of Bavaria, 4 should be given back.
The Bavarians now looked upon the election as safe, and the
only thing that might cast a cloud over their hopes was the
fact that that old intriguer, Lorenz Schrader, the trusted
confidant of Lauenburg, had put in an appearance at Minister.
A short time before the day appointed for the election,
February 23rd, the envoys of Cleves asked for an express
promise that after the surrender of the decree of postulation,
the election of the administrator of Freising would really
take place. This request excited the indignation of the party
1 LOSSEN, I., 441 seq.
2 Letter to William IV. of October 5, 1576, in KELLER, 449-52.
In the copy that William sent to the following meeting of the
Chapter of November 13, he omitted a sentence on his own
responsibility. Ibid., 453.
3 LOSSEN, I., 447 seq.
4 Ibid., 453 seq.
MONSTER. 3 2 7
of the younger canons, and it was only on the morning of the
election that a decision was come to. It was decided that a
capitulation must precede any new postulation ; now that
the capitulation with Duke Ernest had been made, there
must be a new postulation when the other decree of nomination
had hardly been surrendered. The envoys of Cleves handed
over such a document, and in the name of John William
two priests of Miinster, who had been charged to do so, resigned
the bishopric and the principality.
After the mass of the Holy Ghost and a solemn admonition
from the dean of the chapter, Gottfried von Raesfeld, three
canons who had been appointed to collect the votes went with
certain witnesses to the upper hall of the chapter in order
first to give their own votes. This duty fell first of all to the
provost, Goswin von Raesfeld, and he nominated Ernest of
Bavaria as the future bishop. The next to vote was the
vicar, Westerholt, and he, contrary to all expectation and
to all his promises, named Henry of Bremen. Irritated at
his duplicity, the other two fell upon the vicar, since, if the
leader of the younger canons supported Henry, there was
no doubt as to what was to be expected from his followers.
How could he dare, they expostulated, contrary to the written
decision of the chapter, to demand one with whom the capitula
tion had not been made ? Westerholt replied that he and
others had also sent a capitulation to Henry, and the latter
had accepted it. As proof he produced from his pocket a
letter from Henry, but was not able to read it, for the others
in their indignation ran and informed the other canons of
what had taken place. 1 Moreover, it was not true that the
Duke of Lauenburg had accepted the capitulation. 2
It was now clear what the presence of Schrader in Minister
meant, for he had brought with him at the critical moment
the letter from his master, 3 and in less than eight days had
twice made a journey of at least twenty-five miles. He and
1 LOSSEN, I., 457.
2 Ibid., 604. He signed it later, but only after he had com
pletely changed it by unsightly alterations (ibid., 607 seq.),
3 LOSSEN, I., 457-9.
328 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Conrad von Westerholt had contrived a deadly blow at the
party of Bavaria by extracting from them the decree of
postulation.
Westerholt 1 found himself after this in the very centre
of the struggle which now began all over again. It was he
who delivered the more severe blows at Bavaria, while the
friends of the latter directed all their efforts to his defeat.
First of all the party of Cleves asked for the decree of
postulation back, but this was not a serviceable weapon,
as its validity was in question. In this state of uncertainty
only Rome could accomplish anything. The party of the
older canons therefore had recourse to Rome, 2 for a Papal
confirmation of the prohibition by .which the dean had placed
the withdrawal of the postulation under the penalty of
excommunication. The Dukes of Cleves 3 and Bavaria 4
also sent reports and demanded that proceedings should be
taken against Westerholt and his followers. A special envoy,
Johann von Raesfeld, a former student of the German College,
was successful in Rome in getting it declared that the resigna
tion of John William was null, and in having the leaders of
the anti-Bavarian party summoned to Rome. 5
There, however, it was thought that there were no grounds
for juridical proceedings. 6 It was decided to leave the matter
in the hands of the nuncio ; if possible he was to bring about
the nomination of Duke Ernest, or at anyrate maintain the
postulation of John William. 7
The nuncio who was given this task was no longer what
1 SCHWARZ gives particulars of him in the Zeitschrift fur
vaterldndische Geschichte, LXIX. (1911), 60 seq.
2 On April 23, 1577, i n THEINER, II., 292 seq.
3 On March 13 and May 10, 1577, ibid., 287 seqq., 289 seqq.
4 On March 24 and May 31, 1577, ibid., 290, 293.
6 LOSSEN, I., 492 seq.
6 Fabricius to Albert V. on April 20, 1577, i n KELLER, 470.
7 Briefs of April 16 to Duke William, in THEINER, II., 292,
KELLER, 468 seq. ; to the Chapter, in THEINER, II., 291 ; to
John William, in KELLER, 469 ; credentials to the heads of the
Chapter, dat. April 13, in THEINER, II., 292.
PORTIA SUCCEEDS CROPPER. 329
he had been. Caspar Cropper had created a bad impression
in Rome by the irregularity and prolixity of his reports ;
once when the Secretary of State had casually reproved him
at a moment when the interruption of his reports was not
due to him but to the posts, the angry man had not written
any more for eight months. 1 Morone therefore proposed
on June 6th, 1576, to send Bartolomeo Portia to Lower
Germany- in the place of Cropper ; a man of weight was
needed there, and Portia was so shrewd and experienced in
public affairs, so capable and in such high esteem among the
princes that much might be expected of him. 2 At the begin
ning of January, 1577, Portia received at Ingolstadt orders
to go to Cologne, which he reached on March 4th. 3 Cropper
never returned to Rome, and he seems to have become
unbalanced in mind ; he sat in his room, which he rarely
left, with his hair and beard untrimmed, a misanthrope and
an enigma to those about him. 4
In the meantime the state of affairs had again become
disturbed, so that even Portia could not do much for Minister.
The courts of Diisseldorf and Munich were at that time pressing
for the promotion of Duke Ernest to the archbishopric of
Cologne, and did not wish to make their position more difficult
by interfering in the disputes at Minister ; thus until the
winter of 1577 the time passed in an exchange of polemic
writings between the two parties, 5 but otherwise the question
of Minister made no progress. Portia too kept in the
background, as the Duke of Lauenburg had a vote at the
election to Cologne. At last, however, he decided to
take one important step. At an interview with Duke William
at Dinslaken he had not allowed himself to be led into confirm
ing the postulation of John William, but a short time
1 SCHWARZ, Cropper, cii.
2 Nuntiaturberichte, II., 77.
3 Ibid., I., 8.
4 SCHWARZ, loc. cit., civ. LOSSEN, I., 472, n. i. "Instruction
for Annibale di Capua of December 7, 1576, Var. polit., 129,
p. 178 (Papal Secret Archives).
5 LOSSEN, I., 494, 592.
330 HISTORY OF THE POPES,
afterwards, in a conversation at Hamm, Gottfried von
Raesfeld, the dean of the chapter, explained to him that he
and his party were losing ground every day, because of the
uncertainty whether the postulation of the hereditary prince
was still valid ; relying on the words of the Elector of Cologne,
the true headquarters of the party opposed to Bavaria, their
adversaries were spreading the report that no decision was
to be looked for from Rome, and that Duke Ernest would
have to give up Minister in order to obtain Cologne. There
was also reason to fear some act of violence to secure the
appointment of the Duke of Bremen, while Munster in the
meantime stood in need of John William, as its only possible
protector. 1 Many of Westerholt s followers only adhered
to Henry for this reason, because they wished to smooth
the way for the canons of Bremen, who had actually made
the promise to contract matrimony. 2
As the result of what Raesfeld said Portia caused two
briefs concerning the reinstatement of his son to be sent to
the father of John William, and these were made known in
Munster. The city, as well as the party of the younger canons,
reserved their reply. 3
Towards the end of the year the Bavarian party met with
a decisive defeat at Cologne ; Gebhard Truchsess was
appointed archbishop. With this the prospects of Ernest
of Bavaria took a bad turn, and not only on the Rhine. The
party of Westerholt celebrated Gebhard s victory as their
own. Henry of Lauenburg, after the resignation of Salentin,
his successor at Paderborn, had to fix all his hopes on the
fourth bishopric of north Germany. Westerholt s arrogance
passed beyond all bounds, and he vented his wrath upon his
adversaries in a violent accusation, 4 which he presented to
the local Diet in the name of his party.
This violent attack naturally evoked an equally bitter
1 Nuntiaturberichte, I., no seq., 115 seq.
2 Ibid., 114 seq.
3 LOSSEN, I., 511.
4 In KELLER, 476 seq. ; LOSSEN, I., 594.
MANOEUVRES OF WESTERHOLT. 331
defence. In conferences 1 held by von der Recke with the
dean and the provost of the chapter, it was decided to suggest
that the vicar should be summoned to Rome, some of the
expressions he had used in his accusation affording sufficient
grounds for this. Von der Recke moreover came back to his
previous suggestion 2 of nominating John William as adminis
trator of the principality, which would naturally put an end
to Westerholt s vicariate, and incidentally to his power.
The Pope could dispense the rule that the administrator
must be a priest, and this dispensation could be asked for
by the Duke of Bavaria, because enough confidence was not
felt in the Duke of Cleves in Rome on account of his
continually repeated requests for communion under both
kinds, at least for the hereditary prince. 3
But before everything else Duke William tried to get rid
of Westerholt by means of a formal dismissal. But the
inquiry of January 28th, 1578, which was intended to put an
end to the divisions in the chapter, referred him to the regional
Diet, 4 and there the matter of Westerholt was not raised
at all. The supporters of Bavaria, however, had accom
plished something ; they brought pressure to bear in Rome
before the Diet, to have a summons against Westerholt given
to them, to use as a weapon, and the efforts of the Bavarian
ambassador actually succeeded in obtaining such a document
1 At Schermbeck on January 21, 1578, in KELLER, 478.
2 To Paul Langer, Cleves, 1577, December 18, ibid., 477.
3 Portia to Galli on June i, 1577, Nuntialurberichte, I., 112 seq,
Duke William to Gregory XIII. on January 28, 1578, in THEINER,
II., 368. Gregory was thinking of sending Canisius to the duke
to negotiate about Westerholt and the question of the chalice
(Gregory to William on April 5, 1578, ibid., 368 seq. ; cf. SCHWARZ,
Zehn Gutachten, 128 seq.). On March 21, 1579, Gregory con
gratulated the young duke on his having communicated under
one kind (THEINER, III., (20). On January 6, 1578, Portia
reported that in many places within the territory of Cleves the
chalice was still administered to the people. Nuntiaturberichte, I.,
222.
4 LOSSEN, I., 595 SCq.
332 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in two forms, one more severe, 1 and one less so. 2 On May
9th the summons against Westerholt was made known, and
because of his daily increasing arrogance, in its severest
form ; he for his part had summoned Duke William before
the supreme tribunal of Spires for insulting him ! 3
Westerholt was not in any hurry to obey the command
of the Pope. A troop of cavalry and infantry, which had
been enrolled in Lower Germany for service in Flanders,
harassed the principality at that time for fifteen days ;
Westerholt wrote to Rome that under these circumstances
it was impossible for him to leave his post. When, however,
he failed to pay any attention even later on, the Dukes of
Jiilich and Bavaria 4 renewed their complaints, and thus, in
December, 1578, the German Congregation arrived at the
decision of depriving him, on account of his disobedience,
of his benefice and office, by the hands of the auditor-general
of the Roman Camera, and excluding him from the chapter.
On March 3oth the decree to this effect reached the hands
of the Duke of Jiilich, 5 who published it in Minister during
Easter week.
Westerholt had no intention of submitting. At Paderborn
he had an interview with Henry of Bremen, and on April
29th, appealed " to the Pope better informed." On May
4th he presented himself at the cathedral accompanied by
armed men, and took his place in the choir. 6 Shielding
himself behind the rights of the chapter, which had docu
mentary confirmation, he tried to prove to the governor
that he was bound to protect him. Thereupon forty or
fifty of the nobles of the city presented themselves
1 Of April 5, 1578, in THEINER, II., 369.
2 KELLER, 478, n. 2.
3 LOSSEN, I., 597 seq.
* On October 8, 1578, ibid., 601. Albert V. to William on
December 26, 1578, in KELLER, 480. Fabricius to Albert on
January 24, 1579, ibid., 482.
5 LOSSEN, I., 609. KELLER, 481. Cf. German Congregation,
March 8, 1578, in SCHWARZ, Zehn Gutachten, 129,
6 LOSSEN, I., 651,
WESTERHOLT. 333
to demand of the governor and the chapter a general Diet. 1
The latter was held entirely in accordance with the wishes
of Westerholt. It made a great impression when weighty
embassies from Henry of Bremen, the Union of Utrecht and
Gebhard Truchsess made their appearance, 2 and a letter in
favour of Westerholt was read 3 in which the King of Denmark,
Frederick II., recommended him warmly to the citizens of
Minister on the ground that the cities of the diocese " have
no little commerce and livelihood in our realm and territories,"
and that they should therefore pay heed to the wishes of
their neighbour in the north. Feeling ran all the more. high
" in that many gave it to be understood that sooner than
have the Duke of Bavaria for their lord, they would see their
houses burned over them, and their heads cut off." 4 As the
result of the final meeting of the Diet a request was sent to
the Pope, 5 that he would inquire into the case of Westerholt
again, and either absolve or pardon him. On receipt of the
Pope s reply there was to be another Diet, and no further
postulation was to be made before he was reinstated.
On hearing of this decision Duke Albert broke out into a
rage : if Westerholt and Schrader, so he wrote, could be
quietly suppressed and hanged to a tree, it would be a good
thing. 6 The dean became " very much frightened " ; if
there were no improvement within three months, he intended
to resign his office. 7 Albert V. dissuaded him from this, 8
as the Catholic religion was at stake.
1 Ibid., 651-4. The dean of the cathedral did not dare to
publish four papal briefs of March 7, 15 79, which deposed
Westerholt and appointed Raesfeld in his place as governor
(KELLER, 483, 484, n. i). One of the briefs, dated March 14,
in THEINER, III., 17.
2 LOSSEN, I., 656-9.
3 Of June 27, 1579, in KELLER, 486.
4 LOSSEN, I., 659.
6 Of August 5, 1579, in THEINER, III., 17. Westerholt s
written defence addressed to the knights and nobles on July 31,
ibid., 1 8.
LOSSEN, I., 622.
7 Document written by Langer on Aug. 3, 1579, in KELLER, 488.
8 On August 1 6, 1579, ibid.
334 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The occurrences at the Diet decided the Pope to intervene
seriously. Westerholt was excommunicated and deposed. 1
A brief of September 2oth 2 appointed John William adminis
trator of the civil affairs of the diocese of Minister for three
years ; Henry of Bremen must not be asked for, and Ernest
was accepted in Rome. 3 Westerholt s appeal " to the Pope
better informed " had already been rejected.
Like the Pope, the Emperor also intervened. At the
request of Albert V. 4 he appointed the archbishops of
Mayence and Treves, and the marshal of the court, Henry
Otto von Schwarzenberg, as commissaries, who were to
reconcile the two parties and bring about the nomination
of a suitable bishop.
To all appearances a decision now seemed to be imminent,
but in reality fresh complications were beginning. The
Emperor, who had been called to their assistance by the
adversaries of Westerholt, himself became his protector,
and hampered the Pope s intervention ; the party of
Westerholt had become an Imperial party.
A short time before the young Archduke Matthias had
been led into a great act of imprudence. At the invitation
of the southern provinces of the Low Countries, he had gone
there as viceroy against the wishes of Spain. He thought
to escape from the unhappy position in which he found himself
if he could get himself installed in the principality of Miinster
in the place of Duke Ernest.
The plan had already been put forward that both Ernest
and Henry should renounce their candidature to Miinster,
and a third party chosen. 5 The idea of making this
third party the Archduke Matthias had formed itself
in the cunning mind of Henry of Bremen, who wished to
profit by the difficulties of the Austrian states in order to
1 On August 26, LOSSEN, I., 670.
2 In KELLER, 489 seq.
3 Briefs of August 15, 1579, to the Chapter, to the Emperor
and to Duke William, in THEINER, III., 19 seq., 20.
4 LOSSEN, I., 663. Cf. Albert in KELLER, 488 seq.
6 LOSSEN, I., 600 seqq.
THE STRUGGLE FOR MONSTER. 335
obtain an honourable way out of the intricate labyrinth
of the affairs of Minister. 1 In virtue of the agreements
between Germany and Rome, the Duke of Lauenburg could
not receive the Imperial investiture of the principality, with
out first obtaining the Papal approbation. In spite of this
Maximilian II. and Rudolph II. had granted him the investiture
of Osnabriick and Paderborn, but only for two years and
with the condition, which was certainly not taken seriously,
of his asking for the Papal approbation. 2 The thought of
setting himself free from this state, by renouncing his
candidature at Minister, and presenting an Austrian archduke
in his stead, had taken shape in his mind ; in return
he wanted the Emperor to grant him the permanent investiture
of his three dioceses. He first thought of the Archduke
Maximilian, the brother of the Emperor Rudolph. In view
of the embarrassments in which the Archduke Matthias
found himself, Maximilian accepted, not for himself, but for
Matthias. 3 Henry of Bremen agreed, but thought of profiting
from the position on behalf of his friend Westerholt, so he
made it a condition that the latter, who was already suspended,
but who had not been removed, should again return to the
undisturbed possession of his benefice. 4 At the beginning of
October his envoy, von der Recke, once more presented the
request that Westerholt s removal should be annulled. 5
But Rudolph had not the courage to make an enemy of
the powerful Duke of Bavaria by openly accepting this
suggestion. Instead, on September i8th, he authorized
the formation of an Imperial commission which was to settle
1 LOSSEN in the Munchener Sitzungsberichte, Phil. KL, 1890,
II., 85-108.
2 Ibid., go. A letter of May 28, 1579, from Henry to the Flanders
nuncio Castagna to whom he sends his councillor Schrader, in
THEINER, III., 20 seq. Shortly before the death of Maximilian II.,
Henry had asked for an extension of time with regard to Osna
briick. SCHWARZ, Gropper, 355 seq.
3 LOSSEN, he. cit., 88-92
4 Henry to Maximilian II., on May 25, 1579, ibid., 92 seq.
5 Ibid., 95.
336 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the dispute about Munster according to the wishes of Albert.
His zeal for this commission was naturally not very great.
He very soon adopted the suggestion of Lauenburg of using
the commission as a means of attempting the choice of a
third candidate, to the exclusion of both the existing ones,
and of recommending the archduke in this capacity. 1 Steps
to attain this end were set on foot. 2 Henry of Bremen
received as a reward for his advice investiture for life of
Osnabriick and Paderborn, naturally once again with the
condition, this time quite illusory, of his seeking once more
for the Papal approbation. 3 Unfortunately for the Bavarian
party at Munster, its most powerful supporter, Duke Albert V.,
died about this time, on October 24th, 1579 Rudolph and
Matthias were thus freed from an adversary whom they could
not afford to disregard.
Under these circumstances it was impossible to guess how
the Emperor would act with regard to the treatment of
Westerholt and in the granting of investiture to the adminis
trator The party of the vicar became more bold. When
Duke William gave notice to the nobles of the removal and
banishment of Westerholt, 4 the Imperial officials only informed
him of it privately, 5 but did not allow it to be made public.
At the Diet at the beginning of January, 1580, the notice of
his condemnation made very little impression ; it was
resolved to await the Imperial commission. Immediately
after the Diet, the lelatives of Westerholt bitterly complained
of his suspension to the Emperor and to the Elector of Saxony,
who had gone to Rudolph to obtain his support. The councillor
of Lauenburg, von der Recke, conveyed these complaints
to Dresden and Prague, together with a letter from his master,
asking the Emperor to act quickly, as the dean of the chapter,
Raesfeld, had expressed his disapproval of the election of
1 Ibid., 97.
2 Ibid., 98. LOSSEN, Kolnische Krieg, I., 679.
3 LOSSEN in the Mun,hener Sitzungsberichte, loo. cit., 98.
4 On November 21, 1579, in KELLER, 491.
5 On December 20, ibid.
THE STRUGGLE FOR MtJNSTER. 337
an archduke as Bishop of Minister. 1 The first effect of these
attempts was shown in the fact that the Imperial commission
was altered in a sense quite hostile to Bavaria, and instead
of the Elector of Treves, the enemy of Bavaria on the Rhine,
Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, was appointed. 2 At the
recommendation of the Elector of Saxony, 3 Rudolph II. asked
Rome for the annulment of the suspension of Westerholt,
saying that otherwise he would do so himself. 4 The envoys
of the Dukes of Jiilich and Bavaria were coldly received by
Rudolph, when they asked him not to take up the defence of
Westerholt against the Pope . 5 The Emperor had already quite
definitely refused his consent to the administration of John
William, on the pretext that the Papal appointment to such
offices was quite contrary to the German concordats. 6
Henry of Bremen had recommended the Emperor to act
swiftly, but his adversaries too resolved by swift action to
find a way out of the tangle which was ever becoming more
complicated. Encouraged by hearing from the governor
of Flanders, Alessandro Farnese, that the Archduke Matthias
would not be pleasing as a bishop, either to himself or to
the king, Duke William took a decisive step ; on February
8th he presented to the chapter by a notary, the decision
of Rome against Westerholt. The dean and his supporters
declared their acceptance of this, and the office of the expelled
man was at once conferred on another 7
The expulsion of Westerholt had another important result ;
1 LOSSEN, Sitzungsberichte, 99 seq.
2 Ibid., 101.
3 Of January 20, 1580, ibid., 102.
1 At least von der Becke says so in a letter of March 20, 1580
ibid., 103.
5 von der Becke, loc. cit., 103 seq.
6 To Duke William on December 26, 1579, in KELLER, 491.
That Westerholt s citation to Rome was also contrary to the
Concordat was maintained by the Archbishop of Mayence, Von
der Becke, loc. cit., 103.
7 LOSSEN, Kolnische Krieg, I., 680. Cf. Farnese on January 7,
1580, in KELLER, 493.
VOL. XX. 22
338 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the canons who had declared themselves for Henry of
Bremen or Ernest of Bavaria in 1575, there were now, in
the two parties, only eleven with the right to vote, so that
the parties were equal. Gottfried von Raesfeld resolved
to make use of this fact for a sudden stroke. Of the canons
who had recently been admitted, only six had a right to vote,
and it was possible that some of these might be won over
to the party of Bavaria, and thus obtain a majority. 1 The
candidature of Duke Ernest was then secretly put forward,
and everything seemed ready for taking their adversaries by
surprise. On April gth, quite unexpectedly, a chapter was
summoned at which the election was to take place.
But the plan did not succeed. According to the statutes
of the chapter, a new postulation could not be proclaimed
before April 26th, and this gave the anti-Bavarian party
time to take steps to prevent it. 2 Henry of Bremen had
already several times urged the Imperial commission to take
action, and he now came in haste from Bremen to his house
at Iburg, in the territory of Osnabriick, five miles from
Minister. He summoned his advisers thither, and there
Westerholt and his followers pledged themselves to vote for
an Austrian archduke. An envoy from Henry went to John
of Nassau at Arnheim, to ask for his intervention. 3 After
Lauenburg had announced his presence to the city council,
he entered Miinster on April 24th with their permission,
and was received by them at the head of an imposing cavalcade
of 142 horsemen. On the following day Egeling, the chancellor
of Bremen, read before the authorities and the city council
a letter from the Emperor which demanded that they should
resist the postulation which had been decided upon. 4
In the meantime there had arrived plenipotentiaries from
the Archbishop of Cologne, and the Imperial commissary,
Winneburg. Even more disturbing was the fact that, on
1 LOSSEN, loc. cit., 68 1. Schmale to von der Becke on March n,
1580, in KELLER, 493.
2 LOSSEN, loc. cit., 688.
3 Ibid. ; Miinchener Sitzungsberichte, loc. cit., 106.
4 LOSSEN, Kolnische Krieg, I., 689 seq. KELLER, 494 seq.
THE STRUGGLE FOR MONSTER. 339
the eve of the election, John of Nassau had come secretly
into the city under a false name.
On the following day, April 26th, the Imperial commissaries
appeared before the chapter and read a letter from the
supreme ruler of the Empire in which the Papal decree
concerning the administration of John William was brusquely
rejected. Under threats of the Imperial displeasure they
were told not to proceed to a new election until unity had
been restored in the chapter. 1
The day before, in spite of the coming of Duke Henry,
the party of the senior canons had stood firm ; now the
chapter asked for time for reflection, in order that they might
take into consideration the exceptional circumstances which
John of Nassau had made known to the council and the
authorities. 2 Early that morning John had informed the
council of the citizens and the authorities, that the soldiers
of the Low Countries near Deventer would not hear of the
election of the Bavarian prince, and that it was known from
letters that had been intercepted that he intended to make
Miinster a war base. By command of the federated provinces
John offered the authorities of Miinster and Duke Henry
military assistance ; for the moment he had restrained the
ardour of the army, but nevertheless a body of troops had
already advanced to the Rhine. 3
When this news was spread among the people the defeat
of Duke Ernest was already assured. The brazen falsehood
that the soldiery of the Low Countries were actually within
the territory of the diocese caused everyone to take up arms ;
the gates were shut, the sentries were increased, and cannon
were set up in the market-place. There must be no new
election, it was said ; neither Bremen nor Bavaria ! As was
declared on the same day to the chapter and the government,
it would be preferable either to elect a third party, or else
to adhere to the one already postulated !
1 LOSSEN, loc. cit., 690. Cf. KELLER, 496.
2 Ibid., 498 seq.
3 LOSSEN, Kolnische Krieg, I., 691. Report of John of Nassau
to William of Orange on May 9, 1580, in KELLER, 504 seq.
340 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
This last demand had set free the followers of Raesfeld.
They came to an agreement with the envoys of the Duke of
Cleves to hand over the administration as far as possible
to the young Duke John William, but a postulation would be
clearly impossible. 1 An invitation to Duke William to come
himself to the city, together with the hereditary prince, or
at anyrate to the frontier of Schermbeck, was dispatched
on the same evening. 2 Henry of Bremen and John of Nassau
left the city in haste, but the disturbances continued
After Duke William IV. and the hereditary prince made
their solemn entry into Minister with 300 cavalry on the
evening of May 7th, and had been ceremoniously received
by the citizens, an agreement was arrived at on May loth.
The canons of the Bavarian party, although they were in a
majority, gave up the idea of a new election, while the other
party, in return, agreed that the young Duke John William
should undertake the government, under the already existing
council. 3 On September 2oth the hereditary prince again
came to Minister to take up his new office, 4 and on the 3oth
asked for the confirmation of the Pope. 5
Thus the struggle for the possession of Minister was settled
for the time being, and the Archduke Matthias had lost the
day. The Emperor soon bowed to what he could no longer
avoid ; at first he had thoughts of appointing another
commission, 6 but at the end of October gave his assent to
the way matters had turned out. 7
After the coming of the two Dukes of Julich, Westerholt
1 LOSSEN, loo. cit., 692.
2 Ibid. ; KELLER, 497.
3 LOSSEN, loc. cit., 695-7.
4 Ibid., 702.
5 THEINER, III., 125.
6 Letter of May 30, 1580, to the Elector of Cologne, to the
cathedral chapter, to the Government and to the knights
and nobles of Munster ; see DIEKAMP in the Zeitschrift
fur vaterldndische Geschichte, XL1I. (1884), 169 seq. ; LOSSEN,
Sitzungsberichte, 108.
7 LOSSEN, Kolnische Krieg, I., 702.
THE STRUGGLE FOR MONSTER. 341
remained quietly in his own house. When John William
was proclaimed as head of the government, his task was
finished ; he saw that he was no longer needed in Miinster,
and took the most prudent course by going to Rome, whither
he had been summoned. They were not accustomed there
to such obedience from the obstinate Germans, and Westerholt
met with so kind a reception that they even began to fear
in Miinster that he would be restored to his former position,
and begin his old intrigues over again. 1 At last the process
against him was begun, but no sentence was pronounced,
and he remained for several years in Rome. 2 In 1584 he
appeared once more at Paderborn ; the Pope, who had first
tried to provide him with the provostship of the cathedral
of Liege, now sought to give him that of Halberstadt. 3 When
at last, in the following year, Miinster had a bishop, the latter
had to undertake, in deference to the insistence of the chapter,
that Westerholt should henceforward be kept at least three
days journey away from the diocese. 4
Duke Ernest could find consolation for this fresh defeat
1 Ibid., 698-702. Cf. John William and Duke William to the
Pope on September 30 and November 30, 1580, in THEINER, III.,
125, 126 seq. The Chapter had disposed of Westerholt s benefice
on its own authority, in spite of the fact that the conferring of it
belonged to the Pope. Rome maintained its rights (LossEN,
loc. cit., I., 680 seq. ; II., 544 seq., 549 seq.}. The briefs of
November 18, 1581, to the Chapter and Administrator in THEINER,
III., 246 ; KELLER, 509 seq.
2 THEINER, II., 547, 550 seq.
3 For the Provostship of Liege see document, dat. November 9,
1580, in DIEKAMP, loc. cit., 170 ; for Halberstadt see Westerholt
to Galli, Paderborn, November 15, 1584, in THEINER, III., 524 seq.
In Rome they now believed in Westerholt s change of mind and
recommended him to the dukes of Cleves and Bavaria (ibid.,
523 seq.} ; on November 15, 1584, William V. expressed his
doubts on the subject (ibid., 524), so also Bonhomini on October
30, 1584 (EHSES-MEISTER, I., 6) ; Recommendation of Westerholt
to Bonhomini on August 25 and October 6, 1584, ibid., i seq. Cf.
LOSSEN, II., 567.
4 LOSSEN, II., 597.
342 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
at Minister in the fact that in 1581 he received the bishopric of
Liege. 1 His obtaining of this new diocese naturally seemed to
close to him the way to Westphalia. In Rome they were not
inclined to give him another diocese, and, as was learned
in the summer of 1581, they would have preferred an Austrian
archduke, while at Minister they could not wish for a bishop
who was bound by his election capitulation to live permanently
at Liege. 2
Cardinal Madruzzo, at the Diet of Augsburg in 1582,
undertook to settle the affair of Miinster finally ; he was
authorized to inform Duke Ernest that Rome would never
give him confirmation at Miinster, as the presence of the
bishop was as necessary there as it was at Liege. 3
But after a conversation with the Emperor, with Duke
Ernest, and the envoys of Miinster and Cleves, Madruzzo
had to write to Rome at the beginning of August, that Duke
Ernest was the only possible bishop for Miinster, and that the
old duke would never allow the hereditary prince to resign
the diocese except in favour of Ernest. 4 Moreover it would
be very difficult to find anyone else suitable for the West-
phalian diocese. The Emperor did not again raise the
candidature of one of his brothers at the Diet of Augsburg. 5
Duke Frederick of Saxony-Lauenburg, the brother of Henry
of Bremen, was, it is true, behaving at that time as a good
Catholic, 6 but the sad experience they .had had of Henry
of Lauenburg, and again, more recently, of Gebhard
Truchsess, suggested caution. The church of Miinster,
Madruzzo wrote from the Diet, is in so dangerous a position,
that it seems fitting to vote for Duke Ernest, about whose
Catholic sentiments they could at anyrate feel safe. 7 Moreover,
they did not feel quite satisfied, either in Rome or Munich,
1 Ibid., 711-54.
2 Ibid., 545 seq.
3 Ibid., 546.
4 LOSSEN, II., 548.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid., 549.
THE STRUGGLE FOR MttNSTER. 343
as to the religious steadfastness of the court of Cleves, nor
was the danger quite obviated of John William retaining the
civil principality in the end. But if the princes of Bavaria
were successful in their two plans, of betrothing the future
Duke of Julich to a fervent Catholic princess, Jacobea of
Baden, who had been brought up at the court of Munich,
and of installing their relative Ernest at Minister, in that
case John William would find a strong personal support
in his wife, for his political power in the powerful diocese of
Minister, and for his Catholicism in the union of the vast
territories of Liege, Jiilich-Cleves, and Minister. 1 Thus the
very state of affairs obliged Rome to show favour to the
ambitions of Bavaria in north-west Germany. 2
If the marriage of John William with Jacobea 3 took place,
he would naturally have to resign the administration of the
diocese of Minister. But the old Duke of Cleves would not
hear of such a marriage ; he feared that if his son turned his
attention so far to the east, he would neglect his invalid father.
The Duchess Anna of Bavaria, in order to overcome his morbid
antipathy to the betrothal of John William, planned an
embassy to the old duke from the three heads of Christendom,
the Pope, the Emperor and the King of Spain. 4 But Gregory
XIII., in spite of the request of the Duke of Bavaria, 5 could
not throw his influence into the balance unless he had the
assurance that John William would first resign the administra
tion of the diocese of Minister ; it was only in the middle of
March, 1584, that he promised to interest himself in getting
him to nominate Duke Ernest as his representative. 6 In
a letter of March i8th, 1584, he communicated his decision
1 Cf. the Instruction to the envoys of Ernest of Bavaria dated
April 1 6, 1584, in KELLER, 519.
2 LossEN, II., 548.
"LossEN on the subject in the Munchener Sitzungsberichte
Hist. Kl. 1895, Munich, 1896, 33-64.
* Ibid., 48.
5 Of October 28, 1583, in THEINER, III., 410.
6 LOSSEN, loc. cit., 55.
344 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to Ernest of Bavaria and the two Dukes of Jiilich ; 7 at the
same time, however, he wrote to Munich, to William V., 2
that if Ernest were chosen for Miinster, he could only obtain
the Papal approbation on condition of his resigning Hildesheim
and Freising. The latter was then to pass to one of the
younger sons of the Duke of Bavaria. After these
preliminaries the embassy at length discharged its task on
May 5th, and on the following day the father gave permission
for the betrothal of his son. 3
In the meantime things were turning out more favourably
for Duke Ernest, and he was successful in winning over
three of the canons to his side. 4 In spite of this he did not
dare to attempt his election at the next chapter of St. Martin,
as he was already Elector of Cologne and involved in the war
of Cologne against Gebhard Truchsess, and the canons were
afraid of drawing their own country into the war by electing
him. 5 His representatives therefore proposed that the
administrator should, until the end of the war, and thus
even after his marriage, continue to keep his hold upon the
diocese, with the title of protector or defender, the chapter
retaining the government. 6 But the distrust of the court
of Cleves which was felt in Rome and Munich was too strong
for their agreement to this. Duke William of Bavaria thought
that there was a cunning scheme on the part of the Protestant
councillors, who wished to convert the bishopric into a civil
principality. His brother Ernest ought rather to resign
Miinster, and he wrote to the Pope to the effect that he should
invite the chapter to make the desired election of another
bishop. 7 A brief of December 8th, 1584, actually put this
suggestion into effect, but at the end made it clear that Duke
Ernest was designated by Rome as the suitable person. At
1 The three briefs printed in THEINER, III., 522 seqq.
2 Ibid., 521 seq.
3 LOSSEN, loc. cit., 57 seqq.
4 In the summer of 1584, LOSSEN, Kolnische Krieg, II., 570,
5 Ibid., 572.
6 Ibid., 573 seq.
7 Ibid., 574 seq.
THE STRUGGLE FOR MtJNSTER. 345
the beginning of January, 1585, the nuncio Bonhomini received
orders to go in person to Minister to prevent John William
from continuing to hold the diocese after his marriage. 1 The
administrator himself was quite opposed to the new plan. 2
For various reasons the marriage of John William was
postponed until Pentecost, 1585. Friends and enemies
alike were thus able to continue the struggle concerning
the much discussed election. The Elector Ernest again
did his utmost to secure partisans among the canons. 3 On
the other hand, Gebhard Truchsess from his place of refuge
in Holland, and the States General of the Low Countries,
addressed threatening letters to the chapter to deter them
from the election of Ernest, the Elector of Cologne, and the
friend of Spain. 4 It was very disastrous to the prospects
of the election when Ernest, under financial pressure, left
the Lower Rhine to take refuge at Freising. 5 Moreover a
fresh candidate for the episcopal see of Munster presented
himself, who was by no means negligible, in the person of
the brother of Henry of Bremen, Duke Frederick of Saxony-
Lauenburg, bishop-auxiliary of Cologne. Frederick had won
the hearts of many priests by his moderation and his modest
behaviour ; 6 it was probable that the party of his brother
would be likely to give their votes to him, and besides this,
Salentin of Isenburg had adopted his cause, and sent a request
to Duke Ernest that he would give up all thoughts of Munster
in favour of his protege", and had moreover won over the
nuncio Bonhomini to his side. The latter, however, was
very quickly dissuaded from this course by Frederick s bitter
adversary, Duke William of Bavaria, so that he went to
Munster to work on behalf of Ernest. 7
575-
2 Ibid., 586.
3 Ibid., 576, 585.
4 Ibid., 577.
5 Ibid., 577 scq.
6 Cardinal Madruzzo to Galli on August 4, 1582, Nuntiatur-
berichte, II., 495,
Kolni^che Krieg, II., 587-91.
346 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Frederick had already been to Miinster as well as to his
brother at Bremen. 1 But the old and formidable enemy
of the Prince of Bavaria was no longer able to help him.
On April I4th, 1585, Henry of Lauenburg had fallen with his
horse upon the pavement, 2 and about three weeks later, at
the moment when the envoys of Cologne and Jiilich were
arranging at Miinster for the resignation of John William,
and for a fresh electoral meeting of the chapter, he died.
The question which had caused so much discussion hitherto
could no longer offer any great difficulties. John William
gave back his decree of postulation without remark, and
on May i8th a unanimous request was made for Duke Ernest
as bishop, and the fourth diocese of the north of Germany
was placed under his care. 3 When, in the following year,
Gottfried von Raesfeld died, he could close his eyes with the
knowledge that he had saved Westphalia for the Church.
In addition to Miinster, Westphalia included the dioceses
of Paderborn, Osnabriick and Minden. The Protestants
had gained much ground in all of them. Paderborn and
Osnabriick had been united with Miinster in the hands of
Johann von Hoya, but if, in his somewhat optimistic judgment,
the Catholic restoration had made great progress in Miinster,
in the case of the other two dioceses the nuncio Gropper had
to comfort himself with hopes for the future, when he paid
his visit to them. 4 The immediate future proved itself very
far from encouraging for the Catholics, for after the resignation
of Salentin of Isenburg, Osnabriick fell into the hands of the
Archbishop of Bremen in 1574 and Paderborn in 1577.
The new bishop was only admitted at Osnabriick after he
had promised that no change should be made in religion ;
the city adhered firmly to the Confession of Augsburg, but
the Catholics and Protestants lived together in undisturbed
peace, and contracted marriage with each other. Of the
1 Ibid., 590.
2 Ibid., 591 seqq.
3 Ibid., 595 seqq.
4 Gropper to Galli on October 20, 1573, in SCHWARZ, Gropper,
422 seq.
PADERBORN. 347
convents in the city, only that of the Dominicans continued
Catholic worship, that of the Augustinians had fallen into
ruin thirty years before, as had that of the Franciscans ;
the seven convents of nuns in the diocese remained true
to the old faith. The Osnabriick cities of Wiedenbriick and
Quakenbriick still had a Catholic chapter and Catholic
worship, 1 while the canons of Osnabriick itself were for the
most part Catholics, and at the election of Henry of Lauenburg
had tried to safeguard the Catholic character of the diocese
by means of an election capitulation. 2
At Paderborn the Catholics still retained the cathedral,
and Johann von Hoya took steps to drive out a Protestant
preacher. 3 In 1580 the chapter invited a Jesuit to act as
preacher in the cathedral, and soon afterwards several of his
colleagues joined him. After 1583 they taught in the school
in secular dress, and a few weeks after the death of Gregory
XIII. undertook the whole of the teaching. But the citizens
were so much opposed to the old faith that several times the
Jesuits thought of leaving Paderborn. 4 Soon after the death
of Gregory, Theodore von Fiirstenberg was appointed bishop,
and it was to him that the church of Paderborn owed its
revival. Six months before, the Pope had exhorted the
canons to persevere, 5 and at the same time expressed his
sorrow that, wtih the consent of Henry of Bremen, Protestant
pastors had taken the places of Catholic parish priests in the
diocese.
The other dioceses, which were already either entirely,
or to a great extent, lost, were not neglected in Rome. When
1 Cf. the inquiry on Henry of Bremen of March 15, 1575, in
SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 266 seq.
2 LOSSEN, I., 257.
3 SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 422.
4 DUHR, I., 136 seqq. W. RICHTER, Geschichte der Paderb.
Jesuiten, I., Paderborn, 1892, 181.
5 On December 21, 1584, in THEINER, III., 531. Gregory XIII.
had already written, on June 4, 1583, to Rudolf II. and to the
canons of Paderborn protesting against the attempts of Henry
completely to protestantise the foundation (ibid. 411 seqq.}.
34$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Elgard was ordered by the Pope to visit Central Germany
in 1575, he was told in his instructions, 1 that, according to
the reports of Gropper, there was very little hope for the
dioceses of Naumburg, Merseburg, Meissen, Magdeburg and
Halberstadt, but as the Pope did not wish to be rightly blamed
in the future for neglect or indifference, he wished to attempt
the impossible so that he might fulfil his pastoral duty. Elgard
must therefore go in disguise and try and obtain information
on the spot. He went to Halberstadt, and at Magdeburg
got a sacristan to open the cathedral for him, and questioned
him, as an inquiring traveller, about the state of affairs in
that city. The dean, and many of the clergy, he learned,
were married, and the Protestant administrator distributed
the benefices after the manner of a civil fief. At the same
time a kind of mass was celebrated, and the office in choir
was continued in a restricted form. In the cathedral great
choir-stalls had been erected for the canons and their wives,
which would have been over magnificent for a king or an
emperor. 2 Elgard reported an important fact from
Halberstadt, namely that two priests, in company with a
Roman agent, were carrying on a disgraceful trade in German
benefices, and were doing more harm to the Church than
the Pope could ever repair whatever he did. 3
In consequence of the information which he had received,
Elgard deemed it superfluous to visit Naumburg, Merseburg,
and Meissen. In those three dioceses, he reported, there
were still seven canonries in the hands of four Catholics, and
there were still some good Catholics there. The Bishop of
Meissen, who was still alive, had apostatized. Elgard was
of opinion that even in that diocese it was not necessary to
1 Of January 22, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 241.
2 Elgard on April 21, 1575, in TH&INER, II., 45.
3 Ibid. Even the Provost of the Magdeburg Chapter, who was
living in Freiburg, said to Portia : " che in Roma vi sono persone
infette d heresia, le quali per altro non dimorano che impertrar
canonicati a nobili heretici di quelle parti, che per ci6 li stipendiano
grossamente." Portia on November 13, 1575, Nuntiaturberichte,
V., 268, cf. 271, 323.
REPORT OF ELGARD. 349
give up all hope, but his plan could only be carried out with
the help of a Catholic Emperor, who was both resolute and
energetic. 1
Elgard did not mention the fact that in one part of the
diocese of Meissen, in spite of everything, the adherents of
the old religion had held their own, which was due to the
efforts of the provost of the cathedral of Bautzen, Johann
Leisentrit von Juliusberg. The latter was the son of a crafts
man of Olmiitz, who had been dean of Bautzen since 1559 ;
he himself described the condition of the Catholics in Lausitz
in a petition to Gregory XIII. 2 The Bishop of Meissen, he
relates, had been forced by the Elector of Saxony to give up
his residential city of Stolpen in exchange for compensation ;
the Elector had at once assumed the episcopal power, and in
that capacity had sent his visitors, and everywhere destroyed
the Catholic religion. 3 In order to punish this usurpation
Ferdinand I. arranged that the spiritual power in Lausitz
should be entrusted to a Catholic priest, namely to the dean,
Leisentrit. 4 Maximilian II. and Rudolph II. 5 had given the
1 To Galli on May 27, 1575, THEINER, II., 39-41. The Provost
of the Chapter at Magdeburg also thought that Magdeburg might
be saved by the employment of means similar to those suggested
by Elgard (Nuntiaturbcrichte, V. t 266 seq.}. Cf. the memorandum
of Cardinal L. Madruzzo for the Diet of 1576, ibid., II., 17 seq.
In a letter to Paul V., of December 27, 1607, Bishop Julius of
Wiirzburg is still recommending similar methods to be employed
in the case of Magdeburg. Archiv fiir Unterfranhen, VII., 3
(1843), 140.
2 Of July i, 1579, and September 19, 1581, in THEINEU, III.,
45 seqq., 265 seqq. For what follows see ED. MACHATSCHEK,
Geschichte der Bischofe des Hochstiftes Meissen, Dresden, 1884,
762 seqq. Concerning Leisentrit as an author cf. KERKER in the
Freib. Kirchenlex., VII., 2 1703 ; K. S. MEISTER, Das katholische
deutsche Kirchenlied, L, Freiburg, 1862, 53.
3 MACHATSCHEK, loc. cit., 764, 773 seqq., 806.
4 With the approval of the nuncio Melchior Biglia (ibid., 790).
As early as June 28 and July 24, 1560, Leisentrit had been
nominated commissary-general by the bishop who afterwards
apostatized (ibid., 787 seq.}.
5 Ibid., 808, 820.
350 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Imperial approval to this arrangement. Maximilian further
ordered that at the death of Leisentrit a successor should be
appointed. The nuncio, Melchior Biglia, gave the Papal
approval to this. 1 In spite of this Leisentrit had to write
to the Pope in 1579 that for the last twenty-one years hardly
a week had gone by in which he had not had to defend himself
against the interference of Saxony. He therefore asked
Gregory XIII. to decree by brief its entire separation from
the former diocese of Meissen, and to subject Lausitz directly
to the Holy See, recommending its care to the Archbishop of
Prague. Even to-day, in the XXth century, there are still
about 41,000 Catholics in Lausitz, which stands like a solitary
island in the midst of a submerged world.
The state of affairs in the northern districts of Germany
which had already passed over to Protestantism did not
seem so hopeless at the beginning of the pontificate of Gregory
XIII. as they were in the ancient dioceses of the east ; to
these Alexander Trivius was sent to obtain information at
the same time as Elgard. He went first to Minden, where
the chapter, though in sore financial straits, was still Catholic,
though the citizens were strongly opposed to the old faith.
It is now three years, wrote Trivius, 2 since the citizens, with
arms in their hands, and with threats of death, demanded
religious freedom from the chapter. For three days the canons
were kept shut up, and after their liberation by the bishop s
father they went voluntarily into exile, invoking the assistance
of the Emperor and of Lower Saxony. In 1573 an arrange
ment was come to at Liibeck ; worship was restored at the
cathedral and in the monastery of St. Simeon, but was not
to be attended by any citizen of Minden, while ecclesiastical
burial was refused to children who attended the cathedral
school. In the monastery of St. Simeon divine worship
was still carried on carefully, and the abbot promised to obey
the ad vice of the Papal envoy, and observe the enclosure better.
1 On May 24, 1576, ibid., 797. A decree of Gregory XIII.,
dated December 20, 1577, confirmed the passing of the episcopal
authority to Leisentrit (ibid., 812).
2 On March 21, 1575, in THEINER, II., 470-2.
TRIVIUS AT MINDEN. 351
In 1567 Count Hermann von Schauenburg, to whom
Gregory XIII. gave the Papal approbation at the advice
of Salentin of Isenburg, was appointed Bishop of Minden. 1
Before his election Hermann had a good reputation, but
later on fell into every kind of vice, and was especially
addicted to drunkenness. Trivius could only obtain one
public audience with him, but could not accomplish anything. 2
In 1582 Herman sold his diocese to Duke Julius of Brunswick, 3
to whom a year earlier the chapter had pledged itself to ask
for the duke s son, Henry Julius, as bishop. As he had
promised, the bishop-elect asked for the Papal confirmation,
but this was refused. Nor could he obtain the Imperial
investiture, and at the Diet of Augsburg in 1582 the duke
was given to understand finally that the Emperor had promised
the Papal legate no longer to confer investiture before the
Papal approbation had been obtained. In 1583 Henry
Julius introduced the Confession of Augsburg into Minden,
contrary to the promise he had made, and when in 1585 he
resigned in consequence of his marriage, Catholicism there
had disappeared. 4
Trivius remained at Minden for more than a week and
had an interview with Duke Henry of Lauenburg at the
monastery of Lilienthal. The conversation, which could only
take place in the presence of the dean, was without result. 5
If he had been able to talk to him privately, Trivius thought,
he might have been able to accomplish something, for, in
the general opinion, he was not ill-disposed. 6 The nuns of
Lilienthal who feared lest he should introduce the Confession
of Augsburg into their convent, had received satisfactory
assurances from him at his first visit. 7 He was not a drunkard
and had a taste for learning, and that meant a good deal in
1 LOSSEN, I., 137, 363.
2 Trivius to Galli on March 27, 1575, in SCHWA RZ, Cropper, 270.
3 LOSSEN, II., 263. Nuntiaturberi^hte, I., 375.
4 LOSSEN, II., 562. WURM in the Freib. Kirchenlex., VIII. 2 , 1536.
5 Trivius on April 4, 1575, in THEINER, II., 473 seq.
6 Trivius on April 4, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 275.
7 THEINER, II., 474.
352 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
those northern districts. 1 In the city of Bremen Trivius
learned that there was only one Catholic, the dean of the
metropolitan chapter. Lutherans and Calvinists fought
bitterly with each other in the city, and the Lutheran council
was driven out and replaced by Calvinists ; the Lutherans
now no longer possessed more than one church. 2 On his
journey Trivius stayed at several convents. To his surprise
he found Catholic worship in its integrity among the nuns
of Zeven ; 3 the same was the case with the Cistercian nuns
at Lilienthal, though the enclosure was not observed so exactly
as at Zeven. 4 The abbot of the Benedictine abbey of
Hartzfeldt, upon which Zeven was dependent, seemed to
be a good Catholic, for which reason the monastery had been
burned down three times, and he himself several times threat
ened with death ; the prior of the abbey lived a life of great
austerity, and every night he rang the bell at eleven for the
office in choir, and remained in the church until four ; on
Fridays he took no food at all, and on other days only ate
a little once in the day. 5
As the presence of a Papal envoy had become known
Trivius only dared to go to Lubeck in secret. There the
Abbot of Liineburg, Eberhard Holle, had been appointed
bishop in 1561, and had been recognized by Pius IV. In
1566 Holle was also elected Bishop of Verden, but this
time his envoy came back from Rome without the Papal
approbation, 6 for which reason Holle at once introduced
Lutheranism. At Verden the mass was solemnly abolished
and Holle had all the bishops of the city represented in the
cathedral in episcopal vestments, with himself at the end
in the dress of a prince. 7 He gave the dean of the chapter
1 THEINER, II., 474.
2 Trivius, Lilienthal, March 30, 1575, ibid., 473.
3 Trivius on March 27, 1575, in SCHWARZ, Cropper, 270.
4 THEINER, II., 473.
5 Ibid., 472.
6 SCHWARZ, loc. cit. For Lubeck cf. E. ILLIGENS, Geschichte
der Liibecker Kirche (1896), 150 seqq., 157 seq.
1 Trivius on April 4, 1575, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit., 276.
TRIVIUS IN NORTH GERMANY. 353
of Liibeck, whom he had summoned before him, a slap in the
face, because he had dared to speak to him on one occasion
about the duties of a bishop. 1 Trivius thought it best not to
present himself before Holle at all. 2 The chapter of Liibeck
was still Catholic, and agreed to his request that the profession
of faith of the Council of Trent should be a necessary condition
to admission among the canons. Naturally, however, the
vicars and chaplains only dared to say mass in secret and in
their own houses. When it was learned that a foreigner had
received the sacraments at Liibeck according to the Catholic
rite, the pastors made such an outcry that there was almost
a riot. Besides the chapter, there was still in Liibeck only
one Catholic woman, the wife of a Protestant tailor, who
remained steadfast despite all pressure. Trivius had already
made her acquaintance in 1561, when he had visited the city
with Commendone. 3
As far as Verden was concerned the Papal envoy was advised
that the Pope had better urge the chapter by a brief to hold
a new election, and that even if the Imperial approbation were
not granted at the same time, Holle would be to some extent
restrained. 4 The brief was sent, but had no effect. 5 Holle
only received the Imperial approbation for six months. 6
Things were even worse at Hamburg, and the Portuguese
agent there had to come to Liibeck to receive the sacraments. 7
1 Trivius on April 18, 1575 (in cypher), ibid,, 279.
2 Ibid.
8 Trivius on April 18, 1575, in THEINER, II., 474 seq. The
nomination of Adrian Merode, formerly of the German College,
to be Provost of the Lubeck Chapter met with many difficulties
which caused Gregory XIII. to address himself both to Rudolf II.
and to the Lubeck Chapter on June 25, 1583 (THEINER, III., 412,
and THEINER, Schweden, Urkunden, 312). A Brief of April 21,
1582, requests Rudolf II. to remind the Chapter of Lubeck of
their duty of electing a Catholic successor to the late heretical
bishop (THEINER, III., 318).
4 SCHWARZ, IOC. Clt., 279.
6 LOSSEN, I., 364 seq.
6 THEINER, III., 318, 411.
7 Ibid., II., 475.
VOL. XX. 23
CHAPTER VIII.
THE SITUATION IN THE RHINELAND. TREVES.
AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. COLOGNE.
IN the case of Jakob von Eltz, the Archbishop of Treves
(1567-1581), Caspar Gropper had received different instruc
tions from those which in most cases had been given him with
regard to the other bishops of his nunciature. These only
instructed him to praise the archbishop and exhort him to
persevere in the way he was going ; to tolerate no heretics
in his diocese, and still less entrust any office to their hands. 1
On visiting Coblenz, Gropper found that Jakob von Eltz
was, in his life, his habits, his dress and in every act, a true
bishop. 2 A few years later 3 the nuncio Castagna spoke in
high terms of praise of his virtue and his attachment to the
Holy See. The nuncios Gropper and Portia also spoke loudly
in praise of Wimpfeling, the chancellor of Treves. 4
The first attempt to establish a Protestant community in
the territory of the ecclesiastical Electors had taken place at
Treves in 1559, 5 but there the triumphal advance of the new
doctrines had for the first time met with a resolute resistance,
which decided its fate in that city. 6 When Portia visited the
1 SCHWARZ, 100. Clt. 59.
2 Gropper on October 8, 1573, ibid. 418 seq., cf. 126, 159.
8 On October 23, 1579, Nuntiatwberichte, II., 350, cf. 341.
For J. von Eltz see MARX, Geschichte des Erzstiftes Trier, I.,
388 seqq.
4 Gropper on June 10, 1574, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit. 158 ; Portia
on February 18, 1577, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 53, 117
5 RITTER, I., 220 seq.
6 MARX, loc. cit. 379. JANSSEN-PASTOR, IV. 15 16 , 121 seqq.
HERZOG S Real Enzyklopadie, XIV. 3 , 361. NEY, Die Reforma
tion in Trier, 1559, uncl ihre Unterdriickung, Halle, 1906-07.
354
JAKOB VON ELTZ. 355
city of Treves he found the people very pious, and saw no
traces of any adherence to the sects, while the Jesuits had a
fine college with about 1000 pupils. In the suburbs the
Benedictines had three monasteries, and the Carthusians one ;
all were filled with religious, for the most part pupils of the
Jesuits, who observed their rule carefully. 1 The little
Protestantism that there was outside Treves, in the civil
territory of the Elector, could not stand against the strong
measures of Jakob and his successors. 2 In spite of all this
there was an abundance of matter for reform.
Immediately after his appointment, Jakob von Eltz had
made the profession of faith ; 3 he had the decrees of Trent
printed and distributed them to the prelates on the occasion
of his consecration. 4 He then began to make regular
visitations of his diocese, which he promised the nuncio
Gropper in 1573 to continue in the future. 5 Many ordinances
followed on the instruction of the common people and the
improvement of the clergy, and in 1573 he provided for
uniformity of divine worship by means of a ritual. 6 Portia
urged the archbishop to found a seminary, to endow with
revenues the Jesuit college established at Treves in 1560,
and only to confer benefices after previous examination ; and
in spite of the many difficulties in the way he insisted upon the
visitations and the diocesan synod. 7 The archbishop often
sought the advice of the Jesuits about these matters, who
1 Portia on March 2, 1577, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 58. For
particulars of the Jesuit College at Treves cf. (in addition to
DUHR) F. HULLEN in the Festschrift des Friedrich-Wilhelm-
Gymnasiums zu Trier (1913), 70 seq.
1 SCHMIDLIN, III., 133, note. For the re-catholicising of
Neumagen see HANSEN, Rheinische Akten, 550.
3 The inquiry concerning him published by ST. EHSES in Pastor
bonus, XII. (1899 seq.}, 226 seqq. HANSEN, loc. tit. 550.
4 Ibid. 570.
6 SCHWARZ, Gropper, 418.
6 F. HULLEN in Pastor bonus, XIV. (1901 seq.}, 105 seqq., 159
seqq.
7 To Galli on March 2, 1577, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 59.
356 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
found the prelate " all on fire rather than warm " with zeal
for the nuncio s suggestions. 1
But a grave difficulty stood in the way of the archbishop s
good intentions ; from the commencement of his reign he had
been engaged in disputes with the city of Treves, and until
a settlement was arrived at in 1580, he had been absent from
the capital of his diocese. 2 The cathedral chapter, too, was
scattered all over the diocese, so that the canons had become
accustomed to wear secular dress and live in secular surround
ings ; moreover, none of them were priests. 3 The absence
of the bishop and the canons from the centre of the diocese
resulted in the cathedral remaining unreformed, and other
churches finding an excuse in their local conditions. A
provincial synod was out of the question, because it would
have been useless to try and get the suffragan bishops of Metz,
Toul and Verdun to undertake a journey to Coblenz ; a
diocesan synod was almost equally difficult. 4 Elgard and
Portia proposed that in the meantime the canons should meet
together in a collegiate church of the diocese, either at Coblenz
or at Pfalzel. 5 Some small measure of success was attained
in this respect, but on the other hand, as far as the sacerdotal
ordination of the canons was concerned, the bishop had to be
content with promises. 6 He provided the Jesuit college at
Treves with revenues, and established another at Coblenz. 7
The state of affairs in Luxemburg, where the Spanish
1 Portia on June 6, 1577, ibid. 117.
2 Portia s account of the dispute see Nimtiaturberichte, I., 55.
3 Elgard. s memorandum of 1576, in SCHWARZ, loc. cit. 354.
Portia on February 18, 1577, Nuntiaturberichte, I., 50.
4 Portia loc. cit. 52.
6 Elgard loc. cit. 354. Portia on February 18, 1577, Nuntia
turberichte, 1., 50.
6 Portia on February 23, 1578, ibid. 245. Cf. SCHMIDLIN,
III., 132.
7 DUHR, I., 95 seqq., 100 seqq. Documents concerning the
foundation of the college at Coblenz in Pastor bonus, V. (1893),
253, 587 seq. Cf. DOMINICUS in the Koblenzer Gymnasialprogramm,
1862 ; WORBS, Geschichte des Gymnasiums zu Koblenz (1882).
For the preparatory work which prepared the way for the Jesuits
THE ELECTORATE OF TROVES. 357
government would not allow an episcopal visitation without
the state placet, caused Archbishop Jakob grave vexation.
Elgard advised the archbishop not to stand too closely to his
strict rights, because the simple folk of Luxemburg would
feel the consequences.
The Abbey of Priim was also saved to the Catholic faith
by means of Archbishop Jakob. Priim, Stavelot and Malmedy
had as their common abbot Count Christopher von
Manderscheid-Keil, who was inclined to the new doctrines,
allowed monastic discipline to relax, and tried to hand over
his abbacies to his relatives. Jakob von Eltz obtained a
Papal bull, by which, after the death of the abbot, Priim was
to be incorporated in the archdiocese of Treves. On August
28th, 1576, Christopher von Manderscheid died, whereupon
the archbishop appeared at Priim and effected the union of
the abbey with the archbishopric. Stavelot and Malmedy
passed to Liege. 1
The successor of Jakob in 1581 was Johann von
Schonenburg, 2 who carried on the work of his predecessor.
He interested himself especially in the religious education
of the young, and for this purpose published in 1589 a special
" catechism of the Electorate of Treves." In a number of
edicts the archbishop insisted again and again on the reform
decrees of Trent. 3 The seminary of Treves was founded by
him, 4 and almost at the same time a second one was established
at Coblenz. 5
in their restoration of the Catholic faith on the Rhine cf. J.
HASHAGEN, in the Monatsheften fiir rheinische Kirchengeschichte,
XV. (1921), 3 seqq., 23 seqq.
1 Cf. MARX, II., 1271 seqq. ; LOSSEN, I., 719 seqq. ; SCHWARZ,
loc. cit. 77, 109, 126, 159, 314 ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 82.
2 *Letter of Rudolf II. to the cardinals dated November 16,
1581, with a request that they should use their influence to
obtain papal confirmation and a remission of taxation (Papal
Secret Archives).
3 OTTERBEIN in Pastor bonus, VI. (1894), 369 seqq., 423 seqq. ;
J. SCHNEIDER, ibid. 516 seqq.
4 B. J. ENDRES, Das Bantusseminar zu Trier, I., Treves, 1890,
52 ; for the year of foundation, ibid. II., 10, note.
6 Ibid. I., 52.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the very year, 1559, when the first attacks of the
Protestants at Treves were defeated, they also met with a
reverse at Aix. 1 The first Protestants there were Calvinist
fugitives from the Low Countries ; gradually, however, the
innovators developed into a strong party, and even one of
the burgomasters, Adam von Zevel, professed the Confession
of Augsburg. The spread of the new doctrines was made
easier by the fact that there were only four parishes at Aix. 2
The Protestants soon sought to obtain a church and the right
to preach in public, and they obtained the support of the
Diet of Augsburg of 1559 in favour of their demands. But
the intervention of the Duke of Julich, Philip II., and the
Emperor brought about a declaration on the part of the civic
council that they would not agree to any change in the matter
of religion. A decision of the council on March 7th, 1560,
restricted the office of councillor and all public offices to
Catholics ; Adam von Zevel left the city 3 as did some of the
foreign immigrants.
But a lasting peace was not yet restored by this triumph
of the Catholics. Especially after 1567 thousands of Calvinist
fugitives from the Low Countries flooded western Germany,
and besides Wesel and Cologne, Aix became one of the head
quarters of the widely extended system which included many
Calvinist communities from Emden to Heidelberg, as well as
numerous centres of implacable hatred of the Catholics. 4
In the ecclesiastical enactments of these communities there
were not wanting expressions which seemed to breathe the
spirit of purity of conscience, and complete detachment from
all earthly things ; 5 but in the struggle for equality of rights
1 For the Aix-la-Chapelle disputes cf. RITTER, I., 221, 555 seq.,
563 seq., 577, 583, 585 ; JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. ( 15 " 16 ), 18 seqq. ;
PENNINGS in the Zeitschrift des Aachener Geschichtsvereins, V.
( I 95), 36 seqq. ; CLASSEN, ibid. VI. (1906), 297 ; J. HANSEN,
ibid. X. (1910), 222 seqq. ; JOH. MULLER in the Westdeutsche
Zeitschrift, XIV. (1895), 257 seqq.
* PETRUS A BEECK, Aquisgranum (1670), 228.
" RITTER, I., 221 seqq.
4 Ibid. 555.
I&irf. 557-
AIX-LA-CHAPELLE. 359
with the Catholics which, especially after 1574, was set on
foot by the Protestant parties at Aix, the erstwhile iconoclasts
did not disdain to import from the Low Countries on to
German soil the methods of popular violence. The preaching
of the Jesuits seemed to bring about a change in favour of
the Catholics after 1578, l but in spite of this the Protestants
were able in 1581 to take up arms to prevent the intention
of the Imperial commissaries to intervene in favour of the
Catholics. The Emperor s representatives had to retire in
disgrace, and many Catholics left the city.
The struggle lasted beyond the time of the pontificate of
Gregory XIII. ; after I582 2 the question of Aix became one
of the principal grievances and subjects of dispute at the
Diets. The Protestants of Aix had recourse to arms on many
occasions, twice the city was placed under ban, until in 1614
General Spinola captured Aix, drove out the Protestant
preachers, and restored peace in the ancient Imperial city.
An even worse fate than anything that had occurred at Aix
threatened the ancient faith when the Elector of Cologne
leaned towards Protestantism. If the most important of the
Rhenish dioceses were to pass into the hands of the Protestants,
the Catholics would be threatened with the loss, not only of
Cologne, but of the whole of the Rhenish provinces, the
reservatum ecclesiasticum would be destroyed, and the way
thrown open to further defections. Even politically such a
change would have had immense consequences. Calvinism
would have been in possession of a united territory in the Low
Countries and on the Rhine, and Spanish dominion in Flanders
would have been threatened on both sides. By the defection
of the Archbishop of Cologne the innovators would obtain a
majority of the votes in the college of the Prince-Electors,
and the plans of the Calvinist party of the Palatinate for
setting aside the Hapsburgs and upsetting the f whole
constitution of the Empire would no longer be a mere dream,
Germany would have been broken up into a number of small
1 DUHR, I., 413 seqq. Cf. Annalen fur den Niederrhein, XVII^
30 seqq.
1 Cf. supra p. 277.
360 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
states, the Catholic restoration would have come to an end
in the Empire, and the Thirty Years War would have broken
out ten years before it did.
In common with the greater number of the other dioceses
of Germany after the period of the Middle Ages Cologne
suffered from the evil that the greater number of the canonries
were only accessible to the aristocracy. These canons of
noble or princely birth caused their duty of choir to be carried
out by beneficiaries, and themselves lived, like their secular
colleagues, in the enjoyment of their great revenues. It is
easy to understand how such men sought, in the appointment
of the bishop, anything but his ecclesiastical spirit and his
attachment to the old faith. The consequence was that the
episcopal see was filled by men of worldly ideas, who had gone
astray, not only in morals, but even in faith.
Even at the end of the pontificate of Paul III. Hermann
von Wied, the Archbishop of Cologne, forgetful of his oath,
had tried to lead his subjects into Protestantism. But he
had paid for his attempt with the loss of his office. 1 Eighteen
years later, the archbishop of that time, the Prince-Elector
Frederick von Wied, was stirred up to make a similar attempt
by the Protestant Counts of the Wetterau, and to begin by
allowing the admission of Protestant canons, and the
suppression of the obligations that stood in the way. If, in
spite of his half Protestant sentiments, Frederick did not
follow out the plan of his colleagues, this was probably because
he was, among other things, afraid of incurring the fate of his
relative. In the meantime the influence of the Catholic
restoration was making itself felt even at Cologne. Pius V.,
like the majority of the chapter of Cologne, wished Frederick
to make the Tridentine profession of faith. As he would
not hear of this, in 1567 he had to resign. 2 Therefore, when the
see of Cologne was then filled by Count Salentin of Isenburg,
the chapter of Cologne demanded of him in his election
capitulation the sworn assurance that if the Pope asked him
1 Cf. Vol. XII. pp. 105, 205, 325 of this work.
2 RITTER, I., 290, 473. Cf. Vol. XVIII. p. 250 of this work.
SALENTIN OF ISENBURG. 361
to swear to the Tridentine profession of faith, he would not
refuse.
Salentin of Isenburg was a man of Catholic sentiments,
but as the last of his dynasty he looked upon the archbishopric
of Cologne merely as a temporary office, and therefore evaded
the receiving of sacred orders, and refused to pay the tax
for confirmation or to make the Tridentine profession of faith.
Pius V. refused him confirmation, and even thought of
depriving him. 1 Thus, like many of his colleagues, Salentin
remained archbishop-elect. After Gregory XIII. had become
Pope, Salentin applied once more to Rome. He met with a
kindly reception, and after he had made the Tridentine
profession of faith, Gregory XIII., on December Qth, 1573,
granted him the Papal approbation and at the same time
condoned all the fees. 2 In view of these favourable circum
stance it was taken for granted in Rome that Salentin would
keep the promise he had made, of helping Prince Ernest of
Bavaria to succeed him ; 3 for here as elsewhere the Curia saw
in the elevation of Duke Ernest the best means of ensuring
the safety of the diocese. Salentin, who in 1574 was
successful in also obtaining his appointment as Bishop of
Paderborn, looked before everything else to his own advantage,
and took up a middle position between the strictly Catholic
Duke of Bavaria and the Protestant Counts of the Wetterau,
who, in spite of the reservatum ecclesiasticum, had attempted
to introduce their sons into the chapter of Cologne. The
Prince-Elector, who was highly gifted intellectually, and was
a splendid administrator, devoted his attention almost
entirely to civil affairs, while he always had in view his
resignation and marriage. Consequently Protestants were
able to obtain admission even to the chapter of Cologne.
They were obliged, it is true, to conform exteriorly, if they
did not wish to forfeit their benefices in virtue of the
prescriptions of the reservatum ecclesiasticum. The Protestant
1 See SCHWARZ, Brief e, I., 143 seq., 164 seq.
8 See SCHWARZ, Gropper, xliii. seq., 75 seq.
3 See LOSSEN in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, XXX.,
217.
362 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
nobles, especially those of the Wetterau, aimed at the abolition
of these prescriptions, and were urging " freedom of religion."
The very natural anxiety with which all the representatives
of the Catholic restoration, and above all the Pope, were
watching Cologne, increased when, at the end of 1576, the
immediate resignation of Salentin became certain. The
nuncio, Bartolomeo Portia, who had been devoting his energies
to southern Germany during the past three years, was given
orders to go to the Rhenish metropolis to work in the interests
of the Catholic restoration and for the election of Duke Ernest. 1
Portia, who, according to Torquato Tasso, was the most
prudent of all the nuncios, was not wanting in zeal for the
candidate who was also favoured by Philip II., and who
already possessed the dioceses of Hildesheim and Freising.
But he found himself opposed by the united resistance of the
chapter of Cologne, into whose hands Salentin had unreservedly
placed his resignation in September, 1577.
The most bitter adversaries of the candidature of Bavaria
were at first the three canons who were at heart Protestants,
Duke Henry of Saxony-Lauenburg, Baron Johann von
Winnenberg, the powerful Count Adolphus von Solms,
and also the gifted Count Adolphus von Neuenahr and
John of Nassau, the brother of William of Orange. These
found strong allies in their colleagues of the chapter, who did
not wish for the scion of a powerful princely house as arch
bishop, in whom, on account of their worldly conduct, there
would be reason to fear they would find a pastor who was
inclined to the Catholic restoration, who would put into force
the laws of ecclesiastical reform.
Adolphus von Solms saw clearly that it was out of the
question for the moment to put forward a Protestant candidate,
and he therefore worked for the election of the thirty-year-old
Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg. On December 5th, 1577,
the election took place, and in spite of all the efforts of the
Pope s representative, Ernest of Bavaria was defeated ; he
received ten votes and his rival Gebhard twelve. 2
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., xliii., 8.
8 Cf. ibid. xlv. seq. ; RITTER, I., 566 seq.
GEBHARD TRUCHSESS. 363
Like Portia, the Secretary of State, Cardinal Galli, consoled
himself for the failure of the candidature of Bavaria, because
no one felt any doubts of the Catholic sentiments of Gebhard. 1
It was well known that, even if the bishop-elect was not free
from all error, he had, as the nephew of the distinguished
Otto of Augsburg, received a Catholic education, and it was
hoped that he would prove amenable to good influences.
Even though the former relations of Gebhard with the
Protestant canons and the Counts of the Wetterau continued,
his exterior behaviour was such as to satisfy ecclesiastical
opinion. The bishop-elect was ordained priest in March, 1578,
in April he made the Tridentine profession of faith, he showed
favour to the Jesuits, and warned the council of Cologne in
October to restrain the Calvinists, who were behaving more
and more boldly in the city. 2
As Bavaria attacked the validity of the election of Gebhard,
his approbation by Rome was delayed. 3 In March, 1578,
Gregory XIII. had referred the matter to a special commission
of Cardinals, and later on the German Congregation and the
Rota were consulted on the subject. All agreed that the
objections raised by Bavaria were without foundation.
Nevertheless, in July, 1579, the nuncio Castagna, who was in
Cologne on account of the Diet for the pacification of the Low
Countries, was ordered to hold an inquiry into the life- and
morals of Gebhard.
The testimony of the witnesses, as well as Castagna s own
observation with regard to the integrity of his faith, were
entirely favourable to Gebhard, while the reports as to his
spiritual training and his capabilities were full of his praises. 4
1 Cf. LOSSEN, I., 611 ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 204 seq., 215.
* See LOSSEN, I., 618, II., 32 ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., xlviii.
seq. Gebhard s attitude was bound to give the impression in
Rome that he was a good Catholic ; see the *report of the Mantuan
envoy of December 28, 1578 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
8 Cf LOSSEN, I., 613 seq., 629 seq.
4 Cf Nuntiaturberichte, I , xlvii , 249 seq , 258 seq., 269 seq.,
274, 281 seq. and evidence drawn from the Cologne Municipal
Archives, XX., 39 seq.
364 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
With regard to his moral conduct, Castagna was not content
with the merely general testimony of the witnesses, but
insisted upon exact details. Gebhard, he wrote from Cologne
to Cardinal Galli on July 3ist, 1579, is, it is true, much given to
feasting, and sometimes to drink, but this, looked at in the
light of the evil habits of the place, is rather a virtue than a
vice, and serves to win him many good friends. Since,
however, Bacchus is generally accompanied by Venus, the
nuncio had made inquiries in this matter as well, which,
however, had not so far resulted in anything but to show
that Gebhard was either innocent in this respect, or at any
rate had been able to avoid giving any scandal. The suspicion
that the bishop-elect was not a sincere Catholic was definitely
rejected by Castagna on the strength of the reports which
many ecclesiastics, both secular and religious, had given him ;
Gebhard was proud of the reputation for being a good Catholic
which had been won by his family, and especially by his uncle,
Cardinal Otto of Augsburg. If the Elector made friends
irrespective of their faith, this was due both to the custom
of the country and especially in his own case to his opposition
to the houses of Bavaria and Cleves. 1
Gebhards entirely Catholic attitude during the pacification
conference at Cologne also served to enhance his good repute. 2
Since all those who were questioned in Rome were also in
agreement in this matter, there was no reason for postponing
the confirmation of Gebhard s election, and Gregory XIII.
granted this on March 2gth, 1580. 3
It is best to leave the question open whether the entirely
Catholic exterior behaviour of the new Archbishop of Cologne,
was accompanied by any interior change. If there were any
such change, it was certainly of very short duration. Gebhard
had scarcely found himself in safe possession of his office
1 See Nuntiatuvberichte I., 278 seq.
2 Cf. MAFFEI, II., 245 ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 288 seq.
3 See LOSSEN, I., 621 seq., 673 ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 290.
RITTER says (I., 568) : " In Rome there was no inclination to
call forth a far-reaching conflict by refusing the confirmation
on the grounds of mere apprehensions."
GEBHARD TRUCHSRSS. 365
owing to the Papal approbation when he gave himself up
openly to a life of luxury and immorality. Pregnant with
consequences were his amorous relations with the beautiful
Countess Agnes von Mansfeld, a worldly Protestant lady with
a benefice at Gerresheim near Diisseldorf. 1 His illicit relations
with her had gone on for some time when, in the autumn of
1581, the countess brothers wrung from the Elector with
threats the promise to save the honour of their sister by
marriage. 2 As Gebhard had received priest s orders he could
not contract marriage except with a Papal dispensation, which
he could only have obtained with the greatest difficulty ; in
any case he would have had to resign his bishopric. This was
by no means in accordance with the wishes of his Protestant
friends, prominent among whom were Count Adolphus von
Neuenahr, Adolphus von Solms and John of Nassau. They
wished to profit by the impure passion of Gebhard in order
to extort " liberty " from him, namely the suppression of the
reservatum ecclesiasticum, which prevented the intrusion of
Protestants into dioceses that were still Catholic. So they
suggested to Gebhard that the resignation of his diocese was
by no means necessary, if he embraced the new religion, and
that even before the religious peace of 1555 other bishops had
become Protestants and had married, and yet had retained
the government of their dioceses.
It was not without a long interior struggle that Gebhard
resolved to break with the religion of his fathers, but at last
in May 1582 his passion won the victory over the voice of
conscience. 3 At first it was only a few friends, among them
the Count von Solms, who were let into the secret of the
intention of the Archbishop of Cologne to apostatize from the
Church and secularize himself, but gradually the number who
1 Agnes von Mansfeld was not a nun, as is often asserted even
to-day, but merely the possessor of a benefice.
2 See LOSSEN, II., 36.
3 See ibid. 41 seq. The first thoughts of apostasy from the
Church began to appear at the beginning of 1580 ; see BEZOLD,
Briefe, II., n. i, note 5. Cf. KLEINSORGEN, Tagebuch von G.
Truchsess, Munster, 1780, 128.
366 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
knew of it increased. On August 6th, 1582, Gebhard, who
had left the Rhineland, which was but ill-disposed to his plans,
and gone to Westphalia, sent from Arensberg a long memorial
and a letter to the Protestant Duke Henry of Saxony-
Lauenburg, the married Archbishop of Bremen and Bishop
of Osnabriick and Paderborn.
In these autograph documents he states how reading and
reflection had led him to realize the errors of the Papacy, in
which he had been born and educated, and how his
" conscience " urged him to unite himself in marriage to a
lady of noble family. His intention of renouncing in that
case the archbishopric of Cologne had met with resistance
from his friends and relations, who had pointed out that God
permitted marriage even to ecclesiastics, and that his resigna
tion would inflict great injury upon the adherents of the true
religion in the Empire. But he could only carry out this plan
" which was so pleasing to God " if he knew what help he
could count upon. 1
Gebhard then tried to win over to his cause the young
Protestant nobles of Westphalia, with whom he gave himself
up to dissolute feasting. Exteriorly he still behaved as a
sincere Catholic ; he assisted regularly at mass, began the
negotiations for the foundation of a Jesuit school at Werl,
and solemnly asserted in the presence of Catholics that it was
a calumny of his enemies to say that he intended to change
his religion and marry ; he would rather give his life than
separate himself from the Catholic Church. 2
There were, however, too many people in the secret of
Gebhard J s plans for them to remain hidden. The Pope
received the first news of the suspicious behaviour of the
Archbishop of Cologne from Innsbruck, in a letter from Cardinal
Madruzzo, who had gone to the Diet of Augsburg. But
everyone was once more deceived by the fact that the
1 See v. BEZOLD, Brief e des Pfalzgrafen Johann Casimir I.,
511 seq.
2 Cf. M. AB ISSELT, De bello Coloniensi, Coloniae, 1584 ;
KLEINSORGEN, loc. cit. 292.
GEBHARD TRUCHSESS. 367
councillors sent by Gebhard to the Diet behaved absolutely
as good Catholics.
Nevertheless the rumours that Gebhard intended to marry,
and that in spite of this he intended to retain his archdiocese,
could not be kept quiet. They seemed to find confirmation
in the news which the agent of Bavaria, Johann Barvitius,
sent from Cologne, that, obviously with the concurrence of
Gebhard, Count Neuenahr had had Protestant worship
publicly celebrated outside the city of Mechtern on July 8th. 1
To the noble and upright character of Gregory XIII. it
was very difficult to place any belief in the first reports of
the infidelity of Gebhard, all the more so as there were not
wanting reports on the other side, which stated that the
envious adversaries of the archbishop had already on previous
occasions thrown suspicion upon his good faith without any
grounds. In order to clear up the matter, Madruzzo was
ordered to find out how much truth there was in the rumours
by sending trusted envoys to Cologne. 2 The necessary steps
could be taken after the return of the legate. The disputes
of Madruzzo with the government at Innsbruck delayed his
return to Rome until November 2Qth, 1582, but by that time
such definite news had been received that it was no longer
possible to doubt Gebhard s intention of apostatizing from the
Church. 3
It was clearly understood in Rome, as well as by Catholics
in general, what great interests were at stake in Cologne.
The common opinion was that the preservation or destruction
of the Catholic religion depended upon the issue, as well as
the existence of the Roman-German Empire, which was so
closely bound up with it. 4 In proportion to the gravity of
the danger did Rome act resolutely, surely and promptly.
1 Memorandum of June 6, 1582 ; see Nuntiaturberichte, I.,
li. ; LOSSEN, II., 44 seq.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., lii.
3 See LOSSEN, II., 75.
4 Cf. the characteristic remarks of M. Minucci and Cesare dell
Arena in their letters to Cardinal Galli, Nuntiaturberichte, I.,
375, 489, 495.
368 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
This was of all the greater importance in that the invalid
Emperor Rudolph, out of fear of serious complications, as
the Archduke Ferdinand wrote, at first " was inclined to turn
a blind eye, and not bell the cat." 1 After the arrival of
Madruzzo at the beginning of December a number of steps
were immediately taken by the Roman Curia to meet the
danger.
The comprehensive nature of these steps may be seen from
the fact that no less than five Papal envoys were engaged
upon them, and not only the Emperor and the Catholic
princes of Germany, but also the King of Spain, were asked
to help. In order to leave no means untried, Gregory XIII.
addressed to Gebhard on December lyth, a last warning,
gentle and paternal in tone, reminding him of his previous
solemn oaths, the Catholic sentiments of his predecessors and
ancestors, especially of Cardinal Otto of Augsburg, and
recalling to his mind the kindness with which the Pope had
removed the obstacles to his confirmation. At the same time,
the Archbishop of Treves and Mayence, the chapter and
council of Cologne, the Archduke Ferdinand and the Bishop
of Strasbourg, were asked to use their influence with Gebhard. 2
The duty of conveying these letters and explaining them
was, by the advice of the German Congregation, entrusted
to the secretary of Cardinal Madruzzo, Minutio Minucci, a
young Venetian, who was accounted one of those best
acquainted with the state of affairs in Germany. Among
the duties laid upon Minucci was that of obtaining reliable
information on the spot as to the state of affairs, and in the
event of Gebhard s refusing to abandon his project, of
informing Francesco Bonhomini, the nuncio at the Imperial
court, of the fact, so that, under the protection of an Imperial
commissary, he might go to Cologne to conduct the process
against the rebel archbishop. Minucci was moreover to urge
the cathedral chapter of Cologne to take energetic action and
1 Cf. UNKEL in the Historisches Jahrbuch, XII., 513 seq.
2 See THEJNER, III., 320 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 333,
note i.
ACTION AGAINST GERHARD. 369
to promise it the strong support of the Pope. 1 Briefs had
been sent to Bonhomini on December I4th giving him the
necessary faculties to take action against Gebhard. A week
later the nuncio received a whole number of Papal letters
concerning the question of Cologne which were to be sent to
the Emperor, the Electors of Treves and Mayence, and the
Dukes of Bavaria and Cleves. 2 At the same time pressing
exhortations were sent to the nuncio Taverna at Madrid to
bring his influence to bear on Philip to spur on the Emperor
on the one hand to resist the action of Gebhard, and on the
other to authorize his governor on the Low Countries, Alessan-
dro Farnese, to intervene, even, if necessary, by force of arms. 3
While, even before the mission of Minucci, the possibility
of the removal of the Archbishop of Cologne, who was so
forgetful of his duty, had been taken into consideration in
Rome, at the same time, attention was directed to the choice
of the person who could succeed him. It was only possible
to think of a man who would be able, by reason of his
connexions, to offer a strong resistance and bring powerful
forces to bear, if he was to have any chance of fighting
successfully against Gebhard. It seemed that such conditions
were fulfilled in the fullest measure in the person of Ernest
of Bavaria, whose brother William had in the meantime
succeded to the duchy. Ernest was, moreover, the friend
1 See ibid, liii., 332 seq. As late as December 17, 1582, Gregory
XIII. had written to the Bishop of Strasburg : *" Disseminata
iam diu sunt sermones pessimi de archiepiscopo Coloniensi, non
possumus diutius tacere aut dissimulare . . . ; rogamus quantum
possumus, ut de archiepiscopo ipsius vita et consiliis, quantum
quidem extrinsecus apparere potest nos certiores facere velis."
(Departmental Archives, Strasburg G. 172). At the beginning
of the brief the bishop is praised for his attitude at the Diet
of Augsburg which had been reported by Madruzzo. On January
12, 1583,* the Pope commended the two Papal Legates to the
Bishop of Strasbourg and urged him to energetic action against
Gebhard. Ibid.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 337 seq., 341. Cf. THEINER, III.,
323. ARETIN, Maximilian I., 257.
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 334 seq., 341 seq.
VOL. XX, 24
37O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the King of Spain and the Duke of Jiilich, and as the
possessor of the dioceses of Hildesheim and Liege, and of the
Imperial abbeys of Stavelot and Malmedy, held a secure
position in Lower Germany. It was, however, an embar
rassing fact that the concession of another diocese was
contrary to the reform decrees of Trent, even more so as Ernest
was one of those ecclesiastics who were sons of princes, and
who in a certain sense enjoyed the good things of this world
in a way that was not suitable for ecclesiastics. But the
emergency made it necessary to pass over such considerations.
It also weighed a good deal in the balance that Ernest, as a
member of the cathedral chapter of Cologne, was eligible,
and had in 1577 received almost half the votes. 1
But in the meantime a fresh candidature was put forward,
as the Archduke Ferdinand had suggested that his son,
Cardinal Andrew of Austria, should be sent as legate to
Cologne, with the further purpose of getting him appointed
to that see. It was at once realized in Rome that by
consenting to Ferdinand s plans they would gravely offend
Bavaria, and, moreover, serve no purpose, as the chapter of
Cologne would certainly not accept the son of a mother who
was a commoner, as had been Philippine Welser. Andrew,
moreover, was too insignificant a personality. But on the
other hand they did not wish to forfeit the help of the archduke,
nor that of the Emperor. Gregory XIII. therefore fell in
with the wishes of Ferdinand to the extent of appointing, at
the consistory of December 3ist, 1582, Cardinal Andrew
together with Cardinal Madruzzo as legates to Cologne, with
the duty of opening the process against Gebhard Truchsess,
of pronouncing his supension, and preparing the way for a new
election. 2 The designs of Bavaria were cleverly countered
1 See ibid, liii.-liv. ; RITTER, I., 596 seq.
2 See HIRN, II., 179 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., Ivi. seq., 348 ;
LOSSEN, II., 154 seq. According to LOSSEN (loc. cit.} the co
operation of Madruzzo was intended merely as a means of
obviating suspicion of a too great desire to fall in with the wishes
of Ferdinand. It was never seriously intended to send Madruzzo ;
and, in fact, he remained in Rome.
APOSTASY OF GEBHARD. 37!
by this mission, while the Cardinal was given as colleagues
and advisers the two experienced nuncios from the Imperial
court and that of Graz, Francesco Bonhomini and Germanico
Malaspina, as well as the auditor of the Rota, Francesco
Orano, for the actual management of the process. The latter
left Rome for Innsbruck on January 5th, 1583, with the bull
of appointment and the instructions for Cardinal Andrew,
and thence, in accordance with the wishes of the Curia, he
went to Freising to overcome the fears of Duke Ernest of a
fresh defeat, and to urge him to hasten his journey to the
Rhine, which he was hesitating to make, by telling him of
the Pope s wishes. 1
In the meantime at Cologne, which Minucci had reached on
January 2oth, 1583, as the first of the Pope s envoys, the
catastrophe had already occurred. At Christmas, Gebhard
Truchsess had made a singular present to his Catholic subjects
by announcing that the almighty and merciful God had set
him free from the shadows of the Papacy, and brought him
to the knowledge of His holy word, that he thought he could
remain in his vocation and his office with a clear conscience,
and that he intended to give freedom to the exercise of the
new religion. On January i6th, however, a public declaration
in reply came from the city of Bonn, which belonged to the
diocese of which Gebhard had obtained possession with the
help of John Nassau. It would appear that Gebhard did not
altogether realize the dangers of his undertaking, for his
energies were principally directed to holding festive banquets
which generally ended in grave drunkenness. The climax
of this mad behaviour, and at the same time the final proof
of Gebhard s transition to Protestantism was afforded by his
marriage to Agnes von Mansfeld, which took place on February
2nd. The wiser among the Protestant friends of the infatuated
archbishop were frightened at his inconsiderate behaviour.
The Catholics took up the challenge with all the greater
confidence .- The central point of the resistance to the
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 352 seq., 358; LOSSEN, II., 161
seq. Cf. also UNKEL in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XII., 517.
2 See RITTER, I., 590, 596; LOSSEN, II., 165 seq. ; JANSSEN-
PASTOR, V. 15 16 , 33 seq.
372 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
changes made by Gebhard was the city of Cologne, where
Minucci was safeguarding Catholic interests with great
prudence. Besides the city, the chapter of Cologne, with the
exception of a few canons, united with courage and resolution
in favour of the old faith, above all the auxiliary bishop, Duke
Frederick of Saxony-Lauenburg, the brother of Henry of
Bremen, whom Gebhard had converted from being a half-
Protestant and his devoted friend, into a determined Catholic
and his bitter enemy, by first leading him to expect his
resignation of the archdiocese, and then completely
disillusioning him. At the Diet which was assembled at
Cologne by the chapter, the States, the counts, the barons and
the Rhenish city declared themselves against Gebhard, 1 while
the latter proved himself more and more an incapable and weak
person. The Spanish troops had hardly made their appearance
near Aix, when he felt that he would be no safer at Bonn,
and immediately after his marriage he retired to the territory
of the archdiocese in Westphalia, where, as an illustration
of what he meant by religious liberty, he began a violent
persecution of the Catholics, and a savage outburst of
iconoclasm. 2
It is characteristic of Gregory XIII. that, as a strict jurist
and a cautious politician, in spite of the provocative behaviour
of Gebhard, he did not wish to take any precipitate action.
The zealous nuncio Bonhomini, at the news of the public
apostasy of the Archbishop of Cologne, had as early as January
i5th, 1583, suggested to Cardinal Galli from Vienna that the
introduction of a formal process was no longer necessary, as
the Pope could, without further ado, pronounce the deposition
of a notorious heretic. This view was also shared by the
members of the German Congregation and by the six
1 See LOSSEN, II., 01 seq., 104 seq.
2 Fuller particulars in JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. 15 16 , 35 seq.
In a *letter to the Cardinals dated February 22, 1583, the Prince
of Waldburg deplored the apostasy of his brother and gave assur
ances of his own fidelity to the faith. Vatic. 6416, p. 93, Vatican
Library.
GEBIIARD TRUCHSF.SS DEPOSED. 373
Cardinals charged to deal with the question. 3 In spite of
this Gregory XIII. , as a prudent jurist, felt scruples, nor did
he wish to offend Cardinal Andrew by thus depriving him of
his office. As, however, owing to the plots of the Count
Palatine, John Casimir, the journey of the Cardinal legate
to Cologne was hindered, delay seemed dangerous. On
receiving news of this Gregory acted promptly and resolutely.
Late in the evening of March 2ist, 1583, he summoned a secret
consistory for the following day, at which he pronounced the
deposition of Gebhard. 2
The bull of deposition, signed by the Pope and all the
Cardinals, dated April ist, 1583 (new calendar), began with
the fact that Gebhard Truchsess, ignoring all the warnings
of the Pope, had associated himself with heretics, so as to be
able to retain the archdiocese of Cologne, in spite of his
marriage. It then goes on to mention the fact that the
marriage had been publicly celebrated before an heretical
minister, the occupation by violence of the city of Bonn and
of other places in the diocese in opposition to the chapter,
and the outrages that had resulted. Since these facts were
notorious, the Pope had once more had laid before him the
information which he had charged the Cardinal legate Andrew
to obtain, and accordingly the aforementioned Gebhard
Truchsess, although he had by his own action forfeited all his
rights, is now declared to be deprived of all his dignities,
benefices and offices, with the advice and consent of the
Cardinals, and with the certain knowledge and full authority
which supplies for any defect of law, as a public heretic and
perjurer, a rebel and excommunicate, and a corrupt member
cut off from the body of the Catholic Church. The cathedral
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 387, 435 seq., 441 seq.
2 See the Acta consist, ibid. 473. Cf. UNKEL in the Hist.
Jahrbuch, XII., 520 seq. Special prayers for Germany had
already been ordered. Alaleone *reports on February n, 1583 :
" Pontifex descendit pedester ad s. Petrum orationis causa
propter iubilaeum plenarium ad extirpandam haeresim, augendam
fidem catholicam in Germania et unionem principum." Diarium,
p. 10 (b), Cod. Barb., Vatican Library.
374 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
chapter is then requested to nominate a new bishop as soon as
possible. 1
Together with this bull were sent the first money subsidies
from the Pope to Cologne, 2 where Malaspina had been since
March 28th, and Bonhomini since April 2Oth. Among the
faculties sent to Bonhomini on April 4th was an authority in
the case of extreme necessity, and after a period of three
months, to nominate a new archbishop himself even without
the chapter. 3 The use of this measure, provided for by the
canon law, was not, however, necessary. Under the direction
of Bonhomini, who from the first was the man really trusted
by the Curia, the Pope s representatives made preparations
for the new election ; they specially made it their object to
exclude the Protestant canons from that act, and their efforts
at length met with the desired result. They were also
successful in removing the other difficulties. After Ernest
had got rid of his competitors by money payments, on June
2nd (May 23rd), his nomination as Archbishop of Cologne
took place by a unanimous vote. 4 So as to cut at the root
of the evil, Bonhomini, who in this matter as well acted as the
courageous pioneer of the Catholic restoration, stood firm in
his intention of excluding the Protestant canons from the
cathedral chapter, and issued a decree that none could be
admitted to the chapter who had not made the Tridentine
profession of faith. At the same time the nuncio occupied
himself with the moral reform of the clergy of Cologne. 5
1 The Bull is printed inaccurately in ISSELT, 227 seq. ; a more
reliable version in LEONHARTI WARAMUNDI TURINGI admonitio
in anathematismum, quo Gregorius XIII. Gebh. Truchsessium
damnavit, Lugd. Bat., 1583. Cf. LOSSEN, II., 235, 251 seq. ;
BEZOLD, II., n. 171.
* See ibid. n. 126.
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 482.
4 See UNKEL in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XII., 525 seq. ; EHSES-
MEISTER, Nuntiaturberichte, I., xxxc. ; LOSSEN, II., 258-298.
5 Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, I., 578, 584, 596, 599, 617 ; THEINER,
III., 398 ; UNKEL in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XII., 531 seq. ; EHSES-
MEISTER, Nuntiaturberichte, I., xxxvi. ; LOSSEN, II., 315 seq.,
320 seq.
THE WAR OF COLOGNE. 375
The great triumph won at Cologne, which also served as
an example and warniiig to the other bishops 1 whose faith
was in the balance, could not, however, be said to be complete,
in that Ernest for his part was not above reproach. Having
become a priest against his will, as was the case with most
of the secular princes of his time, his conduct was by no means
moral. The Jesuits rightly lamented the tragic fate of the
Church of Germany, in that under such dangerous circum
stances it had not been possible to find a worthy head for holy
Cologne. 2 But in any case Ernest gave the certainty that
when Gebhard appealed to arms, the war of Cologne could only
end in one way, and that Duke William V. of Bavaria would
throw the whole weight of his influence into his brother s
cause.
In acting as he had done Gebhard had placed his chief
hopes in foreign help, but he was soon disillusioned ; the
insurgents of Holland could give him no help, as the Spaniards
had the upper hand there at the moment, France was held
back from intervention by her internal dissensions, while
even among his new co-religionists in Germany the decided
and harmonious unity which he had looked for was wanting.
Decisive in this respect was the attitude of the Elector Augustus
of Saxony, to whom the thought of the Empire, and the
maintenance of the religious peace of Augsburg, which only
allowed the apostasy of an ecclesiastical prince at the cost
of the loss of his dignities and rights, seemed of greater
importance than the further advance of Protestantism.
Moreover, Augustus feared lest Gebhard should join the
Calvinists. 3 Thus it was only the house of the Palatinate,
and especially the Count Palatine, John Casimir, the Counts
1 At that time, in Rome itself, suspicions were entertained
of the Archbishop of Mayence, Wolfgang von Dalberg, see
Nuntiaturberichte, I., 516, 520, 626 seq. For Wolfgang cf. A. L.
BEIT, Kirche und Kirchenwesen in Mainz, 25 seq.
* See JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. 15 16 , 38.
3 See RIEZLER, IV., 643. Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, loc. cit.,
41 seq.
37^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the Wetterau, and a few cities that joined Gebhard, and this
support was all the more insufficient, as the Pope energetically
brought the whole weight of his authority, and all his shrewd
political ability to bear in winning over the Emperor, and
cleverly uniting the policy of the house of Bavaria with
Catholic interests. 1
The bloody struggle for the archdiocese of Cologne which
Gebhard had begun dragged on at first for several months
without definite result, as both the friends of the apostate
archbishop and his Catholic adversaries lacked what was all
important, sufficient money. But even in this respect the
superiority of the Catholics soon showed itself. Of the
ecclesiastical princes of Germany only the excellent Bishop
Julius of Wiirzburg gave a large subsidy, 2 but all the more
1 Cf. HANSEN (Nuntiaturberichte, I., Ixiv.) who, as the best
authority on the subject, says : " Available documents have
proved, without any possibility of doubt, that the success of
the Catholic restoration in Cologne must be ascribed, in the first
place, to the initiative of the Papal government and not, as was
previously supposed, to Duke William of Bavaria, brother of
the new archbishop. From the very beginning, the Curia tackled
the disorders at Cologne with great decision and firmness, and
allowed no obstacles to deflect it from its chosen course of action.
To this skilful leadership must be attributed the success against
an undertaking which, though formidable in itself, was neverthe
less, set on foot by an incompetent personality and was badly
prepared and worse supported. From the moment when
Gebhard s apostacy became an accomplished fact, the Papal
government refused to have any further dealings with him ;
and the same determination was shown in the extreme measures
adopted towards the Cathedral Chapter when Bonhomini was given
full power to appoint an archbishop should the election fail to
produce a suitable person. It was the Curia that induced Duke
Ernest, against his will, to go to Cologne and press his candidature ;
and the Curia it was that persuaded him to remain there despite
the fact that, despairing of success, he frequently desired to
leave. Again it was the Curia that knew so well how to bend
to its will the weak and vacillating Imperial policy."
2 Cf. LOSSEN, II., 511 seq.
THE WAR OF COLOGNE. 377
generous were the Pope and the Duke of Bavaria, who took
upon their own shoulders the principal burden of the
war.
Gregory XIII. did not content himself with supporting
the cause of Ernest everywhere with briefs of recommendation,
but in spite of his own financial straits gave as much money
as he could. As early as March 1583 he sent to Vienna to
the Emperor, who wished at first to take the part of Gebhard,
a gift of 100,000 florins, which at once had its effect. 1 To
Duke William of Bavaria the Papal Camera had sent by the
autumn, through the bank of the Welser, 90,000 florins.
Other sums followed. 2 No less important was the fact that
Gregory XIII., ignoring the fact that Rudolph II. was not
pleased with the introduction of foreign troops into the
territory of the Empire, showed great activity in Madrid to
induce the King of Spain to send prompt and effective assist
ance to the army of Bavaria by means of his governor in the
Low Countries, Alessandro Farnese. The Pope pointed out
that not only the Catholic religion, but also the House of
Austria was gravely threatened. 3 As Spain only corresponded
insufficiently to this request, in September Filippo Sega,
Bishop of Piacenza, was sent to Madrid on a special mission.
Sega, however, was not able to obtain any financial assistance
from Philip, although he was able to cause definite orders to
be sent to Alessandro Farnese to support the Archbishop of
Cologne in every way. 4 William V. of Bavaria displayed
great zeal, and in spite of his own debts expended large sums.
By the end of November, these sums amounted to 200,000
florins. 5 It was due above all to the troops raised by him,
1 See ibid. 311, 384.
2 See THEINER, III., 402, 489 seq., 496, 499 ; Nuntiaturberichle,
I., Ixv., 697 ; RITTER, I., 608 ; LOSSEN, II., 456. Cf. the "report
of the Mantuan envoy of September 24, 1583, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 657 seq., 674, 681, 685 seq. ; T$RNE,
201.
4 See Nuntiaturberichle, L, 697, 702 seq., 711, 713.
6 See RIEZLER, IV., 642.
37$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and commanded by Duke Ferdinand of Bavaria, that Ernest
remained Archbishop of Cologne, and that Gebhard had to
take refuge in the Low Countries. 1
1 For the details the reader is referred to the magnificent and
exhaustive description in the second volume of Lossen s work,
Der Kolnische Krieg, where copious use is made of published and
unpublished material. In his preface, the author boasts of his
impartiality, and although this self-praise may be more or less
well-deserved on the whole, there are certain passages which
show quite clearly that he belonged to the party of the so-called
Old Catholics. Lessen cannot mention the Jesuits without a
taunt, and (on page 315) Bonhomini is taken to task for being
a zealot because he declared certain notoriously heretical canons
to have forfeited their benefices. It is a complete travesty of
the truth to suggest, as Lessen does (p. 686), that the Catholics,
the Pope and the Duke of Bavaria were responsible for the
outbreak of the religious war which caused so much suffering
to the population of the Rhine land and Westphalia. These
were not the guilty parties, for they merely resisted strenuously
when unjust attacks were made on their rights and their religion.
The real culprit was Gebhard who, in defiance to all the laws
of the land, desired to keep a wife and an archbishopric at the
same time. Impartial Protestants such as, for example, B. K.
Hagen (Deutsche Geschichte, IV., 410), do not hesitate to speak
of the " rather unsavoury " motives which induced Gebhard
to embrace Protestantism, to break his vows and to attempt
the overthrow of the civil constitution. This national side to the
question is completely ignored by Lossen. When Gebhard
spoke, not only of resisting the " tyranny " of the Pope, but
also of " preserving German liberty " (*Letter to Frankfurt
a/M of July 2, 1583, Municipal Archives, Frankfurt a/M.), he
understood, by that, the introduction of complete independence
for each separate State. In his review of Lossen s book, Stieve
rightly emphasises the fact that it was thanks to the victory
of the Catholic party that " the territorial politics of the German
States, which for centuries had tended towards the destruction
of the Empire, did not, at that time, split the Empire into a
series of independent states ; but that the valuable bond of
national unity was maintained." (Allgemeine Zeitung, 1898,
Supplement No. 43).
IMPORTANCE OF THE VICTORY. 379
With the victory won by Gregory XIII. in union with the
Duke of Bavaria, the greatest danger which had threatened
Catholicism since 1555 was overcome. A victory on the part
of Gebhard, on the other hand, with all its incalculable
consequences, would have resulted not only in the triumph
and absolute mastery of Protestantism in Germany, but would
also have brought about a very difficult state of affairs for
the Church in the neighbouring Low Countries and France.
Like the north of Europe the whole of the west of Europe
would also have gradually passed over to Protestantism.
With profound shrewdness Henry of Navarre realized this
when, fortunately for the Catholic cause, he vainly pointed
out to the Lutheran princes of Germany that they must put
an end to their divisions and theii isolation from their
co-religionists in other countries, and unite in a general
Protestant alliance against the Papacy and the House of
Hapsburg, in which case the triumph of Protestantism would
have been assured. The case of Gebhard was more important
than anything else that had happened in Christendom for
centuries " ; " nothing else " he told John Casimir, "is of
greater importance for the destruction of the Papacy." 1 To
Queen Elizabeth of England, too, Navarre recommended in
March, 1585, 2 " the holy cause of Gebhard, which was of so
great importance to the whole of Christendom," but without
result, as the Queen of England, as a believer in practical
politics, was only guided by the interests of her own kingdom.
When he implored her to help him, Gebhard, " abandoned
by all," had to put up with hearing from the lips of the " virgin
queen " that by his marriage " he had made it clear that he
was not guided by the spirit of faith, but rather by his carnal
desires of earthly enjoyments." 3
It is easy to understand that the joy of the Catholic party
was great at the victorious result of the historically important
1 See JANSSEN-PASTOR, V. 15 16 , 45 seq. for the particular
documents.
2 See BERGER DE XIVREY, II., 18.
8 See BERTHOLD in Raumers Historisches Taschenbuch, N. F. I.,
Leipzig, 1840, 70 seq.
380 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
struggle for the archbishopric of Cologne, 1 which was to a
certain extent the decisive struggle between Catholicism and
Protestantism in Germany. 2 But they did not fail to realize
how much still remained to be done to give internal effect to
the victory they had won. If the Catholic restoration was to
endure in the archdiocese of Cologne, Catholic reform must
be enforced there. Not only was an improvement in the
religious conditions of the vast diocese absolutely necessary,
but no less necessary was the supervision and guidance of the
new archbishop, whose election had not been brought about
by merit, but by his power to defend by force the maintenance
of religion in the archdiocese. 3 It was realized too that it
would only be by obtaining better information than had been
the case hitherto, that a similar danger could promptly be
avoided in the future. Events in the Low Countries too had
made it clear that it was very desirable to have a permanent
representative of the Holy See in Lower Germany. The
logical result of these considerations was the necessity ol
establishing a special and permanent nunciature at
Cologne.
The great Archbishop of Treves, Johann von Schonenberg,
had given the first impulse to this at the beginning of
1583 in a conversation with Minucci, and he had pointed
1 According to LOSSEN (II., 646 seq.}. The importance of the
conflict is reflected in the popular literature of the time ; cf.
SOLTAN, Hist. Volkslieder, Leipzig, 1836, 437 seq. ; SUGENHEIM,
Jesuiten, I., 68 ; Zeitschrift des bergischen Geschichtsvereins,
XII., 75 seq. ; Picks Monatsschrift, I., 365 seq. See also the
German *satirical poem with the superscription : " Honores
mutant mores, sed raro in meliores," in fasc. 9953 of the Municipal
Archives, Frankfurt a/M. A Latin lampoon beginning : " O
Truchsess trux es, dux es, mala lux, mala nux es," in the Lucerne
Archives.
2 " Possession of the Rhine countries turned the scale in the
war between Protestants and Catholics in Germany," says
PLATZHOFF, Die Stellung der Rheinlande in der deutschen
Geschichte, Bonn, 1921, 9.
3 See UNKEL in the Hist. Jahrbuch, XII., 721 seq.
NUNCIATURE AT COLOGNE. 381
to Bonhomini 1 as the man best suited to the purpose ; Minucci
welcomed the suggestion and supported it with great zeal.
Malaspina wrote a special memorial in favour of a new
diplomatic representation of the Holy See on the Lower Rhine,
and proposed Minucci for the purpose, Bonhomini also
pronouncing in his favour. The latter advised that Minucci
should be left for the present at Cologne, even though at first
he was not given the title of nuncio. Later on he withdrew
the objections he felt to giving him that title. On June 23rd,
1583, he asked Charles Borromeo for his support of a new
nunciature on the Lower Rhine, saying that he was convinced
that all the other nuncios together who were at that time
working on behalf of the Holy See could not effect so much
good as one at Cologne alone. Bonhomini, however, was no
longer thinking of Minucci for the purpose at that time, but
of Francesco Bossi, the friend of Borromeo, and Bishop of
Novara. 2
With its customary unwillingness to act hastily, the Holy
See adopted at first a waiting attitude towards these
suggestions, and it was only after repeated requests from
Bonhomini that a decision was arrived at ; on December 2ist,
1583, Cardinal Galli, the Secretary of State, wrote to him
that the decision to send a nuncio to Cologne had been come
to, and that the appointment would be made before Easter,
1584.
Nevertheless there was still a delay in carrying the decision
into effect, because of the difficulty found in the choice of
the man to be appointed. Objections and difficulties were
raised against all the candidates hitherto suggested, among
whom was Feliciano Ninguarda. 4 In the end, in October,
1584, contrary to all expectations and to his own wishes,
1 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 362 ; UNKEL in the Hist. Jahrbuch,
XII., 723-
2 See ibid. 725. Malaspina s memorandum in THEINER, III.,
404 seq.
3 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 732.
4 Cf. UNKEL, loc. cit. 729 seq. ; Nuntiaturbetichte, I., 733 seq. ;
EHSES-MEISTER, I., xxxix.
382 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Bonhomini was appointed nuncio at Cologne. Malaspina,
the nuncio at Graz, who was to succeed him in Prague, received
orders to convey to him his instructions, which were dated
October 27th. His credentials had already been sent on
October 2oth. A brief of January igth, 1585, determined
the faculties of Bonhomini as well as the limits of his nuncia
ture, which was to include the ecclesiastical provinces of
Cologne, Mayence and Treves, the dioceses of Basle, Strasbourg,
Osnabriick, Paderborn and Liege, the territory of the Duke
of Julich-Cleves, and Spanish Flanders. 1
When Bonhomini realized that the Pope had made up his
mind, he withdrew his objections. He paid another visit
to his beloved diocese of Vercelli, and set out for Germany
from thence. On March 26th, 1585, he reached Treves,
where he at once began upon the labours of his new office,
which Cardinal Galli declared to be the most honourable and
important that had been conferred for many years. 2 The
choice of the Pope can only be described as excellent, for
Bonhomini was in every way the very man to cope with the
many and great exigencies which the new office laid upon
the man who held it, both as a truly pastoral and episcopal
work, and with regard to the reorganization of affairs in the
Netherlands.
The establishment of the nunciature at Cologne was one
1 See HARTZHEIM, Concilia, VIII., 498 seq. ; UNKEL, loc. cit.
731, 733, 736 ; THEINER, III., 500 ; Nuntiaturberichte, I., 735 ;
EHSES-MEISTER, I., xliv. seq., 4.
2 See Nuntiaturberichte, I., 734 ; EHSES-MEISTER, I., xl.
Bonhomini arrived in Cologne on April 9, the day before Gregory
XIII. s death. The motives for the establishment of the Cologne
nunciature were later rewritten in the instruction for the nuncio
Montorio of July 31, 1621, where it is stated that the occupant
of the post is, above all, to watch " sopra le piu illustri e gran
chiese della Germania e principalmente sopra li tre Elettorati
accioche non s introduchino ne capitoli cattolici heretici, non
s eleggano prelati non cattolici e non zelanti " see LAMMER,
Zur Kirchengeschichte, 129. Cf. PACCA, Mem. storiche sul di
lui soggiorno in Germania, 235 seq.
THE WORK OF GREGORY XIII. 383
of the last and one of the most important measures of Gregory
XIII. A short time before Bonhomini reached Cologne that
pontificate which had witnessed the beginning of a new era
for the Church in Germany came to an end. During the
pontificate of Gregory great things had been accomplished
in the north ; the dioceses of Hildesheim, Cologne and, for
the most part, of Minister, had been saved to Catholicism ;
at Fulda, Wiirzburg and Eichsfeld the ecclesiastical revival
had made great progress, and the Catholic restoration was in
preparation in Austria as well as Bavaria. It had been in a
special way due to the Pope that things had developed as
they had. 1 It was due to the nuncios whom he sent that the
Church of Germany was inspired with new life ; the colleges
which Gregory had founded shared the merit of having laid
the foundations upon which the new religious life could be
built up. In Rome men of great influence had long resisted
the conviction that it was no longer by the disciplinary
measures of the middle ages that the new doctrines in the
countries which had apostatized could be destroyed, but that
salvation could only come from the instruction given by a
clergy trained for the purpose from the beginning. In the
time of Gregory XIII. the great protector and founder of
the colleges, these ideas had won the day.
The Catholic reformation of the XVIth century must be
specially connected with three great names ; it was Ignatius
of Loyola who traced the fundamental ideas, and drew out
the plan for the revival of the Church ; in connexion with him,
and on the basis of the Council ol Trent, Charles Borromeo
became the legislator of the new ecclesiastical discipline,
and in union with Borromeo, Pius V. reformed Rome and the
1 A *brief of March 15, 1582, which calls upon Bishop Johann
of Strasbourg to work harmoniously with Cardinal Madruzzo
at the Diet, rightly says : " Perspectum esse fraternitati tuae
facile arbitramur nostrum perpetuum studium rerum Germani-
carum. Nihil est, quod tantopere cupiamus quam nobilissimam
illam provinciam omni munere coelesti cumulatissimam esse,
idque assidue Deum precamur." (Departmental Archives,
Strasbourg, G. 172).
384 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Papal court. Gregory XITI. was able to gather in the harvest
which these illustrious predecessors had sowed. Ignatius
had provided hundreds of unassuming teachers who, with the
sweat of their brow, laboured for the young on the benches
of the schools, Borromeo and Pius had trained prelates who
could be employed as nuncios. Under Gregory XIII. the
right way for the Church of Germany had been taken ; to
what this way might have led, if external circumstances, and
especially the desire for conquest on the part of the neighbour
ing states, had not changed vast territories of Germany into
a shapeless mass of ruins, can hardly be imagined. Once
again it had been proved what a treasure the Church possesses
in the calumniated Papacy, the living and vigorous source
from which she is for ever drawing new strength.
CHAPTER IX.
THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL IN POLAND.
AFTER France, even in the time of Francis I., had entered
into close relations with Turkey, the peace which first Venice,
and then Spain had, to the great grief of Gregory XIII. ,
concluded with the hereditary enemy of Christendom, implied
the abandonment by the Latin nations of their ancient and
historical mission in the east. It was therefore natural that
henceforward the attention and the hopes of the Pope should
have been turned to that state in the east of Europe which,
especially on account of the increasing weakness of Germany, 1
seemed both on account of its position and its own interests,
to be destined to oppose a barrier by land to the advance of
the Turks. This was the great kingdom of Poland, which
hitherto, by reason of its internal dissensions, had been unable
to make use of its power outside its own borders, and had
adopted a policy of neutrality towards Turkey. A change of
policy seemed possible when the throne fell vacant at the death
of Sigismund Augustus, the last of the Jagellons, which took
place on July 7th, 1572.
The election of the King of Poland thus became a matter
of great importance, not only for the war against Turkey,
but also for the progress of the Catholic restoration in Poland,
and in the eastern countries of Europe. Gregory XIII.,
to whom Cardinal Hosius described the state of affairs in
Poland, recognized this so clearly that he ordered public
prayers for the happy issue of the election. 2
Many candidates, including Protestants, offered themselves
1 In the November of 1574, Maximilian II. prolonged his
peace with the Porte ; see HAMMER, HI., 609 seq,
8 See Hosn Op. II., 332 ; EICHHORN, II., 427.
VOL. XX. 385 25
386 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for the vacant throne. At first Sigismund Wasa, the son of
John III., King of Sweden and Catherine Jagellon, Duke
Frederick Albert of Prussia, the Czar Ivan IV., the Archduke
Ernest of Austria, came forward, and then Duke Henry of
Anjou, the Voivode of Transylvania, Stephen Bathory, Anna,
the sister of Sigismund Augustus, and lastly the King of
Sweden himself. 1 Of the above named the Archduke Ernest
of Austria seemed to the Pope the most desirable, both for
the war against the Turks and for the protection of Catholic
interests. The Cardinal legate, Commendone, even before
the death of Sigismund Augustus, had received express orders
to work for the candidature of the Hapsburg prince. 2 After
the death of the king the Polish bishops were urged in a special
brief to use their influence in union and agreement with the
legate for the election of a good Catholic ruler.
Cardinal Commendone was not wanting in zeal. He strove
at first, with great labour and skill, to unite the Catholics
of Poland, and to prevent a union of the Protestants. He was
successful in averting the danger of the election of a Protestant
king, but his efforts on behalf of Duke Ernest met with no
success, on account of the extravagant policy of the irresolute
and badly advised Emperor. 3
The Porte worked against the candidature of Austria, but
much more against that of Russia, seeing in the Czar an
adversary who might become very dangerous. In the
impossibility of elevating a trusted partisan to the throne
1 See BIAUDET, Le St. -Siege, I., 204 seq.
2 P. DE CENIVAL, 118 seq.
3 Cf. GRATIANUS, Vita Commendoni, IV., 2 ; PILINSKI, Das
polnische Interregnum von 1572-73 und die polnische Konigswahl
Heinrichs von Valois, Heidelberg, 1861 ; REIMANN in the Hist.
Zeitschrift, XI., 69 seq. ; DE NOAILLES, Henri de Valois et la
Pologne en 1572, 3 vols, Paris, 1867, 2nd edition, 1878, SCHIEMANN,
Russland, Polen und Livland, II., 344 seq. ; BIAUDET, Le St.-
Siege, I., 212 seq., 217 seq. ; P. DE CENIVAL, 119 seq., 127 seq.
The arbitrary conduct of the nuncio Vincenzo Portico, who
supported the candidature of Princess Anna, sister of Sigismund
Augustus, led to his recall ; cf. BIAUDET, he, cit. 229 seq.
ANJOU ELECTED KING OF POLAND. 387
of Poland, Turkey at length declared in favour of Henry of
Anjou, whose election, as the result of the unceasing and
unscrupulous efforts of French diplomacy, was announced on
May i6th, 1573.
The absence of any hope of the election of the Archduke
Ernest forced Gregory XIII. to fall in with the French
candidature. Although he did this comparatively soon
the change was very distasteful to him. 1 But no other course
lay open to him, as this at anyrate prevented a Protestant
becoming King of Poland. 2 The religious future of that
country seemed to be all the more seriously threatened as
the Protestants, before the election of the king and under
the leadership of Firley, the grand marshal of the crown,
had formed a confederation at Warsaw which promised full
equality of rights to all who differed in faith (excluding only
the non-Christian sects, such as the Antitrinitarians and the
Anabaptists), and granting supreme authority over their
subjects even in religious questions to the noble land-owners.
This agreement violated Catholic interests, in that it placed
Protestant and Catholic worship on an equal footing, even
though the latter had not ceased to be the state religion, and
prevented any attempt to recover stolen ecclesiastical
property. 3 The bishops, with the single exception of the
Bishop of Cracow, refused to recognize the federation, and in
1 Gregory XIII. made, as BIAUDET says (loc. cit. 236), " bonne
mine a mauvais jeu." From this attitude, Maximilian concluded
that Commendone had not sufficiently supported the Archduke
Ernest ; see P. TIEPOLO, 227 and Venez. Depeschen, III., 524,
note 6. For the attitude of Commendone and the difficult
situation in which he was placed see NOAILLES, II. (2), 256 seq. ;
P. DE CENIVAL, 157 seq. He was made responsible for every
thing that took place, not only at the imperial court (see Nuntia-
turberichte edited by SCHELLHASS, III., 52), but also in the Curia
(cf. the *Relatione di Serguidi of 1581, State Archives at Florence).
In reality it was Galli s " politique trop ondoyante et pleine de
trop d intentions " that was to blame ; see P. DE CENIVAL, 175.
2 Cf. P. DE CENIVAL, 135 seq.
8 See BERGA, Skarga, 180 seq.
388 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
this they were encouraged by Cardinal Commendone. In
his speech before the Diet of Warsaw the Cardinal had opposed
the attempt to make the various religions live in peace together
by citing the action of Samson, when he tied together the
foxes tails, set fire to them and thus burned the harvests of
the Philistines. 1
Even though the Protestants were unsuccessful in getting
their confederation generally accepted, they nevertheless
succeeded in persuading Jean de Montluc, the leader of the
French embassy, to swear to it. When the primate Uchanski
learned of this he made a protest and declared the oath null. 2
King Henry accepted the protest, but was forced by Firley
to take an oath in which the dissentients saw a confirmation
of the liberties that had been promised to them. 3 As the new
nuncio, Vincenzo Laureo, Bishop of Hondo vi, 4 who went
first to Paris and afterwards to Warsaw, resolutely defended
the rights of the Catholics, 5 Henry would have found himself
involved in a serious conflict if the death of his brother
Charles IX., which occurred on May 3oth, 1574, after only four
months reign, had not unexpectedly obliged him to return
to France.
The Catholics were supremely humiliated, though the
Protestants rejoiced, at the departure of the king, which was
almost a flight ; 6 the latter hoped that one of themselves
1 REIMANN in the Hist. Zeitschnft, XI., 108.
See EICHHORN, II., 435. Cf. Hist. Zeitschrift, XL, 126 seq.
3 Cf. LUDTKE in the Freib. Kirchenlex. (III. 2 , 1859 seq.,
where the special Polish literature is utilized.
4 Cf. Vita V. Laurei card. Montisregalis Ruggerio Tritonio
auctore, Bononiae, 1599.
5 Cj. MAFFEI, 1., in seq. ; EICHHORN, II., 484 seq., 488 seq. ;
REIMANN in the Hist. Zeitschrift, XII., 380 seq., whose article,
as HERGENROTHER rightly remarks (III. [1880], 435) needs a
great deal of sifting. Since then have appeared Laureo s reports
in WIERZBOWSKI, V. Laureo nonce apost. en Pologne 1574-78,
Warsaw, 1887, unfortunately in a very defective edition ; cf.
KORZENIOWSKI in the Cracow periodical Przeglad polski, 1888
May number.
6 See BERGA, Skarga, 188.
ELECTION OF STEPHEN BATHORY. 389
would now obtain the throne. The Papal nuncio Laureo
at once developed a strenuous activity and succeeded in
preventing the summoning of a national council. He would
have been glad to save Poland from the bitter controversies
of a new election, but the Diet of Warsaw resolved to give
the king until May I2th in the following year as the last date
for his return, and if he should not do so to declare that he
had forfeited the crown. 1
Almost the same candidates as in 1572 found themselves
opposed to each other in the renewed fight for election. The
Emperor himself came forward on behalf of Austria, and
with him his son Ernest and the Archduke Ferdinand of the
Tyrol. 2 Gregory XIII. again favoured the candidature of
Austria, 2 as the union of Austria and Poland held out the best
hopes for the war against Turkey. Bathory on the other hand
was dependent on the Turks, and thus seemed to promise
very little security for the Catholic Church, as his religious
opinions were spoken of as doubtful. 4 In December, 1575, a
two-fold election took place ; the primate Uchanski, Arch
bishop of Gnesen, on the I2th proclaimed in the name of the
senatorial party the Emperor Maximilian as King of Poland,
while two days later the Schlachta elected Stephen Bathory,
1 See MAFFEI, I., 125 seq.; WIERZBOWSKI, V. Laureo; N.
BAIN in the English. Historical Review, 1889, 645 seq. Cf. also
SZADECZKY, Bathory 1st van Lengyel kiralylya valasztasa. 1571-
1576, Budapest, 1887.
* In addition to the works of Wierzbowski and Szadeczky
referred to in the preceding note, see also NOAILLES (2), 475
seq. See also HIRN, II., 243 seq. ; Nuntiaturberichte, V., 231
seq., 274, note ; WIERBOWSKI, two Candidatures for the Polish
Throne : William von Rosenberg and Archduke Ferdinand
of Tyrol, Warsaw, 1889 (in Russian). Cf. also HtiPPE, De
Poloniae post Henricum interregno 1575-76, Vratislaviae,
1866.
8 See BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist. xli.
4 See Vol. XIX. of this work, Appendix No. 28, the *Memorie
of Cardinal Galli, (Boncompagni Archives at Rome).
390 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on the condition of his marrying Anna Jagellon, the sister
of Sigismund Augustus. 1
In spite of his sympathy for the candidature of Austria,
Gregory XIII., out of consideration for France, had been
obliged to maintain an attitude of reserve. 2 His nuncio,
however, had worked strenuously for Maximilian. After
the two-fold election he urged the Emperor to take action,
but quite in vain. On account of the hesitation and inertness
of Maximilian his supporters decreased while those of Bathory
increased in number. At the end of April the latter made
his solemn entry into Cracow, where, after the celebration
of his marriage with the Princess Anna, he was crowned on
May ist, 1576, as King of Poland, by Stanislaus Karn-
kowski, Bishop of Leslau. On July 5th, he announced
his election to the Pope in a humble letter. He asked for
his protection and announced the sending of envoys for the
obedientia. 3 Thus the attitude of the Holy See towards the
Polish question was substantially altered. Rome had to take
into account what had actually been done, for otherwise
the most serious disadvantages for religion in that country
would have ensued. 4 Gregory XIII. , however, had the
greatest consideration for the Emperor, and at first refused
to give any reply to the envoys of Bathory, 5 but caused the
1 See WIERBOWSKI, Laureo, 281-316 ; SZADECZKY, loo. cit.
198 seq. The report of the election arrived in Rome by special
messenger on Thursday (according to a *report of Giulio Masetti,
dat. February 8, 1576). On the following Monday the messenger
had audience of the Pope. (State Archives, Modena).
2 See *Sporeno s reports dated Rome, January 2 and February
24, 1575 (Government Archives, Innsbruck). Cf. HIRN, II., 84.
3 See THEINER, II., 206 seq. On June 10 Laureo was instructed
by Bathory to await the Pope s reply outside the kingdom ;
see SZADECZKY, 417. Laureo went to Breslau to await events ;
see WIERBOWSKI, Laureo, p. iv.
4 See Galli s letter to Morone of July 21, 1576, in the Nuntia-
turberichte, II., 93.
* Bathory had also applied to Hosius for help ; see THEINER,
II., 208.
STEPHEN BATHORY.
attitude which was to be adopted towards the claimants to
the Polish crown to be discussed once more by a congregation
of Cardinals. 1 Their decision was made substantially easier
by the favourable reports received of Bathory s religious
sentiments, and by the news of the death of the Emperor
which reached Rome at the end of October. 2 Gregory XIII.
now no longer delayed in recognizing Bathory as King of
Poland, and in accrediting Vincenzo Laureo as nuncio at his
court, by a brief of November 6th, 1576. 3
The ten years of the reign of Stephen Bathory, perhaps
the greatest of the kings of Poland, 4 were to be of
decisive importance for the religious future of the Polish
kingdom.
Perhaps in no nation of Europe had the apostasy from
Rome led to such great confusion of faith as in Poland.
Besides the Lutherans, Calvinists and Greek schismatics
who had been numerous there for a long time past, the
country contained a varied assortment of every kind of sect ;
Zwinglians, Bohemian Brothers, Neo-Arians, Anabaptists,
x The Congregation was established on October 12, 1576; see
SANTORI, Diario consist. XXV., 119. Cf. *Giulio Masetti s
report of October 13, 1576 (State Archives, Modena). See also
MAFFEI, I., 230. For Bathory s ambassador Zamoiski see
HEINICKE in the Programm des Hohensteiner Gymnasiums, 1853,
and Nuntiaturberichte, II., 148, 153, 168.
2 On October 26, 1576, Gregory XIII. imparted the news to
the cardinals, see *Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican). Cf. Nuntiaturberichte, II., 172.
3 See THEINER, II., 209 seq. In SZADECZKY, 429 seq., the brief
is given with the wrong date, " August 6," owing to a mistake
in the copy from which it was reproduced.
* According to LISKE in his review (Hist. Zeitschrift, LXI.,
375) of ZAKRZEWISKI S St. Batory, Cracow, 1887. This magnifi
cent work first drew attention to the importance of Bathory.
KRASINSKI also says (Geschichte der Reformation in Polen,
181) that Bathory s reign was " one of the most glorious epochs
in the history of Poland." NOAILLES (II. 2 , 484), calls Bathory
one of the best and greatest of Poland s kings.
392 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Antitrinitarians, and finally Socinians. 1 As some of these
sects called in question the fundamental doctrines of Christian
ity, so there were not wanting in addition true free-thinkers,
who denied all doctrine, and others who adopted a convenient
indifferentism. 2 The easily moved and inflammable char
acter of the Poles on the one hand, and the many foreigners,
Germans as well as Italians, on the other, who had settled
all over the country, for the most part as merchants, had led
to the spread of the most varied and often most radical ideas. 3
The principal support of Protestantism was the aristocracy,
and especially the Schlachta, or lesser country gentry, who
often forced their serfs by fines to attend the sermons of the
innovators. In addition to material considerations a decisive
influence was exercised over the Polish magnates by their
spirit of independence. " Our state is free," said the nobles ;
" if the king has no power to give us orders, much less have
the Pope and the bishops." 4
A free hand had been given to the Protestants of Poland
by the confederation of Warsaw. The Catholics, however,
under the leadership of Archbishop Uchanski of Gnesen, had
protested against this agreement as illegal ; even the one
1 Cf. BUKOWSKI, Dzieje Reformacye w Polsce, II., 366 ;
TRECHSEL, Die protest. Antitrinitarier vor F. Socinus, 2 vols.,
Heidelberg, 1839, 1844; Freib. Kirchenlex. (2), I., 975 seq.,
XL, 465 seq. ; FOCK, Der Socinianismus, Kiel, 1847 ; LUCKFIEL
in the Zeitschyift der Hist. Ges. fur die Prov. Posen, 1892-93 ;
Real-Enzykl. fur protest. TheoL, XVIII. 3 , 459 seq. ; MORAWSKI,
Arianie polscy, Lemberg, 1906 ; ZIVIER, I., 740 seq., 764 seq. t
770. A monograph on Lelio and Fausto Sozzini is expected
from the pen of the Sienese scholar Ant. Mazzei.
2 For the Polish deists and freethinkers see MERCZYNY in
Przeglad Historyczny, XII., Warsaw, 1911, 3 seq. and VON DUNIN-
BORKOWSKI in the Stimmen aus Maria-Lach, LXXXV., 165
seq. For the Czech Neo-Arianism see also BRUCKNER,
Roznowiercy polscy (Polish sectaries), 239 seqq.
3 See SPANNOCCHI, Relatione, 244 seq. For the Italians see
Bolognetti s report in THEINER, III., 727 seq.
* See SPANNOCCHI, Relatione, 243.
STEPHEN BATHORY. 393
bishop who had at first recognized it, Krasinski of Cracow,
joined in this protest, 1 but B&thory had to promise to maintain
the confederation of Warsaw. With scrupulous conscientious
ness, he kept to this promise during the whole ten years of his
reign ; 2 but in other respects, as a deeply convinced Catholic, 3
he, with his wife Anna and his chancellor Zamoiski, did
everything in his power to further the interests of the Catholics.
The Babel-like confusion in religious matters which prevailed
in Poland, filled him and all who had the good of the kingdom
at heart, with the greatest anxiety. As Hosius rightly said
in one of his letters, he fully realized that from the time when
Poland had abandoned the Catholic faith, her political faith
had also disappeared, and that the kingdom could only be
at peace when once again it had one faith. 4 But in the
circumstances Bathory saw no other way out than rigorously
to maintain the confederation of Warsaw. Nevertheless the
Protestants did not succeed in obtaining anything more than
a passive toleration. How anxious Bathory was to restore
the Catholic Church was shown in the first year of his reign
by his ordering the restitution of all the churches under the
royal patronage which had been stolen by the Protestants.
He made a conscientious use of his right of patronage by
informing himself of the merits of the candidates. 5 This action
of the king substantially facilitated the work of Catholic
restoration, the principal promoters of which were, besides
Cardinal Hosius, the Jesuits Skarga and Possevino, and thx
Papal nuncios. 5
Laureo and the Archbishop of Gnesen, Uchanski, had acted
as presidents of the provincial synod held at Petrikau in
May, 1577. This assembly not only repudiated the confedera
tion of the dissentients at Warsaw, but unanimously accepted
the decrees of the Council of Trent, and issued further special
1 See ibid. 249.
* See BERGA, Skarga, 190 ; BoRATYtfsKi, Caligarii Epist., xlv.
3 BORAX YtfsKi, Batory, 243.
4 HOSII Op. II., 404 seq. EICHHORN, II., 496.
See BERGA, Skarga, 190-1.
Cf. WIERBOWSKI, Laureo, v. seq.
394 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
decrees for the reform of the clergy ; the acta were sent to
Rome for confirmation. 1 This was an event of great
importance for the carrying into effect of the Catholic reform.
An attempt made against the Catholic clergy by the dissentients
in the year following the Diet of Warsaw was fortunately
frustrated by the action of Bathory. 2
Although Hosius, who from Rome took an active part
in the fortunes of Poland, could have wished for greater
resoluteness on the part of the king in certain matters, the
Holy See could on the whole feel very satisfied at his attitude.
The King of Poland, it was felt in August, 1577, at the Curia,
showed more and more clearly his Catholic sentiments. 3
Laureo too, who at first did not trust Stephen, changed his
opinions. 4 His last reports were so encouraging, 5 that the
new nuncio whom Gregory XIII. appointed in April, 1578,
in the person of Giovanni Andrea Caligari, 6 was charged to
express to the king the Pope s gratitude. 7
The King of Poland made an unequivocal profession of his
Catholic sentiments when he sent Paul Uchanski to Rome
1 See WIERBOWSKI, loc. cit. 546 seqq., 561 seqq. ; MAFFEI, I.,
283 seq. ; EICHHORN, II., 506 seq., 510 ; THEINER, II., 394 ;
Archiv fur Kirchenrecht, XXII. (1869), 89 seq. ; ZIVIER, I., 756;
ULANOWSKI in the Archiwum Kom-Prawniczej , I. (1895), 496-
506; BERGA, Skarga, 191.
2 See EICHHORN, II., 511 ; THEINER, II., 394 seq. For the
mitigations granted by the synod in view of special Polish con
ditions see BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist. Iv.
8 See *Odescalchi s report dated Rome, August 3, 1577 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). Cf. also St. Szant6s letter to Bathory dat.
Rome, December 8, 1577, in the Fontes rer. Transilv., I., 62 seq.
4 Cf. BORATYNSKI, loc. cit. xliv.
6 See WIERBOWSKI, Laureo, 685.
6 See the Brief of April 5, 1578, in THEINER, II., 394. The
instruction for Caligari dated April 23, 1578, first printed in the
Scelta di curiosita letl., 198, Bologna, 1883, 76 seq. The reports
of Caligari s nunciature can be seen, beautifully edited, in
BORATYNSKI ; I. A. Caligarii Epist. et Acta (Mon. Pol. Vatic.
IV.), Cracoviae, 1915.
7 See the Instruction of April 23, 1578, loc. cit. 5 seq.
BATHORY AND THE HOLY SEE. 395
in 1578 to make his public obedientia to the Pope. Gregory
XIII., in his reply to this act of homage, on April nth, 1579,
expressed his joy at the zeal which Bathory was showing for
the Catholic religion. The king gave a further proof of
this by appointing a permanent ambassador in Rom 3 .
This important office had been destined for Paul Uchanski,
but he lost it because, attracted by the beauties of Italy and
its marvels, he made the journey to Rome too slowly. The
Bishop of Plock, Peter Dunin Wolski, was appointed in his
stead. 1
The good relations between Bathory and the Holy See were
strengthened by the fact that the king supported, as far as
he could, the efforts of Gregory for a radical reform and
restoration. The Curia learned with satisfaction that he
only conferred the benefices in his gift upon good priests,
who made the Tridentine profession of faith, and observed
the duty of residence. The civil authorities as well in many
cases complied with the Pope s wish to place tried Catholics
in the more important civil offices. Bathory supported in
every way the reform of the regular and secular clergy, which
had been laid upon Caligari as his special duty ; as he travelled
about he often personally inquired into the state of the parishes,
and the king soon found others to imitate him. Many of the
higher officials publicly displayed their zeal for the Catholic
faith. 2 The University of Cracow also showed its loyalty
to the Pope when its governing body ordered in 1578 that no
one should receive academic degrees who had not made the
Tridentine profession of faith. 3
It was of yet greater importance that Bathory gave effectual
help to the Jesuits, not only by assisting them financially,
1 See MAFFEI, II., 42 ; Relacye Nuncyuszdw Apostolskich, I.,
302 seq. ; THEINER, III., 60 seq. For the " Obedientia " see
BORATYNSKI, loc. cit. 157 seq., 764 seq., and also *Odescalchi s
report of April n, 1579 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
a See MAFFEI, I., 339 seq., II., 139 seq., 185 seq. ; THEINER,
III., 63 seq. ; SPANNOCCI, Relatione, 274 seq.
3 See THEINER, III., 66.
396 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
but also in other ways. 1 In so doing he was complying with
the special wishes of the Pope, who saw in the support of the
Jesuits the best means for the restoration of religion in Poland. 2
The nuncio Commendone arid Hosius had already interested
themselves in the introduction of the Jesuits into Poland,
being convinced that the clergy were not sufficiently equipped
for dealing with the religious innovations, and that the
necessary reform of religious conditions could not be looked
for without help from outside. 3 Hosius put his wishes into
effect by summoning the Jesuits to Braunsberg at the end of
1564, where at the beginning of the following year they opened
a college, and soon extended their activities to Poland as well.
The first Jesuit house on Polish soil was opened at Pultusk
in 1566, which was followed by colleges at Wilna and Posen
in the years 1570-1571. 4
Besides the revival and development of Catholic life, the
Jesuits at first looked upon the struggle against Protestantism
as their principal task, bat they soon also turned their
attention to the conversion of the adherents of the Greek
schism. 5 Their method of procedure was similar to that
which they had adopted in other countries. They resisted
1 Cf. BoRATYrisKi, loo. cit. 80 seq., 255 seq., 470 seq. As early
as June, 1577, Bathory had written to the Jesuits saying that he
would support them " re potius quam verbis " ; see ROSTOWSKI,
55-
2 See *Odescalchi s report dated Rome, December 6, 1578
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and *Avviso di Roma of February
21, 1579, Urb. 1047, p. 57 (Vatican Library).
3 See BERGA, Skarga, 164.
4 For the spread of the Jesuits in Poland cf. SACCHINUS, IV.,
i, II., 42, III., 102, IV., 64 seq., 76 seq., V., 77, VII., 83 seq.,
121 ; EICHHORN, I., 179, II., 181, 473 ; ZALESKI, I., 171, 177,
185, 242 seq., 252 seq. Ibid. 235 seq. for Bathory s earlier
relations with the Jesuits. For the foundation of the college in
Posen see Zeitschrift der Hist. Ges. fiir die Prov. Posen, IV., 71
seq., 123 seq. For the college at Braunsberg cf. DUHR, I., 179
seq., 307 seq. and Zeitschrift des westpreussischen Gesch.-Vereins,
1899, i seq.
5 Cf. LIKOWSKI, Union von Brest, 66.
THE JESUITS IN POLAND. 397
the spread oi the new doctrines by constant preaching and
by learned writings ; by their excellent teaching they
won the respect and confidence of parents, and by
their exemplary conduct and sincere piety gave edifica
tion to both clergy and people. In some places they
attained results bordering on the miraculous, especially
when it is remembered that most oi the tathers were
not Poles ; at Gootyn all the inhabitants returned to the
Church. The consequence was that the p?stors attacked
and even threatened the new religious, and often the disciples
of St. Ignatius were called upon to show their readiness to
suffer severely for their faith. The Jesuits did not mix them
selves up in political questions, and during both the
interregnums observed a complete neutrality. The authorities
of the Order had prudently taken the circumstances into
account at the time of the election of Anjou by severing the
connexion with Vienna and setting up a separate Polish
province. 1
Wilna, the capital of Lithuania, was the most important
centre of the Jesuits in the Kingdom of Poland. Bthory
himself urged the conversion of the existing college there
into a university, 2 and Gregory XIII. carried out this design
on October 29th, 1579. 3 When B&thory had taken the city
of Polozk from the Russians he hastened to establish a house
of the Jesuits there (1580). 4 The new colleges of the Order
at Lublin and Kalisch also owed much to the generosity of
the king. Gregory XIII. favoured these establishments of
the Jesuits in every way, and repeatedly made them con-
1 Cf. BERGA, Skarga, 165, 188, 191. BRUCKNER also, in
Ullstein s Weltgeschichte (period 1650 to 1815) describes the
Polish Jesuits who opposed protestantism as " men filled with
devotion and self-sacrifice, full of strength and will and strength
of faith ; men of burning eloquence, theological learning and
ascetical life."
* See THEINER, III., 66.
See Bull. Rom., VIII., 560 seq. Cf. ZALESKI, I., i, 252 seq.
and BIELINSKI, Uniw. Wilna, Krak6w, 1899-1900.
4 See ZALESKI, I., i, 260 ; IV., i, 181 seq.
39$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
siderable gifts. 1 The great activity which they displayed
was of ever increasing importance for the religious future
of Poland. 2
As in other places, so in Poland the Jesuits devoted
themselves by preference to education and teaching. When
the king died they were in charge of two universities, those
of Wilna and Braunsberg, eight high schools, and one
preparatory school. In order to provide professors for these
establishments they had at first to make use of fathers
belonging to other nations ; side by side with Germans were
to be seen Italians, and in some places fathers from Spain,
Portugal and England. As the Poles specially esteemed
foreign professors, this was of great advantage to the Jesuits. 3
The painstaking and intelligent care which they devoted to
the work of education explains the great results obtained
by the Jesuits, to whom many who differed from them in
faith entrusted their sons. Even more than in Germany
it was the sons of the greatest families of Poland who attended
the educational establishments so admirably conducted by
the Jesuits. In 1581 the college at Pultusk contained 400
pupils, almost all of whom belonged to noble families. 4 The
Order also undertook the education of the lower classes ;
1 See Scelta di curios, lett., 198, Bologna, 1883, 88 seq. ; Zeitschr.
der His. Ges.fiir die Prov. Posen, IV. (1888), 73 ; REICHENBERGER,
I., 9 ; BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist. 241 seq.
2 Cf. LJUBOWITSCH, History of the Jesuits in the Lithuanian-
Russian Countries, Warsaw, 1888 (Russian), and, by the same
author, The Beginnings of the Catholic Reaction and the
Decline of the Reformation, Warsaw, 1890 (Russian) ; also
ZALESKI S great work ; Jesuici w Polsce, especially I., i, 363
se( l > 375 sec l- > IV., i, 44 seq., 59 seq., 66 seq., 109 seq., 116 seq.,
187 seq. An abbreviated edition, in one volume, appeared at
Cracow in 1908. See also ARGENTUS, Ad Sigismundum III.,
Ingolst., 1616 ; POLLARD, The Jesuits in Poland, Oxford, 1892,
26 seqq. ; SCHMURLO, Russia and Italy I., Petersburg, 1908,
123 (Russian).
3 See ZALESKI, I., i, 376 seq.
* See MAFFEI, II., 186.
THE JESUITS IN POLAND. 399
thus free Ruthenian elementary schools were opened at Wilna
and Pultusk in order to draw the Ruthenian children from the
schismatic schools ; there were others at Braunsberg for the
children of the German workmen. 1
The Jesuits were equally indefatigable in the care of souls.
Especially did they encourage, by their striking and practical
sermons, those who had remained faithful to the Church,
and won back to it many Calvinists and Lutherans who had
left it. They also devoted their care to the schismatic
Ruthenians, and Fathers Herbest and Nahai are specially
mentioned as the apostles of the territory inhabited by them. 2
The success of the Jesuits in converting the Protestant wives
of the chancellor Zamoiski and the Voivodes of Podolia caused
the greatest amazement. There were also numerous con
versions among the lower classes, especially among the
schismatic Ruthenians. During Lent, 1579, the king himself
witnessed the reception into the Church at Wilna of eighty-
two Protestants and forty Greek schismatics. Similar
conversions continued in the following year, as is shown by
the reports of the nuncio Caligari. Skarga received into the
Church no less than 134 Protestants and schismatics, and
about 100 Bernardines at Wilna. 3
How energetically the Jesuits devoted themselves to the
religious instruction of the people was shown not only by
their sermons, but also by the lectures which they delivered
to the educated classes in the larger cities, two or three times
a week, for the explanation of the more important passages
of Scripture ; in the smaller cities there were corresponding
lectures on the catechism. The fathers gave a practical turn
to the confraternities, bearing in mind the conditions of the
time, by exhorting the members to the practice of good works
and especially to the veneration of the Blessed Sacrament.
In this way, moreover, they at the same time refuted the
doctrines of the innovators. This was also done by their
1 See ZALESKI, 1., i, 377.
2 Ibid. 387.
3 See BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist., liv, 472, 533, 540, 623,
654, 775 seq., cf 781 seq., 823, 829, 836 seq.
4OO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
great literary activity and by their taking part in the public
religious disputations then in vogue, the most celebrated of
which were those held in the seventh decade of the century
at Wilna and Posen, and in the eighth at Lublin. 1
The king, whose confessor, Father Martin Laterna, was
court preacher, as was also for a long time the provost of
Cracow, Stanislaus Sokolowski, continued to favour the Jesuits
in every way, but the magnates too, among whom were many
Protestants, valued the fathers for their instructions and their
educational abilities.
The representatives of Protestantism were unable to
accomplish much in the face of all this. If became more and
more evident what feeble roots the new doctrines had taken,
in spite of their wide dissemination in Poland and Lithuania.
The little resistance offered by Polish Protestantism was
the result, not only of its want of depth, but also of the great
want of union among those who professed it. 2 The Lutherans
were violently opposed to the Calvinists and the Bohemian
Brethren, while all three were at one in persecuting the
Socinians and the Antitrinitarians to the death. By excluding
the latter sects from the confederation of Warsaw, the Protest
ants undermined the convention on which their existence
was based. It was not surprising that there was a steady
increase in the number of those who, wearied of the bitter
controversies, became disgusted with Protestantism and
withdrew from it, or returned once more to the ancient Church,
whose clear and coherent doctrinal system the Jesuit preachers
set forth so impressively. People of all classes flocked to
their sermons, partly out of curiosity and partly led by an
undefined desire, including thousands into whose minds the
Protestant preachers had instilled the most extraordinary
ideas of the Catholic faith. 3
The great change which was taking place in an ever
1 ZALESKI, 1., i, 378 seqq.
2 Cf. ALTMANN, Ober den Verfall der Reformation in Polen,
Erfurt, 1861, 4 seq. ; MALIANIAK, Andreas Fricius Modrevius,
Vienna, 1913, 34.
8 SPANNOCCHI, Relatione, 316.
PETER SKARGA. 40!
increasing degree may be clearly seen from the reports of
the Jesuits. " I have seen," relates one who had worked at
Cracow, " the greatest diversity of hearers : Lutherans,
Zwinglians, Calvinists and Anabaptists, who had all come to
hear a Jesuit preach. The number of those who wish to
embrace the faith is so great, that I cannot count them."
To this report, belonging to the first days of the sermons,
others can be added, from which it may be gathered that the
crowds of persons "who are starved in spirit " increased in an
extraordinary way ; the fathers had to remain in the church
from three in the morning until seven in the evening. 1
The names of the modest priests who laboured in this way
are only recorded in the annals of their own Order. But one
still lives on in the heart of every Polish Catholic with un-
diminished freshness ; this was Peter Skarga. What Canisius
was for threatened Germany, Skarga was for his own people. 2
Peter Skarga, who was born in 1536 at Grojec in Masovia,
had shown his wonderful oratorical powers in 1564 as theologian
at Lemburg. In 1569 he entered the Jesuit noviciate of
1 See the report of July 17, 1579, in LJUBOWITSCH, Zur Gesch.
der Jesuiten, Document i, and SCHIEMANN, II., 370.
2 Cf. the valuable monograph by RYCHCICKI (pseudonym for
Count Maurice Dzieduszycki) : Piotr Skarga i jego wiek (Peter
Skarga and his times), Cracow, 1850, 2nd edition, 1868-69, 2
vols., and BERGA, P. Skarga, Paris, 1916. See also GRABOWSKI,
P. Skarga na tlo katholickiej literatury religijnej w Polsce wieku,
XVI. 1 53 6 1 612 (P. Skarga in the Catholic religious literature
in Poland in the iGth Century), Cracow, 1913 ; DE BACKER-
SOMMERVOGEL, VII., 1264 seq. \ ROSENTRETER in the Freib.
Kirchenle*,., XI. \ 386 seqq. ; PH. SCHMIDT in the Katholik,
IV., ii (1913), 3 8 seq. ; KUMMERFELD in the Munich " Hochland "
XI., i, 486 seq. Cf. the special articles and literature referred
to in the Mitteil. des Osterr. Inst., 1915, 766, and in the Zeitschr.
fitr Kirchengesch., XXXIX., 185. Berga s monograph is one
of the best works on Polish history in the i6th century. No
other work gives such a lucid description of the conditions of the
Catholic Church from the time when the new doctrines first
began to make their influence felt ; and no other work gives
a clearer presentation of those new doctrines themselves.
VOL. XX. 26
402 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
S. Andrea in Quirinale in Rome where, six months before,
his fellow-countryman, Stanislaus Kostka, had given back his
pure soul to God, 1 In 1571 Skarga was sent to Poland by
his General, Francis Borgia. There he laboured first at Pultusk
and after 1573 at Wilna, and in the following year he became
vice-rector of the college there,
Skarga found the Catholics in a considerable minority in
Lithuania ; they were almost lost in comparison with the
great numbers of the Calvinists, Antitrinitarians and Greek
schismatics. Thenceforward all his energies and powers were
directed to winning over the latter by instructing them in the
Catholic faith ; " We have no need," he said, " to go and be
missionaries in India ; the Lithuanians and the peoples of the
north are our Indies." 2 With his extraordinary oratorical
powers, his words were very efficacious, especially his pathetic
perorations. 3 He knew how to bring out with appropriate
imagery the marvellous unity of the Church : she was the
one secure vessel which took men to heaven : " therefore,"
he said, " do not leap into a new and untried boat, where
there is no capable helmsman, and where there is danger of
disputes, disunion and shipwreck."
Like Canisius, Skaga was averse to any kind of violence.
" The heretics," he said, " are not to be won over by force
of arms, but by the example of virtue and by love. It is true
that the dissentients of our Poland, which was Catholic for
centuries, must be overcome, but not with the dagger and the
sword, but by a virtuous life, by learning, by sermons and
friendly treatment." When a Calvinist had actually mal
treated Skarga, and threatened him with death, and was to
1 On August 15, 1568. The saint was only eighteen years old
at the time of his death, and every year hundreds of pilgrims
flock to his tomb. His biographies are collected in the Freib.
Kirchenlex., XI. 2 , 729. For particulars of Saint Stanislaus
Kostka s cell, now converted into a chapel with a statue of the
Saint by Le Gros in the noviciate house at S. Andrea r.l Quirinale,
see SEB. BRUNNER, Italien, II., 99.
2 See BERGA, Skarga, 184-5.
3 Cf. ibid. 268-373.
PETER SKARGA. 403
be punished by having his hand cut off, Skarga intervened
efficaciously on his behalf, pointing out that the unhappy man
had acted under the influence of drunkenness. This
magnanimity won for the Jesuits general esteem, and soon
led to plentiful results. Many, among them the four sons
of Prince Nicholas Radziwill, found their way back once
more to the Church. 1
Skarga was not only a fascinating preacher, but also a
writer of distinction. He wrote, both in Latin and in Polish,
a long series of works which are still held in esteem in Poland. 2
In 1576 he published an eloquent defence of the Holy Eucharist
against the Calvinists, and in the following year there appeared
his great work on the unity of the Church, which later on
was of decisive importance for the reunion of the Ruthenian
schismatics. To these was added in 1579 a Lives of the Saints
written in Polish, which was spread in many editions,
throughout the country. 3
Skarga was held in high esteem, not only by the Papal
nuncios, 4 but also by Bathory. During his long stay at Wilna,
from March to June, 1579, the king often conversed with the
indefatigable father who, in 1580, was placed as rector at
the head of the Jesuit college founded by Bathory at Polozk
in White Russia. After the conquest of Livonia, Bathory
made use of the Jesuits Martin Laterna and Skarga for the
restoration of the Catholic Church which he at once
inaugurated in the conquered territory. 5 At Riga, where
the Catholic worship which had been suppressed was again
1 C/. ROSTOWSKI, 54 ; BERGA, Skarga, 187. Radziwill s
eldest son, Nicholas Christopher, founded a colony of Jesuits
at Nieswiez in 1584 ; see ZALESKI, IV., i, 426 seq. Stanislaus
Radziwill also displayed great zeal for the Catholic Cause ; see
MAFFFI, II., 185 seq. Cf. RAESS, Konvertiten, II., 571 seq.
1 See ST. VON SMOLKA, Die Reussische Welt, Vienna, 1916,
-255, who calls Skarga the Polish Bossuet.
8 Cf. BERGA S brilliant critical analysis of these works in Skarga
192 seq., 195 seq., 200 seq.
4 Cf. THEINER, Mon. Pol., II., 736.
5 Cf. THEINER, III., 336 seq. ; BERGA, Skarga, 200, 202 seq.
404 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
introduced, he gave Skarga the convent and church of St.
James in order that he might establish there a college of the
Society of Jesus, which, however, could take no root in the
wholly Protestant city. 1 Bathory chose as regent of Livonia
George Radziwill, whom Skarga had brought back to the
Church, and who was elected Bishop of Wilna in 1579. The
difficult work of Catholic restoration in Livonia, which had
become almost entirely a prey to Lutheranism, and in which
the Jesuit Antonio Posse vino 2 also took part, was consolidated
by the formation of a separate diocese with its see in the city
of Wenderi, which was erected by Gregory XIII. in 1582
at the request of Bathory. 3
In 1584 Skarga was chosen by his superiors as head of the
Jesuit house of St. Barbara in the ancient coronation city of
Cracow. 4 A better place could hardly have been found for
his apostolic zeal, for Calvinist and Antitrinitarian doctrines
had become widespread among the nobility of Cracow, while
the greater number of the citizens, consisting of German
immigrants, were Lutherans.
Here too Skarga, labouring indefatigably, both in the
confessional and the pulpit, won many Protestants to the
Church. He especially devoted his care to the sick, the poor
and the prisoners. Himself sprung from the people, he
fearlessly stood up for the rights of the weak against the
aristocracy, in whose preponderant power he saw a grave
1 Cf. Bull. Rom., VIII., 444 seq. ; BERGA, Skarga, 204.
2 Cf. THEINER, III., 340 and BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist.,
841 seq. Posse vino composed a memorandum, intended for
Gregory XIII., which dealt with the means to be adopted for
restoring the Catholic Faith : Livoniae commentarius Gregorio
XIII. scriptus. Ace. eiusdem litt. ad episcopum Vendensem etc.,
ed. Napierski, Rigae, 1852. Cf. CIAMPI, I., 260 seq. ;
WINKELMANN, Bibl. hist. Livoniae, 134.
3 See THEINER, III., 340 seq., 439 seq.
4 See Historic! diarii domus profess. S. J. ad S. Barbaram
Cracoviae 1579 ad 1597 (Script, rer. Pol., VII.), Cracoviae, 1881,
63. Posse vino had given the first impulse to the settlement of
the Jesuits in Cracow ; see WIERZBOWSKI, Laureo, 714.
THE POLISH BISHOPS. 405
danger for his country. 1 In order to succour the need of
the shamefaced poor he set up at Cracow the " Confraternity
of Mercy." By means of a system of pledges, after the manner
of the Monti di Pieta in Italy, which advanced small sums
without interest, he saved many of the working classes, and
by his " Union of St. Nicholas," on the model of the institute
of Cardinal Turrecremata in Rome, for the rescue of girls
without dowries, he became the saviour of endangered
innocence. The " Confraternity of St. Lazarus " which he
established, undertook the care of the sick and homeless poor.
Based as they were upon the foundations of religion, the
greater number of Skarga s social institutes have continued
their existence down to the present day. 2
Of the greatest importance for the improvement of the
religious state of Poland was the fact that a number of the
bishops turned their attention with great energy to the work
of reform. After the departure of Cardinal Hosius for Rome,
Martin Cromer, following in his footsteps, laboured at Ermland,
while in 1574 Peter Kostka, who became the reformer of his
diocese, was appointed Bishop of Kulm. 3 Kamieniec
received an excellent bishop in 1577, in the eloquent Martin
Bialobrzeski, 4 Wilna in 1579, in George Radziwill, 5 Lemberg
in 1582, in John Demetrius Solikowski, 6 and Chelm in Adam
Pilchowski, 7 who devoted all their energies to the carrying
out of the decrees of Trent, to the moral transformation of
clergy and people, and to inspiring them with a true spirit
1 Cf. PACZKOWSKI in the Zeitschrift fur osteurop. Gesch., II.,
541 seq.
2 See Historici diarii, 66 seq., 85 ; PH. SCHMIDT, loc. cit. 40 ;
SOMMERVOGEL, VII., 1273 ; BERGA, Skarga, 207 seq., 209 seq.
3 Cf. EICHHORN, M. Cromer, Braunsberg, 1868 ; Freib.
Kirchenlex., III.*, 1197 seq., 1226.
4 Cf. LUDTKE in the Freib. Kirchenlex., II. 2 , 581 seq.
6 See MAFFEI, II., 185. Cf. the praise that Bolognetti gives to
the Bishop of Wilna in his report of December 30, 1583, in the
Scelta di curios, lett., 198 (1883), 153 seq.
6 Cf. THEINER, III., 343 ; SPANNOCCHI, 342.
7 See THEINER, III., 344.
406 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of religion. The progress of the movement towards Catholic
restoration was much advanced when, in April, 1581, the
distinguished Bishop of Leslau, Stanislaus Karnkowski,
who was greatly esteemed 1 by Gregory XIII., took possession
of the primatial see in succession to the weak Uchanski.
It was he who established a seminary at Gnesen, and
another at Kalisch, which he placed under the direction of
the Jesuits. Karnkowski exercised a great influence for
good by holding many synods, and by the publication of
religious works. His countrymen also owed to him a Polish
translation of the Sacred Scriptures, which he caused to be
made by the Jesuit, James Wujek. 2
The nuncio Caligari was also filled with great zeal for the
renewal of religious life in Poland, but the great expectations
which were entertained at his arrival were not altogether
fulfilled. There is no doubt that during his nunciature
Caligari loyally sought to promote Catholic interests wherever
he could, to carry out the reform decrees of Trent, especially
for the reform of the regular clergy, and everywhere to resist
the many abuses which in various forms were closely connected
with the state of affairs in Poland. In so doing he met with
sympathy and support from King Stephen, and ready assist
ance from the Jesuits. But very often the nuncio was lacking
in the necessary prudence. His extraordinary zeal often
led him into forming a false opinion of the people he had to
deal with. Himself of a naturally quick temperament, he
was too ready to believe in rumours, and allowed himself
to be swayed by the feelings of the moment, which were
inevitably false. Austere and stern by nature, Caligari, and
1 Cf. the Brief of March 15, 1581, in BORATY^SKI, Caligarii
Epist. 585 seq.
2 See THEINER, III., 344 seq. , LIKOWSKI in the Freib.
Kirchenlex., V. 2 , 762; Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, XXXIX.
185. The Catholic restoration in the diocese of Leslau, begun by
Karnkowski, was continued by his successor, Hieronymus
Rozdrazewski since 1582 ; see KUJOT, Visitationes archidia-
conatus Posnaniae H. Rozrazewski Wladislav. episcopo facate,
Thorn, 1897-99.
THE NEW NUNCIO BOLOGNETTI. 407
this was especially fatal, was unable to get upon good terms
with the Polish episcopate. His shortcomings and mistakes
did not escape the notice of the Cardinal Secretary of State,
Galli, and he repeatedly advised the nuncio to act with greater
caution. 1 In spite of this the recall of Caligari did not take
place until April ist, 15-81. 2 His successor was Alberto
Bolognetti,. 3 who familiarized himself with his new sphere
of action extraordinarily quickly, although many of the
conditions were quite new to him. It was especially important
that Bolognetti, immediately after he had entered upon his
nunciature, entered upon close relations with the mbre
influential bishops. First of all he had a quite secret interview
with Karnkowski, the distinguished primate of Gnesen, at
the castle of Lowicz. The two men agreed upon a common
course of action and formed a lasting friendship. 4 As well
as Karnkowski, Bolognetti was able to count upon the Bishops
of Cracow, Wilna, Lemberg, Ermland and Kulm. But in
the case of many of the other bishops there were sixteen
1 C/. BoRATYrisKi, Caligarn Epist., liii. seq., lvi.-lx., Ixiii.-lxv.
a See ibid, xxxii., Ixv., 599 seq., 642 seq., 645 seq., 709 seq.
3 The *Correspondence of Bolognetti in the Papal Secret
Archives, from which THEINER published a few documents
(Ann. III.), was thoroughly investigated by the Cracow Academy
together with relevant documents in the library of the Nonantola
Abbey at Modena and in the codex of the Capitular library at
Toledo; see Script, rer. Pol., XII., 69 seq. ; Anz. der Krakauer
Akademie, 1894, 32 and BORATYI&SKI in the Abhandlungen der
phil.-hist. Kl. der Krakauer Akad., 2nd Series, vol. 24 (1907),
53 seq. Dr. C. Hanke intends publishing them. O. SPANNOCCHI S
Relatione delle cose di Polonia has been utilized by RANKE
(Papste (8), II., 241 seq., III., 80* seq.), by F. CALORI CESIS in
the rare publication, II card. A. Bolognetti e la sua mmziatura
di Polonia, Bologna, 1863, and by C, MORAWSKI (Andrzej Patrycy
Nidecki, Krakow, 1892). It has been published in its entirety
by KORZENIOWSKI, Anal. Romana, 233-57. Some extracts from
the * Instruction for Bolognetti (Cod. Barb., Vatican Library)
in CIAMPI, I., 245 seq. Reports from him in the Scelta di curios,
lett., 198 (1883), 116 seq., 126 seqq., 137 set]., 153 seq., 179 seq.
4 See SPANNOCCHI, Relatione, 323.
408 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dioceses in Poland altogether the nuncio found, to his sorrow,
nothing but inertness and want of firmness. 1 He nevertheless
tried in every way to inspire these prelates with new zeal,
to exhort them to common action and a vigorous defence
of Catholic interests at the Diet, and to the reform of
their clergy. He especially recommended to them a
careful visitation of their dioceses, the observance of
their duty of residence, the wearing of ecclesiastical dress,
and greater care for divine worship. Frequently Bolognetti
himself took in hand the reform of the clergy, in doing which
he knew very well how to make use of severity or gentleness
according to circumstances. When, at his first visit to
Warsaw, he observed that the Holy Viaticum was taken to
the sick without any ceremony, and that no one in the streets
knelt before the Eucharistic God, he at once had this altered.
With the help of Queen Anna he founded a Confraternity of
the Blessed Sacrament on the Roman model, the members
of which were to accompany the Blessed Sacrament with
canopy and lighted torches. 2
Bolognetti preached by his own example that Catholic reform
which he sought to promote everywhere. The fasts, which
were especially strict in Poland, were nowhere so carefully
observed as in the house of the nuncio. When Bolognetti
was at Warsaw, he always took part with all his household,
even in the most severe weather, at the Forty Hours Prayer,
and at the High Mass on every Sunday and feast day. He
strictly insisted that those about him should lead exemplary
lives ; he would receive no presents, and granted all favours
gratuitously. 3
The nuncio was in no less close relations with the royal
court than with the higher clergy. When Bathory was in
the field, he kept up a close correspondence with him, and
at other times as far as possible he kept by the side of the
king. As the latter was very often travelling about, Bolognetti
was always ready to go with him. He shrank from no trouble
1 See ibid. 267, 271.
2 Ibid. 304 seq., 309, 311 seq., 327 seq.
3 Ibid. 279, 312.
THE NUNCIO AND THE KING. 409
in order thus to follow the court. As an Italian, and a man
of very indifferent health, he suffered a great deal from the
unaccustomed food, from his wretched lodgings in small
rooms, overheated and filled with steam, and from the trials
of the northern climate ; but though the cold was intense
during the long winter, and the heat overpowering during
the three months of summer, he accompanied the king every
where throughout the kingdom, from Cracow to Warsaw,
and from Wilna to Lublin. 1
Bolognetti attached a special value to thus being in close
touch with the king, because in Poland, of all the ambassadors,
only the nuncio had the right to speak to the sovereign without
the presence of a senator. Bolognetti made good use of this
privilege ; whenever Catholic interests were at stake, he
personally brought them to the notice of the king. He
eloquently pointed out the necessity for the restoration of
the tithes, the exclusion of all Protestants from the court,
and the prohibition of Protestant worship in the cities
dependent upon the king, as the Protestant nobles would not
allow Catholic worship in their own territories. If Bolognetti
was not able to obtain definite success in all these matters,
he did not allow himself to be discouraged, as the king always
did what he could, very often carried out his suggestions
completely, and in other cases did so partially. For example,
B&thory could not completely exclude all Protestants from
his court, but for the future he took no suspect persons into
his service, while those who still held any office or dignity
were made sensible of the loss of his favour. The English
merchants had asked to be allowed the free exercise of their
religion ; the negotiations as to this, which were already far
advanced, were broken off in consequence of the protests
made by Bolognetti to the king. 2
How well able Bolognetti was to manage the king was seen
1 Ibid. 329 seq.
2 Ibid. 293 seq., 295, 296 ; cf. 255 for the question of tithes
which occupied Bolognetti up till 1585. See also R. LUDWIG,
Quae Bolognettus card. Papae nuncius apost. in Polonia ab a.
1582 usque ad a. 1585 perfecerit, Vratislaviae, 1864.
4io HISTORY OF TPIE POPES.
in the controversy which occurred over the nomination of a
quite unworthy man to the diocese of Premysl, to whom
the Pope had had to refuse confirmation. After the con
troversy had been ended by the death of the candidate,
Bolognetti obtained from the king the promise to choose
for the bishoprics in future only priests of tried Catholic
sentiments. In fact, during the whole of the nunciature of
Bolognetti no important appointment was made after this
without his advice being first sought. 1 This fact alone
afforded a safe basis for the carrying out of the reform decrees
of Trent, to which Bolognetti attached such importance.
He also tried indefatigably to win back the churches which
had been withdrawn from Catholic worship, to see that
districts that were in danger were provided with pastors,
and to strengthen in their faith others, such as Masovia,
which had as far as possible been kept free from the religious
innovations. 2 He took a conspicuous part in the difficult
work of Catholic restoration in Livonia. 3
In his efforts to restore the Papal authority, Bolognetti
had the great happiness of seeing the king, at his request,
order the introduction of the Gregorian calendar throughout
the kingdom. How tenaciously the nuncio defended the
interests of the Church was shown by the fight which he
carried on for many years for the removal of the apostate
Nicholas Pac, Bishop of Kiew. Although the latter had
many powerful supporters, Bolognetti did not rest until he
had resigned his bishopric, and a worthy pastor had been
appointed in his place. 4
1 See SPANNOCCHI, 298 seq.
2 SPANNOCCHI, 290 seq., 316.
3 Ibid. 319 seq. Cf. MAFFEI, II., 186 ; SPANNOCCHI, 327;
THEINER, III., 439 seq. ; R. LUDWIG, loc. cit. 21 seq. ,
TURGENEVIUS, Monum., I., 396 seq. (The visitation journey
of 1584 shows the attachment of the common people to the
old Church). For the remnant of Catholicism which had main
tained itself in Livonia, cf. SERAPHIM, I., 208 seq.
* See SPANNOCCHI, 282, 301 seq. The movement against the
new calendar was easily suppressed in Dorpat, though in Riga
serious disturbances took place in 1585 ; see KRASINSKI, 186.
CARDINAL ANDREW BATHORY. 4!!
It is not surprising that Bolognetti everywhere favoured
the Jesuits as " the principal defenders of Catholic truth."
It was he who suggested to the king the foundation of a house
of the Order at Cracow. 1 It is clear from the important
correspondence of Bolognetti, and from the reports of his
secretary, Orazio Spannocchi, how important a part was
played by this representative of the Pope in the renewal
of religion in Poland. They also bring out clearly how great
were the difficulties which had to be overcome in Poland ;
despite the unwearied efforts of part of the episcopate and
the Jesuits, supported by the king, there yet remained a very
great deal to be done, before Poland could once again become
a Catholic country.
Bolognetti had made all the preparations for an extensive
visitation, in which he was to be accompanied by his friend,
Bishop Radziwill of Wilna, a man of like sentiments with
himself, when the news came that the Pope had, on December
I3th, 1583, rewarded both these distinguished prelates by
conferring on them the purple. 2 In the following year there
followed another cardinalitial appointment which was a
signal mark of honour for Poland ; the young nephew of the
king, Andrew Bathory, was summoned to the Sacred College
on July 4th, 1584.3
Andrew Bathory had been carefully educated, at the advice
of his uncle, by the Jesuits at Pultask, and as he had shown
an inclination for the ecclesiastical life, had been sent to
Rome. He was there charged to make the obedientia in the
name of the King of Poland for the province of Livonia, which
had recently been conquered. This ceremony took place on
December 5th, 1583. When the new Cardinal left Rome
1 See SPANNOCCHI, 313.
8 Ibid. 317; CIACONIUS, IV., 95-99. Bolognetti died, at the
early age of 47, on May 9, 1585, at Villach while on his return
journey to Rome ; see CALORI CESIS, loc. cit., 5.
3 See *Odescalchi s report dat. Rome, July 7, 1584. In a
"memorandum of Juli 14, 1584, Odescalchi praises the new
Cardinal as a cultured and distinguished man. (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 105 seq. ; KOLBERG, 14 seq.
412 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on July 26th, 1584, he had to go to Transylvania in order to
safeguard Catholic interests on account of the tender years
of his nephew, Sigismund B&thory, who had been appointed
Voivode of that territory in 1581. l
In Transylvania, which had become the arena of the most
various Protestant sects, the Catholics, who had been
despoiled of their Church property, found themselves in a
difficult position. The most striking feature was the great
want of priests. In order to provide these, the King of
Poland had decided in 1579, together with his brother,
Christopher, who had been elected Voivode in 1576, to summon
the Jesuits, who made foundations at Klausenburg and
Weissenburg. As they had had to do in the missions beyond
the seas, the fathers, who often had to begin from the very
foundations in this country which from the religious point
of view was entirely neglected, were indefatigable in their
care of souls and in giving instruction. 2 On account of the
divisions among the innovators it was not difficult for them
to win back many of them to the ancient Church. 3 But the
1 See THEINER, III., 444 seq. ; KOLBERG, 3 seq., 14, 20,
2 See A. VERESS excellent publication : Epistolae et Acta
lesuitarum Transilvaniae temporibus principum Bathory (Fontes
rerum transilvaniae, I. and II.), Vol. I. : 1571-83, II. : 1575-88,
Budapest, 1911, 1913. See also Vol. III. of the Fontes : A.
Possevini Transilvania (1584), ed. A. VERESS, Budapest, 1913.
Cf. TACCHI VENTURI, in the Civ. catt., 1912, IV., 477 seq. ; 1914,
III., 73 seq. The publication of these documents refutes the
assertion made, without any evidence to support it, by TEUTSCH
who says : " The principles taught by the Jesuits were bound to
cause the destruction of all society and the killing of all morality "
(Geschichte der Siebenbiirgener Sachsen fur das sachsische Volk,
II., 2 , Leipzig, 1874, 30). Abuse of the Jesuits (historically
quite useless) is also contained in the article by HOCHSMANN :
Zur Geschichte der Gegenreformation in Ungarn und Sieben-
biirgen, in the Archiv fuv siebenburg, Landeskunde, N. F. XXVI.,
Hermannstadt, 1895, 522 seq.
3 Cf. the *letter of Stephanus Arator Pannoniae to Sirleto
dat. Claudiopoli September 21, 1581, in which it says : " Et
sane (Deo nostros conatus promovente) labor noster in hoc
THE JESUITS IN TRANSYLVANIA. 413
hostility they met with increased in consequence. During
the discussion in the Diet concerning the recognition of
Christopher s son as his successor, in May, 1581, the States
decreed that the Jesuits must be restricted to the above-
mentioned cities, and that Catholic preachers in general
were only to be sent to places where the majority of the
inhabitants were Catholics.
In spite of these limitations, the Jesuits were able to
accomplish a far-reaching work, as Bathory, who after the
death of his brother held the government of Transylvania
in his hands during the minority of his son Sigismund,
befriended them. With his support and that of the Pope,
Antonio Possevino, who in 1583 visited Transylvania and
Hungary, founded, in connexion with the college there, an
educational establishment at Klausenburg, which soon
numbered 250 pupils, and attained so great a reputation
that even many Protestant parents sent their sons there. 1
In addition to the work of this " Papal and royal seminary,"
the Jesuits of Transylvania, who were repeatedly assisted
by Gregory XIII., 2 devoted themselves to the pastoral care
regno non fuit prorsus inutilis, nam hoc biennio amplius 400
ex hereticis diversarum sectarum Ecclesiae catholicae sunt
reconciliati." Vatic. 6180, p. 64 (Vatican Library).
1 See VERESS, Fontes rer. Transilv., I., 253 seq., II., 87 seq.,
III., 145 ; cf. THEINER, III., 446 seq. For Szant6 see FRAKN6i,
Egy magyar jezsuita a XVI. szazadban. Szant6 Istvan elese
(A Hungarian Jesuit in the i6th century. Life of St. Arator),
Budapest, 1887. Possevino s relations with Hungary were
exhaustively dealt with by FRAKN6i ; Possevino nagyvaradi
latogatasa 1583 ban (Possevino s visit to Grosswardein 1583),
Nagyvarad, 1901, and in the valuable study ; Egy Jezsuita-
Diplomata hazankban (a Jesuit diplomatist in our fatherland),
Budapest 1902. Suggestions of Possevino in 1584 with regard
to Hungary in the Fontes rer. Transilv., III., 209. See also
FRAKN6I, Magyarorszag egyhazi es politikai osszekottetesei
a romai szentszekkel (Ecclesiastical and political relations of
Hungary to the Holy See), III., Budapest, 1903, 167 seq.
2 See VERESS, Fontes, I., 211 seq., 297 seq., 303 seq.
414 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the Catholics besides combatting the innovators. At
Klausenburg their activities were especially directed against
the " Arians " (Unitarians), who did not have their children
baptized, and in other parts of the great principality against
the Calvinists.
In all this it was a great advantage to the Jesuits that they
had many superiors who were distinguished for their learning
and apostolic activity, such as the rector of Klausenburg,
Ferrante Capece, 1 and at Weissenburg, the tutor of the young
Sigismund Bathory, Peter John Leleszi, who displayed an
incomparable zeal. One of the best of these, the Hungarian,
Stephen Szanto (Arator), worked at Grosswardein, where
his blameless life convinced many of the innovators of the
falsity of their ideas of Catholic priests. Szanto also engaged
in disputations for several weeks with the Calvinists, who
were unable to reply to him. The Jesuits also laboured with
great success among the Magyars of Eastern Transylvania,
and on the borders of Turkey at Lugos and Karansebes.
The fame of their qualities as priests as well as of their learning
steadily increased. At the request of Bathory, in the autumn
of 1585, their educational establishment of Klausenburg was
transformed into a kind of university. 2
The great services of Bathory for the spread of the Catholic
faith as well as for the furtherance of the Catholic restoration
were eulogized by Charies Borromeo himself in many of his
letters. 3 The Pope gave them a solemn recognition by sending
him the blessed hat and sword in 1579. 4 The king was always
forming new projects for the consolidation of the Catholic
restoration in his kingdom. Thus he took much trouble to
1 For F. Capece, who died in 1586 while ministering to the
plague-stricken, cf. TACCHI VENTURI, Opere stor. cli M. Ricci,
II., 398 seq. and VOLPE, Antonio Capece martire nel Giappone,
Napoli, 1912, 12 seq.
z See VERESS, Fontes, II., vi.
3 See Scelta di curios, lett., 198 (1883), 83 seq., 93, 99 seq.
4 See THEINER, III., 74 ; BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist., 340,
364, 435. The sheath of the sword is now in the Czartoryski
Museum at Cracow.
SEMINARIES IN POLAND. 415
secure as court preacher Robert Bellarmine, 1 who had already
made himself a great name by his theological lectures at the
Roman College, as well as for the foundation in the Eternal
City of a Polish College, already suggested as necessary by
Caligari, which, like the Germanicum itself, was to be a training
ground for learned and virtuous priests. 2 The same purpose
was served by the pontifical seminaries established at
Braunsberg and Olmiitz by the Jesuit Possevino, to which
Gregory XIII. gave a charter in 1578. In these the youth,
not only of Livonia, Lithania, Pomerania, Prussia, Hungary
and Russia, but also of Sweden, Gothland, Norway and
Denmark " were to be trained as chosen labourers in the
great vineyard of the Lord, and for the restoration of the
ancient faith and piety." 3 Braunsberg, the only large city
which had remained loyal to the Catholic faith, seemed to be
especially well adapted to such an establishment, since,
situated as it was in the neighbourhood of the flourishing
commercial cities of Dantzig and Konigsberg, it was in constant
and easy communication with the neighbouring Sweden,
which was not very different in climate and manner of life ;
there, too, many distinguished families from Scandinavia
and Finland had settled, whose sons could be led by the
foundation of a house there, to attend the school of Braunsberg,
and thus be led together with their neighbours to the knowledge
of Catholic doctrines. Just as the Jesuits of Wilna extended
their activities to .Samogitia, and those of Riga and Dorpat
1 See BORATYNSKI, loc. cit. 54.
2 See SPANNOCCHI, Relations, 294 ; MAFFEI, I., 340. For the
Polish national church of S. Stanislao dei Polacchi, founded
in Rome by Cardinal Hosius in 1575, together with the adjoining
hospice (cf. TH. TRETERUS, Theatrum virtutum St. card. Hosii,
Braunsbergae, 1879, 103 seq.) see (in addition to KOLBERG,
Beitrage zur Gesch. des Kard. A. Bathory, Braunsberg, 1910,
25) BORATYISTSKI in the Anz. der Krakauer Akad., 1911. The
church, which contains several Polish monuments, belonged to
the Russian Government up to 1917 ; it has now been handed
back to the newly-formed Polish State.
3 See THEINER, Schweden, I., 529 seq., II., 153 seq.
416 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
throughout Livonia, so did those of Braunsberg seek to
develop their work in Prussia, Denmark and Sweden. 1
1 See THEINER, Schweden, I., 533 seq., II., 322 seq. ; HIPLER,
Literaturgesch. des Bistums Ermland (Mon. hist. Warm. IV.),
Braunsberg, 1873, 166 seq. ; EHRENBERG, Ostpreussen, xvii. ;
BENRATH in the Zeitschrift des Westpreuss. Gesch.-Vereins, XL.
(1899) ; ZALESKI, I., 1,9 seq., 387 ; L. DAAE in the Hist. Tidskrift,
III., Kristiania, 1895, 306 seq.
CHAPTER X.
THE MISSIONS TO SWEDEN AND RUSSIA.
THE training of missionaries for Protestant Sweden was
connected with the hope which had come into being in the
time of Gregory XIII., that that kingdom too might be won
back to Catholicism. This hope was based upon the attitude
of John III., who had come to the throne in 1568. John,
who, after the death of his father, Gustavus Wasa, had
succeeded to the Duchy of Finland, had married in 1562
Catherine Jagellon, the sister of Sigismund Augustus of
Poland. In her marriage contract she had been guaranteed
the free exercise of her religion, and she was allowed to take
two Catholic priests with her to her court. 1 This Catholic
princess, who had thus come into a Protestant kingdom,
acted as a faithful wife in the midst of the misfortunes that
befell her husband.
The hopes of attaining to the throne of Poland which were
opened out to John by his marriage, were opposed by his
half-brother, King Eric XIV., with increasing bitterness.
The consequence was that the two brothers soon found
themselves violently opposed to each other. John, who
had been condemned to death by the Swedish States for high
treason, was forced to surrender on August i3th, 1563, alter
two months siege. Eric shut him up in the castle of
Gripsholm on the lonely lake of Malar. He tried in vain to
separate his wife from John, but the Polish princess preferred
to share the imprisonment of her husband. When he was
at last set free in 1567, even then John s life was not safe,
1 See BIAUDET, Le St. Siege, I., 93 seq., who shows that
Catherine s two court chaplains were not Jesuits in disguise as
has often been asserted.
VOL. XX.
417 27
418 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
for the hereditary madness of the House of Wasa again showed
itself in Eric in 1568. When the king married the woman
who had hitherto been his mistress, the daughter of a corporal,
John and his younger brother Charles put themselves at the
head of the malcontent nobles. Eric was forced to abdicate,
and was imprisoned in the same castle of Gripsholm, where
his brother had once been confined.
On account of his hopes of the throne of Poland, and his
marriage to a zealous Catholic, John III. could not take up a
strong anti-Catholic attitude, as his predecessors had done.
He was also averse to any such thing because, during the
four years of his imprisonment, he had discovered from his
wife and from his reading of theological books, that the
Catholic religion was not the mixture of superstition and
error which his tutors had made it out to be. Such a realiza
tion, however, was very far from implying his return to the
ancient Church, all the more so as the theological knowledge
which John had acquired was by no means profound. 1
Political considerations and material interests had exercised
a decisive influence in the separation of Sweden from the
ancient Church. 2 It was the same considerations which
now led to a rapprochement between John III. and Rome.
A first attempt in this direction in the time of Pius V. had
1 This has often been exaggerated ; see, in contradiction to
this BIAUDET, I., no seq., 433. Cf. also GEIJER, II., 215.
RANKE S view (Papste, II., 8 54), that John III. busied himself
privately with ecclesiastical problems is quite false. The king
was first and foremost a politician ; in religious questions he was
only half educated and therefore obstinate.
2 " Gustaf ler Vasa, le grand-pere du heros de la guerre de
Trente ans, avait impose a la Suede la reforme pour des raisons
essentiellement politiques et economiques. Roi de par revolution
populaire, aspirant a 1 autocratie hereditaire, il voulut ecraser le
clerge catholique qui, par sa forte organisation hierarchique et
son ascendant sur les masses, genait ses ambitions dynastiques.
Maitre d un pays ruine il vit dans le pillage des biens de 1 figlise
1 unique moyen de faire face aux necessites du moment et d aflfermir
sa propre position." BIAUDET, I., ii.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH ROME. 419
failed. 1 When Sigismund Augustus died in 1572 the succession
to the throne of Poland, as well as the complicated question
of the immense inheritance of Catherine, John s wife she
was the niece of Gian Galeazzo Sforza and of Isabella of
Aragon 2 which consisted of possessions in Naples, became
matters of burning interest. With regard to both these
matters, the attitude of the Holy See was of the greatest
importance. In order to open negotiations, Paolo Ferrari,
a servant of Queen Catherine, was sent to Rome in November,
1572. He carried letters from Catherine to Gregory XIII.
and Cardinal Hosius, asking for a Papal absolution for having
received communion under both kinds, and at the same time
asking that it might be allowed for the future to herself and
the members of the court. The letter to Hosius concluded
by asking for prayers that John might turn to the ancient
Church, from which he was not far removed. 3 Gregory
granted the absolution asked for, in a brief of March 8th,
I 573> 4 but refused the request for the chalice through Hosius. 5
These letters had already been dispatched when the nuncio
in Poland reported that the Swedish ambassador, Andrew
Lorichs, had asked for his mediation in the same matter.
Almost at once Commendone wrote that at the electoral
Diet of Poland the Swedish ambassador had held out hopes
to the nuncio Vincenzo Portico that, if the Holy See should
support the election of John III. as King of Poland, he would
return to the Catholic Church. Naturally, neither the Pope
nor the Secretary of State, Tolomeo Galli, allowed themselves
l Sce Vol. XVIII. of this work, p. 311, n. 2.
2 BIAUDET deals very thoroughly with the question of the
inheritance of Bona Sforza (I., 512 seq.).
3 See BIAUDET, I., 186 seq., Notes et Documents, 27.
4 See THEINER, I., 163.
5 See Hosn Opera, II., 337. C/. BIAUDET, I., 191, for the
postscript, added by Hosius on his own authority, in which he
holds out hopes of a dispensation with regard to the chalice.
In a *report to Philip II., dated December 14, 1574, Zuniga says
of Hosius : " es facil de creer estas cosas." Coll. Favre, VIII., 5
(Library at Geneva).
420 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to be influenced by this clumsy attempt to change their policy
in the matter of the election of the King of Poland, but they
considered themselves justified in inferring, from these Swedish
attempts at a rapprochement, that a favourable moment had
arrived for entering into closer relations with John III.
Gregory XIII. therefore proposed the mission of the Polish
Jesuit, Stanislaus Warszewicki, to Sweden, though in the
end he had to abandon the plan because Warszewicki s presence
was necessary in Poland. 1
In November, 1573, Paolo Ferrari again appeared in Rome,
In order to facilitate the gradual return of Sweden to the
Church he proposed to the Pope that he should allow com
munion under both kinds. Gregory XIII. replied, with all
possible courtesy, but with great firmness as far as the matter
was concerned, that King John must first, by sending an
embassy for the obedientia, make it clear that he seriously
intended what he said, and that only then could his request
be dealt with. Ferrari had in the meantime presented to
the Curia by means of an agent the plan of supporting Spain
against the insurgents in the Netherlands with a Swedish
fleet. This led to the mission of the Jesuit, Stanislaus
Warszewicki, to Sweden, who presented himself there as
the envoy of the Princess Anna of Poland. Although the
actual purpose of this mission, as well as the conversations
which the Jesuit had with the king, came to nothing, yet,
thanks to the reports of Warszewicki, Rome was for the first
time put in possession of definite information as to the state
of affairs in Sweden. There could now be no doubt that
John s attempts at bringing about a rapprochement had
no other ground than the fact that he wanted the Pope s
support in the matter of his election as King of Poland, and
in that of his wife s inheritance. It was, however, learned
that the attachment to the ancient faith was not altogether
extinct in Sweden, and that Queen Catherine was prepared
1 See BIAUDET, I., 193 seq. ; cf. EHRENBERG, Ostpreussen, 52.
For Lorichs see ODBERG S monograph : Om Anders Lorichs,
Skara, 1893.
THE KING OF SWEDEN. 421
to give her support to Catholic missionaries. 1 The first to
be sent to Sweden were a secular priest named Florenz Feyt,
and the Norwegian Lauritz Nilsson (Laurentius Norvegus),
who had embraced the faith at Louvain in 1563, and after
wards joined the Jesuits. By command of the king both
of them had to conceal the fact that they were Catholic priests,
so that they might labour more effectively. 2 Nilsson founded
a school at Stockholm, and won over a number of Swedish
youths, who were destined to receive their further education
at the German College in Rome. 3
Out of consideration for the Protestant clergy, King John
did not dare to proceed openly, but tried to attain his purpose
by indirect means. For this purpose he caused his secretary
Peter Fecht to draw up a new liturgy, the so-called Red Book,
1 See BIAUDET, I., 277 seq., 281 seq., 292 seq., 332 ; KARTTUNEN,
Possevino, 82 seq. ; THEINER, Schweden, I., 432 seq., II., 270 seq.,
323 ; GEIJER, It., 220 seq. The attachment of the people to the
old Church is shown, both in Sweden and in Finland, by their
observance of the fasts, prayers for the dead and veneration of
the Mother of God. All this is brought out in Possevino s report
of the year 1587 : Seconda relazione delle cose pertinenti alia
cognizione dello stato presente del regno di Suetia. This report,
intended for Gregory XIII., was published by C. BULLO (II
viaggio di M. Piero Querini e le relazioni della republica Veneta
colla Suezia, Venezia, 1881, 73 seq.), though, as THOMAS points out
(Sitzungsberichte der Munch. Akad., Phil.-hist., Kl., 1882, I., 3,
358), in a defective form. Both Thomas and Bullo overlooked
the fact that P. FERRATO had already brought out a good edition
of the " Relatio " in 1876 : Relazione sul regno di Suezia da
A. Possevino, Firenze, 1876 ; and that a Latin version, deviating
very little from the original, already existed in THEINER, Ann. II.,
278 seq. Cf. also Hist. Tidskrift, I., ex seq.
2 See KARTTUNEN, 85 seq. For Lauritz Nilsson (Laurentius
Norvegus) generally called Klosterlasse in Sweden cf.
KARTTUNEN, 91 seq., and A. BRANDRUD, Klosterlasse, Kristiania,
1895 ; REGER, Jesuiterpateren Laurits Nielssen, saakaldt Kloster
lasse, Kristiania, 1896. Biaudet, who unfortunately died
prematurely, was preparing a monograph on L. Nilsson.
3 Cf. STEINHUBER, I. 2 , 353 seq. ; BRAUNSBERGER, Canisius, 255.
422 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
which was based upon the Roman Missal. 1 This new ordinal,
which appeared in print in 1577, at first met with the opposition
of the Protestant clergy, but John III. secured its acceptance
on February i6th, 1577. 2
The ambitious king, who had failed for the second time
to secure the crown of Poland in 1575, at last realized that
he would have to do something more definite if he was to
obtain the support of the Pope. When he at length decided,
in the autumn of 1576, to restore the relations between the
royal house of Sweden and the Holy See, which had been
broken off since the time of Gustavus Wasa, by sending an
official embassy, he kept his intention absolutely secret.
General Pontius de la Gardie, to whom this mission was
entrusted, was entirely devoted to him. The question of the
inheritance of the royal family, which de la Gardie was to
discuss with the Emperor, could not give rise to any suspicion.
His companion, the royal secretary Peter Fecht, the author
of the Red Book, was given the instructions in all that touched
upon the religious question ; Fecht was to obtain not only
the sending of Jesuit missionaries to Sweden, but was also
to ask the Pope for important concessions : communion under
both kinds, the marriage of priests, and the mass in the
vernacular. 3 How completely secret the real purpose of
the embassy was kept is shown by the fact that Lauritz
Nilsson himself knew nothing about it. Nothing was said,
moreover, of the fact that de la Gardie was once more to
propose to the King of Spain that a Swedish auxiliary fleet
should be sent a.gainst the Netherland insurgents. 4
1 Liturgia Suecanae Ecclesiae catholicae et orthodoxae conformis,
Stockolmiae, 1576. Cf. THEINER, Schweden, I., 412 seq. ; II.,
267 seq. Annales, II., 217 seq. ; QUENSEL, Bidrag till svenska
liturgiens historia, Upsala, 1898 ; KARTTUNEN, 88 seq., 90 seq.
The copy of the Red Book that John III. sent to the Pope by
Posse vino is still in the Vatican Library.
2 Cf. BIAUDET, II., 359 seq.
3 Cf. (in addition to THEINER, Schweden, I., 449 seq., Annales
II., 218 seq.}. HILDEBRAND, 260 seq., KARTTUNEN, 95 seq., 98 seq.,
and especially BIAUDET, II., xiii seq.
4 See ibid., xv, 218 seq., 239.
SWEDISH MISSION TO ROME. 423
The envoys embarked at Stockholm on October 1576,
nth, but were very soon shipwrecked near the island
of Bornholm. Fecht was drowned, so that de la Gardie
had to continue his journey alone. After a long stay
at the Imperial court, he at last reached Rome on
April 24th, 1577. By May loth the Pope was able to
inform the consistory that the envoy of the King of
Sweden had made the obedientia in his master s name,
and had given him his promise to introduce the Catholic
faith into his kingdom, for which purpose he had asked for
missionaries. In order to avoid any disturbance, the making
of the obedientia had not taken place in consistory, with the
customary ceremonies, but in the private apartments of the
Pope, though in the presence of several Cardinals. 1
Thus it seemed that the first step towards the reunion of
Sweden to the Church had been taken. There was general
rejoicing in Rome. 2 Although Gregory XIII. was not blind
to the private interests which had prompted the action of
John III., it would seem that at first he had no doubts as
to the sincerity of the king, nor of the trustworthiness of
his envoys. The letters of credence for de la Gardie, dated
August i8th, 1576, and drawn up in the most respectful form,
left nothing to be desired, while a private letter from Queen
Catherine to the Pope contained the request that he would
receive the embassy favourably. 3
At Pentecost, May 26th, 1577, the General of the Jesuits,
Everard Mercurian, and his private secretary, Antonio
Possevino, had gone to the Villa Mondragone, near Frascati,
for an audience with the Pope. Gregory XIII. had chosen
that day with a definite purpose. He was fully convinced
of the good prospects of an effective mission to Sweden. He
1 See the Acta consist, in BIAUDET, II., 342 seq. ; cf. ibid.,
344 seq., 352 seq. still more reports. *Odescalchi s memorandum
dat. Rome, May 18, 1577, brings out the fact that the Obedientia
was made only in the name of the king and not of the kingdom
(infetto quasi tutto). (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 See St. Rescius report in BIAUDET, II., 381.
3 See ibid., So seq., 82 seq.
424 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
would very willingly have set out for that country himself,
but as that was impossible, Posse vino was called upon to
accept this important mission. With it was combined the
political mission of bringing about an alliance with Spain.
Possevino at first hesitated to mix himself up in political
matters, but Gregory XIII. pointed out to him how closely
this was connected with the interests of religion, and how
important it was to the King of Spain, who was also sending
a special envoy to Sweden at the same time, in the person
of Francisco de Eraso. 1
Antonio Possevino, who was equally distinguished as a
preacher, missionary and teacher, as well as being a scholar,
writer and diplomatist, was born at Mantua in 1534, and went
to Rome at the age of seventeen. The incomparable educa
tional opportunities of the Eternal City had all the greater
effect in the case of the talented youth in that he had the
good fortune to find himself amid surroundings that were
both spiritually and socially of a high order. Possevino
was secretary to Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga and the tutor
of his nephews. He won the love and esteem of the Cardinal
to such a degree that a splendid future seemed to be assured
to him. But he gave all this up by entering the Society of
Jesus in 1559. His superiors sent him in the following year
to Savoy, where he laboured against the Waldenses. For
ten years (1562-1572) he laboured with great success in France
under very difficult conditions, and in 1573 the new General,
Mercurian, appointed him his private secretary. As
Possevino had hitherto worked successfully as a missioner,
so in his new position he acquired a profound grasp of the
religious conditions of the various nations. It would not
have been possible to have found a man better fitted for the
difficult task that lay before him in Sweden, for, in addition
to his vast learning, Possevino was a man of big ideas,
unwearied application, great missionary zeal, dexterity
and versatility, and besides all this was firm in his
1 Cf. *Sommario delle commissioni date da Gregorio XIII. al
P. Possevino (Boncompagni Archives, Rome).
THE MISSION OF POSSEVINO. 425
principles and indefatigable in carrying out his plans and
projects. 1
After Pontius de la Gardie had made his obedientia, he
at once went to Naples on account of the question of the
inheritance of the Queen of Sweden, being furnished on May
2ist, 1577, with a letter of recommendation to the viceroy
by Gregory XIII. But a month later Cardinal Galli had
to complain to the nuncio at Naples of the misuse of this
letter of recommendation by the unscrupulous general. 2
In July, 1577, Hosius wrote to Queen Catherine that the view
was gaining ground in Rome that the obedientia made by de
la Gardie had only been a trick to win the support of the
Holy See in the Naples question. 3 Such a suspicion made
Gregory XIII. all the more insistent upon the mission of
Possevino, as the latter s diplomatic ability seemed to be
required to cope with the difficulties of the situation.
At the beginning of September, 1577, de la Gardie returned
from Naples. The customary credentials were prepared for
him and Possevino by the Papal Chancery, 4 after which they
both set out upon their journey. 5 Possevino was accompanied
by two of his fellow-religious, the Irishman, William Good,
and the Frenchman, Jean Fornier. As John III. made a
1 A. GOTTLOB aptly remarks (Lit. Rundschau, 1891, 116) that
Possevino was the " right type of Jesuit in the time of Gregory
XIII." Cf. D ORIGNY, La vie du P. A. Possevin, Paris, 1712
(Italian, Venezia, 1759), and the monograph by KARTTUNEN,
Lausanne, 1908. For Possevino s prolific literary activity see
SOMMERVOGEL, VI., 1061 seq. ; HURTER, I., 181 seq. Cf. also
FELL, Padagogische Schriften Posse vinos, Freiburg, 1901, and
SCHLESINGER, Jesuitenportraits, Regensburg, s.a. 89-103.
8 See BIAUDET, II., 358, 362, 412 seq.
3 See ibid., 441 seq.
4 See KARTTUNEN, 119 ; BIAUDET, II., 97 seq. Special faculties
granted by Gregory XIII. to the Jesuit missioners in Sweden,
Norway and adjacent countries on September 5, 1577, ibid.
6 E. Malvezzi was nominated " envoy of the king of Sweden "
in Rome, but he died in August, 1578. His epitaph in S. Maria
in Via Lata in FORCELLA, VIII., 393.
426 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
great point of avoiding any disturbance and of concealing
the true purpose of the mission, they wore secular dress, as
had been done by the earlier missionaries sent to Sweden
by the Pope ; at Prague Possevino was given the task by
the widowed Empress of informing the King of Sweden of
the death of her husband. 1
After a wearisome journey Possevino reached Stockholm
on December iQth, 1577. There he found that Lauritz
Nilsson, who had been labouring there since April, 1576,
and who in his optimism looked upon the bringing back of
Sweden to the Catholic Church as an easy task, had, in his
unthinking enthusiasm, fallen in with the peace projects
of John III., and had strengthened the king in his illusion
that he would be able to obtain the consent of the Holy See
to them. The diplomatic skill of Possevino was soon able
to obviate the difficulties of the position which had thus been
created. 2 His principal efforts were directed to persuading
the king of the truth of the Catholic doctrine. With marvel
lous patience, he replied to all his difficulties. Great was his
joy when, after months of discussions, which often lasted for
three or four hours, 3 at the beginning of May, 1578, John
declared himself ready to accept the Tridentine profession
of faith. This consent was soon followed by the act, and
this in its turn by a general confession. Before absolving
1 For Posse vino s mission see his report to Gregory XIII. in
THEINER, Schweden, II., 257 seqq., where will also be found other
relevant documents. Cf. also KONECZNY, Jan III. Waza i missya
Possewina, Krakow, 1901 ; KARTTUNEN, 119 seq., 127 seq. See
also BIAUDET, II., 451, n.
2 See THEINER, Schweden, I., 460 seq., 465 seq. ; II., 33
seq. ; KARTTUNEN, 119 seq., 126 seq. ; BIAUDET, II., xxi seq.,
244.
3 Possevino expressly says so in his " Prima Relazione sulle
cose di Suezia mandata a Gregorio XIII." (THEINER, Schweden, I.,
257), and he adds that during the five months that he was there,
hardly a day passed without his having an interview with the
king. It was therefore not " a couple of interviews " as RANKE.
says (Papste, II. 8 , 55)-
THE MISSION OF POSSEVINO. 427
him Possevino once more asked the king if he was willing
to submit himself to the Pope s judgment in the matter of
communion under one kind, to which John replied in the
affirmative. After his absolution the king seemed much
easier in his mind, because his conscience had been heavily
burdened, since he had, on the strength of a decree of the
council of state (which had been signed by the Lutheran
bishops), removed his brother by poison on February 26th,
1577. l Possevino made use of the favourable moment ; he
earnestly implored God, in whose hands are the hearts of
kings, to be pleased to complete the work that had been
begun. John embraced him with the words : " like you,
I embrace for ever the holy Roman Catholic Church." On
the following day Possevino said mass in the king s apartments
and gave him communion. All this was done in the deepest
secrecy, and in the presence of only a few intimate friends
in the castle of Stockholm. 2 Further steps for bringing back
the kingdom to the ancient Church had to be postponed
until after the decision of the Holy See as to the concessions
that had been asked for.
Possevino s return was rendered necessary not only by these
negotiations but also by the fact that his being a Catholic
priest had become known in Stockholm, and had caused
great annoyance to the Protestant clergy. He prudently
did not wait for the king to order his departure, but anticipated
the order by declaring his readiness to undertake the advocacy
of John s political interests in the matter of the alliance with
Spain, and in that of the queen s inheritance. He left the
kingdom on May 2Oth, 1578, as the ambassador of Sweden,
and took with him a number of young Swedes and Finlanders,
1 Cf. GEIJER, II., 198.
2 See THEINER, Schweden, I., 471 seq., 485 seq. : " A. Possevini
responsiones ad nobilissimi et regii viri septentrionalis interroga-
tiones qui de salutis aeternae comparandae ratione ac de vera
, ecclesia cupiebat instrui," in his Bibliotheca selecta, Romae, 1593,
I., 6, p. 438 seq., and also in Possevini Moscovia, Coloniae,
1568, 316 seq. Cf. WERNER, Gesch. der polem. Literatur, IV.,
428 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
who were to be trained as missionaries in Catholic institutions. 1
In addition to the spreading of sound Catholic books, as
well as a Swedish translation of the catechism of Canisius,
Posse vino rightly considered, as the most important means
of restoring the ancient Church, the training of good native
priests, who should unite to their knowledge of their own
language a thorough training in theology and enthusiasm
for the ideals of a pure sacerdotal life. 2 Little by little such
missionaries could attempt the recovery of the ground that
had been lost. From Braunsberg Posse vino suggested to
Gregory XIII. a plan of establishing there a Papal seminary
for the training of priests for the northern countries, 3 especially
for Sweden and Finland, which were so important on account
of their proximity to Russia. 4 This plan was carried into
effect in the same 3/ear. A similar Papal college was founded
by Possevino at Olmutz. There, in 1579, was received the
Protestant minister Olaf Sondergelteus, who had entered
the Church, and was given by Possevino the task of
translating the catechism into Finnish and compiling a
Finnish grammar ; another student of the college at Olmutz,
Petrus Cuprimontanus, was to compile a Swedish grammar.
1 See Possevino s report in THEINER, Schweden, II., 271 seq.,
and John s memorandum in THEINER, Annales, II., 408 seq. ;
KARTTUNEN, 130 seq. ; STEINHUBER, I. 2 , 354. Laureo sent, by
Possevino, two Ruthenian youths and one Russian to be educated
at Rome ; see WIERBOWSKI, 713.
2 Cf. PIERLING, La Russie, II., 210.
3 Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 245.
4 " Qui guardagnera in Finlandia la conversione deH anime
aprira una grande porta alia Moscovia e per6 meno di quel paese
perch e sieno in Roma instituiti," says Possevino on page 36 of the
Relazione quoted supra, p. 421, n. i. For the Finnish Jesuit
alumni see LEINBERG, Om finske studerende i jesuitcollegier, in
Hist. Arkisto, XL, Helsingfors, 1891, 156 seq., and BIAUDET,
ibid., XIX. (1905), 178 seq. The undated *suggestion, which
undoubtedly came from Possevino, to found seminaries for
" Suecia e Finlandia," in Miscell., Arm. n, t. 94, p. 213 seq. (Papal
Secret Archives).
THE DEMANDS OF SWEDEN. 429
Thus to the Jesuits belongs the glory of having prepared the
first grammars in both those languages. 1
On his journey Possevino was at pains to promote the
political interests of the King of Sweden both at Prague
and at Warsaw. 2 When he reached Rome on September 27th,
1578, detailed discussions of the concessions asked for by
John III. had already taken place.
A special commission, to which belonged, besides Cardinals
Morone, Farnese, Savelli, Galli, Hosius, Montalto, Madruzzo
and Sirleto, the Franciscan, Cesare Montalcino, and the
Jesuit, Francisco Toledo, had come to the conclusion that,
of the twelve concessions asked for, five could not be granted,
because the example would be too dangerous for the other
nations, and the Church could not attain to any real life in
Sweden under such conditions. Thus the commission
rejected the mass in the vernacular, communion under both
kinds, the marriage of priests, the suppression of prayers
for the dead and of holy water ; on the other hand it recom
mended the granting of the other seven requests ; among
these was the renunciation of confiscated ecclesiastical
property. 3 When Possevino returned from Naples, where,
though without success, he had been dealing with the question
of the royal inheritance, the commission sought his advice.
On the basis of the memorial which he drew up, it devoted
its attention to the future organization of ecclesiastical
1 Cf. THEINER, Schweden, II., 318 ; SCHYBERGSON, Geschichte
Finnlands, I., 141 seq. for details of the attempts at a Catholic
Restoration in Finland, and KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XII T.,
p. 96-
2 See KARTTUNEN, Possevino, 136 seq., Gregoire, XIII., p. 29.
3 Cf. THEINER, Schweden, I., 503 seq. ; II., 107 seq., 109 seq. ;
WERNER, Gesch. der polem. Literatur, IV., 332 seq. The
deliberations of the commission are reported by Odescalchi in
his ""memorandum dated Rome, July 29, 1578, in which he also
relates that the Queen of Sweden had half converted her husband
and that, on account of the concessions, Possevino was being
sent to Rome " in habita secolare con spada e cappa." (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua).
43 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
discipline which was to be in force in Sweden when that
country again became Catholic. 1
A brief of December ist, 1578, confirmed Possevino in his
office of Papal nuncio, and gave him wide faculties as vicar-
apostolic for the whole of Scandinavia and the neighbouring
northern countries of Denmark, Moscovia, Lithuania, Russia,
Hungary, Pomerania and Saxony. Gregory also ordered
a general jubilee for the success of the new mission. 2
In the spring of 1579 Possevino set out for the second time
for Sweden. Gregory XIII. gave him two Tyrolese who
had been educated at the German College. 3 After he had
worked to further the interests of John III. at the courts of
the Emperor and the King of Poland, and to bring about an
alliance between Sweden and Rudolph II. and Philip II., 4
he reached Stockholm on August 7th, 1579, this time dressed
in the habit of his Order. His experiences there of the
hesitation and vacillation of the king were very disappointing.
There could be no doubt that the attitude of John III., who
was now strongly insisting upon the Pope s consent to the
demands which he had but recently been willing to abandon,
was principally determined by the political situation. When
the Papal-Spanish expedition to Ireland proved a failure,
Possevino fell out of favour with the king, but when the news
arrived of the conquest of Portugal by Philip II. he received
a cordial invitation to the court ! 5
It was impossible to bring John III. to the point of making
a definite decision in ecclesiastical matters ; he adhered
firmly to his own system of religion, which as far as he was
concerned was expressed in his new liturgy. Himself a mere
opportunist, he was incapable of understanding the firm
1 See THEINER, Schweden, I., 517 seq.
2 See ZACHARIAS, Iter litt. per Italiam, Venetiis, 1762, 294 seq. ;
THEINER, Schweden, II., 44 seq., 48 seq.
3 Cf. STEINHUBER, I. 2 , 357.
4 Cf. BEZOLD in the Abhandlungen der Munch. Akademie,
XVII., 362 seq.
5 See KARTTUNEN, Possevino, 150 seq., 155 seq. ; cf. Possevino s
report in THEINER, Schweden, II., 236 seq.
THE MISSION OF POSSEVINO. 43!
stand of the Holy See, whose religious policy was based upon
unchangeable principles. Under these circumstances
Posse vino was unable to attain the true end of his mission.
On August loth, 1580, he left Stockholm with fifteen Swedish
youths who were to be trained as missionaries in the seminaries
of Braunsberg and Olmutz. Henceforward he devoted his
special attention to these establishments, which were making
reassuring progress. His experience of the hesitation of
John III. had confirmed him in his conviction that
the conversion of Sweden would never be brought about
by means of the king, but only by means of long pre
paratory labours on the part of native priests, trained
in the Papal seminaries. 1 A similar view was shared by the
authorities in Rome. Gregory did all that lay in his power,
and was of opinion that money could not be laid out to a
more useful purpose. 2 This indeed proved to be the case,
for though some of the students of those establishments
did not fulfil the hopes that had been placed in them, others
proved themselves worthy to the degree of not even shrinking
from martyrdom. 3
When he left the capital of Sweden Possevino could feel
satisfaction in the fact that the king at anyrate had taken
under his protection the house of the Jesuits, which had been
threatened by a popular tumult. 4 The venerable and
1 See KARTTUNEN, loc. cit., 149 seq. ; cf. ZALEWSKI, I., i, 439 seq.
2 See THEINER, II., 324. On February 18, 1581, Cesare Strozzi
reported from Rome : *In casa del s. card. Farnese si e fatta
questa settimana una congregatione sopra le cose del regno di
Suetia con 1 intervento delli sig. card 11 Madruzzo et Como et del
Padre Possevino et pare che non sia stato altro che erigere collegii
csve si habbino a mantenere giovani che poi habbino a insegnare,
in quel regno buona dottrina cattolica. (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). These deliberations resulted in the Bulls of March,
1581, quoted by KARTTUNEN (Possevino, 176).
3 As for example John Jussoila and Petrus Erici. Cf. for both
these, Hist. Arkisto, XL, 196 seq., XIX., 192 seq., 219.
4 See KARTTUNEN, Possevino, 159. P. St. Warszewicki
remained in Stockholm in place of L. Norvegus who departed with
Possevino ; see ibid., 161 seq.
432 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ancient house of the Brigettines at Wadstena on the Lake
of Wetter, whose rule had been reformed by Posse vino, was
also placed upon a firm footing ; the two Catholic priests
who had been sent there as confessors received full faculties
for the absolution of those who wished to return to the Church. 1
The hopes of the Catholics rested principally upon the queen
and the heir to the throne, Sigismund, in whose household
two disciples of the college of Braunsberg, Lawrence Magnus,
a nephew of the dead Bishop of Upsala, and the Finlander,
John Jussoila, were installed as court chaplains, 2 Sigismund,
whose firmness in the Catholic faith Possevino counted as
the principal result of his second mission, 3 did not in the
event disappoint the hopes that were placed in him. 4 John III.,
on the other hand, made it more and more evident that his
rapprochement with Rome had been the outcome of political
motives. As Possevino was well aware of this he continued
to promote the political interests of the king in every possible
way, especially in the matter of the inheritance of Catherine.
If he met with no success, the fault was not his. It was a
severe blow to King John when his ally of Poland made peace
1 See THEINER, II., 156 seq.
2 See ibid., 327; STEINHUBER, I. 2 , 355. The faculties, dated
Prague, May 22, 1584, given to John Jussoila by Possevino in
Hist. Arkisto, XIX., 218-9 : " Auctoritate, qua in regnis Septen-
trionalibus, ubi catholici episcopi non sunt, a S.D.N.P.M.
Gregorio XIII. fungimur, facultatem tibi damus in iisdem regnis
sacramenta rite et catholico more administrandi (exceptis
sacramentis confirmationis et ordinum sacrorum) itemque
absolvendi in quocunque casu, etiam in casibus reservatis in
bulla Coena Domini, in foro conscientiae tantum ac cum,
quocunque dispensandi in omnibus casibus irregularitatis (exceptis
provenientibus ex bigamia et homicidio voluntario) deinde in
quocunque loco cum altari portatili celebrandi . . . praeterea
et libros prohibitos et haereticos legendi ad eum finem tantum
modo ut haereses confutentur et s. fides catholica defendatur."
3 See his *Sommario in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
Cf. ibid, the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli. See also Am. der Krak.
Akademie, 1891, 139 seq.
4 See THEINER, II., 3, 22 seq.
A CHANGE FOR THE WORSE. 433
with Russia in 1583. This was equally disastrous for the
Catholic cause in Sweden, for the more the political advantages
which John looked for from his union with Rome failed of
their fulfilment, the more did his zeal for the Catholic religion
grow cool. 1
The hopes of the reunion of Sweden to the Church were
further reduced by the death of Queen Catherine in 1583.
In her the Catholics lost their great support. In her will
this noble princess left a legacy of 10,000 thalers to the seminary
of Braunsberg, for the maintenance there of five Swedish boys. 2
How greatly attached Possevino was to this institution is
shown by the fact that he wrote its history and kept a detailed
register of its pupils. 3 He took a share in the alteration of
its statutes in 1584, when it was decided that the youths who
were received there must give a promise that they would
proceed to receive priest s orders. 4
A great change for the worse in Catholic hopes in Sweden
took place when, on February I5th, 1585, John III. married
Gunnila Bielke, who was sixteen years of age and a zealous
Lutheran. It even became difficult for the heir to the throne,
Sigismund, to remain faithful to the Catholic Church. 5
At the very moment when the tendency of the King of
Sweden, prompted as it was by material considerations,
towards a reunion of his kingdom with the ancient Church
had come to nothing, it seemed as though a compensation
1 GEIJER has already pointed this out (II., 226). BERLIERE says,
very justly, in his review of Biaudet s brilliant work : " Le
rapprochement de la Suede avec le St. -Siege fut une oeuvre de
politique comme celle qui avait detache cette nation de 1 unite
catholique." (Rev. Benedict. XXIV., 435).
2 See THEINER, Schweden, II., 327.
3 See ibid., 324 seq., 327 seq.
* See DUHR, I., 309.
6 See THEINER, II., 3, 23; cf. GEIJER, II., 226, 241. The
events connected with the execution of A. Lorich (for whom
Gregory XIII. interceded with John III. on February 2, 1585) also
contributed to alienate the king from the Catholic cause ; see
Hist. Zeitschr., LXXVIII., 312 seq.
VOL. XX. 28
434 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
might be found in another undertaking, the result of which
would be of incalculable importance. Even in the times of
the greatest difficulty the Popes had not lost sight of barbarous
and schismatic Russia, for which country a brighter future
could only be opened out when her opposition to the Catholic
Church and the culture of the west had been overcome.
Ever since 1561 the Holy See had endeavoured to persuade
the Czar Ivan IV. to send delegates to the Council of Trent
and to join the alliance against the Turks. Underlying these
efforts there was always the thought of a religious reunion
on the basis of the Council of Florence. But neither the
envoys of Pius IV. nor of Pius V. had been able to reach
Moscow on account of the opposition of Sigismund Augustus,
the King of Poland.
An attempt made by Gregory XIII. in 1576 to enter into
relations with the Czar came to nothing because of the gener
ally unfavourable political conditions. 1 The efforts made
by Gregory three years later to put an end to the bloody war
between Russia and Poland, and to win over the two Slav
kingdoms to the crusade against the Turks, met with no better
success. The King of Poland, Stephen Bathory, would not
hear of a compromise, as his arms were victorious, 2 and in the
time that followed he harassed the Czar to such an extent
that the latter found himself compelled to make peace with
Poland. As mediator for that purpose the schismatic
sovereign of Russia called upon the moral power of the supreme
head of the hated Catholic and Roman Church. 3
1 See (in addition to PIERLING, St.-Siege, I., 408 seq.} SCHELLHASS
in the Quellen und Forschungen des Preuss, Institute, XIII., 274 seq.
2 See PIERLING, loc. cit., 419 seq. ; cf. Rev. des quest, hist., LXI.
(1882), 224 seq., and BORATYNSKI, St. Batory i plan Ligi, Section i.
3 See PIERLING, A. Possevini Missio Moscovitica ex annuis litt.
Soc. lesu excerpta, Paris, 1882 ; Un nonce du Pape en Moscovie,
Paris, 1884 ; Le St.-Siege, la Pologne et Moscou, 1582-7, Paris,
1885 ; Bathory et Possevino, Paris, 1887 ; La Russie et le
St.-Siege, II., 2 seq. Cf. also LERPIGNY, Un arbitrage Pontifical
au XVI e siecle, Paris, 1886 ; KARTTUNEN, Possevino, 163 seq. ;
LICHATSCHEW in the Bul1.t. de la Comm. archeographiqiie de
St. Peter sbourg, 1903.
RUSSIAN EMBASSY TO ROME. 435
During the last week of February, 1581, there came to the
Eternal City three men, whose strange oriental dress caused
the greatest excitement. The amazement of the Curia was
very great when it was learned that they had been sent by
Ivan IV., the Grand Prince of Moscow, a schismatic and noted
for his pride, from which place no messenger had presented
himself in the capital of Christendom for half a century.
At that time, in the days of Clement VII., apartments had
been given to the envoy of Russia in the Vatican. This was
not done on the present occasion. In the first place
consideration had to be shown for the friendly sovereign of
Poland, and this time it was not a case of a plenipotentiary,
but only of the bearer of a letter from the Grand Prince.
Therefore a middle course was adopted. When the envoys
entered Rome on February 24th, 1581, the Colonna palace,
the residence of Giacomo Boncompagni, was placed at their
disposal. Bathory s representative at the Curia was able
to arrange that they were not given any public audience,
although they were the bearers of credential letters from
the Emperor Rudolph II. ; all they obtained was a private
audience on February 26th. Besides Ivan Thomas Schewerigin,
who was to deliver the Czar s letter, there were present only
his interpreter, William Popler, together with Francesco
Pallavicini and Giacomo Boncompagni. 1
Schewerigin, a handsome and striking man, 2 appeared in a
mantle of red scarlet cloth, with a silk dress of the same colour,
long boots of skin and a tall hat of sable. The letter which
he brought was written in the Russian tongue. Gregory,
1 See MUCANTIUS, Diarium, in THEINER, Annales, III., 284 ;
*Avviso di Roma of February 25, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 87, Vatican
Library ; *Bernerio s report dated Rome, March 4, 1581, State
Archives at Vienna ; *Odescalchi s memorandum dated Rome,
February 25 and March 4, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
Cf. also MONTAIGNE, II., 6. SCHIEMANN S statement (II., 383)
that the Pope received Schewerigin "in full consistory" is altogether
false.
*E huomo di nobilissimo aspetto et di bellissima presenza,
wrote Odescalchi on February 25, 1581, loc. cit.
436 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
therefore was only able, when he informed the Cardinals
of the embassy in secret consistory on the following day,
to say that thanks must be rendered to God for such a mission. 1
There can be no doubt that the appearance of an envoy
from the mysterious east at once raised hopes in the mind of
Gregory XIII., not only for the furtherance of the war against
the Turks, but also of the reunion of the Russian church with
the Holy See, which had been vainly attempted by many
of his predecessors. The translation of the letter 2 showed
that Ivan was acting with true Asiatic cunning. He promised,
if he were granted the friendship of the Pope and the other
Christian princes to throw open his country to the trade of
western Europe. He therefore begged Gregory XIII. to
induce the King of Poland, that " vassal of the Turks," to
lay aside his arms. This disposition manifested by the
Grand Prince to ally himself with the Pope and the Christian
princes after the restoration of peace, coincided with the
Pope s favourite project. For that end Ivan asked that a
representative of the Holy See might be sent to Moscow.
Although the request for mediation was honourable, and
the hope held out of his support in the struggle against Islam
was encouraging, the complete silence in which Ivan passed
over the religious differences which existed between Rome
and Moscow was very strange. The Curia did not, however,
indulge in any exaggerated hopes ; " the style of the letter,"
wrote Cardinal Galli to the nuncio in Poland, "is in some
ways convincing. But all who know as we do, that this does
not come from the good dispositions^ Ivan, but from the
salutary defeat which King Stephen has inflicted upon him,
will be all the less inclined to look for good results from this
mission, in that in the letter there is not a word about religious
matters." 3
However difficult it was to check Bathory in his victorious
1 See *Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican).
2 See PAMIATNIKI, diplom. Snochenij, I., 6 seq. ; PIERLING,
La Russie, II., 19 seq.
3 See CIAMPI, I , 237 seq
POSSEVINO SENT TO RUSSIA. 437
progress, Gregory felt that he ought not to let slip the oppor
tunity of once more entering into closer relations with Russia.
This view was shared by Cardinals Farnese, Madruzzo, Galli,
and Commendone, to whom he showed the letter for their
advice j 1 they approved of the decision which the Pope
announced on March 6th, in secret consistory, to send an
envoy to Russia as soon as possible, to treat, not only of the
matter of the peace, but also of the reunion of the Czar s
kingdom with the Church. 2 Out of consideration for Poland,
and because Schewcrigin had no high standing, this duty was
entrusted to a simple religious, Antonio Possevino, who had
acquired a special knowledge of the state of northern and
eastern Europe in the course of his previous missions. 3 Great
things were hoped of his zeal, his learning and his eloquence.
It was also an advantage that he enjoyed the favour of
Bathory.
The departure of Possevino, who was to travel with
Schewerigin, was delayed for a while, as Gregory XIII. wished
the envoy of the Grand Prince of Russia to assist at the
impressive ceremonies of Holy Week. 4 Schewerigin, who
attended in great state, behaved with absolute respect at his
visits to the churches. He especially admired the new
buildings of St. Peter s, the ceremonies of Holy Week, and
1 SeeMAFFEi, II., 183 seq. On March 4, 1581, *Sporeno reported
that the four Cardinals were still in consultation. (Government
Archives at Innsbruck).
2 See Acta consist. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican).
3 Odescalchi, on March n, 1581, *reports the sending uf
Possevino and takes occasion to bestow great praise on the zealous
religious for his past activity, especially in Sweden (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). On the same day, *Bernerio also reports the
mission (State Archives, Vienna). On March 4, Galli had con
sidered it as probable; see KARTTUNEN, Possevino, 173, n. i.
Here (on page 174) the author rightly observes that PIERLING
trusted too much to Possevino s " Annales," for in them
Possevino speaks only too often like a boastful old man.
4 See "Odescalchi s memorandum of March 25, 1581 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua). Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of March 22, 1581,
Urb. 1049, p. 138 (Vatican Library).
438 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the piety displayed by the Roman people ; the fine discipline
of the Swiss Guard also excited his admiration. 1 Possevino
utilized the time before his departure by studying the works
of Herberstein and Giovio on the strange country to which
he was going. Gregory XIII. and Commendone placed all
the documents in the Papal archives bearing on the subject
at his disposal. 2
In addition to letters to the courts of Russia, Poland
and Sweden, 3 Possevino was given secret instructions,
in accordance with which he was first to go to Venice to
negotiate a commercial treaty between the republic and
Russia, and then to bring about peace between Ivan and
Bathory. Once this had been arranged, he was to press for the
alliance against Turkey, to which the commercial treaty with
Venice was to open the way, 4 and this, if possible, was to have
its basis and guarantee of stability in the reunion of Russia
with the Catholic Church. 5
Possevino was given as his companions four of his fellow-
religious, two of whom spoke the Slav language, as well as
two interpreters. 3 As Schewerigin had, by Ivan s command,
brought to the Pope a gift of precious furs, Gregory in return
sent valuable gifts to the Grand Prince. Schewerigin himself
received rich presents, so that he left the Eternal City on
March 27th, 1581, together with Possevino, in a state of high
1 See *Avviso di Roma of March 4, 8 and n, 1581, Urb.
1049, pp. 101, 103, 109 (Vatican Library), and Avvisi-Caetani,
no.
2 Cf. TURGENEVIUS, Suppl. ad Hist. Russiae monumenta,
Petropoli, 1848, 20 seq. ; PIERLING, La Russie, II., 25.
3 See the text in Possevino s Moscovia, 57 seq., and in THEINER,
Schweden, II., 63 seq. Cf. Relacye Nuncyuszow Apost., I., 343 seq.
KARTTUNEN, Possevino, 175, n. 3.
4 Cardinal Galli lays stress on these " arriere-pensees " in his
*Memorie (Boncompagni Archives, Rome).
5 See TURGENEVIUS, Hist. Russiae monumenta, Petropoli, 1841,
299 seq. Cf. CIAMPI, I., 241 seq. ; PIERLING, La Russie, II.,
26 seq.
6 See KARTTUNEN, Possevino, 176.
THE JOURNEY OF POSSEVINO. 439
satisfaction. 1 The journey was made by way of Austria,
with a stay at Venice. In Venice Possevino discussed a
league against the Turks, but the government maintained
an evasive attitude. From Villach he paid a visit to the
Archduke Charles at Graz, in the interests of a marriage
between the Hapsburgs and the royal house of Sweden. He
joined Schewerigin once more at Prague. There, as the Pope
had given him several thousand scudi for the seminary training
of missionary priests for the north of Europe, he founded a
Papal seminary, which was very soon in a flourishing con
dition. 2 His visit to the Emperor was without result. He
then set out by way of Breslau for Poland, while Schewerigin
continued his journey to Moscow through Liibeck. 3
Bathory had viewed the coming of Possevino with
considerable distrust. But the Jesuit was able by his
shrewdness to overcome the prejudices of the king and win
his confidence. It was of great advantage to the success
of his undertaking that, as things stood, mediation was
always desired in Poland. 4
At the beginning of August, 1581, Possevino set foot on
Russian soil, that is to say in a world which to a native of
western Europe was as unknown as it was strange. Passing
through Smolensk, on August loth, he reached Stariza on
the Volga, where Ivan had his court. Two days later he
presented the Pope s letter and gifts to the Grand Prince.
The letter was written with consummate diplomatic skill. 5
In it, Gregory recalled the relations between his predecessors
and Russia, gave expression to his joy at the hostile feelings
of the Grand Prince for the Turks, and declared himself all
the more ready to intervene with Bathory in the cause of
1 See "Odescalchi s report of April i, 1581 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). Cf. Avvisi-Caetani, in.
2 See the *Sommario delle commissioni date da Gregorio XIII.
al P. Possevino (Boncompagni Archives, Rome).
3 See PIERLING, II., 45 seq. ; KARTTUNEN, 176 seq.
4 Cf. PIERLING II., 53 seq., 57 seq.
6 Printed in Possevino s Moscovia, 58. KARTTUNEN (Possevino,
171) describes it as a diplomatic masterpiece.
440 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
peace, in that the arms of Russia as well as Poland could
then be turned against Islam. Since, as Posse vino would be
able to explain more clearly, political union without a religious
one was impossible, the Pope begged Ivan to study the
deliberations of the Council of Florence, which he sent to him,
in which the Greeks had recognized the Roman primacy,
to present them to his theologians, and then send another
embassy to Rome. The gifts consisted of a precious crucifix
in rock crystal and lapiz lazuli, containing a relic of the True
Cross, a copy of Michelangelo s Pieta in ivory, a rosary
adorned with precious stones, and a copy of the decrees of
the Council of Florence written in Greek. 1
During his stay of nearly four weeks at the Russian court
Posse vino had six audiences with the Grand Prince, which
were for the most part very short. All the longer were his
negotiations with the Boyars. In the latter Posse vino first
of all maintained the necessity of an understanding, not only
with Poland, but also with Sweden, as well as the formation
of a general league against the Turks, which could only rest
on a solid foundation if the same faith united all those who
composed it. He pointed out that the Pope was not asking
the Russians to make any sacrifice of their liturgy. With
regard to the commercial treaty with Venice he pointed out
that the Venetian caravans were always accompanied by two
priests, and that it was therefore only right that these should
be given free access to Russia, and be allowed to build a church
for foreigners. 2
The replies of the Russians showed that in diplomatic skill
they were quite the equals of Possevino. They rejected the
inclusion of Sweden in the peace negotiations, though they
made the concession that the envoy of John III. should be
given a hearing. The Venetians might be allowed to bring
Catholic priests to Russia if the same concession was made
1 See *Avviso di Roma of March 25, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 141,
Vatican Library. Cf. PIERLING, II., 85.
2 See PIERLING, Bathory, 115 seq. ; La Russie, II., 86 seq. ;
LERPIGNY, Arbitrage, 153 seq. Cf. THEINER, Annales, III., 353
seq., where, for 1582, read 1581,
POSSEVINO IN RUSSIA. 441
to the Russians in the case of Venice ; it was quite out of the
question to allow the building of a Catholic Church in the
dominions of the Grand Prince. The negotiations concerning
any religious reunion must depend upon the conclusion of
peace with Poland. For the latter, Ivan laid down hard
conditions : above all he demanded the cession of Narva,
which would give him access to the Baltic.
On receiving this reply Possevino went on September i2th
to Bathory, whose position, on account of the stubborn
resistance of the Russians, had changed greatly for the worse.
He was therefore very ready for peace negotiations. 1
The successes which the Swedes had in the meantime
met with, made it clear to Ivan as well that an understanding
with Poland was very desirable. Beginning on December
I3th, 1581, the matter was discussed, with the mediation of
Possevino, at the border village of Kiwerowa Horka, in the
neighboroughood of Jam Zapolki, on the road to Novgorod.
It was the depth of winter. In a small cabin, containing
but one room, and with but primitive means of heating, the
disciple of Loyola took up his abode, and, as Papal legate,
was accepted by both parties as arbitrator. After unspeakable
difficulties, he was at last successful, on January i5th, 1582,
in arranging the terms of an armistice for ten years between
Russia and Poland. 2
After this Possevino repaired to Moscow, where he was
received in audience by Ivan on February i6th, 1582. Although
1 See PIERLING, La Russie, II., 90 seq., 97 seq.
2 Cf. Possevino, Moscovia, 82 seqq. The complaint that the
armistice unduly favoured Russia is not justified ; cf. Hist.-polit.
Blatter, CXXVI., 357. See Relacye Nuncyuszdw Apost., I.,
421 seq., 429 seq. ; LERPIGNY, 231 seq. ; PIERLING, La Russie II.,
113 seq., 129 seq., 132 seq. KARTTUNEN (Possevino, 192 seq.)
draws attention to the fact that political conditions also played
an important part in the conclusion of peace ; but, at the same
time, he remarks, quite rightly : " Batory aussi bien quTwan
etaient beaucoup trop orgueilleux pour ceder 1 un a 1 autre. Si le
jesuite ne s etait pas trouve la, la lutte aurait continue probable-
ment jusqu a la defaite complete de 1 un ou de 1 autre."
442 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
he obtained but little from the Czar in the matter of an
exchange of prisoners, he was able to count with all the greater
confidence on success in the matter of the anti-Turkish league,
as, although Ivan had been obliged to give up Livonia, he
had rendered important service to the exhausted Grand Prince
by obtaining the ten years armistice. 1 But Ivan, now that
he had obtained peace, had not the least intention of fulfilling
his promises. Amid empty subterfuges he insisted that the
Pope must first win over the states of Europe to such an
alliance, and then treat of the matter at Moscow ; he was,
however, prepared to send a fresh envoy to Rome, who was
to make the journey with Posse vino. The passport for the
Catholic priests of the Venetians was issued, and with regard
to the sending of some young Russians to be educated in
Rome in the ancient Greek faith he gave a promise without
any binding force. 2
On February 2ist, 1582, the reunion of Russia with the
Church was debated. 3 This memorable discussion, which took
place in the Kremlin, did not have the results which were
desired and perhaps expected by Posse vino. Ivan, who
prided himself a great deal on his theological learning, replied
to Posse vino s appeal to the primacy of Peter and his successors
by remarking that some of the later successors of the Prince
of the Apostles had shown themselves unworthy of that
position by their evil lives. Posse vino replied that they must
not blindly believe all the accusations that were made against
the Popes, and that in any case, the same thing applied to
the Popes as to the Grand Princes, namely that there were
1 According to LAVISSE-RAMBAUD (V., 752).
2 See PIERLING, La Russie, II., 160 seq. ; UBERSBERGER,
Russlands Orientpolitik, I., n.
3 In addition to Posse vino s report in his Moscovia (31 seq.},
there is also a Russian one which agrees, more or less, with that
of the Jesuit ; see SCHEIMANN, II., 393, n. i. Against Possevino
and Pierling, WALISZEWSKI is at pains to show (Iwan le Terrible,
Paris, 1904, 461), that the conference had not been arranged in
advance, and that, on this occasion, the Czar was only accom
panied by his ordinary entourage.
POSSEVINO AND IVAN IV. 443
good and bad ones, but that their right and prerogatives
were always the same, no matter who filled the office . Carried
away by rage, the Grand Prince exclaimed that the Pope
was not a shepherd but a wolf. 1 To this insult Possevino
replied with bold candour that it was a wonder that Ivan
had sought the mediation of a wolf. Being thus driven
into a corner, the Grand Prince gave a loud cry and grasped
his sceptre which was tipped with iron, and with which he
had a few months before killed his own son, and lifted it to
strike at Possevino. 2 The latter, however, remained quite
calm, whereupon Ivan again cooled down. They continued
the discussion for a long time. Ivan reviled the Pope because
in his pride he had himself carried in a chair and made men
kiss the cross that was embroidered upon his shoe ; he tried
to make a laughing stock of Possevino by asking him why
he shaved, since it was considered an outrage to cut off one s
hair and beard in Russia. Possevino answered these attacks
calmly and to the point, but Ivan clung firmly to his contention
that the Pope allowed himself to be worshipped as God.
The antipathy for the Catholic Church felt by the Russian
Grand Prince, and the prejudices against the latins which he
had inherited from the Greeks, were fanned by the English
merchants, who represented Rome as Babylon and the Pope
as Antichrist, because it was the policy of the shrewd envoys
of Queen Elizabeth to obtain a monopoly of the trade of
Russia by parading the Protestant flag. 3
1 Possevino did not dare to print this outburst in his Moscovia,
though it is contained in his original manuscript ; see TURGENE-
vius, Suppl. ad Hist. Russiae Monumenta, 104.
2 BRUCKNER says (Geschichte Russlands, I., ^05) : " Possevino
might easily have fallen a victim to his own zeal for conversion.
It was a deed of daring to expose himself to the unbridled passion
and brutality of a tyrannical opponent." According to LAVISSE-
RAMBAUD (V., 752) : " Iwan IV. se montra de mauvaise foi dans
le discussion, pedant, insolent."
3 Cf. BRUCKNER, I., 405 ; PIERLING, La Russie, II., 166, 190 seq.
For Possevino s written defence against the English attacks on
the Pope see WERNER, Gesch. der polem. Literatur, III., 353 seq.
444 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Two days later Possevino was again invited to appear before
the Grand Prince, who apologized for the expressions he had
used against the Pope, and even asked for a memorial setting
forth the doctrinal differences between the two churches.
Nevertheless the schismatic sovereign had no serious thought
of coming to any agreement. On the first Sunday in Lent,
March 4th, a first attempt was made to induce Possevino to
take part in the Russian worship, but in vain. Ivan, who
wished to maintain his relations with the Pope, which were
so useful to him politically, tried to persuade him up to the
last moment ; the courageous Jesuit was courteously received
in a farewell audience, 1 and in company with a Russian envoy,
named John Molvianinow, set out on March I4th, 1582, for
Riga, where he discussed with Bathory the best means for
the restoration of the Catholic religion in Livonia, which had
been secured by the peace ; he then set out on his return
journey to Rome. 2 During his stay in Moscow, as was also
done in the case of all the foreign diplomatists, he had been
so closely watched over by a supposed guard of honour that
he could not even go for a short walk, and thus had been
unable to get into touch with anyone. 3
On his way back to Rome, at the end of June, 1582,
Possevino discussed with the Emperor his controversy with
Bathory, and got Rudolph II. to accept the Pope as arbitrator. 4
For the Anglo-Russian relations see also SCHIEMANN, II., 395 seq. ;
G. TOLSTOY, England and Russia, 1553-93, St. Petersburg,
1875 ; American Hist. Review, XIX. (1914), 525 seq. The
question of kissing the foot was dealt with at the time by the
Spanish theologian Jos. Stephanus (see HURTER, I., 186) in his
work : " De adoratione pedum Rom. Pontif." which was not
printed at Venice until 1578. It also appeared " Coloniae, 1580 "
and " Romae, 1588."
1 See POSSEVINO, Moscovia, 36 seq.
2 See PIERLING, II., 177 seq.
3 See PIERLING, Bathory et Possevino, 146.
4 The dispute was about the towns of Szatmar and Nemety and
still occupied the attention of the nuncio Malaspina ; see
REICHENBERGER, I., xix seq. Cf. also VERESS, Berzwiczy Marton,
Budapest, 1911, 158 seq.
RUSSIAN MISSION IN ROME. 445
In Venice Possevino made it clear that there was nothing
to be hoped from either Russia or Poland for the war against
the Turks, and he accordingly made proposals of another
kind for the defence of Christendom. 1
On September I4th, 1582, amid the roar of the cannon of
St. Angelo, and a great concourse of the people, the Russian
mission made its entry into Rome. 2 There it still remained
under the care of Possevino, to whom the rude behaviour
and the barbarous habits of Molvianinow caused no little
embarrassment. 3
On September i6th their reception by the Pope, who was
attended by fourteen Cardinals, took place in the Palace
of S. Marco, in the Sala del Mappamundi. Here too Molviani
now behaved in a boorish fashion. When his secretary failed
to hand him the letter of the Grand Prince quickly enough, 4
so that he might deliver it to the Pope, he struck him ! 5 No
negotiations took place ; as the envoy had no powers there
could be no more than an exchange of ideas and gifts.
On October i6th, Molvianinow set out again with
Possevino. 6 He carried for Ivan a letter from the Pope,
in which Gregory XIII. expressed his satisfaction at the
relations that had been opened through Possevino and
1 See PIERLING, Bathory et Possevino, 168-93.
2 See *Odescalchi s report dated Rome, September 15, 1582,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. both the *Avvisi di Roma of
September 15, 1582, Urb. 1050, pp. 332, 336, Vatican Library.
See also the *Avviso di Roma of September 17, 1582, in the State
Archives, Naples, C. Fames. 6.
3 See PIERLING, loc. cit., 145, 215 ; cf. La Russie, II., 192 seq.
4 Printed in POSSEVINO, Moscovia, 112.
5 See MUCANTIUS, Diarium, in THEINER, III., 349 seq. ; PRIULI
in MUTINELLI, I., 135 ; Lettres de P. de Foix, 601 ; *Donato s
report of September 22, 1 582, State Archives, Venice ; *Odescalchi s
memorandum of September 22, 1582, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ;
*Avviso di Roma of September 22, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 344,
Vatican Library. Cf. DENGEL, Palazzo di Venezia, 109.
6 See *Avvisi di Roma of September 29, October 3 and 16,
1582, Urb. 1050, pp. 360, 368, 380, Vatican Library; PRIULI in
MUTINELLI, I., 137 seq. Cf. PIERLING, La Russie, II., 204 seq.
446 HISTORY OF THE POPES
Molvianinow between Russia and Rome, and welcomed as a
matter for particular satisfaction the fact that Ivan in an
earlier letter to Bathory had recognized the preservation ol
the true faith in the Roman Church. He hoped that the
Grand Prince would continue to hold this view. The Pope
promised to further the league against the Turks, and informed
Ivan that he might make use of Possevino for the future as a
trustworthy mediator. The letter, which was furnished
with a seal of gold, concluded with an expression of the Pope s
pleasure at the free passage which had been granted to the
merchants and their priests, and with an acknowledgment
of the gifts of the Grand Prince. 1 This brought to an end
the relations of the Holy See with Ivan, who died on March
i8th, 1584.2
The restoration of peace between Poland and Russia was
certainly to the advantage of the kingdom of Bathory, and
specially advantageous for Livonia, which he acquired by it. 3
But the immediate results obtained by Possevino ended there ;
with regard to the principal matter, the reunion of Russia
with the Church, his mission had been a failure, as had been
his earlier attempts in Sweden. Nevertheless he did not
altogether despair of success. In his memorials to the Pope,
1 The document has often been printed : in POSSEVINO,
Moscovia, 114, in Relacye Nuncyuszdw Apost., I., 448 seq., in
TURGENEVIUS, Hist. Russiae Monumenta, I., 393 seq., and in
THEINER, III., 351 seq. The original with the attached Golden
Bu]l is preserved in the archives of the Imperial House at Moscow ;
cf. BUHLER, Reproduct. d anciens cachets Russes, I., Moscow,
1880, p.v., where, however, for 1552, read 1582. In return for
his presents, Ivan received a picture of Our Saviour.
2 For Gregory XIII. s attitude towards Ivan s successor, see
TURGENEVIUS, II., 3 seq. ; PIERLING, La Russie, II., 252 seq. ;
cf. ibid., 271 for the Papal order, inspired by the General of the
Jesuits, in accordance with which Possevino had to leave the
Polish court, owing to the rivalry between Rudolph II. and Bathory
which necessitated strict neutrality on the part of the Jesuit Order.
8 Cf. ZAKRZEWSKI, Stosunki Stolicy Apost. z Iwanem Groznym,
Krakow, 1872, and ARNDT in the Stimmen aus Maria-Lack, XXXI ,.
240 seq., 503.
THE WORK OF POSSEVINO. 447
which contain so much information of the highest importance
as to the state of affairs in Russia, which was almost entirely
unknown in the west , he recommends the training of special
missionaries who should make themselves thoroughly
acquainted with the language, and gradually impart to
the neglected and ignorant people a true idea of western
civilization and of the Catholic Church. 1 The introduction
of any true missionary work on such lines proved to be
impossible, yet the missions of Possevino had important
indirect consequences which were realized in 1593 with the
accession to the throne of Sigismund III., and in 1595, with
the union of the schismatic Ruthcnian Church to that of
Rome. 2 In putting an end to the Ruthenian schism, an
event of the greatest importance for eastern Europe,
Posse vino s fellow Jesuit, Skarga, as well as Gregory XIII.
himself, had already played an energetic and important part. 3
1 Cf. both Possevino s Commentarii which are printed in his
Moscovia, i seq., and 12 seq., and WERNER, Gesch. der polem.
Literatur, III., 341 seq.
2 See KARTTUNEN, Possevino, 205 seq. ; cf. PELESS, Zur
Geschichte der Union der ruthen. Kirche mit Rom, I., Vienna,
1878, 507 seq. ; PIERLING, II., 219-27. See also Anz. der Krak.
Akademie, 1891, 137 seq.
3 Cf. supra, p. 402, and THEINER, III., 340, 433 seq. For the
union of Polish Ruthenians brought about by Bolognetti and the
Jesuits see MAFFEI, II., 350 seq.
CHAPTER XI.
FOREIGN MISSIONS. JAPAN. CHINA. THE INDIES.
As he had done in the case of the various countries of Europe,
Gregory XIII. also displayed so great an activity for the
consolidation and spread of the Church in the Far and Near
East, in Asia, Africa, and the New World, that he has rightly
been called the Pope of the Missions. 1 Here too he found his
best and most indefatigable helpers in the Society of Jesus.
Like their founder, who at first had wished to devote his
labours to the infidel as a missionary, the young followers of
Loyola devoted themselves in a special way to carrying the
Gospel to the peoples who were lost in the darkness of
paganism. In this task Gregory XIII. supported and helped
them in every possible way. 2 The unwearied labours of
Francis Xavier, all on fire with zeal for the salvation of souls,
had made it clear that the work for the conversion of Asia
must be directed not only to the effeminate and visionary
Hindoos and Malays, but rather to the Japanese and Chinese. 3
During the period that followed the Japanese islands offered
to the Jesuits a field of labour that held out high hopes of
success. 4
1 See KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII., 94 scq. Cf. GUIDO FERREKJ,
*Vita Gregorii XIII., c. 4 (Papal Secret Archives).
2 Cf. the countless dispensations and privileges enumerated
in the Synopsis : 64, 67, 68, 70, 78, 82, seq., 84, 86, 94, 95, 96,
97, 99-ioi, 108, 117 seq., 129, 132, 136, 138-9, 140.
3 See Vol. XIII of this work, p. 315 seqq
4 See L. DELPLACE, Le Catholicisme au Japon. Fra^ois
Xavier at ses premiers successeurs, 1540-93, I., Bruxelles, 1909,
77 seq. and HANS HAAS, Geschichte des Christentums in Japan,
II. : Fortschritte des Christentums unter dem Superiorat des
P. Cosmo de Torres, Tokio, 1904. Cf. M. STEICHEN, the Christian
44 8
MISSIONARIES IN JAPAN. 449
When Francis Xavier left Japan in 1551, only a few hundreds
of the natives, and those of the lowest class, had been won over
to the religion of the Cross. Caspar Vilela, who returned to
India in 1571, worn out by his long missionary labours,
estimated the number of Christians at 30,000^ Among the
new converts there was one of the sixty Daimios, and not a
few of the most highly educated and learned men of the
country. There were also isolated Christians in those places
where the missionaries had not yet penetrated ; such were
to be found, in the opinion of Ludovico Froes in 1566, in
almost all the sixty-three .principalities into which Japan
was at that time divided. 2 In the midst of the corruption of
the representatives of Buddhism and Shintoism, the Japanese
felt themselves more and more attracted in those difficult
times to the missionaries, in whom they still saw the spirit
of Francis Xavier. Compared to the comfortable life and the
selfishness of the pagan priests, the generosity and the self-
sacrificing care for the sick shown by the missionaries formed
a contrast which made a deep impression. 3
The zeal of the new converts corresponded to the heroic
courage arid spirit of sacrifice of the missionaries. 4 They
come on Sundays, wrote Baldassare Gago in 1559, 5 from a
distance of two and three leagues, to the instructions for
catechumens at Funai ; those who live further off arrive the
evening before and spend the night at the hospital. On
solemn feasts the church is too small for the number of the
faithful, but their devotion and the tears with which they
receive the holy sacraments make the missionaries blush.
Daymios : A century of religious and political history in Japan
(1549-1650), Yokohama, 1903. For a criticism of MURDOCH S
History of Japan, Kobe, 1903, cf. THURSTON in The Month,
1905, I., 291 seq., 388 seq.
1 DELPLACE, I., 172.
8 Ibid. 149.
3 Cf. the opinion of the Japanese G. MITSUKURI in the Hist.
Zeitschr., LXXXVII., 194 seq.
4 See HAAS, II., 332-71.
5 DELPLACE, I., 91.
VOL. xx. 29
45^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Every Wednesday and Friday during Lent, after a seimon on
the Passion of Christ, they take the discipline before the
crucifix. Everywhere there is set up a system of works of
charity for the poor, and the care of the sick ; meals in common,
especially on the feast of the Visitation of Our Lady, help
to foster the love and mutual good-will of the Christians.
The steadfastness and constancy of the converts were no
less great than their zeal. When the Daimio of Hirado
persecuted the Christians in 1560, many went into exile
and forfeited all their property. 1 When he was asked how
far his love for Jesus Christ ought to extend, a boy of eleven
replied : "as long as I am a Christian, even though I were
to be cut into small pieces " ; 2 such replies are frequently
recorded, even though at the utmost there were only isolated
cases of true martyrdom. 3
The joy experienced by the converts in feeling themselves
to be members of a great universal Church, and children of
the Vicar of Christ, was shown by the eagerness with which
they asked the Pope for blessed Agnus Dei, or copies of the
Sudarium. Some of them, wrote Lodovico Froes, pass eight
days in prayer in order to merit the happiness of possessing
such things. Some of the Agnus Dei had to be broken into
1530 pieces, in order to satisfy the devotion of all the claimants.
Every day boat loads of men and women arrived asking to
share in these treasures. 4
The results of the labours of the missions, when compared
with the difficulties they were faced with, are all the more
remarkable. At first the missionaries were only quite a
small number. Until the end of 1563, there were never
more than nine priests in the country ; in the following year
they were increased by seven priests and eight lay-brothers,
of whom four were Japanese ; in 1570 two more priests were
added. 5
1 DELPLACE, I., 96.
2 HAAS, II., 342.
3 DELPLACE, I., 94, 173.
4 (I. P. MAFFEI), Rerum a Societate lesu in Oriente gestarum
volumen, Coloniae, 1574, 351, 369.
5 DELPLACE, I., 98. HAAS, II., 274.
LABOURS OF THE MISSIONARIES. 451
What was accomplished by this little band was the result
of an inexhaustible perseverance, which never allowed itself
to be discouraged, even when after years of work there were
no visible results, and one of the frequent wars, or a change
in the government, or the whim of a ruler seemed to have
swept away all that had been won. From Kagoschima,
where the work of the missions had been begun, the prohibition
of the sovereign kept the missionaries away for a long time,
and the Christian community to a great extent became
demoralized. 1 A church was established amid great perils
at Hakata, but almost entirely fell into ruins, because it
was impossible to send any missionary there. 2 At Jamagutschi
the progress that was made at first was considerable ; the
governor of the city himself, Naito Takaharu, with two of
his sons, two learned priests, who obtained Christian priests
from Meaco, received baptism. But in 1556 the Daimio
Joschinaga was driven out, and his successor Mori Motonari
forbade the preaching of the Gospel, and for about twenty yeais
the Christians there were without priests. 3
The conditions were most favourable for the missionaries
in the kingdom of Bungo. 4 The Daimio there, Otomo
Joschischiga, had asked the viceroy of India for missionaries,
and went so far in his courtesy towards them as to ask them
once a year to dine with him. But as he did not himself
embrace Christianity they were unable to win over the
magnates of the district. For thirty years, a missionary
wrote in 1580, we have undergone great labours and dangers,
and the result has been that from time to time we convert a
hunchback, a cripple, or a leper. A young Portuguese
merchant, Luiz Almeida, who soon afterwards entered the
Society of Jesus, had built out of his own means a hospital
for deserted children, and another for lepers, where those
1 HAAS, II., 192 seqq.
2 Ibid. 94 seqq.
3 DELPLACE, I., 79 seq. E. SATOW, Vicissitudes of the Church
at Yamaguchi from 1550 to 1586, in Transactions of the Asiatic
Society of Japan, VII., Yokohama, 1879, 131-56.
4 HAAS, II., 72-111. DELPLACE, I., 83-96.
452 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
who were suffering from venereal disease also found a refuge.
Many came out as Christians from these hospitals, and their
charitable work thus met with its reward, but this did not
prevent Christianity from being looked upon, on account of
its connexion with these hospitals, as the religion of the poor
and neglected, to which those of high rank ought not to
belong. In spite of this by 1556 there were about two
thousand Christians in Bungo.
There were about the same number in 1561 in the Island
of Hirado, where the fickle Daimio, Matsuura Takanobu,
was at one time favourable and at another opposed to the
new religion, in each case in accordance with the political
considerations of the moment. There the Jesuits found a
supporter in Koteda, the powerful vassal of Takanobu, and
the islands of Tukaschima and Ikitsu which were subject to
him soon became almost entirely Christian. 1
The preference which the Portuguese showed for the port
of Hirado, suggested to Sumitada, the ruler of Omura, to the
south, the idea of attracting Portuguese merchants to his
state by offering great advantages to their merchants and
missionaries. He offered them his port of Jokoseura, which
they accepted. After several visits of courtesy, Sumitada
began to take his relations with the missionaries more seriously;
he began to wear a cross of gold in public, and went to visit
the Jesuits at night, in order to discuss questions of religion
with them, and at last openly embraced Christianity, and
when, at the outbreak of the next war he went, in accordance
with the Japanese custom, to visit the temple of the god of
war, it was only in order to strike the idol with his sword.
After this the Jesuits met with brilliant success at Omura.
Soon, however, an insurrection of twelve of his vassals against
the Daimio threatened once more to imperil the whole position.
Sumitada found himself in great straits, but refused to purchase
the submission of his vassals by abandoning his religion as
they demanded ; he was saved by the intervention of his
father, who was still a pagan. 2
1 HAAS, II., 2f 7 seqq.
2 Ibid. 229 seqq.
THE JPJSUITS IN JAPAN. 453
The example of Sumitada decided his brother, the Daimio
Joschisada of Arima to call in the Jesuits as well, to his
beautiful port and city of Kotschinotsu. But here the cause
of the Cross was again defeated and the missionaries driven
out for a time. After their return almost the whole city
embraced Christianity. In the Islands of Goto, whither the
Daimio Takaaki summoned the Jesuits in 1566, he had his
son baptized by the name of Louis. 1 In the Island of
Amakusa even more seemed to have been obtained. The
Daimio himself embraced Christianity, but very soon again
apostatized, when he found that the commercial advantages
which he had looked for from his conversion were not realized. 2
All this progress, however, could not have any decisive
effect, because these were all places of the second rank. The
religious centre of the country was the capital, Meaco (Kioto),
with its Holy Mountain of Hije, which was peopled by hundreds
of monasteries of the bonzes. It was necessary for Christianity
to get a footing there, if the whole of Japan was to be won.
Such a thing, however, was only possible by slow degrees and
with great difficulty. 3 Cosmo de Torres, the head of the
mission, had sent thither in 1559 h* 8 two best fellow-workers,
Caspar Vilela and the Japanese, Lawrence. Cross in hand,
Vilela began to preach in the public streets, and aroused
wonder even in the most exalted quarters. The Shogun
himself (majordomo) summoned him twice to his presence
and gave him a safe conduct. He soon aroused the hatred
of the powerful bonzes, when he had converted about a
hundred persons, including fifteen of the bonzes themselves.
The position grew steadily worse, so that in August 1561 the
missionary had no other course open to him but to leave the
city, which, even apart from this, soon became the scene of
military disturbances. Going back in the autumn of 1562
Vilela had once more to leave about Easter, 1563, and from
1565 to 1569 during the political disturbances which preceded
1 Ibid. 258 seqq.
2 Ibid. 262 seqq.
3 DELPLACE, I., 100 seqq. HAAS, II., 113 seqq.
454 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the union of Japan, any permanent residence in the capital
was impossible for the missionaries.
Driven out from Meaco itself, Vilela continued to work
indeiatigably in the surrounding district, and gradually
obtained some results. Lodovico Froes, who was Vilela s
fellow labourer from 1565, and later on his successor, pointed
to this as a definite proof that everything could be won by
persistence. " Despised," he says, " hated, stoned, persecuted
in every way, treated as unworthy of any consideration,
Vilela has never ceased to do all he could for the spread of
the faith. To-day he is venerated and loved by two of the
greatest dignitaries, and by the king himself, the supreme
head of all Japan, who willingly converses with him. Great
lords have become Christians, and he has built seven churches
in a district covering from twelve to fifteen leagues. In spite
of his weariness and weakness, he does not cease to labour,
as though he were still in good health." 1 For six years
Vilela had seen no European, and for three years he had been
unable to say mass, because owing to the depredations of
bandits it had been impossible to convey vestments to Meaco. 2
In 1577 there were about 1500 Christians in the capital. 3
In the surrounding district the progress had been greater
and more rapid. For example, at the fortress of Imori
500 Japanese asked for baptism within a short period,
after an important official there, the secretary of the first
minister of Meaco, had become a Christian. The reasons
for his conversion are characteristic of the existing state of
affairs in Japan. The bonzes of Meaco had demanded of
the minister of justice the expulsion of Vilela, but the minister
replied that it would first be necessary to examine Vilela s
doctrine. The two bonzes who were entrusted with this
examination both declared themselves in favour of Christianity
and asked for baptism. This unexpected conversion led to
that of the secretary and through his means to many others. 4
1 DELPLACE, I., 113.
2 DELPLACE, I., 106, 116.
3 Ibid. 172.
4 Ibid, no.
CONVERSIONS IN JAPAN. 455
Vilela made an even more interesting conversion in that
of Takajama Hida-no-kami, governor of the fortress of
Takatsuki, who was baptized under the name of Darius.
Together with two other important nobles, he had invited
Vilela and Lawrence to his house on the pretext of asking for
instruction, but his real intention had been to cut off both
their heads, if they, who spoke so much of the unreasonableness
of the Japanese religion, should themselves say anything
unreasonable. The result of the interview was that the
governor himself, and his two guests, embraced Christianity. 1
Of the two brothers of Darius, one, Francis Moriaku, com
mandant of Sawa, was also a zealous Christian, arid the other,
Wada (Vatandono), fell in battle before his conversion had
been completed, but his favourable dispositions towards
Christianity were even more important than those of his two
brothers. For when the Shogun and the whole of the Wada
family perished in an insurrection in 1565, he saved the
Shogun s brother Gakkei, the heir to the Shogunate, by
giving him shelter in his own castle. When Oda Nobunaga,
the prince of Owari, took up arms on behalf of Gakkei, for
the conquest of Meaco, and assumed the supreme power,
Wada became all powerful with the new sovereign, and
used his influence on behalf of the Christians. At his
recommendation, the Jesuit Lodovico Froes was enabled
to obtain a personal interview with Nobunaga, and received
from him a document permitting the missionaries to live
in Meaco, and setting them free from various disabilities. 2
A new era in Japan, both in its political history and in that
of Christianity, began with the accession to the throne of
Nobunaga. Whereas that powerful sovereign acted un
hesitatingly against the Buddhist priests, who had joined
forces with his enemies against him, he showed the Jesuits
so much favour that it was rumoured that he had secretly
embraced Christianity. Although the ambitious monarch
had no thought of any such thing, he nevertheless remained
very friendly towards the Christian mission. Thus the hopes
. 135.
8 HAAS, II., 159 seqq.
456 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of Francis Xavier were at length to be realized. Father
Organtino Gnecchi erected a church at Meaco, to the building
of which the converts of the capital and the neighbourhood
contributed. In memory of the day on which Francis
Xavier first set foot on Japanese soil, he dedicated the church,
though it was not yet quite finished, on the feast of the
Assumption, 1576. 1
Cosmo de Torres, the companion of Francis Xavier, died
in October, 1570, after a laborious apostolate of twenty-one
years. Francis Cabral then undertook the charge of the
missions. In October, 1575, Cabral informed the General
of his Order that since he had been working in Japan several
thousand souls had been converted every year, and that in
the present year there had been conversions in mass ; in the
kingdom of Omura alone 20,000 pagans had been won to the
Church, together with sixty monasteries of the bonzes. Many,
too, had been converted in Bungo and Meaco, and among
them many of the nobles. In many of the other kingdoms
preachers of the Gospel had been asked for, but he had only
been able to reply to them with his tears, so great was his
sorrow at seeing countless souls being lost without anyone
being able to go to their assistance. He implored by the
Sacred Wounds of Jesus that labourers might be sent to that
vineyard, in which there was so much fruit and so few labourers,
who, moreover, were for the most part very scattered and
far distant from each other. Cabral in this letter also called
the attention of the General to the need for the establishment
of a special house to serve as a seminary for the natives, who
had to be trained to act as catechists ; the few whom he had
at his disposal for that purpose were worn out by their constant
labours, and some had died, so that he was in sore need of
more help. 2 In spite of the insufficient numbers, however,
the years that followed were rich in results, news of which was
sent to the nations of Europe in special reports, printed in
Latin, Italian and German. 3
1 See DELPLACE, I., 129 seq., 135, 138.
2 See ibid. 183 seq.
3 Cf. CARAYON, Bibl. hist., 92 seq. ; DE BACKER, II., 319 seq. ;
Zeitschyift fur Missionswissenschaft, 1920, 235 seq.
VALIGNANI. 457
In 1575 the ruler of Tosu at Schikoku embraced Christianity,
and in 1576 his example was followed by the prince of Arima,
and in 1578 by the prince of Bungo. The progress of the
missions was especially great at Meaco, where conversions
took place in mass. Many important dignitaries became
Christians ; Nobunaga continued to treat the missionaries
with the greatest honour, and discussed religious questions
with them. Optimistic persons thought that within ten years
the whole of Japan would be converted. 1
An important event for the missions in the Far East was
the coming of Father Alessandro Valignani, who had been
sent as visitor. This distinguished man, who was a native
of Chieti in the Abruzzi, united a burning zeal for souls to
consummate prudence ; in course of time he was to win the
name, in company with Francis Xavier, the Apostle of the
East, of having done all that could be done for the Christianiz
ing of the East. 2 When Valignani reached Japan in July,
1579, ne found there 150,000 Christians, for whom he had
at his disposal only 59 missionaries, 23 of whom were priests. 3
He divided Japan into three provinces : Bungo, Meaco and
Hizen (Figen). He established a seminary at Arima, to
which another was afterwards added at Ansukimono. In
these institutions young Japanese were to be trained in
Christianity, and if they proved to have a vocation, educated
for the priesthood. In 1580 Valignani had the joy of
administering the sacrament of baptism to the new ruler of
Arima giving him the name of Protasius by whose example
almost the whole of his kingdom was converted. It was of
the greatest importance to retain the good-will of Nobunaga,
1 Cf. DELPLACE, I., 184, 189, 211; BARTOLI, Degli uomini
e de fatti d. Comp. di Gesu, Torino, 1847, I., 4, c. 14 ; and
Del Giappone, I., Torino, 1825, 61 seq., 74 seq., 389 seq. ; Gregory
XIII. s brief to " rex Bungi " of December 20, 1578, Bull. patr.
Portug., I., 229.
- A monograph on Valignani is in preparation by Luigi Manzi.
3 In 1574 the number of Jesuit missionaries was 42, including
19 priests ; see MANOEL CAMARA, Missoes dos Jesuitas no Oriente
nos siglos XVI. e XVII., Lisboa, 1894, 140.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
who, indeed, showed great favour to Father Gnecchi. In
order to make the missionaries popular in Japan the prudent
Valignani insisted that they should adapt themselves as far
as possible to the customs of the country, and this led to good
results. Gregory XIII. bore a great part of the expenses,
not only of the two seminaries at Arima and Ansukimono,
but also of the new Jesuit college at Funai, and the house of
probation at Iquisenqui. 1
When Valignani, who was accompanied by Organtino
Gnecchi and Lodovico Froes, went to the court of Nobunaga
at the beginning of 1581, he was received with the greatest
honour. He presented the powerful monarch with a gilt
chair, some yards of crimson velvet, and crystal vases.
Nobunaga used the chair at a sumptuous tournament at
which the whole court was present. Unfortunately there
were no hopes of winning Nobunaga himself to Christianity ;
all the thoughts and preoccupations of that haughty man
were fixed upon military glory and the extension of his power. 2
Besides his work of internal organization, Valignani was
at pains to bring about the sending of an embassy of the
Christian Japanese princes to the Pope in Rome. He had a
two-fold purpose in so doing : in the first place he wished
homage and obedience to be paid to the supreme head of the
Church, and thus give proof that the Pope s energetic support
of the Japanese missions 3 had borne good fruit, but at the
1 See MAFFEI, II., 351 and BONCOMPAGNI-LUDOVISI (infra p. 459,
note 2), xxi. Cf. HUONDER, Einheim. Klerus, 102 seq., and
vol. xix. of this work, p.
2 Cf. BARTOLI, Del. Giappone, I., 137 seq., 146 seq., 150 seq.,
I 55 sec L-, J 63 seq., 238 seq., 248 seq. ; DELTLACE, I., 203 seq.,
207 seq.
3 Cf. supra p. 448, note 2. The great success of the Jesuits
in Japan aroused, at the time, well-deserved admiration in the
Curia ; cf. *Odescalchi s report dat. Rome, October 25, 1578
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). According to the *Avviso di
Roma of December 18, 1582 (Vatican Library), the yearly pay
ments of the Pope to the Jesuit colleges of Japan amounted to
4,000 scudi. Cf. also SPECIANI, * Consideration! (Boncompagni
Archives, Rome).
JAPANESE MISSION TO ROME. 459
same time Valignani had another purpose in view, namely
that the Japanese, who were so proud of their own institutions
and their own learning, might form, by their personal
experience, an idea of the far higher culture of the west,
and of the splendour of the Catholic Church. 1
The Christian sovereigns of Bungo, Arima and Omura
welcomed the proposal of the enterprising Jesuit. 2 They
chose as their envoys their own near relatives, who were still
young men, because it was thought that they, better than
older men, would be able to bear the hardships of so long a
journey, and the differences of climate. The " King "
(Daimio) Francis of Bungo, chose as his representative a
cousin named Mantius Ito ; " King " Protasius of Arima
and the ruler of Omura, also chose a near relative, Michael
1 The opinion of BERCHET (Arch. Veneto, 1877, I., 255 seq.)
that commercial and political aims were also involved in the
sending of envoys is untenable ; see TACCHI VENTURI, in the
Civ. Catt., 1904, III., 456, note 3. The Japanese MITSUKURI
expresses the same opinion in the Hist. Zeitschr., LXXXVII.,
193-
2 See " De missione legatorum lapanensium ad Romanam
curiam rebusque in Europa ac toto itinere animadversis Dialogus
ex ephemeride ipsorum legatorum collectus et in sermonem
latinum versus ab Eduardo de Sande sacerdote Soc. lesu. In
Macaensi portu Sinici regni " (Macao, 1590), written by A.
VALIGNANI as is expressly stated in the copy in the Casanatense
Library, Rome. Moreover, the book is not, as BRUNET asserts,
the first to be printed in Macao ; see TACCHI VENTURI, loc. tit.
455, note. Cf. also the Relazioni della venuta degli ambasciatori
Giaponesi a Roma. . . raccol te da GUIDO GUALTIERI, Roma,
1586 (cf. PAGES, Bibliogr. jap., 28), Reprint, Schio, 1895 ;
SACCHINUS-POSSINUS, V., 225 seq. ; BARTOLI, I., 266 seq. ;
MAFFEI, II., 393 seq. ; BERCHET, loc. cit. I., 255 seqq. ; FRANCESCO
BoNCOMPAGNi-LuDOVisi, Le prime due ambasciate di Giapponesi
a Roma (1585, 1615) con nuovi documenti, Roma, 1904, a very
beautiful publication (restricted to 104 copies) issued to celebrate
the golden wedding of the Prince of Piombino Rodolfo
Boncompagni and Agnese Borghese. See also CORDIER, Bibl.
Jap. (1912), 94-107 ; Die kathol. Missionen, 1920, 217 seq.
4 ~> HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cingiva. To these royal personages others belonging to the
great aristocracy were added, Julian Nacaura and Martin
Kara. On February 2oth, 1582, the envoys, accompanied
by several Jesuits, among them Valignani, embarked upon a
Portuguese vessel at Nagasaki. The whole company was
not very large. On the way across to China the travellers
had to pass through a cyclone lasting five days. At Macao
they had to delay for nine months, because vessels only sailed
thence once a year for the Indies. The Japanese made use
of the time, as they did again during long delays at Malacca
and Goa, in learning the Latin language, and the writing of
the west.
The continuation of the voyage towards India was rendered
extremely perilous by storms and pirates, and as Valignani
had received orders to remain in India as provincial, he
handed over the care of the envoys to Father Nuno Rodriguez,
who was being sent to Rome as procurator of the interests
of the Order. The envoys were also accompanied by another
Jesuit named Meschita, who acted as interpreter. After
having rounded the Cape of Good Hope, at last, after a voyage
of two and a half years, the harbour of Lisbon was reached
on August loth, 1584. King Philip II., who received the
envoys at Madrid, caused the most honourable welcome to
be prepared for them in his kingdom, and the envoys were
even shown the Escorial. At Alicante they embarked for
Leghorn, which, on account of the storms which delayed
them, they only reached on March ist, 1585. The Grand
Duke of Tuscany also showed the foreign visitors everv possible
attention ; at Pisa, Florence and Siena they were lost in
wonder at the splendid cathedrals and the other wonderful
things they were shown.
Gregory XIII. , after having carefully examined copies of
their credentials, caused the envoys to be welcomed at the
frontier of the Papal States by a guard of honour. After
going to Viterbo, the Japanese visited the castle of Caprarola,
the owner of which, Cardinal Farnese, entertained them in
princely style. In the evening of March 22nd this unique
embassy, which was awaited by the Curia with the greatest
THE JAPANESE ENVOYS IN ROME. 461
enthusiasm, 1 arrived before the gates of the Eternal City.
Three full years and thirty-two days had elapsed since they
had set out from Japan ! The envoys lodged, as had generally
been the case on the course of their journey, with the Jesuits,
this time in the professed house. Their solemn reception
was to take place on the following day at a public consistory.
An enormous crowd assembled in the streets of Rome on
the morning of March 23rd, to see the foreign visitors who
had come from the mysterious island kingdom in the farthest
east. The entry of the Japanese, whose short stature and
appearance, as well as their youth, caused general pleasure,
was made with the customary solemn ceremonial from the
Villa of Julius III. 2 Thence the cortege passed by way
of the Porta del Popolo and the Ripetta, past the Tor
Sanguigna, and along the Via de Coronari and the Via dei
Banchi, to the Castle of St. Angelo. The cannon of the
fortress saluted the envoys, who were mounted upon fine
palfreys with black trappings, richly embroidered in gold.
They had donned their national dress ; white silk coats,
embroidered in gold, with birds and flowers in various colours,
open in the front and with wide sleeves, while over their
shoulders was a rich scarf, crossed upon their breast and tied
as a girdle. In their right hands they bore a splendid scimitar
and in their left a dagger, in a sheath adorned with lacquer.
In the Vatican the envoys were first offered refreshments,
1 Cf. *Camillo Capilupi s report dat. Rome, March 16, 1585
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Cf. (in addition to the authorities quoted supra 459,
n. 2) the *detailed report of C. Capilupi dat. Rome, March
23, 1585 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). See also " Acta consis-
torii publ. exhibit! a D. N. Gregorio XIII. regum lapanicorum
legatis, Romae " (ap. Zannettum, 1585 (published by Giampietro
Maffei ; cf. MAFFEI, II., 421 and PAGS, loc. cit. 23) ; reprint
Dilingae, 1585, Italian translation : Descrizione dell ambasciata
dei regi . . . del gran regno di Giapone, Venezia, 1585 ; see
moreover the report of Mucantius in THEINER, III., 637 scq.,
and that of Alaleone in BONCOMPAGNI-LUDOVISI, Appendix
12 seq.
462 HISTORY OF TPIE POPES.
and were then led to the Sala Regia where the Pope and the
Cardinals were assembled. Two archbishops conducted
Mantius Ito to the Papal throne, two more Michael Cingiva,
and two bishops Martin Kara ; Julian Nacaura had to be
absent from the ceremony on account of a violent attack of
fever.
After the envoys had expressed their veneration for the
Pope by kneeling in the customary way, the Pontiff bade
them rise and expressed his deep emotion at thus embracing
the first born of the Church of Japan. The credential letters
were handed to the secretary of briefs, Antonio Boccapaduli.
After a short speech in Japanese, which the Jesuit Meschita
translated into Italian, the envoys took their place in a tribune.
Amid general attention the Portuguese Jesuit Consalvi
delivered a Latin address to the Pope, 1 in which he expressed
himself as follows :
The island kingdom of Japan is, it is true, so far away that
its name is hardly known, and some have even doubted its
very existence. In spite of this, those who know it set it before
all the countries of the east, and compare it to those of the
west, in its size, the number of its cities, and its warlike and
cultured people. All that has been lacking to it has been
the light of the Christian faith. But when not so long ago,
the Gospel had made its way there with the authority of the
Holy See, it was received, by the help of God, as in the case
of the ancient Church, first by the lower classes and then
little by little, by the nobility as well, and at length, under
the happy and golden rule of Gregory, by the sovereigns and
princes. Thus the Pope, while labouring with all his power
for the restoration of the Catholic religion in those neighbour
ing countries which have been shaken by error, has seen the
faith take root and grow in far distant countries as well.
This consoling fact, which hitherto had been known to him
only by report, he could now touch with his own hand and
make known to all the world.
1 The discourse appeared in an Italian translation by Agcstino
Ghettini, Firenze, s.a. (1586).
DISCOURSE OF CONSALVI.
Noble princes, led by none but religious motives, Consalvi
went on to say, have come from the furthest ends of the earth
to promise to the father of Christendom their obedience and
loyalty. Once upon a time Rome, under the rule of the
Emperor Augustus, had been deemed happy because
ambassadors had come from the Indies ; but now envoys
have come from even more distant countries, whom it had
taken three years to reach the presence of Pope Gregory.
Those Indians only sought to enter into a treaty of friendship,
but to-day Rome had seen young men of the royal stock,
offering their obedience as subjects. As the Church in the
days of Gregory the Great had the special joy of seeing distant
Britain converted to the Christian faith, so to-day she was
sorrowing in equal measure at the apostasy of that island.
The conquest of Japan afforded a rich compensation, and
the joy they felt was all the greater in that the prophets had
foreseen and proclaimed it. They might imagine they could
hear David singing to his harp : "A people, which I knew
not, hath served me : at the hearing of the ear they have
obeyed me." In the days of antiquity a philosopher travelled
as far as the Indies only to hear a hierophant explain from
a throne of gold the courses of the stars. How much more
marvellous is the love and zeal for religion of the Japanese,
how much more fervent their desire to attain to the faith,
when they have undertaken a journey with which that of
that philosopher can hardly bear comparison ! But in Rome
they have found Gregory XIII., upon the throne of Peter,
teaching no earthly science, but that of heaven.
In the further development of his discourse Consalvi
extolled the religious zeal of the Japanese, who had sent these
representatives, and he concluded with praise of the Pope.
The perfect prince, better than anyone else, may be compared
to the sun. It stands in the centre of the heavens and illumines
with its rays, not only the nearest, but the most distant parts
of the globe. In like manner the generosity and religious zeal
of Gregory XIII. was not limited to Rome, to Germany,
Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, Syria, Greece and Slavonia,
but extended in like manner across the equator to the distant
464 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
kingdom of the Japanese. Hardly had the Pope learned that
the Christian faith had taken a firm footing there, when,
convinced that true progress could only be assured to it when
the natives of the country where trained for the priesthood,
he spared no expense to establish colleges for the young
students. There was reason therefore to hope that the work
of conversion, by the labours of the students of those founda
tions, and by means of the members of the Society of Jesus,
would make so great progress that the Christians of Japan
would become more than men could number.
Antonio Boccapaduli replied to this address in the name
of the Pope. The Princes of Japan, so he began, have done
well to send an embassy to the Holy See, since there is but
one faith, one universal Church, one head, and one shepherd :
the successor of Peter, and Bishop of Rome. Gladly did he
welcome the obedience of the Japanese princes, and prayed
that by their example the kings and princes of all the world
would renounce their idolatry and errors, and recognize the
true God, and Him whom He had sent, Jesus Christ, in whom
is eternal life.
After the envoys had once again expressed their veneration
for the Pope, they accompanied him to his apartments. There
they took part in a banquet given by Cardinal Boncompagni,
at which Cardinal Guastavillani and the Duke of Sora were
also present. Finally they had a private audience with the
Pope, at which the Jesuit, Giampietro Maffei, acted as
interpreter. At a subsequent audience they presented their
gifts, among them a precious writing desk of ebony and a
picture showing a Japanese city, which was included in the
Vatican collection.
Gregory XIII. afterwards loaded the envoys with favours.
He bore the expense of their lodging, and sent to them, as
it was Lent, choice fish, and caused the sick Julian Nacaura
to be tended by his own physicians ; in this matter he took
as much trouble as though Nacaura had been his own son.
He assigned an annual sum of 4000 scudi for twenty years to
the colleges in Japan. When the envoys visited the church
of the Minerva on the feast of the Annunciation, they were
THE JAPANESE ENVOYS IN ROME. 465
given, as royal princes, places before the Margrave of Baden.
As their strange Japanese costume excited too much comment
among the satirical Roman populace the Pope sent them
European dress together with a gift of 1000 scudi. They
appeared in this dress for the first time on March 2Qth at the
granting of an indulgence in St. Peter s. 1
The Cardinals and the ambassadors at the Curia too showed
the foreign visitors the greatest honour. In contrast to the
previous envoys from Russia the Japanese behaved with
complete courtesy, culture and modesty. 2 All four under
stood Portuguese well, as well as Latin, Spanish and Italian,
though they always communicated with strangers through
an interpreter. Their moderation in eating gave great
edification above all, they never touched wine as did
their keen intelligence, their prudent restraint and the
quickness with which they at once conformed to the usages
of courtesy of the west. The way in which they professed
their Christianity was altogether edifying. They assisted
every day at mass with the greatest reverence and piety,
and received the holy sacraments every week. The Jesuits
watched over them that they should see nothing that could
give them scandal, or be harmful to the mission after their
return home.
We are told that Gregory XIII. , after the reception of the
Japanese envoys, repeated in consistory with tears in his
eyes, the words of old Simeon : " Now let Thy servant depart
in peace " and the presentiment felt by the aged pontiff was
not an empty one : this embassy was his last happiness. 3
It was still in Rome when the supreme head of the Church
was called out of this world on April loth, 1585. It is char
acteristic of the modesty of the Pope that when the Romans
1 Cf. *C. Capilnpi s report of March 30, 1585 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua).
2 Jesuit reports on this subject are confirmed from other
sources see Arch. Veneto, 1877, II., 153.
3 Cf. SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 163. For a sonnet on
the Japanese envoys addressed to Gregory XIII. see Arch. Pom.,
VII., 522.
VOL. XX. 30
466 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and the ambassadors of the powers congratulated him on
the coming of so many Japanese into the Church, he disclaimed
the credit, saying that all the merit belonged to the Society
of Jesus. 1
The hopes which the Popes of the XlVth century had
entertained of the winning over to the religion of the Cross
of China, the Central Kingdom, as the Chinese called their
country, 2 during the stormy period of the fall of the Mongolian
rule, and the rise of the national Ming dynasty, which was
hostile to all foreigners, had come to nothing. Every trace
of the mission of the Franciscans, among whom Father
Giovanni da Montecorvino, who had been appointed Arch
bishop of Kambaluk (Pekin), in the XVth century, had been
especially distinguished, had disappeared in the complete
closure of China. The first to turn his attention once again,
in his boundless charity, to the largest and most powerful
empire in the east was Francis Xavier, the Apostle of the
Indies. Resolved to sacrifice his life for this great work,
this heroic man had breathed out his noble soul in 1552 in the
lonely island of Sanchoan, in sight of the desired land. 3 But
his spirit of sacrifice lived on in his brethren of the Society
of Jesus. During the next thirty years, with wonderful
tenacity of purpose, they made attempt after attempt to
penetrate into China, which was strictly closed to them,
with no other result than, after a short stay, having to leave
the country again. Thus, on his way to Japan, the provincial
of the Indies, Melchior Nunez Barreto, twice during the
summer of 1555 reached Canton, the capital of the province
of Kwangtung, but was not able to remain there longer than
four weeks. The Dominican, Caspar de Cruz, met with no
better success in the following year. The Jesuit, Francisco
Perez, who arrived in Canton in 1565 with Portuguese
merchants, vainly sought from the mandarin of the city
1 See the * memorandum of C. Capilupi dat. Rome, March 30,
I 5&5, (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 See Vol. I. of this work, p. 60 seq., where the special literature
is quoted.
3 See Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 321.
VALIGNANI SENT TO CHINA. 467
permission to stay there. An attempt made in 1568 entirely
on his own initiative, by the Jesuit Giambattista Ribera, to
penetrate into China, also failed, as did the missionary
enterprise of Cristoforo da Costa seven years later. 1
In the time of Gregory XIII. other religious sought to
obtain what the Jesuits had not succeeded in doing. In
1575 two Augustinians set out for China from the Philippines ;
in 1579 three Spanish Franciscans and one Italian, also set
sail from the Philippines, but they all very soon had to leave
the country. 2
A change for the better only took place when the highly-
gifted Jesuit, Alessandro Valignani, took the matter in hand.
That the clear-sighted General of the Order, Everard Mercurian,
was right in seeing in him the man best fitted to give a new
impetus to the missions in the east, was proved not only in
Japan. 3 Valignani had modestly only asked permission
to go and labour as a simple missionary, but in August, 1573,
the General appointed him visitor for the whole of India,
and gave him picked fellow-labourers. 4
Valignani embarked at Lisbon in March, 1574, and went
first of all to Goa, the capital of the Portuguese Indies. When
he had put in order the more pressing needs of the mission
there, he set out in 1577 for Japan, and in the course of the
voyage had to wait for ten months in the Portuguese colony
of Macao for a favourable wind for continuing his journey.
1 Cf. BARTOLI, Cina, I., c. 145 and 148 ; BRUCKER, M. Ricci,
in the tudes, CXXIV. (1910), 189 seq.
2 See J. GONCALEZ DE MENDOCA, Historia de las cosas mas
notables, ritos y costumbres del gran Regno de la China, Madrid,
1586. Cf. MARCELLING DE CIVEZZA, Saggio di bibliografia
Sanfrancescana, 453 seq. ; Or bis Seraph. II., 786 seq. ; La
Palestina e le rimanenti Missioni Francescane in tutta la terra.
Cronaca compilata dai padri Marcellino da Civezza e Teofilo
Domenichelli in varie lingue, I., Roma, 1890, 56 seq., 120 seq.,
182 seq., 248 seq., 312 seq., 374 seq., 495. Ibid. 401 seq. the report
of Fr. Paulus a Jesu to Gregory XIII.
3 c f, supra, p. 457.
4 See SACCHINUS, IV., u, 55 seq.
468 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
During his long stay in the house of the Jesuits, which had
been established at Macao since 1565, Valignani informed
himself fully as to that Asiatic empire which was so little
known in the west. From his conversations with the
Portuguese merchants, as well as with the Chinese who came
to Macao, he saw more and more clearly what great conquests
Christianity might be able to make there, as well as what
great difficulties stood in the way of such an undertaking.
But no obstacles were able to dismay his apostolic zeal. His
prudent and shrewd intelligence realized that the Christian
missionaries would have to be trained in a different way
from what had been done in the past if they were to attain
to better results. Above all, the missionaries must no longer,
as hitherto, have to rely upon interpreters who were for the
most part unreliable, while, as well as having a knowledge
of the Chinese language, it seemed to be equally indispensable
that as far as possible they should conform to the customs
and usages of the people among whom they wished to work. 1
For the organization of the Chinese mission Valignani chose
Michele Ruggeri, who had come to the Indies in 1578, and
who had with great facility learned the difficult language
of the natives of the Fishermen s Coast. When Ruggeri
reached Macao in 1579 he found waiting for him detailed
instructions from Valignani, who had already set out for
Japan, as to how he was to prepare himself for his difficult
task. Ruggeri threw himself zealously into this and first
of all composed a catechism in the Chinese language, 2 but
he had to struggle for three years before he succeeded in
getting a firm footing in China.
On March gth, 1582, Valignani arrived for the second time
at Macao with the mission of the princes of south Japan to
Rome. 3 There is a tradition that he would often take his
1 BRUCKER, loc. cit. 193 seq.
2 This work, which appeared in 1584, was the first book by a
European to be printed in Chinese ; cf. BARTOLI, Cina, I., i and
Ricci s letter of November 24, 1585, in the Civ. catt., 1902, I.,
220.
3 See supra p. 460.
MATTEO RICCI. 469
stand at the window of his house and gaze with sighs towards
the land to which it was his supreme ambition to carry the
blessings of Christianity. In the city itself he gathered
together the poor Chinese who were working there as slaves
into a congregation under the Holy Name. For the
furtherance of the mission proper he found in Matteo Kicci,
who arrived on August gth, 1582, the man who was destined
to succeed in doing what had hitherto proved impossible.
In September, 1583, Ricci and his faithful companion, Michele
Rugged, reached Tschao-King in the province of Kwangtung.
He acted with the greatest caution and prudence. Attracted
by the high reputation of the Chinese government, so he told
the governor, he had come from a great distance to that land,
for the sole purpose of serving God, the Lord of Heaven, in
a small house and chapel ; he and his companion would live
on alms, and they accordingly asked for permission to live in
the city. This modest request was granted.
Matteo Ricci, 1 whom Providence had destined for the
1 Cf. besides the older biographies by D ORLEANS (Paris, 1854),
CH. SAINTE-FOI (Paris, 1859), WERFER (2nd ed. Regensburg,
1870) the excellent article by BRUCKER in the Etudes, CXXIV.
(1910), 197 seq. The memory of Ricci has been kept alive most
of all by TACCHI-VENTURI who, at the instance of the Italian
committee which organised the celebration of the 3ooth an
niversary of the death of the " apostle and geographer of China "
undertook to edit Ricci s historical works : Opere storiche di
M. Ricci . . . Con prolegomeni, note e tavole. Vol. I. ; I
Commentarii della Cina ; II. : Le lettere dalla Cina, Macerata,
1911-13. For the value of the letters, in which Ricci s heroic
qualities are better expressed than in the Commentaries, cf.
Civ. catt., 1914, IV., 215 seq. and the beautiful article by A.
Luzio : Le opere storiche del P. Ricci, in the periodical, I. a
J^ettura, XV. (1915), 209 seq., which praises Tacchi s publication
as a " Monumentum acre perennius." Cf. also L. NOCENTINI,
II primo Sinologo, in the Atti del IV. Congresso inte/naz. degli
Orient., II., Firenze, 1881, 273 seqq. ; CARACCI, II P. M. Ricci
e le sua opera geograf., in the Riv. geogr. Ital., XXV. and XXVI,
(1918 and 1919) ; RICCI-RICCARDI, II P. M, Ricci (1578-1619),
Firenze, 1910 ; VACCA in the Nuova Antologia, 1910, Sept.
470 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
carrying out of the work longed for by Francis Xavier, was
born in 1552 at Macerata in the March of Ancona, and sprang
from a distinguished family. After being educated at the
Jesuit school at Macerata, he first studied law in Rome, and
in 1571 entered the Society of Jesus, where Fabio de Fabi
was his master of novices. Besides this excellent man, he
owed much to another of his masters, the celebrated Cristoforo
Clavius. Clavius taught him the science of astronomical
mathematics, a thing which, together with his exceptional
talent for languages, 1 was to be of great use to him among the
Chinese, who were so interested in learning.
Ricci and his companion hired a small but well situated
house in Tschao-King, the main room of which served as a
chapel. They very soon made a favourable impression by
their well-ordered and hard-working life, which, in its kindli
ness, was so different from that of the bonzes. They very
wisely adapted themselves to the peculiar conditions of the
people, and by thus coming into closer contact with the
temperament of the Chinese they discovered their prevailing
characteristic, a seeking for what was practical and useful.
Starting with this, Ricci began with great courtesy to explain
to them the wonderful things they had in their house, artistic
clocks, good pictures, printed books, beautifully bound, on
cosmography, geography and architecture, terrestial and
celestial maps, astronomical and mathematical instruments,
and charts of the seas. The learned mandarins were delighted
when the missionaries explained these products of western
learning. Ricci was especially happy in the dexterity he
RICHTHOFEN (China, I., Berlin, 1877, 654) describes Ricci as
one of the most outstanding figures in the history of missionary
activity in the East. " Se la Compagnia di Gesu," says Luzio
(loc. cit., 217), " annovera il P. Ricci fra le figure piu immacolate
delle sue mission!, la civilta e la scienza devono in esso additare
una delle creature che le hanno piu nobilmente propagate con
le virtu dell ingegno e del carattere, con 1 idealita degli intenti,
con 1 eroismo dei sacrifici."
1 See DAHLMANN, Sprachkunde, 27 ; BAUMGARTNER, Weltli-
teratur, II., 511.
RICCI IN CHINA. 471
possessed of embodying foreign ideas in a form easily under
stood by the Chinese, an art in which few Europeans have
equalled him. 1
Ricci excited the greatest wonder by a map of the world,
of which he produced in 1584 a Chinese version, by the desire
of the viceroy. 2 The viceroy had copies made of this work,
which far surpassed all the native productions of that kind,
and sent them to his friends. By pointing out the great
distance of his own country, Ricci was able to dispel the
fears of the Chinese that he had in view the conquest of their
country. The reputation which he gained in an increasing
degree by imparting his geographical, astronomical and
mathematical knowledge, was made use of by him to lead
his hearers, always ready to learn, from earthly sciences to a
knowledge of a Christian and moral religion. In this matter,
too, he set to work slowly and prudently, bcgining with the
fundamental truths and the Ten Commandments. At the
end of 1584 he published a small catechism with the assistance
of a scholar. 3 In spite of this at first he did not succeed in
converting any of the educated Chinese, but only one poor
incurable, who had been abandoned by all.
The first public baptism was administered to two Chinese
on November 24th, 1584, one of whom had taught the
missionaries Chinese. For the most part the field proved
very sterile, and the number won to Christianity in 1585 was
only twenty, and only sixty in the four years that followed. 4
Ricci saw in this slow progress the will of Providence, that
the work of Christianizing China should spring from the most
modest beginnings. 5
1 Cf. WYLIE S opinion, Notes on Chinese Literature, Shanghai,
1867, 138.
2 Ricci gives detailed reports of this publication in his letters
to Aquaviva of November 30, 1584, and October 20, 1585, as
well as in his Comment ani, ed. TACCHI-VENTURI, II., c. 5, 32.
Copy of the map in the periodical Razon y Fe, IV. (1902), 464.
3 TACCHI-VENTURI discovered a Latin translation of this
catechism and published it in Ricci s Opere, II., Appendice.
4 See TACCHI-VENTURI in the Civ. catt., 1910, If., 397.
5 See BRUCKER, loc. at., 207. C/. BAUER in the Freib.
Kirch enlex., III. 2 , 151.
472 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Rightly recognizing how important it was for the missions,
both in China and Japan, that there should be united and
harmonious action, in 1585 Gregory XIII. forbade all the
other religious Orders to set foot in those countries under pain
of excommunication. 1
In the ancient and wonderful country of India the work
of the missions had to struggle steadily with great difficulties.
The position of the Christian missionaries, face to face with
Brahmanism and its rigid castes on the one hand and Islam
on the other, was all the more beset with difficulties in that
they had to work side by side with a foreign conquering power,
the Portuguese, whose cupidity and immorality had given
grave scandal to the natives from the time of Francis Xavier. 2
They had an advantage in the fact that a number of metro
politan sees had not been erected in eastern Asia, as was the
case in Spanish America. The first Portuguese colonial
bishopric had been established by Leo X. in 1514 at Funchal
in Madeira, the right of patronage being given to King Manuel
the Fortunate. 3 Funchal, whose immense territory extended
from the island of Madeira to further Asia, was in 1534 raised
to be a metropolitan and primatial see, the right of patronage
being reserved to the Portuguese crown, which undertook the
whole endowment of the new archdiocese. Suffragan sees
for Goa and the Indies were established at Sao Miguel in the
Azores, in the Cape Verde island of Sao Thiago and at Sao
Thome on the Equator. 4
The further advance of the Portuguese power and of
Christianity in India led to a further development of the
hierarchical organization under Paul IV. ; Funchal, which
was too far away from the colonies, was suppressed as a
metropolitan see, and was, with its suffragan sees, placed under
the archiepiscopal see of Lisbon. Goa, the undoubted
emporium of the east, and, as the residence of the viceroy,
the second city of the Portuguese dominions, was raised by
1 See Synopsis. 133 seq., 139. Cf. DELPLACE, II., 16 seq.
- See Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 311.
3 See JANN, 69 seq.
4 Cf. Vol. X. of this work, p. 365 seq> and JANN, 79 seq.
THE EAST INDIES. 4/3
Paul IV. in 1558 to be the metropolitan see for the missions
beyond the Cape of Good Hope, with suffragan sees at Cochin
and Malacca, the right of patronage of the Portuguese crown
being extended to them. The dioceses in the west of Africa,
and the recently established dioceses in Brazil were left by
the Pope under the archdiocese of Lisbon. 1 The establish
ment of a single metropolitan see for so immense and so distant
a territory was a mistake, which was aggravated by the
dependence of the archbishops of Goa upon the Portuguese
government. They occupied a dangerously exceptional
position, and their despotism was soon shown by the fact
that they assumed the title of Primate of the East. 2
In the interests of the preaching of the Gospel in China
and Japan, Gregory XIII. , by the bull of January 23rd, 1576,
separated those countries, together with the neighbouring
islands of Malacca, and formed a new diocese for them at
Macao, subject to the metropolitan see of Goa. 3 This
arrangement took place at the instance of King Sebastian
of Portugal, who rendered great service by sending the Jesuit
missionaries to eastern Asia.
The head-quarters of the Jesuit province of the East Indies,
and a work which Gregory XIII. promoted by the grant
of numerous privileges, 4 was formed by their college founded
by Francis Xavier at Goa, to which was attached a seminary
for young Indians. The solemn baptism of the catechumens,
for whom a special house had been in existence since 1555,
generally took place in the church of the Jesuit college, where
the Bishop of Malacca, a Dominican, said the first mass in
1572. In 1581 the Jesuits also built a professed house at
Goa, and soon afterwards a noviciate. The professed house
had the care of souls for the city. The novices had their
exercises in common with the ancient missionaries of India,
1 See the excellent treatment of the subject by JANN, 108 seq.,
1 10 seq., 114 seq.
2 See ibid, no seq.
3 See Bull. patr. Portug., I., 243 seq., Corpo dipl. Portug., X.,
498 seq. ; JANN, 124 ; STREIT, I., 347.
4 ee STRF.IT, I., 506 seq.
474 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Franciscans and Dominicans, especially in the care of the
sick. Each month the Orders took their turn in the care of
the royal hospital, but it would seem that the Jesuits proved
the most capable, since in 1579 i ts care was placed entirely
in their hands. The ranks of the fathers, thinned by their
self-sacrificing labours during the frequent pestilences, were
added to, at the arrival of the new visitor, Valignani, in 1574,
by 44 new brethren, 26 of whom were priests. 1
After his return from his visitation of the missions in the
north those in the south were visited by the new provincial,
Rodrigo Vicente the indefatigable Valignani held a pro
vincial assembly at Goa, at which were present fifteen of his
brethren, among them the provincial and the rectors of the
colleges at Goa, Bassein and Salsette. After long discussion
they abandoned the plan of dividing the province of East
India into two parts, one on either side of the Ganges, and
instead a vicar provincial was appointed for the regions beyond
the Ganges. An important decision was that of establishing
seminaries for learning the Indian language. With regard
to the question whether it should be suggested that none but
Portuguese Jesuits should be sent to India, they were
unanimous in asking that as many members as possible of
the Society should be sent, even from the other provinces
of Europe. 2 After Goa, the most important centre was the
Jesuit college at Cochin, where, too, the Dominicans had
also been labouring since 1549. 3
So far the work of the Christian missions had been entirely
confined to the coasts of India, but in 1579 an opportunity
quite unexpectedly presented itself of opening out the interior
as well to the preaching of the Gospel. This came from the
Great Mogul Akbar, whose dominions extended over the
whole of north Hindustan, and in the south as far as the
plateau of the Deccan. This enlightened sovereign, who
was as energetic as he was desirous of knowledge, took a deep
1 See MULLBAUR, 84 seq., 89. Cf. also D SA, History of the
Catholic Church in India, I., Bombay, 1910.
2 See SACCHINUS, IV., 92 seq. ; MULLBAUR, 89 seq.
3 See MULLBAUR, 107, 336.
THE GREAT MOGUL. 475
interest not only in all political questions, but also in those of
religion. Proof of this may still be seen in the splendidly
constructed portico which he caused to be erected for purposes
of religious disputations at his residence of Fatihpur Sikri,
not far from Agra, and in which Brahmins, Buddhists,
Mohammedans and Parsees took part in order to arrive at
the best form of belief by means of comparative study. In
course of time Akbar also turned his attention to the Jesuit
missionaries, whose works of charity in Bengal, which were
so advantageous to the state, had won his approval. 1 In
the autumn of 1579 an envoy from Akbar presented himself
at Goa, asking that two Jesuits might be sent to explain to
his master the Christian religion, and take him their sacred
books. Even though they might feel doubts as to the sincerity
of the intentions of that powerful monarch, it was thought
that the opportunity of carrying the Gospel into the interior
of India must not be allowed to pass unheeded. The provincial
of the Jesuits chose for this task, which was as difficult as it
1 Cf. for what follows, Litt. ann., 1582, p. in seq. ; SACCHINUS,
IV., 246 seq ; V., 98, 145 seq. ; BARTOLI, L Asia, I., Roma, 1667
and Degli uomini e de fatti della Comp. di Gesii, I., 4, c. 24 ;
P. DU JARRIC, L hist. des choses plus memorables advenues tant
des Indes Orient, qu autres pays de la decouverte des Portugais,
I. -III., Arras, 1611 (Latin edition : Thesaur. rer. Indie., 4, vols,
Coloniae, 1615) ; MULLBAUR, 133 seq. ; GRUBER, Aquaviva,
80 seq., 124 seq., 167 seq. ; v. NOER and G. v. BUCHWALD, Kaiser
Akbar, 2 vols., Leiden, 1880 and 1885 ; NOTI, Das Fiirstentum
Sardhana, Freiburg, 1906, 55 seq. ; DAHLMANN, Indische Fahrten,
II., 172 seq. The treatise on the Emperor Akbar by the Indianist
R. GARBE (Tubingen, 1909) is based almost entirely on the book
by Noer, whose conclusions in so far as they affect the Jesuit
missionaries are nearly all false and untenable ; see (in addition
to GRUBER, loc. tit.) also Stimmen aus Maria-Lach, LXXVL,
468 seq., cf. ibid., XXXVII., 219 seq. In the latest monograph
on Akbar by VINCENT A. SMITH (Akbar the Great Mogul, Oxford,
1917), the highest praise is given to the value of the Jesuit reports,
especially to A. MONTSERRAT, Mongolicae legationis commentarius,
1582 (Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1914, III. ; cf.
Gott. Gel. Am., 1919, 132).
476 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was important, three fathers who seemed to him to be especially
fitted for it. One, Rodolfo Aquaviva, the son of the Duke
of Atri, and related on his mother s side to Louis Gonzaga,
was distinguished for his engaging kindliness, his courtly
manners and his deep knowledge of theology. The second,
the Spaniard, Antonio Montserrat, was also a distinguished
personality, though his health left a good deal to be desired.
To these was added Father Francisco Henriquez, a converted
Mohammedan, who spoke Persian fluently.
On November iyth, 1579, the three Jesuits set out from
Goa with the envoy of the Great Mogul, and on February I7th,
1580, they reached the court of Akbar. They met with a
good reception, but found the conditions particularly difficult
for their special object, for the Great Mogul had already
devised a new religion of his own, and by its means was
obviously pursuing the political end of consolidating his great
dominions by the help of religious unity. In this he was
energetically helped by his prime minister, Abul Fazil. The
founders of this " Divine Faith " (Dini Ilahi) had in view the
fusion, on a basis of rationalism, of Hinduism and Islamism
with the best and purest elements of other religions. At first
the new faith, which no one was to be forced to accept, only
made its way among the courtiers and the officials.
Such was the state of affairs when Aquaviva and Henriquez,
lor Montserrat had fallen ill on the way, appeared at the court
of the Great Mogul. By his wish the two fathers had at once
to enter into disputations on religion with the learned
Mohammedans, in the course of which Aquaviva, since
Montserrat continued ill, explained the Christian religion
in a detailed and brilliant defence, Henriquez acting as
interpreter.
During the disputation Aquaviva spoke in bitter terms of
Mahomet as a false prophet and an irreligious man, which
made the followers of Islam so angry that the missionaries
were in danger of losing their lives, and their desire of martyr
dom would have been satisfied if the Great Mogul had not
protected them. There can be no doubt that Akbar admired
the Christian doctrine, for he consented that Montserrat
THE JESUITS AND AKBAR. 477
should instruct his second son Pahari, not only in Portuguese
but also in Christianity.
The missionaries found a strong supporter in Abul Fazil,
who, fully realizing the absurdities of the Koran, implored
his master to accept Christianity, a step which also recom
mended itself on political grounds, as being the only way of
introducing one religion into the Empire, as the Indians
would never accept the faith of their oppressors, the
Mohammedans. The missionaries even hoped that they were
about to attain their end, for Akbar showed the greatest
respect for the Christian faith ; he venerated an image of
Our Lady, which Aquaviva had brought him in the Pope s
name, and wore an Agnus Dei round his neck. A plan for
sending an embassy to Philip II. and Gregory XIII. was also
discussed, but the conversion of the Great Mogul which was
so anxiously awaited in Rome 1 did not take place.
Aquaviva waited patiently ; in a report to his provincial
he expressed the opinion that they must not give up hopes
of the conquest of the " heart of India " until all possible
means at their disposal had been tried. But Akbar remained
undecided in his conduct. Although at heart he was naturally
disposed towards religion, his pride and his unrestrained
morals formed an insurmountable obstacle to his acceptance
of the Gospel teaching. The many wives he had in his harem,
and undoubtedly his political ideas prevented his following
the guidance of grace. Akbar himself would have admitted
that Christianity was too pure and his own morals too corrupt.
He nevertheless sought to retain Aquaviva when the latter,
on the strength of orders received from his provincial, asked
leave to return to Goa, and it was only after a promise that
he would come back that the Great Mogul allowed him to
set out. On taking farewell of him he wished to give him
gifts of gold and precious stones, but Aquaviva refused them
1 Cf. *Odescalchi s report, dated Rome, February 3, 1582
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). On February 18, 1582, Gregory
XIII. addressed a brief to Akbar in which he called upon him
" ne animi motum a Deo profectum deliberationis tarditate
prodat." Synopsis, 119.
47$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
on the plea of his vow of poverty. When Akbar insisted on
his accepting some other favour, Aquaviva asked for the
liberation of some Christian slaves. With the latter, as the
only fruits of a difficult mission of three years, Aquaviva
returned to Goa in May, 1583. His superiors then sent him
to the peninsula of Salsette, where he was granted the crown
of martyrdom which he had so often longed for. In July,
1583, he and four other Jesuits and twenty Christians were
killed by the natives. As had been the case in the persecutions
of the early Christian Church, here too the blood of the
martyrs was fruitful ; by 1584 fifty catechumens, among them
one of the most eminent Brahmins had been baptized. 1
A zeal equal to that of the Jesuits in China and
Japan was displayed as early as 1565 by the religious
of the Augustinian Order in the Philippines, which had been
discovered in 1521 and had been taken possession of by the
Spaniards fifty years later. Philip II. furthered in every
way the conversion of this new and valuable territory, and
at his request the Augustinians strengthened their hold upon
it in 1575 by sending twenty-four more missionaries. 2
A few years later the Franciscans joined the Augustinians ;
in 1577, seventeen sons of St. Francis landed at Manila under
tlie leadership of the learned and energetic Pedro de Alfaro.
There they established the Custody of St. Philip, the name of
which Gregory XIII., who showed the greatest interest in the
undertaking, changed in 1578 to that of St. Gregory the
Great. 3
As they had done under Pedro de Alfaro, who went to
1 See MULLBAUR, 101 ; GRUBER, Aquaviva, 227 seq., 245 seq.,
286. Cf. also SUAU, Les martyrs de Salsette, Bruges, 1893.
On October 6, 1584, Odescalchi sent, from Rome, to the Duke of
Mantua a *Relatione del martirio di 5 padri del Giesu fatto nell
Indie 1 anno passato (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua).
2 Cf. GROETEKEN, Die Franziskanermission auf den Philippinen,
in the Hist.-polit. Blatter, CXLII., 587 seq., and NEHER in the
Freib. Kirchenlex., VI. 2 , 691.
3 See GROETEKEN, loc. cit., and PEREZ in the Arch. Ibero-
Americano, I., 100 seqq.
THE PHILIPPINES. 479
China in 1579, the work of the missions in the Philippines
developed rapidly under his successors Pablo a Jesu
(1580-1583) and Juan de Plasencia (1583-1586). As the
result of the further forces sent by Spain the preaching of the
Gospel was more and more extended, so that within nine years
250,000 of the natives had been converted. These natives,
who had hitherto been scattered, were gathered together
round the cabins of the missionaries and thus were formed
the so-called Pueblos (villages), in which schools were at once
established. How well the missionaries 1 cared for the bodily
needs of the inhabitants was shown by the erection of hospitals.
In 1578 Father Juan Clemente built the great leper hospital
of St. Lazarus at Manila, which is still in existence ; in the
same year the Franciscans also erected a hospital for the
Spanish soldiers. Father Lorenzo a S ta Maria, who died at
Cebu in 1585, rendered useful service to the cultivation of the
sterile districts by bringing water to the plains from the
mountains by means of canals. 2 Franciscan missionaries,
and first among them Juan de Plasencia, composed grammars
in the local dialect, the Tagale, a Spanish-Tagale vocabulary,
as well as a catechism and other religious works in that
language. 3
A step of great importance for the consolidation of Christian
ity in the Philippines, as supplying a base for the work of the
missions in the midst of the pagan world of eastern Asia, 4
was the formation of the see of Manila by Gregory XIII.
in 1579, to which the Dominican, Domingo de Salazar, 5 who
had rendered great service among the Indians of Mexico
during a period of forty years active work, was appointed.
By his means the Dominicans and Jesuits were also brought
to the Philippines in 1582, whither in 1581, by the wish of
1 Cf. P. EUSEBIO GOMEZ PLATERO, Catalogo biograf. de la
provincia de S. Gregorio, Manila, 1880.
2 Cf. P. MARCELLO DE RIBADENEYRA, Historia de las Islas de
Archipelago, and GROETEKEN, loc. cit., 589 seq., 593.
3 See DAHLMANN, Sprachkunde, 115. Cf. GROETEKEN, loc. cit.
4 Cf. BIERMANN in the Kathol Missionen, 1916-7, 53.
5 See GAMS, 113.
480
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Pope and the King of Spain, 33 more missionaries belonging
to the Franciscan Order had gone. 1 The religious of the
two Mendicant Orders, together with the Jesuits, had also
worked with good results in the Moluccas since the time of
the pontificate of Pius IV. 2
1 See MAFFEI, II., 168 ; GULIK-EUBEL, III., 251 ; SACCHINUS,
V., 107 seq.
2 See Daniele Barbarigo s report in ALBERT, III., 2, 14. Cf .
HAHN, Gesch. der kathol. Missionen, II., 430 seq. ; HENRION,
Hist, des miss., I., 578 seqq.
CHAPTER XII.
FOREIGN MISSIONS. THE TURKISH EMPIRE. AFRICA.
SPANISH AMERICA.
THE eastern province of the Jesuits in India included, besides
India proper, the Moluccas, China and Japan, as well as the
east coast of Africa. The Jesuits had been working as
missionaries in Abyssinia since the days of Paul III. 1 During
the first part of the pontificate of Gregory XIII., it was above
all others Andrea de Oviedo, who had been made a bishop,
who, under the most difficult circumstances, displayed a
truly apostolic activity, which was principally devoted to
the Portuguese and their descendants who were scattered
throughout the territory. 2 When this saintly man . had
succumbed to fever in 1577, the three Jesuits who had hitherto
assisted him continued his work. In consequence of the
hostility of the king, however, they found themselves in so
difficult a position that in 1580 the question of giving up
the mission was discussed. 3 But Gregory XIII. would not
hear of this ; he tried to meet the difficulties by sending a
letter to the king, but the latter was animated with such
feelings of hostility, that the Jesuits did not know whether
he would even accept the letter. 4 The annual reports of the
Order in 1582 state that there were at that time two fathers
1 Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 112 ; Vol. XIII., p. 312.
2 Cf. BARTOLI, Degli uomini e de fatti della Comp. di GF.sti, I.,
4. c. 29.
* See BECCARI, Rer. Aethiopic, Stript. occid., V., 453 seq. ;
X., 306 seq. For P. Oviedo cf. Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 313, n. 2.
4 See the report of Em. Fernandez of July 3, 1582, in BECCARI,
V., 328 seq. ; ibid., 303 seq., the letter in which Gregory XIII.
calls upon Prince Isaac Barnaynes to be at peace with the king
and in union with the Holy See.
VOL. XX. 481 31
482 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in Abyssinia, who were leading a life of great poverty and
only making a conversion here and there, but that never
theless there was no cause to despair, since often Our Lord
sends His greatest help at the times of greatest need. 1
For a whole generation the Jesuit Balthasar Barreira
laboured as a missionary on the west coast of Africa, in Guinea,
the Congo and Angola, where the Franciscans had already
worked previously. In 1582 missionaries from the Order
of Discalced Carmelites went to Guinea, and in the following
year to the Congo, and in 1584 the King of Angola received
baptism. 2 On the east coast, the mission begun by the
Jesuits in the negro country, among the Bantu people, fell
into ruin at the beginning of its sixtieth year, on account of
the behaviour of the Portuguese colonists. 3 A new chapter
in the history of the missions of east Africa was begun with
the establishment of the Dominican house in Mozambique
in 1577 ; missionaries from Mozambique supplied the territory
of the Zambesi and the islands. The Dominican, Joao de
Sanchez, who laboured there for a long time, has described
the condition of that territory in a detailed work. 4
The mission field also included the great Ottoman Empire,
which contained a large Christian population, which, like
the other non-Mohammedan inhabitants, had to pay for the
right to live in their own country by the payment of a personal
tax to the conquerors. But this tax was not all ; in addition,
a system of oppression was carried on by the Ottoman
authorities which the Venetian, Giacomo Ragazzoni, described
in 1571 as passing all belief. 5 The state of affairs was worst
1 Litterae ann., 1584, 139.
8 See HEIMBUCHER, II., 16 ; PAIVA-MANSO, Historia do Congo,
129 seq. ; Precis hist., 1895, 470 seq. ; STREIT, I., 87. Cf. KILGER
in the Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaft, 1921, 71 seq.
* Cf. KILGER, Die erste Mission unter den Bantustammen,
1560-2, Miinster, 1917.
< Ethiopia orient., 1609. Cf. SCHMIDLIN S Zeitschrift fur
Missionsgeschichte, VII. (1917), 99-
6 See the report in ALBERI, III., 2, 100 ; cf. ibid., 252, the
opinion of Jacopo Soranzo in 1581,,
THE BALKAN PENINSULA. 483
in the provinces furthest removed from the capital, where the
unhappy inhabitants were at the mercy of the cupidity of
the governors. 1 It is characteristic that when in 1569 the
Sultan, Selim II., confiscated the revenues of all the Christian
churches in the empire, an exception was made in the case
of Constantinople, Adrianople and Brussa. 2 This exception
however, only applied to the Greek schismatics, whose
patriarch, thanks to an annual contribution and other taxes,
enjoyed the protection of the Turkish government. The
Latin Church had no such official recognition. The Turkish
authorities saw with jealousy and fear the union of the Latins
with Rome, and they tolerated the presence of the Franciscans
and other Catholic religious principally because they believed
that they were all subject to " the Greek patriarchate ;
the majority of the Catholic secular priests and bishops,
had been constrained to take to flight, as Pius V. had
already complained. 3
The condition of the Catholics in the Balkan peninsula
was supremely unhappy, and any provision that was made
for their spiritual care was entirely owing to the self-sacrificing
resistance offered by the Ffanciscans. 4 In 1573 the latter
possessed fifteen convents in Bosnia, 5 but this was quite
insufficient for the widely scattered population. The pastoral
care of Gregory XIII. was by no means blind to the needs
of the Catholics in the Balkan peninsula. In 1580 he appointed
apostolic delegates and visitors for the Venetian-Istrian
territory, 6 as well as for those ruled by the Turks. For the
1 See report of the Bailo Gianfranc. Morosini in ALBERI, III.,
3, 272.
2 Cf. ZlNKEISEN, III., 365.
3 Cf. GOTTLOB in the Hist. Jahrb., VI., 60.
4 Cf. BAKULA, I., Martiri nella missione Francescana osservante
in Erzegovina, Roma, 1862, and BATINIC, Djelovanje Franjecara
n Bosni i Herzogevini, 2 vols., Agram, 1881-3.
6 See Acta consist, in GOTTLOB, loc. cit., 52.
Agostino Valiero, Bishop of Verona, became visitor ; see
FARLATI-COLKTI, Illyricum sacrum, III., 465 seq. ; IV., 227 ;
V., 131 seq. Cf. also *list in the Cod. D. 6 of the Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
484 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
northern provinces the Pope s choice fell upon the bishop
of the small Dalmatian diocese of Stagno, Bonifacio de Stefani,
who had already been sent by Pius V. as visitor to Bosnia,
and was still working with good results there at the beginning
of the pontificate of Gregory XIII. 1 In the instructions
given to him, Stefani was appointed visitor of Dalmatia,
Slavonia, Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, Moldavia, Wallachia and
Bulgaria. He was to labour generally for the improvement
of the religious conditions in those countries, and make a
report in writing on all the episcopal sees still existing or
now extinct, on the places suitable for the establishment of
new dioceses, on the churches and convents, and the life
and morals of clergy and people. 2
In December, 1580, Bishop Stefani sent to the Pope his
report of his visitation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. 3 The
Catholics of Bosnia and Serbia, as they wrote full of gratitude
to the Pope in 1581, had hailed him as an angel of the Lord.
It may be seen from the touching letter which the Bishop of
Bosnia, Antonio de Mattei, who lived at Diakovar, wrote in
common with the Franciscans and the leading members of the
Christian community, for the most part merchants, how well
the apostolic delegate. had done his work. 4 Unfortunately,
his reports have not yet been found, but it was obviously
these which led Gregory XIII., in 1581, to establish four
more Franciscan monasteries in Bosnia. 5 When the delegate
1 g ee FERMENDZIN, 310 seq. Cf. Vol. XVII. of this work, p. 262,
n.
2 Cf. THEINER, III., 271 ; GOTTLOB in the Hist. Jahrb. VI.,
45, 47, where the Instruction for B. de Stefani, which is preserved
in the Papal Secret Archives (Var. polit., 129, pp. 194-210), is
utilised for the first time. It was published in 1892 by
FERMENDZIN (321 seq.), but with the wrong date 1582. Cf. also
Orbis Seraph., II., 744.
3 See FERMENDZIN, 313 seq.
* The documents in THEINER, III., 272 seq. Cf. BALAN, La
Chiesa cattolica e gli Slavi, Roma, 1880, 206, 242, and
FERMENDZIN, 314 seq.
6 See MAFFEI, II., 181 ; GOTTLOB, loc. cit., 53, n. i.
THE BALKAN PENINSULA. 485
died at the beginning of the new year, and in the very midst
of his self-sacrificing labours, the Pope charged the bishop
of the island of Curzola, Agostino Quintio, a Dominican,
to complete the visitation. 1
At the beginning of 1584 Gregory XIII. sent Alessandro
Komulowic, a canon of Zara, and the Jesuit Tommaso Raggio,
to the Balkan peninsula as apostolic visitors. They both
laboured with good results among the clergy and people. 2
In the reports which Komulowic sent to the Pope of his travels,
he gave a description of the religious needs of those lands. 3
It appears from them how large was the number of the
Christians who were suffering from the oppression of the Turks.
Komulowic estimated the number of Christians capable of
bearing arms in Albania as far as the neighbourhood of
Durazzo at 40,000 ; they almost all belonged to the Latin
rite. In the remainder of the Epirus and Macedonia the
Greeks far outnumbered them. Komulowic says that there
were there more than 100,000 capable of bearing arms, and
there were as many in Herzegovina, Slavonia, Croatia and
Serbia. In Bosnia and along the Danube as far as Belgrade
there were 200,000 and as many in Bulgaria. On the shores
of the Black Sea there were certainly 400,000 Christians. 4
Although these numbers may be an exaggeration, it is beyond
question that all those countries still contained a very large
Christian population. 5 It is quite incomprehensible how the
western powers entirely neglected to get into touch with all
these forces. 6
1 The Instruction for Agost. Quintio, dat. June 29, 1582, has
been published by FERMENDZIN (335 seq.}.
2 See MAFFEI, II., 390 ; SACCHINUS, V., 170 seq.
8 See FERMENDZIN, 339 seq.
4 See *Relatione del P. A. Comuleo, Cod. Barb. 3392, Vatican
Library. Cf. RANKE, Werke, XLIII-IV., 538 seq., and PIERLING,
Papes et Tsars, Paris, 1890, 445 seq.
5 The Bailo Gianfranc. Morosini also said in 1585 that most of
the inhabitants of European Turkey were Christians. ALBERI.
III., 263.
6 See GOTTLOB in the Lit. Rundschau, 1891, 117.
486 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The attention of Gregory XIII. was called to the sad state
of the Catholics in Constantinople, where especially pastors
were lacking, by reports from Greek travellers, 1 and by a
petition which the population of Pera addressed on October
ist, 1574, to the French ambassador to the Porte, Francois
de Noailles. The latter sent on the document, together with
two memorials for the Generals of the Dominicans and
Franciscans, to the Papal nuncio at Venice, who sent it on
to Rome. The result was that, in 1575, Gregory XIII. charged
the Generals of the two Orders to send a number of capable
priests to the Bosphorus. 2
The care of Gregory XIII. was not only extended to the
populations of the Latin Church in Turkey ; with the large
ideas that were so characteristic of him he also aimed at the
union of the Greek schismatics with Rome. His advisers in
this matter, in addition to the learned Cardinal Sirleto, were
two other members of the Sacred College, Santori and Savelli.
In 1573 he formed these into a special congregation to deal
with the affairs of the Greeks. 3 By their advice the Roman
Catechism was translated into modern Greek, and in 1576
no less than 12,000 copies were sent to the Levant, together
with a like number of copies of the decrees of the Council of
Trent. The Pope also gave orders for a new edition of the
decrees of the Council of Florence, for which Sirleto wrote a
covering letter addressed to the Greek schismatics, 4 which
1 Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of March 13, 1574, in the Romana
State Archives, Vienna.
2 Cf. THEINER, I., 317 ; MAFFEI, I., 206 ; GOTTLOB in the
Hist. Jahrbuch, VI., 46. A memorandum of Gregory XIII. for the
Franciscans of Pera in the Orbis Seraph., II., 719. In 1582
Gregory XIII. sent 199 gold scudi for the restoration of the
churches in Pera ; see Galli s *letter to the nuncio in Venice,
dat. November u, 1582, Nunz. di Venezia, XXIII., Papal Secret
Archives.
3 See the Acta consist, in the Studi e docum., XXIV., 135.
4 *Exhortatio ad Graecos preserved in the Vatic. 6792, Vatican
Library. Cf. LAMMER, Analecta, 57. See also the Relazione of
Corraro, p. 275.
THE MISSION OF CEDULINI. 487
was spread throughout the Greek provinces, together with the
defence of the above-mentioned Council attributed to
Gennadius. 1
Side by side with this came the establishment of the Greek
College in Rome, which has already been spoken of. <
Unfortunately, the results did not come up to the hopes of the
Pope ; the difficulties were too great. 3 These became apparent
when, in March, 1580, Gregory XIII. sent the Bishop of Nona,
Pietro Cedulini, to Constantinople as delegate and visitor
of the Latin Church in Turkey. The immediate occasion of
this mission was the fact that an Italian merchant, who lived
in the capital of Turkey, had given the Pope a personal
description of the religious needs of Turkey, and especially of
Constantinople. 4
From the first grave difficulties stood in the way of the
mission of Cedulini. 5 All the endeavours of the Pope to obtain
for him the protection of the Venetian government and its
Bailo in Constantinople were in vain. The Signoria, which
was well aware of the jealousy felt by the Turkish authorities
for the influence of Rome, was unwilling to do anything
displeasing to the Porte, and thus endanger its own com
mercial interests. It would not even allow the bishop, who,
having been born at Zara, was its own subject, to travel to
Constantinople with the new Bailo, Paolo Contarini. At last
Cedulini succeeded in obtaining a safe-conduct from the
Sultan through the intervention of the authorities of Ragusa.
iC/. "Odescalchi s report dat. Rome, November 28, 1579,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 Cf. Vol. XIX., p. 247. For the Greek Congregation see XIX.,
p. 59, and the Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaft, 1922, 2.
3 Cf. Corraro s Relazione, 275.
4 See THEINER, III., 228.
6 For what follows cf. (in addition to MAFFEI, II., 143 seq.)
GOTTLOB S excellent article in the Hist. Jahrbuch, VI., 42-72.
The *Acta of Visitation, made use of here, are taken from a copy
in the library of the Franciscan monastery of SS. Quaranta in
Rome. These Acta are also preserved in manuscript in the
Communal Library, Ancona.
488 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Armed with this he was able to reach the Turkish capital in
the autumn of 1580. The Catholic population welcomed
him with joy, but on the other hand he did not meet with the
expected support of the European ambassadors. The
representative of Rudolph was unquestionably inclined to
Protestantism, while the representatives of Spain and Venice
held entirely aloof from political motives. Only the French
ambassador, Jacques Germigny, who was a zealous Catholic,
interested himself on behalf of the Papal envoy, and obtained
permission for him to stay for a fixed period in Constantinople.
Cedulini made use of his stay to obtain information by
questioning the clergy and laity concerning the state of the
Latin Christians in Constantinople, as well as in the provinces.
He was thus enabled to give the Holy See a fairly exact account
of the population of the Latin Church in Turkey. From this
account it is clear that it was especially owing to the lack of
priests that the religious life of the Catholics in the Turkish
Empire had become very much worse during the last, genera
tion. In the Crimean peninsula only in two cities had the
inhabitants remained true to their faith
had lost all their churches except one
at Kaffa the Latins
at Trebizond, and
in all the cities on the coast of Asia Minor, where only the
foreign merchants had remained Catholics, the Greeks and
Armenians had taken possession of the churches. At Brussa
the Catholic church had- been converted into a mosque. The
majority of the Catholics were to be found in the islands of the
Archipelago ; at Chios, Paros, Tinos and Naxos there were
still bishops in union with Rome. At Santorin (Tira) the
whole population, in spite of the inducements of the
schismatics, had remained Roman Catholics ; at Andros,
on the other hand, the Catholics had had to fly to the
mountains on account of the persecution of the Portuguese
Jew, Jose Miquez. At Adrianople there were still many
Roman Catholic Hungarian and Bosnians, who, however,
had no priest. At Sofia there were 150 Catholic inhabitants,
for the most part from Ragusa. There was a large community
of the Latin rite at Novibazar, and smaller ones at Varna,
Nisch and Rustschuk. In the two last-named places there
REPORT OF CEDULINI. 489
were twelve Paulician communities, who celebrated mass
according to the Latin rite. Mention is made of the Protest
antism which had made its way from Transylvania into
Wallachia, Bosnia and Serbia. 1
Cedulini found a very sad state of affairs in Constantinople,
and its suburbs of Pera and Galata, where the Latins still
possessed only twelve churches, which were all poor and in
a ruinous condition. Very terrible was the state of the
Christian prisoners of war in" the Turkish prisons, whom
Cedulini had been specially ordered to provide for by the
Pope. 2
How necessary the presence of an Apostolic visitor was
is best seen from his reports on the state of the clergy in
Constantinople, whose patriarch did not live there at all,
and was represented by a quite unsuitable vicar. Even
among the religious there was a great deal to find fault with.
Cedulini made provision for all these things as far as he could,
and formed plans for repairing the evils which he found ;
he especially suggested the establishment of a house of the
Jesuits at Constantinople, and in doing this he wished at
the same time to offer resistance to the Protestant propaganda,
which had recently gained a footing there. He therefore
entered into relations with the schismatic patriarch, Jeremias,
and undoubtedly also conferred with him on the question of
reunion. 3 The patriarch displayed visibly favourable senti
ments towards Rome, but the question of the reform of the
calendar which was discussed with him in the following year
showed how firmly he adhered to the schism. Among the
Greek popes unreasoning hatred of the Latins continued
unabated. 4
On April i6th, 1581, before his departure, Cedulini published
a series of salutary enactments, which especially enforced
the decrees of Trent. In pursuance of his mission he had
1 See GOTTLOB, loc. cit., 52 seq.
2 See ibid., 56 seq., 62.
3 See ibid., 67 seq.
4 Cf. ibid., 68, and SCHMID, Kalenderreform, 543 eq.
49 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
already, in January, 1581, sent the Franciscan, Girolamo
Arsengo, to Bulgaria to make a visitation ; he now entrusted
the Dominican, Giovita da Brescia, with the visitation of
the Crimea. On his way home he visited the Catholic
communities, administered confirmation, and exhorted them
to persevere in the true faith. He reached Ragusa at the end
of May. 1
The first result of the reports of Cedulini to the Pope was
the establishment of a Jesuit house in the Turkish capital.
In November, 1583, three fathers and two lay-brothers,
armed with letters of recommendation from the Pope to the
ambassador of France and the Bailo of Venice, arrived there
after a long and perilous journey. The French ambassador
interested himself on their behalf with all his powers ; he
dispelled the prejudices of the Porte against the envoys of
the Pope, and obtained for them permission to reside there
permanently. The Jesuits took possession of the church
of St. Benedict in Galata. 2 This was the beginning of a mission
which later on was to prove of the greatest importance for the
Christians in Turkey.
Gregory XIII. by preference also made use of the sons of
St. Ignatius in his efforts on behalt of the churches of the
oriental rite.
In 1578 two great dignitaries arrived in Rome from the
east ; the first was the Armenian archbishop, Nicholas of
Naxivan, to whom the Pope gave money and vestments on
his departure ; 3 the second was the Jacobite Patriarch of
Antioch, Ignatius Neemet, who had already been in com
munication with Julius III., 4 but later on, yielding to the
threats of the Turks, had passed over to Islam. In 1576
1 See MAFFEI, II., 147 ; GOTTLOB in the Hist. Jahrbuch, VI.,
69 seq., 71.
2 See SACCHINUS, V., 114; THEINER, III., 436; MAFFEI, II.,
341 seq. For the church in Galata see the article in the Kolnische
Volkszeitung, 1907, no. 37.
3 See MAFFEI, I., 319 seq.
4 Cf. Vol. XIII., p. 313, n. 3 of this work.
THE MARONITES. 4QI
Neemet sent his brother to Rome to pay homage to the Pope, 1
but he obtained nothing. Neemet therefore repaired in
person to the Eternal City. He retracted his errors before
the Inquisition, and after being given a light penance received
absolution. As his return was impossible, he remained in
Rome, where Gregory XIII., with his usual generosity, made
himself responsible for his maintenance. The Pope hoped
by this means to bring about the return of the eastern
schismatics. 2
A third mission from the east which reached Rome in 1578
made an even greater impression. This consisted of two
representatives of the Patriarch of the Maronites of Lebanon,
who bore the title of Antioch. 3 The Maronites, a Syrian
tribe, had been closely united with Rome since the time of
Innocent III., and since then had been the most loyal
subjects to the Popes of all the easterns. The Popes had
interested themselves in their affairs during the XVth and
XVIth centuries, as far as was possible in view of their great
distance and the difficulties of communication, 4 but had not
been able to prevent heretics and infidels from introducing
errors and abuses, both as to dogma and ritual, among that
people, surrounded as it was by schismatics. A favourable
opportunity for remedying these now presented itself.
Cardinal Carafa, the Protector of the Maronites, introduced
the envoys to the Pope, after they had presented a respectful
1 Seethe *Memoriale all ill. et rev. card. S. Croce per il patriarcha
d Antiochia, in Urb. 832, Vatican Library. Cf. LAMMER, Analecta.
42.
2 See LE QUIEN, Oriens christianus, II., 1404 seq. ; BOTERO,
Relationi, III., 106 ; MAFFEI, I., 320 seq.
8 For what follows cf. the authentic account given by P. Giovan
Bruno *Ragguaglio della niissione fatta a Maroniti in Soria nel
Libanon, in the Cod. D. 5, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
MAFFEI (I., 322), utilized this report. See also Orbis Seraph., II.,
748 seq.
4 See the memoranda of Paul II., Sixtus IV., Leo X., Clement
VII., Paul III. and IV., in ANAISSI, Bull, Maronit., Romae, 1911,
19 seq., 22 seq., 25 seq., 32 seq., 53 seq., 57 seq., 64 seq.
492 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
letter from their patriarch, and paid homage in his name.
In his J~eply Gregory XIII. expressed his joy at the wish of
the patriarch to remain in complete unity, but added an
exhortation to renounce their errors as to baptism, con
firmation and divorce, which were specifically enumerated. 1
The explanations which were offered by the envoys were
unsatisfactory, and, as they further asked for the support
of the Pope against certain archpriests who persisted in
disobedience to the patriarch, Gregory decided to send a
special embassy for the clearing up of this affair, and at the
same time to combat the errors in question. This was
entrusted to the Jesuits, Tommaso Raggio and Giambattista
Eliano, who were acquainted with Hebrew and Arabic, and
were well versed in oriental religious matters. Cardinal
Carafa wrote instructions for them in March, 1578, exhorting
them to prudent and cautious action, and further directing
their attention to the ecclesiastical conditions of the Georgians,
Copts and Jacobites. 2
The two Jesuits set out for Lebanon in company with the
envoys, who were given rich gifts by the Pope. 3 The welcome
which they received from the Patriarch of the Maronites
left nothing to be desired, but their inquiries into the
religious conditions made it clear that intervention on the
part of the Holy See was necessary. 4 In order to give
the Pope more exact particulars the envoys returned to
Rome with the consent of the patriarch ; 5 they took with
them two young Maronites who were to make their studies
there.
The report of the two Jesuits decided the Pope to take
1 See ibid., 70 seq.
2 This document, hitherto unknown, was first brought to light
by RABBATH (Documents, 140 seq.}.
3 The letter of recommendation for the envoys addressed to
the patriarch in THEINER, II., 440, their faculties in ANAISSI,
loc. cit., 74 seq.
* Cf. G. Bruno s *Ragguaglio in the Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
6 See his letter to Gregory XIII. in THEINER, III., 115.
THE MARONITES. 493
the Maronites under his care in the fullest way. This lonely
mountain people suffered from a great lack of good and
correct religious books, and to supply this the Pope established
a Syriac printing press in Rome. There was printed a
catechism, drawn up by the Jesuits and adapted to the special
conditions of the Maronites, as well as other things. 1 With
these books and a plentiful supply of sacred vestments, which
were lacking among the Maronites, as well as large alms and
the pallium for the patriarch, two new envoys, Giambattista
Eliano and Giovanni Bruno, were sent to Lebanon in the spring
of 1580. 2 They were furnished with detailed instructions,
both by the General of the Jesuits and the Cardinal Protector,
Carafa. The General insisted that the fathers must keep
quite aloof from political questions and devote themselves
entirely to their religious task. 3 This consisted first in the
holding of a synod, at which the new catechism was to be
accepted and salutary decrees in conformity with the Council
of Trent were to be passed for the restoration of purity of
faith, and the improvement of discipline. The synod was
held in August, 1580, in the monastery at Quannobin, which
occupied a splendid site. This was followed by a careful
visitation, 4 during the course of which the patriarch died.
His successor was his brother, a good man, who supported
the two Jesuits in every way. In this way order was restored
everywhere, dogmatic errors were removed, and erroneous
customs eradicated. The efforts of the Pope met with grateful
recognition from the Maronites ; every time his name was
mentioned, they rose and removed their turbans from
1 See G. Bruno s *Ragguaglio, loc. cit. Cf. the *Avviso di
Roma of February 17, 1580, Vatican Library. On June 9, 1580,
Gregory XIII. issued instructions to Cardinal Santori concerning
the printing of Arabic literature ; see *Audientiae card. Santorii,
Arm. 52, t. 1 8, Papal Secret Archives.
2 Cf. SACCHINUS, IV., 252 ; THEINER, III., 233 ; ANAISSI,
78 seq.
3 See RABBATH, Documents, 145 seq., 148 seq.
* See G. Bruno s *Ragguaglio, loc. cit. The decrees of the
synod in RABBATH, 152 seq.
494 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
their heads, which with them was the supreme mark of
honour. 1
On account of the difficulties of communication of those
times, the two Jesuits could only expect replies and further
instructions from Rome after the lapse of several months.
They occupied the interval in making a pilgrimage to
Jerusalem, where they were cordially welcomed by the
Franciscans, the faithful guardians of the Holy Sepulchre,
and converted two Nestorians. They then went to Damascus
to visit the Maronites who lived there, and to have an interview
with the Greek Patriarch of Antioch. Cardinal Santori, the
Protector of the Greeks, had advised them to make an attempt
to win him over to union with Rome. The patriarch heard
with pleasure of the idea of establishing a Greek College in
Rome ; he was very courteous, but made it clear that he
could do nothing in the matter of reunion, without the know
ledge of the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople. After great
dangers and hardships, and being several times imprisoned
by the Mohammedans, the fathers returned to Lebanon.
There they found instructions that Father Bruno was to
return to Rome to make a report, while Father Eliano was to
go to the Copts at Cairo.
Gregory XIII. was highly satisfied with the result of the
mission to the Maronites ; he confirmed the new patriarch,
and granted him the pallium, together with large alms. 2
The patriarch sent a number of young Maronites to Rome,
among them his own nephew. 3 At the suggestion of Carafa
the Pope established the Maronite College. There, under
the eye of the supreme head of the Church, were to be trained
good ecclesiastics, who were later on to take back to their
1 See G. Bruno s *Ragguaglio, loc. cit. The Mass vestments
which Gregory XIII. had sent to the patriarch of the Maronites
were seen in use by Duke Christopher Nicholas Radziwill on the
occasion of his visit to Lebanon in 1583 ; see Stimmen aus Maria-
Lack, LIIL, 215.
2 See *G. BRUNO, loc. cit. Cf. ANAISSI, 91.
8 See *G. BRUNO, loc. cit.
PROJECTS OF REUNION. 495
distant country " the true spirit of St. Peter." 1 Great hopes
were built upon the success of this establishment, not only
for the Maronites, but also for the other churches of the east. 2
The success obtained with the Maronites was the occasion
ol Gregory charging Leonardo Abel, titular bishop of Sidon,
a Maltese who had a good knowledge of Arabic, with a mission
to the eastern patriarchs in 1583, reunion with whom had
already been projected in 1578. 3 Three Jesuits accompanied
the bishop : the Italian, Leonardo di S. Angelo, the Spaniard
Casa, and the Frenchman Lanzea, who were also well versed
in Arabic. 4 Gregory XIII. was well satisfied with the choice
made by the General of the Society of Jesus. At their farewell
audience he exhorted the fathers to shrink from neither
1 Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 249.
2 *Hoggi di, writes G. Bruno after the death of Gregory XIII.,
persevera questo collegio con speranza che debba seguire notabile
aiuto in quella natione et molto honore della chiesa Romana,
perche non si ricorda mai che habbia havuti operarii che havessero
gli idiom i arabici et caldei uniti con la lingua italiana et colle
scienze di filosofia et teologia potendo essere questi strumenti di
trattare la reduttione di molte nationi dell Oriente che usano gli
stessi linguaggi, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
8 See *Santori s notes on his audience of October 15, 1578,
Papal Secret Archives, loc. cit.
4 Cf, (in addition to SACCHINUS, V., 115 seq., and MAFFEI, II.,
344 seq.} SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 151, 154, and the "notes
of P. Leonardo di Santangelo in the Cod. D. 5, of the Boncom
pagni Archives, Rome. The final report of the Bishop of Sidon
(cf. MAZZUCHELLI, I., i, 22 ; FORCELLA, VIII., 39), dat. April 19,
1587, in BALUZE, Miscell., ed. Mansi, IV., Lucae, 1764, 150 seq.
A. D AVRIL has given a French translation of it : Une mission
religieuse en Orient au XVI e siecle, Paris, 1866. A new edition
of the original would have been of more use. This original exists
in many manuscripts of which I noted the following : Berlin,
Royal Library, Informat. polit., I. ; Mantua, Capilupi Library ;
Rome, Vatican Library, Urb. 841, p. 392 seq. ; Vienna, Court
Library, 6319, p. i seq. PICHLER (II., 462) wrongly ascribes to
Sixtus V. the sending of the Bishop of Sidon. Cf, also Bessarione,
Ann, 6, Sei\ 2* VQ! A i, Roma, 1901-2. 205 seq.
496 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
dangers nor labour in order to convey the true faith to the
eastern patriarchs. For the reunion of the east with the
Holy See which he so ardently desired, no sacrifice and no
pledge on his part would be too great. 1 The embassy left
Rome on March I2th, 1583. It was only on April i6th that
a ship could be found at Venice, that on which Duke
Christopher Nicholas Radziwill was making his journey to
Palestine. From Beyrouth the envoys first visited the Maronites
in Lebanon, and then went on to Aleppo. It seemed impossible
to penetrate as far as the Patriarch of the Jacobites, Ignatius
David, who lived at Diarbekir ; the dangers of such a journey
were represented to them on every side as being too great.
The envoys nevertheless, by means of a trusted messenger,
suggested to the patriarch a meeting in a monastery on the
west bank of the Euphrates, near Orfa (Edessa). Ignatius
David avoided a meeting, but sent his vicar-general. In the
course of the negotiations the Bishop of Sidon and Father
Leonardo insisted on the necessity of accepting the decrees
of the Council of Chalcedon, and rejecting the monophysite
errors of Dioscuros.
The vicar-general declared that this was impossible, though
he said that he was ready to accept the primacy of the Pope.
Further negotiations led to no better result ; during the
course of these it came out that the Jacobites had been
strengthened in their adherence to their erroneous opinions
by the Patriarch Ignatius Neemet, who was at that time
enjoying the hospitality of Gregory XIII. in Rome.
The envoys found a disposition to accept reunion with
Rome among the Chaldeans of Assyria, and the two patriarchs
of the Armenians. The latter were given the presents from
the Pope intended for the Patriarch David. The Armenian
Patriarch Katschadur, who lived at Sis in Cilicia, promised
to send an embassy to Rome to express his submission. 2
His death, however, prevented him from carrying this intention
into effect. His successor Azarias, after long discussions,
1 See the *notes of Leonardo di Santangelo, loc. cit.
2 In addition to the sources quoted supra, p. 495, n. 4, see
also SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII. , 157, 160.
ARMENIANS AND COPTS. 497
accepted the profession of faith offered to him, which was
signed at the same time by four bishops ; the carrying into
effect of the reunion, however, was stopped, as Azarias, who
had been accused by one of his bishops, had to go to Constan
tinople to defend himself. " How difficult a thing it is,"
exclaimed the Bishop of Sidon in his report, " to deal with
these eastern patriarchs ! " He draws in this report an
alarming picture of the lamentable condition of the Armenians,
who openly declared that if they could be set free from the
tyranny of the Turks they were all ready to become Latins.
At Sis the two principal churches were rapidly falling into
ruins, as the suspicious vigilance of the Turks would not
allow the restoration of those buildings, which stood on a
lofty site like a fortress. There were still twelve churches
in the city ; in some of them the images had to be kept hidden
because of the Mohammedans. The patriarch, who had
been despoiled of all his revenues by the Turks, lived on alms ; l
he gladly received the subsidy sent by the Pope, and enthus
iastically praised the efforts being made by Gregory on behalf
of the easterns. 2 How great these were was shown by the
establishment in Rome of a college for young Armenians. 2
At the same time as the Bishop of Sidon, the Jesuit
Francesco Sasso had gone, by the command of Gregory XIII.,
to Egypt, to try and effect the reunion of the Copts with
Rome, which had been vainly attempted by Pius IV. The
first negotiations had been opened by Father Eliano. Sasso
took to the Patriarch of the Copts, John, a letter from
Gregory, as well as a hundred chalices for the churches which
were entirely destitute. At the end of December, 1583. a
synod was held at Cairo, the discussions at which for a time
lent strength to the hope that it would be possible to bring
back the Copts to ecclesiastical unity. 4
1 See BALUZE, loc. cit., 157.
* See the "notes of Leonardo di Santangelo, loc. cit.
3 Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 249.
4 See SANTORI, Autobiografia XIII., 157. How the work of
Coptic reunion, so hopefully begun, ended in failure is described
in the Lift, annuae, 1584, p. 343 seq. Cf. also SACCHINUS, V.,
VOL, XX, 2
498 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In the meantime the Bishop of Sidon and Father Leonardo
di S. Angelo had been successful in winning back the Chaldean
patriarch who had come to Aleppo from his Nestorian errors,
and reconciling him to the Church. The negotiations which
had been begun by the envoys with the Patriarch of the
Melkites at Damascus were interrupted by the threatening
attitude of the Turks. The Greek Patriarch of Jerusalem,
upon whom the representations of the envoys had made a
great impression, would willingly have renounced his schism
if he had not been prevented by his entourage. 1
Besides the ancient world, Gregory XIII. also bestowed
the same pastoral care upon the recently discovered lands
beyond the Atlantic Ocean. How much had already been
done to christianize the vast Spanish possessions in America
may best be seen by looking at the imposing edifice of its
hierarchy, by the generous arrangement and far-seeing
development of which the Popes of the XVIth century had
shown themselves to be enlightened guides of the universal
Church. 2 The Holy See, by granting to the Kings of Spain
the right of patronage, gave to them a fresh and serious
incentive for watching over the steady development ol the
Church in their colonies ; above all, Philip II. was deeply
117 seq., 173 seq. , PICHLER, II., 515. The energy with which
Gregory XIII. continued to work for the union of the Copts is
shown from the following entry of Santori on his audience of
July 5, 1585 : *De Cophti ; " di quello che scriveva il P. Giov.
Batt. Romano [Eliano] de Cophti et Sinodo : che perseveri il
P. Battista a guadagnarli. Del partito che si propone da M.
Paolo Mariani, console per il Re christ mo in Egitto, di far deponere
il patriarca de Cophti e far eleggere un altro di quelli, che con-
fessano le verita cattoliche : che facci quello che pare poter fare."
Audientiae card. Santorii, Arm. 52 t. 18, Papal Secret
Archives.
1 See SACCHINUS, V., 172 seq. Moreovei, in 1583, the Patriarch
of Jerusalem sent twelve youths to be educated at Rome ; see
WYMANN in the Zeitschr. fur schiveiz. Kirchengeschishte, 1919,
116 seq.
Cf. Vols. VI., 163 ; X., 364 ; XIII., 290 of this work.
THE HIERARCHY IN AMERICA. 499
convinced of the importance of well ordered religious conditions
for the maintenance of his own sovereignty. 1 The financial
difficulties found an excellent solution in the fact that the
crown fulfilled its duty of endowing and maintaining the
missions, which it had assumed with the concession of the
patronage, in the most generous spirit. 2 It was of course
impossible to avoid certain weak spots, but at first these
were but little in evidence. 3
In the time of Gregory XIII. the Catholic Church in America
had five archbishoprics : San Domingo, Mexico, Guatemala,
Santa Fe de Bogota and Lima in Peru, to which were subject
a considerable number of bishoprics. 4 The oldest dioceses
were those which had been established in 1513 at San Domingo
and Panama ; 5 Cuba had its bishopric in 1518, and Mexico
in January 1519 at Yucatan (Merida). Later on the Spaniards
deserted Yucatan and only returned thither in 1542 ; after
1561 there was once more a resident bishop of Merida. 6 Several
dioceses were established under Clement VII. : in 1526 at
Puebla (Tlaxcala), in 1530 at Mexico, in 1531 at Nicaragua,
Caracas (Venezuela), and Honduras (Comayagua), and in
1534 at Santa Marta. 7 The pontificate of Paul III. formed
an epoch in the development of the hierarchy in America,
and no less than ten dioceses owed their origin to his pastoral
1 Cf. AVARRAGARAY, La Iglesia en America y la dominaci6n
Espanola, 19 seq.
2 Cf. HUONDER, Deutscher Jesuitenmissionare des 17 und 18
Jahrhunderts, Freiburg, 1899, 45 and FREYTAG in Schmidlin s
Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaft, III., 20.
3 Cf. FREYTAG, loc. cit., 18 seq.
* See *Diocesium Indicarum man s Oceani descriptio iussu
Gregorii XIII. facta a Petro de Aguillar Hispalensi, Romae,
1581, February, Vatic. 5505, Vatican Library. The author
speaks as one who has had many years experience of American
conditions.
5 See GAMS, 148 ; GULIK-EUBEJ., III., 203, 286.
See GULIK-EUBEL, III., 168, 359; CRIVELLI in The Catholic
Encyclopedia, X., New York, 1911, 268 seq.
See Vol. X. of this work, pp. 364 seq.
500 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
care : Guatemala (1534), Antequera (1535), Michoacan
(1536), Cuzco (1537), Chiapa (1539), Lima (Ciudad de los
Reyes, 1541), Quito (1546), Popayan (1546), Rio de la Plata
(1547) an d Guadalajara (1548). In 1546, besides Mexico
and Lima, 1 the Farnese Pope made San Domingo an arch
bishopric, with suffragan sees at Cuba, Porto Rico and
Caracas ; 2 San Domingo was also made the primatial see
over all the dioceses of the Spanish colonies in north and
south America, although since 1524 there had been a
patriarchate of the West Indies, whose titular resided in
Spain. 3 To the archdiocese of Mexico there belonged Vera
Paz and the diocese at Manila erected by Gregory XIII. in
1579. 4 La Plata had its own bishop after 1552, 5 Santiago
del Chile after 1561, and Tucuman after 1570. 6 The metro
politan see of Lima of 1546 had as its suffragan sees Cuzco,
Quito, Panama, Nicaragua and Popayan. The latter was
detached in 1564 and placed under the new archdiocese of
Santa Fe de Bogota. 7 The suffragan sees of Guatemala in
1577 were Chiapa, Honduras and Nicaragua. 8
Gregory XIII. further added to the Catholic hierarchy of
the vice-royalty of Peru, which included the whole of Spanish
South America. On April I5th, 1577, he constituted the
lapsed diocese of Santa Marta and placed it under the arch
diocese of Santa Fe de Bogota. In the same year he also
1 See Vol. XII. of this work, p. 515. With regard to Guadalajaras
cf. GAMS, 149.
2 See GULIK-EUBEL, III., 203.
8 Cf. JANN, 109. AVARRAGARAY (loc. cit., 81) emphasises the
fact that the West Indian Patriarchate was " un mero titulo, sin
autoridad o jurisdiccion alguna, como los Obispos in partibus."
4 See GULIK-EUBEL, III., 251, 260 ; The Catholic Encyclopedia,
IX., 597 seq. Vera Paz, founded in 1556, lasted only until 1605 ;
see GAMS, 151.
5 See Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 290.
8 See GULIK-EUBEL, III., 167, 340 ; MARCELLING DA CIVEZZA,
VII., 2, 96. Cf. AVARRAGARAY, loc. cit., 177.
7 See GULIK-EUBEL, III., 212, 242.
9 See *P. DE AGUJLLAR, loc. cit.
WORK OF THE MISSIONARIES. 501
formed the new dioceses of Truxillo and Arequipa, and in
1582 that of Buenos Aires. 1
The greater number of the bishops of Spanish America
belonged to the Dominican and Franciscan Orders, which,
during the period when the new world became Christian had
borne the brunt of the work. 2 They very quickly displayed
an extraordinary enthusiasm, patience and perseverance.
Whereas the greater number of the laymen aimed at conquest,
riches and gain, the disinterested religious sought only to
gain souls. Armed with nothing but a crucifix and a breviary,
a musical instrument and some toys, they made their way
among the most savage peoples, made their language their
own, instructed them in the fundamental principles of religion,
taught them agriculture and European industries, and thus
became the masters, counsellors and friends of the Indians.
At the same time with the greatest intrepidity they fought
against the hard and cruel yoke under which so many of the
Spanish conquerors sought to bring the unhappy natives of
America. At the head of these champions of the rights of
the Indians as men against a brutal policy of violence stands
the zealous Dominican bishop, Bartolome de Las Casas,
who was Bishop of Chiapa from 1543 to 155 1. 3 He was
worthily followed by Julian Garces, Bishop of Tlaxcala, who
urged Paul III. to issue his celebrated decrees in favour of
the poor and oppressed Indians. 4 How deeply rooted was
the cruel oppression of the Indians is clearly shown by the
fact that the Dominican, Louis Bertrand, after working with
burning zeal from 1562 to 1569 for the conversion of New
1 See Acta consist, in the Records of the American Cath. Hist.
Society, XI. (1900), 62 seq. Cf. MAFFEI, I., 292 ; GAMS, 139,
140, 154, 165 ; STREIT, I., 506.
2 Cf. Vol. XIII. of this work, pp. 297-305.
3 See the monographs of FABF (2 vols, Madrid, 1879),
BAUMSTARK (Freiburg, 1879), DUTTO (St. Louis, 1902), WALTZ
(Bern, 1905) and MAC RUTH (London, 1909). Cf. also SCHMIDLIN S
Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaft, I., 263 seq. ; III., 13 seq. ;
VI., 266 seq.
Cf. Vol. XII. of this work, p. 519.
502 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Granada, at last left that country in order that it might not
appear that he concurred, even in the slightest degree, in
the abominations which he could not prevent. But his
fellow-religious and companion, Father Luis Vero, in spite
of every obstacle, continued the work that he had begun
until his death in 1588. l
The Franciscans vied with the Dominicans in the work of
the missions and the protection of the natives, and but for
their courageous intervention the Indians of Mexico would
have been destroyed as they were in the Antilles and elsewhere. 2
They were supported by the Archbishop of Mexico, Juan de
Zumarraga, of the Franciscan Order, who was one of the
most important bishops of the New World ; 3 when in 1548
Zumarraga died at the age of eighty, he had a worthy successor
in the Dominican Alfonso de Montufar, who held provincial
councils in 1555 and 1565. The third Archbishop of Mexico,
Pedro Moya de Contreras, under whom the building of the
cathedral, the most beautiful church on American soil, was
begun in 1573, 4 held a similar council in 1585. 6 The good
fortune of having excellent pastors was shared by Bogota,
where Luis Zapata established a seminary and held a
provincial synod in 1582, 6 and Lima, where the first arch
bishop, Francisco Jeronimo de Loaysa, of the Dominican
Order (1540-1575) issued some very wise decrees in two
provincial councils. His successor Turibio (1579-1606) won
the honourable title of Apostle of Peru.
1 See B. WILBERFORCE, Life of Saint Louis Bertrand.
a Cf. Vol. XIII. of this work, p. 303. See also HOLZAPFEL, 495.
3 Cf. Vols. XII., p. 516 ; XIII., p. 298 of this work ; also B.
VERELST, Zumarraga, Rousselaere, 1907-
4 Cf. Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst, N.F., XXVI. (1915), 254.
In his *Dioces. Indie, descriptio, P. de Aguillar calls the cathedral
of Mexico a work " mirae magnitudinis." It was in course of
construction at the time (1581). Vatic. 5505, Vatican Library.
5 See Concilios provinciales Mexicanos, Mexico, 1769-70 ;
Concilio, III. provincial Mejicano celebrado en Mejico el afio 1585,
ilustrado con notas del P. B. ARRILLAGA, Mejico, 1857.
6 Cf. GAMS, 140 ; HOLZAPFEL, 508.
WORK OF TURIBIO. 503
In order to introduce the decrees of the Council of Trent
in his vast diocese, Turibio held no less than thirteen diocesan
synods and three provincial councils. At the council of
1582 laws were made in defence of the liberties of the Indians,
and the religious rights of the negro slaves. The zealous
pastor also cared for the natives in other ways : he protected
them from violence, watched over their instruction in religion
and set up a special press the first in western South America
at which were printed by his advice a catechism in the
Quichua language and other religious books. Turibio turned
his attention to every part of his diocese as the father of the
poor and the consoler of the sick. The work accomplished
by this extraordinary man during the twenty-four years of
his episcopate in the reform of the clergy, and the conversion
and civilization of his diocese stands alone in the ecclesiastical
history of America. On two occasions, amid indescribable
difficulties, and in constant peril of his life, he travelled all
over his great archdiocese, penetrating the most lofty valleys
of the Andes, and to the most remote villages of the Indians,
preaching everywhere and making salutary ordinances. He
must have administered the sacrament of confirmation to
about 800,000 persons. Churches, monasteries, seminaries
and charitable institutions everywhere proclaimed, in many
different places, and for a long time to come, the glory of this
great pastor, whom Benedict XIII. raised to the altars of
the Church in 1726. 1
So vast a territory as the Spanish possessions in America
could never have enough labourers. It was therefore a happy
thought when the Society of Jesus resolved to preach the
religion of the Cross in Mexico, Peru and Chili. 2
The Jesuits went to Mexico at the request of Philip II.
The General, Francis Borgia, sent thither Father Pedro
Sanchez with eleven other fathers, and they landed at Vera
1 Cf. NICOSELLI, Vita di S. Toribio Alfonso Magrovesio, Roma,
1726 ; BERENGIER, Vie de St. Turibe, Poitiers, 1872. For the
introduction of printing by Turibio see DAHLMANN, Sprachkunde,
71 seq.
2 Cf. P. DE AGUILLAR, *Descriptio, Vatican Library.
504 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Cruz in September, 1572. They preached there, and at
Puebla de los Angeles with so great success that both those
cities wished to retain them. In conformity with the orders
of the General, however, they went to the capital, where in
1573 they founded a college, and soon afterwards schools.
Colleges sprang up in quick succession at Pazcuaro, Oaxaca,
Puebla, Vera Cruz and Tepozotlan. 1 The archbishop and
the viceroy both sent reports to the Pope concerning the
self-sacrificing labours of the missionaries among Spaniards,
natives and negroes. During the years of pestilence in 1575
and 1576 the Jesuits distinguished themselves in common
with the other Orders. In order to bring their influence to
bear upon the natives, they took pains, as their predecessors,
the Dominicans and Franciscans, had done, to learn the
difficult Mexican language. The Indians especially extolled
the complete disinterestedness of the Jesuits, who refused
gifts, gave large alms, and even redeemed those who were
imprisoned for debt. The Indians flocked to them from all
parts ; the sick were often brought from a great distance
to the houses of the Jesuits to receive the sacraments. A
Sodality of the Blessed Virgin sprang up in Mexico, which
was affiliated to that in Rome. In the seaports the Jesuits
cared for the spiritual and temporal welfare of the medley
of people who congregated in them. The Archbishop of
Mexico, Pedro Moya de Contreras, bore splendid testimony
in 1582 to their indefatigable labours as pastors and teachers. 2
By the end of the pontificate of Gregory XIII. the Society of
Jesus had in Mexico eight houses and 150 religious, of the
incredibly great results of whose labours the annals of the
Order give interesting particulars. 8
1 For what follows, cf. SACCHINUS, IV., 35, 64, 99, 210, 249;
V., 64, 107 seq., 224 ; ALEGRE (f 1788), Hist, de la Compania de
Jesus en Nueva Espafia, I., Mejico, 1841 seq., and ASTRAIN, III.,
123 seq.
2 See ASTRAIN, III., 148 seq.
3 Cf. LiU. ann. 1581, p. 135, 1584, p. 305, 1585, p. 179 seq. ;
ASTRAIN, IV., 388 seq.
THE JESUITS IN PERU. 505
The Jesuit mission in Peru began as early as I568. 1 Here
too they first directed their attention to the new capital Lima,
and the ancient " city of the sun " Cuzco. Without neglecting
the Spaniards, they especially devoted themselves to the
native population. The church of the college at Cuzco was
divided into two parts, one for the Spaniards and one for the
Indians. The rector of the college at Cuzco, Juan de Zuniga
(died 1577) penetrated as far as the wildest parts of the Andes.
In order to work effectively in the territory it was necessary,
as far as possible, to have a knowledge of the numerous Indian
dialects. The first Jesuit missionaries therefore devoted
themselves with all zeal to learning these difficult dialects.
The Dominican, Domingo de Santo Tomas, had compiled
the first grammar in the Quichua language. 2 The Jesuit,
Alonso Barzana seemed to possess a miraculous gift of tongues. 3
Having arrived in Peru in 1569, he stayed first at Lima, and
then in upper Peru, the modern Bolivia, where he learned the
Puquina tongue, and then followed the conquerors into the
eastern valleys of the Andes, where he again acquired the
Indian dialects, so as to be able to preach to the people there
in their own language. Later on Barzana published a grammar,
a lexicon, and a book for confession and prayers in five Indian
dialects. This work has won for him an honourable name
among students of the Quichua language. 4 The largest work
on Quichua was composed by Father Diego Gonzales Holguin,
who went to Peru in 1570, and lived for many years at the
Jesuit college at Juli, on the banks of Lake Titicaca, the
sacred waters of the Peruvians. There, where are to be found
the gigantic ruins of the celebrated Temple of the Sun, he
acquired so profound a knowledge of the language that in 1575
1 For what follows, cf. SACCHINUS, IV., 35 seq., 66 seq., 100 seq.,
132, 134, 171, 210, 250 ; V., 66, 108 ; also the Lift. ann. 1582,
p. 273 seqq., 1584, p. 286 seq. \ ASTRAIN, III., 151 seq. , IV.,
506 seq.
* See DAHLMANN, Sprachkunde, 70. Cf. L. PAZ, La Universidad
de la Capital de los Charcas, Sucre, 1914, 49 seq.
3 Cf. SACCHINUS, IV., 68.
4 See DAHLMANN, Sprachkunde, 72 seq.
506 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the viceroy appointed him interpreter in chief for the
Quichua, Puquina and Aymara languages, as well as
defender and advocate of the Indians. At the end of his
laborious life Holguin published a grammar and vocabulary
of the Quichua tongue, which to-day is still of great
value. 1
At Juli the Jesuits set up a printing press, the productions
of which are much more accurate and better produced than
the printed Peruvian works of the second half of the XlXth
century. 2 There were published also the works of Diego
Gonzales Holguin, an excellent vocabulary, a grammar, and
the Life of Our Saviour in the language of the Aymara, who
formed the greater part of the population of the southern
states. The Jesuit, Diego de Torres Rubio, who went to
Peru in 1577, an< ^ taught Quichua and the kindred dialects
at the college of Chuquisacha, succeeded in mastering the
finest distinctions of the native language. The bishops of
Peru entrusted him with the correction and new edition of
the catechism, the publication of which was decided upon by
the provincial council of Lima in 1584. The works of Rubio
and Holguin still form the basis for all study of the Peruvian
dialects. 3
It was not only the linguistic attainments of the Jesuit
missionaries that produced good results in Peru, for other
branches of learning owed much to them as well. The principal
proof of this was the celebrated Historia natural y moral de
las Indias by Jose" de Acosta, who went to Peru in 1571, and
became provincial when scarcely thirty-five years of age. In
the course of the long and difficult journeys which he made as
superior, he acquired that great historical and linguistic
knowledge which makes his work one of the most important
authorities on Peru. Published first in Latin, the Historia
was afterwards translated into Spanish, French, German,
1 See ibid., 73 seq.
2 According to TSCHUDI, Organismus der Khetsua-Sprache,
Leipzig, 1884, 73.
3 See DAHLMANN, Sprachkimde, 73 seq.
JOS DE ACOSTA. 507
English and Dutch. Bias Valera, who was descended from
the Incas on his mother s side, and became a Jesuit in 1568,
won considerable fame by his collection of the traditions and
fables, as well as by his history of the Empire of the Incas.
His history, which was written in Latin, has unhappily only
been partially preserved ; the fragments that remain con
cerning the religion, customs, institutions and language, and
on the products and medicinal plants of Peru, which Garcilasso
de la Vega made use of for his history of that country, give
some idea of Valera s work. 1
Jose" de Acosta, who worked for fifteen years in Peru,
attained a special importance by his work on the conversion
of the Indians, published in 1584. This work, which is alike
perfect in its matter and its form, is the first attempt at making
a complete and coherent theory of the missions, and one that
gives us in a classic form the method so profitably followed
by the Society of Jesus. Acosta expressly declares himself
against the view that the savages, by their unbelief, or else,
as some theologians held at that time, by their sins against
nature, had to be overcome by war. To him the ideal seems
to be the preaching of the Gospel without any military aid,
but as this was rendered impracticable by the savagery of the
barbarians, another way must be adopted in dealing with this
new human race, a middle course, by which the missionaries
would be accompanied by soldiers for their protection. To
those who, undertook the care of the souls of the Indians, who,
as far as morals and religion were concerned, left much to be
desired, he insistently recommends purity of life, humility,
piety, kindness and gentleness. Baptism must not be
administered too soon, nor without careful preparation, nor,
on the other hand, must the natives be kept back from
communion ; on the contrary, their zealous protector does
not hesitate to pronounce in favour of the admission of the
Indians to the priesthood ; it was only the provincial councils
of Lima (1582) and Mexico which for the first time allowed
1 Cf. WINSOR, History of America, I., Boston, 1885, 262 seq. ;
DAHLMANN, he. cit., 67 seq.
508 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the conferring of orders upon the Indians. l This was probably
done by the advice of the Holy See. Pius V. had already
given the widest powers to the bishops for the formation of a
plentiful supply of priests for America ; Gregory XIII. added
to these, and allowed that the sons of invalid marriages,
whether Creoles or Mestizos, might be ordained and receive
benefices, provided that the conditions of the canon law
were complied with in other respects. The hopes of the
native clergy were also encouraged by the educational activities
of the Jesuits. 2
How greatly the Jesuit missions in Peru flourished in the
time of Gregory XIII., in spite of the difficulties placed in their
way by the viceroy, Francisco de Toledo, 3 may be seen from
the fact that in 1582 the Order possessed in that country five
colleges and two houses, with 133 religious, fifty of whom
were thoroughly conversant with the language of the natives.
The inhabitants clung with great affection to their masters
and counsellors, who also zealously cared for the unfortunate
labourers in the silver mines. 4
The Franciscans vied with the Jesuits, and the lay-brother,
Matteo di Junilla, especially did much meritorious work ;
he went from place to place in the province of Cajamarca, and
with the help of the children whom he had instructed, won an
extraordinary influence over the natives. 5 In Chili the
Franciscan, Antonio di S. Miguel, converted countless Indians,
who followed him about with childlike love. This good man
1 See SCHMIDLIN S excellent article : Katholische Missions-
theoretiker des 16 und 17 Jahrhunderts, in Zeitschrift fur
Missionswissenschaft, I., 219 seq., and HUONDER, Einheimische
Klerus, 19 seq., 24 seq., 26 seq.
2 See HUONDER, loc. cit., 31 seq., 33.
3 He was recalled in 1580; cf. ASTRAIN, III., 168 seq. where
will also be found detailed particulars of the proceedings instituted
by the Inquisition (very rightly) against the unworthy P. Luis
Lopez ; cf. MEDINA, Historia de la Inquisici6n en Lima, I.,
99 seq.
4 See Litt. ann. 1582, p. 273 seq.
See HOLZAPFEL, 511.
MISSIONS IN BRAZIL. 509
did not hesitate to confront the Spanish government with the
injustice that was being done to the natives. 1
The difficulties with which the Jesuits had to contend in
Brazil were so great that some of them despaired of their
work as missionaries and joined the Carthusians, a step,
however, which was forbidden by Gregory XIII. 2 The
majoritv, however, persevered, though the avarice and
harshness of the Portuguese colonists often threatened to
destroy that which had been built up with such great labour.
The harvest, one of the reports states, is a rich one, but the
difficulties are incredible. 3
In Brazil too the Jesuits sought to organize the natives and
gather them together in villages (aldeas) where they could
accustom themselves to a well-ordered life and be prepared
for the reception of Christianity. Very often, and in the
most surprising way, they succeeded in making moral and
pious Christians of these savages. Baptism was only
administered after long trial, as the inconstancy of the Indians
was well known. How great was the fear that the natives
felt of the tyranny of the colonists was seen in 1575 when,
at the bare news that the Portuguese were coming, the Indians
who had been gathered together by the Jesuits in various
places along the Rio Real, began to scatter. It was only
with great difficulty that later on some of them were induced
to return. 4
In 1577 and 1581 wide tracts of Brazil were visited by
infectious disease. It made a great impression among the
Indians when the Jesuits in this time of need showed them a
kindness that was marked by great self-sacrifice, and
shrank from no danger of infection in order to console the
sick, both spiritually and temporally. Many of them
were converted. In the latter year the Society of Jesus
1 See ibid., 513.
8 See SACCHINUS, IV., 200 seq.
8 Cf. LiU. ann. 1583, p. 201 seq., 1584, p. 140 seq., 1585,
p. 136 seq.
4 Cf. SACCHINUS, IV., 61 seq., 97 seq., 131 seq.
510 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had in Brazil two colleges and five houses, containing 140
inmates. 1
Of the many splendid missionaries who laboured in Brazil
the most distinguished was Jose de Anchieta, who from the
time of his arrival in 1553 until his death in 1597, devoted
all his energies to the work of the missions, so as to be given
the honourable name of the Apostle of Brazil. 2 The greatest
praise was accorded to his zeal for souls even on the part of
Protestants. " Bare-footed, with a crucifix, and a rosary
round his neck, with staff and breviary in hand, his shoulders
weighed down with the burden of the requirements for his
altar, this missionary penetrated the forests, swam across the
streams, climbed the most rugged mountain districts, was
lost in the deserts, faced the wild beasts, and overcame all
these dangers and labours in order to win souls." 3
By means of the reports which Anchieta sent to the General
of his Order, he also did good service for the history and study
of Brazil. 4 His grammar of the Tupi language has been
declared by philologists of our own times to be of extraordinary
scientific value. 5 Even as provincial Anchieta continued his
apostolic journeys, and when he died in 1597 ne was venerated
as a saint.
Gregory XIII. fully appreciated the services rendered by
the Jesuits in the missions, as to which the annual reports
1 See ibid., IV., 208 seq. ; V., 63 seq., 223 seq. The Discalced
Carmelites had been working in Brazil since 1580 ; see DE
MACEDO, O Brasil religiose (1920), 89 seq.
2 Cf. his biography written by BALTHASAR ANCHIETA in Latin,
Cologne, 1617. It also appeared in Portuguese and Spanish, see
Freib. Kirchenlex., I. 2 , 806. In more recent times we have the
Vida do P. Jose de Anchieta pelo P. Pedro Rodrigues in the
Annaes da Bibl. national do Rio de Janeiro, XXIX. (1909),
181-287.
3 SOUTHEY, History of Brazil, London, 1810, 310 seq. Cf. also
J. RIBEIRO, History do Brasil, Rio de Janeiro, 1900.
4 See Informa9oes e fragmeritos do P. J. Anchieta (1584-6)
public per CAPISTRANO DE ABREN, Rio de Janeiro, 1886.
* See DAHLMANN, Sprachkunde, 82 seq.
THE POPE AND THE MISSIONS. 511
of the Society give exact details. 1 Whenever an opportunity
occurred he praised the fathers, and sought to help them in
every way. 2 When in 1580 the Portuguese colonies came,
together with Portugal itself, under the Spanish crown, it
would seem- that he foresaw the unfortunate consequences ol
that event upon the missions ; he therefore begged Philip II.
to extend the same protection to the Society of Jesus as the
Kings of Portugal had done. 3 Of great importance was the
decision by means of which Gregory interfered on behalf of
the unity of the missions in Japan, by restricting, in a decree
of January 28th, 1585, that field to the Jesuits alone. 4
Several Orders were no longer to work at the same time in the
same mission field. The Pope expressed the same thing by
his attitude of delay with regard to th? wish of the Capuchins
to take part in the missions to the pagans. 5
In his diplomatic negotiations with Philip II. Gregory XIII.
always kept the missions in view. He never wearied of
urging the king to send good priests to the colonies. 6 His plan
1 For particulars of the Annuae litterae Soc. lesu which appeared
each year in Rome from 1581 onwards, cf. LOHER S essay in the
Reports of the meetings of the Munich Academy, II. 167, and more
especially DUHR, I., 674 seq. The high esteem in which these
reports were held in the Curia, is clear from *Odescalchi s memor
andum dat. Rome, July 21, 1584, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
Additional special reports also appeared notably on Japan. A
very complete collection of these reports, taken originally from
the Jesuit settlement in Rome, is to be found in the Archives
of the Spanish Embassy, Rome.
2 This attitude of the Pope is specially marked in the briefs
given in THEINER, II., 249; III., 118.
3 See ibid., III., 362 seq.
4 See Synopsis, 139 seq. An explanation and defence of this
much abused decree is given by DELPLACE, II., 17 seq. Cf.
supra, p. 472.
5 See SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 160 seq. The first use
made of the Capuchins by Gregory XIII. was in 1584 when he
sent two of them to Algiers to ransom captive Christians ; see
Rocco DA CESINALE, I., 504 seq.
6 See MAFFEI, II., 68.
512 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
01 appointing a special nuncio for the ecclesiastical require
ments of the Spanish possessions in America was shipwrecked
by the resistance of the King of Spain, 1 who, instead of a
titular patriarch of the West Indies, aimed at the appointment
of a true patriarch, and thus at the preponderance of his own
influence. 2
What an active part the Pope, who was profoundly con
vinced of the universal mission of the Church, took in all
questions that concerned the missions, is specially shown by
the notes made by Cardinal Santori of his audiences, 3 as well
as by other reports. The Pope listened, says Cesare Speciani,
with indescribable pleasure to the reports of the missionaries,
and gave them good advice upon their work. 4 Speciani
also bears witness, and the Venetian ambassador Corraro
bears this out, 5 that Cardinal Santori, if it was a case of
help for the missions, never appealed in vain to the generosity
of Gregory XIII. 6
1 Cf. LAMMER, Zur Kirchengeschichte, 70. Philip II. openly
declared his intention of making the American clergy, as far as
possible, dependent upon the State, and he himself took many
precautions to prevent false doctrine from penetrating into the
colonies ; see Leonardo Donato s Relazione of 1573, in ALBERI, I.,
6, 462.
2 Cf. Philip II. s instructions to Zuiiiga of September 9, 1572,
in AVARRAGARAY, La Iglesia en America, 119 seq.
3 See *Audientiae card. Santorii a 1572-85, Arm. 52, t. 17 and 18,
numerous passages (Papal Secret Archives).
4 See C. SPECIANI, *Considerationi, Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
5 Relazione di G. Corraro, 276.
6 See * SPECIANI, loc. cit. ; cf. SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII.,
161.
CHAPTER XIII
THE PAPAL STATES. BRIGANDAGE. THE POPE S CARE
FOR ROME.
THE spread of Christianity in the pagan world, and the
maintenance of the Church in the countries of Europe beyond
the Alps, endangered as they were by the religious changes,
as well as the struggle against the Turks, laid many heavy
financial burdens upon the occupant of the Holy See. There
was further the need of continuing the traditional patronage
in matters of art and learning, as well as the extraordinarily
strong spirit of generosity of Gregory XIII. As the supply
of money from the Christian nations to Rome had become
very much reduced, and at times had almost entirely ceased,
the revenue was not sufficient for the ever increasing require
ments. Several plans were formed for meeting this situation, 1
but it was very difficult to find a suitable remedy, as Gregory
XIII. was unwilling to burden his subjects with new levies.
Moreover, he was by no means favourably disposed towards
the method of raising money hitherto in use, by the sale of
rents and offices. 2
How much open to objection and how harmful this system
was may be seen from the fact that the customs of Rome in
1576, although it had received the considerable sum of 133,000
scudi, was only able, in consequence of defalcations, to pay
over to the Apostolic Camera 13,000 scudi. Some sources
of revenue, such as those which came from the taxes on corn,
1 Some of these suggestions in Cod. D. 5 of the Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
2 Cf. Cocquelines on MAFFEI, II., 456. The Pope wished to
abolish the Monte Pio altogether, but had to content himself
with a reduction of it ; see MORONI, XL., 250.
VOL. xx. 513 33
514 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
meat and wine, did not bring in any considerable sum, as the
Monti had no other resources than these.
From the various provincial treasuries which had at the
same time to provide for the needs of their own districts,
nothing came at all ; on the contrary, there was often a
demand for help. In 1576 the expenditure upon the cele
brated alum mines of Tolfa was so great as to exceed the
revenues by 2000 scudi. 1 If the report of Paolo Tiepolo is
to be believed, in that year the outgoings had reached the sum
of 530,000 scudi, or half the whole of the revenues, which came
to 1,100,000 scudi. After taking away the alienations, the
100,000 scudi for stipends, and 270,000 scudi for military
expenses and the nunciatures, there remained to the Apostolic
Camera, according to Tiepolo, a clear annual revenue of
200,000 scudi/ 2 or, according to another estimate, 281,966
scudi. 3 Such a sum was not sufficient for the extraordinary
expenses, such as the subsidy to the Emperor and the Kings
of Poland and France.
The treasurer-general during the first years of Gregory XIII.
was his compatriot, Tomaso Gigli ; at the end of 1576 he was
succeeded by Lodovico Taverna, who was in his turn succeeded
in 1581 by Rodolfo Bonfiglioli, who was also a Bolognese. 4
This experienced man acquired a very great influence over
1 See RANKE, Papste, I. 9 , 271. Cf. *Entrata d. revTCam.
Apost. sotto il pontificate di Gregorio XIII. fatta nell a. I57 6 ~7
in Cod. 219 of the Library, Gotha. This summary is also to be
found in many other libraries, including that of Upsala (Ms.
Celsius, H. 315, 318) though the figures often differ con
siderably.
2 See P. TIEPOLO, 210. Cf. Cocquelines on MAFFEI, I.,, 451
RANKE (loo. cit.) considers Tiepolo to be reliable throughout, but
H6FLER does not think so ; see Annali d. religione, IV. (1837)1411.
3 See the document in MUNTZ, Les Arts, III., i, Paris, 882,
62-3. According to a summary in the Cod. Pio, 73, p. 368 seq.
of the Papal Secret Archives, 315,060 scudi remained the to
Chamber.
4 Cf. MORONI, LXXIV, 291 ; MARTINORI, 66. Bonfiglioli s
epitaph in EORCELLA, IX., 525.
EXAMINATION OF TITLE DEEDS. 515
the Pope in financial matters. 1 By his advice, Gregory XIII.,
who had already since 1573 acquired a number of fiefs by
devolution or purchase, 2 decided upon strong fiscal measures
by means of which he could easily obtain large sums of money.
A strict examination of all title deeds was ordered, and this
yielded surprising results. It was found that many holders
of fiefs or castles of great value had not paid the tribute for a
long time ; in the case of others it was proved that they had,
in defiance of all law, entered into possession in succession
to a family that was extinct, but which alone had had the
right to hold it, having in the first place entered into possession
merely as holders of a mortgage, and with the obligation of
restoring it when the family to whom it belonged had died
out. With the precision of an experienced jurist, Gregory XIII
inquired into the cases in dispute in the light of authentic
documents, and gave orders to the Apostolic Camera to take
proceedings in strict accordance with the law. The properties
in question were either to be confiscated or redeemed, and
those who refused to submit were to be brought to trial. 3
It was not only the Roman barons who were seriously affected
by this restoration of feudal rights : such were the Orsini,
Colonna, Cesarini, Sforza, Savelli, and many others of the
nobility in other parts of the Papal States ; even pious institu
tions, such as the wealthy hospital of S. Spirito in Rome,
1 See *Taverna s lists in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, App. 27.
2 On this subject cf. in addition to MAFFEI, I., 105, 313, also
Bernerio s report dat. Rome, December 12, 1573, State Archives,
Vienna.
3 Cf. A. TIEPOLO, 264 seq. ; G. CORRARO, 276 ; MAFFEI, I., 375 ;
II., 73, 222 seq. ; REUMONT, III., i, 569 ; BROSCH, I., 254 seq.
Interesting details are given in the *Dispatches of the Venetian
ambassadors in the State Archives, Venice, and in the *Avvisi di
Roma of January 28, 1579; May 9, 1580; July 8, 14, 15, 22,
August 5, 19, 1581 ; Urb. 1047, pp. 36, 157 ; 1048, p. 144 ; 1049,
pp. 255, 271, 274, 279, 309, 333, Vatican Library. RANKE
(Papste, I. 9 , 279 seq.) makes a one-sided and incomplete use of
the Venetian dispatches ; see BROSCH, loc. cit.
5l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
were not spared, if their title deeds were found to be faulty. 1
This enactment, by means of which the revenues of the
Apostolic Camera had risen to 94,000 ducats by 1578,2 was
regulated and enforced by a special bull, dated June ist, 1580,
concerning the rights of the Camera, especially against those
who did not pay their tribute on the Feast of St. Peter and
St. Paul. 3
One of the first to be hit was Cardinal Mark Sittich, who
had to give up one of the castles bought from the heirs of
Cardinal Madruzzo, because the tribute for it had not been
paid for several years. It did not avail Mark Sittich anything,
says Giovanni Corraro, that he was a Cardinal, nor that
Gregory owed him special gratitude on account of his behaviour
at the conclave. In matters of this kind the Pope was
inflexible ; he indignantly said that he did no one any wrong
in demanding what was his own. 4 The confiscations of fiefs
in 1581 were very numerous. When the Apostolic Camera
took possession of Palestrina in July, Giulio Colonna went
to Rome and threw himself at the Pope s feet, begging him
with tears to be merciful to his family. Gregory replied
1 See the report of G. Corraro in BROSCH, I., 255, n. 2.
2 See A. TIEPOLO, 265.
3 Bull Rom., VIII., 336 seq. THEINER, Codex dipl. dom. temp.,
III., 544 seq. ; ibid., 547 a list of the forfeited fees.
4 G. CORRARO, 276. Pius V. s Bull of 1567, which forbade the
sub-letting of fiefs that belonged to the Holy See, was confirmed
by Gregory XIII. in 1572 (Bull. Rom., VIII., n seq.) once more
confirmed in 1581 and made binding even on the Cardinals. Cf.
(in addition to SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 367) the *Acta
consist of January 23 and 30, 1581, Consistorial Archives of the
Vatican. See also *Odescalchi s report of February 18, 1581,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and the *Avvisi di Roma of February
18, 22 and March 18, 1581, Urb. 1049, pp. 69, 83, 131, Vatican
Library. In the consistory of April 3, 1581, *" S. D. N. declaravit
gubernia dominii Ecclesiae rev. dom. cardinalibus post bullam
Pii V. de non infeudandis concessa intelliga per triennium et
in posterum non posse retuieri nisi per triennium." Acta
consist loc. cit. Cf. MAFFEI, II., 225.
CONFISCATIONS OF FIEFS. 517
that justice must be allowed to take its course. A short
time afterwards it was said that six chests of documents had
been taken from the Vatican Library to the Castle of St.
Angelo containing deeds concerning Papal investitures, on
the strength of which very many persons, who had no idea
of any such thing, would be required to surrender their
property. 1 In August the Pope removed from the archives
of the Lateran Basilica certain documents which were of
importance for his policy of confiscation. 2 Giovanni Corraro
states that Gregory himself examined the processes, before
they were sent on to the Camera. 3
The greater number of those who were hit submitted,
though resistance was not wanting. In August 1581 Orazio
Savelli threatened to join the bandits. 4 The discontent at
length went so far that in December, 1581, Gregory XIII.
restricted the proceedings of the Camera. 5 It was not,
however, abandoned, as may be seen from certain enactments
of the year 1583. 6 The Curia entirely supported the Pope s
plan. This Pope, said Cardinal Galli, is called " the vigilant,"
but he only wishes to watch over and recover what is his
own. 7 According to the testimony of the same Cardinal
1 See *Avviso di Roma of July 14, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 271
Vatican Library.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of August 5, 1581, ibid. 307.
3 G. CORRARO, 276.
4 See *Avviso di Roma of August 19, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 333,
loc. cit.
5 See the report of L. Donate of December 2, 1581, in BROSCII, I.,
255, n. 3.
6 See MAFFEI, II., 360. Cf. *Avviso di Roma of January 29,
1583, Urb. 1051, p. 45b, Vatican Library. See also *Odescalchi s
report of August 6, 1583, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
See *the report of the Venetian ambassador of October 2 1 ,
1581, State Archives, Venice, utilised by RANKE, Papste, I. 8 , 280.
In allusion to the vigilance of Gregory XIII., one of his medals
shows the dragon of his arms bearing the inscription : " Vigilat."
Ghislieri also says in the *Relatione (quoted on p. 518, n. 4)
that the " recuperatione " redounds to the " immortal sua gloria "
of Gregory XIII, Cf. also BORATYNSKI, Caligarii Epist., 600.
5*8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
more than fifty castles were reclaimed in all, which brought
in to the Apostolic Camera several thousand scudi annually. 1
Special difficulty was found in the confiscation of fiefs
which had been proved to have lapsed or to be illegal in the
Romagna, which for a long time past had been in the hands
of small landowners, and the scene of bitter party feuds. 2
Gregory XIII. therefore only employed men of experience
there. 3 One such, the Roman, Giovanni Pietro Ghislieri,
who had been appointed president of the Romagna in 1578,
had presented to the Pope a detailed report of the condition
of his province, which affords us much interesting information. 4
1 See Galli s *Memorie in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
The state of the finances after the death of Gregory XIII. is
described in an *Avviso di Roma of April 17, 1585 : The
" Deputati " found " in Castello in cassa 400 scudi " and
" nel cassettino del Papa 500 sc. soli, ma buona et bella quantita
di gioie, et da 14 sc. in mano delli suoi piu intimi Cam ri , et si fa
conto che quella santa sede ha speso un milion d oro in fabriche
et dato 9oo m sc. d elemosine senza i milioni spesi in Avignon et
in guardarsi qua, prestati et donati a Principi, et per estinguere i
cavalierati del Giglio, di Loreto et di S. Giorgio, et spese in
mantenere altre grandissime spese necessa.rie et non necessarie."
Urb. 1053, P- i64 b , Vatican Library.
2 For the confiscation of Longiano near Rimini see A necdota,
litt., III., 330 seq.
3 First Sega who came into conflict with the barons (see MAFFEI,
I., 102), and after him Lattanzio who was forced to take energetic
measures against the deeds of violence committed by the Rasponi
in Ravenna (see ibid., 221 seq. ; MUTINELLI, I., 221 ; cf. also
MORONI, LVI., 234).
4 The *Relatione di Romagna di M r Giov. Pietro Ghislieri a
Papa Gregorio was first utilized by RANKE (Papste I. 8 , 254 seq.,
281 seq.) from a manuscript of the Altieri Library which was
afterwards partially destroyed. From TONDUZZI, Historie di
Faenza, 673 seq., Ranke took the fact that Ghislieri came to the
Romagna in 1578. The important point is that he remained there
until the end of 1579, for the Relations belongs to this period.
The rich contents of the Relations caused it to be multiplied in
many manuscripts. I have noted the following : (i) Florence,
THE PAPAL FIEFS.
Ghislieri treats first of ecclesiastical conditions. The arch
diocese of Ravenna, which had been held since 1578 by
Cristoforo Boncompagni, had a revenue, according to him,
of 9000 scudi a year. The celebrated abbeys of the city were
still more wealthy ; the Benedictines of S. Vitale had an
annual revenue of more than 12,000 scudi, and the Canons
of the Lateran at Santa Maria in Porto more than 18,000
scudi. There were also at Ravenna eight other houses of
men and women. The ecclesiastical province of Ravenna
included eight dioceses : Forli, Rimini, Imola, Cesena, Cervia,
Bertinoro, Faenza and Sarsina. The numerous Papal
feudatories almost all had their fiefs in the mountainous
districts of the province, which contained about 50,000
inhabitants. Ghislieri estimated the population of the
territory directly subject to the Holy See at 160,000. The
principal cities, besides Ravenna, were Rimini, Cesena, Forli,
Faenza and Imola ; there were also many smaller towns.
A great number of these had been recovered by Gregory XIII.,
either because they had lapsed or by way of purchase ; such
were Bertinoro, Forlimpopoli, Solarolo, Savignano, San
Mauro, Montefiore, Mondaino and Pian di Meleto.
The territory directly subject to the Holy See yielded such
plentiful produce in kind and in other ways that it was able
to carry on an active export trade with Urbino, Bologna and
Venice. Wine was produced in great quantities throughout
the Romagna, and except for that from Ravenna and Cervia,
National Library, Cod. Capponi. (2) Frankfurt o m, Municipal
Library, Cod. signed in 4 III., 14. (3) Munich, State Library,
Ital. 56, pp. 130-66. (4) Prague, Notitz Library, Ms d. 17, t.
VII., pp. 2-90. (5) Rome, Vatican Library, Urb. 831, pp. 83-126 ;
Papal Secret Archives, Var. polit., 159, n. 13. (6) Venice, St.
Mark s Library, It. V., 62. Additional information is given in a
very instructive *Descrittione (or Relatione) della Romagna in
the Cod. XIV.b.-3 of the Altieri Library, Rome. It was written
later, about 1615. Letters of G. P. Ghislieri, of the years 1569-82,
while he held office in the Romagna, in Perugia, Camerino and
Rome in the Cod. C. VI., 9 and 10 of the Seminary Library,
Foligno.
520 HISTORV OF THE POPES.
was of excellent quality. Especially did the wines of Cesena,
Rimini and Bertinoro, and the estates of the feudatories fetch
high prices in Venice. In some places other products had a
great reputation, as the hemp of Cesena and Imola, and the
woad of Forli, Bertinoro and Forlimpopoli, which served for
blue and green dyes, and the oil of Rimini. The cattle were
more than were required, the sea yielded fish of various kinds,
while ostriches were reared at Rimini, Porto Cesenatico and
Cervia. Nor was game lacking, especially in the celebrated
pine woods near Ravenna, and would be even more abundant
if there were any prohibition of the chase. The revenues
from salt at Cervia were very profitable. On account of the
natural richness of the territory the people of the Romagna
did not devote themselves at all to industries, with the single
exception of the manufacture of majolica at Faenza. Ghislieri
tried to introduce the dyeing of wool at Forli and Fano. The
revenues of the province were as much as 122,899 scudi, and
the expenditure 9321. 1 Unfortunately, this territory, which
was so rich in natural resources, had no good natural port.
The government of the Romagna was in the hands of a
president, who presented his reports on all more important
matters to the Pope and the college of prelates (Consulta)
associated with Cardinal Filippo Boncompagni. The president
had a guard of his own, formed of Swiss. He ranked above
the feudatories, and even took precedence over the bishops,
as he represented the person of the Pope. He had special
representatives for criminal and civil trials. To the president
were made all the reports of the lesser officials, the chief of
whom were the governors of the individual cities, who were
appointed by Papal briel. The members of the magistracy
1 Out of the " entrate," Ghislieri apportions 44,000 to the
" sussidio triennale," and to the " sali " 20,500 scudi. The
salary of the president amounted to 1,200 scudi, " che sono di
moneta 1380." The " governatori " of the six " citta principal! "
received annually 828, and the " guardia " of the " presidente "
1176 scudi. " Per cavalcate et riparationi delle fortezze "
accounts for 1,090 Scudi. Urb. 831, p. i23 b se,j., Vatican
Library.
THE ROMAGNA. 521
were elected by the citizens themselves from among their
own number. At Ravenna they were called savii, at Rimini
consoli, at Faenza and Cervia anziani, at Cesena and Forli
conservatori, at Imola gonfalonieri or consiglieri, and at
Bertinori both consoli and anziani. Their council meetings
wree held in the presence ot the governor. The judge of the
city was chosen from among the citizens. It was only at
Imola and Cesena that a local man had not been appointed
to that office, because at the private discussion one of the
citizens had not thought the candidate to possess the necessary
impartiality.
Ghislieri bears witness that the population of the Romagna
were on the whole entirely devoted to the Holy See, as they
were able to appreciate the mildness of the Papal rule. 1 Even
though the constant disputes of the Romagnoli did not make
the government easy, yet on the whole, Ghislieri says, it was
easier to guide the people in their disunion, than if they had
been united against the authority of the state. 2 The parties
still styled themselves by the old names of Guelph and
Ghibelline, although their interests had taken quite a different
direction from what they had been formerly. Ghislieri gives
detailed information in the case of each city as to the way
in which the ancient families were divided. At Ravenna
the Rasponi were opposed to the Leonardi, at Rimini the
Ricciardini to the Ingoli, at Cesena the Venturelli to the
Dandini, at Forli the Numai to the Serughi, at Faenza the
Calderoni to the Naldi, at Imola the Viani to the Sassatelli ;
the Viani declared themselves for the Ghibellines and the
1 *Questi popoli di Romagna sono molto devoti in generale
della Sede Apostolica conoscendo molto bene la dolcezza di
questo governo et massime di V.S td/ , della quale confessano d esser
governati come figlinoli diletti et con moita prudenza, pieta et
amore. Urb. 831, p. io5 b , Vatican Library.
2 *Io sto in dubbio se a ragione d utile per il goverrio sia bene
che questi contadini et forse altri si mantengono in qualche
discordia essendosi visto per esperienza che sicome il popolo
disunito facilmente si domina cosi difficilmente si regge quando e
troppo unito, loc. cit., in.
522 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Sassatelli for the Guelphs. 1 Each of these families had their
own following, and as in the rest of Italy the French and
Spanish parties 2 were distinguished by a small badge on their
hats. Similar parties were to be found among the feudatories ;
to the Ghibellines there belonged the Marchese Montebelli
and Alberto Pio di Carpi, and to the Guelphs the Malatesta,
Lampeschi, Sassatelli and Isei. The division also extended
to the peasantry, some of whom at Rimini, Cesena and Forli
drove the Signoria out of the city in the time of Pius V. There
existed a friendly patriarchal relationship between the barons
and their tenants. 3
Even in the time of Paul III., with the permission and
favour of the Papal government, first at Forli in 1539, and
later on at Fano, Rimini, Imola, Cesena and Faenza, the
middle classes among the citizens had formed themselves
into associations, the so-called " peacemakers," the members
of which bound themselves under oath to maintain order and
security. They had the right to take up arms against the
promoters of disturbances. 4 Unfortunately, these associations
had fallen into decay in the time of Gregory XIII. ; and were
all the less able to assist the government when they had received
into their ranks incapable and suspect persons. Ghislieri,
who fully realized their importance, endeavoured to
reconstitute them, especially at Ravenna. 1 His hopes,
however, of their revival were as little realized as was his
trust in diminution of the party feuds. On the contrary,
the latter increased to an alarming extent during the last
years of Gregory XIII. On many occasions the parties
took the administration of justice into their own hands,
1 See ibid., 109 seq. The names given by Ranke (Papste, I. 8 ,
281) are partially incorrect.
2 See MONTAIGNE, II., 154. Cf. also GUALTERIUS in the
Archiv io stor. Ital., App. I., 347.
3 See Ghislieri s *Relatione, Urb. 831, p. ios b seq., Vatican
Library. Cf. RANKE, I. 8 , 255 seq.
4 To supplement the insufficient data of RANKE, I., 256 seq.,
cf. especially MORONI, XXV., 279 seq.
5 See his * Relations, Urb. 831, p. io5 b , Vatican Library,
BRIGANDAGE. 523
they broke into the prisons in order to set free their own
friends, but at the same time sought out their enemies there,
and it was not uncommon on the following day to find their
heads hung up by the fountains. 1
To these political party feuds was added brigandage, a
national scourge, from which the Romagna had to a certain
extent been free in the time of Ghislieri. 2 Later on, however,
it too became subject to the evil, which infected not only the
Papal States, but the whole of Italy, and often took the form
of a guerilla warfare. With the end of the wars the country
districts found themselves overrun by discharged soldiers,
who were joined by the dubious elements of the country people,
and by others from the towns who were attracted by the
prospect of a life of freedom, and the hope of rich booty.
They were divided into highwaymen, who committed thefts
and pillage on a small scale, outlaws who had been banished
on account of some crime, and lastly brigands in the strict
sense, who were formed into bands, commanded by a chief,
and who offered their services for sale, as once had been done
by the condottieri. The greatest feudatories and the
aristocracy of the cities made use of their services without
any scruple in order to carry on their petty feuds. 3
Pius V. had already made war upon the bandits, 4 a task
which was rendered extraordinarily difficult in the Papal
States by the natural configuration of the country. The
many impenetrable mountain districts, as well as the deserted
undulating plain of the Roman Campagna, with its rocky
little hills of tufa, its underground passages, and its many
caves and precipices, afforded excellent hiding places. The
forest too of the Campagna was very extensive, as were also
the districts covered with thickets. Only some one who has
passed through one of these thickets, with its tangled under-
1 See the Ms. " Sixtus V. P.M.," Altieri Library, in RANKE, I.,
282.
2 *" II paese assai pnrgato di banditi et altri homini di mala
vita." Ghislieri s Relatione, he. cil., 116.
3 See REUMONT, III., 2, 571. HUBNER, I., 275 seq.
4 See Vol. XVII., p. 101 seq. of this work.
524 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
growth, and its ivy-clad tree trunks, can form any idea of
the difficulties which the mysterious impenetrability of such
a place put in the way of pursuit. In a memorial which
was presented to the Pope, in addition to other measures,
for the most part military, the destruction of the thickets
in the Campagna is urged, especially of the Campo Morto. 1
Gregory gave orders for this to be done, with the further
purpose of encouraging the cultivation of corn in the
neighbourhood of Rome. 2 A fateful consequence of this
was that the noble landowners, who enjoyed the widest
powers, at once offered shelter to the bandits, and allowed
them to organize themselves into regular bands. Between the
two there sprang into existence a kind of mutual assurance ;
the shelter which the barons gave the bandits in their castles,
ensured complete impunity to the evildoers, while on the
other hands the barons were able to summon their proteges
to Rome whenever they were involved in disputes with the
government. 3
Like his predecessor, Gregory XIII. had very much at
heart the maintenance of peace and security in his states,
and during the first years of his pontificate he met with
undeniable success in this respect. Especially valuable in
this direction was a decree of the Pope issued on September
24th, 1573, which abolished the pretended immunities of
the foreign ambassadors, the Cardinals, and the great nobles
of Rome, which had led to many flagrant abuses, and in many
1 See the *Memorandum on the " estirpatione de banditi,
in the Cod. Barb. LVL, 29, p. 93, Vatican Library.
2 The passage dealing with this, and quoted b}^ RANKE (Papste,
III. 8 , 171), was long ago printed in Li Tesori della corte Romana,
Brusselle, 1672, 109. It has often been asserted (cf. T. M.
LANCISII Diss. de nativis deqne adventitiis Romani coeli quali-
tatibus, 19 ; KEYSZLER, Reisen, I., 625) that Gregory XIII.
thereby contributed to the spread of malaria ; but this has been
justly contested. See TOMASSETTI, Campagna, I., 170, and
independently of himalso HIRSCH, Handbuch der hist.-geogr.
Pathologic, I. 2 , Stuttgart, 1881, 207, n. 2.
3 See HUBNER, loc. cit.
THE BANDITS. 525
cases had frustrated the course of justice. 1 In December
we have reports of the success attained in hunting out the
bandits sheltered by Paolo Giordano Orsini and the French
ambassador. 2 No less important were the severe edicts
of 1573 and 1574 against the carrying of weapons of offence. 3
The general security was improved, not only in Rome, but
also in the neighbourhood. Assassinations only occurred in
isolated cases, especially at Velletri .and Ardea, where the
country remained favourable for the bandits down to quite
recent times. 4 But the state of affairs changed for the worse
when later on the severity of the aged Pope began to be
relaxed. At the beginning of 1575 it was found that the
ambassadors and Cardinals were once more availing them
selves of their immunities, and the sheltering of the bandits
had once again to be threatened with penalties. 5 After the
end of 1576 many murders were committed both in Rome
and in the provinces, so that in June and November, 1578,
the strict prohibition of carrying arms in the Papal States
1 See THEINER, I., 202 seq. Cf. *Bernerio s report of October
3, I 573, State Archives, Vienna.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of December 19, 1573, ibid.
3 In addition to *Bernerio s report of July 4, 1573 (State
Archives, Vienna) ; see also the *Avviso di Roma of July 4 and
September 26, 1573, and of August 14, 1574, Urb. 1043, p. 259,
309, 1044, p. 225, Vatican Library.
4 " Questi giorni sono comparsi nella Campagna di Roma molti
furbi assassini che si crede che siano di quei soldati Italiani
ultimamente licentiati in Calabria, li quali hanno cominciato a
porse nella strada et assassinare et venendo il S r Card u di Vercelli
da Ardea a pigliare un poco d acre gli fecero una bella paura,
et al mio casale m hanno fatto molto danno," says Odescalchi
in a *memorandum dated the last day of February, 1573. He
also "reports, on February 23, 1575, the murder of two Capuchins
by robbers near Velletri, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The
robbing of the Venetian courier near Prima Porta is reported
in an *Avviso di Roma of June 5, 1574 see Avvisi-Caetani,
70.
6 See *Cusano s report of February 12, 1575, State Archives,
Vienna.
526 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had to be renewed. 1 The appearance of brigands in the
Campagna Marittima, in the Marches, and in the mountains
of Camerino led to the taking of further steps. The brigand
chief, Marcello Tibalduccio, who was notorious for the cruelties
he had committed in the Marches, was arrested in 1578 ;
the head of another, Marianaccio of Camerino, was brought
to Rome, and sixteen noble highwaymen were sent to the
galleys. 2 Alfonso Piccolomini, Duke of Montemarciano,
especially gave trouble. Quarrels with the Baglioni, and
disputes with the pontifical authorities had driven this scion
of a celebrated family to take to a life of brigandage. 3 His
castle of Montemarciano, near Ancona, became the principal
place of refuge for the disturbers of the peace in the Marches.
He paid no attention to all warnings from Rome, so that no
other course was left to the Pope but to destroy the castle of
Montemarciano. 4 Piccolomini who was a feudatory, not
only of the Pope, but also of Florence, had already withdrawn
into Tuscany. His bands of brigands, who were organized
on military lines, and overran the district in small companies
and to the beat of the drum, like the free companies of the
XlVth century, were the terror of central Italy. Their
favourite refuge was in the forests of Montemarciano and of
S. Vito, for which reason Gregory XIII. caused them to be
destroyed. 5
1 See the *Avvisi di Roma of January 19 and May 18, 1577, and
that of November 29, 1578, Urb. 1045, p. 227 b , 291, 408, Vatican
Library. See also *Odescalchi s report of June 21, 1578, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. For the murder of the son of Pietro Corso
on the Campo Vaccino by eight French noblemen " per risse
antiche," see *Avviso di Roma of December 17, 1576, Urb. 1044,
p. 187, Vatican Library.
2 See the *Avvisi di Roma of January T, July 14 and 30, August
16, 1578, Urb. 1046, pp. 2 b , I57 b , 170, 279, Vatican Library.
3 Cf. the monograph of L. GROTTANELLI : Alfonso Piccolomini,
Firenze, 1892.
4 See MAFFEI, I., 373 seq.
5 *" II Papa risoluto affato di snidare li banditi della Marca ha
fatto tagliare la selva di Monte Marciano et quella di Monte S.
Vito, che erano li principal! ridotti che havessero, non havendo
THE BANDITS. 527
At the beginning of 1579 the Pope himself mitigated the
restriction of bearing arms, and granted to Cardinal Farnese
and others the right to a personal guard armed with arque
buses. 1 The prohibition of immunities issued in 1573 had
by that time been so far forgotten that the retinue of Cardinal
Medici rescued a bandit from the hands of the police by
appealing to the right of sanctuary. 2 The Pope continually
sent troops against the brigands who made their appearance
here and there, and also entered into an agreement with the
government of Naples. 3 But in July the Papal troops had
hardly returned from their expedition when a brigand chief
named Catena appeared outside the Porta Salaria. 4 Very
soon many bandits were discovered in Rome itself, and on
one occasion thirty were arrested in an inn. 5 The zeal of
Romolo Valenti, who had been appointed governor of the
Campagna, was successful in capturing five brigand chiefs
in August, but at once new ones sprang up in their place like
the hydra s heads. 6 In October the Pope had to send a special
commissary against the bandits who were making havoc in
the neighbourhood of Capranica, 7 and at the end of the year
he found himself obliged to get together troops against the
brigands who were devastating the Marches and the Romagna. 8
In Rome the delinquents could always find refuge in the
palaces of the nobles, and even of certain Cardinals, who
quelle communita. con lo stridere c han fatto per il danno, che ne
ricevono, potuto haverne gratia da S.S tdi ." Avviso di Roma of
December 24, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 437 b , Vatican Library.
1 See *Avviso di Roma of January 14, 1579, ibid., 1047, p. 14.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of January 21, 1579, ibid., 24.
3 See MAFFEI, II., 70 seq. Cf. also THEINER, III., 119.
4 It was considered unsafe to visit the suburban vineyards.
*Avviso di Roma of July 22, 1579, Urb. 1047, p. 235 b , Vatican
Library.
5 See *Avviso di Roma of July 29, 1579, ibid., 254.
6 See *Avviso di Roma of August 12, 1579, ibid., 276.
7 See *Odescalchi s report of October 6, 1579, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua. Cf. MAFFEI, II., 71.
8 See * Avviso di Roma of December 23, 1579, Urb. 1047, p. 396
( c f 376) Vatican Library.
528 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
protected them from the police. 1 Cardinal Este, too, who
was so powerful on account of his close union with France,
repeatedly protected his evil-doing followers from the punish
ment they deserved. In June, 1580, when a fresh incident
had occurred, and the Cardinal s followers had assaulted
the Papal police officials, Gregory XIII. lost patience ; he
summoned Este before him, and a violent altercation ensued,
the consequence of which was that Este was banished from the
Papal States. 2 At a consistory on June I5th, 1580, the
Pope complained that some of the Cardinals were giving
shelter in their palaces to criminals, and reminded them of
the penalties entailed by such an act ; 3 at the end of June
certain offences on the part of the servants of Cardinal Mark
Sittich in the matter of resistance to the police, were severely
punished, 4 yet at the end of June Gregory decided to revoke
the sentence of banishment pronounced against Cardinal Este !
This was done in consequence of the pressure brought to bear
by the ambassador of France. 5 This leniency towards the
great only served to encourage the lesser offenders, and it is
not surprising that it proved impossible to master the national
plague of brigandage.
After various expeditions of troops against the bandits
in the Papal States during the spring of 1580 had proved of
1 Cf. SANTORI, Antobiografia, XII., 367.
2 Cf. Vol. XIX., App. 27, *the notes made by Mattei, Boncoin-
pagni Archives, Rome. See also Lettres de Cath. de Medicis,
VIII., 224, and BELTRAMI, Roma, 32 seqq., 36 seq.
3 See *Acta consist, in the Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.
Cf. *Avviso di Roma of June 18, 1580, Urb. 1048, p. 176, Vatican
Library.
4 See *Avviso di Roma of June 26, 1580, ibid., 187!).
5 See *Avviso di Roma of July 30, 1580, ibid., 221. Cf.
Sporeno s *Report to Archduke Ferdinand, of October 15, 1580,
in the Government Archives, Innsbruck. Este s return took
place a year later. The Pope received him cordially and the
Curia greeted him with respect ; see (in addition to HERRE, 263)
the Avvisi di Roma of June 24 and July 8, 1581, Urb. 1049,
P- 2 37- 35 1 Vatican Library.
THE BANDITS. 529
little use, 1 Gregory attempted to attain his purpose by means
of severe enactments. All barons or cities who gave shelter
to or encouraged the bandits were threatened with the
penalties of high treason. 2 Cardinal Alessandro Sforza,
who was appointed legate for the whole of the Papal States,
with the exception of Bologna, on July 5th, 1580, was given
such full powers for the destruction of brigandage, that he
was no longer spoken of as legate-general, but as vice-Pope. 3
The legation of Bologna was entrusted to Cardinal Cesi, 4
with the same wide powers ; he was to punish the disorders
and murders that the quarrelsome aristocracy of the city had
1 See (in addition to MAFFEI, II., 156) *Odescalchi s report
dat. Rome, February 20, 1580 (Troops against the bandits of the
Marches and Umbria), March 12 (Troops against Petrino), April 16
(Bailiffs against the bandits of the Campagna and great care of
the Pope), Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. the *Avviso di Roma
of April 23, 1580 (about the bandits near Spoleto), Urb. 1048,
p. 90, Vatican Library.
2 Bull of July n, 1580, Bull. Rom., VIII., 355 seq. The decree"
had already been announced in an *Avviso di Roma of April 2,
1580 (Urb. 1048, p. 67, Vatican Library). Writing about this
decree on July 23, 1580, Odescalchi says : *" il che ha messo gran
terrore a questi signori et baroni di terra di Roma." Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
3 See *Avviso di Roma of July 9, 1580, which also reports that,
on the previous Monday, 30 bandits from Trastevere had attacked
the Bargello with his " sbirri " (Urb. 1048, p. 203, Vatican Library).
Cf. *Odescalchi s report of July 9, 1580, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua; *Memorandum of Aless. de Medici, of July 9, 1580,
State Archives, Florence, and the * Memorandum of L. Donate,
of July 1 6, 1580, State Archives, Venice, to which is attached
the *Brief for Sforza, dat. Rome, July n, 1580, from which
RANKE (Papste, I. 8 , 283), and BROSCH (L, 257 seq.) have taken
certain passages. For the appointment of Sforza see *Acta
consist, of July n, 1580, Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.
See also the brief in THEINER, III., 224.
4 *Lettere di diversi negozii in tempo di P. Gregorio XIII.
per la legatione di Bologna scritte al card, de Cesi, legato di
quella citta (mostly letters of Cardinal S. Sisto [F. Boncompagni]
of 1580) State Library, Berlin, Inf. polit., XIX., 2 seq.
VOL. XX. 34
530 HISTORY OF THE POPKS.
to its charge. 1 Sforza left Rome on July I4th. 2 He had
previously written to all the governors to send him lists of all
1 See *Acta consist, of July 4, 1580, Vatican Library ; *Avvisi
di Roma of July 8 and 9, 1580, in Sporeno s reports in the Govern
ment Archives, Innsbruck ; BELTRAMI, Roma, 39 ; *Avviso di
Roma of July 9, 1580, Urb. 1049, p. 201, Vatican Library. Cf.
ibid., 368, 382, 390, the *Avvisi of November 9, 19 and 26, dealing
with excesses in Bologna which greatly exercised the mind of
Gregory XIII. (cf. *Odescalchi s report of November 5, 1580,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). In spite of these upheavals and
others that had preceded them (cf. MAFFEI, I., 223) conditions in
Bologna took a decided turn for the better (see MALVASIA, Felsina,
I., 90). Gregory XIII. favoured the town with many privileges
(in 1578 he sent the Golden Rose to the cathedral ; see *Avviso
of March 22, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 88, Vatican Library). On
December 10, 1582, the bishopric of Bologna was raised to an
archbishopric ; see Bull. Rom., VIII., 432 ; cf. also FANTUZZI, IV.,
284. But the factions in Bologna did not come to an end.
Disputes about the form of government even went so far as to
bring about the departure of the Bolognese envoy from Rome in
1584 ; see *Avviso di Roma of July 28, 1584, Urb. 1052, p. 306,
Vatican Library. Ibid, an *Avviso di Roma of August 4, 1584 :
The Pope wished to have no more envoys from Bologna in Rome ;
the state of public feeling in Bologna was very excited, women
went about wearing feathers " alia Guelfa et alia Ghibellina."
Interesting, as showing the activity of the legate, are his
*Memoranda of 1580-1 in Vatic. 6711, Vatican Library. The
disputes over the water supply between Bologna and Ferrara
(cf. FANTUZZI, IV., 285) led to the sending of Cardinal
Guastavillani ; *letters on the subject from September, 1582, to
July, 1583, in Barb., XLVIII., 147, p. 72 seq., 127 seq., 173 seq.
(Vatican Library) ; ibid., 87 seq. *Memoriale di Filippo Succi
al duca di Ferrara mentre era il card. Guastavillani legato ; 99 seq.
*Viaggio che si fece per visitare i luoghi pe quali doveva condorsi
il reno dal card. Guastavillano e dal duca di Ferrara. A *Discorso
della differenza tra i Bolognesi e Ferraresi circa le acque &c.,
dedicated to Cardinal Guastavillani, in the Cod. Ital. 190, p. 95 seq.
of the State Library, Munich. A *Discorso de D. Scipione di
Castro, treating of the same subject and dedicated to Gregory XIII.
in the Cod. D. 9 of the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
2 See the description of the departure given by Odescalchi in
his *report of July 16, 1580, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
A PUNITIVE EXPEDITION. 531
the bandits in their territories, pointing out their usual place
of residence. 1 The Cardinal, who was accompanied by 500
armed men, went jirst to Spoleto, where he executed 54
bandits and confiscated property to the value of 30,000 scudi.
The notorious Pietro Leoncillo of Spoleto, named Petrino,
had unfortunately made his escape. 2 The punitive expedition
then went on by way of Orvieto to Perugia, where the legate
confiscated the property of the Marchese di Serbello, and put
an end to various feuds by peaceful means. 3 He then
proceeded to the Marches, and lastly to the Romagna, where
he succeeded in capturing one of trie most dangerous of the
bandits, the above-mentioned Catena. 4 Count Jacopo di
Montevecchio, who among other things had murdered his
wife, was executed. 5 At Ravenna the legate settled many
disputes ; he was supported by the Duke of Urbino and
the government of Venice. 6
1 *Avviso di Roma of July 13, 1580, Urb. 1048, p. 206, Vatican
Library.
2 See the *Avvisi di Roma of August 3, September 3, 10, 17,
October 12, 1580, Urb. 1048, p. 223, 2y6 b , 293, 298, 338, Vatican
Library. Concerning Petrino cf. BELTRAMI, Roma, 21, and
CAMPELLO, II castello di Campello, Roma, 1889, 288 seq., 294 seq.
3 See the *Avvisi di Roma of September 24, 27, 1580, Urb. 1048,
PP- 3!2, 327, ibid., 224 b . *Descrittione dell apparato fatto in
Orvieto pel entrata ivi del card. Sforza, Vatican Library.
4 See the *Avvisi di Roma of October i, 12, 19, November 23,
30, and December 7, 1580, Urb. 1048, pp. 319, 338, 348, 387, 396,
406 seq., Vatican Library; *Avviso of December 10, 1580,
Government Library, Innsbruck. Catena (cf. MAFFEI, II., 216)
was executed on January u, 1581 (see MONTAIGNE, I., 231);
he was 30 years old, had been a robber for twelve years, and had
committed 54 murders. Cf. also *Avviso of January n, 1581,
Urb. 1049, p. 10 loc. cit., and the interesting "reports of Odescalchi
of October i, 22, November 5, 26, 1580 ; January 7, 14, 22, 1581,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
6 See MAFFEI, II., 160.
6 See the *Avvisi di Roma of August 17, October 19, Novembei
23, 1580, Urb. 1048, pp. 251, 351, 387, Vatican Library, and
MAFFEI, II., 156. Cf. also P. SPRETI, Entrata dell ill. card
Sforza legato in Ravenna alii 6 Novembre, 1580, Ravenna, 1580
(a very rare work).
532 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
In November, 1580, it seemed that peace and order had
been restored for the most part in the Papal States, 1 but only
too soon it was obvious how very superficial the results
attained had been. The evil was favoured by the social
conditions of the state, as well as by the popular idea and
the character of the inhabitants. Faced by Gregory XIII. s
policy of confiscation, many of the barons now availed them
selves, only more openly, of the bandits as ready allies. 2 This
alarmed the Pope, and Sforza was warned to take no further
action against those who had harboured the bandits, but
only against those who should do so in future. 3 The legate,
who longed to be set free from his difficult task, 4 was unable
to prevent the bandits from again making their appearance
in the Marches in the spring of 1581. 5 The Grand Duke of
Tuscany refused extradition in the case of criminals of this
class. 6 The legate was spared further disappointments, for
he died on May 2oth, 1581, in all probability from poison. 7
The bandits thereupon raised their heads with still greater
insolence. The Swiss, Sebastian Werro, who set out from
Rome to Loreto on May 27th, 1581, had hardly completed
1 *" II stato eccles co restara in gran quiete per qualch anni et
tanto piu che [Sforza] ha guasto talmente il nido a banditi che
non la rifaranno per un pezzo." Avviso di Roma of November 16,
1580, Urb. 1048, p. 376, Vatican Library.
2 Cf. Mu TI NELL i, I., 129.
3 * Avviso di Roma of January 7, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 3 b , Vatican
Library.
4 * Avviso di Roma of March 18, 1581, ibid., 131.
5 " S e inteso che nella Marca li banditi havevano cominciato
a farsi sentire et che per cio i popoli erano tutti in arme."
*Odescalchi s report of April 29, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
6 See Avvisi-Caetani, 107.
7 In addition to the report of G. Corraro quoted by BROSCH
(I., 257, n. 2) see also the *Avviso di Roma of May 20, 1581,
Urb. 1049, p. 183, Vatican Library, *Odescalchi s memoranda
of May 13 and 20, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and Sporeno s
*reports of May 6 and 13, 1581, Government Archives, Innsbruck.
Sforza s tomb with his effigy in S. Maria Maggiore ; see FORCELLA,
XL, 42.
ALFONSO PICCOLOMINI. 533
his first day s journey, before he became terror-stricken at
the cruelties of the bandits, of which he heard stories in the
inns on the way ; at Foligno he met the garrison of that place,
which was returning from an expedition against the bandits. 1
At the end of May, 1581, news reached Rome that the dreaded
Alfonso Piccolomini was threatening the Marches. At
Montalboddo, near Sinigaglia, this monster had his enemies
throats cut in the presence of their mothers and wives, while
his followers danced and sang ribald songs. 2 The troops
which were sent by the Pope against Piccolomini under the
command of Latino Orsini refused to fight against the bandits,
and foreigners had to be enlisted. 3
But the principal reason why it was impossible to obtain
any definite success was the fact that Piccolomini had safe
places of refuge in Gubbio and Pitigliano. From these
strongholds he made his raids into the Papal States, where
he was joined by some of the malcontent nobles. Piccolomini
had allowed his beard and hair to grow, and seemed to have
no other aim in life but to attack his enemies, foremost among
whom he counted Latino Orsini and Giacomo Boncompagni,
who had been entrusted by Gregory XIII. with the protection
of the Papal States. The services which were rendered to
him by private individuals were rewarded in princely style ;
at the beginning of July he destroyed a mill which Latino
Orsini had built near Corneto, and which was valued at 6000
scudi. In the last week of July he threatened the alum mines
of Tolfa, and at the beginning of August, at the head of 200
well-armed men, made the district between Ponte Molle and
Prima Porta unsafe. The Pope took special measures for
the safety of Rome. 4 He was all the more alarmed in that an
1 See the "Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum Seb. Verronis, Ms.
in the University Library, Fribourg (Switzerland).
2 See MAFFEI, II., 212 ; GROTTANELLI, A. Piccolomini, 45 seq.,
53. In RANKE (Papste I. 8 , 282) the name of the place has been
disfigured into " Monte-abboddo."
3 This interesting fact is given by Bernerio in his *report of
June 3, 1581, State Archives, Vienna.
4 See the report of L. Donate in MUTINELLI, I., 127 seq.
534 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
attack on the Vatican, on the pretext oi taking action against
the feudatories, threatened his own person. The Pope s
attendants therefore doubled the guards, and had the
Belvedere patrolled at night ; at the gates of the city,
everyone coming in or going out was stopped to have
his business inquired into. 1 Gregory had the chagrin of
learning that Piccolomini had robbed a Papal courier of
7000 scudi. 2
It was only possible to remedy the abuse if the Pope s
neighbours, the Duke of Urbino and the Grand Duke of
Tuscany, were to refuse shelter in their states to the bandit
chief. Gregory XIII. therefore addressed himself to both of
them. Urbino was prepared to co-operate with him, but
not so Francesco de Medici, whose relations with the Holy
See were always strained. 3 The evasive reply of Medici
made it clear that he was unwilling to take any action against
Piccolomini, who had powerful friends in Siena. 4 Instead,
he gave the Pope the humiliating advice to come to a peaceful
agreement with the bandit chief. 5
The impunity of Piccolomini led other adventurers into
making similar raids, and many sought to imitate him in their
effrontery, savagery and cunning ; such were Ramberto
Malatesta, Giovanni Valenti, who assumed the title ol " King
1 See Lettres de P. de Foix, 98, 100 seq. ; the *Avvisi di Roma
of August 5, 12, 1 6, 1581, Urb. 1049, pp. 307, 3i9 b , 324, Vatican
Library.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of August 19, 1581, ibid., 331.
3 Cf. SEGHARIZZI, Relaz d. ambasc. Veneti, III., 2 (1916),
22.
4 Cf. MUTINELLI, I., 129 ; Lettres de P. de Foix, 95 seq., cf. 123 ;
MAFFEI, II., 212 seq. ; BALAN, VI., 607. The Pope also com
plained repeatedly of Urbino, but the latter disclaimed all
responsibility. The *Avviso di Roma of May 26, 1582, reports
complaints made in consistory by Gregory XIII. about Florence
and Urbino ; and the duke has added with his own hand, in the
margin, the words : *" Questo m indusse andar da Farnese et e
bugia espressa quanto a Urbino." Urb. 1050, p. 178, Vatican
Library.
5 See the reports in GROTTANELLI, 56 seqq.
ALFONSO PICCOLOMINI. 535
of the Maremma," Pietro Leoncillo of SpoJeto known as
" the wild man," and the " priest of Guercino." 1
For a long time Gregory was reluctant to follow the advice
of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and enter into negotiations
with Piccolomini. But the misfortunes of his troops in the
war against the bandits, which involved great expenditure
and the danger of a serious misunderstanding with Tuscany,
while the fear lest Piccolomini should take a bloody revenge
upon Giacomo Boncompagni 2 left him no alternative, so that
Gregory XIII. found himself forced to take this extraordinary
step, which in the end was also recommended by Cardinal
Galli. 3 An agreement was arrived at, by which Piccolomini
withdrew to Florence in June, 1582, where he lived like a
great noble, honoured by the court of the Medici. 4 On
March 3oth in the following year, to everybody s amazement,
he made his appearance in Rome, and took up his abode with
the Florentine Cardinal Ferdinando de Medici, on the Pincio.
When his pardon had been proclaimed in a pontifical brief
he left the city on May iQth, and returned to Florence. 5
The temporary disappearance of Piccolomini by no means
put an end to brigandage in the Papal States, which continued
in spite of all the enactments of the Pope. During the whole
of the second half of 1582 the Romans were disturbed by the
1 See MUTINELLI, I., 131 ; GNOLI, V. Accoramboni, 12. For
Guercino cf. MAFFEI, II., 356 seq. ; HUBNER, I., 235. Odescalchi
describes the death of P. Leoncillo in his report of February 17,
1582, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 See Donato s report in RANKE, Papste, I. 8 , 284.
3 See his *Memorie in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
4 See GROTTANELLI, 67. That Piccolomini selected Florence
for his dwelling place is reported in an *Avviso di Roma of June
20, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 212, Vatican Library.
6 For Piccolomini s stay in Rome with which he was by no
means satisfied, see the *Avvisi di Roma of March 30, April 2 and
23, May 21, 1583, Urb. 1051, pp. I48 b , 151, 187, 218, 226 b , Vatican
Library (cf. GNOLI, loc. cit., 166 seq.), and *Donato s reports
(State Archives, Venice) utilized by Ranke, I. 8 , 284. Ranke s
assertion that the confessors at the Lateran had broken the seal
of confession is not proved,
536 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
appearance of brigands in the immediate neighbourhood. 1
Even the safety of the city itself was seriously threatened.
Many of the nobles who seemed to think themselves above
the law were in secret agreement with the bandits, and
encounters between the retainers of the barons and the police
were as common as were robberies, duels and murders. 2
An especially horrible crime was committed in the night
between April i6th and I7th, 1581 ; the nephew of Cardinal
Montalto, Francesco Peretti, the husband of Vittoria
Accoramboni, who was celebrated for her dazzling beauty,
was killed in the garden of Sforza 3 by two hired " bravi."
Three days after the crime the young widow retired with her
mother to the palace of Paolo Giordano Orsini, Duke of
Bracciano. The assassins had been recognized as persons
who were in close relations with Giordano Orsini, but no one
dared to take any steps against the powerful and hot-tempered
duke. Vittoria, who must at any rate have been privy to
the murder, was arrested, and only recovered her liberty on
the promise that she would not marry the duke. In spite
of this she allowed herself to be induced to marry her lover
in 1584 at Bracciano. 4
1 See the *Avvisi di Roma of August 8, September 1 5, December
n, 22, 24, 1582, Urb. 1050, pp. 283, 337, 470, 489, 496, loc. cit.
2 Cf. the *Avvisi di Roma of July 21, 28, August u, 18,
December 22, 1582, Urb. 1050, pp. 258, 271, 302, 307 1 , 489, loc. cit.
Notwithstanding all penalties, more " furberie et latrocinii " than
ever took place in Rome *reports Odescalchi on January 15,
1583, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Decree against murderers and
bandits in the Bull. Rom., VIII., 355 seq., 503 seq. ; ibid., 399 seq.
new decree against duelling.
8 Later the Palazzo Barberini was built on this spot.
4 Cf. the detailed description by GNOLI, V. Accoramboni,
74 seq., 85, 131 seq., 178 seqq. The correct date here given
contradicts LITTA, who gives it as June 27, 1583. This mistake
was repeated by REUMONT, III., 577. Gnoli s correct date is
confirmed by * Odescalchi s report dat. Rome, April 22, 1581
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Gnoli did not know of the existence
of this report. See also *Bernerio s memorandum of April 22,
1581, which gives the date as April 18. State Archives, Vienna.
LODOVICO ORSINI. 537
A no less evil reputation was enjoyed by Lodovico Orsini,
who gave shelter to the bandits in his palace. Without
paying any attention to the immunity which he claimed,
in the evening of April 26th, 1583, the chief of the police,
Gian Battista della Pace, forced his way with his officers
into the palace to arrest two bandits, who had wrought
havoc with fire and sword in the mountainous district of
Norcia. When they were on the point of taking them away
the police were resisted by Raimondo, the brother of Lodovico,
Sillo Savelli, Ottavio de Rustici, Pietro Gaetani, Emilio
Capizucchi and other nobles. An altercation ensued, followed
by a fight, in which Raimondo Orsini, Silla Savelli and
Ottavio de Rustici lost their lives. 1 Lodovico Orsini swore
to be avenged for his dead brother. All the nobility, led by
Paolo Giordano and Lodovico Orsini, prepared for retaliation,
while the masses of the people who were devoted to them
raised an alarming riot. Giacomo Boncompagni made vain
efforts to calm the excited mobs. A contemporary says that
it was just as though the Holy See were vacant, or the enemy
in the city, as during the sack of 1527. 2 The chief of the
police took to flight before the threatened attitude of the
mob, while his officers hid themselves. Even the aged
governor of the city, Vincenzo Portico, sought safety in the
Vatican. Gregory XIII. had the gates of his palace closed,
and prepared his artillery. In view of the unrestrained anger
of the people, the general confusion, and the danger threatened
by the bandits in the city, he at last felt that he must change
his policy ; he appointed a new governor of the city, and
1 For the tumult of April 26, 1583, which GROTTANELLI (p. 71)
wrongly ascribes to August 26, see the sources utilized by GNOLI
Hoc. cit., 152 seq.) of which the most important is Donato s
memorandum of April 30, 1583 (in MUTINELLI, I., 140). See
also SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 155, the *report of April 26,
1583, in Var. poht., 159, n. 158, Papal Secret Archives, and the
detailed *report of Odescalchi of April 30, 1583, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
2 *Avviso di Roma of April 30, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 197. Vatican
library. Cf. MAFFEJ, II., 358.
53$ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
issued an order for the arrest of Pace and his bailiffs. Whenever
the people discovered these unhappy men, they killed them
in the most cruel way. Pace was brought before the judge
by the conservatori and executed ! On account of the feeble
ness of the government the conservatori had given orders to
the caporioni to assume the guardianship of the city. 1 The
Pope gathered troops and doubled the guard of his palace ;
it was said that he had summoned 2000 Swiss. If this should
be the case, says a contemporary, those who abuse the
gentleness and kindness and leniency of Gregory XIII. will
have reason to repent. 2
After such occurrences as this, it is not surprising that
the Pope was unable to master the plague of brigandage.
On June 25th, 1583, the Mantuan ambassador reports that
the danger in the environs of Rome was so great that no one
dared to go outside the gates. 3 In July 700 men had to be
sent against the bandits, who had set fire to the crops at
Piperno. In August four bandits of Frascati were beheaded,
together with a brigand chief who with his own hand had
committed 65 murders. Giulio Ongarese, who had been
appointed commissary for the whole of the Papal States,
issued an edict against the bandits ; whoever sheltered one
of them was to be punished, whereas anyone who killed or
handed one over to justice was to be rewarded. 4 Further en
actments followed. 5 By October this had led to a restoration
1 Cf. GNOLI, loc. cit., 156 seq.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of June 4, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 239,
Vatican Library. For the revenge that Lod. Orsini took in
September, 1583, when he caused Vincenzo Vitelli, Giacomo
Boncompagni s representative, to be murdered, see the report in
MUTINELLI, I., 147 seq.
3 See "Odescalchi s report of June 25, 1583, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua. Cf, Avvisi-Caetani , 157.
4 See the *Avvisi di Roma of July 20, August 6, 20, 27, 31,
1583, Urb. 1051, pp. 307, 324, 343, 357, 350, Vatican Library.
Cf. Avvisi-Caetani, 157 seq., 160 ; see also Sporeno s *reports of
June 2 and July 23, 1583, Government Archives, Innsbruck.
5 Cf. Avvisi-Caetani, 1 61 .
THE BANDITS MORE NUMEROUS. 539
of order. 1 In January, 1584, they succeeded in defeating
the band of the notorious " priest of Guercino," and wounding
the leader, 2 but in April it was again learned that assassins
were carrying on their misdeeds in the neighbourhood of
Rome. 3 A special congregation of Cardinals was appointed
to devise a remedy. 4 Military expeditions were carried out
during the summer, 5 and it was believed that the Papal States
were at last almost entirely freed from the bandits. But
even this was only an apparent success. 6 The bandits,"
wrote the Venetian ambassador, Lorenzo Priuli, on February
23rd, 1585, " are now more numerous than ever ; they go
about in large companies, and if this goes on it will require
an army to disperse them." 7
The failure of every attempt on the part of Gregory XIII.
to put an end to brigandage in the Papal States, and the
insecurity of Rome must not be put down only to the gentle
1 See Sporeno s reports of October 15 and 22, 1583, Government
Archives, Innsbruck.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of January 14, 1584, Urb. 1052, p. 18,
Vatican Library. For the impudent behaviour of Guercino
shortly afterwards, cf. the report of January 16, 1 584, in MUTINELLI.
I., 154 seq.
3 See *Odescalchi s report of April 7, 1584, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua. Cf. BELTRAMI, Roma, 46.
4 See the *Avvisi di Roma of April 7 and n, 1584, Urb. 1052,
p. 127, 132, Vatican Library.
5 See Sporeno s *reports of May 26 and June 9, 1584, Govern
ment Archives, Innsbruck.
6 *Odescalchi s report of December 7, 1584, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
7 See Priuli s reports in BROSCH, I., 259 seq. An *Avviso di
Roma of February 2, 1585, reports that special precautions had
been taken for Saturday, as the " Prete da Guercino " was believed
to be in Rome under a disguise. The *Avvisi di Roma of February
9 and 23 report many details concerning the bandit scourge in
the Papal States. According to an *Avviso of March 20, the
robbers affixed " bandi " in Velletri which demanded, with
threats, the withdrawal of the troops ! Urb. 1053, PP- 61, 6 4>
76, 97, 126, Vatican Library. Cf. also BELTRAMI, Roma, 51, 52
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
character of the Pope, and his readiness to pardon ; l the
causes of the evil were so deeply rooted in the political
situation and in social conditions that even the terrible
severity of his successor was only able to crush the bandits
for a time. 2
In order to form a just judgment it is necessary to bear
in mind the fact that, not only the States of the Church,
but the whole of Italy suffered from the scourge of brigandage.
A similar state of affairs prevailed, in spite of the strict Spanish
government, in the Kingdom of Naples, and also in the Grand
Duchy of Tuscany. 3 Even in the territory of the Republic
of Venice, justly celebrated for its political organization,
brigandage had taken such a hold that even the southern
Tyrol was seriously threatened. In 1579, tne Venetian bandit,
Count Ottavio Avogadro, was able to make a formal raid
with 100 men from Verona, upon Arco, by way of the Lake
of Garda, and then retire once more into Venetian territory
and harass the Duchy of Ferrara. Avogadro, like Piccolomini,
was reckoned one of the most terrible and dangerous of the
Italian bandits ; as the latter had done in Rome, so he too,
in 1585, made his appearance at the court of the Archduke
Ferdinand of the Tyrol. 4
1 Cf the Vita Sixti V ipsius manu emendata in RANKE, Papste,
III. 8 , 72* The description of conditions given by Gual terms
in the Arch. stor. Ital. App. I., 315 seq., is certainly rhetorically
exaggerated, though the state of things towards the end of
Gregory XIII. s reign was undoubtedly very bad indeed ; cf.
BALAN, VI., 617 seq. A candid account of the state of affairs in
Rome and in the provinces was furnished to the Pope by a Roman
parish priest : *Caeli Speti parochi S. Mariae in publicolis de
urbe ad Gregorium P.M. XIII. de veritate dicenda, Vatic. 5514,
pp. 44-51, Vatican Library.
2 See KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII.. p. 91 seq. Cf. our conclusions
in the next volume.
3 See ALBERI, II., 5, 469 seq. ; HUBNER, I., 231 seq. ; REUMONT,
Toskana, I., 302 seq.
4 See SYLVIAN, II., 327 seq. ; EGGER, Gesch. Tirols, II., 233 ;
HIRN., I., 505, 508 seq. Cf. Forschungen und Mitteilungen zur
Geschichte Tirols und Vorarlbergs, XII. (1915) 42 seq. Avogadro
REPORT OF CORRARO. 54!
By way of explanation why brigandage, the inveterate evil
of the time, made itself especially felt in the Papal States,
the Venetian, Giovanni Corraro, gives two special reasons
in his report for 1581 ; one he finds in the natural character
of Gregory XIII., who, at heart more inclined to gentleness
than to severity, discovered too late how dangerous a thing
it is for a sovereign to change from severity to gentleness ;
the other he sees in the peculiar conditions of the Papal States.
He remarks that severity was nowhere so called for as there,
where there were nothing but parties, and men were, so to say,
born with arms in their hands, while the frequent change oi
rulers, and the number of the Cardinals and influential nobles
easily led men to expect pardon. 1
To this middle course between severity and indulgence,
which was satisfactory to the greater number of men, Corraro
also attributes the remarkable increase in the population of
Rome, which had grown from scarcely 90,000 to 140, ooo. 2
The number of new houses, which were occupied the moment
they were finished, was so great as to cause amazement to
anyone who had not seen the city, even for a short time. If
this progress had continued, the capital of the Popes would
have increased, in size and beauty, both rapidly and in an
extraordinary way. It was characteristic that, in spite of
this, the pontificate of Gregory XIII. had already lasted too
long for the liking of the officials of the Curia, who hoped to
gain some advantage from each change of government. 3 Yet
they, no less than the rest of the Romans had every reason to
be grateful to Gregory XIII.
is expressly classed with Piccolomini as the worst of the bandits
in the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
1 CORRARO, 277.
2 REUMONT (III., 2, 791) doubts the accuracy of Corraro s
figures, but they are confirmed by a *memorandum of Camillo
Capilupi dat. March 28, 1573, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua (see
Appendix, No. i), and by the Avviso di Roma in BELTRAMI,
Roma, 28.
3 If things went according to their wishes, says Corraro (loc. tit.),
there would be a new Pope at least every five years.
542 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
No one in Rome could complain of the burden of the taxes ;
no fresh burdens were imposed during the thirteen years of
the pontificate of Gregory XIII. ; l of the old ones, he had
already, in the first years of his reign, taken off the duty upon
pork introduced by Pius V. to meet the expenses of the war
against the Turks, 2 and later on the tax on flour which had
existed since the time of Julius III. 3 The Pope took thought
for the provision of Rome with victuals in every way,
especially during the Holy Year. 4 For a long time men were
reminded of this by the great reserves of grain which he had
gathered in the Baths of Diocletian. 5 In order to provide
for Rome he also on several occasions issued prohibitions of
the export of grain from the Papal States. 6 A decree of
May ist, 1578, renewed the penalties against the barons
who interfered with the transport of grain to the Roman
market. So as to prevent the usurious dealings of speculators,
every citizen was forbidden to buy more grain than such as
was necessary for the annual need of his family. 7 In the
Campagna Marittima the Pope tried to extend the ground
under cultivation by the destruction of the woods ; 8 the
draining of the marshes near Ravenna served the same
purpose. 9 If in spite of this the Papal States had to suffer
1 Galli emphasizes this in his *Memorie (Boncompagni Archives,
Rome).
2 See the Constitution of February i, 1573, in the Collez. delle
disposiz. su li piu antichi censimenti dello Stato pontif., I., Roma,
1845, 67 seq. MAFFEI, I., 251 (1576) must be corrected accordingly.
3 See MAFFEI, II., 362; MORONI, XX., 159.
4 Cf. Studi e documenti, XIII., 313 ; BENIGNI, 39 seq.
5 Cf. ClACONIUS, IV., 21 ; FORCELLA, XIII., 174 ; NlCOLAI, III.,
89 ; LANCIANI, IV., 80. CIAPPI (p. 9) also mentions granaries in
Porto.
6 See Bull. Rom., VIII., 140 seq., 195 seq. ; MAFFEI, I., 373 ;
RANKE, Papste, I. 8 , 279.
7 See BENIGNI, 39. Cf. DECUPIS, Per gli usi civici nell agro
Romano, Roma, 1906, 23.
8 Cf. supra., p. 524.
9 On this subject see MAFFEI, II., 74 ; BENIGNI, 42, as well as
the statements of Ghislieri in his *Relatione di Romagna, Urb.
PERIODS OF SCARCITY. 543
for a time during the years of scarcity in 1579, 1582 and 1583,
this was not the fault of the Pope ; on the contrary he did
all in his power to mitigate the distress. 1 In 1583 he himself
expended 40,000 scudi. 2 Besides this he endeavoured to
ensure that the people should have not only plenty of bread
but also good bread, and severely punished those who
adulterated this important item of food ; 3 he repeatedly
granted privileges to the baking industry. 4 In 1581, when
the neighbourhood of Rome, and especially Viterbo, was
invaded by swarms of locusts, he gave 20,000 scudi for their
destruction. 5
Gregory XIII. interested himself in a quite special way in
preserving Rome and the Papal States from the plague, which
affected many parts of Italy in the years 1575, 1576 and 1579.
He ordered the making of penitential processions, in which he
himself took part, and also made use of all the precautions
then known against the spread of the contagion. 6 All the
831, p. i2o b seq., Vatican Library. A *Projetto del disseccamento
delle paludi Pontine which was submitted to Gregory XIII. in
the Cod. D. 9 of the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
1 Cf. the *Avvisi di.Roma of August 26 and 29, September
2 and 5, 1579, Urb. 1047, pp. 295, 297, 3oi b , 306, Vatican Library,
and *Acta consist, of August 17, 1579, Consistorial Archives of
the Vatican. For 1582 seq. see MAFFEI, II., 300. The " carestia "
of 1583, which ravaged the whole of Italy, is dealt with in
*Odescalchi s reports of February 12, 20, March 26 and April 23,
I 5^3> Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 See Cocquelines on MAFFEI, II., 461.
3 See *Avviso di Roma of October 24, 1573, Urb. 1043, p. 3i8 b ,
Vatican Library.
4 See MAFFEI, II., 226.
5 See ibid., II., 225 seq. ; cf. I., 251.
6 To complete the accounts given in MAFFEI, I., 256, II., 69,
461 seq., cf. CATENA, Lettere, 321 ; SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII.,
361, 365. See especially the *Avvisi di Roma of July 13, 1575
(on account of the Sicilian plague, guards increased at Civita
vecchia, Ostia and Ripa-Grande), 1576, June 20 (energetic
precautionary measures), July 21 and October 20 (processions) ;
1578, April 12 (precautionary measures) ; 1579, September 26
544 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
greater was his joy when Rome remained free from the
pestilence. During the hot summer of 1580 a dangerous form
of influenza broke out in the city, which affected a great part
of the population . During those days Gregory devoted himself
to the care for the sick ; he sent alms and medicine to the
poor, and prohibited any increase in the price of food, which
certain merchants were inclined to make. 1
and 30, November n, 25 and 29, December 12 and 16 (precaution
ary measures and processions) ; Urb. 1044, p. 516; 1045, pp. 119,
130, 165; 1046, p. 106 ; 1047, pp. 323, 329, 380, 383, 387, 390,
Vatican Library. See also the ^reports of Aless. de Medici of
July 16 and October 28, 1575, State Archives, Florence. For
1576 cf. also the Mantuan *report of June 24 in the Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua, and the *letters of Dr. Andreas Fabricius to
Albert V. of Bavaria, dat. Rome, July 13 and 21, 1576, State
Archives, Munich. A *Bando et ordine da osservarsi per il
presente sospetto della peste, of November 15, 1579, in the Editti,
V., 61, p. 30, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. also A. SARTI, Bandi
emanati dai legati pontif. in Bologna nel sec. XVI., Rocca S.
Casciano, 1914, 22 seq., 24. The following very rare works may
be mentioned here : i, MICH. MERCATI, Instruttione sopra la
peste, nella quale si contengono i piu eletti et appro vati rimedii,
Roma, 1576 (dedicated to Jacopo Boncompagni) ; 2, Libro del
conoscere la pestilenza, di M. Giov. BATT. Susio, Mantua, 1576
(a copy in the Senckenberg Library at Frankfurt o. m.) ; 3, Cause
et rimedii della peste. Raccolti da MARCO GONZAGA, Firenze,
1577; 4> B. PISANELLI, Discorso sopra la peste, delle cause,
elfetti, remedii, Roma, 1577; 5> Litaniae et preces iussu S.D.N.
Gregorii P. XIII. in omnibus ecclesiis dicendae ad implorandum
divinum auxilium pro avertenda a populo christiano pestilentia,
Romae, 1576, and Florentiae, 1577. A *Bull of Indulgence of
Gregory XIII., " univ. Christindelibus morbo contagioso in civit.
Venet. ant locis ei subiectis laborantibus," dat. July 7, 1576, in
the State Archives, Venice, Bolle. See also the inscription in
FORCELLA, IV., 83.
1 See the *Avvisi di Roma of August 13, 17, 20, and September
3, 1580, Urb. 1048, pp. 241, 251, 255, 276, Vatican Library, and
*Odescalchi s reports of August 3, 20, 27, and September 3, 1580,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. MAFFEI, II., 156 seq. ; MARINI,
Archiatri, I., 453 ; TOMASSETTI, Campagna, I., 216.
PUBLIC MORALS. 545
The city of Rome also owed to Gregory XIII. a temporary
relief from the scourge of mendicants and vagabonds. 1 He
was also seriously preoccupied with the maintenance of good
morals in his capital, which was visited by so many foreigners.
In contrast to the great severity of Pius V., the effects of
his mildness made themselves felt from the beginning of his
pontificate. 2 But Gregory soon realized that in this matter
he would have to follow in the footsteps of his predecessor ; 3
above all he had to direct his attention, as Pius V. had done,
1 In 1575 plans were made for collecting all the countless
vagabonds and beggars of Rome into one hospice (see *Avviso
di Roma of May 7, 1575, Urb. 1044, pp. 424 b , 42 9 b , Vatican
Library). At the beginning of 1581 the scheme was actually
carried through; see *Avviso di Roma of January 15, 1581,
Coll. Favre, 62, p. 103 seq., Municipal Library, Geneva, and the
*Avvisi di Roma of February 22, March 4 and 8, 1581, Urb. 1049,
pp. 83, 101, 105, Vatican Library ; cf. Mucantius, *Diarium of
February 1 3 and 28, 1 581, Papal Secret Archives, and *Odescalchi s
report of May 6, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. And thus
the city seemed completely cleansed of this plague (see CORRARO,
275). But the abandoned monastery of S. Sisto in the Via Appia,
which had been chosen for the hospice (cf. PIAZZA, 56 seq. ;
MORICHINI, II., 7 seq.) proved itself unsuitable on account of the
malaria with which the place was infected ; and so the Pope
thought of acquiring the " isoletta vicino a Ponte Sisto " ; see
*Avviso di Roma of December 16, 1581, loc. cit., 446. The plan
which was mooted later, of erecting a new building near the
hospital of the Convalescent.! never came to anything ; see the
*reports of February 3 and September 30, 1582, in the Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. In February, 1583, the hospice at S. Sisto
had to be given up ; see *Avviso di Roma of February 26, 1583,
Urb. 1051, p. 95, loc. cit. The plague of beggars and vagabonds
(cf. KEENER, I., 89) was, at that time, universal ; and in Germany
it was much worse than in Italy ; see JANSSEN- PASTOR, VIII. li " 1 *,
301-77.
2 See *Cusano s report of December 18, 1572, State Archives,
Vienna. Cf. Gott. Gel. Anz., 1858, 690. That many officials
made bad use of Papal property is reported in an *Avviso di Roma
of December i, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 452, Vatican Library.
8 Cf. the more detailed particulars in the Appendix, No. 2.
VOL. XX. 35
546 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to the abuses connected with the manuscript news-sheets
(avvisi) . 1
In accordance with his own strict ideas, Gregory XIII.
did not care about the Carnival. During that time he remained
for the most part at his villa of Mon dragon e, 2 and exhorted
the Cardinals as well to keep away from any such amusements. 3
On the Sunday of the Carnival he visited the Seven Churches
of Rome. 4 He would very gladly have abolished altogether
the unrestrained, and in many ways cruel, orgies of Carnival
Tuesday. This, however, was not possible in view of the
1 On September 6, 1572, was published the " constitutio contra
famigera tores nuncupates mercantes eorumque scripta recipientes
et famosos libellos scribentes et mittentes " (Bull. Rom., VIII.,
12 seq. ; cf. *Cusano s report of September 20, 1572, State Archives,
Vienna). For particulars of this Constitutio, see Hist.-polit.
Blatter, XXXVII., 574 seq. ; CIAMPI, Innocenzo, X., p. 254 seq. ;
GNOLI, V. Accoramboni, 38 ; note. At an earlier date a writer
who had spread slanderous reports about the cause of Pius V. s
death, had been whipped out of the city ; see *Arco s report of
July 26, 1572, State Archives, Vienna. How the regulation,
which produced little result, was carried into effect is reported in
the *Avvisi, especially those of November n, 1581, January 20,
February 13, May 12, 1582, Urb. 1049, p. 428 b , 1050, pp. 21, 5o b ,
Vatican Library. In the last of these the originators are branded
as calumniators. Cj. also Sporeno s *report to Archduke
Ferdinand, of September 30, 1581, Government Archives, Inns
bruck, and Donato s despatches of October 13, 1581, in BROSCH, I.,
272, n. i. The unscrupulous " mercanti," described by the envoy
of Savoy as " razza d huomini piu tosto da forca che da galera,"
have found a defender in PICCA : I martiri del giornalismo nella
Roma papale, Roma, 1912, a partisan work which should be read
in conjunction with Riv. stor., 1913, 6 seq. A biting " Pasquinata
fatta da qualche Lutherano " caused Gregory XIII. to offer a
reward of i ,000 scudi for the discovery of the author ; see * Avviso
di Roma of March 30, 1577, Urb. 1045, p. 264, Vatican Library.
2 See *Odescalchi s reports of February 8, 1578, and February 6,
1580, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
See SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 227.
4 See *Odescalchi s report of February 20, 1583, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua,
THE CARNIVAL. 547
attachment of many of the Romans to their ancient customs. 1
Gregory XIII. therefore endeavoured, like his predecessor,
to cut the Carnival as short as possible. 2 In 1580 he availed
himself of the plague, 3 in 1583 of the scarcity, and in 1584
of the disturbed state of the city, to prohibit all masquerades. 4
Montaigne, who saw them, describes the Carnival celebrations
which were allowed in 1581, as moderate. 5
During the time that preceded it, as well as during the
Carnival itself, Roman society had loved from the earliest
times to amuse itself with theatrical performances and other
entertainments. 6 When Gregory learned in 1574 that one
of those immoral comedies which had been fashionable in the
time of the Renaissance had been performed, he took severe
1 A decline in the Carnival fever, most probably a direct result
of the Catholic Reformation, is established moreover by A.
Zibramonte in his *report of January 17, 1573, according to which
the carnival passed off " assai freddamente, non inclinando piu
che tanto questa citta a simili piaceri." On February 20, 1574,
C. Capilupi writes : *" II carnevale si fa freddissimo." Also in
1577 and 1578, mention is made of " carnevale magrissimo " ;
see *Odescalchi s memoranda of February 19, 1577, and February
I 5> I 57&- A good carnival is ""reported by Odescalchi on January
28 and February 4, 1581, and also on March 3, 1582. All these
documents in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 See the *report of P. Tiepolo of February 28, 1573, in
MUTINELLI, I., 108, and CLEMENTI, 248 seq. On January 14,
1576, Pompeo Strozzi ""reports that the carnival was only allowed
for the time after S. Antonio (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf.
also in th.e App. 16 of Vol. XIX. the *report of Mucantius of
February, 1581, Papal Secret Archives.
3 *" Hoc anno bra via quae curri publice solebant applicata
fuerunt cathecumenis et larvae interdictae, cum instante pestis
periculo potius orandum esset ad placandam iram Dei," writes
MUCANTIUS, *Diarium, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. *Odescalchi s
report of February 6, 1580, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
4 See *Odescalchi s reports of February 20, 1583, January 28
and February 4, 1584, loc. cit. Cf. also CLEMENTI, 268 seq.
6 MONTAIGNE, I., 247-8.
6 Cf. CLEMENTI, 258 seq., 271 seq.
548 HISTORY OF THK POPES.
action ; the actors were punished with imprisonment, and
the ecclesiastical dignitaries who had been present at the
performance, including several Cardinals, were sternly
rebuked. 1 At the consistory of January 27th, 1574, the
Pope declared that the presence of the Cardinals, even at
edifying and religious representations, was in his opinion
unbecoming, and incompatible with their dignity ; at the
same time he expressed a wish that for the future ecclesiastical
representations should not be given in the colleges and
seminaries, because such things distracted the pupils from
the study of serious things. 2 In spite of this, the Jesuits
received permission in 1574 to have two religious plays acted
by their pupils, one of which successfully presented the story
of King Achab, and the other the Last Judgment. 3 In 1582
the pupils of the Collegio Capranica performed a play at the
palace of Cardinal Medici, and in the same year several other
theatrical performances were allowed. 4 On the other hand,
many actors who came to Rome in 1576 were forbidden to
present their performance. Paolo Giordano Orsini, who in
the same year asked permission for the Romans to hold
masquerades, received from the Pope the reply that
they should rather be thinking of military preparations, so
as to defend Christendom against the heretics and the
Turks. 5
Like his predecessor, Gregory XIII. turned his attention
1 See the *Avvisi di Roma of January 30, 1574, State Archives,
Vienna, and SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 223 seq.
2 See SANTORI, loc. cit., 224.
8 In addition to the memorandum of P. Tiepolo in MUTINELLI, I.,
108 seq., see also the *report of C. Capilupi, dat. February 20,
1574, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The *Avviso, quoted in n. i,
estimates the cost of the " apparato " to have been more than
1,000 scudi. See also Soldati s work quoted Vol. XIX., p. 251,
n. i of this work.
4 See *Odescalchi s report of March 3, 1582, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
6 See (Appendix, No. 3) the "report of P. Strozzi, dat. January
28, 1576, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
HARBOURS OF THE PAPAL STATES. 54Q
to the difficult problem of the regulation of the Tiber, 1 and
at the same time discussed the improvement of the military
forces of the Papal States. 2
The efforts made by the Pope to improve the harbours of
Fiumicino, Civitavecchia and Ancona are worthy of record.
At Fiumicino the undertaking met with insurmountable
difficulties, but was successful at Civitavecchia, which now
became more than ever the principal port of the Papal States. 3
1 After an overflow of the Tiber in April, 1575, which caused
great damage, especially to the Castle of S. Angelo (see
*Odescalcbi s report of April 23, 1575, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua)
a special congregation of Cardinals was assembled for the purpose
of considering the question of solving the problem by regulating
the course of the river ; see SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV.,
260, BELTRAMI, Roma, 8, *Odescalchi s memorandum of April 30,
1575, loc. cit., and the rare work, dedicated to Gregory XIII. :
Discorso di Luca Peto intorno alia cagione d. eccessiva inondatione
del Tevere et modo in parte di soccorrervi, Roma, 1573, in Instr.
Misc. 4586, Papal Secret Archives.
2 * Proposals of Posse vino concerning the foundation of a
" Seminario militare " in the Cod. D. 5, of the Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. Cod. Capponi, XXV., 137 seq., contains
*Avvertimenti per correggere gli abusi della Christiana milizia.
Dat. Roma del mese di Maggio, 1574, National Library, Florence.
A *Discorso sopra la militia del stato eccles co et la forma di
ridurla simile all antica Romana fatto l a. 1582 in Urb. 852,
p. 200 seq., Vatican Library. Cod. F. 59 of the Boncompagni
Archives, Rome, contains (inter alia) a *Istruzione per la milizia
a piede scritta in tempo di Gregorio XIII., and *Istruzioni militari
a Giacomo Boncompagni, generale di S. Chiesa dell a. 1574.
Ibid. Cod. D., 5 : Giulio Franchini, *Memorie per il ristabilimento
delle milizie nello stato eccles 00 nel pontificate di Gregorio XIII.
For military conditions under Gregory XIII., cf. Quellen und
Forschungen des Preussischen Instituts, VI., 97.
To correct the obscure passage in MAFFEI, I., 376, cf.
KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII., p. 84. C. Capilupi *reports, on
February 14, 1573, that the Pope is going to Civitavecchia, " per
vedere quel porto il quale alcuni ingegneri offeriscono di voler
con mediocre spesa nettare et rendere sicuro a naviganti di navigalie
grosse." On February 21 *Capilupi tells how, in spite of the bad
550 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Considerations connected with the war against the Turks
had much to do with the attempt to make Ancona into a great
port. Gregory XIII. expended considerable sums on these
works, 1 but never saw their completion. At Civitavecchia, 2
as well as at Ancona 3 the defence works were also repaired.
weather, the Pope undertook the journey to Civitavecchia ; and
he expresses the hope that the port would attract all the commerce
" di Ponente con Italia," which would be greatly to the advantage
of Rome and would bring in a yearly sum of 100,000 scudi to the
Apostolic Camera (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. a lso *Cod.
D. 9 of the Boncompagni Archives, Rome. *" N.S 16 e stato a
Porto per vedere il porto antico di Claudio et dare ordine che si
rinovi secundo alcuni disegni dati a S.S tdp ." Odescalchi on March
2, 1577. He adds a doubt as to whether sufficient money would
be available (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). Cf. also KARTTUNEN,
loc. cit.
1 See the *account books of the Camera Apost. for the years
1572-85, State Archives, Rome. In addition to MAFFEI, I., 376,
see also KARTTUNEN, loc. cit., 84 seq. For the impetus given to
trade by improvements to the harbour of Ancona, see MAFFEI, II.,
73-
2 See GUGLIELMOTTI, Fortificazioni, 310 seq. Gregory XIII.
repeatedly visited Civitavecchia at the beginning of 1573 for the
sake of his health " et per veder in che termine si ritrova la
fortezza " (*Cusano s report of January 23, 1573, State Archives,
Vienna). An *Avviso di Roma of November 20, 1574, reports
the setting aside of 12,000 scudi for the fortification of Civita
vecchia, and another *Avviso announces the entrusting of these
works to M. A. Colonna, Urb. 1044, pp. 295, 319, Vatican Library.
On the occasion of a visit to Civitavecchia in January, 1577,
further fortifications were decided upon ; see *Avviso di Roma
of January 19, 1577, Urb. 1045, p. 227, loc. cit. Cf. also CALISSE,
428 seq., and *Avvertimenti per la fortificazione di Civitavecchia
dati nel pontificate di Gregorio XIII. in the Cod. D. 5 of the
Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
3 Cusano *reports on November 6, 1574: Ancona is being
fortified against the Turks, wells for drinking water are being
sunk and windmills built, " per esser il luogo importantissimo,"
State Archives, Vienna. Numerous *payments in the years 1573-6
in the Vatic. 6697, Vatican Library. Cf. also Appendix No. 33 in
THE VIA BONCOMPAGNI. 551
A tower that was erected near Terracina for the protection
of the coasts bears the arms and the name of the Pope, with
the date 1584. l In order to connect Loreto with Rome,
Gregory XIII., who had made rich gifts to that sanctuary, 2
constructed the Via Boncompagni, as it is called in
contemporary accounts, to serve as a highway ; this was
all the more necessary, as pilgrimages to the sanctuary of
Loreto had greatly increased with the revival of religious
life. Contemporaries speak with justifiable wonder of that
road which led across the mountains, and especially of the
solidity of the bridges of stone which were constructed by
the Pope s orders. The Pope also constructed new bridges
near Acquapendente and Forli. 3 Lastly, the reform of the
municipal statutes of Rome is connected with the name of
Vol. XIX., and RAVIOLI, Notizie sui lavori di architettura militare
colla relazione fatta nel 1575 sulle fortificazioni di Ancona, Roma,
1870-1. For the *Relatio of O. Gaetani in the Boncompagni
Archives, Rome, cf. Appendix, 27, Vol. XIX. The same archives
contain, in the Cod. F. 39, a *" Parere sulla fortificazione di
Castelfranco, fortezza della legazione di Bologna," and a second
*" Parere " condemning this fortification as " dannosa allo stato
ecclesiastico." The Pope has written a remark in his own hand
on this codex. The arms of Gregory XIII. which still remain on
the Rocca di Nettuno point to works of restoration having been
undertaken at that spot.
1 See GUGLIELMOTTI, Fortificazioni, 448.
2 An *Avviso di Roma of November 26, 1583, reports " Dicesi
che il Papa faccia fare tutti gli ornamenti che vanno per fornir
una cappella d argento per offerirli di sua propria mano all altare
della s. Casa di Loreto." Urb. 1051, p. 493, Vatican Library.
Cf. *Avviso di Roma of April 4, 1584, ibid. 1052, p. 118. See also
infra, p. 628.
3 See CIACONIUS, IV., 21 ; MONTAIGNE, I., 209; II., 64 seq.,
67, 69 seq., 75 ; G. ERNSTINGER S Reisbuch (Bibl. des Stuttg. Lit.
Vereins, 135), Tubingen, 1877, 84 ; KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII.,
p. 86 ; ORBAAN, Documenti sul Barocco in Roma, Rome, 1920,
400. The care that the Pope bestowed on the road to Loreto is
reported in an *Avviso di Roma of October 23, 1577, Urb. 1045,
P- 63 5 b , Vatican Library.
552 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Gregory XIII. 1 What he did for the beautifying and the
development of building in his capital is all the more deserving
of special notice, as this side of his pontificate has fallen into
an undeserved oblivion by reason of the brilliant splendour
of the magnificent activity of his successor.
A happy chance has preserved for us a description of the
Rome of Gregory XIII., which throws a strong light upon
the state of the Eternal City before Sixtus V. imprinted upon
it the marks of his vigorous personality. Its author is no
other than the French philosopher, Michel de Montaigne.
The chapters which he devotes to Rome in his diary of his
travels -in Italy in 1580 and 1581, which is of the greatest
importance for the history of culture, are justly celebrated,
even though they are little more than a sketch. 2
1 Statuta almae Urbis Romae auctoritate Gregorii P. XIII.
a Senatu Populoque Rom. reformata et edita, Romae, 1580.
Cf. BROSCH, I., 265 ; LA MANTIA, Storia delle legislaz. Ital. I.,
Roma, 1884, 198 seq., and especially RODOCANACHI, Institutions,
284 seq., 286 seq. For the personal share in the matter taken by
Gregory XIII., cf. SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 365. With
regard to the decrees of the statutes which fixed the value of the
currency, see GARAMPI, Sul valore, 310 seq. An *Avviso di Roma
of June 10, 1581, declares that the prohibition of the foreign
" quatrini " marked the beginning of a reform of the currency.
Urb. 1049, p. 211, Vatican Library. Ibid. 1044, p. 20 i b , an
*Avviso di Roma of August 21, 1574, concerning the confiscation
of the " quatrini scambati " by the Sbirri. Cf. also MARTINORI,
36 seq.
2 Montaigne s journal de voyage, not originally intended for
publication, was printed in 1774 by de Querlon. As early as 1777
a German translation had appeared which, however, is just as
inaccurate as the original French version. A good critical edition
was brought out by Lautrey (Paris, 1906). An elaborate Italian
edition was produced by A. d Ancona entitled : L ltalia alia fine
del sec. XIV, 2. ediz. Citta di Castello, 1895. Cf. also DUMESNIL,
Voyageurs fran9ais en Italic, Paris, 1865, 17 seq. ; REUMONT, III.,
2, 792 seq., and Geschichte Toskanas, I., 6n ; FRIEDLANDER
in the Deutsche Rundschau 1876, 237 seq. ; Rev. crit. 1889, 386 seq. ;
J. FRAiKiNin the periodical Cosmos, II. (1900) ; BouRiLLYin the
MONTAIGNE. 553
Montaigne was one of those travellers 1 who were imbued
with the spirit of classical culture, and who, in the city of the
Tiber, sought before all things the remains and records of
antiquity. There can be no doubt that the disappointment
of the Frenchman was very great, for, as he says, he found
nothing but the grave of ancient Rome. He had set his hopes
too high. As a matter of fact a great deal of the ancient
buildings, especially of the Baths of Diocletian and Constantine,
was at that time still preserved, which later on fell a victim
to the destroyer. This is clear from the publications
of another Frenchman, Etienne Du Pe rac, the skilled
draughtsman and engraver.
Du Pe rac had come as a young man to Rome, and had
Rev. d hist. mod., VIII. (1907) ; Le Correspondant, 280 (1920),
708 seq. ; G. VALLETTE, Reflets de Rome. Rome vue par les
ecrivains de Montaigne a Goethe, Paris, 1909; RODOCANACHI,
Les voyageurs fran9ais a Rome, in Studi Storici, XIX., i (1910),
5 seq. ; D ANCONA, Viaggiatori e avventurieri : Montaigne &c.,
Firenze, 1911 ; SCHINDELE in the periodicals Das Bayerland,
1907-08, 352 seq., and Die Kultur, XIII., Vienna, 1912, 146 seq.
Another Frenchman, Nicolas Audebert, of Orleans, came to
Rome in the autumn of 1576, and wrote *a description of his
travels, which is preserved in the Lansdowne MSS., 720, of the
British Museum in London. From this work MI)NTZ (Antiquites
de Rome, Paris, 1886, 72-128) has borrowed the description of the
walls of Rome. It would be a good thing if further portions of
Audebert s work were to be brought to light. Cf. NOLHAC in the
Rev. archeol., III., 10 (1887), 315 seq. [Engl. transl. with Introd.
and notes by E. J. TRECHMANN, London, 1929 (Edit, note).]
1 Montaigne arrived in Rome on November 30, 1580, and
remained there until April 19, 1581, in order, on that date, to
start on a pilgrimage to Loreto. On October i, 1581, he returned
to Rome, but had to leave again on the i5th owing to the fact
that, in the meantime he had been elected Mayor of Bordeaux.
Montaigne s first halting place was the Albergo dell Orso ; see
Rev. crit., 1883, II., 459 seq. ; cf. the picture of this inn, which is
still standing, in PASTOR, Rom. 33. Another inn, much frequented
at that time, was " The Sword " ; see S. KIECHEL, Reisen (Bibl.
des Stuttg. Lit. Vereins, 86), Tubingen, 1866, 165.
554 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
devoted himself diligently to the study of Roman antiquities.
The result was a series of works of the greatest importance.
His plan of ancient Rome, published in 1574, and dedicated
to Charles IX. of France, is an attempt at reconstruction
undertaken with great imagination, in accordance with the
work of Pirro Ligorio, published in 1565. All the more
valuable are his sketches of the buildings of ancient Rome,
which appeared in the following year and were dedicated to
Giacomo Boncompagni. This was followed by his most
important work, with his great plan of the whole of Rome, 1
by which he rivals Mario Cartaro of Viterbo. 2 Even a casual
inspection of this plan, which was published in 1577 by Antoine
Lafrery, and especially of his complicated groups of the
buildings round the church of St. Peter s, shows the importance
of this work, while a more careful study shows it to be the
most exact and detailed plan of the whole XVIth century.
The houses, palaces and churches are shown therein, not
schematically, but with great exactness, and with a plastic
individuality. No other plan of the time is so characteristic,
exact and accurate, not only in its general lines, but also in its
details. Its value is greatly added to by the fact that it was
made in 1577, and therefore before the great changes brought
about by Sixtus V., which destroyed so much. In the plan
of Du Perac-Lafrery we get an idea of the Eternal City in
that most splendid epoch of its history, which together with
the well-known plan of Bufalini of 1551 makes possible an
exact reconstruction of Rome in the Renaissance period,
since Du Perac did not intend in this work of his to place
before the spectator ancient Rome, but the new city. With
the help of his annotations the topography of the city may
1 See EHRLE, Roma primo di Sisto V. La pianta di Roma Du
Perac-Lafrery del 1577, Roma, 1908; cf. also BARTOLI, Cento
vedute di Roma antica, Firenze, 1911 ; HULSEN, Saggio d. lett. d.
piante di Roma, 1915, 60 seq., 66 seq. ; Gott. Gel. Anz., 1921, No. i ;
Collect, L. Olschki oblata (1921), 121 seqq. See also ASHBY,
Topographical Study in Rome in 1581. A series of views with a
fragmentary text by Et. du Perac, edited by T.A., London, 1916.
2 Cf. Arch. Rom., XXL, 535 seq.
MONTAIGNE. 555
be completed in the most remarkable way ; the site of some
churches, which recent students have not been able to deter
mine in their special works on the Roman churches, may easily
be settled with the help of this plan.
The enthusiasm of Montaigne for the ruins of Roman times
was so great that he compared the buildings of the new
" bastard Rome " attached to the ancient monuments, to
the nests of rooks and sparrows upon the roofs and walls
of the churches destroyed by the French Huguenots. Like
other observers, he too marvelled at the fact that quite two-
thirds of the district enclosed by the Aurelian Wall contained
no buildings. He estimated the whole area, as far as its
size was concerned, as being as large as Paris with all its
suburbs, but as far as the number of its houses was concerned,
Rome was only a third of that size ; on the other hand,
however, it far surpassed the French capital in the number
and size of its public squares and the beauty of its buildings.
In the Vatican, Montaigne was specially attracted by the
Library, whose treasures he carefully examined and described
in detail. He was no less interested in the antiquities of the
Belvedere, of which he specially mentions the Laocoon and
Antinoiis, and at the Capitol the bronze she-wolf and the
youth extracting the thorn. Among the works of modern
sculpture he praises the Moses of Michelangelo and the statue
of Justice by Guglielmo della Porta on the tomb of Paul III.
in St. Peter s. He also visited some private collections, for
example, that in the house of the Fusconi, and that in the
Palazzo Cesarini, where, besides the antiquities, he was
attracted by the portraits of beautiful Roman women.
The unfavourable judgment passed by Montaigne on the
Roman churches, which seemed to him to be less beautiful
than those in most of the cities of Italy, is surprising. On
the whole, he thought, the churches of the Italians, like those
of the Germans, could not be compared with those of the
French. Above all, Montaigne complains of the absence of
pictures and statues in the churches of Rome. This can be
better understood if we remember that the greater number
of the pictures, statues and reliefs, which can be seen to-day
556 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in such great numbers, owe their origin to the XVIIth century.
At that time the Church, in her new life and her triumph over
her enemies, was surrounding herself with all the splendour
of the baroque style. It must also be remembered that the
new church of St. Peter s was not yet finished. There
Montaigne only makes mention of the trophies from the
Huguenot wars, and the new chapel of St. Gregory. He is
silent about the splendour of the ancient basilicas, as he is
about the wonderful frescoes of the Sistine Chapel and the
Stanze. On the other hand he mentions the modern paintings
in the Sala Regia ! He himself admits, however, that he had
no opportunity of penetrating more deeply into the wonders
of Rome, and that he only saw the exterior of the city as it
was shown to ordinary travellers. He did not lack
diversions ; " for melancholy and chagrin I had no occasion,
either within the house or outside. So this is a pleasant place
to live in, and I may conclude therefrom how much I should
have liked it, if I had enjoyed Rome more intimately."
Side by side with the antiquities, Montaigne devotes special
attention to the vignas and villas, the beauty of which he
could not but feel, endowed as he was with a great love of
nature. It was there that he realized for the first time what
advantage art can take of a site that is not flat, but is made
up of hills. They know how to utilize," he says, " the
varied configuration of the ground with consummate art,
and produce effects which are quite unattainable in our more
level sites." He mentions as the most beautiful gardens
those of Cardinal Este on the Quirinal, Farnese on the Palatine,
Orsini, Sforza, and Medici, the gardens of the Villa of Julius III,
the Villa Madama, and lastly the vigna of Cardinal Riario
in the Trastevere, and that of Cardinal Cesi outside the Porta
del Popolo. 1 All these splendid properties were open to all
in the absence of their owners.
1 More detailed particulars of the villas and vignas of I ome
will be found later, collected together under Paul V. The Vatican
garden at the time of Gregory XIII. is described as follows in
G. ERNSTINGER S Reisbuch : " Neben difem palaft ift ain herrlicher
garten bon mancherlay baumen, frembden, weyern und wasser.
MONTAIGNE. 557
Montaigne, that close observer of human events, had a far
better understanding of the life and manners of Rome than
of her works of art. In this respect he missed nothing that
was characteristic. With great variety he gives in turn
accounts of sermons and disputations, of exorcisms and
barbarous executions, of carnivals and courtesans, whom the
Popes vainly sought to suppress in the capital city of the
world. He himself visited some of the most celebrated of
these representatives of the demi-monde, who made men pay
for their conversation as much as for their favours ; some
of them, says Montaigne, are of very great beauty, but the
beauty of the other Roman women is not so great as it is
reputed to be.
How little the Romans have changed is shown by the remark
of Montaigne that their principal amusement consisted in
walking endlessly about the streets, looking at the ladies
who show themselves at the windows. There were streets
which were specially dedicated to this "corso." All persons
of rank used carriages, some of which had an opening at the
top, so as to be able to look up more easily, for which reason
a preacher had compared them to a telescope.
As a man of the world, Montaigne remarks the difference
between French and Roman cooking. He praises the climate
of the Eternal City as being as pleasant as it is healthy. He
naturally makes mention of the fever, from which the wealthy
seek to escape, by their doctor s advice, by changing their
residence at the different seasons of the year. He is naturally
little pleased by the general want of security.
The religion of the Roman people, with the exception of
the upper classes and the court, seems to Montaigne to be
less good than that of the French. But against this must
be set what he has to say in his detailed description of Holy
werdhen geziert, barunter ain orgl von bier regifteren, bom wasser
getriben ; der boden ben diser orgl ift koll nainer rorlain, welche
(fo man will) alle wasser in die hohe fprizen, wie auch die bilder,
fo an wenden herumb stehen, welches wasser man bei 20 welsche
meil dahin gelait. Alda ist auch ain dickher wald bon lorber-
baumen." Bibl. des Stuttg. Lit. Vereins, Tubingen, 1877, 97.
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Week. At the exposition of the Veil of St. Veronica and the
other great relics in St. Peter s on Holy Thursday, the masses
of the people fell on their knees, begging for mercy, most of
them with tears in their eyes. " Each time, at this exposition,,
which is repeated every day at intervals," Montaigne relates,
" the church and atrium are filled by a densely packed crowd
of men and women. It is beautiful in these days to see the
religious enthusiasm of so many people. There are more
than a hundred confraternities, to which almost all the
nobility belong ; some are also open to foreigners. For the
most part these confraternities perform their religious
exercises on vigils ; on Holy Thursday they go in procession,
in habits of linen, each of a different colour, and generally
with their faces veiled. I have seen nothing more remarkable
or more beautiful than the extraordinary crowd of persons
who take part in the functions of Holy Thursday. By day
break a great number had already gone to St. Peter s, and
at night-fall it seemed as though the whole city was on fire,
because all the members of the confraternities were on their
way to St. Peter s, each with a lighted torch in his hand. At
least twelve thousand of these torches passed me. From
eight to midnight the street was crowded, but perfect order
was maintained, because, although the confraternities came
from different places, there were neither gaps nor con
fusion. Each company had its company of musicians, and
all were singing. Between the files there walked a number
of penitents who struck themselves with knotted cords. I
counted at least 500 with their shoulders wounded to blood.
These people must have suffered a great deal, but this did
not appear, either in their behaviour or their gait, or in the
looks of those who had their faces uncovered, among whom
there were many quite young men, and even boys of twelve. 1
Montaigne sums up the impression made upon him by
Rome as follows : " One sees nothing but nobles and courtiers,
and everywhere there are palaces and gardens. There is no
x The splendour of the Sepulchres in Holy Week is described
by the envoy of Savoy in BELTRAMI, Roma, 29 seq.
MONTAIGNE. 559
street given over to commerce which can be compared even
with those in our smaller cities, no Rue de la Harpe or Rue de
St. Denis. I felt that I was always in the Rue de Seine or
on the Quai des Augustins. The appearance of the streets
is the same on Sundays as on week-days. During Lent,
when every day there is a " station " in some church, one
sees nothing but coaches, prelates and ladies. One thing that
makes Rome stand out is that it is the most cosmopolitan
city in the world. National characterics count for little or
nothing; the society taken altogether is a mixture of strangers
of every kind, and everyone is at home there. The sovereign
of Rome embraces all Christendom and makes laws for all.
At his court it matters nothing whence men come. At Venice
the independence of the government and commercial interests
attract many foreigners, but there they are in the house of a
stranger, whereas here they are in their own, for they depend
upon their office and their dignity. Venice has a coming
and going of foreigners which is as great or greater, but they
reside there much less. The Roman people do not stare
when they see French or Spanish or Teuton dress, and some of
the beggars ask for alms in our own language."
Venice and Paris, which in those days were generally looked
upon as international cities, were certainly left far behind by
Rome in that respect ; Rome was the international city in
the fullest sense of the word, the common fatherland of all.
CHAPTER XIV.
GREGORY XIII. AND ART. NEW CHURCHES AND BUILDINGS.
ALTHOUGH Gregory XIII., who before all things was a jurist
by training, had no profound understanding of art, he never
theless generously encouraged it. 1 The reasons that led him
to do so may be seen from a remark of his, characteristic of
his noblemindedness, and of the whole period of Catholic
x The *Mandati of Gregory XIII., up to the last two years
1 583-5, are all preserved in eleven volumes of the State Archives,
Rome. They record all the payments that the Pope caused to
be made directly through the general treasurer, and they give
an exact account of all the artists and craftsmen directly employed
by His Holiness. In later pontificates, the series known as the
Registri delle fabbriche was of much more importance from the
point of view of Art ; but in the time of Gregory XIII. it was
only in a very rudimentary condition, and the State Archives
contain only one single volume of it dealing with the years 1583-5,
and that one volume has been compiled in a very unsystematic
fashion. A more important role in the Cameralia of Gregory XIII.
is played by the complete and faultlessly preserved * Registri delta
Tesoreria segreta which mention some artists such as Vasari,
Lorenzo Sabbatini, Mascherino, Frederigo Zuccaro and Muziano
while the names of others are conspicuous by their absence.
Bertolotti has made use of this series, but his information is
incomplete and unreliable. The Papal Secret Archives contain
only very few Cameralia for Gregory XIII. A volume entitled
Diversa Cameralia 1573-9 contains really nothing but copies from
the Mandati. Since 1920 all the account books of the State
Archives have been returned to the Papal Secret Archives. In
addition to the published works of Ciappi and Baglione, I was
in a position to make use of two more hitherto unknown *records
of Gregory XIII. s artistic activities which I found in the Bon-
compagni Archives, Rome. They are the *Memorie sulle pitture
et fabriche di Gregorio XIII., and an *Inventory of the artists paid
by him. On account of their great importance, I give them in the
Appendix, No. n. Cf. App. 29, Vol. XIX., as well as *Musotti s
Inventory in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
560
GIACOMO BELLA FOR FA. 561
restoration : " even to build is a form of almsgiving." 1 He
placed the superintendence of all his building activities,
even that of the fortifications, in the hands of Cardinal Filippo
Guastavillani. 2
A considerable number of artists from all parts of Italy
were employed by the Pope. Among the architects a
prominent place was held by Giacomo Vignola, who was a
Bolognese, and therefore acquainted with Gregory XIII. 3
After his early death the first place was taken by the Roman,
Giacomo della Porta. Strongly influenced by Michelangelo
and Vignola, and himself extraordinarily prolific, this master
marks the transition in architecture from the cinquecento
to the seicento. He attained to the age of sixty-five years.
Little, however, is known about his life, and neither the year
of his birth nor of his death has yet been fixed with certainty. 4
All the more clearly therefore do the many works with which
he enriched both sacred and profane architecture speak for
him. It was he who gave to the churches and the facades
of the palaces, the definite stamp of the baroque style. 6
Giacomo della Porta was followed by Martino Lunghi
the elder, who was a Lombard, 6 the Bolognese Ottavio Nonni,
named Mascherino, who had first worked as a painter, 7 and
1 See CORRARO, Relazione, 274 ; BAGLIONE, 4 ; WEISSBACH, 8.
2 See *Bernerio s report dat. Rome, December 12, 1573, State
Archives, Vienna.
8 Cf. the interesting report of the Ferrarese envoy of June,
1572, Arch. star, dell Arte, II., 254.
4 Cf. G. GIOVANNONI in L Arte, XVI., 82 seq.
6 See WOLFFLIN, Renaissance und Barock, 2 ed. by H. Willich,
Munich, 1907-8.
8 " Architetto papale " since December 1573 ; see BERTOLOTTI,
Art. Lomb., I., 68.
7 The true name of this artist has only been recently established ;
see Arch. Rom., I., 122 seq. His portrait and his posthumous
drawings in the Accademia di S. Luca (see R. OJETTI in the Atti
e Mem. d. Accad. di S. Luca, Ann. 1912, 657 ; 1913-4, 85 seq.}.
On June 5, 1580, " Ottavio Mascarino pittore " received " 25
5cudi per soventione dell sua infirmita ". lesor. segr., 1579-80,
Papal Secret Archives.
VOL. XX. 36
562 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Giovanni Fontana. The aged Bartolomeo Ammanati also
worked once more in Rome ; the Pope had the monument to
his ancestor Giovanni Boncompagni in the Camposanto at
Pisa carried out by him. 1
The number of painters employed by Gregory XIII. is
extraordinarily large, the best known being Giorgio Vasari,
Federico Zuccaro and Girolamo Muziano. Vasari was only
in Rome from 1572 to 1573, Zuccaro from 1579 to 1581, and
again after the end of October, 1583, 2 while Muziano worked
there uninterruptedly throughout the pontificate of Gregory
XIII. He as well as Zuccaro was closely connected with the
artistic academy of St. Luke founded by Gregory XIII.
Ever since the Middle Ages there had been in Rome an
association of artists of every kind, who had chosen the
Evangelist St. Luke for their patron, and celebrated his feast
in the little church of St. Luke near St. Mary Major s. 3 This
association, which especially devoted its services to the social
and religious needs of its members, and to which Sixtus IV.
had given new statutes in 1478, 4 had fallen into decay.
According to the suggestion of Muziano, this was now to
develop a new life as an academy, and was to include architects
1 See BAGLIONE, 27; LITTA, Boncompagni, Table I. Cf.
BURCKHARDT, Cicerone, II. 10 , 592; THIEME, I., 414. See also
"Icon sepulchri seu mausolei quod Gregorius XIII. A, 1574,
erigendum curavit Pisis maiori suo lo. Boncompagni, Cod. D. 8,
of Boncompagni Archives at Rome.
2 Zuccaro was summoned to Rome in November, 1579; see
THEINER, III., 678. Cf. Repert. f. Kunstwissenschaft, XXXVII.,
29. For his banishment from 1581 to 1583 see RONCHINI in the
Atti e Mem. p. la prov. Moden., V. (1870), 2 seq. ; Arch. stor.
Ital. 3, Series, XXV., 506 seq. ; GUHL, Kiinstlerbriefe, II., Berlin,
1880, 31 ; Voss, II., 460 seq. Zuccaro died in 1609; see A.
BENEDETTI, F. Zuccaro, in the Passegna contemp., Roma, 1908,
No. 5, p. 301 seq.
8 See RODOCANACHI, Corporations, II., 301 seq. ; HOOGEWERFF,
Nederl. Schilders, Utrecht, 1912, 136 seq., and Bescheiden in
Italic, II., J s Gravenhage, 1913, i. For the church cf. ARMELLINI,
3M.
* See Vol. IV. of this work, p. 463.
DECORATIVE ARTISTS. 563
as well as painters and sculptors. 1 A brief of Gregory XIII.
of October I3th, 1577, g ave tne necessary consent, and granted
it the right to acquire property, both moveable and immove-
able, as well as to draw up the statutes, which were to serve
as the rule of the institute. 2 These statutes, however, were
only settled after the death of Muziano, by Federico Zuccaro. 3
With Muziano and Zuccaro there were associated a number
of painters, almost all of whom were born in the middle of
the cinquecento. Such were Niccolo dalle Pomarancie,
Cristoforo Roncalli, Marco da Faenza, Raffaellino da Reggio,
Paris Nogari, Antonio Tempesta, etc. They are spoken of
in general as the Manieristi ; they actually formed a special
group influenced by Federico Zuccaro, whose own style was
influenced, not only by Michelangelo, but also by others,
especially the Venetian masters. 4 All these, like Zuccaro
himself, were above all decorative artists. The same applied
to the Bolognese, Lorenzo Sabbatini (died 1572) 5 who was
honoured by Gregory XIII. with numerous commissions,
1 Cf. HOOGEWERFF, Bescheiden, 3 seq.
2 See MISSIRINI, Mem. d. Rom. Accad. di S. Luca, Roma, 1823,
20 seq., and HOOGEWERFF, Bescheiden 4-5 which gives the correct
date.
3 See MISSIRINI, lac. cit., 23 seq.
4 Cf. SOBOTKA in Thieme s Kiinstlerlexicon, VI., 309, and Voss,
Malerei der Spat-Renaissance, I. and II. passim.
5 For Sabbatini, usually known as Lorenzino da Bologna, cf.
BAGLIONE, 17, and Voss, II., 550 seq. MALVASIA S assertion
(Felsina, I., 231) taken from PLATNER (II., i, 293) and STEINMANN
(II., 515), that Gregory wished to have Michelangelo s Last
Judgment destroyed and replaced by a painting by Sabbatini
lacks independent confirmation as far as I can discover. Malvasia
is certainly an unreliable authority; cf. THIEME, 1., 172. That
there was certainly no exaggerated rigorism with regard to
unsuitable pictures in churches in the Rome of Gregory XIII.,
is clear from Ammanati s letter of August 22, 1582 (Gum.,* I.,
309 seq.) and also from the treatise on reform written between
1576 and 1584, in which the " Vicario del Papa " is called upon
to take measures against " imagini lascive " in the churches ;
see DOLLINGER, Beitrage, III., 240.
564 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and the Sicilian, Tomaso Laureti, who was summoned from
Bologna to Rome. The most important of the painters
employed by Gregory XIII. was undoubtedly Girolamo
Muziano, who was born at Acquafredda near Brescia, and
who has only recently become the object of real appreciation.
Muziano was highly esteemed by Gregory XIII., and his work
extended to many of the churches in Rome. Among his
altar pieces are several works of the first rank. His splendid
picture of the Stigmata of St. Francis in the church of the
Capuchins is most effective by reason of the ecstatic and
supernatural expression of the saint s countenance. In his
" Preaching of St. Jerome," painted for the chapel of Gregory
XIII. in St. Peter s, and now in S. Maria degli Angeli, one
marvels at the inspired harmony of the grave and beautiful
landscape, the glory of the saint and the monks who are
devoutedly grouped at his feet. 1 Among foreign artists,
outstanding figures were the celebrated landscape painters,
Paul and Matthieu Bril, who came Irom Antwerp to Rome in
the time of Gregory XIII. 2 Among the sculptors employed
by the Pope were Pierpaolo Olivieri and Prospero Antichi,
named II Bresciano.
The artistic programme of Gregory XIII. consisted
principally in the restoration of churches and the com
pletion of the works begun by Pius IV. Gregory set before
himself, both in Rome and in the Papal States, a close
conformity with the building work of that Pope. After the
decline of artistic life under Pius V., there now began a new
and great activity. The consolidation of the status of the
Papacy at once reacted in favour of the arts, and a new
tendency showed itself on all sides. In the seventh year of
1 Cf. BAGLIONE, 46 seq. ; G. CANTALAMESSA in Bullett. d arte
del Minist. d. pubbl. istruzione, 1910, 205 seq., and especially
Voss, II., 559 seq., 562 seq, Muziano s epitaph in BONANNI,
Numismata templi Vaticani, 90, mentions April 27, 1593, as the
date of his death; FORCELLA (XI., 55) gives 1592, which is
probably more correct.
2 See A. MAYER, Das Leben des M. und P. Brill, Leipzig, 1910.
Cf. L Arte, XVI. (1913), 12.
ST. PETER S. 565
Gregory s pontificate, in the autumn of 1578, the Mantuan
ambassador in Rome was able to report that the artistic
testament of Pius IV. had now been substantially carried into
effect, and that now one would see new enterprises taken in
hand. 1
One of the principal cares of the Pope, from the beginning
of his pontificate, had been the completion of the church of
St. Peter s, which was already looked upon as the most
beautiful ornament of Rome, and one of the wonders of the
world. 2 The approaching completion of this international
cathedral in the midst of the storms raised by the division
in the faith, was to zealous Catholics a visible sign of the
divine protection which watches over the Holy See. 3 As
Giacomo Vignola had died on July 7th, 1573,* at the recom
mendation of Tomaso de Cavalieri, 5 his pupil, Giacomo della
Porta, was appointed his successor as director of the gigantic
edifice. 6 The Pope set to work, with good results, to obtain
the necessary means. 7 The greatest activity prevailed in the
Fabbrica of St. Peter s, and therewith a more definite character
and a deeper technical understanding of its architecture made
1 See (Appendix, No. 6) *Odescalchi s report of October 25,
1578, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 See the words of Baronius in the Acta SS. 9 Mali (Paris, 1866),
371-
8 Cf. the remarks of Dr. Rabus in the description of his *journey
to Rome in the year 1575, Cod. germ., 1280, p. 59, of the State
Library, Munich.
4 Vignola was interred in the Pantheon close to Raphael s
vault. In BERTOLOTTI, Art. Moden., 29, a document dat.
December 12, 1572, in which Vignola describes himself as
" architetto della fabrica di S. Pietro."
6 See RONCHINI in the Atti Mod., VII. (1878), 25.
See the * Abstracts of accounts in the Cod. H-IL, 22, of the
Chigi Library, Rome. Cf. Jahrbuch dev preuss. Kunstsamml.,
XXXVII., Supplement, p. 52. See also RONCHINI, loc. cit.
7 See the *Vita Gregorii XIII. by G. FERRERI, Papal Secret
Archives (cf. Appendix, No. 25, Vol. XIX.). To the *letter of Philip
II. addressed to his ambassador Juan de Zuiiiga and dated Madrid,
February 24, 1593, is attached the following, *" Nota de denari
566 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
themselves felt. 1 As the work went on interesting tombs and
antiquities were constantly discovered. 2 At that time no
one as yet thought of keeping an accurate record of these
discoveries. A reckless destruction of the remains of bye-
gone days, both Christian and pagan, was the order of the day.
Thus in 1574, in the Chapel of St. Petronilla, they broke up
and used for the paving of the basilica the ancient sarcophagus
of the saint, which had been discovered a hundred years before,
and had been brought by Paul I. in 757 from the cemetery
of St. Domitilla, and which had long remained neglected in
the vicinity. 3
venuti de Napoli per servitio della fabrica di S. Pietro di Roma
in diece anni : "
l a 1577 . . . due. 2350.67
,, 1578 ....,, 6222.62
,, 1579 ....,, 5091.32
,, 1580 ....,, 6486.00
,, 1581 . . . 9999.92
,, 1582 . . ,, 4346.12
,, 1583 . . ,, 5098.11
,, 1584 . . . ,, 6256.00
1585 . 11965.19
M 1586 . 7I37.92
due. 64953.87
Archives of the Spanish Embassy in Rome. In 1579 the following
were " Deputati " of the " Fabrica " : Horatius Burghesius,
Fabius Blondus (patr. Hierosolym.), Barth. Ferratinus (episc.
Amer.) and Alex. Justus ; see the document of March 18, 1570,
in the Privilegia fabricae basil, princ. apost., Romae, 1559, among
the printed works of the Barberini Library (TTT, II., 16).
1 See KALLAB in the Jahrbuch der kunsthist. Sammlungen des
dsterr. Kaiserhauses, XXVI., 276.
2 In addition to the statements of LANCIANI (IV., 52 seq.,
54 seq.), cf. also the *Avviso di Roma of January 22, 1575 (Tomb
of John Maceslaus), Urb. 1044, p. 340, and the *Avvisi di Roma
of August 6 and 10, 1 580 (Vatican Library) in the Appendix No. 7.
See also CERRATI, T. Alpharani de basil. Vatic, liber, p. 151 seq.
167.
3 See Bullett. di archeol. crist., 1879, 12. Cf. ARMELLINI, 507.
THE GREGORIAN CHAPEL. 567
A report of June, 1584, states that the building ol the church
of St. Peter s was growing in every way, and that the Pope
had expressed the wish to Cardinal Farnese to make a gift
of 100,000 ducats as soon as the vaulting of the dome was
reached. 1 It was hoped that Gregory would live to see the
completion of the gigantic undertaking. 2 The drum of the
great cupola had already been finished for several years ; 3
it seemed, however, that no one dared to tackle the difficult
task of completing the dome. The Pope turned his attention
to this matter in an ever increasing degree, as well as to the
chapel on the north side of the nave which was afterwards
called the Gregorian Chapel after him. The designs for this
sanctuary, which is quite improperly called a chapel, and
which in reality forms a large church, were made by Giacomo
della Porta. 4 Although the work was begun in 1572, the
consecration could not take place until February I2th, 1578. 5
On this occasion the picture of the Madonna del Soccorso,
which had previously been removed from the oratory of Leo I.
in the time of Julius II., was translated to the Gregorian Chapel. 6
An inscription, 7 as well as the account books, 8 show that
the work on the Gregorian Chapel was continued even after
1 *I1 Papa, che vede i fianchi alzarsi et le sponde sorgere da
tutti i lati della machina dell edificio di S. Pietro, ha promesso
al card. Farnese sopra cio che quanto prima si dara principio a
chiudere il cuppulone della chiesa di donare 100000 scudi per tal
conto. Avviso di Roma, dat. June 2, 1584, Urb. 1052, p. 214*),
Vatican Library.
2 See the *Vita Gregorii XIII., by G. FERRERI, Papal Secret
Archives. Cf. Appendix, No. 25, Vol. XIX.
3 In Mario Kartaro s plan of 1575 (HULSEN, Saggio, 62) St.
Peters already appears with its drum. Cf. ROCCHI, tav. XIII.
4 See BAGLIONE, 76.
5 See LANCIANI, IV., 54.
8 See *Avviso di Roma of February 22, 1578, State Archives,
Vienna. Cf. BONANNI, Numismata templi Vaticani, 74 ; CERRATI,
loc. cit., 91.
7 " Hieronymus Mutianus Brixianus A.D. 1579." LANCIANI,
IV., 55-
8 See Tesor. segr. 1579-80, Papal Secret Archives. The
568 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
its consecration. The Pope gave everything possible for its
decoration. Rich marbles of every kind, sumptuous capitals,
and precious antique columns were made over to it. Although
in the spring of 1579 it was thought that the Gregorian Chapel
would soon be finished, 1 this was by no means the case. The
interest of the Pope in the work was always very great ; on
March 7th, 1579, he visited the chapel and spent two whole
hours there. 2 In the spring of the following year he went
nearly every day to the sanctuary, which was then at last
approaching completion. 3 The marble decoration, which was
in great part taken from ancient buildings, 4 was enhanced
by the fine stucco work, richly picked out with gold, and by
the precious mosaics in the ceiling. The designs for the latter
were made by Girolamo Muziano, who also superintended the
carrying out of the work by expert mosaic workers summoned
from Venice. 5 These represented the Virgin Mary surrounded
premature death of the Art historian Kallab prevented him from
carrying out his intention of publishing these accounts in their
entirety. They were to have appeared in a larger work, planned
by Professor Dvorak and myself, on the encouragement given
to Art by the Popes of the i6th and iyth cetnuries,
1 * La cappella Gregoriana sara in breve tempo vaghissima,
superba e miraculosa. Avviso di Roma of February 7, 1579,
Urb. 1047, p. 44 b , Vatican Library.
2 * Avviso di Roma of March 7, 1579, ibid., p. 76.
3 *N.S non resta d andar quasi giornalmente a visitare la sua
cappella Gregoriana, la quale e oltre modo bella et quasi finita
(Avviso di Roma of February 17, 1580, Urb. 1048, p. 21, Vatican
Library). The final item of July 23, 1580, for the stucco work
of the Cappella Gregoriana in BERTOLOTTI, Art. Suizzeri, Bellinzona
1886, 22. See also the inscriptions in FORCELLA, VI., 84.
4 See LANCIANI, IV., 55 seq. Cf. Arch. Rom., VI., 485 seq. ;
RODOCANACHI, Monuments, 37 seq. Gregory XIII. even had
ancient marbles brought to Rome from the cathedral of Anagni ;
see A. DE MAGISTRIS, Istoria d Anagni, Roma, 1749, 69.
5 On May 10, 1578, Galli instructed the nuncio at Venice to
send to Rome *4 huomini intenditissimi et piu eccellenti che sia
possibile nelle cose di mosaico. Nunziat. di Venezia, 1578, Papal
Secret Archives.
THE GREGORIAN CHAPEL. 569
by angels, St. Gregory the Great, St. Jerome, St. Gregory
Nazianzen and St. Basil. Baglione was of opinion that no
more beautiful mosaics had been made since the days of
antiquity. 1 Muziano also executed two oil paintings for the
chapel. One of these represents St. Jerome among his hermits
in a landscape after the painting by the Netherlander, Paul
Bril, 2 the other the Mass of St. Basil after that of Cesare del
Nebbia. 3 Later on the Duke of Sora left to it a picture of
St. Gregory Nazianzen painted by Muziano. 4 The principal
altar had a sumptuous adornment of four antique columns,
two of African marble, and two of verde antique, with eight
cherubs and four gilt bronze altar candlesticks, made by
Bastiano Torrigiani, a compatriot of Gregory XIII. 5 A
marble relief by the Florentine Taddeo Landini, which was
placed above one of the doors of the chapel, represents the
Saviour washing the feet of the apostles. 6 This work of art,
for which, so as to give it a better light, a new window was
constructed, caused the greatest admiration among con
temporaries. They were of opinion that no such work had
been done since the time of Michelangelo. 7
Gregory XIII. had a special veneration for St. Gregory
Nazianzen, the eloquent champion of the Blessed Trinity,
whose life he caused to be written by the learned Baronius. 8
The body of the saint had been preserved in the church of the
1 BAGLIONE, 48.
2 Cf. supra., p. 564.
3 See BAGLIONE, 48 ; cf. BELTRAMI, 36.
4 See, in the Appendix, No. n, the "memorie sulle pitture et
fabriche, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
5 See BERTOLOTTI, Art. Bolognesi, 77. These bronzes of
Torrigiani have vanished since the reconstruction of the Cappella
Gregoriana at the beginning of the 1 7th century ; see SOBOTKA
in the Jahrbuch der preuss. KunstsammL, XXXIII., 269.
6 Later transferred to the Cappella Paolina of the Quirinal ;
see BAGLIONE, 60.
7 *" Questa storia e tenuta delle belle cose di scultura che siano
state fatte dopo Michelangelo," writes C. Capilupi on August 28,
1585, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
See Acta SS., 9 Mail, 371.
570 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Benedictine monastery of S. Maria in Campo Marzo. As early
as 1578, urged thereto by a remark of Achille Stazio, the Pope
had planned a more worthy place for these relics, by removing
them to the Gregorian Chapel. 1 Two years later Gregory
put this idea into effect, after having compensated the monks
of S. Maria in Campo Marzo with an arm of the saint, and a
large sum of money. The translation was made the occasion
of a great religious festival. A special congregation of
Cardinals drew up the ceremonial which was to be used on
this occasion. In order to impart yet greater joy fulness to
the day, the Pope gave orders for the granting oi indulgences,
a reduction in the price of bread, and the liberation of all
who were imprisoned for debts of less than twenty scudi,
satisfying the creditors out of his private purse. 2 The trans
lation was fixed for June nth, 1580. By way of preparation,
on June 5th, by the Pope s command, a celebrated orator,
the Franciscan Francesco Panigarola, preached in St. Peter s
on the great Greek saint. 3
1 See *Avviso di Roma of March 15, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 80,
Vatican Library. Cf. Acta SS., 9 Maii, 455. The agitation
instigated by A. Stazio is described by Mucantius in his *Diarium
where will also be found a poem by Stazio. Papal Secret Archives.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of April 27, 1580, Urb. 1048, p. 9y b ;
cf. ibid., pp. 145, 157, i6o b , 165, the *Avvisi of May 28, June 4
and ii, 1580, Vatican Library. The *Ordo quern rev. domini
iudicarunt si S.D.N. videbitur servandum in transferendo corpore
S. Gregorii Nazianzeni etc., in the *Diarium of Fr. Mucantius,
Papal Secret Archives, and in the Cod. D. 13 of the Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
3 See MUCANTIUS, Diarium, in Acta SS., Maii, II., 454 seq. ;
G. B. RASTELLI, Descriz. d. pompa e dell apparato fatto in Roma
per la tralazione del corpo di S. Gregorio Nazianzeno, Perugia
1580, and R. TURNER, Panegyrici sermones duo de S. Gregorio
Nazianzeno, Ingolstadii, 1583. Cf. also KNELLER in the Zeit-
sch rift fur katholische Theologie, XLII. (1918), 442 seq. where will
be found detailed particulars of the epigrams which were composed
at the time. THEINER (Annales, III., 235) wrongly gives the
date as July 5. Mucantius, who describes Panigarola as " eximius
et nostra aetate facile princeps omnium concionatorum," gives a
ST. GREGORY NAZIANZEN. 57!
When the morning of June nth airived, all business was
suspended, and in the streets where the procession was to pass
awnings were drawn across to afford protection against the
rays of the sun, the houses were adorned with branches of
foliage, garlands, tapestries, inscriptions and pictures. Thirty-
one confraternities with 3964 brethren, 1796 religious repre
senting twenty Orders, and 932 priests, all with lighted candles
in their hands, took part in the procession, 1 which started
from the Benedictines at Campo Marzo, and went by way of
the Via della Scrofa, the Piazza. Apollinare, the Via dell
Anima, the Piazza Pasquino, and thence along the Via Papale
through the Borgo to St. Peter s. The mortal remains of
St. Gregory Nazianzen, in a casket adorned with silver and
white damask, were carried by the Canons of St. Peter s,
and accompanied by the students of the Greek College. There
followed Bishop Bartolomeo Ferratino, Prefect of the Fabbrica
of St. Peter s, and Giacomo Boncompagni, recently made Duke
of Sora, with the Senator, the Prior of the Conservators and
a number of nobles. The cortege ended with the Swiss Guard
and a company of light cavalry. When the procession drew
near the Bridge of St. Angelo it was greeted with a salvo from
Latin translation of the sermon which was preached in Italian*
This translation is also in the Vatic. 6159 and in the Barb. XXX.,
76, Vatican Library ; the Italian text in the Cod. D. 13 of the
Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
1 The celebrations in connexion with the translation are fully
described in the Diarium of Mucantius (see BONANNI, Numismata
templi Vaticani, 74 ; Acta SS., 9 Maii, 455 seq.) in GRIMALDI in
the *Barb. 2733, p. 364** seq., and in the *Avvisi di Roma of
January u, 18 and 28, 1580 (Urb. 1048, pp. 164, 172, 176, Vatican
Library) . C/. also the Sommario della descrizione della processione
et traslatione del corpo di S. Gregorio Naz. di M. Fortunio Lelio
in the Cod. Barb., XXX., 76, p. 34 seq., Vatican Library (for the
most part printed in the periodical Buonarotti, 1868, 41 seq.),
the *Relazione of Sebast. Torello in the Cod. D. 13 of the Bon
compagni Archives, Rome, the report in BELTRAMI, 36, and the
*report of Bishop Odescalchi of May 21, 1580, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua. See also TURNER, loc. cit., i seq.
572 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the cannon of the Castle. In the meantime the Pope had
vested in his pontifical dress, and assembled the Cardinals
and prelates in the Sala dei Paramenti. Accompanied by them
he went to the steps of St. Peter s, where he left the sedia
gestatoria, and after taking off his mitre venerated the relics.
He then joined the procession on foot, the casket being carried
by bishops to the Gregorian Chapel. There they were placed
before the high altar, and vespers were sung. The function,
which a still well-preserved fresco in the Loggia della Bologna
on the third floor of the Vatican has perpetuated, 1 lasted more
than five hours. On the following Sunday, June i2th, the
Pope celebrated mass at the altar consecrated by Cardinal
Santori, and placed the relics in a sarcophagus of green marble,
which he himself closed.
" The Gregorian Chapel," says a contemporary report,
"is so richly and artistically adorned with gold, marbles and
mosaics, that there is nothing like it in the world." 2
According to the account of the Venetian ambassador, the
sums that Gregory XIII. expended from his private purse
exceeded 80,000 ducats. 3 Poems 4 and descriptions in
1 Picture of the fresco (which is also most important as throwing
light on the conditions of the dwelling houses of the period) in the
article by C. RICCI in the Lettura, 1903, April ; detailed description
in the periodical Buonarotti, 1868, 47 seq.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of June 18, 1580, Urb. 1048, p. 172,
Vatican Library. Cf. SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 367, and
(in the Appendix, No. 29, Vol. XIX.) the *notes of Musotti,
Boncompagni Archives, Rome. The inscription on the shrine in
CIACONIUS, IV., 10. See also BELTRAMI, 28.
8 See the report of Giov. Corraro of May 20, 1 580, in MUTINELLI,
I., 126. Mucaiitius gives the same number in his *Diarium
(Papal Secret Archives). The *Necrologium in the Archives of
St. Peters says 85,000. The much higher figures in the *Avviso
di Roma of June 18, 1580 (loc. cit,} and elsewhere (see LANCIANI,
IV., 55) are exaggerated.
4 LAURENT. FRIZOLIUS, Sacellum Gregorianum, Romae, 1581
(dedicated to Gregory XIII.), also in TURNER, loc. cit., 67 seq.
A poem *" In Aram Gregorianam " in the Vatic. 7192, p. 251 seq.,
Vatican Library.
THE GREGORIAN CHAPEL. 573
prose 1 were devoted to the new sanctuary. The Pope endowed
the chapel lavishly with vestments, chalices, candelabra and an
organ, and founded four chaplaincies for its service. 2 Michel
de Montaigne, when he visited the Gregorian Chapel in 1581
saw affixed to the walls a large number of votive offerings,
one of which related to the battle of Moncontour. 3 It was
said that Gregory XIII. had designated this chapel for his
own burial and that of his relatives. 4 The sanctuary was
completely finished in February, 1583.
At that time it was often said that other chapels in St.
Peter s as well were to be decorated in a like manner. 5 In
the May of the following year 25,000 scudi were set aside for
one of these. 6 Long before this the Pope had restored the
1 Asc. VALENTINUS, Sacelli Gregoriam descriptio, Florentiae,
1 583, and SEBAST. TORELLO, *Descrizione della Cappella Gregoriana
nella basilica Vaticana, in the Cod. D. 13 of the Boncompagni
Archives, Rome, and in the Cod. 150, p. 36 seq, of the Alessandrina
Library, Rome. Cf. CERRATI, T. Alphani de basil. Vatic, liber,
p. 91 seq., where mention is made of another description in
manuscript by Giacomo Romano, in the Cod. B. IV., 10, of the
Casanatense Library, Rome. Cf. also the *Vita Gregorii XIII.
by G. Ferreri, Papal Secret Archives (see Appendix, No. 25, Vol.
XIX.). Concerning a medallion with a picture of the chapel see
VENUTI, 140.
2 See CIAPPI, 6. Concerning the organ see Beltrami, 38 ;
FORCELLA, VI., 85 ; BARRIER, II., 483. The organ bearing the
inscription " A 1582" is at present in the Blessed Sacrament
chapel at St. Peter s.
3 MONTAIGNE, II., 16.
4 Second *Avviso di Roma of June 18, 1580, Urb. 1048, p. 176,
Vatican Library. An *Avviso di Roma of December 17, 1575,
reports that Gregory XIII. had ordered Cardinal Guastavillani
" che faccia fare la sepoltura di S.S tA in S. Pietro all incontro
di quella di Paolo III. riuscita bellissima." Urb. 1044, p. 644,
Vatican Library.
5 See *Avviso di Roma of February 12, 1583, ibid., 1051, p. 68.
6 See *Avviso di Roma of May 30, 1584, ibid., 1052, p. 207. For
the building of the new chapels cf. the accounts in the Jahrbuch der
preuss. Kunstsamml, XXXVII., Supplement pp. 128, 130 seq., 133.
574 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
pavement of the tomb of the Apostles, and had had twelve
silver lamps made for that sacred spot, as well as six silver
statues of the apostles to be added to the seven already there. 1
He also gave precious vestments, six beautiful candelabra
and a valuable cross to the treasury of the church of
St. Peter s. 2
Gregory XIII. cared in like manner for the other churches
of the Eternal City. The approach of the jubilee gave him
an occasion for ordering much restoration work, 3 and the
Cardinals too were urged to undertake this in the case of their
titular churches. 4 The reports of the following years speak
of restoration works in the churches of S. Maria Egiziaca, 5
S. Stefano Rotondo, 6 S. Apollonia, 7 S. Bartolomeo, 8 and the
Pantheon. 9
1 See CIAPPI, 6, and the accounts of 1575 in the Jahrbuch der
preuss. Kunslsamml., XXXVII., Supplement p. 63. Concerning
the statues of the apostles the *Diarium of Fr. Mucantius on May
17, 1578, reports : " In altari fuerunt additae statuae argenteae
apostolorum VII ultra VI quae apponi solent, quas S.D.N. nuper
conflari et construi fecit, ut complerent numerum XIII aposto
lorum et certe fuerunt ab aurificibus pulchrae compositae et
fabricatae." Papal Secret Archives.
2 This present, with the arms of Gregory XIII., is still preserved
in the treasury of St. Peter s. Cf. the *Necrologium in the
Archives of St. Peter s. According to the *Avviso di Roma of
June 9, 1582, Cardinal Farnese at that time presented to St.
Peter s a cross and two " bellisimi candelieri " worth 18,000 scudi.
They took four years in the making, and when they were placed
on the altar for the first time on Whit Sunday, they aroused
general admiration. Urb. 1050, p. 201, Vatican Library.
8 See *Avviso di Roma of October 30, 1574, Urb. 1044, p. 285,
Vatican Library. Cf. MAFFEI, I., 107.
4 See SANTORT, Diario concist., XXIV., 254 seq.
6 See SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 365.
Proved by the arms of Gregory XIII. near a door with the
date 1580. See FORCELLA, VIII., 210.
7 Cf. (in the Appendix, No. n) the *Memorie sulle pitture et
fabriche, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
8 See SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 160.
9 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of December 24, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 459,
Vatican Library.
THE LATERAN. 575
At the Lateran basilica Gregory erected a tabernacle for
the Blessed Sacrament, adorned with precious marbles and
stucco work, which he went to inspect in the autumn of 1575.
He also made gifts of vestments to the basilica, and the adjoin
ing chapel of the Sancta Sanctorum ; at the same time he
restored the baptistry of S. Giovanni in Fonte, and adorned
it with pictures and other decorations. l By his orders pictures
were also painted in the church of St. Paul s outside the Walls,
but the principal work there consisted of the balustrade
of precious marble surrounding the tomb of the Apostle
of the Gentiles. 2 The portico erected by Eugenius III. at
St. Mary Major s, which was falling into ruin, was entirely
restored in 1575 by Martino Lunghi. 3 In 1582 this church
was given new bells, 4 and in the following year the splendid
ceiling constructed by Alexander VI., which had sunk, was
raised again. 5 The beautiful ceiling of S. Maria in Aracoeli,
which was begun by Pius V. to commemorate the naval victory
over the Turks at Lepanto, was completed by Gregory and
1 See CIAPPI, 7 seq. ; FORCELLA, VIII., 39 ; Musotti s "notes
(Boncompagni Archives, Rome) in the Appendix, No. 29, Vol.
XIX. Cf. LAUER, Latran, 318 seq. The *Avviso di Roma of
October 2, 1575, reports : The Pope rode on Thursday to
the Lateran, " ove vidde quel bello tabernacolo che vi fa
fabricare con gran spesa et artificio." Urb. 1044, p. 557,
Vatican Library.
2 See CIAPPI, 8.
3 See the inscription in CIACONIUS, IV., 22, and FORCELLA, XL,
45. Cf. BAGLIONE, 64 ; BIASIOTTI, La basilica Esquilina, Roma,
1911, 25.
4 *Lunedi furono condotte a S. Maria Maggiore le nuove campane
per il campanile fatto nuovamente in quella chiesa, che la prima
e di 12,000 pesi et 1 altra di 10,000 bellissime. Urb. 1050, p. 24 b ,
Vatican Library.
* See *Odescalchi s report dat. Rome, March 19, 1583, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. In 1584 Cardinal Guastavillani received, in
exchange for the Casale di Salone, the palace built by Nicholas IV.
near Saint Mary Major, which palace he wished to restore and
beautify. *Avviso di Roma of March 10, 1584, Urb. 1052, p. 87,
Vatican Library.
57^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.
adorned with his arms. 1 The rebuilding of the church, which
was carried out at the same time, almost entirely destroyed
its medieval character. 2 To some extent the same was the
case with the works undertaken in 1581 at S. Sabina. 3
Gregory XIII. made rich gifts to two great churches belong
ing to religious bodies which were then approaching completion,
and which rivalled each other in their sumptuous character :
the Gesu belonging to the Jesuits, and the Chiesa Nuova of
the Oratorians.
Even in the time of Julius III. the Jesuits had had in view
.the building of a dignified church in the capital of the Catholic
world, and no less a man than Michelangelo had occupied
himself with this scheme, intending to devote himself gratuit
ously to the work. 4 If this work was not carried into effect
as was first intended, this was principally due to the lack of
funds, as well as to the difficulties made by the owners of the
site intended for it ; when the difficulty was removed by the
magnificent generosity of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese,
Michelangelo was already dead. The great master s successor
at St. Peter s, Giacomo Vignola, who was in the service of
the Farnese, was then given the task of building the church
of the Jesuits in Rome. The first stone was laid on June 26th,
1 Cf. CASIMIRO, Aracoeli, Roma, 1736, 34 ; FORCELLA, I., 189 ;
VETTER, Aracoeli, Roma, 1886, 83 ; Arch. Rom., VI., 464 ;
RODOCANACHI, Capitole, 198 ; O. CAROSELLI, II soffito d. chiesa
di S. Maria in Aracoaeli, Roma, 1922, 22-7. The *Avviso di Roma
of July 13, 1580, reports . Yesterday the Pope rode to
Araceli, " per vedere il soffitto fatto di novo in quella chiesa,
che e di maravigliosa bellezza." Urb. 1048, p. 206, Vatican
Library.
2 Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 733.
3 The *Avviso di Roma of August 5, 1581, reports : On Sunday
Cardinal Savelli went, by the Pope s orders, to S. Sabina, " per
far levare quelle traverse con alcune capelle che sono in mezzo la
detta chiesa fatte da Papa Honorio IV. per abellire e nettare la
detta chiesa a spesa di S.S td> ." Urb. 1049, p. -309 b , Vatican
Library.
4 See the memoranda of June, 1544, in the Mon. I gnat., i.
Series VII., 100, 103, 136, 257.
THE GESU. 577
1568. l An important part was taken in deciding the form of
this church both by Cardinal Farnese, and the General of the
Order, Francis Borgia. It was due to them that the church
has not three naves, but only one with chapels at both sides
and a vaulted roof. 2 The site of the Gesu, in the Rione della
Pigna, was a very fine one. Close by was the palace of St.
Mark s, where the Pope often resided, and the Capitol was
not far off. Two small churches, S. Maria della Strada and
S. Andrea, as well as private houses, had to be destroyed in
order to make room for the new building. By the plans
which Vignola at once proceeded to make, he created the
church of the baroque style. 3 He omitted the lateral naves,
and replaced them by closed chapels, communicating with
each other. In this way the lofty central nave could be made
much wider, the lateral spaces being kept quite subordinate.
No visitor can fail to be impressed by this splendid, wide and
lofty building. Very admirable too is the clever way in which
the gracefully rising dome is connected with the rest.
Vignola intended to make the decoration of the interior,
which later on became very excessive, quite severe and
simple.
For the fagade a competition was held in 1570, in which,
besides Vignola, the Perugian Galeazzo Alessi took part ;
Alessi s design, however, could not be carried out because of
the too great expense. 4
On July yth, 1573, Vignola died, when the church had
reached the principal cornice. His successor was a certain
" Maestro Giovanni," of whom we have no particulars, but
who completed the principal portion of the church by 1575. 5
1 See RONCHINI in the A Hi Moden., VII., 21.
2 See the memorandum in WILLICH, Vignola, Strassburg, 1906,
136, and particulars given by KARRER, Der heilige Franz von
Borja, Freiburg, 1921, 340 seq.
3 See KRAUS-SAUER, 657. Cf. GURLITT, 54 ; WOLFFLIN,
Renaissance und Barock, 8 ; BRINCKMANN, Baukunst, 7 seq.
4 See RONCHINI, loc. cit., 21 seq.
5 Hence the inscription on the facade : " Alex. Card. Farnesius
. . . fee. 1575."
VOL. xx. 37
578 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
An anonymous Jesuit father succeeded him, 1 who assisted
Giacomo della Porta to such good effect that the facade, which
was finished in 1577, 2 was attributed to him. 3 The latter,
with its relatively small features, is less well proportioned
to the majestic interior than the design of Vignola, which has
the characteristic features seen in the fayade of S. Maria dell
Orto in the Trastevere. 4 Giacomo della Porta must have also
made the high altar which is adorned with precious columns,
and the round chapels on either side, dedicated to Our Lady
and St. Francis of Assisi. 5
The completion of the church of the Jesuits was still delayed
for several years, even though Cardinal Farnese had, at the
end of 1572, added to the considerable sums which he had
already expended in order to hasten the work. 6 It was only
at the end of 1578 that the building 7 had advanced so far as
to make it possible to hold in it the obsequies of the King of
Portugal who had fallen in war against the Moors. 8 The
Papal Mastef of Ceremonies, Mucantius, expresses himself
in terms of the highest admiration " for this marvellous and
sumptuous temple of God, which has sprung from the never
sufficiently to be praised generosity of Cardinal Farnese, and
which may be compared to the buildings of antiquity." 9
In the following year fresh and costly works became necessary
1 Probably Giovanni Matteo ; see WILLICH, loo. cit., 136.
2 Cf. (in the Appendix No. 5) the important *Avviso di Roma
of October 30, 1577, Vatican Library.
3 See RONCHINI, loc. cit,, 23 seq.
4 Cf. GURLITT, 55 seq., 58 ; WOLFFLIN, loo. cit., 77 seq. ; BRINCK-
MANN, loc. cit., 28 seq. ; G. GIOVANNONI in L Arte, XVI. (1913),
23 seq.
5 See BAGLIONE, 77.
6 See Avviso di Roma of December 21, 1572, in BELTRAMI, 5.
7 For the stages of construction see RONCHINI, loc. cit. ; WILLICH,
loc. cit., 135 seq. ; G. GIOVANNONI, loc. cit., 84.
8 Cf. Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 357.
9 See MUCANTIUS, *Diarium of December n, 1578 : " ecclesia
nova sacerdotum Soc. lesu prope S. Marcum nuper fundamentis
erecta impensa nunquam satis laudanda rev. d. Alex, card.
THE GESU. 579
on account of the insufficiency of the foundations, 1 but the
generosity of Farnese did not fail either now or later on, 2
while the Pope also made a large contribution in 1580. 3 In
this way the Gesu became one of the most outstanding religious
buildings of the period of Catholic restoration, the grand
character of which it reflects. 4
In June, 1582, the " cupola made in the form of half a ball,
resting upon a graceful drum, round within and octagonal
without " 5 was completed. Cardinal Farnese expended 3000
scudi on covering it with lead. 6 In the following year the
Pope gave the Jesuits the relics of SS. Abundius and
Abundantius, which had been found in SS. Cosmas and Damian.
On September i5th they were solemnly translated in procession,
and no less than 800 of the pupils of the Jesuits were to be
seen in the ranks. 7 When Cardinal Santori consecrated
the beautiful church to the Holy Name of Jesus on November
Farnesii S.R.E. vicecancellarii, mirum et sumptuosum aedificium
atque artificio cum antiquis comparanda." Papal Secret
Archives.
1 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of November 29, 1579, Urb. 1047, p. 383,
Vatican Library.
2 Cf. the *Avvisi di Roma of May 13, 1579, ibid., p. 164, and of
February 25, 1581, ibid., 1049, p. 87.
3 *Brief of August 13, 1580, quoted in the *Memorie in
the Fondo Gesuit. 290 of the Vittorio Emanuele Library,
Rome.
4 Cf. the conclusions of P. MISCIATELLI in the periodical Vita
d Arte, 1913, 141 seq.
5 See GURLITT, 55.
6 *I1 sig. card. Farnese ha fatto sborsare ultimamente alii padri
del Giesu 3000 scudi per coprire la cupola di piombo della chiesa
nova che e gia finita di fabricare a tutte spese di S.S ria 111. la quale
sera una delle belle chiese di Roma. Odescalchi s report of
August 4, 1582, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
7 In addition to the *Diarium Pauli Alaleonis (Barb. lat. 2814),
cf. also the *Avviso di Roma of September 17, 1583, Urb. 1051,
p. 387, Vatican Library, and *Odescalchi s report of September 17,
1583, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
580 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
25th, 1584, the relics were placed under the high altar. 1 In
his last years the Pope honoured the Gesu on the Feast of
the Assumption, by assisting at the functions. On that
occasion in 1584 he admired the costly and artistic tabernacle
which had been given by Cardinal Farnese. 2 On the faade
of the Gesu, upon which Giacomo della Porta was at work
from 1576 to 1584, 3 may still be read the name of the great
Cardinal, whose anniversary on March I3th is solemnly
commemorated to the present day. 4
Just as the great church of the Jesuits was placed in one
of the most aristocratic parts of the city, so did the disciples
of Philip Neri choose a similar site for their church. This was
in the Rione di Parione, the quarter chiefly inhabited by
prelates, courtiers, scholars and book-sellers ; to the south
west, in the Via di Parione, there was an ancient sarcophagus,
the so-called Pozzo Bianco, which to-day is placed on the
Janiculum near Tasso s Oak. Close by were three little
churches : S. Maria in Vallicella, S. Elisabetta al Pozzo Bianco,
and vS. Cecilia. These had to be destroyed in order to make
room for a new and large church, which was given the name
of S. Maria in Vallicella. In the year of jubilee, 1575,
Allesandro de Medici laid the first stone in the presence of
Philip Nefi. The means were supplied by two noble brothers,
Cardinal Pietro Donato Cesi, and Angelo Cesi, Bishop of Todi. 5
1 See SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 161 ; *Diarium Pauli
Alaleonis, loc. cit. ; *Avviso di Roma of November 28, 1584, Urb.
1052, p. 470, Vatican Library ; *Odescalchi s report of December
i, 1584, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 Cf. Ann. litt. Soc. lesit, 1584, Romae, 1586, 9 seq. The
*Avviso di Roma of June 20, 1584, sounds the praises of the
" tabernacolo d ingegnosa et stupenda architettura." Urb.
1052, p. 240, Vatican Library.
3 Cf. G. GIOVANNONI in L Arte, XVI., 84 seq.
4 In the sacristy is a full length portrait of the Cardinal in oils.
5 See the inscriptions in FORCELLA, IV., 148, 153. Cf. LANCIANI,
IV., 68 ; TACCIII VENTURI in the Arch. Rom,., XXVII., 483 seq.
A letter of August 27, 1575, addressed to Cardinal Borromeo by
Tarugi acting in the name of " padre messer Filippo " and asking
for a contribution towards the building of the church in SALA,
Docum., II., 445 seq.
S. MARIA IN VALLICELLA. 581
The many followers of Philip Neri, and among them Gregory
XIII. 1 himself, assisted the undertaking generously. In
August and September, 1578, the Pope visited the works. 2
The number of people who flocked to the Oratorians at that
time, we are told by a contemporary, was very great " on
account of the good works of the priests of the Congregation
of the Oratory, who teach a strict Christian manner of life
by word and example." Gregory XIII. bore a great part
of the expense of a chapel dedicated to St. Gregory, 3 and
also by his gifts of money helped on the completion of this
church, which sprang up rapidly and promised to become one
of the most beautiful of the churches of Rome. 4
The Chiesa Nuova di Pozzo Bianco, as the church of the
Oratorians was called, 5 is the masterpiece of Martino Lunghi ;
he was responsible for the building as far as the fagade, which
1 The *Avviso di Roma of January 19, 1577, mentions the
setting aside of 1000 scudi for the new church which was being
built " a Pozzobianco " for the " preti di S. Girolamo," Urb. 1045,
p. 2.22, Vatican Library.
2 *His diebus nempe 17 Augusti et praecedentibus S.D.N.
visitavit ecclesiam novam S. Mariae in Vallicella nuper per
presbyteros congregationis oratorii constructam ad quani quotidie
magis fideles utriusque sexus conveniunt propter bona opera
dictorum sacerdotum, qui verbo et exemplo rectam vitae
christianae disciplinam ostendunt. Mucantius *Diarium, Papal
Secret Archives. Cf. CIAPPT, 17. For the visit of the " nuova
chiesa di Pozzobianco " on September i, see *Avviso di Roma
of September 3, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 3O2 b , Vatican Library.
3 Cf. (in the Appendix, No. 29, Vol. XIX.) *Musotti s notes,
Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
4 See Baronius memorandum of August 14, 1578, in CALENZIO,
148.
5 *N.S re ha levato 1 anello delli cardinal! che moiono alle
monache di Monte Magnanapoli, che dalla fel. mem. di Pio V.
in qua hanno goduto, et hallo conferito alia chiesa di S. Maria
Nuova di Pozzo bianco accio si finisca quanto prima. Mem
orandum of Odescalchi of October 22, 1580, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua. CIAPPI says (17-18) that Gregory XIII. contributed
altogether 5,000 scudi.
582 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was then completed by Fausto Rugghesi from his designs. 1
The severe and simple character of the whole may to-day
best be seen from this faade, which was not touched by the
changes in the XVIIth century, whereas in the interior
the very rich decoration conceals the original architectural
conception. 2 On account of its great size, the church was
able to become a true church of the people, in accordance
with the characteristic work of the Congregation founded by
Philip Neri. The learned Achille Stazio appreciated the
pursuit of learning which the Oratorians did not neglect in the
midst of their care of souls, and left to them the whole of his
library ; he erected an altar dedicated to St. John the Baptist
in the new church. 3
The generosity of Gregory XIII. was also displayed in the
enlargement of the church of S. Marta, close to St. Peter s,
as well as in the new Capuchin church dedicated to St.
Bonaventure. 4 Many other convents 5 and churches were
also assisted with money and in other ways ; among these
may be mentioned the national church of the Brescians,
SS. Faustino e Giovita ; 6 S. Maria degli Angeli, 7 S. Maria in
1 See BAGLIONE, 64 ; cf. G. GIOVANNONI in L Arte, XVI. (1913),
99. For the part played by Ant. Talpa in the building see GUASTI
in the Arch. star. Ital., 4., Series, XIV., 249.
2 See GURLITT, 192 seq., where, nevertheless, the traditional
mistake is repeated that the building " was already begun about
1580." Cf. also LETAROUILLY, Edifices, I., 109.
3 See LANCIANI, IV., 69 seq.
4 See CIAPPI, ii. Cf. LANCIANI, IV., 63 seq. ; Civ. catt., 1909,
III., 221.
5 See CIAPPI, 17, 18.
6 LANCIANI, IV., 65. Cf. FE D OSTIANI, La chiesa e la
confraternita dei Bresciani in Roma, in Brixia Sacra, II.
(1911), 1-2.
7 Cf. FORCELLA, IX., 151 ; LANCIANI, IV., 80. An *Avviso di
Roma of January 15, 1583, reports : " Dicesi che S.B ne voglia far
finire quella chiesa (S. Maria degli Angeli) poiche da molti huomini
pii e frequentata et abbellita di ornatissime cappelle." Urb. 1051,
p. 24, Vatican Library.
S. MARIA DE MONTI. 583
Traspontina 1 and S. Chiara al Quirinale. 2 The discovery
of relics gave the Pope an opportunity of erecting a richly
decorated chapel in SS. Cosma e Damiano, 3 and a beautiful
tabernacle in SS. Giovanni e Paolo. 4
In the spring of 1580 a picture of Our Lady painted on the
wall in the Rione de Monti attracted the attention of the
Romans by the many favours that were granted there. 5
So many alms were given that it became possible to build a
beautiful church to contain the picture. Gregory XIII.
endowed this with privileges and assigned it to the College
of the Neophytes. 6 The new church, which was named
S. Maria de Monti, was extolled in many poems. 7 It was the
work of Giacomo della Porta, and is one of the most effective
examples of baroque. The facade, the cost of which was
borne by Cardinal Sirleto, is considered one of the best of the
time. The interior decoration, and especially the roof, with
its beautiful stucco work, is almost entirely free from later
additions, and thus gives a good idea of .the earlier appearance
of the Gesu. Just as the Jesuit church served as a model
for large edifices, so did that of S. Maria de Monti in the case
of smaller ones. 1
1 See Ball. Carmelit., II., J99- Cf. Acta capit. gen. Ord. fr.
b. V. Mariae de Monte Carmelo, I., Romae, 1912, 558 seq., 570 seq.
2 See ARMELLINI, 188.
3 See *Avviso di Roma of September i, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 32i b ,
Vatican Library. Cf. MAFFEI, II., 276.
4 Cf. Le cose meravigliese di Roma, Roma, 1575, 24.
5 See the *Avvisi di Roma of April 30, May 7 and 14, 1580,
Urb. 1048, pp. 99, 103, I27 b , Vatican Library.
Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 21 ; FORCELLA, IX., 378 ; CIAPPI, 14 ;
LANCIANI, IV., 66. Bernardino Acciaiuoli had provided most of
the means; see *Avviso di Roma of May 21, 1580, Urb. 1048,
P. 135^, Vatican Library. Gregory XIII. visited the building
on September 16, 1581 ; see *Avviso di Roma of that date, Urb.
1049, p. 360, loc. cit.
7 The poem by Pomp. Ugonius in the Barb. XXX., 87 ; cf.
ibid., 47, Vatican Library.
8 See BURCKHARDT, Gcschichte der Renaissance 3 , 145, 147, 156,
359, and Cicerone, 348. Cf. LETAROUILLY, Edifices, I., 27; BRINCK-
MANN, Baukunst, 49; G. GIOVANNONI in L Arte, XVI., 84 seq.
584 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
A church, which owed its origin entirely to Gregory XIII.
is that of the Greek College of S. Atanasio, in the Via del
Babuino, the construction of which was ordered by the Pope
on October 2oth, 1580. l On November 23rd Cardinal San tori
laid the first stone. 2 Gregory XIII. wished it to be built as
quickly as possible, 3 and busied himself about every detail. 4
In May, 1582 he visited the building and urged haste. 5 A
year later the church with its original facade and the two
characteristic tov/ers which flank it, the first of the kind in
Rome was finished. The beautiful interior recalls S. Maria
degli Angeli of Michelangelo. On the feast of St.. Athanasius,
the great Doctor of the Church and patron of the Church in the
East, the first mass in the Greek rite was celebrated. The
Romans flocked there in great numbers attracted not only
by the special functions, which were so full ol unction, but
also by the indulgences which the Pope had granted. 6 The
most recent researches give Giacomo della Porta as the
architect of the church and he also made the design for the
rich ciborium in wood which occupied the place of the existing
high altar. 7 The pictures for the iconostasis and the two
1 See Card. Santori, *Audientiae (Papal Secret Archives) in the
. Appendix No. 8.
2 See Mucantius, *Diarium, Papal Secret Archives. Cf.
*Avviso di Roma of November 26, 1580, Provincial Archives,
Innsbruck, and SANTORI, Autobiografia, XII., 367.
3 See Appendix No. 8.
4 Ibid.
5 *The Pope visited the " Collegio de Greci, il quale ha ordinato
che con ogni prestezza s attenda a finire la nuova lor chiesa, che
hormai si trova in buomssime termine havendo ancor in animo
di comprare tutto il sito contiguo a detta chiesa per ampliare il
suddetto collegio." Avviso di Roma of May 5, 1582, Urb. 1050,
p. 145, Vatican Library.
6 See *Avviso di Roma of May 7, 1583, Urb. p. 205, Vatican
Library.
7 See BAGLIONE, 76, and G. GIOVANNONI in L Arte, XVI., 90,
where no mention is to be found of the statement of RODOTA (216)
and NETZHAMMER (12) that Martino Lunghi was the architect of
the fa$ade. The inscriptions on the facade, in Greek and Latin ;
THE GREEK COLLEGE. 585
chapels of the central principal nave, were painted by the
Tuscan Francesco Trabaldese. 1
The Greek College, placed at the right hand of the church,
which Gregory XIII., at the advice of a Cistercian of Venice, 2
had built at the cost of the Holy See, had originally been
situated in the Via Ripetta. 3 The Pope, who took a great
interest in this institution, 4 removed it to the more healthy
neighbourhood of the Via Babuino. This building had two
floors, in addition to the somewhat lofty ground floor ; in front,
towards the street, there was built yet a third, like a tower.
The well-preserved inscription on the second floor of the
facade, and surmounted by the Pope s arms, describes Gregory
XIII. with classical conciseness, as " Founder and Father." 5
Like the Greek College, the other colleges erected in Rome
by Gregory XIII. were also plain and simple buildings, as for
example that which he assigned to the English at the
SS. Trinita degli Scotti (later St. Thomas of Canterbury), in
the Via Monserrato, 6 that of the Maronites on the Quirinal, 7
in the periodical La Semaine de Rome, II. (1909), 250. The
splendid ciborium is now in the Archivium of the Greek College ;
see NETZHAMMER, 15.
1 See BAGLIONE, 31.
2 See WILLIBRORD v. HETEREN in the periodical Uessarione,
VII., 1900, fasc. 47-8.
3 See Arcudio in LEGRAND, Bibliographic (1895), 482 seq., and
P. DE MEESTER in the periodical La Semaine de Rome, II., 106.
4 See L. ALLATIUS, De ecclesiae Occident, atque orient, perpetua
consensione, III., c. 7.
5 Gregorius P.O.M. Fundator et parens ; see FORCELLA, XII.,
102 ; NETZHAMMER, 5 ; ibid. 10, for the oldest picture of 1591.
Cf. also LEGRAND, loc. cit., III., 209 seq. In July, 1584, Gregory
XIII. honoured S. Atanasio with a visit ; see *Odescalchi s
report, dat. Rome, July 14, 1584, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
6 See CIAPPI, 19 ; ARMELLINI, 645 ; LANCIANI, IV., 75 seq. Cf.
Vol. XIX. of this work, p. 243.
7 *La fabrica del collegio, che fa fare il Papa a Montecavallo
per il Maroniti, fin hora al numero di 26 che vengono del Monte
Libano et Giudea, e finite. Avviso di Roma of October 6, 1584,
Urb. 1052, p. 393 b , Vatican Library. Cf. also FORCELLA, XIII.,
175 ; LANCIANI, IV., 76 seq.
586 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
and that of the Neophytes. 1 The cost of these and other
Roman colleges, as well as for others outside Rome, amounted
to 40,000 gold ducats annually. 2 Gregory s generosity
was displayed in the fullest way in the case of the college
which held the first place among the educational and
instructional institutions in Rome, the Roman College of
the Jesuits. This establishment, founded in a humble way
by St. Ignatius, now required a large building. 3 The land
between the church of the Minerva and the Corso was chosen
as the site for this. On how vast a scale the new edifice was
planned is shown by the demolition of houses which was
begun in 1581, so that the whole appearance of the district
was changed. 4
The Pope took the greatest interest in this building : 5
he made a gift of 27,000 ducats towards it, 6 and energetically
insisted upon its rapid progress. 7 It was a happy day for
1 Cf. supra., p. 583. Santori notes in his *Audientiae (of
May 27, 1582) : " Delia necessita d ampliare il collegio de Neofiti :
Di si." Arm. 52, t. 18, Papal Secret Archives.
2 See Odescalchi s report dated Rome, July 25, 1579, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
3 Cf. BRINCKMANN, Baukunst, 59.
4 Cf. the *Avvisi di Roma of June 17 and 27, July 29, October
21, 1581 (beginning of the demolition of the block of houses hear
the Guglia di S. Macuto), Urb. 1049, pp. 223 b , 230, 2gi b , 402,
Vatican Library. Cf. RINALDI, 90 seq., 99. Probably the Arco
Camigliano also vanished at that time ; see RODOCANACHI,
Monuments, 77, n. 2.
5 Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of September 16, 1581, Urb. 1049,
p. 360, Vatican Library.
6 *" N.s re ha fatto dono al collegio del Giesu de 27,000 scudi
accio fabrichino le schole in una forma piu ampla di quella, nelle
quale si trovano." Memorandum of Odescalchi dat. Rome,
July 8, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. According to RINALDI,
92, it was 30,000 ducats.
7 *On Monday the Pope inspected the building of the " Collegio
di S. Macuto " and expressed the wish that the work should
speedily progress. Avviso di Roma of December 24, 1581,
Urb. 1049, p. 459, Vatican Library.
THE ROMAN COLLEGE. 587
him when, on January nth, 1582, Cardinal Guastavillani
laid the first stone of the new college. The inscription on
the stone declared the purpose of the institution to be " the
education of the youth of all nations in the highest branches
of knowledge." 1 Of the plans put forward that of the aged
Bartolomeo Ammanati was chosen, who had completed the
Palazzo Pitti at Florence and begun S. Giovannino, the church
of the Jesuits. 2 The Jesuit, Giuseppe Valeriano, who was
also a painter, undertook the direction of the construction. 3
The total cost of the building, which was planned on a gigantic
scale, 4 was estimated at 400,000 scudi, 5 in obtaining which
the Pope assisted the Jesuits in every way. 6 In September,
1 *I1 giovedi poi dopo celebrate la messa solenne dal padre
generale dei Gesuiti nelle chiesa dell Annunziata del Collegio con
bellissima cerimonia et con grandissimo concorso del popolo il s.
card. S. Sisto pose la prima petra nel fundamento del collegio
novo, dopo la quale cerimonia quei padri rev 011 diedero un poli-
tissimo pranso ad esso sig. cardinale S. Sisto Guastavillano et
all ecc. sig. Giacomo Boncompagni. Odescalchi s memorandum
of January 13, 1582, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The inscription
on the foundation stone in the Memorie intorno al collegio Romano,
Roma, 1870, 6, and in RINALDI, 100.
2 See BAGLIONE, 27.
3 This hitherto unknown fact 1 have taken from the *Memorie
sulle pitture et fabriche (reproduced in the Appendix No. n),
Boncompagni Archives, Rome. BAGLIONE (78 seq.) only mentions
Valeriano s activities as a painter. G. Valeriano was born in
Aquila in August, 1542, and entered the Society of Jesus in 1572 ;
see the *Catalogue of the Collegio Romano of 1585, in which is
also mentioned the fact that Valeriano busied himself with
architecture and painting. General Archives of the Jesuit
Order.
4 BAGLIONE, 25.
5 *Questi padri del Giesu attendono tuttavia a tirar su le
facciate della lor fabbrica del Collegio Romano chc secondo il
loro disegno v andera di spesa piii di 400,000 scudi, de quali si
saranno provisti promettono di dar finita la fabrica in pochi anni
che sera bella sopra tutte 1 altre. Odescalchi s report of July 7,
1582, Gon/caga Archives, Mantua.
6 Cf. the *Avvisi di Roma of July 28, 1582, and May 30, 1584,
588 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
1582, he gave them no less than 116,000 ducats, and personally
visited the works. 1 In May, 1584, there followed a further
gift of 25,000 scudi. 2 It was hoped that it would be possible
to commence the lectures in the new building in the November
of the same year, 3 but Gregory XIII. was not destined to see
the completion of this college, the finest possessed by the
Jesuits in Europe.
The long and majestic facade of the Roman College is
divided into three parts, but shows great freedom of treatment
in the distribution of the masses. Its shape was fixed by the
circumstance that the interior was composed of lecture halls
with many closely grouped windows. The division of these
windows into harmoniously alternating groups gives life
to the facade. Its simplicity is in keeping with the purpose
of the building, as is its magnificent width, which was enhanced
Urb. 1050, p. 271, 1052, p. 207, Vatican Library. According to
the *Avviso di Roma of November 27, 1582, Gregory XIII. is said
to have disapproved of the fortress-like character of the building.
Urb. 1050, p. 447, loc. cit.
1 Odescalchi *reported on September 16, 1582: " Questa
mattina S.S tdp e stata a vedere il sito, che hanno comprato li
padn del Giesu tra 1 aguglia di S. Macuto et 1 arco di Camigliano
per aggrandire il collegio colle scole. " The present of 1 1 6,000 ducats
is also mentioned in Odescalchi s report of September 9, 1582, in
the Appendix No. 20, Vol. XIX., Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
2 See, in the Appendix No. 9, the *Avviso di Roma of May 30,
1584, Vatican Library.
3 Odescalchi *reports on July 28, 1584 : " Li Padri del Giesu
attendono gagliardamente a tirare inanzi la fabbrica loro delle
scole et mancandovi denari S.S t& gli ha concesso un breve amplis-
simo che possino pigliar quella quantita di denari a censo che
vogliono, obbligando li beni delle abbatie che hanno havute da
S.S*^, la qual fabbrica e gia in termine che quest anno che viene
et forse questo settembre si potra cominciare et a novembre a
leggere nelle scole fatte di nuovo amplissime, et quando sara al
fermo la piu bella habitatione et studio che detti Padri habbino
in tutta Europa." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. A *survey of
the " entrata et uscita della fabbrica del Collegio d. Comp. di
Gesu, 1584-8," in the State Archives, Rome.
THE ROMAN UNIVERSITY. 589
by the addition of a third floor. 1 To-day, however, since
the revolution of 1870, the building has been completely
alienated from its original purpose. On the facade may still
be seen the arms of Gregory XIII., with the beautiful
inscription : " For religion and learning, 1584. " In contrast
with the simplicity and sobriety of the exterior is the richness
of the magnificent and wide cloister, which is surrounded by
a double arcade. Even though some of the arches have been
walled up, the ensemble gives an effect that is " peaceful,
dignified, free from ornamentation, and vast." It is rightly
looked upon as one of the most effective works of the kind
in Rome. 3
Gregory XIII. also showed his care for the promotion of
learning by the reconstruction of the Roman University.
In the autumn of 1573 he visited the works, accompanied
by Cardinals Morone and Alciati, who were in charge of the
curriculum there. 4 In the following year the Pope repeated
his visit and promised the Romans his assistance in providing
the money. 5 Four years later the works were still in active
progress ; Gregory again visited the building and gave orders
that they were not to depart from the plans of Pius IV. 6 On
September ist, 1579, he went with all his court to the
University, 7 although it was not yet finished;
1 See GURLITT, 182, who doubts whether the fa9ade be really
the work of Ammanati. According to BAGLIONE, 27, Ammanati s
plans were departed from. A hitherto unnoticed contemporary
description of the new building and its construction in the Lift,
ann., 1584, p. u seq.
2 FORCELLA, XIII., 175.
3 See GURLITT, 182 ; cf. BURCKHARDT, Cicerone, II. 10 , 324.
4 *Mercordi visit6 (il Papa) lo studio per vedere quello che di
novo era fabricate. Avviso di Roma of October 31, 1573, State
Archives, Vienna.
5 See the *Avviso di Roma which, though undated, certainly
belongs to October, 1574, i n the Urb. 1044, p. 275 b , Vatican
Library.
e *Avviso di Roma of September 3, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 3O2 b ,
ibid.
7 *Avviso di Roma of September 2,1579, Urb. 1047, p. 3o6b, ibid.
590 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
The plan for the splendid palace of the Roman University,
which went by the name of the Sapienza, from the beautiful
inscription over the doorway : " The beginning of wisdom
is the fear of the Lord " (Initium sapientiae timor Domini),
has been attributed to Michelangelo, 1 but this was not the
case. A very reliable authority states that Giacomo della
Porta made the plans for this building as well. 2 The cortile
with pilasters on two floors, which is majestically severe,
shows a considerable resemblance to Ammanati s courtyard
at the Roman College ; but whereas, in the latter Ionic
pilasters are employed in the lower floor, and Corinthian ones
on the upper, here they are respectively Tuscan and Ionic,
the latter being placed on pedestals. 3 The whole space
covered is much greater, and it is one of the most imposing
of the many beautiful courtyards in the city. The facade,
which is in a narrow street, correspond to those made use of
by Antonio di Sangallo for the Roman palaces. A clear
arrangement distinguishes the lecture halls, which are placed
in two corridors along the two sides. 4
To these buildings for the colleges and the University,
which were of service to the whole Church, must be added
other buildings, the cost of which, since they were intended
to serve the practical needs of the city of Rome, fell to a
great extent upon the municipality. A hospital for poor
mendicants was established in the abandoned convent of
S. Sisto on the Via Appia. 5 The prison of Corte Savelli was
1 BURCKHARDT, Cicerone, II. 10 , 317.
2 See, in the Appendix No. n, the *Memorie sulle pitture et
fabriche, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
3 See GURLITT, 67. Cf. also LETAROUILLY, Edifices, I., 70 seq.,
and THODE, Michelangelo, V., 205.
4 See GURLITT, 68.
5 For the Pope s intention of erecting an almshouse, see supra,
p. 545, n. i, and BELTRAMI, 37. The project met with strong
opposition ; see *Avviso di Roma of February 18, 1581, Urb. 1049,
p. 67, Vatican Library ; cf. (in the Appendix No. 16, Vol. XIX.)
Mucantius, *Diarium, 1581, Papal Secret Archives. Unfortun
ately, the institution had to be given up later on ; see, in addition
THE WATER SUPPLY.
enlarged, 1 a house for penitents was built in the Corso, 2 and
a hospital of the Fate bene fratelli was erected on the island in
the Tiber. 3 Special mention must be made of the great stores
of corn which were accumulated in the Baths of Diocletian. 4
Towards the end of his pontificate the Pope also planned the
construction of a magnificent Trade Hall in the Via de Banchi,
such as other Italian cities already possessed ; he intended to
expend 40,000 scudi on this. 5
Anyone who has lived in the south can appreciate the value
of fountains and aqueducts. Rome was badly provided for
in this respect, since during the stormy times of the past
centuries, the aqueducts, once so numerous, had fallen a
victim to devastation. The number of the fountains was
so small that the population had to content itself with water
from tanks or from the Tiber. 6 And one aqueduct, which had
to the particulars on page 545, n. i, the *Avviso di Roma of
March 30, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 147 Vatican Library ; and LANCIANI,
IV., 74. Cf. also MONTAIGNE, II., 4 seq., and S. Werro s report
in the Zeitschrift filr schwelz. Kirchengeschichte, 1907, 220.
1 CIAPPI, 8. Arch. Rom., VI., 467.
2 See (in the Appendix No. 29, Vol. XIX.) *Musotti s notes,
Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
3 This hospital, near the church of S. Giovanni in Isola, is
mentioned in the inscription on the third loggia of the Vatican.
Cf. CIAPPI, 1 6 ; LANCIANI, IV., 79. For the paintings in the
Palazzo del Commendatore of the hospital of S. Spirito see CANEZZA
in the Atti d. Arcadia, 1917, I., 161 seq.
4 See (in addition to the inscription referred to in the preceding
note) also those in FORCELLA, XIII., 174, BONANNI, I., 325, and
LANCIANI, IV., 80. Cf. Arch. Rom., VI., 232 ; RODOCANACHI,
Monuments, 131.
6 *L altra mattina il Papa doveva comparire in Banchi a vedere
il sito, ove S.B ne vuole che si faccia un porticale spacioso con i suoi
colonnati di spesa di 40,000 scudi come hanno 1 altre citta di
traffichi per comrnodita de mercanti et d altri che negotiano
volendo S.S. che tutto Banchi conferisca a questa spesa. Avviso
di Roma of March, 1585, Urb. 1054, Vatican Library.
Cf. Vol. XI 1 1., p. 403 seq. of this work. The small number of
wells is also emphasised by SEE. WERRO in his *Itinerarium
Hierosolymit. (University Library at Fribourg, Switzerland).
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
been repaired by Nicholas V., and subsequently renewed
and strengthened by Sixtus IV., Leo X., and lastly by Pius V.,
the Acqua Vergine or Trevi, was far from sufficient. Gregory
therefore resolved to supply this defect, 1 but it only fell to
his successor to carry out the work on a grand scale. Never
theless, to the great joy of Gregory, a large number of fountains,
fed from the Acqua Vergine, sprang up during his pontificate.
The plans for this purpose were made by Giacomo della Porta. 2
In the first place comes the beautiful erection in the Piazza
Navona, where the Pope excavated three large basins for
the fountains, which he went to inspect in the autumn of
1578. 3 The round central basin underwent a complete
transformation later on at the hands of Bernini in the time
of Innocent X. Of the two smaller fountains at the ends
of the piazza, the one at the south end still bears the heraldic
dragons of the Boncompagni, and these dragons, like the four
blowing tritons, fill the octagonal marble basin with foaming
water. 4 Gregory XIII. also placed fountains in other parts
of the city, as, for example, that in front of S. Maria de Monti,
the fountain della Lupa in the Campo Marzo, the fountain
dell Eridano in the Rione di Parione, of the Nile on Monte
Giordiano, del Macacco in the Via Babuino, del Leone at
S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini, and lastly the great fountain in
the Piazza del Popolo, designed by Giacomo della Porta,
and that in front of the Pantheon. These were all adorned with
fine Latin inscriptions. 5
1 Cf. LANCIANI, IV., 157, and the *Avvisi di Roma of October
27 and December 24, 1584, Urb. 1052, pp. 430, 432 b , 444 . Vatican
Library.
2 See BAGLIONE, 78. Cf. Avvisi-Caetani, 75. See also
MISCIATELLI, in the periodical Vita d Arte (1912), 63 seq.
3 See *Avviso of September 3, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 3O2 b , Vatican
Library.
4 Cf. CANCELLIERI, Mercato, 34 seq. ; LANCIANI, Acquedotti,
129, and LANCIANI, II., 230 seq., IV., 78 ; Riv. Europ., 1877, IV.,
u, 13 seq. ; BERGNER, Das barocke Rom, Leipzig, 1914, 41.
5 See FULVIO-FERRUCCI, 85 ; BAGLIONE, 6, 82 ; LANCIANI II.,
236, IV., 78 ; cf. LANCIANI, Aquedotti, 129 ; RODOCANACHI,
Monuments, 114. The appearance of the great well in front of the
FOUNTAINS. 593
The Florentine Taddeo Landini, who had executed the
most beautiful of the tritons in the Piazza Navona, 1 also had
a part in the fountain erected by the Roman magistracy,
which is considered the most graceful of the Roman fountains, 2
and which later on became celebrated by the name of the
Fontana delle Tartarughe. This work of art stands in a
comparatively small piazza, in front of the Palazzo Mattei, by
the side of the great thoroughfare which leads from the Capitol
to the Vatican. The idea and decoration of the fountain is
very simple. Four active youths in bronze touch with one
arm the edge of the upper basin, while they alternately support
their right or left leg upon the dolphins which spurt water
into a round shell. The Raphaelesque grace of the bronze
figures led to the design being attributed to the great master
of Urbino, but in reality it was Giacomo della Porta who made
the design, and Landini who carried it out, after the manner
of his own country, and unlike the Roman custom, executing
the figures in bronze* and the architectural features in yellow
marble. It was this that gave the delicate contrast in colour. 3
The tortoises which gave their name to the fountain were a
later addition of the XVIIth century. 4
If Gregory XIII. appears as the forerunner of his great
successor, Sixtus V., in his care for the fountains of Rome,
this is still more true of his zeal for the improvement of the
Pantheon, before its alteration by Clement XI., can be recognized
from the picture in C. A. DEL Pozzo, Raccolta d. princip. fontane
di Roma, Roma, 1647. To the time of Gregory XIII. (1581) also
belongs the Fontanella del Facchino near S. Maria in Via Lata ;
see the periodical RomanctTellus, II. (1913), 50.
1 See BAGLIONE, 60. For T. Landini cf. ORB A AN in the Repert.
fiir Kunstwissensshaft, XXXVII., 30. n.
2 See FULVIO-FERRUCCI, 222.
3 Cf. BAGLIONE, 60 ; BERGNER, loc. cit., 41. A " giostra " in
the Piazza Mattei is reported in an *Avviso di Roma of July 27,
1574, State Archives, at Vienna.
4 See W. FRIEDLANDER, in the Kunstchronik of May 27, 1910.
Cf. also H. SEMPER in the Mitteil. des bayr. Kunstgewerbevereins,
1892, 58.
VOL. XX. 38
594 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Roman streets. The approach of the Holy Year afforded
the immediate opportunity for taking this work in hand.
The practical sense of the Pope could not fail to be sensible
of the unseemliness of the fact that the way of approach to
two of the basilicas which were always visited by the pilgrims,
the Lateran and S. Croce in Gerusalemme, should be
through a deserted district, filled with ruins and brushwood.
The way was not only difficult and long, but also dangerous,
because there were practically no inhabitants. Gregory
wished to change all this. When he visited the Lateran
at the beginning of July, 1573, he gave orders for the con
struction of a better and more convenient road from St.
Mary Major s to the Lateran, 1 as had already been planned
by Pius IV. 2 The work was begun at once and pushed forward
so quickly that by the beginning of the Holy Year of 1575,
the pilgrims, in place of the winding and irregular old Via
Merulana, had at their disposal for going to the Lateran
basilica, a much wider road, which was almost straight. In
Bufalini s plan the old street is called the Via Tabernola, but
in that of Du Perac-Lafrery of 1577, it * s called from its maker
the Via Gregoriana. What a great advance the construction
of this new artery signified may be clearly seen by comparing
the new straight road with the old winding one ; the two
meet at S. Pietro e Marcellino. 3
Another improvement was made in the Via Ferratella
which led from the Lateran Hospital to the Porta Metronia,
1 *Mercori mattina il Papa cavalc6 in compagnia di Cornaro et
Como (Galli) sino a S. Giovanni Laterano, ove ordino che s
accomodasse la strada da quella chies a a S. Maria Maggiore et
dell altre 7 chiese per 1 anno santo che fossero piane come la
strada Pia. Avviso di Roma in a *report of Cusano of July 4,
X 573 State Archives, Vienna.
8 Cf. LANCIANI, III, 169.
3 Cf. CIAPPI, 8; RIERA, 2 b ; LANCIANI, IV., 91. The support
given to the Pope in the laying out of streets by the Minorites
and Capuchins is mentioned by BIASIOTTI (La basilica Esquilina,
Roma, 1911, 25, n. 38) from a *document in the Archives of
S. Maria Maggiore.
NEW ROADS. 595
and was carried on as far as the Porta S. Sebastiano. 1 When
the Pope visited the Seven Churches in 1581, he was able to
enjoy the beauty of this new road. 2 The ancient Via Appia
was at this time again coming into common use. 3 The frequent
journeys of the Pope to the Alban Hills gave occasion for
ordering the improvement of the Via Tusculana : from this
a connecting road was made with the Via Latina and the Via
Castrimeniese, which was named the Via Appia Nuova. In
connexion with this the starting point of this road was changed
from the Porta Asinaria to the Porta S. Giovanni, which,
according to the inscription, was erected in 1574 by the Sicilian,
Giacomo del Duca. 4
Inside the city, Gregory XIIL, by means of the Via della
Rupe Tarpeia formed a new approach to the Capitol, 5 and
completed the construction of the Borgo Pio begun by
Pius IV., decorating that part of the city with buildings, and
partly paving the streets with pebbles. An inscription on a
column records that this work was completed in 1580. 6 It
was soon seen, however, that this new form of paving, because
of the great dampness of Rome, was not good for the health
of the inhabitants, and by the advice of the doctors it was
decided to adopt paving stones. 7
1 See LANCIANT, IV., 90. Cf. Inventario, I., 10.
2 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of March 22, 1581, which says of the
street : " e bellissima a vedere." Urb. 1049, p. 139, Vatican
Library.
3 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of May 12, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 153,
Vatican Library.
4 See CIAPPI, 9 ; CIACONIUS, IV., 21 ; Rev. archeol., VII. (1886),
225 ; LANCIANI, IV., 91 ; Inventario, I., 23. A present of 700
scudi for the Porta S. Giovanni is mentioned in the *Avviso di
Roma of August 22, 1573, Urb. 1043, p. 285, Vatican Library.
6 See the inscription in the Arch. Rom. VI., 451. Cf. FORCELLA,
XIIL, 87 ; RODOCANACHI, Capitole, 47.
6 See CIACONIUS, IV., 21 ; FORCELLA, XIIL, 87 ; LANCIANI,
IV., 62. Cf. SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 233 ; Arch. Rom.,
XLIIL, 79.
7 See *Avviso di Roma of August 13, 1580, according to which
the decision was taken at a congregation held in the house of
596 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Principally on account of the pilgrims for the jubilee, in
1573 orders were given for the restoration of the so-called
Ponte Senatorio, or the Ponte di S. Maria, which had been
destroyed by the inundation of the Tiber in 1557, l and which
had connected the Rione di Campitelli with the Trastevere.
On June 27th, 1573, the Pope went in all haste to the Tiber
and solemnly laid the first stone. 2 In February, 1574, he
went to inspect the work, by means of which the bridge was
being restored in an improved form. The expense of the
restoration of the two ruined arches, which fell to the
municipality of Rome, was calculated at not less than 30,000
scudi. 3 In 1588 the work was again destroyed by a flood ;
to this day an inscription and the Boncompagni arms may be
seen on the remains. 4 The account books for 1583 also make
mention of a restoration of the Bridge of St. Angelo. 5
Gregory XIII. s zeal for building spurred on the Cardinals
and the Roman people to repair and adorn ruined churches,
or to build new ones, 6 and also had a great influence upon the
Cardinal Cornaro. Urb. 1048, p. 246, Vatican Library. The
pebble pavement was not completely abandoned ; see Bullett. d.
Com. arch., 1892, 348 scq. Concerning an enlargement of the open
spaces see FORCELLA, XIII., 87.
1 Cf. Vol. XIV., p. 169, of this work. For the unsuccessful
attempt at rebuilding under Pius IV. see Arch. Rom., XXIII., 66.
2 See the detailed description in Mucantius, *Diarium, Papal
Secret Archives.
3 See *Odescalchi s memorandum of August i, 1574, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. Cf. the *Avviso di Roma of August i, 1574,
Urb. 1044, p. 211, Vatican Library. RIERA (2) gives the cost as
50,000 scudi. Cf. BONANNI, I., 344-5 ; FULVJO-FERRUCCI,
74 seq. ; LANCIANI, II., 24 seq., IV., 85.
4 The inscription in CIACONIUS, IV., 21, and FORCELLA, XIII.,
54. Cf. CANCELLIERI, *I1 ponte Leonino, in the Vatic. 9196,
Vatican Library. See also BARTOLI, Cento vedute, 98.
5 See LANCIANI, IV., 84. In the consistory of April 27, 1575,
the plan, proposed by Pius IV., of regulating the Tiber was again
discussed ; see SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 260, and
BELTRAMI, 8.
8 See LANCIANI, IV., 63, 65, 72 seq. ; ARMELLINI, 596, 634, 645,
RUINS OF ANTIQUITY. 597
Romans in yet another way. The removal of precious
material from the ancient ruins still went on, but now at
anyrate more care was taken about the gieat monuments
780 ; Inventario, I., 39, 148. Cf. also RIERA, 102, for the restora
tion of the Confraternity churches in the year 1575. On S.
Tommaso a Cenci the inscription of 1575, commemorating the
restoration, is still preserved. A restoration of S. Bartolomeo
is mentioned by SANTORI, Autobiografia, XIII., 160. For the
completion of S. Luigi de Francesi, the fa9ade of which is the
work of Giacomo della Porta, see G. GIOVANNONI, in L Arte, XVI.
(1913), 86 seq. ; ibid., 94 seq., for the building of SS. Trinita de
Monti. The laying of the foundation stone of the new church of
S. Maria Scala Coeli in Tre Fontane did not take place in 1582, as
ARMELLINI says (756), but in 1581, when the ceremony was
performed by that great builder Cardinal Farnese ; see
*Odescalchi s report of April 7, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
For the building of the richly decorated Capella Altemps in S. Maria
in Trastevere 1584, see FORCELLA, II., 348. For the work carried
out on S. Maria di Loreto al Foro Trajano see the monograph of
FIAMMA, Rome, 1894. Just as the English College had, in its
church, pictures of the martyrs painted by Niccolo dalle Pomar-
ancie, so also had the German College, in its church of S. Stefano
Rotondo (see BAGLIONE, 38) which were engraved by G. B. de
Cavalieri with verses by Julius Roscius (Triumphus martyrum
in templo D. Stephani . . . expressus opera et studio lo. Bapt.
de Cavalleriis). Cf. A. GALLONIUS (Cong. Orat.), De ss. Martyrum
cruciatibus cum figuris per Ant. Tempestum, Parisiis, 1659. In
1584 the paintings in the church of the English College were also
reproduced in copper engravings by Cavalieri who has thus handed
down to us the inscriptions which were later destroyed at the
time of the French Revolution. One of these inscriptions has
proved of the highest historical importance ; see PHILLIPS, The
Extinction of the Ancient Hierarchy, London, 1905. The glaring
crudeness and exaggerated realism of these pictures, though they
offend our modern susceptibilities and cannot be called true art
(see JANSSEN S Brief e, I., 210), were nevertheless much admired
by the people of the period in which they were painted (Proofs of
this in STEINHUBER, I. 2 , 150 ; cf. also the Avviso in the Arch.
Rom., XXXIII., 309, which relates how Sixtus V. burst into tears
on seeing the frescoes in S. Stefano). It would be a great mistake
598 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
which had survived from antiquity. Thus in August, 1574,
the Romans decided to restore the column of Marcus Aurelius. 1
The Pope in his turn proposed the difficult task of transferring
the colossal obelisk which stood at the south side of St. Peter s
near the Campo Santo, and which had been brought by
Caligula from Heliopolis, to the Vatican Circus and placed
in the Spina. The expense, however, which was estimated
at 30,000 scudi, justified the foresight of those who said that
the change would not be made. 2
Gregory XIII. also subsidized the restorations at the
Palazzo of the Cancelleria, 3 and the works at the Capitol
directed by Giacomo della Porta and Martino Lunghi. Both
to suppose that these gruesome pictures were peculiar to the
period of Catholic Restoration, though this mistake is still often
made (e.g. WEISSBACH, Der Barock als Kunst der Gegenreforma-
tion, Berlin, 1921, 36). The pictures produced in the Middle Ages
were certainly not less gruesome (cf. for example, SCHULTZ,
Deutsches Leben, I., 42 seq. ; Wentzel von Olmiitz Martyrdom
of Saint Bartholomew and similar pictures in the Town Museum
at Frankfort-on-Main and in the Museum at Colmar). Diirer s
martyrdom of the 10,000 Christians and the altar to the martyrs
of 1525 in the cathedral Xanten may also be mentioned in this
connection. Even Correggio produced a very ghastly picture
in his martyrdom of Saint Placid and Saint Flavia (cf. BURCK-
HARDT, Beitrage zur ital. Kunstgeschichte, 159).
1 See *Avviso di Roma of August i, 1574, Urb. 1044, p. 211,
Vatican Library.
2 *" Dopo la tornata di N.S re da Civitavecchia si e inteso che
S.S ta< ha risoluto la gulia di S. Pietro sia condotta nella piazza, di
quella (basilica) per maggior commodita della vista delle persone
che veranno 1 anno santo a Roma." It is thought that it will
cost 30,000 scudi, " essendone gia stati ofTerti da altri pontefici
22,000 scudi, che poi non fu fatto altro come si credono si fara
anco adesso per esservi altro che pensare." Avviso di Roma of
July 27, 1574, State Archives, Vienna. Cf. C. AGRI?PA,
Trattato di trasporta la guglia in su la piazza di S. Pietro,
Roma, 1583 ; M. MERCATI, Gli obelischi di Roma, Roma, 1589,
341 seq.
3 See the inscription inCiACONius, IV., 42, and FORCELLA, XIII.,
174-
THE CAPITOL. 599
architects retained their office. In 1577 Annibale Lippi
was associated with them, principally with financial powers ; l
the reason was that there had been some suspicion of fraud
in connection with the works. 2 In the same year the Piazza
was levelled ; in 1579 a new campanile 3 replaced the genuine
medieval tower of the palace of the senators, which dated
from the time of Boniface IX., and which had been damaged
by a thunderbolt. 4 According to the plan of Michelangelo
this was to retain its character of a fortress tower, and be of
only one storey, but Martino Lunghi 5 gave it three storeys,
the two upper ones being open. 6 The result was a slender
construction, which harmonized very well with Michelangelo s
palaces, since he always insisted upon the subordination of
the whole building to one dominating leature. Many com
memorative medals struck in 1579, celebrated the construction
of this tower. The balustraded staircase of the palace of
the senators was in 1582 adorned with the statue, not of
Jupiter as intended by Michelangelo, but of Minerva. 8 The
1 Cf. O. POLLAK in the supplement to the Kunstgeschichtl.
Jahrbuch der ostery. Zentralkommission, 1910, p. 168. The arms
of Gregory XIII. also in the chapel of the Palace of the Con
servator!.
2 According to the *Avviso di Roma of August 24, 1577 ( Urb -
1045, p. 482, Vatican Library) the amount of the deficit discovered
in the " conti della fabrica di Campidoglio " was 100,000 scudi,
but this is very likely an exaggeration. The acts of the Capitoline
Archives give no information as to the result of the enquiry which
was held ; see RODOCANACHI, Capitole, 89.
3 Cf. THODE, Michelangelo, V., 192 seq.
4 See FULVIO-FERRUCCI, 74 b .
5 The tower is ascribed to M. Lunghi by all modern authorities,
and yet it is a remarkable fact that Baglione, always so well
informed, makes no mention of it when enumerating the works
of this architect (p. 64 seq.).
6 See CANCELLIERI, Le due nuove campane di Campidoglio,
Roma, 1806, 45 seq. ; LANCIANI, II., 88 ; RODOCANACHI, loc.
cit., 90-
7 See BONANNI, I., 350 ; RODOCANACHI, loo. cit., 91.
8 See RODOCANACHI, 91-2,
600 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
great flight of steps which unites the piazza of the Capitol
with the city below had already been adorned in the time of
Pius IV. with two sphinxes found near S. Maria della Minerva.
In 1583 the Dioscori which had been excavated in the Ghetto,
were placed at the upper extremity of the steps, not crosswise
as Michelangelo intended, but parallel with the entrance.
In the following year an ancient milestone from the Via
Appia was placed upon the balustrade. 1 The monumental
character of the site was thus ensured.
To the Minims, founded by St. Francis of Paula, Gregory
XIII. gave the slope in front of their church of SS. Trinita
de Monti, and assisted them to build the steps. 2
Of great importance for the beautifying of the Eternal
City was a constitution concerning building issued by Gregory
XIII. in 1574. Medieval Rome, which long continued to
survive even during the period of the Renaissance, offered,
it is true, like other cities of Europe, a very picturesque
appearance with its labyrinth of little streets and alleys,
but was all the less satisfactory at close quarters in that
even the most elementary ideas of cleanliness were as yet
unknown there. 3 From the bull of Martin V. in 1425, which
revived the office of superintendents of the streets (Magistri
viarum) we learn that butchers, fishmongers, shoemakers
and others simply threw into the streets the intestines and
the heads of the slaughtered beasts, spoiled fish, and skins,
which were allowed to decay and infect the air. 4 This state
1 See MICHAELIS in Liitzow s Zeitschrift fur bild. Kunst, 1891,
192 ; LANCIANI, II., 88 ; THODE, loc. cit., 193 ; RODOCANACHI,
loc. cit., 83.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of September 28, 1577, Urb. 1045, p. 604
Vatican Library. Cf. *Odescalchi s report of August 15, 1579,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and the *Avviso di Roma of April 6,
1585, Urb. 1053, p. 144, Vatican Library.
3 For the state of medieval towns cf. DURM, Baukunst der
Renaissance, 124 seq. For Germany see STEINHAUSEN, Geschichte
der deutschen Kultur, Leipzig, 1904, 346 seq.
4 Bull. Rom. IV., 716. Cf. Vol. I, p. 216, of this work and
MORONI, XLI., 221 seq.
BUILDING ENACTMENTS. 6oi
of affairs may be attributed to the neglect which was the
inevitable consequence of the absence of the Popes during
the period at Avignon ; nevertheless an inscription of the
year 1483 praises Sixtus IV. for having removed the pestilential
filth from the streets. 1 There was at any rate, even in other
respects, much left for that Pope to do towards the beautifying
of Rome. The fundamental constitution which he issued
on this subject 2 gives much surprising information. By
reason of every kind of vestibule and porch in front of the
houses, the streets had been rendered so narrow that all
traffic and passage of vehicles was seriously interfered with,
and in some places two men on horseback could hardly pass.
Although a beginning had been made in removing these
vestibules, and in paving the streets, nevertheless this had
resulted in the destruction of several premises which were
of no little value to the proprietors of the houses, so that
these houses had been abandoned as being too confined,
and thus the streets were indeed wider, but as they had many
ruined buildings on both sides, they had become more neglected
than ever. A remedy might have been provided for this
effect of the changes in the city if two delapidated houses
had been united into a single one, but the attempts to do this
led to endless disputes, and very often the irritated owners
refused to sell their property ; Sixtus IV. endeavoured to
remedy this by giving the superintendents of the streets the
right to expropriate dangerous houses.
This enactment was confirmed by Julius II. and Leo X. ; 3
but Pius IV. had to interfere once more in 1565. 4 The new
streets made at that time were indeed marked out, but were
not bordered on both sides by houses or even by walls, or
1 BELLONI in the work quoted infra 604, n. i.
2 On June 30, 1480, Bull. Rom., V., 273.
1 On November 2, 1516, ibid., 655 seq. The confirmation by
Julius II. is mentioned there. Alexander VI., on the occasion of
the Jubilee year of 1500, also confirmed the Bull of Sixtus IV.
for the Via Alessandria which he had built from the bridge of
S. Angelo to St. Peter s Square. Ibid., 377 seq.
4 Decree of August 22, 1565, ibid., VII., 386.
602 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
else the blocks of houses were broken by open tracts which
served as refuse heaps for rubbish and filth. 1 For this reason
Pius IV. ordered that these open building spaces should at
least be enclosed by walls, and that steps should then be taken
to pave the adjoining streets. 2 From this edict we also learn
that the tangle of houses in Rome was traversed by a large
number of narrow passages, the width of which was scarcely
two or three palms, into which every kind of filth was thrown ;
the buildings on either side were falling into ruin, gave out
unhealthy vapours, and at last fell down, whereupon the
damp walls that remained partly standing were once more
incorporated into the buildings, and used as a support for
loggias. 3 To add to the filth and the danger to health, many
of the houses had small open drains, by means of which every
imaginable kind of sewage and filth was allowed simply to
flow into the street. 4 Great tracts of the city and the neigh
bourhood were covered with reeds and rushes which were
very harmful to health with their marshy vapours, prevented
a clear view of the Tiber, and afforded shelter for criminals.
As in previous centuries, people were still allowed to build
out on to the streets ; above all, large staircases leading to
the first floors, sometimes so interfered with the traffic that
two carriages could not pass each other. 5 Moreover, light
and outlook were cut off above by the fact that wooden
passages were built across the streets from one house to the
other. 6 In some places the streets were not paved, but strewn
with gravel, which increased the dampness, one of the principal
drawbacks of Rome, 7 and the air in the narrow streets, over
and above the dangerous vapours and filth, was especially
infected by the insupportable smell from the inevitable
making of tallow candles. Candlemakers were to be found
1 Ibid., par. 12, p. 390.
2 Ibid., par. 12-15, p. 390.
3 Ibid. par. 16, p. 391.
4 Ibid., par. 17, p. 392.
5 Ibid., par. 22, 24 seq., p. 393 seq.
6 Ibid., par. 27, p. 394.
7 Ibid., par. 31, p. 395 seq.
BUILDING ENACTMENTS. 603
all over the city, whereas other industries, such as tanneries
and dealers in cat-gut had for a long time past, because
of the offensive smell, been restricted to certain places along
the banks of the Tiber. 1
Pius IV. set himself to issue suitable ordinances to meet
these abuses, and further expressly renewed the enactments
of Sixtus IV. and Leo X. for the beautifying of the city. In
this way some provision had been made for the adornment
and splendour of " Eternal Rome, as the common fatherland
of all Christian peoples." 2 But it seemed to the successor
of the Medici Pope, Pius V., that such zeal for external
appearances might easily lead to the violation of ecclesiastical
immunities, and of the rights of the poor and needy. He
therefore revoked all the constitutions on the subject issued
by Sixtus IV., Leo X., and Pius IV., in so far as they ran
counter to the provisions of common law. 3
This new enactment at once gave rise to fresh discontent.
Pius V. had hardly closed his eyes when public decrees in
the name of the Roman senate and people complained that
this ordinance was opposed to the adornment of Rome and
the desires of many of the citizens. Gregory XIII. was unable
to pay attention immediately to these repeated complaints,
although he saw that many beautiful buildings were being
left unfinished, and that many people who were anxious to
build were unwilling to take in hand new buildings, since
Pius V. had abrogated the former decrees on the expropriation
of property, with the result that impossible prices were being
asked for such property. 4 At last Gregory XIII. took the
matter in hand, but not in such a way as altogether to restore
the ancient right. Starting with the principle that the common
1 Ibid., par. 30, p. 395.
2 " in communemque totius christiani populi patriam," ibid,
p. 386.
3 On April 10 and July 3, 1571, Bull. Rom., VII., 910 seqq.
4 " magnifica aedificia iampridem inchoata, propter nimiam
quorundam cupiditatem interrupta pendere, plurimosque ea de
causa aedificandi consilium abiecisse." Gregory XIII., Constitu
tion of October i, 1574, par. i, Bull. Rom., VIII., 88 seq.
604 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
good and the beautifying of the city must always be con
sidered before the cupidity or even the desires of individuals,
it would be more true to say that he drew up a new building
constitution on the basis of the enactments of Sixtus IV.,
Leo X., and Pius IV., 1 which remained in force until the
XlXth century, and left its mark upon the arrangement of
the new Rome.
This constitution aims at facilitating, wherever possible,
the making of new streets, the widening of the ancient, narrow,
twisting passages, and to some extent straightening them.
The chamberlains of the Holy Roman Church and the officials
for buildings and highways received the necessary power of
expropriation for this purpose. 2
In order that the eye might not be offended in the streets
by ruined or unfinished houses, or in building areas by heaps
of rubbish, such places were to be surrounded by walls of a
certain height, and this prescription was to be strictly carried
out. Unless this wall were built no rent was to be demanded
or paid for such houses or areas, and all rights to the use
thereof lapsed. The lessee must use the rent for building
the wall instead of paying it to the proprietor. The proprietor
was to be obliged by fines to build the walls, and if he remained
obstinate, his property might be leased, or handed over in
hereditary tenure, or even sold to others who were more
amenable. 3
A terrible blemish on the appearance of the city of Rome
was the narrow gaps between the houses, which were bound
1 On October i, 1574, ibid. Cf. CARLO BORGANANA, Degli
edificii e delle vie di Roma al cadere del secolo XVI. e della
Costituzione Gregoriana " Quae publice utilia," Roma, 1855 ;
second edition with reprint of the Constitution added, ibid., 1860 ;
PAOLO BELLONI, La Costituzione " Quae publice utilia " del
Pontefice Gregorio XIII. intorno al decoro ed ornato pubblico e la
citta di Roma considerata nelle vie e negli edifici dalla caduta
dell impero Romano sino al terminare del secolo XVI., Roma,
1870.
2 Par. 2.
3 Par. 3.
BUILDING ENACTMENTS. 605
to become mere dungheaps and plague-spots. Gregory XIII.
therefore ordered that in the case of private houses everyone
must make use of the neighbouring wall to rest the beams
of the new house upon, to which end he was to pay half the
cost of the erection of such a wall. If the space between the
houses were less than three palms, it was to be included in the
new house when such was built. 1 It was manifestly with a
view to the beautifying of Rome that the building constitution
of Gregory XIII. urged the union of several small rough houses
into one larger one. If the owner of a house or farm wished
to build upon his property or his land, he could demand that
the neighbouring houses or properties which were leased
should be sold to him, but in that case he must pay a twelfth
above the estimated value. 2 If it were a case of a splendid
edifice, then a neighbouring house or property could be forcibly
obtained if necessary, even though it were personally inhabited
by its owner, always supposing that the important building
had already been begun, that it touched upon the neighbouring
property on at least two sides, and was four times greater in
value. The price paid for the acquired land, however, must
in that case be a fifth above the estimated value, and the
neighbour must be given six months to find another place of
residence. 3 If in making or altering a street a house was
partly destroyed and made too small for its inmates, the
proprietor of the house could buy the neighbouring leased
house and unite it to his own. Similar arrangements held
good in cases where several adjoining leased houses were
damaged by the making of streets, or when the proprietor of a
damaged house rebuilt his own, while his neighbour neglected
to repair his damaged house or to enclose it with a wall. 4
From the same wish to encourage the union of several small
houses in one larger one came the decree that no one must
sell his house without having first officially informed all the
neighbouring proprietors of the price and terms of sale, and
1 Par. 4-5-
2 Par. 6.
3 Ibid.
4 Par. 7.
606 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
their having declared that they did not intend under the
terms of the sale to come forward as purchasers. 1 Substan
tially the same conditions applied in the case of a tenant
living in the house to be sold ; if the neighbours did not intend
to come forward as purchasers, then the right to acquire it
passed to him. 2 In the same way the acquisition of the
house was facilitated in the case of the hereditary tenant
who wished to build. 3
Moreover, in order that " in some way provision may be
made for the beautifying of the country properties in the
suburbs, which serve the purpose of suitably enhancing the
amenities of life, and the healthy recreation of mind and body,"
the proprietor of the larger vignas and the like, was, also in
certain definite cases, to have the right to have small properties
sold to him. 4 Even the property of churches and entails
were not excepted from the enactments of the constitution. 5
There were further provisions as to what was to be done if
anyone refused to comply after two warnings, as well as for
avoiding the abuse of the concessions made, and for the
prevention of the abuses which had taken place in the case of
the earlier enactments of Sixtus IV., Leo X. and Pius IV.,
as well as ordinances concerning the employment of the money
paid in fines. 6 When mention is made in the constitution
of compensation for expropriation, or of the sum to be paid
in the case of a forced sale, it is always laid down that none
but the officials in charge of the building works must fix the
amount of the payment. Lastly, there is the important note,
that in cases of doubt as to the meaning of the enactments,
that interpretation was always to be adopted which most
favoured the beautifying of the city. 7
1 Par. 8-10.
2 Par. 1 1 .
3 Par. 13.
4 Par. 14-15.
5 Par. 1 6.
/ Par. 17-21.
7 " Omnia et singula, quae supra statuta sunt, in earn partem
interpretanda esse, quae ad Urbis ornatum magis facere videbitur."
Par. 23.
CHAPTER XV.
DECORATJONS AT THE VATICAN. THE OUIRINAL. DEATH
OF THE POPE. IMPORTANCE OF HIS PONFITICATE.
Thus Gregory XIII. strove in every way for the im
provement and benefit of his city. This was shown in a
small matter by a decree of 1573 concerning the introduction
of new fire-places ; it speaks of an invention for preventing
smoke. 1 For the defence and fortication of the city, 2 a
matter which was equally dear to the Pope s heart, in April,
1575, a fallen bastion of the Castle of St. Angelo was repaired,
and the defences of the Borgo were strengthened. 3
All these undertakings encouraged the development of
Rome which became so manifest after 1575. 4 As a mark of
their gratitude towards their generous sovereign the Roman
people resolved, on February 23rd, 1576, at the proposal of
the Conservators, del Bufalo, Mancini and Cavalieri, to erect
1 See *Decreto circa il fare camini che non faccino fumo nel
modo ritrovato da Filippo Castagnoti, dat. June 22, 1573, in the
Editti, V., 74, p. 100, Papal Secret Archives. For the chimneys of
the Renaissance cf. DURM, Baukunst der Renaissance, 274 seq.
2 Cf. A. NIBBY, Le mura di Roma, Roma, 1820, 340, 359 ;
FORCELLA, XIII., 36 ; BORGATTI, Le mura di Roma, Roma, 1890 ;
LANCIANI, IV., 84 seq.
3 See the *Avvisi di Roma of April 23 and October 15, 1575,
Urb. 1044, p. 4og b , Vatican Library, and ibid., the *payments
1 575-6 in the Vatic. 6697. Cf. CIAPPI, n ; RODOCANACHI,
St. Ange, 177.
4 See the *list in the Archives of the Propaganda in Rome,
Collegi, 363, p. 65. For the increase in the population see
BELTRAMI, 28 ; for the building of new houses, especially in
the Trastevere, cf. SEB. WERRO S *Itinerarium Hierosolymit.,
University Library, Freiburg, Switzerland.
607
608 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
a marble statue to the Pope in the great hall of the palace
of the senators. 1 Its execution was entrusted to Pierpaolo
Olivieri, who also decorated the monument to Gregory XI.
erected by the Romans in 1574 in S. Francesca Romana, with
a relief showing the return of that Pope from Avignon. 2
The marble statue, larger than life, shows Gregory XIII. in
the pontifical vestments, seated on his throne, with the keys
in his left hand, and his right raised in blessing. This statue,
the inspiration for which is drawn from the Moses on the
tomb of Julius II., is in many ways a fine work, but the
members are badly proportioned, the upper part of the body
is too large, and the expression of the face is not altogether
successful. 3 The inscription extols some of the Pope s works,
the removal of the tax on corn in Rome, the beautifying of
the Eternal City with churches and other buildings, his
generous help of the poor, the erection of colleges and
seminaries in every part of the Catholic world, and also makes
mention of the Japanese mission. 4 This historical monument
was removed from its place in 1876, and taken to the church
of S. Maria in Aracoeli, but no steps were taken for the
preservation of the inscription. 5
1 The *resolution in the Cod. G. 378, p. 211, of the Chigi Library,
Rome. Cf. RODOCANACHI, Capitole, in seq. The statue was
unveiled in May, 1577 ; see (Appendix No. 4) *Strozzi s report
of May 25, 1577, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. also the *Avviso
di Roma of May 25, 1577, Urt>. 1045, p. 299, Vatican Library.
2 See BAGLIONE, 72 ; LANCIANI, IV., 67. The relief contains a
panorama of Rome. Both LANCIANI, who treats of it in the
Bullett. d. Com. Arch., XXI. (1893), 272, and BURCKHARDT
(Cicerone, II. 10 , 599) consider it to be among the best works of
its kind. The resolution to erect the memorial to Gregory XI.
is *reported by Odescalchi on August 4, 1574, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
3 See RODOCANACHI, loc. cit., 112, and SOBOTKA in the Jahrbuch
der preusz. Kunstsamml., XXXIII., 258, where will also be found
a good picture of the statue.
4 See CIACONIUS, IV., 6 ; FORCELLA, I., 39, cf. 40.
5 And yet the author of the removal immortalized himself in
an inscription ! See Arch. Rom., VI., 238.
VASARI. 609
The visitor of to-day is reminded by numerous inscriptions
and coats of arms how extensive were the works carried out
by Gregory XIII. at the Vatican. The mottoes of Gregory,
" Vigilat " and " Non commovebitur," may also be seen in
various parts of the palace. 1 Restorations were effected there
very extensively, 2 especially in the Loggia della Cosmografia
added by Pius IV., 3 and in the chapel of Nicholas V. 4 The
fresco decoration of the Sala Ducale was executed by Lorenzo
Sabbatini, who was assisted by Raffaellino da Reggio and
Matteo da Siena. 5 Vasari was employed to complete the
frescoes in the Sala Regia.
At the death of Pius V. Vasari was still in Rome. His
commemorative painting of the naval victory of Lepanto
was then practically completed, and he considered it the best
of his frescoes. 6 On his return to Florence, the artist at once
learned that the new Pope wished to have him in his service.
With the permission of Cosimo, he complied with this summons.
He reached Rome on November I4th, 1572, and was court
eously received by Cardinal Boncompagni. 7 At an audience
which he had immediately afterwards, the Pope explained
to him his plans for the pictorial decoration of the antecameras
of the Vatican and of the Sala Regia. Vasari declared his
readiness to begin work at once ; Gregory XIII. heaped
signs of his favour upon him, assigned him apartments in the
Belvedere, and had his rooms furnished " like a sovereign s."
When the artist fell ill in December, he sent to him his own
physician ; on December 5th Vasari told a friend : " Even
1 See FORCELLA VI., 82 seq., 85 seq. ; TAJA, 7, 79, 107, 119,
130, 273, 282. Cf. LANCIANI, IV., 62 ; Arch. Rom., XXIII., 59 ;
STEINMANN, II., 8, n. i.
* See CIAPPI, 6.
3 See FORCELLA, VI., 95. Danti was put in charge of it ; see
TIIIEME, VIII., 380.
4 See FORCELLA, VI., 84.
6 See BAGLIONE, 17, 25, 41. Cf. TAJA, 77.
See GAVE, III., 312 seq.
1 See ibid., 331, 340 ; VASARI, V1I1., 479 seq. ; FORCELLA, VI.,
80 ; KALLAB, Vasari-Studien, 135,
VOL. xx. 39
6lO HISTORY OF THE POPES.
though His Holiness is an austere man and one of few words,
he nevertheless shows great regard for me and an extraordinary
esteem." 1
So that Vasari might be able to devote himself entirely
to the making of the cartoons for the frescoes intended for
the antecameras of the Vatican, the subjects for which were
to be taken from the life of St. Peter, and the remaining
paintings in the Sala Regia, Lorenzo Sabbatini was charged
to complete the little that was still wanting to the picture in
commemoration of the naval victory of Lepanto in the Sala
Regia. Vasari worked with his customary rapidity, so that
by February the Pope could already be shown several
cartoons. Gregory was highly delighted with the artist s
work, and showed the greatest anxiety about his health.
Vasari himself was in the highest spirits. Six Popes, he
wrote to a friend, had so far employed twelve painters in
the Sala Regia, and he himself was the thirteenth. 2 In
March, 1573, three of the frescoes were completely finished,
and the others half done. In the following month only one
picture was still wanting, and when the news came in April
of the dissolution of the league against the Turks, the Pope
seemed at first inclined to do away with the fresco showing
the united fleets of the Spaniards, Venetians and the Holy
See, though he quickly gave up this idea. During the same
month the new marble paving was laid in the Sala Regia,
with the Pope s arms, and the inscriptions for Varsari s frescoes
were set up. On the feast of Corpus Christi it was possible
to throw open this work, which had taken thirteen months. 3
Even more than to Vasari s frescoes dealing with the history
of the Popes, such as the excommunication of Frederick II.
by Gregory IX. and the return of Gregory XI. from Avignon, 4
1 See GAVE, III., 341, 343 seq., 345 ; VASARI, VIII., 481 seq.
2 See GAYE, III., 361 seq.
3 See ibid., 368, 370, 375. For the marble flooring see BAGLIONE,
j, and Arch. Rom., XXIII., 59, where will also be found the
inscription of 1573.
4 See BAGLIONE, 13. Cf. BARBIER, II., 6 seqq. In his letters
(GAYE, III., 365, 370) Vasari always speaks of " sei cartoni grandi
delle 6 stone/ but I could not verify the sixth fresco,
HISTORICAL FRESCOES. 6ll
has attention been directed to his three pictures dealing with
the massacre of St. Bartholomew. On the right of the entrance
to the Sistine Chapel is a picture showing Coligny, the
Huguenot leader, being taken away mortally wounded, and
on the neighbouring right wall leading to the Pauline Chapel
are shown the massacre of the Huguenots, and the justification
of Charles IX. by the Parliament for that deed. 1
Lorenzo Sabbatini had completed his work at the same
time ; in the front portion of the great picture of the fleet he
had painted three allegorical figures, and in that of the naval
battle the figure of religion, which rises above the defeated
Turks, carrying the cross in one hand and the chalice in the
other. 2 In the small pictures in the Sala Regia, Orazio
Sammachini celebrated the donation of Luitprand, King of
the Lombards, to the Roman Church. 3 Marco da Siena
painted the restoration by Otho the Great of the provinces
taken by Berengarius from the Holy See, and Livio Agresti
da Forli the investiture of King Peter II. of Aragon by
Innocent III. 4 All these frescoes are only mediocre works.
1 In a letter of December 12, 1572, to Francesco de Medici
(given in GAVE, III., 350) Vasari described the frescoes in which
he desired to depict the " storie degli Ugonotti." The explanatory
inscriptions, grown almost illegible by the lapse of time (cf.
KEYSZLER, Reisen, I., 788) were copied, in the time of Sixtus V.,
by the author of the description of Rome in the Cod. Barb., XXX.,
89 ; and according to him, they read as follows : i. G. Colignius
Amiralius accepto vulnere domi defertur ; 2. Colignii et suorum
caedes ; 3. Rex Colignii necera pro bat (see Arch. Rom., VI., 455).
At a later date A. Buchellius read the inscriptions with almost
exactly the same result (see ibid., XXIII., 62). And that settles
once and for all the reading given by anti- Jesuit and anti-Catholic
pamphlets : " Pontifex Colignii necem probat," which, though
long ago stigmatized as a malicious forgery by DUHR (Jesuiten-
fabeln 2 , 191), was nevertheless still accepted as genuine by Wachler,
Froude, Forneron and Polenz.
2 See BAGLIONE, 17.
3 See TAJ A, 18 seq.
4 See BAGLIONE, 18 ; TAJA, 15 seq., 17. Picture in Voss,
Malerei der Spat-Renaissance, II., 551.
6l2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
They are surrounded by heavily painted and elaborate frames,
held up by plastic figures : "in these frames one is oppressed
by the multiplicity of pinnacles and volutes, and figures full
of life and movement, the whole without any particular
connexion with the pictures." 1 These frescoes are, however,
very interesting on account of the idea they give of the still
substantially medieval views of ecclesiastical politics held
at that time at the Roman court, and its conception of the
position of the Papal State ; they are characteristic of the
period of Catholic restoration ; on the walls of the splendid
hall intended for the solemn ceremony of making the
obedientia on the part of the Catholic princes, it was thought
only fitting to represent the dominant power of the Church,
and the victories of the Papacy. 2
By the Pope s wish Vasari also made the designs for the
decoration of the ceiling and walls of the Pauline Chapel ; 3
their execution was entrusted to Lorenzo Sabbatini. In three
frescoes the latter painted the stoning of St. Stephen, St.
Paul disputing with Simon Magus, and the Apostle of the
Gentiles being cured of his blindness by the hands of Ananias.
A fourth painting, the baptism of St. Paul, was the work of
1 See POSSE in the Jahrbuch derpreuss. KunstsammL, XL. (1919),
128.
2 " Ecclesia mill tans and Ecclesia triumphans " was the pro
gramme says ESCHER in the Repeat, fur Kunstwissenschaft, XLI.
(1918), 1 08. " No attempt is made to tell a story, for the episodes
are not arranged in chronological order, but each one has for its
sole object the creating of an impression which gives unity to the
whole." A hitherto unknown *programme for the paintings in
the Sala Regia points out that these paintings must be in keeping
with the purpose for which the place is used. " Et perche nella
Sala Regia gli Imperatori et Re christiani publicamente rendono
obedienza al Pontefice Romano ... si dovesse dipingere alcun
fatto o historia memorabile che rappresentasse la debita sugettione
et inferiorita del principato terreno verso il sacerdotio." The
author quotes examples from the Old Testament and from church
history (Constantine and Pope Silvester, Charlemagne and
Leo III.). Vatic. 7031, pp. 280-1, Vatican Library.
3 KALLAB, Vasari-Studien, 135.
HALLS IN THE VATICAN. 613
Federico Zuccaro, who also painted the pictures on the ceiling. 1
The angels bearing torches round the arms of Gregory XIII.
are the work of Prospero Bresciano. 2 The works of sculpture
in the Pauline Chapel were entirely finished by the beginning
of I585- 3
The restoration of the pictures in the Sala de Palafrenieri
was undertaken by Pietro de Santi, Pietro Comotto and the
young Giuseppe Cesari d Arpino. 4 The Sala de Paramenti
also was given an elaborate new ceiling. 5 At the entrance
to the Hall of Consistories, in which Muziano had painted
the Descent of the Holy Ghost, there arose a loggia decorated
with paintings and stucco work. 6 The Sicilian, Tomaso
Laureti, was summoned from Bologna to complete the
decoration of the ceiling of the Hall of Constantine. Laureti
had made his name not only by his altar-pieces, but also by
his architectural perspective paintings. The Pope, who was
especially fond of this new style of decoration, honoured him
almost as a prince. 7 These works were at their height in
the last year of the pontificate of Gregory. 8 On the great
1 See, in the Appendix No. 1 1 , the *Memorie sulle pitture et
fabriche, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Cf. CIAPPI, 7, and
BAGLIONE, 117, and also TAJ A, 68 seq. With regard to Vasari see
THEINER, I., 202, 411. Numerous *payments for the decoration
of the Capella Paolina in the Tesor. segr. of the year 1580, Papal
Secret Archives.
2 See BAGLIONE, 40 ; THIEME, I., 155.
3 The Pope inspected them on Thursday says the *Avviso di
Roma of January 5, 1585. Urb. 1053, p. 7 b , Vatican Library.
4 See LANCIANI, IV., 60. Cf. PLATNER, II., i, 379, who says
that Zuccaro was employed.
5 See PISTOLESI, II., 37, and plate VIII.
6 See CIAPPI, 6 ; BAGLIONE, 5, 48.
7 See BAGLIONE, 68.
8 See *Avviso di Roma of December 5, 1584, Urb. 1052, p. 480,
Vatican Library. Cf. BAGLIONE, 68 ; CIAPPI, 6. On December
7, 1584, Odescalchi *reported that P. Toledo preached yesterday
in the " Sala dell udienze publiche, facendosi hora accomodare la
suffito della sala di Costantino, che andava in ruina." Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
614 HISTORY QF THE POPES.
wall of the Hall, in the fresco of the Donation of Constantino,
the Emperor is shown in the act of giving to Pope Sylvester a
golden statue of Rome. So as to depict the magnitude of
the gift, Laureti painted on the ceiling, in the form of allegori
cal female figures, the eight provinces of Italy with appropriate
emblems and inscriptions, and facing the windows
personifications of the islands of Sicily and Corsica. On the
:eiling were also shown, by means of globes, Europe, Asia
and Africa, the Papal insignia, and allegorical emblems of
the virtues of Gregory XIII. In the centre Laureti intended
to commemorate the destruction of paganism by Constantine.
While the work was still going on the Pope died, and his
successor completed the fresco in a different way. 1
The northern part of the Loggia, on the first floor of the
Cortile of S. Damaso, was decorated by Niccolo dalle
Pomarancie and other artists, with grotesque paintings, 2
the variety of which, when contrasted with the western part,
carried out under Leo X., by Giovanni da Udine, well shows
the decadence in art. This contrast is also clearly shown
on the second floor, in the continuation of the Loggie of
Raphael undertaken by Lorenzo Sabbatini, and after his
death by Ottaviano Mascherino. 3 The paintings on the
ceilings, representing scenes from the New Testament, as
well as the arabesques and festoons of fruit, painted by Marco
da Faenza, 4 are but mediocre works, 5
The new apartments of the Pope adjoined the Loggie,
and were very spacious. 6 For the private chapel Muziano
1 See the *Memorie in the Appendix No. 1 1 , Boncompagni
Archives, Rome.
2 See BAGLIONE, 38 ; TAJ A, 130 seq. t 132 seq.
8 Cf. OJETTI in the Atti e Mem. d. Accad. di S. Luca, Ann.,
1913-4, 89 seq., where will also be found a picture of the frescos
which are valued too highly by Ojetti.
4 See BAGLIONE, 21.
6 Detailed description in TAJ A, 174 seq.
They constitute almost a palace in themselves, is the
exaggerated comment of Cardinal Galli in his *Memorie (see
Appendix No. 28, Vol. XIX.), Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
PAINTERS IN ROME, 615
painted the altar-piece, the miraculous feeding of Paul the
Hermit and Antony by a raven. 1
Gregory had scenes from the life of St. Peter painted on the
walls of the staircase leading from the first to the second
floor of the Loggie. These, as well as other paintings on the
stairs of the Vatican, are the work of Donato da Formello, a
disciple of Vasari. 2 Gregory had the north-west gallery on
the third floor of the Loggie finished by Martino Lunghi, and
had the second series of arches decorated with paintings
and stucco work in the heavy taste of the day under the
supervision of Lorenzo Sabbatini. 3
Matthieu Bril and Antonio Tempesta painted there that
picture which is so important for the topography of Rome,
the translation of the relics of St. Gregory Nazianzen to the
church of St. Peter s. 4 Of special interest are the numerous
inscriptions placed on the vaulting of the ceiling, recording
the buildings and more important events of the long pontificate
of Gregory XIII. ; 5 an inscription in gold letters records the
reform of the calendar. 6 These were composed by a
Dominican, Tomaso Fazello, a celebrated authority upon
Sicily. The Pope criticized the fact that several building
works were attributed to him which had never been carried
out. 7
The direction of the decoration of the so-called Sala
1 Cf. TAJA, 197 seq. ; MORONI, IX., 158. The chapel is now
used as the Papal chamber for Relics.
2 See BAGLIONE, 15 ; THIEME, IX., 425.
3 See, in the Appendix No. n, the *Memorie sulle pitture et
fabriche, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Cf. LETAROUILLY, I.,
Cour de Loges tab. 46-7.
4 See BAGLIONE, 201 ; THIEME, V., 16 ; MAYER, Die Briider
M. und P. Brill, 6 seq., and plate i. Cf. supra, p. 571, n. i.
6 Reproduced in FORCELLA, VI., 93 seq., and LANCIANI, IV., 49.
Detailed description in TAJA, 255 seq. Cf. BARBIER, II.,
74 seW-
6 Reproduced in CIAPPI, 85. Cf. FORCELLA, VI., 92.
7 See *the notes of T. Fazello in the Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
6l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Bolognese 1 on the third floor of the Vatican, as well as the
above mentioned second series of arcades on the same floor,
was entrusted to Lorenzo Sabbatini. The foreshortened
architecture of the vaulted ceiling, which is open to the sky,
was painted by Ottaviano Mascherino with the signs of the
zodiac ; the figures of celebrated astronomers and geographers
which people the landscape, are the work of Sabbatini himself.
Gregory also had the walls decorated. The brothers
Cherubino and Giovanni Alberti painted on the entrance
wall a plan of Bologna and its neighbourhood, with detailed
reproductions of the buildings of that city ; there is also the
concession of the decretals by Gregory IX., and the conferring
of privileges upon the University of Bologna by Boniface VIII. 2
Contemporaries admired above everything else the so-called
Galleria Geografica in the Vatican. This name was given to
the first half of the corridor in the Belvedere, 120 metres in
length, which was completed in the time of Gregory XIII.
by Ottaviano Mascherino, 3 and which is on the second floor
of the western part of the Vatican. From this seventeen
windows open, on the east to the cortile of the Belvedere,
and on the west to the Vatican gardens. The name was
derived from the geographical maps which were painted on
the surface of the walls between the windows. This, however,
forms only one part of the decoration of the long gallery,
which is magnificently decorated from ceiling to floor with
1 The " Sala detta la Bologna " was used, up to the time of
Pius X., as a picture-gallery ; and is still well remembered by
older travellers to Rome. Its floor bears the inscription :
Gregorius XIII., &c. A lubilei, 1575.
2 See, in the Appendix No. n, the *Memorie sulle pitture et
fabriche, Boncompagni Archives, Rome, as also TAJA, 497 seq.,
and Atti e Mem. p. I., stor. d. Romagna, 3. Series XIII., 158 seq.
Cf. also POSSE in the Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunstsamml., XL.
(1919), 133.
3 See, in the Appendix No. n, the *Memorie sulle pitture et
fabriche (loc. cit.) which considerably supplement the particulars
given by Baglione. The work had already been begun in 1580 ;
see BELTRAMI, 36.
THE GALLERY OF MAPS. 617
paintings, inscriptions and stucco work. 1 The ceiling, which
is painted after the designs of Girolamo Muziano, Cesare
Nebbia and others, 2 consists of historical pictures, arabesques
and landscapes. There may be seen side by side and in great
variety scenes from the lives of St. John the Baptist, the
Princes of the Apostles, Popes Sylvester I. and Leo the Great,
St. Benedict, St. Severus, St. Romuald and St. Bernadine.
There is also an episode from the life of St. Peter Damian
and the election of Celestine V. The restless impression of
the whole is increased by the fact that at first the spectator
cannot understand the connexion between the pictures. But
an inscription 3 warns him that there are depicted those events
which occurred in the places indicated in the adjoining
geographical maps. It is above all these maps which attract
the attention of the visitor. In all there are no less than
forty, sixteen gigantic maps all round, others in the spaces
between the windows, and four smaller ones near the two
doors in the shorter walls. These are the work of the
Dominican, Ignazio Danti, who had been professor of
mathematics at Bologna since 1576.
Danti had a great reputation as an astronomer, mathe
matician, engineer and cartographer, and, as the editor of
1 See the description in TAJA, 283 seq., PISTOLESI, VI., 164 seqq.,
CHATTARD, II., 272 seq., and BARBIER, II., 140 seqq., though they
completely ignore the actual contents of the maps. For this
see the excellent article by E. SCHMIDT, Die Galleria geografica
des Vatikans, in Hettner s Geogr. Zeitschrift, XVII. (1911), 506 seq.
See also E. MACCARI, Targhe e disegni d. carte geografiche nel
Vaticano, Roma (no date 14 maps) and A. MELANI in Arte Ital.
decorat. ed industr., XV. (1906), 13 seq. ; also BESNIER in the Mel.
d archeol., XX., 295 seq., who expressly draws attention to the
fact that the maps were substantially altered at the time of the
restoration by Urban VIII.
2 See, in the Appendix No. n, the *Memorie sulle pitture et
fabriche, loc. cit. According to BAGLIONE, 16, 17, 38, 41, 48, 54,
no, Jacopo Sementa, Lor. Sabbatini, Nice, dalle Pomerancie,
Matteo da Siena and others were employed in Galleria Geografica.
3 See CIACONIUS, IV., 22. Cf. FORCELLA, VI., 85.
6l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the " optics " of Euclid and the " perspective " of Vignola
was also connected with sculpture. 1 He perfected his
measuring instruments to such an extent that he was able
to produce a widely admired plan of the territory of Perugia,
which he painted upon the wall of the great hall of the Palazzo
del Governo. 2 This work led Gregory XIII. to commission
the learned friar to make a map of the whole of the Papal
States. In 1580 Danti went to Rome, where he took part
in the discussions of the reform of the calendar, 3 and received
orders from the Pope to produce in large maps in the corridor
in the Vatican a true representation of the whole of the Papal
States. 4
How strong a hold the idea of the temporal possessions of
the Church had is seen from the fact that even Avignon is
1 Cf. VASARI, VII., 633 seq. ; BAGLIONE, 53 seq. ; MARCHESE,
Mem. dei pittori domenicani, II., Bologna, 1879, 351 seq. ;
PODESTA in the Riv. Europ., VIII., 2. (1877), 41 seq. ; J. DEL
BADIA in the Rassegna Nag., 1881 ; V. PALMERI in the Bollett. d.
deput. di storia per I Umbria, V. (1899) ; E. SCHMIDT, Die Galleria
geografica, loc. cit., 503 seq. ; RIZZATTI, Perugia, Bologna, 1911,
151 ; THIEME, VIII., 380 seq. ; Mel. d archJol.. XX., 292 seq. ;
V. SCHLOSSER, Materialien zur Quellenkunde der Kunstgeschichte,
Vienna, 1919, 49, 82. The Vatic. 5647 contains : Fr. Egnatius,
ord. praed., *Anemographia in Anemoscopium Vaticanum
horizontale ac verticale instrumentum ostensorem ventorum ad
Gregorium XIII., Vatican Library.
2 Giov. Pietro Ghislieri says, in his *Relatione della Romagna,
that he transmitted to Danti the order to undertake this work.
Urb. 831, p. 85, Vatican Library.
8 Cf. Vol. XIX., p. 285. MORONI S statement (L.,262), taken from
SCHMID (Kalenderreform, 415), that Gregory XIII. recognized
the errors in the Julian Calendar from the meridian constructed
by Danti in the Torre de Venti is probably a story without
foundation.
4 Interesting from a chronological point of view is the statement
of L. Jacobilli, *Croniche di Foligno : " 1581 di Gennaio per
ordine del Papa si mando da Foligno a Roma la pianta della citta
e territorio per poner nella Galleria." Manuscript in the possession
of Mgr. Faloci Pulignani at Foligno.
THE GALLERY OF MAPS.
included, and that to all the places recovered by Pius V.
and Gregory XIII. the arms of those Popes are attached.
The original commission for the reproduction of the Papal
States was soon extended to that of the whole of Italy. Besides
the division into states, Danti also worked upon geographical
lines. The Appenines serve as the main line of division ; on
one wall may be seen the districts beyond the great mountain
range, and on the other those on the nearer side. Italy is
here shown by a symbolical figure with a crown upon her
head, in her right hand the horn of plenty, in her left a spear,
while at her feet are the two rivers/the Po and the Adige. 1
If one considers the tremendous cartographical work which
was thus produced, it is easy to understand how Danti, even
though he had assistants to help him, required three years
hard work to produce it. 2
Danti carried out his task in great detail. He himself
was responsible for all the measurements, the outlines of the
sea-coasts, the courses of the rivers, canals and roads, as
well as the marking of places, and the plans of the cities.
He obtained a large number of drawings from Venice. 3 The
pictorial execution of these designs as well as the rest of the
decoration, he left to his assistants, although he super
intended the whole work with the greatest care ; 4 when the
great work was approaching completion in 1583 the learned
Dominican was appointed Bishop of Alatri, 5 a recompense
which he had certainly deserved. His gigantic work in the
Galleria Geografica is not, however, free from defects ; these
are especially due to the fact that the maps had as their first
1 Picture in the Arch. p. I Alto Adige, IX. (1914). 6l -
2 See E. SCHMIDT, loc. cit., 506. Cf. BERTOLOTTI, Art.
Bolognesi, 50 seq. MONTAIGNE (I., 236) thought in January, 1581,
that the gallery was near completion.
3 Cf. *Bolognetti s letter to Galli dated Venice, November 19,
1580, Nunziat. di Venezia, XXL, 582, Papal Secret Archives.
4 See E. SCHMIDT, loc. cit., 514. For the Dominicans as
assistants to Danti see MARCHESE, II., 374.
6 He died there in 1586; see UGHELLI, I. Cf. Lettere di
Bernardo Baldo, Parma, 1873, 26.
620 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
object their artistic effect, though no one can deny to them
many excellences, as for example the exact configuration of
the coasts of Italy. In his treatment of the cities Danti
followed the taste of his times, which demanded not so much
a plan as a general picture of the cities in question ; thus,
although in the case of the larger cities we have a plan, it
nevertheless has rather the character of a general view, by
reason of the bringing into prominence of the principal
buildings, so that the strictly topographical value of the plan
undoubtedly suffers. Rome, Bologna and other important
cities have special mapis to themselves, which either fill the
small spaces near the doors, or are inserted in the margins of
the larger ones in frames of their own. 1
Danti sought to avoid the monotony of the large maps
which extend from the ceiling to the floor, by filling the sea
with sea-horses, dolphins, marine divinities and mythological
animals, while he introduces historical episodes near the cities
and in various districts. Moreover, the numerous inscriptions,
with their richly coloured characters, the points of the
compass, which are to be seen in every map, and which stand
out effectively upon the blue of the sea, give to the whole
work a decorative character ; moreover, the large frames
of the maps are adorned with a profusion of cupids, and
allegorical personifications of each region in accordance with
the taste of the times. But in spite of this predominance
of the artistic point of view, the cartographical work of Danti,
taken altogether, is an important geographical landmark of
the late Renaissance. 2 Travelling was a difficult matter in
those days and not devoid of danger, so that representations
1 See E. SCHMIDT, Die Galleria geografica, loc. cit., 507 seq., 519,
who was the first to give an expert appreciation of the work of
Danti. Cf. BERTOLINI, L autore della epigrafa alia carta delle
Marche nella Galleria d. carte geogr. al Vaticano, in the Bollett. d.
Soc. Geograf. Ital., 5. Series, Vol. 10. For the representation of
the so-called Alto-Adige district see TOLOMEI, in the Arch. p.
I Alto Adige, IX. (1914). 60 seq. A complete publication of all
the maps is being prepared by A. Grossi-Gondi and B. Nogara.
2 See E. SCHMIDT, loc. cit., 509, 511, 514, 516.
THE "TOWER OF THE WINDS." 621
of foreign places and cities, which were beyond people s
personal experience, were all the more welcome. For this
reason the gallery justly excited the admiration of con
temporaries, 1 and was even celebrated in verse ; 2 it is
undoubtedly a magnificent work of its kind. 3 From the first,
the expense involved had been very large, 4 but this did not
restrain Gregory XIII. from erecting, in the middle of the
Belvedere galleries, at the hands of Ottaviano Mascherino,
yet another building, the so-called " Tower of the Winds " 5
which was seventy-three metres in height : this was to serve
as an astronomical observatory. 6 The arms of Gregory XIII.
adorn the principal fasade. The dragon of the Boncompagni
may also be seen in the loggia of the tower which Urban VIII.
had transformed into a hall, which contains the celebrated
meridian of Rome attributed to Danti. The walls were
adorned with frescoes by Niccolo dalle Pomarancie and the
Dutch landscape painter, Matthieu Bril. 7
These works at the Vatican, where the building operations
made residence difficult for the time being, 8 and still more the
1 Cf. CORRARO, 274, and, in the Appendix No. 28, Vol. XIX.,
the *Memorie of Cardinal Galli, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
2 See the poem which praises the magnificent view from the
gallery : *Ambulatio Gregoriana in the Cod. D. 8 of the Boncom
pagni Archives, Rome.
3 According to H. Voss, Malerei der Spat-Renaissance, II., 431.
4 The " spesa eccessiva nel corridore di Belvedere " is mentioned
by the *Avviso di Roma of December 24, 1580, Urb. 1048, p. 432 b ,
Vatican Library.
5 See CIAPPI, 7.
6 Cf. F. DENZA, Cenni storici sulla Specola Vaticana, in the
Pubblicaz. d. Specola Vatic., I., Roma, 1891, 13 seq.
7 G. AURELI (La Specola Vaticana, in the Rassegna Internaz.,
XI. (1902). 4 seq.} ascribes the paintings to Zuccaro. I follow
the very well informed *Memorie sulle pitture et fabrichr,
Boncompagni Archives, Rome ; see Appendix No. n.
8 *" Essendo sottosopra il Vaticano per le nuove fabriche, che
fa fare il Papa -per un altro pezzo si potrebbe godere il Palazzo
di S. Marco et fare il S. Martino a Montecavallo," says the Avviso
di Roma of October 7, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 396, Vatican Library.
622 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
bad climate that prevails there in the hot months, suggested
to Gregory XIII. that he should pass the summers of 1572
and 1573 at the palace of S. Marco. 1 While he was there he
frequently visited the splendid palace of Cardinal Este on
the western slope of the Quirinal. From its owners, the
Neapolitan family of the Carafa, the villa bore the name of
the Vigna di Napoli ; it was leased by the Carafa, first to the
Farnese and later on to the Este. 2 Doctors recommended
Montecavallo, as the Quirinal was then called, for its healthy
climate. 3 It also enjoyed a splendid view over the city
and the Campagna, and it is no wonder that Gregory XIII.
was attracted by that locality. On the occasion of one of his
visits, on October 4th, 1573, he expressed his intention of
building a palace on the hill for use in the hot season. 4 For
this purpose he had to buy one of the villas, but he had to take
into account that this would involve a cost of 50,000 scudi. 5
It was probably the question of expense that delayed the
carrying out of this plan. When the Pope again chose the
Quirinal for his residence in the following year, he availed
himself of the hospitality of Cardinal Este ; on August 3oth
he held a consistory in the latter s splendid villa. 6 He again
stayed at the villa of the Cardinal in the autumn of 1575. 7
It was almost a whole decade later that Gregory XIII.
once again returned to the wish which he had expressed in
J 573 \ at the end of May, 1583, it was learned in Rome that
the erection of a palace had been decided upon, on the estate
of Cardinal Este, facing on the Via Pia, and that 23,000 scudi
1 See DENGEL, Palazzo di Venezia, Vienna, 1909, 107 seq.
2 Cf. HULSEN, Romische Antikengarten, Heidelberg, 1917,
85 seq.
3 Cf. CANCELLIERI, Lettera sopra il tarantismo, 31.
4 See Avvisi-Caetani, 69.
6 See *Avviso di Roma of October 24, 1573, Urb. 1043, p. 319,
Vatican Library.
6 See MUCANTIUS *Diarium, Papal Secret Archives ; SANTORI,
Diario concist., XXIV., 246.
7 Cf. OJETTI in the Atti e Mem. d. Accad. di S. Luca, Ann.,
1913-4. I0 4-
THE QUIRINAL. 623
had already been expended for that purpose. 1 By the middle
of June the work was in full progress, and was being pushed
forward with the greatest energy ; z the question of the neces
sary water supply was already under consideration. 3 The
direction of the work was placed in the hands of Ottaviano
Mascherino ; 4 the great cost at first alarmed Gregory, 5 but
in the end he allotted the necessary sums, and hoped to be
1 *Si dice per la corte che N.S. habbia ordinato che si faccia
un bel palazzo a Monte Cavallo nel giadino del s. card. d Este su
la strada Pia et che per questo conto S. B ne habbia destinati
22,000 scudi. Memorandum of Odescalchi dated Rome, May 21,
J 583, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. This report, confirmed by the
*Avviso di Roma of May 21, 1583 (Urb. 1051, p. 228, Vatican
Library), and the hitherto unknown documents quoted below
throw a certain amount of light on the history of how the Papal
palace on the Quirinal came into being. The matter has always
been obscure even to LANCIANI (IV., 92 seq.), who is the best
authority on such subjects. HULSEN (loc. cit., 88) rightly remarks
that the usual statement that the building was begun in 1574
cannot be correct.
2 Odescalchi *reported on June 18, 1583, that the Pope was
causing the work on the new palace to be carried out " a
furia."
3 Cf. the *Avvisi di Roma of May 28 and June 4, 1583, Urb.
1051, pp. 233, 239. In the first one of these it says : " N.S. re fa
aggiongere grandi stanze alia vigna del s. card. d Este a Monte-
cavallo con pensiero di farvi condurre anco certa acqua
grossa di Salone con render quel luogo amenissimo da che si
conosce che si aper habitarlo molti mesi dell anno." Vatican
Library.
4 See BAGLIONE, 5 and 93 seq. \ cf. 64 for the part played by
Martino Lunghi. See also OJETTI, loc. cit. M. DE BENEDETTI
(Palazzi e Ville Reali d Italia, I., Firenze, 1911, 16) describes
Flaminio Ponzio as the first architect of the Quirinal under
Gregory XIII.
5 When the architects declared that 8,000 scudi would be
sufficient for the new building, Gregory XIII. said that an annual
payment of 1,000 scudi was too much, from which it was concluded
that the Pope hoped to live for eight years more, *Avviso di Roma
of June i, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 237, Vatican Library.
624 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
able to make use of his new residence in the autumn. 1 In
October he brought pressure to bear to hasten the work, 2
but when he went for a week to the Quirinal in January, 1584,
he had to stay with Cardinal Este, as the new Papal palace
was not yet fit for habitation. 3 In the same month the
number of the workmen was increased, so that until March
the work advanced rapidly. 4 At the end of May it was said
that the Pope intended to add a lofty tower to the palace,
which would afford a view, not only of the city of the seven
hills, but also of the whole surrounding country as far as the
sea. 5 When Gregory had, as before, passed the summer in
the Palace of S. Marco, 6 he visited the new building in the
autumn and found it so far advanced that he could at last
make use of it. The north part, with its lofty loggia, and
its beautiful winding staircases, was finished, but the interior
decoration was still to a great extent lacking. 7 Moreover,
1 *Ha applicato (il Papa) tufti li denari delle composition!, che
si davano a loughi pii, alia fabrica di Monte Cavallo volendo
S.S tdl che sia finita et habitabile al prossimo autumno. Avviso
di Roma of June 25, 1583, Urb. 1051, p. 263, Vatican Library.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of October 12, 1583, ibid., p. 423.
3 See *Odescalchi s memorandum of January 14, 1584, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
4 See the *Avvisi di Roma of January n and 21, 1584, Urb.
1052, pp. 13 and 31. In the first one it says : Yesterday the
Pope went to the villa of Cardinal Este, " essendo la fabrica nuova
in quel sito sort ain un tratto maravigliosamente da fundamenti,
ma per un pezzo sara inhabitabile per S.S tdl ." Cf. also the
* Avviso di Roma of January 25, 1584, Vatican Library.
Odescalchi *reported on March 3, 1584, that the Pope remained
until yesterday at Montecavallo, " essendo hormai quella fabrica
ridotta a bellissimo termine d habitatione." Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua. The setting aside of 4,000 scudi for the building is
reported in an *Avviso di Roma of March 7, 1584, Urb. 1052, p. 83,
Vatican Library.
6 See the *Avviso di Roma of May 30, 1584, ibid., p. 207
(Appendix No. 9).
6 Cf. DENGEL, Palazzo di Venezia, 108.
7 See BAGLIONE, 5 ; ibid., 67, for the paintings of Giov. Albert!
in the Quirinal. Cf. HULSEN, loc. cit., 88.
THE QUIRINAL. 625
the whole building was too small to house a large court. The
Pope therefore only made short stays in the palace ; for
example, at the end of September 1 and of November, 1584, 2
and in January, 1585, on which occasions he was accustomed
to walk in the adjoining garden 3 until nightfall. The property
and land upon which the palace stood still belonged to the
Carafa, though it was leased to Cardinal Este. The relations
of the Pope with Este were disturbed for a time by the excesses
of the turbulent retinue of the Cardinal, who claimed immunity
for them, 4 but at the end of the pontificate they were again
on good terms. In June, 1584, Gregory expressed his
intention of leaving the new palace to Cardinal Este in his
will. 1
The regular and frequent stays which he made in the
delightful hills of Frascati, led the Pope to establish a parish
and a small cathedral in honour of St. Gregory at the neigh
bouring Monte Porzio. 6 He also caused Martino Lunghi to
build a new church for the Capuchins at Frascati. 7 This
1 See "Odescalchi s report of September 22, 1584, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
2 See *Sporeno s report of November 24, 1584 (the Pope betook
himself from the Vatican " ad novum a se conditum palatium ad
vineam Estensem "), Provincial Archives, Innsbruck).
3 See *Avvisodi Roma of January 12, 1585, Urb. 1053, PP- 18-19.
Here it is also mentioned that the contract for supplying water
to the Quirinal was ready. Vatican Library.
* See LE BRET, Geschichte Italiens, in the Haller Allg. Welthist.,
XLVI., 2, 312. Cf. supra, p. 528.
5 See, in the Appendix No. 10, the *Avviso di Roma of June 6,
1584. According to the *Avviso of June 18, 1583 (Urb. 1051,
p. 260) it was thought at the time that the Pope intended buying
the Villa Este, Vatican Library.
6 Cf. CIAPPI, 10 seq. ; GROSSI-GONDI, 56 ; HEMPEL, C. Rinaldi,
Munich, 1919, 65, and, in the Appendix No. 29, Vol. XIX.,
*Musotti s notes, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. The arms of
Gregory XIII. are still to be seen over the main gate of the
charmingly situated little town.
7 See, in the Appendix No. n, the *Memorie sulle pitture e
fabriche, Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
VOL. XX. 40
626 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
church, which was dedicated to St. Francis, occupied a fine
sight on the road leading to Tusculum. The name of the
Pope may still be read upon its simple facade. 1 A beautiful
Crucifixion by Muziano adorns the high altar, and two of the
chapels were founded by Cardinal Guastavillani. 2
On many occasions Gregory XIII. very seriously occupied
himself about the improvement oi the ports of the Papal
States. This was the case at Fiumicino, where there still
existed important remains of the ancient harbour ; 3 but
the silting up put such difficulties in the way of the works,
which were directed by Giovanni Fontana, that the project
had to be abandoned. 4 The Pope then directed his attention
all the more energetically to the improvement of the other
two ports in his States. On February 3rd, 1574, accompanied
by a number of engineers, he went to Civitavecchia for a stay
of ten days, 5 and gave orders for the harbour to be put into a
state of repair ; the fortifications there were also strengthened ;
the arms of Gregory and an inscription of 1584 on the rock
commemorates this. 6 Ten years earlier Gregory XIII. had
strengthened the fortifications at Ancona ; 7 the principal
1 " Sedente Gregorio XIII. P. M. a. iubil., 1575," and underneath
the Pope s arms ; over the entrance door : " Divo Francisco."
The church was added to later on, for the *Avviso di Roma of
June 27, 1579, reports : "II Papa fa fare alia Villa una bellissima
chiesa a PP. Cappuccini." Urb. 1047, p. 214, Vatican Library.
2 See CIACONIUS, IV., 6.
3 See the picture in the Galleria Geografica with the inscription :
Romani portus reliquiae A X Pontif. Gregorii XIII descriptae.
4 See KARTTUNEN, Gregoire XIII., p. 84 seq. For particulars
of Fontana s work in Fiumicino see BAGLTONE, 123.
5 See *Avviso di Roma of February 3, 1574, Urb. 1044, p. 35.
The *Avviso of December 18, 1574, reports that on Thursday the
Castellano " went to Civitavecchia to direct the work of fortifica
tion. Ibid., p. 319, Vatican Library. Cf. also BELTRAMI, 7, and
supra, pp. 549 seq.
6 Gregorius XIII. Pontif. Max. MDLXXIIII. Cf. CIAPPI, 10,
VENUTI, 145, BONANNI, I., 347, and supra, pp. 549 seq.
7 Cf. *Avviso di Roma of December 18, 1574, Urb. 1044, p. 3i8 b ,
Vatican Library. The plan goes back to the year 1572 ; see
BELTRAMI, 6,
ROADS AND BRIDGES. 627
works there, however, were in connexion with the repairs to
the harbour, upon which large sums were spent. 1 The
supreme direction of the works was in the hands of the Pope s
nephew, Giacorno Boncompagni. A tower on the sea shore
south of Terracina still bears witness to Gregory s zeal for
the fortification of the coasts. 2
In the interests of trade and communications, and above
all to facilitate access to Rome for the pilgrims, Gregory XIII.
ordered repairs of the bridges and roads in the Papal States.
The most important means of communication, the road from
Rome to Loreto and Ancona, was so radically improved that
henceforward it could be used even by carriages. At that time,
however, people still travelled for the most part on horseback,
and the use of carriages, already common in France, was
still the prerogative of the arLtocracy in Italy. The new
road, which, from its maker, bore the name, perpetuated in
a marble inscription, of the Via Boncompagni, was at once,
on account of its convenience and in spite of the detour
involved, made use of by the post which went by way of
Genoa to Spain. In consequence of the destruction of the
forests it also afforded the advantage of safety. 3 The ancient
Flaminian Way, which led to Rimini, 4 and the road from
Rome to Civitavecchia, were also repaired, and a canal
between Civitavecchia and the Eternal City was also projected. 5
1 See supra, p. 550. Cf. also CIAPPI, 9 seq.
2 The inscription, with the date 1573, on the tower which stands
on the road to Fondi was seen by me as recently as 1903 when
I was paying a visit to that district so much frequented by artists.
For Gregory XII I. s tower on the island in the Tiber see Arch.
ROM., XX., 77 seq.
3 See CORRARO, 274, CIAPPI, 9, and Taverna s *notes in the
Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Cf. KEYSZLER, II., 394 ;
HUBNER, I., 84 seq. ; KARTTUNEN, loc. cit., 86 seq., where will also
be found particulars of the improvements in the postal service
made by Gregory XIII.
4 See the inscription in the Arch. Row,, VII., 247. Cf. ibid.,
XXIII., 36, 42 ; KEYSZLER, II., 392.
5 Cf. NARDUCCI in the Atli d. Accad. dei -Lined, 4. Scries I.
(1885), 300 seq., where de Castro s Relazione is quoted from the
Boncompagni Archives.
628 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Closely allied with the making of roads was the repairing
of the bridges. Especially famous, because of its utility
and its beauty, was the Ponte Centino, near the Florentine
border, across the Paglia, a swift tributary of the Tiber, in
crossing which many people were drowned every year ; its
architect was Giovanni Fontana. Mention is also made of
the bridges over the Montone near Cesena and Forli. 1
At Loreto the Pope decorated the facade of the celebrated
sanctuary with marbles, and placed a bronze statue of the
Blessed Virgin in a niche over the entrance. He also sent to
the sanctuary the Golden Rose and rich vestments ; in the
city he built the Illyrian College and a palace for the lodging
of princely visitors. At Civita Castellana the apartments of
the castle were enlarged. At Tolfa the officials employed
in the alum mines were given new accommodation. The
sanctuaries of S. Maria della Ouercia near Viterbo, and of
S. Petronio at Bologna received rich gifts. 2 In his native
Bologna the Pope also subsidized the building of the cathedral, 3
and ordered the enlargement of the Palazzo Pubblico, 4 for
which Domenico Tibaldi made a new portal for the bronze
1 See Arch. Rom., XXIII., 32 ; KEYSZLER, II., 465 ; BAGLIONE,
123 ; VENUTI, 145. Cf. BONANNI, I., 346 seq. For the coins
mentioned by Bonanni, cf. PIPER, Mythologie der christl. Kunst I.,
2, Weimar, 1851, 556.
* See CIAPPI, 9 seq. ; MAFFEI, II., 393. The artist of the bronze
statue is mentioned in the *Memorie sulle pitture et fabriche
(Appendix No. n). Gregory XIII. visited the Madonna della
Quercia in September, 1578 (see Bussi, Viterbo, 319), and a present
from him followed in the next year ; see *Avviso di Roma of
June 27, 1579, Urb. 1047, p. 2i4 b , Vatican Library. An inscription
on the Rocca at Spoleto draws attention to the restoration carried
out there by Gregor}" XIII.
3 Cf. Atti d. Emilia, II. (1877), 196 seq., and, in the
Appendix No. 29, Vol. XIX., Musotti s notes, Boncompagni
Archives, Rome. The cathedral also received the Golden Rose ;
see *Avviso di Roma of March 22, 1578, Urb. 1046, p. 88, Vatican
Library.
4 See *Avviso di Roma of June 25, 1575, Urb. 1044, p.
476, ibid.
BUILDINGS OUTSIDE ITALY. 629
statue of Gregory XIII. executed by Alessandro Menganti. 1
An inscription on the Porta Gregoriana at Ravenna records
how the Pope had drained the marshes there, repaired the
Emilian Way, built a bridge and the gate itself, protected
Cervia from inundations, improved the salt works and
constructed the Porto Cesenatico. 2
Finally, the building works of Gregory XIII. extended
beyond the borders of Italy. Besides the fortification of
Avignon, 3 mention may be made of the seminaries and schools
erected at the Pope s expense at Vienna, Graz, Prague,
Olmiitz, Braunsberg, Fulda, Dillingen, Rheims, Pont-a-
Mousson, Wilna, and in far-off Japan. 4 It is not too much
to say that Gregory XIII. by his buildings, recalls the
versatility of the Popes of the Renaissance. 5 In this respect
the Boncompagni Pope surpassed his great successor, Sixtus V.,
who confined himself almost entirely to Rome. The work
which Sixtus accomplished there so strikes the observer that
1 FR. G. CAVAZZA, Delia statua di Gregorio XIII. sopra la porta
del Palazzo pubblico in Bologna, Bologna, 1888. Cf. BONANNI, I.,
341 ; THIEME, I., 259. Tibaldi s first rough sketch in the
Bollett. d Arte, VII. (1913), 282 seq. For the statue of Gregory
XIII. in Ascoli see C. G. CANTALAMESSA, Notizie storiche su una
statua di bronzo erettasi dalla citta di Ascoli nel sec. XVI. al
S. P. Gregorio XIII. , Roma, 1845.
2 See CIACONIUS, IV., 42. For the draining of the marshes cf.
Ghislieri s Relatione della Romagna (quoted supra, p. 518, n. 4),
Urb. 831, p. 12 i b , Vatican Library.
3 Cf. CIAPPI, 10.
4 Contemporaries rightly praised the numerous colleges ; cf.
Epistola ex Romana urbe in Germaniam missa, Ingolstadii, 1577.
Pictures of the colleges and other buildings of Gregory XIII. in
the new edition of Ciappi s Compendio which appeared in Rome
in 1596. A certain number of pictures also in the rare work :
Delle allusioni, imprese ed emblem! del s. Principio Fabricii da
Teramo sopra la vita e opere ed attioni di Gregorio XIII. P.M.
libri VI., nei quali sotto 1 allegoria del Drago, arme del detto
Pontefice, si descriveano la vera forma d un principe christiano
et altre cose, Roma, 1588.
6 See ESCHER, 12.
630 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the work ol his predecessor is driven into the background.
The same thing also holds good in man}/ respects of the
influence of Gregory XIII. in ecclesiastical matters, which
were nevertheless the centre of gravity of his long
pontificate.
Gregory XIII. found himself upon the threshold of old age
when he ascended the throne of St. Peter, yet he felt as
vigorous and strong as though he had been ten years younger. 1
As he came of a long-lived family, and was free from all disease, 2
he had every reason, considering his simple and strictly
regulated manner of life, to promise himself a long reign,
all the more so as, though he loved work, he did not neglect
to take the necessary recreation. 3 To balance the inevitable
annoyances and anxieties of his position, he had a calm
disposition and an equable temperament. 4
The Pope s vigour in 1574 filled the Imperial ambassador,
Cusano, with wonder, 5 and this continued in the years that
followed. 6 An illness in 1575 was thrown off with the same
1 Cf. his declaration in the consistory of June 26, 1573, in
SANTORI, Diario concist., XXIV., 136.
2 See *Franc. Mendoza s report of May 17, 1572, State Archives,
Vienna, and P. TIEPOLO, 212. Gregory XIII. had previously
only suffered from a certain weakness in the chest ; see *Speciani s
notes, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. *" II Papa e sano et di
buona complessione, mangia bene et dorme bene ne ha veruna
schinella," reports Franc. Strozzi on July 4, 1573, State Archives,
Vienna. Cf. also *Avviso di Roma of December 5, 1573, Urb.
1043, p. 338, Vatican Library.
3 Cf. Vol. XIX., 38 seq. See also Zuniga s report in the N.
Colecc de doc. ined., I., 154, III., 87.
4 See CORRARO, 273.
5 An *Avviso di Roma, sent in by Cusano and dated April 10,
1574, relates that Gregory XIII., after reading aloud the Bull
In coena Domini, hurled the candle to the ground with such force
" come se fosse giovane di 25 anni." State Archives, Vienna.
See also the *Avviso di Roma of September 8, 1574, State Archives,
Naples, C. FARNESE, 6.
6 Cf. *Aless. de Medici s report of June 17, 1575, State Archives,
Florence.
THE POPE S HEALTH. 63!
ease as a more serious indisposition in 1577. l The Pope is
now in better health than ever, the Mantuan envoy was able
to report at the beginning of June, 1577 ; in spite of the great
heat he was able to make the procession of Corpus Domini in
person. In the autumn he was in the best of health at the
Villa Altemps at Frascati. 2 In the January of the following
year Gregory, although it was very cold, visited the Seven
Churches. He went out in all weathers, sometimes so far as
to tire out much younger persons who accompanied him.
He always carried out all the religious functions. 3 In Holy
Week of 1579 an ambassador remarked that the Pope was as
well as though he had been only forty years of age. 4 In the
May Cardinals congratulated him on possessing such perfect
health at the beginning of the eighth year of his reign. Gregory
replied that they should give thanks to God, and pray Him
to make his life useful to religion and the Holy See. 5 When
the Pope returned from Frascati at the end of June, 1579,
for the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, he looked even better
1 For the " accidente " of 1575, see P. TIEPOLO, 212. For the
passing indisposition of 1577 see the *memoranda of P. Strozzi
of May 4, ii and 18, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and the *Avvis)
di Roma of May i and 8, Urb. 1045, pp. 281, 287, Vatican
Library.
2 See *Odescalchi s reports of June i, 10 and 22, and of
September 25, 1577, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. the *Avvisi
di Roma of June 29, July 19, and August 14, 1577, Urb. 1045,
pp. 439^ 472, 524, Vatican Library. A passing indisposition of
Gregory is referred to in an *Avviso di Roma of August 2, 1577,
State Archives, Modena.
3 In addition to A. TIEPOLO, 258, see also *Odescalchi s
memoranda of January n and December 28, 1578, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
4 *Memorandum of Odescalchi dat. " Sabbato santo 1579,"
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. ibid, the *reports of May 23
June 13 and 20, July 25, August 15, October 17, 1579, and the
*Avviso di Roma of February 21, 15 79, Urb. 1047, p. 56, Vatican
Library.
5 See * \vviso di Roma of May 30, 1579, ibid., p. 182.
632 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
than before. 1 At the beginning of April, 1580, the Mantuan
envoy reported that the Pope had borne all the tiring functions
of Holy Week so well that everyone was surprised ; during
the long singing he always assisted standing and quite motion
less, which was very wonderful in an old man of eighty years. 2
In the summer of 1584, the greater part of the inhabitants
of Rome were ill, and only the Pope remained entirely well. 3
In the autumn, during his stay at Mondragone, he took long
walks every day. 4
In the first half of 1581 Gregory surpassed in vigour many
who were younger than himself. 5 In the middle of August,
however, he began to surfer from a malady which, at first,
according to his wont, he tried to conceal, but his condition
was soon seen to be serious, 6 and he became worse in con
sequence of the anxieties occasioned by the prevalence of
brigandage. 7 Some of the Cardinals even began to prepare
1 *Report of Aless. de Medici of June 27, 1579, State Archives,
Florence.
2 "Odescalchi s memorandum of April 2, 1580, Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua. Cf. also *Aless. de Medici s report of March 12, 1580,
State Archives, Florence.
8 *Avviso di Roma of August 20, 1580, Urb. 1048, p. 259,
Vatican Library. Ibid., an *Avviso di Roma of April 30, 1580 :
On Thursday the Pope said his office in a room over the Hall of
Constantine ; he had scarcely left the room when there fell
" tetto e soffito con gran ruina."
4 Cf. the *Avviso di Roma, sent by Sporeno and dated September
1 6, 1580, Provincial Archives, Innsbruck, and ibid. Sporeno s
*report of September 24, 1580.
5 See (in addition to CORRARO, 273) *Odescalchi s report of
March 25, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, and Sporeno s
*memorandum of May 13, 1581, Provincial Archives, Innsbruck.
6 See the *Avvisi di Roma of August 16 and 19, 1581, Urb. 1049,
pp. 324, 326 seq., 331, Vatican Library, and P. Strozzi s *reports
of August 19 and 23, 1581, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf.
Lettres de P. de Foix, 103 seq., in seq., 115 seq., 117 seq.
7 See the *Avvisi di Roma of August 19 and October 7, 1581,
Urb. 1049, pp. 331, 389, Vatican Library. Cf. * Sporeno s repo r t
of August 19, 1581, Provincial Archives, Innsbruck.
THE POPE S HEALTH. 633
for a new election. 1 In addition to the attacks of fever, the
Pope suffered a good deal from asthma. Throughout the
whole of September his condition caused anxiety, though he
once again recovered. 2 In the middle of September the
Florentine ambassador described Gregory as a failing old man,
pale, and with a difficulty in speaking ; without a miracle,
he thought, the Pope will never be well again. 3 At the
beginning of October it was generally thought that a prophecy
of an astrologer, that the Pope would die on the i6th of the
month, would be verified. 4 Instead of that, however, on
October I4th, he was able, completely recovered, to go to his
villa at Frascati for a short stay, after having once again
resumed his public business. 5 The Venetian ambassador,
Corraro, thought that Gregory, who had already buried
thirty Cardinals younger than himself, might very well survive
another dozen. 6
In the winter before 1582 7 and during the summer that
followed, Gregory s health left nothing to be desired. 8 When
1 Cf. Lettres de P. de Foix, 123 seq. ; HERRE, 269 seq. ; HIRN,
II., 406.
"See *Avvisi di Roma of September 2, 7, 9, 13, 16 and 30,
1581, Urb. 1049, pp. 346, 356, 358, 360, 365, 378, Vatican Library,
Sporeno s "memoranda of September 2 and 8, 1581, Prov. Archives,
Innsbruck, and P. Strozzi s reports of September 16 and 30, 1581,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See also Lettres de P. de Foix,
127 seq. ; GROTTANELLI, Piccolomini, 59.
* See *Serguidi s report to the Grand Duke of Florence dat.
Rome, September 14, 1581, State Archives, Florence, Medic. 3605.
4 *Avviso di Roma of October 4, 1581, Urb. 1049, p. 387,
Vatican Library.
8 See the *Avvisi of October 14 and 21, 1581, ibid., pp. 395, 400 ;
P. Strozzi s "memorandum of October 14, 1581 (sta benissimo,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; Sporeno s "reports ot October 7, 14
and 21, 1581, Provincial Archives, Innsbruck.
6 CORRARO, 279.
7 See "Sporeno s reports of December 9, 1581, and January 6,
1582, Provincial Archives, Innsbruck.
* See "Odescalchi s reports of July 7 and 14, August 4 and 26,
September 16, 1582, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
634 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
an artist was painting his portrait at the end of July, 1582,
he was able, old though he was, to stand on his feet for an
hour and a half without resting for even a minute. 1 In
December his intimates thought they could detect a diminu
tion in his strength, 2 but any serious anxiety was shown to
be uncalled-for. An indisposition in February, 1583, quickly
disappeared, and in March the Pope assisted at all the functions
of Holy Week. In the summer he felt as well as ever he had
been, and when he came back from his villa in the autumn,
all Rome marvelled at his appearance. At Christmas he
took part in all the functions, except the midnight mass. 3
The same was the case in the Holy Week of 1584, and the
Pope even entertained the idea of undertaking the long
journey to Bologna. When his nephews proposed to him
that he should not himself pontificate on the feast of St. Peter
and St. Paul, he refused with a smile. With youthful energy,
and in spite of the great heat, he assisted at the function
at the church of the Jesuits on the feast of the Assumption.
He spent the autumn at his villa in the hills of Tusculum,
often going for walks, and at the same time devoting himself
to business. 4
The year 1585, the last of Gregory s life, opened with the
1 *Essendo venuto desiderio al Papa del ritratto della sua
persona stette in piedi un hora e mezza senza appogiarsi mai,
ragionando con mons. Datario mentre il pittore ne pigliava il
ritratto dicendo S.S 1 ^ di volerlo per lei medesima. Avviso di
Roma of July 28, 1582, Urb. 1051, p. 271, Vatican Library.
2 See *Avviso di Roma of December 9, 1582, Urb. 1050, p. 469,
ibid.
8 See the *Avvisi of February 5 and 9, April 9 and 13, August
31, October 8 and 15, 1583, Urb. 1051, pp. 56, 6/j, 162, 166, 361,
421, 427, ibid. *S mus adeo bene valet ut nemo audeat dicere
ilium annum 83 agere. Sporeno on July 23, 1583 ; cf. the *report
of December 24, 1583. Landesarchiv, Innsbruck.
4 See the *Avvisi of March 3 and 7, and June 27, 1584, Urb.
1052, p. 80 seq., 251, Vatican Library, and *Odescalchi s reports
of January 7 and 10, March 31, June 2, October 20, November 241)
1584, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf. Sporeno s "reports of
May 5, June 2 and 23, July 15, 21, 28, August 18, September 29,
October 20 and December i, 1584, Provincial Archives, Innsbruck.
ILLNESS OF THE POPE. 635
old man of eighty-four in absolutely good health. As before,
he took an active part in all kinds of affairs, and went for
his usual walks, especially in the loggia which he had built
at the Vatican. The Venetian ambassador, however, thought
he saw certain disquieting symptoms, though the general
opinion was that Gregory, like many of his ancestors, would
attain to the full measure of human life. 1 In the meantime
he assisted at all the ecclesiastical functions. He attended
indefatigably to public business, was present at consistories
and the Segnatura, and gave public and private audiences. 2
A cold which he contracted at the beginning of April had
all the worse effect upon the old man as he strictly limited
himself to the meagre fare of the time of abstinence. He
refused to adopt the precautions suggested by the doctors
even when they discovered on April 5th an inflammation of
the throat and some fever. 3 Notwithstanding a bad night, the
1 Cf. Sporeno s reports of January 12, February 2, March 2 and
23, 1585, ibid., and the Avviso in BELTRAMI, Roma, 52. See also
HUBNER, I., 132.
2 See *Odescalchi s reports of January 19 (N.S re sta con molta
salute et Roma con molta quiete) and March 7, 1585, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. An *Avviso of February 2, 1585, says, with
reference to the customary distribution of candles on Candlemas
Day, that the ceremony was performed by the Pope " con
promissione nella cera et nelli fatti di doverne dar tante (candele)
per 1 avvenire che bastano a far lume alia sepultura della meta
del collegio hora vivente." Vatican Library. See also Sporeno s
*report of January 26, 1585, Provincial Archives, Innsbruck.
3 For the last days of Gregory XIII. cf. the * notes made by
Musotti who was present at the death (Boncompagm Archives,
Rome) ; Mucantius, Diarium, in THEINER, III., 642 seq. ; SANTORI,
Autobiografia, XIII., 163 ; Priuli s reports of April TO and 12,
1585, in MUTINELLI, I., 157-8 ; C. Capilupi s *memorandum of
April 10, 1585, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; Sporeno s report of
April 10, 1585, Provincial Archives, Innsbruck ; *Avvisi di Roma
of April 10 and 13, 1585, Urt>. 1053, p. 145 seqq., 158 seqq., Vatican
Library ; MAFFEI, II., 423 seq. G. Masetti s report is given in
PETRUCELLI DELLA GATTINA, II., 237, with the wrong date. For
the doctors of Gregory XIII. see HAEFER, II. 3 , 52 ; MARINI, I.,
452 seq.
636 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
sick man celebrated mass in his private chapel on Sunday,
April 7th, and then assisted in the Sis tine Chapel and gave
some audiences. A consistory was held on the Monday
morning, and more audiences were given in the afternoon.
On the following day Gregory wished to be present at the
Segnatura Gratiae, but as during the night the catarrh had
become worse and his weakness had increased, the doctors
forced him to keep to his bed, to give up his rigorous fasting,
and to accept some fresh eggs. It was only very unwillingly
that the old man accepted this, as he had never allowed himself
any relaxation during the whole of his life. 1 On Wednesday,
April loth, he thought himself so much better that he regretted
this concession to his body. After taking a simple meal in
company with the Duke of Sora, he received Cardinals
Boncompagni and Guastavillani, with whom, walking up
and down his room, he discussed certain business concerning
the Papal States. The doctors declared that the catarrh,
from which he was still suffering, was not serious, so that the
Pope s entourage had no idea of grave danger. Only the
assistant physician, Michele Mercati, realized the true state
of affairs, and when he visited him after the Cardinals had
gone, he noticed an alarming diminution in his pulse and a
cold sweat. . There could be no doubt that he was in imminent
danger. Gregory received the news with complete calm,
and at once began to pray and to proclaim his desire to die
in the Catholic faith. The end came with equal suddenness
and rapidity ; there was only time to administer the sacra
ment of Extreme Unction to the Pope, who immediately
afterwards quietly breathed his last. 2
1 Cf. the following note.
2 Cf. *Priuli s memoranda of April 10 and 12, 1585, State
Archives, Venice, Roma, XIX. ; CIAPPI, 77 seq. Anatomical
examination of the body disclosed " le fauci et quei meati della
gola pieni di materia catarale et viscosa, il petto tutto infocato,
il fecato grande et duro tutto scabioso intorno, il polmone simile
ad un legno d esca estenuatissimo per la quaresima, che ha voluto
al dispetto d ognuno osservare in questa sua eta di 84 anni seben
haveva 1* asma cosi grossa " (Avviso di Roma of April 12, 1585,
THE POPE S TOMB. 637
The body was first taken to the Sistine Chapel, where the
Jesuits, as penitentiaries of St. Peter s, carried out the funeral
vigil ; on the following day it was taken in solemn procession
to St. Peter s. There it remained exposed for three days in
the Gregorian Chapel, and was then buried in a simple tomb,
for which Prospero Bresciano executed a statue of the dead
Pope. 1 Later on (in 1723) Gregory XIII. was given, by
the care of Cardinal Jacopo Boncompagni, a monument of
white marble, which was placed under the arch between the
Gregorian Chapel and the Chapel of the Blessed Sacrament.
The sculpture was the work of Camillo Rusconi. 1 The marble
sarcophagus stands upon a plinth ; Wisdom, represented by
Minerva, raises a curtain on one side, uncovering a relief,
referring to the reform of the calendar ; on the other side is
the figure of Religion with the Holy Scriptures, and a tablet
bearing the words : Novi opera eius et fidem. In the centre
above the sarcophagus is the enthroned and seated figure
of the Pope in his pontifical vestments, his right hand raised
to heaven in blessing : "a grave and very dignified figure of
Urb. 1053, p. 158, Vatican Library). Cardinal Galli remarks in
his *Memorie : " Haveva le fauci strette come quelli che patiscono
d asma, onde parlava sempre con voce bassa et con qualche
reluctantia de le parole, non pero ch havesse alcuno impedimento
nel parlare." Boncompagni Archives, Rome.
1 See BAGLIONE, 45. Cf. Tin, Ammaestramento di pittura,
scoltura et architettura nelle chiese di Roma, Roma, 1686, 13 ;
SOBOTKA in the Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunstsamml., XXXIII., 258.
See also CERRATI, T. Alpharani de basil. Vatic, liber p. 89. Picture
of this tomb, which differed from the later one, in BONANNI, 33 ;
cf. LANCIANI, IV., 104. For the epitaph see CIAPPI, 1 19. Fazolio
reports : *" Al tempo della b. m. del card. S. Sisto si tratt6 di
S. S. 111. di far 1 epitafio " for Gregory XIII. s tomb, " et furono
eletti F. Orsini, Flaminio de Nobili, Latino Latini et io, quali
fussimo in casa del S. Latino." Boncompagni Archives, Rome, D.
5, where Fazolio gives two more epitaphs composed by him for
Gregory XIII.
2 Cf. PASCOLI, Vita de pittori, scultori et architetti inoderni, I.,
Roma, 1730, 263 seq.
638 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
an old man." 1 The allegorical figures are a repetition of
those on the tomb of Innocent XI. The whole, with its white
marble, gives the effect of " a dying effort of the classical
Renaissance." 2
Gregory had ruled the Church for twelve years, ten months
and twenty-eight days. To his pontificate, of which the
Jesuit Stefano Tucci drew a concise picture in his funeral
oration on April ijth, 1585, 3 as well as to his whole life, may
be applied the words : It was precious because it was so full of
labours and fatigues.
For a long time Gregory XIII. was not appreciated. Only
the systematic researches in the secret archives of the Vatican
which have recently been made, have afforded the material
for an impartial judgment of his personality and his unwearied
labours. This want of appreciation has also been helped by
the fact that a saint like Pius V. was his predecessor, and a
fascinating personality like that of Sixtus V. his successor.
Sixtus V., facing with unflinching resoluteness the evil of
brigandage, which Gregory XIII., by reason of his age and
his leniency, often verging on weakness, had been unable to
subdue, stands out in a brilliant light in contrast to his pre
decessor. In this way little by little a popular estimate was
formed of the pontificate of Gregory XIII. which took into
consideration only the undeniable and grave abuses which
existed in the Papal States, while the great work that Gregory
had done for the welfare of his subjects and the beautifying
of Rome was suffered to fall into oblivion. Moreover, it has
1 See PISTOLESI, I., no seqq. ; GREGOROVIUS, Grabmaler, 168 ;
BRINZINGER, Ein Gang zu den Grabdenkmalern der Papste in der
St. Peterskirche, Einsiedeln, 1917, 22 seq. ; LETAROUILLY, Vatican,
I., pi. 45. Epitaph in FORCELLA, VI., 170.
a See SOBOTKA, Marattas Entwurf zum Grabmal Innozenz XI.,
Special reprint from the Jahrbuch der preiiss. Kunstsamml., 1914,
19 seq. Cf. BERGNER, 103.
3 See " Oratio in exequiis Gregorii XIII. P.M. a Stephano
Tuccio sacerdote Soc. lesu habita in Vaticano ad s. collegium XV
Cal. Maii 1585, Romae, 1585." Reprint in CIACONIUS, IV.,
27 seq.
THE WORK OF GREGORY XIII. 639
too often been forgotten that in many cases Sixtus V. only
carried to completion what Gregory XIII. had begun. 1
The outstanding feature of the pontificate of Gregory XIII.
was undoubtedly in the realm of religion. Even though in
this respect he had done nothing more than carry on the
reform work of Pius V., this alone would have entitled him
to a place of honour among the Popes of the XVIth century.
But Gregory XIII. was not content merely to work systemati
cally and in the fullest measure for the carrying out of the
1 The attempt to exalt Sixtus V. at the expense of Gregory XIII.
was already noticeable in the diary of Guido Gualterius. The
painstaking work of Maffei, which was intended to counteract this
tendency (cf. App. 26, Vol. XIX.), was only partially successful ;
and the old attitude returned with Ranke. Out of the twelve
pages that he devotes to Gregory XIII. seven deal with abuses
in the States of the Church, especially the bandits. Hiibner s
work on Sixtus V. affords an even more striking illustration of
how the traditional conception of Gregory XIII. came to be
established. The only exception seems to have been Reumont,
who (in the Banner Theologisches Liter aturblatt, 1870, V., 612 seq.)
protested against Hiibner s statement of the case ; and yet the
old and false point of view was still being maintained, as late as
1879, by Giovanni Gozzadini (Giovanni Pepoli e Sisto V., p. 10).
It was the opening of the Papal Secret Archives by Leo XIII.
that brought about a complete change of attitude ; and the
abundant material thus made available was first made use of by
Hansen in the N imtiaturberichte (I., xxiv seq., xxvi, xxx) where
he endeavours to do justice to Gregory XIII. But it is to the
indefatigable energy of Schellhass, most of all, that we owe
the more correct estimate of Gregory XIII. (cf. especially
NuntiatuYberichte, III., v and xv). In Brieger s Zeitschrift fur
Kirchengeschichte, XXX., 144, Schellhass has recently protested
most emphatically against the belittling of Gregory and his
pontificate. Now that two northern historians, BIAUDET (Les
Nonciatures, 27 seq.) and KARTTUNEN (Gregoire XIII. comme
politicien et souverain, iii seqq.), have also condemned the
traditional misrepresentation of Gregory XIII., it can no longer
be doubted that his pontificate was of the very greatest importance,
as Kawerau has also pointed out in the new edition of MILLER S
Kirchengeschichte (III., 251).
640 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
decrees of the Council of Trent ; the new spirit which was
awakening in the Church, went much further than that during
his pontificate ; loyally supported by the ablest men of the
school of Borromeo, headed by the holy Archbishop of Milan
himself, he brought about a decisive change in the effective
conflict against the apostasy from the faith. 1 This is made
all the more clear, the further we examine his pontificate in
the light of the documents. It is true that the complete
restoration of the ancient religious unity of Christian peoples
of Europe which Gregory XIII. and his fellow labourers aimed
at, did not prove possible of attainment, in spite of their
extraordinary efforts and their great financial sacrifices, 2
yet Gregory did succeed in accomplishing a great deal, and
above all in the fact that, in strong contrast to the Popes of
the Renaissance, he always definitely placed the religious point
of view before any earthly considerations. The predominance
of religious tendencies which began in the pontificate of
Paul III., now became supreme for a long time to come.
Especially vital were the efforts made by Gregory XIII.
on behalf of Germany, where such great gains were made for
the Church that it is right to speak of his pontificate as the
beginning of a new era. 3 But in the north and east of Europe
as well the events of his pontificate marked a great change.
Even though the attempts once more to unite Sweden and
Russia to the Church were a failure, they nevertheless had
very important results. The heir to the throne of Sweden
was won over and the way paved for the reunion of the
Ruthenians, while the change that was brought about in a
comparatively short time in Poland was of the utmost
importance. At the extinction of the dynasty of the Jagellons,
the triumph of Protestantism in Poland was by no means
1 See REINHARDT-STEFFENS, xxiv.
2 According to *Musotti s notes, Gregory XIII. sent to France
more than 300,000 scudi, to the Emperor 100,000, to the Archduke
Charles also 100,000, and to Don Juan 50,000 scudi. He bestowed
about 200,000 scudi on Cologne. Boncompagni Archives,
Rome.
3 Cf. supra, p. 383, and Vol. XIX., p. 7 of this work.
THE WORK OF GREGORY XIII. 641
improbable, 1 and as that nation had an importance for the
east comparable to that of the Netherlands in the west, the
triumph there of the new religion would have been a fatal
blow to the Church beyond the Alps. But the very opposite
of what one party hoped for and the other feared took place,
and when the pontificate of Gregory drew near its end, the
failure of Protestantism and the triumph of the renewed
Catholic Church in Poland had been assured.
An essential share in this change, which was of international
importance, 2 was taken by the King of Poland, Stephen
B&thory. Under his rule, and with his help, the Catholic
Church in Poland found new life, " Protestantism was
eradicated, and at the same time, the permanent seeds of
Catholicism were sown in the Greek-Orthodox districts of the
kingdom." 3 The support of the Pope and the Jesuits was
of the greatest importance in this. B&thory, by his support
of the Jesuits in Poland proper, and in Lithuania, as well as
by opening out Livonia to them in the north, and Transylvania
in the south, exercised a decisive effect on the propagation of
Catholicism in the north and east of Europe.
The Jesuit Possevino prepared a far-reaching programme
for this in his work on Transylvania which was dedicated to
the Pope in 1584. 4 He drew up special plans for the carrying
out of Catholic restoration in Transylvania, and pointed out
the importance of this country for the spread of the Catholic
faith in the neighbouring kingdoms. In the Grosswardein
and other districts dependent upon Transylvania, he wrote,
there are still many Catholics. They must be given help
1 In 1572, only two Catholics remained among the councillors
of the King of Poland ; see HAUSMANN, Studien zur Geschichte
des Konigs Stephan von Polen, I., Dorpat, 1880, 25.
2 According to SCHIEMANN (II., 371), who writes : " Poland
was the vessel of election that was to carry through the counter-
Reformation in the north and east ; and was, at last, to bring
about that union with the Greek Church which had been so
earnestly desired ever since the days of Gregory VII."
8 See ibid., 269.
4 Edited by VERESS in the Fontes rer. Transilv., III., i seqq.
VOL. XX. 4 1
642 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
without any delay. The same is the case with Temesvar,
Belgrade and Bosnia, where the Catholics under Turkish
rule do not hesitate to undertake long journeys in order to
hear one mass and go to confession. There is also reason to
hope for a rich harvest in Moldavia and Wallachia. In
Wallachia the Greek schismatics call the Pope the " great
father." It would not be difficult to win over this simple
people, who are closely allied in origin to the Italians, but
at least fifty missionaries are required who must learn the
language of the country, and disseminate good Catholic
books. These missionaries could be chosen, partly from the
Society of Jesus, and partly from the Franciscan Order, who
are highly esteemed by the Turks ; the Oratorians too might
be employed.
In Transylvania, says Possevino, and in the neighbouring
districts, the greatest efforts must be made to supply priests
and churches. The Pope it is true has done a great deal,
but even more must be done, since these countries open the
way by which the Gospel may be carried to the distant
territories in the north and east of Europe. If the adversaries
of the Church in Germany, he exclaims, put their trust in
earthly means, we must proceed by peaceful means, and show
that we do not seek for dignities and wealth, but only for the
salvation of souls.
The far-reaching and generous spirit in which the zealous
Jesuit drew out his argument was in complete accordance
with the character and ideas of the aged Pope. 1 But when
Gregory received the news of the vast plans of Possevino,
his own life was hastening towards its end. 2 Let this be said :
he whose name is associated with the new edition of the
Canon Law, and the reform of the calendar, could truly say
1 When Possevino went to Transylvania in 1583, Gregory
entrusted him with briefs for the Princes of Wallachia and
Moldavia ; see THEINER, III., 453 seq. The Pope had previously
taken measures to protect Moldavia against the Turks.
2 Since Possevino s proposals affected Hungary as well, Galli
addressed himself, first of all, to the nuncio at the Emperor s
court ; see TURBA, III., 209.
THE WORK OF GREGORY XIII. 643
that by his unwearied zeal for all the nations of the world,
and by his establishment and support of ecclesiastical
institutions for education and the training of missionaries
throughout the world, had done more than any of his
predecessors. 1 For that reason, as one of his contemporaries
pointed out, the memory of Gregory XIII. must always
remain in benediction, because he made clear to the world
one of the principal duties of the true successor of St. Peter.
" You Romans," he concludes, " must remember how much
you owe to God and to such a pastor, who ennobled your city
with institutions from which every year there goes forth a
steady stream of missionaries to spread the faith. It is the
duty of those who dwell in the Eternal City to consolidate
by the example of their piety, that which he has planted." 2
1 See *Speciani s notes in the Boncompagni Archives, Rome ;
MAFFEI, II., 478. Cf. REUMONT, III., 2, 567 ; KARTTUNEN,
Gregoire XIII., p. 94 seq.
2 Cf. *Raggioni date a diversi sig ri cardinal! in favore de
collegi e seminarii instituiti dalla S u di Gregorio XIII, Propaganda
Archives, Rome, Vol. 362. Cf. for this memorandum, Vol. XIX.,
pp. 256 seqq.
APPENDIX.
i. CAMILLO CAPILUPI TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. 1
1573, March 28, Rome.
. . . Essendo questo populo cresciuto notabilmente come
dicono questi soprastanti alia gabella della farina che vogliono
che dopo 1 assumtione di S. S ta al pontificate siano accresciute
vintimila bocche, dicendo che si mangiano due milla rubbia
di grano al mese piu di quello che si faceva, il che nasce
dalFottimo et temperate governo di S. B ne che administra
giustitia senza crudelta et tien a freno la licenza rigore et si
rnostra benigna et piacevole a tutti lasciandosi vedere spesso
in publico et dando audienza a chi la vuole, ne si vede con
tanta piacevolezza licenza straordinaria et la citta quieta
et 1 honesta in ciascuno, et perche questi soldati che eran qui
in numero di cinque milla havevano cominciato a perturbare
quest a quiete con mille homicidii et assassinii che face van per
tutta la citta, S. S ta li ha cacciati tutti mandandoli a certi
luoghi circonvicini, over saranno pagati et ridotti sotto le loro
insegne et sotto la disciplina militare . . .
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
2. CLEANSING OF MORALS IN ROME, 1573-1582. 2
i. Consistory of June 3rd, 1572.
See : Studi e docum. XXIV., 133.
ii. Niccolo Cusano to Maximilian II., Rome, May gth, 1573.
A severe watch over morals, as in the days of Pius V., was
again established. Eighteen prostitutes were whipped at
Tor di Nona.
[Orig. State Archives, Vienna, Romana.]
iii. Avviso di Roma of September 12, 1573.
" Si pigliano tutte le cortegiane uscite dell hortaccio et anco
1 See supra, p. 541, n. 2.
* See supra, p. 545. n. 3.
644
APPENDIX 645
tutte le altre di dishonesta vita, che saranno costrette di
habitare in detto luogo a vero partirsi di Roma."
[Orig. Urb. 1043, p. 3O3b., Vatican Library.]
iv. Avviso di Roma of June 5, 1574.
Some " donne trovate in cocchio " received a whipping. 1
[Orig. Urb. 1044, p. 136, loc. cit.]
v. Avviso di Roma of August 20, 1575.
The Pope ordered Monsignor Aragona to leave Rome,
because, in spite of the repeated prohibition, he cultivated
a passion for gaming. Cardinals Maffei and F. de Medici had
gambled for 27,000 scudi.
[Orig. Urb. 1044, p. 5i7b, loc. cit.]
vi. Avviso di Roma of August 27, 1575.
The Pope complained that Cardinal Medici was publicly
dissipating his property. Besides Aragona he has also
punished Maffei for gambling. Medici lost 30,000 scudi in
gambling.
[Orig. Urb. 1044, p. 522b, loc. oil.]
vii. Avviso di Roma of September 10, 1575.
In spite of their attempts to justify themselves, Maffei,
Verallo and Rustici are in disgrace on account of the gambling
affair.
[Orig. Urb. 1044, p. 530, loc. cit.]
viii. Avviso di Roma of October 20, 1576.
" Sono stati attaccati bandi per li cantoni, che tutte le
meretrici ritornino ad habitare all ortaccio, et i vagabond!
sfrattino di Roma fra 5 giorni sot to pena della galera da
cicchi e stroppiati in poi, et questo per questi sospetti di peste."
[Orig. Urb. 1045, p. 165, loc. cit.) z
ix. Avviso di Roma of September 25, 1577.
" De spresso ordine del Papa si e publicato ban do, che le
1 This and other severe measures were justified by the grave moral conditions.
Cf. the memorial in Dolliu^er, Beitrfige, III., 237 seqq., which was written in
1574 or 1575 : see Gott. Gil. Avz., 1884, n. 15, p. 604.
1 Cf. the Mantuan report of October 22, 1576, in BERTOLOTTI, Repress,
etraord. alia prostituzjone in Rouia nel sec. XVI., Roma, 1887, 14.
646 APPENDIX.
cortigiane ritornino ad habitare nell hortaccio sotto pena
della perdita de beni d applicarsi a luoghi pii, et della frusta,
che non vadino in cocchio, sendo di nuovo stati prohibit! li
ridotti di giuocatori sotto pena della galera."
[Orig. Urb. 1045, p. 601, loc. cit.]
x. Avviso di Roma of January 14, 1579.
" Incrudelisce la corte di Roma contra le povere cortegiane,
delle quali in 2 giorni de sono state prese da 80 circa."
[Orig. Urb. 1047, p. i^b, loc. cit.]
xi. Avviso di Roma of September 30, 1579.
On Sunday there were arrested by the new " Bargello
alcuni cocchi pieni di cortegiane, il che dinota principio di
riforma." The Pope sentenced them to the loss of their
rings and gold chains and to 100 scudi for the hospital of the
" SS. Trinita de Convalescent!"
[Orig. Urb. 1047, p. 329, loc. cit.]
xii. Avviso di Roma of January 27, 1582.
" Perch e li giorni passati fu pubblicato un ban do contro le
cortegiane et particolarmente in Borgo, di dove sono state
scacciate tutte, il barigello di Roma 1 altro giorno vedendo la
femina del s. Ostilio Orsino fratello del gia card. Orsino, che
andava per Roma nel cocchio di esso signore, la condusse
subbito prigione et diede la corda al cocchiere, mandando il
cocchio nelTosteria dell Orso et poi a S. Sisto conforme a
bandi."
[Orig. Urb. 1050, p. 23, loc. cit.]
xiii. Avviso di Roma of July 13, 1582.
Last week by the express command of the Pope 42 courtesans
were arrested, who had gone in " cocchio " to the " ponte
Salaro " ; they were ordered not to go out, and His Holiness
further desired that " sino che esse pagghino 2,500 scudi,"
in future they should all be confined to the appointed places
under severe penalties.
[Orig. Urb. 1050, p. 349b, loc. cit.}
APPENDIX. 647
3. POMPEO STROZZI TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA.
1.176, January 28, Rome.
Qui erano comparsi molti comedianti con disegno di ottencre
licenza di recitar questo carnevale, il che non havendo ottenuto
si sono partiti.
II s. Paolo Giordano supplicando S. S tA che si potessero
far maschere, hebbe in risposta che era meglior a pensar di
trovar corsaletti et arme per ditendersi dalle minaccie
degl heretici et infideli, che disegnano assaltar la povera
christianitk et che facessero cio intendere alii Romani, onde
si crede che si far anno pochi giorni maschere.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
4. POMPEO STROZZI TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA.
1577, May 25, Rome.
... II popolo Romano ha eretto in Campidoglio una statua
a S. S tA et dimani si cantara una messa solenne in Araceli,
et per tre giorni continui si fara festa in honore di S. B ne ,
sotto la qual statua si mettera 1 inscritione sequente, la quale
e piacciuta a S. B ne piu che 1 altra che era a contentamento
del sig 1 castellano : Gregorio XIII. Boncompagno. Bonon.
Pont. Max. qui [etc. ; s. FORCE LLA I 39], L altra era come di
sotto : Opt. Pont. Max. Gregorio XIII. Boncom. Bonon. ob
Capitolium extructum, portas resistitutas, pontes instauratos,
fontes publicos ornatos, iustitiam administratam, Rempubh-
cam gubernatam religionemque conservatam S. P. Q. R. P.
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
5. Avviso DI ROMA OF OCTOBER 30, I577- 3
La nuova chiesa de padri Theatini vicino a S. Marco posta
nella strada, che va a Campidoglio, e (Dio lodato) condotta
a perfetissima fine et e riuscita macchina di signolar maesta et
bellezza per gli ornamenti di marmi nella facciata et de
ricchissimi capitelli, che sono nella chiesa, che costa loo sc.,
de quali il card. Farnese ne ha pagati 4 1 anno, da che
principiorno i fondamenti, in memoria del quale e sopra la
porta di mezzo, che sono 3 con pari proportione 1 armi di
1 See supra, p. 548, n. 5.
2 See supra, p. 608, n. 1.
See supra, p. 578, n, 2,
648 APPENDIX.
S.S. Ill ma in un ovato di finissimo marmo, lungo 25 palmi et
largo 10 con il suo nome in una linea, che tiene tutta la facciata
della fabrica : Alexander Farnesius S. R. E. Card. Vicecanc.
f. c. Anno 75.
[Orig. Urb. 1045, p. 650, Vatican Library.]
6. GIOVANNI ANT. ODESCALCHI TO THE DUKE OF MANTUA. l
1578, October 25, Rome.
" . . . S. S** ha finite tutte le fabbriche restate imperfette
per la morte di Pio IV., et si e gia messo mano per fmire il
corridore di Belvedere che riguarda sopro il Boschetto. Con
gran cura et diligenza ancora attende a far finire la sua
Cappella Gregoriana in S. Pietro, la quale sera una delle
maravigliose et suntuose cose che si sian fatte dalli antichi
in qua, si per essere di mirabile spesa come per essere lavorata
di musaico con molta piu maestranza et diligenza che non
si faceva anticamente ; costera avanti che sia finita piu di
2OO m due. Ha anco fatto incominciare 1 altra cappella al
dirimpetto della sudetta che viene sopra la sacristia di
S. Pietro . . ."
[Orig. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]
7. AVVISI DI ROMA OF AUGUST 6 AND 10, 1580. 2
August 6 : " Cavendosi in chiesa di S. Pietro in fondamenti
d una scala sono stati ritrovati 4 corpi santi di Leon Magno,
Leon 2 e Leon 3. Pontefice et il corpo d un re d Inghilterra,
quale havea la corona et anello con un manto di broccato, che
pareva nuovo, e sono piu di milTanni che fu sepolto. II Papa
ha voluto veder il tutto et ha donate al maestro di Camera
la corona et anello."
August 10 : In front of the Gregorian Chapel are the bodies
of Popes Leo L, Leo II. and Leo III., as well as the remains of
a King of England : the king s mantle down to the knees is
of gold brocade, in silk embroidered with gold thread.
[Orig. Urb. 1048, pp. 228b, 23gb, Vatican Library.]
1 See supra, p. 565, n. 1.
8 See supra, p. 566, n. 2.
APPENDIX. 649
8. AUDIENCES OF CARDINAL SANTORI WITH GREGORY XTII.
CONCERNING THE GREEK CHURCH OF S. ATANASIO. 1
*
I 5 80.
October 20 : " Delia fabrica della chiesa di Greci che se
cominci."
November 3 : " Del disegno nuovo della chiesa del Collegio
greco lo viddimo insieme, che si seguiti. Dell invocatione
di S. Atanasio da imporsi alia chiesa nuova gli piace et che
e ben fatto per le raggioni dette e che di questo santo non vi e
chiesa, ma de altri dottori greci vi e S. Basilio, la Cappella
Gregoriana ha di S. Gregorio Nazianzeno e di S. Giov.
Ciisostomo vi sarei 1 altra all incontro in S. Pietro."
December i : " Del disegno e fabrica della chiesa che si
seguiti a furia."
1581.
April 20 : " Della cornice di fuera della chiesa di Greci, che
fusse di tivertino e non di mattoni per le pioggie et acqua di
tetti che si parli con Jacopino e che se non fussero questi
tivertini la chiesa saria finita."
November 16 : " Dell ampliatione della chiesa di Greci
che scgli mostri il disegno."
[Orig. Audientia* Card. Santoni, Papal Secret Archives,
9. Avviso DI ROMA OF MAY 30, 1584. 2
" II Papa ha donato il primo sborso delli 25 m sc. del Camer-
lengato alia fabrica del Collegio generale delli Icsuiti, et gli
altri 25 sc. da pagarsi in 2 anni, gli ha S. B. destinati per
finire la capella, che si fa in S. Pietro di rincontro alia
Gregoriana dedicata a S. Andrea.
" Hora anco per magnificare (come molto dedito alle fabriche)
il palazzo di Montecavallo, e entrato in pcnsiero di erigervi
nel mezo della sala una gran torre, la quale domini non solo
i sette colli, ma scopri anco questi contorni fino al mare, et
tal pensiero di S. B. piace molto al card. Guastavillano, ma
S. Sisto n e nemico, di maniera che questo humilia respicit,
et 1 altro a longe alta cognoscit."
[Orig. Urb. 1052, p. 207, Vatican Library.]
1 See #u.pra, p. 584, nn. 1 and 3.
1 See supra, pp. 588, n. 2 ; 624. n. 5.
650 APPENDIX.
10. Avviso DI ROMA OF JUNE 6,
On Sunday the Pope showed himself very anxious about
Cardinal Este s health, and begged him to take care of himself
in the interests of Christendom, and to remain at the Quirinal,
" a godere la salubrita di quell aria, le delitie di quel luogo
et le commodita di quella stanza fatta capace per ambidue
et fabricata da S. S. a beneficio et commodo di S. S. Ill ma , alia
quale seberie non haveva mai detto nulla ne per creanza ne
per debito di voler fabricare nel suo giardino, non gi& pero mai
speso in quel sito che per servitio et beneficio di lei, della
quale voleva dopo morte, che l palazzo con tutti gli altri
miglioramenti, che se gH aggiungeranno, siano i suoi." The
Cardinal was quite confounded by the friendliness of
Boncompagno.
(Orig. Urb. 1052, p. 218, Vatican Library.]
n. NOTES ON THE PICTURES AND BUILDINGS OF
GREGORY XIII. 2
La f. m. di P. Gregorio XIII. fece fare in Roma e fuori molte
degne e magnanime imprese, tra li quali dignissima e stata la
cappella Gregoriana, architetto della quale e stato Giacomo
della Porta Romano ; il musaico d essa cappella fu ordinato
e disegnato da Gieronimo Mutiano pittore Bresciano, e dal
rnedesimo sono state depinte le doe tavole, che hora fa metter
in opera Till, et ecc. duca di Sora cioe una di S. Gregorio
Nanziano. La lavation de piedi, che fece il Signore all
apostoli, che sta sopra d una delle porte, la fece Tadeo Landini
scultore Fiorentino.
Sopra le cinque porte di S. Pietro e tutte le caposcale di
palazzo [Vaticano], dove sono dipinti tutti 1 atti delli apostoli,
furono fatte con ordine e disegno di Lorenzo Sabbatini pittore
Bolognese.
Nella cappella Paolina il medesimo Lorenzo Sabbatini
dipinse tre quadri, nel primo la lapidation di S. Stefano, nel
secondo S. Paolo riceve il lume nelia casa d Anania, lo terzo
il miracolo che fece S. Pietro contra Simon Mago. II quadro
dove e depinto il battesimo di S. Paolo, ha fatto Federico
Zuccaro, 3 e similmente tutta la volta dove son depinte attioni
dell apostoli S. Pietro e Paolo.
1 -See supra, p. 625, n. 5.
2 See supra, cap. XIV.
* See H, Voss, Male^ei der Spat-Renaissaace, II., 4t0.
APPENDIX. 651
II fine della Sala Regia, dov e la battaglia navale e altr
attioni fatte in honore e benefitio di s. chiesa, fu condotto con
ordine e disegno di Georgio Vasari pittore Aretino.
II quadro del Spirito santo nel mezzo del palco della Sala del
Concistorio lo fece Gieronimo Mutiano, la galeria piccola a
canto a delta Sala Lorenzo Sabbatini.
Delia Galeria maggiore ne fu architetto Ottaviano Mascherino,
la pittura delle tavole di cosmografia fu fatta con ordine e
disegno del rev mo P. Ignatio Dante, vescovo d Alatri, le pitture
della volta ordinate da Gieronimo Mutiano, ma designate da
Cesare Nebbia da Orvieto.
La Loggia de venti ne fu architetto Ottaviano Mascherino ;
la pittura dov e la fortuna che patl S. Paolo alia venuta di
Roma, con altre inventioni, la fece Nicolao Pomarancie ; le
stantie a canto alia medesima loggia le dipinse Matteo
Fiamengo, eccellentissimo nel far paesi.
Le loggie del cortile di Palazzo verso ponente le ordino
Martin Longo architetto, le pitture delle seconda e terza
loggia Lozenzo Sabbatini, quelle della quarta, dov e dipinta
la translatione di S. Gregorio Nanziano, e d alcune tavole di
cosmografia il vescovo d Alatri.
La sala detta la Bologna, dove sono depinte al mezzo della
volta i 12 segni celesti con una prospettiva di colonne adornata
di varie figure e nella prima pariete vi e depinta Bologna in
pianta con il suo territorio, nella seconda Bologna con 1 edificii
alzati e nella terza vi son doi quadri, [in] uno de quali e depinto
Gregorio IX. con li decreti e nel secondo Bonifacio VIII. che
conferma i privilegii alii dottori e scolari del studio di Bologna ;
tutta 1 opera di pitture fu ordinata e designata da Lorenzo
Sabbatini e molte cose fatte di sua propria mano, ma li 12 segni
celesti nominati li ordino Giovan Antonio Varesi.
II palazzo di Monte Cavallo 1 ordino Ottav. Maschanni, la
sepultura di Gregorio XL a S. Maria nova fu fatta da Pietro
Paolo Olivieri scultore Romano.
Lo studio della Sapienza Giacomo della Porta.
La chiesa di S. Marta Ottav. Mascharino.
II collegio Romano il P. Giuseppe Valeriano architetto
Giesuita.
La chiesa e il collegio de Greci Giac. della Porta.
II ponte senatorio detto di S. Maria Matteo del Castello
architetto.
652 APPENDIX.
La chiesa di S. Gregorio alia villa di Frascati Martin Longo,
un quadro del crocifisso in pittura Gieronimo Mutiano.
La statua della Madonna fatta da bronzo nella facciata di
S. Maria di Lore to Gieronimo Recanati.
Gl architetti e pittori provisionati da essa f. m. :
Prima Martin Longo architetto, appresso Ottav. Mascharmo.
Pittori provisionati :
II primo fu Georg. Vasari Aretino.
Gieronimo Mutiano.
Lorenzo Sabbatino et ultimamente Tommaso Laureto
pittore Siciliano fatto venire da essa f. mem. a Roma per
depingere la sala Costantina.
La f. m. di P. Gregorio XIII. fece venir in Roma il medesimo
T. Laureti per depinger la volta della Sala Costantina, et
havendo egli anco assunto di far Y invention!, li venne in
animo di far attioni del medesimo imperatore et in particulare
quelle che fece in honore e beneficio di s. chiesa, et havendo
esso Tommaso vista in una delli parieti della medesima sala
la donatione d Italia fatta da Costantino a S. Silvestro e suoi
successor! rappresentata per una figuretta non molto intellig-
ibile, penso di fare 1 istessa Italia distinta in 8 provincie
secondo 1 ordine de Strabone per piu intelligenza di tal
donatione. Pero fece nelle 4 pedocci della volta esse provincie,
2 per pedoccio, e primo la Liguria con la Toscana, appresso la
Romana e la Napoletana, seguendo la Locania con la Puglia
et ultimamente il Piceno con Venetia, tutte fatte in figura de
donna con 2 puttini per ciascheduno che tengono 1 uno
1 insegni e proprieta del paese, 1 altro 1 inscrittione, nelli
mezzi tondi piccoli o sordele, che chiamano alcuni della
professione ; per 1 incontro delle finestre la depinse la Corsica
e Sicilia pure adornate de puttini che tengono medesimamentt
insegne e descrittioni ; nelli mezzi tondi grandi ah fatto li 3
corpi del mondo con le sue inscrittioni cioe 1 Europa, 1 Asia e
T Africa, nelli 4 angoli della volta bon depinte 2 arme di essa
felice memoria e 2 ombrelle insegna di s. chiesa, quali tutte
son accompagnate da 2 virtu con le sue inscrittioni, e prim a
la vigilanza e sapienza, che tiengono in mezzo una dell armi,
appresso la benignita e clemenza, dai lati di una delle ombrele
la liberalita e magnificenza, tengono in mezzo Y altr arma
sicome la sincerita e concordia 1 altra ombrella. Nelle lunette
della volta vi son depinti alcuni puttini in scoccio con arte di
APPENDIX 653
prospettiva, che tengono alcun ornamento imperiale come
il regno, la mitra, la corona, lo scettro, le vesti purpuree, lo
stocco e speron d oro et altri ornamenti, che dimostrano la
dignita, e facolta lasciata da Costantino a S. Silvestro e suoi
successor!. E perche nelle parieti della medesima sala vi
son depinte in forma di donne le 4 principal! virtu, non parse
ad esso Tomaso farle anco nella volta per non se vedere soto e
sopra una medesima cosa, ma conoscendo egli tal virtu esser
proprie della detta fel. mem., li venne in consideratione di
farle a modo di embleme senz alcun moto. Pero fece in 4
triangoleti, che fan 1 ornamento della volta, un globo della
terra per ciascheduno in mezzo a 2 serpenti che doi timoni lo
sostengono, sopra il primo ha fatto un specchio, al 2 una
spada la bilancia, al 3 un leone e sopra il quarto la briglia,
volendo dimostrare che la fe. mem. di P. Gregorio XIII.
governo benissime il mondo con prudenza, giustitia, fortezza e
temperanza.
Nel mezzo della volta penso di dipinger quella degna attion
di Costantino, quando commando che per tutte le parti del
suo imperio si gattassero a terra gl idoli e s adorasse Christo
nostro redentore, ma essendo piacciuto al signer di tirar a se
quell anima benedetta, il nominato Tomaso non la possete
far adornata di figure, come desiderava, per non esserli stato
concesso dal successore d essa fel. mem., ma nondimeno fece
in quel luogo una prospettiva di un tempio, in mezzo al quaJe
un altare con un crocifisso, e per terra una statua di Mercurio
fracassata, che significano la medesima intentione.
[Copy. Cod. D. 5. Boncompagni Archives, Rome.l
INDEX OF NAMES IN VOL. XX.
ABEL, Leonardo (titular-bishop
of Sidon), 495 seq., 497
seq.
Abundius and Abundantius,
SS., 579.
Acciaiuoli, Bernardino, 583 n. 6.
Accoramboni, Vittoria, 536.
Acosta, Jose de (S.J., mission
ary), 507 seq.
Adolphus, Duke of Holstein, 51,
290 seqq, 293.
Agricola, George (Bishop of
Lavant and Seckau), 62,
73, 76 seq., 192, 274.
Aguillar, Pedro de, 499 n. 4.
Akbar (Grand-Mogul), 474-478
Alba, >uke of, 2-5, 307 seq.
Alber, Ferdinand (S.J.), 148.
Albert of Austria, Cardinal, 286.
Alberti, Cherubino (painter),
616.
Alberti, Giovanni (painter), 616.
Albert V. (Duke of Bavaria), 28,
41-52, 54, 59, 66, 71 seq.,
74, 80 seqq., 83 seq., 87
seqq., 94, 109, 115, 117,
121, 126, 151, 158 seq.,
211, 224, 226, 250, 253,
255, 260, 266 seq., 289
seq., 293, 298 seqq., 316,
321, 324 seqq., 328, 332-
337. 36i.
Alciati, Francesco, Cardinal,
63 n. 6, 589.
Alencon, Francis (Duke of
Anjou), n, 18.
Alessi, Galeazzo (architect), 577.
Alexander VI., Pope, 575, 601
n. 3.
Alfaro, Pedro de (Franciscan
missionary), 478.
Almeida, Luiz (S.J.), 451.
Altemps, see Hohenems.
Alvarez, Michele (Franciscan),
109, 122.
Ammanati, Bartolomeo (archi
tect), 562, 563 n. 5, 587,
590.
Anchieta, Jose de (S.J.), 510.
Andrew of Austria, Cardinal,
1 8, 127, 131, 285, 321,
323, 370 seq., 373.
Anjou, see Alen9on and Henry.
Anna (Duchess of Bavaria), 93,
343-
Anna Jagellon, 386, 390, 393,
408, 420.
Anna of Saxony (wife of Wil
liam of Orange), 249.
Antichi, see Bresciano.
Apian, 46 n. 2.
Aquaviva, Claudio (General of
the Jesuits), 471 n. 2.
Aquaviva, Rodolfo (Jesuit
missionary), 476 seqq.
Aragona, Mgr., 645.
Arator, see Szanto.
Arpino, Guiseppe Cesari d
(painter), 613.
Arsengo, Girolamo (Franciscan),
490.
Audebert, Nicolas, 553 n.
Augustus (Elector of Saxony),
51, 54, 203 n. 2, 209, 210
n. i, 212, 236, 238 seq.,
243, 245-249, 251 seq.,
254, 259 seqq., 263, 273,
276, 282, 284, 336 seq.,
349, 375-
Avrogadro, Ottavio (bandit),
540.
Azarias (Armenian patriarch),
496 seq.
BAGLIONE Giov., 560 n. i, 569,
589 n. i, 599 n. 5.
Baglioni, Family of the, 526.
Balduini, Martin (Bishop of
Ypres), 9.
655
6 5 6
INDEX OF NAMES.
Bar, Francis (coadjutor bishop
of Basle), 142.
Barbaro, Francesco (Patr. of
Aquileia), 71, 80.
Barnaynes, Isaac, 481 n. 4.
Baronius, Caesar (Oratorian),
20 n., 569.
Barreira, Blathasar (S.J., mis
sionary), 482.
Barreto, Melchior Nunez, 466.
Barvitius, Johann (Bavarian
agent in Cologne), 367.
Barzana, Alonso (S.J., mission
ary), 505-
Bathory, Andrew, Cardinal,
411.
Bathory, Christopher (Voivode),
412 seq.
Bathory, Sigismund (Voivode),
412, 414.
Bathory, Stephen (King of
Poland), 386, 389 seqq.,
393-397. ^399 seq., 403
seq., 406, 408, 414, 434
seqq., 438, 444, 446,
641.
Baume, Claude de la (Arch
bishop of Besanon),
Cardinal, 181.
Becke, von der (envoy from
Bremen), 337 n.
Beirer (Augustinian canon of
Augsburg), 124
Bellarmine, Robert (S.J.), 23,
415.
Bellini, Marcaritonio (auditor
to Bonhomini), 170, 184.
Berg, Marquard von (Bishop of
Augsburg), 126.
Bernini (architect and sculptor),
592.
Bertrand, Louis (O.P., mission
ary), 501.
Bialobrzeski, Martin (Bishop of
Kamieniec), 405.
Bicker, Christopher (Abbot of
Hersfeld), 318.
Bielke, Gunnila (wife of John
III. of Sweden), 433.
Biglia, Melchior (nuncio), 349
n. 4, 350.
Blarer, Ambrose, 138 n.
Blarer, Diethelm (Abbot of St.
Gall), 130, 137 n. 7.
Blarer, Gerwick (Abbot of
Weingarten), 137 n. 7.
Blarer, Louis (Abbot of Ein-
siedeln), 137 n. 7.
Blarer von Wartensee, Jakob
Christoph (Bishop of
(Basle), i37-i43> 148,
165, 174, 181.
Blondus, Fabius (latin Patr. of
Jerusalem), 566 n.
Boccapaduli, Antonio, 462, 464.
Bologna (painter), see Sab-
batini and Torrigiani.
Bolognetti, Alberto (Bishop of
Massa), Cardinal, 405
n. 5, 407-411, 447 n. 3.
Boncompagni, Cristoforo (Arch
bishop of Ravenna),
519.
Boncompagni, Filippo, Cardinal
[S. Sisto], 26 n. 3, 464,
520, 636.
Boncompagni, Giacomo (Gen
eral of the Church, Duke
of Sora), 435, 464, 533,
537, 554, 569, 57*, 627,
636 seq.
Boncompagni, Giovanni (ances
tor of Gregory XIII.),
562.
Boncompagni, Jacopo, Cardi
nal, 637.
Bonfiglioli, Rodolfo (Papal
treasurer), 514.
Bonhomini, Giov. Franc.
(Bishop of Vercelli,
nuncio), 24, 159 seq.,
168-185, 229 n. 8, 267
seqq., 271, 273, 281 n. 4,
341 n. 3, 345, 368 seq.
Boniface IX., Pope, 599.
Borgia, Francis- (general of the
Jesuits), 402, 503, 577.
Borromeo, Charles (Archbishop
of Milan), Cardinal, 67,
141, 163, 165, 168 seqq.,
170, 174, 1 80 seq., 184
seqq., 268, 381, 383, 414.
Bossi, Francesco (Bishop of
Perugia and Novara),
381.
Boucherat, Nicholas (Abbot-
general of the Cister
cians), 305 n. 6.
INDEX OF NAMES.
657
Bourbon, Charlotte de (wife of
William of Orange), 249.
Brendel, Daniel (Archbishop of
Mayence), 188 seq., 194
n. 3, 211, 220, 223 seq.,
228, 231-242, 243 seq.,
257, 271, 294, 297, 312,
334, 337 n. 6.
Brescia, Giovita da (O.P.), 490.
Bresciano, Prospero [Antichij,
(sculptor), 564, 613, 637.
Bril, Matthieu (painter), 564,
615, 621.
Bril, Paul (painter), 564, 569.
Broich, Anna, 319.
Bruno, Giovanni (S.J.), 491
n. 3, 493 seq.
Brus, Anton (Archbishop of
Prague), 102 seqq., 350.
Bubenhausen, Henry von
(administrator of Fulda),
227, 230.
Bufalini, 554, 594.
Bufalo, del (Roman conserva
tor), 607.
Burghesius, Horatius, 566 n.
CABRAL, Francis (S.J., mission
ary), 456.
Calderoni, Family of the, 521.
Caligari, Giovanni Andrea
(nuncio), 394, 406 seq. t
415.
Calvin, 3.
Campegio, Lorenzo (nuncio),
303-
Canisius, Peter (S.J.), 27 seq.,
38 n., 41 seq., 46 n. I,
50 n. 3, 51, 85, 141, 182,
195 n. 7, 258, 282, 306,
401 seq.
Capece, Ferrante (S.J.), 414.
Capilupi, Camillo, 541 n. 2,
547 n. i, 549 n. 3.
Capizucchi, Emilio, 537.
Capua, Annibale cli (nuncio),
229 n. 8.
Carafa, Family of the, 622, 625.
Carafa, Antonio, Cardinal, 491
seq., 494-
Caresana (secretary to Bon-
hoinini), 170.
Carpi, Alberto Pio cle, 522.
Casa (Jesuit), 495.
VOL XX.
Casas, Bartolomd de las (O.P.,
Bishop of Chiapa), 501.
Castagna, Giambattista, Car
dinal, 12, 15 n. i, 335
n. 2, 363 seq.
Castro, Scipione di, 530 n.,
627 n. 5.
Catena (leader of the banditti),
527, 531 n. 4.
Catherine Jagellon (Queen of
Sweden), 386, 417, 419
seq., 423, 425, 429 n. 3.
Cavalieri (Roman conservatore)
607.
Cavalieri, Giambattista de
(engraver), 597 n.
Cavalieri, Tomaso de . 565.
Cedulini, Pietro (Bishop of
Nona), 487 seqq., 490.
Cesarini, Family of the, 515.
Cesi, Angelo (Bishop of Todi),
580.
Cesi, Pietro Donate, Cardinal,
269, 529, 556, 580.
Charles, Archduke of Styria,
50, 54 seq., 6r, 66, 68,
70 seq., 74, 78, 80, 83,
87,99, 105, 109, H3, ii?
seq., 158, 211, 272 seq.,
277, 439, 640 n. 2.
Charles IX. (King of France),
388, 554, 611.
Charles (of Sweden), 418.
Charles Frederick (hereditary
Prince of Jiilich-Cleves),
51, 143, 307 seq.
Ciappi (biographer of Gregory
XIII.), 560 n. i, 629
n. 4, 636 n. 2.
Cingiva, Michael (Japanese
prince), 460, 462.
Clavius, Christopher (S.J.,
mathematician), 470.
Clement VII., Pope, 435, 499-
Clement XI., Pope, 593 n.
Clemente, Juan (Franciscan
missionary), 479.
Clenck, Rudolf (theologian),
302, 303 n. i.
Coligny, Admiral, 61 1.
Colonna, Family of the, 515.
Colonna, Giulio, 516.
Colonna, Marcantonio (Viceroy
of Naples), 550 n. 2.
42
6 5 8
INDEX OF NAMES.
Commendone, Giov. Franc.,
Cardinal, 26 seg., 63 n. 6,
106, 188, 269, 306, 386,
387 n. i, 388, 396, 419,
437-
Comotto, Pietro (painter), 613.
Conde, Henry of, 219.
Consalvi (Jesuit), 462 seg.
Contarinl, Paolo (Bailo), 487.
Contreras, Pedro Moya de
(Archbishop of Mexico),
502, 504.
Cornaro, Luigi, Cardinal, 594
n. i, 596 n.
Corraro, Giovanni (Venetian
envoy), 34 n. 2, 512, 516
seg., 540, 572, 633 seg.,
635.
Correggio (painter), 598 n.
Corso, Pietro, 526 n. i.
Cosimo de Medici (Grand-duke
of Florence), 609.
Costa, Cristoforo da (mission
ary), 467.
Cromer, Martin, 405.
Cruz, Gaspar de (O.P., mission
ary), 466.
Cupiimontanus, Petrus, 428.
Cusano, Galeazzo (Imperial
agent in Rome), 630.
Cysat, Renward (state-secre
tary of Lucerne), 164,
176.
DALBERG, Wolfgang von (Arch
bishop of Mayence), 273
segg, 368 seg., 375 n. i.
Dandini, Family of the, 521.
Danti, Ignazio (O.P., Bishop
of Alatri), 609 n. 3,
617 seg., 620.
Dario, see Hida-no-Kami.
Dathenus, Peter (Calvinist), 9
seg.
David, Ignatius (Jacobite
patriarch), 496.
Delfino, Giovanni (nuncio), 50,
82 seg., 87, 96 seg., 99,
in, 223, 250, 256 segg.
Delfino, Zaccaria, Cardinal,
26, 28, 86, 209, 269,
295 seg.
Delius, Joachim, 302 n. 5.
Delphius, Johann (Coadjutor-
bishop of Strasburg), 144
seg.
Dernbach, Balthasar von
(Prince-abbot of Fulda),
203, 205-231.
Dillinger, 85.
Dorothea, Duchess of Lor
raine, 302, 303 n. 5.
Drieux, Rem. (Bishop of
Bruges), 9.
Duca, Giacomo del, (architect),
595-
Dum, Martin (court-preacher),
159.
Duninwolski, Petrus (Bishop of
Plock), 395-
Du Perac, Etienne, 553 seg.,
594-
Diirer, Albert, 598 n.
ECHTER, Julius of Mespelbrunn,
(Bishop of Wiirzburg),
39, 82, 190, i93- 2 3> 2I 9
segg., 224-230, 233, 273,
376.
Eck, Johann, 44.
Eck, Simon Thaddeus (Bavar
ian chancellor), 44, 290.
Eder, George, 83 seg., 159, 267.
Egeling ( chancellor of Bremen),
338.
Egnatius, Fr., 618 n. i.
Eisengrein, Martin, 47 seg., 81.
Elgard, Nicholas (Coadjutor-
bishop of Erfurt), 91 n. 3,
124, 188-191, 196 seg.,
204, 215-218, 237, 258,
3M, 325, 34 8 seqq.,
356.
Eliano, Giambattista (S.J.),
492 segg., 497-
Elizabeth (Queen of England),
3, 6 seg., 379, 443-
Elsenheimer (Bavarian chan
cellor), 261 n. 7.
Eltz, Jakob von (Archbishop of
Treves), 189, 194 n. 3,
220, 227, 251, 257, 334,
337, 354-357-
Erasmus, 17, 21.
Eraso, Francisco de (Spanish
envoy to Sweden), 424.
INDEX OF NAMES.
659
Eric II. (Duke of Brunswick-
Kalenberg), 130, 290,
301 seqq.
Eric XIV. (King of Sweden),
417 seq.
Erici, Petrus, 431 n. 3.
Ernfelder (Jesuit), 147.
Ernest of Bavaria, Duke
(Bishop of Freising,
Hildesheim, Liege,
Cologne and Miinster),
23, 54, 7i, 73, 80, 84, 88,
125, 160, 275, 286, 289
seqq., 291-294, 300, 316,
320-323, 325-330, 334,
338 seq., 34^346, 36i
seq., 370 seq., 374-378-
Ernest (Archduke of Austria),
266, 386 seq., 389.
Erstenberger (secretary of the
Imperial Chancery), 223,
244.
Este, Alfonso d (Duke of
Ferrara), 530 n. i.
Este, Luigi d , Cardinal, 528,
556, 622, 624 seq.
Eugenius III., Pope, 575.
Eyb, Martin von (Bishop of
Bamberg), 192 n., 278,
280.
FABI, Fabio de (S.J.), 470.
Fabricius, Andreas, 89, 152,
291, 321, 544 n.
Faenza, Marco da (painter), 563.
Farnese, Family of the, 622.
Farnese, Alessandro, Duke,
(Governor of the Nether
lands), 14 seqq., 18 seq.,
23, 337, 377-
Farnese, Alessandro, Cardinal,
26, 429, 437, 527, 556,
567, 574 n. 2, 576-580.
597 n -
Farnese, Ottavio, 14.
Fazello, Tommaso (O.P.), 615.
Fazil, Abul, 476 seq.
Fazolio, 637 n. i.
Fecht, Peter (secretary to the
King of Sweden), 421
seqq.
Fend, Erasmus (Bavarian coun
cillor), 158, 160.
Ferdinand (Bavarian Duke),
378.
Ferdinand I., Emperor, 56, 215,
238, 241, 243-247, 255,
258 seq., 349.
Ferdinand II. (Archduke of the
Tyrol), 28, 42, 54, 56,
se.qq., 61, 63 n. 5, 64, 66,
70, 72, 74, 80, 83, 87, 99,
109 seq., 127, 131, 133,
seq., 136, 145, 149, 174.
180 seq., 211, 224, 255,
261, 270, 272 seq., 303,
321, 3^8, 370, 389,
540-
Fernandez, Em., 481 n. 4.
Ferrari, Paolo (Swedish envoy
in Rome), 419 seq.
Ferratino, Bartolomeo (Bishop),
57 1 -
Feucht, Jakob (Coadj utor-
bishopof Bamberg), 191.
Feyt, Florenz (Papal envoy to
Sweden), 421.
Fickler, Johann, 71, 85.
Firley (grand-marshal of Po
land), 387.
Fontana, Giovanni (architect),
562, 626, 628.
Forli, Livio Agresti da, 611.
Formello, Donato da (painter),
615.
Fornier, Jean (S.J.), 425.
Franchini, Giulio, 549 n. 2.
Franck, Kaspar, 47.
Frangipani, Fabio Mirto (Arch
bishop " of Nazareth,
nuncio in Paris), n.
Francis, Daimio (Japanese con
vert), 459.
Francis I., (King of France),
385.
Francis I. (Duke of Saxony-
Lauenburg), 143, 316
seq.
Francis of Paula, St., 600.
Francis Xavier, St., 448 seq.,
456 seq., 466, 470, 472
seq.
Frauenberg, Ladislaus, Count
of, 47.
Frederick (Duke of Holstein,
Bishop of Hildesheim,)
143, 284, 287.
66o
INDEX OF NAMES.
Frederick (Duke of Saxony-
Lauenbnrg), 316, 342,
345 seq., 372.
Frederick (Count Palatine), 210,
212, 238, 282.
Frederick II. (King of Den
mark), 333.
Frederick III. (Elector Pala
tine), 150, 152, 248 seqq.,
252, 254 n. 4, 263, 310.
Frederick Albert (Duke of
Prussia), 308, 386.
Freytag, Sebastian (Abbot of
Bruck), 108.
Frizolio, Lorenzo, 572 n. 4.
Froes, L. (Jesuit missionary),
449, 454 seq., 458.
Fugger, Family of the, 123 se-.j.
Funck (Abbot of Petershausen),
J 73-
Fiirstenberg, Theodore von
(Bishop of Paderborn),
347-
GAETANI, Pietro, 537.
Gago, Balthasar (Jesuit mis
sionary), 449.
Gakkei, Schogun, 455.
Galli, Tolomeo, Cardinal (of
Como), 10, 26 seq., 64, j
83, 129, 161, 180, 191
n. i, 270 seq., 278, 282
seq., 313. 323, 329, 363
seq., 372, 381 seq., 407,
419, 425, 429, 436 seq.,
517, 594 n. i, 614 n. 6,
637 n., 642 n. 2.
Garces, Julian (Bishop of
Tlaxcala), 501.
Gardie, Pontius de la (Swedish
envoy in Rome), 422
seq., 425-
Gennadms, 487.
George, Duke of Brunswick
(Archbishop of Bremen),
317-
Georg Ludwig (Landgrave of
Leucbtenberg), 87.
Gerard, Balthasar, 19 n. 4.
Germigny, Jacques (French
envoy in Constanti
nople), 488.
Ghettini, Agostino, 462 n. i.
Gbislieri, Giov. Pietro, 517
n. 7, 518 seq., 520 seq.,
522 seq.
Gibelstadt, Zobel von (Bishop
of Bamberg), 191 n. 8.
Gigli, Tomaso. 514.
Giovio, P., 438.
Gluschitz, Konrad Adam
(Bishop of Laibach), 71.
Gnecchi, Organtino (Jesuit mis
sionary), 456, 458.
Gogreff, Georg (dean of Min-
den), 296, 298.
Gonzaga, Ercole, Cardinal, 424.
Gonzaga, Louis, 476.
Gonzaga, Marco, 544 n.
Good, William (S.J.), 425.
Granvelle, Cardinal, 10.
Gregory IX., Pope, 610, 616.
Gregory XL, Pope, 608, 651.
Gregory XI II., Pope, see Vol.
XX.
Gregory of Nazianzen, St., 569
seqq., 615.
Gretser (Jesuit), 122.
Groesbeek, Gerhard von
(Bishop of Liege), Cardi
nal, 23.
Gropper, Johann, 82, 87, 187,
Gropper, Gaspar (nuncio), 66.
123, 125, 187-190, 215,
233 seq., 284, 297 seq.,
308-314, 317 seqq., 323
seqq., 329, 34$, 354 seq.
Gaulterius, Guido, 639 n. i.
Guastavillani, Filippo (nephew
of Gregory XI II.), Cardi
nal, 10, 464, 530 n., 561,
57 n. 5, 587, 626, 636.
Guercino, Prete da (leader of
bandits), 539.
Gymnich, Werner von, 307 seq.
HALVER, Ludwig (vice-chan
cellor of Brunswick), 289.
Hammerstein (envoy of Cleves),
321.
Hara, Martin (Japanese noble
man), 460, 462.
Hattstein, Markward von
(Bishop of Spires), 131,
149, 151 seq., 228.
Haugwitz, Johann von (Bishop
of Meissen), 348 seq.
INDEX OF NAMES.
661
Heer (Abbot of Einsiedeln), 172.
Helding (Bishop of Merseburg),
245-
Henriqucz, Franc. (Jesuit mis
sionary), 476.
Henry of Navarre, 379.
Henry (Duke of Brunswick-
Wolf cnbiittel), 287, 288
seq., 296.
Henry (Protestant Archbishop
of Bremen, Duke of
Saxony-Lauenburg), 306,
312, 316, 317 n. i, 318
seqq., 322 seq., 324, 327,
329 seq., 335, 337 seqq.,
340, 342, 345 seqq., 351,
362, 366.
Henry III. (Duke of Anjou,
King of France), n, 386
seqq.
Henry Julius (Duke of Bruns
wick- Wolfenbiittel), 288,
290, 297 seqq., 300 seq.,
351-
Herberstein, 438.
Herbcst (Jesuit), 399-
Hida - no - kami, Takajama
[Dario], 455-
Hoffaus, Paul (S.J.), 49, 181.
Hoffmann, John Frederick,
278, 280.
Hohenems, Mark Sitticb von
[Altcmps], Cardinal, 26,
134, 138, 140, 167 seqq.,
176, 516, 528.
Holguin, Diego Gonzalez (Jesuit
missionary), 505 seq.
Holle, Eberhard (Abbot of
Liineburg, Bishop of
Lii beck and Verden), 290,
352, 353-
Horneburg, Hermann von, 288
seqq., 291, 298 seqq.
Hosius, Stanislaus, Cardinal,
26 seq., 41, 50, 291, 585,
390 n. 5, 393 seq., 396,
405, 419, 425. 429.
Hoya, Johann von (Bishop of
Miinster), 304-307, 309,
312, 317 seq., 346 seqq.
IGNATIUS OF LOYOLA, 384, 586.
Ilsung, Family of, 123 seq.
Ingoli, Family of the, 521.
Innocent III., Pope, 491, 6n.
Innocent X., Pope, 592.
Innocent XI., Pope, 638.
Isabella of Aragon, 419.
Isei, Family of the, 522.
Ito, Mantius (Japanese prince),
459, 462.
Ivan IV., " The Terrible," 386,
434-446.
JACOBILLI, L. (chronicler), 618
n. 4.
Jacobea, Duchess, 48, 93, 313.
Jeremias (schismatic patriarch
of Constantinople), 489,
494-
Joachim, Frederick (Margrave
of Brandenburg), 274,
284, 295.
Joachim, Charles (Duke of
Brunswic k-\Vol fen but -
tel), 297 n. 2.
John of Austria, Don, 6-9, 14,
640 n. 2.
John (Coptic patriarch), 497-
John (Duke of Nassau), 338 seq.,
340, 362, 365, 371.
John III. (King of Sweden), 51,
386, 417-423, 425 seqq.,
420-433, 440.
John Casimir (Count Palatine),
152, 373, 375. 379-
John George (Elector of Bran
denburg), 252, 263.
John Sigismund (Elector of
Brandenburg), 33.
John William (Duke of Jiilich-
Cleves). 66, 307, 309,
313, 315, 32i. 323. 325-
331, 334, 337, 339 seqq.,
343, 345, 370-
Joschinaga, Daimio, 451.
Joschisada, Daimio, 453.
Joschischiga, Otomo, Daimio,
45i-
Julius (Duke of Brunswic k-
Wolfenbiittel), 291 seq. t
296-301, 303, 313, 351-
Julius II., Pope, 567, 601, 608.
Julius III., Pope, 490, 542, 556,
57 6 -
Junilla, Matteo di (Franciscan
lay-brother), 508.
662
INDEX OF NAMES.
Jussoila, John, 432.
Justus, Alex., 566 n.
KARNKOWSKI, Stanislaus
(Bishop of Leslau), 390,
406 seq.
Kartaro, Mario (engraver), 567
n. 3-
Katschadur (Armenian patri
arch), 496.
Kessel, L., 214 n. 3.
Khuen, Michael (Archbishop of
Salzburg), 62 n. 5.
Khuen v. Belasy, Johann Jacob,
(Archbishop of Salzburg),
27 seq. , 62, 64, 66, 69-
80, 83, 87, 105, 109, in,
seqq., 123, 155 seq., 160
seq., 250, 261 seq.
Klaur, William (Abbot of
Fulda), 205.
Klefl, Melchior, 267.
Klinghard, Johann (Hessian
envoy), 212 n. 8.
Knoringen, Johann Egolf von
(Bishop of Augsburg),
125 seq.
Kobenzl, Hans von (Austrian
chancellor), 80.
Kolderer, David (Bishop of
Ratisbon), 39, 88 seqq.,
156.
Komulowic, Alessandro (Canon
of Zara), 485.
Kostka, Peter (Bishop of Kulm)
45-
Kostka, Stanislaus (S.J.), 402.
Koteda (Japanese prince), 452.
Krasinski, (Bishop of Cracow),
393-
Kuenberg, George von (coadju
tor of Salzburg), 156
n. 2.
Kunz, Othmar (Abbot of St.
Gall), 130.
LAFKF.RY, Antonio, 554, 594.
Lampeschi, Family of the, 522.
Landini, Taddeo (sculptor), 569,
593-
Lanzea, (Jesuit), 495.
Laterna, Martin, 400, 403.
Latini, Latino, 637 n. i.
Lattanzio (governor of the
Romagna), 518, n. 3.
Laureo, Vincenzo (Bishop of
Mondovi), Cardinal, 388
seq., 390 n. 3, 391, 428
n. i.
Laureti, Tomaso (painter), 564,
613 seq.
Lawrence (Japanese convert),
453, 455-
Leisentritt, Joh. (provost of
Bautzen), 349 seq.
Leleszi, Peter John (J.S.), 414.
Leo I., Pope, 567, 648.
Leo II., Pope, 648.
Leo III., Pope, 612 n. 2, 648.
Leo X., Pope, 472, 592, 601, 603
seq., 606, 614.
Leonardi, Family of the, 521.
Leoncillo [Petrino], of Spoleto,
bandit, 531.
Leubenstein, Martin (S.J.), 164.
Leuchtenberg, Countess, 88.
Lichtenfels, Melchior von
(Bishop of Basle), 131,
i37 :
Ligorio, Pirro, 554.
Lindanus, William (Bishop of
Ghent), 20 n. 4.
Lindemann (Saxon councillor),
245 n. i.
Liner (Jesuit), 164.
Lippi, Annibale (architect), 599.
Loaysa, Franc. Jeronimo de
(O.P., Archbishop of
Lima), 502.
Lopez, Luis, 508 n. 3.
Lopperz, (Jesuit), 225, 230.
Lorichs, Andrew (Swedish envoy)
419, 433 n. 5.
Louis (Duke of Wurtemberg),
71, 85, 150, 203.
Louis (Landgrave of Hesse), 203,
212, 222, 243, 311.
Louis (Count - Palatine), 250,
252.
Lunghi, Martino (architect), 561,
575, 581, 584 n. 7, 598
seq., 615, 625.
Lussy, Melchior (leader of the
Swiss Catholics), 167, 169,
171, 185.
Luther, 3, 42, 298
Luxsinger, Balthasar, 167.
INDEX OF NAMES.
66 3
MACESILAUS, Joh., 566 n. 2.
Madruzzo, Cristoforo, Cardinal,
10 seq., 26, 516.
Madruzzo, Lodovico, Cardinal,
26. 80, 140, 160, 197, 219
n. 5, 250, 254 n. 5, 269
seqq., 272-282, 296, 319,
342, 366 seq., 370, 383
n. i, 429, 437.
Maestro, Giovanni, 577.
Maftei, Giampietro (S.J.,
biographer of Gregory
XIII.), 464, 639 n. i.
Maffei, Marcantonio, Cardinal,
269, 645.
Magnus, Lawrence, 432.
Malaspina, Germanico (nuncio),
272 seq., 274, 281 n. 4,
37i, 374, 38i seq.
Malaspina, Orazio (nuncio), 444
n. 4.
Malatesta, Family of the, 522.
Malatesta, Ramberto (leader of
bandits), 534.
Malvezzi, E. (Swedish envoy),
425 n. 5.
Mancim (Roman conservator),
607.
Manderscheid, Johann von
(Bishop of Strasburg), 130
seq., 143 seqq., 147, 149,
369 n. i, 383 n. i.
Manderscheid- Keil, Christopher
von (Count and Abbot),
Mansfeld, Count (Archbishop of
Cologne), 187.
Mansfeld, Agnes von, 365, 371.
Manuel (King of Portugal),
4.72.
Margaret of Austria, 14.
Maria, Maddalena (sister of the
Emperor Rudolph), 311.
Marianaccio of Camerino
(brigand), 526.
Martin V., Pope, 600.
Mary, (Arch-duchess of Styria),
42.
Mary Stuart (Queen of Scot
land), 6.
Mascherino, Ottaviano [Nonni],
(painter and architect),
560 n. i, 561. 616-621,
623.
Masius (envoy from Cleves),
308 n. 2.
Massilara, see Paleologus
Mallei, Antonio de (Bishop of
Bosnia), 484.
Matteo, Giovanni (S.J., archi
tect), 578 n. i.
Matthias (Archduke of Austria,
governor of the Nether
lands), 8, u, 334 seqq.,
337, 340.
Maximilian (Archduke of
Austria), 195 n. 7, 253,
335-
Maximilian II., Emperor, 49 seq.,
54, 97 seq., 104, 120, 149,
151, 211, 213, 224, 226,
247-265, 274, 296, 300,
307. 320, 334 seq., 349 seq.,
385 n. i, 387 n. i, 3895*?.
Maxlrain, Wolf Dietrich von, 54.
Meckbach, Johann (Hessian
envoy), 210, 212.
Medici, Alessandro de , Cardinal
(afterwards Pope Leo XI.)
580.
Medici, Ferdinando de , Cardi
nal, 527, 548, 556, 645.
Medici, Francesco de , (Grand-
duke of Tuscany), 460.
Menganti, Alessandro (sculptor),
629.
Mengersdorf, Ernest von (Bishop
of Bamberg), 191.
Mercati, Michele (physician), 636.
Mercurian, Everard (General of
the Jesuits), 423, 424, 467.
Merode, Adrian (provost of
Liibeck), 353 n. 3.
Meschita (Jesuit), 460.
Michael, Peter (S.J.), 152, 182
n. 5, 462.
Michelangelo, 440, 555, 561, 569,
576, 584. 590, 599 seq.
Miletus, Vitus, 86.
Minucci, Minutio, 55, 285, 368
seq., 371 seq., 380 seq.
Miquez, Jose, 488.
Molvianinow, Jacob (Russian
envoy), 444 seqq.
Montaigne, Michel de, 552 seq.,
555-559, 573-
Montalcino, Cesare (Franciscan),
66 4
INDEX OF NAMES.
Montalto, Cardinal, 429, 536.
Montebelli, Marquis, 522.
Montccorvino, Giovanni da
(Franciscan missionary),
466.
Monte vecchio, Jacopo di, Count,
531-
Montluc, Jean de (Bishop of
Valence), 388.
Montorio (nuncio), 382 n. 2.
Montserrat, Ant. (Jesuit mission
ary), 476.
Montufar, Alfonso de (Arch
bishop of Mexico, O.P.), 502.
Moriaku, Francis, 455.
Morone, Girolamo, Cardinal, 10,
26, 51, 63 n. 6, 67, 93 n. 5,
in seq., 1 20 seq., 136, 140,
158, 189, 224, 254-261,
270, 301, 429, 589.
Morosini, Gianfrancesco (Bailo),
4 8 5 n - 5-
Moses, Beat (vicar-general of
Spires), 152.
Motonari, Mori, Daimio, 451.
Moullart, Matthieu (Bishop of
Arras), 13.
Mucantius, Franc. (Papal master
of ceremonies), 578.
Musotti, Filippo, 635 n. 3, 640
n. 2.
Muziano, Girolamo (painter),
560 n. i, 562 seq., 564,
568 seq., 613 seq., 617,
626, 650.
NACAURA, Julian (Japanese
noble), 460, 462, 464.
Nahai (Jesuit), 399.
Naldi, Family of the, 521.
Nas, Johann (Coadjutor-
bishop of Brixen), 58-
61, 70, 80, 93, 122 n. 4.
Nebbia, Cesare del (painter),
569, 617.
Neemet, Ignatius (Patriarch of
Antioch), 490 seq., 494,
496.
Neri, Philip, 580 seqq.
Neuenahr, Adolphus von,
Count, 362, 365, 367.
Nicholas (Archbishop of Nax-
ivan), 490.
Nicholas IV., Pope, 575 n. 5.
Nicholas V., Pope, 592, 609.
Nilsson, Lauritz (S.J., Papal
envoy), 421, 426.
Ninguarda, Feliciano (O .P.
nuncio), 27 seq. , 62-
65, 66, 71, 77, 83, 86-91,
93-109, in seq. t 1 1 6-
123, 154-163, 166, 182,
183 n. 5, 190, 258, 271,
273. 381.
Noailles, Francois cle (French
envoy to Turkey), 486,
490.
Nobili, Flaminio de , 637 n. i.
Nobunaga, Oda (Prince of
Owari), 455, 457 seq.
Nogari, Paris (painter), 563.
Nonni, see Mascherino.
Norcia, Paolo da, 98 n. 2.
Numai, Family of the, 521.
OBERG, Burkhard von (Bishop
of Hildesheim), 288 seqq.
Oberstein, Andreas von (Dean
of Spires), 150.
Odescalchi, G. A. (Mantuan
envoy), 631 seq., 635
n. 2.
Olivieri, Pierpaolo (sculptor),
564, 608.
Ongarese, Guilo (Papal com
missary), 538.
Opser, Joachim (Abbot of St.
Gall), 165, 173, 178.
Orange, William, Prince of,
i seq., 6 seqq., 12, 14, 17
seqq., 249, 308, 3^2.
Orano, Francesco (auditor of
the Rota), 371.
Ormaneto, Niccolo (Bishop of
Padua ; nuncio), 7, 44,
n. i.
Orsini, Family of the, 515.
Orsini, Flavio, Cardinal, 10, 556.
Orsini, Fulvio/637 n. i.
Orsini, Latino, 533.
Orsini, Lodovico, 537, 538 n. 2.
Orsini, Paolo Giordano (Duke
of Bracciano), 525, 536
seq., 548.
Orsini, Raimondo, 537.
Ortenburg, Joachim von,
Count, 47.
INDEX OF NAMES.
66 5
Oswald, George, 84.
Otto Henry of Brunswick Har-
hurg, 303.
Oviedo, Andrea de (Jesuit mis
sionary), 481.
PAC (Bishop of Kiew, apostate),
410.
Pace, Gian Battista della (head
of the Roman police),
537. 538.
Pahari (son of Akbar), 477.
Paleologo [Jacopo Massilara],
268.
Pallavicini, Francesco, 435.
Panigarola, Francesco (Fran
ciscan), 570.
Paul I., Pope, 566.
Paul III., Pope, 360, 481, 499,
501, 522, 555.
Paul IV., Pope, 472 seq.
Paul V., Pope, 556 n. i.
Paulus a Jesu (Franciscan
missionary), 467 n. 2,
479-
Peretti, Francesco (husband of
Vittoria Accoramboni),
536.
Perez, Francisco (S.J.), 466.
Peto, Luca, 549 n. i.
Petrino (brigand), 529 n. i.
Pflug (Bishop of Naumburg),
245-
Pfyffer, Ludwig (Swiss magis
trate), 164, 167.
Philibert (Margrave of Baden-
Baden), 48, 55, 150,
465-
Philip II. (King of Spain), i
seqq., 6, 8, u~i8, 23 seq.,
261, 307, 343, 358, 370,
377, 422, 424, 430, 460,
478, 498, 503, 511.
Philip Sigmund (Duke of Bruns-
wick-Wolfcnbiittel), 297
n. 2.
Piccolomini, Alfonso (Duke of
Montemarciano, leader
of bandits), 526, 533,
540.
Pilchowski, Adam (Bishop of
Chelm), 405.
Pisanelli, B., 544 n,
Pius IV., Pope, 25 seq., 45, 267,
434, 480, 564, 589, 594
seq., 600 seq., 602 seqq.,
606, 609.
Pius V , Pope, 25, 28, 33, 50,
61-63, 94, 120, 163, 289,
296, 304, 360 seq., 383,
434, 483 seq , 508, 522
seq., 542, 545, 564, 575,
592, 603, 609, 619, 638
seq.
Pius X., Pope, 616 n. i.
Plasencia, Juan de (Fianciscan
missionary), 479.
P-jmarancie, Niccol6 dalle
(painter), 563, 614, 617
n. 2, 621.
Ponzio, Haminio (architect),
623 n. 4.
Popler, William, 435.
Porta, Beat von (Bishop of
Coire), 113, 158, 165,
180, 182.
Porta, Giacomo della (archi
tect), 561, 565, 567, 578,
580, 583 seq., 592 seq.,
598.
Porta, Guglielmo della, (sculp
tor), 555.
Portia, Bartolomeo (nuncio), 10,
29 n. i, 39, 49, 66-85,
87, 89, 93, 96, in seq.,
121, 123, 125, 127-141,
143-147, 149-155. 158,
165, 187, 190, 196 n. 4,
197. 258, 271, 284, 292,
298, 300 seqq., 303 n. i,
329 seq., 354 seqq., 362
seq.
Portico, Vmcenzo (nuncio,
governor of Rome), 386
n. 3, 419, 537-
Possevino, Antonio (S.J.), 393,
404 n. 4, 413, 415, 423-
433. 437-447. 6 4* se( l-
Priuli, Lorenzo (Venetian
envoy), 539, 636 n. 6.
Protasius (Japanese convert),
457. 459-
Py ringer, Wolfgang (Jesuit),
171.
OUINTIO, Caspar de (O.P.,
Bishop of Curzola), 485.
666
INDEX TO NAMES.
RADZIWILI,, George (Bishop of
Wilna), Cardinal, 404,
405, 411.
Radziwill, Nicholas Christo
pher (Duke), 403 n. i,
494 n. i, 496.
Radziwifl, Nicholas (Prince),
403.
Radziwill, Stanislaus, 403 n. i.
Raesleld, Gosvvin von, 527.
Raesfeld, Gottfried von (Dean
of Miinster), 304, 307,
321, 326 .^7., 330, 533
" i, 33 6 > 33 8 , 34 >
346.
Raesfeld, Johann von (envoy
to Rome), 328.
Ragazxoni, Giacomo, 482.
Raggio, Tomrnaso (S.J.), 485,
492.
Rascher, Peter (Bishop of
Coire), 183.
Rasponi, Family of the, 518
n. 3, 521."
Rasser, Johann, 147 seq.
Recke, Henry von der (envoy
from Cloves), 307 n. 5,
326,331,335^7.
Reggio, Raflaelino da (painter),
563, 609.
Renee of Lorraine (Duchess of
Bavaria), 52 seq.
Requesens, Luis de, 4, 22.
Rhetius, 29 n. i.
Riario, Alessandro, Cardinal,
556.
Ribera, Giambattista (Jesuit
missionary), 467.
Ricci, Matteo (Jesuit mission
ary), 469 seqq.
Ricciardini, Family of the, 521.
Rodriguez, Nuiio (Jesuit mis
sionary), 460.
Roll, Walter (governor of Uri),
167, 185.
Romano, Giacomo, 573 n. T.
Roncalli, Cristoforo (painter),
563-
Roscius, Julius (poet), 597 n.
Rosenberg, \V. von., 389 n. 2.
Rovere, Francesco Maria della
(Duke of Urbino), 531.
Rozdrazewski, Hieron (Bishop
of Leslau), 406 n. 2.
Rudolph II., Emperor, 8, n
seq., 49, 87, 96, 226, 228,
230, 235, 250, 252, 266-
269, 273 seqq., 278, 282,
301, 335 seq., 337, 340,
319, 368, 377, 430, 435,
444, 446 n. 2, 488.
Ruggeri, Michele (Jesuit mis
sionary), 468 seq.
Rugghesi, Fausto (architect),
584-
Rusconi, Camillo (sculptor),
637.
Rustici, Ottavio de , 537, 645.
SABBATINI, Lorenzo [Lorenzino
da Bologna], painter,
560, n. i, 563, 600 $eqq.,
612, 615 seq., 617 n. 2.
I Salazar, Domingo cle (O.P.,
Bishop of Manila), 479.
i Salentin of Isenburg (Arch
bishop of Cologne), 189,
227, 251, 259, 312 seq.,
320, 324, 330, 345, 351,
361 seqq.
Salis, Family of, 165.
j Sammachini, Orazio (painter),
6u.
San Miguel, Antonio de (Fran
ciscan missionary), 508.
Sanchez, Joao de (Dominican
missionary), 482.
Sanchez, Pedro (Jesuit mission
ary), 503.
Sangallo, Antonio da (archi
tect), 590.
Santa Croce, Ottavio di (nuncio)
183, 254.
Santa Croce, Prospero, Cardi
nal, 26.
I Santa Maria, Lorenzo a (Fran
ciscan missionary), 479,
| Santangelo, Leonardo di (S.J.).
495 seq., 498.
Santi, Pietro da (painter), 613.
Santori, Cardinal (of S. Sever-
ino), 486, 493 n. i, 494,
572, 579, 584-
Santo Tomas, Domingo de
(Dominican missionary)
505-
Sarrazin, Jean (Abbot of St.
Vaast), 13.
INDEX TO NAMES.
667
Sassatelli, Family of the, 521
seq.
Sasso, Francesco (S.J.), 497-
Savelli, Family of the, 515.
Savelli, Giacomo, Cardinal, 47.9,
486, 576 n. 3.
Savelli, Orazio, 517.
Savelli, Sillo, 537.
Schade (syndic ol Miinster), 312.
Schauenberg, Hermann von
(Bishop of Minclen), 351.
Schaumberg, Martin von
(Bishop of Fichstatt),
192 seq.
Schenk, Philip (Abbot of
Fulda), 204.
Schenking (companion of the
nuncio Portia), 82.
Schenking (major domo of
Frnest of Bavaria), 326.
Scherer (Jesuit), 267.
Sche\verigin, IvanThomas (Rus
sian envoy in Rome),
435, 437 **<!<!
Schlattl, Christoph (Bishop of
Chiemsee), no, 160.
Schnewly, Peter (Provost of
Freiburg), 175.
Schonenberg, Johann von
(Archbishop of Treves),
275, 357, 368 seq., 380.
Schorich, Georg (S.J.). 4 8 se 4->
52.
Schrader, Lorenz, 317, 326 seq.,
Schwarzenberg, Christoph von,
43 n. 5,
Schwarzenberg, Henry Otto
von, 48, 334.
Schweikart von Cronberg,
Johann, 234 n. i.
Schweikart von Helfenstein
(Count), 60 n. 5.
Schwendi, Lazarus (Imperial
councillor), 262.
Sebastian (King of Portugal),
473-
Sega, Filippo (Bishop of Pia-
cenza, nuncio), 7, 377,
518 n. 3.
Segesser, Jost (captain of the
Swiss Guard), 167, 169.
Selim II. (Sultan of Turkey),
483-
Sementa, Jacopo (painter), 617
n. 2.
Sequanus, Joh. Metcllus, 16
n. i.
Serbello, Marchese di, 531.
Serughi, Family of the, 521.
Sforza, Family of the, 515.
Sforza, Bona, 419 n. 2.
Sforza, Gian Galeazzo, 419.
Sforza di Santa Fiora, Ales-
sandro, Cardinal, 10,
529 seq., 532, 536, 556.
Siena, Marco da (painter), 611,
617 n. 2.
Siena, Matteo da (painter),
609.
Sigismund (heir to the Swedish
throne), 432 seq., 447.
Sigismund Augustus (King of
Poland), 212, 385 seq.,
390, 417, 419, 430, 434-
Silberysen, Christoph (Abbot of
Wettingen), 179.
Sirleto, Cardinal, 16 n. i, 429,
486, 583.
Sixtus IV., Pope, 592, 60 1, 603,
606.
Sixtus V., Pope, 146, 231, 552,
554, 593, 597 n -> 62 9,
638 seq.
Skarga, Peter (S.J.), 393, 399,
401-405, 447.
Sokolowski, Stanislaus (provost
of Cracow), 400.
Solikowski, Demetrius (Bishop
of Lemberg), 405.
Solms, Adolphus von (Count,
canon of Cologne), 362,
365-
Sondergelteus, Olaf, 428.
Sonnius, Francis (Bishop of
Antwerp), 20 n. 4.
Sozzini, Fausto, 392 n. i.
Sozzini, Lelio, 392 n. i.
Spannocchi, Orazio (secretary
to Bolognetti), 411.
Spaur, Christoph Andreas,
(Dean of Brixen, Bishop
of Gurk), 73, 76 seq., 83
seq., 113, 643 n. i.
Speciani, Cesare, 512.
Spetus, Celius (Roman parish-
priest), 540 n. i.
Spinola, 359.
668
INDEX OF NAMES.
Sporeno, Francesco (Francis
can), 127-134, 165 seq.,
321 n. 4.
Stazio [Statius], Achilles, 570,
582.
Stefani, Bonifazio de (Bishop
of Stagno), 484.
Stephanus, Joseph (theologian),
444 n.
Stralendorff, Leopold von, 235
seq., 240, 242.
Strozzi, Pompeo, 254 n. 4, 547
n. 2, 633 n. 5.
Sued, Filippo (Ferrarese envoy)
530 n.
Sumitada (ruler of Omura)
452 seq.
Susio, Giov. Batt., 544 n.
Szanto, Stephan [Orator]
(Jesuit), 414.
TAKAAKT, Daimio, 453.
Takaharu, Naito (governor of
Jamagutschi), 451.
Takanobu, Matsuura, Daimio,
453-
Talpa, Antonio, 582 n. i.
Tandorf, Jakob (Bavarian
envoy), 316, 324.
Tarugi, Francesco Maria (Ora-
torian), 580 n. 5.
Tasso, Torquato, 362, 580.
Taverna, Lodovico (Bishop of
Lodi, nuncio), 514.
Tegginger, Mark (Suffragan of
Basle), 138, 139 n. 5.
Tempesta, Antonio (painter),
563, 597 n., 615.
Tetelben, Valentine von
(Bishop), 287.
Thiingen, Neidhardt von (Dean
of Wiirzburg), 220.
Thurn, Georg von, 147 n. 9.
Thyraeus (Jesuit), 214 n. 3.
Tibaldi, Domenico (architect),
628.
Tibalduccio, Marcello (brigand),
526.
Tiepolo, Paolo (Venetian envoy
in Rome), 42, 514.
Toledo, Francisco de (S.J.), 429,
613 n. 8.
Toledo, Francisco de (Viceroy
of Peru), 508.
Tonner, John, 266 n.
Torello, Sebastian, 571, n. i,
573 n. i.
Torres, Cosmo de (Jesuit mis
sionary), 453, 456.
i Torres, Rubio, Diego de (Jesuit
missionary), 506.
i Torrigiani, Bastiano, 569.
i Trabaldese, Francesco (painter),
585.
Trattner, Johann (Abbot of
St. Lamprecht), 108.
Trennbach, Urban von (Bishop
of Passau), 77, 79, 88,
98, 113, 117, 160, 268
n. 8.
Trivius, Alexander, 118 seqq.,
288, 293 seq., 320, 350
se qq-> .353-
Tron (Venetian envoy), 249.
Truchsess, Prince of Waldburg,
372 n. 2.
Truchsess, Gebhard (Arch
bishop of Cologne), 303,
330, 333, 337 seq-, 342,
344 se 3-, 359, 362-379.
Truchsess, Otto (Bishop of
Augsburg), Cardinal, 26-
29, 33, 35, 38 seq., 41,
50, 82, 123 seqq., 144
n. 2, 291, 317, 363 seq.
lucci, Stefano (S.J.), 638.
Turibio (Archbishop of Lima),
502 seq.
Turner, Robert, 84 n. 2, 193 n. i.
Turrecremata, Cardinal, 405.
UCHANSKI, Jakob (Archbishop
of Gnesen), 388 seq., 392
seq., 406.
Uchanski, Paul (Polish envoy
in Rome), 395.
Udine, Giovanni da (painter),
614.
Urban VIII., Pope, 621.
VALF.NTI, Giovanni (leader of
bandits), 534.
Valenti, Romolo (governor of
the Campagna), 527.
Valentino, Ascanio, 573 n. i.
Valera, Bias (S.J.) 507.
INDEX OF NAMES.
669
Valeriano, Guiseppe (S.J.,
painter and architect),
587-
Valiero, Agostino, Cardinal,
483 n. 6.
Valignani, Alessandro (Jesuit
missionary), 457-460,
467 seq., 474.
Vasari, Giorgio (painter), 560
n. i, 562, 609 seq., 612,
615-
Vega, Garcilasso de la (histor
ian), 507.
Venturelli, Family of the, 521.
Vero, Louis (Dominican mis
sionary), 502.
Viani, Family of the, 521.
Vicente, Rodrigo (Jesuit mis
sionary), 474.
Vignola, Giacomo (architect),
561, 565, 57 6 seqq., 618.
Vilela, Caspar (Jesuit mission
ary), 449, 453 seqq.
Vitelli, Vincenzo, 538 n. 2.
Volpi (Bishop of Como, nuncio),
165, 170.
Vosmeer, S., 17 n. 6.
WAD A [Vatandono], 455.
Waldeck, Francis of (Bishop of
Miinster), 304.
Waszewicki, Stanislaus (S.J.),
420, 431 n. 4.
Wasa. Gustavus (King of
Sweden), 417, 422.
Wasa, Sigismund (son of John
III. of Sweden), 386.
W r eber, Stephen (coadjutor of
Mayence, Imperial vice-
chancellor), 236.
Welser, Philippine (mother of
Andrew of Austria), 286,
370-
Werro. Sebastian, 532, 591 n. 5.
Westerhagen, Henry, 238.
Westerhagen, William, 238.
Westerholt, Conrad von, 312,
314, 316, 325, 327 seq.,
330-334. 336 seqq., 34
seq.
Wied, Frederick von (Arch
bishop of Cologne), 360.
Wied, Hermann von (Arch
bishop of Cologne),
360.
William of Hesse, Landgrave),
203, 209, 210 n. i, 212
seq., 226, 238 seqq., 243,
250, 253, 263.
William IV. (Duke of Bavaria),
42 seq., 48.
William IV. (Duke of Jiilich-
Cleves), 187, 285, 290,
292, 33> 3 6 seqq., 311
seqq., 3*5, 3 2 i seq., 324
seq., 328 seq., 331 seq.,
33 6 . 337. 34. 343 seq.,
358.
William V. (Duke of Bavaria),
52-55. 156, 159 seqq.,
255, 260, 272 seq., 275,
278, 321 n. 4, 341 n. 3,
344. 375, 377 seqq.
William von der Mark (leader
of the Gueux), i.
Wimpfeling (chancellor of
Treves), 354-
Winichius, Henry, 294.
Winkelmann (chancellor of
Fulda), 222, 229 n. i,
224 n. i.
Winneburg (Imperial commis
sary), 338.
Winnenberg, Johann von
(Baron), 362.
Wintzingerode, Barthold von,
235-
Wirsberg, Frederick von
(Bishop of Wiirzburg),
82, 195. J 97 seqq., 207
n. 7.
Wolf Dietrich von Maxlrain,
see Maxlrain.
Wujek, James (S.J.), 406.
Wurer, Balthasar (coadjutor
Bishop of Constance),
154-
Wiirtzburg, Veit von (Bishop of
Barnberg), 190 seq.
ZAMOISKI (Polish chancellor)
391 n. i, 393. 399-
Zapata, Luis (Bishop of Bo
gota), 502.
670
INDEX OF NAMES.
Zevel, Adam von (Burgomaster
of Aix), 358.
Zibramonte, Aurelio (Mant.uan
envoy), 26 n. 3, 547 n i.
Zuccaro, Federico (painter), 560
n. i, 562 seqq., 613.
Zumarraga, Juan de (Arch
bishop of Mexico), 502.
Zufiiga, Juan de (Jesuit mis
sionary), 505.
Zufiiga, Juan de (Spanish envoy
in Rome), 419 n. 5.
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