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Full text of "The history of the popes from the close of the Middle Ages : drawn from the secret archives of the Vatican and other original sources"

- 



HISTORY OF THE POPES 

VOL. XXV. 



PASTORS HISTORY OF THE POPES 



THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from 
the German of LUDWIG, FREIHERR VON PASTOR. Edited, as to 
Vols. I. -VI. by the late FREDERICK IGNATIUS ANTROBUS, and, 
as to Vols. VII. -XXIV. by RALPH FRANCIS KERR, of the 
London Oratory, Vols. XXv! -XXXIV. by DOM ERNEST GRAF, 
of Buckfast Abbey, and Vols. XXXV.-XXXVIII. by E. F- 
PEELER. 



Vols. I. and II. 
Vols. III. and IV. 
Vols. V. and VI. 
Vols. VII. and VIII. 
Vols. IX. and X. 
Vols. XI. and XII. 
Vols. XIII. and XIV. 
Vols. XV. and XVI. 
Vols. XVII. arid XVIII. 
Vols. XIX. and XX. 
Vols. XXI. and XXII. 
Vols. XXIII. and XXIV. 
Vols. XXV. and XXVI. 
Vols. XXVII. to XXIX. 
Vols. XXX. to XXXII. 
Vols. XXXIII. and XXXIV. 
Vols. XXXV. and XXXVI. 
Vols. XXXVII. and XXXVIII. A. D. 1758-1774 
The original German text of the History of the Popes is published 
by Herder & Co., Freiburg (Baden). 



A.D. 1305-1458 

A.D. 1458-1483 

A.D. 1484-1513 

A.D. 1513-1521 

A.D. 1522-1534 

A.D. 1534-1549 

A.D. 1550-1559 

A.D. 1559-1565 

A.D. 1566-1572 

A.D. 1572-1585 

A.D. 1585-1591 

A.D. 1592-1604 

A.D. 1605-1621 

A.D. 1621-1644 

A.D. 1644-1700 

A.D. 1700-1740 

A.D. 1740-1769 




THE 

HISTORY OF THE PO 

FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES 



DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER 
ORIGINAL SOURCES 



FROM THE GERMAN OF 



LUDWIG, FREIHERR VON PASTOR 



TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY 

DOM ERNEST GRAF, O.S.B. 

MONK OF BUCKFAST 



VOLUME XXV. 

LEO XI. AND PAUL V. (1605-1621) 



LONDON 
ROUTLEDGE & KEGAN PAUL LTD., 

BROADWAY HOUSE: 68-74 CARTER LANE, E.C. 4 

ST. LOUIS, MO. : B. HERDER BOOK CO., 

15 & 17 SOUTH BROADWAY 
1952 



First published in England 1937 
Reprinted JQ5-? 



i potest 
Subiaco, April 9, 1936. 

Dom M. Etcheverry, Abbot General. 



Printed in Great Britain by 
I .owe and Brydone Printers Limited, London, N.W.io 



TO 

MY DEAR WIFE 
ON HER yoxH BIRTHDAY. 



Multa renascentur quae jam cecidere. 

Horace, AYS poeta, 10. 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXV. 



PAGE 

Collections of Archives and Manuscripts referred to in 

Volumes XXV. and XXVI ix 

Complete Titles of Books quoted in Volumes XXV. and 

XXVI. . . . xii 

Table of Contents . xxx 

List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix . xliii 

The Conclaves in the Spring of 1605 Leo XI. and Paul V. i 

Antecedents, Character, and Environment of Paul V. 

The Borghese . 39 

Paul V. as Ruler of the Papal States Papal Finance . 73 

Ecclesiastico-political struggle with Venice and Proclama 
tion of the Interdict . I 1 1 

Sarpi s Political Theories and his Attempt to Protestantize 
. Venice .... ... 184 

Paul V. s Reforming Activity within the Church 
Suspension of the Thomist and Molinist Controversy 
Canonizations ... 2I 7 

Paul V. Fosters the Religious Orders Galileo and the 

Roman Inquisition Nomination of Cardinals 269 

Spread of Christianity in Missionary Countries . 344 

Paul V. s Efforts. for the Pacification of Western Europe 
and Italy Religious Conditions in Switzerland and 
Disturbances in the Grisons 3 8 7 

Appendix of Unpublished Documents . 447 

Index of Names 4^5 



Vll 



COLLECTIONS OF ARCHIVES AND MANU 
SCRIPTS REFERRED TO IN VOLUMES XXV. 
AND XXVI. 



Aix (Provence) Mejanes 

Library. 

AQUILA Dragonetti Archives. 
AREZZO Library of the Frater- 

nitd di 5. Maria. 

BERLIN State Library. 
BERNBURG Archives. 
BOLOGNA Communal Library. 

- University Library. 
BRUSSELS Burgundian 
Library. 

CHUR Episcopal Archives. 

DIEBURG (Hesse) Library of 
the Capuchins. 

FERRARA Bentivoglio Ar 
chives. 

FLORENCE State Archives. 
National Library. 

FOLIGNO Library of Mgr. 
Faloci Pulignani. 

FRANKFURT A. M. City 
Library. 

FREIBURG i. BR. University 
Library. 

GENOA Municipal Library. 

INNSBRUCK Provincial Ar 
chives. 



KONIGSBERG Library. 

LEMBERG Ossoliniana 
brary. 



Li- 



MANTUA Gonzaga Archives. 

MASSA CARRARA State Ar 
chives. 

METZ City Library. 

MILAN Gonzaga Archives. 

MODENA State Archives. 

MUNICH Government Ar 
chives. 

State Archives. 

State Library. 



NAPLES Library of the 
Societd di Storia Patria. 



PADUA Library of St. An 
tonio. 

PARIS National Archives. 
- National Library. 

RAVENNA Archiepiscopal Ar 
chives. 

RIMINI Gambalunga Library. 

ROME 

Archives : 

Boncompagni. 

Costaguti. 

St. Maria Maggiore. 

Orsini. 

Papal Secret. 

St. Peter s. 

Propaganda. 

Ruspoli. 

Spanish Embassy. 

State Archives. 

Theatines. 



IX 



X ARCHIVES & MANUSCRIPTS IN VOLS. XXV. & XXVI. 



Libraries : 

Altieri. 

Angelica. 

Barberini (now at the 

Vatican) . 
Borghese. 
Casanatense. 
Chigi (now at the 

Vatican) . 
Corsini. 
Corvisieri. 
S. Croce in Geru- 

salemme. 
Manzoni. 

S. Paolo fuori le Mira. 
Pastor. 
Vallicelliana. 
Vatican. 
Vittorio Emanuele. 



SALERNO Archiepiscopal Ar 
chives. 

SIENA State Archives. 
Library. 

SIMANCAS Archives. 

SPOLETO Archiepiscopal Ar 
chives. 

STUTTGART Library. 

TRENT City Library. 
UPSALA Library. 

VENICE Archives of the Capu 
chins. 

State Archives. 

St. Mark s Library. 

VICENZA Bertoliana Library. 
VIENNA State Archives. 
State Library. 



COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS QUOTED 
IN VOLUMES XXV. AND XXVI. 



Abschiede, Die Eidgenossischen, Vols. 4, 5, Bern, 1861 seq. 

Alb&ri, E., Le relazioni degli ambasciatori Veneti al Senate 

durante il secolo decimosesto. 3rd Series, Firenze, 1839- 

1855- 
Albericius, R., Epistolae et opuscula Caes. Baronii. 3 Vols., 

Romae, 1759-1770. 
Amabile, L., II S. Officio della Inquisizione in Napoli. 2 Vols., 

Citta di Castello, 1892. 
Amayden, Teodoro, La storia delle famiglie Romane con note di 

C. A. Bertini. 2 Vols., Roma, 1910, 1914. 
Anaissi, Tob., Bullarium Maronitarum. Romae, 1911. 
Andreas, W., Die venezianischen Relationen und ihr Verhaltnis 

zur Kultur der Renaissance. Leipzig, 1908. 
Angeli, D., Le Chiese di Roma. Roma, s.a. 
Annovazzi, V. t Storia di Civitavecchia. Roma, 1853. 
Archiv fiir schweizerische Reformationsgeschichte, edited for 

the Swiss " Piusverein " by Th. Scherer-Boccard, F. Fiala, 

and P. Bannwart. Vols. 1-3, Freiburg, 1869 seqq. 
Archivio della R. Societa Romana di Storia Patria. Vols. I. seqq., 

Roma, 1878 seqq. 

Archivio Storico dell Arte, pubbl. per Gnoli. Roma, 1888 seqq. 
Archivio Storico Italiano. 5 Series. Firenze, 1842 seqq. 
Archivio Storico Lombardo. Milano, 1874 seqq. 
Archivio Storico per le Provincie Napolitane. Napoli, 1876 seqq. 
Aretin, C. M. v., Geschichte des bayerischen Herzogs und Kur- 

fiirsten Maximilian des Ersten. Passau, 1842. 
Arezio, L., L azione diplomatica del Vaticano nella questione del 

Matrimonio Spagnuolo. Palermo, 1896. 
Arezio, L., La politica della S. Sede rispetto alia Valtellina dal 

concordato d Avignone alia morte di Gregorio XV. (12 

Nov., 1622-8 Luglio, 1623). Cagliari, 1899. 
Armellini, M., Le chiese di Roma dalle loro origini sino al secolo 

XVI. Roma, 1887. 
Arte, L , (continuation of Archivio storico dell Arte). Roma, 

1898 seqq. 
Astrdin, A. (S.J.), Historia de la Compania de Jesus en la 

Asistencia de Espana. Vols. 1-5, Madrid, 1902 seqq. 
Aumale, Due d , Histoire des Princes de Conde. 8 vols., Paris, 

1869-1895- 

xi 



xil COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Bachelet, see Le Bachelet. 

Baglione, Giov., Le Vite de pittori, scultori et architetti dal 

pontificate di Gregorio XIII. del 1572 in fino a tempi di 

Papa Urbano VIII. nel 1642. Napoli, 1733. 
Balan, P., Delle relazioni fra la chiesa cattolica e gli Slavi della 

Bulgaria, Bosnia, Serbia, Erzegovina. Roma, 1880. 
Balan, P., Storia d ltalia. Vol. 6, Modena, 1882. 
Baldinucci, F., Vita of Giov. Lorenzo Bernini (translated, with 

commentary, by A. Riegl, Vienna, 1912). 
Bangen, J.H., Die romische Kurie, ihre gegenwartige Zusammen- 

setzung und ihr Geschaftsgang. Miinster, 1854. 
Barbier de Montault, X., CEuvres completes. 6 Vols., Poitiers- 
Paris, 1889-1890. 
Barozzi, N.,eG. Berchet, Le relazioni degli Stati Europei lette al 

Senatb degli ambasciatori Veneziani nel sec. 17. 10 Vols., 

Venezia, 1856-1879. 

Barioli, >., Dell I-nghilterra (Opere, Vols. 3-4). Torino, 1825. 
Bartoli, D., Dell istoria della Compagnia di Gesti. L ltalia. 

(Opere, Vol. 5). Torino, 1825. 
Bartoli, D., Della Vita di Roberto, Cardinal Bellarmino (Opere, 

Vol. 22). Torino, 1836. 

Batiffol, P., Histoire du Breviare Romain. 2 edit., Paris, 1894. 
Battistella, A., II S. Offizio e la Riforma religiosa in Bologna. 

Bologna, 1905. 

B&umer, S. (O.S.B.), Geschichte des Breviers. Freiburg, 1895. 
Baumgarten, P. M. Neue Kunde von alten Bibeln. Krumbach, 

1922. 
Baumgartner, A., Geschichte der Weltliteratur. Vols. 5-6, 

Freiburg, 1905-1911. 
Bazin, Histoire de la France sous Louis XIII. 2 Vols., Paris, 

1846. 
Beccari, C. (S.J.), Rerum Aethiopicarum scriptores occidentales 

inediti a saec. XVI. ad XIX. 15 Vols., Romae, 1903-1917. 
Bellesheim, A ., Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Schottland. 

Vol. II., 1560-1878. Mainz, 1883. 
Bellesheim, A., Geschichte der katholischen Kirche in Irland. 

Vol. II., 1509-1690. Mainz, 1890. 
Bellori, G. P., Le Vite dei pittori, scultori ed architetti moderni. 

Roma, 1672 (quoted from the edition of Pisa, 1821). 
Benigni, U., Die Getreidepolitik der Papste. Berlin, 1898. 
Benkard, Ernst, Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini. Frankfurt a. M., 

1926. 
Bentivoglio, G. t Cardinal, Memorie ovvero Diario. Amsterdam, 

1648. 
Bentivoglio, G., La Nunziatura di Francia del card. G. B. Lettere 

a S. Borghese tratte dagli originali, p.p. L. de Steffani, 

Firenze, 1863. 

Berga, A., Pierre Skarga, 1536-1612. Paris, 1916. 
Berger de Xivrey, Recueii des lettres missives de Henri IV. 

(In the Collection de documents in6dits sur 1 histoire de 

France). 6 Vols., Paris, 1843-1853. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XXV. AND XXVI. xiii 

Bergner, H., Das barocke Rom. Leipzig, 1914. 

Berliner, A., Geschichte der Juden in Rom. 2 Vols., Frankfurt 

a. M., 1893. 

Bernabei, Hieron., Vita Baronii. Romae, 1651. 
Bertolotti, A., Agostino Tassi : in Giornale di erudiz. artistica, 

Vol. V., Perugia, 1876, 193 seqq. 
Bertolotti, A ., Artisti subalpini in Roma. Torino, 1877 (Mantova, 

1884). 

Bertolotti, A., Artisti Belgi e Olandesi in Roma. Firenze, 1880. 
Bertolotti, A., Artisti Lombardi in Roma. 2 Vols., Milano, 1881. 
Bertolotti, A., Artisti Veneti in Roma. Venezia, 1884. 
Bertolotti, A., Artisti Bolognesi in Roma : in Atti d. Deput. di 

storia patria d. Romagna, 1886. 

Bertolotti, A., Artisti Francesi in Roma. Mantova, 1886. 
Bertolotti, A., Artisti Suizzeri in Roma. Bellizona, 1886. 
Biaudet, Henri, Les nonciatures apostoliques permanentes 

jusqu en 1648 (Annales Acad. scient. Fennicae, B., Vols. II., 

i.). Helsinki, 1910. 

Blok, P. /., Geschichte der Niederlande. Vols. 3-4, Gotha, 1907. 
Blok, P. /., Relazioni Veneziane (1600-1795). Haag, 1909. 
Blume, Fr., Iter Italicum. 4 vols., Halle, 1824 seq. 
Boglino, L., La Sicilia e i suoi Cardinali. Palermo, 1884. 
Bdhn, Guido Reni. Bielefeld u. Leipzig, 1910. 
Bonanni, Ph., Numismata Pontificum Romanorum. Vol. 2, 

Romae, 1699. 

Bonanni, Ph., Numismata templi Vaticani. Ed. 2, Romae, 1700. 
Boncompagni-Ludovisi, Franc., Le prime due ambasciate di 

Giapponesi a Roma (1585, 1615), con nuovi document!. 

Roma, 1904. 
Bonelli, Notizie istorico-critiche della chiesa di Trento. 3 Vols., 

Trento, 1761. 
Borzelli, B., II cavalier Giovan Battista Marino (1569-1625). 

Napoli, 1898. 

Bolero, Giov., Le Relazioni universali. 4 vols., Roma, 1592-1596. 
Bougaud, E., Die hi. Johanna Franziska von Chantal. 2 Vols., 

Freiburg, 1910. 
Boverius, Zach., Annales . . . Capucim. 2 Vols., Lugduni, 1632- 

1639. 
Bovio, Giov. Ant., Risposta alle Consideration! del P. Maestro 

Paolo da Venetia. Roma, 1606. 
Braun J., Die Kirchenbauten der deutschen Jesuiten. Freiburg, 

1908. 
Brtmond, H., Hist, du sentiment religieux en France. Vols. 1-5, 

Paris, 1916-1920. 
Brief e und Akten zur Geschichte des Dreissigjahrigen Krieges 

in den Zeiten des vorwaltenden Einflusses der Wittelsbacher : 

I. Ritter, M., Die Griindung der Union. Miinchen, 1870. 

II. Ritter, M., Die Union und Heinrich IV. (1607-8). 

Miinchen, 1874. 

III. Ritter, M., Der Jiilicher Erbfolgekrieg. Miinchen, 
1877. 



VOL. XXV 



COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

IV. Stieve, P., Die Politik Bayerns (1591-1607), i., 

Miinchen, 1878. 
V. Stieve, F., Die Politik Bayerns (1591-1607), ii., 

Miinchen, 1883. 
VI. Stieve, F., Vom Reichstag 1608 bis zur Griindung der 

Liga. Miinchen, 1805. 

VII-VIII. Stieve, F., und K. Mayr, Von der Abreise Erzherzog 

Leopolds nach Jiilich bis zum Aufbruch der Passauer 

(Juli 1609 bis Dezember 1610). Miinchen, 1905, 

1908. 

IX. -XI. Chroust, A., Vom Einfall des Passauer Kriegsvolkes 

bis zum Reichstag 1613. Miinchen, 1903-1908. 
Briggs, M. 5., Barockarchitektur. Berlin, 1914. 
Brinckmann, A. E., Barockskulptur. 2 Vols., Berlin, 1919. 
Brinckmann, A. E., Die Baukunst des 17 und 18 Jahrh. in den 

romanischen Landern. Berlin, 1919. 

Brom, G., Archivalia in Italic. Vol. I., s Gravenhage, 1908. 
Brosch, M., Geschichte des Kirchenstaates. Vol. I., Gotha, 1880. 
Brosch, M., Geschichte Englands. Vol. VI., Gotha, 1890. 
Brown, Horatio F., Calendar of State Papers : Venetian (1603- 

1607). Vol. X., London, 1900. 

Bullarium . . . Capucinorium etc. Vols. I. -VII., Romae, 1730 seqq. 
Bullarium Carmelitarum, ed. a /. A. Ximenez. 4 Vols., Romae, 

1715-1768. 
Bullarium Casinense, ed. C. Margarinus (O.S.B.), Vols. I., II., 

Venetiis, 1650, 1670. 
Bullarium SS. Rom. Pont. Taurinensis editio. Vols. VI., VII seqq., 

1860 seqq. 
Bullarium Ord. Praedicatorum, ed. Ripoll-Bremond. Vol. IV., 

Romae, 1733. 

Bullarium Vaticanum, see Collectio. 
Burckhardt, J., Beitrage zur Kunstgeschichte von Italien. Basel, 

1898. 

Burckhardt, /., Erinnerungen aus Rubens. Basel, 1898. 
Burckhardt, /., Vortrage, ed. by Duhr. Basel, 1908. 
Burger, W., Die Ligapolitik des Mainzer Kurfiirsten Joh. 

Schweikart von Cronberg, 1603-1613. Leipzig, 1908. 
Buss, F, J. v., Die Gesellschaft Jesu. 2 Vols., Mainz, 1853. 
Bzovius, Abraham, Paulus Quintus Burghesius P.O.M. Romae, 
1626. 

Calcnzio, Generoso, La vita e gli scritti di Cesare Baronio. Roma, 

1907. 

Calisse, Carlo, Storia di Civitavecchia. Firenze, 1898. 
Cancellieri, Fr., De secretariis basilicae Vaticanae. Romae, 1786. 
Cancellieri, Fr., Storia dei solenni possessi dei Sommi Pontefici 

. . . dopo la loro coronazione. Roma, 1802. 
Cancellieri, Fr., Lettera sopra il Tarantismo, 1 Aria di Roma . . . 

ed i Palazzi Pontifici . . . con le notizie di Castel Gandolfo, 

etc. Roma, 1817. 
Cantii, C., Gli Eretici d ltalia. 3 Vols., Torino, 1864-1866. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XXV. AND XXVI. XV 

Capasso, G., Fra Paolo Sarpi e 1 Interdetto di Venezia. Firenze, 

1880. 
Capecelatro, Alf., La Vita di S. Filippo Neri. 3rd ed., Roma- 

Tournai, 1889. 
Caprelti, L.Interdetto di Paolo V. a Brescia. In " Brixia Sacra ", 

I., 224 (1915)- 
Carafa, C., Commentaria de Germania sacra restaurata, Coloniae, 

1637, et ad a. 1641 continuata, Francofurti, 1641. 
Cordelia, L., Memorie storiche de Cardinal! della S. Romana 

Chiesa. Vols. V., VI., Roma, 1793. 
Carini, Isid., La Biblioteca Vaticana. Roma, 1893. 
Carte Strozziane, Le, Inventario. I. Serie, 2 Vols., Firenze, 1884. 
Carutti, D., Storia della diplomazia della corte di Savoia. 4 Vols., 

Torino, 1875-1880. 
Castellani, C., Lettere inedite di Fra Paolo Sarpi a Simone 

Contarini (Miscell. d. Deput. Veneta di Storia Patria). 

Venezia, 1892. 
Cauchie, A., et R. Maere, Recueil des Instructions generates aux 

Nonces de Flandre (1596-1635). Bruxelles, 1904. 
Cecchetti, B., La Repubblica di Venezia e la Corte di Roma nei 

rapporti della Religione. 2 Vols., Venezia, 1874. 
Celli, A., Storia della Malaria nell Agro Romano. Citta di 

Castello, 1925. 
Cerrati, M. t Tiberii Alpharani de basilicae Vaticanae antiquissima 

et nova structura liber, p.p. M.C. Romae, 1914. 
Charavay, St., Inventaire des autographes et documents histo- 

riques reunis par M. Benj. Fillon. 3 Vols. Paris. 1879-1881. 
Chattard, G. P., Nuova descrizione del Vaticano. 3 Vols., Roma, 

1762-1767. 
Chlumecky, P. v, t Karl von Zierotin und seine Zeit (1564-1615). 

2 Vols., Briinn, 1862, 1879. 
Chroust, see Briefe und Akten. 
Ciaconius, Alph., Vitae et res gestae Pontif. Romanorum et 

S. R. E. Cardinalium . . . ab Aug. Oldoino, S.J., recognitae. 

Vols. III., IV., Romae, 1677. 
Ciampi, S., Bibliografia critica delle corrispondenze, dell Italia 

colla Russia, colla Polonia, etc. 3 Vols., Firenze, 1834-1842. 
Colasanti, G., Le Fontane d ltalia. Milano, 1926. 
Colin-Pastells, Labor evangelica de los obreros de la Compania 

de Jesus en las Islas Filipinas, 1900. 
Collectio Bullarum, Brevium aliorumque diplomatum sacrosanctae 

Basilicae Vaticanae. T. II., ab Urbano V. ad Paulum III. 

productus. Romae, 1750. 

Conclavi de Pontifici Romani. Nuova ediz. I., Colonia, 1691. 
Contarini, Fr., Relazione di Roma 1607-1609, in Barozzi-Berchet, 

Relazioni, etc. Serie III., Roma, I., 87-91. Venezia, 1877. 
Coppi, A., Memorie Colonnesi compilate. Roma, 1855. 
Cornet, Enrico, Paolo V. e la republica Veneta. Giornale dal 22 

Ottobre 1506-9 Giugno 1607. Vienna, 1859. 
Couderc, J. B., Le Venerable Cardinal Bellarmin. 2 Vols, Paris, 

1893. 



XVI COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Couzard, R., Une ambassade a Rome sous Henri IV. Paris, s.a. 

[1900]. 
Critineau-Joly, J., Histoire de la O de Jesus. 6 Vols., 3rd. ed., 

Paris, 1851. \ 

Cristofori, Fr., Storia dei Cardinal! di S. Rom. Chiesa. Roma, 

1888. 
Cuevas, M. (S.J.}, Historia de la Iglesia en Mexico. Tom. III., 

Mexico, 1924. 
Cupis, C. de., Le vicende dell agricoltura e della pastorizia nell 

Agro Romano e 1 Annona di Roma. Roma, 1911. 

Dahlmann, J. (S.J.), Die Sprachkunde und die Missionen. 

Freiburg, 1891. 

Dami, L., II Giardino Italiano. Milano, 1924. 
Ddndliker, K., Geschichte der Schweiz. 2 Vols., 3rd. ed., Zurich, 

1900-1904. 
Dejob, L influence du Concile de Trente sur la litterature et les 

beaux-arts. Paris, 1884. 
Delplace, L. (S.J.)., Le Catholicisme en Japon (1540-1660). 

Bruxelles, 1909. 

Dengel, P. /., Geschichte des palazzo di S. Marco. Leipzig, 1909. 
Denis, Nouvelles de Rome. Vol. L, Paris, 1913. 
De Santi, A ., L Orazione delle Quarant Ore e i tempi di calamita 

e di guerra. Roma, 1919. 
Desjardins, A., Negociations diplomatiques de la France avec la 

Toscane. Documents recueillis par G. Canestrini. Vols. I. 

seqq., Paris, 1859. 
Dictionnaire de Theologie catholique, ed. Vacant-Mangenot. 

Paris, 1903. 
Dierauer, Joh., Geschichte der Schweizerischen Eidgenossen- 

schaft. Vol. III. (1516-1648), Gotha, 1907. 
Doberl, M., Geschichte Bayerns. Vol. I., Miinchen, 1906, 3rd. ed., 

1916. 
Dolfin, Giov., Relazionq di Roma, in Alberi, Relazioni, Firenze, 

1857- 
Dollinger, J. J. v., Beitrage zur politischen, kirchlichen und Kultur- 

Geschichte der sechs letzten Jahrunderte. Vols. II., III., 

Ratisbon, 1863-1882. 
Dollinger, J. J. v., Geschichte der Moralstreitigkeiten in der 

romischkatholischen Kirche seit dem 16 Jahrh. Nordlingen, 

1889. 
Dollinger, J., und H. Reusch, Die Selbstbiographie des Kardinals 

Bellarmin . . . mit Erlauterungen. Bonn, 1887. 
Duhr, B. (S.J.)., Jesuitenfabeln. 3rd. ed., Freiburg, 1892. 
Duhr, B. (S.J.)., Die Jesuiten an den deutschen Fiirstenhofen 

des 1 6 Jahrh. Freiburg, 1901. 
Duhr, B. (S.J.), Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Landern deutscher 

Zunge im 16 Jahrh. 2 Vols., Freiburg, 1907-1913. 
Du Perron, Les Ambassades et Negociations, p.p. C. de Ligny. 

Paris, 1623. 
Durm, J. t Die Baukunst der Renaissance in Italien. Stuttgart, 

1914. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XXV. AND XXVI. xvil 

Ebe, G., Die Spat-Renaissance. 2 Vols , Berlin, 1886. 

Egger, H., Kritisches Verzeichnis der Sammlung architektonischer 

Handzeichungen der K. K. Hofbibliothek. Vienna, 1903. 
Egloff stein, H. Frh. v., Der Reichstag zu Regensburg im Jahre 

1608. Munchen, 1886. 
Ehrle, Fr., La grande veduta Maggi-Mascardi (1615) del Tempio 

e del Palazzo Vaticano. Roma, 1914. 
Ehses, St., und A. Meister, Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland 

1585-1590. Paderborn, 1899. 
Eisler, Alex., Das Veto der katholischen Staaten bei der Papst- 

wahl. Vienna, 1907. 
Eleutherius, Theod. [L. de Meyere], Historiae Controversiarum de 

Divinae Gratiae Auxiliis. Antverpiae, 1705. 
Erdmannsdorffer, B., Herzog Karl Emanuel I. von Savoyen 

und die deutsche Konigswahl von 1619. Leipzig, 1862. 
Escher, Konrad, Barock und Klassizismus. Leipzig, 1910. 

Fabisza, P. W ., Wiadomosc o Legatach i Nunzyuszach Apostols- 

kich w dawney Polsce 1076-1865. Ostr6w, 1866. 
Fagniez, G., Le pere Joseph et Richelieu. 2 Vols., Paris, 1894. 
Faloci Pulignani, M., Notizie del Ven. G. B: Vitelli da Foligno 

e del suo carteggio. Foligno, 1894. 

Favaro, A., Opere di Galileo Galilei. Firenze, 1890-1913. 
Fea, C. D., Considerazioni storiche, fisiche, geologiche. Roma, 

1827. 
Fea, C. D., Storia dell Acque in Roma e dei Condotti. Roma, 

1832. 
Ferrari, Giulio, La tombanell arte Italiana dal periodo preromano 

all odierno. Milano, s.a. 
Fillon, see Char av ay. 
Foley, H. (S.J.), Records of the English Province of the Society 

of Jesus. 7 Vols., London, 1877 seqq. 
Forbes-Leith, W. (S.J.), Narratives of Scottish Catholics under 

Mary Stuart and James VI. Edinburgh, 1885. 
Forcella, V., Iscrizioni delle Chiese e d altri edifici di Roma dal 

secolo XI. fino ai giorni nostri. 14 Vols., Roma, 1869-1885. 
Fouqueray, H. (S.J.), Hist, de la O de Jesus en France. Vols. I.- 

III., Paris, 1910-1922. 

Frakndi, V., P. Pazmany. 3 Vols., Pest, 1867-1872. 
Francois de Sales, Lettres. 12 Vols., Annecy, 1900 seqq. 
Fraschetti, St., II Bernini. Milano, 1900. 
Frey, D., Bramante-Studien. Wien, 1915. 
Friedberg, C., Die Grenzen zwischen Staat und Kirche und die 

Garantien gegen deren Verletzung. Tubingen, 1872. 
Fromentin, Eug., Les Maitres d autrefois. Belgique-Hollande. 

Paris, 1918. 
Fueter, C., Geschichte der neueren Historiographie. Munchen, 

1911. 

Fumi, L., L Inquisizione e lo stato di Milano. Milano, 1910. 
Fusai, G., Belisario Vinta (1547-1613). Firenze, 1905- 



XV111 COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Galante, A., II diritto di placitazione e 1 economato del beneficii 

vacant! in Lombardia. Milano, 1884. 
Gams, P. B., Series Episcoporum Eccles. Catholicae. Ratisbonae, 

1873- 
Garampi, G., Saggi di osservazioni sul valore delle antiche monete 

Pontificie, s.l., s.a. [Roma, 1766]. 

Gardiner, History of England. Vols. I., II., London, 1895. 
Gasquet, Card., A History of the Venerable English College at 

Rome. London, 1920. 
Gatticus, I. B., Acta caeremonialia S. Romana Ecclesiae ex MSS. 

codicibus. Vol. I., Romae, 1753. 
Gaudentius, P. (O.F.M.), Beitrage zur Kirchengeschichte des 16 

und 17 Jahrh. Vol. I., Bozen, 1880. 

Geijer, E. G., Geschichte Schwedens. 3 Vols., Hamburg, 1832-1836. 
Gerland, E., Geschichte der Physik. Miinchen-Berlin, 1913. 
Gindely, A., Geschichte der Bohmischen Briider. 2 Vols., Prag, 

1857-1858. 
Gindely, A., Zur Geschichte der Einwirkung Spaniens auf die 

Papstwahlen, . . . im Jahre 1605. (Sitzungsberichten der 

Akad. der Wissensch. zu Wien, Phil.-hist. Kl., Vol. 28, 

Vienna, 1858.) 
Gindely, A. Rudolf II. und seine Zeit, 1600-1612. 2 Vols., Prag, 

1862-1868. 
Gindely, A., Geschichte des 3ojahrigen Krieges. Vols. I.-IV., 

Prag, 1869-1880. 
Gindely, A ., Geschichte der Gegenreformation in Bohmen. Leipzig, 

1894. 
Gioda, C., La Vita e le opere di Giovanni Botero. 3 Vols., Milano, 

1895- 
Giornale storico della Letteratura Italiana. Vols. I. seqq. Roma- 

Torino-Firenze, 1883 seqq. 
Goemans, Het Belgische Gezantschap te Rome onder de regeering 

der aartshertogen Albrecht en Isabella (Bijdragen tot de 

geschiedenis van het aloude Hertogdom Brabant, VI. (1907), 

3 seqq., 10, 78 ; VII. (1908), 255 seqq., 260 seq. ; VIII. 

(1909), 89 seqq. 
Goldast, M., Monarchia Romani imperii. 3 vols., Hann.-Francof., 

1611-1613. 
Gori, F., Archivio Storico . . . di Roma. Vols. I-IV., Roma e 

Spoleto, 1875-1883. 
Gothein, E., Ignatius von Loyola und die Gegenreformation. 

Halle, 1895. 

Gothein, M. L., Geschichte der Gartenkunst. Vol. I., Jena, 1914. 
[Goujet, Cl. P.], Hist, du pontiricat de Paul V. 2 Vols., Amsterdam, 

1765- 
Goyau, G., Histoire Religieuse (Hanotaux, Hist, de la Nation 

Fran9aise, Paris, 1922). 

Grisar, H., Galileistudien. Regensburg, 1882. 
Grisar, H., Analecta Romana. Vol. I., Roma, 1899. 
Grisar, H., Geschichte Roms und der Papste im Mittelalter. 

Vol. L, Freiburg, 1901. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XXV. AND XXVI. 

Grisar, H., Luther. 3 vols., Freiburg, 1911-1912. 

Grdne, V., Die Papstgeschichte. Vol. II., Regensburg, 1875. 

Grossi-Gondi, F., Le Ville Tusculane nell epoca classica c clopo 

il Rinascimento. La Villa dei Quintili e la Villa di Mondra- 

gone. Roma, 1901. 
Grottanelli, L., 11 Ducato di Castro. I Farnesi cd i Barberini. 

Firenze, 1891. 

Grunhagen, C., Geschichte Schlesiens. 2 Vols., Gotha, 1884, 1886. 
Gugl^elmotti, A lb., Storia delle fortincazJoni della spiaggia Romana. 

Roma, 1880. 

Guidi, M., Le Fontane barocche di Roma. Zurigo, 1917- 
Gulik-Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica medii aevi. Monasterii, 1910. 
Gurlitt, Cornelius, Geschichte des Barockstiles in Italien. Stuttgart, 

1887. 

Haeser, H., Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medizin und der epi- 

demischen Krankheiten. Vols. I., III., Jena, 1875-1882. 
Haffter, E., Georg Jenatsch. Davos, 1894. 
Hammer-Purgstall, Klesl. 4 Vols., Vienna, 1847-1851. 
Hamon, Vie de St. Fran9ois de Sales. Nouv. cd.. Paris, 1909. 
Hanotaux, G., Histoire du Cardinal Richelieu. 2 Vols., Paris, 

1893-1894. 
Hase, K. A., Kirchengeschichte auf Grundlage akademischer 

Vorlesungen. 3 Vols., Leipzig, 1885-1892. 
Hebeisen, G., Die Bedeutung der ersten Fiirsten von Hohenzollern 
und des Kardinals Eitel Friedrich von Hohenzollern fur 
die katholische Bewegung Deutschlands ihrer Zeit. Hechin- 
gen, 1923. 
Heimbucher, M., Die Orden und Kongregationen der katholischen 

Kirche. 3 Vols., 2nd. ed., Paderborn, 1907-1908. 
Helbig, IF., Fiihrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klassicher 
Altertumer in Rom. 2 Vols., 2nd. ed., Leipzig, 1899, 3rd. ed., 
1912. 
Hergenrolher, /., Katholische Kirche und christlicher Staat. 

Freiburg, 1872. 
Hergenrdthcr, /., Handbuch der allgemeinen Kirchengeschichte. 

4 Vols., Freiburg, 1924-5. 
Herre, P., Papsttum und Papstwahl im Zeitalter Philipps II. 

Leipzig, 1907. 

Herzog, see Rcal-Enzyklopadie. 
Hilgers, J. (S.J.), Der Index der verbotenen Biicher. Freiburg, 

1904. 
Hinschius, P., System des katholischen Kirchenrechts. 6 Vols., 

.Berlin, 1869 seqq. 
Him, J., Erzherzog Maximilian der Deutschmeister. Vol. I., 

Innsbruck, 1915. 
Historisch-politische Blatter fiir das katholische Deutschland. 

Vols. 1-169, Miinchen, 1838-1921. 
Hjarne, Sigismund svenska resor. Upsala, 1884. 
Holl, K., Fiirstbischof Jakob Fugger von Konstanz (1604-1926). 
Freiburg, 1898. 



XX COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Holzapfel, H., Handbuch der Geschichte des Franziskanerordens. 

Freiburg, 1909. 
Hoogewerff, G. J., Nederlandsch Schilders in Italic" in de XVI. 

eeuw. Utrecht, 1912. 
Houssaye, M., M. de Berulle et les Carmelites de France. Paris, 

1872. 

Huber, A., Geschichte Osterreichs. Vols. IV., V., Gotha, 1892. 
Hubert, E., Les Pays-Bas Espagnols et la Republique des Provinces 

Unies. (Memoires de 1 Academie Royale de Belgique, 2nd. 

series, Vol. II., Bruxelles, 1907). 
Huonder, A. (S.J.), Der einheimische Klerus in den Heiden- 

landern. Freiburg, 1909. 
Hiirbin, J., Hanbuch der Schweizergeschichte. 2 Vols., Stans, 

1901-1909. 
Hurter, F. t Geschichte Kaiser Ferdinands II. n Vols., Schaff- 

hausen, 1850-1864. 



Ilg, Geist des hi. Franziskus Seraphikus. 2 Vols., Augsburg, 

1876-1879. 

Imago primi saeculi Societatis Jesu. 1640. 
Inventario dei Monumenti di Roma. Vol. I., Roma, 1908-1912. 



{James /.], Serenissimi et potentissimi principis Jacobi . . . 

Opera edita a Jacobo Montacutio Winthoniensi episcopo. 

Francofurti, 1689. 
Jahrbuch, Historisches, der Gorres-Gesellschaft. Vols. 1-46, 

Miinster-Mimchen, 1880-1926. 
Jann, A. O., Die katholischen Missionen in Indien, China und 

Japan. Paderborn, 1915. 
Janssen, J., Geschichte des deutschen Volkes. Vols. I.-V. 

19 and 20 editions by L. von Pastor, Freiburg, 1913-1917. 
Jorga, N. t Geschichte des rumanischen Volkes. 2 Vols., Gotha, 

1905. 
Jorga, N., Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches. Vol. 3, Gotha, 

1910. 
Juvencius, Jos., Historiae Societatis Jesu : pars quinta. Romae, 

1710. 

Katholik, Der, Zeitschrift fur katholische Wissenschaft und 

kirchliches Leben. Strassburg und Mainz, 1820 seqq. 
Keller, L., Die Gegenreformation in Westfalen und am Nieder- 

rhein (K. Preussischen Staatsarchiven, 9, 33, 62). Leipzig, 

1881-1895. 

Kerschbaumer, A., Kardinal Klesl. Wien, 1865. 
Keyssler, J. G., Neueste Reise durch Deutschland, Bohmen, 

Ungarn, die Schweiz, Italien und Lothringen. 3 Vols., 

Hannover, 1740. 
Khevenhiller, F. Ch., Annales Ferdinandei, 1578-1626. Regens- 

burg, 1640-1646. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XXV. AND XXVI. XXI 

Kiewenig, H. t Nuntiarturberichte aus Deutschland. Nuntiatur 

des Pallatto 1628-1630. 2 Vols., Berlin, 1895-1897. 
Kirchenlexikon, von Wetzer und Welte Hergenrdther, 12 Vols., 

Freiburg, 1882-1901. 
Knieb, Joh., Geschichte der Reformation und Gegenreformation 

auf dem Eichsfelde. Heiligenstadt, 1900. 
Knuttel, W., De toestand der Katholicken onder der Republiek. 

Haag, 1892. 
Krasinski, V. A., Geschichte der Reformation in Polen. Leipzig, 

1841. 
Kraus, Fr. X., Geschichte der christlichen Kunst. 2 Vols., 

Freiburg, 1908. 

Kretschmayr, H., Geschichte von Venedig. Gotha, 1905. 
Kropf, Fr. X., Historia provinciae Soc. Jesu Germaniae superioris. 

Pars IV. (1611-1630), Monaci, 1746. 
Krdss, A., Geschichte der bohmischen Provinz der Gesellschaft 

Jesu. Vol. I., Wien, 1910. 

Kuhn, Alb., Allgemeine Kunstgeschichte. Einsiedeln, 1891. 
Kybal, V., Jindfich IV. a Europa v letech 1609 a 1610. Prag, 

1911. 

Ldmmer, H. t Analecta Romana. Schaffhausen, 1861. 

Lammer, H., Zur Kirchengeschichte des 16 und 17 Jahrh. Frei 
burg, 1863. 

Lammer, H., Zur Kodification des kanonischen Rechts. Freiburg, 
1899. 

Ldmmer, H., Meletematum Romanorum Mantissa. Ratisbonae, 

1875- 
Ldmmer, H., De Caesaris Baronii literarum commercio diatriba. 

Frib. Br., 1903. 
Lanciani, R., Storia degli scavi di Roma. 4 Vols., Roma, 1902- 

1910. 

Lauer, Ph., Le Palais du Latran. Paris, 1911. 
Le Bachelet, X. M., Auctuarium Bellarminianum. Paris, 1913. 
Lechat, R. (S.J.), Les refugies Anglais dans les Pays-Bas Espagnols 

durant le regne d Elisabeth, 1558-1603. Louvain, 1914. 
Letarouilly-Simil, Le Vatican et St. Pierre de Rome. 2 Vols., 

Paris, 1882. 

Lettres Missives de Henri IV., see Berger de Xivrey. 
Likowski, E., Die ruthenisch-romische Kirchenvereinigung, gen. 

Union zu Brest. Deutsch von P. Jedzink. Freiburg, 1904. 
Lingard, John, A History of England. Vols. VII. -IX., London, 

1838. 

Litta, P., Famiglie celebri Italiane. Milano en Torino, 1819-1881. 
Litterae Annuae Societatis Jesu a 1606-1614. 
Looshorn, Geschichte des Bistums Bamberg. 6 Vols., Bamberg, 

1886-1903. 
Loserth, J., Briefe und Korrespondenzen zur Geschichte der 

Gegenreformation in Innerosterreich unter Ferdinand II. 

2 Vols., Wien, 1906-1907. 
Lundorp, M. C., Acta publica. I., Frankfurt, 1621. 



XX11 COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Luzio, A., e P. Torelli, L Archivio Gonzaga di Mantova. 2 Vols., 
Verona, 1920-1922. 

Magistris, C. P. de, Primordi della contesa fra Repubblica Veneta 

e Paolo V. Mediazione di Germania. Torino, 1907. 
Magni, G., II barocco nell architettura a Roma. Torino, 1911. 
Malvasia, C. C., Felsina pittrice, Vite de pittori Bolognesi. 2 Vols. t 

Bologna, 1 84 1. 

Manilli, Jac., Villa Borghese descritta. Roma, 1650. 
Marcellino da Civessa (O.F.M.), Storia delle Missioni Francescane. 

Vol. II., Prato, 1883. 

Mariejol, Histoire de France. Vol. VI., Paris, 1904. 
Mar sand, A., I Manoscritti I tali * .ii della Regia biblioteca Parigina. 

2 Vols., Paris, 1906. 
Martin, V ., Le Gallicanisme et la Reforme Catholique. Paris, 

1919. 

Martinori, E., Annali della Zecca di Roma. Roma, 1919. 
Mayer, A., Das Leben und Wirken der Gebriider Matthaus und 

Paul Brill. Leipzig, 1910. 
Mayer, Joh. G., Das Konzil von Trient und die Gegenreformation 

in der Schweiz. 2 Vols., Stans, 1901-1903. 
Mayer, Joh. G., Geschichte des Bistums Chur. 2 Vols., Stans, 

1908-1910. 

Mayr, K., see Briefe und Akten. 
Meaux, De, Les luttes religieuses en France au XVI e siecle. 

Paris, 1879. 
Meister, A., Die Geheimschrift im Dienste der papstlichen Kurie 

von ihren Anfangen bis zum Ende des 16 Jahrh. Paderborn, 

1906. 
Melanges d archeologie et d histoire. Vols. I, seqq. Paris, 1881 

seqq. 

Memmoli, D., Vita del Card. Giov. Garzia Millino. Roma, 1644. 
Menzel, K. A., Neuere Geschichte der Deutschen von der Reforma 
tion bis zum Bundesakt. 12 Vols, Berlin, 1826-1848. 
Mercati, G., Per la storia della Biblioteca Apostolica. Biblio- 

tecario Cesare Baronio. Perugia, 1910. 

Mercier de Lacombe, Henri IV. et sa politique. Paris, 1861. 
Mergentheim, Leo., Die Quinquennalfakultaten " pro foro 

externo ". 2 Vols., Stuttgart, 1908. 
Meyer, A.O., England und die katholische Kirche unter Elisabeth 

und den Stuarts. Vol. I., Rom, 1911. 

Meyer, A. O., Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, Berlin, 1913. 
Mignanti, F. M., Istoria della sacrosanta patriarcale basilica 

Vatfcana. Roma, 1867. 
Mitteilungen des Instituts f iir osterreichische Geschichtsforschung. 

Vols. I. seqq. Innsbruck, 1880 seqq. 
Mocenigo, Giov., Relazione di Roma 1609-1612 (Barozzi-Berchet, 

Relazioni, etc., Serie III., Rorna I., 95-137, Venezia, 

1877). 
Molmenti, P., Venezia e il Clero. (Atti del Istituto Veneto, LX., 

2, 678-684; Nuova Antologia, Serie IV., XCIV., 94-104). 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XXV. AND XXVI. XX111 

Moroni, G., Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica. 109 

Vols., Venezia, 1840-1879. 
Morris, J ., Die Bedrangnisse der katholischen Kirche in England. 

Mainz, 1874. 
Mullbauer, Max, Geschichte der katholischen Missionen in 

Ostindien von Vasco di Gama bis zur Mitte des 18 Jahrh. 

Miinchen, 1851. 
Mtiller, A., Galileo Galilei und das kopernikanische Weltsystem. 

Freiburg, 1909. 

Muller, A., Nikolaus Kopernikus. Freiburg, 1898. 
Munoz, Ant., Roma barocca. Milano-Roma, 1919. 
Muntz, E., Les Arts a la cour des Papes pendant le XV et le 

XVI siecle. Paris, 1878. 

Muther, R., Geschichte der Malerei. 3 Vols., Leip/ig, 1909. 
Mutinelli, Storia arcana d ltalia. Vol. I., Venezia, 1855. 

Narducci, H., Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum in Bibliotheca 

Angelica. Romae, 1893. 
Nicolai, Memorie, leggi ed osservazioni sulle Campagne e sull 

Annona di Roma. Roma, 1803. 

Novaes, G. de., Storia de Pontifici. Vols. VIII., IX., Siena, 1805. 
Nurnberger, A., Papst Paul V. und das venezianische Interdikt 

(Histor. Jahrbuch, IV., 189-209, 473-515). 
Nurnberger, A., Dokumente zum Ausgleich zwischen Paul V. und 

der Republik Venedig (Rom. Quartalschrift, II. [1888] 

64-80, 248-280, 354-367). 

Oldenbourg, R., Peter Paul Rubens. Miinchen, 1922. 

Orbaan, J. A. F., Bescheiden in Italic" omtrent Nederlandsch 

Kunstenaars. s Gravenhage, 1911. 
Orbaan, J. A. F., Der Abbruch von Alt-St-Peter (Jahrbuch der 

preuss. Kunstsammlungen, Vol. 39, i seqq., Berlin, 1919)- 
Orbaan, J. A. F., Documenti sul barocco. Roma, 1920. 
Orbaan, J. A. F., Rome onder Clemens VIII. s Gravenhage, 

1920. 
Ossat, Cardinal d , Lettres. 2 vols., Paris, 1697-1698. 

Pagbs, Histoire de la religion chretienne en Japon. Paris, 1869- 

1870. 
Parent, P., L Architecture des Pays-Bas meridionaux au i6e- 

i8 siecles. Paris, 1926. 
Paruta, Paolo, Relazione di Roma (Albiri, Serie IV., 359-448, 

Firenze, 1857). 
Paruta, Paolo, La Legazione di Roma. Dispacci 1592-1595 (Monu- 

menti storici pubbl. dalla R. Deputazione Veneta di Storia 

Patria, Serie IV., Miscellanea P. I.-III., Venezia, 1887). 
Pascoli, L., Vite de pittori ed architetti moderni. 2 Vols, Roma, 

1730-1742. 
Passer i, G. B., Vite de pittori, scultori ed architetti. Roma, 

1772. 
Pastor, L. v. t Die Stadt Rom zu Ende der Renaissance. Freiburg, 

1925- 



xxiv COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Pasture, A., La. restauration religieuse aux Pays-Bas catholiques 

sous les archiducs Albert et Isabella (1596-1633). Louvain, 

1925. 

Pe rennes, Fr., Histoire de Francis de Sales. 2 Vols., Paris, 1864. 
Perrens, F., Les marriages Espagnoles sous Henri IV. Paris, 

1869. 
Perrens, F., L figlise et l tat en France sous Henri IV. 2 Vols., 

Paris, 1872. 
Petrucelli della Gattina, F., Histoire diplomatique des Conclaves. 

Paris, 1864. 
Pfotenhauer, Die Missionen der Jesuiten in Paraguay. 3 Vols., 

Giitersloh, 1891-1893. 
Philippson, M., Heinrich IV. und Philipp III., 1548-1610. 

3 Vols., Berlin, 1870-1876. 
Philippson, M., Westeuropa im Zeitalter Philipps II. Berlin, 

1882. 

Phillips, G., Kirchenrecht. 8 vols., Regensburg, 1845-1889. 
Pichler, A., Geschichte der kirchlichen Trennung zwischen dem 

Orient und Okzident von den ersten Anfangen bis zur 

jiingsten Gegenwart. 2 Vols., Miinchen, 1864-1865. 
Picot, Essai historique sur 1 influence de la religion en France 

pendant le XVII siecle. Vol. I., Louvain, 1824. 
Pierling, P., Rome et Demetrius. Paris, 1878. 
Pierling, P., La Russie et le Saint-Siege. Paris, 1896 seqq. 
Piolet,}. B., Les Missions catholiques fransaises. 6 Vols., Paris, 

1902-1903. 

Pirenne, H., Geschichte Belgiens. Vol. IV., Gotha, 1909. 
Pistolesi, E., II Vaticano descritto et illustrate. 8 Vols., Roma, 

1829. 
Platner-Bunsen, Beschreibung der Stadt Rom. 3 Vols., Stuttgart, 

1829-1842. 
Pollak, O., Ausgewahlte Akten zur Geschichte der romischen 

St. Peterskirche, 1535-1621 (Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunst- 

sammlungen, Vol. 36, pp. 21 seqq., Berlin, 1915). 
Poncelet, A. (S.J.), La O de Jesus en Belgique. s.L, s.a. [1907]. 
Prat, J. M., Recherches historiques et critiques sur la O de 

Jesus en France du temps du P. Coton, 1564-1626. 5 Vols., 

Lyon, 1876-1878. 

Premoli, O., Storia dei Barnabiti nel Seicento. Roma, 1913. 
Prunel, Z,., La reforme Catholique en France au 17* siecle. Paris, 

1921. 

Puyol, E. R., fitude sur la renovation du Gallicanisme au com 
mencement du 17 siecle. 2 Vols., Paris, 1876. 

Quartalschrift, Romische. Vols. I. seqq., Rom., 1887 seqq. 
Quartalschrift, Tiibinger Theologische. Vols. I. seqq, Tubingen, 

1819 seqq. 

Quellen zur Schweizer Geschichte. Basel, 1877 seqq. 
Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Bibliotheken und 

Archiven. Vols. I. seqq., Rom, 1898 seqq. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XXV. AND XXVI. XXV 

Ranke, L. t/., Franzosische Geschichte. Vols. I., II., 2nd. ed., 

Stuttgart, 1856. 
Ranke, L. v., Zur deutschen Geschichte vom Religionsfrieden bis 

zum 3ojahrigen Kriege. Leipzig, 1868. 
Ranke, L. v., Die Osmanen und die spanische Monarchic im 16 u. 

17 Jahrh. 4th. ed., Leipzig, 1877. 
Ranke, L. v., Die romischen Papste. Vols. I., III., 6th., 7th. ed., 

Leipzig, 1885. 
Rass, A., Die Konvertiten seit der Reformation. 13 vols., 

Freiburg, 1866-1880. 
Ratti, A. [Pope Pius XL], Opuscolo inedito del Card. Baronio con 

dodici sue lettere inedite ed altri documenti. Perugia, 1910. 
Real-Enzyklopadie fur protest. Theol. und Kirche. Ed. /. /. 

Herzog. 23 Vols., 3rd. ed., A. Hauck, Leipzig, 1896-1899. 
Reiffenberg, Fr., Historia Societatis Jesu ad Rhenum inferiorem 

ab a. 1540 ad 1626. Coloniae, 1764. 

Rein, G., Paolo Sarpi und die Protestanten. Helsingfors, 1904. 
Relacye Nuncyusz6w Apostolskich in innych os6b o Polsce od 

roku 1548 do 1690, ed. E. Rykaczewski, Vol. L, Berlin-Poznan, 

1864. 
Renazzi, F. M., Storia dell Universita degli studi di Roma, detta 

la Sapienza. 2 Vols., Roma, 1803-1804. 

Reumont, A. v., Die Carafa von Maddaloni. Vol. L, Berlin, 1851. 
Reumont, A. v., Beitrage zur Italienischen Geschichte. 6 Vols., 

Berlin, 1853-1857. 
Reumont, A. v., Bibliografia dei lavori pubblicati in Germania 

sulla Storia d ltalia. Berlino, 1863. 
Reumont, A. v., Geschichte der Stadt Rom. Vol. III., Berlin, 

1870. 

Reumont, A. v., Geschichte Toskanas. Gotha, 1876. 
Reusch, H., Der Index der verbotenen Biicher. 2 Vols., Bonn, 

1883-1885. 

Reusch, H., Bellarmins Selbstbiographie. Bonn, 1887. 
Revue Historique. Vols. I; seqq. Paris, 1876 seqq. 
Revue des Questions Historiques. Vols. I. seqq, Paris, 1866 seqq. 
Ricci, C., Baukunst und dekorative Skulptur der Barockzeit in 

Italien. Stuttgart, 1912. 
Richter, Wilh., Geschichte der Paderborner Jesuiten. Paderborn, 

1882. 
Rieger, P., und H. Vogelstein, Geschichte der Juden in Rom. 

2 Vols., Berlin, 1895-1896. 

Riegl. A., Die Entstehung der Barockkunst in Rom. Wien, 1908. 
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Rivista Storica Italiana. Vols. I. seqq, Torino, 1884 seqq. 
Rocco da Cesinale, Storia delle Missioni dei Cappuccini. 3 Vols., 

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XXVI COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

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Rodocanachi, E., Le chateau Saint- Ange. Paris, 1909. 
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Rooses, Max, Rubens Leben und Werk. Stuttgart, etc., 1890. 
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Rosenberg, A., P. P. Rubens. In 551 Abbildungen. Stuttgart, 

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Rott, Henri IV., les Suisses et la Haute Italic. Paris, 1882. 
Rubsam, J., Johann Baptist von Tasis (1530-1610). 1889. 
Ruhs, Chr. Fr. t Geschichte Schwedens. Halle, 1905. 
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Sdgmiiller, J. B, t Die Papstwahlbullen und das staatliche Recht 

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Schaeffer, E., Van Dyck. 537 Abbildungen. Stuttgart, 1909. 
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Schmerber, Hugo, Betrachtungen iiber die Italienische Malerei 

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Schmidt, J., Die katholische Restauration in den ehemaligen 

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Schneemann, G. (S.J.), Controversiarum de divinae gratiae 

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Schudt, L. Giulio Mancini. Viaggio per Roma. Leipzig, 1912. 
Schulte, /. F. v., Die Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des 

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Schuster, L., Furstbischof Martin Brenner. Graz, 1898. 
Schwager, Die Heidenmission der Gegenwart. 2 Vols., Steyl, 

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Scorraille, R. de (S.J.), Franois Suarez. 2 Vols., Paris, 1911. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XXV. AND XXVI. XXVii 

Scriptores Rerum Polonicarum. Vol. 14 : Historic! diarii domus 

professae Societatis Jesu Cracoviensis. Cracoviae, 1889. 
Segesser, A. Ph. v., Rechtsgeschichte der Stadt und Republik 

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Serbat, L., Les assemblees du Clerge de France. Paris, 1906. 
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Skribanowitz, Pseudo-Demetrius. Berlin, 1913. 
Smith, Logan Pear sail, The Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton. 

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Smolka, Stanislaus v., Die Reussische Welt. Wien, 1916. 
Solerti, Ang., Vita di Torquato Tasso. 3 Vols., Torino, 1895. 
Sommervogel, C. (S.J.), Bibliotheque de la O de Jesus. 9 Vols., 

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Spicilegio Vaticano di documenti inediti e rari estratti dagli 

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Spicilegium Ossoriense : Letters and Papers illustrative of the 

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Tacchi Venturi, P. (S.J.), Opere storiche di M. Ricci. 2 Vols., 

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\ 



XXViii COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS 

Taj a, Agostino, Descrizione del Palazzo Apostolico Vaticano. 

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Taunton, E. L., The History of the Jesuits in England, 1580- 

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Theiner, Aug., Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis S. Sedis. 

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Theiner, Ang., Vetera monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae, etc. 

Vol. III. a Sixto V. usque ad Innocentium XII. (1585-1696). 

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Tiraboschi, G., Storia della Letteratura Italiana. 10 Vols., 

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Titi, F., Descrizione delle pitture, sculture e architetture esposte 

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Tomassetti, G. t La Campagna Romana, antica, medioevale e 

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Totti, L., Ritratto di Roma moderna. Roma, 1638. 
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Ubersberger, H., Osterreich und Russland seit dem Ende des 
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Ughelli, F., Italia Sacra. Ed. 2* ed. N. Coletus. 10 Vols., Venetiis, 
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Waal, A . de, Der Campo Santo der Deutschen zu Rom. Freiburg, 

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Wahrmund, L., Das Ausschliessungsrecht (jus exclusivae) bei 

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Literatur der christlichen Theologie. 4 Vols., Schaffhausen, 

1865. 
Widmann, H., Geschichte Salzburgs. 3 Vols., Gotha, 1907. 



QUOTED IN VOLS. XXV. AND XXVI. XXIX 

Wiedemann, Th., Geschichte der Reformation und Gegenreforma- 

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Wilpert, J., Die Romischen Mosaiken und Malereien der kirch- 

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Woltmann, Alfred, Geschichte der Malerei. 3 Vols., Leipzig, 

1879-1882. 

Zaleski, K. St., Jesuici w Polsce. Vols. I., IV., Lw6w, 1900-1905. 
Zeitschrift, Historische. Miinchen-Leipzig, 1859 seqq. 
Zeitschrift fur katholische Theologie. Innsbruck, 1877 seqq. 
Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte. Gotha, 1877 seqq. 
Zeitschrift fur Missionswissenschaft. Miinster i. W., 1911 seqq. 
Zeller, B., Henri IV. et Marie de Medicis. 20 edit., Paris, 1877. 
Zinkeisen, J. M., Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa. 
4 parts, Gotha, 1840 seqq. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXV. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE CONCLAVES IN THE SPRING OF 1605 LEO XI 

AND PAUL V. 
A.D. PAGE 

1605 French candidates for the Papacy i 

The Spanish preferences. ..... 2 

Composition of the Sacred College at the death of 

Clement VIII. . 4 

The parties within the Sacred College ... 5 
The following of Aldobrandini .... 6 

Discussions before the Conclave. Twenty-one 

Papabili ....... 7 

Spanish exclusion of Baronius and .... 8 

Personal attack upon the integrity of his writings . 9 
Forged letters quoted against him. He rebuts the 

attack ........ 10 

Final diplomatic activities . . . . .11 

The Conclave 12 

Varying votes . . . . . . .13 

Baronius leads at first but . . . . .14 

Fails to obtain a two- thirds majority . . .15 
Further scrutinies Medici in the ascendant . . 16 

Medici elected as Pope Leo XI 17 

Antecedents of Pope Leo XI. . . . . .18 

Summary of his career . . . . . .19 

His character . . . . . . .22 

His first measures in support of Hungarian Im 
perialists ....... 24 

Leo XL crowned on April loth, Easter Sunday, 1605 . 25 

His death on April 27th 26 

His burial and tomb in St. Peter s . . . .27 
The conclave of May, 1605 ..... 28 
Cardinals and parties in the Conclave ... 29 
Candidature of Cardinal Sauli .... 30 

Other Papabili 31 

Attempted elevation of Baronius ... . 32 

Open exclusion of Sauti ...... 33 

Tosco proposed and opposed ..... 34 

And ultimately defeated ..... 36 

The election of Cardinal Borghese as Paul V. . . 37 

xxxi 



XXX11 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER II. 

ANTECEDENTS, CHARACTER AND ENVIRONMENT OF 

PAUL V. THE BORGHESE. 

A.D. PAGE 

1605 The Borghese family ...... 39 

Birth and education of Camillo Borghese . . 40 

His career ........ 41 

Characteristics and personality .... 42-5 

His piety and interest in learning .... 46-7 

His participation in religious functions and . . 48 
Personal liberality to the poor . . . .49 

For his charities he limits all personal expenditure . 50 
The routine of his life . . . . . 51 

His appointments to important posts ... 54 
Management of affairs nominally entrusted to Scipione 

Caffarelli . . " . . . . 55 

Who becomes Cardinal Borghese and Papal Secretary 56 
The fall of Aldobrandini ..... 57-8 

The tact of Cardinal Scipione and his devotion to the 

Pope is . . . . . . . 59-60 

Rewarded with a wealth of favours . . .61 

His enormous income generosity to the poor and . 62 
Patronage of art ....... 63 

The Relations of Paul V .64 

His brothers largely provided for .... 65-6 
The Pope s affection for his family leads to .68 

Charge of nepotism . . . . 69-70 

The Borghese family finally destroyed in 1891 . . 71 



CHAPTER III. 

PAUL V. AS RULER OF THE PAPAL STATES. PAPAL 

FINANCE. 

1605 The Papal States ....... 74 

Their contrasting features and fertility 75 

Fauna and mineral products ..... 76 

Their declining prosperity . . . . -77 

Banditry rife . . . . . . 78 

The rigour of Paul V. s rule results in . -79 

Suppression of banditry ..... 80 

And tranquillity and security throughout the States 81 

1608 Reform of the judicature ..... 82 

1608 Cardinal Caetani s administration in Romagna. . 83 

1608 Cardinal Giustiniani s severity in Bologna . . 85 

Financial measures . . 86 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXX111 

A.D. PAGE 

Papal instructions to provincial Governors . . 87 

Inefficiency of the A nnona ..... 88 

1606 Solicitude of the Pope during famine ... 89 

1607 His provisions for the poor ..... 90 
1611 New Congregation founded for that purpose . 91 

Its enactments and control of pawnshops . . 92 

Papal generosity successful ..... 93 
Methods of transit improved . . 94 

Harbours lighthouses and fortifications ... 95 
Also drainage of Marshes inspected . . . .96 
The water problem and flooding of Tiber . . 97 

Lead to construction of Acqua Paola ... 98 
Collection of Papal Secret Archives . . 99 

1611 Housed in the Vatican under direction of Cardinal Sedi 100 

1616 Baldassare Ansidei made Custodian . . . . 101 
The military position of the Papal States . .102 

1606 Fortifications prove inadequate . . . .103 
Capponi, Serra, Patrizi, successive Treasurers . .104 
Embarrassment of debt and taxation . . .105 

1606 Discussion of methods of financial reform . .106 

New drastic measures refused old system continues. 109 
Death of Paul V. prevents the reform he desired . no 



CHAPTER IV. 

ECCLESIASTICO-POLITICAL STRUGGLE WITH VENICE AND 
PROCLAMATION OF THE INTERDICT. 

1606 Venice its contact with East and West . . .in 

Its reputation for orthodoxy but . . . .112 

Tendency to indifference and free thinking . 113 

The Liberty of the Church impeded and . . .114 

Episcopal jurisdiction violated . . . 115 

Decrees against Papal authority passed . . .116 

Clerical immunities disputed by Republic . .117 

The Pope s remonstrances to the Ambassador Nani . 119 

This proving fruitless . .120 

1605 Two condemnatory briefs published . , .121 
The Signoria procrastinates . . . . .122 
Its envoys prove impotent . . . . .123 
The embittered attitude in Venice . . . .124 
Temporizing policy suggested to the Pope . . 125 

1606 An Interdict pronounced . . . . .126 

Precautionary measures of the Republic . . .127 

A State divine appointed Paolo Sarpi . . .128 

Sarpi s previous history . . . . .129 

His heretical beliefs . . . . . .132 

His evil influence on the Republic . . . . 133 



XXXIV TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



A.D. PAGE 

Defiance of the Papal Authority . . . .134 
Excommunication of Venice . . . . 1 35 

Disloyalty of the clergy and . . . . .136 

Their efforts to evade the interdict . . . -137 

Their demoralization, both religious and secular . 138 

Submission of clergy led by Jesuits . . . .139 

1606 Penalties inflicted by the State for . . .139 
Obedience to interdict . . . . . .140 

Results of the Interdict in Venice . . . .141 

In Brescia ........ 142 

In other Venetian cities . . . . .143 

Defiant orders of the Senate . . . . -144 

1607 Theological pamphleteers headed by Sarpi . *45 
His Treatise on the Interdict . . . . .146 
Provokes replies from Cardinals Bellarmine, Caetani, 

and Baronius . . . . . -147 

The controversy dealt with in other countries . .148 
Arousing Catholic as well as Protestant excitement . 149 

Sarpi s insidious reasoning did its evil work in . .150 
Advocating an Anti-Catholic conception of the State. 151 

James I. of England adopts his ideas . . . 152 
Increasing fear that Venice should become Protestant 153 

English propaganda in favour of Calvinism . .154 

1607 Effect of Interdict misjudged by Paul V. . . . 155 

Anxiety aroused in neighbouring States . . .156 
Attempt of Henry IV. to act as mediator . 157 

His envoy fails in impartiality . . . .158 

Thus Spain intervenes . ... . . .159 

Peace proposals made in vain . . . .160 

A European war threatening . . . . .161 

Mobilization in Spain, and France, and Venice . . 162 

Papal expedition reinforced by the Emperor . .163 

1607 Venice forced to treat ..... .164-5 

Humiliation of Venetian Envoys at Prague . .166 

Madrid and Warsaw . . . . . .166 

Attempts of Venice to influence France . . .167 

Joyeuse sent to inquire and report . . . .168 

His discretion to be doubted . . . . .169 

The discussions of the Senate . . . .170 

An agreement to be presented to the two envoys . 171 

By which the Jesuits were not to benefit . . .172 
Joyeuse, claiming a settlement had been reached, goes 

to Rome to report to the Pope . . .173 

French terms considered humiliating in Rome . 1 74 

Conciliatory documents drawn up . . . 175 

Further difficulties raised in Venice . . .176 

Revocation of Interdict ungraciously received . 177 

The Jesuits refused permission to return to Venice 

with the other Religious Orders ... .178 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXXV 



A.D. PAGE 

Every possible hindrance offered by Senate to Joyeuse 179 
Thus venting its spite against the Pope . . .180 
Disastrous results of Interdict felt by Rome . . 181 
And likewise by the Republic . 182 

CHAPTER V. 

SARPl S POLITICAL THEORIES AND HIS ATTEMPTS TO 
PROTESTANTIZE VENICE. 

1607 Resumption of diplomatic relations between Rome 

and Venice . . . . . . .184 

Papal Nuncio instructed to show a conciliatory spirit 185 
Yet discipline must be restored and . . .186 

Objects of controversy rectified . . . .187 

Efforts on behalf of the Jesuits . . . .188 

The Republic s disingenuousness shown by its 

support of Sarpi . . . . . .189 

1607 An attack on Sarpi, in which he was wounded, is laid 

to the charge of the Pope and Jesuits . . 190 
This false accusation denied by the French Nuncio . 191 
And Borghese, Secretary of State . . . .192 

The moderation of Paul, desirous of Sarpi s conver 
sion not death . . . . . .193 

The attitude of Venice still most disloyal . .194 

Heretical writings publicly sold priests banished . 195 
Thus paving the way for Calvinism . . .196 

Protestant propaganda freely carried on . . .197 
An attempt to found a Protestant community in 

Venice 198 

1608 And to unite Protestant princes in a League . 199 
Failure of these attempts but .... 200 
Continued intrigues involving a widespread . . 201 
Conflagration among the nations .... 202 

1609 Protestantism preached by Fulgenzio Micanzio 203-4 

1610 Other agents of Protestant States come to Venice . 205 
But opinion gradually veers in favour of the Pope . 206 
The Protestant intrigues revealed by the action of the 

King of France . . . . . . 207 

Sarpi thus unmasked and Fulgenzio silenced . . 208 
The gentleness of the Pope wins over the Venetians . 209 
Final effort to provoke a Protestant rising fails . .210 
1619 The publication of Sarpi s book against the Papacy . 211 
Creates great sensation and is still quoted though . 212 
His sources, when verifiable, are frequently distorted 213 
Or even forgeries . . . . . .214 

1623 He dies, detested and shunned and unreconciled with 

the Church . 215 

His books published in the eighteenth century and a 

monument raised to him in the ninet^nth 216 



XXX vi TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



A.D. PAGE 

CHAPTER VI. 

PAUL V/S REFORMING ACTIVITY WITHIN THE CHURCH 

SUSPENSION OF THE THOMIST AND MOLINIST CONTRO 
VERSY CANONIZATIONS. 

1605 The activity of Pope Paul V. within the Church . 217 
His first measure to enforce on Cardinals the duty of 

residence in their dioceses . . . .218 

In this he permitted no evasion . . . .219 
Great benefits gained thereby. The example of . 220 
1608 Cardinal Barberini and other Cardinals most 

edifying 221 

In Rome the Forty Hours and other Devotions pro 
moted ........ 222 

1607 The Commission of reform is convoked anew . .223. 

The particular care of Paul V. in appointments . . 224 

1607-8 Compilation of a new collection of decretals. . 225 

1612 The reform of the Liturgy .... 226-7 

Parochial census books increasingly used . . . 228 
1605 The Papal action in controversy concerning the 

efficacy of divine grace . . . . .229 

J esuit and Dominican differences of opinion . 2 30-2 

1605 Roman Congregation convened to deliberate on the 

question ...... 233-4 

The Holy Father personally assisting at its sessions . 235 

1606 The consultors fail to reach an agreement . .236 
The answer of the dissentient consultor to four 

questions ...... 237-9 

The opinions sought of Cardinal Du Perron and Francis 

de Sales . . . . . . . 240 

And of the University of Paris . . . .241 

The opinion of the Roman Consultors at fault. . 242 
Cardinal Baronius joins the controversy . . . 243 

1607 The Pope asks the final verdict of nine Cardinals . 244 
Their answer is indecisive .... 245-6 

Ultimatum of the Pope ...... 247 

The Papal decision communicated to Jesu ts and 

Dominicans ....... 248 

Who had both failed to obtain a definite judgment . 249 
The controversy does not at once abate . . . 250 
1611 The Inquisition forbids the publication of further 

writings . . . . . . .251 

1614 Papal decision invoked on dogma of Immaculate 

Conception ....... 252 

1614 A Bull forbids discussion of the question . . . 253 
The Pope refuses a definition . . . . " . 254 

Devotion of the Holy Father to the Saints . . 255-6 

Canonization of Francesca Romana and . . .257 
Of Carol Borromeo in whose honour . 258-9 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXXV11 

A.D. PAGE 

Three Churches were built in Rome . . . 260 

Further canonizations ...... 261 

Scrupulously scrutinized by Paul V. before assent . 262 

Veneration of St. Philip Neri. . 263 

1610-15 Canonical process of Francis Borgia . .264 

1614 Beatification of Teresa of Jesus, Magdalen di Pazzi . 265 

1618 And Aloysius Conzaga . 266 
The spread of the Forty Hours devotion under the 

Capuchins . . 267-8 

CHAPTER VII. 

PAUL V FOSTERS THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. GALILEO 

AND THE ROMAN INQUISITION. NOMINATION OF 

CARDINALS. 

1606 Revision and restatement of Indulgences . 270 

1612 Reorganization in various Orders 

The Oratorians .... .271 

1608-1610 Theatines and Barnabites special support for . 272 
1611 and 1617 The Orders and Congregations devoted to 

the care of the sick . -273 

1586-1605 The Institute founded by Camillo de Lellis 

divided afresh . . 274-5 

1617 The Society of Calasanza is declared autonomous . 276 

1607 Papal solicitude for Christian education . .277 
Two decrees in favour of the Capuchins . 278 

1608-1619 Notable members of that Order at this period 279 
Jerome of Narni, Mathias Bellintani . .280 

1619 Laurence of Brindisi . .281 
The Jesuits equally famous under the . .282 
Generalship of Father Claude Aquaviva . 283-4 
The teaching of Copernicus and Galileo Galilei . 

1609 The latter invents the telescope anew . .286 
His astronomical discoveries widely applauded . 

His endorsement of the Copernican system lead to . 288 

Difficulties he could not solve . 289 

1613 Which involve theological objections 290 
His theories are attacked from the pulpit . .291 
The publication of " Considerations upon the opinion 

of Copernicus " 292 

Brings Galileo directly against the Inquisition . . 293 
His indiscreet behaviour while discussions were 

pending ... . 294 

1616 The finding of the Inquisition on point one . . 295 
" Erroneous and heretical " on point two " to be 

rejected ". ... .296 

Other decisions left to the Congregation of the Index 297 

Further theories on the subject lead to . . 298 

The prohibition of Copernicus books . . 299 



XXXViii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



A.D. PAGE 

And of all writings in support of the new system of the 

universe. ....... 300 

And the Academia dei Lincei lays down fresh 

disciplinary measures . . . . .301 

Other Italian savants dealt with by the Inquisition 302 
Caesar Cremonini and Marcantonio de Dominis . 303 
The latter apostatizes and escapes to London . . 304 

1617 Whence he puts forth a book denying Papal Primacy 305 
Leniency of penalty for heresy and witchcraft . .306 
Recent investigations show that accusations . . 307 
Of cruelty in the methods of the Inquisition are un 
founded ....... 308 

Thus the Inquisition was upheld by the Pope . . 309 

1613 Ecclesiastico-political difference between the Pope and 310 

Secular powers Spain Naples and Sicily 311-13 

Also in Milan and Portugal which latter. . -314 

1615 Is laid under an Interdict . . . . 315 

Spanish ambitions revealed . . . . .316 

The Pope greatly increases the power of the Nuncios 317 

He deals rigorously with the Cardinals . . 318 

1606 Creation of eight new members of the Sacred College 319 
Their characteristics ..... 320-2 

1607 Final labours, illness, and death of Cardinal Baronius 323 
His last hours and burial . . . . -324 
Universal mourning for him . . . . 325 
His correspondence with important men and his . 326 
Friendship with Paul V., Federigo Borromeo and 

Bellarmine ....... 327 

Who was also greatly revered for his exemplary life . 328 
1607 Another nomination of Cardinals . . . .329 

A further, unexpected proclamation of five more 

Cardinals ....... 330 

And a review of their credentials . . . 331 

1611 Eleven new Cardinals ...... 332 

The majority of them in close alliance with the 

Borghese 333 

1615 Eleven Cardinals having died, ten new ones are 

nominated . . . . . . -334 

Their names and previous careers . . . 335-6 

1616 A name, previously reserved in petto, now published 

with ........ 337 

1618 Six other nominations and then two more including 

Ferdinando, son of King of Spain, aged 10. . 338 

1621 Ten more Cardinals proclaimed .... 339 

Of whom Cennini and Scaglia are most notable . . 346 

And Guido Bentivoglio orator, writer and diplomat . 341 

His Memoirs, brilliantly written and containing 

valuable information . . . . . 342 

1644 Published after his death during the Conclave . . 343 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXXIX 

A.D. PAGE 

CHAPTER VIII. 

SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN MISSIONARY COUNTRIES 

1605 Spread of Christianity in the Far East, at first in 

peace . . 344 

1613 Danger arising through misrepresentation, persecution 

breaks out ... . 345 

Luis Sotelo, at first arrested, is released and sent as 

envoy ..... . 346 

1615 To Spain, asking for Spanish protection. Then. . 347 
He goes to Rome. Received in state but he . . 348 
Returns to Japan with his demands remaining un 
satisfied , . 349 

Justification of the Pope s procedure when persecu 
tion began 350 

1614 The era of Martyrs in the Japanese Church . 351 
Jesuits and Mendicants alike share the trials and 

triumphs ....... 352 

The Holy Father alone supports them . . 353 

Persecution breaks out in China . . . 354 

Matteo Ricci his work his death .... 355 

1617 Further persecution Formation of native ministry 

To which great concessions are made . . 357 

1606 In India the methods of Roberto de Nobili, S.J. 358-9 
His wisdom demonstrated but . . . 360 

1615 Being misrepresented, he undergoes heavy trials 361 
1606-1612 The Pope s action in the dioceses of Goa and 

Cochin .362 

Baptism of the sons of Djehangir . . . 363 
Relations with the Shah of Persia Carmelite 

activities .... . 364 

Envoys sent to Rome one of them Sir Robert Sherley 365 
The Shah extends his protection to Christianity . . 366 
The Pope furthers the work of the Carmelites, by 

founding a seminary and a school . . .367 

Successful missionary work in the Congo. Its envoy 368 

1608 Dies in Rome assisted personally by the Pope . . 369 

Developments of the Abyssinian mission by . . 370 

1622 Father Paez, S.J., who receives the Negus into the 

Church ... .371 

The Armenian Christians through their Nestorianism 372 
Cannot be united with Rome . . 373~5 

The Pope commends the fidelity of the Maronites . 376 
He recommends the monastery of Mt. Sion to Spain 

and France ..... . 377 

1622 The Jesuits work in Constantinople and in . . 378 
Bosnia and Serbia, in conjunction with the Franciscans 379 
Albania and Serbia threatened by Moslem propaganda 380 
Flourishing condition of the Church in the New World 381-2 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



A.D. PAGE 

1611 In Canada the French Jesuits inaugurated a Mission 383 

It being destroyed by English Protestants, French 

Recollects take up the work The Jesuits 

colonizing Paraguay . . . . -384 
Where they found their first " Reductions" . .385 

1615 Peter Claver s heroic care of slaves . . . . 386 



CHAPTER IX. 

PAUL V/S EFFORTS FOR THE PACIFICATION OF WESTERN 

EUROPE AND ITALY. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN 

SWITZERLAND AND DISTURBANCES IN THE GRISONS. 

The Pope s impartiality in preservation of peace . 387 

1605 Jealousy between Spain and France . . .388 

Political position in Europe ..... 389 

Neither party can secure the Pope s concurrence . 390 

1607 Suggested matrimonial, alliance between the Habs- 

burgs and the Bourbons . . . . .391 
Carrying with it territorial readjustment . . 392 

1608 Pedro de Toledo sent as envoy to Paris by Philip III. 393 
Attempts to sever the alliance of Henry IV. with the 

Dutch Calvinists ...... 394 

The failure of Toledo s mission in France . . . 395 
The Pope strives for better understanding between 

France and Spain . . . . . . 396 

But is frustrated by the trickery of Henry IV. . . 397 

1609 And further annoyed by a 12 years truce concluded 

between Spain and Holland with humiliating 
conditions for Philip III. . . . . . 398 

1609 Death of Duke of Jiilich-Cleve-Berg makes fresh 

complication ....... 399 

Strife for his possessions between Brandenburg and 

Archduke Leopold ...... 400 

Franco-Spanish marriage again proposed to prevent 

war ........ 401 

Between France and Spain and to save the Lower . 402 
Rhinelands from passing into Protestant hands . 403 
Further hopes of amicable settlement frustrated . 404 
By criminal intrigues of Henry IV. . . . 405 

1610 The efforts of the Pope for conciliation . . .406 
The Catholic League is formed in Germany . .407 
Seeks for Papal support ..... 408 
The cautious policy of the Pope . . . 409-410 
Papal Nuncios sent to France and Spain . . .411 
Continuance of efforts for peace . . . .412 
Henry s determination to break with Spain . -413 

1610 Is only frustrated by his death . . 414-15 

Which brings peace . . . . . .416 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. xli 



A.D. PAGE 

1612 Renewal of marriage negotiations which. . . 417 
Are warmly approved by the Pope. . .418 

Grave anxiety arises for the peace of Italy . .419 

1612 The death of the Duke of Mantua . . . 420 

Is followed by disputes for right of succession . .421 

1615 War between Venice and Austria but peace . . 421 

1617 Re-established by treaty ..... 423 

The nuntiate of Ladislao d Aquino in Switzerland . 424 
Where out of 13 Cantons 7 had remained Catholic . 425 
The counsel of d Aquino to his successor . 426-9 

He strongly commends the Jesuits . 430 

The old Orders in Switzerland and . . . . 431 
The excellent bishops in the Catholic Cantons . . 432 
The bishop of Bale reclaims lapsed Catholics . . 433 

1620 The anxiety of the Holy See over affairs in Wallis . 434 
Swiss jealousy for liberty leads to . . . . 435 
Risk of hostilities between Catholics and Protestants 436 
Failure of attempted reform of the clergy . -437 

The career of Flugi, bishop of Chur. . . 438 

1617 Protestant propaganda leads to revolt in the Engadine 439 
The insurgents depose Flugi and sentence him to 

death . 440 

The " massacre of the Valtellina ". . 441 
The Pope s refusal to express approval . . 442 
He remains aloof, although . . 443 
Ready to mediate 444 



LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN 
APPENDIX. 



PAGE 

1 Berlingherio Gessi, Nuncio in Venice, to Cardinal 

Borghese, April i8th, 1609 . 448 

2 Berlingherio Gessi, to Cardinal Borghese, November 9th, 

1609 . . 450 

3 Pope Paul V. to Henry IV. King of France, 22nd January, 

1610 . . . 452 

4 Pope Paul V. to the General Assembly of the French 

Clergy, January 3ist, 1615 . 453 

5 Pope Paul V. to Philip III. King of Spain, 22nd March, 

1617 . . - 456 

6 Pope Paul V. to Christians in Japan, 8th February, 1619 457 

7 Pope Paul V. to Aloysius Lollin, Bishop of Belluno, 

1 2th March, 1620 . . . 458 

8 From the Registers of Paul V., 1611 and 1620 . 459 

9 Writings dedicated to Paul V . . . 460 



xliii 



CHAPTER I. 
THE CONCLAVES IN THE SPRING OF 1605 LEO XI. AND PAUL V. 

"THE French Cardinals could not have appeared at a better 
moment," reported Henry IV. s ambassador Be thune, to his 
king, overjoyed when the necessity for a conclave arose on 
March 4th, 1605. 1 The instructions given by the French king, 
with this eventuality in view, five months before, to Cardinal 
Joyeuse on his return to Rome, were then opened. They were 
drafted with his usual clearness and precision. The French 
Cardinals Joyeuse, Givry, Sourdis, Olivier and Du Perron 
were instructed to remain united and always to remember 
their duty as good priests and good Frenchmen. Henry gave 
them to understand that no one must be elected Pope whose 
views were very strong or partial, that is to say, no partisan 
of the Spaniards. From this point of view the king indicated 
Cardinals Galli, Montelparo, Bianchetti and Bernerio as 
unacceptable to him. Provided that they were kept well 
out of the pontificate, they were not to be formally excluded, 
since the king did not wish to make any enemies. He also 
considered uncongenial Zacchia and the able but independent 
Blandrata. As regards the others, such as Camillo Borghese, 
who modestly kept in the background, Henry IV. was in 
different ; they were neither to favour nor oppose them. 
Among the Cardinals whom he would like to see raised to the 
See of Peter, there stood in the front rank his friend and 
kinsman Alessandro Medici and the famous .Church historian 
Cesare Baronius, both of whom had proved faithful friends 
of France. 2 

In a later instruction of March 7th, 1605, to Joyeuse the 
desirability of the adherence of Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini 

1 See COUZARD, Ambassade, 347. 

1 Instruction of October 28, 1604. Lettres Missives, VI., 315 seq. 

VOL. XXV. I 4 



2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

was especially taken into consideration. " If we can win him 
over with money," Henry IV. decided, " it will be well 
invested, and I do not think he will despise it ; because though 
he has more abundant wealth than any other Cardinal before 
him, nevertheless I imagine that he will gladly increase it. 
For all that he will not refrain from favouring the cause of 
Spain, but he will do so less openly and will be on our side 
in one matter or another." l 

The Spanish Government was even more keenly concerned 
than Henry IV. in ttie possibility of a pontifical election. It 
has been calculated that during the thirteen years of the reign 
of Clement VIII. the Spanish Cabinet had considered this 
possibility and formed opinions about it at least twenty-six 
times. 2 At Clement s death there were still in force the 
proposals, confirmed by Philip III., of a consultation in August, 
1601, which had been concerned with the next conclave. 8 
According to these, three members of the Sacred College, 
Valiero, Medici and Arigoni, ought to be absolutely excluded 
by the Spanish Cardinals. Although the learning and piety 
of Valiero were generally recognized, his Venetian origin and 
sentiments constituted, in the eyes of the Spaniards, an 
insurmountable obstacle to his obtaining the tiara. Medici s 
French sympathies and his close connection with the Grand 
Duke of Tuscany were enough to decide his exclusion ; as 
regards Arigoni, whose learning and ability were unquestioned, 
the obstacle was his age, fifty-three, since, in the opinion of 
the Spanish statesmen, a weak, aged man, easy to influence, 4 
was the best Pope. 

Altogether unwelcome to the Spaniards was the choice of 
either Cardinals Baronius or Bellarmine, both were dis 
tinguished by their learning and strict conscientiousness. 

1 See Lettres Miss., VI., 363 seq. 

2 See GINDELY in Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie, 
XXXVIII., 265. 

3 *La Junta en materia de Pontificado, Valladolid, August, 
1601 ; the date is missing though the document has its comple 
ment of signatures. Original in the Archives, Simancas, 1870-23. 

4 See GINDELY, loc. cit., 266, 269 seq. 



SPAIN AND THE PAPAL CANDIDATES 3 

If, in 1601, they had not been among those excluded by name, 
it was solely because it was thought that they stood no chance 
if being elected. A remarkable instance of the lack of compre 
hension on the part of Spanish diplomacy l when confronted 
with the moral greatness of these shining lights of the Church 
is the summing up of their character. " Baronius is a man," 
it was drily said, " who is only good at writing history." 2 

Like Baronius, Bellarmine also was distinguished by piety 
and unselfishness as well as by learning, and was content to 
possess nothing beyond the allowance granted to him by the 
Pope. Such was the extreme simplicity of his life that he 
did not require this annual income, amounting to the com 
paratively small sum of eight thousand ducats, but distributed 
almost all of it among the poor. Bellarmine undoubtedly 
possessed all the virtues to recommend him for the highest 
position in the Church. 3 The Spanish and other diplomats 4 
questioned, rightly or wrongly, his capacity to govern. They 
were also of the opinion that his belonging to the Order of 
the Jesuits would not help him. 5 

Of what sort then were the Cardinals for one of whom the 
Spanish Government intended to secure the tiara ? The 
memorandum of 1601 mentions six names. In order to realize 
the strong preference for old men, it is worthy of note that 
three of them, Santori, Rusticucci and Salviati, were already 
dead in 1605. The extreme age of Rusticucci had reached 
such a stage in 1601 that the Spanish memorandum spoke 

1 It was admittedly not alone in this ; see the *Discorso on the 
Cardinals, November, 1603, Boncompagni Archives; Rome. 

2 *" Baronio es reputado por hombre que no vale mas que 
para escrivir historias." La Junta en materia de Pontificado, 
Archives, Simancas, loc. cit. 

3 See GINDELY, loc. cit. t 270 seq. 

* C/. the *Discorso on the Cardinals, 1618, Boncompagni 
Archives, Rome. 

5 " Bellarmino en quanto a la sumciencia para el govierno esta 
en la misma opinion [as Baronius] y no tiene ninguna platica de 
aquella corte y no le ayude aver sido de la compania de Jesus." 
La Junta en materia de Pontificado, Archives, Simancas, loc. cit. 



4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of him as if he were already considered a complete dotard. 1 
Yet this was the man whom the king of Spain and his advisers 
thought suitable to rule the Church in such difficult and stern 
times ! Of the other candidates favoured by the Spaniards, 
Tolomeo Galli, besides his pro-Spanish sentiments, had what 
was in their eyes the supreme advantage of being seventy- 
nine years old ; Sauli was considered irresolute and though 
Piatti was indeed a good scholar he seemed to be, in other 
respects, a person of little importance. 2 

In these circumstances it must be considered fortunate for 
the Church that the influence of Spain had much decreased 
in Rome, and that the management of Philip III. s policy in 
the Curia was in the hands of a man as incompetent as the 
Duke of Escalona. It was also fortunate that national and 
political differences had abated in the College of Cardinals to 
such a degree that few of them could be called wholeheartedly 
Spanish or French in sympathy. 3 

The Sacred College at the death of Clement VIII. was 
composed of sixty-nine members (fifty-six Italians, six French, 
four Spaniards, two Germans and one Pole). Nine of them 
were absent : Ascanio Colonna, Fernando de Guevara, 
Bernardo de Sandoval, Antonio Zappata and the nuncio 
Domenico Ginnasio were in Spain ; Pietro Gondi and Charles 
of Lorraine were in France, Bernard Maciejowski in Poland, 
and Francis von Dietrichstein in Austria. 4 Only the last 
named could possibly arrive before the end of the conclave. 

1 *" Rusticucci le reputan totalmente per ydiota." Archives, 
Simancas, loc. cit. 

2 See the *Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

3 See the *Discorso of November, 1603, ibid. 

4 See CIACONIUS, IV., 270 seq. The controversy as to whether 
Cardinal Conti, for whom the ceremony of " opening the mouth " 
had not yet been performed, could take part in the election, was 
decided in the affirmative ; see *Relatione della morte di P. 
Clemente VIII., Boncompagni Archives, Rome, C. 20 ; cf. ibid. 
*Parere di Tarquinio Pinaoro sopra la difficulta che il card. Conti 
si dice havere nel prossimo conclave per il voto suo nel elettione 
del pontefice diretto al card. Farnese. 



CARDINALS COMPOSING CONCLAVE. 

Of the Cardinals present in Rome only one, Tolomeo Galli, 
owed his creation to Pius IV. ; six : Medici, Pinelli, Joyeuse, 
Bernerio, Sforza and Valiero, had been created by 
Gregory XIII. ; nine : Antonio Maria Galli, Sauli, Pallotta, 
Pierbenedetti, Montelparo, Giustiniani, Monte, Borromeo 
and Montalto by Sixtus V. ; five : Sfondrato, Aquaviva, 
Piatti, Paravicini and Farnese by Gregory XIV. ; one, 
Facchinetti, by Innocent IX. ; thirty-eight : Pietro 
Aldobrandini, Tarugi, Bandini, Givry, Blandrata, Borghese, 
Bianchetti, Baronius, Avila, Mantica, Arigoni, Bevilacqua, 
Visconti, Tosco, Zacchia, Bellarmine, Sourdis, Olivier, 
Spinelli, Conti, Madruzzo, Du Perron, Bufalo, Delfino, 
Sannesio, Valenti, Agucchio, Pamfili, Taverna, Marzato, 
Cinzio Aldobrandini, Cesi, Peretti, Este, Deti, Silvestro 
Aldobrandini, Doria and Pio owed their elevation to 
Clement VIII. 

The state of the parties was substantially the same as in 
1603. 1 The Cardinals of longer standing, viz. those created 
by Pius IV. and Gregory XIII. , formed one group, the four 
chosen by Gregory XIV., led by Sfondrato, another. In 
direct opposition were the adherents of Montalto and those 
of Aldobrandini. 

Several men of saintly life, who had always kept aloof 
from outside influence and who were firmly determined to 
consider no interests other than religious ones in the election 
of the Pope, formed a distinct group. None of them thought 
of his own elevation. This group of whom contemporaries 
said that they would follow nothing but their own conscience 2 
in the election, was composed of four men who were generally 
regarded as ornaments of the Sacred College. They were 
the Oratorians Baronius and Tarugi, the Jesuit Bellarmine 
and Federico Borromeo, the nephew and spiritual heir of 
St. Charles. 

The strongest party was that of Pietro Aldobrandini ; of 

1 Cf. the treatise by A. RATTI,* Opuscolo ined. di C. Baronio, 36. 
*Achille Ratti = Pope Pius XI. (Translator s note.) 
3 See ibid. 



6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the thirty-eight Cardinals of Clement VIII. twenty-two 
followed him, 1 and according to some authorities, as many 
as twenty-eight. 2 Aldobrandini had assembled the Cardinals 
created by his uncle, on the eve of Clement VIII. s death, 
and exhorted them to unity. It was an unusual meeting, 
which the other Cardinals viewed with displeasure. 3 Mont alto 
had only eight votes at his disposal, the Spaniards thirteen 
at the most. 4 But since Montalto and the Spaniards stuck 
together, they too had a sufficient number of votes to secure 
an exclusion. Neither of the other parties had the required 
two-thirds majority. Thus there was no change even when 
Aldobrandini, forgetful of his previous promises to the 
Spaniards, 5 when he saw that his opponents Montalto, 
Sfondrato, Aquaviva, Sforza and Facchinetti had joined 
them, even before the conclave went over to the French 

1 See the names in a *"Relatione " entitled " Discorso nella 
sede vacante ". Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

2 See the full *Report of G. C. Foresto, March 19, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. The *report of a Mantuan agent, March, 1605, 
(ibid.) enumerates 24 adherents of Aldobrandini, and of them 
only 19 as certain. 

3 See the *"Relatione della morte di P. Clemente VIII." in 
Cod. C. 20, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Cf. also *Avviso of 
March 5, 1605, Vatican Library. 

4 See the *" Relatione " supra, n. 18. When G. C. Foresto 
gives the number of Spanish votes as 20 (*report of March 19, 
1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), he includes Montalto s party. 
The *report of a Mantuan agent (see supra, n. 2) gives 15 Spanish 
adherents, including Dietrichstein. 

5 See COUZARD, 349. In the *Discorso al card. Aldobrandino, 
come si debba governare nel conclave di attendere alia creatione 
del nuovo Papa, (dated) di casa li 6 di marzo 1605, the following 
were named as the principal opponents of the nephew : Sforza, 
Montalto, Colonna, Sfondrato, Farnese and Este, The writer 
counts as belonging to the Spanish party : "la fattione di 
Sfondrato, parte delle creature di Montalto et parte della nostra, 
se bene voi, che sete capo di quella, siate tenuto per Francese, 
come e stato vostro zio." Cod. 6750, 211 seq., State Library, 
Vienna. 



DISCUSSIONS BEFORE CONCLAVE. 7 

side. 1 This party was eight strong, since besides the French 
Cardinals they could also count on Medici, Valiero and 
Monte. 2 Such being the situation, it is easy to understand 
the popular opinion that a long and animated conclave might 
be expected. 3 

According to the agreement with the French initiated by 
Joyeuse, Aldobrandini had to make the concession of 
abandoning Galli, whom he had previously supported as 
being an opponent of Mont alto, and also Bianchetti ; but 
in return the nephew of Clement VIII. demanded from the 
French that they should drop the candidature of Bernerio 
and Montelparo. But this hardly driven bargain was in 
danger of being immediately wrecked, because the Spaniards 
were spreading the rumour that the French had decided to 
exclude not only Blandrata but also Zacchia, Aldobrandini s 
chief but secret candidate. There ensued a weighty discussion 
between Aldobrandini and Joyeuse, but they ended by 
agreeing that the French would accept Blandrata and Zacchia, 
on condition that Aldobrandini would support Cardinal 
Medici. 4 

Not only the divisions among the Cardinals, but also the 
great number of eligible candidates (papabili) promised a 
long conclave. A contemporary account gives no less than 
twenty-one names : Galli, Medici, Valiero, Bernerio, Sauli, 
Pallotta, Pierbenedetti, Montelparo, Piatti, Tarugi, Blandrata, 
Baronius, Bianchetti, Mantica, Arigoni, Tosco, Zacchia, 
Olivier, Ginnasio, Pamfili and Pinelli. 5 There was no serious 

1 See GINDELY, loc. cit,, 262 seq. and COUZARD, 349 seq. 

2 See also the *" Relatione ", p. 6, n. i. A Mantuan agent (see 
p. 6, n. 2) also counted Delfino on the French side. 

3 See the *Discorso, Boncompagni Archives, Rome, the *Avviso 
of March 2, 1605, Vatican Library, and the *report of Girolamo 
Giglioli, March 9, 1605, State Archives, Modena. 

4 See the description by COUZARD (Ambassade, 350 seq.) based 
on French information, and the * report of a Mantuan agent, 
March, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

8 See both the "reports in Cod. C. 20, Boncompagni Archives, 
Rome (the first bears the title " Discorso nella sede vacante di 



8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

discussion in the conclave about any of the above mentioned 
except Baronius and Medici, who, being both favoured by 
France, were not at all desired by the Spaniards. Medici 
was one of those already excluded in 1601. But the long 
standing aversion of the Spaniards to Baronius had developed 
into real hatred ever since, in the eleventh volume of his 
great historical work, the Ecclesiastical Annals, 1 which appeared 
in 1605, he had submitted to severe criticism the alleged 
privilege of the legates of Urban II., on which the Spanish 
Government based its exorbitant pretensions in ecclesiastical 
matters, collected in the so-called Monarchia Sicula. To 
discredit the important grounds on which the Cardinal based 
his attack on the integrity, and thus, indirectly, on the 
authenticity of this pontifical document, the Government of 
Madrid not only set its learned men to work, but prohibited 
that particular volume of the Annals in all the dominions 
subject to the Spanish rule. Booksellers who sold the work 
were severely punished, at Naples even by condemnation 
to the galleys. 2 The Spanish Government thenceforward 

P. Clemente VIII." ; the other, without title, begins with the 
words: " Quattro sono le fattioni "). Cf. also the *Avviso, 
March 2, 1605, Vatican Library. In 1602 the number of papabili 
was not more than 12 ; see RATTI, loc. cit., 50. The author of 
the *Discorso al card. Aldobrandini, referred to supra, p. 6, 
n. 5, says with regard to them : "Li sogetti dunque al mio 
parere sono otto : Como, Fiorenza, Verona, Sauli, Montelparo 
Pallotta, Tosco et Bianchetti, se bene Francesi vorrano Serafino 
[Olivier], quale gia era stato publicato Papa, ma scoperta la 
trama dell ambasciatore di Spagna e stato troncata questa 
prattica." (Cod. 6750, p. 211 seq., State Library, Vienna. PIETRO 
CAIMO, Lettere inedite, Nozze Publication, Venice, 1863, mentions 
in a letter to his brother Eusebio, March 19, 1605 (p. 8) only 
Baronius, Olivier and Medici as papabili. 

1 BARONIUS, Annales eccl. XL, an. 1097, n *8 se( l- I n this 
connection see SENTTS, Monarchia Sicula, 25 seq., 33 seq., 37 seq., 
53 seq. ; E. CASPAR, Die Legatengewalt der norrnannisch. sizilischen 
Herrscher im 12. Jahrkundert, in Quellen und Forsch. aus ital. 
Archiven und Bibl. VII. (1904), p. 189 seq. 

2 See COUZARD, 351. 



SPANISH EXCLUSION OF BARONIUS. 9 

decided that a man like Baronius was not to become Pope, 
as it considered even the slightest questioning of the ecclesias 
tical claims of the Catholic king as impious treason. 1 However, 
not all the Cardinals of the Spanish party in Rome approved 
of the exclusion of one of the most learned, respected and 
devout members of the Sacred College. Spinelli openly showed 
his contempt for this policy, and Sforza and Borromeo were 
also thought to be of the same opinion. 2 Baronius knew 
very well what hostility and persecution he would draw 
upon himself from the Spaniards when he treated of the 
document of Urban II. in his great historical work. But 
his contempt of human favour and his love of truth regardless 
of consequences did not allow any scruples to arise in him. 
He was well aware of the discussions which had taken place 
under Pius V. and Gregory XIII. about the Monarchia Sicula 
and also of their inconclusiveness. 3 As the question had 
to be treated in his historical work, and as it was also of 
great importance for the Church, he applied himself to it 
with all the enthusiasm of a conscientious student. When 
he repeatedly used expressions of great severity, he did so 
on purpose, because he was of the opinion that a Cardinal 
above all ought not to show weakness in a matter of such 
importance for the Church ; nevertheless, on the advice of 
some friends, he modified several passages, so as not to be 
lacking in the respect due to the King of Spain. When the 
work was finished, he presented it to Clement VIII., who 
read it attentively and decided that Baronius ought to have 
it printed without alteration. Several other Cardinals whom 
the Pope consulted were of the same opinion. Baronius in 

1 Opinion of GINDELY, loc. cit., 271. Gindely s supposition, 
adopted by WAHRMUND, that " Baronius had expressed doubts 
as to the legality of the Spanish possessions in South Italy ", 
is erroneous ; see RUFFINI, Perchl C. Baronio non fu Papa, 
Perugia, 1910 (also in collection : Per Ces. Baronio, Rome, 1910, 
355 seq.), with which FALCO agrees in Arch. Rom., XXXIV., 547. 

2 See *Avviso of February 23, 1605, Vatican Library. 

8 This is apparent from the manuscripts in the Vallicella 
Library, Rome. Cf. SENTIS, 33. 



IO HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

a private letter expressed his joy at the result, as he hoped 
that it would be no small assistance towards his remaining 
in his present condition, for the treatise would give the 
Spaniards the opportunity of showing themselves his 
opponents during the election of a Pope. 1 Such being his 
sentiments Baronius bore with equal patience the fact that 
even two Cardinals, Anselmo Marzato and Ascanio Colonna 
censured his work. 2 

An incident which took place before the conclave showed 
to what kind of means the Spanish Government had recourse 
in order to oppose the candidature of Baronius. On March 9th, 
1605, Cardinal Avila laid before the Cardinals assembled in 
Congregation two letters from the Viceroy of Naples, one 
addressed to the dead Pope, the other to Sacred College. 
The contents of both constituted a violent attack on Baronius, 
who was accused of having drawn up his treatise on the 
Monarchia Sicula from French sources. The Viceroy asked 
for the prohibition of Baronius work ! Cinzio Aldobrandini 
at once raised doubts as to the authenticity of the letters. 
Baronius thought he ought not to keep silent about their 
contents, since the Monarchia Sicula was not a personal 
matter but one that concerned the Church. Calmly but 
firmly he made it clear that he had used sources from the 
Vatican Library alone, and that none had come from France. 
Moreover he had submitted his work to the censorship of 
the Pope, who had read it and consigned it for examination 
to three Cardinals, who in turn had entirely approved of it 
before it was printed. He was not taking part against the 
King of Spain, but acting in his real interests. In addition, 
he had used no expressions beyond what the subject demanded. 
His speech created a profound impression. On the proposal 
of Medici it was resolved to leave the decision to the new 
Pope. The confusion of the Spanish party was further 

1 See the letter to Talpa, November 7, 1604, BARONII, Epist., 
3, 133. Cf. BARNABEO, Vita Baronii, lib. 2, c. 5 ; ALBERICI, III., 
133 seqq. ; CALENZIO, Baronio, 651 seqq. 

2 See *Avviso of February 12, 1605, Vatican Library. 



FINAL DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITIES II 

increased when it transpired that the letters were a forgery. 
If the election had taken place at once, Baronius would 
probably have been raised to the Chair of Peter. 1 

The days which elapsed before the opening of the conclave 
were diligently used by the diplomats. The French ambassador 
Bethune was hopeful enough of the issue. " Now we are sure," 
he wrote to Villeroi on March llth, " that none of our enemies 
will be elected, and not without hope that one of our friends 
will be promoted." With even more certainty he wrote the 
same day to Henry IV. : " The Spaniards are driven on to 
the defensive, but we have not yet reached the goal." 2 When 
the conclave was closed late at night on March 14th, the 
activity of Be*thune, like that of the other diplomats, came 
to an end. Then came the Cardinals turn. Those favouring 
the Spaniards still 3 directed all their energies to obtaining 
by every possible means the exclusion of Baronius, whose 
humility was thereby delighted. 4 Cardinal Avila acted in 

1 See CALENZIO, 664 seq., COUZARD, 352 seq. Cf. the "report 
of Cardinal Paravicini to Rudolph II., March 12, 1605, State 
Archives, Vienna, 39-238. 

2 COUZARD, 353. Cf. also the pessimistic report of the opposite 
party, from the pen of the Belgian agent, Pedro de Toledo, Hist. 
Zeitschr., XXXL, 96. 

8 Cf. "Avviso of February 23, 1605, Vatican Library. 

4 The reports of the Italian diplomats on the conclave of 
Leo XL, in a French translation, often inaccurate, in PETRUCELLI 
DELLA GATTINA, II., 413 seq. It does not, however, include the 
very detailed and interesting "reports of G. C. Foresto (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua), which are utilized for the first time in the 
present work. The descriptions of GINDELY in Sitzungsber. der 
Wiener Akad., XXXVIIL, 274 seq. and Rudolf II., vol. I., 
104 seq., are based on the Spanish reports. The French reports 
in DU PERRON, Ambassades, Lettres 292 seq., and COUZARD, 
355 se( l- the report of Joyeuse, Du Perron and Bethune, 
published by COUZARD (410 seq.}, with some variants in Fonds 
franf., 3848, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris ; the "report of 
Cardinal Paravicini to Rudolph II., Rome, April 2, 1605, State 
Archives, Vienna, 39-248 ; the report of Baronius in LAMMER, 
Melet., 359 seq. Valuable also is the frequently used report of 



12 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the matter with more zeal than discretion. He loaded Aldo- 
brandini with reproaches for deserting the Spanish cause, 
and declared that he would prefer to remain in conclave for 
a year rather than allow anything to be done to the detriment 
of his king. Aldobrandini replied that he would not mind 
remaining two years, since he was determined to endure 
anything rather than confer the tiara on anyone not among 
the number of his own favoured Cardinals. 1 

On March 19th it was rumoured that Baronius had obtained 
thirty-nine votes. The news proved false. In fact the 
well-informed thenceforward doubted whether Aldobrandini 
really desired the elevation of the great historian to the 
pontificate, since he had hindered his being elected by adora 
tion. It was thought that Aldobrandini favoured rather the 
election of Tosco, who, besides Baronius, had received a number 
of votes at the beginning. 2 In reality the candidate secretly 
favoured by the late Pope s nephew was still Zacchia, of 
whom, however, Joyeuse would not hear. 3 A decision was 
hoped for when the absent Cardinals would have arrived. 

a member of the conclave in Conclavi, I., 305 seq., obviously 
coming from an opponent of P. Aldobrandini, and no longer 
reliable in many details. The number of votes given there 
corresponds to the statements of DU PERRON ; see SAGMULLER, 
Papstwahlbullen, 237. The most accurate description of outside 
events is given by Mucanzio, whose communications are for the 
most part printed in GATTICUS, 343 seq. and part also in MEYER, 
Nuntiaturberichte, 326 seq. Ruffini has recently made use of 
some new matter, including Savoyard reports, in his work 
mentioned supra, p. 9, n. i. Names of members of the conclave 
in Bull., XI., 212. Giov. Fontana and Carlo Maderno were 
architects of the conclave ; see BER- OLETTI, Bollet. d. Svizzera 
ital., VII., 1 08. Plans of the conclave (with small illustrations) 
by Nice, van Aelst and Giov. Maggi in the collection of plans 
of conclaves in the Vatican library. Two pasquinades on the 
conclave in RATTI, Opuscolo, 35 seq. 

1 See Conclavi, I., 314 seq. 

2 See the *report of G. C. Foresto, March 19, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

3 Cf. COUZARD, 360. 



VARYING VOTES IN CONCLAVE. 13 

The Spaniards cherished the hope that it might still be 
possible for Guevara, Colonna and Zappata to arrive in time. 
Aldobrandini was waiting for Ginnasio. 1 But none of these 
appeared. Instead, Dietrichstein arrived on March 19th. 2 
The opponents of Spain reminded him of the favours which 
Clement VIII. had bestowed on him, and represented to 
him that he ought to entertain the highest esteem for the 
person of Baronius. 

With anxious tension everybody wondered on which side 
the German Cardinal would range himself. Dietrichstein 
certainly wavered between his own inclinations and his 
obligations to the House of Hapsburg, but eventually he 
was persuaded by Madruzzo, Doria and Farnese, who were 
all on the Spanish side, to withhold his support from Baronius. 3 
The Spaniards now commanded at least twenty-three votes 
for the latter s exclusion. But the opposite party did not 
give up the struggle. On March 24th Baronius had twenty- 
three votes. The rumour actually spread in Rome that he 
was elected, but a little later it became known that his election 
had been wrecked by the opposition of the Spaniards. 4 These 
even had the effrontery to appeal to St. Thomas Aquinas, 
who taught that unsuitable persons, even if virtuous, ought 
not to be raised to high dignity, as they might occasion 
wars and scandal ! They recalled that Baronius had not only 
written against the Monarchia Sicula, but had even questioned 
the sojourn of St. James in Spain. 5 It is not difficult to 
understand that the great historian s adherents did not change 
their opinion on such grounds. 

1 See the "report of G. C. Foresto, March 19, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

1 See Mucanzio in GATTICUS, 345. 

3 See the description by GINDELY, Rudolf II., vol. I., 108, based 
on Spanish reports. According to the *Avviso of March 26, 
1605, when the Spaniards spoke to Dietrichstein about the 
exclusion of Baronius, he dismissed the suggestion in the first 
instance. Cod. C. 20, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

4 See *Avviso of March 26, 1605, ibid. 

5 See Conclavi, I., 327. 



14 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Foresto, the Mantuan envoy, wrote on March 26th that 
Baronius, who had received twenty-seven votes on the 
preceding day, would probably obtain the tiara, if no change 
took place during the following days. Of all the candidates 
he had the fewest obstacles to overcome. Foresto added 
that Baronius did nothing towards his own election, on the 
contrary he even took pains to spoil his chances in every way. 
He dissuaded the Cardinals, reminding them of his humble 
origin and his coming from a long-lived family. All Clement 
VIII. s Cardinals, continued Foresto, are favourable to this 
blameless man, especially Borromeo, Paravicini and Bandini, 
besides Giustiniani ; even some of Montalto s Cardinals, such 
as Pinelli and Pierbenedetti, showed themselves not averse. 
Notwithstanding, Foresto was not yet entirely sure of 
Baronius success. Not all on his side, he thought, were 
as sure and faithful supporters as were Borromeo and Para 
vicini. As regards both Cinzio and Pietro Aldobrandini, 
Foresto entertained serious doubts, since during the pontificate 
of Clement VIII. Baronius in his frankness had repeatedly 
criticized the actions of the papal nephews. Foresto hinted 
that he knew from a reliable source that Pietro Aldobrandini 
did not wish for the election of Baronius, because he thought 
him too independent and also because he did not think it 
prudent to break altogether with the Spaniards. The envoy 
believed that Aldobrandini really wished to secure the tiara 
for another candidate, preferably Zacchia, or, failing him, 
Ginnasio, Tosco or Blandrata, thus making use of the 
candidature of Baronius only in order to obtain the election 
of one of these. 1 

Meanwhile during the next few days the votes for Baronius 

1 See the *report of G. C. Foresto, March 26, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. Cf. also the report in PETRUCELLI, II., 437. 
What Baronius himself said with regard to his reluctance (see 
LAMMER, Melet., 360 seq.) is completely confirmed by Foresto. 
The motive assigned by RUFFINI (PerchZ C. Baronio non fu papa, 
Perugia, 1910) that Baronius did not want to become Pope in 
order to remain devoted to his historical work, will not hold ; 
see FALCO in Arch. Rom., XXXIV., 548. 



VARYING VOTES IN CONCLAVE. 15 

increased, to the utmost alarm of the Spaniards. He had 
thirty-one on March 27th, and thirty-two on the 30th. 1 But 
he obviously could not obtain the further eight votes necessary 
for the two-thirds majority, since the Spaniards held firm. 

In the meantime an important change took place, which 
provided well-grounded hope for a speedy end to the wearisome 
electoral contest. 

During the days immediately before the election the name 
of Cardinal Medici had often been mentioned ; but in the 
first week of the conclave it was only rarely spoken of, 
although in the scrutinies he always secured a certain number 
of votes. 2 Joyeuse never lost sight of Medici s candidature 
for a single moment. Assisted by Du Perron, he displayed 
an indefatigable activity for this end, without however finding 
in Aldobrandini the support on which he had counted. Arigoni 
and Visconti also exerted themselves upon Clement VIII. s 
nephew ; but it was in vain, for he still had in mind the 
elevation of Zacchia. 8 

The more evident it became that Baronius would not 
obtain the two-thirds majority, the more must Medici s star 
be in the ascendant. The Spaniards, of course, opposed 
his candidature now as before, but there were hopes of over 
coming their opposition, since several of the more important 
Cardinals of the Spanish party, such as Aquaviva, Farnese 
and his friend Sfondrato 4 were bound to Medici by the closest 
ties. Baronius, entirely unselfish, openly declared himself 
for Medici throughout the whole conclave. 5 While Aldo 
brandini still hesitated in coming to a decision, Joyeuse 
succeeded at the end of March in gaining Montalto for Medici. 
This was of the greatest importance. At that very moment 
Viglienna, the Catholic king s ambassador, committed one of 

1 See Conclavi, I., 330, 337 (at the beginning, for 21, read 27). 

1 See the *report of G. C. Foresto, March 19, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

8 Cf. COUZARD, 357, 360. 

4 Cf. the *Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

6 See Baronius own report in LAMMER, Melet., 360. Cf. 
CALENZIO, 676 seq. 



1 6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

his usual follies. In the night of March 31st-April 1st he 
appeared at the door of the conclave, where the greatest 
excitement and tension prevailed. He informed the Cardinals 
that a group of English students from Padua, disguised as 
pilgrims, intended to rob the treasury of the sanctuary at 
Loreto. But this news had already been known for three 
weeks and all precautions had long ago been taken against 
any such attempt. This solemn communication to the Cardinals 
made the Spaniards ridiculous and discredited their cause. 1 

The scrutiny on the following day, April 1st, yielded no 
result ; Baronius had only twenty-eight votes and Medici 
thirteen. 2 After this Joyeuse decided to carry his candidate s 
cause to a conclusion. He went to Aldobrandini and explained 
to him all the reasons for the election of Medici. Aldobrandini 
still hesitated. Joyeuse only gave him a little time to decide. 
Meanwhile Visconti, Borromeo and Bernerio left no stone 
unturned to persuade the nephew to accept Medici s candida 
ture, for which they had also gained some of Avila s party. 3 

Cardinal Avila, who had not yet officially published the 
Spanish exclusion, 4 did not pay proper attention to these 
events. Though informed by Doria and Madruzzo of the 
danger which threatened, he thought the election of Medici 
impossible and did not allow his tranquillity to be perturbed. 
He evidently thought that the election would be no more 
than just another regular taking of votes. In this he was 
completely mistaken. Like the other friends of Spain, 
Dietrichstein also decided to support the election of Medici, 
after the latter had allayed his anxiety by assuring him 
that he would always be attached to the Emperor Rudolph 
and King Philip, and would protect both of them as pillars 
of the Church. 5 Aldobrandini, still reluctant, was urged 

1 See COUZARD, 361, 362 seq. 

* Conclavi, I., 340. 3 Cf. COUZARD, 364. 

4 See SAGMULLER, Papstwahlbullen, 238 seq. Cf. RUFFINI, 
loc. cit. 

5 See the *report of Cardinal Paravicini to Rudolph II., 
April 2, 1605, State Archives, Vienna, 39-248. Cf. GINDELY, 
Rudolf II. , Vol. I., 109. 



ELECTION OF MEDICI. 17 

by his own adherents to decide at once. After Baronius 
had once more spoken in favour of Medici and urged his 
immediate election, Aldobrandini finally yielded. When he 
went to Medici s room, more than two-thirds of the electors 
were found to be assembled there, and they had elected him 
Pope without any further scrutiny. Not till this was announced 
did the scales fall from the eyes of Avila. He hurried along 
the corridors of the conclave to call together his former 
adherents for a formal exclusion, and all the time he uttered 
vehement protests ; but it was too late. Avila renewed his 
protest in the Pauline Chapel, where the Cardinals had 
gone for the adoration of the new Pope, calling out at the 
top of his voice that the Catholic king did not want Cardinal 
de Medici as Pope. But his own adherents rejoined that any 
kind of protest was useless against one who was already 
elected Pope. 1 Simply as a matter of customary form an 
open scrutiny was then held for Medici, who chose the name 
of Leo XI. 2 The night being already well advanced, the 
conclave was not thrown open, in order to avoid any disorder, 
and the election was only announced to the public on the 
following morning, April 2nd. 3 

The election of Medici was an event of the greatest impor 
tance, since it had taken place with open disregard for the 
wishes of the King of Spain. 4 From the Spanish side an 

1 See GINDELY, I., no, following the Spanish reports. Cf. 
also the French reports of du Perron, Ambassades, loc. cit. 
SAGMULLER (Papstwahlbullen, 240) as opposed to WAHRMUND 
(207 seq.) sees^in these proceedings the exercise of exclusion in 
full form. He holds firmly to this in Archiv. f. kathol. Kirchenrecht, 
LXXIIL, 198 seq. against WAHRMUND (ibid., LXXIL, 205 seq.). 
HERRE (651) remarks : " For the development of the right of 
exclusion I attach a different value to the occurrence than Wahr- 
mund ; for the rest the nature of my work makes it a matter of 
course that I should not enter further into this juridical question." 
RUFFINI (loc. cit.) and EISLER (Veto, 61 seq.) have recently 
given their decision against Sagmiiller. 

2 See Mucantius in GATTICUS, 347. 

3 See ibid. 4 Cf. HERRE, 651. 
VOL. xxv. 



l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

impudent calumny was started that the Cardinals had been 
bribed by France. 1 In contrast to the discontent at Philip III. s 
court was the joy in Paris. Henry IV. wrote to Joyeuse 
that he had secured for him the greatest triumph which 
he had gained since his elevation to the throne. 2 In Rome 
unanimity prevailed 3 as to the admirable qualities of the 
new Pope. Giovanni Battista Marini in one of his poems 
expressed the hope that a long life would be granted him. 4 
Alessandro de Medici was descended from a collateral line 
of the celebrated Florentine family. Born on June 2nd, 1535, 
the son of Ottavio de Medici and Francesca Salviati, a niece 
of Leo X., he gave proof even from earliest infancy of extra 
ordinary gifts of mind and heart. He was an exemplary 
son and sincerely pious. His close connection with the 
Dominicans at San Marco led his relations to suspect that he 
inlended to enter their Order. 5 But this was not the case ; 

1 Cf. COUZARD, 369, who speaks of " perfidie calomnieuse ". 
As a matter of fact the suggestion, unquestioningly accepted by 
PHILIPPSON (HeinrichlV. und Philipp III., Vol. I., 353) that the 
election of Leo XL had cost Henry IV. 300,000 scudi, is due to 
an authority as unreliable as was Du Plessis-Mornay. 

2 Lettresmiss., VI., 401. Cf. also DESJARDINS, V., 552. Cardinal 
B. Maciejowski wrote on April 17, 1605, to Cardinal Givry : 
*" Dolorem quern obitus optimi parentis nostri Papae dementis 
VIII. atque absentia ab electione novi Pontificis mea maximum 
mini obtulerat, mitigat iam et lenit voluptas ingens quam ex 
electione S.D.N.P. Leonis XL duplicatam capio, turn quod 
utilissimum ilium fore Christianitati perspiciam, turn quod ab 
ill. dom. vestra desideratum existimem." (Cod. 219, p. 59, City 
Library, Metz.) Leo XL himself speaks of his friendly relations 
with Venice in his *brief to the Doge, M. Grimani, dated 1605, 
XV. Kal. Maii. Original in State Archives, Venice, Bolle. 

* Cf. Lettere inedite di P. CAIMO, Venice, 1863, 10. 

4 77 Tebro festante netta elezione di Leone XI. ; see BORZELLI, 
Marino, 12. 

6 See *Vita del cardinale di Firenze che fu P. Leone XL scritta 
da un suo famigliare insino al tempo che fu mandate in Francia 
da Clemente VIII., Cod. 4201, Bibl. Casanatense, Rome. This 
manuscript, out of the Corvisieri Library, and not utilized 
hitherto, gives many interesting details. 



ANTECEDENTS OF POPE LEO XI. IQ 

the youth, who had a poetic temperament, dreamed rather 
of a career in the world, and not till he was in his twenties 
did he decide to become a priest. 1 His first priestly charge 
was in a quiet rural district, until Cosimo de Medici in 1569 
entrusted to his gifted kinsman the important post of 
ambassador in Rome. Alessandro filled it to the satisfaction 
of his patron as well as of Pius V. and Gregory XIII. 2 In 
Rome he won the friendship of Cardinals Pacheco and Morone, 
and also of Philip Neri. In a short time he became one of 
the Saint s favourite disciples. It was Medici who, in 1595, 
solemnly laid the foundation stone of the magnificent Oratorian 
church, S. Maria in Vallicella ; later, when the church was 
opened for worship, it was he who sang the first High Mass. 3 
Cosimo was full of praise for the way in which Alessandro 
de Medici discharged his duties. In 1573 he obtained the 
diocese of Pistoia, whilst he retained his post as ambassador. 
As a conscientious man he took care that the decrees of the 
Council of Trent were enforced in his diocese through his 
representative. 4 When the Archbishop of Florence, Antonio 
Altoviti, died towards the end of 1573, Medici succeeded 
him. 5 But not even then was he allowed to rule his diocese in 
person, since he seemed indispensable in Rome. It was to 
Medici s credit that he nevertheless did everything possible 
to introduce the necessary ecclesiastical reforms among 
secular and regular clergy alike. In this he proceeded with 
such prudence and firmness that it seemed as if he had been 
employed for years in nothing but diocesan affairs. 6 In 

1 Cf. GUASTI, Lettere di santa Caterina de Ricci, Prato, 1861, 
LXXXII. seq. and Arch. stor. Hal., 4th series, XIV., 250. 

2 Many of his *reports can be found in the State Archives, 
Florence. 

3 See CAPECELATRO, St. Philip Neri [Engl. ed., 1926], p. 281. 

4 See *Vita del card, di Firenze, loc. cit.- 

5 * Mi ha piu volte detto che hebbe di questo maggior contento 
che quando fu fatto cardinale, says the author of the *Vita, 
loc. cit. 

9 *In assentia non manc6 di fare tutto il suo potere per rifor- 
mare et ridurre in buon termine il culto divino, la residenza, 



20 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Rome he enjoyed the highest reputation. A report of the 
year 1574 heaped praises upon him. 1 Ten years later 
Gregory XIII. admitted him to the Sacred College 
(December 12th, 1583). 2 The nomination took him com 
pletely by surprise ; he welcomed it chiefly because it freed 
him from the almost insupportable burden of the Embassy, 
which he had borne for fifteen years. 3 To distinguish him 
from Cardinal Ferdinando de Medici, Alessandro became 
now generally known as the Cardinal of Florence. Even as a 
Cardinal he still remained closely associated with Philip Neri. 
The fact that Medici did not share Philip Neri s veneration 
for Savonarola, 4 which on the Saint s part was based on 
insufficient knowledge of the man, in no way interfered with 
their friendship. The Cardinal often hastened to the room 
of the founder of the Oratorians, which he is said to have 
called his Paradise. 5 

During the eventful pontificate of Clement VIII., Medici 
and Philip Neri were entirely at one in their opinion of the 

1 habito, gl ordini, 1 esame di confessori et le monache per le 
quali a monastero di monastero faceva instruttioni di sua mano 
a MS. Bastiano de Medici suo vicario, quale da Pistoia haveva 
tirato a Firenze, che pareva che fusse stato arcivescovo venti 
anni. *Vita, loc. cit., where the reforms and the difficulties 
which he had to overcome to introduce them, are described in full. 
The Synodus Florentina of 1589, printed, 1589. To this day 
the following inscription can be seen on the fa9ade of the Arch 
bishop s palace in the piazza of the cathedral : Leoni XI. P.M. 
ob merita in ecc. | Flor. quam XXXII | an. rexit et has | aedes 
restitutas. 

1 See the report of 1574, Corsini Library, Rome. Cf. this work, 
Vol. XIX., 569 seqq. 

2 See ibid., Vol. XIX., 230 seq. ; cf. 602 seq. Medici was 
immediately regarded as " papabile ". See Avviso of January 7, 
1584, in Bull, de la Commiss. Roy. d hist., LXXXIX. (1926), 402. 

3 See the detailed account in the *Vita, loc. cit. 

4 See in this connection GUASTI, L Officio proprio per Fra G. 
Savonarola e li suoi compagni scritto nel sec. XVI. con un proemio, 
Prato, 1863. 

5 See CAPECELATRO, loc. cit. 



ANTECEDENTS OF LEO XI. 21 

French situation. Both had great influence l on the decision 
in favour of Henry IV. Medici s grief was profound when, 
on May 26th, 1595, death removed his friend and spiritual 
father ; his sweetest consolation in this grievous loss was 
still to show him all the affection and veneration possible. 
Having learned that the Oratorians, from humility and 
poverty, had buried the body of their beloved Father in 
the common bury ing-place, he and Federico Borromeo 
together prepared a special tomb for him ;. when the Saint s 
body was found quite intact four years later, he placed on 
the head with his own hands a crown made of gold and precious 
stones at his own expense, and took a costly ring from his 
own finger to put on the hand of the beloved dead. 2 

When Pope Clement VIII., in 1596, entrusted to Alessandro 
de Medici the important legation to France, d Ossat gave 
the following description of him : " The Cardinal, now sixty 
years old, has the reputation of being an excellent, prudent, 
moderate, and upright man in whom there is no guile. The 
Pope loves and esteems him. He was always in favour of the 
absolution of our king. Wholly devoted though he is to 
the Holy See, he is nevertheless closely associated with the 
Grand Duke of Tuscany, his kinsman, whose ambassador in 
Rome he was for many years and to whom he owes in part 
his admission to the Sacred College." 3 

Cardinal Medici spent two whole years in France. When 
he returned to Rome in the autumn of 1598 4 he had completely 
won the friendship of Henry IV. Although he was thoroughly 
disliked by the Spaniards for his French sympathies, yet he 
was thenceforward considered a serious candidate for the 
tiara. In a report of the year 1600, it was said that his 
prospects in this respect were excellent. 5 Medici, according 

1 See this work, Vol. XXIII, 130 seq. 

2 See CAPECELATRO [Engl. Ed. 1926], p. 584. 

3 Lettres d Ossat, I., 239. Cf. also the eulogy of Clement VIII. 
in the brief addressed at the time to Henry IV., Arm. 44, t. 40, 
p. i64b, Papal Secret Archives. 

4 Cf. this work, Vol. XXIII., 142 seq., 153 seq., 159. 

5 See ibid., 483 seq. 



22 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to a statement made at the time by Dolfin, the Venetian 
ambassador, was much esteemed and also considered a good 
ecclesiastic. He had many friends and no avowed enemy. 
Montalto s party would certainly put him forward as their 
candidate in case of an election. Gregory XIII. *s Cardinals 
also supported him and Pietro Aldobrandini, after striving 
in vain for his own candidates, would prefer him to any 
other. 1 

The aversion of the Spaniards for Cardinal Medici, whose 
sympathies were French, was further increased by his close 
relations with the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The Cardinal 
did not mind. He complained with great frankness of the 
interference of Spanish statesmen in the internal affairs of 
the Church. Not they, he remarked on one occasion, had 
received the stole and the keys. 2 This remark gave the lie 
to the reproach levelled against Medici by the Spanish party 
that he was very timid in dealing with public affairs. Equally 
questionable was the opinion, due to the same party, that he 
had a hasty temper. 3 It is true that as a genuine Florentine 
he loved delicate wit, but he always kept within the limits 
of courtesy. In his private letters 4 he shows himself a typical 
Tuscan, distinguished, highly gifted, modest and pious. 

Medici s generosity, especially towards writers, was widely 
admired as well as his interest in art. The latter greatly 

1 See DOLFIN, Relazione, 492, 494. A *letter of Cardinal A. de 
Medici to the abate Bandini in 1598 gives him instructions to 
arrange with Madame de Nemours with regard to the prompt 
execution of the will, which her sister, the Duchess of Urbino, 
had made in favour of Cardinal P. Aldobrandini. Original, with 
seal and signature : " Cardinal di Firenze Legato," in the Manzoni 
Library, Rome, until 1894, when that collection was scattered to 
the winds. 

2 See DESJARDINS, V., 237. 

3 So Girol. Fraschetto in his memoir of 1602 written to the 
Duke of Escalona, in RATTI, Opuscolo, 40. 

4 See A. DEL VITA, Di alcune lettere di Leone XI. (to Pietro 
Vasari, from 1570 to 1593), in the Riv. d. bibl. ed archivi, 1924, 
II, 220 seq. 



CHARACTER OF LEO XI. 23 

proved very beneficial to S. Maria in Trastevere and 
S. Martino ai Monti. 1 In 1574 Medici already possessed a 
fine collection of statues, which he placed in his villa near 
S. Francesca Romana. 2 Later he also acquired the villa on 
the Pincio which bears his name. 

The hostility of the Spaniards towards the Cardinal did 
not cease throughout the pontificate of Clement VIII. On 
the Pope s death they were sure that the Catholic king would 
demand his exclusion. In order to discredit him, it was given 
out from the Spanish side that he was unsuited to govern ; 
but that he was an admirable man could not be denied even 
by his enemies. 3 

Leo XL, according to the accounts of his contemporaries, 
was a handsome man, of imposing stature, spotless and pure. 
in his conduct, and deeply imbued with a sense of the great 
obligations of the Papacy. 4 He appointed as Secretary of 

1 Cf. TOTTI, Roma Moderna, 67, 213 ; CARDELLA, V., 181 seq. 
The Cardinal also had his titular churches, SS. Quirico & Giulitta 
and S. Prassede, decorated ; see PLATNER, III., 2, 237, 246, 254. 

* Cf. LANCIANI, II., 212 seq. With regard to the triptych of 
Mary Stuart, belonging to Cardinal Medici, presented to the 
Bavarian court, now in the Reichen Kapelle, Munich, see ENGLER- 
STOCKBAUER-ZETTLER, Kunstwerke der Reichen Kapelle, plate 
20, and P. COLONNA, El Santo Cristo de Maria Stuart, Madrid, 
1901. 

8 See the two *Discorsi of 1605, Boncompagni Archives, Rome, 

C. 20. 

4 Cf. the contemporaries mentioned by CIACONIUS (IV., 371). 
The figure of Leo XL, portrayed on his monument by Algardi 
(cf. infra, p. 27). Another statue of the Pope in the Cathedral 
of Pistoia, on the right of the entrance, with the Medici coat of 
arms and the inscription : Leoni XL Pont. Max. | antea epo. 
Pistorien. | ut eius mem. diocesani | religiosius venerentur | 
Alex. Caccia | in epatu success. A. 1618. A portrait in oils by Ant. 
Scalvati (see BAGLIONE, 172) in the second chapel on the left in 
S. Agnese fuori le mura in Rome, in which church the Pope, 
when Cardinal, had restorations made ; see CIACONIUS, IV., 
372 ; FORCELLA, XL, 351. Cf. *Avviso of November 5, 1605, 
Vatican Library. 



24 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

State his able great-nephew Roberto Ubaldini 1 ; his Treasurer 
was the Florentine Luigi Capponi, 2 his Secretary for Briefs 
another fellow countryman, Pietro Strozzi. 3 At the head of 
the Consulta he placed Pietro Aldobrandini. 4 Of all the 
Cardinals the learned and pious Sfondrato had the greatest 
influence. 5 

One of the first matters upon which Leo XL was engaged 
was the support of the Imperialists in Hungary against the 
Turks, 6 which had been agreed to in the terms of election. 
He declared his immediate readiness to help to the utmost 
of his ability, although the Camera Apostolica was burdened 
with debts. 7 This was decided in a Congregation of Cardinals 
for Hungarian affairs on April 13th, 1605, on which occasion 
the new Pope expressed his intentions regarding the govern 
ment of the Church in a way calculated to raise the highest 

1 See MORONI, LXXXL, 491 seq. Cf. CIACONIUS IV., 434. 
Pietro Giacomo Cima, the Pope s maestro di camera, was regarded 
as influential ; see MUTINELLI, III., 20 ; Forcella XL, 351. 

2 See MORONI, LXXIV., 300. A *letter of Leo XL to the 
tesoriere generate, Capponi, of April 16, 1605, was preserved until 
1894, in the Manzoni Library, Rome. Even this very rare 
document (seeing that the Pope only reigned twenty-six days) 
was sold. No authentic coins of Leo XL are extant ; see MARTI- 
NELLI, 67 seq. Ibid, with regard to his medals. Cf. also Boll, 
di numismatica ital., III. 

3 See Mucantius in GATTICUS, 404 and BONAMICUS, De claris. 
pontif. epist. script., Rome, 1753, 276. 

4 See the autograph * letter of Aldobrandini, April 16, 1605, 
to the nuncio in Venice, Barb. 4697, p. 527, Vatican Library. 

6 See the *Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni Archives, Rome, 
C. 20. 

6 See the *report of G. C. Foresto, April 23, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. With regard to the terms of the election- 
capitulation, see the article by H. ORTENBERG in the Innsbrucker 
Zeitschr.f. kath. Theol., 1896, 190. Cf. MEYER, Nuntiaturberichte, 
326 ; LULVES in Quellen u. Forschungen des preuss. Instituts, 
XII. , 228, and infra, p. 25, n. 3. 

7 See the letter of Cardinal Madruzzo to Rudolph II. of April 2, 
1605, in MEYER, Nuntiaturberichte, 332. 



FIRST MEASURES OF LEO XI. 25 

hopes. 1 Very generous help was sent 2 to the hard pressed 
Emperor. In conformity with the terms of election, Leo XI. 
convoked a Congregation of Cardinals without delay for the 
reform of the conclave. The method then in use of electing 
the Pope by means of general homage (adoration) was to be 
abolished, and that of secret voting substituted. Du Perron 
remarks that Aldobrandini s opponents would agree to this, 
since he would thus lose his control over Clement VIII. s 
Cardinals, and that those opposed to the Spaniards would 
be even better pleased, since then everyone would be able 
to give his vote freely and without the pressure of their 
tyranny. 3 Further, Leo XL did not show any undue 
favouritism to France, as the Spaniards had feared. When 
Joyeuse asked a favour of him in the name of Henry IV., 
he roundly rejected the petition, saying that his duty was 
to rule justly and rightly and not to be complaisant to 
anyone. 4 Leo XI. won over the Romans by abolishing some 
oppressive taxes. April 10th, Easter Sunday, on which the 
coronation of the new Head of the Church took place, was 
a double holiday for the city. 5 It was characteristic of the 
Pope s strictness with regard to his relations that none of 



1 See ibid., 337 seq. 
* See ibid., 652. 

3 Du PERRON, Ambassades, 308. Cf. WAHRMUND in Archiv.f. 
kath. Kirchenrecht, LXXIL, 204 seq., where the text of the terms 
of the election is given (pp. 219 seq.). 

4 See THUANUS, I., 134 ; PHILIPPSON, Heinrich IV., Vol. I., 
353. The fears of an anti-Spanish policy on the part of Leo XL, 
expressed by the Duke of Escalona in harsh terms, were only 
justified inasmuch as the Pope was not willing to be made a tool 
for Spanish schemes. Even GINDELY, who at first (I., no seq.) 
seemed inclined to regard the Duke s fears as justified, neverthe 
less added at the end : " Allein es war ihm nicht vergonnt 
seiner antispanischen Politik, wenn er dies uberhaupt je tun wollte, 
eine folgenreiche Wirksamkeit zu geben." 

5 See Mucantius in GATTICUS, 402. A *poem on the corona 
tion in Cl. VII., n. 425, National Library, Florence. 



26 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

them were allowed to be present when he took possession of 
the Lateran. 1 

On the occasion of this function, which took place on 
April 17th, 2 the old man of seventy caught a chill which led 
to his death on April 27th. 3 While the Pope lay on his 
death-bed at the Quirinal, he was assailed with requests from 
various quarters, especially from the Spaniards, to confer 
the purple on his nephew Ottaviano de Medici. Leo XI. 
would not hear of it, 4 thereby showing himself to the very 
end a worthy disciple of Philip Neri, who, so it was said, 
had predicted not only that the tiara would be conferred 
on him but also the short duration of his pontificate. 5 The 
mourning for the death of this noble Pope extended to all 
circles in Rome 6 ; in Florence also the grief was profound. 7 

1 See COUZARD, 370. 

2 See Mucantius in GATTICUS, 402 seg. 

3 See *Acta consist., Vatican Library. *Diarium P. Alaleonis, 
Barb., 2816, Vatican Library. Mucantius in GATTICUS, 456. 
Cf. the detailed *report of Giov. Batt. Thesis, April 30, 1605, 
regarding the cause of death, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The 
story that Leo XI. was killed by a poisoned rose is not worth 
contradicting ; grounds for suspicion recently alleged by FUSAI 
(Vinta, 96) prove nothing. MUNOZ (see p. 27, n. 2) on p. 53 of 
the article referred to, is also of this opinion. 

4 He says : *Nunquam feci rem indignam nee aliquid quod 
posset vitam maculare neque nunc volo in fine vitae aliquid 
contra meam bonam famam facere. *Diarium P. Alaleonis, 
loc. cit. 

5 See *Diarium P. Alaleonis, loc. cit., p. 235b ; Mucantius, 
loc. cit. and BARONIUS, Annals XII., ad an. 1187. Cf. CIACONIUS, 
IV., 369. 

6 See the *report of G. C. Foresto, April 30, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua, and the letter of Cesi to Giov. Eckio, April 30, 
1601, in GABRIELI, 77 carteggiofra i primi Lincei, Rome, 1925, 165. 

7 Cf. DelVesequie di P. Leone XI. celebrate nel duomo di Firenze, 
Florence, 1605. FR. VENTURI, Oratio habita in maiori ecclesia 
Florent. in solemni funere Leonis XI. P*.M., Florence, 1605. See 
also CUTINII, Oratio funebris de laudibus Leonis XI. P.M., 
Florence, 1605. 



FUNERAL OF LEO XI. 2J 

The sorrow in France was as great as the rejoicing had been 
a little before. 1 

The mortal remains of Leo XI. were buried in St. Peter s. 
His nephew, Roberto Ubaldini, who had received the purple 
under Paul V., had a marble monument erected there in the 
left aisle, the execution of which was entrusted to Francesco 
Algardi, 2 who had a reputation as a restorer of ancient 
remains. The work was stopped by the death of Ubaldini 
(1635) and so the tomb was not completed until about the 
end of the first half of the seventeenth century. The material 
is white marble and the work is distinguished by its simplicity 
and unity. As with the famous monument which Bernini 
erected to Urban VIII., so there too the Pope is represented 
enthroned above the sarcophagus and as giving his blessing, 
while beside him stand the figures of Wisdom, represented 
by Minerva, and Munificence, pouring gold and jewels from 
a cornucopia. But what a contrast to the celebrated work 
of Bernini ! Instead of a vast recess, ornamented with 
variegated stones, Algardi was content with a slight excavation 
of the walls which only serves as a dull background to the 
principal figure, so that the contour seems cramped. Beauty 
cannot be denied to the figures at the side, which Algardi 
carved with the help of his pupils Giuseppe Peroni and Ercole 
Ferrata, 3 but they are not organically related to the 
monument. The sarcophagus, decorated with a relief 
(representing the completion by Cardinal Medici of Henry IV. s 
reconciliation to the Church) gives an impression of heaviness. 
The pedestal is gracefully ornamented with the heraldic rose 
of the Pope, which was interpreted by the allegorical taste 
of the time as an allusion to the extreme shortness of his 

1 Cf. COUZARD, 370. 

8 For the rest see the admirable study by H. POSSE in Jahrb. 
derpreuss. Kunstsammlungen, XXVI., 188 seqq. Cf. also BERGNER, 
Das barocke Rom., 102 seq. ; BRINCKMANN, Barockskulptur, II., 
255 seq. ; FERRARI, Tomba, 134 seq. ; MUNOZ in Annuario d. 
Accad. di S. Luca, 1912 (Rome, 1913), 52 seq. ; La scultura 
barocca, V. : Le tombe papali, Milan, 1918, 13 seq. 

* See PASSERI, 206. 



28 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

reign. 1 The best part of the whole work is the simple statue, 
which portrays very well the tired old man, his right hand 
only half raised in benediction. 2 

On May 8th, 1605, fifty-nine Cardinals entered the conclave. 3 
Zacchia and Madruzzo were ill 4 ; Agucchio had died on 

1 The inscription says twice : " Sic florui." 

2 See POSSE, loc. cit., where there is a good reproduction. 
The epitaph in FORCELLA, VI., 119. 

3 See *Avviso of May u, 1605, Vatican Library. 

4 Some of the Italian reports, such as those of the Venetian, 
Agost. Nani, are printed in MUTINELLI, III., 16 and 97, the rest, 
not faultlessly translated, in PETRUCELLI, II., 454 seqq., but not 
in a complete form, since they do not include the long and 
important * letters of the Mantuan envoys in the Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua, which are utilized for the first time in this work. Of 
the French reports the most valuable are the dispatches of 
DU PERRON (Ambassades, 344 seqq., 347 seq., 352 seq.), and a 
very detailed report of Cardinal Joyeuse, May 21, 1605 (ibid., 
451 seq.), in addition to the dispatches of the French ambassador 
Bethune, included in COUZARD, 375 seqq., and a report, May 19, 
1605, in DENIS, Nouvelles de Rome, I., Paris, 1913, 3 seq. The 
* letter of Cardinal Paravicini to Rudolph II., May 21, 1605 (State 
Archives, Vienna), and also the *reports of the Spanish ambassador 
Viglienna (Archives, Simancas, 1870 128) are utilized by GINDELY 
(Rudolf II., Vol. I., 113 seq.}. New evidence is provided by the 
report of Avila to Philip III. : *Relacion de lo que passo en 
el conclave que se hizo por muerte de Leon XL, en el que se 
ento a 8 de Maio 1605, discovered by me in the Archives of 
the Spanish Embassy, Rome (III., 9), unfortunately much 
damaged in various places. The account is strictly chronological 
and almost always objective. Three conclavists have described 
the election of Paul V. ; one of these reports is printed in 
Conclavi, 347 seq., the other two are in the Papal Secret Archives. 
Cf. BRUZZONE in La Stampa, Turin, 1900, September 3. To the 
new sources used here for the first time are to be added a * letter 
of Federigo Cornaro, May 21, 1605 (Cod. C. 20, Boncompagni 
Archives, Rome) ; some reports in the State Archives, Modena, 
and a detailed *letter of Pietro Federighi to Mafieo Barberini, 
archbishop of Nazaret, Rome, May 31, 1605. Original in Barb., 
4648, pp. 290-293, Vatican Library ; on the back is an autograph 
note by M. Barberini. 



CONCLAVE OF MAY, 1605. 2Q 

April 27th. This time the discussions were even more 
violent than after the death of Clement VIII. , a natural 
consequence of the disorganization of parties as the result 
of recent events. Aldobrandini s attitude during the conclave 
which elected Leo XL, had considerably increased the number 
of his opponents ; twenty-one of them were entirely in 
accord, including twelve of Montalto s party and five of 
Sfondrato s adherents. The French and the Spaniards were 
independent with five votes each, as also the Venetians 
with three. Aldobrandini s party had twenty-six votes. 1 
Immediately after Leo XL s death, Clement VIII. s nephew 
had tried to effect a rapprochement with the Spaniards. He 
was ready to unite with them, if this time his ardent desire, 
the elevation of a Cardinal of his own party, could be satisfied. 
In his interviews with Philip III. s ambassador, Aldobrandini 
strove before all else to win over the Spaniards to the 
candidature of Ginnasio or else for that of Zacchia, Tosco 
or Blandrata ; only if they met with insurmountable obstacles 
would he support Galli. These negotiations were specially 
directed against Montalto, who had fallen so far short of the 
Spaniards expectations, and for whom thfe elevation of Galli 
would be a terrible blow. On April 30th the Mantuan envoy 
reported that if Aldobrandini s plans failed, Sauli would have 
a considerable chance of success. 2 

Cardinal Sauli had the reputation of being a statesman of 
importance. 3 He drew a pension from Philip III. 4 and was 
definitely favoured by the Spaniards. Sfondrato s party, 
comprising seven votes, also supported him. 5 Even during 
the conclave which elected Clement VIII. the French were 

1 See the *letter of P. Federighi, May 31, 1605, loc. cit., p. 290. 
Foresto gives slightly different figures in his "report, May 7, 
1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

2 See the *report of G. C. Foresto, April 30, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

3 See PARUTA, Relazione, 484. 

4 See the *report on the College of Cardinals in 1606, Spanish 
Embassy Archives, Rome. 

5 See the *report of Foresto, April 30, 1605, loc. cit. 



3O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

not averse to this combination. Sauli was now regarded as 
their candidate also. 1 But Aldobrandini showed himself his 
determined opponent, not only because Cardinal Sauli owed 
his elevation to Sixtus V. but for many other reasons also ; 
above all, he could not forget that at the time of the election 
of Clement VIII. Sauli had worked against him. He knew, 
moreover, that one of Sauli s partisans had suggested that 
a Pope ought to be elected who would punish Clement VIII. s 
nephew. 2 The danger became the more grave for Aldo 
brandini, who moreover had suffered from fever 3 since the 
end of April, when some of his Cardinals, such as Visconti 
and Bandini, gave their support to Sauli. 4 Thanks to the 
efforts of Visconti and Giustiniani, the negotiations on Sauli s 
behalf seemed to have made such progress, that it was 
calculated, at a meeting held in Sfondrato s room, that they 

1 Cf. COUZARD, 373. 

2 See Conclavi, I., 349. 

3 Sta gravemente infermo e forse ha poco speranza di vita 
vanitas vanitatum et omnia vanitas, wrote P. Caimo to his 
brother, April 31, 1605, Letter e inedite, Venice, 1863, 12. 

4 Besides Conclavi, I., 349, of. the *report of G. C. Foresto; 
May 7, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Count Massimiliano 
Montecuccoli wrote to G. B. Laderchi, May 4, 1605 : *Per Sauli 
si fanno gran cose, ancorche 1 haver nemico dichiarato Aldo 
brandini fa che si dubita gagliardamente del fatto suo. E per6 
desiderate da tutti et ha 1 aura del maggior parte del collegio, 
della nobilita e del popolo. Spagnuoli e Franzesi sono uniti a 
suo favore. Montalto, Este, Sforza, S. Cecilia [Sfondrato], Aqua- 
viva e Visconti con tutti dipendenti stanno saldo et dicono di 
non voler altro che lui. DalTaltra parte Aldobrandini non lo 
vole a patto che sia et lo dice apertamente. Sauli ha 37 voti 
sicuri, Aldobrandini ne ha 24 per 1 esclusione. Si spera non di 
meno col valore di chi favorisce le cose di Sauli con un poco di 
tempo rubar le 4 creature di Aldobrandini, che su la lista ch io 
mando a V. S. ill. hanno la croce [Bufalo, Taverna, Arigoni, 
Pamfili], et quelle appunto levano 1 esclusione ad Aldobrandini 
et includono Sauli. II negotio non e per6 in sicuro, anzi ch e 
piu s accordano che non si possa fare il Papa senza che Aldo 
brandini vi consenta. State Archives, Modena. 



PREPARATIONS FOR CONCLAVE. 3! 

could rely on thirty-five votes. 1 But every effort to win over 
Aldobrandini was met by him with a decided refusal. 2 In 
these circumstances there could be no hope of an agreement 
with the Spaniards. 

Pierbenedetti, though emphatically rejected by the Spaniards 
as well as Baronius and Valiero, was considered as a rival 
to Sauli. When it was discovered that the Spaniards would 
not have any of Aldobrandini s Cardinals, instead of the 
desired agreement violent opposition arose ; the conclave 
was hardly over before the nephew complained of the perfidy 
of the Spaniards, who had completely disregarded him and, 
partly through malice and partly through stupidity, had 
tried to injure him as much as they could. 3 The position of the 
French in regard to Sauli s candidature, which they could 
not abandon without acting directly contrary to the orders 
of Henry IV., was difficult ; on the other hand they realized 
that to support him meant a break with Aldobrandini. 4 

In addition to Sauli, there was much talk on the eve of the 
conclave of Baronius and more particularly of Tosco ; the 
latter was supported especially by Bevilacqua, Cesi, Delfino, 
Este and even Aldobrandini, although in his inmost heart 
he adhered to his old candidates, Zacchia,, Ginnasio or else 
Blandrata. 5 Next to Tosco came Bianchetti, but like Galli, 
Montelparo and all the Cardinals belonging to Religious 
Orders, except the Capuchin Marzato, he too was rejected 
by the French. For these reasons it seemed quite possible 
that the majority would agree upon Valiero, who was an 
excellent man and much more acceptable to the Sacred 
College than Galli. Aldobrandini and Montalto had absolute 
faith in Valiero. The only obstacle which presented itself 

1 See the "report of Foresto, May 7, 1605, loc. cit. The *Avviso 
of May n, 1605, says that 40 votes were given per 1 inclusione 
di Sauli. Vatican Library. 

2 See Conclavi, L, 349. 

3 See the *letter of Aldobrandini, May 21, 1605, Barb., 4697, 
Vatican Library. 

4 Cf. COUZARD, 375. 

6 Cf. Conclavi, L, 350 ; COUZARD, 376. 



32 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

was the opposition of Spain, but it was thought possible 
to overcome that through the fear of Baronius election, in 
comparison with which Valiero s seemed a less evil. 1 

During the first days of the conclave the attempt was made, 
especially by Cardinals Baronius, Sfondrato, Aquaviva, 
Farnese, Sforza and Piatti and their adherents, to obtain 
the tiara for the famous Jesuit Bellarmine. 2 Bellarmine 
himself desired his election so little that he said that he would 
not so much as pick up a straw if that alone would obtain it. 3 
Cardinal Dietrichstein relates that when he revealed to 
Bellarmine what was intended for him, the latter replied 
that he even had it in mind to renounce the dignity of 
Cardinal. 4 After the conclave Bellarmine wrote to a friend 
that, realizing his own weakness, he had prayed to God with 
his whole heart not to allow him to attain so perilous a 
height. 5 

The elevation of Bellarmine failed. The Capuchin Marzato 
made capital of the position which the famous theologian 
had taken up on the question of grace. 6 Aldobrandini 
employed passive resistance to his candidature. Avila 
informed Bellarmine that he was openly excluded by the 
Spanish king, without waiting for instructions on the point. 7 
Whereupon Montalto proposed Cardinal Pierbenedetti, who 

1 See the *report of G. C. Foresto, May 7, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. The *Avviso of May 7, 1605, gives the strength 
of the Spanish party as 32 votes, and that of Aldobrandini as 26. 
Vatican Library. 

2 See the *report of Avila, Spanish Embassy Archives, Rome, 
III., 9. Cf. COUDERC, II., 35 and the "report of Foresto, May 14, 
1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See also PETRUCELLI, II., 
465 seq. 

3 See the Vita of Bellarmine in REUSCH, 43. 

4 See BARTOLI, Bellarmino, 200. 

5 Epist. fam., n. 40. 

6 See *Avviso of May 14, 1605, Vatican Library. 

7 This appears from the *Protocol of the session of the Spanish 
Council of State, June 28, 1605. Original in Archives, Simancas, 

870 129. 



CANDIDATURE OF TOSCO. 33 

was positively hated * by the Spaniards, and especially by 
the ambassador, the Duke of Escalona. Aldobrandini made 
no objection, but meanwhile Sfondrato revealed the matter 
to Cardinal Avila, who frustrated Montalto s project. 2 Then 
on May 14th, when Aldobrandini came forward with the 
candidature of Blandrata, Montalto and other opponents of 
Aldobrandini s schemes, such as Sfondrato, Farnese, Este 
and Visconti, met in Aquaviva s cell to proclaim emphatically 
the exclusion of Blandrata. The young Cardinals, Carlo 
Pio and Silvestro Aldobrandini, whom Pietro Aldobrandini 
had sent to the meeting, were thus unwilling witnesses of an 
occurrence so humiliating 3 for their leader. Aldobrandini 
retaliated the following day by the open exclusion of Sauli, 
obtaining thirty-two votes against him. At the same time 
the nephew s party decided to give their votes to none but 
to one of his Cardinals and to exclude all whom their leader 
excluded. 4 

While violent discussions 5 arose between Cardinals Avila, 
Aquaviva and Sauli, on the night of May 15th-16th the 
candidature of Tosco came to the fore. 8 On May 14th it was 
already rumoured in Rome that Tosco s election to the 
Papacy was imminent. 7 Aldobrandini had drawn attention 

1 Cf. the "report of Foresto, May 14, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. 

See Condavi, L, 353 seq. Cf. PETRUCELLI, II., 467 and 
*Avviso of May 14, 1605, Vatican Library. 

3 See the *report of Avila, Spanish Embassy Archives, Rome, 
and the "letter of P. Federighi, May 31, 1605, Vatican Library, 
loc. cit. 

4 See the "report of Avila, loc. cit. *P. Federighi (loc. cit.) 
gives the number of votes secured by Aldobrandini as 34. The 
*Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni Archives, Rome, emphasizes 
Delfino s share in the exclusion of Sauli. 

5 Avila refers to this in detail in his *report, loc. cit. 

6 " Hor quanto la pratica di Sauli svanisce," was the opinion 
of Count M. Montecuccoli as early as May 4 in his * letter to 
G. B. Laderchi, " io crederei che Tosco havesse meglio di tutti 
gli altri." State Archives, Modena. 

7 See Letter e inedite di P. CAIMO, Venice, 1863, 13. 

VOL. xxv. 

6 



34 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to this Cardinal, who was favoured by the Spaniards and 
Sfondrato and his party, and for whom the French also 
showed an inclination, as they did not wish to fall foul of 
Clement VIII. s nephew. Even Montalto showed favour to 
this candidate, though not very willingly. Este, Cesi, 
Bevilacqua and Monte exerted themselves energetically for 
Tosco. Pio, who had had disputes with Tosco, was pacified 
by Bevilacqua. Only three of the Cardinals appointed by 
Clement VIII. who, like the saintly religious that they were, 
proceeded with the utmost conscientiousness, opposed the 
candidature of Tosco, 1 namely the Oratorians Baronius and 
Tarugi and the Jesuit Bellarmine ; Cardinals Taverna, Pio 
and Olivier also showed disinclination. 2 

The opposition to Tosco s elevation was not without 
foundation. Tosco, though a notable jurist, had only become 
a priest late in life, and had retained from his early military 
career such rough manners that, although seventy years of age, 
he did not seem suited to the dignity of Sovereign Pontiff. In 
particular he was reproached for his free use of coarse and 
offensive expressions, such as the people employed, and 
which his friends tried to excuse as Lombardisms. 3 On 
May 16th Tosco s adherents tried to make him Pope by 
adoration. At this critical moment Baronius threw the whole 
weight of his authority into the scales. While Aldobrandini 
and Montalto were going with their adherents to elect Tosco, 
they met Baronius and Tarugi in the Sala Ducale. Aldo 
brandini and Aquaviva invited Baronius to join them. But 
he loudly declared that the election of a man whose manners 

1 Besides Conclavi, I., 357 seq., see the *letter of F. Cornaro, 
May 21, 1605, Cod. C. 20, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Cf. also 
the ""letter of P. Federighi, May 31, 1605, Vatican Library, Rome. 

2 See the *report of Foresto, May 14, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. 

3 See Conclavi, I., 358. Cf. RATTI, Opuscolo, 46, and the *report 
of Foresto, March 19, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See also 
the report in CALENZIO, 937 seqq. WAHRMUND (120) is quite 
mistaken when he says that only " a handful of specially religious 
Spaniards " considered Tosco too worldly. 



TUMULTUOUS DISCUSSIONS. 35 

and speech so plainly disclosed the old soldier, would cause 
grave scandal on all sides ; he, Tarugi and Bellarmine had no 
intention of causing a schism, but they would be the last to 
consent to such a decision. 1 This courageous declaration 
proved decisive. Montalto withdrew his support from Tosco, 
remarking that it would be better to elect the holy old man 
who had spoken so fearlessly and so much to the point. 
Thereupon Giustiniani called out loudly : " Let us elect 
Baronius ! " Plinio, Montalto s conclavist, raised the cry : 
" Long live Baronius ! " Whilst some Cardinals acquiesced, 
others loudly declared for Tosco. A regular tumult ensued ; 
in the confusion some of the Cardinals had their rochets torn. 
In this way the Sala Regia was reached. 2 From there the 
opponents of Tosco and the adherents of Baronius withdrew 
to the Pauline Chapel, and the supporters of Tosco to the 
Sistine. Among the latter were five Frenchmen who, 
however, deserted Tosco. Baronius party, which counted 
more than twenty-two votes, wanted to proclaim the famous 
historian Pope, but Baronius opposed this with such force 
that they had to give up the attempt. 3 Thirty-eight Cardinals 
still stood .firm for Tosco, and Madruzzo, now recovered from 
his illness, joined them. 4 

A contemporary, who was in the neighbourhood of the 
conclave, thus relates what he was able to hear through the 

1 Besides Du PERRON, loc. cit., cf. the French report in DENIS, 
loc. cit., 3 ; Nani in MUTINELLI, III., 97 ; Paravicini in GINDELY, 
I., 113 ; the "report of F. Cornaro, loc. cit., and the *report 
of G. Magni, May 18, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See 
also the *letter of P. Federighi, May 31, 1605, loc. cit. 

2 Besides the *report of F. Cornaro, loc. cit., see the *letter 
of G. Magni, May 25, 1605 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), which 
rightly emphasizes the importance of Montalto s conduct. 

* Du PERRON relates that Baronius resisted with hands and 
feet. Cf. RUFFINI, loc-. cit. 

4 Cf. the *report of F. Cornaro, May 21, 1605, Boncompagni 
Archives, Rome. With regard to Madruzzo see also the reference 
to Mucantius in MEYER, 326, n. i. Cf. also the "reports of Ercole 
Rondinelli, May n and 17, 1605, State Archives, Modena. 



36 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

tumult which reigned there. He distinctly heard Aldo- 
brandini call out : "I tell you he is Pope ! " With equal 
distinctness he heard the answer of some others : " He is 
not and he never will be ! " There was already a fear 
that a schism might occur ; the number of the guards 
was doubled. 1 Rumours spread in Rome that Tosco, or 
alternatively Valiero was elected ; a great crowd collected 
in front of the houses of both. 2 

In spite of all the efforts of Tosco s supporters, they could 
not obtain the two votes still lacking for the two-thirds 
majority. Baronius candidature, 3 which the Spaniards 
opposed with the utmost violence, seemed equally hopeless. 
Finally, after seven hours of fruitless negotiations, the senior 
Cardinals of Clement VIII. and Sixtus V. realized that a 
compromise was imperative. Aldobrandini and Montalto 
then met in the Sala Regia for an interview. Clement VIII. s 
nephew would have liked to impose Blandrata. Montalto 
allowed himself to be won over, but Farnese opposed the 
candidature so vehemently that it could not possibly succeed. 

In the course of the subsequent negotiations between 
Aldobrandini and Montalto, the conversation turned un 
expectedly upon Camillo Borghese, one of Clement VIII. s 
Cardinals, who enjoyed the esteem of all and had no particular 
enemy. Aldobrandini and Montalto agreed on him in a very 
short time. Both informed their friends, who likewise 
approved. Borghese, who had hitherto kept modestly in the 
background, would not believe at first that he was being 
seriously considered. But he found himself greeted on all 
sides as Pope. Aldobrandini himself conducted him to the 

1 See the *report of F. Cornaro, loc. cit. Ercole Roridinelli 
in his *report, May 17, 1605 (loc. cit.), and Thesis in his *report, 
May 21, 1605 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), emphasize the danger 
of a schism. Cf. the *letter of Magni, May 18, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

2 See *Avviso of May 18, 1605, Vatican Library, and the *report 
of E. Rondinelli, May 17, 1605, loc. cit. 

8 Cf. the *report of Giulio del Carretto, October 22, 1605, 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 



ELECTION OF BORGHESE. 37 

Pauline Chapel, where his election took place by open ballot 
the same evening. 1 

When Borghese s name was pronounced, the storm of the 
electoral contest was suddenly and unexpectedly calmed. 
The change was so instantaneous that even contemporaries 
attributed it to divine Providence ; some of the Cardinals 
had implored the help of heaven during the critical period in 
which the two contending parties wrestled with each other. 
While the others negotiated and disputed these knelt in 
prayer. 2 

Even well informed diplomats did not know for certain 
whether it was Montalto or. Aldobrandini who first proposed 
Borghese. It is certain, however, and it was also the opinion 
of the majority of the electors, that the greater credit for 
loosing the knot belonged to Montalto, inasmuch as he 
prevented Tosco s success. 3 

The election of Cardinal Borghese, only fifty- two years of 
age, who, in gratitude to the Farnese Pope, his father s patron, 4 
took the name of Paul V., was a surprise to the whole world. 
If at the last conclave an aged invalid had been elected, this 
time the youngest and most robust of all the candidates was 
chosen. 5 As the new Head of the Church had been born in 
Rome, where he had many relations, the inhabitants of the 
Eternal City showed as much joy 6 as those of Siena, the home 
of the Borghese. 7 To the French Paul V. was not as welcome 

1 Cf. the "letter of Cornaro, May 21, 1605, loc. cit., the "reports 
of Magni, May 18 and 25, and the "report of Thesis, May 21, 1605, 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

2 See the "report of Magni, May 18, 1605, loc. cit. 

8 See the Mantuan "reports, especially that of Magni, May 25, 
1605, loc. cit. 

4 See the report of the Venetian ambassadors in BAROZZI- 
BERCHET, Italia, I, 59. Paul V. took as his motto the words : 
" Spiritus ubi vult spirat." See PITRA, Analecta noviss., I. (1885), 
312. 

5 See the report of Ag. Nani in MUTINELLI, III., 18. 

6 See "Awiso of May 18, 1605, Vatican Library. 

7 See "Awiso of May 29, 1605, ibid. Regarding the Grand 
Duke of Tuscany see Carte Strozz., I., 2, 354. 



38 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

as Leo XL, since he enjoyed a pension of 2,000 scudi from 
the Spaniards. Nevertheless Henry IV. was not displeased 
with the election, since the Pope s father had emigrated 
from Siena when the city was conquered by the Spaniards. 
It is quite comprehensible that the Bourbon king should have 
exclaimed, when he first heard the news : " God be praised ; 
the French Cardinals have shown that I have some power 
in Rome and in the conclave." In comparison with the result 
of previous elections, the present event might certainly be 
considered very favourable to France. 1 On the other hand 
the Spaniards had found no more favour for their candidates 
with the majority of the Cardinals in the second conclave 
of 1605 than they had obtained in the first. Their annoyance 
at their defeat in a sphere which they had dominated for so 
long was all the greater, inasmuch as what they had lost, 
the French had gained. 2 

1 Cf. PHILIPPSON, Heinrich IV., Vol. I., 357. Cf. PERRENS, 
L glise et l tat, L, 290. Henry IV. wrote on June 3, 1605, to 
Cardinal Givry : " Mon cousin. Vous m avez faict service tres 
agreable d avoir constamment assiste mon cousin le card, de 
Joyeuse en la creation du pape Paul avec mes autres serviteurs 
ainsy que le d. cardinal m a ecrit, car j augure et espere toute 
felicite pour 1 figlise de Dieu et le bien universel de la Chrestiente 
d une si digne election." Cod. 219, p. 63, City Library, Metz. 

2 Cf. the Relazioni di Francia of Fr. Priuli in BAROZZI-BERCHET, 
Franaia, L, 387 seq. , cf. 407. It is noteworthy for the impression 
received in Rome, as Bethune related, May 18, 1605 (see COUZARD, 
388), that, according to what was said there, the French were 
responsible for the election of Paul. 



CHAPTER II. 

ANTECEDENTS, CHARACTER AND ENVIRONMENT OF PAUL V. 
THE BORGHESE. 

THE Borghese family had its origin in Siena, where its 
members had distinguished themselves from the second half 
of the thirteenth century as municipal officials, envoys, 
military leaders and especially as lawyers. 1 Agostino 
Borghese had been entrusted with missions to Venice, to 
Rome and to the Emperor Sigismund, from whom he received 
a knighthood and the right to bear an eagle in the family 
arms ; Pius II. raised him to the rank of a Count. Galgano 
Borghese represented Siena in Rome at the end of the 
pontificate of Nicholas V. and went as envoy to Naples in 
1456. 2 

Several Borghese held offices in the States of the Church. 
Under Leo X. one of the family, called Pietro, was a senator 

1 For the earlier history of the family, see GIROL. GIGLI, in 
the Diario Satiese, I., Lucca, 1723, 123 seq., 162 seq. Cf. GIAMBAT- 
TistA CHIODINO, La Nobiltd Borghesi Romana, Macerata, 1619. 
See also, MORONI, VI. f 37 seq. ; REUMONT, Beitrdge, V., 243 seq. ; 
T. AMEYDEN, Storie di Famiglie Romane, con note di C. A. 
BERTINI, I., Roma, 1910, 171 seqq. In regard to a Brescian 
legend, according to which the Borghese were descended from 
the Bordigo family, see Brixia Sacra, I. (1910), 337- The Pauli V. 
P.M. Vita compendia scripta (Barb., XXXIII. , 190, Vatican 
Library) says : " eoque in genere triginta amplius iuris peritis- 
simos, quorum plerumque responsa servantur." " Ludovicus 
Borghesius, filius Simonis Burghesii," (ibid.), was famous as a 
jurist. He published the Repetitio super legem primam de iudiciis, 
Siena, 1516, dedicated to the archbishop of Siena, Giovanni 
Piccolomini. 

a See the present work, Vol. II., p. 363, 374, n. 2, 403, n. i. and 
Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. i. 

39 



40 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in Rome. Giambattista Borghese under Clement VII. took 
part in the defence of Rome against the troops of Charles V. 
Nicolo Borghese wrote a life of St. Catharine of Siena, who 
was said to be a relation of the family. 1 But the greatness 
of the house of Borghese only began with the famous jurist 
Marcantonio, who moved to Rome about the middle of the 
sixteenth century. He was moved to take this step on account 
of the warlike disturbances in which his native city lost its 
freedom. Like a good son, he arranged for his mother and 
sister to join him in Rome in 1554. 2 There he acquired the 
highest reputation in the service of eight Popes and ultimately 
became dean of the consistorial advocates. 3 Under Paul IV. 
he defended Cardinal Morone in his trial before the 
Inquisition. 4 He died in 1574 and was buried in Santissima 
Trinitk dei Monti. 5 

By his marriage with Flaminia Astalli, who belonged to an 
ancient Roman family, Marcantonio Borghese had five sons 
(Girolamo, Orazio, Camillo, Giovanni Battista and Francesco) 
and two daughters, one of whom married into the family of 
the Caffarelli, the other into that of the Vittori. 6 

Camillo Borghese, born in Rome on September 17th, 1552, 
received from his pious mother a careful and thoroughly 
religious education. At first, as his father had done, he devoted 
himself to the study of law. For this purpose he attended the 
university of Perugia, where he was a model student. He 
returned to Rome with a doctor s degree, became a priest, 
and then went through the usual career of a prelate. After 
being at first assistant, then successor to his father as 

1 On this see GIGLI, op. cit., II., in seq. 

2 Cf. L. PASSARINI, Lettere di donne illustre a illustri uomini, 
Roma, 1879 (only a few copies printed for the Borghese-Ruffo 
wedding), p. 2. 

8 See CARTARI, Sillabo degli avvocati concistor., Roma, 1656. 
Cf. GARAMPI, Del valore, 279. 

4 Cf. the present work, Vol. XIV., 305, 473 seq. See also 
*Avviso of May 21, 1605. Vatican Library. 

6 Cf. the inscription on the tomb given in FORCELLA, III., 131. 

6 Cf. B. Ceci in ORB A AN, Documenti, 159. 



CAREER OF CAMILLO BORGHESE. 4! 

consist orial advocate, he soon became an assessor of both 
Segnatura s and later a chaplain of St. Mary Major s. In 
1588 Sixtus V. sent him as vice-legate to Bologna, where he 
acted for five years as Cardinal Montalto s deputy and 
distinguished himself in a difficult position as much as in his 
previous career. In 1590 his brother Orazio, for whom his 
father had bought a post as auditor of the Camera for 
70,000 scudi, died. The premature death of Orazio was a 
great blow for the Borghese family, since, according to law, 
the vacant post should have reverted to the Camera 
Apostolica ; but Cardinal Montalto persuaded Gregory XIV. 
to allow Camillo to acquire it on very favourable terms. 1 

In Rome under Clement VIII. Camillo Borghese quickly 
revealed himself as one of the most prominent, pious and 
capable prelates of the Curia, and he soon won the confidence 
of the Pope. 2 There was no great surprise when in 1593 he 
was appointed envoy extraordinary to Philip II. 8 The 
admirable way in which he fulfilled his mission made his 
promotion certain. On June 15th, 1596, Clement VIII. 
conferred on him the purple. 4 From 1597 to 1599 Camillo 
was bishop of lesi. When Cardinal Rusticucci died in June, 
1603, Clement VIII. appointed Borghese vicar of Rome. He 
discharged this office with great prudence. The Cardinal also 
became a member of the Roman Inquisition and Protector 

1 See Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., 3 seq. ; DE PERUGINI, Auditori 
di S. Rota Romana, Perugia, 1786, 112, 132 ; O. Pio CONTI, 
Origine, fasti e privilegi degli avvocati concist., Roma, 1898, 35. 
Cf. the report of the Venetian envoys in BAROZZI-BERCHET, 
Italia, I., 58. 

8 *" Camillo Borghese, il quale e il primo prelate della corte, 
persona di valore e in cui S.S^ confida," Giulio del Carretto 
to the Duke of Mantua, September 25, 1593. Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. Cf. ORBAAN, Documenti, 5, n. 3. 

3 See the present work, Vol. XXIII., 271 seq. Cf. PARUTA, 
Dispacci, II., 26, 32, 40, 61, 122. 

4 Cf. the present work, Vol. XXIII., 248 ; the *letter of thanks 
from C. Borghese to Siena for congratulations on the occasion 
of his being made Cardinal, Rome, June 22, 1596, State Archives, 
Siena. 



42 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of Scotland. His dispassionateness in connection with the 
English disputes was the subject of praise. 1 

Like his father, Cardinal Camillo preserved great im 
partiality in the midst of political currents ; he lived quietly, 
devoted only to the duties of his ecclesiastical offices and to his 
study of canon law, without involving himself in party 
schemes. 2 As a result of his legation in Spain, he had many 
friends in that country 3 ; with the Pope s permission he 
received an annual pension from Philip III., but this did not 
make him a partisan of Spain. 4 

The Venetian ambassador Paruta in his reports testifies 
to the high esteem in which Cardinal Borghese was held as 
early as 1598. He was regarded as a scholar, and it was 
already thought that as the result of his notable qualities 
and lack of enemies he might attain to the tiara. 5 The 
Spanish council of state, which Was opposed to young 
Cardinals on principle, considered in 1601 that Borghese was 
the most eminent of them. 6 Girolamo Fraschetta on the 
other hand did not consider him a genius, though, in a 

1 See the *report of G. B. Thesis, May 21, 1605. Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. Cf. Bzovius, Vita Pauli V. t ch. 6 ; COUZARD, 
386. In regard to lesi, cf. UGHELLI, I., 285 and the report in 
Vol. XXIII., 485 seq. 

2 Cf. the report of the Venetian envoys sent to pay homage 
in BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, I., 58. 

3 Cf. the *briefs to Alvarus Carvajal, regis cath. mai. cappellanus, 
VIII., Id. Mart., 1606, and to Petrus Franchesius, comes Villae- 
longae, regis cath. secret., IX. Cal. lulii, 1605, to the Count and 
Countess of Miranda, VIII. Cal. lulii, 1605, to the Count and 
Countess Olivarez, the same date. Epist., I., Papal Secret Archives. 

4 Cf. MUTINELLI, III., 20 ; CouzARD, loc. cit. D Ossat wrote 
on the occasion of Camillo s appointment as Cardinal : " Borghese 
. . . personnage de grande integrite et probite en qui ne peut 
tomber soup9on d aucune faction espagnole, si on ne voulait 
dire, que pour avoir fait un voyage en Espagne par le com- 
mandement du Papa, environ deux ans y a, il fut devenu Espagnol." 
Lettres, I., 266. 3 PARUTA, Relazione, 488 seq. 

See *La Junta en materia del pontificado, 1601, Agosto. 
Archives at Simancas, 1870-23. 



PERSONALITY OF PAUL V. 43 

memorial composed for the Spanish ambassador, the Duke of 
Escalona, he praised his knowledge of canon law, his 
irreproachable life and his gentle disposition. 1 When the 
conclave met after the death of Clement VI II., it was thought 
that he stood a good chance, as he was much liked both within 
and without the Sacred College, and was a man of outstanding 
ability. 2 Later, when on the death of Leo XL he was in the 
front rank, the diplomats were especially appreciative of his 
knowledge of canon law, 3 though some doubted if he possessed 
the qualities requisite for governing. It was thought, wrote 
the Duke of Urbino s representative, that he would make a 
good rather than a great Pope. 4 

Paul V. was tall, his heavy body was inclined to stoutness, 
and it was apparent that he was short-sighted. In accordance 
with the custom of the period 5 he had a small beard and 
pointed moustache. His face showed hard but very regular 
lines. 6 All his contemporaries admired the nobility of his 

1 See RATTI, Opuscolo, 44. 

2 See the *Discorso in Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

3 See the * Report of Magni, of May 21, 1605. Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. 

4 B. Ceci s opinion in his report of October 31, 1605, *Relazione 
di Roma, Urb. 837, Vatican Library. The passage is given in 
ORBAAN, Documenti, XLVI, but without any mention of the 
concluding restriction : " Pure il tempo sara egli il giudice." 

5 From Clement VII. to Clement VIII. the Popes wore full 
beards ; from Clement XI. onwards no Pope wore a beard ; 
see Anal, iuris pontif, 1895, I 3 1 

6 Cf. Gigli in FRASCHETTI, Bernini, 8. Pauli V. P.M. Vita 
compendia scripta (Barb., XXXIII., 190, p. 12) thus describes 
Paul V. s appearance : " Fuit Paulus excelsa staturae pro- 
ceritate, grandibus membris et elegantibus, colore candido et 
flavo, caeruleis oculis, . . . gravi simul et placido oris aspectu, 
in quo dignitas venustati, hilaritas severitati miscentur " (Vatican 
Library). The Pope s Majordomo, G. B. Costaguti, remarks : 
" Fu alto di persona e di bella presenza, piacevole con gravita, 
diligente, accurate, integro, clemente, giusto. Non facile a credere, 
rispettoso, parco nel vivere, vestire " (COSTAGUTI, Alcune attioni 
di Paolo V., ch. i, Costaguti Archives, Rome, n. n). 



44 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

appearance. His whole deportment was restrained, dignified 
as became his high rank. 1 It was related in Rome that Ihe 
Pope had made such an impression upon an Englishman as to 
induce him to abjure his religious errors forthwith. 2 Many 
busts, statues, oil paintings and engravings have preserved 
the likeness of Paul V. Among the most celebrated busts is 
one in marble by Bernini which adorns the Borghese Gallery. 3 

1 Cf. MOCENIGO, Relazione, 95. 

2 See Bzovius, Vita Pauli V ., ch. 55. 

3 Cf. FRASCHETTI, 16 ; MUNOZ in L Arte, XIX. (1916), 99 seq. 
and MUNOZ, Roma, 54, 66 seq. The bust in the sculpture gallery 
in Copenhagen, section 3*, no. 827, is of the school of Bernini. 
Cf. on this fine work, L Arte, XX. (1917), 51 seq. Good bronze 
busts of Paul V. can be seen in the great hall of the Vatican 
Library, above the entrance to the Papal secret archives ; in 
the sacristy of the Lateran (by Niccol6 Cordieri ; see TITI, 216 ; 
inscription in CIACONIUS, IV., 391) and in the private collection 
of Prince Boncompagni, at Rome. A bronze statue of Paul V. 
by Paolo Sanquirico adorns the main sacristy of St. Mary Major s 
(inscription in FORCELLA, XI., 64). The fine bronze statue at 
Rimini cast by Sebastiano di Recanati in 1614 after a model 
by Niccol6 Cordieri (see BAGLIONE, 115 ; KEYSSLER, II., 459 seq. ; 
THIEME, VII., 402 ; ORBAAN, Documenti, 197 ; cf. ibid., 206, on 
the statue in Fano) was transformed in 1797, under the Cisalpine 
Republic, into a St. Gaudentius and for this the keys and inscrip 
tion were destroyed. On the statue in Ferrara see FRIZZI, V., 39 ; 
on that in Siena, by Fulvio Signorini, and on the bust in the 
Saraceni Palace see Historisch-politische Blatter, LXXXIV., 52. 
The marble statue on the tomb is by Silla da Viggiu ; see ch. V. 
of Vol. XXVI. A portrait of Paul V. in mosaic, made by Marcello 
Provenzale in 1621, is in the Borghese Gallery (reproduced in 
FR. BoNCOMPAGNi-LuDOVisi, Ambasciate dei Giapponesi, LXIV.). 
Also in the Boncompagni Gallery is the oil painting by Pier 
Francesco Mola. There axe other oil paintings of Paul V. in the 
Vatican picture gallery (reproduction in L. GUALINO, L apoplessia 
di Paolo V., Genoa, 1926, 8) and in the sacristy of San Carlo 
in Corso in Rome. At Prince Scipione Borghese s, I saw a good 
portrait of Paul V., larger than life size (cf. MORONI, C. 232) ; 
it is wrongly attributed to Caravaggio. MATTEO MARANSONI, 
// Caravaggio, Florence, 1922, 52) also denies that it is by 



TEMPERAMENT OF PAUL V. 45 

Paul V. enjoyed extremely good health. Throughout his 
life he had never been seriously ill. 1 In order to preserve his 
health, he was assiduous in taking exercise, even when Pope. 2 

The Pope had a calm and reflective temperament ; he 
was a man of few words, though he was ever genial and affable 

Caravaggio, while Lionello Venturi maintains that it is ; see 
L Arte, XIII (1910), 276-9 (including a reproduction) and Michel 
angelo da Caravaggio, ist and 2nd editions. A. VENTURI (// 
Museo e la Galleria Borghese, Roma, 1893, 7 2 5) wants to ascribe 
P. F. Mola s portrait to a " rozzo frescante " ; to me it looks 
like a mediocre copy of the picture belonging to the Prince 
Sc. Borghese. On the medallions and coins, see MARTINORI, 
73 seq. Cf. also O. VITALINI, Alcune monete di Paolo V. nuova- 
mente acquistate da S.E. il principe Borghese, Camerino, 1883. 
Among the extraordinarily numerous engravings showing Paul V. s 
features may be mentioned those of Peter de Jode, F. von Hiilsen 
(" Hulsius "), Jacob ab Heyden, Raphael Sadeler (Munich, 1605) 
and Crispin de Passe (1605, reproduced by PHILIPPSON, West- 
europa, I., 467 and WINTER, Gesch. des Dreiszigjdhrigen Krieges, 

77)- 

1 See the * report of G. B. Thesis of October 2, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. MOCENIGO, Relazione, 95, and FR. CONTARINI, 
Relazione, 87. An *Avviso of May 21, 1605, describes Paul V. 
" sanissimo ", in continued good health for thirty years, " si 
spera un pontificate lunghissimo." There is much talk of the 
Pope being unwell, said an *Avviso of October 10, 1607, but 
he is fundamentally healthy (Vatican Library) . The preservation 
of this good health is attested by the author of * Conclave per 
la morte di Paolo V ., in Barb., 4676, p. i, Vatican Library. The 
Figdor Collection in Vienna contains Paul V. s domestic medicine 
chest, made in Augsburg. 

1 Evory morning, says an *Avviso of August 10, 1605, the 
Pope takes exercise (un buon essercitio). In the autumn he went 
for a ride every day ; see the *Avviso of October 12, 1605, 
Vatican Library. In spite of the Pope s good health, the astrologers 
spread rumours of his approaching death. Hence arose a fear 
of poisoning ; even the Pope himself was concerned about it, 
and ordered precautionary measures in regard to his food ; see 
Ac. NANI, in MUTINELLI, III., 20 ; cf. the report in STIEVE, V., 
772, n. 3. 



46 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

as well as frank and candid. Extremely hard-working, he 
had always lived for duty alone. His knowledge of the 
Roman Curia was exhaustive, but of foreign countries he 
only knew Spain. He had held aloof from high politics ; if as 
Pope he succeeded in entering this sphere, he never became 
a politician properly so called. 1 His moral conduct was 
always exemplary and above the least suspicion ; it was 
generally believed that he had preserved his baptismal 
innocence. 2 He rivalled Pius V. in piety. He said Mass every 
day ; having first made his confession. When celebrating 
he was the personification, it was said, of the ideal of the 
priesthood. He prayed much and with the greatest devotion ; 
he never let an hour of the day pass without invoking God. 
He also had a fervent devotion to Mary and the Saints. 8 His 
favourite meditation was the one on death. His love of 
spiritual treatises is attested by the large number which he 
kept in his bedroom. 4 Also characteristic of the thoroughly 
religious bent of Paul V. is the fact that, except for a few 
poems and Justus Lipsius edition of Seneca, the works 

1 See Ac. NANI, in MUTINELLI, III., 19 ; MOCENIGO, Relazione, 
95 seq. ; FR. CONTARINI, Relazione, 87. Cf. the *Avviso of May 28, 
1605. Vatican Library. 

2 See the "reports of G. Magni, of May 18, 1605, of G. B. Thesis, 
May 21, 1605, and of G. C. Foresto, of May 21, 1605, all in Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. Cf. Conclave per la morte di Paolo V., Barb., 
4676, p. 2, Vatican Library ; MOCENIGO, Relazione, 96, and 
AMAYDEN-BERTINI, I., 175. Bitter enemies of Paul V. said 
" Si tiene per inabile nelle cose di Venere (RITTER, Akten, II., 
86). Nevertheless Paul V. had to witness the appearance in 
Paris, in 1608, of an impostor, who claimed to be his son. The 
man was found out and brought to justice, November 22, 1608 ; 
cf. GOUJET, II., i seq. and PERRENS, Un proces criminel sous 
le regne de Henri IV., Paris, 1867. The venomous epigrams 
which issued from Protestant quarters on this occasion are raked 
up anew by SCHELHORN (Amoenit. V.), avec une sorte de complai 
sance, as GOUJET (II., 8) remarks. 

* See Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. 15. In confirmation cf. the 
report of G. Soranzo in MUTINELLI, III., 92. 
4 See Bzovius, ch. 53. 



INTEREST OF PAUL V. IN LEARNING. 47 

dedicated to him dealt almost exclusively with ecclesiastical 
matters. 1 It should not be inferred, however, that the 
Borghese Pope was indifferent to learning ; the contrary is 
shown by his care for the Vatican Library 2 and for the con 
tinuation of the building of the Roman University. 8 But, 

1 Cf. Appendix No. 9. 

2 Paul V. enlarged and embellished the Vatican Library (see 
BAGLIONE, 96) ; he also considerably enriched it with MSS. 
coming from Bobbio (cf. DE Rossi in the introduction to Cod. 
Palat. lat. Bibl. Vatic., I., Romae, 1886, cxii., and SEEBAS, in 
the Zeniralblatt f. Bibliothekswesen, XIII. (1896), 57 seq.). The 
letter of thanks to the Abbot of Bobbio is now published in 
Spicil. Vatic., Romae, 1890, 96, from the Library of Sirleto 
(see Hist. Jahrb., XL, 725 seq., and from Grottaferrata (see 
MUNTZ, La Vaticane, Paris, 1890, 96 seq.). See also Bull., XL, 
431 seq. ; BLUME, III., 69, IV., 273, 277 ; CARINI, Bibl. Vatic., 
75 seq. \ Cat. Cod. grace. Ottob., Romae, 1893, xlix ; Mitteil. des 
Oesterr. Hist. Instit. XXV., 303 ; ORBAAN, Documenti, 263 ; 
ibid., 279, on the purchase of Card. Serafino Olivier s library ; 
Vat. 5480 : *Nota delli libri donati dalla S* di N.S. Pooh V. 
alia libreria Vaticana (libri 1906, parte stampati et parte manoscritti 
dot libri 1564 stampati et libri 342 manoscritti pagati agli heredi 
d Aldo Manutio scudi 500). Vatican Library. On the purchase 
of books belonging to Pena after his death, see *Avviso, October 6, 
1612, ibid. Other results of Paul V. s efforts in all directions 
for the enrichment of the Vatican Library, were the * Briefs 
to Cardinal B. Sandoval, dated sept. Cal. lun. 1609 (he was 
to send to Rome the Arabic books found at Granada), and to 
the archbp. of Granada, dated XVII. Cal. Octob. 1609 (he was 
to give the Arabic books to the nuncio), Epist., IV., V., Papal 
Secret Archives. See also Appendix, No. 7, the *Brief to Aloysius 
Lollin, March 12, 1620. Papal Secret Archives. After Baronius 
death, Cardinal de Torres became librarian (see *Avviso of July 4, 
1607, Vatican Library). When he died in 1609, Scipione Borghese 
became librarian ; and was succeeded in 1618 by Scip. Cobelluzzi ; 
see DENIS, Nouvelles de Rome, CXV. On Paul V. s private library 
see ORBAAN, Documenti, XLV, n. i. 

3 See RENAZZI, III., 64 seq. Ibid., also on Paul V. s enactments 
in favour of the professors of the Sapienza. On Paul V. s solicitude 
for the University of Louvain, see P. WIRTZ in the Wissenschaftl. 



48 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

for him, ecclesiastical interests were pre-eminent, so that the 
promotion of secular sciences was quite a secondary con 
sideration. 1 Practical considerations inspired the promotion 
of the study of Oriental languages, the printing of religious 
books in Arabic 2 and the foundation of special new secret 
archives for the Holy See a measure by which Paul V. 
has put historians under an immense obligation to him. 3 

The pre-eminence of ecclesiastical interests for Paul V. 
appeared also in his indefatigable participation in public 
religious functions. 4 In the Corpus Christi procession, in 
which, when at all possible, he took part on foot, he himself 
carried the Blessed Sacrament. 5 He frequently visited the 
seven churches of Rome. 6 He was regularly present at the 
forty hours devotion in the church of the Jesuits, and nearly 

Beil. of Germania, 1905, No. 6. At Bologna Paul V. confirmed 
the privileges of the German nation ; see Atti d. Romagna, II., 
230 seq. 

1 In point of fact, Ant. Querengo was assisted in his studies 
by Paul V. ; the famous orientalist G. B. Raimondi received 
an annual pension of 800 scudi from him ; see ORB A AN, Docu- 
menti, 285, 187. According to RENAZZI (III., 116) the Pope 
also helped the controversialist John Barclay (d. 1621). L, Allaci, 
who subsequently acquired great fame, was a copyist at the 
Vatican Library under Paul V. The famous edition of the Councils 
(Concilia generalia ecclesiae catholicae Paul V. auctoritae edita, 
Romae ex tipogr. Vatic. 1608-1612, 4 vols.) owes its origin 
principally to Clement VIII. ; see BAUMGARTEN, Neue Kunde, 

333- 

2 See BERTOLETTI, Le tipografie orientali e gli orientalisti a 
Roma nei sec. XVI. e XVII., Firenze, 1878, 34 seqq., 47 seqq. 
The Congregazione sopra la stamperia consisted in 1605 of Cardinals 
Baronius, Du Perron, Arigoni. and Cesi ; see *Relazione di Roma 
by C. Ceci, Urb. 837, Vatican Library. 

8 More detailed information on the point in the next chapter. 

4 Cf. *Avvisi of April 5, 1608, April 10, 1610, December 28, 
1611, April 25, 1612, and March 30, 1619, Vatican Library. 

5 See the *Avviso of June 20, 1615, ibid. 

6 See the *Avvisi of April 2 and 5 and November 15, 1608 ; 
April 2, 1614; April 19, 1615, and March 30, 1619, ibid. 



CHARACTERISTICS OF PAUL V. 49 

every year on that occasion he said Mass there. 1 He did the 
same at S. Maria Nuova on the feast of St. Frances of 
Rome. 2 Like Clement VIII., Paul V. sometimes heard con 
fessions for hours on end. 3 

Into his immediate entourage the Pope only admitted men 
distinguished by piety, industry, prudence, modesty, peace- 
fulness and disinterestedness. His servants were allowed 
to wear nothing more showy than wool. 4 He was by 
nature extremely economical 5 ; the low state of finances 
induced him to limit his court to a minimum, 6 yet he always 
found money for the needy. From the first he continued 
the alms given by his predecessor. 7 Six poor men were given 
food in his palace every day ; later the number was increased 
to thirteen. 8 The Pope spent large sums every year on 
dowries for girls without means, on foundlings and to help 
with bread, clothes or money those who were ashamed to own 
their poverty. When he went out which was often he 
gave alms freely. 9 His fatherly solicitude for the poor in 

1 See besides, *Diarium P. Alaleonis (Barb. 2816, Vatican 
Library), the *Awisi of March 7, 1609, February 24, 1610, and 
February 12, 1620, Vatican Library. 

2 See *Diarium P. Alaleonis, loc. cit. 

3 See *Avviso of April i, 1606, Vatican Library. 

* See the notes of G. B. Costaguti, ch. i. Costaguti Archives, 
Rome. (Cf. Appendix Vol. XXVI. No. 14). 

6 See Ac. NANI in MUTINELLI, III., 19 ; STIEVE, VI., 103, 222, 
309, 492, 515, 722 ; *Avviso of May 25, 1605, Vatican Library. 
It is characteristic that at first Paul V. even wanted to retain 
the pension conferred on him as Cardinal, by Philip III ! The 
satisfaction of the Spanish Council of State and the king over 
this appears in the * Protocol of the session of the Spanish Council, 
June 28, 1605, original in Archives at Simancas, 1870 129. 

6 Cf. the *report of Magni, May 21, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua ; and the *Awisi, March 21 and September 9, 1606, 
June 16 and December 25, 1607, January 5 and* 19, 1608, June 3, 
1609, Vatican Library. 

7 See *Avviso of June 22, 1605, ibid. 

8 See *Avviso of November 27, 1610, ibid. 

9 See Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. 45. 

VOL. XXV. 



50 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the city was shown also by the fact that he endeavoured to 
procure the best flour for them at a low price. 1 He was also 
anxious for the liberation of the unfortunate prisoners in 
Turkey 2 as also for the generous support of needy Greeks, 
and of the English, Scots and Irish, who had been driven out 
of their countries and had sought a refuge in Rome. 3 Regular 
subsidies also went to the colleges for the training of clergy 
in Rome and elsewhere ; to missionaries, Religious orders 
and various charitable institutions in the Eternal City. 
Giovan Battista Costaguti, who was majordomo from 1618 
to 1621, has recorded the subsidies granted by Paul V. ; 
the sum which he spent on the objects mentioned amounts 
to 82,710 scudi a year. 4 To this must be added occasional 
relief distributed by the Pope or his officials. In this way 
the expenditure on charity each year came to 120,000 scudi. 
Paul V. himself mentioned this figure in 1619 to the imperial 
envoy. 5 The alms which came to the knowledge of Costaguti 
amounted to 1,300,000 scudi for the whole pontificate. 6 

In order always to have money for these charitable objects, 
Paul V. insisted on limiting as much as possible his personal 
expenditure. For this reason he wished to curtail his visits 
to Frascati, his only recreation. At first he even thought of 
dispensing altogether with such stays in the country, for the 
sake of economy, 7 but reasons of health compelled him 
to give up the idea. His constitution and the fatigue resulting 
from the work of government obliged him several times in 

1 See *Avviso of December 29, 1607, Vatican Library. Cf. 
the next chapter. 

2 *Brevia, II., 10, Papal Secret Archives. 

8 See Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. 46, the statements of which 
are confirmed by Paul V. s Majordomo, G. B. Costaguti (*Alcune 
attioni di Paolo V., ch. i, Costaguti Archives, Rome). Cf. Appendix 
Vol. XXVII. n. 14. See also Vat. 7956, p. 25, Vatican Library. 

4 See the *notes of Costaguti in Appendix No. 14, Vol. XXVI. 

5 See the *report of Max von Trautmansdorf to Ferdinand II., 
October 24, 1619, State Archives, Vienna. 

6 See the *notes of Costaguti, loc. cit., in Appendix No. 14, 
Vol. XXVI. 

7 As says the *Avviso of September 24, 1605, Vatican Library. 



ROUTINE OF PAUL V. 51 

the year, mostly in spring and autumn, to leave the heavy, 
oppressive air of Rome for the hills, where, free from all 
ceremony, he could take the exercise, so necessary for him, 
more easily * than in the Eternal City. Nevertheless he hardly 
ever prolonged for more than a week 2 his stay at the Villa 
Mondragone, purchased in 1614 from the Duke of Altemps. 3 
During these periods he said Mass, sometimes in the domestic 
chapel of the villa, sometimes at the Capuchins , at Grotta- 
ferrata, Monte Porzio, Monte Compatri 4 and at Camaldoli, 
where he had founded a magnificently situated hermitage 
for the sons of St. Romuald. 5 In Rome during the first 
years of his pontificate he only spent the winter months at 
the Vatican ; for the summer and autumn of 1605 and 1606 
he lived at the Quirinal Palace. 6 In 1607 we find him there 
by the end of April, in 1608 in June, in 1609 on July 8th, in 
1611 and 1612 in May, remaining there continuously until 

1 See *Avviso of June 20, 1607, ibid. Cf. Vol. XXVI. n. 14. 
1 This information is derived from the *Diarium P. Alaleonis, 
Barb. 2816, Vatican Library. 

See *Avviso of April 21, 1614, in the Studi e docum. XV., 269. 

Cf. TOMASSETTI, IV. (1926), 469. 

4 See *Avviso of June n, 1614, Vatican Library. 
6 According to the inscription over the entrance, from 1611 
to 1614 ; cf. ORBAAN, 81, 305 seq. In the chapel adjoining the 
church there is the following inscription on a tomb : 

D. O. M. 

HORTENSIA SANTA CRUCIA FABII FILIA 
FRANC. BURGHESII S. D. N. 

PAULI PP. V. FRATRIS DILECTISS. 

CONIUX EXSTRUCTO SACELLO HOC TUMULATA 

SEPULCRO CARNIS RESURRECTIONEM EXPECTAT, 

OBIIT V. CAL. lUNII 

A. D. 1616. 

When Dengel asserts in his work on the Palazzo di Venezia 
(p. 114) : " None of the successors of Clement VIII. resided at 
S: Marco " he is correct, although in Bull., XL and XII. there 
are numerous Bulls dated " apud S. Mar cum " ; for this mention 
of the basilica nearest the Quirinal was only replaced in 1614 by 
S. Mariam Majorem " ; see NOVAES, IX., 126. 



52 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

October. After the extensive building operations at the 
Quirinal were completed in 1613, he lived practically all the 
year in the spacious apartments of that splendid palace. 1 
The self-sacrificing devotion of Paul V. to the duties of 
his position could not have been greater. To an excellent 
memory he added indefatigable industry. His instructions 
to his envoys were revised and altered by him down to the 
last detail. 2 He himself composed many letters to nuncios. 3 
But, since he wished to deal with everything himself and at 
the same time was very meticulous, conscientious and 
deliberate in all his doings, and averse from anything hasty, 
the whole world soon complained of his slowness. 4 When 
these mutterings reached the Pope s ears, he remarked that 

1 Cf. Bull., XI. and XII., passim. In 1607, Paul V. went in 
the middle of May (see Bull., XI., 421), to St. Peter s, intending 
to remain there till Corpus Christi, June 14 (see *Avviso, May 26, 
1607, Vat. Libr.) ; but as early as June 6, his acta are again 
dated " apud S. Marcum " (Bull., XL, 428 seq.}. In other years 
also the Pope lived in the Vatican, but for the most part only 
for a short time. 

2 *Liturae cernuntur Pauli manu appositae in exemplaribus 
mandatorum, quae illius iussu tradebantur viris in externum 
negocium proficiscentibus earumque loco reposita verba longe 
diversa a priore scripto et ab his, quae Pontifex coram iis egerat 
iam a se dimissis. Pauli V. P.M. Vita, etc., Barb. 2670, 
p. 9 b , Vatican Library. 

8 See BORGHESE, L, 582 ; cf. ibid., XL, 55, Papal Secret 
Archives. 

* C/. the "report of G. B. Thesis of May 21, 1605 ; *that of 
F. M. Vialardo, of June 4, 1605, and the *letter of Giulio del 
Carretto, of October 22, 1605, all in the Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. See also the report of Castiglione in STIEVE, V., 772, 
n. 2. ; the *Avvisi of May 25, 1605 (Pasquino s satire), June 15 
(the Pope wants to know everything) and June 22 (no pre 
cipitancy), Vatican Library ; and the letter from *Pietro Federighi 
to Maffei Barberini, of May 31, 1605, Cod. Barb. 4648, p. 290 
seq., ibid. *" Paolo V. prima di far risoluzione di cosa alcuna 
s informava di quello se ne diceva in banchi," says the note in 
Cod. Hist., 181 (Folio), p. 45 b of the Stuttgart Library. 



ROUTINE OF PAUL V. 53 

it was no wonder if he did not from the first make great 
changes as other Popes had done, for these had had time to 
work out a scheme of government in advance, while he had 
been raised to the chair of Peter unexpectedly, and so he 
must be allowed time for reflection. 1 In these circumstances 
it was not surprising that the granting of numerous favours, 
as was customary at the beginning of a new reign, did not 
take place. The Pope thought that in these concessions 
there might be requested and granted things that should 
not be ; he meant to proceed with the strictest conscientious 
ness and to weigh diligently what might be granted. 2 

In spite of the taciturnity and majestic dignity which were 
characteristic of Paul V., his contemporaries spoke highly 
of the kindness and patience which he showed at audiences. 
He knew just how to temper his distinguished reserve with 
affability in conversation. While still a Cardinal he possessed 
these qualities in so high a degree that his courtesy was 
proverbial. 3 He listened to reports and requests with such 
goodwill that even those who were embarrassed took heart 
and came away with the impression that every reasonable 
request would easily meet with success from such a Pope. 4 
For the first few years Paul V. rather was too liberal in 
granting audiences 5 ; subsequently he had to limit their 
number. 6 In order to obtain the exercise which he so greatly 

1 See *Avviso of June n, 1605, Vatican Library. 

2 Cf. the "reports of G. Magni, May 18 and 28, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

3 See the report of the Venetian obbedienza envoys, in BAROZZI- 
BERCHET, Italia, L, 62. 

4 See MOCENIGO, Relazione, 95 and Bzovius, Vita Pauli V ., 
c. 47. Cf. the "report of G. Magni, of May 21, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. 

5 The Pope, it is said in *Avviso of June 1 1, 1605, gives audiences 
" a che ne vuole et quasi a che non ne vuole ". Cf. the *Avviso 
of July 19, 1606, Vatican Library, and the ""report of G. del Carretto 
of October 22, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

c See Avviso of January 24, 1609, Vatican Library. Towards 
the end of the pontificate, when the Pope was old, the diplomats 



54 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

needed, Paul V. gave audiences whilst walking up and down 
the corridors of the palace. 1 

The appointments to the more important posts were only 
made at the end of May, 1605. 2 Cardinal Pompeo Arigoni 
continued as Datary. 3 Cinzio Aldobrandini as Grand 
Penitentiary, Montalto as Vice-Chancellor, Pietro Aldo 
brandini as camerlengo, Luigi Capponi as tesoriere generate* 
and Favio Biondi as major domo, 5 while Girolamo Pamfili 
was made Cardinal Vicar of Rome, 6 Roberto Ubaldini, 
nephew of Leo XI., maestro di camera, and Settimio Ruberti 
coppiere. 1 The important office of Secretary of Briefs to 
princes, i.e. Secretary of State, was given to Cardinal Erminio 
Valenti. 8 He conducted the correspondence with the nuncios 
until the end of August, 1605 ; but at the beginning of 

were received only in the afternoon, and one week was fixed 
for the envoys, another for the residents ; see BIJDRAGENTOT 

DE GESCHIEDENIS V. H. HERTOGDOM BRABANT VII. (iqoS), IQ2. 

1 See AG. NANI, in MUTINELLI, III., 19. 

2 See the *letter of Pietro Federighi to Maffei Barberini, May 3 1 , 
1605, loc. cit. and *Avviso of May 25, 1605, Vat. Libr. Paul V. s 
taking possession did not occur until November 6, 1605 ; see 
CANCELLIERI, Possessi, 169 seq. 

3 In the spring of 1607, Arigoni became archbishop of Bene- 
vento. Michelangelo Tonti succeeded him, but was soon replaced 
by Aurelio Maraldi ; see MORONI, XIX., 135. 

4 See MORONI, LXXIV., 300. Alessandro Ruspoli was made 
tesoriere segreto, by a brief of September 22, 1605 (Ruspoli 
Archives, Rome). 

5 See MORONI, XLL, 263. On Costaguti, afterwards majordomo 
and his *notes in the Costaguti Archives, Rome, see Appendix 
Vol. XXVI. n. 14. 

6 When Pamfili died in 1610, Cardinal Giangarzia Millini 
succeeded him ; see MORONI, XCIX, 95. 

7 See the *letter of P. Federighi, May 31, 1605, loc. cit. Cf. 
Studi e documenti, XXII., 203, where for " Pietro " read 
" Roberto ". See also MORONI, LXXXL, 491. On Paul V. s 
" scalco ", see Serrano Trissino, see MUTINELLI, III., 98. 

8 Cf. Valenti s letter to Rudolph II., June 3, 1605, in MEYER, 
Nuntiaturbenchte, 372. On Valenti, cf. the present work, Vol. 
XXIII., 52. 



RISE OF SCIPIONE CAFFARELLI. 55 

September the management of affairs passed, nominally at 
least, to Paul V. s nephew Scipione Caffarelli, his sister s son. 1 
Scipione Caffarelli had begun by studying philosophy at 
the Roman College founded by the Jesuits ; later on he read 
for the law at the University of Perugia. His extant manu 
scripts 2 show that in these subjects he was both industrious 
and keen. The expenses of his education were paid by his 
uncle. When the latter, soon after his elevation to the 
papacy, summoned him to Rome, it was thought in court 
circles that he would marry, as Paul V. s brother, Giovan 
Battista, and his son were both invalids. 3 But by the 
beginning of July, 1605, a rumour arose that Scipione was 
destined to be Cardinal nephew. 4 Sooner than was expected, 
on July 18th, his admission to the Sacred College took place. 5 
The young man of twenty-seven 6 received, at the same time 
as the purple, the name and arms of the Borghese. 7 

1 See MEYER, XLIIL, 489 seq. Cf. RICHARD in the Rev. d hist. 
ecclts., XI., 732. 

2 See the ^Compendium philosophiae in Borghese, I., 664, Papal 
Secret Archives, and *Notabilium super Institutionibus libri, V., 
ibid., I., 658-662, to which MEYER (Nuntiaturberichte, XLIV.) 
was the first to draw attention. 

s See *Avviso of May 25, 1605, Vatican Library. 

4 See *Avviso of July 9, 1605, ibid. 

5 See *Acta Consist., Vatican Library; *report of G. Magni 
of July 1 8, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. On June 24, 1605, 
Paul V. replied to Duke Carlo Emanuele of Savoy s exhorta 
tion to confer the purple on a nephew, that he had not yet had 
time to do so. Epist., I., 17, Papal Secret Archives. 

8 CIACONIUS statement (IV., 399), that he was 33, can safely 
be regarded as erroneous, since according to the report of the 
Venetian obbedicnza envoys (BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, I., 62) 
he was 26 in 1605 ; according to MOCENIGO (Relazione, 96) he 
was 27 ; with which the statement of the Relacion del s. colegio 
del a. 1606, that he was 28, agrees (Spanish Embassy Archives, 
Rome). The *Avviso of July 23, 1605, gives too low a figure 
when it says that the nephew was hardly 25. Vatican Library. 

7 According to the *Avviso of July 23, 1605, Paul V. assigned to 
the new Cardinal " parte per 25 bocche e 5,000 scudi d entrata ". 
Vatican Library. 



56 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Cardinal Scipione Borghese was a stately man ; he possessed 
an attractive manner, uncommon versatility and ability and 
a vivacious if not a profound mentality. 1 His unusually 
genial, obliging and cheerful manner soon won him great favour. 
He was specially adapted for the important position of 
Cardinal nephew. Towards the Pope and his relations the 
nephew behaved from the first with the greatest discretion 
and reserve. 2 

Immediately after Borghese was made a Cardinal, when 
the apartments in the pontifical palace, which had formerly 
been those of Aldobrandini, were assigned to him, it was 
rumoured in Rome that he would be entrusted with the 
important affairs of state in place of Valenti. 3 After Scipione 
had been placed, in August, 1605, at the head of the Consulta, 
which was responsible for the government of the States of 
the Church, 4 he soon took Valenti s place. This was not 
surprising since Valenti, formerly secretary to Pietro Aldo 
brandini and nominated on his recommendation, was on the 
closest terms with Clement VIII. s nephew. 5 His position 
became intolerable, as it was impossible for good relations to 
be maintained between the Pope and the arrogant Pietro 
Aldobrandini, 6 although Paul V., in order not to appear 

1 Cf. the *report of G. Magni, July 23, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua, and MOCENIGO, Relazione, 96 seq. 

2 See *Avviso of August 24, 1605. In the *Avviso of June 17, 
1605, it is said that " Borghese camina con molto riguardo ", 
so much so that he did not even dare to ask permission to summon 
his father from Nepi to Rome. Vatican Library. 

3 See *Avviso of July 20 and 23, 1605, ibid. 

4 Cf. *Avvisi of August 13 and 20, 1605. According to the 
latter Borghese, before taking possession of the Consulta, said 
his first Mass in S. Andrea di Monte Cavallo. Vatican Library. 

5 See the "reports of G. Magni, May 25 and 28, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua. Cf. also the *report of Castiglione in STIEVE, 
V., 772, n. 2. 

6 Cf. the *reports of Foresto, May 21 and 25, 1605, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua, and *Avvisi of August 17 and 20, 1605, Vatican 
Library. B. Ceci of Urbino in his *Relazione di Roma al principio 
del Pontificate di Paolo V. calls Aldobrandini " superbo quanta 
si pud ", Urb. 837, p. 422, ibid. 



FALL OF ALDOBRANDINI. 57 

ungrateful, attached great importance to their being 
kept up. 1 

Clement VIII. s nephew, at one time so influential, had 
made many enemies during the thirteen years of his uncle s 
pontificate. His wavering, unreliable and selfish conduct 
in the recent conclaves had been a fatal blow to his prestige. 
Aldobrandini foolishly made immediate petitions to the 
new Pope for a quite excessive number of favours. 2 Finally, 
one circumstance in particular had a damaging effect. 
Aldcbrandini, as legate to Ferrara, archbishop of Ravenna 
and camerlengo, was in a position which was bound to bring 
him into conflict with the Pope s nephew, especially in view 
of his own ambition. Aldobrandini was so little able to adapt 
himself to changed conditions that he tried to make a big 
political move on his own authority by negotiating with the 
representatives of France and Savoy for an alliance of the 
Italian powers against Spain. 3 The dismissal of Valenti was 
a great blow to Aldobrandini ; soon afterwards it was apparent 
how strained relations had become between him and Scipione 
Borghese. 4 

In December, 1605, an open dispute arose about a valuable 
collection of books, which Clement VIII. s nephew maintained 
had been given to him by his late uncle by word of mouth 
whereas Cardinal Borghese could produce a written deed of gift 
from Paul V. 5 Other measures of the reigning Pope annoyed 

* Cf. *Avvisi of May 28 and July 24, 1605, Vatican Library. 

2 Cf. the "report of G. Magni, May 25, 1605, and *that of 
F. del Carretto, October 22, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

3 Cf.Pmi,iPPSON,HeinrichIV., Vol. III. ,259**?.; "RmzR.Akten, 
II., 302. Cecchini in his Memoirs (see RANKE, III., Appendix 121) 
relates that the Advocate-General of the Treasury, Cirocchi, 
employed false testimony against Prince Aldobrandini in the suit 
for the acquisition of Montefortino. The use made of this assertion 
by BOHN, in his book on Bernini, against Paul V. whom Cecchini 
does not mention at all, is refuted by J. BRAUN, in the Lit. Beitrage 
of the Koln. Volkszeitung, 1912, No. 50. 

4 Cf. *Avviso of September 28, 1605, Vatican Library, 
s Cf. *Awiso of December 17 and 31, 1605, ibid. 



58 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Aldobrandini even more. It was already a great disappoint 
ment to him that his relinquishing of the office of camerlengo 
in favour of the young Ippolito Aldobrandini was not 
accepted 1 ; then came the strict application of the obligation 
of residence, which compelled him either to give up the large 
revenues of the archbishopric of Ravenna, or by leaving 
Rome to lose his position in the Curia. 2 When in April, 
1606, Paul V. took the Ferrara legation away from Aldo 
brandini and transferred it until further notice to Cardinal 
Spinola, a formal breach ensued. Aldobrandini left Rome 
on May 21st, 1606, and retired to his see of Ravenna. 3 Two 
years later he had a sharp quarrel with Cardinal Caetani, 
who had been sent there as the Pope s legate, and in con 
sequence went to Savoy for the winter. 4 The excellent work 
which he did in reforming the archdiocese of Ravenna sub 
sequently effected a reconciliation with Cardinal Caetani and 
the Pope. 5 In February, 1610, Aldobrandini returned to 
Rome, 6 where he received many tokens of favour from 

1 Cf. *Avisso of December 31, 1605, and January 14, 1606, ibid. 

2 Cf. the *report of the Venetian obbedienza ambassadors 
in BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, I., 61. 

3 Cf. *Avvisi of April i, May 17, 20 and 24, 1606, Vatican 
Library. 

4 Cf. *Avviso of August 2 and October 22, 1608, ibid., and the 
*report in RITTER, Akten, II., 86. Cf, BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, 
I (Torino), 98, 184. 

5 See *Awisi of April n and October 3, 1609, and February 2, 
1610, Vatican Library. On the activities of Aldobrandini at 
Ravenna, cf. UGHELLI, II., 395. G. FABRI, Sagre Memorie di 
Ravenna, Venetia, 1664 ; BOZZELLI, Marino, 74 ; Aldobrandini 
held four diocesan synods (1607, 1609, 1613, 1617) ; see Synodus 
dioec. Ravennat. a. 1790, Romae, 1791, xxvii. The new seminary 
for priests was erected at Ravenna on October 12, 1609, and 
was entrusted to the Somaschi ; see *Atti 32, p. 385, Archie- 
piscopal Archives, Ravenna. Ibid., Prot., 51, p. 366, the first 
* Pastoral of Cardinal Aldobrandini, October 28, 1604. A large 
volume without any signature contains *Acta et decreta card. 
Aldobrandini in prima eius ecclesiae visitatione 1606-1609. 

6 See *Awiso of February 13, 1610, Vatican Library. 



TACT OF CARDINAL SCIPIONE. 59 

Paul V. 1 Better relations with Scipione Borghese began to 
appear in the autumn of 1612, 2 but their mutual jealousy 
continued even afterwards. 3 

While Aldobrandini s relations with Paul V. underwent 
many vicissitudes, Cardinal Scipione on the other hand 
remained continuously in his uncle s favour. The clever and 
worldly-wise nephew knew exactly how to accommodate 
himself to the Pope s character. Realizing that the Pontiff 
meant to rule with complete independence, 4 Cardinal Scipione 
at first acted with great reserve 5 and with such caution that 
the Venetian envoys, who had come to pay homage, thought 
that he had not the slightest influence and hardly dared to 
open his mouth. All the honours due to a nephew in charge 
of affairs were paid to him ; the envoys, after their audience 
with the Pope, had to visit him ; but they never received 
any definite answer, not even an assurance of his support of 
their interests. 6 Cardinal Scipione persistently continued 

1 See *Avviso of January 7 and 22, 161 1, ibid., and the Venetian 
report in CERESOLE, Relazioni tra la casa Aldobrandini e Venezia, 
Venezia, 1880, 43. By way of thanking the Pope Aldobrandini 
dedicated to him the book : Silvestri A Idobrandini consiliorum 
liber secundus, Romae, 1617 ; cf. L. PASSARINI, Aggiunte alle 
memorie inlorno alia vita di S. Aldobrandini, Roma, 1879, 73 seq. 

2 See *Awiso of September 29, 1612. According to the *Avviso 
of November 19, 1611, the relations between Aldobrandini and 
Borghese were then very strained. Vatican Library. 

3 See the reports in CERESOLE, loc. cit., 45 seq. 

4 Besides the *Avvisi of June n and September 10, 1605 
(Vatican Library), cf. the *report of the Venetian obbedienza 
ambassadors in BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, L, 60. See also the 
*Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

5 Cf. the *Awiso of August 24, 1605, Vatican Library. 

6 See the *report of the Venetian envoys in BAROZZI-BERCHET, 
Italia, L, 62. Since subsequently MOCENIGO also (Relazione, 96) 
was of the same opinion, it is difficult to understand how RANKE, 
whose narrative is based principally on the Venetian reports, 
could write " Cardinal Scipione Cafarello Borghese exercised over 
Paul V. as much influence as P. Aldobrandini had over Clement 
VIII." (Pdpste, III ., 13). 



60 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

this prudent reserve, which was likewise observed by other 
persons entrusted with the most important business, such as 
the Datary, Cardinal Arigoni, and the Secretaries of State, 
Martino Malacrida and Lanfranco Margotti. 1 

1 See MOCENIGO, Relazione, 96. On L. Margotti, whose letters 
were regarded as models of style (see CIACONIUS, IV., 419 seq.). 
On L. MARGOTTI, Letter e scritte per lo pih nei tempi di Paolo V. 
a nome del sig. card. Borghese, raccolte e pubblic. da Pietro de 
Magistris de Caldirola, Roma, 1627, Venetia, 1633, new and 
enlarged edition, Bologna, 1661 unfortunately only letters of 
courtesy, undated). Cf. Rom. Quartalschr., V., 57 ; MORONI, 
XLIL, 299, XLIIL, 248, 255, 257, 269. According to Moroni, 
L. Margotti was also " segretario delle cifre ", a post vacant after 
the dismissal of Matteo Argent! (June 15, 1605 ; see MEISTER, 
Geheimschrift, 51). Cf. also RICHARD, in the Rev. d hist. eccUs., 
XI., 732, where on the subject of the secretary Porfirio Feliciani 
there is no reference to the fact that he wrote the Italian letters 
to the nuncios and other eminent persons for Scipione Borghese ; 
Letters in Cod. S. 6, 7-18, and S. 7, 1-13 of the Angelica Library, 
Rome. Cf. LAMMER, Zur Kirchengesch., 75 seqq., and Melet, 
255 seq. ; Atti d. Lincei, 4 serie, RENDICONTI, III., 157. P. Feliciani, 
who in 1612 became bishop of Foligno (see MORONI, XXV., 141) 
had held, after the death of Card. Lanfranco Margotti in 1611, 
" gran parte della segretaria di N.Sre " ; see the letter of Benti- 
voglio to him of May 12, 1612, in the Lettere del card. Bentivoglio, 
ed. Biagioli, L, Napoli, 1833, 24. The " segretari delle lettere 
latine del card. Borghese ", were Niccol6 Alemanni (until 
December, 1614) and then Gregorio Porzio ; see Studi e documenti, 
XV., 284. The *Epist. Pauli V. adprincipes et alios, of 1605-1617, 
in Arm. 45, t. 1-12, Papal Secret Archives, are written by " secre- 
tarius Petrus Strozza " ; ibid., Arm. 45, t. 15. *" Brevia sub anulo," 
by Secretarius Cobellutius, who became a Cardinal in T6i6. 
Arm. 44, t. 56, p. 435 seq. contains, * Brevia quae scripsit Mart. 
Malacrida, secret, dementis VIII., iussu Pauli V. On the 
secretaries, cf. also BONAMICUS, De Claris pontif. epist. script., 
Romae, 1753, 276 seqq. Appendix No. 8 (those in charge in 
161 1 and 1620), and the following note of the period of Urban VIII. 
in Barb. 4592 : Paul V., like Clement VIII., had two secretaries 
of state, Malacrida and Lanfranco ; chiasch un haveva parimente 
suoi negotii separati. Ma promosso Lanfranco al cardinalato, 



REWARDS OF BORGHESE S DEVOTION. 6l 

The respect and devotion shown by Cardinal Borghese to 
the Pope could not have been greater. In politics also, 
especially in regard to the neutrality of France and Spain, 
he worked in close conjunction with the Pope. 1 Although 
all who had causes to plead in Curia paid great respect to 
the Cardinal and begged for his support, he took care not to 
forestall the Pope in the slightest degree, but did everything 
to help him in his work and to satisfy everyone, at least with 
pleasant words. 2 This was often very difficult, as Paul V. 
was very firm once he had made up his mind. 3 

The energy, patience and fidelity with which Scipione 
Borghese served the Pope brought him a wealth of favours. 
In 1607 he obtained the legation to Avignon in place of Cinzio 
Aldobrandini. 4 In the year 1608 alone he became archpriest 
of the Lateran, 6 prefect of the Congregation of the Council 6 
and abbot of San Gregorio on the Coelian, 7 and in 1609 he 



Lanfranco rimase capo di tutta la segretaria e Malacrida si Iicenti6 
Morto Lanfranco la segretaria fu divisa di nuovo, cioe nell abbate 
Felitiani, fatto poi vescovo di Foligno, et nel sig. Giov. Batt. 
Perugini, che doppo tre^anni mori et la segretaria fu tutta riccom- 
mandata al vescovo di Foligno, a cui fu dato per aiutante in 
prender gli ordini dal Papa il sig. Decio Meruoli, che in ristretto 
haveva li negotii del Perugino. I sudetti segretarii di stato have- 
vano in due divisi pro aequali portione i medesimi emolumenti 
che ha un segretario solo. Trattavano i negotii col Papa, 1 uno 
la mattina et 1 altro la sera, et il tutto per non cumular tanto 
le fatiche del Papa in una volta et acci6 i negotii si digessero meglio. 
Vatican Library. 

1 Cf. MOCENIGO, Relazione, 98. 

2 See MOCENIGO, Relazione, 97. But what is said there in regard 
to Borghese in the *Avviso of January 2, 1605 : "da cui hora 
dipende ogni cosa," must be modified considerably. Vatican 
Library. 

3 Cf. the report of Vinta in FUSAI, Vinta, 98. 

4 See MORONI, III., 157. 

5 See *Avvisi of May 24 and 28, 1608, Vatican Library. 
See *Avviso of October 18, 1608, ibid. 

7 See *Awiso of November 8, 1608, ibid. 



62 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

was made librarian of the Roman Church. 1 After the death 
of Cinzio Aldobrandini he also obtained, in 1610, the office 
of Grand Penitentiary 2 and, two years later, following the 
resignation of Pietro Aldobrandini, that of camerlengo and 
prefect of Briefs. 3 In addition Cardinal Borghese became 
prefect of the Segnatura di Grazia, protector of several Orders 
and of the Swiss Guard, and from 1610 to 1612 he held the 
archiepiscopal see of Bologna. 4 In the last year of his uncle s 
pontificate he also became protector of the Holy House of 
Loreto 5 and archpriest of St. Peter s. 6 

The annual income of Scipione Borghese in 1609 amounted 
to from 80,000 to 90,000 scudi 7 ; three years later it had 
increased to 14(),000. 8 The Pope s generous allowances 
enabled Cardinal Borghese to buy up the best property in 
Latium, the owners of which allowed themselves to be induced 
by the high prices which they obtained to part with their 
ancestral estates. Thus in 1614 the nephew obtained from 
Pier Francesco Colonna, Duke of Zagarolo, the villages of 
Montefortino, Olevano and other property for 280,000 scudi. 9 
The Borghese gradually succeeded to the position of the 
Colonna and Orsini, who from the early middle ages onwards 
had been owners of the environs of Rome. To this day on 
the dull walls of the massive and spacious country houses of 

1 See CARINI, La Biblioteca Vaticana, 78. 

1 See *Avviso of January g, 1610. According to the *Avvisi 
of April 7, 1610, and April 15 and 19, 1615, Cardinal Borghese 
punctiliously fulfilled his duties as Grand Penitentiary, hearing 
confessions in person during Holy Week. Vatican Library. 

3 See *Avviso of September 29, 1612, ibid. 

* See CARDELLA, VI., 119. Cf. UGHELLI, II., 52. On the 
protectorate of the Swiss Guard, cf. Studi e documenti, XV., 269. 

5 See *Avviso of April 4, 1620, Vatican Library. 

See *Avviso of November 4, 1620, ibid. 

7 See FR. CONTARINI, Relazione, 87. 

8 SeeMocENico, Relazione, 98. The *Discorso of 1618 (Boncom- 
pagni Archives, Rome) gives the figure as 130,000. 

9 See COPPI, Memorie Colonnesi, 365 and Studi e documenti, 
XV., 273. 



BORGHESE S CHARACTERISTICS 63 

Latium can be seen the family portraits of the new owners, 
and among them that of Scipione Borghese. 1 One becomes 
reconciled, to some extent, with the great wealth of Cardinal 
Borghese, when one reads of the generous use he made 
of it. He was always open-handed with the poor ; writers 2 
and artists were given the greatest help. The Cardinal, 
whose somewhat corpulent features have been preserved in 
two marble busts, by Bernini, 8 possessed knowledge as well as 
love of art. We shall speak later, in the chapter dealing 
with art, of the splendid activity which he displayed in this 
connection, traces of which are encountered to this day in 
so many places in Rome. 

Scipione Borghese s patronage of art brought him great 
popularity in Rome. This was further increased by his 
magnificent scale of living, which was more that of a great 
personage of the world than of a prince of the Church. The 
banquets which he gave to the envoys and Cardinals were 
extraordinarily sumptuous. These festivities, which some 
times took place in the Cardinal s splendid villa outside the 



1 See GREGOROVIUS, Wanderjahre, II., 21 seq. AMEYDEN 
(Relazione di Roma, in Li Tesori della Corte Romana, Brussels, 
1672, 114), says that the Borghese bought " forse 80 casali, 
pagandoli piu di quello valevano ". 

2 A list, albeit by no means complete, of works dedicated 
to Cardinal Borghese, in CIACONIUS, IV., 400. Italian writings 
especially are omitted and among them one from a member of 
the family : " Scipione Borghese dell or dine di 5. Spirito, Specchio 
della miseria humana, all Illmo. Cardinale Borghese, Bracciano, 
1621." How writers showed their gratitude can be seen in 
J. BRANCONDIUS, Panegyricus illustriss. etreverendiss. D. Scipionis 
Burghesii S.R.E. Card., totius Status Ecclesiastici superin 
tendents generalis, 5. Pauli V. Nepoiis carissimi, Maceratae, 
1615. (There was a copy in the Borghese Library, now 
dispersed.) 

3 Both the busts, now in the Casino Borghese in Rome, dating 
from no earlier than 1632-1633, are speaking likenesses ; see 
FRASCHETTI, 107 seq. ; BRINKMANN, Barockskulptur, 233 ; 
BENKARD, Bernini, 43. 



64 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Porta Pinciana, 1 were the talk of the town. 2 When on one 
occasion the nephew had arranged such entertainments just 
before Easter, when not only the Pope but large numbers of 
the people devoted themselves entirely to spiritual exercises, 
he was justly rebuked. 8 He has also been accused of 
frivolity. 4 But no certain proofs of immorality have yet 
been adduced. In any case grave transgressions would 
have caused him to forfeit his position with the Pope, who 
was very strict in such matters. 

Of Paul V. s brothers, who were described as very good 
men, the elder, Francesco, very pious and generous, had 
married a Santa Croce 6 but was childless. The younger, 
Giovan Battista, had by his marriage with Virginia Lante 
only one little son, Marcantonio, four years old, on whom there 
fore the future of the family depended. 7 At the very beginning 
of the pontificate Francesco was made governor of the Borgo 
and captain of the pontifical guard, and Giovan Battista 
keeper of Castel Sant Angelo. 8 When in November, 1605, 
Francesco became general of the Church, the Pope made him 
hand over the governorship of the Borgo to his brother. By 



1 See *Avvisi of July 19 and August 4, 1614, in Studi e docu- 
menti, XV., 277, 278. 

- Cf. numerous *Avvisi, especially of June 2, 1606, April 14, 
1607, November 3, 1610, February n, 1612, February 9, 1613, 
Vatican Library. On the banquet given on May 20, 1607, by 
Cardinal Borghese to the Spanish envoys for the obbedienza, see 
Regin., 804, p. 12 seq. 

8 See *Avviso of April 14, 1607, ibid. 

* See the anonymous report in MEYER, Nuntiaturberichte, 
XLIV., note 4. 

5 See the report of the envoy from. Lucca for the obbedienza 
in Studi e documenti, XXI I., 202. 

8 For the inscription see supra, p. 51, n. 5. 

7 Cf. the report of the Venetian ambassadors for the obbedienza 
in BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, I., 57. 

8 See the *letter of P. Federighi to M. Barberini, May 31, 1605, 
Barb. 4648, and the *Avviso of June 8, 1605, both in the Vatican 
Library. 



THE BROTHERS OF PAUL V. 65 

this means Paul V. thought to assuage their mutual jealousy. 1 
He gave them the palace in which he had lived as a Cardinal, 
and the patrimonial rights, which were subsequently to 
devolve upon Giovan Battista s son. 2 The brothers, of whom 
Giovan Battista was particularly dear to the Pope, had an 
audience every evening, but were not allowed to interfere 
in matters which did not concern their official duties, since 
Paul V. would not tolerate outside influences. 3 The brothers 
were compensated by receiving gifts, as varied as they were 
valuable, and large sums of money. 4 Giovan Battista in 
particular was abundantly provided for as the one who had 
to carry on the family. These subsidies were so large that by 
1609 Giovan Battista had invested about 300,000 ducats 
in landed property. 5 In the autumn of 1607 a splendidly 
furnished apartment in the new Vatican palace was assigned 
to him 6 ; in the winter of the following year he took up 
residence in the Borgo, in the palace where Cardinal Galli 

1 See *Avvisi of November 23 and 26, 1605, ibid. 

2 See *Avviso, of December 14, 1605, ibid. 

3 See the report of the Venetian envoys for the obbedienza, 
in BAROCCHI-BERCHET, Italia, I., 62. 

4 The gifts (precious stones, silver plate, magnificent tapestry, 
glass, arms and especially currency, amounting up to the year 
1621, to 629,727 scudi 31 baj. in currency; in " Luoghi di Monte " 
24,600 sc. nominal value ; in official posts, reckoned by the 
sum which it would cost to buy them, 268,176 sc.) are enumerated 
in the " Nota di denari, offici e mobili donati da P. Paolo V. a 
suoi parenti e concessioni fattegli.", mentioned by Ranke (Pdpste, 
III 8 ., 13, no* seqq.). Whilst I have succeeded in finding almost 
all the MSS. referred to by Ranke, vaguely and without exact 
description, I have unfortunately not been able to trace this one. 
Some of the relevant details may be found in the *Avvisi ; in 
one of October 24, 1609, it is said that if the Pope lives for another 
five years, -the income of Giov. Battista Borghese will come to 
400,000 scudi. Vatican Library. 

6 See FR. CONTARINI, Relazione, 87. On the purchase of Rignano 
see ORBAAN, in Arch. Rom., XXXVL, 124, n. 2. Cf. also *Avviso, 
of November 8, 1608, Vatican Library. 

6 Cf. *Avviso of September 22, 1607, ibid. 

VOL. xxv. 

8 



66 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had previously lived. 1 Moreover a family palace was also 
to be built. 2 

Cardinal Borghese was very careless in money matters. 
When the Pope once asked him what he did with his large 
income, he replied with a shrug of the shoulders that his 
brother Giovan Battista managed it. Small wonder then 
that the revenue was insufficient and the brothers got into 
debt. 3 Cardinal Scipione s father, Francesco Caffarelli, who 
first lived at Nepi and who was eventually permitted to 
come to Rome, had previously found himself in financial 
straits. 4 The Pope s nephews of the Vittori family also had 
heavy debts. 5 In this case, however, the Pope showed no 
desire to intervene. 6 In fact his relations were not always a 
source of joy to him. The quarrels between the two brothers 
were a special cause of great distress. 7 Giovan Battista died 
on December 24th, 1609. The Pope bore the sad loss as the 
will of God with great calmness and truly Christian 
resignation. 8 

One cause of contention between the brothers was the 
marriage of Diana Vittori. Giovan Battista wanted this 
niece of the Pope to marry into the Lante family. 9 But 

1 See *Avviso of September 13, 1608, ibid. 

Cf. Vol. XXVL, ch. V. 

3 Cf *Avviso of October 24, 1607, Vatican Library. See also 
FR. CONTARINI, Relazioni, 88. 

4 Cf. *Avviso of January 3, 1607, Vatican Library. 

5 Cf. *Avviso of December 20, 1608, ibid. 

See GIGLI in Fyaschetti, 18, note. 

7 Cf. the *Avvisi of February 21, March 21, and October 7, 
1606, and July n, 1607, Vatican Library. 

8 It was thought that his death further advanced the position 
of Card. Scipione Borghese. Cf. *Avvisi of December 5, 26, and 
30, 1609, Vatican Library. (See ORBAAN, loc. cit., 160.) According 
to these G. B. Borghese was temporarily buried in S. Maria 
Maggiore, in the chapel near the new sacristy, to be subsequently 
moved to the Pauline Chapel, erected by Paul V. On the Christian 
resignation of Paul V. at the death of his brother, see also *Pauli 
V. P.M. Vita, etc., Barb. 2670, p. 106, Vatican Library. 

See *Avvisi of April 14 and July n, 1607, Vatican Library. 



GENEROSITY OF PAUL V. TO HIS FAMILY. 67 

Diana was opposed to the match. Then there was talk of 
her marrying the Prince of Roccella, a member of the Carafa 
family, who was not only without means, but actually in 
debt. 1 This marriage took place in November, 1607. 2 In 
this affair also the Pope was to experience more than one 
annoyance. 3 

After the death of her husband, Giovan Battista s widow 
entered the convent of Poor Clares at San Lorenzo in 
Panisperna. The education of her son, Marcantonio, was 
undertaken by the Pope. 4 He was exceptionally fond of 
the boy ; during the visits to Frascati, 5 besides Cardinal 
Borghese, Marcantonio, on whom rested all the hopes of 
the house of Borghese, was always to be seen in Paul V. s 
company. " While His Holiness," said the Venetian 
ambassador Mocenigo in 1612, " loaded Cardinal Borghese 
with ecclesiastical offices and revenues, he heaped secular 
benefits upon Marcantonio, who already bore the title of 
Prince of Sulmona." 6 This fine property in the kingdom of 
Naples had been acquired by Paul V. two years earlier for 
his nephew. 7 Later he bought Morlupo, near Nepi, for him. 8 
Great plans were also laid for his marriage. Just as under 
Clement VIII. the house of Aldobrandini was allied to the 
Farnese of Parma, so Paul V. would gladly have brought 

1 See *Avviso of July 25, 1607, ibid. 

1 See *Avvisi of November 14, 17, and 21, 1607, ibid. 

3 See *Avvisi of July 2 and December 20, 1608, ibid. 

4 See *Avvisi of January 2 and 9, 1610, ibid. 

5 This appears from several passages in the *Avvisi, Vatican 
Library. 

6 MOCENIGO, Relazione, 96. 

1 The taking possession of Sulmona by the secretary of Marcan 
tonio Borghese is announced in the *Avviso of June 26, 1610, 
Vatican Library. 

8 This purchase was made already in 1611,- according to the 
*Awiso of October 15, 1611 ; but it is dated two years later 
in the *Awiso of April 27, 1613. The amount of the price, 
quoted in the two documents, differs considerably. Vatican 
Library. 



68 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

about a similar union between the Borghese and the Medici. 1 
But there were obstacles in the way ; eventually Camilla 
Orsini, of the Bracciano family, was chosen as a wife for the 
eighteen-year-old nephew. The orginal idea was that the 
wedding should be celebrated at Frascati, in the Villa 
Mondragone. 2 But it actually took place in Rome. Camilla 
Orsini arrived there on October 19th, 1619, and the marriage 
was celebrated the following day in the new Pauline Chapel 
of the Quirinal palace. The Pope himself said the Mass, at 
which the bridegroom acted as server. The couple received 
Holy Communion from his hands. 3 When Francesco, the 
Pope s elder brother, died in the following year 4 the Prince 
of Sulmona was made general of the Church. 5 

Paul V .s great affection for his family acted as an induce 
ment for Princes and Cardinals to honour it as much as 
possible. As early as 1605 Cardinal Aquaviva presented his 
beautiful villa at Frascati to the Borghese. 6 When the Duke 
of Mantua stayed in Rome in the autumn of 1605, he made a 
present to Cardinal Borghese of a diamond worth 4,000 scudi. 7 
At the same time Venice made the nephews honorary citizens. 8 
The republic of Genoa did the same in 1606. 9 The French 
envoys made repeated gifts to Cardinal Borghese. 10 Philip III. 

1 See MOCENIGO, Relazione, 107. 

2 See *Avviso of August 10, 1619, Vatican Library. 

3 See the *Diarium P. Alaleonis of October 19 and 20, 1619, 
Barb. 2817, and the *Avviso of October 23, 1619, Vatican Library. 

4 Francesco Borghese died on June 20, 1620, at Frascati ; 
he was buried in S. Maria Maggiore. *Awiso of 24th June, 1620, 
loc. cit. 

5 See *Avviso of July 18, 1620, loc. cit. The taking of the 
oath was on July n ; see *Diarium P. Alaleonis, loc. cit. 

8 See *Avviso of September 28, 1605, in ORBAAN, loc. cit., 63. 
For the later destinies of the Villa see Studi e docum., XV., 274. 

7 See *Avviso of September 10, 1605, Vatican Library. 

8 See besides MUTINELLI, III., 39 seq., also the *Avviso of 
September 24, 1605, Vatican Library. 

9 See the *Brief of thanks to Genua, dated March 25, 1606, 
Epist., I., 467, Secret Papal Archives. 

10 Cf. *Avviso in Studi e documenti, XV., 275. 



THE CHARGE OF NEPOTISM. 69 

likewise showed himself very anxious to win over the nephews 
and to obtain the Pope s favour by the bestowal upon them 
of pensions and honours. 1 As early as 1605 he conferred upon 
the Prince of Sulmona the title of a Grandee of Spain. 2 

Since nepotism was the one failing of Paul V., it was to it 
that his opponents directed their attacks. 3 Where his 
nephews are concerned the conduct of the Pope, in other 
respects so admirable, certainly deserves severe blame. He 
probably did not fully realize how much he failed in this 
respect, for, in face of a frank remonstrance on the subject 
from Cardinal Bellarmine, he defended himself by saying 
that his presents to his relations had only been given with 
moderation and not out of ecclesiastical revenues ! 4 Unlike 
the Popes of the Renaissance, Paul V. kept aloof from the 
worldly conduct of his nephews. To form a fair judgment it 
is also necessary to bear in mind that neither of the Pope s 
nephews had any real influence on important decisions or on 
the direction of policy. This applies even to the Cardinal 
Secretary of State. Paul V. also refrained from establishing 
his relatives as independent princes, as the Popes of the 
Renaissance had done. He never for a moment thought of 
nepotism on the grand scale of times past, although there 

1 See the * letter of Philip II. to the Marquis Aytona, December 
6, 1606 ; March 2, 1607 (a pension of 3,000 ducats for Card. 
Borghese) ; March 8 and September 12. Archives of the Spanish 
Embassy, Rome, I., 28. 

2 Cf. MORONI, VI., 39 ; LXXL, 37 seq. 

3 Cf. especially the hostile opinion of a Venetian, in BAROZZI- 
BERCHET, II., 320 and the Lettere di Sarpi, ed. Polidori, I., 281 ; 
II., 237. For TASSONI S scoffing see Giorn. stor. d. lett. ital., XLIX., 
407. Extraordinarily violent attacks against Paul V. and the 
papacy in general are found in Supplicatio ad Imperatorem, Reges, 
Principes super causis generalis concilii convocandi contra Paulum V , 
printed in London, 1613. DOLLINGER-REUSCH (Moralstreitigkeiten, 
I., 548 seq.} believe that the document was " quite certainly 
drawn up in Rome ". My opinion, on the contrary, is, that it 
proceeded from Sarpi s milieu, for he was in close touch with 
England. 

4 See LE BACHELET, Auct. Bellarm., 535. 



70 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

were again and again opportunities for this, especially when 
there was great dissatisfaction in the kingdom of Naples 
with the harsh rule of the viceroy Ossuna. It was enough 
for him that the Borghese should take their places among 
the Roman princes and equal in wealth the Colonna and 
Orsini or, if possible, surpass them. 1 Paul V. did not live 
long enough to see Marcantonio s son, Paolo, increase his 
fortune by marrying in 1640 Olympia Aldobrandini, the 
heiress of that family. 2 

1 The Venetian Ambassador, G. Soranzo, wrote on January 26, 
1619, " (II Papa) ha fisso il suo pensiero di lasciar nella sua 
casa gran richezze, sta pero risolutissimo di non entrar in pre- 
tenzioni di stati ne di principati, ma dissegna lasciar li suoi 
grandi et richissimi privati et che possino uguagliarsi et avanzar 
li Colonnesi et Orsini ne si scopre sin hora che tenghi la mira 
piu alta." How a man may be blinded by hatred, appears in 
the case of M. BROSCH (Kirchenstaat, I., 369), who was thoroughly 
versed in Italian through his long residence in Venice, yet trans 
lates this passage quite contrary to its sense. Thus, " The Pope 
did not trouble himself with the affairs of state and court," and 
again (p. 370) comments on the passage, saying that Paul V., 
" entirely absorbed in his family interests had quite lost all sense 
for the interests of the state." It is clear from Soranzo s final 
judgment, in his document of January 28, 1621, that the passage 
cannot be interpreted in the sense attributed to it by Brosch. 
This judgment has long been printed by MUTINELLI, II., 93, but 
Brosch is careful not to quote it : from this we may gather 
what value to set upon Brosch s assurances in the Preface to 
his work (I., v.) : " I will only add that the factual and under 
lying basis of my account, even where it is borrowed from the 
exchange of despatches of the Republic s Ambassador, has been 
ascertained by deliberate consideration of all the circumstances 
which testify for or against the credibility of any piece of news. 
I have always tried to hold a proper balance between scepticism 
and confidence with regard to these diplomatic documents, and 
where I have failed to do so, it has not been for want of honest 
endeavour." 

2 See CERESOLE, loc. cit., 71 ; NOVAES, IX., 83 seq., and 
MORONI, VI., 39 seq., where the subsequent history of the family 
up to the middle of the nineteenth century, will be found. 



THE BORGHESE FAMILY. 71 

The historic splendour and rank of the Borghese family 
was destroyed by the great bankruptcy of the year 1891. 1 Its 

1 A Roman correspondent of the Frankfurter Zeitung (April 5, 
1895) considers that, " When the catastrophe overtook the family, 
there were not wanting people who welcomed the sensational event 
with undisguised rejoicing. Some individuals triumphed in the 
fall of a member of a family which was the most irreconcilable 
opponent of the new regime and the equally enthusiastic champion 
of papal claims. Others hoped that the ruined fortunes of the 
princely house might prove a fruitful source of profit for a host 
of proletarians. Gradually, however, it became clear that it 
made little difference to the papacy whether the house of Borghese 
lived in its former pomp or its present penury. Others, too, 
realized that the breakdown of the fortune belonging to the 
noble house had had no social repercussions, but had only brought 
about a change of ownership. The Borghese fortune served 
to increase the property of the new aristocracy, which had, 
perhaps, all the faults and none of the advantages of the older 
order. For speculators, apt in making profit out of everything, 
whether a national revolution or a building swindle, were vulgar 
people, lacking in ideals and quite untouched by the artistic 
interests which were the traditional inheritance of the older 
families. They turned the lovely palace of Paul V. into a 
second-hand emporium and thought they had accomplished a 
marvellous act of liberalism in establishing a Freemason s Lodge 
in a corner of the ancient papal residence. This act was inter 
preted as the triumph of liberalism over clericalism, though 
everyone knows that liberalism can scarcely build its hopes on 
that very dubious institution which Italian freemasonry has 
become, under the aegis of the well-known tobacco merchant 
Lemmi. The glorious Villa Borghese with the Casino in its 
grounds, was faced with a like act of vandalism. It was chosen 
for the site of innumerable popular festivities, which were to 
celebrate the twenty-fifth jubilee of Rome as the capital of Italy. 
The noble villa which has already been outraged by being made 
the scene of all sorts of races, is, for the space of some months, 
to be transformed into a kind of amusement park. The reign 
of bad taste has already been inaugurated in the proud marble 
halls of the Casino, adorned with masterpieces of antique sculpture, 
where from time to time, the municipal band has been 



72 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

private art collections, including much that recalled Paul V., 
and the exceptionally valuable library, started by Paul V. 
and considerably increased by Cardinal Scipione, 1 were 
unfortunately dispersed by public auction. The manuscripts, 
some of which are of great value, and the priceless family 
archives were saved from this fate by Leo XIII., who again 
showed himself a great promoter of historical studies by 
buying them for 300,000 francs and placing them in the 
Papal Secret Archives. 2 

allowed to function." In 1902, the Villa Borghese was bought 
by the Italian State and given over to the city of Rome as a 
popular park. In the previous year the State had also acquired 
the collection of sculptures of the Borghese Casino, and the 
magnificent paintings, which were formerly housed in the 
Palazzo Borghese. 

1 Cf. the Catalogue de la Bibliotheque de S.E.D. Paolo Borghese, 
Prince de Sulmona, 2 vols., Rome, 1892-3 ; published by the 
bookseller Vincenzo Menozzi. Also see Giorn. stor. d. lett. ital., 
XIX., 463. 

z TheMSS., about 300, went to the Vatican Library; the family 
archives, which contain the bulk of the archives of the Cardinals 
Secretaries of State of Clement VIII. and Paul V., constitute, 
under the name of Fondo Borghese, a part of the Papal Secret 
Archives. Cf. QUIDDES, Deutsche Zeitschr. f. Geschichtswiss., VI., 
402 ; MEYER, Nuntiaturberichte, LXXXV. See further, EHRLE, 
Bibl. Pontif. ; CALENZIO, Dei MSS. Borghesiani or a Vaticani, in 
omaggio della Biblioteca Vaticana nel giubileo episcopale di Leone 
XIII., Rome, 1893. A. PASTURE published in Bullet, de la Commiss. 
d kist. de Belgique, LXXIX (1910), an Inventaire duFondsBorghhe 
au point de vue de I histoire des Pays-Bas. 



CHAPTER III. 
PAUL V. AS RULER OF THE PAPAL STATES. PAPAL FINANCE. 

AT the very beginning of the pontificate of Paul V. the 
opinion was expressed that his reign would be very similar 
to that of Clement VIII. 1 This opinion was to be verified in 
connection with the administration of both ecclesiastical and 
secular affairs. 

The political economist and statistician, Giovanni Botero, 2 
sometime secretary to Charles Borromeo, writing in the first 
quarter of Paul V .s reign, has left an extremely interesting 
account of the Papal States, 3 the boundaries of which had 
been considerably extended with the acquisition of Ferrara 
under Clement VIII. Every division of property was prevented 
by the decree of Pius V., settling the inviolability of the 
entire possessions of the Holy See, which Paul V. at once 
confirmed. 4 

The area of the Papal States was somewhat more extensive 
than that of the Venetian Republic, while the population, 
owing to the sparseness of Central Italy, was about the 

1 See the report of G. Magni for May 28, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua. 

2 Cf. the monographs of Pozzi (Casale, 1881), ORSI (Mondovi, 
1882) and GIODA (Milan, 1895). 

3 Discorso intorno allo stato della chiesa preso dalla parte dell 
ufficio del Cardinale che non e stampato, in Relationi del Sig. Giov. 
Botero, "Parte sesta " (Venice, 1618), 30 seq. ; it was, however, 
completed and published separately in Venice as early as 1612. 
Cf. also " Parte seconda ", 122 seq. For the Relazione della corte 
di Roma, written also in 1611 by Lunadori and first published 
at Padua with letters from Cardinal Lanfranco, see Giorn. d. 
Arch. Toscam, IV., 264. 

4 Constitution of December 30, 1605, Bull., XL, 267 seq. 

73 



74 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

same l ; Bolero estimated it at one and a half million souls. 2 
The Papal States possessed only two large cities : Rome, 
the capital, with 115,000 inhabitants, and Bologna with over 
80,000. 3 After these came Ferrara with 60,000, a number 
which was rapidly declining owing to the cessation of the 
ducal residence there. All the other places had considerably 
smaller populations, as, for example, Viterbo and Civitavecchia 
in the Patrimony, Rieti and Tivoli in Sabina, Velletri, Anagni 
and Terracina in the Roman Campagna proper, Perugia, 
Assist, Foligno, Spoleto, Terni, Narni and Orvieto in Umbria, 
Ancona, Fermo, Macerata and Ascoli in the Marches, Ravenna, 
Faenza, Forll, Cesena and Rimini in Romagna. There were 

1 The Papal States surpassed in extent and population all 
the states in upper Italy and were in this respect only second 
to Naples ; see FUETER, Gesch. des europdischen Staatensy stems , 
Munich, 1919, 215. 

2 See BOTERO, Relations, VI., 30 seq. BELOCH (in Zeitschr. f. 
Sozialwiss. (Berlin, 1900), 769) was only acquainted with the 
census of 1656, which gave 1,180,000 souls. 

3 BOTERO, Relationi, 11, 123. According to the *report of 
A. Possevino for May 22, 1621, the population of Rome must 
have risen to 135,000 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). But this 
must be an exaggeration. According to CERASOLI (in Studi e 
docum., XII., 174) the number in 1605 was 99,647, which increased 
to 118,356 in 1621 ; only by adding to this as high a figure 
for the number of Jews as that given for 1608, namely 4,500 
(loc. cit., 170), can one arrive at the figure of 122,856. The state 
ment of RANKE (III 6 , 45) that Rome had in 1614 115,643 
inhabitants (i.e. Christians) is inaccurate, for the *register in 
Cod. Barb. 5074 (Vatican Library), to which Ranke refers, gives 
115,413, agreeing with Cerasoli s source. The *Relatione di 
Bologna sotto la legatione dell ill. s. card. Barberini (1611-1614) 
in Barb. 5105 gives the population of Bologna as 70,000 (300,000 

in tutto il contado " with 280 " communita "). The *Descri- 
zione delle anime e case della citta e diocesi di Bologna for 
December, 1617, gives : for the citta 67,871 souls (preti regol. no, 
monaci e fratri 873, monache 2631) and 8,643 houses; for the 
Suburbio 17,093 souls in 2,839 houses and for the diocese 174,884 
souls in 25,814 houses. Vatican Library, loc. cit. 



FERTILITY OF THE PAPAL STATES. 75 

also smaller places with episcopal sees, amounting to about 
fifty in number. 1 

The nature of the soil of this State, crossed by the chain 
of the Apennines, presented great contrasts : next to 
extremely fertile districts there were rough, mountainous 
areas and extensive tracts of unhealthy lowlands like the 
Pontine Marshes, the Maremme, which reached from the 
mouth of the Tiber to the borders of Tuscany, and the swamps, 
which stretched along the Adriatic coast from the banks of 
the Po in the direction of Rimini, in the middle of which lay 
Comacchia. These districts were infested with malaria, as 
was also practically the whole of the Roman Campagna. 
These regions apart, the remaining lands were blessed with 
a splendid climate and with great natural resources and plants 
and animals abounded and prospered everywhere. 

Botero praises as being particularly fertile the Umbrian 
valley of the Tiber, the smiling plains of Rieti, the country 
surrounding Bologna and the whole of Romagna and the 
Marches, where fertility was enhanced by a charming land 
scape. The rich harvests of corn, oil and wine allowed of 
considerable exportation, notably to Venice. 2 Certain 
districts were renowned for their special produce as, for 
example, Faenza and Lugo for flax, Cento and Perugia for 
hemp, Bologna and Forll for woad, Sant Arcangelo, Norcia 
and Terni for their rape of remarkable size, San Lorenzo for 
its manna and the famous woods of Ravenna for their pine- 
cones. The vineyards prospered exceedingly in the whole 
of Romagna, in the Marches, Umbria, the Patrimony, the Sabina 
and in the Lazio. Besides the world-famed muscatel of 
Montefiascone, the wines of Orvieto, Todi, Albano, Cesena, 
Faenza and Rimini were also highly esteemed. In the plains 
as well as in the hills there were numerous olive yards and 
chestnut groves. Many woods still held a great wealth of 
timber. 3 

1 See BOTERO, Relation*, loc. cit. 

2 Ibid., II., 123, VI. 37. Cf. Gritti, Relazione, in ALBERI II.. 
4, 336. 

* See BOTERO, VI., 31. 



76 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The animal kingdom in the Papal States was no less favoured 
than the vegetable. Large herds of cattle, sheep, pigs, goats 
and horses grazed freely and half-wild in the uninhabited 
parts of the Roman Campagna, the Pontine Marshes and 
the Maremme. Outside the Roman Campagna, the Romagna 
in particular produced magnificent oxen ; the horses of the 
Agro Romano were scarcely inferior to those of Naples. Of 
the pigs, which abounded everywhere, those of the 
mountainous districts were considered the best. There was 
also no dearth of animals of the chase. The Pontine Marshes 
in particular harboured many wild boars. Excellent hunting 
country was to be found in the Lazio in the neighbourhood 
of Sermoneta, Terracina and Nettuno. After the sea itself, 
the lagoons of Comacchio were pre-eminently abundant in 
fish and the eels from there passed for the best in the whole 
of Italy. The mineral kingdom offered splendid marbles, 
peperino and the famous Travertine. The excellent alum 
from the Tolfa district near Cerveteri was a state monopoly, 
as were also the famous saltworks of Comacchio. The sulphur 
baths of Poretta in the legation of Bologna and those of 
Viterbo, where Nicholas V. had laid out a bathing establish 
ment, were the most esteemed of all the numerous mineral 
springs. The warm sulphur-springs of Vicarello, not far from 
the lake of Bracciano, which the ancient Romans had used, 
and the medicinal waters of Anticoli, a picturesque mountain 
village near Subiaco, were also much frequented. 1 

Notwithstanding all these natural advantages, the trade 
and commerce of the Papal States, apart from Rome itself, 2 

* Ibid. 

2 Gottiob, in his important review of RODOCANACHI, Les 
Corporations ouvrieres d Rome (2 vols., Paris, 1894) in. Hist. Jahrb. 
XVI., 127, describes the industrial conditions in Rome as brilliant. 
" Parallel with the growth of luxury and the improvement in 
the city s fortunes, there was a remarkable and an ever wider- 
reaching division of labour and, in consequence, an increase of 
specialization in manual workers corporations, this being brought 
about by the division of ancient guilds and the formation of 
new ones. At the time of Gregory XV. (1621-1623), that is 



DECLINE OF PROSPERITY. 77 

had scarcely been developed at all beyond the immediate 
requirements and the general prosperity as well as the number 
of the population was on the decline. 1 The efforts of several 
Popes of the XVIth century to bring about an improvement 
in this matter had not attained the desired end. There 
were many different factors which were unfavourable to 
success. The elective character of the State robbed its 
secular administration of the necessary stability, for there 
were no fixed rules here as there were in ecclesiastical affairs. 
Almost every pontificate brought with it a change of system. 
Added to this was the increasing elimination of the lay 
element from the administrative personnel of the Papal 
States ; the ecclesiastics, who took their places, had not the 
requisite training for secular business and were often also 
unsuitable in other ways. The weak character of the people 
was also prejudicial to progress ; they lacked energy and 
organizing ability and expected everything to be done by the 
government. To all this must be added the general mis- 

immediately after Paul V., there were in Rome 5,578 shops with 
6,609 masters and 11,584 assistants. More than half of these 
businesses were concentrated in the northern quarters, Ponte, 
Parione, Regola and Campo Marzio, while the centre of the 
city, previously so rich in industries, was almost deserted. The 
Monti still numbered about 569 owners, easily surpassing 
gardeners, rope-makers and tanners. It is the period in which 
the industrial life of Rome put in the shade all the other great 
Italian cities, the most important of which had fallen under 
foreign domination." Botero laments the increase of luxury 
in the other towns of Lazio as well. (Relazioni, VI., 42.) A 
*" Pragmatica sopra 1 immoderato uso del vestire degli huomini 
e delle donne di Perugia ", dated October 30, 1617, in Editti, V.. 
60, p. 230 seqq., Papal Secret Archives. 

1 Cf. BOTERO, loc. cit., 41. As regards the " mercantia " 
Botero remarks, ibid., 36 : " Non si pu6 negare che lo stato 
della Chiesa non ne sia molto povero." The lowering of the 
general prosperity even after all the efforts of Paul V. is attested 
in the Venetian obbedienza for 1621 (in BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, 
i, 118 seq.), which gives as a cause the " qualita del governo " 
and the meagre trade. 



78 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

fortunes, which visited Italy at the end of the XVIth century : 
pestilence, bad harvests, famines, uneconomic taxation and 
the evils consequent on banditry. 

The scourge of banditry had increased to such an extent 
in the Papal States that many districts were abandoned by 
their populations and lay uncultivated. Botero specially 
mentions the widespread occurrence of malaria as a cause 
of the decline in the population of the Papal States and he 
suggests as a remedy not merely drainage but also the 
systematic colonization of the Roman Campagna. Botero 
also draws attention to the fact that everybody thought that 
organized recruiting of mercenaries was permissible in the 
Papal States, which were regarded as a sort of common 
property. 1 The temptation was particularly strong as the 
people of Romagna and the Marches were reputed to make 
very efficient soldiers. 

Paul V. intervened repeatedly against the abuse of foreign 
recruiting on the lands of the Church, but his immediate and 
especial efforts were directed to the fight against banditry, 
which his predecessors, Clement VIII. and Sixtus V., had 
carried on with varying results. 2 Even the most embittered 
enemies of the Borghese Pope are compelled to recognize 
the undeniable success which attended his efforts to establish 
public safety, 3 although it was just here that his initial 
difficulties were particularly great, owing to the fact that the 
Holy See had recently been twice vacant. 

As an example of the rigour with which Paul V. inaugurated 
his reign, one can cite in particular the execution of a man 
of letters, Piccinardi, a native of Cremona, amongst whose 
possessions was found a Life of Clement VIII., in which that 
excellent Pope was placed on a par with the emperor 
Tiberius. 4 Although Paul V. at first expressed himself in 

1 See BOTERO, VI., 34, 37, 41. 

2 Cf. Vol. XXI. of this work, p. 77 seqq. and Vol. XXIV., 
p. 374 seqq. 

8 See BROSCH, I., 370. 

* See the report of the Venetian obbedienza in BAROZZI-BERCHET, 
Italia, I., 61. 



ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE. 79 

favour of a light punishment in consideration of the fact 
that the lampoon was only shown by the author to quite a 
small number of persons, 1 he nevertheless finally let the law, 
under which Piccinardi was accounted guilty of high treason, 
take its course, and this notwithstanding the representations 
of influential personages. This inflexibility made all Rome 
tremble. 2 The Pope also proved very stern towards his own 
household. 3 The papal steward and his deputy, who had sold 
favours, were dismissed, although Giovan Battista, Paul V. s 
brother, had pleaded on their behalf. 4 The officials realized, 
and with terror, how strictly they were being controlled. 
Even the aged master of ceremonies, Paolo Alaleone, received 
a reproof for courting too much the favour of Cardinal Scipione 
Borghese. 5 

Paul V. was also eager to improve the administration of 
justice. He saw to it that only those officials were chosen, 
whom he knew to be the best in the Curia. He similarly 
took care that the settlement of lawsuits was not unnecessarily 
protracted and that no attention was paid to any repre 
sentations from outsiders. Justice must follow its course 
with vigour not least in the case of the powerful. 6 The 
immunities, claimed by ambassadors and cardinals, such as 
Farnese, were to be no let to the course of justice. 7 The 
French ambassador, the Marquis of Coeuvres, was so unwilling 

1 See *Avviso of September 3, 1605, Vatican Library. 

8 See the report of the Venetian obbedienza, loc. cit., 61 seq. 
In 1614 Roberto Fidele was executed on account of " libelli 
famosi in materia del Papa e de cardinali " ; see Studi e docum., 
XV., 279. 

3 Cf. the *Avvisi of June n, 1605, and June 23, 1607, Vatican 
Library. * *Avviso of May 13, 1606, ibid. 

5 *Avviso, of June 17, 1606, ibid. 

See *Costaguti s notes, c. i, Costaguti Archives in Rome. 

7 Cf. *Pauli V. P.M. Vita compendio scripta, p. 10 : " Nullus 
dabatur facinorosis receptui locus. Ex aulis Romae primariis ex 
aedium nobilissimarum non dicam atriis sed aditis penetralibus 
nocentes ad supplicium armato satellitio educabantur." Barb. 
2670, Vatican Library. Cf. RANKE, III., 99*- 



80 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to comply with this that an action had to be brought in 
Paris. 1 

In the struggle against banditry, which was the plague of 
the countryside, the discontinuation of one of its causes, 
namely, the large number of soldiers accustomed to the 
profession of arms, came to the aid of the Borghese Pope ; 
that banditry died of its own accord, as some people have 
thought, 2 was far from being the case. It required the 
repeated exertions of the Pope as well as a fair lapse of time 
before the desired end was finally attained. 3 When Paul V. 

1 Cf. ZELLER, Richelieu et les ministres de Louis XIII., Paris, 
1880, 52. 2 BROSCH, I., 370. 

8 The general observations in *Pauli V. P.M. Vita compendio 
scripta : " dominatum excepit factiosis, sicariis, grassatoribus 
tumultuosum ; nihil ejus dominatu pacatius potuit excogitari ; 
agrestes vias crebris antea latrociniis infames salubriter depur- 
gavit " (Barb. 2670, p. 10) are entirely confirmed from other 
sources. On December 24, 1605, Paul V. *asked the viceroy 
of Naples " ut mandet capi quendam loannem vulgo il Marchese 
della Villa, proscriptum ac mitti vinctum ad Urbem hominem 
nefarium, rustico genere natum ", etc. (Epist., I., 395, in Papal 
Secret Archives). In the summer of 1606 troops were sent against 
the bandits appearing near Ascoli (*Avvisi of June 28 and July 12, 
1606, Vatican Library), and in the following year the Marches 
were visited by bandits, against whom were sent Corsican troops 
in the pay of the Pope (see *Avvisi of April 7, 1608, Vatican 
Library). On April 25, 1608, were sent out very strong *" Bandi 
generali contro banditi " ; see Editti, V., 57, p. 70, Papal Secret 
Archives. Ibid., p. 71. *" Bando delle nomination! e taglie 
contro banditi " of June 26, 1608. Cf. *Avvisi of May 15 and 
August 26, 1608, loc. cit. In the autumn of 1611 the notorious 
robber, Giovanni di Norcia, was brought to Rome from the 
Maremme (*Avvisi of September 28 and October i, 1611, ibid.) 
Guarinoni, who made a pilgrimage to Rome in Lent of the 
year 1613, tried to cover the distance from Ancona to Lore to 
in one day as this district was rendered unsafe by reason of 
bandits ; see Stampfer in Zeitschr. des Innsbr. Ferdinandeums, 
XXIII. (1879), 71, 74 seq. For the intervention of Cardinal 
Barberini in this district see NICOLETTI, *Vita di Urbano VIII., 
Barb. 4730, Vatican Library. 



THE FIRM HAND OF PAUL V. 8 1 

died, perfect tranquillity and security reigned in his States. 1 
In these matters the Pope had not the slightest regard for 
high-placed personages, who had any connection with evil 
doers. 2 In 1608, the Marquis of Rigiiano, who had sheltered 
a bandit in his castle, was in danger of being executed. He 
had to consider himself lucky to be let off with a fine and 
a five years banishment. 3 The fiscal attorney and auditor- 
general, Farinacci, well known on account of the Cenci case, 
was also implicated in the affair of the Marquis ; in 1611 he 
forfeited his various positions. 4 The heads of three Corsican 
guardsmen, who had killed two French noblemen at the 
beginning of 1608, fell under the executioner s axe. 5 The 
Pope opposed the shedding of blood, which occurred so 
frequently in Rome, by repeatedly forbidding the carrying 
of arms. 6 Rome s beggars and vagabonds, 7 those who 
broadcast false news, 8 avaricious innkeepers 9 and dissolute 
women, 10 all felt the strong hand of the Pope. 

1 " Et e da notare che con quattro esserciti in Italia per 
lo stato della Chiesa si andava sicuramente a mezza notte con 
1 oro in mano e le citta e terre sembravano monasteri de regolari," 
said Costaguti in his *Notes, c. i, Costaguti Archives in Rome. 

8 Cf. the *Avviso of August 10, 1605, Vatican Library. 

8 Cf. the *Awisi of July 12, 19, 29 and 30, and August 2, 6, 9, 16, 
20 and 30, and September 6, 13, 17, 24 and 27, and October i 
and 4, 1609, ibid. 

4 See *Avviso of April 16, 1611, ibid. 

5 See *Awiso of February 16, 1608, ibid. 

See the *Awisi of March 23 and September 14, 1611, ibid. 

7 *" Editto contro gli otiosi e vagabondi," dated September 6, 
1608, in the Editti, V., 66, p. 152, Papal Secret Archives. See the 
*Avvisi of July 8, 1609, September 15, and December 10, Vatican 
Library. 

8 See *Avvisi of March i, 1608, ibid. 

9 Cf. the *Awisi of July 27 and August 3, 1605, and of July 14, 
1607, ibid. 

10 See the *Avvisi of August 3, 1605, and February 2, 1606, 
ibid. Cf. also the *Awiso, undated but relating to September 8, 
1607, concerning impending measures against adulterous women, 
etc., such as were taken by Sixtus V., ibid. 

VOL. xxv. 



82 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

At the beginning of the year 1608, Paul V. embarked on a 
radical reform of the entire judicature. With this end in 
view, he instituted a special Congregation, which sat every 
Friday under the presidency of Cardinal Borghese. 1 A reform 
of this kind was sure to meet with great difficulties, hence 
it was at first believed that the plan would come to nothing ; 
but the Pope would not rest, 2 until success was attained. On 
March 1st, 1612, a consistorial bull was issued. The very 
format of the document, with its Italian-gothic, small-print 
type, showed the importance which the Pope attached to the 
matter ; the severe regularity and beauty of the writing was 
well in keeping with the significance of the content. 3 

The reform, laid down in the bull of March 1st, 1612, 
embraced the Segnatura di Grazia e Giustizia, the Camera 
Apostolica, the tribunals of the Governor of the City and of 
the Auditors of the Chamber, the Rota, the municipal 
magistracy, the contentions between the Jews and the whole 
system of civil and criminal law. Special attention was paid 
to the protection of the poor and to the prison system. All 
prisons were to be inspected at least once a month, in order 
to prevent the illegal detention of prisoners ; the Pope also 
provided for their bodily and spiritual needs. Severe 
penalties were fixed for all contraventions of the bull. 
Supplementary measures fixed the taxes to be paid to 
municipal notaries and to other officials. 4 The execution of 
these measures, which were still further explained in a special 
declaration, 5 was very closely watched. 6 

1 See *Avviso of March 20, 1608, ibid. The *" Resolutiones 
factae in congregations super reformatione tribunalium Romanae 
Curiae sub Paulo V. a die 14 Martii manu Franc. Peniae Rotae 
auditoris " (Miscel, XI., 90, in the Papal Secret Archives. 

2 Cf *Awiso of March 27, 1610, Vatican Library. 

8 Cf. P. M. BAUMGARTEN in Rom. Quartalschrift, 1909, 29 seq. 

4 See Bull, XII., 58 seqq., in sqq. Cf. GOUJET, II., 212 seq. 

* Cf. the *Avviso of August 15, 1612, Vatican Library. For 
the prison system cf. BERTOLOTTI, Le prigioni di Roma nei secoli 
XVI., XVII. e XVIII., Rome, 1890, 20 seq. 

6 Bull, XII., 160 seq. 



CARDINAL CAETANl S ADMINISTRATION. 83 

The legates in the provinces, following the Pope s example, 
also worked hard for the maintenance of peace and order. 
Cardinal Bonifacio Caetani, who was appointed legate of 
Romagna in 1608, sought to obtain this end by the exercise 
of sagacity and gentleness. 

Caetani, in whose honour the grateful people of Ravenna 
erected in 1609 a granite column adorned with an eagle 
his coat of arms was in every respect an outstanding 
personality. 1 A blameless priest, he preached many times in 
Ravenna, particularly in the Church of the Theatines for 
whom he cherished a special affection. 2 He devoted himself 
to his secular business with such zeal, facility and pleasure 
that his work appeared to serve as his recreation. He dealt 
with every memorial with great despatch, often settling the 
matter personally. Only persons of irreproachable reputation 
found employment with him. In his immediate entourage 
he strongly insisted on order and discipline ; his household 
had to assist at Mass daily and on feast days at the sermon as 
well. The Cardinal was an enemy of all superfluities. He had 
drawn up a strict time-table. When giving audience, he was 
courteous but brief. He rigorously insisted that his officials 
should keep to their own business and not meddle in affairs 
foreign to them. His demeanour was always grave and 
dignified. He knew well how to keep himself informed about 
everything and to alternate sternness with mildness, for he 
realized how ill the people can stand unmitigated rigour. 
He who wishes to rule well, he used to say, must be reliable, 
moderate and just. 8 The people of the Romagna had a reputa 
tion for turbulence. They were, indeed, still so divided into 
factions that Caetani used to say that there were two different 
peoples in the province, the Guelphs and the Ghibellines. 

1 The column, which originally stood in front of S. Sebastiano, 
was overthrown by an earthquake in 1673. It was then erected 
in the Piazzetta dell Acquila, which has recently been renamed 
Piazza Alighieri. See CARDELLA, VI., 130. 

8 According to *Descrizione delta Romagna in Cod. XIV., 0-3, 
of the Altieri Library in Rome, which is an account made in 1615 
by a very well-informed authority. 



84 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

For all that he praised the people of Romagna, declaring 
that if one dealt with them with gentleness and friendliness 
they were easily managed and pacified, and that they were 
obedient to their superiors and appreciative of acts of 
kindness. 1 

1 " *Diceva che il Legato di Romagna doveva reggere doi 
popoli, uno Guelfo e 1 altro Gibellino per natura turbolenti et 
alterabili per la commodita de confini et egli haveva con tutto 
ci6 ne Romagnoli trovato quattro cose buone, cioe che erano 
facili con la dolcezza e cortesia ridursi a qualsivoglia cosa, anco 
a quietarsi con il nemico mentre 1 ingiuria non fosse troppo tra- 
scorsa ; secondo che erano osseguiosi verso li superior! ; terzo 
ch erano molto liberali del suo ; quarto ch erano ricordevoli de 
benenci ricevuti et non mai ingrati " (Descrizione delta Romagna, 
Altieri Library, Rome, loc. cit.). The successor of Caetani, Cardinal 
Rivarola, who was sent as legate to the Romagna in 1611, earned 
great merit by the steps which he took against banditry ; see 
MORONI, LVIIL, 58. The beautiful fountains in Faenza bear 
witness even to-day to the great care which he showed for the 
welfare of the people ; cf. La Torre dell Orologio e il Fonte Pubblico 
di Faenza per GIAN MARCELLO VALGIMIGLI, Faenza, 1873. The 
bronze eagle and dragon on the fountain, which was completed 
in 1621, to the design of the Dominican, Domenico Paganelli, 
are an allusion to the arms of the Pope, whom the following 
inscription also recalls : 

PAULO V. PONT. MAX. 

FELICISSIME REGNANTE 

POST LATRONES PROFLIGATOS 

PRESSUM INUNDANTEM PADUM 

POPULOS IUSTITIA, PACE, ANNONA 

SERVATOS 

NE ET HOC MAGNUM DESIDERARETUR 
ORNAMENTO AQUARUM URBEM ADAUXIT 

D. CARD. RIVAROLA 

LEGAT. SUAE ANNO NONO 

AERE PUBL. 

*The Hotel des Monnaies erected under Paul V. by the vice- 
legate Stefano Dulci at Avignon serves at this time as a barracks. 
Of the inscription only the following remains : * Paulus V. Pontii 
Maximus | has aedes | auro argento . . . | curante . . . | Aven. | 
Anno 1619." 



SEVERITY OF GIUSTINIANI IN BOLOGNA. 85 

It was, however, rather with iron rigour that the Genoese 
Benedetto Giustiniani, who was sent as legate to Bologna 
in November, 1608, sought to carry out his task. Giustiniani 
insisted the more on his orders being obeyed in that he knew 
the old proverb, that in Bologna an ordinance is observed for 
a month less twenty-nine days. He would gain information 
at first-hand and it was related that he often went about in 
disguise, in order to get at the truth. 1 

Giustiniani succeeded in restoring order, in spite of the 
unfavourable conditions which confronted him. His severity 
often carried him too far, and this was, indeed, the cause of 
his recall in the summer of 161 1. 2 His successor was the. 
French nuncio, Maffeo Barberini. 8 During his three years of 
office, this exceptional man provided admirably for the 
economic conditions of the city ; he also reformed the coinage, 
settled some territorial disputes with the Duke of Modena 
and preserved the peace in the territory of his legation during 
the war between Savoy and Mantua. 4 

In 1605 Paul V. extended the jurisdiction of the " Con- 
gregazione del buon governo ", which had been instituted by 

1 See *Relazione sopra la legazione e governo del ill. card. 
Benedetto Giustiniano, 1606-1611, in Cod. K. u, 21 in the 
Municipal Library of Bologna, and L. FRATI in Giorn. Ligustico, 
XIV. (1887), 112 seq. Cf. also CIACONIUS, IV., 169. 

1 See L. FRATI, loc. cit., 120 seq. 

3 See *Acta consist, of August 31, 1611, Vatican Library. 

4 See A. N. NICOLETTI, *Vita di Urbano VIII., 1. 1., i, 2, c. 6-12, 
Barb. 4730, pp.. 395-530, Vatican Library. Cf. loc. cit., *Relatione 
di Bologna sotto la legatione dell ill. card. Barberini, where 
Barberini s prudence is especially praised ; 5,660 *Emolumento 
del sig. card. M. Barberini nella legatione di Bologna ; 4148, 
p. 117 seq. " *Sulle zecche d ltalia con un discorso, editti e lettere 
sull abolizione dei Sesini, moneta ch era in corso nelle provincie 
di Bologna, Ferrara e Romagna, 1 anno 1612." In August, 1614, 
Cardinal Capponi succeeded M. Barberini in the Bologna legation ; 
see Studi e docum., XV., 279. Cf. *Interessi della legazione di 
Bologna esposti alia corte di Roma 1609-1615 in Cod. E 54, 
Boncompagni Archives in Rome. 



86 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Clement VIII. to deal with the economic conditions of the 
Papal States. 1 The Congregation did much towards the 
liquidation of the debts of the various communes. These 
debts, which amounted to 1,745,600 scudi at the beginning of 
Paul V. s pontificate, were reduced to 445,600. 2 A tax on 
meat and a reduction of the interest charged by the Monti 
was used for the extinction of the debt of the City of Rome. 3 
The care which he took to avoid these taxes falling on the 
poor was characteristic of the Pope s humanity. 4 

1 See Bull., XL, 451 seq. Cf. Cottez. d. disposizioni su li censi- 
menti dello Stato pontificio, I., Rome, 1845 seqq. ; Gli Archivi 
Italiani, VI. (1919), 200. 

2 See the survey of 1611 : *Effeti della bolla " de bono regi- 
mine ", original in the Costaguti Archives in Rome. Cf. loc. cit., 
also the *notes of Costaguti, c. i and 2. The " debito della Com- 
munita " gives the amount for the different provinces : 

Umbria . . . sc. 337,300 

Patrimonio . . ,, 355,500 

Marca . . . ,, 526,000 

Romagna . . . 323,000 

Campagna . . ,, 203,800 



sc. 1,745,600 
Debito estinto : 

Umbria . . . . sc. 217,600 

Patrimonio . . ,, 21,940 

Marca . . . . 553,000 

Romagna . . . 230,000 

Campagna . . ,, 80,000 



sc. 1,300,000 
8 " *Entrata accresciute al Populo Romano : 

Dalla gabella della carne . sc. 35,800 
Dalla reduttione de Mont; . 129,950 

La sudetta entrata fu assegnata all estintione de debiti di esso 
Popolo Romano." Notes of G. B. Costaguti, c. 2, loc. cit. 

4 Cf. for the wine tax *Awisi of May 3 and 28, 1608, Vatican 
Library. 



DECREES TO PROVINCIAL GOVERNORS. 87 

The demands which Paul V. made on the governors of the 
provinces of the Papal States can be seen from one of his 
instructions. He made it clear that- their first duty was to 
show the people love and benevolence, and thus to convince 
them that the government had their well-being at heart. The 
governor must treat his subjects as a father treats his sons. 
When he has to punish anyone, he must do so in such a way 
that the people can see that correction is the only motive. The 
officials, so ran the instruction, must always have clean hands. 
The governor must give audience once a week, in which 
women and the poor should be given precedence. If a punish 
ment is commuted to a money payment, the judges must 
derive no personal gain from the transaction ; as had already 
been ruled by Pius IV. Every fortnight the prisons must be 
visited, so that the prisoners can lodge what complaints 
they may have. Heavy punishments must be meted out to 
those who help bandits with information, money, provisions 
or munitions. The governors must also see to it that important 
documents are carefully preserved. The economic conditions 
must receive their closest attention and they must above 
all take care that throughout the year the people have bread 
of just weight and good quality. For this purpose, the weights 
and measures in the shops should be inspected from time to 
time. The instruction then summarizes the duties of a 
governor : he is to provide an absolutely impartial adminis 
tration of justice, to preserve peace and order, and to see 
to it that there is an abundance of provisions. 1 In this last 
respect, the Pope displayed the greatest zeal in Rome itself, 
his solicitude being directed towards meat, vegetables and 
oil, 2 but above all towards bread. 3 



1 See "Istruzione per un governatore di provincia nello Stato 
ecclesiatico, Borghese, IV., 174, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 Cf. the *Avvisi of July 6 and 13, August 3 and December 3, 
1605, February 15, 1606, August n, 1607, and February 30, 1608, 
for the measures against those who charged exorbitant prices. 
The export of slaughter cattle and oil from the Papal States, 
which had a very successful result, is mentioned in the *Avviso 



88 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In spite of all the efforts of the Popes of the XVIth century, 
the productivity of the Campagna had dwindled. Already, 
at the end of 1605, grain had to be imported from Sicily to 
make up for Rome s deficiency. 1 It was necessary to re-issue 
and enforce with greater strictness the edicts of previous Popes 
since Pius IV., which forbade the exportation of provisions 
from the Papal States. 2 Besides the Congregation of Cardinals 
sopra I abbondanza dello Stato pontificio, founded by Sixtus V., 
it was the duty of the Prefect of the annona to provide for 
the importation of grain and that of the President of grascia 
to procure cattle for slaughter, oil and other provisions. The 
annona depended partly on the municipality and partly 
on the Camera Apostolica. 3 It fixed the price of grain, actually 
purchasing it in order to resell it to the bakers. It was a source 
of considerable annoyance to the Pope that the treasury often 
lost much money in this way. The bakers were very discon 
tented with the scale of prices for 1606, at which they had to 
buy grain. 4 This discontent only grew when Paul V. opposed 
a redu-tion of the weight of bread, although in that year, 1606, 

of August 1 8, 1607 ; the obtaining of oil, notably from Provence, 
is mentioned in the *Avvisi of November 24, 1607, and of 
January 12, 1608. Vatican Library. 

8 Cf. besides the *Avvisi the remarks of G. B. Costaguti : he 
played a leading part in the affair and he is instructive about 
the matter in general ; for his "notes (Costaguti Archives in 
Rome) see Appendix vol. XXVI., n. 14. 

1 See the *brief to the " vicerex Siciliae ", the Duke of Feria, 
of November n, 1605, " laudat eum quod alacris fuerit in pro- 
curanda expeditione 15,000 salmarum tritici, quae extrahi 
debebant ex Siciliae regno ad sullevandam Urbis annonae 
caritatem ", Epist., I., 312. Secret Papal Archives. 

2 Constitution of December 23, 1605, Bull., XI., 260 seq. 

8 At the head of the annona stood first Serra, then Mgr. Rucellai, 
who was replaced on July i, 1614, by Mgr. Biscia ; see Studi e 
docum., XV., 275. 

4 See NICOLAI, II., 57 ; BENIGNI, Getreidepolitik, 48. Cf. 
II sistema delta Tariffa annonaria sul pane in Roma, Florence, 
1866, 



THE POPE S SOLICITUDE DURING FAMINE. 89 

the harvest had been poor. 1 Some Jews, who tried to turn 
the general scarcity to their advantage by profiteering in 
wheat ended their lives on the gallows. Proceedings were also 
taken against others, who transgressed in this respect, regard 
less of the fact that they were Christians. 2 During the month 
of August in 1606 the Pope daily sent his palafrenieri into 
Rome to ascertain whether there was sufficient bread of good 
quality. Giacomo Serra, an expert financier, was sent into the 
Marches to buy up grain. 3 An edict forbidding exportation 
was also issued. The selfishness of the bakers and corn- 
merchants was restrained as far as it was possible. The Pope 
at this time spent in all 160,000 scudi, particularly large 
quantities of corn coming from Provence. 4 In January, 
1607, Serra returned from the Marches and reported that he 
had found there sufficient supplies to hand. 5 Shortly after 
wards, a consignment arrived from Civitavecchia. In spite 
of this, the prices remained high. 6 An edict of June, 1607, 
forbade profiteering in corn under pain of death. 7 Fortunately 
there was a good harvest. But in spite of this, the bread 
question was still to cause the Pope great trouble. The 
Camera did not want to give up selling the old stock of corn, 
although its quality was poor. Only when it was finally 
decided to mix the old corn with the new did the situation 
improve. 8 Throughout the whole affair the Pope showed the 

1 See the *Avviso of July 19, 1606, Vatican Library. Cf. 
Gigli in FRASCHETTI, 18, note. 

2 See the *Avviso of August 23, 1606, Vatican Library. 

8 See the *Awisi of August 12, 19, 23 and 26, 1606, ibid. 
Cf. Costaguti s *notes in Costaguti Archives in Rome ; see Appen 
dix vol. XXVI., n. 14. For Serra, see Vol. XXIII., pp. 297 
and 303 of this work and p. 100, also Meyer, XXLV. seq. 

4 Cf. the *Awisi of September 2, 9, 16, 23 and 27, and of 
October 7, 1606, Vatican Library. 

5 Cf. the *Avviso of January 6, 1607, ibid. 

6 Cf. the *Awiso of February 14, 1607, ibid. 

7 Cf. the *Awiso of June 2, 1607, ibid. 

8 Cf. about this the *Awisi of June 23 and 30, and July 7, 17, 
1 8, 21 and 25, 1607, ibid. 



9O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

greatest watchfulness. He had bread sent in from various 
bakers in order that he might himself test it. When he 
discovered fraud, the guilty were sent to prison. Malvasia, 
the Prefect of the annona, having been found wanting in 
energy in this matter, was relieved from his post at the end 
of July. 1 The difficulties, however, were not yet over. Only 
by placing a bounty on imports and by procuring grain from 
Sicily was all want finally averted. 2 

With what goodwill the Pope was animated is seen in the 
plans, which he now made, for the erection of a granary 
for the poor of Rome. An edict of the Prefect of the 
annona, issued in the name of the Cardinal-President of the 
Camera on December 19th, 1607, made it known that with 
the new year a store would be opened at the expense of the 
State, in which the poor would always be able to buy flour of 
good quality at a moderate price. The regulations declared : 
That the store will be stocked with the best meal. It is forbid 
den to purchase there more than 50 pounds (about 34 English 
pounds). The price must always be 8 quattrini a pound 
(about 2d. a pound). This meal may only be bought by the 
poor. The rich, the corn merchants and all those who have 
no need of this privilege, if they either buy direct or through 
another will have it confiscated and will, in addition, have 
to pay a fine of 25 scudi. 3 

This new storehouse for corn, which can only be described 
as a truly providential institution for the poor, 4 was erected 
near the baths of Diocletian, where it was secure from flood 
ing. 5 The Pope had it enlarged in 1609, 6 and he visited it 



1 See the *Avviso of July 25, 1607, ibid. 

See the *Avvisi of September 18 and December 26, 1607, 
ibid. Cf. the brief to the " vicerex Siciliae, dux Escalonae ", of 
March n, 1607, Epist., II., 368, Papal Secret Archives. 

3 See BENIGNI, Getreidepolitik , 49. 

1 See ibid. 

5 See *Costaguti s notes, Costaguti Archives in Rome ; cf. 
Appendix vol. XXVI., n. 14. 

6 See the *Avviso of February 7, 1609, Vatican Library. 



CONGREGATION FOR PROVISIONING. QI 

repeatedly. 1 The supplies proved particularly useful to the 
people when the unusually hot summer of 1611 caused a bad 
harvest. 2 

Until 1611 the corn trade was regulated by long-standing 
dispositions which laid it down that corn was to be either 
consumed at its place of origin or else to be transported to 
Rome. However, on October 19th, 1611, Paul V. cancelled 
a prohibition of Clement VIII. and allowed a fifth of the 
harvest to be exported so long as the price did not exceed 
55 giulii (about 28s.) a rubbio (about 188 Ibs.). 3 

By a similar decree issued on October 19th, 1611, Paul V. 
instituted alongside the Congregation of the annona, founded 
by Sixtus V., a new Congregation, whose special work was 
to procure victuals for the Papal States and for Rome in 
particular. 4 The members had to meet twice a month, 
in the Papal palace, so that Paul V. could take part per 
sonally in their deliberations, when he thought it necessary. 
The Congregation was composed of the Treasurer-General 
Serra and four other officials, and the Pope had to be regularly 
furnished with its decisions, which he read through carefully, 
adding remarks and instructions of his own. 5 

The Constitution of October 19th, 1611, contained special 
orders for the advancement of agriculture in the Roman 
Campagna. It renewed the prohibition of the sale of plough 
oxen for slaughter ; it confirmed the obligation of cattle- 
merchants to offer for sale every year 25 per cent of their 
oxen for agricultural labour and also the right of vassals to 

1 See the *Avvisi of February 7 and November 14, 1609, 
Vatican Library. 

2 See the *Avviso of July g, 1611, ibid. 

3 Bull., XII., 17 ; BENIGNI, loc. cit., 47. 

4 Bull, XII., 15 seq. 

5 See, in Appendix vol. XXVI., n. 14, the *notes of G. B. 
Costaguti (Costaguti Archives in Rome), where the names of 
the members of the Congregation are given. The *Libro delle 
risoluzioni della Congregazione sopra 1 annona e grascia di Roma, 
from October 30 to November 17, 1617, in Cod. Barb. 4862, 
pp. 30-131, Vatican Library. 



92 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

cultivate land outside their feudal property, as also all the 
other privileges granted by previous Popes for the promotion 
of agriculture. The pawnshops (Monte di Pieta) of Rome 
were, moreover, ordered to lend sums of money up to 1,000 
scudi at the rate of 2 per cent to the farmers of the country 
round Rome and of the Lazio, the Marittima and the 
Campagna. 1 Unfortunately Paul V. damaged his own designs 
by making it possible for his nephews to acquire in the 
Campagna those large estates which were later on to prove 
so great an obstacle to the advancement of agriculture. 2 

Notwithstanding the bad harvest of 1611, the Pope opposed 
to his utmost any alteration in the price of bread. He 
threatened to have corn imported from abroad ; he is reported 
to have said that he would rather resign the tiara than give 
way in this matter. 3 He felt his burden of cares lightened, 
however, when the harvest of 1612 turned out well. 4 In 
July of this year he made a personal inspection of the grain 
stored for the poor, in order to assure himself that there was a 
sufficient stock in hand. He repeated his visit in February, 
1614. 5 

However much Paul V. desired that his people should be 
supplied with the largest possible loaves, the thing proved 

1 See Bull., XII., 16 seq. Cf. BENIGNI, Getreidepolitik , 50 ; 
DECUPIS, Per gli usi civici nell Agro Romano, Rome, 1906, 25 seq. 
See also TAMILIA, // s. Monte di Pietd di Roma, Rome, 1900, 78 seq. 
A motu proprio of Paul V. : " Concessio privilegiorum exercentibus 
agriculturani in territ. et districtu Urbis ac Latii, Campaniae 
Maritimaeque provinciis," dated April 19/1611, in the Editti, V., 
49. P- 13 seq. Ibid., a motu proprio : " Confirmatio capitulorum 
et concessio plurium privilegiorum pro consecratione et augmento 
agriculturae in territ. Cornetano," dated October 6, 1608. Papal 
Secret Archives. 

2 Cf. SISMONDI, Historia des rep. ital, vol. XVI. (Paris, 1818), 
p. 254. BROSCH, II., 128. 

* Cf. the *Avvisi of January 21 and February 18, 1612, Vatican 
Library. 

4 Cf. the *Avviso of June 13, 1612, ibid. 

5 *Awiso of July n, 1612, ibid. 



SHIPPING FACILITIES. 93 

unattainable. The views of the Congregation were divided. 
Serra, who was made a Cardinal on August 17th, 1611, and 
Rucellai, his successor as Prefect of the annona, shared the 
Pope s views, but the commissioner of the Camera and 
Giovanni Battista Costaguti declared that a diminution of 
weight was unavoidable. They pointed out that the quality 
was more important than the quantity. Paul V. ended by 
coming round to this view. In the year 1613 he entrusted 
the management of the matter to Costaguti ; he had no 
reason to regret this step and soon found himself free 
from what had been a grave worry. 1 

When the harvest was bad, as in the year 1617, the grain 
store tided matters over until new supplies could arrive from 
Sicily. 2 Thanks to the great sums which Paul V. spent on 
provisioning Rome, 8 there was never a scarcity of food during 
the whole of his long pontificate ; nor was the population 
crushed by excessive prices, as was the case in most of the 
neighbouring states. 4 

In order to assure for the future the importation of grain 
into Rome by sea, in April, 1613, the Pope ordered extensive 
works to be undertaken to facilitate shipping in the Tiber. 
It had been observed that south and south-westerly winds 
were a great hindrance to shipping entering the mouth of the 
river. In order to obviate this, Paul V. continued the work 

1 See the *notes of G. B. Costaguti, Costaguti Archives in 
Rome ; cf. Appendix vol. XXVI., n. 14. 

2 Cf. Costaguti s *statements, loc. cit; *Briefs to the viceroy 
of Sicily, the Duke of Ossuna, about the relief of the shortage 
of grain in Rome with grain from Sicily, of March 28, 1615, 
in Epist., XV. ; ibid., a similar *Brief of March 24, 1618. Papal 
Secret Archives. 

3 According to the *notes of G. B. Costaguti (loc. cit.) they 
amounted to 200,000 scudi. The statement of Bzovius (Vita 
Pauli V., c. 41) : " DCCC nummum aureorum," must be an 
exaggeration. *In a correct, in the yth Germ. edit. Pastor says 
Bzovius may be right because the account book (see Appendix, 
vol. XXVI., n. 13, p. 481) mentions 744,054. 

4 See Costaguti s * statement, loc. cit. 



94 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

begun under Gregory XIII. of embanking the right mouth 
of the Tiber. 1 With a view to facilitating the importation of 
grain and to promote commerce generally the Pope also ordered 
the repair of the principal roads leading into Rome. The care 
of the roads leading into the Marches was in 1608 entrusted 
to Cardinal Pierbenedetti, while that of the road to Florence 
was given to Cardinal Bandini. Cardinal Cesi was made 
responsible for the repair of the highway to Naples 2 ; this 
included restoration of the bridge over the Liris near Ceprano. 3 
These works were protracted until 1620. 4 Paul V. had the 
Ponte Salario restored 5 ; he also laid down new roads in the 
Alban hills 6 to Gavignano, 7 the birthplace of Innocent III., 
lying on the picturesque hills near Segni. The building 
of harbours was likewise undertaken to promote commerce. 
In Civitavecchia he continued through the agency of Pompeo 
Targone the improvements in the harbour begun under 



1 Cf. Bzovius, loc. cit. See further ORBAAN, Documenti, 99 seq., 
139 seq. ; " Bando et ordine per la conservatione del nuovo alveo 
et palificata di Fiumicino a Porto," dated September 17, 1611, 
in the Editti, V., 51, p. 186 seq. : " Pauli P. V. Constitutio super 
novi alvei et palif. Fiumicin. ac thesaurarii gener. in perpetuum 
operis protectorem et conservatorem deputatione cum instruc- 
tione," dated March 20, 1614 ; p. 197 seq. : " Editto per 1 aggiunta 
della nova palificata da farsi a Fiumicino," dated March 29, 1616, 
Papal Secret Archives. Cf. also FEA, Consider azioni, Rome, 1827, 
31, 161 seq. ; BENIGNI, Getreidepolitik, 49. 

2 *Avviso of March 22, 1608, Vatican Library. Cf. Orbaan, 
loc. cit., 204. 

8 See *Awiso of December 12, 1612, ibid. Cf. the *notes of 
G. B. Costaguti, loc. cit., c. 2. The coinage of 1616 bore a picture 
of the bridge. Cf. L. ALLATIUS, *De aedificiis Pauli V., in Barb., 
3060, Vatican Library. 

4 See *Awiso of April 25, 1620, Vatican Library. Cf. Costa- 
guti s *notes, loc. cit. 

6 See Bzovius, Vita Pauli, V., c. 41. Cf. FEA, Consider azioni, 

30- 

6 See Bzovius, loc. cit. Cf. FEA, Acque, 269. 

7 *Avviso of March 20, 1619, in ORBAAN, loc. cit., 258. 



SHIPPING FACILITIES. 95 

Clement VII., 1 a new lighthouse 2 and a large warehouse 3 
being constructed. Targone was also charged by the Pope 
with the inspection of the cities on the Adriatic as regards 
harbours and fortifications. 4 Paul V. decided to construct 
a new harbour at Fano, where the road leading from the Furlo 
pass terminated. In spite of much opposition to this plan, 5 
the work was taken in hand in 1613. 6 The new harbour, 
which received the name of Porto Borghesiano, acquired 

1 See the *Avvisi, loc. cit., 65, 76, 95 seq., 99, 197, 202 (cf. 314). 

2 There is a medal of 1608 relating to this. 
8 Cf. the inscription in ANNOVAZZI, 275. 

* Cf. ORBAAN, loc. cit., 82 and the ""report of Pompeo Targone 
addressed to Paul V. " Sopra le citta, fdrtezza e porti da lui 
visitati d Ancona, Fano, Rimini, Cervia, Ravenna e Ferrara," 
Barb. 4340, pp. 25-37, Vatican Library. 

RANKE (III 9 ., 112*) quotes in this connection, " Tarq. Pitaro 
sopra la negotiatione maritima 17 ottobre 1612 V attic.," the 
statements of which he believed without question. The document 
was no longer to be found in the Vallicelliana in Rome in 1879. 
The author s name is written incorrectly by Ranke ; it should 
run : " Tarquinio Pinaoro." Many * dissertations of this 
"Anconitano ", who belonged to the " Confraternita Marchigiana " 
in Rome (see his *Discorsi in Vat. 7850, p. 352 seq., Vatican 
Library) addressed to Paul V. are to be found in the Roman 
libraries and also in the Gambalunga Library at Rimini, but 
I have not come across the above one. The composition of the 
work is evidently connected with the sending (announced in 
the Awiso of October 20, 1612) of the " architetto del popolo 
Romano " to Fano " per restaurare quel porto " in one year, 
for 38,000 scudi to be paid by the city (ORBAAN, loc. cit., 207). 
The architect was Girolamo Rainaldi ; see BERTOLOTTI, Artisti 
in relazione coi Gonzaga, 23. 

6 See the * Awiso of December 21, 1613, Vatican Library 
The medal mentioned here, portraying the " Portus Borghesius 
a fundamentis exstruct. Col. lul. Fanestris 1613 " is reproduced 
in CIACONIUS, IV., 397-8. The Awiso praises the harbour as 
easily accessible, sheltered from all winds, spacious and useful 
to the Papal States, which agrees with the statements which 
Ranke (loc. cit.} takes from Pinaoro. 



96 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

considerable importance, especially for the Marches, Umbria 
and Romagna. 1 

The Pope took up repeatedly the question of the draining 
of the marshy regions and the regulation of rivers in the 
Papal States. 2 At first he concentrated on the northerly 
provinces, Ferrara and Romagna, but Central Italy was also 
in prospect. 3 Two extraordinary congregations were occupied 
with this question of water in the district of Ferrara and in 
the Chiana valley. 4 How difficult the task was is apparent 
from the evidence of numerous experts, amongst them being 
Giovanni Fontana and Targone. 6 In addition to Cardinal 

1 Cf. Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., c. 42. 

2 Cf. the "notes of G. B. Costaguti, c. I, Costaguti Archives 
in Rome. See also *Vita Pauli V. compendio scripta in Barb. 
2670, p. 8 b , Vatican Library. For the draining of a marsh near 
Castelgandolfo see CANCELLIERI, Tarantismo, 105 ; A. GUIDI, 
Colli Albani, Rome, 1880, 58 seq. ; CELLI, Malaria, 281 ; TOMAS- 
SETTI, II., 188 ; ORBAAN, Documents, 156, No. 2. 

3 See the Avvisi in ORBAAN, loc. cit., 57, 77, 81. Mention 
is also made here of the " *Editto sopra la disiccatione del laghetto 
di Castelgandolfo et sopra la condotta dell acqua di Malafitto a 
detto Castello", dated January 12, 1610, Editti, V., 51, p. 312 ; 
ibid., p. 315, " *Editto per la conservatione della cava del lago 
Trasimeno," dated May 30, 1615. Papal Secret Archives. 

4 See. the *Relazione di Roma of B. Ceci of 1605 in Urb., 837, 
Vatican Library. 

5 Cf. " *Relatione et parere di Pompeo Targone sopra la boni- 
ficatione delle scoli delli valli di Ferrara, Comachio et altri luoghi 
alia S ei di Paulo V.", Vat. 6344, p. I seq., Vatican Library; 
" *Discorso sopra la modificatione del Po di Ferrara " (composed 
at the time of Paul V.), Barb. 4383 ; *Informazione del P. 
Agostino [Spernazzati] a P. Paolo V. 1605 about the " bonifica- 
zione di Ferrara ", Barb. 4356, pp. 39-46 ; ibid., pp. 46-97 : 
" Informazione del P. Agostino a P. Paolo V. sopra la bonificazione 
del paese sommerso dal Po di Ferrara," etc., composed in 1606 
(cf. Barb. 4340, pp. 1-23) ; " Risposta del Fontana alia scrittura 
fatta dal P. Agostino Spernazzati per conto della bonificazione," 
Barb. 4379, p. 101-185; ibid., p. 105-114: " Risposta di Giov. 
Fontana alia scrittura dei signori Ferraresi per la bonificazione 
data a Msgr. ill. Vicelegato 10 Agosto, 1606." Vatican Library. 



THE WATER PROBLEM 97 

Piatti, who was well acquainted with conditions in Ferrara, 
Mgr. Centurione and later Cardinal Caetani were consulted 
as regards the Romagna, and the legate, Cardinal Luigi Cappone, 
as regards Bologna. 1 The water problem also played an 
important part in the settlement, made in 1607, of the 
boundary between the papal city of Citta della Pieve and the 
Tuscan city of Chiusi. 2 Three years later, Paul V. regulated 
the boundary between Rieti and the Neapolitan Civita 
Ducale. 3 In the same year the Pope ratified the agreement 
made by the Bolognese with Modena concerning the boundary 
and various questions relating to the water supply. 4 

Floodings of the Tiber at the end of 1607 and the beginning 
of 1608 5 once again gave cogency to the question of pro 
viding against this calamity, and once more there was no 
dearth of suggestions of the most varying kinds as to how to 
set about it 6 ; it was, however, rather the question of raising 

1 Cf. " *Relatione del ill. card. Piatti a P. Paolo V." about the 
" acque di Ferrara e di Romagna ", Barb. 4356, pp. 106-128 ; 
ibid., pp. 194-222 : " *Scrittura delle ragioni della citta intorno 
al metter Reno alia Stellata con le risposte del card. Capponi 
e repliche della citta " ; p. 226-232 : " *Risposta de Ferraresi 
alle ragioni de sig. Bolognesi " (cf. Barb. 4340, pp. 55-67 : "*Parere 
del sig. card. Gaetano sopra le acque del Reno "). Vatican Library. 
The " *Visita di Msgr. Centurione dell acque di Romagna nel 
1605 e del card. Gaetano del 1610 " in Cod. H., III., 67 in the 
Chigiana, Vatican Library. 

2 See Bull., XL, 445 seq. Cf. THEINER, Cod. dipl., III., No. 449. 
The " Confirmatio concordiae inter universitates terrarum Citerni 
et Monterchi, status eccles. et magni ducis Hetruriae respective 
pro reparandis alluvionibus fluminum Cerfonis et Rivianelli initae 
in Bull., XII., 249 seq. Cf. also *Pauli V., Vita corapendio scripta 
in Barb. 2670, p. 8, Vatican Library, where the draining works 
near Sezze are also mentioned. 

8 THEINER, Cod. dipl., III., No. 450. 

* Bull., XII., 225 seq. 

5 Cf. the Avvisi in ORBAAN, Documenti, 87 seq., 92. 

BOTERO (cf. supra, p. 73, n. 3) suggested the diverting of the 
course of the Anio. Cf. further Pompeo Targone, *Sopra i 
rimedio da darsi all inondationi del Tevere (addressed to Paul V.), 

VOL. xxv. 10 



98 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the necessarily large sum of money l as well as the difficulties 
inherent in an undertaking of this kind, which prevented 
the remedying of an evil which was a constant menace. 2 

During the flooding of the Tiber in January, 1608, Cardinal 
Borghese and the Pope s brother had done all in their power 
for the people. 3 In other ways also they vied with Paul V. in 
their undertakings for the general good, which were specially 
beneficial to the Eternal City. The construction of the 
famous conduit, Acqua Paola, 4 was a very great boon to the 
Trastevere and the Borgo. Castelgandolfo 5 and Loreto 6 

Barb. 4340, pp. 47-53 ; ibid., pp. 55-62 : " *Discorso sopra 
1 inondazione del Tevere et il modo da rimediarvi di Paolo San- 
quirico " (similarly addressed to Paul V., Vatican Library. There 
is printed and dedicated to Paul V. the Discorso del ingegnere 
NIC. GALLI sopra 1 inondazione del Tevere, Rome, 1609 (a copy 
of this very rare dissertation is in Barb. 4343). Four *memorials 
about the freeing of Rome from flooding and a *dissertation 
in Spanish addressed to Cardinal Capponi were composed by 
Joseph Fortan, in Barb. 3560, p. 140-251. Cf. also the *Avvisi 
of August 20 and October 29, 1608, and the *Avviso of July 25, 
1609, about the plans of a Venetian engineer. Vatican Library. 
A discussion in the consistory took place on November 30, 1612 ; 
see *Avviso of December i, 1612 (ibid.). 

1 Cf. the *Avvisi of January 26, March i, May 28, and July 30, 
1608, ibid. 

* The *Avviso of May 14, 1614, reports a fresh flooding of the 
Tiber. Cf. Studi e docum., XV., 270. For a flooding in Comacchio, 
cf. the "Avviso of March 4, 1606, Vatican Library. 

* See *Avviso of January 12, 1608, ibid. 

* Cf. the *notes of G. B. Costaguti, c. 3, Costaguti Archives 
in Rome. For the measures for the protection of Rome against 
the plague, in addition to the *Avvisi of September 5 and 12, 1607 
(Vatican Library), see the *Editti, V., 61, p. 38 seq., Papal Secret 
Archives. For the Banco di S. Spirito instituted on December 13, 
1605, see Bull., XL, 251 ; Atti dell Accad. " Arcadia ", 1917, L, 162. 

6 See TOMASSETTI, Campagna, IL, 188. 

6 See KEYSSLER, IL, 413, 439. Loreto obtained two new 
bridges under Paul V. ; see COLASANTI, Loreto, Bergamo, 1910, 
62, 64 ; cf. RICCI, Architettura. The arms of Paul V. are to be 
seen on the bronze doors of the Casa Santa ; see COLASANTI, 82. 



COLLECTION OF PAPAL ARCHIVES. 99 

also acquired aqueducts through the energy of Paul V. The 
extensive building enterprises of Paul V. in Rome were 
intended to give able-bodied labourers a chance to earn a 
livelihood. The Pope rightly regarded this as the best kind 
of almsgiving. 1 

Of great importance for the administration of the Papal 
States as also for the transaction of ecclesiastical and political 
affairs was the collection of all the documental treasures 
of the Church into one uniform secret archivium, which 
Paul V. carried out. 2 With him there begins a new epoch 
for these collections, which, in spite of all losses, were 
still as voluminous as they were valuable. Paul V. could 
see this for himself when, in February, 1609, he visited 
the archivium in St. Angelo, which had been founded by 
Sixtus IV., for housing the more valuable " of the privileges 
of the Roman Church ". 3 A good canonist himself, he was 
well able to appreciate the great importance of such docu 
ments ; it was only by the decision to bring together all the 
scattered collections and to preserve them more securely 
could further losses be prevented and what still remained be 
utilized to good purpose. 

The new papal secret archives were housed near the Vatican 
Library in the long wing of the papal palace, overlooking the 
Vatican gardens. The rooms were adorned with paintings, 
illustrative of the donations made to the Church, 4 and 

1 See the *notes of G. B. Costaguti, c. i, loc. cit. More particu 
larly about the buildings of Paul V. in Rome, vol. xxvi, c. v. 

1 C/. for the later history MARINI, Memorie degli archivi della 
S. Sede, Rome, 1825, 26 seq., 45 ; GASPAROLO, Constituzione dell 
Archive Vaticano e suo primo indice sotto il pontificate di Paolo V. 
Manoscritto inedito di Michele Lonigo, in Studi e docum., VII I., 
3 seqq. See also V. SICKEL, Romische Berichte, in Sitzungsber. der 
Wiener Akad., Hist. Kl. CXXXIII. (9 Abh., Vienna, 1895), 87 seq. 

8 See *Avviso of February 14, 1609, Vatican Library. For the 
archives of St. Angelo see Vol. IV., p. 436 seq., of this work. 

4 Cf. TAJA, 478 seq., PISTOLESI, III., 276 seq., and BARBIER DE 
MONTAULT, II., 177 seq. The frescoes are well preserved but 
almost unknown, for until recently entrance was confined to 



IOO HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

furnished with presses. 1 The first transfer of archival material 
to the new quarters took place under the supreme direction of 
Cardinal Cesi at the end of 1611, and lasted during the 
following year. Next took place the transfer of 258 volumes 
of papal registers and other important documents from the 
secret library, which had also been founded by Sixtus IV. 2 ; 
the volumes were repaired and re-bound where necessary. 
There were also transferred a number of historical manuscripts, 
which the Pope had received as a present. The archives of 
the administrative offices of the Camera Apostolica yielded 
a considerable consignment. Amongst these were also, since 
the time of Sixtus V., the majority of those registers and 
briefs, acts and manuscripts, which had of old been preserved 
in the papal wardrobe. The wardrobe was situated on the 
third floor of the court of St. Damasus over the papal apart 
ments 3 since it served to house those acts which might be 
wanted for reference at any moment. In addition to this, 
the famous collection of manuscripts of Cardinal Vitelli was 
also removed from the archives of the Camera Apostolica. 
In May, 1614, the archivium in St. Angelo, of which at the 
request of Paul V. an inventory had been made by Silvio 
de Paulis, 4 had to yield some of its Acta to the new secret 
archives. All these consignments were put in order, numbered 
and indexed. A brief of December 2nd, 1614, contained 
rigorous measures for the security of this treasure. 5 

The foundation of the new secret archives of the papacy 

officials of the archives. Pope Benedict XV. rescinded this 
antiquated rule. On May 16, 1921, for the first time for centuries 
I was able to visit all the rooms of the archives. 

1 They still bear the arms of Paul V. 

2 Cf. Vol. IV., p. 436 seq. of this work. 

3 See Ruolo degli appartamenti e delle stanze nel palazzo Vaticano 
dell anno 1594, p.p. F. C. COLNABRINI, Rome, 1895, and V. SICKEL, 
loc. cit., 88 n., according to whom the " Guardarobba " was put 
in the same rooms as those in which the archives of the Secretary 
of State are now. 

* Cf. SICKEL, loc. cit., 115 seq. 
5 See Arch. Rom., II., 196 seq. 



CUSTODIANS OF PAPAL ARCHIVES. IOI 

was laid not merely through the collecting of scattered 
archives l and the assigning of special quarters for them : 
special officials were also appointed. On January 30th, 1616, 
Baldassare Ansidei was made custodian. At his death he was 
succeeded by Nicola Alemanni. 2 

A bronze bust of Paul V. over the entrance from the Vatican 
Library into the secret papal archives recalls even to-day 
the memory of their creator, 3 who here called into being a safe 
home for a vast quantity of ancient documents and precious 
correspondence. Thus came into existence a collection of 
archives, which, if it is not the largest in Europe and the 
most important in every possible respect, is nevertheless 
unrivalled in its significance. 4 

1 Paul V. searched for the conciliar acts of Massarelli with 
great energy ; see Rom. Quartalschr . , XL, 397 seq. Cardinal Aless. 
Ludovisi (later Gregory XV.) took pains to secure the manuscripts 
of Cardinal G. Paleotto about the Council of Trent for the new 
archivium ; see the " *Lettere del card. Ludovisi al Ludovico 
Ludovisi ", dated Bologna, March n and 25 and April 25, 1620, 
in Cod. E. 67 of the Boncompagni Archives in Rome. 

1 See PALMIERI, Ad Vaticani Archivi Rom. Pontif. Regesia 
manuductio, Romae, 1884, XXVI. ; GASPAROLO, loc. cit., 17, 
where it reads 1612 instead of 1616. Ansidei remained at the 
same time first custodian of the library (see Appendix No. 8) ; 
the complete separation of the archives from the library was first 
accomplished under Urban VIII. 

8 The inscription in FORCELLA, VI., 135. It may be permissible 
to mention here that in January, 1879, the writer of these lines 
recehed for purposes of study in the Vatican Library the very 
first Acta allowed out from the hitherto almost hermetically 
sealed Papal Secret Archives, thus inaugurating the unrestricted 
access of scholars to these documents ; cf. my communication 
in " Hochland ", 1904. 

4 See P. KEHR, Das Vaticanische Archiv, in Hinnebergs Internal. 
Wochenschrift f, Wissensch., 1907, L, 429 seq., who says that 
an entirely new epoch in historical science begins with the bold 
decision of Leo XIII. to break with a thousand-year-old tradition 
and to throw the archives open to students of history. " Who 
is there now who either will or can resist such an example ? 



IO2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The major-domo of Paul V., Giovan Battista Costaguti, 
observed in connection with the foundation of the papal 
secret archives that the ancient documents were juridical 
weapons for the preservation of what has been acquired. 1 
What was the state of the material weapons at this time ? 

The army was always a weak point in the Papal States. 
Giovanni Botero thought it an advantage for the worldly 
possessions of the Church that, apart from the great prestige 
of the Pope, they were so well protected by nature that it 
was unnecessary to spend a single quattrino on military 
projects. The country possessed no large harbour and its 
coasts were so constituted that it could only be attacked with 
great difficulty and then not with a large fighting force. 
There was also the marshiness of the coasts of the Tyrrhenian 
Sea, which alone sufficed to render a hostile landing impossible. 
The people of the Marches and the Romagna were good 
soldiers, well able to ward off an aggressor. The land frontiers 
also presented no danger, for the Papal States were larger 
than Tuscany and only slightly smaller than the kingdom of 
Naples. Orvieto, Civita Castellana, Paliano and Spoleto 
were advantageously situated, Umbria was a natural fortress 
and Rome seemed safe enough with the Castle of St. Angelo 
and the fortifications of the Borgo. According to Botero, it 
would have sufficed to fortify in addition Ascolf and Rieti, 
and in the south Frosinone and Anagni. He regarded the 

When the Roman Church proffered her documents, for centuries 
so jealously and mysteriously guarded, all the other numerous 
ecclesiastical archives could no longer keep their treasures closed. 
Twenty years ago the archives of all the Roman churches were 
practically inaccessible ; nor was entrance easy to gain to the 
archives of the bishoprics, capitals and corporations of Italy ; 
to-day after the lead given by the Vatican almost all are open. 
The example of Rome was followed in all the other countries : 
only the Spanish archives remain closed. A new notion has 
irresistibly penetrated public life : the right of science to make 
use of archives." 

1 " Le sciitture sono armi civili nel conservare 1 acquisitato." 
Costaguti s *notes, c. 3, Costaguti Archives in Rome. 



MILITARY PRECAUTIONS. IO3 

Tuscan frontier as the weakest spot : the Pope should there 
fore keep on good terms with the Grand Duke. Of the out 
lying parts in the north, Ferrara and Bologna would have to 
be considered first. As regards Bologna, Paul V. had made a 
good beginning with the fortification of Castelfranco, while 
Clement VIII. had started the construction of a citadel at 
Ferrara. 1 Paul V. brought this work to completion 2 and, in 
addition, gave security to the coasts of the Papal States, 
notably by means of fortified towers as against the Turkish 
corsairs 3 and by restoring the works at Ancona. 4 He thought 
that he could let the matter rest there, for Clement VIII. had 
been able to raise 22,000 men in a month against Ferrara 
an achievement which, according to Botero, could have been 
equalled by very few princes in Europe. 5 Nevertheless, when 
in 1606 a serious conflict broke out with Venice, this number 
proved to be as little equal to the occasion as the available 
funds. Paul V. had at that time erected two arsenals in Rome 



1 BOTERO, Rdationi, VI., 32 seq., 39 seq. 

2 See ORBAAN, Documenti, 109, in, 113 seq., 119 seq., 142 seq. 
" Minute di lettere scritte dal sig. Mario Farnese, locotenente 
generate de s. Chiesa per servitio della fortezza di Ferrara dal 
1608-1611 " in Cod. Hal. 223 in the Munich municipal archives. 
The "Vita Pauli V. compendio scripta (Barb. 2670, p. 8 b , Vatican 
Library) calls the citadel of Ferrara " opus sane amplum, sed in 
quo amplitudinem superat opportunitas ". 

3 Cf. the "notes of G. B. Costaguti, c. 3, Costaguti Archives, 
in Rome. Cf. also the *Avvisi of August 3, 1611 (fortification 
of Fiumicino) and of December 13, 1617 (fortification of the 
coasts of Romagna), Vatican Library. Cf. further Bzovius, c. 34 ; 
Sludi e docum., XV., 272 ; FEA, Consider azioni, 167 ; GUGLIEL- 
MOTTI, Fortificazioni, 431, 470, 483, 493- Botero (Relationi, VI., 
41) suggests the foundation of an order of knights to have its 
seat in Ponza, to combat the pirates. Concerning the papal 
fleet of which Francesco Centurione was given command, 
towards the end of 1609, see additions to Guglielmotti in a paper 
by Orbaan in the periodical Roma, IV. (1926), 500 seq. 

4 See the *notes of Costaguti, c. 4, loc. cit. 
BOTERO, Relationi, VI., 33. 



IO4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and had started a munitions factory at Tivoli. 1 Even after 
the special congregation for military affairs was constituted 
and, after the end of 1609, began to meet weekly, 2 the decline 
in military strength was far from being stemmed. In 1612 
the Venetian ambassador, Mocenigo, reported that the 650 
light horse, previously kept for withstanding banditry, were 
sent into Hungary to help the Emperor against the Turks 
without any other troops taking their place. Nor did the 
Pope have in his pay any general officers, and Ferrara 
and Ancona alone possessed garrison troops. 3 Money was 
saved wherever possible, for the financial circumstances of 
Paul V. were anything but easy. 

The treasurer-general, Luigi Capponi, who had been 
appointed by Leo XI., was confirmed in office by the 
Borghese Pope, and he continued to hold it until he was made 
a Cardinal on November 24th, 1608. He was followed by the 
Genoese Giacomo Serra, an extremely conscientious man, 
who on August 17th, 1611, was also raised to the purple 
though he retained, for a time, as pro-treasurer, the super 
vision of the papal finances. When Serra went to France as 
legate in September, 1615, Mgr. Patrizi became Treasurer. 4 

The task of these men was fraught with difficulties. When 

1 See the *notes of Costaguti, loc. cit., and the statements 
in Studi e docum., XIV., 50. 

2 Cf. the *Avviso of November 15, 1611, Vatican Library. 
The names of the members of the Congregatione " per la militia " 
in Costaguti s *notes, loc. cit. (see Appendix n. 14, vol. xxvi). 

3 Cf. FR. CONTARINI, Relazione, go ; MOCENIGO, Relazione, 
loo seq., 119. 

4 See MORONI, LXXIV., 300. Here also more details about 
the Pope s " Tesoriere segreto ", Roberto Pietro, who died in 
1619 and was buried in S. Maria della Scala. Mgr. Patrizio, 
whom Costaguti (vol. xxvi, n. 14) mentions as " Tesoriere 
generale ", received this position on September 22, 1615 ; see 
Studi e docum., XV., 292. For the character of Serra, see MEYER, 
Nuntiaturberichte, XXVII. For the coinage of Paul V., see 
SERAFINO, Le monete del Museo Vaticano, II., Rome, 1912, 
131 seq. 



TAXATION EMBARRASSMENT. IO5 

Paul V., at the beginning of his reign, lamented in a letter 
to the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria that his coffers were 
empty and that he was crushed by heavy debts, 1 he was 
stating the bare truth. 2 The chief evil was that the sub 
scribers of the loans (monti) were entitled to certain of the 
taxes, so that a considerable part of the revenue was entirely 
lost to the State. The Venetian obbedienza reported in 1605 
that only 70,000 scudi of the taxes paid to the Camera were 
not accounted for by payment of interest. 8 Through the 
selling of offices, fees and perquisites were likewise lost to the 
State treasury. From the autumn of 1605 a special con 
gregation tried to find a remedy for this sorry condition. 4 The 
conflict with Venice, which broke out in April, 1606, rendered 
new taxes necessary for a time and occasioned yet further 
deliberations. 5 Of the many different suggestions, which were 

1 * Aerarium S. Sedis adeo exhaustum reperimus, et quod 
deterius est, cum cura maxima aeris alieni magnitudine, ut nisi 
. . . eius dementia consolaremur, qui d. Petrum redarguit, animo 
prorsus deficeremus." Brief of June 23, 1605, Epist., I., 16, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

2 Cf. the *Avviso of May 25, 1605, Vatican Library. See also 
MEYER, Nuntiaturberichte, 611 seq. 

8 BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, I., 63. Cf. also the *Relazione 
di Roma of B. Ceci of 1605, Urb. 837, Vatican Library. 

4 See the *Avvisi of October 5 and December 21, 1605, Vatican 
Library. 

6 *" E per pagare la soldatesca e provision! non parve bene 
toccare li denari di castello si per non privarsene cosl di subito 
come per riputatione e mostrar che si poteva fare la guerra 
e non metter mano al denaro reposto. Spinto per6 dalla necessita 
messe alcune gravezze a populi, ma hebbe consideratione che li 
poveri ne patissero manco d ogni altro e che tan to fosse pagato 
dalli essenti quanto da non essenti e tanto da terrazzani quanto 
da forastieri. Fu per6 augmentato tanto il prezzo della carta, 
dal sale e della carne e sopra essi assegnamenti prese alcuna 
somma di denari ad interesse. Si accomodorno poi li rumori e 
Sua Sta lev6 1 impositioni sopra la carta e sale e Iasci6 quella 
della carne per due cause. L una acci6 con questo assegnamento 
si estinguesse il debito fatto per le sudette occasion! . L altra 



106 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

forthcoming in the autumn of that year, a detailed plan 
drawn up specially for Paul V. by Malvasia, an expert of 
the Camera, is of particular interest. 1 

At the outset the author showed how entirely justified was 
the determination of the Pope to put the finances in order, for 
the interest, which the Holy See had to pay, swallowed up 
practically the whole of the income, so that it was a constant 
embarrassment to find enough money even to cover running 
expenses ; and when an extraordinary necessity arose, one 
did not know where to turn. 2 

Malvasia discussed four possible ways of effecting a financial 
reform : new taxes, economies, reducing the rates of interest 
on the state loans and removing gold from the treasure in 
St. Angelo. He declared that the imposition of new taxes 

acci6 si estinguessero anche gli altri debiti e 1 entrate, che avanza- 
vano, potessero supplire alii bisogni futuri per non havere a 
gravare la citta di nove imposition!." (Costaguti, *notes, c. I, 
Costaguti Archives in Rome). The suppression of the tax on 
paper took place at the beginning of May, 1607 ; see the *Awiso 
of May 5, 1607, Vatican Library. In order to balance the tottering 
finances, Paul V. had on December 23, 1605, abolished a series 
of privileges and immunities, which his predecessors had granted 
for the benefit of the income of the papal Camera ; see MEYER, 
Nuntiaturberichte, LIV. 

1 See *Per sollevare la Camera Apostolica. Discorso di mons. 
Malvasia, 1606, used by Ranke (III 6 ., 9, and 109* seq.), but 
quoted without giving references. I have found it in the report 
addressed to Paul V. in Cod., 39 B, 13, pp. 122-7 in the Corsini 
Library in Rome. The time of composition is given in the 
*Avviso of September 23, 1606, Vatican Library. Malvasia, a 
native of Bologna, was under Clement VIII. " foriere " (see 
MORONI, XXIV., 146) and, according to Costaguti, was under 
Clement VIII. a member of the " Congregazioni per la militia " 
and " del saldo de conti " ; see Appendix, vol. xxvi, n. 14. According 
to the *Avviso of January n, 1606 (Vatican Library) he was 
also prefect of the prisons of Rome. 

2 It is expressed in the same way in a memorandum to Paul V., 
which G. B. Costaguti includes in his *notes (c. 2). Costaguti 
Archives in Rome. 



FINANCIAL REFORM SUGGESTED. 107 

was impossible, quite apart from the fact that such a method 
was entirely against the wishes of the Pope. And in view of 
the large debts and the pressing demands it was useless to 
attempt any economies. Thus there only remained the two 
last methods, which would have to be combined. Malvasia 
sought to remedy the parlous state of affairs, in which the 
income of the state was ear-marked for creditors, by a complete 
alteration in the prevailing system of loans and the sale of 
offices. He suggested the creation of one single monte papale 
at 6 per cent, or 5 per cent at the highest, in place of the many 
existing monti with their varying rates of interest ; to do this, 
they must redeem all the outstanding obligations with a 
million in gold from the treasure in St. Angelo ; this could 
easily be paid back later with the saving effected. The 
redemption of the luoghi di monte should be based on the 
nominal value of the loans : Paul V. would be entirely justified 
in doing this as previous Popes, such as Paul III., Pius IV., 
Gregory XIII. and Clement VIII. had all reduced the rates of 
interest, although their financial difficulties were not nearly 
so serious. The governments of Spain and Venice had acted 
in a like manner ; it was in this way that Venice had in a few 
years paid off the debt of nine millions, which she had been 
forced to contract during the last Turkish war. 

In his memorandum Malvasia sought to meet every possible 
objection. In particular he took pains to point out that the 
owners of the luoghi di monti had no right to complain if they 
only obtained the face-value of the loans under the Pope s 
redemption scheme, for in most cases this had been expressly 
reserved by the Apostolic Camera ; and even if it had not 
been so, the justification lay in the very nature of the case. 
Malvasia recalls in this connection that previous Popes, as 
for example Paul IV., had been forced to sell the luoghi in 
the monti vacabili at 50 ; and quite recently Clement VIII. 
had been forced to sell the luoghi of the monti di pace at 96J. 
For the rest, one could indemnify those who had acquired 
the luoghi above par. 

Malvasia also pointed to the general economic interests 
which would benefit by the adoption of his scheme. It could 



108 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

not but be beneficial if an end were made of the custom, of 
obtaining through the monti life annuities without having to 
do any work. Also, the million taken from St. Angelo for 
the purpose of discharging the obligations on loans would 
bring fresh capital into circulation, which would be beneficial 
to agriculture, trade and industry. The consequent increase 
in customs duties would benefit the Pope. 

Malvasia supported his plans with an appendix in which 
he gives accurate statistics. From these we learn that the 
debts of the Apostolic Camera had mounted to no less than 
12,242,620 scudi l in 1606, while the annual interest charges 
were 1,800,600. Malvasia showed how this last could be 
reduced to either 489,702 or 612,130 by a reduction of the 
interest to 4 per cent or 5 per cent respectively. 

Paul V. shrank from such drastic measures as were suggested 
to him in these proposals. A decisive factor in their rejection, 
in addition to other reasons, was the fact that the Pope was 
unwilling to take, even temporarily, a million in gold from 
the treasure in St. Angelo, the employment of which had 
been carefully circumscribed by solemn bulls. 2 An attempt 
to balance the budget by means of economies 3 proved 
fruitless. 



1 Giulio del Carretto also gives a debt of 13 millions in his 
"report of October 22, 1605. Gonzaga Archives in Mantua. 

2 A * " Discorso sopra li milioni che sono in Castello, che non 
si devono levare solo in casi molto urgenti ", which must be by 
G. B. Costaguti, recalls in this connection that Clement VIII. 
never wanted to touch this money either for the acquisition of 
Ferrara or for the help sent to Germany against the Turks. 
(Costaguti Archives in Rome.) For the state of the treasure 
in St. Angelo under Paul V. cf. Studi e docum., XIII., 307. 

3 Costaguti says about this : " Deput6 una congregatione de 
cardinali a questo effetto e dopo molte proposte a discorsi si 
risolse S.S*a de restringere le spese e cominci6 da proprii parenti, 
a quali non dette le provision! nel generalato di s. Chiesa, dovute 
almeno per onorevolezza de carichi, Iicenti6 una compagnia di 
cavalli, moder6 le spese di Palazzo (Notes, c. i). In c. 3 he gives 
the following survey of the " spese scemate " : 



INNOVATIONS REJFXTED. IOQ 

And so the old system of defraying expenses through the 
monti and the sale of offices, initiated principally by Sixtus V., 
remained substantially in possession. This way seemed easier 
than that indicated by Malvasia. An incentive to persist 
in this also lay in the fact that the luoghi di monti, even after 
Paul V. had reduced the rate of interest in some cases, 
remained much in demand in view of the greater security 
offered. 1 

The new loans, which Paul V. raised, were not of course 
large in individual cases, but they were repeated so frequently 
that they gradually totalled a considerable sum. In the 
years 1608-1618 Paul V. contracted debts to the amount of 
two millions. 2 In the last years of his pontificate the debt 
rose even further ; in the autumn of 1619, according to the 
statement of Paul V. himself, it had risen to eighteen 
millions. 3 And since the fixed annual income, according to 

" Delle galere sc. 25,000 

La provisione del generate di s. Chiesa 12,000 

La compagnia di cavalli . . 5,000 

Le spese di Palazzo . . . 45. 



sc. 87,000 " 
Costaguti Archives in Rome. 

1 Cf. the *notes of Costaguti, c. i, who observes : " Tanto si 
vendevano i Monti, dopo che furono ridotti, quanto valevano 
prima che si ridussero " (Costaguti Archives in Rome). C/. also 
RANKE, III*., 9, but he does not say whence he took his state 
ment. For the order of 1615 about the Monti see Civ. Catt., 1906, 
II., 598 seq. 

1 *" Nota de luoghi di monti eretti in tempo del pontificate 
della fel. mem. di Paolo V., 1606-1618," quoted by Ranke 
(III 6 ., 9) but without a reference. I have searched in vain for 
this manuscript in the Roman archives and collections of manu 
scripts ; perhaps it belonged to the Albani Library, which was 
dispersed in 1857 ; see PASTOR, Le biblioteche private di Roma, 
Rome, 1906, 5. For Paul V. and the Monti, see MORONI, XL., 
155 seq. 

8 " Noi habbiamo diciotto milioni de scuti di debiti et noi 
pagiamo 1 interesse di quelli debiti fecero i nostri antecessori ; 



110 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the notes of major-domo Costaguti, amounted to 1,375,000 
scudi, it was only possible to make ends meet by relying on 
uncertain and variable revenues which, according to the same 
authority, amounted to 435,000 scudi. 1 That these variable 
sources of revenue were great is likewise attested by Mocenigo, 
the Venetian ambassador. He lays stress on the fact that 
the Popes were still able to collect large sums of money, 
through tithes and subsidies, not only in the Papal States 
but in other countries as well. 2 For the rest Costaguti assures 
us that towards the end of his reign, Paul V. thought seriously 
about the establishment of an ordered economy and the 
reduction of the burden of debts : only death prevented him 
from carrying out this work. 3 

1 elemosina ordinaria passa cento et venti mille scuti 1 anno, il 
sostenere li confini, la corte (le spese della quale habbiamo molto 
ritirato) consume il resto della nostra entrata, di alcuni di nostri 
vicini habbiamo cause di sospettare " ; said Paul V. himself 
to the ambassador of Ferdinand II., Max von Trautmansdorf ; 
see *Report, dated October 24, 1619, State Archives in Vienna. 

1 See the *notes of Costaguti, Appendix, vol. xxvi, n. 14, Costa 
guti Archives in Rome. 

2 MOCENIGO, Relazione, 101. 

8 *Notes of Costaguti, c. i, loc. cii. 



CHAPTER IV. 

ECCLESIASTICO-POLITICAL STRUGGLE WITH VENICE AND 
PROCLAMATION OF THE INTERDICT. 

VENICE has always been the point of contact between East 
and West ; in many respects it may be described as a bit of 
the East in the midst of the West. To begin with the church 
of St. Mark, the heart and symbol of the republic, gives the 
impression of having been brought over from Byzantium. 
The East is called to mind by the Venetian administration of 
justice with its arbitrary verdicts l and its secret condemna 
tions and executions. The whole constitution bears an 
eastern stamp 2 in that it jealously checks one branch of the 
executive by another and allows even the doge to be sent 
to the block. In Venice, says an account written towards 
the end of the XVIth century, 3 there are not many monuments 
of the great men of bygone centuries ; the republic sees even 
in the outstanding worth of her captains and statesmen a 
danger against which it guards itself. Andrea Contarini, 
the conqueror of Genoa, deemed it expedient to leave 



1 An orderly study of jurisprudence, an observer remarks, is 
not to be found in Venice ; to arrive at a verdict, they follow 
an alleged natural sense of justice, but in reality they are swayed 
by passion. The judges " sono per lo piu huomini ignoranti d ogni 
cosa, o delle legge almeno ". The " nobili ad ogni altra scienza 
attendono che a quella delle legge con infinito danno de poveri 
litiganti ". *Relatione delta Ser. Republic a di Venetia dell anno 1590, 
Corsini Library, Rome, 35 F, 29, f. 223. 

1 Cf. MUTHER, I., 40. 

3 Relatione, loc. cit., seq. 216. Cf. RANKE, Zur venez. Geschichte : 
Werke, XLII., 62. 

Ill 



112 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

instructions that not even his name should appear on his 
tomb. Even as regards manners Venice was the most oriental 
city of Europe. There was a counterpart to the joyous 
sensuality and the delight in splendour and display which 
Titian and other Venetian artists paint with such glowing 
colours. Venice was the abode of luxurious, self-indulgent 
frivolity and the rendezvous of pleasure-seeking, dissi 
pated foreigners. Above all relations with the Church, 
in Venice, seem to have been modelled on a Byzantine 
pattern. 1 

The republic set store by a reputation for orthodoxy and 
its frequent boast was that of being an obedient daughter of 
the Roman Church and a bulwark of Christendom against 
Islam. The numerous churches and pious foundations of the 
city as well as the splendour of the liturgical functions might 
well convey an impression that here religion flourished greatly. 
However, at least among the upper classes, there prevailed 
much religious indifference which was being steadily fostered 
by constant business relations with the Greeks and Moham 
medans. The philosophy of Averroes, with its denial of the 
immortality of the individual soul, flourished at the Venetian 
university of Padua. As late as the beginning of the XVIIth 
century one of the masters there, Cremonini, was able to 
propagate such ideas with impunity. Free-thinkers such as 
Aretino and Giordano Bruno sought refuge precisely at Venice 



1 Concerning Church and State in Venice see our account in 
Vol. IV, p. 92 seqq. ; V. 335 seq. ; R. BATTISTELLA, La politica 
ecclesiastica della Repubblica Veneta, in the Nuovo Arch. Veneto, 
XVI., p. 2 (1898) ; BART. CECHETTI, La Repubblica di Venezia 
e la corte di Roma nei rapporti della religione, Venice, 1874; 
P. M. OLMENTI, Venezia e il clero, in Atti dell Istituto Veneto, 
LX., 1900-1901), II., 678-684 (also in Nuova Antologia, 
4 series, XCIV., Rome, 1901, 94-104) ; F. ALBANESE, 
L inquisizione religiosa nella repubblica di Venezia, Venice, 
1875 ; ANDREAS, Relationen, 22 seqq. ; NURNBERGER, 
in Hist. Jahrb. (1883), 201 seqq. ; GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 533 seq. ; 
KRETCHMAYR, II., 478. 



HERESY IN VENICE. 113 

and nowhere in Italy did protestantism meet with so much 
success as in that city. 1 

If in private life, seemingly at least, religion meant every 
thing, little room was left for it in political life. " We are 
Venetians first, and Christians after that," was the motto of 
the leaders of the State. True there was then elsewhere 
also a party which held that the interests of the State take 
precedence over everything, religion included ; that all 
religions should be tolerated and that the State should claim 
sovereignty over the Church. But, in the opinion of a con 
temporary, Venice was perhaps the birthplace of these 
principles which there had passed into the political system. 2 



1 C/. our statements, Vol. X., 306 seq., 529 seqq. ; XII., 491 seq. ; 
XIII., 210 seq. ; BONNET, in Bulletin hist, et littdr. de la Socidte 
de I hist. duprotestantismefrancais, XV. (1866), 440 ; K. BENRATH, 
Gesch. der Reformation in Venedig, Halle, 1886 ; Hist.-polit. 
Blatter, XL. (1843), 130 ; cf. MOLMENTI, loc. cit., 680. * " II vescovo 
di Padua ha detto a N.S. che verranno costl persone di quella 
citta a deporre contro il Cremonino, che tiene la mortalita dell 
anima e la persuade e insegna ad altri, non ostante 1 esquisite 
diligenze che si fanno dalli Rettori a favor suo ; ne avertisco 
V.S. affinche comparendo, faccia che si pigli le loro depositioni 
e non s alteri in ci6 la solita forma ; onde non si possa mai dire 
che non si sia proceduto con tutta la schietezza che e propria 
del tribunale del sant Omcio. Dovra bene V.S. dare animo a 
quelli che deporranno del sudetto Cremonino, onde sgravino 
le proprie eoscienze. (Borghese to Gessi, August 9, 1608, Nunciat. 
div., 186 seq., 417 seq. Papal Secret Archives.) 

z In regard to the party of the so-called politici cf. ADAM 
CONTZEN Politicorum libri, X., Mayence, 1628, 1.2., c.i4, i : 
" Ne so io se i politici 1 abbiano presa (the principle of the pre 
cedence of the temporal) dalla Repubblica di Venezia, perch e ab 
antique, come s e veduto, i Venetiani hanno patito di questo 
morbo, ed ora si sono dichiarati per pubblici scritti, che 1 hanno, 
come si dice, nell osso, fatti dare in luce in nome dell dottore 
Giovanni Marsilio." Thus also ANT. PERSIO in a pamphlet of 
the troubled period about to be described, in FIORENTINO, in 
Revista Euro-pea, Anno VIII., vol. 3 (1877), 390. " Dicono esser 
VOL. xxv. 



114 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

No more than her captains or her statesmen was the Church 
allowed to gain such prestige as might stand in the way of 
the men in power. For this reason the Signoria went so far 
as to foster the deplorable decadence observable in the ranks 
of the clergy, and jealously protected both priests and 
monasteries against the Pope and the bishops who in the nature 
of things should have reformed them. 1 Moreover the liberty 
of the Church was impeded by laws against the right of owner 
ship of " mortmain " ; by the surveillance of churches and 
monasteries ; by the putting of the clergy on the same footing 
as the laity before the law ; by the stringent exercise of placet 
and exequatur ; by the Signoria s right of nomination of the 
patriarch and the bishops, and by the exclusion of clerics, 
even if they belonged to the ranks of the nobility, from all 



christiani cattolici, chiamano il Papa santissimo, e poi con parole 
ignominiose ed insolenti lo vituperano, e co fatti gli negano ogni 
ubbidienza, ed invitano, anzi sforzano altri a negargliela." Ibid., 

393- 

1 MOLMENTI, loc. cit., 680 ; HORTIG-DO LONGER, Handbuch der 
christl. Kirchengeschichte, II., 2, Landshut, 1882, 730. Towards 
the end of the pontificate of Clement VIII., the scandals in a 
convent of nuns had called for the intervention of the provveditori. 
When they perceived that certain members of the Venetian 
nobility were involved, the Council of Ten called the affair before 
its own court and acquitted the nuns (NURNBERGER, loc. cit., 203). 
As late as the year 1767 the Belgian, Rapedius of Berg, writes 
that Venice protects bad monks from their ecclesiastical superiors 
(FRIEDBERG, Gvenzen, II., 703). " In consequence of the corrup 
tion of the clergy," Friedberg writes (704), " secular society 
became infected and the anarchy of social conditions attacked 
the State also and led to its ruin." The above mentioned pamphlet 
of A. Persic relates, as characterizing the Venetians, that they 
erected at great cost a theatre and that the nobili who resorted 
thither in great numbers, with their wives and daughters, required 
from the actors " che dicessero le piu grasse, per non dir piu 
sporche cose, che mai sapessero " (Florentine, loc. cit., 394, cf. 
below, p. 155. 



VENETIAN DISLOYALTY TO THE HOLY SEE. 115 

public offices. 1 All these dispositions the Republic justified 
by an appeal either to established custom or to papal 
concessions. 

The years immediately preceding the accession of Paul V. 
had been particularly rich in such encroachments on the rights 
of the Church. Clement VIII. repeatedly had occasion to 
complain of the violation of episcopal jurisdiction by the 
Senate of Venice. 2 In 1603 a dispute arose at Brescia between 
the town and its clergy about the latter s obligation to con 
tribute towards the repairing of the city walls. 3 The Signoria 
decided against the clergy, and because in consequence of the 
dispute many citizens had been refused absolution in con 
fession, it was resolved to issue a legal summons against those 
who had instigated this line of action. 4 The clergy of Brescia 
refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the Signoria in 
such a matter. They complained to the Pope that they were 
made to pay twice as much as the laity and asked him to 
proceed with ecclesiastical censures against their oppressors. 
Thereupon the Signoria, in support of its right, appealed to 
a century-old custom, 5 but the Holy See instructed the bishop 
of Brescia to protest against the execution of the decrees of 
the government. The bishop, however, did not dare to carry 
out his orders. 6 



1 MOLMENTI, he. cit., 681 ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, XL, 129-135 ; 
REIN, 1-9. " The most remarkable thing in the history of Venice, 
as Ruskin remarked, is that religion was so very much alive in 
private life and so dead in public life." KRETSCHMAYR, L, 154 ; 
cf. 242 seq., 445. 4^2 seq. 

2 Cf. our account, Vol. XXIV., 249 seq. 

8 *Cod. Ottob., 1941, Pars 2, seq. 297 seq., Vatican Library. 

4 April 3, 1604 : *Decreto del Senato, che si formi processo 
contro quelli che sono stati autori di negar 1 assolutione alii 
cittadini, che hanno acconsentito al far pagar il clero. Ibid, 

6 * Reply of the Senate to the nuncio, February 19, 1604 : 
" Disse il papa non si poteva sententiar il clero di Brescia senza 
parlar con lui." Ibid. 

* * January 29, 1604 (1605), ibid. 



Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Rome was even more perturbed by two decrees passed at 
Venice in the last years before the election of Paul V. which 
were intended not only for the city but for the whole territory 
of the Republic. 1 Anyone erecting a monastery, a church, 
a hospital or similar buildings without leave of the Senate 
was to be punished, in virtue of one of these laws, 2 with 
perpetual banishment or, should he return, with perpetual 
imprisonment ; the buildings were to be pulled down, the 
site on which they stood was forfeit and was to be divided 
between the official who carried out the sentence and him who 
denounced the delinquent. Remissness in the execution of 
the law was punishable with a fine of 500 ducats. The second 
law ordained 3 that immovable property could not be handed 
over to ecclesiastical persons either by purchase or by a free 



1 For what follows cf. besides ROMANIN, VII., 19 seq. and 
BALAN, VI., 657 seq. ; P. SARPI, Storia particolare delle cose 
passate tra l SS. Pontefice Paolo V. e la ser. rep. di Venezia negli 
anni 1605, 1606, 1607. Lyons (Venice), 1624, MIRANDOLA (Geneva) 
1624 (Opere varie, I., 1-144) Gius. MALATESTA, Istoria dell 
Interdetto sotto Paolo V., MSS. (cf. NURNBERGER in Theol. Quartal- 
schrift, LXIV. (1882), 446-465) ; GAETANO CAPASSO, Fra Paolo 
Sarpi e I Interdetto di Venezia, Firenze, 1880, reprint from the 
Revista Europea, XIV-XVII (1879-1880) ; ibid., VIII., 3 (1877), 
385 on the MSS. of A. Persio ; F. DIEHL, Streit zwischen Venedig 
und Paul V. (Progr.), Marienwerder, 1876 ; MUTINELLI, III., 
93 seqq. ; CANTU, Eretici, III., 174 ; REUMONT, Bibliograpfria, 
172 seq., 186, 222 seq. ; MOLMENTI, Storie vecchie, Venezia, 1882 ; 
CIAMPI, III., 26 seq. ; Philippson, Heinrich IV., Ill, 382 seq. \ 
BROSCH, I., 351 seq. ; CARLO Pio DE-MAGISTRIS, Primordi della 
contesafra la repubblica Veneta e Paolo V ., Mediazione di Germania, 
Torino, 1907 ; NURNBERGER in Hist. Jahrbuch, LV. (1883), 
189 seq., 473 seq. For MSS. sources cf. NURNBERGER in Lit. 
Rundschau, 1881, 756 seq. ; A. GADALETA (Paolo V. e I Interdetto di 

Venezia}, Trani, 1901, gives nothing new. *G. Malatesta s Storia, 
etc., is also in Cod. 836 of the Bibl. Ossolissiana at Lemberg. 

2 January 10, 1603 (viz. 1604, since at Venice the year 
began on March 25), see CORNET, 68. 

3 March 26, 1605, ibid., 265. 



LEGISLATION OF THE REPUBLIC AGAINST ROME. 117 

gift, or in any other way, without leave of the State, under 
pain of confiscation for the benefit of the Republic, the 
officials who carried out the law and the informer ; as regards 
granting such permissions, the Senate should make as many 
difficulties as if it were a question of the alienation of State 
property. 

Such ordinances could not be justified by any papal con 
cessions ; they were, in fact, an interference with the existing 
law as it had grown up in the course of more than a thousand 
years. In addition to this the republic violated the immunity 
which the clergy had enjoyed from time immemorial though, 
of course, not in order that culprits might go unpunished, 
but because men wished to see the dignity of the clerical state 
respected even in its unworthiest members. One Saraceni, 
a canon of Vicenza and a man of ill repute, and who, as a 
matter of fact, had not received major orders, 1 was accused of 
having defiled, by night, out of revenge, the door of a lady of 
the town. 2 The woman would not endure the humiliation and 
the affair ended by being brought before the Council of Ten. 
Cardinal Delfino, himself a Venetian, advised the authorities 
to have nothing to do with the case. " To defile a door was 
no crime against the State," he said ; " papal concessions 
would not avail to justify a secular tribunal in taking pro 
ceedings in such a matter ; should the Pope hear of it there 
might be trouble." The answer for the Republic was that the 
papal concessions included not only the city, but the whole 
territory of Venice ; that, moreover, every day fresh crimes 
of Saraceni s were being brought to light. Rome was not 
satisfied with these explanations. On December 24th Delfino 
wrote that much dissatisfaction obtained there on account 
of Saraceni whom the Ten had summoned to appear before 
their tribunal on October 21st, and that he found it difficult 
to restrain the Pope from intervening. 3 

1 CORNET, 3, note, cf. on Saraceni the decrees of the Ten of 
12, 14, and 21 December in Arch. Venet. (1873), 44-9. 

2 In the end it turned out that someone else was the culprit ; 
see Nurnberger in Hist. Jarhb., LV., 514 seq. 

3 CORNET, 266 seq. 



Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

At about the same time a lawsuit was pending against 
another most unworthy priest, one Brandolino, abbot of 
Nervesa, who was actually suspected of homicide. In 
September the Ten commissioned the Podesta of Treviso to 
take action against him ; a month later they called the case 
before their own tribunal. 1 The Council of Trent had already 
stressed the fact that the liberty and immunity of the Church 
were no mere demand of Canon Law, but were based on a 
divine ordinance 2 : as a matter of fact they have their roots 
in the divine origin of the Church. Moreover the interference 
of the secular power in spiritual affairs proved one of the 
main causes of clerical decadence and the chief hindrance to 
its reform 3 : hence the attitude to be taken in regard to these 
usurpations was a most delicate as it was a most awkward 
problem for the protagonists of Church reform, the Fathers 
of the Council of Trent, Pius V. and Charles Borromeo. 4 
Paul V. had been brought up from his youth in the spirit of 
the existing law, 5 and he was exceedingly keen on the reform ; 
hence it was natural that he should strongly resent the 
arbitrariness of the Signoria. 

It is, therefore, easy to understand, notwithstanding some 
show of friendliness towards the new Pope on the part of the 
Republic, 6 that Paul V., particularly from the end of October, 

1 Ibid., 267 seq., cf. Arch. Venet., loc. cit., 48 seq., 53 seq. ; 
BROSCH, I., 355 ; MOLMENTI, La fine dell Abbate Brandolini, in 
Rassegna settimanaie, 1878, n. 58, 1879, n. 99, 

2 " Ecclesiae et personarum ecclesiasticarum immunitatem 
Dei ordinatione et canonicis sanctionibus constitutam." (Sess. 25, 
20, de ref.) 3 Cf. our account, Vol. XV., 345 seq. ; XX., 114. 

4 Cf. our account, Vol. XV, 340. 

5 " Che da giovanetto et per il corso de molti anni era in simili 
cose e che come auditor della Camera I haveva spesso havute 
per le mani e ne poteva parlare con fondamento (Paul. V. to 
Nani, in CORNET, note 7, 3). " Come e possibile che l principe 
laico voglia ingerir si in giudicare un canonico " (ibid., n. 3). 

8 Brief of thanks of September 25, 1605, to doge Grimani 
for the admission of Cardinal Borghese and the Pope s brothers 
among the Venetian nobili. Brevia, XLV., i, f. 501, Papal Secret 
Archives. 



ATTEMPT TO JUSTIFY VENETIAN LEGISLATION. 

1605, should have made earnest remonstrances to the Venetian 
ambassador, Agostino Nani : " With indescribable ardour and 
incredible emotion," l he declared at the end of one of these 
discussions, that his duty as Pope demanded the defence 
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; with all the energy of which he 
was capable he affirmed that he would maintain it, " with all 
zeal, with all his strength, even to the shedding of his blood." 2 
As an experienced lawyer the Pope was of course but little 
impressed by the arguments of the ambassador who sought 
to defend the Venetian legislation and to justify the action of 
the Signoria against the clergy by papal privileges the existence 
of which he was unable to prove 3 ; or when he excused its 
despotism with the hyperbolic assertion that if donations 
to the Church were not checked, she would soon own all the 
land right up to the walls of the cities, for even now more than 
a fourth part of the ground was in her possession. 4 Paul V. 



1 " Con ardore infinite e con commotione incredibile (Cornet, 
n. 9). Borghese *wrote to the Venetian nuncio, Offredo de Offredi 
(d. November n, 1606) : " Ogni resentimento che si faccia o si 
sia fatto per quella parte (the law) tanto detestabile e tanto 
dannosa alle cose ecclesiastiche e inferiore all occasione ; onde 
non se haverebono da dolere costi che V.S. ne habbia parlato 
vivamente. Borghese, 1, 908, f. 46 (50), Papal Secret Archives. 

2 CORNET, n. 3. 

3 Ibid., n. 9 and 10, I. If there were such privileges " saranno 
corruttele, usurpation! et abusi, a i quali bisognera in fine che 
S. Beatitudine proveda con sommo rigore ". *Borghese to Offredi 
on November 19, 1605, BORGHESE, i, 908, f. 55 (59), Papal Secret 
Archives. 

4 CORNET, n. 8. The historian might be tempted to take 
such data as a proof of the survival, up to the seventeenth century, 
of munificence on the grand scale. However, a pamphlet of the 
period remarks that if during the preceding twelve centuries a 
fourth of the landed property had passed into the hands of the 
Church, in another twelve, or even ten centuries, " che solo e rare 
volte si fa qualche legato pio, e si eregge qualche capella," only 
another twelfth, at most, would pass into their hands (LELIO 
MEDICI, Discorso sopra i Fondamenti e le ragioni delli Signori 



120 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

insisted on the repeal of the laws against the liberty of the 
Church as well as on the Republic handing over for punish 
ment the two guilty ecclesiastics, if not to their own bishops, 
then to himself, otherwise measures would have to be taken 
which would not be agreeable to the signori in Venice. 1 
Similar representations were made to the Signoria, but without 
success, by the none-too-worldly-wise nuncio Orazio Mattei. 2 
The Senate decided not to alter the two laws and not to give 
up the two ecclesiastics. 3 

Paul V. now judged that the time had come when he must 
carry out his threats. A few years earlier the Interdict which 
Clement VIII. had pronounced against Ferrara in 1597, had 
met with prompt and complete success. 4 Other States also, 
such as the republics of Genoa and Lucca, had ended by 
yielding in similar conflicts. 5 Paul V. hoped for a like result 
in Venice. The republic had repeatedly been laid under 
interdict and excommunication ; as recently as the pontificate 
of Julius II. the scorn with which such punishments were at 
first looked upon in the city of the lagoons was not kept up 



Veneziani, Bologna, 1606, 25). The wealth of the Church in 
Venice is especially insisted upon in a pamphlet of the Senator 
Quirini, in the course of the dispute that was about to begin. 
According to him the wealth of the Venetian clergy amounted 
to thirty million ducats (in GOLDAST, Monarchia, iii, 314). The 
rejoinder was that these were exaggerations, as the whole of 
Christendom knew ; in Venice the clergy certainly owned no 
more than at Milan, in Sicily, Castile, where laws such as those 
of Venice were, however, not thought necessary (Bovio, 39). 

1 CORNET, 2, 7, ii. 

2 On Mattei, ibid., 272 seq. 

3 Deliberazione of the Senate of November 3, 1605, in CAPASSO, 
App. iii, see Consulta of Sarpi on the subject, ibid., p. vii seq. 

4 Cf. our account, Vol. XXIV, 391 seq. 

5 Cf. BAROZZI-BERCHET, I, 67 seq., the Letter a d. Republica 
di Genova alia Republica di Venezia, July 28, 1606, recently printed 
by L. PEIRANO (Genova, 1868) is a forgery ; see Riv. Europ., v. 
(1878), 690. 



TWO CONDEMNATORY BRIEFS PUBLISHED. 121 

for very long. 1 On December 10th, 1605, therefore, Paul V. 
published two briefs, one of which condemned the two 
Venetian laws and the other the procedure against the two 
ecclesiastics. In the event of further obstinacy, the briefs 
threatened with ecclesiastical penalties. 2 

At this juncture the Signoria sought above all things to 
gain time. As the day drew near on which the briefs might 
be expected in Venice, a fresh envoy was appointed with a 
view to further negotiations 3 ; he seemed, however, in no 
hurry to set out for Rome. It is significant that in the 
selection of an envoy, the choice should have fallen on Lunardo 
Donato, a man who maintained that his Venetian birth took 
precedence over his Christian baptism, and that his first 
duty was not to the Church, but to his country. 4 Whilst 
Donato delayed his departure the briefs arrived, but the 
nuncio was persuaded to keep them back for a time, in view 
of the alleged good dispositions of the Senate. Mattel allowed 
himself to be taken in ; on the other hand when Rome 
rebuked him for his conduct and ordered him to deliver the 
briefs at once, he took the command too literally for he 
handed them in on the morning of Christmas day, whilst 
the doge Grimani lay dying and the Senators were in the 
act of going to High Mass. 5 After Grimani s death the briefs 
remained unopened until a new doge was elected. When they 
were opened at last, another untoward event occurred ; by 

1 * Collectanea scripturarum spectantium ad interdictum reipub- 
licae Venetae inflictum a variis S. Pontificibus, nempe Clemente V, 
Pio II., Sixto IV., Julio II., Paulo V. (on its author see TheoL 
Quartalsch., LXIV. (1882), 457, Bibl. Vallicell., Rome, 4-27, 
cf. our ace. Vol. III., 379 seq. ; VI., ch. 10. 

2 Translation of both briefs in CORNET, 18 seqq., 33 seqq. 
In the consistory of December 12, Paul V. informed the Cardinals 
of his decision (De Magistris, 1-5). 

3 On December 16, 1605 (CORNET, 13). 

4 Niirnberger in Hist. Jahrb., IV., 197. 

5 Niirnberger, loc. cit., 196; Cornet, 17; cf. *Borghese to 
Mattei, December 21 and 24, 1605, Borghese, I, 908, Papal Secret 
Archives. 



122 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

an oversight the drafts only of the briefs, not the originals, 
had been despatched from Rome. In the Senate s reply all 
this was duly pointed out to the Pope in mordant fashion, 
reproaches being but thinly veiled by gushing professions of 
respect. 1 As a matter of fact by that time all hope of an 
amicable settlement of the dispute had practically vanished 
for the choice of a new doge fell on none other than Donato, 
the avowed enemy of the Church. Pietro Duodo z took 
Donato s place as envoy to Rome, but he too delayed his 
departure for as long as possible. 

However, the Signoria failed in its attempt at an indefinite 
procrastination of the affair. So far from this being the case, 
on February 20th, 1606, the Pope had to take exception to 
yet another law directed against the Church, 3 by which clerics 
or religioub associations who had let to laymen immovable 
property on a long lease were debarred from ever again 
claiming it for their own personal use. The Pope declared 4 he 
would wait another ten or twelve days for the arrival of 
Duodo but after that he would proceed against the republic. 
The econd brief of December 10th also, which through an 
oversight had not been despatched, he caused to be sub 
sequently delivered, on February 25th by the nuncio Mattel. 5 
On March llth the Senate categorically declined to accept it, 
declaring that all explanations would be given by the extra- 

1 January 28, 1606. Transl. in CORNET, 23 seqq. 

2 January 10, 1606, in CORNET, 18, 22. Niirnberger, he. cit., 
196. 

3 Of May 23, 1602, in CORNET, 269. *This law, come piu 
esorbitante dell altra, si sarebbe posta nei brevi in primo luogo, se 
prima se n havesse havuta notitia. Borghese to Mattel, February 4, 
1606, Borghese, I, 908, f. 90 (94), Papal Secret Archives. 

4 On February 20, 1606 ; see Lammer, Meletemata, 241 ; 
De Magistris, 13. 

5 CORNET, 33. The order was given by Borghese on February 4 
and 1 8, 1606, loc. cit., 90 (94), 93 (97), Papal Secret Archives. 
The reply of the republic to the first brief the nuncio should 
not refute since it is harmless, let him content himself with 
once more exhorting them to give satisfaction to the Pope, (ibid.). 



DISPUTES BETWEEN ROME AND VENICE. 123 

ordinary envoy. 1 On the same day, March llth, information 
came at last from Venice that Duodo had set out on his 
journey, 2 but that he would travel by slow stages and that he 
had no powers to conclude anything. The envoy arrived on 
Monday in Holy Week so that the discussion was naturally 
deferred until after Easter. Needless to say Duodo achieved 
nothing. 3 

Moreover, at that very time, another dispute was pending 
between the Curia and the Signoria. Clement VIII. had given 
a ruling that the Italian bishops would not receive papal 
confirmation until they had come to Rome for an examination. 
The Venetians would have liked to see their Patriarch exempt 
from this obligation. The embassy, which came to pay 
homage to the newly-elected Paul V., was instructed to secure 
this exemption. But the Pope would not hear of it. Nor was 
the embassy more successful with regard to two other requests, 
viz. that Paul V. should settle the long-standing dispute over 
the town of Ceneda 4 and impose on the Venetian clergy 
the payment of a tenth. 5 



1 CORNET, 36 seq. 

2 *" Fara il viaggio agiatamente. Non so qual frutto sia per 
fare la sua missione, poich6 intende che viene altretanto nudo 
d autorita quanto ben fornito d essempi d altri luoghi (CORNET, 41) 
che quadrono la materia di che si tratta." Tommaso Palmegiani 
to Borghese, Nuntiat. di Venezia, 17, p. 238, Papal Secret Archives. 

3 Nani and Duodo on March 25 and 29, in DE MAGISTRIS, 14, 
19-29 ; CORNET, 39 seqq. \ BAROZZI-BERCHET, Roma, I, 83 seq* 
Borghese to Mattel, April i and 15, 1606, Borghese, I, 908, f. 99-101 
(103-105), Papal Secret Archives. 

4 Cf. our account, Vol. XXIV., 222, n. 3. 

5 CORNET, 5 seq. ; Arch. stor. itaL, 5, series XIII (1894), 208 seq. 
The obbedienza embassy did not discuss the laws in dispute, 
or the matter of the two prisoners, but in every audience the 
Pope told them " che non & per tolerare che la sua giurisditione 
resti offesa n& ristretta la liberta ecclesiastica in alcun modo ". 
As for the " tenth " which was demanded of him, the Pope 
gave no decision ; he instructed the nuncio " si finissero le con- 
cessioni vecchie, ella non permetta che se proceda a nuove esigenze 



124 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Whilst the Curia was still awaiting Duodo s arrival it 
received sufficiently disquieting information from Venice 
without him. Extreme embitterment, dating as far back 
as the reign of Clement VIII, prevailed in that city 
against Rome. There had been a feeling that in his defence 
of the rights of the Church Clement allowed himself to be led 
by interested advisers and that he was bent on treating the 
republic like a stubborn donkey out of whom nothing was 
to be got except with the stick. 1 The action of Paul V. could 
not soothe this unfortunate mood. When the nuncio to 
Venice was taken ill his secretary Tommaso Palmegiani, with 
many excuses for the boldness of his speech, sent repeated 
and earnest warnings to Rome. The Signoria is determined, so 
he wrote on February 4th, 1606, not to yield an inch ; as a 
matter of fact there prevails an incredible exasperation. 2 
If the Pope were to show some consideration and if a man 
experienced in debate were here, these gentlemen, he thought, 
might be brought to reason, to the advantage, perhaps, of 
the Apostolic See. But the threats on the one side, and the 
obstinacy on the other, are surely fraught with evil con 
sequences, in fact they will be so disastrous that I wonder if 
this aspect of the case is sufficiently realized. 3 The Govern- 

delle predette decime, se non avvisata di qua della rinnovatione " 
*Borghese to Offredi, November 12, 1605, Borghese, I, 908, f. 50 
seqq, (54 seq.), Papal Secret Archives. 

1 The Venetian nuncio, Graziani, to Aldobrandini, April 6, 1596, 
in Lammer, Zur Kirchengesch., 166. 

2 *" E una ferma resolutione di non cedere. . . . Sono in somma 
essacerbati stranamente." Nuntiat. di Venezia, 17, p. 733 (374), 
Papal Secret Archives. 

* *Si crede che quando il Papa volesse procedere con qualche 
piacevolezza e che ci fosse qui ch avesse una certa maniera di 
portar e metter innanzi partiti, si potriano ridur questi Signori 
a segno ragionevole e forsi con vantaggio della Sede Apostolica ; 
ma mentre da una banda si minaccia e daH altra si sta fermo 
sulla sua opinione, non si deve aspettare se non effetti cativi, 
i quali tirano seco tante male conseguenze, che non so se ci si 
pensa a bastanza. Ibid. 



FURTHER DISPUTATIONS. 125 

ment would rather see Venice in ruins than give way. 1 Minds 
had been still further inflamed by the delivery of the second 
brief on February 25th. If the Pope insists on the repeal of 
the two laws he will be compelled to take extraordinary 
measures. But if he merely demands the surrender of the 
two prisoners and the examination of the Patriarch, he may 
well succeed ; the Signoria would send the Patriarch to Rome 
and in time an opportunity would present itself for settling 
the matter of the two laws. If the affair were to take a bad 
turn, a conflagration would break out in Italy which would 
be put out only God knows when. Either the Pope remains 
firm, and it will mean the end of ecclesiastical liberty if he 
loses, or he gives way and the prestige of the Apostolic See 
suffers. 2 

Even in Rome there was no unwillingness to make con 
cessions, 3 but it was felt that the Pope must obtain some 



1 To Borghese, February 25, 1606, ibid., 235. 

2 *Le cose di qua sono assai sconcertate e la presentatione dei 
nuovo Breve ha alterato gli animi di maniera che ci sono concetti 
stravagantissimi. Sia detta a V. S. 111. solamente et in confidenza, 
che si N. S. stara fermo in volere che si rlvochino le parti, sara 
anco necessario che faccia deliberation! straordinarie, perch e sono 
risoluti di non farlo e di aspettare ogni rovina, come ho gia scritto ; 
ma se si voltasse al particolare dei prigioni, havra la sodisfattione 
che desidera e quando S. S. volesse mostrar di premere in questo 
solo e vi aggiongesse il negotio del Patriarcha, che al si euro lo 
mandaranno, crederei che potesse venire in un certo modo su la 
sua, senza anco mostrar di cedere nell altro capo delle parti, ma 
metterlo in negotio, perch e col tempo non mancano mai nodi 
ed occasioni al Papa d indurre i Vinitiani al suo volere, ma bisogna 
flemma e, come si dice, pigliar la lepre col carro. . . . Se il negotio 
aiutato dalla divina mano non piglia buono piega, ha da capitare 
a uno di questi due passi, 6 s ha da mettere un foco in Italia, 
che non s estinguera Dio sa quando, 6 N. S. stando fermo e perdendo, 
sara la rovina della giurisdittione et immunita ecclesiastica, 6 
cedendo, ci mette la sua reputatione e della Sede Apostolica. 
To Borghese, March 4, 1606, loc. cit., 236 seq. (380 seq.). 

8 CORNET, 29, 38, 40, n. 3, and espec. 42. 



126 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

satisfaction from the republic. 1 Venice, however, would 
concede nothing, 2 consequently, on April 17th, 1606, a decisive 
step was taken. In the Consistory the Pope announced that 
he intended to excommunicate the Senate and to lay the 
whole territory of Venice under an interdict if the three laws 
were not repealed and the prisoners surrendered within 
twenty-four days, with an additional three days grace. With 
the exception of the two Venetian Cardinals, Valiero of Verona 
and Delfino of Vionga, the thirty-seven Cardinals expressed 
their approval. Immediately after the consistory the edict, 
which was already in print, was published in due legal form 3 

1 " II Papa disse, che non & necessario venire a qualche eflfeto, 
che non voleva stare sopra li rigori che se le dia qualche soddis- 
fatione, e si trovi qualche compositione (CORNET, 41 ; cf. 31, 38.) 
Many Cardinals were equally anxious for an accommodation 
(ibid., 46, 48, n. i). 

2 CORNET, 53, n. 4. At Venice, Paul V. was also considered 
as a friend of the. hated Spaniards who, so it was believed, roused 
him against Venice. Cf. PAPASSO, 41 seq. ; Atti dei Lincei, 1916-17, 
197- 

3 Cf. DE MAGISTRIS, 32-6 ; Votum of Cardinal Valiero, ibid., 37 ; 
Cornet, 54, 63 ; Niirnberger, in Hist. Jahrb. (1883), 201 ; Lammer, 
Meletemata, 242 ; PITRA, Anal, noviss., I. (1885), 621 seq. Copy 
of decree of Interdict in Liinig, II, 2013. The votum of Baronius 
(see Lammer, loc. cit., 363 seq.} gave rise to a controversy ; 
attack of J. MARSILIUS ; defence by the Augustinian FELIX 
MILENSIUS, Mayence, 1607, and GERARD LORPERSIUS, Rome, 
1607 ; cf. CALENZIO, 982*, Votum of the Cardinal of Verona in 
Vat. 8638, p. 369, Vatic, lib. ; Corsini lib., Rome, 722, f. 18. 
The reports of the Venetian envoys in ,Rome, Contarini (1609) 
and Renier Zeno (1623), seem to assert that Paul V. had not 
consulted the Cardinals before pronouncing the interdict (BAROZZI- 
BERCHET, I, 88, 157). In any case, as early as March 29, Paul V. 
declared that the Cardinals were urging him to proceed (CORNET, 
39). According to a letter of Cardinal Delfino, dated May 27, 1606, 
the Pope complained " de cardiriali furibondi neH attizarlo contro 
i Veneti " (ibid.}. Cf. also BERN. GIUSTI, Avvocato nella Corte 
Romana, Difesa della libertd ecclesiastica. Contra alcuni detractori 
di Venetia, Roma, 1606, p. 5 : S.S. se bene haveva primo inteso 



BREACH BETWEEN CURIA AND SIGNORIA. 127 

The departure of the Venetian envoys from Rome and that of 
the nuncio from Venice sealed the breach between the Curia 
and the Signoria. 1 

The republic had long ago taken measures for the coming 
struggle. Even before the delivery cf the first papal brief 
it had appealed, through its representatives, to the emperor, 
the kings of England and France as well as to Florence and 
Milan. The Signoria felt assured of the approval of the 
princes, so long as it kept representing its case as the common 
cause of all the secular potentates. 2 But since in the con 
ditions then obtaining excommunication might easily prove 
a pretext for armed intervention on the part of neighbouring 
States, the military captains and commanders were summoned 
to Venice, a precaution which, as we know on the authority of 
Palmegiani, was not meant to be taken too seriously. 3 The 
most important measure taken by the republic was the pre 
paration for a big-scale paper war against Rome by means of 
learned consultations and pamphlets in the vernacular. As 



il parere di molti ill. cardinali, il di 17 Aprile, proposto il caso 
nel concistorio (con tutto che F. Paolo con poco rispetto dica il 
contrario), fu dalla viva voce de i cardinali risoluto ". Likewise 
Bovio (86). True Sarpi says (Consider azioni sopra le censure : 
Opere varie, I, 210 : " ed e venuta S.S. a cosi fatta risoluzione 
con darne solo notizia e cardinali, e senza ricercar il parer loro " ; 
but this refers probably to the briefs of December 10, 1605. 
Cf. Storia particolare in the Opere varie, I, 10. 

1 CORNET, 65 seq., 71, 74 seq. DE MAGISTRIS, 42 seq., 44 seq. 
*Borghese, order to Mattei to set out, May 3, 1606, Borghese, L, 
908, f. 106 (no), Papal Secret Archives. 

2 CORNET, 15. " Potendosi riputar commune con tutti principi 
(ibid.) . Queste novita grandemente pregiudiciali non solo al nostro, 
ma al utile e buon governo di tutti i principi laici " (ibid., 38 ; 
cf. 69). As regards Venice s efforts v/ith Rudolph II. see DE MAGIS 
TRIS, loc. cit., and Meyer, Nuntiaturberichte, 620, 642. 

3 " Hanno chiamati i generali dell armi a Venetia e molti 
colonelli," but that this was more for " ostentatione ch altro ". 
Palmegiani to Borghese, March n, 1606, Nuntiat. di Venezia, 
17, p. 238, Papal Secret Archives. 



128 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

early as January, 1606, the Collegio resolved to submit all the 
documents relevant to the controversy to the judgment of 
the celebrated lawyer Giacomo Mennocchio (died 1607) who 
had declared his readiness to act in defence of the republic. 1 
Already on January 15th, 1606, a jurist of Padua of the name 
. Pellegrini had prepared a memoir and on March 26th an 
order was given to have three of his pamphlets translated 
into Italian as soon as possible. 2 

Even more significant was the fact that the Signoria, so 
that it might be ready for every eventuality, decided to hire 
an extraordinary State divine of its own. The choice fell on 
Paolo Sarpi, a Servite, who had already rendered good service 
to the republic 8 in its numerous quarrels with Clement VIII. 4 
and who, in the dispute with Paul V. had also several times 
stated his opinion by word of mouth. When on January 14th, 
1606, the Senate had guaranteed its protection to the defenders 
of the rights of the State 5 Sarpi felt bold enough to give 
public utterance to his views. His very first memoir con 
vinced the Senate they had found the man they needed in 
their struggle with Rome. As soon as his pamphlet had been 
publicly read Sarpi received his appointment as State 
theologian with a salary of 200 ducats. 6 On February 25th 
Palmegiani writes that Sarpi was at work on a pamphlet on 
the invalidity of the impending excommunication. 7 There 
after Sarpi became the real protagonist of the republic in its 
struggle with the Pope ; his learned memoirs were decisive 

1 For his opinions, which did not satisfy Venice, cf. R. PUTELLI 
in N. Arch. Veneto, XXVIII. (1914), 483. 

2 CORNET, 23, n. 2. Permission to print dates only from 
September 22 (Putelli, loc. cit.). 

3 GRISELINI, 29. 

4 Especially with respect to the quarrel about the binding force 
of the Index at Venice. 

6 CORNET, 23, n. 2, 274. 

Ibid., 27. The decree of appointment, dated January 28, 
1606, in Griselini, 35. 

7 " *To Borghese, Nuntiat. di Venezia, 17, p. 235, PapaJ Secret 
Archives. 



SARPI, VENETIAN " STATE DIVINE I2Q 

factors in the conduct of the Signoria and it was owing to his 
intervention that the struggle round particular rights and laws 
developed into a fight for principles, a battle for the relation 
ship between Church and State. 

Sarpi was born at Venice in 1552, of poor parents, and in 
1575 he entered the Servite Order in his native city. He was 
an extraordinarily gifted man. 1 From childhood he was 
consumed by an ardent thirst for knowledge ; mathematics, 
Hebrew, botany, Canon law, ecclesiastical history, medicine, 
especially anatomy, all attracted him alike. He succeeded 
in acquiring considerable knowledge in all these branches 

1 Biographies by Fra Fulgenzio Micanzio, Leiden, 1646, printed 
in Sarpi s Opere vane, I., 1-143 (on authenticity, see Arch. stor. 
ital., 4, series IX. (1882), 153 app.) ; GRISELINI, Lausanne, 1760, 
reprinted from Sarpi s Opere, I., Helmstat, 1701 ; also G. FONTA- 
NINI, Storia arcana della vita di Fra P. Sarpi, Venice, 1803 (for 
rea lauthor see F. STEFANI, in the Atti dell Istituto Veneto, 1892 ; 
Vitt, Lazzarini, ibid., LXV., p. 2 ; M. BUTTURINI, La veritd circa 
la scoperta di un documento inedito, etc., Sal6, 1895) ; A. BIANCHI- 
GIOVINI, Zurich, 1836 and 1846 seq. ; Bale, 1847 ; Florence- 
Turin, 1849 seq. ; Brussels, 1863 ; MUTINELLI, III., 43 seqq. ; 
ARABELLA GEORGINA CAMPBELL, Florence, 1875 ; A. ROBERTSON, 
Fra P. Sarpi, the greatest of the Venetians 2 , London, 1894 ; 
ALESSANDRO PASCOLATI, Milan, 1893 ; cf. (Steccanella) in the 
Civiltd Cattolica, 6 series, XI. (1867), 53 seqq., XII., 649 seqq. ; 
BALAN, Fra P. Sarpi, Venice, 1887 ; GAMBINO RAMPOLLA, Fra 
P. Sarpi, Palermo, 1919. Extracts from Sarpi s letters in PALLA- 
VICINI, Storia del Cone., Trid., I., preface, II., preface. Collection 
of letters : Verona (viz. Geneva), 1673 ; F. L. Polidori, 2 vols. 
Florence, 1863. Particulars published by Lebret s magazine, I-IV. 
(ijjiseqq.) ; ~B6hmeT sMagazin fur Kirchenrecht, 1787 ; BIANCHI- 
GIOVINI (Capolago, 1833, and Lugano, 1847) ; C. CASTELLANI 
(Letters to Contarini, 1615, Venice, 1892) ; K. BENRATH, Leipzig, 
1909; cf. Hist. Zeitschr., CIL, 566-573)- The authenticity 
of the letters was questioned (because of heretical assertions 
and suchlike by Giusto Nave, viz. Bergantinio (Paolo Sarpi 
giustificaio*. Cologne, 1756), BIANCHI-GIOVINI, etc. Cf. on the 
other hand, REIN, 177 seqq. P. Sarpi, Scritti philosofici inediti, 
edit, by G Papini. Lanciano, 1910. 

VOL. xxv. 12 



130 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

owing to an amazing memory which enabled him, as a boy, 
to repeat thirty lines of Virgil after but one hearing. Only 
one branch of knowledge was not to his liking : he hated 
scholastic theology. 1 Had he had constancy enough to apply 
the full power of his keen intellect to his favourite subject, 
the new science of physics, which was then gathering force, 
he might have secured a place among the pioneers in this field, 
for Galileo, Porta and Acquapendente speak highly of his 
ability and perspicacity. 2 But it could hardly have been 
conducive to a really deep and thorough formation, especially 
could it not have been favourable to his religious life that, 
when only eighteen years of age and after a brilliant disputa 
tion, he should have been summoned to the court of Mantua 
in the capacity of theologian. There he was frequently 

1 REIN, 196. 

2 Cf. P. CASSANI in the Ateneo Veneto, Riv. scient., III. (1882), 
295. A. Heller (Gesch. der Physik, Stuttgart, 1882, 390) mentions 
him for the purpose of calling in doubt the invention of the 
thermometer which has been attributed to him, though he 
ascribes " important anatomical discoveries " to him. F. Rosen- 
berger (Gesch. der Physik, Braunschweig, 1882) does not mention 
his name. Poggendorf (Handworterbuch zur Gesch. der exacten 
Wissenschafteri) mentions him (II., Leipzig, r863, 751), and says 
that he is wrongly styled one of the inventors of the thermometer. 
Gurlt-Hirsch (Lexicon der hervorragenden Artzte, V. (1887), 180) 
repeats the assertion and finds him deserving of mention because 
(though mistakenly) the knowledge of circulation was attributed 
to him, probably because he knew of the vein valves. E. Gerland 
(Gesch. der Physik*, Miinchen-Berlin, 1913, 321, 376) mentions 
him only as a witness for the discovery by Galileo of the laws 
of a falling body. Recently G. de Toni discussed the value 
of Sarpi in the field of the natural and exact sciences in a paper 
published by the Ateneo Veneto, on the occasion of the third 
centenary of the death of the Servite : P. Sarpi ed i suoi tempi, 
Venice, 1923. Cf. also, Wohhvill, Galilei, 165-9 ; A. Favaro, 
in the Atti del R. Istituto Veneto di scienze, etc., 6 series, I. 
Letters of Sarpi to Galileo in the Opere di Galilei, ed. Favaro, 
X., 91, 114, to Lechassier, ibid., 290; Galileo to Sarpi, ibid., 
XL, 46. 



CAREER OF SARPI. 131 

made to shine before visitors and to display his dialectical 
skill in the defence of the most daring theses. At the same 
time the bishop appointed him professor of dogmatic theology. 
In 1579, when not yet twenty-seven, he became provincial 
and in 1585 he went to Rome in the capacity of Procurator- 
General of his Order. There he appears to have made a not 
unfavourable impression. In 1593, Cardinal Santori proposed 
him for the See of Milopotamo, in Crete. 1 However, not many 
years later the Curia thought differently, for when in 1600 and 
1601 Sarpi applied successively for the sees of Caorle and 
Nona, he met with a refusal each time, notwithstanding the 
backing of the Signoria : his dealings with heretics as well as 
other circumstances were giving offence. 3 

Thereafter Sarpi became increasingly estranged from the 
Church. It is impossible to say how far he strayed. The 
British envoy in Venice, Wotton, in his report to his Sovereign, 
described Sarpi as a true Protestant in a monk s habit and 
Wot ton s information was derived from his chaplain Bedell 

1 BiANCHi-GioviNi, 35 seq., 74 ; FULGENTIO, in the Opere 
varie, I., 47. According to other information, Santori had already 
then read his character : " Sanctorius ordinis olim protector 
ingenium hominis et meditamenta introspexerat, et nocitura 
reipublicae quandoque praedixerat," and for that reason he 
had tried to keep him in Rome. (E. Krauss in Archiv fur kath. 
Kirchenrecht, LXXXII. (1902), 18. 

z Sarpi s petition for Nona and the Senate s recommendation 
in GRISELINI, in the Opere Varie, I., 26 seq. 

3 Cf. our account, Vol. XXIV, 213 seq. The nuncio Zacchia, 
in 1623, said to the doge : " Quanto poi alia vita di fra Paolo, 
che altrove era tenuto in concetto molto difterente " (at Venice 
they talked of him as a Saint) " e particolarmente in Roma, 
dove . . . non pote percio ottenere le prelature che pretendeva : 
oltre le sopra accennate prattiche con gli eretici, e le altre cose 
che non volevo, per allora, esprimere piu innanzi ; sapendo che 
S. Ser** m intendeva meglio che non gli averei potuto esplicare ". 
PLONCHER, in Arch. stor. ital., 4 series, LX. (1883), 158 seq. 
Sarpi is described as a frugal scholar (BIANCCHI-GIOVINI, 371). 
He is blamed for his pride, un tres suffisant personnage, Christian 
of Anhalt calls him, see GINDELY, Rudolf II., Vol. I., 121. 



132 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

who was wont to spend half a day every week with the 
Servite friar. 1 On these occasions he made it his business to 
ascertain the friar s religious opinions. To the French envoy, 
Bruslart, Sarpi was represented as a man without religion, 
without faith, without conscience and as one who denied 
the immortality of the soul. 2 The Church which venerates 
the Pope as its visible head, Sarpi invariably describes in his 
letters in terms and with the apocalyptic imagery which were 
current among the Protestants 3 ; he did all he could to bring 
about her destruction and to introduce Protestantism into 
Italy. 4 

On the other hand 5 he also declared he could see no 
difference between Calvinism and Lutheranism. 6 He owed 
allegiance to none of the existing religious bodies ; as a matter 
of fact he had been excommunicated since January, 1607. 7 

1 Wotton to Salisbury, September 13, 1607, in Athenaeum, 
No. 4062, of September 2, 1905, p. 305. 

2 SIRI, I., 437. He is considered a free-thinker by Gindely, 
loc. cit., 123, and by F. X. Kraus, Gesch. der christl. Kunsi., 
II., 2, 729. 

3 Hist.-polit. Blatter, XI., 397. According to Hase ( Vorlesungen, 
377) Sarpi wanted a Catholic Church without the Pope. Gindely s 
judgment is that " the only purpose in life for Sarpi was the 
destruction of papal authority ". Wiener Sitzungsber., Phil-hist. 
KL, XXXIX. (1862), 6. Cf. even now, L. EMERY, Religione e 
politico, di fra Sarpi in the Nuova Riv. stor., VIII. (1924). 

4 See below, p. 153 seq. 

5 In GINDELY, Rudolf II., Vol. I., 121. 

6 " In regard to dogma," says RANKE (II 6 ., 222), " his Protes 
tantism scarcely went beyond the first elementary clauses of 
the confession of Augsburg, if he even held these. ... It is 
impossible to know what he believed interiorly." It is amusing 
to see a recent German admirer of Sarpi, v. Zwiedineck- 
Siidenhorst (Venedig als Weltmacht und Weltstadt 2 , Bielefeld, 
1906, 157 seq.) describing him as " a convinced Catholic of 
deepest piety ", who " never swerved by a hair s breadth from 
the teaching which, all his life, he acknowledged as the only 
saving one ". 

1 Cf below, note 148, n. 3. 



SARPI S INFLUENCE. 133 

This did not prevent him from frequently saying Mass and, 
for instance, from beginning one of his pamphlets l with these 
words : " The republic of Venice has always held that the 
chief foundation of the State is true religion and piety and it 
has always seen a special favour of God in the fact that it 
was born and reared and has grown up in the true service of 
God." In point of fact in his memoirs on behalf of the 
republic he was constrained to keep up a Catholic appearance 2 ; 
he was a chameleon, he says in a letter, and had to wear a 
mask like everyone else in Italy. 3 

After his appointment as State theologian the influence 
of Sarpi was promptly felt in the changed attitude of the 
republic. Until then the Senate had justified its action against 
criminal ecclesiastics by an appeal to papal privileges and 
concessions, thus acknowledging that it possessed no real 
jurisdiction over the clergy. 4 From the moment of Sarpi s 
appointment it adopted the view that God Himself had 

1 Consider azioni sopra le censure di Paolo V. in the Opere varie, 
I., 182. 

2 The attempt of B. CECCHETTI (Le consulte di Fra P. Sarpi, 
in Ateneo Veneto, u series, I. (1887), 232 seqq.) to prove Sarpi s 
orthodoxy from his reports fails for that reason. RFIN, 193 seq. 

3 REIN, n. i ; cf. 193, n. 4. According to Rein (201) " the 
fairly universal opinion (recently also defended by CASTELLANI 
(Lettere di Sarpi, XXI.)) that Sarpi was indeed an enemy of the 
Pope, but that as regards dogma he was a sincere adherent 
of the Catholic Church, cannot be maintained since in regard 
to several dogmas he either adopts a sceptical attitude, or allows 
his sympathies with the Protestant view to be seen." Cf. ibid., 
170-206, a detailed investigation of Sarpi s religious opinions. 
See also PUTELLI in Arch. Veneto, N.S., XI., 21 (1911). 2 4- 

4 " Quanto poi alia retentione d Ecclesiastici ... ha commesso 
la loro retentione, facendo questo in virtu di molte Bolle 
et Indulti concessi da Sommi Pontefici " (the Senate to the 
imperial ambassador at Prague, December 20, 1605, in CORNET}, 
16). Donato s address to Mattei on February 10, 1606 (1605 
according to Venet. style), ibid., 270. Reprint of the alleged 
privileges of Sixtus V., Innocent VIII., Alexander VI., Paul III. 

in NlCOMACO FlLALITEO, 20. 



134 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

immediately conferred on it all power over the subjects of 
the State. 1 Sarpi suggested this line of conduct from the first. 
The question as to how the republic was to defend itself 
against the papal excommunication he had already answered 
in the memoir which had secured him his post of official 
theologian. In this work he explained that it would be best 
not to appeal from the Pope to a general council but to treat 
the excommunication as invalid and non-existent and to 
forbid its publication. 2 The republic followed this advice 
when, on April 17th, 1606, a courier brought word that the 
Pope was resolved to proceed against Venice. The religious 
Orders were at once forbidden, under pain of death, to publish 
the sentence of excommunication. 3 On the same day, in the 
Senate, the doge represented to the Spanish envoy that in 
all this the Pope was actuated by no other motive than a 
desire of securing unlimited authority over the princes even 
in temporal affairs. 4 



1 " Questa liberta, beatissimo padre, 1 abbiamo dalla clemenza 
Divina che 1 ha concessa alii nostri maggiori ..." (the Senate to 
Paul V., on March n, 1606, CORNET, 37). Hence the measures 
which the Pope had taken were of a nature " di sovvertir li 
giusti ordini nostri et impedir quel Dominio ch e dato a noi, 
e a tutti li prencipi dal Signer Iddio solo nel governo delli proprii 
stati ". (Reply of Senate to the envoy of Savoy, March 18, 
1606, ibid., 38.) 

2 BiANCHi-GioviNi, 144 ; CAPASSO, App. XVIII. seq. ; GRISE- 
LINI, 36 seqq. 

3 *Palmegiani to Aldobrandini on April 22, 1606, Nuntiat. di 
Venetia, 17, p. 239, Papal Secret Archives. 

4 CORNET, 57. *" Intendiamo che si sia sparsa una voce costi 
che N.S. pretenda di riformare la Republica, non solo nello 
spirituale, ma nel temporale e che di piu pensi a turbare la pace 
d ltalia, e la passi di concerto con qualche altro principe grande. 
Non crediamo che nissuna cosa fosse mai divulgata e detta piu 
malignamente di questa." In the brief itself " si protesta che 
S.S. non intende di toccar la giurisditione temporale, e vuole 
la pace publica ". B. Borghese to Mattel, January 7, 1606, Borghese, 
I., 908, f. 82 (86), Papal Secret Archives. 



EXCOMMUNICATION PRONOUNCED. 135 

When on April 20th news arrived that the excommunication 
had actually been pronounced further measures were taken. 
Through the foreign envoys in Venice, as well as through its 
own representatives abroad, the republic sought to win over 
the princes. 1 From the vicar of the Patriarch the parish 
priests received instructions to give up unopened all documents 
they might receive from Rome and not to have them posted up 
in the churches. 2 Troops were recruited, and though excom 
municated, the Senate did not forget to give public proof 
of its piety by dividing 500 ducats among the hospitals to 
the end that prayers be offered there for the unjustly 
persecuted republic. 3 The doge, in a full assembly of the 
Collegio, told the nuncio to his face that the Pope, inexperienced 
as he was, knew nothing of the management of the world ; he 
even hinted pretty bluntly that Venice might go so far as to 
cut itself off from the Church and draw others along with 
it. 4 On May 5th the monasteries were reminded of the 
previous injunction, with its accompanying threat of the death 
penalty ; those who proved pliant could feel assured of the 
protection of the republic ; those who withdrew themselves 
from its authority, by leaving its territory, would never be 
permitted to return. 5 

On May 6th the doge issued to the whole body of the clergy 
an instruction which was posted up everywhere. 6 In this 
document, in accordance with the opinion of the theologians 
and lawyers whose signatures were appended, solemn protest 
was made against the papal censures. In temporal matters, 
the doge declared, he acknowledged no superior except the 



1 CORNET, 59 seqq. 

2 Ibid., 55, 63 seq. Cf. the decrees of the Council of Ten of 
April 18/1606, in Arch. Veneto, V. (1873), 55-60, and the decree 
of the Senate, April 17, in CAPASSO, App. XXXVI seq. 

3 Decree of April 20, 1606, in CAPASSO, App. XXXVIII. 

4 CORNET, 66 seq. 

5 Ibid., 71. 

Reprint, ibid., 7 seq. ; Liinig, II., 2015, CAPASSO, App. 
XXXVIII seq. 



136 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

divine Majesty. 1 He solemnly attested before God and man 
that he had had recourse to every imaginable means in order 
to make His Holiness see the strong and incontrovertible 
grounds of the justice of his claims, but he had preached 
to deaf ears. Hence he was applying the means which their 
forbears had used whenever the Pope went beyond his 
bounds. A similar edict was issued, in the name of the Senate, 
to all the towns and communes. 2 

Notwithstanding every precaution, on the night of May 
2nd to 3rd, 1606, the brief containing the threat of excom 
munication was nailed up in five churches in Venice itself, 3 
though, as elsewhere, it was promptly torn down. 4 However 
the substance of the brief, if not the brief itself, soon became 
generally known, as may be gathered from the very conduct 
of the Senate. The effect of the Brief was slight. " If the 
bishops and the greater part of the regular clergy had fear 
lessly protested their loyalty to their highest Superior," so 
we read in a pamphlet of the period, 5 " there can be no doubt 



1 He was compelled, " mantenere 1 autorita di Prencipe, che 
non riconosce nelle cose temporal! alcun Superiore sotto la Divina 
Maesta." CORNET, 72. 

2 Reprint in Liiriig, II., 2017. Cf. Niirnberger, loc. cit,, 206. 
Subsequently, at the time of the accommodation, the Senate 
refused to recognize the piece as its own (see CORNET, 238, n. 
i, 241, 247), but at the same time it would not declare expressly 
that it was spurious (ibid., 238, n. i, 255, n. i). Joyeuse at first 
looked on it as authentic (ibid., 233) ; later on he declared : 
Delle leltere ducali non si sa quello che sieno (ibid., 243). 

3 Hist.-polit. Blatter, XI., 139. 

4 An anonymous diary, in CADALETA in Arch. stcr. ital., 5 series 
XVIII., 100. 

5 BELLARMINO, Risposta, 20 ; cf. Niirnberger, loc. cit. " Ma 
oh miseria de nostri tempi ! I vescovi di quel dominio, da pochis- 
simi infuora che sene sono fuggiti, hanno si puo dire, riconosciuto 
per loro sommo Pontifice Leonardo Donato, Doge di Venezia. 
Quella Republica vuol esser cattolica solamente di nome, poiche 
in effetti e un altra Cartagine." Similarly the above mentioned 
paper of Persio, Riv. Europea, 1877, 394- 



EFFORTS TO EVADE EXCOMMUNICATION. 137 

that the doge would have been impressed." As things were 
they pleaded that obedience to the Pope was punishable by 
death, so they strove to convince themselves that in such 
circumstances a human law was not binding, even though 
it was an open secret that the threatened death penalty was 
meant to be no more than a mere threat, to enable the priests 
to cover their disobedience with the thin cloak of fear ; for 
the rest everybody knew that they would not have observed 
the interdict even had there been no pressure. 1 

The Pope was so dissatisfied with the Venetian bishops that 
he thought of taking action against them and of deposing 
every one of them. 2 True, the bishop of Brescia seemed at 
first disposed to obey the Pope, but when the Senate 
threatened to deprive his aged parents of their property and 
their title of nobility, he too gave up all further resistance. 3 

Generally speaking no resistance was to be expected from 



1 BELLARMINO, loc. cit., 19. 

2 See extracts from letters of July 22 and August 5, 1606, 
in CORNET, 325 seq. ; cf. n. 5 and CAPASSO, 91 ; Ascanii S.R.E. 
Card. Columnae Episcopi Praenestini Sententia contra reipubhcae 
Venetae episcopos SS. D.N. Fault PP. V. Interdicto non obtem- 
per antes, Rome and Ferrara, 1606. Colonna counsels proceeding 
with excommunication, loss of income and secular dignities ; 
see CORNET, 31 seqq. The Franciscan Conventual Lud. Mosso, 
of Mantua, should be made to influence the bishops in the name 
of the Pope ; the Senate rendered his work -impossible. CORNET, 

T22, 11. T. 

3 See information in Bvixia sacra, I. (1915), 22 9 . CORNET, 
80 seq. ; CAPASSO, 99 ; subsequently the bishop earned the 
praise of the Senate (CORNET, 141, n. i). The bishop of Treviso, 
who at first made a show of doing his duty and after a while 
wished to resign, on the plea of health, was reduced to submission 
by threats against his two brothers (ibid., 91, 140 seq.). The 
newly appointed bishop of Verona was strictly enjoined to hold 
a solemn function on September 17, otherwise both he and 
his brothers would have their property confiscated (ibid., 136). 
With few exceptions the clergy of Istria did not observe the 
interdict; see Atti d. Soc. Jstr. di stor. patr. t XV. (1898). 



138 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the lower clergy in Venice. As a consequence of the inter 
ference of the State in the affairs of the Church, there was a 
good deal of demoralization in its ranks. No one from among 
the better classes in Venice ever becomes a priest, says a 
pamphlet of the period l ; the parish priests are chosen by 
the people, and in these elections considerations of friendship 
and various intrigues are the decisive factors, so that it is 
invariably the most ignorant and the least qualified that are 
appointed ; the priests are despised ; towards the rich their 
attitude is that of mere lacqueys. The condition of the monks 
was even worse. At the time of Paul V. they were deemed 
the dregs and the scum of all the Orders 2 and it was they who 
furnished the republic with its keenest champions in the 
quarrel over the interdict. The convents of nuns were to a 
large extent little more than asylums for the daughters of 
nobles. But that the decadence of the Venetian clergy was 
far from universal was presently to be shown in the struggle 
over the interdict. 3 

The first to declare their submission to the interdict were 
the Jesuits. 4 To them also the doge represented that the 
threatened death penalty was sufficient ground for regarding 
the Pope s command as not binding. However the General 
of the Order, Aquaviva, had directed them in the name of 
the Pope to submit to the Bull and if obedience was impossible 

1 MOLMENTI in the Atti del. R. Istituto Veneto, LX. (1900 seq., 
679 seq.}. 

2 Ibid., 679. 

3 Cf. also Caes. Baronii Paraenesis ad Rempublicam Venetam, 
Roma, 1606, 39 : generalizations were unjust, cum sint ex Us 
(ecclesiasticis) complures, quos cerium est digne in evangelic laborare, 
ad Deum pro populo puras levare manus. 

4 JUVENCIUS, I., 12, n. 98 seqq. ; I., 25, n. 56, p. 90, 910 ; 
Litt. ann., 1607, p. 47 seqq. ; CORNET, 74, 76 seq. ; circular 
in the name of the General, Aquaviva, on the banishment, in 
PRAT, IT., 483 seq. ; G. Govi, La partenza dei Gesuiti dal dominio 
Veneto, in Accad. dei Lincei, 1886 ; CAPASSO, 96 ; Buss, II., 972 
seq. ; G. CAPPELLETTI, I., Gesuiti e la repubblica di Venezia, 
Venice, 1873 ; *Cod. Barb., 4192, Vatic. Lib. 



JESUITS BANISHED FROM VENICE. 139 

to leave Venice. If they were prevented from leaving they 
were rather to die than to offend God. 1 The government of 
Venice had no love for the Jesuits ; Sarpi, its chief adviser, 
cherished a deadly hatred of them. 2 The occasion was now 
seized to get rid of them ; if possible, for good. They were 
banished from the entire territory of the republic. 3 When 
the Capuchins and the Theatines also indicated their willing 
ness to obey, they were forbidden, under pain of death, 
even to leave the city. However, they remained firm and were 
allowed to depart. 4 A special law affecting the Jesuits alone 
was passed on June 14th, 1606, by which they were per 
manently banished from Venice 5 ; their return was made 
dependent on conditions which would hardly ever be fulfilled. 
Under threat of being sent into exile, or to the galleys, all 
citizens were commended on August 17th, to refrain from all 
epistolary intercourse with the Jesuits and to withdraw any 
members of their families from their colleges. 6 The revenues 
of those thus banished were conferred on more pliant 
religious. 7 

Not a few ecclesiastics, besides the above named, were 
found ready to go to prison rather than disobey the Pope 8 ; 

1 JUVENCIUS, 104. 

2 " the confraternity of the Jesuits against which he wages 
a passionate warfare at all times, one might say, in every line 
of his letters " (REIN, 176). Cf. BIANCHI-GIOVINI, 333 seq., 
436 seq. 3 CORNET, 79, 277, 279. 

4 Ibid., 80, 85, 88, n. 2 ; CAPASSO, 98 ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, 
XI., 139. The Reformats were also thinking of withdrawing, 
" pero non fecero altro mo to." CORNET, 85 seq. 

5 CORNET, 105 seq. 

6 Ibid., 130. Even in Constantinople the Venetian ambassador 
sought to create difficulties for the Jesuits. Breves to Villeroi, 
November 29, 1609, in PRAT, V., 262 seq. ; cf. II., 495* and 
TH. DE GONTAUT BIRON, Ambassade en Turquie de Jean Gontaut 
Biron, baron de Salignac, 1605-1610, Paris, 1889. 

7 CORNET, 128, 154. 

8 " Chi vede oggi, che con occasione del servare 1 interdetto 
i sacerdoti sono carcerati e puniti come rei . . . non pu6 negare 



140 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

a considerable number were even secretly executed for having 
laid on their penitents the duty of observing the interdict. 1 
Many took to flight, disguised as peasants or soldiers and 
even as women, thereby forfeiting all their possessions but 
escaping from an intolerable pressure on their conscience. 2 
Even where the clergy gave way, it was apparent that they 
only yielded to violence and against their convictions. 

More detailed information about the period of the interdict 
is available from Brescia. 3 There the publication of a decree 
of the Senate against the interdict on May 10th was followed, 
on the next day, by a proclamation of the Rectors forbidding 
the priests to leave the city and ordering them to carry out 

etc." (Bellarmino, Risposta, 24). " Furono posti molti religiosi 
pregioni si secolari come regolari, molti sono stati banditi, ad 
alcuni e stata confiscata la roba." Diary in GADALETA in Arch, 
star. Hal., 5 series, XVIII. (1896), 102. 

1 MORNAY, Memoires, X,, 142 ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, XL, 357. 

2 " Si da forse a credere cotesto Senato, che non siano disgus- 
tati i sudditi dal vedereogni giorno scemarsi il numero de religiosi, 
che non ostante gli stretissimi ordini e provision!, se ne fuggono. 
(BERTOLOTTI, Filotropia, Bologna, 1606, 12.) " Ogni giorno ne 
(of the priests) fuggivano molti stravestiti da contadini, da soldati, 
fino in habito di donna facendo strade fastidiosissime." (Diary 
in GADALETA, loc. cit., 101.) *" Non s intende altro che delli 
religiosi che parteno da quella citta per obedire al Papa, e di 
quelli che non si parteno per obedire al Senato et ogni giorno 
stanno alia mano, et il Doge ogni giorno commanda et imprigiona 
ogni sorte di religiosi, non perdonando ne a vescovi ne a patriarchi 
ne a qualsivoglia altro sacerdoti, et vole che tutti dicano ia messa 
a porte aperte come prima, e li Zoccolanti si sonno protestati 
che si partiranno ogni volta che gli siano dati luoghi dove possano 
vivere." (Vine. Americi to Fr. Caffarelli, June 3, 1606, Borghe.se, 
I., 251-3, f. 79, Papal Secret Archives.) The people sympathized 
with the banished religious and cried Viva Papa Paolo \ the same 
correspondent reports (ibid., 95). At Verona : Viva il Papa \ 
was scribbled on the walls (CAPASSO, 95). Even Capasso admits 
that the republic s claim was not justified, viz. that the whole 
of the clergy were on its side. 

3 See Brixia sacra, I. (1915), 224 seq. 



STATE DEFIANCE OF THE INTERDICT. 141 

the Church services as before. The penalty for disobedience 
was death, and to a confidential representative of the clergy 
the Podesta declared that he would have strung up in front 
of his church any priest who spoke of leaving the town. 1 
Nevertheless on May 13th, Whitsun Eve, and the day on 
which the interdict came into force, no church services were 
held. However, the Rectors visited the various churches, gave 
orders for Mass to be said everywhere, set up sentries to 
prevent the posting up of the sentence of excommunication 
and had the gates guarded in order to detain the religious 
who one after another were trying to flee from the city. 
Nevertheless very many made good their escape. The 
Capuchins declared they would rather die than disobey the 
Pope. They were banished, to the great sorrow of the people, 
and replaced by more pliant Capuchins from Drugolo. Some 
priests yielded to the ceaseless demands, warnings and threats 
of the Rectors and resumed the practice of saying Mass ; 
others, who had failed in their attempted flight, preferred 
to go to prison. Amongst those who fled were the arch priest, 
who was subsequently banished ; one canon ; the Abbots of 
St. Faustino and St. Euphemia and many others, so that in 
July the government set a priz of 500 ,berlingotti on the 
capture of every fugitive priest. 2 The Olivetans of Rodengo 
made good their escape in August, though their movements 
were watched by fifteen policemen ; their flight had been 
favoured by an officer formerly in the service of Venice and 
now in that of Mantua. Far greater than the monks was the 
embarrassment of the nuns. On learning that Mass was not 
being said in their chapels the governors, on November 9th, 
cut off their supplies of necessaries, 3 a weapon similarly 
adopted against the Bernardine Sisters at Murano. 4 When the 

1 Ibid., 228 seq. 2 Ibid., 230. 3 Ibid., 231. 

4 Cf. the documents from February to April, 1607, in CORNET, 
in Arch. Veneto, VI. (1873), 83 seqq., 108, 115 seqq. With regard 
to three Capuchin nuns who were threatened for observing 
the interdict, see *Borghese to Cardinal Spinola, February 21, 
1607, Borghese, I, 251-3, Papal Secret Archives. 



142 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

nuns of Brescia gave the excuse that their chaplain had fled 
other priests were appointed in their place. 

In many churches in Brescia, notwithstanding the interdict, 
the services suffered no interruptions and were attended 
by the people. The bulk of the ordinary people did not under 
stand the nature of the quarrel ; they grumbled at the 
interdict and applauded the monks who went on with the 
performance of the wonted services. Those who did not side 
with the government would flock together, in great numbers, 
and then walk in procession to a holy image which stood 
over the fountain in the market place, where they prayed for 
the cessation of the interdict ; in consequence the governors 
forbade these processions. Many consciences were gravely 
perturbed by the action of the bishop when, on Rosary 
Sunday, in October, he celebrated a pontifical High Mass in 
memory of the battle of Lepanto. 1 Vast crowds passed over into 
the territory of Cremona, or that of Mantua, in order to attend 
the offices of the Church. During the night lampoons against 
the republic and the Podesta. 2 were stuck on the walls whilst 
satirical inscriptions against those clergy who were in 
sympathy with Venice, were scribbled on the walls of the 
churches ; however their author was discovered and suffered 
for his action on the gallows. But this did not put a stop to 
the epidemic of satirical writings. 3 Whilst the bulk of the 
common people stood by the authorities, the greater part of 
the nobles, since the proclamation of the interdict, ceased to 
attend church and, to safeguard their freedom, retired to 
their country houses outside the city. Small wonder that the 
Podesta declared 4 that the administration of Brescia, always 
a difficult business, became an almost unbearable burden ; 
he complained of great difficulties with the religious Orders ; 
had he not on occasion proceeded with severity Brescia and 
its surrounding territory would have been almost without 

1 CAPRETTI, 231 seq. 

* Ibid., 233 

3 Ibid., 234 seq. 

* In a report to the Senate of May 18, 1607, in CORNET, 319. 



FURTHER RESULTS OF THE INTERDICT. 143 

priests ; even those of the laity who were loyal to the 
government failed to show the keenness he could have 
wished for. 1 

In other Venetian cities the position was more favourable 
to the government than at Brescia. At Cividal di Belluno only 
the Capuchins, and even they only for a time, made any 
attempt to observe the interdict. At Crema only a few priests 
were banished ; at Feltre a few Reformati and at Legnago 
only one priest took to flight. At Orzi-Novi the archpriest 
and a few others at first observed the interdict but by the 
end of December they had been brought round by the Podesta. 
Treviso and Udine were praised by their respective Podestas. 2 
Serious opposition only came from Padua and Verona. 
According to the Podesta it was due to. the influence of the 
Jesuits that the people of Verona, always so loyal to the 
government, " failed on this occasion to show their wonted 
readiness and zeal." For this reason he observed a studied 
moderation. 3 According to official reports from Padua 4 
priests in that city upset people s consciences under pretext 
of religion. Hence many religious who were not natives of 
Padua were banished ; others were forced to lie in hiding 
or to flee in disguise. Special difficulties arose in the convents 
of nuns from the attitude of the confessors who insisted on 
observing the interdict. The Podesta deemed it within his 
power to compel them to say Mass. He forced them to do so 
at times in his own presence, at the palace, at other times in 
some of the churches ; but not all complied. The Provveditore 
of Legnago boasts of a similar abuse of authority. It seemed 
to him that the archpriest of the place no longer said Mass as 

1 Ibid. 

2 Ibid., 319 seq. About Bergamo, ibid., 133 seq, 

3 Ibid., 322. An order was still issued on February 10, 1606, 
to take the Rector of the convent of S. Nazzaro to Venice as 
soon as he should recover from the illness into which he had 
fallen. He had published the interdict (ibid., 213). For measures 
against some writings on the interdict which were being dis 
tributed in Verona and Terraferma, ibid., 216, n. i. 

4 Of August 21, 1606, ibid., 321 ; cf. 94, n. 3. 96. 



144 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

often as he used to do ; so, having first closed every avenue 
of escape, he ordered him to obey punctually the command 
ments of the republic. 1 The monasteries were daily visited 
by a layman whose duty it was to ascertain whether the 
offices were being celebrated. 2 By order of the Senate 3 
the governors of the ten largest cities were to see to it that 
preaching was not stopped and that the task was entrusted 
to priests loyal to the State. Towards the end of September, 
as the time drew near when the faithful were in the habit 
of going to confession, the public officials of Padua were 
instructed to summon the confessors before them in order 
that they might ascertain their attitude towards the interdict 
and inflict suitable penalties on those who proved loyal to 
the Pope. They were likewise to bring pressure to bear on 
the bishops, to the end that, in confession, consciences might 
not be troubled 4 . These measures throw light on the way 
in which, under Sarpi s influence, the republic interpreted 
the relationship between Church and State and what it 
understood by the alleged encroachments of the Pope on the 
temporal domain. The domain of the Church, according to 
this theory, is exclusively constituted by what concerns the 
inner life of the soul ; whatever is external comes within the 
competence of the State, even such functions as saying Mass, 
hearing confessions and preaching. 

One wonders whether it was possible to humiliate the 
Church still further. Yet even more galling indignities were 
in store for her. The intention of the government was not to 
remain content with isolated encroachments, on the contrary, 
violence was to be given a permanent status by being put 
as a logical basis. It was for this that the republic had its 
Paolo Sarpi with his two hundred ducats a year, an honorarium 



1 In CORNET, 330, cf. a decree of the Senate of February 23, 
1607, against observance of the interdict by priests and religious, 
ibid., 216, n. 2. 

z Ibid., n. 94. 

3 Of September 6, 1606, ibid., 137 n. 

* Decree of the Senate of September 26, 1606, ibid*, 141 n. 



REPUBLICAN PAMPHLETEERS & THE INTERDICT. 145 

which was doubled on September 28th, 1606, 1 and trebled the 
year after. 2 It was precisely the writings of Sarpi and his 
sympathizers that imparted to the struggle between the Pope 
and the Signoria its bitterness and its special significance in 
the history of the Church. 

Long before the proclamation of the interdict the republic 
had seen to its own defence in the theological field. As early 
as January and February, 1606, certain lawyers of Padua had 
drawn up three reports which were published there in 
September, in the name of the whole university. 3 As a matter 
of fact the author of the most important of these three pam 
phlets, Pellegrini, contradicts therein his own earlier writings. 4 
More sensational, however, were the pamphlets of the 
ex- Jesuit Giovanni Marsiglio, the Senator Marcantonio 
Quirini, 5 and the Franciscan-Conventual Capello. But they were 
all surpassed by Sarpi whose ideas these others endeavoured 
to make their own. He began by printing, with an introduc 
tion, but without his signature, a translation of two small 
works of Jean Gerson in which the great chancellor, in the 
midst of the troubles of his time, had said many things con- 

1 Ibid., 142, n. i. In other ways also the Signoria showed 
itself grateful to those who served it with their pen. On May 16, 
1606, 100 ducats were voted to the Vicar-General (ibid., 82) ; 
and on October 7, 600 ducats to its theologians and jurists (ibid., 
142, n. i) ; its French ambassador was praised for having secured 
pens for the service of the republic and he was sent a gold chain 
worth 300 scudi to give to the royal advocate Servin, in order 
to get him to write on the nullity of the interdict (ibid., 126 n.). 
Sarpi s amanuensis, Fulgenzio Micanzio, received 100 ducats, 
and eventually 400 ducats a year, for having written a pamphlet 
in defence of his master. (GRISELINI, 47, n. a). 

2 BIANCHI-GIOVINI, 169, 203. 

3 Reprint by GOLDAST, 340, 367 ; cf. above, p. 128. 

4 Archiv. f. Kath. Kirchenrecht, LXXXII. (1902), 28. 

6 Reprint in GOLDAST, 312, 374. The republic sent it to its 
representatives abroad; see CORNET, no, n. 2. A few notes 
about Marsiglio are found in Persio s essay (above, p. 114 I 
Riv. "Europea, loc. cit., 392). 

VOL. xxv. 

13 



146 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

cerning resistance to the abuse of the papal power and to 
unjust excommunication which, later on, proved greatly to 
the taste of the Gallicans. This was followed, under Sarpi s 
name, by " Considerations on the Censures of Paul V. against 
the Republic of Venice ". In a tone devoid of all respect 
the pamphlet claims to show the injustice of almost every 
assertion and every sentence of the brief of excommunication 
of April 17th. But Sarpi s chief effort in his quarrel with 
Paul V. is his " Treatise on the Interdict ". It is Sarpi s work 
although it is published in the name also of six other divines 
of the republic. The brief of the interdict, it is asserted, cannot 
create an obligation inasmuch as it was not properly promul 
gated and from its observance grave disadvantages would 
ensue for the mass of the people and for the priests who 
obeyed it. If the Venetians, before accepting the brief, sub 
mitted it to an examination, they were within their rights, 
for both the Pope s power and the obedience due to him have 
their limits and blind obedience is immoral. Examination of 
the brief shows that the Pope had exceeded his powers ; that 
it is contrary to God s law and is therefore not binding. What 
then is to be thought of the excommunication under threat 
of which the brief promulgates its orders ? It is null and void ; 
the Pope has misused his power ; he must be resisted and to 
obey him is a sin. 1 

Sarpi s assertions caused an enormous sensation throughout 
Europe and started a controversy which, in the years 
immediately following, seemed likely to go on indefinitely. 
Gretser, who entered the lists in 1607, in the opening pages of 
his pamphlet, enumerates twenty-eight works in support of 
Venice and thirty-eight in favour of Paul V. 2 In 1607, seven 
teen such writings for and against the Pope were gathered into 

1 Trattato dell Inter detto della Santita di Papa Paolo V. composta 
da F. Paolo, dell ordine de Servi e da sotto nominati teologi . . . 
(Opere varie, I., 145-168). Originally the name of the Vicar- 
General of Venice headed the list of the seven divines. 

2 Consider ationum ad theologos Venetos libri ires, Ingolstadt, 
1607, in GRETSER, Opera omnia, VII., 425-7. 



CONTROVERSY BETWEEN ROME AND VENICE. 147 

one volume and published at Chur, and we are told in that same 
year that this was only a tenth part of all that had appeared. 1 
Moreover some of these documents won the honour of being 
several times reprinted and translated into various languages! 
The most important replies to the Venetian divines came from 
Bellarmine who, in point of fact, excused himself for taking 
part, he a Cardinal, in such a controversy. Cardinal Caetani, 
though under an assumed name, likewise wrote 2 a defence of 
the Pope, and Cardinal Baronius wrote at least an " admoni 
tion " to the republic. 3 Among the universities, Padua sided 

1 Reusch, Index, II., 322. The Bibl. Angelica in Rome pre 
serves a collection (to-day no longer complete) of forty-four 
pamphlets in defence of papal claims belonging to the years 
1606 and 1607 ; cf. Krauss in Archiv. f. Kath. Kirchenrecht, 
LXXXII. (1882), 19-21) ; Niirnberger, 209. Many writings 
of this kind are in the Bibl. Barberini in Rome, especially 
2539, 2713, 4568, 4576, 4932, 5096, 5297> 5298, 5421, 
5498, Vat. Lib. ; cf. Bibl. Corsini Cod. 163, Bibl. Valle- 
celliana L 27, 34, 35 ; Cod. Vat. 5425, 5547, 6540. Goldast 
in his Monarchia prints, I., 674-716, III., 282-564 ; twenty-four 
papal writings in all ; a catalogue of anti-papal writings on the 
interdict also in FRESNE, Lettres et ambassades, III., introd. n. 141-4 ; 
much material also in the library of Franckfort, Cod. Th. U. 6, i, 
MSS. Glauburg, 43. An anti-papal poem originating from Venice 
is published by E. Teza in Arch. Rom., IX., 615 seq., cf. VII., 578. 
See also Andrea Maschetti, // Gobbo di Rialto e le sue relazioni 
con Pasquino, in Arch. Ven., 1893. Fiorentino discusses a pamphlet 
by Ant. Persio, which is friendly towards the Pope, in the Riv. 
Europea. Anno VIII., in (1877), 385-402. 

* He wrote first against Marsiglio, then against Sarpi-Gerson. 
Both papers were then published together and saw three editions 
in 1606 in Rome, two at Ferrara, one respectively in Milan, 
Bologna, Viterbo, Florence, one Latin and -German translation, 
one reprint in a collection (Chur, 1607), which was translated 
into French and Latin (see below). Bellarmine s reply to the 
pamphlet of the seven divines and his answer to Sarpi did not 
get as many editions ; see Sommervogel, Bibliotheque, L, 1208 
seqq. 

8 On Baronius pamphlet, see CALENZIO, 752 seqq. ; Per Ces. 
Baronio, 17 seq., 321 seq. ; A. CAUCHIE, Temoignages d estime 



148 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

with the republic, Bologna with the Pope. The most, noted 
theologians of the time, such as Francesco Suarez and Adam 
Tanner devoted special treatises to the questions then so 
hotly controverted. 1 In France, where the Gallicans, in 
Germany and Holland, where the Protestants applauded 
Venice, translations were published of more than one 
pamphlet ; even in Spain a defence of the Pope saw the light. 2 
Marsiglio and Sarpi were summoned to Rome, to explain their 
conduct, and when they failed to put in an appearance they 
were excommunicated and their writings fell under the ban of 
the Roman* Inquisition. 8 

rendus en Belgique au card. Baronius specialement a I occasion 
du conflit de Paul V. avec Venise, in the Analectes pour servir 
d I histoire eccL de Belgique, XXXIV. ; *Brief of November 16 
to Cardinal Doria, who had prompted the essay of Beltram 
Guevara, in Epist., XLV., 2, f. 267, Papal Secret Archives. 

1 Sommervogel, Bibliotheque, VII., 1847, f. 1682. Suarez 
paper was praised in a papal brief of October 2, 1607, but it 
was not printed at the time, the dispute having meanwhile 
come to an end ; see R. de SCORAILLE, Suarez, II., 121 seqq. 
The writings of the Jesuits Fern, de la Bastida, Bellarmine, 
Comitoli, Ben. Giustiniani, Gretser, Henriques and Possevino, 
on the dispute, are catalogued by Sommervogel (I. 1006, 1208- 
1210, II. 1342, III. 1490, 1777, IV. 276, VI. 1085). Catalogue 
of writings on the dispute in the Bibliothek von seltenenen und 
sehr seltenen Buchern, 9, Stuck, Niirnberg, 1780, 316-380. 

2 Pieces du memorable proces esmeu 1 an 1606 entre le Pape 
Paul V et les Seigneurs de Venise, touchant rexcommunication 
du Pape publiee centre iceux Venitiens, trad, de Latin et d ltalien, 
a S. Vincent, 1607. Some Gallican writings in Goldast, I., 674 seqq., 
III., 405 seqq., 430 seqq. ; de Backer mentions a few German and 
Dutch writings, Biblioth., I., 519 seq. Reprint of the pamphlet 
of Bastida, Leon, 1607. 

3 With them was also cited the Franciscan Manfredi for his 
sermon. See Sarpi, Opere varie, 169-181 ; BIANCHI-GIOVANI, 
156, 162 ; Reusch, Index, II, 321. The excommunication of 
Sarpi, January 5, 1607, in Arch. stor. ital., 4 series, IX. (1882), 
154 ; CICOGNA, Iscrizioni Veneziani, VI., 878 ; CASTELLANI, 
Letters, IX. 



WORLD-WIDE INTEREST IN CONTROVERSY. 149 

It is easy to understand the excitement of the Catholic as 
well as the Protestant world. On the one hand there was fear, 
on the other hope, that in Italy also another Luther had arisen 
who, in the very heart of the Catholic world, would promote 
apostacy from Rome. 1 Prompted by Sarpi, the republic had 
made the acceptance of papal briefs dependent on a previous 
examination ; in other words, on its own caprice. From this 
to a complete denial of papal jurisdiction it was but one step. 
Moreover, by his views on the relation between Church and 
State, Sarpi took up a position which was at variance with the 
conception hitherto maintained by scholars ; in fact he 
challenged the whole traditional teaching in this respect. 
In the opinion of his admirers the merit of Sarpi s writings 
lies precisely in this that by their means he became a pioneer 
and one of the founders of modern statecraft. So we must 
submit Sarpi s writings to a brief examination from just this 
point of view. 

The Catholic conception of the relationship between Church 
ar * ~tate starts from the fact that Christ founded the Church ; 
tha as God-man all power was given to Him in heaven and on 
earth, and that in virtue of this power He bestowed on His 
Church, in the person of the Apostles, all the rights and powers 
that she needs for the fulfilment of the task entrusted to her. 
The authority of the Church is, therefore, not limited to the 
interior life of the soul. Christ sends forth His Apostles to teach 
and to administer the Sacraments ; hence, they and their 
followers are free to take up their abode anywhere on earth, 
even though the secular princes may banish them ; they may 



1 Hinc eorum opuscula (the Venetian divines) cudunt et recudunt 
(haeretici) et in germanicam linguam vertunt, ut Ge*mani videant, 
in Italia quoqut Saxonico evangelio aliquam januam patefactam 
esse. (Gretser, Consider ationcs, I., i., c. 5 : Opera, VII., 449). 
The Huguenots Scaliger and Casaubonus praised the great 
Paul (Prat, II., 489, 499), v/hereas others were of opinion, 
in respect of the seven State divines, that a counterpart to the 
seven wise men of Greece had appeared in the persons of the 
seven fools of Venice (ibid., 487). 



150 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

convene assemblies, build churches, acquire property and 
in none of these things has any secular power a juridical 
right to interfere with them. Were it otherwise the Church 
could never have struck roots on earth, for from the first 
the State was ill disposed towards her so that any obligation 
in conscience to obey its laws of proscription would have made 
her existence impossible from the very outset. 

Sarpi does not openly deny these principles but he observes 
a complete silence in their regard. In other ways also it 
would not do for him to oppose Catholic convictions openly ; 
Venice was still too religious for that. Even during the time 
of the interdict a pamphlet by the Calvinist Nicholas Viguier 
which was hostile to the papacy was banned by the Senate * 
and the republic boasted to the French ambassador that it 
had never tolerated any abusive writings against the Pope. 2 
Accordingly, Sarpi did not openly deny the jurisdiction of the 
Pope or his infallibility : in principle at least he even recog 
nized the immunity of Church property ; his claim was that 
the laws of the republic were not at variance with this 
immunity. 

However, when viewed in the light of the code then obtain 
ing, the laws to which the Pope objected could not be defended 
and, when he undertook to defend them in the name of Canon 
Law, Sarpi condemned himself to the role of a sophist and 
pamphleteer. Thus, for example, the prohibition of the free 
erection of churches is, according to him, nc more than a 
decision concerning the ground on which the church was to be 
raised ; now questions of ground or land are within the com 
petence of the State so that ecclesiastical interests are not in 
any way affected by the prohibition. 8 The obvious answer 
to such reasoning was that the republic might with equal right 
forbid millers and bakers to grind corn and to bake bread 
for the priests, and then pretend that it had merely given its 
orders to millers and bakers without in any way interfering 

1 CORNET, 112, n. 

2 Ibid., 125, n. 3. 

* Consider -ationes : Opere varie, I., 188. 



PAMPHLET CONTROVERSY. 151 

with the clergy. 1 In defence of the same law Sarpi further 
argued that any private citizen might prevent the erection 
of a church on his own property, hence a similar right belonged 
to the State within the whole of its territory, since the soil of 
the whole State was the private property of the prince ! a 
Apart from this there can be no serious doubt that the better 
type of pamphlet written against Sarpi far surpassed his as 
regards objectivity and thoroughness. True, Sarpi s knowledge 
ranged over an immense field but he was no specialist. His 
numerous references to legal sources were shown to be in 
accurate and inadequate 3 ; he had the mortification of being 
told that often enough he made long-winded attacks against 
positions which no one defended, 4 and it will scarcely be 
denied that he frequently talked against his own better 
knowledge. 5 

It remains, nevertheless, that Sarpi s writings did their 
work. They are clever, seasoned with witty sallies, and they 
drown the reader in a flood of arguments and texts which only 
a few are able to put to the test ; moreover, in literature of 
this kind boldness in the attack invariably puts the defence at a 
disadvantage. Most of the ideas of Sarpi and his followers are 
already found in Marsilius of Padua, Wyclif , Hus and Luther 6 ; 
Gretser went to the trouble of furnishing detailed proof in 



1 Nicomaco Filaliteo, 35. 

2 Sarpi, loc. cit. 

3 Cf. say Giov. ANT. Bovio, Risposta alle Considerations del 
P. Maestro Paolo de Venetia, Roma, 1606, 67 seqq., 72 seqq. 

4 Ibid., 35, 45, 82. 

5 As when, for instance, he reproaches the Pope with having 
decided, with unseemly haste, to excommunicate at one blow 
three million people ! (Consider azioni, loc. cit., 210). He knew 
quite well that only the doge and the Senate were excommunicated 
and not the whole people of Venice. In like manner when he 
affirms that under Sixtus V. and Clement VIII. , religious had 
been hanged in Rome in their habits : neither then nor a memoria 
hominum did such a thing happen," Bovio rejoins (84). 

6 Bovio, loc. cit., 21. 



152 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

every single instance. 1 On the other hand the significance of 
these writings lies precisely in the fact that they advocate 
an anti-Catholic conception of the State at the very gates of 
Rome. In his writings James I. of England adopted Sarpi s 
ideas. From the point of view of Church history Sarpi, by allying 
himself with the Protestants, was the first, on the Catholic 
side, to start an evolutionary process which, through Richer, 
Barclay, the Gallicans, Febronius, leads up to Josephism. 
From the standpoint of secular history it must be said that he 
helped to loosen the subordination of the secular to the 
spiritual authority and thus paved the way for absolutism 
which in its turn led up to the revolution with its incalculable 
consequences. 2 In the story of his native city Sarpi also has 
his place ; through him Venice already in decay became for 
a last time the centre of world politics and once more riveted 
all eyes on itself. There was but little need of any polemical 
writings to raise the excitement of the Venetians against the 
Pope to fever heat. Such was its embitterment, Tommaso 
Palmegiani wrote to Borghese, 3 that the republic was capable 
of extreme measures ; there was reason to fear a catastrophe 
that might well prove irreparable ; not everything could be 
entrusted to writing but if the Secretary of State could hear 

1 In his Consider ationes on the pamphlet of Marcantonio 
Capello (Opera, VII., 421-546). 

2 Sarpi is sharply condemned by MONTALEMBERT (Du 
vandalisms et du catholicisme dans I art, Paris, 1839, 130-1 ; 
cf. K. Werner, Gesch, der polemischen und apologetischen Literatur, 
IV., 394 seq., 398 seq. Admirers of Sarpi are Franc. Scaduto 
(Stato e chiesa secondo fra P. Sarpi e la coscienza pubblica durante 
I inter detto di Venezia del 1606-7, Florence, 1885), and Friedberg 
(Grenzen, II., 696 seqq.}. 

" Per il che son tanto essacerbati che precipitariano in 
ogni strana risolutione, e se non s interpongono mezi potentissimi, 
prevedo una rovina cosl grande che non avra nissuno o poco 
riparo ; e se V.S. ill. sentesse il parlar e straparlare di questo 
popolo, non potrebbe a bastanza stupirsi : ne si puo in questo 
particolare fidar ogni cosa alia penna." Nuntiat. di Venezia, 17, 
f. 239 (384), Papal Secret Archives. 



EMBITTERMENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 153 

what was being said at Venice he would have a surprise. It is 
well known, Bellarmine wrote, that at Venice many who 
formerly were but seldom at Mass now hear it daily, just to 
display their rebelliousness. 1 The Corpus Christi procession 
of 1606 was more gorgeous than it had been for years and the 
ornaments in gold and silver which were displayed at it were 
valued at three to four millions. 2 

Fresne writes 3 that on all feast days sermons were preached 
all over the city to proclaim that the excommunication was 
null and void ; that the people looked on the Pope as the 
enemy of their spiritual welfare ; the Jesuits, and their conduct 
in the confessional, were hotly discussed in the public houses ; 
the Inquisition was despised and the booksellers scattered 
broadcast all kinds of writings. The sermons of Fulgenzio 
Manfredi, a friar minor, in particular were remarkable for 
their abuse of the Pope. 4 

In these circumstances the fear lest Venice should end by 
going over to Protestantism took an ever more concrete shape. 
Already in the reign of Clement VIII. it was known in Rome 
that English agents were making propaganda in favour of 
Calvinism. 5 At the time of England s apostasy from the 
Church, diplomatic relations between London and Venice 
were broken off ; they were only resumed in the last year of 
Elizabeth. James I. had sent as his representative in Venice 
Sir Henry Wotton who caused his chaplain to hold Protestant 
services. 6 True, Wotton had given a pledge that no one, 
beside his own household, was to be admitted to the Protestant 
sermons, 7 but on one occasion he himself declared that " an 

1 Risposta al trattato de i sette teologi, 23. 

2 Vine. Americi to Franc. Caffarelli on June 3, 1606, Borghese, 
I. (25i)-253, f. 79 (72), Papal Secret Archives. 

3 To Villeroi on July n, 1606, in Cretineau-Joly, III., 79. 

4 REIN, 64. 

5 Cf. our account, Vol. XXIV., 217. 

6 REIN, II. For Wotton cf. besides the older biographies by 
J. Walton and A. W. Ward (1898), especially Logan Pearsall 
Smith, The Life and Letters of Sir Henry Wotton, Oxford, 1907. 

7 REIN, 13. 



154 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

ambassador was a gentleman sent abroad to tell lies for 
reasons of State "I 1 For Wotton this definition was a joke 
only in its wording. Soon news reached Rome that the Anglican 
sermons at Wotton s house were much frequented and that 
" dreadful things " were said in them. 2 When the nuncios 
Ofrredo and Orazio Mattei lodged a protest both Wotton and 
the Signoria met them with a complete denial. 3 

As soon as the struggle with the Pope had begun Protestant 
ism began to rear its head still higher in Venice. Wotton 
got in touch with Geneva in order to secure from there a 
Calvinist preacher for the city of the lagoons 4 ; Protestant 
writings in vast quantities were smuggled into the city and 
into the very chamber of the doge 5 ; from Catholic pulpits 
friends of Sarpi began to preach thinly disguised Protestant 
doctrines 6 ; the doge himself, whom Paul V. would have 
liked to summon before the Inquisition, notwithstanding 
many assurances of orthodoxy, let fall on occasion mysterious 
threats 7 ; in June, 1606, a printed sheet which openly advo 
cated apostacy from the Pope was publicly posted up at 
Vicenza though, as a matter of fact, the government suppressed 
it. 8 



1 Ibid., 133. He wrote this sentence in an album, at Augsburg, 
in 1604. It led him into a controversy with Kaspar Schopp and 
called forth James I. s displeasure ; cf. Diet, of National Biography, 
LXIII, 51 seq. 

2 See *Barb. lat., 5195, f. 83-6, Vatic. Lib. (cf. Annal. juris 
Pontif., XXVI. (1886), 583). In this MSS. there is much informa 
tion about heretics in Venice. Cf. on the subject A. PILOT, Del 
Protestantismo in Venezia e delle poesie religiose di Celio Magno, 
in Atcneo Veneto, XXXII. , i, 2 (1909) ; Mohnicke in Mitteil. der 
deutschen Gesellsch. zu Konigsberg, II., 115-208 ; REUMONT, 
Bibliographia, 172. 

3 REIN, 15 seq. ; Anal, juris pontif., XXVI (1886), 584. 
1 REIN, 26. 

5 Ibid., 28, 35. 
8 Ibid., 43. 

7 Ibid., 34 seqq. 

8 CORNET, 112. 



MISJUDGMENT OF EFFECT OF INTERDICT. 155 

There can be no doubt that Paul V. seriously misjudged 
the effect of the interdict. A century earlier the Signoria had 
at least made an attempt to have the ecclesiastical censures 
raised, but within the last decades a change had come over 
the city. Since the last war against the Turks, so we read 
in a memoir of 1590, 1 eighteen years of age was deemed 
sufficient for membership of the Council. The result was 
that youths outnumbered the older and experienced men. 
Venerable old men could be seen courting the favour of these 
youths for the distribution of all offices lay with them. This 
brought about a change in the moral as well as the political 
condition of the republic. The Council of Ten saw its power 
curtailed to the advantage of the Senate 2 in which the young 
people were in the majority. The spirit of parsimony and 
frugality of former times vanished 3 ; levity and immorality 
became rampant ; only a few years previous to the interdict 
a preacher had the courage to proclaim that if the city did 
not amend in this respect, he himself feared lest God should 
punish Venice by taking from it the light of faith. 4 Not 
many months after the interdict it became apparent that 
things could not go on in this strain : either Venice must 
openly secede from the Church or, by mutual concessions, a 
reconciliation with Rome must be brought about. Paul V. 
showed an early readiness to parley ; all he insisted on was 

1 *Relatione della Ser. Republica di Venetia, in Cod., 35, F. 29, 
f. 221, Corsini Lib., Rome. 

2 Cf. Ranke, Zur venezianischen Geschichte : Werke, XLII, 
64 seqq. Also our account, Vol. XXI, 233, n. 3. 

3 " La gioventu ha introdotto nelle mense altra sorte di lusso 
con non picciolo ramarico de vecchi " (*Relatione, Cod., 35, F. 29, 
f. 221, Corsini Lib., Rome). " Un certo habito d incontinenza, 
con che si allevano i giovani di quella republica, i quali abban- 
donati in ogni sorta d intemperanza e d impudicitia, fa che quegli 
anni, che si devrebbono dare all apprendere delle buone discipline 
. . ., restino vilmente a perdersi nelle sensualita, etc." Their 
excuse is that " la carnalita e proprio difetto di Venezia " (ibid., 
f. 220). 

4 Giov. BERTOLOTTI, Filoprotropia, Bologna, 1606, 4. 



156 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

that he should be given some kind of satisfaction. 1 The 
Senate, however, seemed unwilling to relent ; with unbending 
obstinacy it sought to humiliate the Pope by insisting on an 
unconditional surrender on his part. 

However, since some time already the final decision no 
longer lay exclusively with the Senate. The strife had had its 
repercussion as far as England and Denmark. The immediate 
neighbours of the republic especially could not be indifferent 
to the formation of a Protestant State in Venice ; such an 
eventuality could easily lead to civil war in Italy and would 
constitute a danger for the whole of Europe. The leading 
ministers of France and Spain, Villeroi and Lerma, were the 
first, at any early date, to tackle the Venetian problem. The 
head of the German empire would have had good ground for 
similar action but only in the beginning and at the end of the 
struggle did the impotent Rudolph II. rouse himself sufficiently 
to take a few measures. 2 As for the smaller Italian States, 
they only saw in the quarrel an opportunity, by means of 
the double-faced flatteries with which they encouraged the 
two principals, to acquire yet another strip of territory. 3 
Charles Emmanuel of Savoy was seemingly prompted by 
loftier motives when he strove for a league between the Pope, 
Tuscany and Mantua, with a view to keeping Spain and 
France out of these purely Italian questions. Yet at the same 
time he entered into negotiations with Spain in the hope of 
securing Montferrat, and with France in order to get 
possession of Milan. 4 The duke of Mantua earned the thanks 

1 Cf. the extracts from the letters of the Cardinal of Vicenza 
in CORNET, 323. 

2 DE MAGISTRIS, 50 seqq. The marquis of Castiglione had 
purposely journeyed to Prague in order to get the emperor to 
appoint him as mediator (ibid., 66 seqq., 77 seqq.). The Pope 
would have been agreeable ; see Brief of November 4, 1606, 
ibid. Cf. Meyer, Nuntiaturberichte, 620 seqq. 

3 R. PUTELLI in Arch. Yen., XXVIII (1914), 31. 

* DE MAGISTRIS, Carlo Emmanuele I e la contesa fra la repub- 
blica di Veneta e Paolo V., 1605-7. Documenti (Miscell. di star. 
Veneta, 2 series, X.), Venezia, 1906. Cf. Erdmannsdorffer, 60 ; 
Gindely, Rudolf II., Vol. I., 124 ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, XXX., 821. 



INTERVENTION OF FRANCE AND SPAIN. 157 

of the Venetian Senate for informing it of his refusal to listen 
to the Spanish solicitations. For all that the duke engineered 
a conspiracy among the Venetian troops, supplied the papal 
army with officers and courted the friendship of Spain and 
the Spanish governor of Milan. But even this friendship 
did not prevent the duke from working for an alliance with 
France and Venice. 1 The dukes of Mantua, Savoy, and 
Florence also declared their willingness to act as mediators 
between Rome and Venice, but their proposals were of little 
importance. A decisive .change in the situation could only 
be brought about by the great powers, France and Spain, 
inasmuch as the Venetian complications furnished each of 
them with an opportunity of cutting out the other in their 
mutual struggle for preponderance in the Italian peninsula. 

Henry IV. had expressed the opinion that in this contest 
he would be both for the Pope and for Venice ; for the Pope 
against all comers ; for Venice against all, with the sole 
exception of the Pope. 2 Of all the powers Venice had been 
the first to recognize him as king, hence he felt under some 
obligation to the republic. On the other hand he durst not 
offend the Pope for fear of making his reception into the Church 
suspect. So the king decided to take sides for neither party 3 

1 R. PUTELLI, // duca Vincenzo Gonzaga e I interdetto di Paolo V., 
Venice, 1913. Reprint from N. Arch. Ven., XXI. and XXII. 
(1911-12). 

1 Niiniberger, Interdikt, 474. In accordance with his instruc 
tions, Alincourt, the French ambassador in 1605, was to make 
representations in Rome to the effect that during the last six 
or seven years religion had made more progress by peaceful 
means than it had done previously by force of arms. Cf. MERCIER 
DE LA COMBE, 34 ; *Discorso d un cavalier francese incognito 
al suo re, nel quale s esorta a convocare un concilia, 1607 (Barb., 
LVII., 6, Vatic. Lib.) ; *Henry IV. to Cardinal Givry, July 19 
and 25, 1606. *Villeroi to Givry, May 5 and June 30, 1606 (Lib. 
at Metz, 219, p. 105-7). O n Henry s attitude, cf. also ROTT, 
2, 368 seqq. 

3 Rome was not without anxiety as regards his attitude and 
sought information from P. Coton through Aquaviva ; cf. PRAT, 



158 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in order not to forfeit their confidence in him as a mediator. 
His envoy to Venice, Philippe Canaye, Seigneur de Fresne, 
showed himself less impartial than the king and his sympathy 
with the republic frequently set him at variance with the 
instructions given him by Henry. 1 

At the first threat of the interdict Henry IV. took a pre 
liminary step, which aimed at securing a prolongation of the 
truce of twenty-four days which had been granted. But 
since the Venetians showed no desire for it the Pope could 
not consider the request of the king. 2 

The disappointment of the French owing to this first ill- 
success, gave the Spaniards a chance to intervene. On 
July 5th the Spanish envoy in Rome, the Duke of Escalona, 
presented a letter of Philip III. 8 in which the king expressed 



II., 492 seq. " Out of consideration for Henry IV. he had told 
his ambassadors that he would do anything that was compatible 
with his dignity," Paul V. *wrote on May 26, 1606. Epist. ad 
princip., XLV., i, f. 357, Papal Secret Archives. As regards 
Villeroi s friendly remarks about Rome, the nuncio Barberini 
wrote on December 26, 1606 : *" Mi parve che dicesse seriamente 
queste parole, perch e soggionse che S.M. Crist, desidera questa 
compositione et accordo grandemente e che non ha voluto dar 
orecchia a consiglieri che gli anteponevan, che per ragion di 
state il tener distratte con le di Signori d Italia le forze Spagnuole 
era espediente per questo reame massime non havendo S.M. che 
perdere in Italia. Voglio credere c habbia parlato con sincerita. 
Barb. 5868, p. 896 seq., Vatic. Lib. 

1 Lettres et Ambassade de Messire Ph. Canaye, Seigneur de 
Fresne. III., Paris, 1635 ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, XI. (1843), 137 seqq., 
193 seqq. ; PRAT, II., 480 seq., 497 seqq. 

* Niirnberger, Interdikt, 475 seq. 

3 Of June 14, 1606 : *Ha me dado mucho cuidado el estado 
en que sea puesto el negotio con Vene9ianos y como quiera que 
quisiera que no estuviera tan adelante por todas las ra9ones 
que se dexan considerar, pero siendo tarn empenada en el (como 
esta) la autoridad de V. S. y de la Sede Apostolica me he resuelto 
de acudir a V. S. y a la Sede Apostolica, como el hijo verda- 
deramente obediente della, con mi persona y fuerzas, y no quiero 



ACTION OF PHILIP III. 159 

his determination to throw his person and his power into 
the scales on the Pope s side. The king said that he had 
spoken in that sense to the Venetian envoy at Madrid and had 
caused the viceroys and other officials in Italy to be informed 
of his attitude. A covering letter to Escalona mentions the 
orders given to the latter to be ready for every emergency 
with the necessary forces on land and sea as well as the 
instructions to the governor of Milan who was commanded 
under no circumstances to permit the passage of troops. 1 

Thus, to the great joy of the Spanish sympathizers in 
Rome, Philip III. appeared to be in earnest. However, 
he himself weakened the value of his letter by the explanations 
given in Venice. When he expressed his devotion to the 
Pope, he explained the king had merely sought to win the 
Pontiff s confidence to the end that he might the more readily 
be accepted as mediator. 

An attempt at mediation was made before the Senate on 
July 13th by Inigo de Cardenas, the Spanish ambassador, 
but in the circumstances there was all the less hope of success 
as the English envoy, on May 16th, had held out to the 
republic the prospect of a secret alliance with the Protestant 
powers. 2 For the time being, therefore, there was no hope 
of a reconciliation. To the pressing demands of the French 
envoy, Alincourt, that he would raise the censures at least 
for a time, the Pope had replied, with the consent of nearly 

contentarme con menos que con declararlo desde luego a 1 em- 
baxada que la Republica de Venecia tiene cerca de mi persona 
y juntamente se ha mandado escribir a los virreyes y ministros 
que me sirven en Italia con orden que por su medio lo entiendan 
los potentados que penden de mi, como mas particularmente 
se lo dira a V. S. el duque de Escalona y este cierto V. S. de 
que en todo lo que le tocare me tendra a su lado etc. Arch, of 
Spanish Embassy, Rome, III., 10. Ital. transl. in CORNET, 285, 
together with another letter of the king dated April i, 1606, 
in which he exhorts to peace. 

1 Ibid. 

2 Niirnberger, Interdikt, 476 seq. ; Wotton s mission in 
CORNET, 87. 



l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

all the Cardinals, that before he could do anything it was the 
duty of the republic to take at least the first step to meet 
him half-way. To the representative of France who handed 
over this answer, as well as to the Spanish intermediary, the 
Senate declared on September 14th that unless the censures 
were first raised there could be no question of reconciliation. 
Nevertheless, under the impression of the king s letter, the 
Senate decided, not without many reservations, to agree 
to the proposal that the King of Spain should ask for the 
raising of the censures and that the request might also be 
made in the name of Venice. 1 

The Spanish peace proposal was followed by two similar 
ones by France, in August and November. The first was sub 
mitted by Henry IV., 2 the second came from the French 
Cardinals in Rome. 3 Spain then re-appeared on the scene 
with a great show of energy. The king decided to send an 
envoy extraordinary ; his choice fell on no less a personage 
than the former viceroy of Naples, Francisco de Castro, 
nephew of the duke of Lerma. 4 After the grand duke of 
Tuscany had likewise made peace proposals the Pope made 
known his terms. 5 All was in vain. The republic would not 
have been unwilling to deliver the prisoners to the Pope, or 
to the King of France, but it was not prepared to repeal the 
laws concerning Church property, nor would it even go so 
far as to consent to their provisional repeal. 6 In these trans 
actions a sinister role was played by Fresne who repeatedly 
spoke of papal concessions ; he was not empowered to do so 
and he thereby put the Pope in an unfavourable light. 7 

Outside Venice and Protestant or Gallican circles the 
attitude of the republic caused but little surprise. Cardinal 



Niirnberger, 477 seq. ; CORNET, 1 1-8. 

CORNET, 128 seq., 131 seq. 

Ibid., 158 seqq. 

Ibid., 1 68 seqq. 

Niirnberger, 483 seq. 

Ibid., 479-487. 

Niirnberger, Interdikt, 483, 484, 486. 



FEARS OF EUROPEAN WAR. l6l 

Du Perron wrote as follows to Henry IV. " What risk would 
Venice have run if, out of regard for your Majesty, it had 
suspended the application of the laws whilst peaceful 
negotiations were proceeding, as between Prince and Prince, 
seeing that the Church took exception to them ? But Venice 
is no longer the shrewd republic of former times and the most 
weighty affairs of State are in the hands of a band of young 
people." l The Pope had long been under the impression 
that the tension caused by the Venetian situation would 
lead to a European war and he ordered preparations to be 
made which were to be under the direction of a commission 
of thirteen Cardinals. A Spanish memoir counselled that 
Venice should be threatened 2 with war ; fear would make 
more impression on them than all the arguments of St. Paul 
and all the eloquence of Cicero ; these people worshipped 
no other god than their personal advantage and their 
independence. 3 Philip III. wrote in the same sense to his 

1 Ibid., 488. 

2 Ibid., 481. Numerous "briefs in praise of zeal for the defence 
of the Church and requesting not to permit the levying of troops 
or their passage through territory, etc., in Epist. ad princ., 
XLV., 2, Papal Secret Archives ; to the governor of Milan on 
July 12, 1606, January 6 and April 26, 1607 ; to the viceroy 
of Naples on July 21, 1606, January 12 and April 26, 1607 ; to 
Ferdinand of Austria on February 15, 1607 ; to Charles of Lorraine 
on January 5 and 13 and February 6, 1607 ; to Caspar von Altemps 
on July 29, 1606 ; to Solothurn on August 13, 1606 ; to Lucerne on 
September 9, 1606 ; to the duke of Lerma on January i and 
May i, 1607 ; to Maximilian of Bavaria on March 5, 1607 ; to 
Switzerland on June 17 and September 9, 1606, January 6 and 
February 3. 1607. *Coactum duritia Venetorum armis prosequi 
Ecclesiae jus, decrevisse scribere 2,000 peditum Walonorum ac 
300 equites, postquam omnia alia consilia nihil profuerunt, ne 
nova haeresis in Italia oriatur. (To Ernest of Louvain, January 6, 
1607), ibid., 295. *Decrevisse scribere 3,006 Helvetiorum. (To 
Catholic Switzerland, on January 6, 1607), ibid., 297. 

8 *Porque el temor de que estas prevenciones han de Hover 
sobre si en caso que no se acordasen con el Papa, havia mas 
obra i efecto en ellos que las ra9ones de S. Pablo i eloquencia 

VOL. xxv. 

14 



l62 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

new ambassador in Rome, the Marquis de Aytona l : " Since 
the Venetians, so far from humbling themselves before the 
Apostolic See, have scattered abroad writings against it 
which teem with harmful and anti-religious teaching, and 
since to defend their erroneous principles they have asked for 
the help not only of the Catholic princes, but even for that of 
heretical ones, thus at one and the same time jeopardizing 
both religion and the peace of the world, he felt compelled 
to take his stand beside the Pope. He therefore orders the 
governor of Milan, Conde de Fuentes, to levy an armed force 
of 26,000 foot and 4,000 horse." Fuentes was an able soldier 
and a decided opponent of the Venetians. For some time 
already he had been urging both the Pope and the king to 
go to war for, so he urged, the Venetians would not yield to 
persuasion and there was a danger that if they could get help 
from the Orisons, Switzerland and France, they would invade 
the territory of Milan. 2 Thereupon, as was to be expected, 
Venice pushed forward her armaments with greater energy 
than ever. France also mobilized 24,000 foot and 4,000 horse, 
as a counterpoise to Spain. 8 Rudolph IV. put at the Pope s 

de Ciceron, porque es gente que no adoran otro Dios que su 
interes i libertad (Relacion de las diferencias que si penden entre 
S. S. i Venccianos). Archiv. der span. Botschaft zu Rom, III., 10. 
S. S. i Venecianos). Arch, of Span. Embassy, Rome, III., 10. 

1 Viendo que Venecianos en vez de humillarse in obediencia 
a S. S. y a la Sede Apostolica permiten que se escrivan i publiquen 
papelcs en ofensa de la autoridad de S. S. y de la Sede Apostolica 
de doctrina perniciosa y contraria a nuestra s religion, y que 
para defender sus erradas opiniones y sustentarlas conmueven 
los principes del mundo para su ayuda no contentandose a los 
que professan nuestra s. religion sino a los que professan la 
contraria aventurando juntamente la religion i la paz universal 
de la Christianidad y de Italia ... no puede f altar al Papa ni 
dexar de estar a su lado para su Jefensa i de la Sede Apostolica 
y de su patrimonio . . . De Pardo, November 30, 1606, ibid. 

1 Niirnberger, loc. cit., 478 seq., 487. 

3 Ibid. A Venetian war council, under the Provveditore of 
the Terraferma, Benedetto Moro, held at Verona, at the beginning 



IMPOSSIBLE POSITION OF VENICE. 163 

disposal 20,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry. 1 The Pope him 
self also prepared for a military expedition 2 since the republic 
clung so obstinately to its " diabolical writings ", and he 
did not want Venice to become another Geneva. 3 

Great was now the embarrassment of Venice for the Senate 
knew perfectly well and even said so that the republic 
could not long resist unaided the combined forces of Spain 
and the Pope. 4 About that time Cardinal Du Perron expressed 
the opinion that there remained now for the Signoria only 
one way out of its difficulties, that is, to give satisfaction to 
the Pope and then, leagued with France, to turn its whole 
strength against Spain. 5 

In these circumstances, on January 8th, 1607, Castro was 
in a position to renew his offer with a better prospect of 
success. The republic, he asked, should pledge itself not to 
apply the laws in dispute during the discussion ; otherwise 

of November, decided to attack the Pope in the Polesina, Spain 
in Lombardy, Austria in Friuli ; 24,000 men were to be levied. 
Cf. the minutes in E. CELANI in Arch. N. Yen., XVII. (1899). 

1 CORNET, 332. 

1 *Instruttione a Msgr. I arciv. di Damasco di quello che haver a 
da trattare col ser. arciduca Alberto e con altri in materia delle 
genii da guerra, che si desiderano per servitio di N. S. Paolo V. 
per li rumori di Venezia, January 8, 1607, Cod., 468, f. 151, 
of Corsini Lib., Rome. Cf. *Parere dato a Paolo V. circa il muovere 
la guerra a Venetia (BOLOGNETTI, 214) ; *Discorso di Tarq, 
Pinaoro del modo da tenersi da Paolo V. per vincere i Venexiani 
per via d assedio. Bibl. Gambalungo, Rimini, D. IV., 314, n. 20. 
A *Discorso of T. Pinaoro on the reconciliation, in the library 
of Upsala, H. 327, and in the Corsini Lib., Rome, 717 (=* 34 F. 6), 
p. 143 seq. : *Del modo di rendere i Veneziani piii osequiosi alia 
Sede Apost. See also the ace. of Malatesta in Brosch, I., 360 soq. 
On the new taxes see Arch. stor. ital., 5 series,- XVIII., 106. 

1 Letter of the Cardinal of Vicenza of January 9, 1607, in 
CORNET, 332. 

4 Nurnberger, loc. cit., 489. This was likewise the opinion of 
Henry IV., see CORNET, 198, n. i. 

Nurnberger, 488. 



164 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

he would take his leave. On January 13th Fresne demanded 
a similar promise. 1 Nothing throws a clearer light on the 
situation as the fact that now the doge himself strove for the 
suspension of the laws so hotly fought for until then. In his 
speech on the proposal 2 he openly conceded the greatness 
of the peril, the inadequateness of Venice s armed forces and 
the lack of reliable allies, for the unwarlike James I. was 
too far away and Henry IV. was content with good 
advice. Once again the national pride of the Venetians 3 
reared itself against the humiliation ; once again the old 
slogan about the intangible freedom and autonomy of the 
republic proved effective at the sittings of the Senate, 4 and 
the doge s proposal fell through. Nevertheless, in a sub 
sequent vote, he secured a majority of two, though this was 
insufficient in affairs of State and Castro was put off with the 
excuse that for the time being no one knew what exactly 
were the demands of the Pope. 5 More and more the con 
viction gathered strength that a compromise must be arrived 
at. The common people had long ago wearied of the strife. 
When, in August, 1606, the mediation of Henry IV. was 
invited, even Fresne wrote that the Jews had not more 
impatiently longed for the Messias than people now awaited 
the reply of the King of France. 6 A speaker in the Senate 
insisted on the fact that, however much Venetian polemists 
might seek to put the Pope in the wrong, the views of the Pope 
were bound to have the greater weight with the faithful since 

1 Niirnberger, Interdikt, 489. 

2 Printed by CORNET, 297 seqq. 

3 GOTHEIN, Ignatius, 539. 

4 Cf. the speeches of Zorzi and Contarini in CORNET, 299 seqq., 
301 seqq. II trattare ad instanza d altri, ma che dico ad instanza 
d altri ? necessitati et astretti da altri, di sospendere una legge, 
non sara pregiudicare alia liber td publica ? Thus Zorzi (299), 
Contarini (301) thought that this was probably the last time 
that he spoke as a free citizen : trattandosi d imporre alia Republica 
giogo (voglio dire liber amente) di vera et patientissima servitu. 

5 CORNET, 199-202. 

6 Hist.-polit. Blatter, XI., 194. Cf. CORNET, 139, n.- i. 



VENICE S ARGUMENTS. 165 

by common consent he was the judge in all disputed questions. 1 
Moreover many internal disadvantages had ensued from the 
quarrel. Since a whole year, so the same speaker pointed out, 
the republic was as it were on a war footing. Every day, so it 
is said, inflicts some fresh damage ; those of the princes who 
are friendly with Venice hesitate ; the undecided fall away 
and the enemies grow stronger ; trade suffers ; taxes remain 
unpaid and revenue decreases in a thousand ways by reason 
of the huge sums swallowed by war preparations. Moreover 
the citizens are divided in their opinions, troubled in con 
science, weary of existing conditions, and all the time a 
superstitious populace sees in their calamities the effects of 
the excommunication. And who can tell what will happen 
if the Pope takes yet sterner measures ? If he insists on 
punishing the disobedience of bishops and priests and inflicts 
severer censures ? On the part of Venice so many fresh and 
shocking excesses have taken place that the original cause of 
the quarrel is almost forgotten ; there have been so many 
extravagant sermons and pamphlets, confiscations of Church 
property, banishments, persecutions ; the prisons are full 
of religious whose only crime is their submission to the interdict 
which is treated with greater contempt and is scoffed at in 
worse fashion than it would be in a heretical land. Add to 
this the external difficulties. Does anyone believe the 
republic capable of maintaining three armies of 16,000 men 
each, in Lombardy, in Friuli and Polesina ? 2 Can we rely on 
the subjects ? We have taken possession of their land, hence 
there prevail amongst us luxury and an intolerable arrogance 
in stark contrast with the manners cf our forbears, whilst 
among the people there is poverty, discontent and a longing 
for a change. 3 Add to this that we have no ally whom we 
could really trust. 4 

The attitude of the foreign countries also was sufficiently 
humiliating for the republic. The interdict was published 
in Savoy and the Venetian envoy was forbidden to enter 

1 In CORNET, 308. " Ibid., 310 seq. 

1 Ibid., 313. 4 Ibid., 313 seq. 



l66 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the churches l ; in Venice the envoy of Savoy refused to 
attend services forbidden by the Pope and in order to avoid 
contact with the excommunicated Senate he retired to a 
country house outside the city, alleging the example of the 
Imperial and the Spanish Court. 2 At the court of Rudolph II., 
at Prague, the nuncio Ferreri broke off all relations with the 
envoy of the Signoria and forbade him to take part in the 
procession of Corpus Christi ; the Emperor himself would 
not give him audience and his ministers openly avoided him. 3 
The Spanish nuncio declared at Madrid that he would not 
take part in the services in the chapel royal if the Venetian 
representative was present. With a view to avoiding a 
decisive step the king ceased to attend his own chapel 4 till 
at last, in January, 1607, he yielded to the pressure of the 
Pope and decided to exclude the envoy. 5 At Warsaw the 
ambassador of the Signoria had the mortification of seeing 
some gentlemen of his suite excluded from church by order 
of the nuncio, though in this matter the archbishop did not 
agree with the action of the nuncio and whilst the envoy 
remained in Poland the king withheld the publication of the 
interdict. 6 Henry IV., notwithstanding his efforts at media- 

1 CORNET, 119, n. i. "Laudatory brief of October 6, 1606, 
in the Epist. ad princip., XLV., 2, 213, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 CORNET, 117, n. 3. 

8 Meyer, Nuntiaturberichte, LXIL, 775 de 778, f. 7853 ; CORNET, 
97 3*5 se W DE MAGISTRIS, 68, 73. In the opinion of the 
Senate here also the nuncio went beyond his rights for, it was 
claimed, the envoy was subject only to the emperor and the 
Signoria ; see CORNET, 105, Maximilian I. of Bavaria exhorted 
to obedience to the Pope (ibid., 104), but declined to offer his 
services to the latter (Stieve, V., 59). 

4 CORNET, 113. 

5 Ibid., 1 86, n. i. *Philip III. to Aytona on January 19, 1607, 
Arch, of Spanish Embassy, at Rome, III., 10. 

6 CORNET, 114 seq. Cf. "instruction for Simonetta, November, 
1606 (Brera Lib., at Milan) : the nuncio is instructed to explain 
to the Poles the true nature of the dispute between the Pope 
and Venice, the best books on which were those of BeHarmine, 



APPEAL TO HENRY IV. 167 

tion, would not allow the Venetian ambassador to be present 
at the christening of his children. 1 

The best hopes of the Senate rested on the King of France. 
At the end of December, 1606, Fresne had counselled getting 
the Orisons to make an irruption into Milanese territory ; in 
such an eventuality France would surely side with Venice. 2 
Towards the end of January the Venetian envoy in Paris 
vainly besought Henry IV. to come to the assistance of the 
republic. Heated discussions ensued ; not long after the 
envoy had a stroke of apoplexy which was thought to have 
been caused by the controversy. 3 An alliance which Fresne 
had suggested the Venetians should ask for, Henry flatly 
refused. 4 As a matter of fact, notwithstanding all these war 
like preparations, the king had not yet given up hope of a 
peaceful settlement. At this very time he informed his am 
bassador of an important arrangement he had just concluded 
with the Pope. Seeing how difficult Venice found it to promise 
suspension of the laws in dispute, the king was prepared to 
make the promise in its name, only the republic must give him 
some token which would win for his word respect and trust. 5 

The king took a step fraught with even graver consequences 
when at the end of 1606 he commissioned his kinsman, 
Cardinal de Joyeuse, who was eager to go to Italy, to inquire, 
whilst there, into the state of the quarrel and, should reports 
be favourable, to betake himself to the city of the lagoons 
with a view to acting as a mediator. 6 

Baronius and Bovio, and to use his influence against the presence 
in Poland of an envoy from Venice. The bishop of Chur also 
refused to say Mass in the presence of the Venetian representative. 
The levying of troops against the Pope he declared to be unlawful : 
so he was banished; see Dollinger-Reusch, Moralstreitigkeiten, 

!> 553 se 3" IT - 26 4- 

1 PRAT, II., 501. * Niirnberger, Interdikt, 488. 

Niirnberger, 490. On similar proposals of the king see : 
Coton to Aquaviva on November 18, 1606, in PRAT, II., 502 seq. 

* Niirnberger, 490, 494. 

5 On February i, 1607 ; see Nurnberger, 490 ; cf. Cornet, 207. 

Nurnberger, 487 ; CORNET, 207, 210. 



l68 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

When he had entered Italian territory, Joyeuse made a 
show of journeying Romewards ; in reality he set out for 
Papozze, a village on the Po, where he spent the whole of 
January and part of February at the country house of a noble 
man, a friend of his. There he had several conferences with 
Fresne. On February 2nd, 1607, the King ordered him to proceed 
to Venice and on February 10th de Joyeuse informed Rome of 
his impending departure. 1 

Though Paul V. had not summoned the French Cardinal he 
was not displeased to see him, for he hoped that here at last 
there might be a chance to settle the tiresome quarrel. In 
his instructions to Joyeuse the Pope insisted on the strict 
observance of the interdict ; the promise of the republic not 
to apply the contentious laws must not be limited to a deter 
mined period ; to this the Pope would never consent, the 
promise to be made by the Signoria under the guaranty of the 
French king, must be perfectly clear and denned in its smallest 
detail. Rome would be greatly gratified if the King of Spain 
also pledged his word. As a matter of fact it had been 
the wish of the Pope that Spain and France should settle 
the dispute by a joint action ; however the rivalry 
between the two courts allowed but little hope of such an 
eventuality. 2 

Joyeuse reached Venice on February 15th. He met with a 
hearty welcome for the arrival of the Frenchman was held 
as a guarantee that Henry IV. would fall in with the republic s 
proposals for a league with France. It was only when the 
king s reply of February 20th and March 3rd had destroyed 
this hope that a beginning could be made of the discussions 
which, it was hoped, would lead to an amicable solution of the 
quarrel. 3 

It is open to reasonable doubt whether Joyeuse was the 
best exponent of Rome s point of view. Henry IV. had no 

1 Cf. the report of Malatesta, printed by Niirnberger, in Rom. 
Quartalschrift, II. (1888), 248 seqq. 

2 Niirnberger, 491 seqq. 

3 Ibid., 493 seqq. 



CARDINAL JOYEUSE IN VENICE. 169 

intention to draw the sword on behalf of the Pope, but he 
cherished the ambition of being considered the great pacifier 
of Italy ; hence his envoy strove for peace at all costs, the 
Spaniards and all others being excluded from the discussions. 
In these endeavours the Cardinal more than once exceeded 
the instructions he had received from Rome. The cunning 
statesmen on the Rialto soon saw that not only did France 
not seriously threaten them, but that on the contrary she 
averted the storm that threatened them from Spain. Hence 
they took up a position as follows : as regards concessions 
to the Pope, only a bare minimum must be agreed to, so as 
to get their necks out of the noose ; this minimum must be 
granted with as little publicity as possible, so that it would be 
easier, later on, to deny that a promise was ever made ; 
throughout the transaction they must display towards the 
Pope as much disrespect and arrogance as was possible without 
compromising the continuation of the discussion. As a matter 
of fact, even after the arrival of the Cardinal, the excom 
municated Franciscan, Fulgenzio Manfredi, was allowed to 
renew from the pulpit his extravagant denunciations of the 
Pope. True, Joyeuse succeeded in getting Manfredi removed 
from Venice, though only for a time. 1 As late as February 
26th, the Senate instructed the governors of Padua and those 
of nine other large towns to see to it that there were frequent 
services and that those who obstinately submitted to the 
interdict were banished. They were particularly to keep an 
eye on the confessors. 2 Cardinal Borghese even writes that 
after the arrival of the peace-maker, contempt for all things 
ecclesiastical and divine became more pronounced ; the 
protest of the doge against the excommunication, as well as 
the proclamation of the Senate to the citizens, was once more 
posted up on the church doors ; by shutting them off from 
the outer world, nuns were made to choose between death by 
starvation and breaking the interdict ; one noble lady was 

1 Niirnberger, Inderdikt, 493, 498. On Manfredi see some 
notes by Mercati in the Miscell. di stor. eccl., V., 4 (1907). 

2 CORNET, 217 ; cf. 193, n. i. 



170 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

cast into prison for refusing to hear Mass and blasphemous 
publications were once more broadcast. 1 

The discussions with Joyeuse started from the concessions 
consented by the Senate in the preceding November, though 
in a somewhat altered form. Accordingly, France and Spain 
were to pray the Pope for the revocation of the censures ; 
out of regard for the King of France, the two prisoners were 
to be delivered into the hands of a prelate who would take 
charge of them in the name of the Pope, without prejudice, 
however, to the right of the republic to judge these 
ecclesiastics. With the raising of the censures, Venice s 
protest against them would cease, and with regard to the 
polemical writings published at Venice, the republic would 
deal with them as Rome deals with those published in Rome. 
After the removal of the censures an envoy would go to Rome 
to thank the Pope for having paved the way for an amicable 
discussion. The republic persisted, however, in its refusal to 
suspend the laws, but promised that in the application of them 
it would not depart from its traditional piety. 2 

In the last mentioned condition lay the chief difficulty, 
hence Joyeuse took the greatest pains to make it easy for 
the Senate to grant some concession on this point. The Pope, 
he explained, demanded a promise of non-application of the 
laws ; King Henry was prepared to give it to the Pope ; but 
there was no need for the republic to issue a written declaration 
or to pass a special act in the matter ; all that was required 
was that the king should have a guarantee that his word 
would not be dishonoured. Moreover the required non- 
application of the laws meant very little, inasmuch as they 
were only prohibitions ; therefore, as long as they remain, 
the erection of churches, fo: instance, which they forbade, 



1 *Borghese to the French nuncio, Barberini, on March 6, 
1607, Barb. lat. 5913, p. 65, Vat. Lib. "(Scritture) escono tuttavia 
molte da Venezia e hieri appunto ne capitano quattro alle mani ; 
a pamphlet in favour of Rome was printed in Paris. Borghese 
to Barberini on March 17, 1606, ibid., p. 103 

2 CORNET 218, n. 2 ; cf. 222 and Nurnberger, 482. 



JOYEUSE S ATTEMPTS AT MEDIATION. 

would not be practicable and this state would continue so 
even if they were suspended ; there was really question of no 
more than an act of courtesy towards the Pope, 1 a " false 
coin " as Fresne put it. a Joyeuse had likewise endeavoured 
to secure a certain concession on the part of the Pope, but 
in this he had been so far unsuccessful : it was that the Church 
agreed on looking upon everything as in suspense, and in 
consequence no new church building would take place. In 
this way the Venetian law would be purposeless and would 
fall into abeyance. 8 

After an inconclusive vote on March 9th, 4 the Senate on 
the 14th reached an agreement on the text of an explanation 
to be presented to Joyeuse and Castro. Since the republic, 
it was stated, did not wish to depart from its traditional piety 
and religious spirit in the application of the laws, in that 
declaration the two kings had enough to go on with to justify 
them in settling the whole affair for they could rest assured of 
the republic s straightforwardness and the purity of its 
motives. The republic prayed for such good offices of the two 
monarchs as could be expected from their prudence and 
kindly disposition. 5 Joyeuse, on being informed of the 
decision on the following day, declared himself satisfied, 
whereas Castro remarked that he understood the decision 
to mean no more than that the laws would not be applied 
whilst further deliberation was in progress. To the query 
implied in this remark the doge gave an evasive answer though 
in the letter in which Castro and Cardenas, on the same day, 
prayed in the name of Venice for the removal of the censures, 
both spoke as if a definite promise had been made. Yet 
another point in the letter of the two Spaniards demands 
attention : they give an assurance that the priests and 
religious who had fled by reason of the interdict, would 

1 Niirnberger, 494 ; CORNET, 219. 

2 CORNET, 219, n. i. 

3 Ibid., and Niirnberger, loc. cit. 
* CORNET, 222 seq. 

5 Ibid., 224. 



172 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

be allowed to come back, though with one exception : there 
after the city of the lagoons would be closed to the Jesuits. 1 

The Society of Jesus had bitter enemies in Venice of whom 
Sarpi was not the least dangerous. From the first the decree 
which banished them had been so worded that they could 
not benefit by the city s reconciliation with Rome, for it was 
not the interdict that was alleged in the decree of expulsion 
as the ground of their banishment, but the evil dispositions 
towards the republic with which they were credited. 2 The 
polemical writings of Bellarmine and other Jesuits against 
Sarpi and his associates, and their exhortations to observe 
the interdict, were not likely to lessen the existing hatred for 
them. Notwithstanding the intervention of Henry IV. 3 both 
the doge and the Senate repeatedly declared that they would 
never again be admitted. 4 On the other hand Paul V. felt 
in honour bound to exert himself on their behalf and he 
reasserted his determination in this matter in his last 
instructions to Joyeuse. 5 Hence the French peace-maker 
was faced with a difficulty which for a time seemed destined to 
wreck every attempt to settle the quarrel. 

However, by the time the question of the Jesuits threatened 
to become acute the scene of the peace parleys had been 
transferred from Venice to Rome. This is what had happened. 
In March, 1607, the emperor Rudolph II., through the duke of 
Savoy and the marquis of Castiglione, had made a show of 

1 Niirnberger, 495. 

2 The Senate obstinately maintained that the decree against 
them (in CORNET, 106) had been issued per gravissime colpe com- 
messe cosl innanzi come dopo I lnterdetto (ibid., 224). As against 
this Paul V. affirms che contro le padri non sard portata cosa, che 
giustifichi la lore eschtsioKe (Niirnberger, Dokumente, 362). 
Henry IV. asked for accurate details of their transgressions, 
but the Senate begged to be excused. (PRAT, II., 494, 496.) 

3 CRETINEAU-JOLY, III., 140 seqq. ; PRAT, II., 494, 496 ; 
CORNET, 220. 

* CORNET, 125, n. i, 130, 133, 198, n. 2, 219, etc. For Joyeuse s 
efforts in their behalf cf. CRETINEAU-JOLY, III., 143 seqq. 
5 Niirnberger, Inter dikt, 492, 493. 



JOYEUSE GOES TO ROME. 173 

throwing his weight into the scales in favour of peace. To 
preclude so undesirable an intervention, Joyeuse now made 
out that a settlement had already been reached and he 
forthwith set out for Rome : all that the marquis could do 
was to follow him thither. 1 

It was an arduous task that awaited the peace-maker in 
Rome. In their mortification the Spaniards had already 
seen to it that the Pope was well informed as regarded the not 
very brilliant success achieved at Venice. The marquis 
expressed surprise that Joyeuse should dare to approach 
the Holy See, 2 when he had but such slender concessions to 
offer. The Cardinal needs must begin by trying to obtain a 
brief which would grant him full power to absolve the 
Venetians without a demand for the return of the Jesuits. 
He reached Rome on the evening of March 22nd, took counsel 
all that night with the friends of France and only presented 
himself to Paul V. on the evening of the next day. He 
expatiated on the impending danger of Venice turning 
Protestant and the difficulty of an accommodation, but made 
no reference to the Jesuits. Only as he was about to leave he 
casually remarked that on the following day he would suggest 
a means by which a satisfactory settlement of their affairs 
could be reached. 3 

The whole of that night Paul V. racked his brains as to the 
nature of the mysterious way out which the Frenchman 
claimed he had been ingenious enough to discover. Early 
in the morning he sent a messenger to Joyeuse asking for 
details of the secret. The Pope must have been not a little 
disappointed when the Cardinal came in person to inform 
him that discussions led nowhere but that he would be able 
to achieve something if the Pope would first give him a brief 
with full powers to pronounce absolution. Paul V. would not 
allow the longed-for brief to be wrung from him in such a 
fashion. He replied that the whole quarrel had started 

1 Ibid., 495 seq. 

2 Ibid., 496. 

3 Ibid., 496 seq. 



174 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

because of two priests ; he could not end it by sacrificing an 
entire religious Order. Joyeuse had to leave without having 
obtained anything. 1 Where he had failed, Du Perron was now 
expected to succeed. The latter represented to the Pope that 
he could assuredly not risk a war because of the Jesuits. 
Meanwhile Joyeuse got in touch with Aquaviva, the General 
of the Jesuits, who expressed his readiness for peace to be 
concluded regardless of his Order. 2 On April 1st the Pope 
dropped the question not indeed of the Jesuits return, but 
of their immediate return. 3 

Even so they were very far from having cleared the ground 
of all obstacles. Everybody in Rome deemed the French 
terms of settlement humiliating. It was felt that if the 
French had acted in Venice in concert with the Spaniards 
and if jointly with the latter they had brought to bear on the 
Senate the pressure they were now applying to the Pope, 
affairs would be in a very different state. A compromise 
like the French one, Castro wrote, he could have secured 
himself without the aid of Joyeuse, and if the latter had not 
stood in his way either he or Fuentes would have succeeded 
in getting the objectionable laws repealed. Moreover on 
April 3rd it became known that on the occasion of the handing 
over of the two priests the Venetians were determined to 
make an express declaration that they meant to uphold their 
pretension that the two clerics were justiciable to their city. 
Hence arose fresh difficulties. Late at night Du Perron called 
once more on the Pope to give him a solemn assurance that 
Joyeuse would not make use of his powers of absolution unless 
the prisoners were surrendered without reservation. For the 
time being Joyeuse would absolve the bishops and prelates 
only in so far as their individual conscience was concerned, 
but not publicly. 4 

1 Ibid,, 497 ; Delfino on March 29, in CORNET, 336. 
* JUVENCIUS, P. V., i, 12, n. 119, p. 103. 
8 Niirnberger, 499 ; Circular of Aquaviva to his subjects of 
May 29, in PRAT, II., 514. 

4 Niirnberger, Jnterdikt, 498 seq. 



CONCILIATORY DOCUMENTS DRAWN UP. 175 

At last, on April 1st, Joyeuse, in conjunction with the 
French envoy Alincourt, was able to draw up two documents. 1 
In the first it was stated that Alincourt, in the name of 
his king and in that of the republic, prayed for the repeal 
of the censures. It gave expression to the republic s deep 
regret for all that had happened, its eagerness to recover 
the Pope s goodwill and its readiness to give him every satis 
faction. In the second document Joyeuse and Alincourt, in 
the name of Henry IV., pledged themselves as follows : The 
two prisoners shall be handed over to the Pope ; Venice 
agrees not to apply the laws in dispute whilst the discussions 
are in progress ; the protest against the interdict and the 
doge s letter shall be withdrawn simultaneously with the 
repeal of the censures ; religious who fled because of the inter 
dict are free to return ; any proceedings taken against persons, 
or property by reason of the observance of the interdict, are 
declared null and void and compensation will be made. On 
March 10th Castro and Cardenas had pledged their king s 
word in respect to these same points and with the consent of 
the republic had prayed, in the king s name, for the removal of 
the censures. 2 An instruction to Joyeuse enumerates the 
conditions under which he is empowered -to absolve the Senate. 
In addition to the non-application of the laws and the above 
mentioned promises, the Pope now demands, the immediate 
despatch of an envoy to Rome. 8 In the event of no settlement 
ensuing the Pope was resolved to stiffen the existing censures. 4 

In point of fact fresh difficulties arose at once at Venice. 
Joyeuse had reached the city on Monday in Holy Week ; by 

1 Ibid., 499. Cf. Borghese to Barberini, April 4, 1607, in 
Ntirnberger, Dokumente, II., 262. 

Borghese, ibid., 69. 

Nlirnberger, Interdikt, 498 seq. Brief for the absolution of 
April 4, 1607, in Bull., XII., 388. The Spaniards in Rome hanno 
fatto grandissimo rumore when the settlement of the affair was 
put into the hands of Joyeuse (Borghese to Barberini on April 4, 
1607, Barb. lat. 5913, p. 13, Vat. Lib.). Cf. also RINIERI, Clemente 
VIII. e Smart Bassd Cicala, Rome, 1898, 209 seq. 

4 Borghese to Barberini, in Niirnberger, Dokumente, II., 265. 



176 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Easter, so he thought, everything could be settled. However, 
whilst under this impression, the Cardinal had forgotten that 
beside the doge, the Senate and the Counsel of Ten there was 
yet another power in Venice, namely Sarpi, for whose hatred 
of Rome a settlement was most unwelcome. On his advice 
the Senate would not hear of a public absolution and of a 
public recantation of the former protest against the censures. 
This led to a further lengthy discussion and it was with the 
greatest difficulty that an agreement was come to at last. 
Saturday after Easter, April 21st, was fixed upon for the 
reconciliation. 1 Castro had been previously informed by the 
Senate of the terms of the settlement. 2 

No one can maintain that in this affair of the reconciliation 
the Senate showed the faintest trace of either dignity or 
magnanimity ; on the contrary, no trick or artifice was too 
petty if by using it it was possible to whittle down and to 
lessen the value of what it could not help agreeing to. To 
begin with, early in the morning the two prisoners were handed 
over to the French envoy, at the Cardinal s lodgings. It 
was explained that this was done out of regard for the King 
of France and without prejudice to the jurisdiction of the 
republic over the two ecclesiastics. After that a deputation 
called upon the Cardinal to whom Fresne handed the 
prisoners ; at this ceremony no mention was made of the 
jurisdiction of the republic. 3 Thereupon Joyeuse proceeded 
to the assembly hall of the Collegio where he absolved from 



1 Niirnberger, Interdikt, 500 seq. 

2 CORNET, 25 seq. 



8 The Venetian notary on the surrender of the prisoners, in 
CORNET, 305 seq., cf. 253 ; Joyeuse, on the subject in Niirnberger, 
Dokumente, II., 76 seq. Joyeuse was able to report to Rome 
that the prisoners had been handed over to him libere nullaque 
interposita neque in verbo neque in scriptis protestatione, conditione 
vel reservatione de facto (Niirnberger, ibid., 77). Only the Senate 
could also say the opposite and Joyeuse had made this possible 
(see CORNET, 246) ; on April 18 restava (S. Signoria) contenta 
in regard to the prisoners though he knew quite well what the 
Senate s conditions were (ibid., 236, 237, 239, 241, 243). 



THE INTERDICT REVOKED. 177 

their censures both the doge and the Senate represented by 
sixteen of its members. Thus the republic permitted an act 
by which it acknowledged the existence both of the excom 
munication and the interdict, 1 but, as was seen at once, it did 
so only with the intention of subsequently denying everything. 
In order that all might see that the interdict was at an end, 
the Cardinal resolved, immediately after the absolution, to say 
Mass with all possible solemnity, for until then, to the keen 
chagrin of the Senate, he had strictly observed the interdict. 2 
To add to the annoyance of the Senate a vast concourse of 
people had assembled in the piazza of San Marco to await 
the arrival of the Cardinal. The Senate now ordered the main 
door to be closed. When Joyeuse was about to set out for 
St. Mark s he was told that the key could not be found ; so 
he had to make his exit through a narrow postern gate. 
However, a dense mass of worshippers assisted at his Mass. 3 
Finally the wording of the Senate s statement concerning 
the recall of its protestations caused general indignation 
in Rome, for its most important paragraph was couched in 
these terms : Since both sides have done all that was 
required and the censures have been removed, the protest is 
likewise revoked. 4 Obviously if the Pope no longer insisted 
on the censures Venice s protest was purposeless and the 
fact was disguised that an absolution had taken place and 
that the recall of the protest had preceded it. The document, 
in this form, was then broadcast by means of the printing 
press. 5 When the Pope complained, the Senate declared itself 

1 The proof 3 that Venice " had received a formal absolution 
from the papal legate " (Hinschius, Kirchenrecht, V., 537), in 
Niirnberger, Interdikt, 503, 505 seq. ; Dokumente, II., 356 seq., 
360. 

1 Niirnberger, Interdikt, 491, 493. 

8 Ibid., 501 seq. J ai eu de la peine a me guarantir d estre fouU, 
Joyeuse wrote to Henry IV. on April 23, 1607. PRAT, II., 512. 

4 CORNET, 252 ; Lunig, II., 2019. 

6 *L istessa sera comparve una scrittura stampata piena d un 
arrogante e simulata humilta, la quale offese gli animi di tutti 
a la corte. . . . The Pope non si sarai mai aspettata una cosa 

VOL. xxv. 

15 



178 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

ready for further explanations, but opinion in Rome was that 
it was best not to insist. So it was deemed that enough had 
been done when Fresne and Joyeuse attested by an official 
written document that the protest had been revoked previous 
to the absolution. 1 Rome had likewise demanded the recall 
of a circular dealing with the interdict which the doge had 
addressed to the subjects of the republic. However, the Pope 
declared himself satisfied with an attestation of the Senate 
that it was not responsible for its publication. 2 In the letters 
of April 6th and 21st, Joyeuse had been instructed to exert 
himself on behalf of the Jesuits, but in this respect his efforts 
proved in vain. The Senate would inform the Pope, he was 
told, why it insisted on the continuation of the banishment 
of the Society. 3 The other Orders were allowed to return, 4 
but they were to do so unostentatiously. 5 The Senate refused 
to draw up a formal document concerning the settlement ; 
to do so would be against the laws of the republic, it was 
said, and a thing attested by a Cardinal and the envoys of 
two such great kings needed no further guaranty. 6 As a 

tale. . . . The Venetians hanno proceduto con manifesto inganno. 
. . . Noi per ora procureremo che la verita si sappia, et a tale 
effeto si mandano a V. S. ill. le copie sudette. (Borghese to 
Barberini on May i, 1606, Barb. lat., 5913, p. 115, Vatic. Lib.) 
*Per quella scrittura in stampa . . . e per altre dimostrationi 
di poco rispetto e di una impenitenza espressa, ne andavano di 
mezzo la riputatione di N. S. On his complaining Joyeuse returned 
to Venice from the Abbey of Candidiana and from there he sent 
his secretary con una fede authentica che si era fatta la rivocazione 
del Manifesto prima che si venisse all atto dell assolutione e 
che la scrittura in stampa era una diligenza aliena del negotio, 
che alia Republica era parso di fare con gl Ecclesiastici del suo 
dominio. (Borghese to Barberini on May 29, 1607, ibid., p. 144 seq.) 

1 Niirnberger, Interdikt, 504, 507 ; Dokumente, II., 358-367. 

2 Niirnberger, Interdikt, 500, 501, 507. 

3 Ibid , 501, 504. 
* Ibid., 506. 

5 CORNET, 255, n. 3. 

6 Niirnberger, Interdikt, 504. 



DIFFICULTIES BETWEEN CARDINAL AND SENATE. 179 

matter of fact both kings confirmed by special letters all that 
their envoys had promised and performed and guaranteed 
the non-execution of the laws to which Rome took exception. 1 
Nevertheless when in the consistory of 30th April Paul V. 
gave an account to the Cardinals of what had taken place in 
Venice they were not given an opportunity to expres their 
opinion for the Pope was afraid lest they should signify their 
disapproval. 2 The Senate had refused to observe the 
interdict for two or three days previous to the absolution 3 
and just before the solemn Mass of Cardinal de Joyeuse several 
priests had been compelled to say Mass. 4 For two whole days 
the waiting rooms of the Cardinal were encumbered with 
priests and religious who flocked to him in order to get 
absolution from the censures they had incurred by their 
non-observance of the interdict, so that Joyeuse saw himself 
compelled to delegate his powers to ten suitable priests and 
these also found themselves surrounded by an extraordinary 
concourse. In this respect also the republic took counter 
measures lest the pressure it had exercised on consciences 
should become too evident. However, many priests refrained 
from saying Mass until they had received absolution and in 
this way the interdict was after all observed. 6 Joyeuse 

1 Ibid., 507. *Letter of Henry IV., Fontainebleau, May 3, 
1607, in Borghese, I., 129, Papal Secret Archives ; reply of 
Paul V., of May 29 (with recommendation of the affair of the 
Jesuits) in PRAT V., 240 seq. Cf. * brief of May 25, 1607, in the 
Epist. ad princ., I., 508, XLV., i, Papal Secret Archives. 

1 Niirnberger, Inter dikt, 505. Protocol of the Consistory, ibid. 
According to an anonymous diary the Pope said : che la Chiesa 
e la dignita ecclesiastica non haveva perso niente ma guadagnato 
molto, but havendo osservato circa 1 essentiale tutte le cose piu 
principali per non mettere in Italia una ruina cesl grande, haveva 
lasciato passare certe cose di poco momento. Arch. stor. ital., 5 
series, XVIII., 502. 

3 * Borghese to Barberini on April 18, 1607, Barb. lat. 5913, 
p. 112, Vatic. Lib. ; Niirnberger,., Interdikt, 501. 

4 Niirnberger, ibid., 501, 502. 

6 Ibid., 505 seq. ; Dokumente, 355. 



l8o HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

informed the bishops and prelates by letter that they were 
absolved, though with certain limitations. 1 This letter made 
things awkward for the Senate, since it stated the fact that 
the republic had been absolved, and consequently, that 
absolution had been needed ; accordingly the locum tenens 
of the bishop of Padua 2 received orders not to publish the 
document without the Senate s leave for it was enough that 
the censures no longer existed de facto ; moreover he was to 
take care not to grant to any priest or religious power to 
absolve from the consequences of their non-observance of the 
interdict ; let him soothe anxious consciences with this 
assurance, all the more as in Venice absolution was neither 
needed nor demanded by the Senate. Thus, by every means 
imaginable, did the republic vent its spite against the Pope. 
At the time of the death of Cardinal Valier of Verona, who 
had always counselled peace with Venice, Villeroi had written 
to Cardinal Givry 3 that he regretted both the death of the 
Cardinal and the prolongation of the quarrel ; that the latter 
would cause more injury to the Holy See and grief to the 
Pope than is realized by those who oppose the reconciliation. 
The successor of Paul V., Gregory XV., begins his instructions 
to the new nuncio of Venice 4 with these words : " The best 
results had been hoped for from the use of spiritual weapons 
which Paul V. took up for the defence of the Church s freedom, 
not for destruction but for building up ; however, the existing 
evil dispositions towards them, the influence of persons who, 
by reason of their age and discretion were not entitled to as 

1 On May 2, 1607, in CORNET, 307. 

2 Letter of May 9, ibid., 258, n. 2. 

3 On June 30, 1606 : Nous regrettons la mort du bon cardinal 
de Verone comme nous faisons la continuation du differend du 
Pape avec les Venetiens jugeans s il dure qu il preiudiciera plus 
au St. Siege et apportera plus de desplaisir a S. S. que ne s imagi- 
nent ceulx qui s opposent a raccommodement d iceluy. MS. 219, 
p. 107, of Metz Lib. Cf. ibid., p. 105, 106, the *letters of Henry IV. 
of June 19 and July 25, 1606 ; of Villeroi, May 5, 1606. 

4 Of June i, 1621, published by ACHILLE GENNARELLI in 
Archiv. stor. Hal. N. Ser. VII., I (1858), 13-35. 



RESULTS OF THE INTERDICT. l8l 

much authority as they exercised, the inspiration of a man 
of genius for evil who exerted greater influence through his 
tongue and his friends than by reason of his position all 
these things produced as many evils as would have been the 
case had these weapons been used at the worst periods of 
history. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction and discipline, respect for 
the Pope and the Apostolic See suffered such damage to the 
no small danger of the Catholic religion that instead of gain 
and recovery no small loss had to be registered." Such an 
admission suggests a comparison with the action of Pius V. : 
like his successor that Pope had had difficulties with Venice 
of a similar nature, 1 yet notwithstanding his great zeal he 
could not make up his mind to take steps such as were taken 
by Paul V. If Paul V. had made a miscalculation, so had 
Venice. 2 The Senate imagined that it stood for the cause of 
all the princes as against the Pope, so that all the European 
powers would range themselves by its side. In this the Senate, 
or its advisor Sarpi, was mistaken : in the end the republic 
was forced to yield to the combined pressure of Spain and 
France. The very fact that it strove to deny, or to whittle 
down by unseemly tricks, the concessions it was finally 
compelled to make to the Pope, was the surest proof that the 
republic only yielded because it could not help itself. At the 
beginning, as a speaker in the Senate remarked, they were 
not afraid of the censures, on the contrary, they welcomed 
them, for if they now became an object of contempt, the 
power of Venice would be confirmed for all time. 3 But our 
republic, he adds, is more powerful in name than in 
reality. 4 A contemporary writer declares that Venice would 

1 Cf. our account, Vol. XVIII, 363 seq. 

2 Ranke (II. 6 , 231) sums up thus : As a matter of fact it 
is easy to see that the points in dispute had been settled not 
quite as much to the advantage of the Venetians as is generally 
asserted. 

3 Le quali ragioni sono state di tanto peso presso di noi, che 
facevano desiderabili non che temute le minaccie dclle censure 
credendo che sprezzate questa volta, fermassimo per sempre le 
cose nostre. In CORNET, 308. * CORNET, 310. 



l82 HISTORY OF THE POPES 

never have allowed things to go as far as a war had the Pope 
seriously contemplated taking up arms. 1 At the close of his 
history of the interdict the Senator Antonio Quirini sets down 
the following twelve conclusions. 2 The event, he writes, has 
shown that the republic begins everything eagerly but fails 
to hold out ; that wars in which religion enters are 
exceedingly dangerous ; that in all contests with the Pope 
the latter has an enormous advantage over his opponents. 
Fourthly that nothing so jeopardizes the independence of the 
State as a misunderstanding with the Pope. Our forbears 
were well aware of the necessity of not rousing the Turk ; of 
being on good terms with the Pope, of rewarding the good 
and punishing the wicked. These things, in their opinion, 
were the four wheels which must carry forward on the right 
road the chariot of a republic. The ship of our republic will 
be secure when, by means of a good understanding, it is 
anchored to the Church ! In the ninth place Quirini points 
out to the merchants on the Rialto the losses incurred by them 
as a result of the quarrel, namely two millions in gold for 
armaments, the losses resulting from irregularities in the 
collection of taxes and the sixty thousand ducats annually 
paid to the army, and all to no purpose. His eleventh point 
is that all the calculations of the republic were wrong from the 
beginning. At first people thought the Pope would not really 
make use of the weapon of excommunication ; then they 
imagined that no secular prince would take sides against 
Venice ; lastly they fancied that at least the king of France 
would surely come down with his whole weight on the side 
of Venice as soon as Spain had decided to support the Pope. 
They were mistaken. Again people deceived themselves when, 
after the statement made by Spain, it was thought that the 
main purpose both of the Spaniards and the Pope was the 
oppression of the republic. Neither France nor Spain sought 
a real compromise ; if they did, the attempt of the one must 
nullify that of the other ; in a word, if in the end things did 



1 In Niirnberger, Interdikt, 510. 

2 In CORNET, 337-9. 



ARROGANCE OF VENETIAN YOUTH. 183 

not go badly, it was all due not to the action of men, but to 
the kindly intervention of Providence. Quirini ends with an 
attack on the party of the youths who, during the struggle, 
had arrogated to themselves a preponderant role. Venice 
must maintain itself by prudence rather than by force of 
arms, hence the republic honours age and its maturity of 
judgment at least it used to do so once upon a time. 



CHAPTER V. 

SARPI S POLITICAL THEORIES AND HIS ATTEMPTS TO 
PROTESTANTIZE VENICE. 

THE reconciliation between Rome and Venice was followed 
by an immediate resumption of diplomatic relations. On the 
very day of the absolution the Senate appointed Francesco 
Contarini as its representative in Rome. 1 The Pope received 
him in a most friendly way, embraced him, spoke of his 
affection and regard for the republic, declaring how the 
independence of Italy depended on an understanding between 
Venice and the Holy See ; he would not remember the past ; 
let everything be new and let the past be forgotten. 2 On 
his part the Pope also appointed a nuncio to Venice in the 
person of Berlingherio Gessi, bishop of Rimini. In his 
instruction the new nuncio 3 was bidden to display zeal and 

1 CORNET, 255 ; cf. 258. *Brief with announcement of his 
arrival, of June 8, 1607, in the Epist. ad princ., XLV., 3, Papal 
Secret Archives. * Brief of the same day to Donate on despatch 
of nuncio, ibid. 

2 CORNET, 261. Already on November 3, 1606, Paul V. had 
said to Alincourt : che conosce benissimo i disordini che possono 
succedere e quanto convenga al servitio di tutta la Christianita 
il conservarsi in amorevole confidenza la S. Sede con la Republica 
(ibid., 158). Cf. GIROLAMO CORDONI, *Allegrezze della Chiesa 
cattolica nella riconciliazione del ser. senate di Venezia con la 
S. Sede Apostolica, 1607, Bibl. Corvisieri in Rome ; Magnus 
Perneus, *Opusculum super reversione Venetorum (dedicated to 
Paul V., written June-September, 1607), Barb., 3260, Vat. Lib. 

3 *Instrtittione al vesc. di Rimini, dated June 4, 1607, often 
found in MS. ; I found it in Berlin, Staatsbibl. Inform, polit., 10 ; 
Naples, Lib. of Soc. di stor. pair., XXXIII, B 7505 ; Rome, 
Bibl. Casanat., X., iv., 58, p. 149-169, Cod. Barb., 5527, 
Ottob., I., 426, 427 seqq., Urb., 867, p. 362 seqq. ; Venice, Lib. 

184 



RELATIONS BETWEEN THE POPE AND VENICE. 185 

manly courage as well as a gentle and conciliatory spirit. 
Venice was still under the impression of the distress the 
city experienced at the time of the censures inflicted by 
Sixtus V. and Julius II. 1 ; consequently anyone with a glib 
tongue would easily persuade the people that the Popes 
sought to oppress the secular power by all the means they 
disposed of. As against these ideas the nuncio should stress 
the love of peace cherished by the Apostlic See. To peace 
the papacy owed its existence and increase ; the Pope 
demanded no more than what was due to him, and he em 
braced the Venetians with fatherly affection. We all learn 
by experience, hence the nuncio must defend with impartiality 
and courage the interests of the Church in the face of too 
worldly-minded prelates, and the prelates themselves in the 
face of secular officials. At all times the Pope wished to see 
the Church s authority and power manfully defended by the 
nuncio ; on the other hand he may not, without solid justifica 
tion in law, meddle with things over which controversy might 
arise, for it may very well be a less evil not to start a 
controversy than to be defeated in it. a In particular Gessi 
must see to it that the Venetians carry out the promises 
made previous to the reconciliation and endeavour to secure 
the recall of the Jesuits. 

As regards the reform in Venice the nuncio should 
particularly keep an eye on the bishops and the religious. 

of St. Mark, CL, VII., Cod. DCCCLXXVI ; Salzburg, Studienbibl, 
V., F 94 ; Vienna, Staatsbibl. Cod. 6582, Staatsarchiv, Handschr. 
Abt. I quote according to the codex of the Bibl. Casanatense. 
Ranke (III.*, App., n. 79) used a copy of the Bibl. Albani which 
no longer exists. 

1 Cf. our account, Vol. Ill, 379 seq. ; VI., ch. 10. 

2 *di non abbracciare causa, che possa venire in contesa, dove 
non habbia ragione, perch e forse e minor male il non contendere, 
che il perdere (Cod. Casanat., 166). The passage does not neces 
sarily refer to the latest events of the period just passed (Ranke, 
III. , 102*), since it is also found in the instruction of the Venetian 
nuncio, Graziani, for his successor, Cardinal Cinzio Aldobrandini, 
in 1598. Cf. Lammer, Zur Kirchengeschichte , 123. 



186 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

For the restoration of ecclesiastical discipline at Venice the 
Patriarch Vendramin is the most important factor : he 
must present himself for examination in Rome. In Dalmatia, 
where the prelates have but slender revenues and but little 
standing in public opinion, the bishops were themselves at 
times the occasion of irregularities. The bishops of the 
Terra Ferma (the mainland) were more prudent. They were 
usually chosen from among the nobles and for that reason 
they were treated with greater respect by the officials. Gessi s 
instructions reproach the ecclesiastical judges with the same 
vice of which the secular judges were accused, namely that 
in Venice the study of the law was neglected and that the 
verdicts of the judges were arrived at through a mere 
instinctive sense of what was right, so that much arbitrariness 
prevailed. If then there is an appeal from episcopal judg 
ments of this kind and if the bishops take sides against the 
appellant, the nuncio should, as a rule, favour the party 
which is in danger of suffering violence. 

As regards the religious in Venice, the storm that recently 
broke out against them was due to the fact that they still 
refuse to accept the reform and for that reason seek the 
protection of the secular power. Examples of this have been 
seen even since peace was re-established, at Bassano and 
Bergamo, and the monks were still in the habit of appealing 
to the secular power. Both the regular and secular clergy of 
Venice are in sore need of reform for the city offers every 
occasion for sin as well as a large measure of impunity for 
the guilty. 1 But since strictness in dealing with the religious 
would be interpreted as revenge for their rebellion, the nuncio, 
as occasion may arise, should deal sharply rather with such 
as kept themselves free from such conduct. As for Sarpi 
and Marsiglio, let him see to it that they are handed over 
to the Inquisition. 

It goes without saying that the Pope once more draws 
Gessi s attention to certain points which had long been objects 

1 *Venetia somministra insieme e commodita grande ai delitti, 
e grande impunita (loc. cit., 164 seq.}. 



GRIEVANCES AND MISREPRESENTATIONS. 187 

of controversy between Venice and Rome : for instance, 
certain grievances in respect of he freedom of shipping in 
the Adriatic, the city of Ceneda, and the regulation of rivers 
which Venice had taken it on itself to carry out in the territory 
of Ferrara with a view to preventing the silting up of the 
lagoons. 

It was no easy task to carry out these instructions. Only 
under duress had the republic agreed to a compromise. Now 
that by yielding it had averted the danger of war, the republic 
redoubled its arrogant attitude towards the Pope with a view 
to avenging itself for its humiliation. As it had done before, 
so now also it stuck to its contention that the censures had 
been invalid and that absolution had been neither needed 
nor imparted. 1 Accordingly the Venetian envoy in Paris 
zealously scattered copies of a pamphlet which appeared to 
prove that the Senate had not revoked the decree in which it 
protested against the interdict. In a letter, the contents of 
which his brother broadcast all over Paris, Cardinal Du Perron 
also seems to assert that the Pope gave his assent to the 
compromise simply because he was driven to it. Hence great 
joy among the Huguenots and all those who were ill disposed 
towards the Pope. 2 However, public opinion underwent 
a change when the nuncio published the text of the requests 
for absolution. In Rome itself an account was drawn up of 
the course of the discussions and the absolution. 3 This was 
sent to the nuncio for his information and for use in private 
conversation. Naturally the republic felt bound to issue 
a refutation of the account ; to this end Sarpi had to put his 
ever ready pen at its disposal. 4 In that document the 



1 See above, p. 180. 

2 Ubaldini to Borghese, May 29, 1607, in Nurnberger, Doku- 
mente, 66, 364. 

8 In Nurnberger, ibid., 68-79. That the Roman presentment 
agrees with the acts, see ibid., 78-80, 248-276, 354-367. 

* Informazione particolare deU Accomodamento : Opere varie, I., 
137-144. In this work, Sarpi s obvious aim is to deceive the 
reader ; his arguments are sophisms. The presentment of Sarpi 



l88 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

undesirable fact that absolution had been given is passed 
over in silence, just as it is in the protocols of the sittings 
of the Senate. 1 

In addition to commissioning him to press for a real 
execution of the settlement, Gessi s instructions contain a 
prominent paragraph in which he is bidden to exert himself 
in behalf of the return of the Jesuits to Venice. 2 The Pope 
did not cease to look on it as a point of honour not to abandon 
an Order that had sacrificed itself for him. In that spirit 
he earnestly represented to Contarini, the Venetian envoy, 
the injustice of an indiscriminate expulsion of all Jesuits. 3 
Rumour had it that other princes were disposed to follow 
the example of Venice. In particular it was feared that 
Rudolph II. was about to banish the Jesuits, an act which 
in the opinion of Cardinal Borghese, would lead to the utter 
disruption of Catholicism in Germany. For this reason the 
French nuncio, Barberini, was instructed to urge Henry IV. 
to intervene on behalf of the threatened religious. 4 According 
to a letter of Ubaldini, who succeeded Barberini, 5 Henry IV. 
was very favourably disposed towards the Jesuits and on 
their account greatly irritated against Venice. Yet not even 
he met with any success : the Jesuits were destined to be 
banished from Venice for nearly fifty years. Another task 
laid on Gessi, one which it was not possible to carry out, was 
in regard to " those seducers, styled theologians ", especially 

has been followed many times until our own time ; it is enough 
to mention : SCADUTO, 75 seqq. ; Friedberg, Grenzen, II., 699 ; 
BIANCHI-GIOVINI, 183, etc. 

1 CORNET, 253 seq. 

2 Loc. cit., f. 152. 

3 *Borghese to Gessi on August 25, 1607, Nuntiat. div., 186, 
f. 79, Papal Secret Archives. About Jesuit property in Venice 
*ibid., August 18 and September 8 and 22, 1607. 

4 E 1 Imperatore quello che disegna venire a questa espulsione 
con la quale si distruggerebbe affatto la religione cattolica in 
Germania. Borghese to Card. Barberini, May i, 1607, Barb, lat., 
5913, p. 118, Vat. Lib. 

6 To Borghese on February 5, 1608, in REIN, 113. - 



ATTITUDE OF THE REPUBLIC TOWARDS SARPI. 189 

Sarpi and Marsiglio. The opinion in Rome was that after the 
reconciliation their being handed over to the Inquisition 
would meet with no difficulty and the new nuncio had been 
given verbal instructions in that sense. 1 However, only two 
days after the reconciliation, the republic had assigned to 
the State divines annual pensions of 100-200 ducats each. 8 
It gave them its support now as in the past so that Gessi 
finally hit on the plan of seizing one or other of their number 
by force and taking him by sea into papal territory. 3 
Authorities in Rome informed the nuncio that it would 
doubtless be impossible to get hold of the theologians or to 
compel them to flee without the act of force which he 
suggested, but they wished to know what would be the 
effect in Venice of violent measures seeing that the Senate 
protected and favoured its divines. The Pope would gladly 
cite them before the Inquisition, but what was to be done if, 
following the example of Sarpi, Fulgenzio and Marsiglio, 
they refused to obey ? Would it not be a less evil to let 
things be rather than provoke a fresh rupture ? 4 

However, an act of violence, far greater than the one here 



1 "Instruction, loc. cit., 156. z CORNET, 255, n. 4. 

3 Gessi to Borghese, August, 4, 1607, in REIN, 54. 

4 *Io credo bene che difficilmente s havranno nelle mani ne a 
si metteranno in fuga i falsi teologi di Venetia, se non si viene 
all atto delle forze, che V. S. propone ; ma essendo nel Senate 
la resolutione presupposta da lei stessa di favorirli e sostenerli, 
desidero d intendere che effetto ella giudichi che possa partorire 
la violenza quando s usi. Del chiamare li sudetti teologi al Sant 
Ufficio, N. S. seria resolute ; nondimeno perche furono chiamati fra 
Paolo, fra Fulgentio et il Marsilio, li quali se ne stanno nella loro 
contumacia con scandalo publico del mondo, intenderia volontieri 
S. B. da V. S., che consiglio si potesse pigliare, se non obediranno, 
e se sia minor male il procedere con dissimulatione finche il 
tempo consigli altrimenti, per non venire a rottura o pur rompere 
doppo 1 essersi disarmato, per non tolerare 1 inobbedienza e il 
dispreggio. Conosce forsi V. S. stando in fatti che questi estremi 
hanno li loro mezzi. (Borghese to Gessi, August 1 1, 1607 ; Nuntiat. 
Liv. t 1 86, f. 56 V , Papal Secret Archives. 



IQO HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

declined by the Pope, was now about to occur. Whilst 
Cardinal Du Perron, acting on instructions from Rome, was 
making a move for a reconciliation of the State divines with 
the Pope, 1 on 5th October, 1607, Sarpi was the object of a 
murderous attack in which he received three dagger wounds 
in the head. 2 Even if Rome had been ignorant of the con 
sequences of force in any form, events were now to speak loud 
enough. Forthwith there arose in Venice such an outcry 
against the crime as if the doge himself had been attacked. 
The plot, it was said, had been hatched in Rome and by the 
Pope himself ; the Collegio deliberated as to whether or not 
the nuncio should be arrested and his papers confiscated. 3 
Sarpi himself, in a well-known pun, threw the blame on 
Rome when he said that the stiletto that had struck him 
was in the style of the Roman curia. Together with the text 
of the sentence pronounced against the culprits the Signoria 
sent an account of the attempt to Paris. In this story suspicion 
was thrown on the Pope and the Jesuits as having instigated 
the deed. The Venetian envoy in Paris, Foscarini, was a 
bitter enemy of the Holy See ; consequently he did his best 
to spread this version especially among the Huguenots. 4 

1 *Borghese to Gessi, October 13 and 20, 1607, ibid., f. I46 V , i52 v . 

2 BIANCHI-GIOVINI, 205-229 ; V. STECCANELLA, in the Civilitd 
Catf., 6 series, XII. (1867, 648-668). Declarations of witnesses 
in the trial of the assassins are published by A. Bazzoni in Arch, 
stor. ital., 3 series, XII. (1870), 8-36. 

3 *Se ne fa quel rumore che se ne faria, se il caso fosse successo 
nella persona del Doge. Ma quello che da fastidio a noi e 1 essersi 
sparsa malignamente una voce che la cosa venga da Roma e 
da N. S. istesso, e fino trattato in Collegio di far violenza al 
Nuntio e cercarli e levarli le scritture di che S. B. si sente molto 
offesa. (Borghese to the French nuncio Ubaldini, October 16, 
1607, Barb. lat. 5914, p. 3, Vatic. Lib.) That the murderers 
fled to the palace of the nuncio and that the people gathered 
in front of the house in a threatening mood (BIANCHI-GIOVINI, 
209) is an invention of Fulgenzio. (STECCANELLA, loc. cit., 654.) 

4 G. degli Effetti to Borghese, November 12, 1607, in STECCA 
NELLA, loc. cit., 658. Cf. PRAT, Coton, III., 130. 



ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OF SARPI. 

The French nuncio, Ubaldini, saw himself compelled to give a 
positive assurance that it was very far from the Pope s mind 
to inflict on Sarpi the punishment he justly deserved by any 
other means than by a regular judicial procedure of the 
tribunal of the Inquisition ; that the Pope desired his con 
version rather than his punishment and would have granted 
him his pardon had Sarpi made it possible. 1 True, the 
assassins had not been molested after their escape into the 
Pontifical States, but then the same liberty is left to all who 
have committed no crime in the territory ; the Venetian 
ambassador had not demanded their extradition, whereas 
even notorious highwaymen, notwithstanding the excesses 
committed by them in the Pontifical States, find a refuge in 
Venice. 2 Cardinal Pinelli remarked to the secretary of the 

1 *A fra Paolo si saria dato il castigo che merita per li sui 
eccessi, quando fosse venuto in mario del S. Oincio, a procurarglielo 
per altra via tanto e lontano che S. S. habbia pur pensato, che 
anzi ha desiderate piu tosto la sua emendatione che la pena, 
e con quella paterna benignita che e ben nota a V. S., 1 havria 
ricevuto in gratia si egli se ne fosse reso habile. II che si come 
e verissimo, cosl vedra V. S. diluere ogn opinione in contrario, 
che, o gl ambasciatori di Venetia o altri havessero cercato d im- 
primere in Francia, dove viene per resiedervi quel Foscarini 
che era podestk di Chiozza e si mostra acerbissimo nemico della 
Sede Apost. in tempo dell Interdetto (Barb. lat. 5914, loc. cit., 
4 seq.}. *Per 1 accidente di fra Paolo avvertirk V. S. che non 
esca cosa da lei che habbia ne forma ne senso di giustificatione, 
anzi, se in publico o in privato si scuoprisse alcun rumore della 
voce popolare che correva di haver sospetto sopra di noi, dolgasi 
vivamente del sinistro giuditio mostrando che fra Paolo si saria 
ben punito severamente, se fosse venuto in potere dell Inquisitione, 
ma che non siamo huomini sanguinarii, e che N. S. ha desiderate 
che si riduca a penitenza (Borghese to Gessi, October 13, 1607, 
Nuntiat. div., 186, f. 150, Papal Secret Archives). STECCANELLA, 
667. Cf. *Borghese to Barberini s representative in Paris, 
Calgaroli, on October 16, 1607, Barb. 5913 ; 263 seq., Vat. Lib. 
On Foscarini, see REIN, 74. 

1 * Borghese to Ubaldini, November 26, 1607, loc. cit., p. 35 : 
*Borghese to Gessi, October 20 and November 3, 1607, pp. 153, 162. 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Venetian envoy in Rome that at no time could an instance 
be found of the Church having acted in so crooked and 
diabolical a fashion and only the lowest among the populace 
could entertain such a suspicion. 1 Paul V. himself declared to 
the Venetian envoy that if the attempt was the act of a 
zealot such zeal was ill-inspired and insane. 2 However, at 
Venice they obstinately stuck to their suspicion. 8 The 
Secretary of State, Borghese, sent explanations concerning 
the suspicions to which the attempt on Sarpi gave rise, 
not only to the French nuncio, but to other envoys as well. 4 
That this should have been necessary was humiliating enough 
for the Holy See, but it need not surprise us too much. The 

1 In STECCANELLA, 663. 

z Ibid., 666, n. 5. In view of a rumour to this effect, Cardinal 
Bellarmine had had Sarpi warned. Arch. stor. ital., 4 series, 
LX. (1882), 156. 

3 *Questi Signori continuano nella opinione che il fatto habbia 
origine da Roma, ancorche li piu prudenti lo vanno dissimulando. 
Ma nella mente loro e fisso ne gli rimovera. (Tommaso Palmegiani, 
secretary of the Venetian nuncio, to Aldobrandini, on October 27, 
1607, Nuntiat. di Venetia, 17, 245 (393), Papal Secret Archives). 
*Molti senatori hanno grande sospetto che la cosa venghi da 
Roma et ne mormorano con brutte parole, e cosl anche il popolo 
ne resta grandemente alterato et mormorano di Roma. It is 
to be desired that on their entering the Papal States the assassins 
be arrested that would stop the talk. Non ho dubbio che questo 
successo ha cosl inaspriti gli animi che per 1 av venire nelle negotia- 
tioni si ottenera qui poco (the same on October 6, 1607, ibid., 246 
(394)) . The assertion of Brosch (I., 364) that the attempt originated 
with Cardinal Borghese, is not proven as the Revue Critique, 1880, 
327, has already emphasized. Bertarelli (Guida d ltalia dal 
Touring Club. Le ire Venezie, I., Milano, 1920, 477) is very bold 
when he says that the assassins "came from the court of 
Rome ". 

4 *Se di fra Paolo fosse parlato con lei, sostenga la verita 
senza uscire dalli termini gia prescritti e procuri di penetrare 
nell istesso tempo come se ne parli alle persone publiche e se 
ne scriva all ambasciatore. Borghese to Gessi, October 20, 1607, 
Nunziat. div., 186, p. 153, Papal Secret Archives. 



MODERATION OF THE POPE. 

Venetian envoys to the various courts belonged for the most 
part to the school of Sarpi and in the spirit of their teacher 
they all worked against the Pope. 1 Moreover it was precisely 
the rulers of Venice who had accustomed the world to secret 
condemnations and executions, without any legal formalities 2 ; 
hence it need not be matter for surprise if some people were 
disposed to believe that even the Pope would act in this 
fashion and in virtue of his supreme authority would declare 
Sarpi without the law. The fact is that, disgusted by Sarpi s 
deceitful conduct, more than one offer was made to the Pope 
to rid the world from such a " pest ". But Paul V. always 
rejected such proposals with horror ; he desired Sarpi s 
conversion, he was wont to say, not his death. 3 None the 
less in 1609, Sarpi s friends once more spread all over Italy 



1 "L arte dei ministri che stanno appresso li principi e sono 
della schola di fra Paolo e del, Doge. Borghese to Ubaldini, July 7, 
1609, Barb. lat. 5914, f. 634, Vat. Lib. 

2 In the sentence on the assassins of Sarpi we read : Chi 
prendera e condurra nelle forze ovvero ammazzera in alcun 
luoco suddito Ridolfo Poma, abbia ducati quattro mille 
(Steccanella, 665, n. i). 

3 *Ha parlato e replicato V. S. al re con gran verita e gran 
prudenza nelle materie di Venetia, dove si sono ben fabricate 
altre imposture e malignita insigni, ma non gia la maggiore di 
quella che ha riferita Sua Maesta a lei et hanno fatto correre 
per tutta Italia gl amici e protettori di fra Paolo, contro la vita 
del quale tanto e lontano che si sia machinate con saputa di 
N. S., ne per mezo di alcun servitore o ministro, ma detestd 
sempre Sua Beatitudine simili vie, et a diversi che si essibivano 
di levare quella peste dal mondo, non ha prestato orecchie, 
facendo loro rispondere che desiderava la sua conversione, non 
la sua morte, e per quello che a noi costa dell ultimo accidente 
non si tratt6 ne di ferro ne di veleno contro fra Paolo, come 
si e divulgato per rendere odiosa S. S. e qualche cardinale e 
Roma istessa, ma di guadagnare un fraticello suo scrittore, 
che partendo da lui portasse con se le sue scritture ; e chi fece 
la diligenza la fece spontaneamente, e, come dice, per zelo. 
Borghese to Ubaldini on June 9, 1609, loc. cit., p. 598 seqq. 

VOL. xxv. 

16 



IQ4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

rumours of fresh attempts on the part of the Pope against 
the life of the Servite friar. 1 

In general the letters of the Roman Secretary of State are 
full of complaints against the attitude of Venice. The conduct 
of the republic, he writes, is little better than it was previous 
to the compromise ; the publication of blasphemous writings 
and speeches against the Holy See goes on and the people are 
given to understand that all the wrongs in the quarrel were 
on the Pope s side. Those who had written against the 
interdict are still in the pay of the Signoria 2 and Fra Fulgenzio, 
perhaps the worst of them all, occupies, with other members of 
his Order of a like stamp, the place of the Jesuits, both in their 
church and in their college. 3 Since the reconciliation, in 
many monasteries, new superiors have been appointed under 
the protection of the. republic ; however, the religious and the 
former superiors who during the interdict had been tools of 
the Signoria, refused to acknowledge their authority. Priests 
true to their conscience were prevented from returning to 
their churches and according to reliable rumours many 
ecclesiastics still lingered in gaol. 4 The Venetian envoys, for 
instance Contarini in Rome, spread the belief that the 
terms of the reconciliation were wholly in favour of the 



1 See n. 3. C/. BIANCHI-GIOVINI, 239 ; REIN, 103. According 
to the *report of Gessi, April 18, 1609, the instigators of the 
attempt of that time against Sarpi s life were two Servites ; 
see Nunziat. di Venetia, 40, p. ii9 b . Ibid., 4oA, p. 203 seq. ; 
an interesting "report of Gessi, dated November 7, 1609, on 
Sarpi, Fra Fulgenzio, and other adherents. Papal Secret Archives 
(see App., n. i and 2). 

2 *Borghese to the French nuncio Barberini on May 15, 1607, 
Barb. lat. 5913, p. 130, Vat. Lib. 

8 *Borghese, ibid. ; Joyeuse to Henry IV., May 3, 1607, in 
CRETINEAU-JOLY, III., 138. 

4 *Borghese to Barberini, June n, 1607, loc. cit., 158 seq. 
As regards priests who were not allowed to return to their posts, 
see CORNET in Arch. Yen., VI., 128 seq. 



DISREGARD OF ECCLESIASTICAL IMMUNITIES. 195 

republic. 1 In the following year Borghese had again to 
complain of the favour shown to the State theologians by 
the government as well as the public sale of heretical writings 
and the banishment of priests and religious on the smallest 
pretext. Venice no longer showed any regard for ecclesiastical 
immunity, 2 though this had been the occasion of the 
quarrel with Rome ; it even happened that priests were 
banished for their decisions in the confessional. 3 Religious 
whose rule obliged them to live on charity received such 
scanty alms that they often lacked necessaries, and that 
solely because they were loyal to the Apostolic See. In 
addition to all this the Senate defended many of its violent 
measures against the religious by alleging certain concessions 
granted by Cardinal Joyeuse ; under this pretext, for instance, 
the Capuchin Paolo of Cesena had been prevented from 
holding a visitation of the monasteries of his Order. 4 There 
was no doubt about it, Joyeuse had exceeded his instructions. 5 
Henry IV., for whose ears these complaints were intended, 
and whose intervention was hinted at by the French envoy 
in Rome, 6 did at least this much that he sent as his envoy 

1 *Ma io tengo che pochi prencipi e pochi huomini posti nella 
luce del mondo manchino della vera notitia di quello che e 
passato in tutto il negotio ; is Borghese s comment, loc. cit., 161. 

2 *Borghese to Ubaldini, Barberini s successor, on March 4, 
1608, Barb. lat. 5914, p. 104 seqq., Vat. Lib. As against that 
in other respects the republic was most considerate. In no 
heretical city, so the Pope is informed, would anyone be allowed 
to pass from heresy to Judaism as it is done at Venice. *Borghese 
to Gessi on June 14, 1608, Nuntiat. div., 186, f. 365, f. 370, Papal 
Secret Archives. 

3 Borghese gives an instance, ""October 14, 1608, ibid., f. 372. 
.* * Borghese to Barberini, July 24, 1607, Barb. lat. 5913, f- 212, 

Vat. Lib. 

5 * Borghese to Barberini, May 15, 1607, ibid., f. 131, and 
Niirnberger, Dokumente, IL, 361. 

* " N. S. . . . conosce che nessuno cosa & piu necessaria della 
costanza del re in voler che sia adempita da i Venetian! ogni 
conditione dell accordo e rispettata quella S. Sede, in che ci 
assicura il Sign. d Alincourt che S. Maesta stara salda, anzi ci 



196 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to Venice Champigny, a man devoted to the Holy See. 1 
But to Champigny V representations the Senate replied with 
a series of reproaches against the Pope which in turn were 
stigmatized by the papal government as quite unjustified. 2 
First among these grievances was this that, contrary to 
established custom, the tenth part of ecclesiastical revenues 
was not conceded to the Signoria. On this point Paul V. 
would not yield ; he declared that he would not grant the 
tenth ; the whole world would be astonished if he were to 
do so before the State divines had obeyed the summons to 
Rome. 3 

The keenest sorrow of the Pope was, however, the know 
ledge that now as before the friends of the Protestants were 
busy paving the way for Calvinism in Venice and, as a 
consequence, in the whole of Italy. 4 As a means to this end 
the English envoy Wotton was eager for a war with the 
Pope, 5 hence the compromise proved most unwelcome to 
him though in public, before the Collegio, he expressed the 



ha fatto vedere una lettera della Maesta Sua, dove si riferiscono 
certi nuovi offttii, che haveva passati con 1 ambasciatore della 
Repubblica." Borghese to Barberini, September 18, 1607, Barb, 
lat. 5913, P- 255, Vat. Lib. 

1 The Pope, so * Borghese writes to Cardinal Spinola on 
October 31, 1607, had received relation! assai buone about him, 
et in particolare che sia buon cattolico ; so it is hoped that he 
will show migliori sensi than his predecessor, il quale fu assoluta- 
mente Venetiano dal principio delle controversie sino al fine, 
et tale 1 hanno giudicato i ministri piu principali di quel re. 
Borghese, I., 251-3, f. 52 (46), Papal Secret Archives. 

2 *Barberini to Ubaldini, November 26, 1607, Barb. lat. 5914, 
p. 32 seqq., Vat. Lib. 

8 * Borghese to Gessi, May 10, 1608, Nuntiat. div., 186, f. 316, 
Papal Secret Archives. * Borghese on September i and 15, 1607, 
on Contarini s request for the tenth, ibid. 

4 *Se conosce specialmente che i Venetian! vogliono aprire 
un adito patente all heresia da sovvertire tutta 1 Italia. Borghese 
to Ubaldini on January 8, 1608, Barb. lat. 5914, p. 64, Vat. Lib. 

6 Wotton to Salisbury, June 8, 1606, in REIN, 49. - 



PROTESTANT PROPAGANDA. 197 

opposite view. 1 William Bedell, chaplain to Wotton since 
1606, was of opinion that if the dispute had gone on for a 
few years longer, Venice would have broken with the Pope 
for ever ; however, there was no need to despair of the 
future seeing that outstanding men, such as Sarpi and 
Fulgenzio, were at heart wholly bound to the new teaching. 2 
The secret intrigues of the two Servites which constituted 
Bedell s hope were the nuncio s constant and heavy anxiety. 3 
So far Protestantism could not be openly preached in Venice. 
On one occasion, when Gessi complained that some of the 
nobles frequented Wotton s house, the doge replied that if 
that was so he would have their heads cut off 4 ; none the 
less Flemish and German merchants were in the habit of 
holding meetings in the house of the Zechinelli which were 
attended by Wotton and the State divines. 

On these occasions hatred for the Pope and enthusiasm for 
the teaching of Calvin were freely expressed. 5 Moreover 
sermons were preached at Wotton s house, 6 though, owing to 
the indifference in matters of religion of the upper classes in 
Venice, these were but sparsely attended. For this reason 
Wotton made arrangements for some public lectures on 
political science which he hoped would prove more injurious 
to Catholicism. 7 Heretical books also were smuggled into 
the city, Wotton himself getting two cases of such works. 
When the Venetian envoy in Paris, Pietro Priuli, a friend 
of Sarpi s, returned from France, Protestant writings were 
discovered in four bundles of his luggage. These had been 
collected by Biondi, Priuli s secretary. 8 Gessi protested in 

1 April 4, 1607, ibid. 

2 Ibid., 55. According to Wotton, Sarpi had taken the preacher 
Bedell to his heart and confided his innermost thoughts to him 
(ibid., 56, n. i ; cf. 30, n. 2). 

3 REIN, 58, 60. 

4 Ibid., 59. 

5 Ibid., 57, 59. 

6 Ibid., 61. 

7 Ibid., 68 seq. 

8 Ibid., 73. Cf. PRAT, III., 131 seq. 



198 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

vain ; when he complained to the Senate of the Protestant 
sermons of Bedell, some of the senators merely laughed and 
wagged their heads * ; the doge declared that permission had 
been given for these lectures on political science. 2 The doge 
would not listen to the nuncio s complaint concerning 
Priuli s " secretary " Biondi and his Protestant books on the 
plea that there was no " secretary " of the name of Biondi ! 
The explanation is that Biondi had not been officially 
appointed by the republic but had been employed by Priuli 
at his own expense ! 3 

In the spring of 1608, Wot ton judged the time favourable 
for an attempt to found a Protestant community in Venice. 4 
However, the undertaking proved abortive. Diodati, who 
had translated the Bible into Italian and whom Wotton had 
summoned to Venice in the capacity of preacher, deemed 
it expedient to make an early departure before he had accom 
plished anything. 5 However, his journey was not altogether 
without result for it established fresh contact between Sarpi, 
the really leading statesman of the republic of San Marco 
and the two heads of the Calvinistic revolutionary party, 
namely Philippe du Plessis Mornay and Christian of Anhalt, 
men who both nursed far-reaching plans. 

Mornay, the " Huguenot Pope ", was wholly taken up with 
the idea of linking all the Calvimst powers in one universal 
federation and by means of a military campaign of such a 
league to destroy the papacy in its very seat, Rome. Christian 
of Anhalt, in the interests of Protestantism, worked for the 
downfall of the house of Habsburg ; he had already succeeded 
in uniting many Protestant princes in a separate league, the 
so-called Union of 1608, with a view to the execution of his 



REIN, 59. 

Ibid., 68. 

Ibid., 73. 

Ibid., 75. 

Diodati to Christian of Anhalt on November 22, 1608, in 
Ritter, Union, 130 seqq. ; to Mornay on January 8, 1609, in 
the latter s Mtmoires, X., 268-276. Cf. PRAT, III, 139 seqq. 



FURTHER ATTEMPTS TO SEDUCE VENICE. 199 

designs. By its position, in the rear of the Habsburgs and 
facing Rome, a Protestant Venice would have been an 
invaluable asset for Mornay and Anhalt alike, hence they 
were both urged by Diodati to ascertain how matters stood 
with regard to the Protestant leanings of the Venetians. A 
letter of Diodati to Achatius von Dohna prompted Anhalt, 
in 1608, to despatch Christopher von Dohna to Venice for 
the purpose of gathering information, especially through 
Sarpi, concerning the religious situation there. Diodati s 
request that a French ecclesiastic should accompany him on 
his journey to Venice was agreed to and Mornay assigned to 
him not a priest, but the young French nobleman, David 
Siques ; at Venice the indefatigable enemy of Rome would 
be able to bring pressure upon King James through Wotton 
and on the Signoria through Sarpi for the realization of his 
great plan. A letter of Mornay 1 charges Siques to work for 
an alliance with England and Holland, which France would 
perhaps join. The object of the alliance was to break the 
tyranny of Rome and to undermine superstition and idolatry. 
A letter of Mornay to Wotton is couched in most hopeful 
language ; the fall of Babylon, which had been foretold by 
the Angel of the Apocalypse, was at hand ; then, like the 
old man Simeon, he too would gladly depart from this 
world. 2 

Dohna and Siques achieved as little in the political sphere 
as Diodati had done in the religious life of Venice ; never 
theless their reports give us a good insight into the plans and 
intrigues of the friends of Protestantism in that city. Sarpi 
proved extremely disappointing to JDiodati. On his arrival 
in the city of the lagoons he still hoped for everything from 
the famous Servite ; but when he conferred with him all his 
hopes vanished. Sarpi, without doubt, was a good hater ; 
but that which actuated him was the icy hate of a cool 
scholar ; he lacked the impassioned fire which makes the 
popular leader and sways the masses. To Diodati s adjura- 

1 Of August i, 1608, in MORNAY, MSmoires, X., 236 seq. 
REIN, 88 seq. 



2OO HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

tion to come out in the open and to enter upon a struggle 
with Rome Sarpi only replied with tears ; he could not, so 
he explained, show himself before the whole world as a friend 
of the Protestants ; as advisor of the government, and under 
his friar s cowl, he could more effectively undermine the Pope s 
authority ; God, he added, only looked to the heart, hence an 
open avowal was not required. 1 Burrowing, not daring, 
was Sarpi s forte. To Dohna 2 he lamented the fact of his 
being forced to do many things against his will, such as 
saying Mass ; he did so as rarely as possible, but since Rome 
had excommunicated him he could not leave off, lest he should 
give the impression that he recognized the excommunication ; 
besides, he had orders from the government to do so. 3 Sarpi, 
as he remarked to Dohna, thought it desirable for the German 
princes to maintain agents with the Signoria with a view to 
their making propaganda in favour of Protestantism both in 
private conversations and by means of printed sheets. 4 Each 
month some fifty copies of a broadsheet should be printed by 
the British envoy in which a covert attack would be made on 
some point of Catholic teaching or practice. Sarpi himself 
volunteered to write an essay of this kind every fortnight. 
After a while people would surely say : All these errors 
have the Pope for their author, hence we must free ourselves 
from his authority. 5 No one could prevent the German 
merchants in Venice from maintaining a preacher of their own, 

1 Ibid., 95. Bedell (see above, p. 197) had hoped, as a result 
of the attempt on Sarpi, that it would wake him up and " put 
some more spirit into him, which is his only want ". Dictionary 
of National Biography, IV., 106. 

2 In Ritter, Die Union und Heinrich IV. (Brief e und Akten, II), 
78 ; cf. 87. 

3 Ibid., 78. According to Diodati s report, Sarpi and his 
associates omitted in the Canon of the Mass alcuni piii intollerabili 
parole e parti, heard confessions, but used the sacrament for their 
purposes (ibid., 131). Sarpi was never relieved from the special 
excommunication, by name, which had been pronounced against 
him. 

* Ritter, 79, 80. 5 Ibid,, 87. 



CONTINUED INTRIGUES. 2OI 

for the Inquisition was powerless against foreigners. At first 
let the sermon be in German, the rest will follow of its own 
accord l and the time will come when a common profession 
of faith will have to be drawn up for the churches of England, 
Switzerland, the Palatinate and Geneva. 2 For the rest 
Diodati confirms Gessi s report to Rome concerning the 
attitude of the Signoria : according to what Sarpi had told 
him more priests had been executed since the settlement than 
in any previous twenty-five years. 

At Naples, the republic of St. Mark was represented by a 
friend of Sarpi, who was doing his utmost to increase the 
tension between Venice and the Holy See. 3 The Roman 
authorities were accurately informed of these intrigues. 
Through the nuncio at Naples they sought to bring pressure 
to bear on the viceroy, by pointing out how the encroach 
ment of the government of Naples on the province of the 
Church was calculated to encourage Venice to act in like 
manner 4 and that it would be fatal for Spain and the loyalty 

1 Ibid., 81. 

2 To Christian von Anhalt, November 22, 1608, ibid., 132. 

3 *I1 segretario che risiede costl per li Venetian! scrive a 
yenetia lettere piene di veneno per nudrire le differenze tra la 
republica e questa Santa Sede e fa altre male opere in altri modi. 
Dicalo per6 V. S. al Sig. Vicere per suo avvertimento, specifican- 
doli d haver ordine da me, anzi da S. Beatitudine istessa, e che 
1 avviso e sicurissimo se bene conviene forsi non publicarlo, e 
dica di piii che 1 istesso segretario e della scuola di fra Paolo 
Servita che non solo come nemico della predetta Santa Sede, 
ma come heretico procura d introdurre 1 heresia in Venetia. 
Borghese to the bishop of Citta di Castello, nuncio in Naples, 
on February 6, 1609. Libr. of Stuttgart, 181. *Exhortation to 
the nuncio to watch the secretary unostentatiously ; February 14, 
1609, ibid. 

4 *Quanto al secretario di Venetia non lasci gia V. S. di dire 
al predetto Signore (the viceroy) in buona congiontura che gli 
esempii delle violenze che patisce la giurisditione ecclesiastica 
in regno, rendono piu audaci i Venetian! e che per questa causa 
hanno non minor scrupulo nel commettere tante loro esorbitanze. 
Borghese on February 20, 1609, Bibl. of Stuttgart, 181. 



2O2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of its Italian subjects if heresy were to find acceptance in 
Italy. 1 

Although, in view of the circumstances, Sarpi put his hopes 
in his underground efforts, he nevertheless did not lose sight 
of the possibility of a sudden and complete rupture between 
the republic and the papacy. A war, so he fancied, might 
bring about such an eventuality and, as is seen from his 
remarks to Dohna, he did not shrink from the thought of 
causing a general war and, with the help of the Turks, from 
causing a wholesale conflagration of Christendom if thereby 
he could advance his pet scheme. Let the Turkish fleet show 
itself before Granada ; the Moriscos, whose numbers exceeded 
a million, would surely revolt. A fresh dispute between the 
Pope and Venice may be expected ; Spain would side with 
the Pope, France and England with the republic and the 
struggle for Milan would break out anew ; Holland was still 
at war with Spain ; Savoy and, through the mediation of 
the Swiss cantons, the German Protestant princes, would 
be drawn into a league with Venice. 2 From Sarpi s corre 
spondence it becomes clear that the man who was reputed 
to have the welfare of Italy so very much at heart, actually 
wished its territory to become the scene of war, for in that 
event heretical soldiery would sweep over the peninsula and 
two years would suffice to wipe out the papacy. 3 

1 * trattandosi dell interesse commune di tutt i prencipi 
catholici e piu strettamente di quello del re che ha tanti Stati 
in Italia ne i quali occorre dubitare che non perdesse o se gli 
diminuisse 1 obedienza quando fossero contaminati dall heresie, 
sara conforme non meno alia prudenza che alia pieta di S. Eccel- 
lenza che ne scriva in Spagna di dove pu6 venire il remedio piii 
efficace che da ogni altre parte. Borghese, March 13, 1609, ibid. 

2 Ritter, Die Union und Heinrich IV. (Brief e u. Akten, II.) f 
85. Diodati too saw in an Italian war the means of introducing 
the gospel ; see PRAT, III., 156. Giovanni Battista Padavino 
stayed at Zurich, 1606-7 on a commission from Venice, but 
he failed to bring about a formal alliance ; see Dierauer, III., 453. 

3 REIN, 190. The letters published by Benrath (on the whole 
they are unimportant) which Sarpi wrote to Dohna from Septem 
ber 5, 1608, onwards, are full of warlike rumours, wishes and 



ACTIVITIES OF FULGENZIO MICAN^IO. 2O3 

However, so far there was but little prospect of a war on 
Italian territory. For the year 1609, those Venetians who 
favoured Protestantism set their hopes on Sarpi s pupil and 
brother in religion, Fulgenzio Micanzio. A man of immoral 
life and secretly an apostate from the Catholic faith, 1 Fulgenzio 
possessed the daring and passion which were wanting in his 
master whose foxy nature led .him to work underground 
rather than in the open. 2 From Fulgenzio s Lenten sermons 
Bedell, who had read them before they were delivered, 
expected decisive results. 3 Fulgenzio was well known in 
Rome ; he had gone on preaching during the interdict and 
since then he had not changed his conduct in the slightest 
degree. His audacity, Cardinal Borghese writes in 1607, is 
beyond all bounds 4 and a year later he describes him as a 

proposals. However, to Sarpi s annoyance, Spain stood on the 
side of the Pope (Benrath, 21) ; from James I. there are only 
promises (ibid., 38, 53 ; cf. 24 ; see also the subsequently satirical 
comments on James I. in CASTELLANI, Lettere, 26, 45, 61) ; and 
Henry IV. does not want to see Protestantism established in 
Venice (Benrath, 53). One comfort for Sarpi is the Protestant 
Union in Germany (sento grandissima allegrezza che 1 Unione 
dei Protestanti sta bene, on July 7, 1609, ibid., 38). When the 
death of Duke Francesco of Mantua, in 1612, threatened to 
become the signal for warlike complications, Sarpi wrote on 
May 3, 1613 (ibid., 62) : A Roma questi successi appena si 
sanno et non ci si pensa punto, con tutto che forse a loro tocca 
piu che ad altri, portando la guerra pericolo grande d introdurre 
la religione riformata. 

1 He complains that " he needs must stick in the superstitious, 
idolatrous Church ". He would have escaped to Geneva had not 
Sarpi restrained him (Dohna, in Ritter, Union, 82). On Fulgenzio s 
immorality he had filios et filias (SiRi, I., 439) see the note 
from Cod. CL., n. 6189, of the Collezione Foscarini in Tom Gar 
in Arch. stor. Hal., V. (1843), 414 ; other notes about him : 
BiANCHi-GioviNi, 449 ; A. FAVARO in N. Arch. Veneto, XIII. 
(1907), 25. 

* See REUMONT, Beitrage, II., 170 seq. 

3 REIN, 106 seq, 

4 *Borghese to Gessi, loc. cit., f. 293, Vat. Lib. 



204 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

formal heretic. 1 During his stay in Rome the Patriarch of 
Venice, Vendramin, was pressed to forbid Fulgenzio to preach, 
but in his terror of the Signoria all he found it in his heart 
to say was that it was a long time till next Lent and that 
a way out would be found. 2 The way out was not discovered 
and. in Lent, 1609, that Calvinist in a friar s habit went into 
the pulpit and there expounded to his hearers his own 
Calvinistic tenets as if they were the teaching of the Catholic 
Church. In doing so he acted in full accord with his master : 
" This is the line we take," Sarpi observed to Dohna, 3 " we 
expound the truth of the gospel but without saying that 
the Catholic Church teaches the opposite. In this way only 
Protestants understand us whilst the others feel satisfied with 
our preaching." As a matter of fact Fulgenzio s praises were 
sounded throughout Venice : he was extolled as a man of 
great merit, one who preached Catholic doctrine and who 
deserved every commendation and reward. 4 At that time 
Paul V. feared the worst on the part of the republic ; in fact 
he was debating whether the welfare of Italy required that 
the power of Venice should be broken with the help of the 
Spanish arms, for it had become evident that nothing would 
be achieved by censures alone. 5 On his part, and in his 

1 *Fra Fulgent io compagno e allievo di fra Paolo, che se bene 
manca della dichiaratione di Roma, lo dichiarono nondimeno 
heretico formale i suoi scritti, i quali sono forsi peggio in alcune 
parti di quelli del suo maestro. Borghese to Gessi, July 12, 1608, 
loc. cit., f. 386. 

2 * Borghese to Gessi, August 16, 1608, loc. cit., f. 421 ; cf. 
REIN, 1 06 seq. 3 Ritter, 79. 

4 * Borghese to Ubaldini, March 31, 1609, loc. cit., p. 503, 
Vat. Lib. List of propositions of Fulgenzio which the Roman 
Inquisition, in 1610, declared either to be heretical or blame 
worthy, in REIN, 218 seqq. *Borghese, March 21, 1609, prays 
Cardinal Spinola to have the sermons of Fulgenzio accurately taken 
down in writing (Borghese, I., 251-3, f. 43, Papal Secret Archives). 

6 Aytona to Philip III. on March 31, 1609, in Gindely, Rude If II., 
Vol. I., 276 note ; *Relacion del Marques de Aytona al Conde 
de Castro de cosas de estado de su tiempo, of June, 1609, Arch, 
of Spanish Embass., Rome, L, 28. 



PROTESTANT AGENTS IN VENICE. 2O5 

capacity as a statesman, Sarpi also played a double game. 
Thus the Signoria was not allowed to know that if, for 
instance, he advocated a league with Holland it was with the 
secret desire of thereby paving the way for the reformed 
teaching, or that a similar plan had prompted his wish for 
the presence in Venice of agents of the German princes. 1 

Such tortuous means may have served to prepare the way, 
they could not of themselves bring about decisive success. 
The bulk of the people did not understand Fulgenzio s sermons, 
or they attached a Catholic meaning to them. Agents, how 
ever, of the Protestant powers appeared in Venice ; thus 
in 1609 and 1610, John Baptist Lenck represented several 
German princes and since 1609, Cornelius van der Myle was 
the envoy of the States General. In 1620, a treaty of com 
merce was concluded between Holland and Venice ; nothing, 
however, transpired as regards any success of the two agents 
in the religious sphere. 2 Greater zeal was being shown since 
1608 by Biondi, the former secretary of the Venetian 
ambassador in France. Biondi had gone to England for the 
express purpose of offering his services to the -English king. 
He is probably the author of a memorial advocating the 
formation of a league of all Protestants, under the leadership 
of James I., for the purpose of fighting the papacy chiefly 
in Italy itself. The king was asked to provide stipends for 
preachers in Venice and to found seminaries for the training 
of such men in England and in the Valtellina. These plans, 
which never got beyond the stage of mere plans, must probably 
be traced back to Sarpi himself. 3 

As a matter of fact Sarpi s hopes of a Protestant Venice 
were pretty well at an end about this time. Opinion had 
gradually veered round in favour of the Pope. Immediately 
after the reconciliation with the Holy See, Marcantonio 
Capello, one of the seven divines who had jointly worked 
against the interdict, had fled to Rome for the purpose of 

1 REIN, 191 seq. 

a Ibid., 115-124, 168 ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, XL, 358 seqq. 

REIN, 72 seq., 97, 150. 



2O6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

making his peace with the Pope. In the following year the 
Franciscan, Fulgenzio Manfredi, who had shouted louder 
than any one of them against the Curia, took a similar step 
and towards the close of the year he was followed by the 
Vicar General, Ribetti, another of the seven signatories of 
the pamphlet against the interdict. 1 In 1609, the Venetian 
envoy in Rome, Contarini, a partisan of Sarpi, was recalled 
and his place taken by Giovanni Mocenigo, a man well disposed 
towards the Pope and who had successfully worked for a 
compromise in the dispute between Paul V. and the republic 
over the abbey of Vagandizza. 2 On the representations of 
Henry IV. and at the request of Mocenigo, the Pope now 
granted Venice the tenth which he had refused until then. 3 

That same year the King of France rendered a signal 
service to the Curia. To one of his colleagues Diodati 
had given a glowing account of his journey to Venice. 4 
There existed in Venice, so he wrote, a strong leaning towards 
the new teaching ; the sermons of Fulgenzio were a blow to 

1 Ibid., 64 seqq., 67. Capello now dedicated to the Pope his 
essay *Nuovo et corretto parere delle controversie fra il S.P. Paolo V. 
e la repubblica di Venezia, Vat. Lib. 7089. On the efforts of Paul 
of Sulmona, in November, 1606, to reconcile the State divines 
to Rome, see CORNET in Arch. Yen., V. (1873), 265 seqq. As a 
matter of fact Fulgenzio Manfredi did not persevere and on 
July 5, 1610, he was hanged and burnt as a relapsed heretic, 
after one more recantation, cf. R. GIBBINGS, A Report of the 
Proceedings in the Roman Inquisition against Fulgentio Manfredi, 
London, 1852 ; RULE, II., 218 seq. ; G. MERCATI in Miscellanea 
di storia e cultura ecclesiastica, V. (1907), 441 seqq. The verdicts 
of the Inquisition against him, of December 13, 1608, and July 4, 
1610, in GIBBINGS, loc. cit. 

2 Borghese to Ubaldini, June 23, 1609, loc. cit., p. 614, Vat. Lib., 
and September 14, 1609, in Lammer, Zur Kirchengesch., 77. Cf. 
BIANCHI-GIOVINI, 242, 253 ; Notices et extraits des MSS. du Roi, 
VII., 2, Paris, 1804, 303 seqq. ; PRAT," III., 157 seq. 

3 Borghese to Ubaldini, November 10, 1609, and January 5, 
1610, in Lammer, Melet., 265 seq., 270 seq. ; to the Spanish 
nuncio, November 13 in Lammer, Zur Kirchengesch., 82 seq. 

4 On May 8 (1609), printed by REIN, 226. 



PROTESTANT INTRIGUE UNVEILED BY HENRY IV. 2QJ 

the Pope which it will be impossible to make good ; if 
Fulgenzio could preach every Sunday, the battle would soon 
be won ; the greatest freedom of speech obtained in Venice ; 
the Calvinistic books were read and the Pope s conduct and 
teaching were the objects of universal condemnation. This 
letter came into the hands of Henry IV. Now the French 
King was a friend of the republic. He frequently warned 
Rome not to drive Venice, by harsh measures, into the path 
taken by England. A Protestant Venice, however, did not 
fit into his political scheme for he did not wish the French 
Hugenots to derive new strength from a league with a 
Calvinistic Signoria. 1 Hence this letter greatly annoyed the 
king and he ordered Champigny, his envoy, to read it to the 
assembled Senate of Venice. Nothing could be worse for 
Sarpi and Fulgenzio than their being so completely unmasked 
by their talkative friend and things becoming public property 
of whose success silence was the first condition. The effect 
of the letter was immediate, during the reading one of the 
Senators turned deadly pale whilst another strove in vain 
to prove that the document was a forgery. The Senators 
who were favourable to the Pope now waxed more bold. 
Fulgenzio was forbidden to preach and Sarpi s prestige 
suffered a first set-back. 2 Paul V. thanked the King of France 
in an autograph letter. 3 From this time onwards fore 
bodings of the approaching fall of the learned Servite increased. 
Many of his letters to Huguenots came into the hands of the 
French nuncio 4 ; they contained clear proof of the writer s 
heretical sentiments. 5 However, neither Gessi nor the Curia 

1 Ibid., 112. 

* Ubaldini to Borghese, October 13, 1609, Lammer, Melet., 
226, n. i. Cf. PRAT, III., 159-171 ; G. DANIEL, Hist, de France, 
XIV., Amsterdam, 1742, 465 seqq. ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, XI., 
363 seqq. ; REIN, 135-141. An inaccurate account by Lenck 
(from the lips of Sarpi) in Ritter, Union, 463, n. 2. 

3 PRAT, III., 167 seq. 

4 REIN, 159 seqq. 

E eretico formate. Borghese to Ubaldini, January 23, 1610, 
in Lammer, Zur Kirchengesch., 78. Cf. BALAN, VI., 669 seqq. 



208 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

judged it opportune to show these documents in Venice * 
for the republic was still unwilling to dispense with the 
services of the clever friar. 2 

None the less the unlimited freedom he had hitherto 
enjoyed in the use of the State archives was now limited to 
ecclesiastical documents 3 and he himself felt the need of 
greater reserve in his intercourse with the Protestants. 4 
His epistolary correspondence with the French Huguenots, 
of which until then the Venetian envoy in Paris, Foscarini, 
had been the intermediary, was rendered exceedingly 
difficult after the latter s recall. 5 His correspondence with 
Mornay ended about the year 1612. 8 As early as 1609, his 
patron Wotton had been on the point of leaving Venice when 
the Signoria banned the book in which James I. defended the 
oath of allegiance. 7 At the close of 1610, Wotton was recalled 
by his King. 8 He returned indeed twice to Venice, as 
ambassador, 9 but Bedell no longer accompanied him and it 

1 REIN, 160, 164. Borghese to Ubaldini, January 31, 1612, 
Lammer, Melet., 309. Efforts to get Bruslart, the French envoy 
in Venice, to take steps, see REIN, 165 seq. Cf. Ubaldini on 
September n, 1612, in Lammer, Zur Kirchengesch., 308, n. i ; 
Letter of Breves, the French ambassador in Rome, of April 14, 
1613, in PRAT, V., 316 ; Villeroi to the French ambassador 
De Leon (of January 5, 1613 ?), ibid., 313 seq. On Sarpi, 1612, 
see Atti di Romagna, XVIII. (1900), 89 seqq. 

2 PRAT, III., 422, V. 316. When the nuncio requested the 
Inquisition of Venice to publish a list of forbidden books drawn 
up by the Roman Inquisition, the Senate first asked for Sarpi s 
opinion. The Senate to its Roman envoy on December 10, 1616, 
Cal. of State Papers, Venice, XIV., 374. 

8 REIN, 163. * Ibid., 167. 

6 Ibid., 161. On Foscarini and his tragic fate see REUMONT, 
Beitrdge, II., 155-184. 

6 REIN, 167. 

7 Ibid., 162 seqq. Sarpi feared in 1609 that James might 
replace Wotton by a Catholic ; see PRAT, III., 144. 

8 REIN, 148. 

In the years 1616-1619 and 1621-3. SMITH, I., 144 seqq., 
176 seqq. 



GENTLENESS OF PAUL V. TOWARDS VENICE. 2OQ 

does not appear that at that time he took any great interest 
in the Calvinists of the city. 1 

In the meantime Paul V. did all he could in order to win 
over the republic of St. Mark by kindness. His gentleness 
increasingly impressed the Venetians. 2 True, the violence 
of the republic against priests that remained loyal to the 
papacy from time to time revived the hopes of the friends 
of Protestantism that yet another break with Rome might 
occur. However, to the bitter chagrin of Sarpi, Paul V. 
acted with wisdom and restraint. 3 By degrees the friends of 
the papacy secured the ascendancy in the Senate 4 and Sarpi 
himself thought it advisable to hide his hatred of the Pope. 6 
The doge Donato remained obstinate, but in 1612 he was 
carried off by death. 6 

Once again the hopes of those who favoured Protestantism 
even in Venice rose high as Henry IV., now leagued with the 
Calvinists of Germany, was preparing to deal a mortal blow 
to the house of Habsburg. However, when the dagger of 
an assassin put a sudden end to the French king s life Sarpi 
wrote that " the only hope of Christian freedom " had 
vanished. 7 

Even now Mornay refused to give up hope. The disputes 
of Rudolph II. with his brothers and his Protestant subjects, 
so he fancied, might yet prove useful to the Protestants 
of Venice. 8 With this in mind he commissioned the Pole, 

1 REIN, 167. 

2 Borghese to Ubaldini on September 14, 1609, Lammer, Zur 
Kirchengesch., 77. Complaint that the Pope s kindness is abused : 
Borghese to Ubaldini, January 23, 1610, ibid., 78 seq. ; TARQ. 
PINAORO, Modo che Paolo haveria da tenere perche Venetian* 
fossero piu ossequenti, Riv. di biblioteche, XXV., 78. 

8 Wotton to Mornay, March 17, 1609, Memoires, X., 294. 
Cf. Hist. -polit. Blatter, XL, 397; PRAT, III., 156 seq. 

4 REIN, 142. 5 BiANcm-GioviNi, 355 seq. 

6 REIN, 165. 7 Ibid., 144. 

8 As early as December 8, 1609, Sarpi wrote to Mornay : 
Si Stiria libertatem religionis adipisceretur , vulnus esset meretrici 
gravissimum ; see MORNAY, Memoires, X., 450. 

VOL. xxv. 

17 



2IO HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Rey, to visit Venice and Sarpi and then also Germany. 1 
However, the governor of Moravia, Charles von Zierotin, a 
keen Protestant on whom Mornay relied, found himself 
compelled to explain that the archduke had made a Protestant 
rising impossible so that even the bravest in the land would 
not dare to forward the designs of Mornay. 2 

The next few years brought fresh disappointments. Sarpi s 
wish to see Protestant soldiery in Italy was fulfilled when in 
the war of the Uscocchi against central Austria, the 
republic entered into an alliance with the States General 
(Holland). Even Sarpi could not wish for fiercer enemies of 
the Papacy than the Dutch mercenaries. When the league 
with the republic of St. Mark was concluded, the Dutch 
Protestants boasted that now they would drive the Pope 
from Rome and depose him ; that this and the introduction 
of their tenets, would be the fruit of the war in Italy. Bibles 
in Italian and copies of the Catechism of Heidelberg were 
already being printed in Holland for distribution in Venetian 
territory. 3 However, in the end even Sarpi had to confess 
that the presence of Dutch troops had been of little advantage 
to the spread of Calvinism in Italy. 4 Sarpi was assuredly 
mistaken when on occasion he claimed that there were 10,000, 
or even more, Protestants in Venice 6 ; as a matter of fact 
apostacy from the ancient Church ended more often in 
complete infidelity than in Protestantism. 6 Be this as it may, 

1 Hist.-polit. Blatter, XI., 395 seq. ; REIN, 151. 

2 CHLUMECKY, I., 795 seq. 

3 Reports of the Brussels nuncio, Gesualdi, to Borghese, 
December 3 and 17, 1616, and February 18, 1617, in BROM, 
Archivalia, I., 2, 945 seq., 948. * REIN, 168. 

5 Ritter, 77, 82. Lenck spoke of 300 nobles and 15,000 other 
Protestants in Venice ; see REIN, 120. 

6 REIN, 79. " Au lieu d esclaircir les ignorants, il (the pure 
gospel) les a entretenus davantage en leur ignorance . . . et la plus 
grande part des clairvoyans, abandonnant tout a fait les super 
stitions, se sont laisser glisser en pur atheisme." ASSELINEAU 
to Mornay, August 16, 1611, Memoires, XI., 267. Cf. Hist.-polit. 
Blatter, XL, 396; PRAT, III., 411. 



SARPI S EFFORTS TO INTRODUCE CALVINISM. 211 

Sarpi s efforts to found a Calvinist community in Venice 
proved a complete failure. For all that this grim hater of 
the Holy See was very far from the thought of making his 
peace with the Pope ; quite the contrary. " I shall fight him 
more fiercely after my death than during my life," he had 
written l ; and he kept his word ; in the solitude of his study 
he now prepared to deal the Catholic Church his heaviest blow. 
It would seem that Sarpi had begun at an early date to 
collect information about the Council of Trent, and in his 
capacity as a consultor to the republic, the State archives 
were open to him so that he was in a position to add constantly 
to his knowledge. Wotton, who went to Germany in 1611, 
as well as other enemies of the Pope, supplied him with fresh 
documents. With so much material in hand Sarpi set himself 
the task of writing a great history of the assembly of Trent. 2 
The apostate archbishop of Spalato, Marcantonio de Dominis, 
made a copy of the work during a stay in Venice in 1615 
and published it in London in 1619, under the pseudonym 
of Pietro Soave Polano, an anagram of Paolo Sarpi Veneto. 
Against the advice of the shrewd Sarpi, de Dominis betrayed 
the scope of the publication by the very title he gave it : 
A History of the Council of Trent ; an exposition of the artifices 
used by the Roman Curia for the purpose of preventing the 
divergences in its dogmatic teaching to be made manifest and the 
reform of the papacy and the Church from being discussed* 
" The Popes," so the editor declares in his dedication of the 
work to James I., " fearing precisely lest the councils sttbuld 
show them in their true colour, and seek to recall them 
to a sense of their duty, have, by diabolical instigation, taken 
no notice of the ancient councils and stultified the recent 
ones to the holding of which they have been compelled to 

1 On June 6, 1609, to De 1 Isle Groslot.. 

J Cf, the notes in BIANCHI-GIOVINI, 391 seqq. 

8 In later editions the title and dedication were omitted. 
Apart from a few expressions the text of the edition agrees 
with Sarpi s autograph. Cf. BIANCHI-GIOVINI, 387 seq. ; TEZA in 
the Atti del R. Istituto Veneto, 1892. 



212 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

consent, for by trickery and intimidation they brought it 
about that these assemblies were not only unable to investigate 
the truth, but were even compelled to exalt still further the 
worldly power of the papacy and to destroy the last vestiges 
of the Church s liberty." 

The author of the book, de Dominis declares, wished to 
destroy his work but he now laid it in the arms of the king 
as another Moses saved from the water, to the end that it may 
help to rescue God s people from the tyranny of the new 
Pnaraoh who by means of the fetters of a most illegal and 
treacherous council oppresses it by a cruel slavery. 

Sarpi s book created a sensation from the first and its effect 
has not spent itself even now. Within a decade it could be 
lead in Italian, Latin, German, French and English ; the 
Latin translation alone reached a fourth edition by 1622, 1 
This phenomenal success is explained by the universal wish for 
further information on a Council which for Catholics was a 
pillar of the ecclesiastical order and for Protestants a stumbling 
block. Already Cardinal Cervini and Pius IV. had entertained 
the idea of publishing the Acts of the Council, and Massarelli s 
preparatory work on the subject was well forward, hence 
de Dominis assertion is false when he affirms, in his dedication, 
that Rome was anxious to keep the Acts of the Council from 
the eyes of the world. 2 However, the projected publication 
did not take place, so that Sarpi s book is the first detailed 
story of the assembly. Moreover it was largely based on 
unpublished documents 3 and written with undeniable skill 

1 BiANcm-GioviNi, 455 seq. German translation by Rambach, 
Halle, 1761 seqq., by Winterer, Mergentheim, 1839. On the French 
translation by Amelot de la Houssaye, see Gust. Wolf in Deutschen 
Geschichtsblattern, XVIII. (1917), 244 ; on the one by Le Courayer, 
an excommunicated French Canon, ibid., 248 ; Dictionary of 
National Biography, XII., 328. 

2 St. Ehses in the Rom. Quartalschrift, XVI. (1902), 296-307 ; 
Derf. in Cone. Trid., V., XXVI. seqq. ; Merkle, ibid., I., XIV. 

8 Among printed works the following have been used : Jovius, 
Guicciardini, De Thou, Adriani and especially Sleidan (Ranke, 
Pdpste, III 8 ., 27*). 



SARPI S BOOK ON THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 213 

and vigour. 1 The Protestants could not fail to derive 
particular enjoyment from the spiteful sallies against the 
Roman Curia with which the story is seasoned, for in those 
pages that which to Catholics was an inviolable sanctuary 
of holiest origin, was ascribed to very human motives and 
dragged in the dust. As history Sarpi s work does not attain 
a high level. Hate guided his pen. Where his sources, which 
he seldom quotes, can be verified, we frequently detect " the 
most arbitrary distortions and misrepresentations which 
cause persons and things to appear in the wrong place and in 
a false light ". 2 Until quite recently 3 it was believed that for 
many of his statements Sarpi must have disposed of manu- 

1 According to FUETER (273) Sarpi is with Guicciardini " the 
greatest historical artist of the sixteenth century ". Cf. ibid. : 
" His history is good party-literature, precisely because it has 
none of the air of such writings." Fueter thus sums up his impres 
sion (272) : " Sarpi s history is ... not only biassed writing, 
it is the partisan expression of opinion of a lawyer, a historical 
apology of the particularistic ecclesiastical policy of Venice." 
That Sarpi s work, from the point of view of style and history, 
is far from being the masterpiece which Ranke still imagined it 
to be, is shown by the testimony of competent judges in Baum- 
gartner, Weltliteratur, VI., 479. 

z Ehses in Jahresber. der Gorresgesdlschaft fur 1919, Koln, 1920, 
39. On the way in which Sarpi uses and alters Contarini s instruc 
tion for the diet of 1541, cf. also Ranke, III ., 31 seqq. Ranke 
agrees that Sarpi s remarks " are full of bitterness and gall " 
(ibid., 29) ; to the worldly influence of the papacy he devoted 
" a decisive, irreconcilable hatred " (ibid., II., 222>. REIN (195) 
says of Sarpi s historical work that in its pages " he discharges 
so bitter a hatred of the Popes and the Roman Curia, that in 
this respect no Protestant could go further. In the actions of 
the Popes he invariably discovers selfish motives and he puts 
an unfavourable construction upon all their measures. In this 
matter he openly sympathizes with their opponents, the Protes 
tants ". P. Tschackert also says of Sarpi s history that in it 
" he airs his hatred against his deadly enemy (the papacy) " 
(Herzog-Hauck, Real enzyklopddie, XVII., 488). 

8 Thus according to Merkle in Cone. Trid., I., 487, n. 3. 



214 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

script documents which are lost to us. But the most recent 
research has shown that such details as cannot be verified by 
documentary evidence are simply forgeries. 1 

1 Thus in the very first congregation of the theologians of the 
Council, on February 20, 1546, he introduces four speakers : 
Lunellus, Marinarius, Cardinal Pole, who was president of the 
Council, and Louis of Catania. Of these Catania was not even 
at the Council at the time ; the three other speeches are made 
up from speeches delivered at the Congregation of the bishops 
of February 18 and 26. It is in accordance with Sarpi s bias to 
represent the bishops as ignorant men by attributing their 
opinions to the theologians. (Ehses in Hist. Jahrbuch, XXVI. 
(1905). 299-313. A list of heresies on original sin which had 
been drawn up for the Council but which, owing to lack of time, 
was used neither by the bishops nor the theologians, is made 
by him the cardinal point of wholly imaginary discussions in 
which he parades his biblical and patristic knowledge. In these 
discussions he also introduces the celebrated Dominican De Soto 
who had left Trent shortly before (Ehses, ibid., XXVII. (1906), 
69-73). On the alleged diary of Chieregato see ibid., 67-9. In 
a report of Visconti, who had only just arrived in Trent, Sarpi 
finds the erroneous remark that Foscarari exercised a censorship 
of public discussions at the Council. On the occasion of the 
first general Congregation under Pius IV., on January 15, 1562, 
Sarpi relates how Foscarari was formally entrusted with that office 
so that freedom of speech was limited (Ehses in Jahresbericht der 
Gorresgesellschaft fur 1919, 40-5). The safe-conduct which the 
Council gave to the Protestants in 1562, is grossly travestied 
by Sarpi, who then goes on to accuse the Council of having broken 
its pledged word (ibid., 45-51). In the discussions of the duty 
of residence he puts in the mouth of the younger Paul Jovius 
a speech against that duty together with the anti-papal sally 
that the Popes had always resided in Rome without Rome being 
for that reason better than all other cities. This speech was 
never delivered and is made up from a most becoming votum 
of Th. Stella (ibid., 51-8). To bishop Draskowich, Sarpi attributes 
a defence of court bishops although that bishop s votum is to the 
exact contrary effect : Sarpi the State divine must have seen 
his own justification in such a defence. But in order that 
Draskowich should have occasion to make such representations, 



DEATH OF SARPI. 215 

Sarpi did not long survive the last and most influential 
of his literary achievements. He died on January 15th, 1623, 
unreconciled with the Church, 1 detested, in his last years, by 
the nobility and shunned by the people. 2 The Signoria, 
however, and the more intimate circles of his followers 
continued loyal to him. Three weeks after his death the 
Senate decreed the erection of a monument in his honour. 
However, consideration for the Roman Curia prevented the 
execution of the plan. 3 He was given a pompous funeral 
in which all the religious Orders took part, though many 
walked but reluctantly in the funeral cortege. 4 An account 
was published, signed by all the inmates of the Servite 

he makes the previous speaker, the bishop of Ajaccio, speak 
in defence of the bishops attendance at courts (ibid., 58-63). 
When the question of ordination to the title of personal patrimony 
came up for discussion, the State theologian saw in it an inter 
ference with the rights of the secular power. So he invented 
a speech against it and put it in the mouth of Gabriel le Veneur, 
bishop of Viviers. As a matter of fact le Veneur was bishop of 
Evreux. From a similar motive Sarpi makes the bishop of Paris 
speak against the demand that, when new parishes were erected, 
the parishioners should be put under obligation to provide for 
the maintenance of the new parish priests. Now the bishop 
of Paris was in favour of this demand and in the discussions 
on the question he never spoke at all. Cf. Ehses examination 
of Sarpi s credibility in the Rom. Quartalschr., XXXI. (1923), 
150 seq., where more instances are given of the way in which 
Sarpi falsifies speeches and puts them in the mouth of people 
who were not even present. 

1 Report of nuncio Zacchia to Cardinals Ludovisi and Barberini, 
edited by A. PLONCHER in Arch. stor. ital., 4 series, IX. (1882), 
145-160. Cf. SIRI, V., 520 seq. 

2 ... nobili che 1 odiano, come fa universalmente il popolo, 
che lo schifa, e fugge di stare alia sua messa, tenedolo per cagione 
ed autore di quanti infortuni e gravezze ha questo stato (PLONCHER, 
loc. cit., 151). 

3 Ibid., 148. Letter of Cardinal Ludovisi of October 28, 1623, 
to the French nuncio, in Carte Strozz, i, series II. (1891), 83. 

4 PLONCHER, loc. cit., 148. 



2l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Convent, according to which his end had been almost like 
that of a Saint, but not all the friars had signed the document 
of their own free will. 1 It was only in the eighteenth century, 
when the anti-christian spirit was describing ever widening 
circles, that editions of the complete works of Sarpi began to 
appear 2 and that his reputation grew more and more. 3 
It was reserved to the nineteenth century to raise a monument 
to the enemy of the Popes. 4 That he deserved no such honour 
is sufficiently proved by the fact that his character betrays 
some very despicable features. Sarpi defied the thunder of 
Rome though he had no cause to fear it whilst he enjoyed 
the protection of the Venetian government ; but for fear of 
compromising himself he refused, in 1622, a legacy left him 
by Antonio Foscarini who had been innocently sentenced 
to death and whom, in happier days, he had called his friend. 
Foscarini had left 100 ducats to Sarpi, with a request for his 
prayers ; Sarpi refused the gift on the plea that duty and 
loyalty forbade him to have anything to do, be it in life, be it in 
death, with a man who had rendered himself unworthy of 
the favour of the government. 6 

1 Ibid. Copy of the report in CICOGNA, Iscrittioni, V., 603. 

2 BiANcm-GioviNi, 454 seqq. 

8 On the finding of his body in 1722 see U. BALZANI in the 
Rendi conti dell Accad. del Lincei, 5 series, IV. (1895) ; K. Benrath 
in the Allg. Zeitung, 1876, Beil. 274. Translation of his remains 
to San Michele di Murano, on November 15, 1828, BIANCHI- 
GIOVINI, 451. 

4 That the erection of a monument in his honour at Venice 
was intended as an anticlerical demonstration , see E. GUGLIA 
in the Allg. Zeitung of September 21, 1892, Beil. 221. 

5 See REUMONT, Beitrdge, II., 175 seq. 



CHAPTER VI. 

PAUL V. s REFORMING ACTIVITY WITHIN THE CHURCH 

SUSPENSION OF THE THOMIST AND MOLINIST CONTROVERSY 

CANONIZATIONS. 

IN consequence of the stir created by the dispute with Venice 
the idea has taken root that that conflict was the chief event 
of the pontificate of the Borghese Pope. This view, which 
confines itself too exclusively to externals, has caused not a 
few historians increasingly to overlook the widespread 
activity of the Pope within the Church. As against such a 
conception impartial students acknowledge that precisely 
this side of Paul V. s activity was as extensive as it was 
successful. 1 

A man of such deep piety and glowing zeal for souls, of 
such strong will and firm character as Paul V., was not likely 
to allow himself to lose heart because of the difficulties of 
the situation. In the midst of the manifold cares which the 
burden of the supreme pontificate laid upon him, he put all 
his trust in Him who, without any co-operation on his part, 
had raised him to the most exalted dignity in the world. 2 
In all the offices which he had previously held the Pope had 
most strictly complied with existing laws. Now he was 

1 See REUMONT, III., 2, 607. 

2 *" Nam cum experiamur cum hac suprema dignitate tan tarn 
sollicitudinem ac tantas curas esse coniunctos, nisi hoc solatio 
consolaremur, nunquam vid. nos pro sua misericordia deserturum 
esse eum, qui tantum miseratione sua, non nostris meritis voluit, 
ut huic s. Sedi praesideremus, lugendum nobiscum potius quam 
gratulandum nobis existimaremus." Brief to archbishop Sbynek 
of Prague, July 2, 1605, Epist., I., 41 ; Arm., 45, Papal Secret 
Archives. Cf. loc. cit., p. 193, the * Brief to Caterina de Brag- 
9.ntia : " Incidit hie noster pontificatus in saevissima tempora." 

217 



2l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

more determined than ever to carry out his duties as Supreme 
Head of the Church with the utmost conscientiousness. 
When replying to letters of congratulation he invariably 
begged for the help of fervent prayers. 1 In this spirit he 
proclaimed, on June 28th, 1605, a universal jubilee. 2 

One of the first measures of Paul V. in the internal govern 
ment of the Church was to inculcate anew, in an ordinance 
published on October 19th, 1605, the duty of residence laid 
upon all ecclesiastics by the Council of Trent, and for which 
Clement VIII. had recently striven. No one enjoying a 
benefice could be exempt from this obligation. 3 In a con 
sistory of November 7th, 1605, the Pope announced that he 
had instructed his vicar in Rome, Cardinal Pamfili, to ask all 
bishops then in the Curia, to return to their dioceses ; even 
Cardinals with dioceses were bound by this law. There could 
be no question of a dispensation ; anyone refusing to observe 
the duty of residence must resign his see ; if nevertheless 
he appropriated the revenues of his charge he was guilty of 
mortal sin. 4 It was thought in Rome that Cardinal 
Bellarmine had persuaded the Pope to take this step. 5 When, 
in November, 1605, Cardinal Aldobrandini asked for a dis 
pensation from residence for a certain bishop he was unable 
to obtain anything. At this same time all bishops still in 
Rome without leave were informed not to presume to show 
themselves in the papal chapel. 6 

Towards the end of November, 1605, Cardmal Valenti 
left for his diocese of Faenza and at Christmas Cardinal 
Sannesi repaired to his bishopric of Orvieto. 7 Some Cardinals 
resigned their sees or made preparations for their departure 

1 Cf. the ""letter to Joh. Valentinus, Patriarch of Antioch, 
September 30, 1605. Epist., I., 226, Arm., 45, and other *Briefs 
in the same place. Secret Papal Archives-. 

z Bull., XI., 197 seq. 

3 See *Avviso of October 19, 1605, Vatican Library. 

4 Cf. *Acta consist, for November 7, 1605, ibid. 

5 *Avvisi of November 16 and 26, 1605, ibid. 
* *Avviso of November 26, 1605, ibid. 

7 *Avvisi of November 26 and December 21, 1605, ibid. 



EPISCOPAL RESIDENCE MADE OBLIGATORY 2IQ 

as soon as the cold season would be over. In the judgment of 
the Pope only those engaged in some legation in the Pontifical 
States were exempt from the duty of residence. 1 

In this respect all expostulations proved in vain. 2 The rigid 
Cardinal Bellarmine wished the Pope to go still further and 
not to bestow bishoprics at all upon the Cardinals since 
they found residence difficult. However, Paul V. pointed out 
to the Cardinal that such a procedure was contrary to the 
spirit of the Tridentine decrees and as regards the exemptions 
granted to the Cardinals he appealed to the opinion of the 
celebrated Gregory of Valencia. 3 

Although he refrained from excessive rigorism, Paul V. 
never lost sight of this question of residence. An edict of 
October, 1607, based on the prescriptions of Trent, decrees that 
all bishops would forfeit their revenues if they had not repaired 
to their dioceses within a fortnight. Simultaneously with 
this order another decree laid down that no bishop was to 
come to Rome without leave of the Pope. Beneficed 
ecclesiastics were to be in residence within nine days. 4 
Though in the sequel opposition was not lacking, the Pope 
remained firm. From time to time fresh edicts were issued 
inculcating again and again the duty of residence for all 
beneficed ecclesiastics. 5 

What advantages flowed from the bishops presence in their 
dioceses is shown by the example of Cardinal Maffeo Barberini. 
That prelate was appointed to the see of Spoleto on 
October 17th, 1608, with the obligation, however, of resigning 



1 See the report of the Venetian obedienza ambassadors in 
BARROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, I., 60. 

* See the despatch of DU PERRON of May 17, 1606, Ambassades, 
476, and the *Avvisi of October n, 1606, and June 2, 1607, 
Vatican Library. 

8 See LE BACHELET, Auct. Bellarm., 533, 535. 

* See the *Avvisi of September i and 8 and October 6, 1607, 
Vatican Library. 

6 See CARDELLA, VI., 157 and the *Avvisi of March 7, 1609, 
March 9, 1611, and November 21, 1617, Vatican Library. 



220 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the bishopric of Nazaret, in Southern Italy. 1 On finding 
himself detained in Rome by his duties as Prefect of the 
Segnatura di Grazia with which the Pope had entrusted him, 
he began by having the diocese visited by his Vicar General. 2 
As soon as he was able to do so, the Cardinal left Rome, to 
take possession of his diocese (1610). A Dominican, a Friar 
Minor and two Jesuits accompanied him. 3 He now displayed 
an activity truly in accord with the spirit of Trent. A 
visitation of the whole diocese was announced ; it started 
with the episcopal city. Whilst suppressing abuses Barberini 
made special provision for the religious instruction of the 
young. Every evening the parish priests were convoked to 
the episcopal palace there to receive the necessary instructions. 
Barberini, whose personal life was very simple, made 
immediate and generous provision for the poor of the city. 
At the conclusion of the visitation of Spoleto he undertook 
the inspection of every part of his diocese. On this journey 
his only companions were his Vicar General and a few 
familiars. The Cardinal penetrated even into the lonely 
mountain districts of Norcia and Leonessa. At times he 

1 See *Avviso of October 25, 1608, ibid. 

* See *Spoletinae dioecesis locorum visitatio a vicar io generali 
dom. card. Barberini, episc. Spoletini (Barb., 2352, Vatican 
Library), beginning with October 6, 1609. 

3 For what follows, compare the account of NICOLETTI ( Vita 
d Urbano VIII., I., 385 seq. t Vatican Library), with Barb., 2417 : 
*Editti del card. M. Barberini, vescovo di Spoleto (the first 
five are in print) ; 2829, 73 : *Ordinationes card. Barberini 
editae in visitatione suae eccles. cathedr. de s. Eucharistia ; L., 89 : 
*Ordinationi per le monache di Spoleto, date 18 Agosto, 1611, 
essendo vescovo it card. M. Barberini ; L., 152, p. 210 seq. : *Ordini 
per gli eremiti di Monte Luco date dal card. M. Barberini, vesc. 
di Spoleto ; p. 214 seq. ; * Articles which the parish priests had 
to answer at the diocesan visitation, 1610. In Barb., 2585, 
there is also, p. 153 seq., *Relatio ecclesiae Spolet. el illius 
status facta a me M. card. Barberini, Vatican Library. The 
*Acts of Visitations of Barberini, are in the Archiepisc. Archives, 
Spoleto. Cf. G. SORDINI, Alia ricerca della tomba di un uomo 
celebre, Spoleto, 1903, X. 



CARDINAL BARBARINI S EXAMPLE. 221 

himself imparted religious instruction to the country people. 
Everywhere he insisted on an exemplary life being led by 
the clergy as well as on regular preaching and catechizing. 
He likewise took action against banditry. The Cardinal also 
suitably endowed the ecclesiastical seminary founded by his 
predecessor in the See of Spoleto. In addition to this he 
erected two smaller seminaries at Spello and Visso. He 
founded a special association for the purpose of forming 
priests for the administration of the Sacrament of Penance ; 
those who would not join were refused posts. The Cardinal 
also interested himself in the reform of the convents of nuns. 
The hermits who dwelt on the picturesque heights of Monte 
Luco and whom Michelangelo visited on one occasion likewise 
felt the touch of his reforming hand. 

The sick, no less than the poor, were the objects of the 
solicitude of the indefatigable prelate. He often personally 
attended the dying. To crown his reforming activities, 
Cardinal Barberini, after the pattern of Charles Boromeo, 
convoked a diocesan synod at Spoleto. The decrees of this 
assembly were published on September 13th, 1616. 1 

The admirable activity of Maffeo Barberini at Spoleto was 
imitated by other Cardinals in their respective dioceses : as, 
for instance, by Giustiniani in the Sabine country 2 ; Ludovisi 
at Bologna 3 ; Aldobrandini at Ravenna 4 ; Federigo 

1 See Barb., 2830 : *Indictio dioc. synodi hdbendae 
Spoleti a Maph. card. Barberini, September i, 2 and 3, 1615 ; 
Barb., 2831 : *M. card. Barberini Spolet. synodus pro- 
mulgata, September 13, 1616. Cf. Regin. 2044, p. 41 seq. : *Ragiona 
mento che fece Urbano VIII. (in minorib.) al sinodo, die fece a 
Spoleto. Vatican Library. 

z Cf. Ottob. 1075 : *Sabinen. ecclesiae visitatio A. 1615 a card. 
B. lustiniano, episc. Sabin. peracta, Vatican Library. 

3 Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 468 and ACCARISIUS, Vita Gregorii XV., 
Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

4 Cf. above, p. 58, note 5. Aldobrandini s successor to the 
archbishopric of Ravenna (1621), Cardinal Capponi, also carried 
out reforms there : see CARDELLA, VI. , 151, and Cod. Vat. 6705 : 
*Lettere pastorali, orazioni e prediche del card. Capponi, arcivesc. 
di Ravenna, Vatican Library. 



222 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Borromeo at Milan l ; Valenti at Faenza 2 ; Bichi at Siena 3 ; 
Lante at Todi 4 ; Galamina at Recanati and Loreto 5 ; Muti 
at Viterbo 6 ; Carafa at Naples 7 ; Caraccioli at Tropea 8 ; 
Centini at Mileto and Macerata 9 ; Scaglia at Melfi 10 ; 
Doria at Palermo. 11 Many bishops vied with these Cardinals. 
For their benefit a disciple of Philippe Neri, Antonio Talpa, 
wrote an instruction to guide them in a careful adminis 
tration of their dioceses. This document was much esteemed 
by Paul V. 12 

In Rome, supported by his Vicars General, Pamfili and 
Millini, 13 Paul V. promoted the cure of souls, 14 the frequent 
reception of the Eucharist, the Forty Hours prayer and the 
pilgrimage to the seven churches. The great processions and 
the solemn general Communions instituted for those occasions 



1 See the biographies of ROBERTI (Milan, 1870) and QUESNEL 
(Lille, 1890). 

2 See MORONI, LXXXVIL, 244. 

3 See CARDELLA, VI., 160. 

4 See Rossi, Vita del card. Lante, Rome, 1653. 

5 See CARDELLA, VI., 166 seq. 

6 Ibid., 179. 

7 Ibid., 154 seq. 

8 For the seminary founded at Tropea in 1615, cf. Bollettino 
pel XVI. Centenario di S. Domenica vergine et martire in Tropea 
1903, No. ii. 

9 See CARDELLA, VI., 173. 

10 Ibid., 215. 

11 Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 363 and BOGLINO, 54 seq. See also 
TACCHI VENTURI, I., 148. 

12 Delia curia e vigilanza de vescovi, etc., 1607. Cf. CAPECELATRO, 
F. Neri, II., 3 700 ; Engl. transl. (1882), Vol. II., 340 seq. Paul V. 
expressed his special satisfaction with the archbishop of Salerno, 
Giov. Beltramini ; see the * briefs addressed to him, on February 7 
(" laudat eius diligentiam in visit, dioc.") and December 22, 1609, 
Epist., IV., 329, V., 247. Arm., 45. Papal Secret Archives. 

13 Cf. MORONI, XCIX., 95 and MEMMOLI, Vita card. Millini, 
34 seq. 

14 See *Avviso of June 29, 1613, Vatican Library. , 



COMMISSION OF REFORM CONVOKED. 223 

were soon copied in many cities of Italy. 1 The Roman 
Seminary enjoyed the Pope s support. 2 In 1611 he caused 
seven parish churches to be erected in the Roman campagna. 3 
The commission of reform, whose activities had begun under 
Clement VIII., was convoked anew in November, 1607, 4 
for, as Cardinal Bellarmine remarked, human frailty makes 
constant correction a necessity. 6 To this end the great 
theologian could think of nothing better than a strict execution 
of the reform decrees of Trent. This view was likewise 
advocated by the author of a memorandum which demanded 
for the whole Church the literal application of these decrees. 
In the work of the reform, the memorandum declares, the 
first thing to do is to seek the glory of God before all else, 
then to amend one s own life so as to encourage others to do 
in like manner ; this procedure is greatly to be preferred to 
compulsion. For the purpose of ascertaining the true nature 
of existing evils, and with a view to applying appropriate 
remedies, the writer suggests that the Pope should convoke 
in Rome special synods presided over by himself. These 
synods should be composed, at first, of the bishops of Italy, 
and hereafter those of Spain, France, Germany and other 
countries should also be convened. The agenda of these 
Roman synods should be provided by previous provincial 
synods. Everywhere the reform should begin with the higher 
clergy and then to extend itself to all ranks, down to the 
lowest order. Special attention should be paid to the forma 
tion of the clergy ; for this purpose seminaries should be 
erected everywhere or suitable provision made for the 
existing ones. The seminaries, as well as the monasteries, 
should be examined by the Apostolic Visitors. The arduous- 
ness of the task should not deter the Pope, all the more as he 

1 Cf. Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. 16. For the raising of the 
Roman " Confraternitd del ss. Sacramento ", to an " Arciconfra- 
ternitd ", see MORONI, II., 305. 

1 See *Awiso of October 25, 1608, Vatican Library. 

8 See *Avviso of June 4, 1611, ibid. 

4 See *Avviso of November 17, 1607, ibid. 

5 LE BACHELET, Auct. Bellarm., 533, note 3. 



224 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

had ascended the Apostolic See whilst still in full physical 
vigour ; the necessary time to carry out the work would not 
be wanting. 1 

Although Paul V. did not carry out all these suggestions 
his intervention in ecclesiastical affairs of every Catholic 
country proves that he was honestly determined to give force 
everywhere to the reform decrees of Trent. 2 He was 
particularly careful in his appointment of new bishops. In 
this respect his preferences were for religious ; from the Order 
of St. Dominic he chose nearly sixty bishops. 3 In the spring 
of 1618, through the consistory of Cardinals, he introduced 
certain improvements in the method of nominations to 
bishoprics and monasteries. 4 

Soon after his elevation it was rumoured that Paul V. would 
carry through a reform of the procedure of papal elections 
which his premature death had prevented Leo XL from 
realizing. 5 In effect the Cardinaiitial Congregation appointed 
by the late Pope was strengthened by the addition of new 
members and was once more charged with the examination 
of the draft of a Bull concerning the conclave which had 
been drawn up under Clement VIII. But, as Paul V. informed 
the Cardinals on November 7th, 1605, he was unwilling to 
move in the matter without first ascertaining the personal 
opinion of every member of the Sacred College. 6 By 

1 *Pro universali totius Ecclesiae reformations, Borghese, IV., 
56, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 Cf. further on, especially Vol. XXVI, Chs. I and IV. As to 
Portugal, see the references in the *Instruttione for the collector 
Accoramboni, of June i, 1614, Cod., X., IV., 38, p. 30, 
Casanatense Library, Rome. 

3 See Bzovius, Vita Pauli, V., ch. 21. 

4 See *Acta consist., of April 2, 1618, Vatican Library. 

5 Cf. *Avviso of June n, 1605. Vatican Library. Tarquinio 
Pinaoro dedicated to Paul V. his " Discorso sopra la riforma del 
conclave da farsi per la sicurezza, liberta e unione eccles.," Cod. D., 
IV., 202, of the Gambalunga Library, Rimini. 

8 See *Acta Consist., of November 7, 1605. Cf. also the *Avviso 
of November 16, 1605, Vatican Library. 



NEW COLLECTION OF DECRETALS. 225 

December this had been done, 1 yet the Bull of Reform did 
not appear. According to hints thrown out by well-informed 
people, it was in all probability the Cardinals heading various 
parties who, for fear of losing their influence, once again 
delayed the completion of the work. 2 

Like his predecessors, Gregory XIIL, Sixtus V. and 
Clement VIII., Paul V. also interested himself in the com 
pilation of a new collection of decretals. The draft already 
printed in 1598, for the benefit of the Commission of Cardinals, 
was revised in 1607 and 1608, but no publication ensued. 
The explanation is probably to be sought in the unsatis 
factory lay-out of the whole scheme and in the politico- 
ecclesiastical situation of the time. 3 

Greater success marked Paul V. s continuation of the 
reform of the liturgical books which he brought to completion 
with the publication of the Rituale Romanum. The Popes of 
the period of the Catholic restoration had already corrected 
the Breviary, the Missal and the Roman Pontifical. 4 The 

1 See *Avviso of December 10, 1605, Vatican Library. From 
this the exact date may be ascertained for the votum of Bellarmine 
printed by WAHRMUND in the Archiv. f. kath. Kirchenrecht, 
LXXIL, 221 seq., and again by LE BACHELET (Auct. Bellarm., 
526). On p. 528, ibid., a further memorandum of the Cardinal : 
An forma eligendi S. Pontificem debeat tolli per adorationem. 

2 See WAHRMUND, loc. cit., 206. Ibid., 223 seq., the changes 
which Paul V. wished to make in Clement VIII. s plans. Cf. 
also Luzio, L Archivio Gonzaga, II., 177. 

3 See SENTIS, dementis P. VIII. Decretales Proleg., XV. seq., 
and Lammer, Zur Kodifikation des kanon. Rechtes, Freiburg, 1899, 
p. 21. Cf. our notes, Vol. XXIV., 229 seq. 

Cf. our notes, Vol. XVII, 193 seq. ; XXIV., 227 seq. A "brief 
of Paul V. for " electus, canonici ac capit. eccles. Sedunensis 
hortatur ad recipiendum Breviarium atque Calend. Romanum," 
December 2, 1605, Epist. I., 356. Ibid., 475, a *brief to Adrian 
II. of Riedmatten, bishop of Sitten : " laudat eius pastoralem 
diligentiam et hortatur ad introductionem generalem apud suos 
Brevarii Pii V. et Calend. Gregorii XIIL" dated March 3, 1606, 
in Arm., 45. Papal Secret Archives. For the amended Breviary 
of Paul V. printed in 1608, see DELAPORTE in the Rassegna Gregor., 
VII. (1908), 244 seq. 

VOL. xxv. 18 



226 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Borghese Pope now carried out a similar work on the liturgical 
book which contains the formularies of the functions apper 
taining to the cure of souls. In this instance there was no 
question of producing a revised and improved edition of an 
existing volume but rather of compiling a new set of formularies 
for use by the pastoral clergy in the administration of the 
sacraments (Baptism, Eucharist, Extreme Unction, 
Matrimony), and for various blessings, especially those 
distinct from the Office, as at funerals, processions and other 
extra-liturgical services. At one time priests themselves 
were wont to compile such books. It was only in the course 
of the twelfth century that a fixed type of ritual books for 
such purposes took shape and at first chiefly for monasteries. 
Since the invention of the printing press many such manuals 
had been published. 1 Samples of private collections of this 
kind, which contain the formularies in use in the Roman 
Church, were the Sacerdotale of the Dominican Alberto 
Castellani and that of Francesco Samarino, a prebendary 
of the Lateran. 2 To these must be added a similar 
work by Cardinal Santori, undertaken at the instigation of 
Gregory XIII. and printed during his pontificate and that of 
Gregory XIV. at the expense of the Holy See. However, the 
book was never published owing to the death of the Cardinal 
in 1602. 3 Paul V. took up the task once more. Baronius 

1 A summary may be found in the monumental work of 
A. FRANZ : Die kirchl. Benediktionen im Mittelalter, I., Freiburg, 
1909, XXX seq. Cf. FRANZ, Zur Gesch. der gedruckten Passauer 
Ritualien, in the Theol-Prakt. Monaischrift, IX. (Passau, 1899), 
75 seq. ; JUNGNITZ, Die Breslauer Ritualien, Breslau, 1892 ; 
FRANZ, Das Rituale von St Flavian aus dem 12. Jahrh., Freiburg, 
1904 ; THALHOFER-EISENHOFER, Handbuch der kath. Liturgik, I. 
(1912), 83 seq. 

2 See ZACCARIA, Biblioteca ritualis, I., Romae, 1776, 144 ; 
BAUMER, 500. 

3 See SANTORI, Autobiografia, in Arch. Rom., XII., 154 seq., 
I 57 I 97> and with this the explanation of G. MERCATI, in the 
Rassegna Gregor. V. (Rome, 1906), 269, 443 seq. Cf. now also 
BAUMGARTEN, Neue Kunde, 52 seq. 



REFORM OF THE LITURGY. 227 

counsel was to be asked for, 1 but the Cardinal died on June 
30th, 1607. 2 In 1612 the Pope appointed a commission of 
Cardinals and scholars 3 which made great use of the excellent 
work of Santori, a fact expressly mentioned in the brief of 
June 20th, 1614, concerning the new t Ritual. 4 A wise self- 
restraint prompted the Pope to refrain both from enforcing 
the universal adoption of the new Ritual under threat of 
penalties as well as from abrogating the existing Rituals 
peculiar to certain dioceses and religious Orders ; he con 
tented himself with the expression of a keen desire to see 
the new book made use of by all bishops, parish priests and 
abbots. 

The excellence of the Rituale Romanum is sufficiently 
proved by its rapid diffusion. 5 It has remained unsurpassed 
to this day. By its means many abuses, more particularly 
certain superstitious practices, were removed and in the 
administration of the sacraments, in the blessings and con 
secrations which are the province of priests, as well as in a 
number of ecclesiastical functions, processions and other 
services, greater uniformity and dignity as well as a noble 
simplicity were realized. 6 A prescription of the Rituale 



1 See CALENZIO, 735. 

2 Cf. BAUMGARTEN, loc. cit., 57-8. 

3 See MERCATI, loc. cit., 443 seq. 

4 See Bull., XII., 266 seq. In the older collections of Bulls 
the brief is dated June 17. 

5 Cf. ZACCARIA, Bibl. rit., L, 147. The oldest editions of 
1614 and 1615 are very rare ; see BAUMGARTEN, loc. cit., 65. 

6 See BAUMER, 500. Cf. GUERANGER, Inst. lit., I., 2, 508 seqq. 
For the abuses in the blessings, which the authorities had 
difficulty in remedying, as they arose from private collections 
of formulae which were disseminated in MSS., see A. FRANZ, 
Die kirchl. Benediktionen im Mitellalter, 2 vols., Freiburg, 1909. 
Paul V., who was a great lover of music (see ORBAAN, Documenti, 
LI 1 1., for the contemporary singers of the papal chapel, cf. 
CELANI in the Riv. music., XIV. (1907), 768 seq.}, adopted in 
1608 a plan for reform of liturgical choral music which had 
been considered by Clement VIII. It was a new edition of the 



228 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Romanum, which binds every parish priest to make a census 
of the faithful entrusted to his care, indicating those who 
had received the sacraments of the Eucharist and Confirma 
tion, had been previously observed in Rome. At Milan it had 
been enforced by Carlo Borromeo. 1 These census books, 
which henceforth came increasingly into use, supply valuable 
information as regards statistics and in large cities, such as 
Rome, even about family history and topographical details. 
These catalogues are not only important for the history of 
civilization in general, they also give us more than one 
interesting glimpse into the administration of a parish in 
those days. If a parish priest conscientiously kept these 
registers he had perforce to visit every household at least 
once a year. In this way an opportunity offered itself of 
getting to know every member of his parish and their different 
needs. Thus the prescriptions of the Rituale Romanum met 
one of the most strongly felt needs of our own time that is, 
contact as extensive and as intensive as possible between 
the priest and individual households * An extraordinary 

melodies of the liturgical chants, see MOLITOR, Choralreform, II., 
Leipzig, 1902, 71 seq., who first pointed out how this whole 
undertaking finally came to nothing. The Pope had very good 
reasons for withholding, at the last moment, his approval of 
the edition of the Graduate de tempore, Romae ex typographia 
Medicaea, 1614, so that it appeared on the sole responsibility 
of the publisher Raimondi, with a mere supe-riorum permissu 
(see MOLITOR, 117 seq.). Among these, as Molitor has shown 
(loc. cit.), was the blameworthy misuse which Iginio Palestrina 
had made of his father s name which was held in the highest 
esteem. Cf. H. NIEMANN in the Gott. Gel. Anz., 1905, 824 seq., with 
whom Molitor entirely agrees. 

1 Cf. Ada eccles. Mediol., IV., 790 seq. 

- See W. BURGER, Die Status-animantm Berichte der Pfarrei 
S. Maria in Cosmedin zu Rom wdhrend des 17. Jahrhunderts in 
the Rom. Quartalschr., XXIII., 166 seq. The eight volumes 
referred to are housed in the Vatican Library. It must not 
be deduced from the gaps they show that the Status animarum 
was not kept up during the missing years. BURGER (loc. cit., 167) 



CONTROVERSY CONCERNING DIVINE GRACE. 22Q 

Congregation of Cardinals undertook the examination of all 
indulgences. It consisted of Cardinals Baronius, Arigoni, 
Bellarmine and Pamfili. 1 

During the last years of the pontificate of Clement VIII. 
the controversy concerning the efficacy of divine grace had 
dragged on without leading to a peaceful solution. Paul V. 
must have been all the more inclined to end, by a papal 
decision, discussions which so laboriously succeeded one 
another because, whilst still a Cardinal, he had been obliged 
to be present at nearly every congregation which dealt with 
the question of grace and at his election he had been pressed 
to issue a decision in the matter. 2 The Spanish envoy, at 
the bidding of his sovereign, urged the Pope in this direction, 
but he did not immediately succeed in persuading the Pope 
to overcome his hesitation. It was one thing, Paul V. 
insisted, to take part in the sessions as a Cardinal and another, 
to feel justified, as Pope, in pronouncing a final judgment. 3 

It would seem that soon after Paul V. s accession, both 
parties to the dispute sought to influence the Pope in their 
favour. The Dominican Lemos relates that on August 4th, 
1605, he was summoned before Paul V. who commissioned 
him to draw up a list of those propositions in this difficult 
matter which he deemed to be heretical and those which 
he held to be Catholic. On August 10th Lemos handed in 
the desired list as well as a memorandum in which he enlarges 
upon the necessity and antiquity of the expression " physical 

would not have drawn this conclusion, if he had not overlooked 
the MSS. quoted by Cerasoli in the Studi e documenti, XII., 
169 seqq. belonging to the Collegio Romano (now Library Vittorio 
Emanuele) and those of the Barberini, Casatanense and Corsini 
Libraries. From these MSS. it is evident that, since 1600, the 
registers of the status animarum have been accurately kept in Rome. 

1 See *Relazione di Roma of B. CECI, Urb. 837, Vatican Library. 

2 SCORRAILLE, I., 450. " II Papa lascia intendere che in tre 
congregation! vuol finire il negotio de auxiliis," writes F. M. 
Vialardo to Mantua on June 4, 1605. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

3 The Duke of Escalona to Philip III. on July 3, 1605. 
SCORRAILLE. I., 451. 



230 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

predetermination " ; as for the thing itself, he thought there 
was no need of further discussion for there was no longer any 
doubt about it. But during three months Lemos endeavoured 
all the more energetically to convince, by word of mouth, the 
Pope, the Cardinals and the bishops of the truth of the 
Dominican view. 1 As for the Jesuits, towards whom 
Clement VIII. had shown himself so unfavourable in this 
matter, they felt a new confidence under his successor. Not 
long after his election Paul V. gave them a token of his good 
will when he consented to the introduction of the Apostolic 
process for the beatification of their founder and by recalling 
Cardinal Bellarmine to Rome as one of his advisors. Another 
favourable omen for them was the fact that Cardinal 
Du Perron, one of the most respected theologians of his time 
and an ardent adversary of Protestantism, was in residence 
in Rome since several months. In the question of the 
doctrine of grace Du Perron stood wholeheartedly on the side 
of the Jesuits. 2 

A survey of the points in dispute similar to that which 
Paul V. had demanded from Lemos was presented to the 
Pope by the other side. The points on which Dominicans 
and Jesuits agreed and those on which they differed were set 
out in two columns ; a third list recorded the propositions 
rejected by both parties, but which, the Jesuits complained, 
were quite wrongly ascribed to Molina. 3 

Another memorial presented to the Pope on June 26th 
and drawn up by Fernando de la Bastida, who had been the 
mouthpiece of the Jesuits in the last discussions in presence 
of Clement VIII., summed up under twelve headings the 
reasons for which the champions of Molina felt justified in 
protesting against the censures to which he had been subjected 
by the Roman congregation. 4 Bastida s objections to the 

1 ASTRAIN, IV., 361. For rumours which were disseminated 
to the discredit of the Jesuits, see SCORRAILLE, I., 450. 

2 ASTRAIN, IV., 360. 

3 A copy of the three lists is in ASTRAIN, IV., 799-804. 
Ibid., 254-6. 



ACCUSATION OF MOLINA. 23! 

competence of the members of the commission as well as to 
their procedure had been, to a large extent, urged before. He 
now begs the Pope to have inquiries made whether or not it 
was true that the first censure was pronounced against Molina 
without his having been heard in his own defence, or someone 
else having spoken in his defence ; whether it was true that 
the commission discovered more than sixty erroneous 
propositions in a book in which men of great learning and 
even whole universities failed to find as much as a single one ; 
whether it was true that the censure of the whole work was 
drawn up in less than two months, a hardly long enough 
period in which to read the book, whereas the ensuing dis 
cussions, though spread over several years, had not led to a 
conclusive judgment on even a fraction of the questions that 
arise from the book. Likewise, in the form of a petition for 
an inquiry, further grievances were brought forward, namely 
that erroneous propositions were ascribed to Molina which 
he had never taught ; that theses were styled erroneous 
which are universally accepted by theologians ; that the 
commission had been entrusted with the examination of its 
own censures and thus was judge in its own cause. 1 

Besides these grievances and accusations, which had been 
raised before, this document tells us much that is new and 
surprising. The Pope should cause an inquiry to be made, 
so we read, whether the whole censure was not the work of 
one individual who never held a chair of scholastic theology 
and never wrote a thing that would show the expert ; and 
whether it was true that in the country of his birth, Spain, 
he would not be thought capable of dealing even with such 
things as suits of the Inquisition, or that according to common 
law, he would not be allowed to appear, were it only as a 
witness, in a civil process. 2 The last three points of the 
memorandum throw fresh light on Clement VII I. s judgment 
on the commission and on his attitude towards the Jesuits. 
It is also stated that Clement VIII. expressed his dis- 

1 Cf. the points 1-3, 5-9 in that document. 

2 Ibid., Point 4. 



232 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

pleasure with the dishonest procedure of the commission with 
such vigour that there were those who saw a connection 
between the Pope s dissatisfaction and the death of the 
chairman of the commission, the bishop of Cariati. 1 For 
these and " for other considerations on which it is difficult 
to dwell here but which we could communicate by word of 
mouth should your Holiness wish it ", so the memorandum 
proceed?, " we have often protested in the life-time of our 
holy Father Clement VIII. both in writing and orally, against 
the aforesaid censors ; we warned his Holiness, and we 
now renew our protest, that in a matter of such importance 
we do not consider these men to be judges possessed of the 
necessary knowledge- and impartiality ; rather do we hold 
them to be more biased than the Dominicans themselves, 
and men who obstinately cling to their opinions as they 
have done in the past . " 2 De la Bastida winds up with a request 
that Paul V. would order an immediate inquiry in order to 
ascertain whether it was true that Clement VIII. " gave us 
an assurance, not once but many times, that these people 
would not be allowed to judge this question and that the 
decision would not be based on their memorandum that 
in this matter we could trust him. This we did in the sure 
expectation that the discussions would lay bare the arguments 
on which both parties build up their system ; these would 
then be submitted to persons possessed of the necessary 
competence and impartiality." 3 These sharp accusations de la 

1 " Si en el modo de tratar esta causa usaban con nosotros 
de tanta infidelidad, contra espresa orden de la buena memoria 
del Papa Clemerite, que obligaron a Su Santidad a hacer tantas 
demonstraciones de sentimiento, que fue fama haber sido esta 
la ocasion de la muerte del obispo de Cariati, que era la cabeza 
de esta congregacion." (Ibid., n. 10.) Resta, bishop of Cariati, 
died in 1602. 

2 Ibid., No. ii. 

3 "Si Su Santidad el Papa Clemente VIII. nos aseguro uno 
y muchas veces, diciendonos que no serian ellos los jueces de 
esta causa, ni se tomaria la resolucion de ella por su parecer, y 
que en esto nos nasemos de su palabra. . ." Ibid., No. 12. 



CONGREGATION TO SETTLE THE CONTROVERSY. 233 

Bastida declares to be " true, down to the smallest detail " 1 
and he offers to substantiate them by documentary evidence. 

The Jesuits were unsuccessful in their demand for the 
removal of those who had hitherto acted as their judges. 
On September 2nd, 1605, Paul V. convened the former 
Roman Congregation as well as a few Cardinals in his presence 
in order to deliberate on the means of settling the dispute 
once for all. It was resolved to pick up the thread where it 
had been allowed to drop under Clement VIII. There still 
existed an ordinance of that Pope concerning the dispute, 
but his death had prevented its being given effect. In fifteen 
theses the document summed up St. Augustine s teaching 
on grace. Paul V. ordered this exposition to be examined 
at the next disputation which was to be held on September 
14th, 1605. 2 

On the appointed day a meeting took place of the members 
of the Roman Congregation and a few Cardinals, among 
whom were Du Perron and Bellarmine, the Pope himself 
presiding. However, no sooner had the document of the 
fifteen propositions been read than the old difficulties raised 
their heads. Bellarmine granted that most of these pro 
positions were indeed in harmony with the teaching of 
St. Augustine, but some of them needed further elucidation 
and, considered as a whole, they did not fully represent the 
views of the great Doctor of the Church. He himself then 
submitted another paper which, in his opinion, was free 
from the blemishes he had pointed out. 3 In the next 
Congregation, on September 20th, the identical difficulty 
reappeared. The speaker for the Jesuits, Fernando de la 
Bastida, unreservedly adopted the view of Bellarmine ; in 
his opinion it was necessary to complete and elucidate the 
fifteen points. However, on the representation of the 
Dominican, Thomas de Lemos, these self-same fifteen points 

1 " Lo que en ellos digo es puntual verdad." ASTRAIN, IV., 256. 

2 ASTRAIN, IV., 362. The document with the fifteen points 
is in ELEUTHERIUS, 552 ; ASTRAIN, 364. 

3 Copy in ELEUTHERIUS, 553 ; ASTRAIN, IV., 365 seq. 



234 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

were an irreproachable presentment of the teaching of the 
great African. Thus there appeared no way out of the 
impasse and they needs must once again plunge headlong 
into a wearisome discussion of the texts of St. Augustine. 1 

However, one thing at least was clearly established : if 
they were going to tread anew the path by which Clement VIII. 
had sought a solution of this most complicated question they 
were faced by the prospect of endless discussions. If on a 
previous occasion, the examination of the teaching of 
Cassian had occupied seven whole months, how many months 
would it take before they could hope to arrive at a clear 
understanding of the opinions of St. Augustine ? Paul V. 
may well have quailed before the prospect. So he left 
St. Augustine alone and gave orders to turn to the main 
point of the controversy, the one on which minds were 
divided, the question, that is, whether grace moves us to 
free good acts not only by a moral influence, as if exhorting 
or prompting us, but also by an immediate influence, and 
whether this influence may properly be called physical 
predetermination . 2 

Thus a decisive turn in the controversy seemed to be at 
hand. Until then the influence of the Dominicans had 
exclusively determined the progress of the discussions ; but 
the Jesuits had now obtained what they had so long prayed 
for and insisted upon, viz. the discussion of physical pre 
determination. Accordingly, in the very next Congregation, 
on October 12th, 1605, Fernando de la Bastida prefaced his 
dissertation with an expression of his satisfaction that at 
last, after forty sittings, they had reached the very heart of 
the controversy. But it must be admitted that this was the 
view of the Jesuits only. In the opinion of the Dominicans, 
the situation was quite different ; it was merely a matter of 
form, they thought, that physical predetermination should 
be discussed at all, seeing that for years the commission had 
acknowledged that doctrine as part of the deposit of the faith. 3 

1 ASTRAIN, IV., 366. 

2 Ibid., 367 ; SCORRAILLE, I., 452. 

3 ASTRAIN, IV., 367. 



POPE S PERSONAL ASSISTANCE AT DISPUTATIONS. 235 

In eight congregations l Bastida then expounded the 
question in detail. 2 In the first session he sought to define 
the nature of physical predetermination ; at the next two 
meetings he refuted it with scriptural arguments. This he 
followed up, in three sessions, with reasons drawn from the 
Councils, St. Augustine and the rest of the Fathers. He seems 
to have taken particular care, in the session of January 12th, 
1606, to set side by side quotations from the writings of the 
defenders of the thesis he was attacking and from those of 
Calvin, with a view to showing their resemblance. The last 
two sittings were devoted to a discussion of the opinions of 
St. Thomas Aquinas, the Scholastics and the more recent 
theologians. In the session of February 22nd, 1606, which 
was the last disputation between Dominicans and Jesuits, 
the latter submitted a short account of their teaching as well 
as testimonials from universities and individual scholars who 
had pronounced in their favour. By order of the Pope copies 
of this exposition were distributed to the Cardinals, one 
copy being filed with the Acts. 3 Paul V. assisted in person 
at the disputations ; everybody praised the patience and 
attention with which he followed the interminable dis 
sertations. 4 What is more, the Pope even found time for a 
personal study of the intricate question. 6 

1 On October 12 and 26, November 9 and 22, Decemer 14, 1605, 
January 12 and February 15 and 22, 1606. 

2 ASTRX.IN, IV., 367. Paul V. is said to have declared, in the 
Congregation of November 22, that he would end the transactions : 
the Jesuits were dissatisfied with this (*Avviso of November 23, 

1605, Vatican Library). Apart from the Disputations other 
Congregations were held, in which only votes were taken, e.g 
January 3, 1606 (*Avviso of January 4, ibid.), or, where only 
Cardinals were present, e.g. March 8, 1606 (*Avviso, March n, 

1606, ibid.). 3 AsxRAiN, IV., 368. 

* *Avviso of January u, 1606 (about the Congregation of 
loth inst.), Vatican Library. 

5 They said in Rome that in good weather he went driving 
and in bad he studied the dispute about grace. *Avviso of 
October 19, 1605, ibid. 



236 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Commission then received the following command 
from the Pope : each of its members was to give an answer 
in writing to the following four questions : which questions 
concerning grace should be denned and which should be 
condemned ? In what do the Catholic and the heretical 
views differ ? Lastly was it expedient to publish a Bull on the 
subject, and if so, what form should it take ? 

The consultors were at work from March to September, 
1606. Some of them knew how to compress their opinions, 
others were so diffuse that the memorandums made a volume 
of five hundred pages in folio. 1 

There could be no question of the Pope perusing all this 
literary output. So the whole pile went to join the stock 
which had accumulated in the course of the dispute and which 
reposed, unread, in the dust of the archives. The consultors 
were then commissioned to take counsel among themselves 
and to present a joint memorandum. Between October 5th 
and November 23rd, nine deliberations were held, with the 
result that forty-two propositions from the writings of Molina 
were submitted to the Pope for condemnation. 2 

Three of four of the consultors did not at once agree with 
their companions, 3 but in the end only one clung obstinately 
to his divergent opinion, namely the Carmelite Antonio Bovio, 
who had recently been preconized as bishop of Molfetta. 4 His 
answer to the four questions of the Pope point to the path 
which Paul V. eventually took and for that reason it deserves 
special notice. 5 

1 ASTRAIN, IV., 369. 2 Ibid. 

3 Cardinal Pinelli, in SCHNEEMANN, 285 ; cf. 281. 

4 It appears that he was only raised to the episcopate subse 
quently to delivering his opinion (ibid., 281). 

5 Reproduced (with omissions) in SERRY, App. 141-156. 
An extract from the complete text in ASTRAIN, IV., 370 seq. 
In the title of the " Opinion " Serry calls Bovio a quondam 
Jesuit, and on p. 163 (cf. 213) he adds : " Quern mihi quondam 
olim lesuitam narrant viri Carmelitae primae notae." ASTRAIN 
(IV., 373, note i) failed to discover any information on the 
point. 



BOVIO S MEMORIAL. 237 

Bovio roundly declares that he cannot see in what way the 
doctrine of physical predetermination differs from the heresy 
of Calvin. Nevertheless he does not venture to advise the 
Pope to condemn that opinion, for it may be that there are 
those who are able to see in what it differs from Calvinism. 
As a general rule, one should not too quickly condemn an 
opinion which is defended by learned Catholics. In this 
respect St. Thomas Aquinas gave them an example of 
modesty ; it was regrettable that at this time, especially in 
Spain, there was so marked a departure from his example. 1 
Accordingly, to the first two questions of the Pope, namely 
which propositions should be defined and which condemned, 
Bovio s answer is that in respect to the main point in the 
dispute the Pope should neither define nor condemn anything, 
for all the universities and the majority of scholars had 
decided in favour of either the one or the other opinion. The 
prestige of Catholic divines would be grievously injured if a 
definition were to show that nearly one-half of them were in 
error. In addition to this the honour of the two contending 
Orders must be considered. The Dominicans are usually 
consulted in the affairs of the Inquisition and whenever there 
is question of points of the faith, whilst in northern countries 
the Jesuits are the chief opponents of heresy. What would 
be the impression, for instance, in England, if the Jesuits 
were condemned for holding the opinion which they have 
hitherto defended, because it is directly opposed to the chief 
error about human free-will ? If errors are to be found every 
where, so the heretics would say, it is better to err in company 
with one s own king and one s own countrymen than with 
foreigners, and that at the risk of life and goods. 2 If on the 
other hand physical predetermination is proclaimed as a 
dogma of the faith, however much that doctrine may really 

1 " Ut certe et miranda et dolenda sit nostrorum temporum, 
praecipue in Hispaniis, licentia, qua sibi quisque praesumit 
aliorum catholicorum sententiis temeritatis aut haeresis notam 
inurere." (In SERRY; 142.) 

2 SERRY, 143. 



238 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

differ from the teaching of Calvin, in their ears it sounds very 
much like it and at best only scholars would discover the 
difference. The heretics would raise a shout of triumph over 
such a definition and spread it abroad that the Pope has 
revoked the mistaken pronouncement of Trent and has himself 
gone over to the enemy. 1 It is no answer to say that where 
there is question of an error in a matter of faith all other 
considerations must be brushed aside, for this only applies 
when there is question of a proven error ; now, whatever the 
consult ors may say, there is here no question of an error 
of this kind. Men of distinction as well as entire universities 
disagree with the consultors on this matter. 2 Already twenty 
years ago, in his controversies, Bellarmine had rejected 
physical predetermination and had maintained the teaching 
to which the name of Molina was subsequently affixed, yet it 
entered into nobody s head to see pelagianism there, though 
it was surely unthinkable that such an error would have 
remained undetected for twenty years. Since the days of 
St. Augustine many Fathers of the Church and many 
scholastics have treated of efficacious grace but previous 
to Banes no one hit on the idea of physical predetermination. 
St. Augustine treats of the working of grace in a hundred 
different ways : how can it be explained that not as much 
as once does he say that efficacious grace implies a pre 
determination of the will ? 3 

Moreover, the question was not ripe for definition. The 
Church only defines what is taught by Holy Scripture, 
Tradition and the Fathers, and then only when theologians 
agree that the proposition is taught by these three authorities. 
Physical predetermination derives from none of these sources. 
Its only foundations are metaphysical considerations which 
even from a philosophical point of view appear very doubtful 
and which almost drive us to the conclusion that God is 
the author of sin. If God predetermined the will of Judas 
to the betrayal whilst he hovered between treason and 

1 Ibid., 143 seq. 

2 Ibid. 

3 ASTR^IN, IV., 371. 



BOVIO S REPLY TO PAPAL QUESTIONNAIRE. 239 

loyalty to his Master, then surely God did not merely permit 
the traitor s sin. A unanimous opinion of scholars that a 
predetermination of this kind derives from the above-named 
sources of the faith, is most certainly non-existent. 1 

Bovio s advice was that the Pope should leave the question 
for further discussion by the theological schools whilst laying 
on scholars the duty of moderation. In this way, he hoped, 
the heat of the dispute would abate, truth would gradually 
gain ground and the schools would reach a conclusion with 
which all might agree. Then would the hour for a definition 
have struck. 2 Bovio also wished to see the secondary 
questions which had arisen during the discussions to be 
treated in the same way as the main thesis, for not one 
proposition of Molina had been attacked which had not, 
previous to him, found its defenders among theologians of 
repute. 3 

Bovio s reply to the Pope s first two questions is exhaustive. 
He is more concise in his answer to the third question, that is, 
as to how the opinions of the two contending schools differed 
from the tenets of the heretics ? The Dominican teaching 
differs from that of Calvin in that the former admit the 
existence of free-will whereas Calvin denies it. However, 
Bovio confesses himself unable to understand how free-will 
can be saved in the Dominican conception of it, whereas 
it was easy to point out in what way the opinion of the 
Jesuits differed from pelagianism. 4 

The fourth point on which Paul V. had sought information 
was in reference to the Bull to be issued on the subject. 
Bovio had previously presented a draft of such a Bull. 5 
He suggested the definition of such propositions only as were 
held by all Catholics. On the present occasion he advised 
the Pope 6 to leave all mention both of Dominicans and 

SERRY, 144 seq. 
Ibid., 146 seq. 
Ibid., 147. 
Ibid., 147 seqq. 
Reproduction, ibid., 152. 
Ibid., 151. 



240 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Jesuits out of the Bull, and to make no allusion to Molina : 
" let us do all we can to blot out the memory of a strife which 
all well-disposed persons wish it had never arisen." 

Bovio s memorial was in the hands of the Pope about the 
end of 1606, that is, simultaneously with the verdicts of the 
other consultors. The final decision was delayed for another 
eight months, though in the meantime there was no abate 
ment of the dispute. Cardinals Arigoni and Marzato were 
detained in Rome until the affair should be settled. 1 The 
Pope attached particular importance to the verdict of 
Cardinal Du Perron. By his command the Acts of the 
Council of Trent were taken from the castle of Saint Angelo 
to the house of the Cardinal, though illness prevented 
Du Perron from making much use of them. 2 Anastasio 
Germonio wrote to Francis de Sales, to ask him for his view 
as to what should be done. The brief answer of the bishop 
of Geneva gave the Pope such satisfaction that he asked for 
a fuller statement of his views. In his memorandum Francis 
de Sales declared that on the whole he shared the view of the 
Jesuits 3 ; he added that he had made an exhaustive study 
of the subject and that he saw considerable difficulties in 
either opinion. He did not think the time had come for 
deciding a question on which so many able scholars were 
unable to agree. He felt it would be better for Dominicans 
and Jesuits to join forces and to labour in mutual harmony 
for the good of the Church instead of allowing themselves 
to be divided by quarrels. The learned and so eminently 
successful champion of the unity of the Church wrote in a 
like strain to the nuncio of Savoy. 4 His counsels could only 

1 *Avviso of March 14, 1607, Vatican Library. 

2 Du Perron to Henry IV. on July u, 1606, in ELEUTHERIUS, 

7O2 (cf. 723) ; SCHNEEMANN, 286 seq. ; SCORRAILLE, I., 455. 

3 In his Theotimus (II., ch. 10, 12 ; IV., ch. 5) Francis of Sales 
teaches the same doctrine. SCHNEEMANN, 325 seqq. 

* M. HAMON, Vie de St. Francois de Sales, I., nouv. ed., Paris, 
1909, 590. The letters referred to are only known through the 
extracts which Charles-Auguste de Sales quoted in the life of 
his uncle ; a vain search was made for the originals. ASTRAIN, IV., 



OPINION OF PARIS UNIVERSITY. 24! 

strengthen the impression which Bovio s moderate and 
balanced statement had apparently made upon the Pope. 

Paul V. was likewise desirous of ascertaining the views of 
the university of Paris. To this end the French nuncio, 
Maffeo Barberini, the future Pope Urban VIII., was instructed 
to seek information on the subject, though in complete 
secrecy. Accordingly the nuncio called on Duval, the most 
famous among the theologians of Paris of that period, and, 
as it were, casually turned the conversation on to the 
controversy on grace. Duval told him that personally he felt 
inclined to side with the Jesuits ; others also, and they were 
not the least distinguished, shared his view. But two doctors 
of the faculty viz. the members of the Roman Commission, 
Le Bossu and Creil sided with the Dominicans and they 
warned their Parisian colleagues against hasty expressions of 
opinion seeing that the Pope was expected to give a decision. 
In Spain some excellent theologians favoured the Dominicans, 
but in France, where they had to deal with heretics who 
denied the existence of free-will, they were inclined to take 
their stand by the side of the Jesuits. Two months later 
Barberini wrote that, at his request, Duval had made further 
inquiries and that everywhere he had met with uncertainty. 
If the faculty were asked for a decision it was possible that, 
owing to the influence of the dean who was suspected of 
Lutheran leanings, it would pronounce in favour of the 
Dominicans. Of the two principal Colleges, the Sorbonne 
was for the Jesuits, that of Navarre for the Dominicans ; a 

373 ; CEuvres de St. Franfois de Sales, XIII., Annecy, 1904, 417. 
Towards the end of the seventeenth century, the letters seem 
still to have been known ; see MICHAEL A PORTILLA, Vida del 
glorioso 5. Fr. de Sales, Madrid, 1695, 427 seq. ; Analecta iuris 
pontif., XVII. (1877), 388. The reply of Germonio to de Sales is 
in the Acts of Canonization of the latter : " Lessi la lettera 
ch ella mi scrisse alia Santita di N. S., e la gust6 di maniera che 
mi ordino doverla mostrare al sig. card. Pinelli come capo della 
S. Congregazione del S. Umcio ed in conseguenza di quella De 
Auxiliis, e di piu che le ne dessi copia volendo la far leggere alia 
Congregazione sudetta. . . " (ibid., 388). 

VOL. XXV. 



242 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Jesuit had written from Rome that under the new pontificate 
things looked well for his Order. 1 

In these circumstances Barberini gave the same advice 
as Francis de Sales, 2 and according to the biographer of 
Urban VI II., Barberini s report had a decisive influence 
upon Paul V/s subsequent action. 3 

It would seem, seeing that he looked for information in 
so many quarters outside Rome, that Paul V. did not rely 
over much on the opinion of the Roman Consultors. Their 
finding, as a matter of fact, was not calculated to lead to a 
definitive result. It so happened that in the very first of the 
forty-two propositions condemned by them they found fault 
with Molina on a point in which the Jesuit merely sums up 
the teaching of St. Thomas ; still worse for them was it that 
in this they unwittingly took the same point of view as 
Bajus. 4 In a memorandum on the last pronouncement of 
the Commission, Cardinal Pinelli remarked 5 that he did not 
profess to be a theologian, hence others must judge whether 
or no the forty-two condemned propositions were to be 
found in Molina, but in his judgment the course of the dis- 



1 The letter of Barberini of November 24, 1605, and January 24, 
1606, in SCORRAILLE, I., 456 seq. 

2 *Questa e una questione inestricabile, da non risolverla 
se non con la r<=posta : O altitude divitiarum sapientiae et 
scientiae Dei (Rom. n, 33). E se Sua Santita se ne sbrigasse 
come fu fatto circa alia disputa della concettione della beatissima 
Vergine, questa sarebbe la piu sicura. To Borghese, January 24, 
1606, in NICOLETTI, *Viia d Urbano VIII., I., ch. 20, p.. 329, 
Vatican Library. 

3 *Questa relatione di Maffeo fece tale impressione nella mente 
di Papa Paolo, ch essendosi gia terminate tutte le dispute delibero 
nel concistoro delli 28 d agosto, giorno dedicate al gran dottore 
della chiesa s. Agostino, nell anno 1606 [sic] . . . con un decreto 
provisionale di terminal la controversia, pronuntiando che la 
dottrina dell una e dell altra religione de Domenicani e di Giesuiti 
... si potesse liberamente leggere etc. Ibid., 329 seq. 

4 SCHNEEMANN, 282 seq. Cf. ELEUTHERius, 708 seqq. 

6 SCHNEEMANN, 285. 



BARONIUS ENTERS THE CONTROVERSY. 243- 

putation had brought to light the fact that the consult ors 
were not scholars of such outstanding ability that the whole 
affair might be safely left to their judgment. Hence the 
opinion of theologians and universities should be sought, 
secretly and without attracting attention ; as for the 
consultors, they might as well go home. In the meantime 
the reading of Molina s work should be forbidden until it had 
been amended. 

Against the latter proposal Aquaviva urged the oft- 
repeated argument l that Molina s book had the approval 
of the experts ; that many propositions were wrongfully 
ascribed to him whilst some of them were equally held by 
other theologians ; in the given circumstances a condemnation 
of Molina would be construed into a condemnation of the 
entire Society of Jesus. The result was that thereafter 
Pinelli never again proposed the condemnation of Molina. 2 

At this time another name famous in the story of the 
controversy on grace appears beside those of Francis de Sales, 
Bellarmine and Du Perron. As early as the beginning of 1603, 
Cardinal Baronius had taken sides in the controversy in two 
documents 3 which ever since had been passing from hand to 
hand in Rome. In them the great theologian declared himself 
a friend of the Jesuits but a decided opponent of Molina ; no 
less than fifty-five propositions in the latter s writings seemed 
to him to deserve condemnation. Baronius had been 
Clement VII I. s confessor, so it may well be that he con 
firmed the Pope in his opposition to Molina. However, his 
writings couid have but little bearing on the issue of the 
dispute for Baronius had never specialized in scholastic 
theology. 4 Even his historical data about the origin of 

1 SCHNEEMANN, 286. 

2 In his advice of August 28, 1607 ; see below, p. 245. 

3 To DR. LOMATA (cf. LAMMER, Melet., 384) and to Pierre 
de Villars, bishop of Vienne (SERRY, 75 ; Analecta iuris pontif., 
XXVII. (1887-8), 1162 seq.) ; Italian translation in CALENZIO, 
C. Baronio, 592 seqq. Cf. SCHNEEMANN, 276 ; ASTRA" IN, IV., 373. 

4 To his father s request that he should study scholasticism 
the young Baronius answered, January 7, 1562 : *" Son gia al 



244 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the quarrel were quite wrong, a fact that seems almost 
incredible. 1 

If the end of the strife appeared at last to be in sight, credit 
for it was given, in Rome, to the King of Spain who pressed 
for a decision and assured the Pope that he would see to its 
strict execution. 2 

On the feast of St. Augustine, August 28th, 1607, the day 
came which was to see the end of discussions that had dragged 
their weary course through so many years. When the 
following nine Cardinals, Pinelli, Bernerio, Givry, Bianchetti, 
Arigoni, Bellarmine, Du Perron, Bufalo de Cancellieri and 
Taverna were gathered in his- presence, the Pope asked for 
their opinion as to what should be done. 3 

tutto risoluto di starmene con queste lettere ch io ho, quali mi 
bastano ad sobrietatem (Romans, 12, 3) et per me e altri, che 
qui addit scientiam, addit dolorem (Eccles., I. 18) Bastami veder 
la scrittura positivamente, cioe, le cose di santi dottori, senza 
travagliarmi nella philosophia et nella theologia speculativa, 
sicche non ne habbiate piccolo pensiero." (Cod., Q. 46, f. 19, Valli- 
celliana Library, Rome.) Cf. CALENZIO, 59. 

1 According to him, Molina s work was first printed in Spain 
and immediately condemned by the Cardinal of Toledo ; never 
theless it was at once published afresh in Portugal ; the conflict 
spread from Spain to France, where the Sorbonne decided against 
Molina ; in 1596 the Pope called the litigants before his judgment 
seat. 

2 *Avviso of September i, 1607, Vatican Library. 

3 We are informed about the meeting of August 28 through 
a memorandum drawn by Paul with his own hand, in SCHNEE- 
MANN, 287 seqq. Facsimiles of this important document, ibid. 
For the suggestion by the author of a dissertation published at 
Berne (1921) that Schneemann had forged the document, as 
he did not give its description, cf. W. HENTRICH in the periodical, 
Scholastik, I. (1926), 263-7. The description is : Borghese, sez. I., 
No. 37oA, carta 94. SCORRAILLE, I., 457. For the cardinals present 
cf. CORONIL, who adds to Du Perron s name : " cum D.D. 
cardinalibus generalibus Inquisitoribus specialiter vocatus " (in 
SERRY, 586). Marzato, who would probably have spoken at 
length against the Jesuits, had died on August 18, 1607 (ibid. 



INDECISIVE RESULTS OF DISCUSSION. 245 

Of the nine opinions which were now given two were not 
likely to influence the papal decision. Taverna opined that if 
one of the two views was erroneous, a papal condemnation 
should ensue ; if not, no decision should be taken. Bufalo 
wanted a papal decision in any case ; either the one or the 
other opinion should be condemned or both should be 
declared probable. He was against a continuation of the 
disputations for they could only create universal confusion 
nor were they in keeping with the dignity of the Apostolic See. 

On the other hand, four of the nine Cardinals expressed 
themselves in favour of further discussions. Pinelli repeated 
his advice that to this end scholars should be summoned 
from France, Spain, and Germany, and the universities also 
should be consulted, for though some of the members of the 
Roman Commission were men of ability and learning, 
the others did not inspire confidence. For the time being the 
main question might be left in abeyance ; they might be 
content with the definition of a few points about which no 
doubt existed. Further discussions were also favoured by 
Givry, Bianchetti and Arigoni. Givry and Bianchetti leaned 
towards the opinion of the Dominicans, the former because 
in this view greater power was attributed to God, whereas 
the latter founded his preference on the declaration of the 
Council of Trent that without God we are incapable of a 
good act. He added that further investigation should be 
conducted by a new commission of Cardinals and consultors 
and the censors should make sure whether or no Molina really 
taught the forty-two condemned propositions. Cardinal 
Arigoni supported Bianchetti ; he deprecated, however, the 
suggested prohibition of Molina s book, pending its revision. 
He did not wish that any definite, clearly outlined propositions 
should be laid down by papal sentence ; there would be no 
corresponding advantage in this and the heretics would be 
given a pretext for writing against them. 

The memorials of Cardinals Bernerio, Bellarmine and 
Du Perron alone express a clear and definite judgment on 
the central question of the long-drawn controversy. 

Bernerio is decidedly in favour of a papal definition and that 



246 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in the sense of the Roman Congregation and the condemna 
tion by it of the forty-two propositions. The propositions 
should be expressly described and condemned as the teaching 
of Molina. A special Bull should be issued on the subject of 
physical predetermination ; to safeguard the honour of the 
Society of Jesus its name should not be mentioned in its 
pages. That is how Pius II. acted when a controversy arose 
between Dominicans and Franciscans concerning the precious 
Blood of Christ. Though all the Cardinals were in favour 
of the Friars Preachers, the Pope refused to pronounce against 
the Franciscans whose services were required for preaching 
the crusade against the Turks. 1 

If the Dominican Bernerio pronounced himself most 
decidedly in favour of the opinion held by his Order, 
Bellarmine and Du Perron defended the opposite view with 
no less energy. Physical predetermination, Bellarmine 
observed, was the opinion of Calvin and Luther. The 
Dominicans may be excused inasmuch as they do not 
read the works of the heretics. Banes language was worse 
than that of Molina for he found fault with St. Augustine s 
view on reprobation. Molina s work had received the approval 
of two universities. A few indubitable propositions, on which 
both parties agreed, might be defined in a Bull but the more 
difficult points should be left alone. 

Du Perron spoke in the same strain. The innovators would 
gladly accept and subscribe to the doctrine of physical pre 
determination. Calvin had taught it, precisely in the sense 
here in question and in this sense it had been condemned by 
the Council of Trent when that assembly declared that it 
was possible for man to reject grace. The opinion of the 
Jesuits differed widely from that of Pelagius. The book 
of Molina should not be prohibited, but rather that of Banes. 
Du Perron does not desire a solution of the dispute by papal 
definition. The best is to let the affair drag on and die a 
natural death. Maybe Providence will bring the two parties 
together in a mutual understanding. 

1 Cf. our notes, Vol. II, 186 seq. 



ULTIMATUM OF PAUL V. 247 

The Pope was thus left without adequate data on which 
to base a definitive pronouncement. He pould not lean on 
the verdict of his Roman Commission ; with the exception 
of Bernerio, not one of the nine Cardinals attached particular 
significance to its report ; in fact some of them openly 
expressed their misgivings. Nor did the memorials of the 
Cardinals provide him with a firmer basis. These documents 
advocate the most contradictory proposals : they advise the 
Pope to define and not to define ; to prohibit Molina s work 
and not to prohibit it. As regards the central point of the 
whole controversy, six out of the nine Cardinals, notwith 
standing interminable discussions, had not yet got a clear 
idea of the question, and when two of their number showed 
a leaning towards the Dominican theory, the arguments 
brought forward by them made it plain that they had no 
real grasp of the problem. Of the remaining Cardinals, 
Bernerio on the one hand, Bellarmine and Du Perron on the 
other, stood in sharpest opposition. It was therefore 
impossible to decide the question by a majority of votes. 
Were Paul V. to weigh the votes, instead of counting them, 
either Bellarmine or Du Perron would outweigh, singly, all 
the others taken together ; however, as a Jesuit, Bellarmine 
was just as much liable to be suspected of partiality in the 
affair as was the Dominican Bernerio and on two votes only, 
however great their weight, it was utterly impossible to base 
a definition in a question of faith. 

Without allowing the strife of parties to trouble his judg 
ment, with wonderful calm and serenity of mind, Paul V. 
summed up his own ideas in a final review of the memorials 
of the nine Cardinals : Since the Council of Trent declared 
that our free-will can only take decisions tending unto 
salvation if God acts on it, a controversy has arisen as to 
whether this action is a physical or a moral one. From 
controversy to error it is but a short step, hence it is most 
desirable that the question should be clarified. However, 
there is no immediate need of a definition for the Dominican 
opinion differs widely from the teaching of Calvin, since in 
their view grace does not take away freedom but perfects it, 



248 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and thus enables man to act in a human way, that is, freely. 
On the other hand, the Jesuits differ from the Pelagians ; 
the latter attribute the first step towards salvation to our 
selves whereas the former maintain the exact opposite. 
Hence a definition is not needed for the moment and the 
affair may be put off so as to give time a chance to do its 
work. There was no need for a Bull which would deal with 
matters that were not controverted ; it would only give the 
innovators an opportunity for a display of their sophistry ; 
it was the province of the Inquisition to take action against 
people who disseminated really false theories. Many points 
may be left for further discussion and the universities as well 
as individual scholars may be consulted. Accordingly the 
congregations dealing with the controversy on grace are 
dissolved and their members bound to keep the strictest 
secrecy about the discussions ; all they were to say was that 
the Pope would decide the affair at some future date. 

A few days later the Pope s decision was communicated to 
the Dominicans and to the Jesuits. His Holiness, so the 
General of the Jesuits, Aquaviva, wrote on September 3rd, 
1607, to the Provincials of his Order, 1 has informed both the 
theologians and the consultors that they may go home ; at 
the appropriate time he would make known his view and 
his decision concerning the matter in dispute. Until then no 
one must presume, when the subject is discussed, to pass 
any strictures on those who hold a different opinion. If 
anyone either of the party of the Jesuits or of that of the 
Dominicans contravenes this command, let him be severely 
punished : the present ordinance is to be held inviolable. 

When the Jesuit historian of the controversy on grace 
published his account of the matter as against that of the 
Dominican Serry, he headed each section of his voluminous 
work with characteristic illustrations. The wide head-piece 
shows Christ carrying His cross and saying to St. Ignatius 
of Loyala : "I will be favourable to you in Rome ! " 2 As a 

1 In SCHNEEMANN, 2Q2. Another copy in ASTRAIN, IV., 380, 
bears the date September 18. 

2 MEYERE, I., 113, 240. 



RESULTS OF FINAL VERDICT. 249 

matter of fact the Society was about to tread once more the 
Via Dolorosa portended by the vision of its holy founder. 
The Jesuits had failed to secure a definitive judgment ; so 
had the Dominicans ; but apart from this the issue had 
been as favourable to them as could be expected in the 
circumstances. Every attempt had been made to call down 
upon Molina s work a sentence of condemnation by the 
highest authority in the Church, 1 yet all these efforts had 
failed. During the discussions the entire Society of Jesus 
had been, as it were, arraigned ; now it was acquitted. The 
opposition had constantly represented the Jesuit teaching as 
contrary to the faith ; henceforth no one was to presume to 
bring forward charges of this kind. The Dominicans held 
that physical predetermination was alone true and a proven 
article of the faith ; it was now clear to all that they were 
mistaken in that claim. 

The protracted strain from which the Jesuits had suffered 
whilst the controversy lasted, sufficiently accounts for the 
strange ways in which joy over the outcome expressed itself 
in many places in Spain. Thus, at Salamanca, posters were 
stuck on the walls with the legend : Molina triumphs ! 
Elsewhere there were masques and displays of fireworks ; 
at Villagarcia, in typical Spanish fashion, they went so far as 
to get up a bull fight for which, however, Aquaviva insisted 
that the Rector of the College should be severely reprimanded 
in presence of all his subjects and punished with temporary 
suspension from his office. 2 On the other hand the Vice- 

1 A Bull to condemn the Jesuit s opinion was already drawn 
up ; the document was declared to be spurious by a decree 
of the Inquisition of April 23, 1654 c f- ASTRAIN, IV., X., 381 ; 
SCORRAILLE, I., 461 ; LAMMER, ZUY Kirchengeschichte, 107 ; 
Reusch, II., 306 seq., cf. 301. 

2 Letter to the Provincial of Castille of December n, 1607, 
in ASTRAIN, IV., 382. Cf. SERRY, 596 seqq. : At other times, too, 
in Spain the unfortunate horned beasts had not infrequently 
to bear the cost of scientific triumphs ; the moral theologian 
Azpilcueta, known as DOCTOR NAVARRUS, one of the best known 
specialists in his subject, and the reformer of the canonical 



250 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Provincial of Toledo was able to report that in his province 
no outward manifestations of joy had marked the favourable 
termination of the dispute. 1 From a petition in which the 
Dominicans of Valladolid invoked the Pope s protection, we 
gather that at the termination of the controversy a number 
of scholars openly took the part of the Jesuits and that public 
opinion turned against those who until then had played the 
role of accusers. 2 

In view of the high tension of spirits on both sides it was 
to be expected that the controversy would not abate at once. 
On the part of the Jesuits, Acquaviva, with characteristic 
moderation, instructed his subjects to refrain from any 
reference to the burning topic. A book in which Lessius 
dealt with the matter and which had been completed and 
approved already in 1608, was only allowed to appear in 1610, 
at Antwerp, 3 subsequently to the publication, in the same 
year, of a voluminous work in which Diego Alvares gave a 
defence of the Dominican view which was to remain classical 
for years to come. 

studies at Salamanca, could not prevent the customary bullfight 
from being held in celebration of his promotion to the degree 
of Doctor ; he only succeeded in obtaining that the horns of 
the creatures should be sawn off so that the fight might be less 
dangerous. EHRLE, in Katholik, 1884, II., 517. 

1 SCORRAILLE, I., 463. 

2 Ex quo ingens scandalum in ecclesia pullulat, multique ex 
fidelibus turbari incipiunt. Nos etiam rubore suffundimur, et 
intra privates parietes delitescere cogimur, plurimique catholici 
sapientissimi deficientes animo ab incoepto tramite defendendi 
veram salubremque doctrinam pedem avertunt. Petition from 
the Dominican College at Valladolid, November 26, 1607, in 
SERRY, 598. Cf. SCHNEEMANN, 294. 

3 SCHNEEMANN, 293. For the objections made in Rome against 
the treatise and its connection with Aquaviva s Decree of Decem 
ber 14, 1613, cj. LE BACHELET, Auct. Bellarm., 27 seqq., 185 seqq., 
and in the Recherches de science religieuse, XIV. (Paris, 1924), 
46-60, 134-159. See further, B. LEMMENS, Schreiben von Lessius 
an Paul V. of August 25, 1611, in the Rom. Quartalschr., XIII. 
(1899), 373. 



PAPAL DEFINITION WITHHELD. 251 

Lest by a reopening of the controversy spirits should be 
still further excited the Inquisition published a decree on 
December 1st, 1611, which forbade the publication of further 
writings on the doctrine of grace unless they had received the 
special approbation of the Holy Office. 

For all that, Lessius book was not without effect. It 
prompted Philip III. to instruct his Roman envoy, in agree 
ment with the Roman Dominicans, to press for a definite 
settlement of the dispute. On its part also the General Chapter 
of the Friars Preachers, held in 1612, petitioned the Pope 
in the same sense. 1 However, Paul V. persisted in his opinion 
that there was no need of a papal definition of the question. 
In a memorandum drawn up for his own personal use, 2 the 
Pope briefly recapitulated the grounds for this attitude of 
his. He writes that he would keep the affair in mind and he 
records his keen displeasure at the heat which both sides 
displayed in debate. Aquaviva, whose opinion Paul V. 
sought,^ answered that he thought it would be premature to 
make a pronouncement on the question ; the issue of the 
Congregations was there to prove it. 3 

1 SCHNEEMANN, 293 seq. The decree of the Inquisition is in 
SERRY, 615 ; ELEUTHERIUS, 729. The memorial of the General 
Chapter, in SERRY, 625. An *essay by Thomas de Lemos of 
April 12,1612: " que sea necesario determinar la causa de auxiliis," 
in Vat. 6532, p. 127 seq., of Vatican Library. 

2 In SCHNEEMANN, 295 seqq. A Spanish theologian, Rua, was 
actually imprisoned, for publishing a treatise on the question 
of grace, and that although Clement VIII. had had the treatise 
sent to him in Rome. *Avviso of August i, 1615, Vatican Library. 

3 In SCHNEEMANN, 294 seq. The *reply of Paul V. to the 
Dominican Aloysius Aliaga, Philip III. s Confessor, of June 22, 
1612, speaks of the king s keenness for the decision of the matter, 
which the Pope praises. " Sed Regiae maiestati persuasum 
esse cupimus, quod sicut nemini magis quam Nobis negotium 
hoc curae esse debet," we therefore pray for enlightenment 
on it, and take counsel with wise and unprejudiced men." 
" Nihilominus difficultates non cessant. Sollicitat quidem Nos 
vehementer et assidue haec cura." Pauli V. epist. anno 8, Papal 
Secret Archives. 



252 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The book of Lessius had yet further repercussions. Bellar- 
mine and other Jesuits in Rome thought that some of its 
assertions went too far and that they gave ground for the 
opponents objection that in the Jesuit conception efficacious 
grace and sufficient grace differed only in their effect, inasmuch 
as the free-will corresponds with the one but not with the 
other hence the difference is due solely to the free-will. 
For this reason, on 14th December, 1613, Aquaviva drew the 
attention of his subjects to the fact that a grace with which, 
in God s prevision, the assent of the free-will is linked, was 
precisely for that reason a special favour, one more precious 
than any other ; that such was the teaching of the Order and 
by it all should stand. As against Lessius view that predestina 
tion to salvation was consequent on the prevision of our good 
works the decree takes the opposite view, but this was sub 
sequently revoked by another General, Vitelleschi. Lessius 
lived to see Francis de Sales come round to his opinion. 1 

A papal decision was similarly invoked, and likewise 
in vain, in yet another theological problem of several centuries 
standing. 2 At Christmas time, 1614, when according to custom 
the people of Spain sing hymns and religious rhymes in 
honour of the feast, three priests of Seville conceived a plan 
for honouring the Immaculate Conception of the Mother of 
God in like manner. In the following year, 1615, they success 
fully taught the children and the grown-ups suitable hymns 
and rhymes. A protest by the Dominicans only met with an 
increase of enthusiasm. True, exception could at times be taken 
to some of these outbursts of fervour. Now already by 1613, 
devotion to the Immaculate Mother as well as opposition to it, 
had reached a certain liveliness. These divergent feelings now 
grew to such proportions 3 that the hard-pressed Dominicans, 

1 SCHNEEMANN, 303 ; ASTRAIN, IV., 383 ; LE BACHELET, in 

the Recherches de science religieuse, XIV., 155 seqq. ; FR. DE 
SALES, (Euvres, XVIII. , 372. 

2 Cf. L. FRIAS in Razdn y Fe X (1904), 28 seqq., and ASTRAIN, 
V., 127 seqq. See too THOMAS DE LEMOS, *De immaculata con- 
cepdone, Barb., 1079, Vatican Library. 

3 Details in Frias, 27 seqq. 



DOGMA OF IMMACULATE CONCEPTION. 253 

as well as the archbishop, appealed to the king begging 
him to obtain a papal decision on the disputed point with a 
view to putting an end to the scandalous strife. 1 The nuncio 
in Madrid, on the other hand, desired no more than a fresh 
confirmation and enforcement of the edicts by which Sixtus IV. 
and Pius V., whilst avoiding a final decision, had previously 
endeavoured to allay the dispute. In effect a Bull in this sense 
was published on 6th July, 1616. It forbade once more all 
mutual accusations of heresy as well as the discussion of the 
question before the people, additional penalties being laid 
down for such as proved recalcitrant. 2 

Now Philip III., on the advice of an extraordinary Junta, 
had already decided to send to Rome a former Abbot-General 
of the Benedictines with mission to obtain a definition of the 
Immaculate Conception as a dogma of the faith, or at least a 
prohibition for anyone to maintain the opposite view in 
public. When the Bull arrived it was decided not to open it 
for the time being but to await the issue of the embassy. 3 
The king had written 4 in support of the efforts of his envoy. 
However, Paul V. was not disposed to listen favourably 
to the request. Scandal, he declared, must of course be stayed, 
seeing that the Dominicans have gone the length of accusing 
of heresy those who maintained a view which was not theirs. 
His predecessors had refrained from issuing a dogmatic 
definition ; neither orthodoxy nor the salvation of souls 
necessitated it ; the Protestants desired it in order that they 

1 The archbishop was also so very keen in the matter because 
he thought the lead tablets, found at Granada, in 1595, in Arabic 
writing and apparently dating back to primitive Christian times, 
to be genuine (cf. on this STROZZI, S. J., Controversia della con- 
ceptione della B.V.M. descritta istoricamente, Palermo, 1700, 
i, 8, ch. 15). The Immaculate Conception was described therein 
in scholastic terms (!) ; see FRIAS, 145. Innocent XI. declared 
the tablets to be spurious. 

2 Bull, XII., 356 seq. For Sixtus IV. and Pius V. cf. our 
notes, Vol. Ill, 394 seq., XVII., 205. 

3 FRIAS, 151-3. 

* May, 1617, ibid., 229 seq. 



254 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

might have fresh grounds for an attack on the Church. When 
a congregation of Cardinals had expressed similar views, a 
decree of the Inquisition was issued by which all public attacks 
against this pious opinion were forbidden, but for the rest it 
left the situation unchanged. 1 In Spain the decree was hailed 
with loud manifestations of joy, 2 for it surely meant a big 
step forward. 

The king, however, was not satisfied. Even before the decree 
reached Spain he had decided to send yet another envoy to 
Rome in the person of a distinguished prelate, the bishop of 
Osma, who was to push with greatest energy this affair of the 
" pious opinion ". 3 Notwithstanding the representations of the 
nuncio and though Paul V., in an autograph letter, had 
deprecated the despatch of a further embassy, 4 Philip III. 
believed the Pope was insufficiently informed ; hence, after 
the demise of the bishop of Osma, he appointed a third envoy 
in the person of the former General of the Franciscans who 
was now bishop of Cartagena. 5 

All these efforts were in vain. The ceaseless pressure on the 
part of Spain in this and other matters ended by causing great 
annoyance to Paul V. The Pope went so far as to declare that 
he would sooner resign than allow himself to be treated in 
this fashion. 6 In April, 1620, the bishop of Cartagena was 
ordered to return to Spain. 7 

Of all the princes the archdukes of Austria alone supported 
the efforts of Philip III. Even the Spanish viceroys displayed 
but little keenness. 8 Philip s ambassador to France wrote 
that not much was to be expected from that country, were 
it only by reason of France s dislike of Spain ; besides that, 

1 Ibid., 301-5. The decree of August 31, published on Septem 
ber 12, 1617, in Bull., XII., 396 seq. 

- FRIAS, 307 seq. 

8 FniAS, XI. (1905), 181 seqq. 

4 November 24, 1617, ibid., 195. 

5 Ibid., 198 ; XII. (1905), 323. 

The Spanish ambassador in Rome, Cardinal Borgia, to 
Philip III. on March 12, 1616, in FRIAS, XIII. (1905), 66. 

7 Ibid., 71. 8 Ibid., 63 seq. 



PAPAL DECISION. 255 

their Gallican views led the French to maintain that only a 
General Council would be competent to decide such a matter ; 
they w.ould refuse to accept a definition by the Pope. The 
theological schools did, indeed, teach the doctrine of the 
Immaculate Conception, but if freedom of discussion in this 
matter were interfered with, it was to be feared lest opinion 
should swing round in the opposite direction, out of hatred 
for the Pope s authority and for Spain. 1 

Strangely enough the Spanish Dominicans, at the suggestion 
of the king, and whilst the pourparlers were still in progress, 
sent a petition to Rome, 2 to beg the Pope that he would 
lay a command on them to preach the Immaculate Concep 
tion and to honour it in the liturgy, according to the universal 
practice of the Church. 

Paul V. was of a strictly ecclesiastical bent of mind. A 
characteristic manifestation of this disposition can be seen 
in his great zeal for the honour of the Saints. Not only did he 
raise the rank of certain existing feasts, or extend them to the 
universal Church, 3 he likewise added new and illustrious 

1 January 30, 1619, ibid., 64. 

2 June 24, 1618, ibid., XII. (1905), 324 seq. 

3 Cf. Bull., XI., 238 seq., XII., 428 seq. ; NOVAES, IX., 106 ; 
Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. 16 ; GAVANTUS, Thesaur. ss. Rituum, 
II., Aug. Vindel. 1763, 224 ; BAUMER, 500. The feast of St. Louis 
was made universal for all France by Paul V. ; see GOUJET, II., 
207 seq. The claim frequently made that Paul V. canonized 
Pope Gregory VII. (REUSCH, II., 788) is false, for the archbishop 
of Salerno, Giov. Beltramini, obtained a Brief from Paul V., 
July 28, 1609, in which the office of this Pope is prescribed 
for Salerno only, sub ritu duplici, see Ada SS. Maii, VI., 103. 
The veneration of Gregory VII. at Salerno, dates back to the 
Middle Ages; his name appears in the Roman Marty rology of 
1584. Devotion to the great Pope took new life when his grave 
was opened under Gregory XIII. The Ada SS., loc. cit., say this 
occurred in 1577. This, however, is contradicted not only by 
the inscription preserved in the Cathedral of Salerno, but also 
the deposition of the opening of the tomb. As this is of the 
greatest interest, it is reproduced here. It is as follows : *In 
nome di Dio e cosl sia. Per mezzo di questo testimoniale istru- 



256 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

names to the list of those who were to be honoured every 
where ; however, he did this only after a conscientious and 

mento sia a tutti noto che 1 anno dalla Nativita del Signore 
millesimo quingentesimo settuagesimo ottavo, e nel giorno di 
lunedl, trigesimo del mese di giugno, sesta Indizione, entro la 
chiesa metropolitana di Salerno, ed essendo Pontefice Massimo 
Gregorio per divina provvidenza Papa decimoterzo, nell anno suo 
settimo, e scoccata 1 ora sedicesima, verificati i testimonii da me 
infrascritto notaio, presente rillustrissimo e Reverendissimo 
Signore Marco Antonio Marsilio Colonna per grazia di Dio e 
della Sede Apostolica arcivescovo Salernitano e Regio Consigliere : 
Acci6 per cura dell Illustrissimo Signore la memoria ed il sepolcro 
della felice ricordanza di Gregorio Papa VII, che, defunto in 
Salerno, rimaneva seppellito al coro sinistro della superiore 
basilica, presso alia cappella che dicesi della Crociata, fosse 
costituito piu degnamente in maggiore ampiezza ed in piu ferma 
testimonianza di tanto Pontefice, il prefato illustrissimo signore 
comand6 che il detto sepolcro alia presenza dei cennati testimonii 
fosse aperto. Esso era marmoreo, ed essendo stato diligentemente 
ispezionato tanto dal predetto Illustrissimo Signore quanto dai 
testimonii e da me ancora notaro infrascritto, fu ivi ritrovato 
il corpo del predetto Pontefice quale era, del tutto integro, con 
il naso, i denti e le altre membra del corpo. Aveva una mitra 
semplice pontificale alle cui bende erano apposte delle croci. 
Parimenti avea una stola serica tessuta di oro, con ornamenti 
aurei, nei quali erano iscritte delle lettere, cipe PAX NOSTRA. 
Aveva guanti serici, tessuti con mirabile bellezza di oro e perle 
con una croce sopra, e nel dito anulare aveva un anello di oro 
senza gemma. Portava pianeta rossa tessuta in oro, una tunicella 
serica, i calzari corrosi, tessuti anch essi dis oro e seta con croce 
sopra i piedi, giungevano presso alle ginocchia. Aveva cingolo 
di oro, ed al viso sopra posto un velo. Apparivano ancora vestigi 
del pallio, e molti croci erano apposte alii vestimenta, di guisa 
che niente, di quanto era necessario agli indumenti pontificii, 
mancasse. Le quali cose tutte osservate diligentemente e lasciate 
al loro proprio posto, di modo che niente ne fosse trasportato 
altrove, rillustrissimo Signore ordin6 che si chiudesse il selpolcro. 
In fede della qual cosa lo stesso Illustrissimo arcivescovo voile 
sottoscrivere con le sue proprie mani." Archiepiscopal Archives. 
Salerno. 



ZEAL OF PAUL V. FOR THE SAINTS. 257 

searching inquiry and with most scrupulous regard for existing 
rules. 1 Eugene IV. and Nicholas V., in their time, had taken 
up the preliminary work for the canonization of Francesca 
Romana, one of Rome s noblest women, 2 and whom the voice 
of the people had proclaimed a Saint as soon as she was dead. 
In 1604, Clement VIII. took up the process once more. Paul V. 
gave it close attention from the first year of his accession. 
His first act was to order an accurate review of the process up 
to date. On llth April, 1606, Francisco Pena, dean of the Rota, 
reported favourably. 3 The Romans undertook to defray the 
not inconsiderable expenses connected with a canonization. 4 
As soon as the Congregation of Rites had given its consent, 
the question was discussed and concluded, as prescribed, 
in three consistories held on 28th April and 6th and 21st May, 
1608. 5 

Cardinal Bellarmine supplemented his favourable vote by 
pointing out that, forasmuch as she had begun by practising 
virginity, and then lived for many years in chaste matrimony, 
had subsequently borne the burdens of widowhood and finally 
led a life of perfection in the cloister, Francesca Romana 
was all the more deserving of the honours of the altar as she 
could be set up as a pattern of virtue for every age, sex and 
condition. 6 

1 The "transactions of the Constantini Caetani congregat. 
Casin. decani de sanctorum canonizatione assertio ad S.D.N. was 
dedicated to Paul V., V. Non. Aug. 1611, Barb., XVII. , 17, 
Vatican Library. 

2 For Francesca Romana, see our notes, Vol. I, 5-7, 248 seq. 
For the earlier efforts to promote canonization, see RABORY, 
Vie de St e Francoise Romaine. 

3 See Ada SS. IX., Martii, II., 212* seq. 

* Cf. the *Avvisi of September 7, 1605, August 2, 1606, and 
April 30, 1608. Vatican Library. The summary of the account 
of costs are in Arch. Rom., XVI., 236 secf. 

5 See *Acta consist., Vatican Library. Cf. DUDIK, Iter Rom., 
I., 187. The * votes of the cardinals and others questioned are 
in Cod., S. 4, 16, of the Angelica Library, Rome. Cf. NARDUCCI, 
483 seq. See LE BACHELET, Auct. Bellarm., 477. 

VOL. xxv. 

20 



258 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Paul V. fixed on the anniversary of his own coronation 
(29th May, 1608), as the date of the solemn function. It was 
carried out in St. Peter s, amid the jubilation of the Roman 
people. 1 In the Bull of canonization the Pope extols the power 
of grace in a weak creature and congratulates Rome, the city 
of his birth, for in it more than in all the other cities of the 
earth, has this power been shown forth. Rome,. the Bull 
declares, was like a queen crowned with a diadem sparkling 
with many jewels, not only because of a host of Martyrs 
adorned with the purple of their own blood, and of blessed 
lines of venerable pontiffs, but also by reason of its choirs 
of chaste virgins and a multitude of matrons adorned with 
every heavenly grace. 2 During the days following the function 
in St. Peter s, great processions escorting the image of the 
new Saint wended their way to the Convent of Tor di Specchi, 
to her tomb in St. Maria Nuova and to St. Maria in Ara Coeli 
as being the church of the Roman Senate. 3 The Pope himself 
paid several visits to the tomb of Francesca and said Mass 
there. 4 He repeated his visit in the following year, on 8th March, 
the Saint s feast day. 5 In 1616, the Trinitarians erected a new 
church in her honour in the via Felice. 6 

If the memory of Frances of Rome lived thus in the hearts 
of the Romans, that of Carlo Borromeo was no less alive in those 
of the people of Milan. They looked on him not only as an 
ideal bishop, but likewise as a pattern of every virtue. On 
4th May, 1604, a deputation of the clergy and people of Milan 
had petitioned Clement VIII. for Borromeo s canonization. 
The Pope referred the matter to the Congregation of Rites, 
from whence it went on to the Rota. Owing to the fact that 

1 Cf, *Acta consist, of May 29, 1608 ; *Avvisi of May 28 and 31, 
1608. After the *Avviso of April 19, 1608, the preparations in 
St. Peter s had already been begun, Vatican Library. 

Bull., XI., 491 seq. 

See *Avviso of June 4, 1608, Vatican Library. 

See the *Avvisi of June 14 and 18, 1608, ibid. 

See *Avviso of March n, 1609, ibid. 

See ARMELLINI, Chiese, 242. 



CANONIZATION OF ST. CARLO BORROMEO. 259 

the inquiries at Milan had been held without a mandate from 
the Holy See, Paul V. ordered a fresh investigation. 1 The 
thoroughness with which the Pope insisted that they should 
be carried out is shown by the fact that more than three 
hundred witnesses were examined. 2 Petitions were presented 
to the Pope by all manner of persons ; among others by 
Philip III. 3 and by the whole College of Cardinals. 4 To the 
same end the seventh provincial council of Milan sent bishops 
Bascape of Novara and Carretto of Casale as its special 
delegates to Rome. However, the Pope insisted on a most 
rigorous inquiry lest anyone should suspect the least shadow 
of partiality in an affair in which there was question of 
honouring a Cardinal of the Roman Church. Three auditors 
discussed the matter in no less than eight sessions. After the 
presentation to the Pope of their favourable vote, on 7th 
December, 1609, 5 the affair came before the Congregation 
of Rites on 12th December. Although that Congregation 
had already expressed its assent in the spring of 1610, 6 
Paul V. had the report of the Rota controlled by twelve 
Cardinals, Bellarmine being one of them. Only when this had 
been done in eleven sittings, between 26th January and 26th 
June, 1610, was the discussion concluded in the consistories 
of 30th August, 14th and 20th September. 7 On 1st November, 

1 Cf. SALA, Biografia di S. Carlo, 225. 

2 See the *Acts of Canonization in Cod., I., 132, of the Ambrosian 
Library, Milan, used by SYLVAIN, III., 382 seq. The *Oratio 
legatorum Mediolan. ad Paulum V. pro canonisat. C. Borromaei 
is in Urb. 1028, p. 526 seq., of the Vatican Library. 

8 The *reply of Paul V. to Philip III., dated December 10, 
1607 " (mandasse ut examen sanctitatis C. Borromaei card, expe- 
diretur) ", in Epist., III., 304 ; Arm., 45. Papal Secret Archives. 

4 See *Acta consist., of April 28, 1608. Cf. *Avviso of May 17, 
1608. Vatican Library. 

6 See *Avviso of December 12, 1609. Vatican Library. 
See *Avvisi of February 20 and March 3, 1610, ibid. 

7 See *Acta consist., Vatican Library. Cf. SALA, loc. cit., 227, 
and NARDUCCI, 484 seq. The vote of Bellarmine of September 20, 
1610, in LE BACHELET, Auct. Bellarm., 477 seq. 



260 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

1610, the apostolic bishop in whom, together with Pius V., 
the spirit of the Catholic reform shines most brightly, was 
numbered among the Saints. 1 Three churches were erected 
in his honour in the Eternal City, during the life-time of 
Paul V. : the magnificent church of San Carlo ai Catinari, 
by the Barnabites ; that of San Carlo alle Quattro Fontane, 
by the discalced Trinitarians, and that of San Carlo al Corso, by 
the Lombards. 2 On the occasion of the translation of the 
Saint s heart into the last-named church, on 22nd June, 1614, 
twenty-five Cardinals and nearly a hundred bishops took part 
in the solemn function. 3 Guido Reni honoured the new Saint 
with the magnificent Pieta which adorns the gallery of 
Bologna. 4 

Paul V. carried out a number of canonizations in which he 
paid homage to the most diverse conditions. Besides the admir 
able archbishop of Valencia, Thomas of Villanova, who died 

1 Bull., XL, 643 seq. Cf. the Relation de la canonisation de 
S. Charles Borrome e, Paris, 1615 ; ORB A AN, Documenti, 165. 
For the considerable expenses of the Bull, see Gli Archivi ital., 
IV. (1917), 27. 

2 An *Avviso of November 25, 1609, records that Cardinal F. 
Borromeo was seeking to buy a site, so that, if his uncle should 
be canonized, he might build him a church in Rome. As to the 
church of S. Carlo " alle Quattro Fontane ", consecrated on June 8, 
1612, see the archivist s note in SYLVAIN, Charles Borrome e, III., 
391, note. He is, however, mistaken in thinking that this was 
the first church dedicated to St. Charles in Rome, for an *Avviso 
of November 5, 1611, about the celebration of the feast of the 
holy archbishop of Milan, mentions that Cardinal Joyeuse said 
the first Mass in the new oratory of the Barnabites, whither the 
Presbyteral title of S. Biagio dell Annello had been transferred. 
But this is S. Carlo ai Catinari, though it was completed at a 
later date. The preparations for the building of S. Carlo al 
Corso are treated in an *Avviso of December 17, 1611. Vatican 
Library. 

8 See *Awiso of June 28, 1614, Vatican Library. Cf. Studi e 
documenti, XV., 273, and FATTORIO PATRITIO, Amplia e diligente 
relatione degli honor i fatti al cuore di S. Carlo, Rome, 1614. 

* See BOHN, G. Reni, 76 seq. 



FURTHER CANONIZATIONS. 26l 

in 1555, 1 and Cardinal bishop Albert of Liege, who had been 
murdered in 1 192 by some adherents of the emperor Henry IV., 2 
he beatified two Spaniards of whom the world had never 
heard until then. One of them, Isidore (died 1305), 3 for whom 
Philip III. cherished a special regard, was a simple husband 
man ; the other, Pascal Bay Ion, had spent his whole life as a 
lay-brother in the Order of the discalced Friars Minor of the 
strict observance. 4 The Servites were given a new Beato 
in the person of Joachim Piccolomini (died 1305). 5 For the 
Silvestrins the Pope approved the cultus of their founder, 
Silvestro Gozzolini, 6 and for the Dominicans that of Louis 
Bertrand (Beltram) , whose burning zeal had spread Christianity 
in New Granada between the years 1562 and 1569. 7 

1 Cf. Ada SS. Sept., V., 799 seq. The Relatio Bapt. Coccini, 
S. Rotae decani, to Paul V. is printed in F. CONTELORIUS, Tract 
de Canonizat. Sanctorum, Lugduni, 1634, in the Appendix. 

2 See NOVAES, IX., 105, where the documents are given which 
appeared in the Netherlands in 1613, by the authority of the Arch 
duke Albert, on the occasion of the translation of the new Beato. 

3 See Ada SS. Mali, III., 512 seq. Cf. the *Briefs to Philip III., 
July 6 and October 15, 1618 (Epist., XV., 295), and *that to 
the Governor of Madrid, January 13, 1621 (Epist., XVI., 295), 
Arm., 45, Papal Secret Archives. According to the *Avviso of 
October 14, 1620, the process had then been concluded. The 
""report of the Rota to Paul V. de sanctitate Isidori agricolae, is 
in Barb., 2776, Vatican Library. Cf., too, F. FITA, in 
Boletln de la hist., IX. (1886), 99 seq. 

Cf. Ada SS. Mail, IV., 48 seq. ; A. GROETEKEN, P. Baylon, 
Einsiedeln, 1909, where the Ada beatificationis are used. The 
*report of the Rota addressed to Paul V. is in Barb., 2768, 
Vatican Library. In 1897, Pope Leo XIII. declared Pascal 
Baylon, who had a special devotion to the Blessed Sacrament, 
patron of all Eucharistic sodalities. 

5 Cf. Anal. Boll., XIII. (1894), 383 seq. 

6 Bull., XII., 400 seq. 

7 See Bull., XL, 534, and the *Awiso of October 19, 1611, 
Vatican Library. According to the *Avviso of July 27, 1616 
(ibid.}, the Dominicans were then pressing for the beatification 
of Beltram. 



262 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

With what circumspection Paul V. proceeded before assent 
ing to the public cult of any servant of God is shown by his 
action in regard to several of the heroes of the Catholic 
Restoration who had long been the objects of popular venera 
tion. In the very first year of his pontificate urgent requests 
reached the Pope from various quarters for the beatification 
of Ignatius Loyola for whom the diocesan processes had already 
been completed in 1595. 1 Clement VIII. had not given 
effect to a request for the introduction of the Apostolic 
process ; Paul V., on the other hand, made no difficulties. 
The discussions terminated in 1609 ; December 3rd of that 
year witnessed the beatification of the founder of the Jesuits. 
Bellarmine had done yeoman s service to bring this about. 2 
Thereafter the canonization of Loyola was repeatedly mooted. 
However, even when on 3rd March, 1617, the three auditors 
of the Rota who were in charge of the preliminary inquiry 
presented their report, Paul V. answered as before, that an 
affair of this kind demanded a thorough investigation and 
mature consideration. 3 

1 Cf. the * Briefs to Henry IV. of France, September i, 1605 ; 
to Duke William of Bavaria, November 25, 1605 ; to the Viceroy 
Duke Feria, December 9, 1605. Epist., I., 169, 346, 371, Arm., 45, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

2 See AsxnAiN, III., 676 seq. The Decrees of the Congregation 
of Rites and Paul V. s are in Ada SS. lull VII., 618, 620. The 
*Relatio Rotae ad Paulum V. super vita et miraculis Ignatii de 
Loyola in Cod. H. 3 of the Boncompagni Archives, Rome, 
and in Barb., 2786, Vatican Library. Ibid., 1709. 
* Poems of Jesuits in honour of the beautification of their Founder. 
Here belongs, too, the rare work, Brieve relatione delle feste fatte 
nella cittd di Sassari ad honor del B. Ignazio a 31 di Luglio 1610, 
Napoli, 1610. 

3 See the * Briefs to Duke Maximilian of Bavaria, March 27, 
1610 ; to Archduke Leopold, Bishop of Strassbourg, December 27, 
1614 ; to Genoa, April 20, 1617 ; to King Ferdinand of Bohemia, 
August n, 1617, in Epist., I., 353, X., 229, XL, 251, XIII., 107, 
Arm., 45, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. DOLLINGER-REUSCH, 
Moralstreitigkeiten, \., Dokumente, p. 353, and Zeitschr. /. kath. 
Kirchenrecht, XV., 277 seq. 



ST. PHILIP NERI. 263 

Information about the life of Francis Xavier had been 
gathered in India as early as 1556. * In 1614, the process was 
taken up once more, 2 but the beatification of the apostle 
of India only ensued on 25th October, 1619. 3 The cause of his 
canonization, though introduced in 1617, 4 only concluded 
under Gregory XV. 

In Rome none of the great reformers of the sixteenth century 
enjoyed, after his death, a veneration at all comparable to that 
of which Philip Neri was the object. 5 In 1609, the Romans 
resolved to offer annually on the tomb of the apostle of their 
city a chalice and paten of gold, together with wax candles, 
as was done for the other Saints. 6 Paul V. still maintained 
his reserve. A document has come down to us which prays 
the Pope not to forbid the private veneration of Neri. 7 All 
obstacles in this respect were only removed when the founder 
of the Oratorians was beatified on 25th May, 1615. 8 

Even in regard to the canonization of his great predecessor, 
Pius V., which was especially urged by the Dominicans, 



1 Inquiries were instituted in Goa, Bazain and Malacca in 
1556, in Cochin in 1557, in virtue of a royal letter ; see Monum. 
Xavier, II., 175 seq., 221 seq. 

2 For the process in Pamplona, 1614, see ibid., 643 seq. Ibid., 
449 seq., for the Indian process. 

3 Ibid., 680 seq. 

4 See the * Brief to the Duke of Lerma, April 20, 1617, in the 
Epist., XI., 252, Papal Secret Archives. *The report of the 
Rota ad Paulum V. de sanctitate F. Xavier (in Barb., 2774) 
was, according to *Avviso of July 10, 1619, delivered to the 
Pope on July 6, Vatican Library. 

5 See CAPELCELATRO, F. Neri, II. 3 , 671 seq. (Engl. transl. 
[1882], Vol. II.) 

8 *Avviso of February 28, 1609, Vatican Library. 

1 *De Veneratione privata b. Philippo Nerio (nondum canonizato) 
non prohibenda discursus ad Paulum V ., Barb., 1015, No. 2, 
ibid. 

8 See *Avviso of May 27, 1615, ibid. Cf. LAMMER, Melet., 334. 
The *report of the Rota, ad Paulum V. de canonizat. Ph. Neni, 
is in Barb., 2790, Vatican Library. 



264 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Paul V. proceeded with extreme caution. He granted leave for 
the introduction of the cause but would give no more than 
verbal permission for the setting up in the churches of the 
likeness of the holy Pontiff by the side of votive tablets. 1 

Permission for the opening of the canonical process of 
Francis Borgia had been granted by the nuncio Decio Carafa 
and this was proceeding since 1610, in Madrid, Valencia, 
Barcelona, and Saragossa. The acts reached Rome in 1615, 
and in August of the same year the Congregation of Rites 
declared that the documents could be handed over to the 
Rota. 2 Paul V. came to no decision. Cardinal Maurice 
of Savoy presented a petition in behalf of his ancestor, duke 
Amadeus IX., who had died in 1472. Paul V., in 1613, en 
trusted the affairs to a committee which discussed it for a 
considerable time and on 15th June, 1615, ordered further 
inquiries to be made in Savoy. 3 In 1610, the Grand Duke 
of Tuscany took steps for the canonization of Andrew Corsini 
who had been beatified by Eugene IV 4 ; however, during 
the pontificate of Paul V. the matter did not get beyond 
the report of the Rota. 5 The request of the Commander of 
the Swiss Guard for the beatification of Nicholas von der 
Fliie the Pope met with the remark that an affair of such 
importance demanded time and mature deliberation. 6 

1 Cf. the *Avvisi of July 27 and October 12, 1616, Vatican 
Library. According to the latter, the Dominicans brought the 
Sommario after the process was concluded, to the Pope at Frascati. 
The *report of the Rota to Paul V. de sanctitate Pii V. is in 
Barb., 2780, Vatican Library. Cf. Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., 
ch. 16. 

2 See Acta SS. Oct., XV., 229. 

3 See Acta SS Mart., III., 889. Cf. the *Bricf to the Duke of 
Savoy, of July 4, 1615, Epist., XL, 18, Papal Secret Archives. 

4 See the * Brief to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, November 6, 
1610, Epist., VI., 170, ibid. 

5 The *report of the Rota to Paul V. is preserved in Barb., 
2769, Vatican Library. 

6 See the instruction to the Swiss nuncio of March 15, 1614, 
in Bollet. stor. per la Suizzera, 1903, 72 



SS. TERESA AND MAGDALEN OF PAZZI. 265 

The process of beatification of Teresa of Jesus had been 
initiated, in 1604, by Clement VIII. Paul V. ordered its 
continuation, 1 but even in the case of so outstanding a person 
ality nothing was rushed, however pressed the Pope may 
have been even by princely clients of Teresa. 2 It was only 
on 24th April, 1614, that he beatified the extraordinarily 
favoured reformer of Carmel. 3 On 25th May, 1607, the death 
occurred at Florence of the Carmelite, Magdalen di Pazzi, 
whose motto had been To suffer, not to die ! The process 
of her beatification opened as early as 1610. 4 Some time later 
Paul V. wrote to the Grand Duchess of Tuscany, reporting 
progress, 5 but he came to no final judgment, just as he refused 
to decide anything in the question of the beatification of the 
Theatine, Andrew Avellino, who died in 1608, and the 
examination of whose cause the Congregation of Rites had 
begun in 1612. 6 

In addition to the Jesuits, the beatification of Aloysius 
Gonzagoa was also strongly urged by the Saint s family. 
Paul V. gave leave to Cardinal Dietrichstein to put over 
Aloysius tomb a picture of the holy youth, surrounded by 
votive tablets, and on the termination of the diocesan process 

1 See Acta SS. Oct., VII., 351-2. The *Relatio trium Rotae 
auditorum (Fr. Sacrati, I. B. Coccini, and Alph. Manzanedo 
de Quinones) deput. a Paulo V ., in Borghese, I., 309, Papal Secret 
Archives. 

2 Cf. the letter of Borghese to Ubaldini, of December 7, 1611, 
in LAMMER, Melet., 306 seq. 

3 See Acta SS. Oct., VII., 352. PaulV. ""informed the Spanish 
king on the very day of the beatification. Epist., XV., Ann., 45, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

4 See Acta SS. Maii, VI., 312. For Maddalena cf. REUMONT, 
Brief e heiliger Italiener, Freiburg, 1877, 263 seq., and La Santa 
di Firenze, Florence, 1906. For the memorandum addressed 
by Maddalena de Pazzi to the Cardinals on church reform, see 
Rev. ascet. myst., 1924. 

5 See the * Brief of May 2, 1614, Epist., IX., 320, Papal Secret 
Archives. 

6 See the *Avviso of January 21, 1602, Vatican Library. 



266 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the acts were passed on to the Congregation of Rites. 1 In 
consequence of further pleadings 2 the Pope, having previously 
consulted the Cardinals, by a Brief of 10th October, 1605, 
allowed Cepari s life of Aloysius, with the title of Blessed , 
to be published in print. 3 A Brief of 31st August, 1607, 
instructed the Congregation of Rites to inquire into the 
life and miracles of Aloysius. When this was done the Con 
gregation expressed the opinion, in 1612, that an Office and 
Mass in honour of Aloysius might be granted to the Jesuits. 
To this the Pope would not consent because he wished to avoid 
the semblance that his approval was given out of considera 
tion for Cardinal Ferdinand Gonzaga who had assisted at the 
sitting of the Congregation. By decree of the Congregation 
of Rites dated 20th May, 1613, the process was submitted 
to the control of the Rota. 4 The tribunal discussed the subject 
during several years. Meanwhile new petitions came in, 
praying for a formal beatification of Aloysius. 5 Cardinal 
Ferdinand Gonzaga renewed his request in respect to the 
Mass in Aloysius honour. On 27th December, 1617, the Pope 
told him he would speed up the affair. 6 The discussions were 
protracted until the following spring. Only in March, 1618, 
would the Pope at last grant such a Mass for the territory of 
the Gonzagas, and at the request of Bellarmine, also for his 
mortuary chapel in Rome. The further request of the Cardinal, 

1 See Ada SS. lunii V., 745 seq. On May 13, 1605, the trans 
lation of the relics of Aloysius to another chapel had taken place ; 
see ibid., 746. 

2 Cf. the *Briefs in reply to Margherita Gonzaga, the widowed 
Duchess of Ferrara, and to Ranuccio Farnese, Duke of Parma, 
September 17, 1605, Epist., I., 200, 202. Papal Secret Archives. 
For Rudolph II. s recommendation, see MEYER, 534. 

3 See A eta SS., loc. cit., 748 seq. 

4 Ibid., 753 seq., 757 seq. 

5 Cf. the * Briefs to the Duke of Mantua, of March 17, 1617, 
to Genoa of April 20, 1617, and to Pazmany, archbishop of Gran, 
of August 17, 1617, Epist., XI., 237, 251 ; XV., 199, Papal Secret 
Archives. 

6 Acta SS., loc. cit., 759. 



THE FORTY HOURS DEVOTION. 267 

that he would concede it to the whole Jesuit Order, Paul 
refused to grant. Nevertheless he allowed the Congregation 
of Rites to take a vote on the matter and to report to him on 
the result. Although this was favourable, Paul V., on 30th 
April, 1618, gave leave for the celebration of Masses in honour 
of Aloysius only for the Jesuit houses in Rome. 1 

The spread of the Forty Hours Prayer, an exercise intro 
duced in Rome by Clement VIII., was greatly furthered by a 
Brief of 10th May, 1606, which eased the conditions for 
gaining the indulgences attached to it. These indulgences 
Paul V. also granted, on a generous scale, to people living 
outside the Eternal City. 2 The Capuchins, more than anyone 
else, deserved well of this devotion, above all the famous 
popular preacher, Giacinto da Casale, whose Lenten sermons 
at Milan, in 1613, daily drew a crowd of twenty thousand 
persons. 3 

Five years earlier another Capuchin, Fedele da San Germano 
had preached with extraordinary success in the church of 
San Lorenzo in Damaso both during Lent and during the 
Forty Hours Prayer. In 1614, Giacinto da Casale preached 
in the same church. Numerous conversions and reconcilia 
tions were the fruit of his discourses. 4 

A splendid example of the renewal of piety in the Eternal 
City may be seen in the Oratorio della communione generate 
founded in 1609, by the Jesuit Pietro Gravita and furthered 

1 See ibid. Paul V. answered the Duke of Mantua, who renewed 
Bellarmine s request, in a *brief of June 15, 1619, that he would 
consider the matter further. (Epist., XIV., 167, Papal Secret 
Archives.) Paul V. maintained the same precaution with regard 
to the petition which reached him from Poland for the beatification 
of the Jesuit Stanislaus Kostka ; see D. BARTOLI, De vita et 
miraculis St. Kostkae (lat. by J. Juvencius, Romae, 1855), 165 seq. ; 
Anal. Boll., IX., 360 seq., XV., 291 seq. Cf., too, LAMMER, 
Melet., 336, note i. 

s See DE SANTI, L orazione delle quarant ore, 261 seq. 

3 Cf. VENANZIO DA LAGOS ANTO, Apostolo e diplomatico o il 
p. Giacinto dei Conti Natta da Casale Monferrato, Milan, 1886. 

4 See DE SANTI, 279 seqq., 282 seqq. 



268 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

by Paul V. 1 With a view to withdrawing the people from the 
noisy amusements of the carnival, the scene of which was the 
Corso, close to the Oratorio, a custom was introduced there 
which the Capuchins had spread elsewhere, for instance at 
Milan. This consisted of transforming the chancel of the church 
into a real Teatro Sacro by means of painted architectural 
motifs and pictorial representations. In the centre of this 
de*cor, and surrounded by hundreds of burning tapers, the 
Blessed Sacrament was exposed. 2 The Guild of the Blessed 
Sacrament attached to St. Peter s obtained from Paul V. 
fresh indulgences for the Eucharistic Triduum which this 
confraternity was one of the first to hold during the carnival. 3 

1 See MEMMI, Notizie stor. dell Oratorio della ss. communione 
generate, Roma, 1730, and L. Ponzileone, Della communione 
generate delta volgarmente del Gravita, Roma, 1822. For Paul V. s 
furtherance of the custom of monthly general communion, 
see SYNOPSIS, II., 268, 275 ; DUHR, II., 2, 49. 

2 See DE SANTI, 288 seqq., where there are several reproductions 
of sketches of these Teatri sacri, often by celebrated artists, such 
as Bernini and Pozzo. These would hardly be sanctioned by 
ecclesiastical authority to-day. Cf. TACCHI VENTURI, Vita relig., 
I., 206, note i. 

3 See DE SANTI, loc. cit. 



CHAPTER VII. 

PAUL V FOSTERS THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS. GALILEO AND 
THE ROMAN INQUISITION. NOMINATION OF CARDINALS. 

The religious Orders were the object of Paul V. s constant 
solicitude and the care he bestowed on them bore abundant 
fruit. That which he had especially at heart was the appoint 
ment of good Superiors and the preservation of discipline. 1 
A papal decree of 4th December, 1605, stressed anew an 
ordinance already passed by the Council of Trent and renewed 
by Clement VIII., by which monasteries were forbidden to 
admit more members than their revenues could support. 2 
Another general ordinance of 1st September, 1608, laid great 

1 See Bzovius, Vita Pauli, V , ch. 23, whose facts are substan 
tiated by numerous documents. A number of them are printed 
in Bull., XIr, 437 seq., 457 seq., 510 seq. ; XII., 202 seq., 263 seq., 
289 seq., 314 seq., 377 seq., 450 seq., 470 seq. For the reform of 
the Celestines see Studien aus dem Benediktinerorden, XII., 70. 
In the *Epistolae dementis VIII., many items are found that 
belong here ; we mention : I., 394, *Chrysostomo abbati Montis 
sancti O.S.B. (he praises his activity ; he is to exhort his monks, 
ut veluti luminaria in domo Domini accensa quotidie magis bonorum 
operum splendore fulgere studeant), December 24, 1605 ; III., 555 : 
*Duci Ascalonae, Siciliae proregi (he praises his zeal against bad 
monks), May 23, 1608 ; XV. : *A de Wignacourt, hospit. s. 
loannis de Hierusal. magno magistro (he is to proceed against 
" abusus el scandala " in the Order), July 17, 1618. Papal Secret 
Archives. *Letter of the Minister-General of the Franciscans 
Conventual, Giov. Giacomo Montanari da Bagnacavallo ; to 
Paul V. on his visitation of the Order, 1618, in Cod., E. 55, of 
the Boncompagni Archives, Rome. Further references on this 
subject in the Bullaria of the Orders ; see especially, RIPOLL, 
Bull. Ord. Praed., V., 678 seq. ; Bull. Capuc., I., 59. 

* Bull., XI., 249 seq. 

269 



270 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

stress on the rule of enclosure, especially as regards convents 
of nuns. 1 A Bull of 23rd May, 1606, revoked all particular 
indulgences which, up to that time, had been granted to 
individual Orders and Congregations. It gave an accurate list 
of the indulgences which members of Religious Orders properly 
so called, that is Orders with solemn vows and strict enclosure, 
might gain from that time onwards. 2 Between 1608-1612, 
the Pope appointed a special commission for the purpose of 
revising the Benedictine Breviary. By a Brief of 1st October, 
1612, the entire Benedictine Order was granted permission 
to use the reformed Breviary, and in 1616 the Congregation 
of Rites changed the permission into a command. 3 

For the better preservation of discipline, the Benedictine 
Congregation of Monte Cassino, which held so important a 
position in the monasticism of Italy, was divided by Paul V. 
into seven Provinces, namely the Roman, Tuscan, Neapolitan, 
Sicilian, Venetian, Lombardic, and Ligurian provinces. For 
their government new statutes were laid down and these were 
repeatedly altered in subsequent years. 4 

1 Bull., XI., 548 seq. A second decree, belonging to this place, 
of July 10, 1612 (ibid., XII., 184 seq.), was sent by Mgr. Aurelio 
Recordati in his *letter of August 4, 1612, to Mantua (Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua) . For the execution of the obligation of enclo 
sure in all the convents of nuns in Foligno, 1615-1618, see 
L. JACOBILLI, *Croniche di Foligno, MSS. in the possession of 
Msgr. Faloci Pulignani at Foligno. 

* Bull., XI., 315 seq. Cf. Collectio indulgentiarum theologice, 
canonice et historice digesta auctore P. Petro Mocchegiani a Mon- 
sano, Quaracchi, 1897, 579 seqq. For the resistance of the Portu 
guese Carmelites to Paul V. s decree, see NOVAES, IX., 101 seq., 
where the special literature is given. Paul V. proceeded at 
other times against abuses respecting indulgences, see REUSCH, 
Selbstbiographie Bellarmins, 136 seq. Cf. above, p. 228 seq. 

3 See BAUMER, 500 ; D. BUENNER, in La vie et les arts litt., XI. 
(1924-5), 492 seqq., 538 seqq. Bellarmme had informed the 
Pope of the results of the Commission s findings. See *Avviso, 
of April 4, 1612, Vatican Library. 

4 See Bull. Casin., I., 278 seq. ; Heimbucher, II., 390 seq., 
395 seq. 



ORGANIZATION OF RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 27! 

Paul V. approved the union of the Basilians of Italy which 
had been effected by Gregory XIII. The Spanish branch of 
the Order was authorized to make five new foundations, 
one of them at Madrid. 1 On 19th April, 1616, the Cistercian 
monasteries of the provinces of Aragon, Valencia, Mallorca, 
Catalonia, and Navarre were united in a new congregation 
which was to be subject in all things to the General of the 
Order though it was also to have a Vicar-General of its own. 
Distance and other obstacles had prevented the Cistercian 
Abbots from holding regular visitations. By the appoint 
ment of a Vicar-General it was hoped to remedy this dis 
advantage. 2 Similar considerations led to the separation 
of the reformed Congregation of Dominicans founded at 
Toulouse, in 1596, from the other provinces of the Order. 3 

Paul V. watched with particular care over the Institute 
founded by Philip Neri. Orf 24th February, 1612, he solemnly 
approved the Constitutions of the Oratorians. Shortly after 
wards a decree was published which forbade the issue of further 
statutes under the name of the great apostle of Rome and the 
foundation, in the Eternal City, of other Oratories, without 
the leave of the Superior of the Roman Oratory. 4 The new 
foundations, in Italy, which marked the pontificate of Paul V. 
were those of Aquila, Casale, Bologna, Perugia, Ripatransone, 
and Fossombrone. 5 For the Congregation of the reformed 
Camaldolese hermits of Montecorona Paul V. founded a 
house near Frascati. 6 

To the Theatines Paul V. not only granted the confirma 
tion of all their privileges, but he also helped them to make 
new foundations at Ravenna and Bergamo. 7 The Pope shared 

1 Bull., XI., 294 seq., 549 seq. 

2 Ibid., XII., 347 seq. 8 See NOVAES, IX., 108. 

4 See Bull., XII., 36 seq., 58 seq., 182 seq. 

5 Cf. CAPECELATRO, F. Neri, II 3 ., 701 seq. [Engl. transl. [1882], 
Vol. II., 492.] 

See NOVAES, IX., 143. 

7 Cf. the *acta in the general archives of the Theatines 
at Rome, especially CASSETTA, 43. According to this the founda 
tion at Ravenna took place in 1607, that at Bergamo in 1608. 



272 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the grief of the Order at the death, on 10th November, 1608, of 
one of its most deserving members, Andrew Avellino, who for 
half a century had been indefatigable in the confessional, in 
visiting the sick, and in his efforts for the reform of the 
clergy and the spread of his own Institute. 1 Lorenzo Scupoli, 
a disciple of Avellino, died two years after his master. Scupoli 
is the author of one of the most famous ascetical works 
of the period, the Spiritual Combat (// Combattimento 
spirituale). In the original Italian this golden book was 
published in innumerable editions and it has been translated 
into many languages. St. Francis of Sales ranked it with 
a Kempis Imitation of Christ . 2 

In 1610, Barnabites, whom Henry IV. had summoned 
into Beam, in 1608, to labour for the conversion of the 
Huguenots, were authorized by Paul V. to found colleges every 
where with the consent of the ordinaries. Subsequently the 
Pope eased the conditions for the reception of new candidates 
into this Congregation of regular Clerics. 3 In 1608, the Institute 
possessed twenty-six colleges in Italy so that a division 
into three provinces became necessary. 4 The privileges of the 

The Theatines settled in Modena in 1613. Ibid., a * brief of 
Paul V. of 1609, Che li Gesuiti non possino fabricate collegi nelle 
vicinanze di S. Siro at Genoa. 

1 Cf. STELLA, Oraz. in lode di A. Avellino, Napoli, 1621 ; 
G. MARIA, Vita di s. A. Avellino, Venezia, 1714; EDELWERK, 
Leben des heiligen A. Avellino, aus deni Italien., Miinchen, 1765 ; 
Ada Sanct. Nov. VI., 609-622. Avellino s grave is in the Theatine 
church at Naples ; cf. Notizie del soccorpo di S. Gaetano e dei 
primi Teatini ivi sepolti con un cenno. della morte del s. A. Avellino, 
Napoli, 1871. 

2 See VEZZOSI, / scrittori dei Chierici Reg., II., Roma, 1780, 
276 seqq. (ibid., 280-301, there are 258 editions of the Combatti 
mento published before 1775) ; HURTER, Nomenclator, III 3 ., 616 ; 
STEINER, in the Stud. u. Mitteil. aus dem Bened. u. Zisterz.-Orden, 
1896, 444-462 ; PAULUS in Der Katholik, 1897, 1., 390 ; S. BONGI, 
Annali di G. Giolito, II., Roma, 1897, 438-442. 

3 See Litt. et constit. s. pontif. pro congreg. cleric. S. Pauli Apost., 
Romae, 1853, 62 seq., 64 seq. 

4 See PREMOLI, Barnabiti, 394. 



RELIGIOUS ORDERS. 273 

Somaschans were also confirmed anew. 1 Papal approbation 
was likewise bestowed upon the Spanish Recollects, the Italian 
Congregation of the Fratelli Ambrosiani, the Regular Clerics 
Minor, the Annunziate, founded in the neighbourhood of 
Geneva by Maria Vittoria Fornari (died 1617), and the 
monastery of Hermits of St. Augustine of the Strict Observance, 
founded by Andrea del Guasto, at Centorbi. 2 The Italian 
Servites were also the objects of various favours. 3 Paul V. 
likewise supported the generous efforts of Anna Juliana 
Caterina of Gonzaga, widow of the archduke Ferdinand, to 
introduce into Innsbruck first the Servite nuns and later 
on the friars. 4 The reformed Congregation of Spanish Trinita 
rians, founded in 1594 by John Baptist de la Conception, 
was erected into a regular Order divided into two provinces 
but with only one provincial. 5 

The Borghese Pope bestowed particular care upon the new 
Orders and Congregations which devoted themselves to teach 
ing and to the care of the sick. The Congregation of nursing 
Brothers founded in Spain by John of God received divers 
privileges from Paul V. 6 and was by him erected into a 
canonical Order under the rule of St. Augustine, a fourth 
vow, concerning the care of the sick, being added to the 
three essential vows of religion. The ordinances laid down, in 
1611, for the Spanish houses, were extended, in 1617, to the 
German, French and Polish foundations. 7 In 1617, the Pope 
approved the Constitutions which a General Chapter, held in 
the Roman house of San Giovanni Calabita, had drawn 
up for this, the most important of all male nursing 

1 See Bull, XL, 449 seq. 

2 See HEIMBUCHER, L, 453, 466, 489, 521 ; II., 269. 

3 See Bull., XII., 191 seq., 426 seq. 

4 See HIRN, Maximilian, L, p. 306 seq. Cf., too, *Barb., 4455 
(Regole et vita delle suore Servite a Innsbruck) Vatican Library ; 
Catalogus fratr. Ord. S.B.M.V. almae prov. Tirolens. praemissis 
notis hist., Oeniponte, 1884, 8 seq. 

5 Bull., XL, 608 seq., 611 seq. 

6 Cf. ibid., 570. 

7 Ibid., XIL, 3 seq., 379 seq., 385 seq. Cf. GOUJET, II., 174 seq. 

VOL. XXV. 

21 



274 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Orders. 1 In 1605, the philanthropic Order was introduced 
into Austria by Prince Eusebius of Liechtenstein ; its first 
hospital and Convent were erected at Feldsberg. 2 

A no less noble fruit of the Church s vitality in the period 
of the Catholic restoration was the Institute founded by 
Camillo de Lellis, who proved a pioneer in the nursing field. 
Sixtus V. approved it in 1586 ; five years later Gregory XIV. 
formally erected it into an Order. 3 In 1605, Paul V. divided it 
into five provinces, those of Rome, Milan, Naples, Bologna, 
and Sicily. 4 

Camillo de Lellis lived to see his institute attain to a member 
ship of three hundred religious. Paul V. greatly esteemed the 
saintly man and was always ready to fall in with his wishes. 5 
However, the strength of the indefatigable labourer was 
exhausted. The growth of his Order had been rapid and it 
was now spread over the whole of Italy : in addition to the 
house at Rome there were other establishments at Naples, 
Milan, Genoa, Bologna, Florence, Ferrara, Mantua, Messina, 
Palermo and at various places in the Abruzzi. All this had 
required numerous and exhausting journeys, which had under 
mined the health of Camillo who had never been a robust 
man. For this reason, and with the consent of Paul V., he 
resigned his office of Superior General on 2nd October, 1607, 
at the residence of the Cardinal Protector Ginnasio. But even 
then he would not rest. In 1609, he visited the hospitals at 
Naples, Milan, and Genoa, and the year 1612 was spent in the 
Abruzzi where he assisted in practical and energetic fashion 
the people of his native place, Bucchianico, during a period of 
famine. In 1613 he accompanied the Superior General on a 
visitation of the houses of Lombardy. A serious illness con 
tracted at Genoa forced him to return to Rome. There he 

1 See Bull., XII., 385 seq. 

2 Cf. FALKE, Gesch. des furstl. Hauses Liechtenstein, Vienna, 
1868. 

3 Cf. our notes, Vol. XXII, 399. 

4 See HEIMBUCHER, II., 266. 
* Cf. Bull., XL, 314. 



CAMILLO DE LELLIS. 275 

died, in the Mother house of the Order, near St. Mary 
Magdalen s church, on 14th July, 1614, at the age of sixty- 
four. Paul V. sent him, through his secretary, the apostolic 
blessing and a plenary indulgence. Camillo was buried near 
the high altar of the church of St. Magdalen. A plain cross 
of bricks marked the spot for a time. After his beatification 
by Benedict XIV., the precious remains of the servant 
of God were given a resting place in a specially erected chapel 
on the right hand side of the church. 1 Not long afterwards 
Sanzio Cicatelli, a disciple of Camillo, published a life 2 of 
the founder of " the Fathers of a good death ", as the sons of 
Camillo were called because, whilst they cared for the bodies 
of the sick, they also strove to help their souls. 3 The biography 
was dedicated to Paul V. who thereafter continued to favour 
an Order in which the spirit of Christian charity and self- 
sacrifice was ever kept alive as the most precious inheritance 
bequeathed by the holy founder to his children. 4 The Romans 
could never forget what Camillo de Lellis had done in the 
hospitals and how, during the very last days of his life, he had 
dragged himself from bed to bed to make quite sure that 
nothing was wanting to the sick. Together with Philip Neri 
he was revered as a Patron of the Eternal City. 

Other contemporaries of Camillo de Lellis were the saintly 
and learned John of Jesus and Mary, of the Order of Discalced 

1 Cf. A. AMICI, 5. Camillo e la Chiesa d. Maddalena a Roma, 
Rome, 1913 ; J. GRAUSTUCK, Die Grabstatten des hi. Kamillus, 
in the Kamillusblatt, Jubilaumsnummer, Aachen, 1914, p. 163 seq., 
in -which the different translations and the actual tomb are 
described. Cf., too, M. AMICI, Mem. stor. intorno S. Camillo 
de Lellis, Rome, 1913, 33 seq., 42 seq., 53. 

* S. CICATELLI, Vita del P. Camillo de Lellis, Viterbo, 1615. 
For other biographies, see Vol. XXI, 140, note i. 

3 Cf. M. ENDRIZZI, Bibliografia Camilliana ovvero memorie 
degli scrittori dell or dine dei Ministri degli infermi. Verona, 
1910. 

4 See *Pauli V. approbatio et confirmatio decreti cardinalium 
negot. regul. clericor. ministr. infirmis, 1620, Bandi, V., 15, p. 337. 
Papal Secret Archives. 



276 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Carmelites, 1 who lived at Frascati, and Joseph of Calasanza, 
who laboured in Rome. 2 Following the example of Clement 
VIII., the Borghese Pope assisted with an annual gift of two 
hundred scudi the school founded by that friend of the people, 
which, because it was a gratuitous one, proved an immense 
boon for the Eternal City. 3 With the assistance of several 
Cardinals and other benefactors, Calasanza, in 1611, secured 
the Palazzo Torres for his establishment. The fusion of 
Calasanza s foundation with the Congregation of the Clerics 
Regula of Mary, of Lucca, which had taken place in 1614, 
proved unsuccessful. 4 Paul V. suspended it on 6th March, 
1617, at the same time declaring the Society of Calasanza an 
autonomous, independent Congregation whose scope it was to 
give gratuitous instruction to children, especially to the 
children of the poorer classes. 5 Calasanza became the Superior 
of the new " Congregation of the Poor Clerics of the Mother 
of God of the Pious Schools ", also called, after the Pope, 
the Pauline Congregation. He now changed his name into 
Joseph a Matre Dei ; his companions likewise assumed new 
names. To the usual simple vows they added a fourth, 
namely, gratuitously to instruct the young, more especially 
the children of the poor. Paul V. founded a house of the new 
Congregation at Moricone, in the Sabine country, a property 
of the Borghese. Their church in Rome was that of San 
Pantaleone, near the Palazzo Torres, which had been bestowed 
on Calasanza in 1614, and was subsequently restored by 
him. 6 

1 The ven. Giov. di Gesu e Maria, a native of Spain, died 
at San Silvestro in 1615, where many memories of him are still 
preserved. He well deserves a monograph. 

2 Cf. our notes, Vol. XXIV., 161 seq. 

3 See in the Appendix Vol. XXVI, n. 14, the * memoranda of 
Costaguti, Costaguti Archives, Rome. Cf., too, GROSSI-GONDI, 
97 seqq. 

4 Bull., XII., 243 seq. * Ibid., 383 seq. 
6 Se.e MORONI, LXIL, 92, 97. The assigning of S. Pantaleone 

in Bull., XII., 226 seq. For Pietrasanta s visitation see the 
references in SOMMERVOGEL, Bibl., I., 1573, IV., 1373, VI, 742. 



THE POPE S ASSISTANCE TO EDUCATION. 277 

In many other ways also Paul V. gave proof of his solicitude 
for the Christian education of youth in Rome * ; thus he 
assisted the Congregation of Christian Doctrine with an annual 
alms of two hundred scudi, 2 and approved their privileges 
and constitutions. 3 In 1607, he raised the Associa 
tion into an archconfraternity with its seat at St. Peter s. 4 
For the purpose of combating Calvinism by means of solid 
instruction, Ce"sar de Bus, a Canon of Avignon, founded in 
that city, in 1592, a special Society whose untiring Superior 
he remained until his death in 1607. His successor, Pere Vigier, 
greatly desired to transform the Society into a formal and 
regular Congregation with solemn vows. This Paul V. granted 
in 1616, but only on condition that the Society amalgamated 
with the Somaschans. 5 

After the long-drawn party strife of Huguenots and 
Leaguists, France was enjoying the blessings of tranquillity. 
Many new religious associations sprang up in that country, 
most of which devoted themselves to education or to tending 
the sick. To all these institutes Paul V. showed himself a 
generous patron and supporter. However, their action is so 
closely linked with the Catholic revival in France that it must 
be described when the story of this great movement comes to 
be told. In like manner the activity of the two principal 
Orders of the period, the Jesuits and the Capuchins, both in 
France and in Germany, will be duly appraised when certain 
developments of the Church in these two countries come to be 
described. 

Two decrees of the Borghese Pope contributed greatly to 
the consolidation and to the spread of the Capuchin Order, 
which, besides Cardinal Anselm Marzato, included a great 

1 Cf. Bzovius, Vita Pauli, V., ch. 24. 

2 See in Appendix, Vol. XXVI., n. 14, the "memoranda of 
Costaguti, Costaguti Archives, Rome. 

3 *Pauli V. confirmatio et approbatio privilegiorum et constitut. 
congreg. PP. Doctrinae christianae, May 20, 1606. BANDI, V., 
15, Papal Secret Archives. 4 See Bull., XI., 442 seq. 

5 See Ibid., 353 seq. Cf. HEIMBUCHER, II., 340. For C. de 
Bus, cf. Vol. XXV., ch. i. 



278 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

many distinguished men in its ranks. 1 In the first decree, 
dated 17th October, 1608, the Pope declared the Capuchins 
to be true and authentic members of the Order of St. Francis 
and that their rule was in harmony with that of the Saint of 
Assisi. The second decree, dated 23rd January, 1619, made 
them completely independent of the Conventuals. The Society 
was raised to the rank of an autonomous Order, with its own 
General, who was to be styled Minister Generalis fratrum 
minorum Saudi Francisci Capucinorum. 2 Paul V. also 
furthered, by means of many privileges, the spread of the 
Capuchins and their activity in the home mission. 3 
The missionary activity in heathen lands on which they 
then entered, was furthered by an authorization granted to 
them on September 5th, 1606, whereby they were empowered, 
due regard being had to the ordinances of the Council of 
Trent, to make new foundations throughout Spain. 4 The 
story of the Church of Spain, and in no less a degree that of 
France, Switzerland, and the holy Roman empire, bears 
witness to the amazing activity displayed by the Capuchins 
in assisting the pastoral clergy by means of missions and 
retreats, by the introduction of the Forty Hours Prayer before 
the Blessed Sacrament, by tending the sick during epidemics, 
and lastly by bringing heretics back to the fold. What heroic 
spirit animated the Order of the Capuchins at that time is 
best shown by the fact that the Church has raised to her altars 
no less than six of its members all belonging to that period, 

1 See BOVERIUS, II., 502. Cf. Bonifazio da Nigra Cappuccino, 
Ritratto degli uomini illustn dell Istituto de Minori Cappuccini 
promossi o destinati a dignita ecclesiastiche, Roma, 1804. For 
Marzato, I., see Vol. XXIII., 257 and SCHMIDLIN, Anima, 491. 

2 Bull. Cappuc., I., 57 seq., 62 seq. 

3 See ibid., I., 52 seq., 54, 55 seq., 60 seq., 61 seq., 63 seq. ; 
II., 24 seq., 27, 117 seq., 180, 226 seq., 260 seq., 288 seq., 320 seq., 
350 seq., 411 seq. ; III., 23 seq., 101 seq., 122, 179, 208, 238 ; 
IV., passim. Cf., too, SISTO DA PISA, Storia d. Cappuccini Toscani, 
Firenze, 1906. By a *Brief of June 6, 1615, Paul V. advises 
the bishop and chapter of Sit ten to call in the Capuchins, Epist.. 
XI-XIL, 4, Papal Secret Archives. 

4 Bull., XI., 351 seq. 



CAPUCHIN CANONIZATIONS. 279 

namely Joseph of Leonissa (d. 1622), Laurence of Brindisi (d. 
1619), Fidelis of Sigmaringen (d. 1622), Benedict of Urbino 
(d. 1625), Agathangelus of Vendome (d. 1638), and Cassian 
of Nantes (d. 1638). 1 It was precisely during the pontificate 
of Paul V. that the Capuchins were extraordinarily successful 
as popular preachers. In this respect the following were 
especially famous : Melchior of Orihuela (d. 1614), Francis of 
Seville (d. 1615), and Angelicus of Tudela (d. 1633) in Spain, 
John of Angers (d. 1620) and John Baptist of Avranches 
(d. 1629) in France ; in Austria Thomas of Bergamo (d. 1631) 
and Father Valerian, known as the " tall monk " (d. 1661). 2 
But the most renowned preachers were sons of Italy. One 
of these, Giambattista Aguggiari, of Monza, was the inspirer 
of a religious work of art of extraordinary originality. Whilst 
he held the office of preacher at the famous shrine of the 
Madonna del Monte, near Varese, in upper Italy, he suggested 
that the mountain track leading up to the sanctuary 
should be embellished with fourteen chapels adorned with 
frescoes and painted stucco statues representing the fifteen 
mysteries of the Rosary. As in the Sacro Monte, near Varallo, 
which was embellished in this fashion in the life time of 
St. Charles Borromeo, in the lay-out of the road nature and 
art form an admirable blend, expressive of a common religious 
inspiration. 3 In 1614, the Franciscan Agostino Cassandra, 
a famous preacher, was appointed by the Pope to the see of 
Gravina. 4 The Pope also greatly esteemed the Capuchin, 

1 Cf. LECHNER, Leben der Heiligen aus dem Kapuzinerorden, 
Miinchen, 1863. 

2 Compare with the historians of the Order, ILG, Geist des hi. 
Franziskus Seraphicus, dargestellt in Lebensbildern aus der 
Geschichte des Kapuzinerordens, 2 vols., Augsburg, 1876 and 1879. 

3 Cf. the description of J. GRAUS, in the Grazer " Kirchen- 
schmiick ", XXVII. (1896), 65 seqq. 

* Cf. UGHELLI, VII., 124 seq. A. Cassandra s treatises, *" Modo 
di comporre le prediche e lezioni 31 sopra il salmo Dixit Dominus," 
in Cod., 434, of S. Antony s Library, Padua. *" Sermoni di 
Magno Perneo in varie chiese di Roma " (Advent, 1592 to 1629), 
in Barb., XLL, 29 and 30, Vatican Library. 



28o HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Hyacinth of Casale. 1 He was likewise on terms of special 
intimacy with yet another Friar, Jerome of Narni. 2 This 
scion of a noble family had been a member of the Capuchin 
Order since 1578. He was a pupil, and inherited the eloquence 
of Mathias Bellintani whom Charles Borromeo had extolled 
as a truly apostolic preacher. 3 No less a personage than 
Cardinal Bellarmine passed the following judgment on 
Jerome of Narni : "If the Apostle Paul were to come back 
to preach the Lenten sermons at the same time as Father 
Jerome, I should listen to the Apostle on one day and on the 
other to the Capuchin." Paul V. confirmed this judgment 
when he appointed Jerome of Narni preacher of the Apostolic 
palace. 4 The devout Capuchin discharged his office with the 
utmost freedom. " When this mighty trumpet of the word 
of God resounded from the pulpit of the Vatican," a chronicler 
wrote, " the Cardinals were seen to tremble." After a sermon 
by Jerome on the duty of residence, Paul. V. could not cope 
with the requests of the Princes of the Church for farewell 
audiences, so bent were they on returning to their sees. 
The Pope wished to make him a Cardinal but Jerome declared 
he preferred his poor Capuchin habit to the purple. "It 

1 For Giacinto s sermons see Bollet. stor. Piacentino IX. (1914), 
and Riv. di storia d. prov. d Alessandria, 3, series I. (1917). For 
Giacinto s other activities, see Vol. XXVI., ch. IV. 

2 Cf. MARCELLING DE PISA, Vita fr. Hieronymi Narniensis, 
Rome, 1647, and Annales, III., Trento, 1708 seq. ; BERTANI, 
AnnaL Capuc., 118 ; MARCELLING DA CIVEZZA, II., 240. *Letters 
of Lelio Guidiccioni to Girol. da Narni, in Barb., XXXVII., 27, 
Vatican Library ; * Inscriptions and poems in praise of Girol. 
da Narni, in Barb. 4508, p. 17 seq., ibid. 

3 For M. Bellintani (d. 1611) cf. M. FALOCCI PULIGNANI, 
Miscell. Francisc., III. (1888), 22, 39, 85, and VITELLI, 59 seq. 

4 *Prediche fatte nel Palazzo Ap. dal P. Girol. da Narni in tre 
avventi e due quaresime, Vat., 7020 ; *Predica del Fra Girol. da 
Narni in Vaticano, Marzo, 1609, preached in the hall of 
Constantine before the Pope, Barb., L., 51 ; ibid., L., 72 ; *La 
settimana grande del mondo redento, by Girol. da Narni, Vatican 
Library. 



LAURENCE OF BRINDISI. 28l 

grieves me," Paul V. said, " that the Sacred College should 
be deprived of such a man, but I rejoice at such an example of 
humility." l Laurence of Brindisi similarly enjoyed a wide 
reputation as a preacher. 2 By his influence the Capuchins 
were enabled to enter Austria whilst the imperial army 
owes to him its victory before Stuhlweissenberg, in 1601. 
In 1602 he was made General of his Order. He invariably 
journeyed on foot when making the canonical visitations of the 
Capuchin houses in Italy, Spain, France and Germany, and 
everywhere he was revered as " the holy General ". On the 
completion of his term of office, shortly after the elevation of 
Paul V., the saintly man was at once entrusted with a fresh 
and difficult mission in Germany. In 1612 there was question 
of his reappointment as General but the lowly son of 
St. Francis succeeded in persuading the electors to bestow 
their votes on Paul of Cesena. But he could not escape being 
appointed Definitor-General. In 1617 Laurence mediated, 
on behalf of the Pope, between Savoy and Mantua and in the 
following year he was once more named Definitor-General. 
The people of Naples ardently longed to have their crushing 
taxation eased. Such was their confidence in the old man that, 
though his health was beginning to fail, they sent him on a 
deputation to the court of Philip III., in October, 1618. 3 
His mission was crowned with success but Laurence was 
unable to return to his own country. He died in Lisbon, 
July 22nd, 1619. Already under Urban VIII. the rulers 
of Austria and Bavaria pressed for his beatification and 

1 See MARCELLINO DA PISA, loc, cit., 173 seq., 176. Cf. the 
*Schreiben eines Ungenannten aus Rom an den Bishof von 
Novara, of March 21, 1611, in Barb. 4508, p. i seq., Vatican 
Library. 

8 Cf. our account, Vol. XXIII, 383 seq. The ^Remains of 
Lorenzo of Brindisi, in the Capuchin Archives, Venice, deserve 
detailed study. 

3 Cf. RANKE S monograph about the conspiracy at Venice 
in 1618 : Werke, XLII. (Zur venez. Gesch., Leipzig, 1878), 225 seq., 
and BONAVENTURA DA SORRENTO, // cappuccino S. Lorenzo da 
Brindisi al cospetto di Napoli e dei Napoletani, Sorrento, 1881. 



282 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Cardinal Borghese had displayed special activity in the 
matter. 1 

Whilst the term of office of the Superiors of the Capuchins 
was at first limited to three years, to five after 1608, and after 
1618 to six years, the General of the Jesuits was appointed 
for life. The Society of Jesus was particularly fortunate in 
that at this period the generalship was held by a man who was 
eminently equal to his task, viz. Father Claude Aquaviva. 2 
Despite all attacks from within and without, his tenure of 
office during close on thirty-four years, was a period of wonder 
ful development for trie Society of Jesus. This is shown, 
even if we leave on one side its missionaries and ascetics, 
by the great number of scholars and writers which it counted 
in its ranks at that period. Only the names of outstanding 
men can be mentioned here. They include Gabriel Vasquez 
(d. 1604), Nicolas Orlandino (d. 1606), Thomas Sanchez 
(1610), Possevino (d. 1611), Skarga (d. 1612), Christopher 
Clavio (d. 1612), Francis Suarez (d. 1617), Lessius (d. 1623), 
Becanus (d. 1624), Gretser, Tanner, Layman and, towering 
above them all, Bellarmine. The geographical expansion of 
the Order was likewise amazing. According to a survey of 
1616, during the sixty years that had elapsed since the founder s 
death, the Society had spread over the whole world. It num 
bered thirty-two provinces, viz. five in Italy and as many 
in France ; in Spain four ; three in Germany (the Upper- 
German, the Rhenish and the Austrian provinces) ; two in 
Flanders and one in Portugal, Poland, and Lithuania. To 
the Portuguese province four others were adjoined, namely 
those of Goa, Malabar, Japan and Brazil, whilst six provinces 
were united to that of Spain, namely those of Sardinia, 
Peru, Paraguay, New Granada, Mexico and the Philippine 
Islands. These thirty- two provinces counted twenty-three 

1 The beatification did not take place until 1783, and the 
canonization in 1881 under Leo XIII. 

2 What significance Sarpi, that most embittered enemy of the 
Jesuits, attached to Aquaviva is shown in his comments, in 
CASTELLANI, Letter e, u, 37. 



THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 283 

professed houses, three hundred and seventy-two colleges, 
forty-one noviciate houses, one hundred and twenty-three 
residences and a personnel of 13,112 members. 1 

It is easy to realize the slight significance, among such a 
crowd, of the band of about thirty discontented men of whom 
there is frequent mention in the story of the generalship of 
Aquaviva. 2 If these people were able to kick up so much 
dust, it was due solely to the backing of Philip II. and the 
Spanish Inquisition, and because their everlasting complaints 
and memorials ended by making some impression on Sixtus V. 
and Clement VIII. 

The disturbance was only superficial that is why it 
disappeared so rapidly and without leaving any traces behind. 
The fifth General Congregation of the Order, though it was 
occasioned by the discontented, did more than disappoint 
them, for it greatly helped to put a stop to their machina 
tions, 3 and even more so in that it was crowned by yet another 
approbation by the Holy See. It had been the intention of the 
Congregation to petition Clement VIII. for such a con 
firmation 4 ; it was Paul V. that granted it. The papal brief 
begins as follows : " What great things the Society of Jesus 
has achieved in the service of the Church, by spreading 
the faith, piety and religion, and what it still daily accomplishes 
with ever growing success, is known to us and to the whole of 
Christendom." 5 " Hence the devil " the Pope goes on, 
" daily strives to sow discord within it. However, the Popes 
have made it their business to further and assist the Society 
in every way, to the end that it may ever retain the purity 
and the primitive splendour of its institute." The purpose of 
the Brief is sufficiently shown in the preamble itself : the 

1 IUVENCIUS, P. V., 2, 351 seq. ; L. CARREZ, Catalogi sociorum 
et officiorum provincial Campaniae Societatis lesu ab a. 1616 ad a. 
1773, IX. (1692-1703), X., (1703-1714), Ch&lons-sur-Marne, 1911, 
1914. 

2 Cf. our account, Vol. XXL, 151 seq. ; XXIV., 169 seq 

3 Ibid., XXIV., 172 seq. 
* Ibid. 

5 September 4, 1606. Instil. Soc. lesu, I., 131 seqq 



284 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

machinations of the agitators are not from the good Spirit ; 
the well-being of the Order, or as the Pope goes on to say, 
" the strength and th$ growth of this holy Society which 
it is impossible to praise sufficiently, depend wholly on the 
maintenance of the constitution given by Ignatius of Loyola, 
and on the decrees of the General Congregations." Three 
ordinances of the fifth General Congregation are then textually 
quoted, viz. the one dealing with the agitators ; that which 
forbids meddling with secular business and politics, and the 
decision that Superiors should remain in office for an unlimited 
period. By his confirmation of these decrees, the Pope annuls 
Clement VIII. s ordinance which limited the tenure of office 
to three years. The Brief concludes with an approbation of 
the entire Institute and all its privileges and spiritual powers 
or faculties. Stress is laid on the life-tenure of office by the 
General ; in fact the opening paragraphs of the document had 
already condemned the machinations of the discontented 
against this point of the Constitutions. 

The Brief addressed to the General admonished him to 
proceed with energy against the disturbers of the peace. 
With this injunction Aquaviva complied in an allocution at 
the next General Congregation. As he had declared at the 
opening of the Congregation of 1608, 1 the assembly had been 
convened for the purpose of renewing the interior spirit and 
religious discipline. 2 The decrees that had been drawn up 
had no other aim. The provincials must deal energetically 
with all agitators. Like his predecessor Clement VIII., 
Paul V. in his turn exhorted the assembled Fathers to practise 
humility and, following in this also the example of his 
predecessor, he insisted on the election of new Assistants of the 
General. 3 

For the rest Paul V. showed himself well-disposed towards 
the Jesuits. 4 The whole Order rejoiced and deemed it a very 

1 AsxRAiN, III., 667 seq. 

2 Ibid., 666. 

3 Ibid., 666, 668. 

4 *Avviso of June 13, 1607, Vatican Library ; a papal visit 
to the Jesuits, ibid., June 9, 1607. 



GALILEO GALILEI. 285 

signal favour when, at the very outset of his pontificate, 
the new Pope gave leave for the opening of the process of the 
beatification of its founder and when, in 1609, he placed him 
in the ranks of the Blessed. 1 

The pontificate of Paul V. is memorable by reason of the 
first, much discussed collision, between the Roman divines and 
the spokesmen of the new natural sciences then in process of 
formation. 

Just as the beginnings of modern astronomy are linked with 
the name of Copernicus, so were the foundations of modern 
physics chiefly laid down by Galileo Galilei. Galileo was born 
at Pisa, in 1564. From 1589 he taught in his native city 
until the year 1592, when he went to Padua. 2 Whilst the 
belief prevailed that all the subjects discussed in Galileo s 
works were his own exclusive intellectual patrimony, the 
Pisan genius was simply hailed as the sole creator of the new 
science of nature, as one who had, so to speak, created it 
out of nothing. However, in the light of modern research, 
his position is not quite so brilliant. Galileo had been antici 
pated ; he made use of the labours of those that had gone 
before him, though he fails, for the most part, to acknowledge 
his sources. On the other hand, if he took up a thing, it seemed 
to grow and mature under his fingers. In the story of the 
discovery of the thermometer and the pendulum clock, the 
telescope and the microscope, his name must always be 
mentioned though his share in their invention cannot be 
accurately ascertained in every instance. His highest and 

1 Cf. above, p. 262 seq. For the festivities on the occasion of 
the beatification, see above, p. 262, note i, and Litt. ann., 1609. 

2 A. FAVARO, Opere di Galileo Galilei, ediz. naz., Firenze, 
1890-1913 ; HARTMANN GRISAR, Galileistudien. Historisch- 
theologische Untersuchungen iiber die Urteile der Kongregationen 
im Galilei-Prozess, Regensburg, 1882 ; ADOLF MULLER, Galileo, 
Galilei und das Kopernikanische Weltsystem, Freiburg, 1909 ; 
WILLEMS, Die Galileifrage (1919) ; EMIL WOHLWILL, Galilei und 
sein Kampffiir die Kopernikanische Lehre, Hamburg and Leipzig, 
1909, 1926 ; CARLI-FAVARO, Bibliografia Galileana, 1568-1895, 
Roma, 1896. 



286 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

unquestioned claim to fame is the impetus he gave to physical 
mechanics. The laws to which a falling body, or one propelled 
into space, are subject, as well as those of the pendulum, 
were definitely formulated by him. One notable fruit of his 
observations was an accurate conception of the so-called 
law of inertia. It was only in 1638, when already advanced 
in years, that he published the results of his observations 
in the most mature of all his works. The book was the fruit 
of the labours of a life-time, for these things had profoundly 
roused his interest whilst he still lived in Pisa and Padua. 
Galileo established for all time the axiom that only by observa 
tion and experiment may we trace the phenomena of nature 
to their causes. Within these limits Galileo may deservedly 
be called the creator of modern physics. 1 

In 1609, news reached Italy that a Dutchman had con 
structed an optic glass by means of which it was possible to 
see distant objects as distinctly as if they were in immediate 
proximity. Thereupon, so he himself relates, Galileo invented 
the telescope anew, constructed one that surpassed all similar 
instruments of the period and forthwith pointed it to the 
starry heavens. From now onwards discovery after discovery, 
so to speak, fell into his lap ; the radiant sun, so he was able 
to inform an astonished world, has its spots ; the moon is not 
a flat orb, on the contrary, it is covered with mountains ; 
the Milky Way and the nebulae are Clusters of numberless 
stars ; as for the planets, Jupiter is accompanied by four 
moons ; Mars appears now larger, now smaller ; like our 
own moon, Venus is seen at one time sickle-shaped, at another 
as a full disc. He also saw the ring of Saturn even though he 
failed to identify it as a ring. 2 

1 GERLAND, 312 seqq. ; E. WOHLWILL, Galileistudien, in the 
Mitteil. zur Gesch. der Medezin u. Naturwissenschaften, IV. (1905) 
and V. (1906). 

2 For his priority conflict with Marius concerning the moons 
of Jupiter, see OUDEMANS ET BOSSCHA, in Archives NJerlandaises, 
2. serie, VIII., 1903 (against Galileo) ; KLUG in the Abhandl. 
der bayr. Akad. der W is sen., 2. Kl., XXII., 2 Abt., 1904, (for 
Galileo). For a similar conflict with SCHEINER on sunspots, see 
MULLER, Galilei, 106 seqq. 



GALILEO S ASTRONOMICAL DISCOVERIES. 287 

These discoveries proved decisive factors in the subsequent 
career of Galileo. What he had written until then could only 
be understood by scholars, but as a result of those unheard of 
discoveries in the sky the name of Galileo was on everybody s 
lips. Kepler spoke enthusiastically ; Clavius expressed high 
esteem. 1 The Grand Duke of Florence, whom Galileo had 
informed of his successes, bestowed on him the title of ducal 
philosopher and mathematician, with an income of 1,000 gold 
florins. 2 On the occasion of a visit to Rome in 1611, the savant, 
who was becoming universally famous, had the highest 
honours lavished on him. People of repute in the world of 
learning, or in the State, all clustered round Galileo. 8 This was 
notably the case at the villa of Cardinal Bandini and at the 
palace of Federigo Cesi, the founder of the flourishing Academia 
dei Linci, of which Galileo was made a member on 25th April, 
161 1. 4 The Jesuits organized a solemn accademia in his honour ; 
it was attended by " a number of the most distinguished people 
of Rome, by counts and dukes, and by a great many prelates, 
among whom there were at least three Cardinals ". 5 The 
Pope received Galileo in audience and showed him the utmost 
favour. 6 True, there were those who refused to believe in 
the new discoveries ; thus a student of Bologna, one Martini 
Horky and a Florentine nobleman, Francesco Sizzi, wrote 
against him, but intelligent people paid no attention to them. 7 

1 MULLER, 66 seqq. 2 Ibid., 60. 

3 WOHLWILL, 378. Cf. ORBAAN, Documenti, 283. 

* MULLER, 59 seq., 63 seq. Cf. B. ODESCALCHI, Mem. d. Accad. 
dei Lincei, Roma, 1806, 100. See also G. GABRIELI, // carteggio 
scientifico ed accademico fra i primi Lincei, Roma, 1925, 178. 
Letters of Cesi 0/161 1 seq., in the Atti dei Lincei, 4 series, Rendi- 
conti, 38 (1884-5), 846 seq. For Cesi see also P. G. POSSENTI, 
Sul rinvenimento di una maschera in cera del principe F. Cesi, 
Rome, 1912. 

5 WOHLWILL, 365 seq. Cf. ORBAAN, Documenti, 284. 

6 Ibid., 379 ; Galileo on April 22, 1611, in FAVARO, XL, 89. 

7 MULLER, 58 seqq., 63 seqq. In Sizzi s treatise the seven 
planets are compared to the seven-branched candlestick ; beyond 
this it does not give any Scriptural reference as proof (ibid., 64). 
Clavius scoffs at Sizzi s proofs (ibid.). 



288 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Galileo had gone to the Eternal City for the purpose of 
expounding his discoveries before the highest Roman authori 
ties and in order to win them over to the teaching of Copernicus. 
At first, astronomy had only been incidentally mentioned in his 
lectures, and even in the first years of the seventeenth century 
Galileo still taught it according to the system of Ptolemy. 1 
But when his discoveries in the sky had brought him fame, 
he strove to retain and still further to strengthen the reputa 
tion he had won, by proving the validity of the Copernican 
system. He imagined that the elucidation o f his own dis 
coveries in the sky would be proof enough. Copernicus had 
already dealt with the objection that in his system Venus 
must, from time to time, be seen in crescent shape. He had 
sought a way out of the difficulty by certain ingenious 
hypotheses. 2 Galileo s discovery showed that this sickle shape 
was a fact and the change in Venus appearance proved beyond 
controversy that the sun was the centre of the orbit of at least 
that one planet, as well as of Mercury. 3 Copernicus had seen 
himself compelled to change the earth s moon from an 
autonomous planet into a satellite of a planet. For the first 
time Galileo now demonstrated the fact that planets may 
have moons. The consequence was that if Ptolemy needed an 
intricate series of cycles and epicycles in order to account for 
the orbits of the planets, Galileo s system, as even Clavius 
admitted, 4 was bound to become even more complicated since 
the planets also had their own dependent planets. The 
old assumption that the stars consisted of a peculiar, incorrup 
tible matter was thus confuted, for the change in the appear 
ance of Venus showed that, like the earth, it was a dark body 
that received its light from the sun. 

1 This at the time when he had already adopted the Copernican 
system ; see A. FAVARO, Gal. Galilei e lo studio di Padova, L, 
Firenze, 1883, 154. 

2 WOHLWILL, 351. 

3 This received immediate recognition. " Venerem circa solem 
verti manifesto demonstravimus non absque philosophorum 
murmure," wrote Gregory of St. Vincent S.J. to Huygens (Civ. 
Catt., 1923, III., 488). * In MULLER,, 71. 



LIMITATIONS OF GALILEO S RESEARCHES. 289 

It might have been better for science, as well as for Galileo, 
if after these first astronomical discoveries he had turned once 
more to his own special department, that of physics. In this 
field also for he mastered it completely he might have 
deserved well of Copernicus. He did so, as a matter of fact, 
at a later date, when he cleared away, in large measure, 
the objection made in the name of physics against the earth s 
movement in space. 1 However, the arguments in support 
of a new system of the universe, which he deduced from his 
discoveries in the sky, are valueless for the reason alone that 
everything he discovered can be made to fit harmoniously 
into the system of Tycho Brahe, whilst his personal contribu 
tion went either wholly astray or failed to get beyond 
Copernicus and lagged behind Kepler. It was only in 1686 
that mathematical astronomy chanced upon a real proof, 
when Newton demonstrated that according to the law of 
gravitation it was impossible for the mighty ball of the sun 
to revolve round the diminutive earth as its centre. A decisive 
proof based on astronomical observation was delayed until 
1725, when Bradley showed that all the fixed stars described 
small ellipses within exactly the duration of a terrestrial year, 
that the ellipses described by the stars situate towards the 
celestial poles approach increasingly to the figure of a circle, 
whereas the stars situate in the neighbourhood of the celestial 
equator increasingly resolve into a simple straight line, and 
that this phenomenon is inexplicable except as an effect 
of the earth s orbit round the sun. Of these real proofs Galileo 
remained in complete ignorance all his life. The magnificent, 
yet exceedingly simple way, in which Copernicus accounted 
for the seemingly intricate motions of the planets, as well 
as his own observations, no doubt convinced Galileo personally 
of the truth of the new system, but the provocative manner 
with which he defended it against its opponents, and that 
without solid proofs of his own, was bound to lead to grave 
and disastrous collisions. 

1 A. LINSMEIER in Natur u. Offenbarung, XXXVI. (1890), 
129 seqq., 212 seqq., 283 seqq., and Zeitschr. f. kath. TheoL, 1913* 
55-75- 

VOL. XXV. 



2QO HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

As regards Copernicus great work, by means of a surrepti 
tiously inserted preface, an impression had been created, and 
had spread widely, that the book did not represent the new 
system of the universe as a description of real occurrences in 
the stellar world but as a mere hypothesis for the purpose of 
facilitating astronomical calculations. 1 When, on the ground 
of his own discoveries, Galileo began to maintain the truth of 
the Copernican system, many people asked themselves how 
such assertions tallied with certain texts of Holy Scripture, 
for instance, the words of psalm ciii : " Thou hast founded 
the earth upon its own bases," whilst of Josue it is related that 
he commanded the sun to stand still. A dissertation by 
Lodovico delle Colombe, 2 which only circulated in manuscript 
and which, in point of fact, speaks of Galileo in terms of high 
praise, also stresses these theological objections in its conclud 
ing paragraphs. 3 Even at the grand duke s table, on 12th 
December, 1613, the matter was discussed from this angle for 
two whole hours when the Benedictine Castelli, a pupil of 
Galileo, took the defence of his master s views. Thereupon 
Galileo, who could not afford to incur the disfavour of the 
court, wrote a long letter to Castelli, 4 copies of which were 
widely circulated. Holy Scripture cannot err, he declared, 
but its exponents may ; it is therefore their duty to bring 
their explanations into harmony with the indubitably ascer 
tained facts of natural science. It was an abuse to begin by 
dragging in Holy Scripture in questions of purely natural 
truths and which touched the faith but very remotely. 

Opinions like these are to be found in St. Augustine and other 
Fathers of the Church 5 ; for all that theologians could 
hardly feel flattered when a layman sought to teach them how 
to expound Holy Writ, all the more so as the teaching of Luther 
had met with so much success in Germany precisely because 

1 MULLER, N. Kopernikus, 109 seqq. 

2 FAVARO, III., 251-290. 

3 MULLER, Galilei, 81 seqq. 

* December 21, 1613, in FAVARO, V., 279-288 ; MULLER, 
Galilei, 89 seq. 

Civ. Catt., 1923, IV., 128. 



DANGER IN THEOLOGICAL DISSERTATIONS. 2QI 

everybody was granted the right to interpret Holy Scripture 
as seemed best to himself. There was a danger of similar 
conditions arising in Italy hence it was desirable not to 
allow a man of Galileo s reputation to indulge in theological 
dissertations. At Florence the Dominican, Tommaso Caccini, 
made an attack on Galileo from the pulpit when, in the course 
of his lectures on the book of Josue, he came to the well- 
known passage about the sun standing still. 1 The tactlessness 
and rashness of Caccini was indeed disapproved by his friends 
as well as by his brethren in religion, none the less, other 
Florentine Dominicans began to press for a condemnation by 
Rome both of the book and of the teaching of Copernicus. 2 
Such a turn of events was a serious matter for Galileo ; but, 
notwithstanding repeated warnings to leave the theological 
question alone and to confine himself to physical proofs 
in support of the new system of the universe, 3 he wrote yet 
another dissertation on the relation between theology and 
natural science in which he repeated his former assertions. 4 
Similar views were expressed by the Carmelite, Paolo Antonio 
Foscarini. In his pamphlet he hints at the possibility that 
the opinion of Copernicus may one day be demonstrated 
as correct. For this reason he insists on the necessity 
of making a timely compromise with the Scriptural objec 
tions. 5 

The grand ducal court preacher, the Dominican Lorini, 
had at first refrained from expressing an opinion, in the pulpit, 

1 MULLER, 91. The fable that Caccini used the text, Acts, 
I., ii, to make mock of Galileo: " Viri Galilei, quid statis 
aspicientes in coelum ? " is first found in the Lettere inedite di 
uomini illustri, Firenze, 1783, 47, note i. Cf. WOHLWILL, 517, 
note i. 

2 MULLER, 94. 

3 The successor of the deceased Clavius, Griegenberger, advised 
this course ; see ibid., 95 ; DINI, 97. 

4 Lettere a Mad. Cristina di Lorena, granduchessa di Toscana 
in FAVARO, V., 307-348 ; MULLER, 100 seqq. 

6 Printed in the Opere di G. Galilei, pub. by E. Alberi, Florence, 
1842, V., 455-494. Cf. MULLER, 98. 



2Q2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

on the new system of the world. 1 He now deemed it his duty 
to bring Galileo s letter to Castelli to the notice of the 
Congregation of the Index, without, however, lodging a 
formal accusation. 2 Thereupon the Roman Inquisition 
examined the document, its judgment upon it being, on the 
whole, a favourable one. 3 There was nothing in the letter 
to necessitate a pronouncement on the new system and its 
bearing on Holy Writ. 

In this way the dangers conjured up by Galileo s incursions 
into the theological field seemed happily averted ; however, 
besides the letter to Castelli, other pronouncements of the 
troublesome savant very soon claimed attention. These 
were certain " Considerations upon the opinion of 
Copernicus ". 4 The pamphlet was couched in popular form 
and bound, from its very nature, to challenge the theologians. 
Galileo there categorically affirmed that Copernicus had not, 
in fact, advanced his opinion of the universe as a mere 
hypothesis, and he proceeded to lay down instructions con 
cerning the interpretation of Holy Scripture, the authority 
of the Fathers, and the meaning of the Council of Trent. 
He admonished the theologians not to expose Holy Scripture 
to the peril of being suspected of falsehood by making it 
to assent to things which the physical sciences may one day 
show to be inaccurate. 5 Besides, in 1612, he had published 
three letters dealing with the sunspots. In these he claims 
that he first discovered their existence and, incidentally, he 
defends anew the motion of the earth and the fixity of the 
sun. 6 

Caccini, who came to Rome in 1615, in order to give an 
account of his Advent sermons of the previous year, drew 

1 His letter to Galileo in FAVARO, XI., 427. 

2 MULLER, 138 seq. 

3 A semitis tamen catholicae loquutionis non deviat (in FAVARO, 
XIX., 305). 

4 FAVARO, V., 349-371. 
6 MULLER, 140 seq. 

8 Ibid., 106-133. Cf. A. MULLER, in the Stimmen aus Maria- 
Laach, LII. (1897), 361. 



GALILEO AND THE INQUISITION. 

attention to the book on the sunspots. Galileo, he reported, 
had dealings with people of ill repute, especially with Sarpi 
of Venice, and it was a fact that one of the pupils of the 
Florentine court astronomer maintained opinions which were 
positively heretical and these he supported with an appeal to 
the book on sunspots. 1 Thus it came about that the latter 
work was subjected to an examination and the two pro 
positions concerning the fixity of the sun and the daily 
revolution of the earth were submitted to the consultors of 
the Inquisition. 2 

With what preconceptions the theologians ot the Inquisition 
set to work on the two propositions submitted to them may 
perhaps be gathered from Bellarmine s reply to Foscarini 
who had presented to the learned Cardinal the book in which 
he advocated the new system of the universe. It would be a 
good thing, Bellarmine wrote, 3 to defend the Copernican 
opinion as a mere hypothesis. It it were maintained as a 
proven fact it would not only provoke the philosophers and 
the theologians, but an injury might be done to the faith 
itself, for it would appear as if one attributed errors to Holy 
Scripture. Foscarini must surely grant that his inter 
pretation of Scripture texts in a Copernican sense was at 
variance with all previous exegesis ; yet the Council of Trent 
forbade such interpretations of the Scripture as would run 
counter to the unanimous opinion of the Fathers of 
the Church. If he objected that the motion of the sun and the 
earth was no article of the faith and that according to the 
Council, the authority of the Fathers was paramount only in 
matters of faith and morals, it was nevertheless an article 
of faith that Holy Scripture cannot assert what is false. If, 
however, a real proof of the new system were forthcoming, 
it would be necessary .to proceed very cautiously in the inter 
pretation of Holy Writ, and to suggest this explanation, for 

1 MULLER, 141 seq. 

2 Ibid., 142. 

3 April 12, 1615, in FAVARO, XII., 171 seq. ; MULLER, 104 seq. 
For Bellarmine s relations with Galileo see Civ. Catt., 1923, III., 
481 seq. ; IV., 118 seqq. t 415 seqq. 



2Q4 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

choice, namely that we have failed to grasp its meaning. To 
him it seemed more than doubtful that the opinion of 
Copernicus was the only correct one and whilst there was so 
much uncertainty it was not right to give up the traditional 
interpretation of the Fathers. 

Some time before Cardinal Conti had written to Galileo l 
that it was quite possible that when the Bible speaks of the 
motion of the sun and of the vault of heaven, it was merely 
using the ordinary language of the people ; none the less 
such an interpretation could not be admitted unless necessity 
demanded it. Since Galileo s letter to Castelli met with 
such lenient treatment at the hands of the Inquisition, 2 
it was easy to see that similiar ideas were not foreign to its 
members. Everything goes to show that the theologians of 
the Inquisition were determined to abide by the inter 
pretation of the disputed Scripture texts which had been 
handed down from the Fathers, until a decisive proof would 
be brought forward to demonstrate that the new system was 
the only correct one. 

For a proof of this kind the world had to wait for Newton 
and Bradley. On the other hand it is possible that the 
manifestly inadequate arguments by which Galileo 
endeavoured to support his theories may have convinced the 
theologians that there was no real proof and that none was 
to be expected at any future time. 3 

Whilst the discussions were pending Galileo behaved with 
exceeding indiscretion. He over-estimated the reputation 
he had won for himself and, in the words of the Tuscan 
envoy, 4 he seemed to have got the notion into his head that 
he must needs " break the obstinacy of the Friars and wage 
a war in which he could only be the loser ". The envoy did 
all he could to bring the matter to a happy issue but, " with 

1 July 7, 1612, in FAVARO, XI., 354 ; MULLER, 86. 

2 See above, p. 292. 

3 For his proof by ebb and flood, see A. MULLER in the Stimmen 
aus Maria-Laach, LVI. (1899), 534 seqq. 

* May 13, 1616, in FAVARO, XII. , 259. 



GALILEO S INDISCRETIONS. 2Q5 

his blustering ways," he writes, Galileo spoilt everything. 1 
The very Cardinals of the Holy Office, told Galileo that he 
was free to hold any opinions he liked, only let him refrain 
from trying to force them on others. It is certain that even 
in Rome there were those who admired the skill with which 
Galileo defended his views. He could marshal a whole row 
of plausible proofs in support of any opinion ; if his hearers 
agreed he would knock down the whole structure with another 
set of arguments, thereby exposing to ridicule those who had 
previously fallen in with his views. 2 But the theologians of the 
Inquisition were not to be impressed by such tricks. Thus, 
when in a private conversation, Galileo had lightly thrown 
off the suggestion that the motion of the earth could 
be proved by the phenomenon of the tides, Cardinal 
Orsini, who was very well disposed towards him, requested 
him to set down his statement on paper, with the obvious 
intention of thereby influencing the discussions of the 
Inquisition. Galileo s memorandum has been preserved ; it 
is, however, quite unworthy of such a mind as his and 
altogether inconclusive. 3 To all this must be added the fact 
that Galileo shocked people by his extravagance. The 
Tuscan envoy complained of the heavy expenses which his 
sovereign had ordered him to meet ; he begged that Galileo 
be recalled to Florence as soon as possible, otherwise things 
might take a bad turn. 4 

The bad turn did come. At a sitting of February 24th, 
1616, the consultors of the Inquisition began by expounding 
their opinion in the matter. Two propositions had been 
submitted to their consideration : the first of these, namely 
that the sun was immovable, 5 they qualified as absurd and 



1 March 4, 1616, ibid., 242. 

2 MULLER, 151. 

3 Ibid., 147 seqq. 
* Ibid., 161 seq. 

5 i.e., that neither a daily movement round the earth nor 
a yearly one in the zodiac, is to be ascribed to it. There is no 
question of the sun s revolution on its own axis. (MULLER, 154.) 



296 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

erroneous from the point of view of philosophy, and as 
formally heretical, inasmuch a 5 it directly contradicted the 
literal meaning of many texts of Holy Writ and the inter 
pretation given of them by the Fathers and the theologians. 
As regards the second proposition, namely that which ascribes 
to the earth a twofold motion, one round its own axis and 
another round the sun, their unanimous verdict was that, 
on philosophical grounds it was to be rejected like the first, 
and judged from the theological standpoint, the least they 
could say was that it erred in the faith. 1 

However, for the moment this was only the verdict of the 
consult ors of the Inquisition. On the following day a meeting 
took place, under the presidency of the Pope, of the Cardinals 
of the Inquisition whose province it was to give a decisive 
judgment. We do not know whether they shared the views 
of the consultors in every detail. At any rate on this occasion 
the Inquisition did not issue a dogmatic decree concerning 
the system of the universe. " Though for the time being 
they wanted to be lenient towards the person of Galileo," 
Cardinal Bellarmine was nevertheless commissioned to 
induce him to give up the Copernican theory. To this end 
the Cardinal invited Galileo to his house where he at first 
tried to apply gentle persuasion. This proved unsuccessful. 
Thereupon Seghizzi of Lodi, a commissary of the Inquisition 
who was present at the interview, communicated to him, 
in presence of the Cardinal and several other witnesses, a 
formal injunction not to hold, teach or defend in future, in 
any way whatsoever, the doctrine of the fixity of the sun 
and the motion of the earth ; if he were to act otherwise, 
the Holy Office would proceed against him. 2 

1 MULLER, 155. 

2 MULLER, 156. Wohlwili tried to prove that the document 
with this prohibition, which was the basis of the second Galileo 
trial of 1632, was spurious. Cf. on this, GRISAR, 40 seqq. ; ibid., 48 
on this point, that the absence of signature proves nothing. 
H. LUDENDORFF, also, who considers the second volume of Wohl 
wili (Leipzig, 1926) in the Deutschen Lit.-Zeitung, 1926, No. 25, 
is not convinced of its spuriousness. 



ACTION OF THE INQUISITION. 

Other decisions only dealt with the prohibition of certain 
books, and this the Inquisition left to the Congregation of the 
Index. The decree of the Index of March 5th, 1616, states 
that the Congregation had received information concerning 
" the Pythagorean doctrine, which is erroneous and wholly 
at variance with Holy Writ, of the motion of the earth and 
the fixity of the sun ". " Lest a doctrine of this kind should 
spread further, to the injury of Catholic truth " three books 
were now prohibited ; viz. the book of Copernicus and the 
commentary on Job by Stunica, 1 but only temporarily, that 
is, until they should have undergone certain emendations. 
On the other hand the book of Foscarini was unconditionally 
prohibited. Moreover the prohibition effected all such books 
as were written in defence of the Copernican system. Sub 
sequent editions of the Index of forbidden .books, from 1624 
to 1757, contain a general prohibition of all books of this 
kind. 2 None of Galileo s writings were expressly prohibited, 
neither his dissertation on the sunspots, nor his letter to 
Castelli. 

As late as 1605, Kepler expressed his admiration for the 
wisdom of the T^oman Church which, he wrote, condemned 
the superstition of astrology but allowed a free discussion 
of the view of Copernicus. 3 As a matter of fact theological 
misgivings in regard to the new system of ;the universe were 
first publicly expressed in the Protestant camp. Luther 
began it in his Table Talk 4 ; in 1541, Osiander followed 
him in his preface to the first printed edition of Copernicus 
book ; in 1549, Melanchton took the field with the Scripture 
texts which could not be harmonized with the new teaching, 
and Tycho Brahe followed them in 1578. On the Catholic 
side the motion of the earth round its axis had been defended 
in Paris as early as the middle of the fourteenth century. 

1 Stunica s book appeared in 1584, and has not since been 
placed on the Index. 

2 REUSCH, Index, II., 395- 

3 MULLER, 168. 

June 4, 1539 ; see GRISAR, Luther, III., 533. 



298 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In that century, Nicholas Oresme pointed out that in the 
texts which seemed to bar the way to the new theory, Holy 
Scripture spoke as ordinary people do. Nicholas of Cusa 
also allows the earth to revolve round its own axis and the 
Protonotary Apostolic, Calcagnini, taught even before 
Copernicus that the sun stood still whereas the earth moved. 
Christopher Clavius l was the first Catholic scholar who, in 
1581, urged against Copernicus certain texts of Holy Scripture, 
though he did so with moderation. The future Cardinal 
Pazmany, when still a lecturer at Graz, taught that no 
conclusion unfavourable to Copernicus could be deduced 
from the well known texts of Holy Scripture. 2 It was the 
decree of 1616 that changed the face of things. To quote 
Kepler once more, owing to the ill-advised importunity of 
some persons, who propounded the teachings of astronomy 
in the wrong places and in the wrong way, things came to 
such a pass that the reading of Copernicus books, which 
for eighty years had been freely allowed to anyone, was now 

1 PIERRE DUHEM in the Gott. Gel. Am., 1911, 7, " il semble 
bien," says Duhem (ibid., 4), "... que les congregations romaines 
aient ete fort lentes a s emouvoir des hypotheses copernicaines ; 
il ne parait pas que la moindre menace fut venue, au cours du 
XVI e siecle, gener, a cet egard, la liberte de pensee des savants 
catholiques. L hesitation de ces derniers a admettre le mouve- 
ment de la terre, hesitation que n eprouvaient pas moins vivement 
la plupart des protestants, trouve une explication suffisante 
dans la crainte de miner la Physique d Aristote avant d avoir rien 
trouve qui en put tenirlieu." Ibid., 8, Duhem thinks : " II nous 
parait done certain que la lutte menee au nom de la Bible centre 
1 Astronomie copernicaine fut inauguree non pas par 1 figlise 
catholique, mais par 1 figlise lutherienne." For Oresme cf. DUHEM, 
in Rev. gen. des sciences pures et applique es of November 15, 1909. 

2 In MULLER, Kopernikus, 106. By the statutes of the Univer 
sity of Salamanca the books of Ptolemy, Geber or Copernicus 
were prescribed in 1561, but in 1594 Copernicus and the Pruthenic 
tables only : " En el secundo cuadrienio lease a Nicolao 
Copernico y las tablas Pluternicas en la forma dada." (GETINO, 
O. P., Historia de un convento, Vegara, 1904 ; cf. Theol. u. 
Glaube, III., (1911), 311 seq.} 



PROHIBITION OF COPERNICUS BOOKS. 

forbidden until they should have been revised. 1 The blame 
for this must be laid at Galileo s door. His persistence 
forced the Roman Congregations to issue a decision in a 
matter which was not as yet ripe for a definition, and his 
indiscreet and excessive ardour is responsible, in the first 
instance, for the regrettable consequences. 

For the time being these consequences did not affect him 
personally to any great extent. His prestige, even in 
ecclesiastical circles, suffered no eclipse and nothing had 
happened to him as far as the great public was concerned. 
Paul V. personally comforted the disappointed savant. For 
the space of nearly an hour the two men walked up and down 
together and all the time the Pope kept assuring the famous 
scientist that both he himself and the Congregation thought 
so highly of him that they would not readily lend an ear to 
calumny. Whilst he himself was alive, the Pope declared, 
Galileo could rest assured on that score. 2 However, when 
unfavourable reports begun to be bruited about, Cardinal 
Bellarmine gave Galileo an attestation 3 to the effect that he 
had not been compelled to recant or to undergo any kind of 
penance, whatever. He was not forbidden to continue his 
researches, even in the sphere of astronomy. If an end was 
put to his irruptions into the theological arena, the measure 
was in reality a blessing for Galileo. 

It is a matter for deep regret that the book of Copernicus 
should have been the object of a prohibition. There was, 
however, no question of destroying the work. The report 
of the Congregation of the Index on the revision of the book 
opens with the statement that it was absolutely necessary 
to guard and preserve the work for the benefit of the whole 
Christian commonwealth, 4 all the more so as in the correction 

1 In MULLER, Galilei, 54. 

2 Ibid., 159. Galileo to Picchena, March 12, 1616, in FAVARO, 
XII., 248 ; WOHLWILL, 632 seq. 

3 May 26, 1616, in MULLER, Galilei, 160 ; FAVARO, XIX, 384. 

4 " Praedictos libros Copernici omnino pro utilitate Reipub- 
licae christianae conservandos et sustinendos esse " (in HILGERS, 
Der Index der verbotenen Bucher, Freiburg, 1894, 541). 



300 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of the Calendar under Gregory XIII., use had been made of 
the so-called Pruthenic Tables, the reckoning of which was 
based on the Copernican system. 1 The corrections to which 
the work of the astronomer of Thorn was to be subjected 
did not effect the scientific contents of the book ; only those 
passages were to be struck out, or toned down, in which the 
new system was put forward as an established fact. 2 Hence 
even persons who had no authorization to read forbidden 
books need only take pen and ink and alter these particular 
passages, when Copernicus work would be no longer a pro 
hibited book for them. Small importance attaches, therefore, 
to the fact that only since 1835, when a new edition of the 
Index was published, the name of Copernicus no longer 
figures in that list, since his system had long ago prevailed 
even in Catholic schools. 3 

Far more momentous than the measures thus taken against 
Galileo and the work of Copernicus was the general prohibition 
of all writings in support of the new system of the universe. 
This prohibition remained in the volume of the Index until 
1758. It may be that in Catholic countries it damped ardour 
for the study of astronomy 4 ; however, in France the Gallicans, 
on the plea of the alleged liberties of the French Church, 
refused to consider the decrees of the Index and the Inquisition 
as binding, and if no second Galileo, or a Newton, or a Bradley 
arose in Italy, the blame cannot fairly be ascribed to the 
decree against Copernicus. 

It must be added that even devout Catholics considered 
these decrees of the Index and the Inquisition as ordinances 
that must be obeyed, but not as infallible papal decrees. 
In any case it was always open to astronomers to look for 
proofs in support of the Copernican system. The decree of 
the Inquisition against Copernicus at once led the Accademia 

1 GERLAND, 261. 

2 Index of corrections in MULLER, Kopernikus, 133 seq, 

3 MULLER, 145. 

4 For the Spanish Netherlands, cf. on this G. MONCHAMP, 
Galilee et la Belgique. Essai historique sur les vicissitudes du 
sy steme de Copernic en Belgique, St.-Trond, 1892. 



RESULTS OF THE DECREE. 30! 

dei Lincei to lay down fresh disciplinary measures. One of 
its members, the mathematician Luca Valeric, whom Galileo 
had styled the Archimedes of his time, had publicly asserted 
that Galileo taught the motion of the earth precisely because 
he belonged to the Accademia dei Lincei and that he 
maintained it not as a hypothesis, but as a fact. In con 
sequence of the sentence against Copernicus the academy was 
afraid of becoming involved in Galileo s fate. Accordingly on 
March 24th, Luca Valerio was formally reprimanded and 
deprived of his seat and vote. Nevertheless his name was 
not struck off the register of the Academy, " though he had 
merited this punishment and even a severer one." l 

1 *Essendo egli per altro ascritto all Accademia dei Lincei, ed 
in amicizia strettissima unito col principe e con molti membri 
della medesima, non viddero senza molto inquietudine quegli 
Accademici le persecuzioni a cui soggiaceva il Galilei, e temendo 
di essere involti essi pure nelle sue disgrazie, le piii forti diligenze 
adoperarono, per allontanare da se lo stesso pericolo. Perci6 
nell adunanza tenuta il dl 24 di marzo, alia presenza del principe, 
del Galilei, dello Stelluti, d Angelo de Filiis, e di Giovanni Fabri, 
fu condannato Luca Valerio, ed i termini del decreto contro di 
lui emanate, furono appresso a poco i seguenti. " Che non si 
cancellava il suo nome dal catalogo dei Lincei, nel quale si era 
egli di propria mano sottoscritto, sebbene avesse questo e molto 
di phi meritato, ma che bensl venia egli private della voce attiva 
et passiva, e della facolta di sedere nell Accademia. E ci6 per 
tre ragioni : Primo, perch& si era egli, senza alcun motivo, assen- 
tato dall Accademia. Secondo, perch& avea egli detto pubblica- 
mente che il Galilei sosteneva 1 opinione del moto della terra, 
appunto perchfc era Linceo, come se quella fosse 1 opinione 
generate dell Accademia. Terzo, perchfc essendosi egli sempre 
mostrato amico del Galilei, lo avea incolpato di sostenere 1 opinione 
che la terra si muova, non come una semplice ipotesi, ma come 
una vera tesi." Dal qual decreto rilevasi la condotta, per verita, 
molto imprudente del Valerio, ed il timore grande che aveano 
i Lincei di essere inviluppati nelle traversie del Galilei, quante 
volte dai piu si credesse, che i Lincei, per loro istituto, seguissero 
1 opinione del Copernico. B. Odescalchi, Memorie istorico- 
critiche dell Accademia de Lincei, Roma, 1806, 129. 



302 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Congregation of the Index was the only one of all the 
congregations to preserve its individual importance. 1 During 
the pontificate of Paul V. it had to deal, not with Galileo 
alone, but also with two other Italian savants, though in the 
latter instance its proceedings were amply justified. Ccesar 
Cremonini, born at Cento, in 1550, is known as the last 
exponent of averroistic Aristoteleanism. He taught philosophy 
first at Ferrara and after 1591, at Padua. 2 As early as 1611, 
the Roman Inquisition had to busy itself with his exposition 
of Aristotle. The opinions which he expressed in a book 
published at Venice in 1613, under the title of De Coelo, 
brought Cremonini in conflict with the local Inquisition of 
Padua, and eventually with the Roman Inquisition. When, 
in 1614, that tribunal started proceedings against Cremonini, 
the Venetian envoy in Rome lodged a protest. 3 As for 
Cremonini himself, he gave an undertaking to take into 
account, in a new book, the criticisms passed on the work 
De Coelo by the authorities in Rome. Thus the matter was 

1 Of the Congregations, says B. Ceci, in his *Relatione di Roma 
nel principle del pontificate di Paolo V. only that of the Inquisition 
was held " in quel decor o di prima ", while the other Congregations 
waned in importance since the time of Clement VIII., as the 
Pope decided everything (Urb., 837, p. 440). Ceci names, as 
being members of the Holy Office : Pinelli, Bernerio, Sfondrato, 
Aldobrandini, Arigoni (cf. *Avviso, May 21, 1605), Bellarmine, 
Bufalo, Avila, Taverna, Givry, and Marzato. The Congregation 
of the Index was composed of the following Cardinals, according 
to Ceci : Valier, Borromeo, Colonna, Bernerio, Sfondrato, Arigoni, 
Camerino, Avila, Baronius, Olivier, and Pamfili (Vatican Library) . 
Cf. Synopsis, 250 seq., 276, 281 seq.. As to Millini s zeal as a 
member of the Inquisition, see MEMMOLI, Vita, 33. For the 
Index during the time of Paul V. cf. REUSCH, I., passim, and 
also Bellarmine s Autobiography, 244 seq., also HILGERS, 549, 
and BAUMGARTEN, Neue Kundj, 233 seq. 

* UBERWEG-HEINZE, Grundriss der Gesch. der Philosophic, 
III 6 ., 18. Cf. CANTU, III., 146 seq. ; BERTI, Di Cesare Cremonini 
e della sua controversia con I Inquisizione di Padova e di Roma, 
Rome, 1878. 

3 See CECCHETTI, II., 259. 



WRITINGS OF CREMONINI AND DE DOMINIS. 303 

apparently settled. However, when the new book came out 
in 1616, it was seen that not only had Cremonini not kept his 
promise, but that he had formulated fresh and equally 
dangerous theses. Discussions led to no result, hence on 
January 18th, 1622, the Congregation of the Index prohibited 
the book De Coelo until such time as the author had revised it. 
The decree added that if this was not done within a year, 
the book was to be considered as forbidden without further 
formality. 1 Though Cremonini may have thought that his 
teaching was not at variance with that of the Church, there 
can be no doubt that it denied some of the fundamental 
dogmas of the Catholic faith. 2 

Incomparably greater anxiety than that caused to the Holy 
See by the philosopher of Padua, was occasioned by 
Marcantonio de Dominis, archbishop of Spalato. 3 Pride and 
vanity were the curse of the life of this gifted and learned 
man. Even the archiepiscopal see of Spalato, to which was 
joined the dignity of primate of Dalmatia, failed to satisfy the 
unquiet man. Men who are the slaves of vanity and who lack 
strength of character, are only too prone to take a line of 
conduct totally at variance with the principles they may have 
previously held, if they see a chance that in so doing they 
may realize the fondest desire of their hearts, namely to 
acquire world- wide fame. This was all the more easily 
verified in de Dominis as he was devoid of strong and 

1 See BERTI, loc. cit. ; REUSCH, II., 408 seq. 

2 See GRUBE in Freib. Kirchenlex. III., 1185. Cf. RITTER, 
Gesch. der Philosophic, IX., 726 seq. 

3 Cf. for the following, Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. 32 ; VEITH, 
E. Richeri sy sterna. Ed. nova, access, discursus de vita et scriptis 
M.A. de Dominis, Mechlin, 1825 ; ERNESTI, Das Recht der Hier- 
archie auf Zensur nebst Lebensgeschichte des M.A. de Dominis, 
Leipzig, 1829 ; CANTU, III., 191 seq. ; Hist.-polit. Blatter, XXIV., 
537 se< I- > REUMONT, Beitrdge, VI., 315 seq. ; LJUBIC, O Marcan 
tonio Dominici, 2 vols., Zagreb, 1870 ; RULE, II., 248 seq. ; 
NEWLAND, Life of M.A. de Dominis, Oxford, 1877 ; REUSCH, 
II., 401 seq. ; HERZOGS, Realenzyklop., IV. $ , 781 seq. ; Annuaire 
de I Universit^ de Louvain, 1908, 291 seq. 



304 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

definite religious convictions. In 1612, the Venetian, envoy, 
Gessi, in a personal interview, sought to restrain him from 
publishing a treatise against papal authority. 1 His efforts 
were in vain. In 1614 de Dominis became involved in a 
controversy with the Bishop of Trau which ended in his 
passing a sentence of suspension on the latter. De Dominis 
had hoped for the support of the Holy See in this quarrel. 
Rome, however, refused to take his side. In his disappoint 
ment the passionate man announced his intention to resign 
his archbishopric. On Gessi s advice, the Holy See agreed, 
with the proviso that de Dominis should come to Rome to 
tender his resignation in person. The archbishop s refusal to 
comply with this demand was obviously inspired by fear of 
the Inquisition. Whilst the affair was still pending he decided 
on an open rupture with the Church. Under date of 
September 20th he caused to be printed at Venice a violent 
manifesto in which he enumerated the grounds for his apostasy. 
He then made his escape into the Grisons. 2 At Chur he told 
two Venetian agents that he intended to go to England, for 
after the publication of his manifesto he had cause to fear 
for his personal safety. For all that he meant to remain a 
practising Catholic. How de Dominis understood this was 
soon to be seen. When he reached London he met with a 
hearty reception from James I. He made a public profession 
of anglicanism at St. Paul s, 3 whereupon the king bestowed 
several fat prebends on him. 4 As is the usual practice of 
apostates, the wretched man now made the most virulent 
attacks upon the Church, the mother he had forsaken. In 

1 Cf. CICOGNA, Iscrizioni Venez., V., 608 seq. 

2 The Spaniards sought to exploit his flight to their advantage 
as against Venice ; see *Letter of Philipp III. to Cardinal Borgia, 
dat. Madrid, December 29, 1616 : "En buen ocasion deys a 
entender a Su S d el poco respecto con que proceden en aquella 
republica." Archives of the Spanish Embassy, Rome, I., 32. 

3 A number of English noblemen were present, of whom many 
did not understand a word of Italian ; see REUMONT, loc. cit., 

3*9. 

4 See BENTIVOGLIO, Nunziat. di Francia, I., No. 62, 215. 



CONDEMNATION OF THESE WORKS. 305 

1617 he published, in London, the first part of a book on the 
Constitution of the Church, in which he denies the Pope s 
primacy. An anonymous publication of de Dominis, which 
appeared simultaneously with this book, testifies to a similar 
mentality. These writings were followed, in 1619, by the 
publication of Sarpi s History of the Council of Trent, together 
with a dedication to James I., in which the most outrageous 
charges are made against the Catholic Church. 1 All these 
writings fell under the ban of the Index, 2 and the papal 
nuncios were instructed to prevent their diffusion. 3 

Only a very small number of executions for heresy occurred 
under Paul "V. and in almost every instance the people con 
cerned were either obstinate recidivists 4 or persons guilty of 
sacrilege, especially sacrilege against the most holy Sacrament 
of the altar. 5 As regards the death sentence, it should be 

1 Cf. above, p. 211 seq. 

2 See REUSCH, II., 402 seq. Cf. BAUMGARTEN, Neue Kunde, 235. 

3 See CAUCHIE, Instructions, 70 ; BENTIVOGLIO, loc. cit., No. 32, 
363, 364, 680. Cf. ibid., No. 2144, 2166, the evidence how greatly 
Rome feared that de Dominis might go to France and spread 
his ideas there. A literary opponent appeared in the person of 
the Capuchin, ZACH. BOVERIUS : Censura paraenetica in IV. 
libros de republica ecclesiast. M. Ant. de Dominis, nuper archiep. 
Spalat., nunc vero S.R.E. apostatae et haereticii, Mediol., 1621. 

4 The burning of a relapsed renegade in April, 1609, is noted 
by REUSCH, Selbstbiographie Bellarmins, 232 seq. Cf. RODOCAN- 
ACHI, Rdforme, II., 439 seq. The *Avviso of July 30, 1611, mentions 
the burning of a relapsed Jew of Pavia. (Vatican Library.) 
The Roman Jews were repeatedly protected by edicts of Paul V. 
against oppression (see GORI, Archivio An. V., Spoleto, 1879, 
279) ; but punishment was meted out in cases of cheating (see 
*Avviso of September 24, 1605) and of usury (18 per cent ! see 
*Awiso of February 18, 1612, Vatican Library) and other 
misdemeanours (*Editto contra Hebrei et altri afferenti alle vendite 
de pegni in Piazza Giudea, of December 22, 1615, in the Editti, 
V., 10, p. 121, Papal Secret Archives). Cf., too, RODOCANACHI, 
Le St. -Siege et les Juifs, Paris, 1891, 54 seq., 190. 

5 A similar case in ORANO, Liberi pensatori brucciati in Roma, 
Roma, 1904, 94 seq. 

VOL. xxv. 



306 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

borne in mind that the secular judges often inflicted the 
extreme penalty for far less grievous offences. In the 
sixteenth century, in Lombardy, it was no rare occurrence 
for a man to suffer death simply for taking a piece of bread 
with violence or for kissing a female in public. Anyone who 
dared to speak against the government ran the risk of death. 1 
Persons who abjured their errors before the Inquisition 
escaped with a more or less lengthy term of imprisonment, 
or the galleys. 2 The majority of the cases dealt with by the 
Inquisition were crimes against morality, 3 profanations of 

1 Examples in Arch. star. Hal., III., 223, 550, 551. Cf. FUMI, 
L* Inquisixione Romana, 301. 

8 Besides BERTOLETTI, Martiri del libero pensiero e vittime della 
s. Inquisizione, Roma, 1891, 117 seq., and RODOCANACHI, Reforme, 
II., 439 seq.. cf. the *Avviso of September 30, 1617 (Sunday, 
abjuration of six carcerati, three condannati a carcere perpetuo, 
two galera di 5 aniii, one for 10 years), Vatican Library, and 
*Summarium processus Francisci Mariae Sagri Ragusin. (de 
nounced December 22, 1607, at Naples, for declaring, " episcopos 
sola electione facta a clero absque alia confirmatione habere 
auctoritatem in sua diocesi," Sagri recanted), Cod., II., 56 and 57, 
of the Borghese Library, Rome. In 1621 there were forty- three 
persons in the prisons of the Inquisition at Rome ; see Studie 
documenti, XII., 193. For Abbe Dubois, arrested in November, 
1611, on suspicion of heresy (cf. vol. xxvi, p. 55, note 4) see 
the essay of PERRENS in the Rev. hist., LXV. Cf. too SPAMPANATO, 
Docum. intorno i negozi e processi dell Inquisizione, 1603/24, 
in Giorn. crit. di filosofia Hal., V. (1924). 

3 -Cf. *Istoria di Suor Giulia di Marco (Napoletana, del Terzo 
Ord. di S. Francesco) e della falsa dottrina insegnata da lei, 
dal P. Aniello Arcieri (Napoletano. sacerdote professo della 
Congr. dei ministri degli infermi nel Convento della Maddalena 
in Roma) e da Giuseppe de Vicariis (Napoletano, dottore in 
legge), con il reassunto del processo contra di essi, e con la loro 
abiurazione seguita in Roma a 12 del mese di luglio 1615. Cod., 
X., B. 55, of the Library of the Soc. di stor. pair, at Naples. (Cf. 
Barb. 3221, Vatican Library, and Amabile, II., 23 seq.) All 
three received sentences of perpetual imprisonment ; see *Avviso 
of June 15, 1615, Vatican Library. 



LENIENCY OF THE PROSECUTION. 307 

graves, 1 and similar offences. There is no known instance 
of a prosecution for witchcraft in Rome during the reign of 
Paul V., but at Milan this form of madness had assumed 
alarming proportions. It is worth noting that the Milanese 
Inquisitors contented themselves with punishing with banish 
ment or imprisonment persons accused of witchcraft and 
refused to hand them over to the secular arm, with a view 
to their execution. 2 In consequence of this conduct the 
Governor of Lombardy, Velasco, lodged a complaint with the 
Roman authorities, but Paul V. decided against the applica 
tion of the capital sentence. 3 The Governor s complaint 
caused the Pope to send to the Inquisitors of the whole of 
Italy instructions " inspired by a sense of justice and under 
standing ". These instructions are proof of an earnest 
resolve to do all that was possible to prevent the injustices 
and cruelties committed by the judges, and to eliminate 
precisely the more grievous abuses that had crept in where 
there was question of a prosecution for witchcraft. 4 

Recent investigation of the methods of the Italian 
Inquisition has shown that, generally speaking, the current 
accusations of partiality and cruelty are unfounded. 5 As a 

1 See *Avviso of April 15, 1609, ibid. 

2 See L. FUMI, L Inquisitions Romana, 115 seq. 

3 Ibid., 118. 

4 Judgment of HINSCHIUS (VI., 423 seq.}. RIEZLER (Gesch. der 
Hexensprozesse in Bayern, Stuttgart, 1896, 268) emphasizes 
" how much earlier a reaction of reason and humanity appeared 
in Rome than in the Catholic and Protestant territories of 
Germany ". This opinion gains force from the fact that the 
Instruction was not dated 1657, as this scholar thought, but 
was disseminated in MSS. twenty years earlier among the courts 
of the Inquisition in Italy. See C ARENA, Tractatus de officio 
S. Inquisitionis, Cremonae, 1641, 246 seq.}. The date (1620) 
is ascertained from FUMI, loc. cit., 119. 

6 A. BATTI STELLA (Notizie sparse del S. Officio in Lombardia 
duranti i secoli XVI. e XVII., in Arch. stor. Lombar., 3 ser., 
XVII. (1902), 121 seq.} writes after quoting a case : Valga 
quest esempio a persuaderci quanto poco fondamento abbiano, 
in generale, i biasimi e le invettive di cui si suole involgere 1 opera 



308 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

matter of fact the inquisitorial tribunals of the various 
Italian States which, in 1613 and 1614, were put under 
obligation of giving an annual account of their activities, 1 
had to deal less and less frequently with real heretics, 2 
particularly since the failure of the attempt to establish 
Calvinism in Venice. 3 Thus, by degrees, the Inquisition 
came to assume the form of a kind of police force, whose 
object it was to deal with books contrary to the Catholic 
faith and with pamphlets libelling the Church. In this field 
also its proceedings were frequently characterized by extreme 
mildness. 4 Paul V. upheld in every way the rights of the 
Inquisition. 5 When the republic of Lucca attempted to 

del S. Officio (mi restringo di parlare della sola Italia), raffiguran- 
dola viziata, ab origine, di crudelta, di parzialita, di fanatismo 
cieco e stupido. Certo, i concetti da cui esso moveva sono molto 
diversi da quelli dei tempi in cui noi viviamo ; certo, sono da 
biasimare gli eccessi derivati dal sospetto elevato morbosamente 
a sistema regolatore del pensiero e dell azione ; ma io non esito 
a dire che raramente allora si sarebbe potuto trovare nei tribunal! 
laici un maggior zelo di giustizia, una maggiore onesta di con- 
vinzioni, una piii scrupulosa diligenza di procedimento. 

1 See BATTISTELLA, 5. Officio, Bologna, 1905, 65. 

2 It was chiefly a matter of strangers. Thus, on November 4, 
1618, a German from the diocese of Miinster was executed at 
Bologna, see (M. GUALANDI), Un Auto-da- ft in Bologna. Docum. 
orig. Bologna, 1860. Cf. RULE, II., 223 seq. and BATTISTELLA, 
loc. cit., 107 seq. The heretics of Avignon were Huguenots, on 
whose behalf Paul V. sent a special courier, according to the 
*report of RECORDATI of October 27, 1612 (Gonzaga Archives, 
Mantua). 

3 Cf. above, p. 196 seq. 

4 Thus, a Fra Evangelista da Bologna of the Order of the 
Observants, who had written sonnets hostile to the Church, 
was only condemned by the Inquisitor to fasting on bread and 
water and to the saying of prayers on certain festivals ; see 
Riv. stor., 1900, 490. 

6 See the Revocatio facult. superioribus quorumcunque or din. 
regul. concessar. cognoscendi causas suor. subditor. ad officium s. 
Inquisit. pertinentes, of September i, 1606, in Bull., XI., 346 seq. 



PAPAL SUPPORT OF THE INQUISITION. 309 

establish an Inquisition of its own, he condemned the action, 
in 1606, as an intolerable usurpation and declared null and 
void the ordinances emanated from Lucca in respect to 
forbidden books and the repression of heresy. 1 In spite of 
opposition on the part of Florence, he insisted, in 1608, on 
the arrest of a man as distinguished as was Alidosi, even 
though he had been selected for the post of envoy to the 
emperor, because he was under accusation of holding heretical 
opinions. In the end an agreement was come to according 
to the terms of which the affair was to be settled by a Roman 
commissary and a Florentine Inquisitor. 2 Elsewhere also 
similar conflicts were occasioned when inquisitorial causes 
were called to Rome. 

Ecclesiastical affairs of another kind led to far more serious 
conflicts between the spiritual and the secular power. Like 
Clement VIII., Paul V. showed himself a rigid guardian of the 
rights of the Church. 3 In this matter his knowledge of the 
law stood him in good stead ; it enabled him, among other 
things, to take into account the just complaints of the secular 
power, especially in regard to the right of sanctuary of churches 
and monasteries, without in any way tampering with 
principles. 4 It was, however, imperative that the Pope should 

For the Bull of 1615 (ibid., XII., 309) cf. HINSCHIUS, V., 682. 
A * Brief of Paul V. with indulgences for the Crucesignati Inquisi- 
tionis, of July 29, 1611, is in Editti, V., 31, p. 73, Papal Secret 
Archives. Decrees of the Inquisition of the time of Paul V. are 
in Analecta iuris pontif., XXVI. (1886), 676 seq. A *Synopsis 
decret. s. Congreg. Inquisit. Romanae, beginning with the year 
1617, is in Cod., 980, of the University Library, Bologna. 

1 See Bull, XL, 369 seq., 376 seq. Cf. REUSCH, I., 194. 

2 See the *Relazione di Fr. Morosini of December 5, 1608, 
in A. SEGARIZZI, Relaz. degli ambasc. Veneti, III., 2, 141 seq. 

3 See *" Relacion general de algunas cosas-que el arzobispo 
de Burgos llevo a Espaiia al govierno de Roma y otros particulares 
de que conviene estar advertido Marques de Aitona " (1606) 
in Archives of the Spanish Embassy. Rome, III., 9. 

4 Cf. REUMONT, Carafa, II., 295 and REUMONT, Toskana, I., 
514 seq. 



310 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

resist the universal and ever growing tendency of the State 
to encroach on the sphere of the Church. 

Paul V. became engaged on numerous ecclesiastico- 
political conflicts with Charles Emmanuel I., duke of Savoy, 
who showed as little regard for the rights of the Church, 
as if , according to the mot of the Venetian envoy, Vincenzo 
Gussoni, in 1613, he were lord of the whole world ! l 
The growth of Spanish caesaro-papalism occasioned the Pope 
even graver anxiety. True, Madrid complacently fancied 
that it could obtain from Rome anything it really wished 
for by just keeping up the good relations that had obtained 
between Spain and the Pope when the latter was only a 
Cardinal and by acting on the Pope s nephews and the 
Cardinals by means of pensions. Outwardly, the Spaniards 
made a great show of regard for the Pope. Again and again 
he was assured of their determination to defend both him and 
the interests of the Church. 2 For all that, they would not 
renounce any one of their csesaro-papistic pretensions. 3 This 

1 See BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, L, 534. The advance of 
Protestantism was the object of the journey which Christoph 
von Dohna made with the eldest son of Christian of Anhalt 
in the late summer of 1617 to the Duke Carlo Emanuele of 
Savoy; cf. REGEL, Christians II. von Anhalt Gesandtschaftsreise 
nach Savoy en (Progr.), Bernburg, 1892. 

2 The banishment of all Moriscos, following on a command of 
Philip III., 1609-1611, was based on their alliance with Mohamme 
dan princes ; see RANKE, Osmanen, 113 ; PHILIPPSON, Heinrich IV. 
und Philipp III., Vol. II., 121 seq. ; PFANDL, Spanische Kultur, 
12 seq., 264 ; BORONAT Y BARRACHINA, Los moriscos espanoles 
y su expulsion, 2 vols., Valencia, 1901. Paul V. had taken trouble 
to promote the conversion of the Moriscos by pastoral care and 
teaching. See Bull., XI., 284 seq., 336 seq. For Protestant propa 
ganda in Spain at the time of Paul V., see Zeitschr. f. Kirchen- 
gesch., XVIII., 373 seq. 

3 See the accounts of Fr. Priuli (1608), Girol Soranzo (1611) 
and P. Contarini (1621) in BAROZZI-BERCHET, Spagna, I., 358 seq., 
471, 585. Cf., too, A. PELLEGRINI, Relaz. ined. di ambasc. Lucchesi 
alia corte di Madrid, Lucca, 1903, 26, 36 seq. For Paul V. s 
relations with Spain as a Cardinal, see our account, yol. XXIII. 
197, 271 seq. 



SPIRITUAL AND SECULAR POWERS CONFLICTS. 3!! 

became perfectly clear in the decrees of Philip III. of May 3rd, 
1605, and December 10th, 1607, by which the nuncio of 
Madrid was excluded from the discussions in connection with 
American affairs. 1 If, in this instance, Paul V. yielded to the 
inevitable, 2 he did not fail to offer resistance on other points. 
In November, 1605, he expressed his profound displeasure at 
the outrageous violation of Canon Law practised in Spain by 
means of the so-called Recurso de fuerza (Appel comme 
d abus). 3 In June of the same year the Pope had found 
himself compelled to excommunicate a Spanish official at 
Naples. 4 

In the kingdom of Naples and Sicily, where a discontented 
population must be kept under at all costs, Spanish caesaro- 
papalism showed itself at its worst. It culminated in the 
pretensions contained in the privileges of the so-called 
Monarchia Sicula which Paul V. also had refused to recognize. 8 
It was to be feared that a similar situation would arise in 

1 See SOL6RZANO, Politico, Indiana (1647 ed.), 722 seq. ; 
LETURIA, Der Heilige Stuhl u. das Patronat in Amerika, in Hist. 
Jahrbuch, XLVL, 30. 

- Cf. LETURIA, loc. cit., 52. 

3 See the *report of Franc. Maria Vialardo, November 19, 
1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Cf., too, the account of the 
Venetian obbedienza ambassadors, in BAROZZI-BERCHET, Italia, 
I, 67. 

4 See COUZARD, Une ambassade, 392. Cf. Studi e docum., VIII., 
20. In the "instructions for the Spanish ambassador, the Marquis 
of Aytona, drawn up at the beginning of the reign of Paul V., 
the regular payment of the Cardinals pensions is sharply empha 
sized. It is noted, too, that there must always be troops at the 
Paliano fortress so that, if necessary, the ambassador may bring 
military pressure to bear on the Pope. " El Duque de Sermoneta 
tiene en el mismo lugar una fuerza de importancia que es tambien 
cerca di Roma." He may also count on this fortress "a las 
puertas de la ciudad (Roma) ". Cod., III., 9, Archives of the 
Embassy, Rome. 

6 See GIROL. SORANZO in BAROZZI-BERCHET, Spagna, I., 452. 
Cf., too, G. OLIVA, Le contese giurisdiz. d. chiesa Liparitana, in 
Arch. stor. Messinese, V., and VI. (1904-5). 



312 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Naples itself inasmuch as the nobility, the freemen and the 
clergy supported the government s attempt to curtail the 
rights of the Holy See ; indeed, things came to such a pass 
that the one remaining privilege of the Pope was to be pre 
sented with a white palfrey on St. Peter s day. L All this 
made the position of the nuncios at Naples an exceedingly 
thorny one. 2 They had to complain of endless interference 
with ecclesiastical jurisdiction on the part of the authorities. 3 
Paul V. left nothing undone in the hope of bringing about an 
improvement. Towards Philip III. he showed himself liberal 
with all manner of favours. 4 It was all in vain. Politico- 

1 Cf. RANKE, Osmanen*, 233 seq. 

2 Giacomo Aldobrandini, who had been nuncio since 1592, 
begged Paul V. for his recall (see Carte Strozz., I., 2, 355 seq.} ; 
in his place Guglielmo Bastoni was sent in 1606, Valeriano Muti, 
1609, Adeotato Gentile, 1611, and after the latter s sudden 
death in the same year, Paolo Emilio Filonardo. See NIC. CAPECE 
GALEOTA, Cenni storici del Nunzii Apost. di Napoli, Napoli, 1877, 
46 seq. 

3 See Arch. star, ital., IX., 451 seq. Cf. RANKE, loc. cit. ; 
GALEOTA, 4 8 , 49. There was no lack of secular quarrels as well ; 
cf. the * Brief of 1609 to the Neapolitan Viceroy, " de nonnullis 
in praeiuditium eccl. ditionis patratis a regiis ministris in finibus 
Beneventi." Epist., IV., 463, Papal Secret Archives. 

4 The Cruzada, the Subsidio di 420,000 Scudi and the Excusado, 
were granted by Paul V. for six years each, on June 22, 1605, 
September 7, 1611, November 12, 1614, and October 21, 1619 ; 
see *" Indice de las concessiones que han hecho los Papas de la 
Cruzada, Subsidio y Escusado ", Archives of the Spanish Embassy, 
Rome, I., 9. Cf. PEREZ DE LARA, Compendia de las ire gracias 
de la s. cruzada, subsidio y escusado, que Su Sant. concede a la 
S. Cat. R.M. del Rey Don Felipe III., 2 vols., Madrid, 1610. 
Other favours are recorded in Bull., XI., 224 seq., 439 seq., 
531 seq., 574 seq., 590 seq., XII., 280 seq. Ibid., XI., 568 seq., 
on April 7, 1609, the confirmation of the right of nomination 
of Neapolitan dioceses granted by Clement VII. to the Emperor 
Charles V. (see our account, Vol. IX, 437). On July 17, 1618, 
*Philippus princeps Hispaniae and Isabella principessa Hispaniae 
received honours ; the Prince received ensis and pileus, the 
Princess, the Golden Rose. Epist., XV., Papal Secret Archives. 



THE ACTION OF SPAIN. 313 

ecclesiastical conditions in Naples grew worse rather than 
better. 1 In Spain itself the customary policy in regard to 
the Church was tenaciously pursued. An edict of Philip III., 
of October 3rd, 1610, and published on December 17th in 
Sicily, and in February, 1611, in Portugal and at Naples, 
was nothing less than a challenge to the Pope. The decree 
forbade the sale of the eleventh volume of the Annals of 
Cardinal Baronius, which contains an examination of the 
Monarchia Sicula, under penalty of a fine of 500 florins ; in 
case of a second offence, nobles were threatened with five 
years banishment and the rest with the galleys. 2 Paul V. 
vainly sought, through Philip III. s confessor, the nuncio 
in Madrid and Cardinal Sandoval of Toledo, to procure the 
repeal of the decree. 3 The post of nuncio to Spain was at 
that time held by Decio Carafa, archbishop of Damascus, 
who in May, 1607, had succeeded Giangarzia Millini when the 
latter was raised to the cardinalate. 4 When Antonio Caetani, 



1 Cf. the account of Borghese to the Nuncio at Naples, 
January 22 and November 28, 1614, and March 12, 1616, in 
LAMMER, Melet., 327, 332 seq., 338. 

2 See REUSCH, Index, II., 380. For the veto of the eleventh 
vol. in 1605, cf. above, p. 9 seq. 

3 Besides the letter of Paul V. to Philip III. s confessor, 
in LAMMER, Melet., 300 seq., cf. too the Brief to Cardinal 
Bernard Sandoval, archbishop of Toledo, of March 29, 1611. 
" Exponet tibi Decius archiepiscopus, nuntius ; ex ipsius rei 
gravitate facile tibi perspectum, quantopere negotium hoc 
nobis cordi . . . dignitati S. Rom. ecclesiae, de qua agitur, satis- 
facies," (Epist., VI., 340, Papal Secret Archives). In a *Brief 
to Philip III. s confessor, of July 12, 1611, Paul V. begged " ut 
sibi cordi sit, quid ad XI. Annalium tomum pertinere significabit 
ei nuncius apostolicus " (Epist., VIII., 348, ibid.). 

The * Brief of the nomination of Millini is in the Epist., I., 
413, Papal Secret Archives. His ""reports are in Nunziat. di 
Spagna, 333, ibid. Cf. *Torbidi insorti in Spagna con Mgr. nuntio 
Millini, in Cod. Bolognetti, 165, ibid. The *Brief to Philip III. 
with regard to the sending of Decio Carafa, is in Epist., II., 
490, ibid. 



314 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

archbishop of Capua, was sent to Madrid as nuncio, in 161 1, 1 
he also took up the affair but with similar ill-success. 2 

In Milan conflicts between Church and State arose as early 
as 1605. 3 In 1615 and 1617, certain agreements were come 
to between the spiritual and the secular power which eased 
the situation at least for a time. 4 

In 1607, Paul V. praised the archbishop of Compostella 
for his zeal in the defence of the Church s rights. 5 In this 
respect conditions were particularly bad in the kingdom of 
Portugal, which was at that time subject to Spain. There 
the violation of the Church s immunity by the secular 
authorities was the order of the day. The Pope was 
grievously hurt by ari edict of August, 1610, which made the 
acquisition of monastic or ecclesiastical property dependent 
on the assent of the royal authorities. The decree stipulated, 
moreover, that persons who had acquired such property were 
to alienate it once more within a year and a month, under 
pain of confiscation. The nuncio at Madrid made energetic 
remonstrances and he ended by securing at least a temporary 
suspension of the ordinance. Ottavio Accoramboni, bishop of 
Fossombrone, who went to Portugal in 1614, in the capacity 
of a Collector, was instructed to press for a complete repeal 
of the decree, 6 and to oppose all further attempts on the 

1 Caetani s nomination is announced in an * Avviso of August 27, 
1611, Vatican Library. The Brief accrediting him was not sent 
until October 27, 1611. In July, 1618, Franc. Cennini, Bishop 
of Amelia, was sent instead of Caetani. 

2 Cf. the letter of Borghese of April 25, 1612, in LAMMER, 
Melet., 316 seq. 3 Cf. Bull, XI., 226 seq. 

* See GALANTE, Diritto di placitazione, 81 seq., and Bull., XII., 
407 seq. 

5 *Brief of May i, 1607, in Epist., II., 436, Papal Secret 
Archives. 

8 Cf. *Instruttione a Mons. Accoramboni, vescovo di Fossombrone, 
destinato collettore nel regno di Portogallo della S ta di N.S. e 
Paolo V., June i, 1614, in Cod., 33 B., 15, p. 120 seq., of the 
Corsini Library, Rome, and in Cod., X., IV., 38, p. 13 seq., of 
the Casanatense Library, Rome. A passage thereof is in LAMMER , 
Melet., 338 seq, 



PORTUGAL UNDER AN INTERDICT. 315 

part of the authorities to meddle with the affairs of the 
Church. In the summer of 1614, the archbishop of Lisbon 
lodged a strong complaint with Philip III. against the 
excesses committed by his officials in Portugal, who cast 
priests into prison as if they were competent to judge the 
clergy. 1 The position of Accoramboni became very difficult. 
On November 8th, Paul V. saw himself compelled to point 
out to the king of Spain the perils that must ensue from the 
pretensions of his officials in Portugal. 2 In the following 
year, Accoramboni found himself constrained to lay Lisbon 
under an interdict in punishment of certain acts of open 
violation of ecclesiastical immunity. It was due to Philip III. s 
intervention that the dispute, in which Paul V. had taken 
Accoramboni s part, was settled the year after. 3 In this 
instance, as in many others, Philip III., for whose personal 
piety the Pope felt real esteem, 4 showed far better dispositions 
than his servants. The Pope, in consequence, repeatedly 
appealed directly to the king, as, for instance, in the spring 
of 1617, on the occasion of an act of violence by the Spanish 
governor of Sardinia against the Inquisition of that island. 5 
A typical instance of the mentality of the Spanish 
bureaucracy may be seen in the instruction given to Francisco 
de Castro, 6 who was expected to raise the somewhat lowered 

1 Cf. Borghese letter to the Spanish nuncio of August 14, 1614, 
in LAMMER, Zur Kirchengesch., 89. 

2 *Epist., XV., Papal Secret Archives. 

3 For the Lisbon Interdict, a matter very inadequately described 
by the Portuguese historians, see the *documents in Barb. 4613, 
and Vat. 5856 of the Vatican Library, and SCORRAILLE, Suarez, 
II., 332 seq. Cf., too, Bull., XII., 405 seq., 415 seq. For the 
relations with Portugal, which continued to be very unsatis 
factory, see the original letters of Accoramboni, from 1620-2, 
in Ottob. 3258 of the Vatican Library. 

4 Cf. the *Brief of Philip III. s confessor, October 19, 1605, 
in Epist., I., 261, Papal Secret Archives. 

5 Cf. in App. No. 5, the *Brief of March 22, 1617, Papal Secret 
Archives. 

Cf. PELLEGRINI in the publication mentioned above, p. 37 ; 

on p. 310, n. 5. 



3l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

prestige of Spain, on his appointment, in the summer of 
1609, to the Rome embassy, in succession to the Marquis 
de Aytona who is best known through the great equestrian 
painting of him by Van Dyck. 1 

To the Italians of to-day, the document declares, the words 
of Tiberius are applicable : they are born to be slaves ! As 
for his line of conduct in regard to the papal government, 
de Castro is enjoined to see to it that the Pope, as an 
ecclesiastic, does not meddle with temporal matters and that, 
as a temporal prince, he does not disturb the tranquillity of 
the Church ! 2 Here we see plainly revealed Spam s ambition 
to get the whole of Italy into her power. Is it to be wondered 
at if a member of the College of Cardinals raised the question 
whether the moment had not come to drive the Spaniards out 
of Italy ? Paul V. would not go so far ; however, he looked 
with favour on Henry IV. as the only one who knew how to 
stand up to the Spaniards, and whenever the Spanish envoy 
represented some of his own wishes as the demands of the 
whole Catholic world, the Pope would carefully examine 
whether they were justified and if he found that they were 
not, he was firm in his refusal. 3 

In view of the difficult conditions of the period, Paul V. 
was even more strongly convinced than his predecessors of 
the absolute necessity of an energetic and uniform govern 
ment of the Church. He gave effect to this conviction by 
greatly enlarging the powers of his nuncios. 4 The Pope was 

1 Fr. de Castro made his triumphal entry into Rome on June 16, 
1609 ; see *Avviso of June 6, 1609, Vatican Library. 

2 See * Instruttione a D. Francisco di Castro, amb. del Re catt. 
circa il modo come si deve governare nella cittd di Roma, Barb., 
5335. P- I01 se< J- Vatican Library. In the *Memoria de las 
personas que el Marques de Aitona propone al S. Don Francisco 
de Castro para informarse de las cosas de Roma, at the head is 
placed Franc. Pena, the Auditor and Deacon of the Rota, Archives 
of the Spanish Embassy, Rome, III., 9. 

3 Cf. CHLUMECKY, Karl von Zierotin, I., 530 seq. 

4 The nuncios were now, as FRIEDENSBURG (Das Preuss. Hist. 
Institut, Berlin, 1903) rightly points out, no longer mere diplo 
matic representatives, but as delegates, with both juridical and 



INCREASE OF NUNCIO S POWERS. 317 

determined to keep the reins of government in his own hands. 
He suffered neither his nephew Scipio Borghese, nor any of 
the Cardinals, unduly to influence either his internal or his 
external policy. 1 That this absolutism was justified is granted 
even by the Venetian envoys who were by no means favourably 
disposed towards the Pope. 2 The chief reason of this policy, 
they explain, is the dependence of the Cardinals on the 
princes by whose intervention they had been created and 
from whom they accepted pensions. 8 Moreover, those among 
the Cardinals who aspired after the tiara, allowed this 

administrative power, they were the highest authority in regard 
to the supervision of all ecclesiastical affairs. Paul V., moreover, 
no longer appointed his nuncios to local sees, for he held that 
ordinaries should remain in residence in their diocese (cf. above, 
p. 218 seq.), but made them bishops in partibus, compensant, 
says Biaudet (p. 46 seq.), la diminution du prestige, qui aurait 
pu resulter de ce fait, par un grade plus eleve de la hierarchic 
ecclesiastique. Au lieu d etre eveques italiens, les grands nonces 
seront desormais archeveques ou patriarches in partibus. This 
neutral title helped to diminish the reproach frequently directed 
against papal diplomats, namely their too exclusively Italian 
character. In time this policy was also applied to the lesser 
nunciatures in which, nowadays, the nuncios are all bishops 
in partibus. In a survey made towards the end of 1615 in 
Barb., 4592, seq., Nuntiature che si proveggono di N.S. in tempo 
di Paolo V., the nunciatures are described as follows : Praga 
per la qualitd del principe, appresso di cui il Nuntio resiede I in 
dignita la prima ; Spagna : rich incomes ; Carinthia (Graz) : 
not desirable ; then follows : Colonia, Savoia, Firenze, Venezia, 
Francia (Vatican Library). Cf. Vol. XXVI, c. i. 

1 Characteristics of the older Cardinals by B. Ceci, in ORBAAN, 
Documenti, 169, A. i. 

2 See FR. CONTARINI, Relazione, 88-9 ; MOCENIGO, Relazione, 
102. Compare RANKE, Popes, III. 6 , 104*. The contrast between 
the attitude adopted towards the Cardinals by Paul V. and that 
of Gregory XV. is emphasized by A. Possevino in his Report on 
May 28, 1621, Gonzaga Archives at Mantua. 

3 How widespread this practice had become is seen in *Relacion 
del s. colegio del a. 1606, Archives of the Spanish Embassy in 
Rome. 



3l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

ambition to hamper their conduct. Even on this ground 
alone Paul V. would have nothing to do with an electoral 
capitulation. 1 

Not only in respect to the duty of residence, but in other 
matters also, the Pope showed himself strict with the Cardinals. 
At the very beginning of his pontificate he earnestly re 
minded them that no member of the Sacred College could 
leave the Pontifical States without his permission. 2 

In 1609 he greatly curtailed the indults granted to the 
Cardinals in respect to the collation of benefices. 3 

In these circumstances it is not surprising that Paul V. 
acted with complete independence in the appointment of 
Cardinals. Sigismurid III., King of Poland, was one of those 
who experienced how little the Pope allowed himself to be 
influenced by the princes when there was question of filling 
the ranks of the Sacred College. The king had warmly pleaded 
for the bestowal of the purple on the former nuncio, Rangoni. 
Paul V. held Sigismund in high regard because of his Catholic 
sentiments, and readily complied with his wishes but, in this 
instance, he refused even though the request was made 
repeatedly and with great earnestness. The grounds for the 
Pope s action are laid down in the instructions to the nuncio 
Diotallevi. The cardinalate, so we read, is no mere honorific 
title ; on the contrary, on his admission into the Sacred College, 
the person so chosen becomes a confidential adviser of the 
Pope. In the choice of such men the Head of the Church 
must have complete freedom. 4 

In the first year of Paul V. s reign the Sacred College lost 
five of its members. 5 On September llth, 1606, the Pope 

1 See MOCENIGO, loc. cit., 89. 

2 See Ada Consist., December 12, 1605, Vatican Library. 

3 See Bull.. XI., 586 seq. 

4 See the *Instruttione per Mr Diotalevi vesc. di S. Angela, 
destinato da N.S. per suo nuntio al re di Polonia (1614), Ottob. 
2434, Vatican Library. Cf. also the later pronouncements of 
Paul V. in SIRI, III., 406. 

5 Zacchia, Blandrata, Avila, Facchinetti, and Valier ; see 
CIACONIUS, IV., 463. 



CREATION OF EIGHT CARDINALS. 319 

made his first large-scale creation of Cardinals. 1 It had been 
wholly unexpected. The ambassadors had had no previous 
intelligence of the event. 2 Of the eight new Cardinals, five 
were natives of Rome, viz. Lodovico Torres, Giangarzia 
Millini, Bonifazio Caetani, Marcello Lante and Orazio Maffei. 

Lodovico Torres had rendered distinguished service at the 
time of the revision of the new Pontificate and the new 
Martyrology. In 1588 he had been made archbishop of 
Monreale : there he fulfilled his duties admirably. He 
visited his diocese in person year by year ; he founded a 
seminary to which he bequeathed his rich library, embellished 
the magnificent Cathedral and made himself the father of the 
poor. The Cardinal, who had been a friend of Tasso, and 
to whom Baronius dedicated the eleventh volume of his 
Annals, was appointed librarian of the Roman Church in 
1607. 3 

Bonifazio Caetani had attracted attention to himself by 
the splendid way in which he discharged the functions of 
legate in the Romagna. 4 Marcello Lante, whose whole time 
was given to the pursuit of ecclesiastical interests, was a man 

1 See *Acta Consist., Vatican Library. C/CIACONIUS, IV., 401 
seq., and CARDELLA, VI., 120 seq., where further biographical 
details are found which were utilized for what follows : The 
special literature is given under the Cardinals named above. 

2 See *Avviso of September 23, 1606 ; the writer thinks that 
onlyGian Battista Borghese was initiated (Vatican Library). Cf. 
also the communication from Gravius to Archduke Maximilian 
of September n. 1606, Landesregierungsarchiv zu Innsbruck, 
Gemeine Missiven. 

3 Cf. BOGLINO, 55 seq. Torres is celebrated as a " gran letterato " 
by BENTIVOGLIO (Memorie, 115). When, in 1902, I instituted 
researches in the Dragonetti Archives at Aquila, the owner showed 
me in his palazzo three portraits of Cardinal Torres belonging 
to him, one of which represents the Cardinal receiving the red 
biretta from Paul V. Another portrait of the Cardinal is in 
the Vatican Library. 

4 Cf. our notes above, p. 62 seq. Paul V. s *reply to Cardinal 
Caetani ad grat. actionem de cardinal itia dignitate in the Epist., 
II., 196, Arm., 45, Papal Secret Archives. 



32O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of great merit. He reformed his diocese of Todi and sub 
sequently made a name for himself in Rome by restoring 
numerous churches, hospitals and monasteries. Out of 
humility and imitating in this St. Charles Borromeo, he would 
not have the memory of his achievements perpetuated by 
means oi, any of the inscriptions which were the fashion of 
the time. His liberality was proverbial. 1 

Orazio Maffei, a scion of the famous Roman family of that 
name, did not come up to the Pope s expectations. It is 
not possible for us to decide whether or no the accusations 
against his conduct are founded in fact. 2 What is certain 
is that though an apartment was assigned to him in the 
Pope s palace, as was done for Torres and Lante, 3 he eventually 
incurred the displeasure of Paul V. It was generally believed 
that he died of grief in 1609. 

The fifth among the Romans who received the purple in 
1606, Giangarzia Millini. 4 was an eminent and distinguished 
man in many respects. He had grown to maturity under the 
patronage of Cardinal Castagna who was to occupy Peter s 
chair under the name of Urban VII. His career might have 
been even more rapid had not the pontificate of his patron 
been cut short. However, Urban s successor knew how to 
appreciate so gifted a man. Gregory XIV. made him an 
auditor of the Rota, and Millini soon became the most 
important member of that tribunal. He accompanied 
Clement VIII. on his journey to Ferrara, and when the 
Pope s nephew, Pietro Aldobrandini, went to Florence to 
bless the marriage of Henry IV., Millini was in his cortege. 

1 See GIANJACOBO Rossi, Vita del Card. Lante, Rome, 1613 
(in the Bibl. Casanatense) . Cf. CARDELLA, VI., 133, GARAMPI, 
Del Valore, 329 and the *Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni Archives, 
Rome. 

2 See CARDELLA, VI., 133. 

3 See *Avviso of October 27, 1606, Vatican Library. 

4 For what follows see the statements of Decio Memmoli, who 
was Millini s secretary for over twenty years : Vita dell em. sig. 
card. Gio. Garzia Mellino Romano, Rome, 1644. Cf. also the 
*Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 



CARDINAL MILLINI. 321 

He likewise accompanied Cardinal Caetani on his legation 
to Poland. It would seem that Clement VIII. had thought 
of bestowing the purple on him, but he only received it from 
Paul V., at the time of his nunciature in Spain. He was only 
thirty-four years of age at the time. His titular church was 
that of Santi Quattro Coronati. The relics of these Saints were 
found in the course of the restoration of the church initiated 
by the Cardinal. Paul V. kept Millini in Spain for two more 
years, after which he dispatched him on an important mission 
to Germany. On his return to Rome he was appointed Vicar 
of the Pope and a member of the Inquisition as well as of the 
Congregations of Rites, of Bishops, and of the Council. He 
was also the protector of numerous religious Orders. In 
these offices the Cardinal had ever at heart the cause of the 
reform. In this respect he had made a start with himself 
when, in 1611, he spontaneously resigned his diocese of Imola, 
owing to the impossibility for him to observe canonical 
residence. The high esteem in which Millini stood with 
Paul V. 1 made him many enemies ; this did not disconcert 
him ; whenever requested to do so by the Pope he gave such 
advice as in his conscience he deemed best. By his extra 
ordinary industry, his sincere piety, the purity of his life 
and his liberality towards the poor and the sick, Millini was 
an ornament of the Sacred College for the space of thirty- 
eight years. He died in 1644. His resting place is in 
the second chapel of the left transept of Santa Maria del 
Popolo, a church he had richly decorated. An excellent and 
distinctive bust of him by Algardi adorns his tomb. 2 Of the 
three non-Roman Cardinals created in 1606, the sixty-nine 
year old Bartolomeo Ferratino was given the purple as a 
reward for loyal service rendered to nine Popes. He was a 
dignified personage who had spent his strength in self- 

1 " II Card. Millini," says the *Rdationc di Roma of 1624, 
exaggerating, " governo Papa Paolo, e Pignatelli e Campora 
governavono Borghese," Papal Secret Archives, II., 150, n. 3. 

2 Cf. Posse in Jahrb. der Preuss. Kunstsammlung, XXVI., 185. 
Here, on p. 183, there is a reproduction of the bust. The inscrip 
tion is in CIACONIUS, IV., 405. 

VOL. xxv. 

24 



322 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

sacrificing toil. 1 He died two months after his nomination. 
His name was kept alive in Rome by the Strada Ferratina, 
which owed its name to the Cardinal s beautiful palazzo. 

Orazio Spinola, a native of Genoa, had likewise held the 
most diverse posts. As Legate of Ferrara he completed the 
construction of the citadel. Later on he withdrew to his 
diocese of Genoa where, as previously at Ferrara, his great 
severity inspired fear. Like Torres and Caetani, Spinola 
was believed to be a supporter of Spain. His importance 
is sufficiently shown by the fact that as soon as he had been 
created a Cardinal he, as well as Millini, was considered 
papabile. 2 

The most gifted of all those raised to the purple in 1606 
was the French nuncio, Maffeo Barberini, who was destined 
to ascend the papal throne under the name of Urban VIII. 3 

As early as December, 1606, it was rumoured in Rome that 
a fresh creation of Cardinals was at hand. 4 In the spring of 
the following year the Spanish envoy drew attention to the 
gap caused by the death of Avila and, acting under 
Philip III. s instructions, he urged once more that the purple 
should be bestowed on the king s confessor, Jeronimo Xavier, 
General of the Dominicans. 5 

Of all the losses suffered by the Sacred College in 1607, 

1 Cf. BENTIVOGLIO, Memorie, 144. 

* See the * Relation del s. colegio of 1606, Archives of the Spanish 
Embassy in Rome. 

3 See NICOLETTI, *Vita di P. Urbano VIII., II., ch. i and 2, 
p. 351 seq., 368, Cod. Barb., 4730, Vatican Library. 

* Cf. *Avvisi, December 9 and 16, 1606, Vatican Library. 

5 The ambassador Aytona delivered a *letter from Philip III. 
to Paul V. dated S. Lorenzo, July 25, 1607, in which the king 
taking note of his correspondent s communication of May 29, 
regarding the Pope s goodwill in this matter, expressed his 
thanks. In a *letter to Aytona, dispatched the same day, 
Philip III. voices his astonishment that, after the death of 
Avila, the Pope had not yet granted his request for a Spanish 
Cardinal and once more recommends for this honour J. Xavier. 
Archives of the Spanish Embassy, Rome, I., 28. 



DEATH OF BARONIUS. 323 

the heaviest was assuredly the death of Baronius, which 
occurred on June 30th. 1 Through his stern application to 
study and his hard and mortified mode of life, the great 
historian had contracted a disease of the stomach of which 
the first symptoms showed themselves in an alarming fashion 
at the beginning of 1G06. 2 Nevertheless he was still able to 
see through the press the twelfth volume of his Annals, 
which he dedicated to Paul V. 3 At the close of the same 
year he had a copy presented to all the Cardinals of the 
Curia. 4 The volume contained an attack on the authenticity 
of the Constantinian donation. 5 At that time many canonists 
and even historians such as Abraham Bzovius still maintained 
the authenticity of that document. 6 Paul V. shared the 
opinion and had discussed the matter with Bellarmine. The 
learned Jesuit made no secret of his being on the side of 
Baronius. When the Pope had personally read the relevant 
passages in the Annals, he expressed no displeasure. On 
April 9th, 1607, Bellarmine informed his friend of the fact 
and advised him to make no change. 7 By that time Baronius 
was already grievously stricken. Some people connected his 
illness with the renewed opposition of the Spaniards to his 
treatment of the Monarchia Sicula ; others with his having 
dared to contest Constantine s donation in the Annals. 8 The 
latter surmise was surely false for Bellarmine s letter could 
not fail to set the Cardinal s mind completely at rest. More- 

1 The veteran Galli, died on February 3, 1607 ; Marzato, on 
August 31 ; see CIACONIUS, IV., 463, in which, strangely enough, 
Baronius has been omitted. 

1 Cf. *Avvisi, January n and 21, 1606, Vatican Library. 

3 See CALENZIO, 814. 

4 See *Avviso, December 30, 1606, Vatican Library. 

5 Ad a. 1191, n. 52 and 1192, n. 73. Cf., moreover, also ad a. 
324, n. 108-110. 

6 Cf. PICHLER, II., 690 ; HERGENROTHER, Kirche und Staat, 

37i- 

7 Cf. LAMMER, Melet., 364 seq. ; CALENZIO, Baronto, 802 ; 
LE BACHELET, Auct. Bellarm., 567 seq. 

See *Avvisi, May 5 and June 6, 1607, Vatican Library. 



324 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

over, at that time, Baronius only thought of preparing himself 
for death, for he realized full well the seriousness of his 
condition. His physician suggested a visit to Frascati. 
Though he felt that a change of air could no longer do him 
any good, Baronius was ready to submit. He made only one 
request, viz. that his confessor should accompany him. 1 At 
Frascati, where he took up residence once more in his modest 
little house near the Villa Piccolomini, his condition grew 
so much worse that on June 17th it was rumoured in Rome 
that he was dead. 2 The rumour proved premature, but the 
condition of the aged scholar was hopeless. 3 He bore with 
utmost patience the terrible pain which the disease caused 
him ; the serenity of his soul was undimmed ; with great 
joy he looked forward to the dissolution which would unite 
him with Christ. For him, as for St. Francis, " Brother 
Death " was a dear friend with whom he had been on familiar 
terms, every day, for many years. 4 Only one wish did he still 
cherish : he longed to die among his beloved Oratorians. In 
this spirit he had long ago applied to himself the words of 
Job : " I would fain die in my little nest," (Job. xxix, 18) 
and he had begged the Oratorians to give him a room in their 
house in which he had spent the happiest days of his life. 
On June 19th, therefore, Baronius had himself taken back 
to Rome. In those moments it was not the objections to 
his Annals that hurt him, but rather a feeling that he was 
unworthy of the purple and the regret that it had not been 
granted to him to end his days as a simple priest. Repeatedly 
fortified with the Holy Viaticum he died on the evening of 
June 30th, 1607, amid the prayers of his Oratorians. His 
wish had been to be buried very simply, like a poor man, 
in his titular church of SS. Nereus and Achilleus. However, 
the Oratorians could not bear the thought of parting with 

1 See BARNABEUS, Vita C. Baronii, in seq. 

2 *Avviso, June 20, 1607, Vatican Library. 

3 Cf. *Avvisi, June 23 and 30, 1607, loc. cit. In the latter 
we read that : "II card. Baronio ancor vive et e miracolo che 
campi essendosi ridotto a niente." 

4 See BARNABEUS, 112. 



GRIEF IN ROME FOR BARONIUS. 325 

his mortal remahv;, so they buried him in their church, in 
their common burial place to the left of the high altar. 1 
A year later, when Cardinal Tarugi died, the two friends were 
given a joint resting place to the right of the high altar. 2 

Grief in Rome was universal, for the piety and goodness of 
the Cardinal had won him all hearts. Not a few among the 
twenty-one Cardinals who took part in the obsequies were 
unable to restrain their tears. 3 Of opposition to the Annals 
there was no longer any question. The twelfth volume was 
put on the market, 4 and before long even the defenders of the 
authenticity of the Constantinian donation held their peace. 5 
It is a remarkable thing that even the representative of 
Venice, Francesco Contarini, could not hide his admiration 
for the dead Cardinal : he extolled him as " the eye of the 
Church ". 6 Almost the whole of the manuscript material 
left by " the father of modern Church history ", went into 
the library of the Oratorians, near S. Maria in Vallicella. 
Here one may still admire to-day the gigantic work which 
stands alone in the story of ecclesiastical historiography. 7 
The same library also houses his sermon plans, his youthful 

1 See BARNABEUS, 113 seq. ; CALENZIO, 807 seqq. Cf. the 
*Avvisi, July 4 and 7, 1607, Vatican Library. 

2 See CALENZIO, 813. The sarcophagus in the lower church 
bears the simple words : *Ossa Caesaris card. Baronii hie reposita 
a. sal. 1607 ; see A. GROSSI-GONDI in the periodical San Filippo 
Neri III. (1923), No. 8, who advocates the introduction of 
the canonical process on the heroic virtues of Baronius. 

8 See *Avviso, July 7, 1607. " Veramente specchio di bontk 
et religione et amato di tutti," it is here stated. Vatican Library. 

4 See the second *Avviso, July 7, 1607, loc. cit. 

6 See DOLLINGER, Die Papstfabeln des Mittelalters *, Miinchen, 
1863, 106. 

6 See MUTINELLT, III., 32. In Germany also, the death of 
Baronius was at once much regretted ; see RATTI, Opuscolo ined. 
del card. Baronio, 33. 

7 The manuscript of the Annals is preserved in the Vatican 
Library. (Cf. our notes, Vol. XIX, 182 seq., and P. GUILD AY, 
Church Historians, New York, 1926, 168 seqq.} Vat. 5684-5695 ; 
see CALENZIO, 966 seqq. 



326 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

correspondence with his parents and relations, as well as his 
extensive correspondence with the most important men of 
his age, with Saints such as Giovenale Ancina, Antonio 
Maria Tarugi, Giovan Battista Vitelli ; with scholars like 
Guglielmo Sirleto, Justus Lipsius, Stanislaus Rescius, Isaac 
Casaubonus, Guglielmo Lindanus, Antonio Possevino, 
Matthaeus Rader, Dioysius Petavius and with Cardinals 
Bellarmine and Federigo Borromeo. Besides many other 
Cardinals, princes such as Henry IV. of France, the emperor 
Rudolph II., Sigismund III. of Poland and Charles Emmanuel 
of Savoy, likewise figure in this correspondence in which 
the genius that wrote the Annals stands out in a most 
attractive light, not only as a scholar but as a man and an 
ascetic. 

The library also preserves Baronius handy edition of 
Eusebius History of the Church, as well as his Bible, which 
contains proofs of the Cardinal s devotion to the Mother of 
God. 1 For a number of years one could see in a small study 
attached to the library, and over the desk at which Odorico 
Rainaldi wrote his continuation of the Annals, 2 a portrait of 
Baronius with the beautiful distich : 

Learning and godliness, this twofold flame, 
Casts mingled splendour round Baronius name. 3 

Two eminent members of the Sacred College were on terms 
of closest friendship both with Baronius and with Paul V. 
They were Federigo Borromeo and Bellarmine. Federigo 
was archbishop of Milan since 1595, and in the discharge o f 

1 See LAMMER, Analecta, 65 seq., and De C. Baronii litter arum 
commercio, Freiburg, Breisg. 1903., Cf. also CALENZIO, LXIII. seqq. 

2 Only in these modern times, in which so many Roman 
memorials have been ruthlessly destroyed, this sacred spot also 
has suffered desecration. Here no less a man than Joh. Friedrich 
Bohmer shed tears of pious reverence in 1850 ; see JANSSEN, 
Leben Bohmers, I., 326. I, too, was privileged to work at 
Rainaldi s desk in 1879. 

3 Historia et pietate mi cat Baronius : Alter 
Lumen ab alterius lumine sumit honos. 



BORROMEO AND BELLARMINE. 327 

the duties of his office he successfully modelled himself on his 
famous predecessor and kinsman, Charles Borromeo, in whose 
honour he also erected the well-known colossal statue near 
Arona. Besides a provincial council, Federigo held fourteen 
diocesan synods. He seemed insensible to fatigue, spending 
himself on behalf of his vast diocese, especially in the pulpit, 
the administration of the sacraments, education, and in works 
of charity. None the less the government of his diocese and 
the preservation of ecclesiastical authority and immunity 
involved him in inany conflicts with the caesaro-papalism 
of the Spanish authorities. If these complications led him 
at times too far, right was, in most instances, on his side and 
his task it was to defend it against politicians who were 
always suspicious and who had become familiarized with 
tyrannical power in their native land. One wonders how a 
man whose time was so fully taken up by his pastoral duties, 
could still find leisure for an extensive literary activity 
embracing biblical studies, dogmatic and moral theology, 
Canon law, and Church history. The Ambrosian Library, 
which he founded and inaugurated in 1609, is an eloquent 
witness to his love of knowledge. To the library he added a 
printing press as well as a college of doctors, a picture gallery, 
and an academy of the fine arts. 1 

By his piety and learning the great controversialist, 
Bellarmine, was a rival of Borromeo and Baronius. After 
the two conclaves of the year 1605, in which the tiara had 
come within his reach, Paul V. kept him in Rome where, to 
the day of his death (September 17th, 1621) he exercised 
considerable influence in the cardinalitial Congregations. 

1 Contrast the older biography by FR. RIVOLA (Milan, 1656), 
with the more recent ones by ROBERTI (Milan, 1870), and 
PIEDAGNEL-QUESNEL (Lille, 1890). See also REUMONT in the 
Freiburger Kirchenlexikon, II 2 ., 1125 seq. The decrees of Paul V. 
concerning the Ambrosiana in Bull, XL, "279 seq., 511 seq. 
With regard to the Museum see BORROMEO, // museo del card. 
F. Borromeo, Milan, 1909, and BELTRAMI in Emporium, 1918, 
3 seq. For the literary activities of F. Borromeo see also RATTI, 
Opuscolo, 53 seq. 



328 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Besides the polemical writings, especially those against Sarpi 
and James L, which he composed by order of the Pope, 1 
the most important literary fruit of his mature years is a 
catechism for the young. This book has had an almost 
infinite number of editions ; it has been translated into a 
dozen different languages, has been recommended by the 
Popes, and is in use to this day. 2 

In what esteem Bellarmine was held by the common 
people was shown at his funeral, which became a triumph. 
The crowds that surged round his bier knew nothing of his 
learned writings. But they knew his charity to the poor, 
and revered him as a real Saint. " I have known, at various 
times," says Cardinal Valier, " men of high standing as 
regards learning, goodness, and an exemplary conduct, nay, 
even men who died with a reputation for holiness, but in 
all of them together I have not found so many virtues, and 
those in so high a degree, as in this great soldier of Christ. The 
humility, kindness, piety, purity, meekness, liberality, 
contempt of the world, sincerity, obedience to superiors, which 
had distinguished him as a simple religious, he preserved as 
a Cardinal, to the end of his life." 3 The judgment passed on 
him by all Rome, from the Cardinals down to the beggars, 
was ratified by the highest authority when it ranked him 
among the Blessed. 4 

The prudent circumspection with which Paul V. was wont 
to proceed in all things caused the creation of new Cardinals, 
which had been expected for some time, 5 to be delayed until 



1 Cf. COUDERC, II., 109 seq., 146 seq. See too, above, p. 147, 
and vol. XXVI., ch. III. 

2 See SOMMERVOGEL, I., 1182-1204. 

3 See BARTOLT, I., 4 (IV., 22). 

4 Bellarmine was canonized and declared a Doctor of the 
Church by Pius XI. in June, 1933. [Transl. note.] 

5 Cf. *Avviso, September 12, 1607, Vatican Library. The 
Pope had promised to please the Spanish king by hastening 
the creation of cardinals. * Brief to Philip III., dated September 12, 
1607 (Epist., III., 164, Arm., 45, Papal Secret Archives). 



CREATION OF CARDINALS IN 1607. 329 

December 10th, 1607. 1 This nomination was intended to give 
satisfaction to the wishes of the princes. 2 Out of regard for 
the emperor, the aged archbishop of Gran, Francis Forgacs, 
primate and grand chancellor of Hungary, was raised to the 
purple. He was an excellent man and had done good service 
to the Church. Francois de Rochefoucauld, bishop of 
Clermont, had likewise shown great zeal for the Catholic 
reform, but that humble prelate whose learning equalled his 
piety, regretted the efforts made on his behalf by Henry IV. 3 
On December 10th, Philip III. and his minister, the Duke of 
Lerma, had at last the satisfaction of seeing the fulfilment of 
their wishes in regard to Jeronimo Xavier. 4 In addition 
to these, two Italian princes were likewise admitted into the 
Senate of the Church : they were Ferdinand Gonzaga, the 
barely twenty-year-old brother of the reigning Duke of 
Mantua, 5 and Maurice of Savoy, fourth son of Duke Charles 
Emmanuel. This prince was only fourteen years old at the 
time ; later on he brilliantly acted the part of a Maecenas 
towards writers and artists. 6 

1 See *Acta consist., Vatican Library. Compare the *report 
of the Mantuan Ambassador of December 10, 1607, Gonzaga 
Archives, Mantua, and MUTINELLI, III., 276 seq. With regard 
to those nominated see CIACONIUS, IV., 410 seq. ; CARDELLA, 
VI., 134 seq. ; cf. also the *Briefs to the Dukes of Savoy and 
Mantua, Epist., III., 302-323, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 Cf. *Avviso, December 12, 1607, Vatican Library. 

3 See the biographies of Rochefoucauld by ROUVIERE (Paris, 
1645), P. DE LA MORNIERE (Paris, 1646), and FR. DE ROCHE 
FOUCAULD (Paris, 1926). Cf. also the *Discorso of 1618 in 
Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

4 In a *Brief of October 18, 1607, Paul V. promised the Duke 
of Lerma to hasten the creation, Epist., III., 166, Papal Secret 
Archives. 

5 A letter of thanks from the Duchess to Paul V. is printed 
in PASSARINI, " Lettere di Donne Illustri " (Publication for 
Nozze Borghese-Ruffo), Rome, 1870, 39 seq. 

6 Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 415 seq. and Appendix (Romae, 1791), 
i seq. , Curios, e ricerche di stor. subalp., II., 51 1 seq. ; Mem. d. 
vita e tempi di Mgr. Giov. Secondo Ferrer o-Ponziglione, primo 



33O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In the course of the year 1608, in which five Cardinals died, 1 
a new promotion was repeatedly mooted, even in the Pope s 
entourage. 2 Though the ambassadors were importunate, 
they failed to get definite information. 3 Once again, when 
no one expected it, five new Cardinals were proclaimed, on 
November 24th, 1608. 4 Two of their number, Fabrizio 
Verallo and Giambattista Leni, were natives of Rome. 

Verallo owed his promotion to his successful nunciature in 
Switzerland as well as to the recommendation of his kinsman 
Millini. His was an exemplary life, and he was one of the 
most rigid of the set of men who were truly animated by 
the spirit of their state. 5 Since his duties as a member of the 
Congregations of the Index, of Bishops and of Rites, prevented 
him from complying with the law of residence, he spontaneously 
resigned his see of San Severo. In Rome, in his capacity as 
commendatory abbot of Sant Agnese, he embellished the 
church and monastery of that Saint, at whose tomb he 
ordered eight lamps to be kept burning day and night. During 
repairs to the floor of Sant Agnese, eight charming reliefs 
were found, representing scenes from Greek mythology and 
legend. These are to-day one of the treasures of the palazzo 
Spada alia Regola. 6 In the church of St. Augustine, where 

consigli e audit, generale del princ. Card. Maurizio di Savoia, 
race. p. G. B. ADRIANI, Torino, 1856; Gdtt. Gel. Anz., 1858, 
I., 241 seq. ; Arch. stor. ital., N.S.V., 2, 75 seq., 81 ; F. RANDI, 
Card. Maurizio di Savoia mecenate dei letterati e degli artisti, 
Turin, 1891. Cf. also J. BELLA GIOVANNA, Agos. Mascardi e 
Maurizio card, di Savoia, in the Race, dedic. ad A d Ancona, 
Florence, 1901, 117 seq. 

1 See the names in CIACONIUS, IV., 463. 

2 Cf. the *Avvisi, March 29, April 26, September 13, 1608, 
Vatican Library. 

8 It was thought that the Consistory would not be held until 
Christmas ; see *Avviso, November 12, 1608, Vatican Library. 

4 See *Acta Consist., loc. cit. Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 416 seq. ; 
CARDELLA, VI., 145 seq. 

5 Cf. the *Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

6 See HELBIG, II. 3 , 382 seq. 



CHARACTERISTICS OF NEW CARDINALS. 331 

Verallo was buried, in the chapel belonging to his family, 
there is still seen on the adjoining pilaster a beautiful bust 
of this noble prince of the Church. 1 

Giambattista Leni had been a fellow student, at Perugia, 
of his cousin Scipio Borghese, to whom, even physically, 
he bore a striking resemblance. They always remained close 
friends. 2 In 1611 Leni became bishop of Ferrara : he there 
held a synod and introduced the Theatines. By his 
instructions Giovan Battista Soria adorned the church of 
the Barnabites, San Carlo ai Catinari, in Rome, with a 
magnificent facade. 3 

Luigi Capponi and Lanfranco Margotti were worthy 
colleagues of these two Cardinals. The former had earned 
the red hat by acting as treasurer to Paul V., whereas 
Lanfranco had been his trusted private secretary. 4 

Michelangelo Tonti, the fifth among the appointments of 
November 24th, 1608, sprang from a very poor family of 
Rimini. He began by studying for the law, at Bologna. 
From there he went to Rome where he saw himself compelled, 
for a time, to earn his livelihood by officiating as organist 
in the church of St. Roch. However, he had the good fortune 
of making the acquaintance of Francesco Borghese, and 
through him that of Cardinal Camillo Borghese who took 
him into his service. When Camillo Borghese became Pope 
he made Tonti, who had proved his loyalty, general auditor 
to his nephew Scipio. In 1607 he named him datarim, in place 
of Arigoni, and in 1608 he conferred on him the archbishopric 
of Nazaret. Tonti had succeeded in acquiring immense 
influence over Cardinal Scipio Borghese. He had likewise won 
the friendship of the powerful Lanfranco Margotti. For all that, 
in the autumn of 1611, a serious disagreement arose between 
the two men. Tonti saw himself forced to withdraw into his 
diocese of Cesena which had been conferred on him in 1609. 



1 The epitaph is in CIACONIUS, IV., 418. 

2 Cf. the *Discorso of 1618, loc. cit. 

8 The inscription is in CIACONIUS, IV., 419. 
4 See above, p. 60 seq. 



332 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

He remained there during the whole of Paul V/s pontificate, 
for besides Lanfranco there were other Cardinals having the 
ear of the Pope who were unfavourably disposed towards 
him, such as Millini, Capponi, Leni and Rivarola, and on the 
other hand Cardinal Scipio Borghese did not dare to take any 
steps on behalf of his protege. 1 At Cesena, Tonti applied 
himself wholeheartedly to the duties of his office. In his 
will he bequeathed his house in Rome to his intimate friend, 
Joseph of Calasanza, to be turned into an educational establish 
ment for destitute youths. Thus originated the Collegio 
Nazareno which, in course of time, became a flourishing 
institution. 2 

Tonti s disgrace was connected with his jealousy of 
Domenico Rivarola, 3 a Genoese, who enjoyed the favour of 
Cardinal Borghese and Paul V., and who was raised to the 
purple on August 17th, 1611. The promotion of that day, 4 
which also came as a complete surprise, 5 created an entirely 
new situation in the Sacred College, for no less than eleven 



1 Cf. the *Discorso of 1608, loc. cit. See also the Relazione 
di Roma of 1624 in Papal Secret Archives II., 150, No. 3. 

2 Cf. MORONI, XIV., 178 seq. and A. LEONETTI, Memorie del 
Collegio Nazareno eretto in Roma da S. Gius. Calasanzio per 
volontd e per opera di M Tonti, card, di Nazaret, Bologna, 1882. 

3 See CARDELLA, VI., 155 seq. Cf. BRANCONDIUS DE ULPHIDA, 
Oratio de laudibus ill. et rev. Dom. Rivarolae S.R.E. Cardinalis, 
Firmi, 1611. 

4 See *Acta consist., Vatican Library; *Avviso, August 20, 
1611, ibid., cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 421 seq. ; CARDELLA, VI., 152 seq. 

5 As early as the summer of 1609 there had been talk of a 
promotion ; see *Avviso, August 26, 1609. An *Avviso, April 17, 
1610, mentions that it would certainly take place at Whitsuntide. 
An *Avviso May 22, 1610, names several Cardinals and gives 
reasons for hastening the appointments. An *Avviso, December 4, 
1610, says opinion at court was that Carlo de Medici, not Fran 
cesco, would be made Cardinal (Vatican Library). Philip III., 
in his * letter to Aytona, mentions a wish of the Duke of Urbino, 
for the next creation of Cardinals. January 14, 1609. Archives 
of the Spanish Embassy, Rome. 



CHARACTERISTICS OF NEW CARDINALS. 333 

new members were appointed. 1 The majority of them were 
in close alliance with the Borghese and all were excellent 
men who had done good work in difficult circumstances. 

The Neapolitan, Decio Carafa, had been nuncio in Flanders 
and Spain. Rivarola happened to be acting as nuncio extra 
ordinary in France during the critical period that followed 
the assassination of Henry IV. Subsequently he happily 
composed a dangerous quarrel between the people of Rieti 
and Cantalice, in the Sabine country. The Siennese, Metello 
Bichi, had long been a confidant of the Pope who had employed 
him in a number of difficult affairs. As for Giacopo Serra, he 
had carried out the delicate task of treasurer so successfully 
that he retained it for a time even as Cardinal. 

Among the Cardinals created in 1611, two were natives of 
Rome, viz. Crescenzi and Lancelloti. Pietro Paolo Crescenzi 
was a disciple of Philip Neri and his piety as well as his strong 
sense of justice had won him the favour of Paul V. Orazio 
Lancellotti, a nephew of Cardinal Scipio, had so proved his 
worth as an auditor of the Rota 2 that Tonti met with no 
difficulty when he suggested his elevation to the Pope, though 
it was precisely this that eventually led to the breach between 
him and Millini. 3 It was likewise Tonti who drew Paul V. s 
attention to Filippo Filonardi who had been successively 
bishop of Aquino, governor of Fermo, and lastly, vice-legate 
at Avignon. The Florentine, Giambattista Bonsi, owed his 
nomination both to his splendid work as bishop of Be"ziers 

1 See *Acta Consist., ibid. ; cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 421 seq. ; 
CARDELLA, VI., 152 seqq., and the *Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni 
Archives, Rome. The great number of nominations is explained 
partly by the fact that since November, 1608, eleven Cardinals 
had died (see CIACONIUS, IV., 463) ; they were : Guevara, 
O. Maffei, Serafino Olivier, Torres, Cinzio Aldobrandini, Bufalo, 
Pamfili, Pierbenedetti (cf. F6RCELLA, XL, 60), Paravicini, 
Bernerio and Pinelli. The Index librorum bibliothecae D. card. 
Pinelli, dated January i, 1603, in Barb., XXXIX., 94, Vatican 
Library. 

2 Cf. the *Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 

3 Cf. the *Awiso of August 20, 1611, Vatican Library. 



334 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

and to the recommendation of the Queen of France. 1 The 
Spaniard, Caspar Borja, owed his hat to the prayers of 
Philip III. It is symptomatic of the return to greater serious 
ness of life at that period that Borja found it difficult to make 
people forget his descent from the family of Alexander VI. 2 

In compliance with the disposition made by Sixtus V. in 
respect to the representation of the religious Orders in the 
Sacred College, the Pope added to the above-named the 
Franciscan Conventual, Felice Centini, and the General of 
the Dominicans, Agostino Galamina, a man of strict life and 
ardent zeal for the reform. 3 

More than four years elapsed before a fresh creation 
followed the numerous one of August, 1611, which had called 
forth the displeasure of the Spanish government. 4 In the 
meantime no less than eleven Cardinals had died, among them 
the faithful Lanfranco Margotti, 5 hence ten nominations were 
made on December 2nd, 1615. 6 France was represented by 

1 Cf. the *Discorso of 1618, ibid. Joyeuse had been instructed 
in April to work for the nomination of Bonsi ; see SIRI, II., 512. 

2 The suspicion with which Cardinal Borgia was watched 
transpires in the *Report of RECORDATI, December i, 1612, 
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The *Discorso of 1618 (ibid.) insists 
on the Cardinal s exemplary moral life. Borgia became Viceroy 
of Naples in 1620 ; see BALAN, VI., 698. 

3 Cf. I. CATALANUS, De magistro s. palatii apost., Rome, 1751, 
145 seq. ; BAROZZI-BERCHET, Rome, I., 242 seq. ; MORONI, XXVIII., 
in seq. ; Testamento del F. Agostino card. d Araceli, Rome, 1639. 

4 Eight, out of the nine Italian Cardinals, were considered 
as favouring France. See PERRENS, L glise, I., 511. 

5 See CIACONIUS, IV., 463 seq. It is stated there that Lanfranco 
died on November 30, 1612. It must have been 1611, as appears 
from the inscription on the tombstone, given by CIACONIUS, IV., 
422. The *Avviso, November 30, 1611, reports that Cardinal 
Borghese and Paul V. also visited the dying Cardinal and that 
the Pope deeply regretted the loss of this faithful and wise 
man. (Vatican Library.) 

6 See *Acta Consist., ibid. Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 432 seq., 
CARDELLA, VI., 174 seq., and the *Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni 
Archives, Rome. 



CHARACTERISTICS OF NEW CARDINALS. 335 

Louis de Guise, who was chosen out of consideration for 
Louis XIII, 1 but who was soon to give proofs of his utter 
unworthiness ; Spain was represented by Gabriello Trejo 
Paniaqua and by the devout Baldassare Sandoval 2 ; Venice 
by Francesco Vendramin. 3 The Florentine, Uberto Ubaldini, 
was justly entitled to the purple by reason of the splendid way 
in which he had carried out his duties as nuncio in France. 
The Roman, Tiberio Muti, 4 a distant relative of Paul V., and 
who had served the Pope for a number of years, justified his 
election by his magnificent work in the diocese of Viterbo, 5 
which had been granted to him in 1605, and which he never 
left. Giulio Savelli, likewise a Roman, had distinguished 
himself by his prudence and zeal as nuncio in Savoy. To 
gratify the Grand Duke of Florence, the purple was bestowed 
not only upon his pleasure-loving son, Carlo de Medici, but 
on another relative as well, the Roman, Alessandro Orsini, 
of the line of Bracciano, a great friend of the Jesuits. 6 The 

1 Cf. the *Brief to Louis XIII., dated December 29, 1615, 
Epist., XV., Arm., 45, Papal Secret Archives. France urgently 
requested a second Cardinal, just as Spain had been granted 
two, but Paul V. would not allow his rights of free choice to 
be influenced. See SIRI, III., 406. 

2 In *Brief of July i, 1615, Paul V. informed the Spanish 
king that he would meet his wishes as to the creation of Cardinals. 

3 It was thought that Paul V. would never nominate a Venetian ; 
see *Discorso of 1618, ibid. The question of the nomination 
of new Venetian Cardinals had been discussed for some years 
before ; see *Discorso se il Papa doveva nell ultima promotions 
fatta I a. 1612 (sic) far cardinali Veneziani, Urb. 860, p. 185 seq., 
Vatican Library. A relief by Michael Ongaro in S. Pietro di 
Castello, Venice, represents the nomination of Cardinal Vendramin. 

* See the Relazione di Roma, 1624, loc. cit., above, p. 332, 
A. 3, Papal Secret Archives. 

5 He restored the episcopal palace in that place as the inscrip 
tions there record. 

8 For Carlo de Medici see G. PIERACCINI, La stirpe de Medici 
di Cafaggiolo, II., 411 seq. A *Letter of congratulations on 
his elevation from archduke Albert to Cardinal Orsini. Dated 
Brussels, January 9, 1616, in the Orsini Archives, Rome. 



336 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

elevation of Vincenzo Gonzaga was due to his brother having 
laid aside the purple on November 16th, 1615, to enable 
him to assume the government of the duchy of Mantua with 
a view to preventing the line from becoming extinct. Cardinal 
Ferdinando, as in duty bound, had asked the Pope s consent 
to his renunciation ; it was readily granted. 1 Morally the 
two Gonzagas had sunk to a very low level ; their degenerate 
life foreshadowed the doom of the ancient princely house. 
When Vincenzo contracted a secret marriage with Isabella 
Gonzaga, the widow of Ferrante Gonzaga, prince of Bozzolo, 
the Cardinals, in a consistory of September 5th, 1616, decreed 
that he had forfeited his dignity. The Pope confirmed their 
sentence. 2 Since that time no Gonzaga had been in a position 
to aspire to the purple. 

1 See *Acta Consist., Vatican Library. As to the permission 
for Ferdinand s marriage, " poiche non era initiate d alcun 
ordine," see SIRI, III., 538. 

2 See *Acta Consist., September 5, 1616, loc. cit. Cf. also 
the report of September, 1616, ADEMOLLO, La Bell Adriana, Citta 
di Castello, 1888, 215 A. i. It is characteristic of Vincenzo that 
he soon wished to separate from Isabella, to which end he sought 
to deceive Paul V. with false witnesses. Ferdinando Gonzaga 
also busied himself to obtain from the Pope an annulment of 
his brother s marriage, so that the latter might become a Cardinal 
again ! Paul V. had the matter investigated, and it was proved 
that the secret marriage was valid and therefore could not be 
annulled. With regard to these disgraceful transactions, in 
which the Pope always behaved most honourably, cf. a study 
which corrects in many respects some of the statements of INTRA 
(Isabella Gonzaga di Bozzoli, Milan, 1897), by G. ERRANTE 
which rests on sound archival research : // processo per I annulla- 
mente del matrim. tra Vincenzo II. duca di Mantova e Isabella 
Gonzaga di Novellara, 1616-1617, in Historical Archives of Lom- 
bardy, 1916, 645 seq. Cf. also Luzio, Galleria Gonzaga (1913), 
53 seq. and L Archivio Gonzaga, II., 176. For the matrimonial 
transactions of Ferdinand Gonzaga, who tried in vain, in Rome, 
to obtain the annulment of his secret marriage with Camilla Faa 
in February, 1616, see F. SORBELLI-BONFA, Camilla Gonzaga 
Fad (Bologna, 1918). 



CREATION OF NEW CARDINALS, l6l6. 337 

In the creation of December 2nd, 1615, Paul V. had reserved 
one name in petto. It was published on April llth, 1616 ; it 
was that of the bishop of Vienna, Melchior Klesl, on whose 
behalf the emperor had intervened. 1 

On September 19th of the same year the Sacred College 
received an increase of six new members, all men of merit. 
They were : Alessandro Ludovisi, since 1612 archbishop of 
Bologna and mediator of the peace between Spain and Savoy ; 
Ladislao d Aquino, nuncio in Switzerland and subsequently 
governor of Perugia ; Ottavio Belmosto, vice-legate of the 
Romagna and subsequently a member of the Consulta ; Pietro 
Campori, major-domo to Cardinal Scipio Borghese ; Matteo 
Priuli, son of the doge of Venice, and Scipio Cobelluzio, 
Secretary for Latin briefs. 2 

Two smaller promotions gave satisfaction to the pressing 
demands of the French and Spanish governments. On 
March 26th, 1618, the purple was bestowed upon the all- 
powerful minister of Philip III., the duke of Lerma, then a 
widower, 3 and on the excellent bishop of Paris, Henri 
de Gondi. 4 On July 29th, 1619, the son of the king of Spain, 



1 See* A eta Consist., Vatican Library. Cf. the letter of Philip 
III. to Cardinal Borgia, dated May 29, 1616, Archives of the 
Spanish Embassy, Rome, I., 32. See also KERSCHBAUMER, 
218 seq. 

2 See *Acta Consist., Vatican Library. Cf., *Avviso, September 
21, 1616, ibid. For the nominees see CIACONIUS, IV., 442 seq. ; 
CARDELLA, VI., 188 seq. ; G. FERRARI, Elogio del card. P. Campori, 
vesc. di Cremona, Modena, 1878 ; *Discorso of 1618, Boncompagni 
Archives, Rome. For Sc. Cobelluzio see above, p. 60, note, and 
BLUME, II., 248, and G. DELL AQUILA-VISCONTI, Del prelato 
abbreviato de Curia, Rome, 1870, 48 seq. 

3 See *Acta Consist., loc. cit. Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 448 seq. ; 
CARDELLA, VI., 195 seq. The preliminary negotiations with the 
French government transpire from the reports of Bentivoglio. 
Cf. also Rev. de I hist, de l glise de France, IV., 476. 

* Cf. RANKE, Osmanen,* 164 seq. The bronze statue of Lerma 
in the church at Lerma ; see JUSTI, Spanische Reisebriefe, Bonn, 
1923, 329. 

VOL. xxv. 25 



338 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Ferdinando, only ten years old, became a member of the 
Sacred College. 1 In 1620, the Cardinal-Infante was appointed 
administrator of the archdiocese of Toledo and in that capacity 
he distinguished himself both as an able administrator and 
as a defender of ecclesiastical immunity. At a later date he 
won great popularity for himself as regent of the Low 
Countries. 2 Soon after the arrival of the new viceroy in 
Brussels, Van Dyck painted his portrait, in the magnificent 
robes which he wore at his solemn entry into the capital. 8 

The elevation of the Infante of Spain occasioned a good 
deal of worry and jealousy in France. 4 Since it was necessary 
to fill the many gaps made by death in the ranks of the Sacred 
College in 1618 and 1619, 5 the French ambassador, Coeuvres, 
began a vigorous campaign in view of the impending 
nomination. This creation, in which the decisive factor was 
the prospect of the conclave which, in view of Paul V. s age, 



1 See *Acta Consist., ibid. Cf. the letters of Philip III. to 
Cardinal Borgia, dated Lisbon, February 22 and July 2, 1619 ; 
in Archives of the Spanish Embassy, Rome, I., 28. Ibid., 
the letter to Philip III. of January 21, 1619, in which Paul V., 
in view of the extreme youth of the Prince, expressed a desire 
to defer. Here belongs also the Breve to Henricus, Dux Lotharingiae , 
dated September 17, 1619, with respect to his request that the 
purple should be conferred on the bishop of Verdun ; this is said 
to be impossible as no creations were planned for the present. 
(Epist., XIV., 249, Papal Secret Archives.) For the French 
wishes see SIRI, V., 47 seq , 59. 

* CIACONIUS, IV., 449 seq. ; CARDELLA, VI., 197 seq. ; PIRENNE, 
Gesch. Belgiens, IV., 377 seq., 380 seq. 

* The portrait is now in the Prado Museum, Madrid ; see 
KNACKFUSS, Rubens, 94 seq., in which there is also a reproduc 
tion of the magnificent picture. Cf. also JUSTI, Missellaneen 
aus drei Jahrhunderten, II., Berlin, 1908, 275 seq., for the relations 
between the Infante and Rubens. 

4 See SIRI, V., 34 seq., 47 seq. 

5 See CIACONIUS, IV., 464. Cardinal Valenti died on August 22, 
1618. I here draw the attention of art historians to his superb 
tomb in the church of the Madonna delle Lagrime. 



CREATION OF CARDINALS, l62I. 339 

could not be very distant, 1 took place on January llth, 
1621, only a few months before the death of the Borghese 
Pope. Coeuvres had done his utmost to secure the nomination 
of the bishop of Lucon, Richelieu, and to prevent that of 
Pignatelli, which was also opposed by a court clique supported 
by Farnese and Montalto. 2 Even at the last hour, on 
January 10th, 1621, the envoy remonstrated with the Pope 
with such insistence that a violent scene ensued. 3 However, 
Coeuvres failed to get his wish. The only concession that France 
managed to secure was the nomination of Louis de Nogaret 
de Lavalette, a warrior rather than an ecclesiastic and one who 
never took orders. As against these, the other princes of the 
Church proved worthy of their elevation. They were : Eitel 
Frederick, count of Hohenzollern ; the Venetian, Pietro 
Valier ; the Milanese, Giulio Roma ; the Genoese, Agostino 
Spinola, and the loyal assistants of Cardinal Scipio Borghese, 
namely, Cesare Gherardi and Stefano Pignatelli. To these the 
Pope adjoined three other men of the very first rank : 
Francesco Cennini, Desiderio Scaglia, and Guido Bentivoglio. 4 



1 Cf. SIRI, V., 238 seq. and the *Report of Fabrizio Aragona 
of January 13, 1621, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Not merely 
at Rome was there much criticism of the last promotion (cf. 
the Report of Aragona of January 27, 1621, ibid.}, but also 
in Vienna. The Florentine ambassador Altoviti reported from 
there on January 27, 1621 : *" Questa corte resta maravigliata 
che essendovi inclusi i Nuntii che sono in Spagna e in Francia 
sia stato escluso questo che e qua." State Archives, Florence. 

2 See SIRI, V., 238 seq., 249. Cf. CIACONIUS, IV., 461. 

3 See SIRI, V., 242 seq. 

4 See *Acta Consist., Vatican Library ; CIACONIUS, IV., 453 seq. 
A rare, large broadsheet contains " Insignia, nomina, cognomina 
et dignitates cardinalium a Paulo V. creatorum die 11. Januarii 
1621 ". For C. Gherardi cf. A. ALFIERI, Fossato di Vico, Rome, 
1900, 88 seq. Cardinal Roma was a strict, ecclesiastically minded 
man, whose qualities were so excellent that at the time of Urban 
VIII. he was counted one of the " papabili ". Only one thing 
went against him, namely that he was a " creatura di Borghese " 
(*Notes on the Cardinals of Urban VIII. ; Original in my posses 
sion.) For Cardinal von Zollern, cf. FORST in Mitteil. des Ver. 



340 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Francesco Cennini, a scion of a noble family of Sienna, was 
endowed with an extraordinary capacity for work and this 
he put unreservedly at the disposal of Paul V. At the time of 
his nomination he held the post of nuncio at the Spanish 
court. For the Borghese Pope he cherished an attachment 
so constant and so strong that shortly before his death, in 
1645, he made arrangements for his body to be laid to rest 
at the feet of Paul V. At San Marcello, in the Corso, on the 
right hand side of the entrance, the monument of Cennini 
may be seen adorned with his statue, which his nephews 
erected in his honour. 1 

Desiderio Scaglia likewise sprang from an aristocratic 
family. At an early age he entered the Order of St. Dominic. 
His active career began in his native city of Cremona ; sub 
sequently he also worked in other parts of Lombardy. In 
view of his piety and learning, Clement VIII. made him 
Inquisitor in Upper Italy. Paul V. called him to Rome and 
entrusted to him the important charge of Commissary General 
of the Roman Inquisition. 

Guido Bentivoglio, born in 1579, at Ferrara, was a man of 



/. Gesch. von Hohenzollern, 1893-4, and ibid., 1897 seq., B. ALBERS. 
See also MitteiL des Hist. Ver. f. Osnabruck, XIX. (1894) ; DUHR, 
II., i, 84 ; HEBEISEN, 41 seq., 91 seq. In a *Relatione dei cardinali 
of 1623 it is said of Zollern : " Sotto Clemente (VIII.) fu cameriero 
d onore irreprensible nei costumi, honoratissimo nel trattare, 
amato di tutta la corte, liberale, giocondo, senza niun arteftcio, 
di giudicio molto sano e prudente ; conosce le furbarie degli 
Italiani, ma non le sa fare, dipende assolutamente dell Imperatore 
suo fautore e della corona di Spagna" (Cod., CCCCXI. of the Library 
of S. Croce in Gerusalemme, Rome). Here we must also mention 
the *report in cipher of the ABBATE ALFONSO Pico to King 
Ferdinand II., dated Rome, December 26, 1620 : " II Card 
Mellino m ha detto esserci bolle di pontifici rigorosissime, perche 
non si promovano al cardinalato ad istanza de principi quelli 
sogietti che siano stati nuntii alii principi che li domandono." 
State Archives, Vienna. 

1 The inscription on the tomb is in FORCELLA, II., 315. A 
bust of the Cardinal shows his ascetic features. 



PERSONALITY OF BENTIVOGLIO. 341 

outstanding ability. He began his career as Cameriere Segreto 
of Clement VIII. Under Paul V. he held the nunciature of the 
Low Countries from 1607 until 1615, and that of France 
from 1616 till 1621 ; in all those charges he gave proof of 
an uncommon aptitude for diplomacy. 1 The famous portrait 
by Van Dyck, which now adorns the Palazzo Pitti, is a speaking 
likeness of the shrewd statesman. His features appear small 
but they are distinguished ; the forehead is lofty ; the beard 
thin and pointed ; the slender fingers loosely hold a sheet of 
paper. The portrait may well be described as the world s 
noblest painting of a Cardinal. 2 The painter Claude Lorrain 
also found a patron in the art-loving Bentivoglio. His con 
temporaries vie with one another in their praise of this shrewd 
and talented man 3 who cast an extraordinary spell on all 
who came in contact with him. Bentivoglio was a brilliant 
orator as well as a very able writer. 4 His history of the war 

1 Cf. ch. IX. and vol. XXVI, I. Bentivoglio was to have gone 
as nuncio to Spain in 1605, but the mission never came off. 
The * Instruttione al arcivescovo di Rodi (Bentivoglio) alia M ta 
Catl ca , dated June 21, 1605, drawn up at that time by Cardinal 
Valenti, is in the Papal Secret Archives in a codex not as yet 
filed. 

2 Cf. KNACKGUSS, A. van Dyck, 32 seq. ; BURCKHARDT, Beitrdge, 
333, and Vortrage, 327 seq. Two coloured oil sketches, repre 
senting the handing of the decree and the imposition of the red 
hat by Gregory XV., now in private possession in Berlin, are 
probably from the brush of Van Dyck, according to the kind 
information given by Regierungsrat Max Friedeberg (Unter den 
Linden, 42). They have been inherited from the well-known 
Ulrike von Levetzow (d. 1899), who had inherited them from 
the collection of her stepfather, Graf Klebelsberg ; see Zeitschr. 
f. bild. Kunst., LX., 8 (1926). 

3 For an account of the frescoes in his palace at Rome, see 
Kunstchronik N.F., XXIIL, 238. 

4 For what follows cf. TIRABOSCHI, VIII., 323 seq. ; WACHLER, 
Gesch. der hist. Wissenschaften, I., Gottingen, 1813, 496 seq. ; 
RANKE, Popes, III., 91 ; REUMONT, III., 2, 700, and in the Hist. 
Jahrbuch, VII., 255 ; FUETER, Gesch. der neueren Historiographie 
(1911), 129, 287 ; BAUMGARTNER, Gesch. der Weltliteratur, VI., 



342 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in the Low Countries, his diplomatic reports, above all, his 
letters, which were in part published during his lifetime, 
won him a name in the literary world. Every page of this 
correspondence reveals the skilled diplomatist, polished by 
constant intercourse with the most refined society, as well as 
the mature observer. 1 The history of the defection of the Low 
Countries which Bentivoglio wrote under Urban VIII.,. owes 
its beginning to his prolonged sojourn at the court of Brussels. 
The same subject was also being treated at that time by the 
Jesuit Famiano Strado. The intrinsic value of the latter s 
work far surpasses that of Bentivoglio, though the Cardinal s 
book met with much greater success. This he owed to his 
pleasing style more than to anything else, though he did not 
escape the propensity towards affectation and artificiality 
of style which were so prevalent at the time. Skilfully written, 
brilliant and full of interest are the personal Memoirs of 
Bentivoglio ; these, however, only appeared after his death. 
He began them in his sixty-third year and they were planned 
to cover the whole of his career. Unfortunately, the Cardinal, 
whose health had never been robust, died before he had com 
pleted even the first part, which only reaches the year 1601. 
The detailed and attractive account of the court of 
Clement VIII. and of his Cardinals, of the Jubilee of 1600, 

487 seq. For the nunciature reports of Bentivoglio cf. below, 
ch. IX and ch. I of vol. XXVI. Dodici letter e inedite di Bentivoglio 
edunadi Fulvio Testi con notazioni (Ferrara, 1869, only 100 copies 
printed contain documents of the years 1621-1637. The new edition 
of Bentivoglio s Memorie, which appeared in 3 vols., Milan, 1864, 
contains fifty-eight unpublished pieces. In Ottob. 2742 (Vatican 
Library) is Alcune lettere del card, Bentivoglio, especially of the 
year 1622. I quote the following distich : 

Bentivolus calamo Celebris super aethera vivit, 
Unde alios calamos serpere cernit humi. 

1 See WACHLER, loc. cit. Cf., also, the essay in the periodical, 
Katholische Bewegung, ed. by Dr. Rody, XVII., Wiirzburg, 1880, 
536 seq. For Bentivoglio s controversy with Chapelain about his 
history of the war in Flanders, cf. COCHIN, H. Arnauld, Paris, 
1921, 25 seq. 



BENTIVOGLIO S MEMOIRS. 343 

and of Cardinal Aldobrandini s embassy to France, contains 
a quantity of very reliable information. The discretion which 
his position as a Cardinal imposed on Bentivoglio prevented 
him from relating a great many things which the ambassadors, 
on their part, were free to report in their secret dispatches. 
Nevertheless he did not hesitate freely to blame the nepotism 
of Clement VIII., and he made no mystery of his opinion 
of Cardinals Aldobrandini, Sforza, and Deti. On the whole, 
however, Bentivoglio prefers soft to glaring colours. The calm 
and tranquillity of the last years of his life, which had not been 
without its fair share of bitter hours, are clearly reflected 
in his Memoirs. It is impossible to read without emotion 
the preface in which the Cardinal describes the contradictory 
feelings that fill him as he looks back upon his life. Worn 
out by the labours of a long life, the old man sings the praises 
of divine grace which called him to the ecclesiastical state, 
brought him, as a young man, into the entourage of 
Clement VIII., and led him, under Paul V., to the courts of 
Brussels and Paris, and finally into the Sacred College. 
" When I consider," he adds, " that in spite of the many 
graces I have received from God, I have not always rendered 
to the Church proportionate services, I am overcome by a 
sharp feeling of compunction. By offering to God the sacrifice 
of a contrite heart I hope to receive pardon in the short time 
which may still be granted to me." The presentiment of his 
death was soon to be realized : Bentivoglio died on 
September 7th, during the conclave of 1644, at the moment 
when the tiara, for which he had so long striven, was actually 
hovering over his head. He found a resting place in San 
Silvestro al Quirinale, but until 1771 no monument, not even 
as much as an inscription, recalled the memory of a man 
who had been so long one of the most eminent members of 
the Sacred College. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN MISSIONARY COUNTRIES. 

One of the most striking features of the government of 
Paul V. is the support he gave to the world-wide activity of 
the men who were preaching the Gospel in Japan, in China, 
in India, in the uplands of Ethiopia and the lowlands of the 
Congo, in Persia, and on the banks of the Tigris and the 
Euphrates. No persecution, however bloody, could induce 
them to give up their apostolic undertakings and the Pope 
on his part considered it as one of his most sacred duties 
to give them all the support he could. 1 Of this the events 
in Japan furnished the most splendid proof. 

Of all the princes who, in the island empire of the 
Far East, were striving for supremacy, the no less ambitious 
than energetic Tjejasu, who was also the founder of the house 
of Tokugawa which reigned until 1868, had succeeded in 
crushing his opponents and in securing from the emperor 
the title of Shogun. In 1605, Tjejasu passed the title on to 
his son, though he retained all power in his own hands. Under 
him the Christian missions enjoyed at first a measure of 
tranquillity of which full advantage was taken by the Jesuits, 
the Franciscans, who, in Clement VIII. s pontificate had come 
over from the Philippines, by the Dominicans and by the 
Augustinians. The statistics of the Jesuits for the years 
1606-1607 record the conversion of 15,000 adults. Nagasaki 
was the most important Christian centre. There, in addition 
to five parishes served by Japanese priests, the Jesuits, 
Franciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians had their own 
churches, so that Nagasaki came to be surnamed " little 
Rome ". 2 The number of the missionaries from the Mendicant 

1 Cf. the communication of Cardinal Borghese to the Spanish 
Nuncio. LAMMER, Zur Kirchengeschichte, 86. 
1 See DELPLACE, II., 64. 

344 



MISSION WORK IN JAPAN. 345 

Orders increased when, on June llth, 1608, at the request of 
Philip III., Paul V. revoked the prescription of Clement VIII. 
which obliged missionaries to travel by way of Lisbon and 
Goa. 1 But by that time a fearful storm was gathering against 
the Christian communities. Dutch and English sailors and 
merchants contributed to its outbreak. The merchants were 
not concerned with the spread of the " pure Gospel " ; all 
they aimed at was to capture a lucrative trade and to give 
vent to their hatred of Catholicism. They represented to 
Tjejasu that the Catholic missionaries were a danger to the 
State, inasmuch as they were but the agents of the king 
of Spain who disguised his intention to turn Japan into a 
Spanish colony under the cloak of Christianity. 2 Insinuations 
of this kind were all the more readily listened to inasmuch 
as Tjejasu, who was a convinced adherent of Buddhism, 
saw in the profession of a new faith, to which the bulk of his 
people were strangers, an obstacle to his effort at unifying 
Japan. The trade which the country needed could be secured 
by dealing with the English and the Dutch who, unlike the 
Spaniards and the Portuguese, did not demand liberty for 
their religion. 3 The persecution broke out in 1613. In the 
month of August, twenty-nine Christians, and the Franciscan, 
Luis Sotelo, were arrested at leddo (Tokio). The former suffered 
death, whilst Sotelo was set at liberty through the interven 
tion of Date Masamune, the powerful prince of Osiu, in the 
North-East of the Island of Nippon. 4 Masamune, an ambitious 
and enterprising man, bore with reluctance his dependence 
on the aged Tjejasu. He aimed at making use of the commercial 
relations with Spain to which Tjejasu could not object, 
for the purpose of making himself master of the whole of 

1 Bull,, XL, 501 seq. Cf. JANN, 187 seq. 
- Cf. DELPLACE, II., 80, 85 seq. 

3 This is the opinion of the Japanese G. MITSUKURI in the 
Hist. Zeitschrift, LXXXVIL, 208. There were many other causes 
for the outbreak of the persecution besides the agitation fostered 
by the English and Dutch. This is pointed out also by L. PEREZ 
in Arch. Francisc., II. (1209), 57 seq. 

4 See MITSUKURI, ibid., 197. 



346 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Japan, with the combined assistance of the Japanese Chris 
tians, the king of Spain and the Pope. The fiery and eloquent 
Luis Sotelo, a native of southern Spain, was to be another tool 
of the prince. Sotelo had the imprudence to fall in with the 
plan ; more than that, he took it up with the utmost enthusiasm 
and already he saw himself as archbishop of all Japan. 
Together with Sotelo, Masamune put at the head of the 
embassy which was to visit the courts of Madrid and Rome, 
his own vassal, Hasekura Rokuyemon. 1 

1 For a long time we were exclusively dependent for the history 
of this embassy on information proceeding from L. Sotelo which 
SCIPIONE AM ATI made public in his book : Historia del regno di 
Voxu del Giappone, dell antichitd, nobilitd e valore, del suo re Idate 
Masamune . . . e dell ambasciata che ha inviato alia 5 W di N.S.P. 
Paolo V. (Roma, 1615). This was reprinted by MARCELLING 
DA CIVEZZA (Storia d. miss, francesc. VII., Appendice al II. parte, 
Prato, 1891). For Scipione Amati see (TACCHI VENTURI in 
Civ. Catt., 1904, III., 400 seq.}. A number of new documents 
were brought to light by L. PAGES (Hist, de la religion cbretienne 
au Japan I. and II., Paris, 1869-1870) and BERCHET (Le antiche 
ambasciate giapponesi in Italia, Venice, 1877, 97 seqq.}. The 
English biographer of Masamune, C. MERIWELTHER (A Sketch 
of the Life of Masamune and an Account of his Embassy to Rome : 
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, XXI., 1893) gives 
some fresh documents but they are spoilt by omissions and errors. 
This was proved by the Japanese G. MITSUKURI, Ein Beitrag 
zur Gesch. der japanischen Christen im 17. Jahrh., in the Hist. 
Zeitschr., LXXXVII. (1901), 193 seq. This writer has discovered 
more material in archives and produced the best account of 
the embassy. Unfortunately it escaped the notice of both 
HOLZAPFEL (Gesch. des Franziskanerordens, 538) and FR. BON- 
coMPAGNi-LuDOVisi (Le prime due ambasciate dei Giapponesi a 
Roma, LXV., seq.}, and also DELPLACE (II., 190 seq.}, though 
the latter produced much valuable new material. The work of 
L. TASSO, Vita del B. L. Sotelo (S. Maria degli Angeli, 1892) 
is uncritical in its unconditional glorification of Sotelo ; cf. 
DELPLACE, II., 104, 170. To all this there has now been added 
a publication of documents by the Japanese : DAI NIPPON 
SHIRYO (Japanese Historical Materials}, compiled by the Institute 
of Historical Compilation, College of Literature, Imperial Univer- 



ENVOYS SENT TO SPAIN AND ROME. 347 

The ambassadors took boat in October, 1613, their plan 
being to go to Spain by way of Mexico. On January 30th, 
1615, Hasekura handed to the king of Spain a letter from his 
overlord in which the latter prayed for the dispatch of 
Franciscan missionaries and for the conclusion of an alliance. 
By word of mouth the envoy conveyed the information that 
it was Masamune s intention to put both his person and his 
territory under the protectorate of Philip III. The cabinet of 
Madrid was too shrewd to allow itself to become involved 
in so adventurous a proposal. The envoys, of whom several 
received baptism, 1 Hasekura among them, were entertained 
with the utmost courtesy, but when, nine months later, 
they took their departure they had completely failed to achieve 
their real purpose. 2 From Spain they journeyed to Rome 
by way of Genoa. The Pope assigned lodgings to them in 
the Franciscan convent of Ara coeli. On October 25th, 1615, 
Paul V. received them in private audience. On 29th October 
they made a solemn entry, 3 and on November 3rd they were 
received in public audience, in presence of many Cardinals. 4 

sity of Tokyo, Part XII., Vol. 12, Tokyo, 1909. For Sotelo, 
compare also PEREZ in Arch. I bero- Americano, XXI. (1924), 
327 seq., XXII. (1925), 59 seq. 

1 Portrait of Hasekura in H. BOHLEN (Die Franziskaner in 
Japan einst und jetzt), Treves, 1912, 89. 

2 See MITSUKURI, loc. cit., 202 seq., who rightly emphasizes 
that the real reason for the persecution of Christians lay in 
the policy of unity, which at that time was the guiding principle 
of the Japanese authorities. M. VON BRANDT (in Helmot s Welt- 
gesch., II., 25 seq.) makes too much of the unwise behaviour of 
the missionaries ; this only is correct, namely, that the Mendicant 
Orders did not proceed with the same caution as the Jesuits, 
and thus made easier for the opponents of Christianity the 
attainment of their purpose. 

3 Compare the report of ALALEONE in Boncompagni-Ludovisi, 
App., p. 50 and ORBAAN, Documenti, 239 seq., with the rare 
print : Relatione della solenne entrata in Roma di Franc. Faxicura 
con il padre fra L. Sotelo, Rome, 1615, now printed, with many 
other documents, in DAI NIPPON SHIRYO, 198-239. 

All sources for this in DAI NIPPON SHIRYO, 239-267. 



348 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

In this assembly a Latin translation of Masamune s letter was 
read, some further elucidations of the document being given 
by the Franciscan Gregorio Petrocha. In his letter now one 
of the treasures of the Sala Sistina, in the Vatican library 
the Japanese prince hinted at his eventual conversion to 
Christianity ; in the meantime, however, and until certain 
obstacles were removed, he prayed that Paul V. would send 
Franciscan missionaries, appoint an archbishop, and further 
his alliance with the " great emperor " of Spain. 1 According 
to the report of the Venetian envoy, Simone Contarini, 
Sotelo assured the Pope that Masamune would soon win 
" the supreme crown ", when not only himself would become 
a son of the Roman Church, but he would also see to it that 
all his subjects embraced Christianity. 2 In a petition which 
some Japanese Christians presented to the Pope at this time, 
they declared : " We expect Masamune will be emperor before 
long." 3 

The Japanese envoys tarried in Rome until January 7th, 
1616. Their presents had been appropriately acknowledged by 
a return of gifts ; in other ways also the Pope had not been 
niggardly with his attentions, and he bore the expenses of 
their stay. 4 For all that, as the Venetian envoy clearly 

1 The reception was not at a Consistory, but as the *Acta 
consist, expressly state, in a Congregatio semiplena ; cf. ALALEONE, 
loc. cit., and Ada audientiae publicae a S.D.N. Paulo V. P.O.M. 
regis Voxu laponi legatis Romae die III. Nov. 1615 in Palatio 
apost. apud S. Petrum exhibitae, Romae, 1615. See also the 
letter of Masamune to Paul V. ; reprint in BONCOMPAGNI- 
LUDOVISI, App., p. 50 seq., and in DAI NIPPON SHIRYO, 257 seq., 
the Japanese text is given in the appendix. 

2 See BERCHET, loc. cit. ; Documenti, n. LXIII. and MITSUKURI, 
204. 

8 MITSUKURI first published the text of the petition, preserved 
in the Papal Secret Archives (210 seq.} ; recently it has been 
reprinted in DAI NIPPON SHIRYO, 276 seqq. 

* Besides the reprints of BONCOMPAGNI-LUDOVISI, App., p. 43 
seq., cf. also the notes of COSTAGUTI, Costaguti Archives, Rome, 
and the communications drawn from the State Archives, Rome, 
quoted in DAI NIPPON SHIRYO, 324 seq. The gifts of Paul V. 



ENVOYS DEMANDS REMAIN UNSATISFIED. 349 

perceived, they went away dissatisfied. 1 The Pope had fully 
considered his line of conduct ; he had even sought the advice 
of the Congregation of the Inquisition. 2 The granting of 
the demand that the Pope should extend his protection to 
Masamune as to a sovereign prince, and that he should grant 
him the same privileges as were enjoyed by Catholic princes 
among them being the authorization to found Orders of 
chivalry and episcopal sees Paul V. made dependent on 
the conversion of the prince. As for the preliminaries of a 
treaty of commerce with Spain, the Pope undertook to 
recommend the matter to Philip III. In like manner, in respect 
to the dispatch of Franciscans, the envoys were told to apply 
to the king of Spain. The reply to the Japanese Christians 
was to the same effect : the only thing they obtained was the 
Indulgences and the relics they had asked for. The appoint 
ment of an archbishop was flatly refused before such a 
nomination could be made there must be several bishops in 
Japan and the canonization of the Franciscan Martyrs 
could only be granted after an inquiry by the Congregation 
of Rites. 3 



which Hasekura (who also had himself enrolled in the Brother 
hood book of the Anima (see SCHMIDLIN, Anima, 487), and was 
made an honorary citizen of Rome) (cf, BONCOMPAGNI-LUDOVISI, 
App., p. 44) brought back to Prince Masamune, are still in an 
excellent state of preservation and are in the possession of 
the former princely house of Sendai. Among them are a miniature 
(The Assumption of Our Lady), crucifixes, rosaries, and a portrait 
of the Pope; see J. DAHLMANN in Colnische Volkszeitung, 1914. 
No. 646. Ibid., the original of the nomination as honorary citizen 
of Rome and a picture representing Hasekura in the garb of a 
Roman Patrician, in prayer before a crucifix. The reproduction 
of the letter of honorary citizenship is in DAI NIPPON SHIRYO, 298. 

1 BERCHET, loc. cit., Documenti, n. XLVI. 

2 Cf. DAI NIPPON SHIRYO, 305 seqq. 

3 Mitsukuri, 206 seq., 219 seq., who first published the reply 
of Paul V. to the Japanese Christians. The reply of Paul V. 
to Masamune in BONCOMPAGNI-LUDOVISI, App., p. 55 seq. In 
the same place the letter of introduction to Philip III. Mitsukuri 



35O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Paul V. s caution and reserve in respect to the far-reaching 
schemes of Masamune and Sotelo were fully justified by events, 
for it soon became apparent, as the Jesuits had seen from the 
first, that Masamune s intentions were purely worldly ones. 
The heart of the licentious pagan had in no way been touched by 
the grace of faith. The disappointment of the credulous 
Sotelo was very great. The extreme imprudence of the 
Franciscan in trusting the astute Japanese is shown by what 
followed. The ambitious designs of Masamune could not escape 
so acute an observer as Tjejasu. With a view to diverting all 
suspicion from himself, the ruler of Osiu decided to expel the 
Christians from his domain. However, he delayed the execu 
tion of this plan until the return of his envoy, Hasekura, 
in 1620. From that time Masamune openly concurred with the 
persecution of the Christians which Tjejasu had inaugurated 
in 1614, and to which, in the end, Sotelo himself fell a victim. 1 
As early as 1613, a census of all Christians was taken, and in 
the following year an open persecution was begun. The death 
of the chief pastor of the Church in Japan, which at that time 
numbered about a million adherents, 2 coincided with the 
crisis. The bishop of Funai, Luis de Cerqueira, died on 
February 20th, 1614. Before he expired the prelate com 
mitted his flock to the care of the vice-provincial of the 

and all other writers on the embassy have missed the instructions 
of Cardinal Borghese to the Spanish Nuncio, dated December 9, 
1615, in LAMMER, Melet., 336 seq., now newly reproduced in 
DAI NIPPON SHIRYO, 301, with a second letter of December 30, 
1615 (ibid., 303 seq.}, In this Japanese publication also see 
the replies of Paul V. to Masamune (p. 313 seq.) and to the 
Japanese Christians, both of December 27, 1616. 

1 Cf. PAGES, I., 443 seq. ; MITSUKURI, 208 seq. ; DELPLACE, 
II., 103 seq. and 107 seq. 

2 This total, mainly based on the year books of the Jesuits, 
is arrived at by STEICHEN (Les Daimyo Chretiens, Hongkong, 
1904) and DELPLACE (II., 129 seq.}. The Jesuits possessed 
in 1614, in different parts of Japan, eleven colleges, sixty-four 
residences, two novitiates, and two seminaries. See PAGES, II., 
428. 



PERSECUTION OF MISSIONARIES. 351 

Jesuits, an arrangement which was subsequently ratified by 
Paul V. 1 

The era of Martyrs, which opened, in 1614, for the Japanese 
Church, whose future seemed so full of promise, is in many 
ways reminiscent of the persecutions of the early centuries of 
Christianity. 2 Now, as then, the majority of the recent converts 
displayed wonderful constancy. At Arima a special con 
fraternity of Martyrs was formed, the members of which 
prepared themselves by prayer and penitential exercises to 
endure even the most cruel tortures. " All churches and 
convents are being destroyed," a Jesuit writes in 1614, " our 
Fathers are banished, but a score of them are in hiding, in 
order to assist the faithful. Every effort is being made to 
cause these to apostatize, but all in vain. Already eighty- 
five persons have shed their blood for Christ." 3 

Tjejasu died in 1616. However, conditions did not improve, 
for Hidetada, who succeeded him, followed in all things in the 
steps of his fathers. The persecution constantly grew in 
violence. The missionaries needed all their ingenuity to evade 
pursuit. They disguised themselves as Japanese, or as 
European merchants. Some of them sought hiding places 
which they only left at night for fear their fair complexion 
should betray them. 

1 See BULL., Patron, Portug., II., 28 ; DELPLACE, II., 112. 
For the schism, which was brought about after the death of 
Cerqueira by some passionate Spanish monks, see COLIN- 
PASTELLS, Labor evangelica, III., 384, note. The accusation 
against Cerqueira, that he did not proceed quickly enough 
with the ordination of native priests, has been sufficiently 
disproved by HUONDER, 116 seq. 

z Cf. Gioda, Botero, III., 289, 306. In a document drawn 
up by a Jesuit, in 1610 : *Relatione delle provincie orientali (Ottob. 
2416, p. 911 seq.} it is stated : " la miglior Christianita che 
habbi 1 Oriente per la buona capacita di Giapponesi che hanno 
abbraciata la nostra s. fede et gia molti di loro per la difesa di 
quella hanno sparse il sangue." (Vatican Library.) See also 
DAHLMANN, Neue Urkunde uber die Martyrerkirche Japans, in 
the Kath. Missionen, 1922-3, No. 4. 

See DELPLACE, II., 126 seq., 134. Cf. ETUDES, 1922, 74 seq. 



352 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Such an existence, as one of the missionaries wrote, demanded 
a body of iron and a spirit like that of St. Paul. 1 One of 
their consolations was that almost every year they were able to 
baptize a great number of neophytes. This went on even when, 
in 1618, the persecution spread almost to the whole of Japan. 2 

Jesuits and Mendicants alike had their share in the triumphs 
and trials of that time. As early as the summer of 1616, the 
Franciscans, Peter of the Ascension and John of St. Martha ; 
the Jesuit, John Baptist Machado y Tavora ; the Dominican, 
Alonso Navarrete and the Augustinian Hernando de S. Jose, 
suffered the Martyrs death. Many Japanese Christians shared 
a similar fate. 3 From 1619 onwards, mass executions were 
resorted to. The cruelties which accompanied these butcheries 
revolted even Captain Richard Cocks, an Englishman, though 
in other respects the expulsion of the missionaries gave him 
great joy. In 1619, at Meako (Kioto), Cocks was an eye 
witness when fifty-five Christians were burnt alive, among 
them children from five years of age. " These," he writes, 
" died in the arms of their mothers who were crying with a 
loud voice : Jesus, receive their souls ! " "A great number," 
Cocks goes on to say, " are awaiting death in prison, for only 
a very few return to paganism." 4 The sufferings of these 
prisoners were indescribable. The Jesuit, Carlo Spinola, 
who has left us a sketch-plan and description of the prison of 
Omura, was of opinion that a prison of this kind was worse 
than death. 5 

1 See DELPLACE, II., 141 seq., 165 seq. 

2 The Litterae annuae Soc. lesu (gathered as Rerum memora- 
bilium in regno lapaniae gestarum (Litterae), printed at Antwerp, 
1625, give these figures for the numbers of baptized : 1619, 1,800 ; 
1620, 1,300; 1621, 1,943. Cf. too Synopsis, II., 276. 

3 See PAGES, Hist, de la religion chrdtienne an Japon., Paris, 
1869-1870, and DELPLACE, II., 182 seq. Cf. PROFILET, Le Martyro- 
loge de l glise du Japon, 1549-1649, 3 vols., Paris, 1897. 

4 Cf. DELPLACE, II., 148. According to Litt. annuae, loc. cit., 
99 seq., one of the children was only two years old. 

5 See PAGES, II., 200 seq. and DELPLACE, II., 149 seq., where 
there is a picture of the prison at Omura. Cf. F. A. SPINOLA, 



PAPAL SOLICITUDE AND ENCOURAGEMENT. 353 

None of the European Powers showed the slightest concern 
for the victims of the persecution ; the Pope alone strove 
repeatedly to encourage them by various tokens of his good 
will, as well as by letters of sympathy and consolation. 1 He 
also appointed a new bishop ; however, that prelate vainly 
attempted to enter Japan through Macao. 2 In the land of 
the Rising Sun, according to the report of a Jesuit, in 1621, 
hell seemed to have been let loose. " Day and night the 
persecution rages, but the Martyrs," the Jesuit writes, " set 
an example which strengthens those even who had grown 
weak. If Almighty God grants an abatement of the persecu 
tion, conversions will be innumerable. Send us more mission 
aries, but let them be men of small stature, so that our 
Christians may find it easier to hide them." 3 

In China also a persecution broke out during the pontificate 
of Paul V., but it only interfered for a short time with the 
activities of the Jesuit missionaries. The Jesuits owed their 
strong position to the prudence of Matteo Ricci, who sought 
to obtain his end by adapting himself as perfectly as possible 
to Chinese dress and manners, feeling and speech ; by 
frequent intercourse with the learned class as well as by 

Vita del p. Carlo Spinola, Rome, 1671. A letter of Spinola about 
the persecution, dated Nagasaki, November 12, 1618, has been 
published by SFORZA in Atti d. Soc. Ligure, XXIII. 

1 Cf. Synopsis, II., 255, 277. In the *brief for Valent. Cavaglio, 
praeposit. Soc. lesu, dated November n, 1617, we find : " Tribu- 
lationes audivimus quas assidue sustinetis et persecutiones ab 
infidelibus exposuerunt procuratores Soc. lesu. Deo gratias, 
quod fiat cum tribulat. proventus." Words of praise and comfort 
follow (Epist., XIII., 153). A *brief to the Japanese Christians 
of February 8, 1619, expresses the Pope s sorrow for their oppres 
sion, but also his joy at their fortitude : " You are chosen 
witnesses, as were the early Christians," Papal Secret Archives. 
See the text in the App., No. 6. The letter of Paul V. to the 
Christians in Japan, December 27, 1616, is printed in the Annal. 
Minorum, XXV. (Quaracchi, 1886). 

* See Synopsis, II., 281, 317 ; DELPLACE, II., 160. 

8 See DELPLACE, II., 167. 



VOL. xxv. 



26 



354 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

popular, catechetical instructions. 1 He was by no means 
discouraged by the fact that not all his brethren agreed with 
this method of adaptation 2 and that after twenty-five years 
of toil, the number of Christians did not exceed two thousand 
souls. Ricci was well aware that his task must of necessity 
be limited to breaking the ground, to scattering the seed of 
Christian teaching, whereas the time of the harvest would 
only come at a later period. 3 As a matter of fact, two thousand 
converts was a goodly number, not only when we allow for the 
natural difficulty of imparting Christian doctrine to the 
Chinese mind, but in other respects also. The social status of 
the neophytes was as distinguished as was their constancy 
in the newly found faith ; in the subsequent persecutions most 
of them stood firm. 4 Full of hope for the future, Ricci reported 
the above numbers in a letter to his General, in 1609, and 
added : " Regard for us grows day by day, especially at the 
two courts of Peking and Nanking." 5 

In addition to the government of the mission, Ricci had to 
cope with other exacting tasks. Among these was the erection 
of a new church at Peking and the ceremonious relations with 
Chinese officials and savants which took up a vast amount of 
valuable time. Even so the indefatigable man still found 
leisure for a detailed record, in writing, of his experiences. 
But even he could not stand the strain indefinitely. He had 
inherited the spirit and the virtues of Francis Xavier and, like 
him, he died prematurely, on May llth, 1610. The year before 

1 Cf. our notes, Vol. XXIV, 240 seq. An example of lay instruc 
tion is the Chinese Catechism of 1619, discovered by DAHLMANN 
in the University Library at Tokyo ; see Stimmen aus Maria- 
Laach, LXXXL, 509 seq. 

2 Cf. HUONDER, 8, and K. PIEPER, in Zeitschr. fur Missions- 
wissenschaft, XIV. (1924), 3 seq. 

3 Letter to P. Girol. Costa, dated Nanking, August 14, 1599 ; 
see TACCHI VENTURI, Opere storiche del P.M. Ricci, II. (Le lettere 
della China], Macerata, 1913, 243 seq. 

4 See BRUCKER, in Etudes, CXXIV., 776. 

5 Ricci to Cl. Acquaviva, dated Peking, March 8, 1608 ; see 
TACCHI VENTURI, loc. cit., II., 339 seq. 



MISSION OF RICCI IN CHINA. 355 

his death he had erected, in Peking, the Sodality of the Blessed 
Virgin. On one occasion, some time before he was taken ill, 
Ricci remarked to his companions that when he pondered by 
what means he might best spread the faith among the Chinese, 
he could not think of a more effective one than his own death. 
The Jesuits remembered his words when the emperor Vanglie 
bestowed upon the dead missionary the extraordinary dis 
tinction of presenting a place for his burial, a thing that was 
only done for men who had rendered outstanding service 
to the State. 1 

On his death-bed Ricci had told his colleagues that he left 
them before an open door that led to great merits, though not 
without great toil and danger. 2 These words characterized 
the future of a mission for the government of which Ricci 
had laid down certain guiding principles and for which he 
had won the rights of citizenship in the Empire of the Middle. 3 
The esteem which the Jesuits enjoyed at the imperial court 
grew still further when, in 1610, they foretold the date of an 
eclipse of the moon with greater accuracy than the native 
astronomers. In the following year they consecrated their 
church at Nanking. An inscription in the church recorded the 



1 See NIC. TRIGANTIUS, " De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas 
suscepta ab Soc. lesu ex P. Matth. Ricci eiusdem societatis com- 
mentariis libri V. ad S.D.N. Paulum V.," AUG. VINDELICOR, 1615. 
Cf. P. M. RICCI, S.J., Relacao escripta pelo seu companheiro P. 
Sabatino de Ursis S.J., Roma, 1910, 50 seq. 

2 See TRIGANTIUS, 613. Cf. SPILLMANN, Durch Asien, II., 
Freiburg, 1898, in which, on p. 215, is a picture of the grave of 
Ricci in Peking. Better reproductions are in TACCHI VENTURI, 
Comment, delta Cina I. and RICCARDI, M. Ricci, Florence, 1910. 
With regard to the inscription on the tomb, see BRUCKER in 
Etudes, CXXXL, 220. Cf., too, VITALE, La Tomba del p. M. Ricci, 
in Atti e memorie del Convegno di Geograft-Orientalisti tenuti in 
Macerata, 1910, Macerata, 1911, 170 seq. 

3 So much so was this the case that the *Relatwne delle pro- 
vincie orientali (Ottob. 2416, p. 911 seq., Vatican Library) could 
say that the thirty Jesuits working in China were : " tenuti 
gia come naturali del paese." 



HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

fact of its erection by the Society of Jesus. 1 Ricci s successor, 
Nicholas Longobardo, was able to make three other Jesuit 
foundations. However, in consequence of some indiscreet 
remarks in the sermons of the Piedmontese, Antonio Vagnoni, 2 
a reaction occurred and hatred of the foreigners was aroused. 
In 1617, the young Chinese Church had much to endure, 
especially in Peking and Nanking. Nevertheless a number 
of Jesuits and a few Chinese Brothers managed to remain 
at their posts notwithstanding the difficult situation created 
by the edict of banishment of February 4th, 1617. If the 
storm soon blew over, it was mainly owing to an invasion of 
the Manchus which diverted the attention of the government 
into other channels. In their report for 1620-1, the Jesuits 
state that they had successfully evaded the danger that had 
threatened them and that their fears had been excessive. 3 

Even before the outbreak of the persecution of 1617, the 
Jesuits had considered how, in the event of the Europeans 
being banished, the Chinese missions could be maintained. 
They came to the conclusion that it could only be done if 
they looked for candidates for the priesthood in the ranks 
of the educated Chinese and thus prepared the ground for the 
formation of a native clergy. To realize this plan the substitu 
tion of Chinese for Latin as the language of the liturgy seemed 
to them imperative. It was a bold idea ; for all that the con 
cession of so extraordinary a dispensation did not appear 
altogether out of the question when it was remembered that 
in order to bring about the conversion of the Slavs, the Popes 
had granted to them the privilege of using their own language 



1 Cf. IUVENCIUS, V., 553 seq., 555. 

2 Cf. C. SFORZA, Un missionario e sinologo Piemontese in Cina 
nel sec. 17, in the. Miscell. di stor. ital., 3 series, XI. 

3 RANKE quoted, for this view, a MSS. Relatione della Cina dell 
anno 1621 (Popes, II 6 ., 324, note i). But the text quoted by him 
has long been in print in Rerum memorabilium in regno Sinae 
gestarum, Litter ae annuae Soc. lesu, Antwerp, 1625, 48-9. Cf. 
for this situation, the letter written by N. TRIGAULT (Trigantius), 
Letter a della Cina dell a. 1621 (sin. loc.}. 



JESUIT WORK IN CHINA. 357 

in the liturgy. 1 The Jesuit, Nicolas Trigault, 2 a native of 
Douai, who had laboured in China since 1610, undertook, 
with the consent of his superiors, to see the affair through 
in Rome. In the petition which he presented to Paul V., 
he begged the Pope to allow the Bible and the Roman Missal, 
Ritual and Breviary to be translated into Chinese, and to 
permit the Chinese to use their own language in the liturgy 
and in the administration of the sacraments. Simultaneously 
with this petition Trigault handed to the Pope a History of 
the Jesuit Missions in China. The book written by Trigault 
and dedicated to Paul V. brings the story up to the death 
of Ricci and is mainly based upon the latter s notes. 3 

Paul V., who took a lively interest in the Jesuit missions in 
China, 4 did not meet the unusual request with a flat refusal 
but handed it to the Congregation of the Inquisition for 
examination ; and since, in the discussion, no less a personage 
than Bellarmine spoke in favour of the concession, the Con 
gregation passed a favourable verdict, on March 26th, 1615. 5 
Basing himself on this resolution, by a decree of June 27th, 
1615, Paul V. gave permission for the translation of the Bible 
and the use of Chinese in the Breviary, at Mass, and in the 
administration of the Sacraments. The Pope stipulated, 
however, that the language adopted should not be the ordinary 
speech of the people but the language of the learned classes, 
which enjoyed the highest respect throughout the empire and 
was less liable to change and, though only the cultivated 

1 See HUONDER, 158. 

2 See DEHAISNES, Vie de N. Trigault, Tournai, 1864. 

3 Cf. above p. 355, n. 2. For the compilation of the Notes 
see TACCHI VENTURI, Comment, della Cina, I., Introd. 

4 Cf. SYNOPSIS, II., 243, 247, 249, 254 seq., 260, 266, 276 seq., 
286. The Bishop of Cochin, Andreas de S. Maria (O.S. Fr.) was 
censured in a *Brief, dated IV. Id. Oct., 1609, for persecuting 
the Jesuits. Epist., V., No. 153, Papal Secret Archives. 

5 Meanwhile the clause had been added : " Si unquam contigit 
in illis partibus constitui episcopum, ex hac permissione noh 
censeatur praeiudicatum iurisdictioni episcopali." Synopsis, II.. 
271. 



358 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

classes were fully acquainted with it, the masses would, 
nevertheless, be able to understand the ordinary prayers in it. 
At the same time, in consideration of the fact that, according 
to Chinese conceptions, solemn functions may not be carried 
out with head uncovered, the Pope allowed the missionaries 
to wear at Mass a head-dress resembling the biretta worn 
by the Chinese literati. 1 

Armed with these weighty concessions and accompanied by 
new missionaries, Trigault was back in China in 1619. However, 
the only privilege of which the missionaries availed them 
selves was that of saying Mass with head covered. To this 
day it has not been possible to throw adequate light on the 
circumstances which prevented the carrying into effect 
of the other concessions. 2 

In India, the Jesuit, Roberto de Nobili, made an even 
more remarkable attempt to introduce Christianity to the 
people of one of the richest countries of the world people 
tenaciously attached to their own peculiar usages by the 
greatest possible adaptation to the manners and ideas of the 
natives. 3 

1 See ibid., 271-2. Cf. HUONDER, 159 seq., where the picture 
of a Chinese biretta will be found (Tsin-Kin). 

2 Cf. PAPEBROCH in Acta SS. PropyL Mali Dissert., XIII ; 
HUONDER, 150 seqq. ; H. BOSMANS in Anal. Holland., XXXIII. 
(1914), 274 seq. For the Jesuit mission in the Philippines, which 
prospered so greatly that, in 1606, it was possible to erect it into 
a new province of the Order, see the great, well-documented 
work of FR. COLIN S.J., Labor evangelica de los obreros de la 
Compania de Jesus en las islas Filipinas, nueva edic. por el 
P. P. Pastells S.J., 3 vols., Barcelona, 1904. The Dominicans 
vied with the Jesuits and founded the University of S. Thomas 
in Manila, in 1611. 

3 For what follows cf. IUVENCIUS, V., 2, 493 seqq. ; BERTRAND, 
La mission de Madure d apres des doc. inedits, II., Paris, 1848 ; 
SOMMERVOGEL, Bibliotheque, s.v. ; MULLBAUER, 171 seq., iS6seq. ; 
Die Katholische Missionen, 1875, 13 seq., 45 seq., 79 seq. See also 
DAHLMANN, Sprachkunde, n seq., 17 seq. ; Dublin Review, 1889, 
No. 44, p. 297 seq. ; SCHWAGER, Heidenmission, IV., 328 seq., 
332 seq., which throws the light of criticism upon the present- 



ROBERT DE NOBILI IN MADRAS. 359 

Until then Christianity had been preached almost exclusively 
along the coast and in the wake of the Portuguese. These 
strangers, who ate flesh meat, drank wine and consorted with 
people of the lowest castes, were considered as Pranguis, 
that is, as the refuse of humanity, by the inhabitants of the 
interior who had not yet come in contact with Europeans. 
This prejudice prevailed especially among the upper classes, 
who rigidly upheld the caste system. Christianity itself was 
included in this condemnation, all the more so as the Portuguese 
missionaries strictly forbade their neophytes to observe the 
differences of caste. When, in 1606, Roberto de Nobili arrived 
in Madura, 1 he realized that these circumstances accounted 
for the almost complete barrenness of the fourteen years of 
missionary labour which the Portuguese Jesuit Fernandez 
had endured. In Madura the situation was aggravated by the 
fact that the neighbouring Paravanese fisher folk, one of the 
most despised castes, were adherents of the Christian religion. 
With the approval of the archbishop of Cranganor, Fr. Roz, 
and that of his provincial, Laerzio, the shrewd Italian decided 
to adopt an entirely new course of action. He parted with 
Fr. Fernandez so that he might devote all his energies to the 
conversion of the higher castes, and just as he severed every 
connection with Fr. Fernandez, the apostle of the pariahs, so he 
avoided contact with the Portuguese who were hateful to the 
natives. To become a Hindu to the Hindus and to expound 
the Gospel to them in the language and according to the 
method of presentment of the Brahmins, became the ideal 
for which de Nobili strove. To this end he adopted the 
dress of the noble Brahmins, subjected himself to the mode of 
life one that was almost unbearable for a European of 
the so-called Saniassi a sect of Hindu ascetics whom the 

ment of Warneck and J . Richler. To this must now be added 
the excellent monograph of DAHMEN (Miinstcr, 1924) ; also, in 
French, Un jesuite Brahmane, Paris, 1925. ^Letters of NOBILI 
to his cousin Costanza Sforza, Duchess of Sora, during the years 
1606-1615, in Cod., E 6, of the Boncompagni Archives, Rome. 
1 Recent research has shown that Nobili was no relation of 
Bellarmine ; see Civ. Catt., October 4, 1924, p. 67. 



360 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

people held in great esteem and presented himself as a Guru 
(teacher) and a rajah (prince) from the North. In a short time 
he assimilated three native dialects as well as Sanskrit. He 
succeeded in penetrating very far into the inner world of 
Hindu speculation. Once the mysterious hermit had attracted 
general attention, he at last consented to discuss scientific 
problems with the Brahmins. Starting from philosophical 
and mathematical truths, he gradually led discussions on to 
the truths of religion. He showed that the dogmas of Chris 
tianity were the necessary development of Hindu speculation, 
and all the time he adj usted his demands, as nearly he could, 
to national prejudices. Of the native customs and practices 
he only rejected those that were incompatible with Chris 
tianity, such as the worship of idols and polygamy ; on the 
other hand he suffered many things to stand, particularly 
the differences of castes, as being purely civil institutions. 
Accordingly he allowed the neophytes to wear the insignia 
and ornaments of the higher castes and he himself wore at 
times the Brahmin s cord. 

The wisdom of the method adopted by de Nobili was 
demonstrated by his amazing success which stood in glaring 
contrast to the results attained by other means. The young 
Christian community of Madura withstood several squalls 
occasioned by the jealousy of the pagan priests, and de Nobili 
was already in a position to plan the establishment of mission 
ary stations in the neighbouring kingdoms when his activity 
was paralysed for a whole ten years. The peculiar path on 
which he had entered meant a breach with the procedure 
hitherto favoured by the missionaries. Nor was it devoid 
of risks. This explains how certain Fathers, scrupulous, as 
well as slaves to national prejudices, came to question the 
lawfulness as well as the usefulness of the new method of 
work. 1 A dispute arose over the " Malabar practices ". 

1 Archbishop Roz of Cranganor often says in his letters to 
Rome that enmity towards Nobili arose from wounded national 
feeling (DAHMEN, Un Jesuite Brahmane, 60). The Portuguese 
did not want to be treated by Nobili almost as pariahs (ibid.). 



MISREPRESENTATION OF DE NOBILI. 361 

Misunderstood by his own brethren in religion and by his 
superiors, and accused of mixing paganism and Christianity, 
de Nobili had to undergo an exceedingly severe trial. Humbly 
trusting in divine Providence, he bore the heavy trial as an 
exemplary religious, without so much as a momentary hesita 
tion in his obedience. The hardest trial of all was when, 
by means of the grossest misrepresentations, his enemies 
succeeded in creating an impression in Rome that he had 
renounced the faith ! He owed it solely to the archbishops 
of Goa and Cranganor, who were acquainted with the true 
state of affairs, that in 161 5 the baselessness of these accusations 
came to be recognized. Paul V. entrusted the affair to the 
bishops of Goa and Cranganor and to the Goanese Inquisition. 1 
However, by then the archiepiscopal chair of Goa was no 
longer occupied by Alexius de Menezes, who had been well 
disposed towards de Nobili, but by the Hieronymite, 
Christopher da Sa, who was hostile to him. De Nobili s 
opponents once more got the upper hand. To fill the cup 
of his tribulation, calumnies were spread against him by a 
Brahmin whom he had excommunicated. All these things 
together induced his provincial to transfer him to Cranganor. 
Whilst there the sorely tried priest wrote an exhaustive 
apologia 2 which, together with the relevant documents, 
was sent to Rome where the dispute was pending. 3 But before 
this an assembly convened at Goa, which at first had been 
opposed to de Nobili, ended by coming to a decision favour 
able to him. 4 The Holy See submitted the whole question to 
a searching examination ; its decision, given by Paul V. s 
successor, was in the main favourable to de Nobili. It granted 
to the Brahmins and to other neophytes permission to wear 
the insignia of their castes and contented itself with laying 
down certain precautionary measures destined to eliminate 
pagan superstitions. 5 

1 See Synopsis, II., 274. 

2 See BERTRAND, II., 151 seq. Cf. MULLBAUER, 191 seq. 

3 Cf, Synopsis, II., 281. 
* DAHMEN, 66 seqq. 

5 See Bull, de Propag., I., 15. Cf. MULLBAUER, 195 seq. 



362 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Other matters connected with the dioceses of Goa and 
Cochin, which formed the centre of the mission of East India, 
also claimed the attention of Paul V. In view of the extent 
of the diocese of Cochin, which was far too great under existing 
circumstances, and at the request of Philip III., the Pope, 
in 1606, proceeded to a partition. Meliapur, the presumed 
resting place of the Apostle St. Thomas, was made the 
episcopal see of a new diocese. 1 To satisfy the grievances of 
the so-called Christians of St. Thomas, Paul V. revoked 
the decisions of Clement VIII. and detached the diocese of 
Angamale from the jurisdiction of the metropolitan of Goa 
and raised it to the dignity of an archdiocese. 2 In 1609 
the episcopal see was transferred to Cranganor. Owing to 
the fact that that city had at one time been part of the diocese 
of Cochin, the bishop of that place opposed the plan. When 
the controversy was submitted to the arbitration of the Pope 
the latter insisted on the execution of a measure which had 
been taken in his name by Alexius de Menezes, a man highly 
esteemed throughout India. 3 In 1612, with a view to a 
systematic evangelization of the country, and in pursuance of 
the proposals of Philip III., Paul V. cut off the Portuguese 
possessions in East Africa from the province of Goa and, 
together with the vicariate of Mozambique, united them in 
a separate ecclesiastical province. 4 

The missionary countries assigned to the archdiocese of Goa 
included the empire of the Great Mogul. Here the highly 
gifted Akbar had been succeeded, in 1605, by his son Djehangir. 
That capricious prince at first showed but little goodwill 
towards the Jesuits ; later on, however, he restored his good 
graces to them ; he even went so far as to have the three sons 

1 See Bull. Patron. Portug., II., Olisipone, 1870, 4. Cf. JANN, 
130 seq. 

2 See Bull., XI., 558 seq. ; Bull. Patron. Portug., II., 8 seq. 

3 Cf. Bull, Patron. Portug., II., 10 seq. ; Synopsis, II., 275 ; 
JANN, 172 seq. A *Letter of praise to A. de Menezes, dated 1612. 
Non. Ian., in Epist., VII, Papal Secret Archives. 

4 Bull., XII., 20 seq. ; Bull. Patron. Portug., II., 19 seq. ; 
JANN., 117. 



CHANGEABLENESS OF DJEHANGIR. 363 

of his brother, whom he had adopted, brought up by them in 
the Christian religion. The solemn baptism of the princes 
(1610), to which they came riding on white elephants, was an 
occasion of unprecedented splendour for the mission in the 
empire of the Great Mogul. 1 The conversion of the viceroy 
of Cambodia occurred also at this time. 2 In 1616, as is the 
way with Asiatic despots, Djehangir s attitude underwent 
yet another change. As a consequence the situation of the 
mission became so difficult that the Jesuits thought of giving 
it up. This step was, however, prevented by an order of their 
prudent General. In 1612, they were in a position to found a 
college at Agra and a new house of the Order at Patna. 3 

From the outset of his pontificate Paul V. sought to con 
solidate the relations which had been established in the 
reign of Clement VIII. with the Shah of Persia, Abbas the 
Great. By this means the Pope hoped to further the war against 
the Turks as well as the Christian mission in Persia. 4 That 
mission was under the care of the Italian Discalced Carmelites. 5 

1 See IARRICUS, Thesaurus rer, Indicar., Coloniae Agripp., 1615, 
147 seq. } IUVENCIUS; V., 2, 466 seq. 

2 See *Relatione delle provincie orientali (drawn up by a Jesuit, 
about 1610) in Ottob. 2416, p. 911 seq., Vatican Library. 

3 See CORDARA, VI., 59 seq., 257, 315 ; MULLBAUER, 282 seq. 

4 The Epistolae of Paul V. contains many briefs relating to 
this subject. Thus, I., 79 : *Regi Persarum, dated July 20, 1605, 
(Recommendation of the Carmelites sent by Clement VIII. ; 
the Pope praises the Shah, as being " inimicis nostris communibus 
formidabilis ") ; I., 240 : *Regi Persarum, October 8, 1605 
(" respondit ad litteras quas Bastae Colibech oratori suo ad 
Clementem VIII. dederat ; ostendit se cupidum amicitiae et 
benevolentiae suae ; dolet Bastam morte praeventum ad Urbem 
accedere non potuisse " ; cf., I., 464, the same letter again, 
with the date February 24, 1606) ; III., 224 : *Regi Persarum, 
March u, 1607 (" commendat Matth. Erasmum archiepiscopum 
Haxinanensem in Armenia ") ; IV., 173 : *Regi Persarum, 
October 16, 1608 (rejoices at his good disposition), Papal Secret 
Archives. Cf., also, MEYER, Nuntiaturberichte, 552. 

5 See Historia generalis fratr. discalceat. Ord. B. Virg. Mariae 
de Monte Carmelo congreg. S. Eliae I. 6- //., Romae, 1668-1671, 



364 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Fr. Giovanni Taddeo of St. Eliseus, who had received his 
commission from Clement VIII., found himself in Poland 
at the time of the Pope s death. Paul V. ordered him to 
proceed on his journey, but the war between Poland and Russia 
delayed him so long that he only reached Ispahan at the end of 
1607. He then discharged the commission with which the 
Pope had charged him for the Shah and exerted himself in 
various ways for the development of the mission. 1 

Besides the Carmelites, members of other Orders, such as 
the Dominicans and Augustinians, also repaired to a field of 
labour which held out so rich a promise. The Shah selected 
a Portuguese Augustinian and a noble Persian as his envoys. 
Their mission was to congratulate the Pope on his election 
and to discuss matters that concerned the Church. The 
embassy was detained in Russia and only reached Rome on 
August 27th, 1605. They were met at the Porta del Popolo 
by the Swiss Guard, to the sound of drums, and papal repre 
sentatives escorted the visitors to the palazzo Borghese. 
On August 30th the Pope received them in public audience. 
To their account of the successes of the Persians over the 
Turks and the request for the Pope s blessing, Paul V. 
replied by declaring that he held the Shah in affection and that 

and BERTHOLD-IGNACE DE STE-ANNE, Hist, de la Mission de 
Perse par les Peres Carmes-Dechaussts, 1604-1612, Brussels, 1882. 
Cf. Zeitschr. f. Missionswissensch., V., 208, and STREIT, Bibl., I., 
269 seq. See also BACHELET, Anal. Boll., 619 seq. and Memorie 
delle Missione di Persia, 1609-1614, in Cod., E 24, of Boncom- 
pagni Archives, Rome. 

1 The above is according to the *Relatione data alia S. Congreg. 
de Propaganda Fide della Missione dei Carmelitani Scalzi in Persia 
dal P. Giov. Taddeo di S. Eliseo in the Archives of Propaganda, 
Rome, Visite, 9, p. i seq. The Carmelites were also responsible, 
in part, for the diplomatic relations botween the Holy See and 
Persia ; see the *Brief for the Carmelites John and Vincent, dated 
October 13, 1608 (The Pope sends them his answer " ad ea quae 
scripsit rex Persarum per Paulum Simonem eiusdem ord."), 
Epist., IV., 170, Papal Secret Archives. Cf. Bull., Carmelit., 
HI., 370. 



SHAH S ENVOYS IN ROME. 365 

he prayed God to enlighten him. Thereupon the Persian envoy 
repaired to St. Peter s. After a prayer at the tomb of the 
Prince of the Apostles, he climbed into the cupola in order to 
contemplate from there the panorama of eternal Rome. 
Not only did Paul V. bear the cost of the envoy s entertain 
ment, he also had 1,300 scudi handed to him for his travelling 
expenses. Cardinal Borghese also made various presents 
to the Shah s representative who left Rome on September 12th, 
1605. 1 A papal letter to the Persian ruler, dated September 9th, 
1605, testified to Paul s gratification at the embassy. 2 

Shortly afterwards a second envoy of the Shah arrived in 
Rome, one who, though he had set out much later, completed 
the journey more rapidly. He was an Englishman, Sir Robert 
Sherley, and he discussed not only the dispatch of missionaries, 
but likewise the Turkish war. On both questions he met with 
a ready hearing. 3 

1 Cf. beside the report of the French Ambassador, De Breves, 
of September 2, 1609, in Goujet, II., 77 seq. t the detailed informa 
tion of the *Avvisi in ORBAAN, Documenti, 148 seq. (cf. 8). The 
*Discorso of the Persian ambassador before Paul V., in Barb., 
LVI., 56, p. 60 seq., ibid. For the rare print : Ambasciata Persiana 
a Roma, 1603, see AUSONIA, II. (1908), 298 seq. Cf. also *Cod. 
S. 6, 6, p. 90, of Bibl. Angelica, Rome. 

2 *Epist., V., 105, Papal Secret Archives. 

3 Cf. ORBAAN, Documenti, 8 seq. and the *Avvisi of October 3, 
10, 14, and 21, 1609 (Vatican Library), according to which 
Sherley was converted to Catholicism. Cf. about him, SHIRLEY, 
The Sherley Brothers (1848) and Encydop. Brit., XXIV., II. 
(nth edit.), 990 seq. Paul V. wrote to the Shah on October 9, 
1609 : " Discesserat paucis ante diebus Ahali Guli Beig orator, 
cum Anglus Robertus Sherley alter orator pervenit. Magna 
populi celebritate ingressus alteraque die deductus ad Nos prae- 
sentibus nonnullis cardinalibus eum excepimus." He delivered 
your letter. " Postea private colloquio fusius declaravit," etc. 
(Epist., V., 136, Papal Secret Archives). The same day Paul V. 
wrote to the emperor Rudolph : " Omni benevolentia excepimus 
Robertum Sherleium Anglum, regis persarum oratorem," recom 
mended by the emperor, " Is peracta sua apud Nos legatione 
proficiscitur in Hispaniam ad Philippum. . . . Et dum in Urbe 



366 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Enjoying as they did the Shah s favour, the Carmelites were 
able freely to preach the Gospel in Ispahan. 1 Paul V. sup 
ported a mission which was developing so gratifyingly by 
the dispatch, in 1610, of fresh workers. 2 In the following 
year he gave the Persian Christians a bishop who was likewise 
to act as papal envoy to the Shah. 3 

The protection which Abbas I extended to the Christian 
religion throughout his empire 4 raised high hopes in the 
Pope s breast. In a letter of June 25th, 1619, he expressed 
his joy that the most powerful ruler of Asia should seek the 
friendship of the Holy See and extend his protection to the 
Christian missionaries. " We pray God," the Pope wrote, 
" to multiply your Majesty s victories over the Turks, and 
to cause the seed of the Christian faith to spring up in your 

mansit, curavimus ut intelligeret, quanti faciamus regis ami- 
citiam " (ibid., 137). Cf., ibid., 141, the *Letter of introduction 
for Sherley to the Duke of Savoy. On July 24, 1610, Paul V. 
wrote to the Shah that Sherley had been in Spain as ambassador, 
but since he was a Catholic, he could not go to England : he begs 
the Shah to excuse this (Epist., VI., loc. cit.). 

1 Cf. the * Brief of thanks to the Shah of July 22, 1610, in 
Bull. Carmelit. , III., 418. 

2 See the * Brief of praise for Presbyt. clero et populo ecclesiae 
s. Dei genetricis Aspahani, June 22, 1610, in the Epist., VI., 43, 
Papal Secret Archives. Cf. GIODA, Botero, III., 298. A Letter 
of the Armeni Christiani della parochia di S. Maria in Ispahan 
to Paul V., dated il d\ dell A nnunciata 1609, in which they beg 
that an Italian priest and an envoy may be sent to them. In 
Archives of Propaganda, Rome. 

3 See the *Brief of September 12, 1611, to " Antonio episc. 
Cyrenensi quod creaverit ipsum episcopum, ut apud regem Persarum 
oratoris munere fungatur et cur am habeat fidelium in illis partibus," 
Epist., VII., 115, Papal Secret Archives. Cf., ibid., 116 and 276, 
*Note to the Patriarch of India and to the Shah of Persia, of 
the same date. Ibid., VIII., 167, a *Brief of praise to the Carme 
lites at Ispahan, dated November 3, 1612. 

4 For the Shah s ferman for the Carmelites Giovanni and 
Melchiore of June 5, 1615, see Riv. illustr. d. esposizione Missionaria 
Vaticana (1924), 31. 



CARMELITE MISSION IN PERSIA. 367 

heart." 1 On June 16th, 1620, the Carmelites were urged 
to go on with their missionary work. 2 The reports from 
Persia which came in from the Franciscans spoke of the 
sustained favour of Abbas I who had long discussions with 
the Fathers, not only on the Turkish war, but likewise on 
such points of Catholic teaching as were contested by the 
Protestants. 3 

For the purpose of supporting and consolidating the 
apostolic work of the Discalced Carmelites, Paul V., in 1608, 
founded a seminary in their Roman Convent near Santa 
Susanna. To the seminary he added, in 1612; a special higher 
school for missionaries which he put under the protection of 
St. Paul, the Apostle of the Gentiles. In this school, and under 
the banner of St. Teresa, a picked body of soldiers of Christ 
was to receive special training. They dedicated themselves 
to their task by a special oath which they took in the hands 
of the General. The course of studies included two capital 
branches, viz. languages and controversy or missionary 
methods. In the whole Order no one surpassed the missionary 
fervour of Thomas of Jesus who did yeoman service in 
developing the school. In 1621 he founded at Lou vain yet 
another similar seminary for the training of the heralds of 
the faith. 4 The men who came out of the Carmelite schools 
were possessed of the authentic missionary spirit. During 



1 Epist., XIV., 197, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 Epist., XVI. , 141, Papal Secret Archives. 



8 Cf. the very interesting report of the Visitor-General of 
" Persia and India ", on his audience with Abbas I. on June 5, 
1621, in Spicil. Vatican, I., 99 seqq. 

4 Cf. Kilger s excellent study : Eine alte Hochschule 
missionarischer Fachbildung, in the Zeitschrift. f. Missionswissen- 
sch. t V., 208 seq., where further details will be found about the 
short-lived Congregatio S. Pauli, As to the Seminary for Mission 
aries, cf. STREIT, Bibl., I., 129, 145, and also the *Avviso, 
December 13, 1608, in ORBAAN, Documenti, 131 (cf. 286). In 
Barb-. L., 151, p. no, there is a *study by Giov. BATT. VECCHIETTI, 
alia S ta di N.S. Paolo V. sopra la stampa della Bibia in lingua 
Persiana, Vatican Library. 



368 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the pontificate of Paul V. they did an enormous amount 
of good not only in Persia but in other countries as well. 
In 1597, Clement VIII. had established a bishopric at 
Sao Salvador, for the kingdoms of Congo and Angola. The 
first bishop was the Franciscan Rangel who, assisted by the 
powerful support of the king of Congo, Alvarus II, laboured 
with great success, but succumbed at an early date to the hard 
ships he had had to undergo as well as to the unaccustomed 
climate. 1 One of the objects of an embassy which Alvarus II. 
dispatched to Rome in 1604, was the nomination of a new 
bishop. 2 The king chose for his envoy a kinsman of his, one 
Antonio Emmanuele, who spoke Portuguese and Spanish. 
The voyage from Brazil to Spain proved an arduous under 
taking. The envoy fell ill at Lisbon. From there he journeyed 
to Madrid where he made a lengthy stay. 3 He only reached 
Civitavecchia at the beginning of 1608. In the course of the 
journey, Antonio Nigrito so his dark complexion caused 
him to be surnamed had lost all his companions by death. 
Arrangements had been made for his solemn entry into the 
Eternal City on the feast of the Epiphany, but in consequence 
of the unaccustomed climate he too was ailing and he had to 
be carried to Rome in a litter. The Pope assigned him a 
lodging in the Vatican, 4 and as his condition grew worse, 
Paul V. not only visited him repeatedly, but assisted him at 
the moment of death which occurred on the vigil of the 
Epiphany. A fresco in the Vatican Library records the scene. 
The funeral of the envoy, in St. Mary Major, assumed the 

1 Cf. V. BAESTEN in the Precis Hist., III., 4 (1895), 473- 

2 Cf. the letter of Alvarus II., July 13, 1604, addressed to 
Clement VI 1 1., in the essay of F. COLONNA in the periodical 
Roma, III. (1925), 118. 

3 Cf. ibid., 119. 

4 See the *Avvisi of January 5 and 9, 1608, Vatican Library ; 
MUCANTIUS, Diarium, in Borghese, t. 721, Papal Secret Archives 
and the letters of the Jesuits, painted by BAESTEN, loc. cit., 474 seq. 
Cf., too, ORBAAN, Documenti, 6 seq., 92 seq. ; ALYS DE CARAMAY- 
CHIMAY-BORGHESE, Beiges et Africains, Rome, 1916, 17 seq., 
and the essay of F. COLONNA, loc. cit., 156 seq. 



THE POPE S INTEREST IN THE CONGO. 369 

proportions of a solemn function, 1 and in the same church the 
Pope erected a monument to his memory which faithfully 
reproduces the envoy s features. 2 

Notice of this issue of .the Congolese embassy was conveyed 
to Alvarus II. by the bishop of Sao Salvador 3 who, in 1609, 
transferred his episcopal see to Loanda. His letters give a 
picture of the state of affairs with which he was faced. Before 
all else he complains of the bad example of the Portuguese 
slave traders, but he also criticizes King Alvarus II., who, he 
says, was indeed well-meaning but inconstant. 4 

Paul V. did not lose sight of the Congolese realm. Under 
Gregory XIII., four Spanish Carmelites had worked in that 
country, but they soon succumbed to the climate. 5 In 1608, 
Paul V. urged the General of the Spanish Carmelites to send 
a fresh batch of missionaries to that country. 6 When two 

1 See, besides the sources mentioned above, i.e. Baesten, loc. cit., 
Alys de Caramay-Chimay-Borghese (loc. cit., 18 scq.}, and F. 
Colonna (159 seq.}, the detailed *Avviso of January 9, 1608, 
according to which the ambassador was to have been buried 
later in the Capella Borghese ad perpetuum honorem (Vatican 
Library). According to this source, the Congregation of Rites 
had determined to receive the ambassador in a public Consistory, 
notwithstanding the opposition of Spain which held that the 
kingdom of Congo as well as Portugal owed them tribute. 

2 See A. Muffoz in L Arte, 1909, 178, and La Scultura barocca 
a Roma : L esotismo, in the Rass. d arte, igig, March- April, as 
well as the detailed account by ALYS DE CARAMAY-CHIMAY- 
BORGHESE, loc. cit., 19 seq. Here we find also a reproduction 
of the medal commemorating the embassy and a reference to the 
poem by the Belgian, Justus Ryckius, addressed to Paul V., on 
the same subject. See, too, F. COLONNA, loc. cit., 162 seq. 

3 The *Brief to the REX CONGII, October 13, 1608, giving 
news of the death of the ambassador is in Epist., IV., 168, Papal 
Secret Archives. 

See DE PAIVA-MANSO, Hist, do Congo, Lisbon, 1877, 158. 
Alvarus on his side was complaining of the new bishop ; see 
F. COLONNA, loc. cit., 165 seq. 

5 See DE PAIVA-MANSO, 129 ; BAESTEN, loc. cit., 471 seq. 

6 * Brief of December 19, 1608, in Bull. Carmelit., III., 397- 

VOL. XXV. 



37 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

years later these set out for their destination, the Pope 
recommended them to the king of Spain, to the bishop of 
Sao Salvador and to the new ruler of the kingdom, 
Alvarus III., who had come into power in 1614. 1 The new 
king appointed as his Roman envoy the referendary Giovan 
Battista Vives, and prayed that Capuchin Friars might be 
sent to him. 2 On January 13th, 1621, Paul V. was able to 
inform the king that twelve members of that Order were 
coming, and that more would follow. 3 

Extraordinarily gratifying developments were reported 
from the mission which the Jesuit, Pedro Paez, had founded 
in Abyssinia, in 1603. Notwithstanding a war of succession, 
thanks to his tact and perseverance, the distinguished 
Spaniard, who preached in the Abyssinian tongue, 
succeeded in ushering in a new era of progress for the 
Christian faith in the ancient land of Ethiopia. 4 A 
decisive factor in this gratifying result was the goodwill of 
the Negus, Seltan Segued, who had come into power in 1607, 
and to whom Paez made himself indispensable by his know 
ledge of medicine and architecture. To this day the 
magnificent ruins of the castle of Gondar, which Paez built 
for the Negus, bear witness to the many-sidedness of the gifted 
Jesuit. More important still was the fact that Paez was able 
to act as intermediary in the difficult epistolary correspondence 
of the Negus with the king of Spain and the Pope 5 ; for 
from Philip III. Seltan Segued hoped for military assistance 
in his endless wars. He was well aware that a papal inter- 

1 See ibid., 419 seq. 

2 See Bull. Capuc., VII., 192. 

3 See Ibid., 193. Cf. G. A. CAVAZZI, Istorica descrizione de tre 
regni Congo, Matamba et Angola e delle Missioni esercitatevi da 
Religiosi Cappuccmi, trad, dal F. Alamandini, Milan, 1690. 

4 See ALMEIDA, Historia de Ethiopia, ed. Beccari in Rer. 
Aethiop. Script., VI., 183 seq. Cf. ibid., I., 122 seq. ; XI., 60 seq., 
the reports of the Jesuits of 1607-1620. 

B. TELLEZ has already published several notes of Paul V. 
to the Negus (Hist, dell Ethiopia, Coimbra, 1660). These have 
been completed by BECCARI (I., 255 seq. ; cf. XI., 306). 



JESUITS IN ABYSSINIA. 37! 

vention, in this sense, in Spain would considerably further his 
plans and this was for him yet another incentive to favour 
Christianity. Paul V. entered into the Negus plans and 
repeatedly intervened on his behalf with Philip III. 1 Nor 
did he lorget to send his congratulations to Abyssinia after 
the defeat by the Negus of the savage Galla tribes. 2 

Prospects for Christianity rose still higher when the brother of 
the Negus, who was greatly esteemed by reason of his bravery, 
embraced the Catholic faith. Repeated disputations were 
held at court with the head of the Abyssinian church and its 
monks, the chiel subject of which was the question of the 
divine and human nature of Christ. In these discussions the 
spokesmen of the monophysite heresy were no match for 
the vastly superior knowledge of the Jesuits. Not only the 
learning of Fr. Paez and his companions, but their virtuous 
life also and the dignity of Catholic worship, led to a great 
many conversions. Mission stations multiplied and the 
missionaries were beginning to devote their attention to 
the conversion of the pagan frontier tribes. Successes like 
these frequently raised counter currents of such violence that 
at times the Negus himself became hesitant. But at last, 
after nearly twenty years of toil, the indefatigable Paez 
saw his wishes fulfilled, for at the close of 1621, the Negus 
openly declared himself for the Catholic faith and in May, 
1622, Paez received him into the Church. 3 With the prayer 
of the old man Simeon on his lips, the apostle of Ethiopia 
died at Gorgora, on May 20th, 1622, at the early age of 
fifty-seven. 4 Paul V. did not live to receive the news of the 
conversion of the Negus to which he had contributed by 
means of several letters. 

1 Compare the note gf Cardinal Borghese to the Spanish nuncio, 
November 9, 1615, in LAMMER, Zur Kirchengeschichte, 89. This 
has been missed by Beccari in his collection which is on the 
whole complete. 

2 See the *Brief of February i, 1614, in Bull. Patron. Portug., 
II., 23. 

3 See ALMEIDA, loc. cit., VI., 353 scq. ; 359 seq. 

4 See ibid., 360. 



372 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The condition of the Armenian Catholics had been in 
Paul V. s mind at the time of his dealings with the Shah of 
Persia. 1 Armenians visiting Rome were always kindly 
received by the Pope. 2 Missionaries labouring in the Persian 
empire got in touch with Melchisedech, patriarch of Greater 
Armenia, and induced him to make overtures to the Holy 
See. 3 In 1610, the Patriarch dispatched an envoy to Rome 
in the person of Zacharias Vartabied. The latter presented 
to the Pope a letter written in the Armenian tongue for the 
translation of which recourse was had to the rector of the 
Armenian national church in Rome, which was dedicated to 
St. Mary of Egypt. In emphatic words, such as Orientals 
love, the letter condemned the errors of Eutyches and 
Nest onus, hymned the primacy of the Roman Pontiff as the 
sun in the Church, and ended by expressing a desire for 
reunion with Rome. 4 In his reply, dated April 28th, 1612, 
notwithstanding his joy at the step which the Patriarch had 
taken, Paul V. did not conceal the fact that, if a real reunion 
was to be brought about, the Armenians must give up two 
points which separated them from the Church and to which 
they had hitherto clung with great obstinacy. It had tran 
spired that the Armenians did not mingle water with the 
wine at Mass and that to the hymn of praise to the Blessed 
Trinity to the trisagium that is they added the words : 
" crucified for us/ The Pope also pointed out that, besides 
the first council, the three subsequent general councils were 
unknown in Armenia ; for this reason he was sending him 
a document on the subject written during the pontificate of 
Clement VIII. He expressly demanded the recognition of the 
Council of Chalcedon and the elimination of the heretical 
clause of the trisagium. In return for the valuable gift of 



1 See MEYER, Nuntiaturberichtc, 272, 317. 

2 See STEPH. AZARIAN, Ecclesiae Armeniae traditio de Rom. 
Pontificis Primatu, Rome, 1870, 141. 

3 Cf. Bzovius, Vita Pauli, V., ch. 25. 

4 See ibid., ch. 27, where the whole of Melchisedech s letter, 
May 15, 1610, is translated into Latin. 



ARMENIAN CATHOLICS AND THE HOLY SEE. 373 

which Zacharias Vartabied had been the bearer, Paul V. 
presented the Patriarch with a gold cross containing a 
fragment of the true cross and some ecclesiastical vestments. 
In addition he recommended the Armenian Christians to 
the goodwill of the Shah of Persia. 1 

In 1613 Zacharias Vartabied left Rome for Constantinople 
and from there he forwarded the Pope s letter to the Patriarch 
Melchisedech. 2 Two years passed, but no reply came. On 
May 28th, 1615, Paul V., in a reasoned letter to the Patriarch, 
stated the theological grounds which compelled him to insist 
on the suppression of the two above-mentioned peculiarities. 3 
At the same time he also wrote to Vartabied, praising him 
for his efforts to bring about the reunion of the Armenian 
patriarchate. 4 According to Bzovius this did actually take 
place, 5 but we have no documentary evidence for the state 
ment. 6 Elias, the Patriarch of the Chaldean Nestorians of 

1 See Epist., Pauli V., VII, 361, in Arm., 45, of Papal Secret 
Archives. The gifts for the ambassadors of Armenia are mentioned 
in *Avviso of January 7, 1612, Vatican Library. 

2 This appears from the * Brief to Zach. Vartabied, of October 20, 
1613, in which Paul V. insists again upon the necessity of a 
" correctio duorum error urn ". Epist., IX., 123, Papal Secret 
Archives. 

3 See Epist., X., 352 ibid. 

4 *Brief Zachariae praelato Armenorum Perae Constantin. 
commoranti : " affectum esse ingenti laetitia ex his, quae significavit 
de eius progressu pro correctione Trisagii et caeterorum error um 
apud Armenos suos," dated V., Cal. lun., 1615, Epist., X., 
Papal Secret Archives. The Pope recommended Vartabied to 
the Rector of the Jesuits and to the French Ambassador at 
Constantinople ; see LAMMER, Zur Kirchengesch., 89, and Melet., 

335- 

5 Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. 27. 

r> In the Epist., Pauli \ ., the .following enclosed documents 
are found here : *Brief for Paulo Maria Cittadino, vie. general 
fratr. s. Dominici in Armenia maiori commoranti (since 1615 ; 
cf. Epist., X., 334) (" hortatur ut perseveret in eius ministerio "), 
dat. May 29, 1618 (XV., 321, ibid., 322 for moderno archiep. 
Goano : commendat Christifideles Armemae mai, d. ut s.) ; *Brief 



374 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Babylon, whose residence was at Mossul, seemed also resolved 
to establish contact with Paul V. At the beginning of 
September, 1610, there came to Rome, as the Patriarch s 
representative, the archdeacon and archimandrite of the 
Chaldean monks, Adam. 1 He submitted to the Pope a 
confession of faith together with a covering letter in which 
the Patriarch prayed that if the confession contained any 
error or deviation from the Roman Mother Church, the Pope 
would correct it. " Teach us, and we shall obey," he wrote. 
Adam submitted yet another special document in which he 
endeavoured to show that the divergences between the 
Chaldean Christian and the Catholics were only apparent 
ones. Paul V. passed on this exposition, as well as the con 
fession of faith, for examination by his secretary, Pietro 
Strozzi, a learned theologian. In his answer the latter dis 
cussed in detail the errors of the Nestorians and showed that, 
contrary to Adam s claim, the differences were more than mere 
verbal ones. Nevertheless, given goodwill, Strozzi thought 
that an agreement could be reached. Paul V. entrusted the 
further examination of the matter to the commissary of the 
Roman Inquisition, the Dominican Andrea Giustiniani. 2 
The Congregation proceeded with such thoroughness that 
Adam s stay in Rome lasted three years. During that time 

for Zach. Vartabied eccl. Armen. Constant, commoranti Praelato, 
dat. March 6, 1617 (" has received his letter of October 7 and 
therefrom perceives his ardour for the Catholic Faith ; remain 
faithful and carry out what you have in mind ; we approve 
your wish to found Armenorum collegia in Rome and Con 
stantinople, but there is no opportunity for this now/ Papal 
Secret Archives, XIV., 46). 

1 Cf. *Acta legationis Babylonicae in Barb., 2690 (with 
the arms of Paul V.), p. 3 seq. t Vatican Library. Cf., also, Annal. 
Minorum, XXV., Quarachi, 1886, 157 seq., 238 seq. ; PETR. 
STROZZA, De dogmatibus Chaldeorum disputatio, Romae, 1617 ; 
ASSEMANI, Bibl. orient., I., Romae, 1719, 543 seq. ; S. GIAMIL, 
Genuinae relationes inter Sedem Apost. et Assyriorum orient, seu 
Chaldaeorum ecclesiam, Romae, 1902, 108 seq., 525 seq. 

2 Cf. Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. 26. 



DIVERGENCES OF THE CHALDEAN CHRISTIANS. 375 

all the dogmas about which there was a divergence were 
subjected to exhaustive discussions, 1 especially those of the 
Primacy, the divine Motherhood, the two natures, the two 
wills and activities in Christ, the procession of the Holy 
Ghost, and the objections of Adam were examined and refuted. 
In the spring of 1614, a happy issue seemed to have been 
reached. Paul V. entrusted Adam with a letter to the 
patriarch in which, after praising Adam, the Pope described 
the discussions that had taken place between him and the 
Congregation. The Pontiff specified the dogmatic demands 
of the Holy See and stressed the fact that the divergences of 
the Chaldeans consisted not in words only but in facts. This 
letter was translated into Syrian ; so was Strozzi s dissertation 
which Adam took with him. He was also given presents for 
the Patriarch, viz. a gold cross set with jewels and containing 
a particle of the true cross, a translation of the Gospels in 
Arabic, a gold chalice, a tiara and liturgical vestments and, 
lastly, some medical books in Arabic. 2 To make the con 
clusion of reunion even more certain, two Jesuits were assigned 
as companions to Adam. 3 In March, 1616, the Chaldean 
Patriarch convened his suffragans in a synod of which we 
have an account from the pen of Tommaso Obicini, guardian 
of the Franciscan Monastery of Aleppo. 4 

Meanwhile the two Jesuits who had returned to Rome 
towards the end of 1616 brought with them very bad news 
concerning the unreliability of the archimandrite Adam. 
There was good reason to fear that they had all been taken 

1 Cf. STROZZA, ibid., 21 seq. 

2 See the Note of Paul V. of March 25, 1614, in GIAMIL, 

123 seqq. 

3 See the *credentials for the two Jesuits to the patriarch 
Elias, dated March 25, 1614, in the Epist., Papal Secret Archives. 
Cf., too, Synopsis, II., 227, 267, and *Ragguaglio delta tnissione 
fatta per ordine di N.S. Paolo V. da due sacerdoti d. Compagnia 
di Gesu alpatriarcaEliadi Babilonia, in Barb., LVL, 71, p. 127 seq., 
Vatican Library. 

See Synodalia Chaldaeorum, Romac, 1617. Cf. GIAMIL, 

147 seqq. 



37^ HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

in by the wily Oriental. 1 Fresh deliberations took place in 
which Cardinal Bellarmine also took part. In his 
memorandum he insisted on the necessity of making sure 
that no Nestorian views lurked behind Catholic-sounding 
expressions. 2 Accordingly, on June 29th, 1617, Paul V. 
demanded the acceptance of a fresh profession of faith, the 
wording of which was as accurate as possible and which 
contained an explicit rejection of the errors of Nestorius. 3 
How justified the Pope s caution was is shown by the fact 
that Elias successor in the patriarchal chair openly declared 
himself a Nestorian. 4 

These embassies from the East were no doubt contributory 
causes of a decree in which Paul V. once again drew attention 
to an ordinance of Clement VIII. concerning the study of 
languages, especially that of Arabic, in the educational 
establishments of Regulars. 5 In May, 1613, a polyglot meeting 
was held in San Lorenzo in Lucina at which, in the presence 
of many Cardinals, pupils of the Regulars preached in 
various Oriental languages. 6 In the same year, with the 
encouragement of Paul V., the learned French am 
bassador, Savary de Breves, published in Rome a trans 
lation in Arabic of the psalms of David and the Roman 
Catechism. 7 

With the brave mountain folk of Lebanon, the Maronites, 
Paul V. was on the best of terms for, as he wrote to them, they 
faithfully kept the Catholic faith, as a rose among thorns. 
Again and again the Pope sent gifts and spiritual favours to 



1 Cf. IUVENCIUS, V., 2, 425 seq. 

2 Cf. the opinion of Bellarmin in LE BACHELET, Auct. Bellarm., 
57 se <l> 

3 See GIAMIL, 1 60 seqq. 

4 See the *diary of their journey by the Friars Minor, Francesco 
and Tommaso, 1629 in Ottob. 2536, p. 114 seq., Vatican Library. 
LAMMER has utilized this source, Anelecta, 43 seq. 

5 Bull., XL, 625 seq. 

e See *Avviso, May 29, 1613, Vatican Library. 
T See Bibliofilo, XL (1890), 33. 



THE MARONITES AND THE COPTS. 377 

this people, 1 and made it possible for young Maronites to 
pursue their studies in Rome. 2 

In 1606, by the hands of Capuchin missionaries, the Pope sent 
to the Coptic Patriarch, whose residence was in Cairo, a chalice 
and sacred vestments. 3 In 1614, a representative of the 
famous monastery of St. Catherine, on Mount Sinai, did homage 
to the Pope in Rome. 4 Thereupon Paul V. recommended 
the monastery to the king of Spain 5 and, at a later date, 
also to Henry IV., at a time when the monastery was hard 
pressed by its wild neighbours. 8 France took a prominent 
part in the reopening, in 1609, of the Jesuit foundation in 

1 Cf. ANAISSI, Bull. Maronit., 114 seq., 117 seq., 119 seq., 
122 seq., 123, 124, 125, 127. 

2 Cf., besides Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., ch. 30, the *notes cf. 
Costaguti (Costaguti Archives, Rome ; see Appendix Vol. XXVI., 
n . 14) , and the * Tabella in Tempo di Paolo V. per le paghe da far si dal 
Depositario della Camera 1619, Varia 362, p. 16, in Propaganda 
Archives, Rome. Vat. 7413 contains : *Victorii Scalach Accurensis 
Maronitae Quattuor lesu Christi Evangel, ex Chaldeo idiom, in lat. 
interpretatio iussu Pauli V. expleta 1617; Vat. 7414 (ibid.): 
Ritualis catholici Maronit. ex Chaldeo idiom, in lat. interpretatio 
iussu Pauli V., Vatican Library. 

3 See the *Brief to Marcus, patr. Alex. nat. Cophtarum, dat. 
April 3, 1606. Cf. the *Brief to the Vicarius and Secretanus 
patr. Alexand. Alcairi commor., dated April 3, 1606 (he sends 
his blessing by Fr. Hieron. a Castroferretto, Felix Macerat. et 
Bernardin. de Appignano, ord. S. Franc. Cappuccin.}. Epist., 
!> 55. 56, 508, Papal Secret Archives. 

4 See the *Brief to the Archiepisc. et Abbas Montis Smay 
(" accepisse eius obedientiam sibi eius nomine per loachimum 
monachum praestitam "), dated July 26, 1614, Epist., X., 61, ibid. 

5 *Briefs to Philip III., dat. August 8, 1614, Epist., X., 98. 
Cf. XV., B : to *Laurentius archiep. et abbas Smay in Arabia, 
August 8, 1614 (he regrets the persecution, praises their fidelity 
and exhorts them to perseverance), Papal Secret Archives. 

6 *Brief to Louis XIII., dat. July 9, 1620 (he recommends 
Monachos Montis Si-nay, cum inter immanis. nationes incursionibus 
expositi ; they are lost \vithout money for endless ransom), Epist., 
XVI., 135. Ibid., 136. * Brief to losaphal ep. et abb. Montis Sinay 
(he has received his messengers and promises help), date as 
above, ibid. 



37$ HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Constantinople which had been destroyed by the plague during 
the pontificate of Sixtus V. After the death of Henry IV., 
Paul V. prayed the French government to hold a protecting 
hand over the missionaries in the Turkish capital. 1 The 
Jesuits of Constantinople devoted themselves not only to 
the Christians of the Latin Rite, but to those also who 
followed the Greek Rite. They also endeavoured, however 
difficult the thing was, to bring spiritual comfort to the 
unhappy Christian prisoners condemned to the galleys. At 
Constantinople, as everywhere, they opened a school in which 
they taught partly in Latin, partly in Greek. In time the 
Fathers directed their eyes towards the East. They opened 
a mission in Mingrelia and in Georgia where they won over 
one of the princes. At the time when the Armenians were 
praying for Jesuit missionaries, the Patriarch of Jerusalem 
also offered them a house in Jerusalem, on condition that 
they united with the Franciscans. " Thus we have a hope 
of establishing ourselves all over the East," we read in a 
report of the year 1619. With the Turks alone were the 
Fathers unsuccessful. Only by a great miracle could that 
people be converted, and if it pleased God to change the 
heart of the Sultan. 2 Paul V. repeatedly acknowledged in 
laudatory Briefs the good services rendered to the Catholics 
in Constantinople by the French embassy, 3 and he supported 

1 Cf. besides PRAT, III., 98 seq., 674 seq., the essays by DE MUN 
in the Rev. d. quest, hist., LXXIV., 1903), 163 seqq., and 
FOUQUERAY in Etudes, CXIII. (1907), 70 seqq. ; also FOUQUERAY, 
Hist. d. Jesuites, III., 200 seq., 606 seq. *Some details concerning 
the years 1609-1616 is also found in Cod. E 24, Boncompagni 
Archives, Rome. For the Jesuit mission in the ;gean Isles 
(1613-1615) see IUVENCIUS, V., 2, 437. In a *Brief of December 2, 
1617, to Caspar Gratianus dux Naxiae, the latter is praised for 
his zeal in spreading the Faith (Epist., XV.). Ibid., other, 
similar *Brief to the same, January 30, and Mareh 21, 1618, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

2 See FOUQUERAY, in Etudes, CIIL, 73 seq. 

3 See the *Brief to Henry IV., March 20, 1607 (Epist., II., 378), 
and to the ambassador Baron Salignac, March 28, 1608, and 
February 7, 1609 (Epist., III., 443 ; IV., 827 ; cf. X., 46); Papal 
Secret Archives. 



JESUIT MISSION WORK. 379 

the Jesuit establishment in that city not only with spiritual 
favours, 1 but likewise with an annual contribution of 
600 scudi. 2 

With the support of Paul V. 3 Jesuit missionaries laboured 
in the island of Chios. In Bosnia and Serbia they worked 
jointly with the Franciscans. 4 The bishop of the Uniat 
Serbs, Simeon Vratanja, received his confirmation from 
Paul V. 5 The Pope also extended his solicitude to the 
Christians of Moldavia and Walachia. 6 Catholics were still 
very numerous in Albania. In 1611, the archbishop of 



1 See Synopsis, II., 250 ; cf. 267. 

2 *Al padre generate d. Comp. di Gesu per sovent. delli padri 
delta missione di Constantinopoli scudi 600 moneta I anno (Tabella 
of 1609 in Varia, 362, p. 16, of Propaganda Archives, Rome). 
See also the *notes of Costaguti (cf. App. Vol. XXVI., n. 14), 
Costaguti Archives, Rome. 

3 Cf. *Notes of Costaguti, loc. cit. 

4 Cf. Mon. Slavor. merid., XXIII., Zagrabiae, 1892, 342 seq. 
For Paul V. ? s relations with Serbia see BALAN, La Chiesa e gli 
Slavi, 208, 246 seq. See also HUDAL, Die serbischorthodoxe National- 
kirche, Graz, 1922, 14 seq. 

5 Cf. NILLES, Kalendarium eccl. orient., III., Oeniponte, 1885, 
and Arch. Francisc. hist., XVII., 498 seq. 

* See the *Brief to the Princeps Moldaviae and Walachiae, 
November 15 and May 2 in Epist., X., 150, 340, Papal Secret 
Archives. Rome first received more detailed news of the ecclesias 
tical conditions in Moldavia and Wallachia from Bernardino 
Quirini, then in Candia, who, having been appointed bishop of 
Argesch as early as 1590, was not able, owing to political con 
ditions, to proceed to Moldavia until 1597. He settled there, 
in the Franciscan Monastery at Bacau, and now called himself 
" episcopus Argensis et Bachoviensis ". After his death, in 1607, 
the bishopric of Bacau came into separate existence. Quirinis 
vicar, Jerome Arsengo, became bishop. He was succeeded, in 
1611, by the Pole, Valerian Lubieniecki, who had had a chequered 
past. Thereafter all bishops of Bacau came from Poland ; see 
EUBEL in the Rom. Quartalschrift., XII., 113 seq. and R. CANDEA, 
Der Katholizismus in den Donaufiirstentumern, Leipzig, 1917. 
53 seq. ; cf. 61 as to the scarcity of priests in Moldavia. 



380 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Antivari, Marino Bizzi, reported to Paul V. that there still 
were 350,000 Catholics among a population of 400,000. He 
praised their fervour but did not hide the dangers which 
there, as in Serbia, became increasingly threatening as a 
result of Mohammedan propaganda. In several districts 
whole villages went over to Islam, in order to escape the 
poll-tax. 1 Similar developments occurred also in Bosnia, 
though there the Turks were still in a minority, and notwith 
standing the self-sacrificing efforts of Pietro Salinate, bishop 
of Sofia. 2 Pressure on the part of the civil power, and 
other circumstances, particularly the lack of suitable priests, 
resulted in a general retrogression of the Christian popu 
lation. 3 

It would be impossible to conceive a sharper contrast to 
the oppression of Christianity in the Ottoman empire than 
the situation of the Church in the colonies of the New World. 

1 See *Relazione della visita fatta da me, Marino Bizzi, arcives- 
covo d Antivari nelle parti della Turchia, Albania e Servia alia 
S. di N.S. Paolo V., January 30, 1611, in Barb., LVIIL, 13, 
Vatican Library. Cf. RANKE, Serbien und die Turkei, im ig. 
Jahrh., Leipzig, 1879, 539 seq., and RACKI in the periodical 
Starine, 1888. 

2 Cf. the " Relazione (drawn up in 1611), de le cose operate 
in servitio di Dio e della S. fede cattolica da fra Pietro Salinate, 
vescovo di Sofia, visitatore apost.," in Ottob. 2416, p. 927 seq. 
Pietro Salinate reports that he has been in places in Bosnia 
where no bishop had been before for fear of the Turks, and has 
confirmed many ; he has converted many Paulicians at Tarnovo 
and built numerous churches. " Ho quietato molte e pericolose 
liti fra quelli popoli. Ho levato molti abusi et abominevoli usanze 
fra quelli genti. Ho tenuto piu volte li sacri e altri ordini secondo 
il s. concilio di Trento et de la S. Romana Chiesa." He visited 
his diocese and suffered much from Turks and schismatics, more 
particularly from the Greek schismatic archbishop of Sofia, 
Vatican Library. 

3 See Giov. BATT. MONTEALBANO, Relazione a 22 di Maggio 
1625 del suo viaggio in Constantino poll con la descrittione di mille 
cose mirabili, in Cod., 6190, p. 132-167, State Library, Vienna. 
Cf. RANKE, Die serbische Revolution, Hamburg, 1829, 233 seq. 



CHRISTIANITY IN THE NEW WORLD. 381 

In 1611, Giovanni Botero estimated the number of Catholics 
in those countries at ten millions. 1 In Mexico, in Central 
and Southern America, the Church was solidly established 
and enjoyed the support of the State. Her wealth, which was 
due to the liberal donations of the Hispano-Portuguese 
patrons 2 and which made possible the erection of numerous 
sumptuous baroque churches, 3 was in many instances so 
great that abuses began to creep in thus early. Among the 
missionaries who sailed for the New World there were those 
who were not impelled by the loftiest motives. With many of 
them a desire for adventure, liberty, or lucre, outweighed 
zeal for the salvation of souls. Among the religious there 
were not a few who, on the interesting voyage to the West 
Indies, stopped without necessity on the way, or deviated from 
the direct route. In consequence, on July 8th, 1609, Paul V. 
issued an ordinance by which all regulars were commanded, 
under pain of excommunication, to keep to the direct route 
to the destination assigned to them by their Superiors. 4 
On December 7th, 1610, the Pope felt compelled to proceed 
against certain bishops who had been named by the Spanish 
crown for West Indian sees but who delayed their departure 
without adequate grounds though they claimed their revenues 
whilst they were still in Spain. 5 The existence of grave abuses 
is hinted at by a decree of May 7th, 1607, which forbids the 
clergy of the West Indies to indulge in any kind of trade. 6 
It was likewise a wholesome measure of Paul V. s, when he 

1 See GIODA, BOTERO, III., 324. 

2 Cf. A. DE HERRERA, Descripcion de las Indias ocidentales, 
Madrid, 1601, 80 seqq. 

3 Cf., besides Gabelentz, Die mexikanischen Barockkirchen, 
in the Zeitschr.f. bildende Kunst, LX. (1926-7), 112 seq., especially 
CUEVAS, Hist, de la Iglesia en Mexico, III., 36 seq. 

4 See Bull., XI., 571 seq. 

5 See ibid., 657 seq. 

6 See P. FRASSO, De regio patronatu Indiarum II., Matriti, 1775. 
331 seq. ; C. MOREL, Fasti novi Orbis ed ordinat. apost., Venetiis, 
1776, 349 seq. ; Bull., XL, 405 seq., 500 seq. Cf. also LAMMER, 
Melet., 330 seq. 



382 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

decided to suppress ail convents in America which could not 
support at least eight religious. 1 

The interests of the pastoral ministry were served by an 
ordinance affecting the secular clergy of Mexico, 2 as well as 
by the numerous alterations which Paul V. effected in the 
organization of the American hierarchy. To Truxillo, 
Arequipa, Guamanga, Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Durango 
and Pernambuco he gave their own bishops, whilst La Plata 
became an archbishopric. 3 Among the American bishops 
appointed by Paul V. there were many men of outstanding 
virtue and zeal for souls. Among them must be mentioned 
Bartolomeo Lobo Guerrero, who having succeeded, in 1609, 
the saintly Turibius in the archiepiscopal see of Lima, battled 
indefatigably against pagan superstitions and, in 1613, held 
a diocesan synod ; Domingo de Valderrama, a Dominican 
who founded a seminary after the Tridentine pattern in his 
residence of La Paz 4 ; Alonso de Peralta, bishop of La Plata, 
who died in the odour of sanctity 5 ; Alonso de la Mota, since 
1607 bishop of Pueblo de los Angeles, whom the natives also 
held in the highest esteem 6 and the bishop of Merida, 
Gonzalo de Salazar, of the Order of St. Augustine, famous 
for the holiness of his life. 7 The archbishop of Mexico, Juan 
Perez de la Sena, received several laudatory letters from 
Paul V. 8 Among the missionaries engaged in evangelizing 

1 See C. MOREL, loc. cit., 355. 

2 See Bull., XII., 294 seq., 212 seq. 

3 See GAMS, 139, 145, 150, 159, 160, 165, 510; C. MOREL, 353, 
35 6 3 6 5- c f. Bzovius, VitaPauli V., ch. 25 ; Bull., XII., 9 seq., 
271 seq. ; CUEVAS, Hist, de la Iglesia en Mexico, III., 107 seq. 

4 See the interesting "report, " Status rei ecclesiasticae diocesis 
Limensis ac Pacensis in Indiis occidentalibus de Peru," in Vatican 
Library. e cf. GAMS, 160. 

6 See ibid., 163. Cf. RANKE, Osmanen und spanische Monarchic, 
35 1. 7 See GAMS, 166. 

8 Cf. the *Briefs of 1615 (Epist., X., 328) and 1618, May n 
(Epist., XV.), Papal Secret Archives. The *Briefs with regard 
to the introduction of the Caeremoniale Romanum in Mexico 
are in Bull., XII., 471 seq. 



MISSION TO BRAZIL. 383 

the New World, the Pope supported in a particular manner 
those of the Dominican 1 Franciscan 2 and Jesuit Orders. 3 In 
1612 these were joined by the Capuchins. In that year the 
first four members of that Order left Paris for Brazil ; in 
1614 more Fathers set out for America, and in 1618, the ruler 
of Congo also made a request for some Capuchin Fathers. 4 
The American missionaries by no means confined their labours 
to the territories which were already Christian ; they were 
indefatigable in their efforts to carry the banner of the 
Gospel further afield. Boldly they penetrated into unknown 
regions in order to bring to the savage natives the blessings 
of Christian civilization. In their eagerness they shrank from 
no privation, not even from the Martyrs death, which as a 
matter of fact a number of them underwent. 5 

In Canada, in 1611, the French Jesuits Biard and Masse 
inaugurated a mission among the savage Indian tribe of the 



1 Cf. RIPOLT, Bull. ord. Praed. V., passim. 

2 Cf. IZEGUIRRE, Hist, de las Misiones Franciscanas en oriente 
del Peru, 1610-1921, Lima, 1921. 

3 Cf. Synopsis, II., 243, 249, 260, 266 ; *Brief to Philip III., 
May i, 1607 (commendat seminarium Salmanticense Soc. lesu, as 
numbers are insufficient for India), Epist., II., 431 ; *Brief to 
archiepisc. Limens. et Platens, in Indiis, June 27, 1608 (" com 
mendat patres Soc. lesu ") ; *Brief to episc. Cilae, Cuzetti et 
Pads in Indiis, d. ut s. (same content) ; *Consil. regis cath. in 
Quito 6- in Panama, d. ut s. (praises their protection of the Jesuits) ; 
*Comiti de Govera, gubernat. prov. Chiquites, d. ut s. (Praise of 
the Jesuits) ; to *Didacus de Velasco, gub. Cartaginis in Indiis 
d. ut s. (praise of the Jesuits). Epist., IV., 29, 30, 32, 33, 41, 42, 
Papal Secret Archives. 

4 Cf. MARCELLINUS DE PISA, Annal. hist. ord. min. S. Francisci 
qui Capucini nuncupantur, III., Lugduni, 1676, 3 seq., 27 seq., 
232. Detailed notes, mostly from letters in *Narratione delle cose 
della India (America merid.} occorse alii padri Capuccini della 
provincia di Parigi mandati per convertire i poveri selvatici infedeli 
nella terra et provincia Brasiliana, in Borghese, I., 28, p. 424 seq., 
Papal Secret Archives. 

5 Cf. ASTRAIN, V., 326 seq. 



384 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Hurons, but it was soon destroyed by English Protestants. 1 
In 1615 French Recollects took up the work once more. 
Among them Father le Caron particularly distinguished 
himself by his zeal for souls as well as by his linguistic studies. 
Since 1619, French Franciscans were devoting themselves to 
the arduous task of evangelizing the Abnakis of Nova Scotia. 2 
The foundation of the Jesuit Colonies in Paraguay, the 
peculiarities of which have been the object of such lengthy 
discussions, likewise falls into the pontificate of Paul V. 
The system hitherto followed of mobile missionaries, had not 
proved successful in those parts. For this reason, when 
Aquaviva erected the new Province of Paraguay, 3 the far- 
seeing General of the Society urged the foundation of strong 
and stable missionary centres after the model of similar 
essays in Brazil. 4 

The permanent settlement, freedom and isolation of the 
Indians who had up till then es aped enslavement was the 
essential idea of the new system, and as such it was in direct 
opposition to the system of commendas, hitherto followed by 
the Spaniards, with its consequent oppression of the natives. 
Philip III. s guarantee of support made it possible to break 
the resistance of the selfish colonists. The king ceded to the 
Jesuits the strip of territory east of the Paraguay, as far as 
the Uruguay. Here they founded the first of their famous 

1 Cf. PRAT, III., 106 seq. ; DE ROCHEMONTEIX, Les Jesuites 
de la nouvelle France, I., 57 seq. ; SPILLMANN, II., 372 seq. ; 
HUGHES, Hist, of the Soc. of Jesus in N. America, II., London, 
1917, p. 213 ; FOUQUERAY, III., 584 seq. ; cf. W. HANNS, Die 
Verdienste der Jesuitenmissionare um die Erforschung Kanadas, 
Ein Beitrag zur Entdeckungsgeschichte, 1611-1759 (Diss.), Jena, 
1916, printed also in the Mitteil der geographischen Gesellschaft 
zu Jena, XXXIII-XXXIV (1915-16). 

2 See HOLZAPFEL, 527 ; JOUVE, Les Franciscains et le Canada. 
I. : L etablissement de la foi 1615-1629, Quebec, 1915. 

3 Cf. IUVENCIUS, V., 2, 737 seq. ; PASTELLS, Hist, de la Comp 
de Jesus en prov. del Paraguay, I., Madrid, 1912, 120 seq. ; ASTRAIN, 
IV., 631 seq. 

4 Cf. HANDELMANN, Gesch. von Brasilien, Berlin, 1860, 78 seq. 



FOUNDATION OF REDUCTIONS. 385 

Reductions, that is, agricultural colonies of convert Indians, 
exclusively and independently administered by the 
missionaries, who were themselves immediately subject to 
the crowri. For some time this original creation had to 
contend with numerous obstacles, of which the greatest were 
the predatory irruptions of the slave hunters, the so-called 
Mameluks. In course of time, however, the Reductions 
developed into an institution of world- wide renown. 1 

As in their struggle for the freedom of the Indians, so did 
the Jesuits win imperishable renown by their efforts for the 
mitigation of the cruel lot of the negro slaves. Two 
resplendent patterns of Christian self-sacrifice on behalf 
of these unfortunates shed lustre on the reign of Paul V. ; 
namely Alonso de Sandoval and Peter Claver. Burning with 
heroic charity, these two Spaniards, the latter of whom was 
sprung from an ancient noble family of Catalonia, had devoted 
themselves since 1615, with admirable constancy, at Cartagena 
in New Granada (the Colombia of to-day) to the service of 
the unhappy negroes who were annually sold in thousands 
in the great slave market of that town for work in the mines 
and in the plantations. As soon as a ship arrived, they 
would hasten to the harbour, accompanied by an interpreter, 
in order to provide the blacks who, as a rule, were in a most 
pitiable condition, with food and raiment. The sick were 
their special care, but they also assisted those that were whole, 
comforted them and endeavoured to win them over to 
Christianity. Claver, who had dedicated himself to the service 

1 See PASTELLS, I., 157 seq. ; HUONDER, in Freib. Kirchenlex., 
IX. 2 , 1464 seq. With regard to the monograph of GOTHEIN : 
Der christlich-soziale Staat der Jesuiten in Paraguay (Leipzig, 
1883), cf. Stimmen aus Maria-Laach, XXV., 439 seq. We shall 
return later to this greatly misunderstood creation of Catholic 
missionary zeal, for which, conclusive information has now been 
supplied in the works of P. HERNANDEZ (Missiones dc Paraguay. 
Organization social de las doctrinas guaranies ae la Compahia 
de Jesus, 2 vols., Barcelona, 1913), and ASTRAIN (V., 519 seq.}. 
See, too, M. FASSBINDER, Der " J esuitenstaat " in Paraguay, 
Halle, 1926. 

VOL. XXV. 

28 



386 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of the negroes by a special vow, in many respects even sur 
passed his master Sandoval who had exercised his apostolate 
of charity at Cartagena since 1607. 1 Claver s love and tender 
ness towards the poor slaves knew no bounds. He personally 
cleansed and bandaged the dreadful sores with which many 
of them were covered, procured medicaments and stood 
by their sick bed with words of comfort on his lips. Whilst, 
like an angel of compassion, he did all he could to induce the 
negroes to lead a moral and Christian life, he likewise did 
his utmost to induce their hard-hearted masters to exercise 
greater mildness in the treatment of their slaves. Claver stuck 
to his wearisome task at Cartagena for a period of forty years, 
all the time waging an unending war against cruelty and 
selfishness on the one hand, and ignorance and degradation 
on the other. When, in 1654, he succumbed to his exertions, 
the number of those he had baptized with his own hand was 
computed as exceeding three hundred thousand. What was 
done by this one man, who was truly justified in styling 
himself " the perpetual slave of the negroes ", to mitigate the 
worst of all social evils, is written in letters of gold in the 
history of mankind. 2 

1 Cf. the reports in ASTRAIN, IV., 597 seqq. 

2 Sommervogel has abridged the older biographers of Claver ; 
among the more recent, cf. HOLZWARTH (Tubingen, 1885) ; 
FLEURIAU (Paris, 1751 ; in German, SCHELKLE, Augsburg, ist 
ed.,i833, 2nd, 1873) ; SOLA (Barcelona, 1888) ; VAN AKEN (Gand, 
1888) ; HOVER (Diilmen, 1888, 21905) ; ASTRAIN (V., 479 seq.), 
and G. LEDOS (Paris, 1923). 



CHAPTER IX. 

PAUL V. s EFFORTS FOR THE PACIFICATION OF WESTERN 
EUROPE AND ITALY. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN SWITZER 
LAND AND DISTURBANCES IN THE ORISONS. 

HENRY IV. entertained great hopes that the election of Paul V. 
would help him to realize his ambitious schemes. They were 
no more destined to be fulfilled than were the fears with which 
the elevation of the Borghese Cardinal filled the cabinet of 
Madrid. 1 

The French efforts to win over the new Pope to a neutrality 
hostile to Spain, in fact to an even closer adhesion to France s 
anti-Habsburg manoeuvres, could not make an impression 
on a man like Paul V., for the Pope was resolved a fact 
that did not escape the French ambassador to govern 
solely for the good of Christendom, without seeking his own 
advantage, and with absolute impartiality. 2 To this end 
peace between the Catholic Powers was indispensable, and 
Paul V. considered it a sacred duty to collaborate with all 
who worked for its maintenance. 3 If Henry IV. nevertheless 
hoped that the Pope would support his plans, his expectation 
was based, on the one hand, on the political inexperience of 
the new pontiff, and, on the other, on the prestige which 
France had recovered in Rome. The last conclaves had 

1 See above, p. 38. Cf., also, the report of FR. M. VIALARDO, 
Rome, June 4, 1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 

2 Cf. COUZARD, Ambassade, 392. 

3 Cf. the * Brief to Peirus comes de Fitcntes, status Mediol. 
gubernat. ac capit. gener., August 6, 1605, which says : "Hortamur 
te, ut in posterum omnem suspicionem omnemque timorem rerum 
novandarum in Italia ex hominum animis evellere . . . studeas," 
as we " Italiae pacem prae omnibus rebus desideramus ", Epist., 
I., 117, Papal Secret Archives. 

387 



388 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

shown the enormous change that had taken place in this 
respect. 

The general favour which Henry s astute envoy, Bethune, 
had won in Rome was clearly revealed at the latter s departure 
(June 6th, 1605), for the event became a triumph for France. 1 
The Pope, who had learned to esteem Bethune whilst still 
a Cardinal, 2 showed him extraordinary honour at his 
departure. 3 Although he also gave tokens of his favour to 
the Spanish ambassador, the duke of Escalona, at this very 
time, and granted him, for Philip III., an extension of the 
heavy ecclesiastical revenues deriving from the Cruzada, 
the Subsidio and the Excusado* the Spaniards were never 
theless very jealous for they could not help feeling that their 
ascendancy in Rome had declined enormously. For this 
result their ambassador, the duke of Escalona, a man of 
no capacity, was not a little to blame. In 1606 Escalona 
was superseded by the marquis of Aytona. 5 

With a view to maintaining and increasing France s prestige 
in Rome, Bethune s successor, Charles de Neufville, seigneur 
of Alincourt and son of the minister Villeroi, made magnificent 
and sumptuous preparations, such as had never been witnessed 

1 Cf. COUZARD, Ambassade, 405. 

2 See the *Brief to Bethune, December n, 1605 (" dum car- 
dinalem gerebamus " and as Pope " dexteritatem tuam abunde 
cognovimus "), Epist., I., 381, Papal Secret Archives. 

3 Every town in the Papal States through which Bethune 
came, had instructions to show him the greatest honour ; cf. 
GOUJET, I., 26. The French Nuncio, Maffeo Barberini, was 
ordered to make use of the advice of this statesman, who was 
truly devoted to the Holy See ; see the * Brief to Bethune, 
December n, 1605, loc. cit. 

4 June 22, 1605 ; see *Indice de las concessiones que han hecho 
los Papas de la Cruzada, Subsidio y Escusado, Archives of the 
Spanish Embassy, Rome, I., 9. 

5 For the incapacity of the duke of Escalona cf. our account, 
Vol. XXIII., 155 seq. ; for his hostility towards the Spanish 
Cardinals see the * Report of Giulio del Carretto, October 22, 
1605, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. 



POLITICAL POSITION IN EUROPE. 389 

on similar occasions. He announced his intention to spend 
forty thousand dcus over and above the money put at his 
disposal by the king. 1 By displaying the utmost pomp, 
Alincourt hoped to promote a happy solution of the difficult 
problems which Henry IV. had set him. Among other things 
there was question of paving the way for an alliance between 
the smaller Italian States and the Pope, which would be 
aimed against the Spaniards. 2 Whilst these plans of Henry IV. 
were maturing, the struggle between Paul V. and Venice 
broke out which, at one time, threatened to lead to an 
alliance between Rome and Madrid. As a consequence of the 
selfish and untrustworthy attitude of the Spaniards, Henry IV. 
escaped that peril ; in fact it became even possible for him 
to play the role of a mediator. Nevertheless, the compromise 
of June, 1607, which was due to the skill of Cardinal 
de Joyeuse, was of a kind that satisfied neither Venice nor 
the Pope. 3 If his mediation in the struggle with Venice added 
to Henry s prestige, he also lost many sympathies thereby. 
In Rome this became very evident ; it was generally believed 
that Paul V. had begun to lean rather more towards the 
Spanish side. 4 None the less, since Charles Emmanuel, 
duke of Savoy, seemed to draw ever closer to him, Henry IV. 
hoped that the anti-Habsburg league of the Italian States, 
which he had fathered, would be further strengthened by the 
Pope s adhesion. However, it soon became apparent that 
neither Paul V. nor the republic of St. Mark could be induced 
to enter into any definite agreement. In September, 1608, 
the French envoy in Venice reported the existence of a 
possibility of a close alliance with Spain of the Pope, Venice 
and Tuscany. 5 Even so when a month later Henry 

1 See PHILIPPSON, HeinrichlV., Vol. I, 357. For the Instruction 
to Alincourt, see MERCIER-LACOMBE, Henri IV. et sa politique, 34. 

2 Cf. GINDELY, Rudolf II., Vol. I., 116. 

3 Cf. above, p. 172 seq., 179 seq. 

4 See PHILIPPSON, III., 55, 271, 276. 

5 See Letters and documents for the history of the Thirty 
Years War, II., 567. 



3QO HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

tentatively suggested to Venice the formation of a French- 
Italian offensive alliance, with a view to an attack on Spanish 
Lombardy, he imagined that he could secure the Pope s 
concurrence by the promise of a principality for the Borghese 
family. 1 Calculations of this kind were based on a complete 
misunderstanding of Paul V. s character. The duke of 
Escalona knew by experience how little the Pope was sus 
ceptible to wiles of this kind. In 1605, when he wished to 
secure a certain marriage dispensation, the duke made a 
promise of territorial possessions for the Pope s nephew. 
To this suggestion the Pope indignantly replied that he was not 
prepared to sell the Supreme Pontificate. 2 Nor was there 
any foundation for the opinion which prevailed at the French 
court, namely, that Paul V.s feelings were wholly pro- 
Spanish. The Borghese Pope was very far from considering 
the resumption of the political game in which so many of his 
predecessors of the Renaissance period had become involved. 
Though politically inexperienced, it nevertheless never entered 
his mind still further to strengthen the Spanish preponderance 
in Italy with which all Italians bore most reluctantly, and 
which the Holy See itself had cause to resent, owing to the 
constant encroachment of Spain on the sphere of the Church. 
But if the idea of a complete surrender to Philip III. was far 
from his mind, that of falling in with the dangerous political 
aspirations of Henry IV. was no less so. For Paul V., the 
fulfilment of his duty to the Church and the protection 
of Christendom stood in the front line, and to this end he 
sought to eliminate with complete impartiality, the differences 
between the two chief Catholic Powers which had so long 
warred against each other, to the very great injury of the 
Church. 3 Like Clement VIII. he too hoped for a reconciliation 
of France and Spain by means of a matrimonial alliance. 
Already by the end of 1605 he took tentative steps towards 

1 Cf. A. FOSCARINI in BAROZZI-BERCHET, Francia, I., 308 ; 
PHILIPPSON, III., 567. 

2 See COUZARD, Ambassade, 391. 

3 Cf. GINDELY, I., 114. 



ALLIANCE BETWEEN HABSBURG AND BOURBONS. 39! 

this end. Owing to the jealousy with which both cabinets 
watched the conduct of the Holy See, he had to act with the 
utmost caution, lest he should appear to each of the two 
Powers as an agent of the opposite party. 

In April, 1606, the Jesuit, Pere Coton, for whom Henry IV. 
cherished a high regard, suggested a double alliance between 
the houses of Habsburg and Bourbon ; namely, that of 
the Dauphin with the eldest daughter of Philip III., and 
that of the Spanish heir with the eldest daughter of Henry IV. ; 
the latter would have for dowry the succession to Navarre, 
and the Spanish Infanta the provinces of Flanders. However 
the Spanish cabinet could not be induced to approve an 
arrangement the realization of which was greatly desired 
by the king of France. The discussions came to an end in 
July, 1607. Nevertheless Paul V. went on making propaganda 
in favour of an understanding between Paris and Madrid by 
means of matrimonial alliances. 1 Cardinal Barberini who, 
during his term of office as nuncio in Paris, had devoted his 
energy to the elimination of the Franco-Spanish rivalry, 2 
rightly interpreted the feelings of Paul V. by making a supreme 
attempt towards that end shortly before his departure. In 
September, 1607, on the occasion of the recent birth of 
Don Carlos, Barberini suggested a matrimonial alliance 
between that prince and Christina, third daughter of Henry IV. 
The shrewd French monarch fell in with the proposal with 
remarkable alacrity even though he modified it somewhat 
in his own interest. Don Carlos and Christina were to receive 
from Spain the Low Countries as an hereditary fief, though in 
practice with complete independence, whilst the northern 
Provinces of the Netherlands were once more to be united 
to the southern ones. There is no need to explain in detail 



1 Cf. the valuable study of HILTEBRANDT : Rom. Preussen 
und Jiilich-Cleve, in the Quellen u. Forsch. des preuss. Instit., XV. 
(1913), 312 seq., where for the first time the reports of the nuncia 
ture are fully made use of. 

1 Cf. NICOLETTI, Vita di Urbano VIII., torn I., Barb., 4753, 
p. 195 seq., Vatican Library. 



3Q2 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the advantages for France of a combination of this kind. 
To render the plan acceptable to the Pope, Henry IV. pointed 
to the advantages that would result from it for Christendom. 
The sole cause of France s jealousy of Spain was the latter s 
presence in Flanders ; if this obstacle were removed the 
king s only interest would be to defend, in conjunction with 
the ruler of Spain, the heritage of the young couple, and to 
fight the Dutch Calvinists who, even in the interior of France, 
gave Henry trouble enough. 1 All this Villeroi explained in 
detail to Roberto Ubaldini who, in 1607, succeeded Barberini 
in the French nunciature. An alliance without a territorial 
dowry, as had so often been demonstrated, would have no 
tangible effect, whereas the marriage of Don Carlos and 
Christina, with Flanders as dowry, would lead to a strong 
and lasting friendship between France and Spain. 2 In order 
to win over to his plan the childless Governor-General of the 
Low Countries, the archduke Charles, Henry IV. held out 
to him the perspective of his support in a question which, 
in view of the peace pourparlers with the Dutch, that fervent 
Catholic prince had particularly at heart, namely, complete 
freedom for the Catholics of Holland to practise their religion. 
In reality, however, the king of France, whose aims were 
purely political, had no intention whatever to tackle that 
difficult question. Notwithstanding the pressing exhortations 
of the Pope, the French delegates at the peace conference 
definitely took the side of the intolerant Dutchmen. 3 The 
grave misgivings with which the Holy See viewed the latest 
proposals of Henry IV. were fully justified. The worth of his 
promise to help the Spaniards, at a later date, to overthrow 
Holland, was shown by the conclusion, in January, 1608, of 

1 See PHILIPPSON, Heinrich IV., Vol. III., 126 seq., who shows 
clearly, against PERRENS (Les mariages espagnoles, 40 seq.} that 
Barberini was merely the originator of the idea of the marriage, 
whereas the plan of erecting a Flemish " secondogeniture " 
proceeded from Henry IV. 

2 See the Report of UBALDINI, January 20, 1608, in PERRENS, 
Mariages, 63 seq. 

3 See PHILIPPSON, III., 132 seq., 137 seq. 



SPANISH ENVOY SENT TO PARIS. 393 

an offensive and defensive alliance between France and the 
United States of the Netherlands. At Madrid this double- 
dealing roused such indignation that the Spanish envoy in 
Rome was instructed to lodge a strong protest with the Pope 
against the conduct of Henry. 1 For all that, the Spanish 
cabinet was resolved to go on with the marriage treaty. On 
March 30th, the Spanish Privy Council examined the French 
proposals which had been transmitted to it from Rome at 
the beginning of February, and, on the advice of Lerma, 
decided to send as envoy to Paris a person of eminence and 
distinction. The choice fell on a Grandee of Spain who was 
also a distant relation of the French king, namely the Marquis 
of Villafranca, Don Pedro de Toledo. It was thought 
that this haughty and rough warrior, with his bluff speech 
and manner, was best qualified to force- the king to bow to 
Spain s conditions of a marriage which, as was generally known, 
Henry was most anxious to be arranged. Toledo was 
instructed to open the discussions with a strongly worded 
protest against the Franco-Dutch alliance and only to mention 
the marriage plan if Henry himself broached it. Preparations 
on a purposely grand scale were made for the embassy and 
the presents which Toledo was to offer to the French king 
were ostentatiously displayed ; they were magnificent 
Andalusian horses, together with costly harness. In order 
to draw general attention to the embassy, its dispatch was 
purposely delayed. The idea was to raise a suspicion in the 
minds of Henry s confederates that the king of France was 
irrevocably resolved to become reconciled to Spain, even 
though it meant abandoning his Dutch allies. The extent 
to which the scheme proved successful is shown by the 
anxiety which seized the duke of Savoy, the German 
Protestants, the English, and, most of all, the Dutch. To a 
Dutch protest the French envoys replied that marriages of 
this kind could take place between the children of powerful 
kings ; none the less they were empowered to assure them 
that their ruler would not enter into an alliance with any 

1 See HILTEBRANDT, loc. cit., 322 seq., 324 seq. 



394 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

prince in the wide world if by so doing he would injure the 
Dutch State and his long-standing friendship with its people. 1 
This assurance was honestly meant, but it by no means allayed 
the fears of the Dutch. Not for a moment did Henry con 
template a loosening of his alliance with Holland seeing that 
it was for him a guarantee of the effective conclusion of the 
marriages and the separation of Flanders from Spain. 2 

All the efforts of Paul V., through Ubaldini, to induce the 
French king to renounce his alliance with the Dutch Calvinists 
proved in vain. 3 Whereas at the beginning of March, 1608, 
Henry still acknowledged the promise made by him to help 
the Spaniards to subjugate the Dutch, and excused its with 
drawal by pleading that Rome had failed to send him a reply, 
at the end of the same month he openly told the nuncio that 
under no circumstances would he go to war with the powerful 
Dutchmen. 4 The Bourbon fancied that somehow he would 
induce the Spaniards to fall in with his ideas, notwithstanding 
his dealings with Holland. He sought to allay the fears of 
the Madrid cabinet by every means in his power. Once the 
two dynasties were allied by double marriage ties, and the 
separation of Flanders from Spain was effected, everything 
else would follow of its own accord, for then the ruler of 
France would of necessity greatly desire that the Dutch 
should be subject to his daughter and son-in-law ; in this 
way, too, the Catholic religion would be re-established in those 
provinces. 5 It would seem that, as a matter of fact, Henry 
was prepared to promise, by a secret clause, to assist Spain 

1 See PHILIPPSON, III., 146 seq., 160 seq. ; PERRENS, 113 seq.; 

HlLTEBRANDT, loc. tit., 325 Seq. 

2 HlLTEBRANDT, 326. 

3 C/. HILTEBRANDT, 326 seq., who rightly contradicts PHILIPP 
SON (III., 144, 150), and shows that Paul V. and Ubaldini did 
not thereupon take sides because they were Spanish-minded ; 
" they simply represented the proper self-interest of the Curia 
in attempting to restrain the most Christian king from support 
ing the heretical Dutch." 

4 See SIRI, I., 468 seq. ; PERRENS, 48, 94 ; HILTEBRANDT, 327. 
8 Cf. SIRI, I., 482 seq. ; PERRENS, 95. 



PAPAL DIPLOMACY. 395 

in the conquest of Holland as soon as he could feel assured 
on the one point which, in his mind, outweighed everything 
else, namely the separation of Flanders from Spain. 1 As 
early as March 4th, 1608, Ubaldini had reported to Cardinal 
Borghese as follows : "I perceive that though Villeroi 
refuses to say so openly, he nevertheless wishes it to be 
understood that the king would accept the marriages and 
the separation of Flanders even with the condition attached 
to them of an alliance against Holland." 2 Consequently 
the logical policy of papal diplomacy in Madrid should have 
been to press for an abandonment of the demand for an 
immediate rupture with Holland. If Paul V. failed to do so, 
it was because in his anxiety to remain neutral he was 
afraid lest he should give the Spaniards an impression that 
he was a champion of the French if, in addition to the partition 
of Flanders, he also suggested to them the shelving of the 
resolve to subdue the Dutch Calvinists. 3 

Meanwhile, on July 19th, 1608, Toledo arrived at Fontaine- 
bleau, the summer residence of the king of France. He was 
escorted by a numerous suite. This fact confirmed Henry 
in his opinion that the Spaniards were in earnest and sincerely 
meant to accept his proposals. His very first confidential 
talk with Toledo, on July 21st, completely disillusioned him. 
Toledo was a complete novice in the diplomatic craft. With 
soldierly directness he made straight for the main point, viz. 
the rupture of the Franco-Dutch alliance. There ensued some 
very painful and heated discussions. When Henry sought 
to give a friendlier turn to the conversation by inquiring 
which marriages Toledo was empowered to negotiate, the 
latter answered that though the Pope s proposals in this 
matter had met with a favourable reception in Spain, he 
himself was neither commissioned nor empowered to negotiate 
any marriage whatever ! Ubaldini could scarcely fail to realize 
that after such a beginning there was little prospect of a 

1 See HILTEBRANDT, 330 seq. 

2 See ibid., 331. A. i. 

3 See ibid., 332. 



396 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

successful mission. None the less he decided to play the part 
of an intermediary. 1 

When Paul V. learned of the turn affairs had taken, his 
surprise was all the greater as he had entertained high hopes 
for the success of the matrimonial transactions. 2 To these 
hopes he had given expression on the occasion of the first 
audience of the marquis de Breves, the successor of Alincourt, 
July 21st, 1608. 3 His surprise was as great as his annoyance 
when, on August 5th, Breves informed him of the rough 
manner in which Toledo had begun a mission fraught with 
such possibilities for the good of Christendom. The Pope 
showed very great excitement. Toledo s statement that it 
was Henry who had proposed the marriage he qualified as 
nothing less than impudent, since he was in a position to 
testify before the whole world that Cardinal Barberini and 
he, the Pope, for the good of Christendom, had suggested the 
discussions in question. For the rest, Paul V. expressed a 
hope that his skilful Parisian envoy would succeed in steering 
Toledo into different channels as well as in pacifying the king, 
whose irritation was fully justified. He trusted the ruler of 
France and promised to urge Philip III. and the archduke 
Albert to make peace with the Dutch as speedily as possible, 
so long as they guaranteed the free practice of the Catholic 
religion. 4 

With a view to giving a better turn to the pourparlers 
between Spain and France, Paul V., on August 22nd, 1608, 
proposed to the French envoy to transfer the discussions to 
Rome where Breves and Aytona would be able to conduct 
them under his own eyes and with better prospects of success. 
Henry IV., however, mistrusted Paul V. and would not agree 

1 See PHILIPPSON, III., 165 seq. 

2 Ibid., 150. 

3 See SIRI, I., 514 seq. By *Briefs of July 22, 1608, Paul V. 
expressed to the French king his satisfaction at the dispatch 
of Breves (Epist., IV., 72, Papal Secret Archives). The instruc 
tions for Breves, in Notices et extraits de la Bibl. du Roi VII., 2 
(Paris, 1804), 288 seq. 

4 See SIRI, I., 516 seq. ; PERRENS, 43, 64, 135, 142.- 



FAILURE OF PROPOSED ALLIANCE. 397 

to the suggestion. Ubaldini s efforts yielded no result though 
he applied all his diplomatic skill to the discovery of a middle 
course between the French and Spanish proposals. 1 Paul V., 
who until then had entertained a strong hope of a happy 
solution of the question, now begun to fear that his desire of 
a rapprochement between France and Spain would be thwarted 
by the resistance of Henry IV. and that French support would 
strengthen the Dutchmen s determination to reject the 
Spanish demand for the free practice of the Catholic religion 
in the territory of the federated Netherlands. In order to allay 
the misgivings and the annoyance of the Pope, and for fear 
of forfeiting his goodwill, the French king had recourse to 
all the petty tricks of which he was a consummate exponent. 
Thus the nuncio in Paris was overwhelmed with attentions. 2 
For the same reason Cardinal Gonzaga, duke of Nevers, was 
dispatched to Rome as the king s special envoy. His mission 
was to do homage to the Pope in Henry s name. The 
ceremony was carried out with great pomp on November 27th, 
160S. 3 It came as a bitter disappointment to Paul V. that 
the proposed marriages, from which he hoped for a close 
rapprochement between France and Spain, had no better 
result than to drive those two countries still further apart. 4 

1 Cf. SIRI, I., 531 seq. ; PERRENS, 134, 147 seq., 153, 163 ; 
PHILIPPSON, III., 188 seq., igoseq., 193 seq. ; HILTEBRANDT, 332. 

2 See PHILIPPSON, III., 216 seq. 

3 Cf. GOUJET, I., 215 seq., 220 ; M. ROUVET, Entree d Rome 
de Charles de Gonzague, Nevers, 1895, and Une ambassade d Rome 
sous Henri IV., Nevers, 1900 ; Maur. Bressii nobilis Delphinati, 
regii ad Paulum V. oraloris oratio habita a. 1608, die 27 Nov., 
published in Rome, 1608. At Gonzaga s return, Paul V. gave 
him a *Brief for Henry IV., December 15, 1608 (Epist., IV., 270, 
Papal Secret Archives). For the duke s stay in Rome and the 
gifts given him by the Pope, cf. the *Avvisi of November 19, 
December 6, 12, and 26, 1608. On his return journey from 
Naples, the Duke halted again at Rome ; see *Avviso of January 
10, 1609, Vatican Library. 

4 For the vain efforts of the indefatigable Ubaldini, to bring 
about a reconciliation between France and Spain, see PHILIPP 
SON, III., 195 seq., 209 seq. ; HILTEBRANDT, 332. 



398 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

The Pope s annoyance was increased by a fresh dispute 
with Venice in which the Spanish and the French ambassadors 
sought to mediate, each in his own way and for his own 
selfish end. 1 To all this must be added the circumstance that 
the twelve years truce which, with the help of French 
mediation, was concluded between Spain and Holland, on 
April 9th, 1609, at Antwerp, contained no clause in regard 
to freedom for the practice of the Catholic religion. Thus 
the Catholics of Holland, who constituted more than half the 
population of the country, were left a prey to further 
persecution by the Calvinists. In the treaty, Spain not only 
renounced all claims to protect the Dutch Catholics, but 
recognized the independence of the united provinces of 
Holland and granted them the right to trade with all over 
seas countries which were not immediately under Spanish 
suzerainty. 

This shameful truce with Holland was a deep humiliation 
for Philip III. : it was a revelation of the decline of Spain as 
a world power a decline which thereafter nothing could 
check. This fact was at last realized even by the politically 
inexperienced Pope whom Henry IV., with his wonted 
duplicity, had deceived in regard to the role played by him in 
the transaction. Time and again the king succeeded in 
dispelling Paul V. s misgivings by a semblance of agreement 
with Rome s intentions. 2 The excessive optimism of the 
beginning vanished completely. " At one time," the Pope 
remarked in September, 1609, " the Spaniards maintained 
their position by arrogance. At present they have lost that 
manner. They are the object of universal contempt and what 
respect they still commanded has been completely forfeited 
through the Dutch armistice by which they themselves owned 
to their helplessness." 3 

1 Cf. GOUJET, I., 239 seq., 245 ; ROTT, Henri IV., p. 430 seq. 

2 Cf. PHILIPPSON, HI., 227 seq., 236 seq., 239 seq., 245 ; 
ROTT, Henri IV., p. 430 seq. 

3 See the report of the French ambassador Breves, in Rome, 
September 16, 1609, in PERRENS, 207. 



POLITICAL TENSION THROUGHOUT EUROPE. 399 

Meanwhile, in consequence of the death, on March 25th, 
1609, of the childless John William of Julich-Cleve-Berg, 
political tension became so acute that the most perilous 
complications were to be feared. Once again war threatened 
between France and Spain, as well as a most grievous injury 
to the cause of Catholicism in the North-West of Germany 
and in the Low Countries. 

A number of claimants competed for the inheritance of the 
Lower-Rhine duchy, the possession of which was of the 
utmost importance from the political, strategic and ecclesi 
astical point of view. In accordance with the constitution of 
the empire, Rudolph II. decreed that until the question of 
succession had been decided, the government of the territories 
should be carried on by the widowed duchess and her 
counsellors, under the supreme direction of imperial pleni 
potentiaries. Heedless of this decree, two of the Lutheran 
competitors, viz. the Elector John Sigismund of Brandenburg 
and the Count Palatine, Philip Louis of Neuberg, seized the 
principality which, at least outwardly, was still Catholic 
though in matters of religion it had long been undermined 
by the new teaching which the weak-minded John George 
had allowed to penetrate into his territory. 1 The Elector 
of Brandenburg hoped for foreign help 1 for the assistance, 
that is, of Holland, England, and France. He claimed 
British assistance in the name of the interests of the Nether 
lands, the Protestant religion and common liberty. This 
" German " prince begged the French king for " effective 
help " inasmuch as none of the other claimants " could 
compare with the house of Brandenburg as regards traditional 
affection for France." 2 Henry IV. was only too glad of such 
an opportunity for meddling in the internal affairs of Germany 
as well as for leaguing himself with its Protestant princes for 
the purpose of preventing this territory on the Lower Rhine 

1 Cf. the judgment of Cardinal Paravincini in his Note to 
Rudolph II., Rome, November 29, 1608, in Briefen und Akten, 

VI., 524- 

* Ibid., II., 231 seq. 



400 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

from getting into the power of the House of Habsburg. He 
promptly assured the Elector of Brandenburg of his assistance, 
advising him at the same time to begin by placating the 
count of Neuburg. As early as June, 1609, Brandenburg and 
Neuburg came to terms as to a provisional joint government 
of the territories they had seized. Thereupon the emperor 
threatened Brandenburg and Neuburg, the so-called " princes 
in possession ", with the ban of empire, at the same time 
charging the archduke Leopold to occupy the territories in 
his name. These the emperor intended to bestow upon the 
Elector of Saxony who also had a claim to them. On 
July 23rd, the archduke Leopold succeeded in occupying 
Julich, the chief fortified place, but in view of the small forces 
at his disposal, it was very doubtful whether he would be 
able to hold the position. 1 The decision of the whole question 
lay so completely with Henry IV. that the Cardinal Secretary 
of State, Borghese, could write to the nuncio in Paris that 
peace and war were in the hands of the King of France. 2 

As soon as he had learnt of the death of the duke of Cleve, 
Paul V. had sent an urgent request to the Emperor Leopold II., 
to the Elector of Mayence and to duke Maximilian of Bavaria, 
not to suffer the territories, temporarily without a head, to 
fall into Protestant hands. 3 When it transpired that the 
French king favoured the settlement of non-Catholic princes 
on the Lower Rhine, the Paris nuncio, Ubaldini, was instructed 
to deter the king from such a policy, and to press on him the 
interests of Catholicism. 4 Ubaldini preached to deaf ears. 

1 Cf. JANSSEN-PASTOR, V., 625 seq. 

2 Note of September i, 1609, published by HILTEBRANDT, 
in the Qucllen u. Forsch. des preuss. Instil., XVI. (1914), Heft 2, 
S. 71 seq., who overlooked the fact that the letter had already 
been printed in full in LAMMER, Zur Kirchengeschichte, 76 seq. 

3 The * Briefs of April 18, 1609, in REINDL, Der Anfang des 
Streites uber die Julicher Erbfolge, Munich, 1896, 81 seq. Cf. 
V. KYBAL, Jindrich IV. a Europa v letech, 1609 a 1610, Prague, 
1911, 57 seq. 

4 See the instructions of Borghese in HILTEBRANDT, loc. cit., 
XV., 334. A. 3. 



RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL RIVALRIES. 40! 

If he pointed to the strengthening of the French Huguenots 
which must inevitably result from Henry s conduct, he was 
told that it would be even more dangerous if the duchy of 
Jiilich were to fall into the power of the Spaniards. 1 If he 
dwelt on the injury which would surely be inflicted on 
Catholicism in the duchy itself if Brandenburg and Neuburg 
were to get it into their hands the king would tax the nuncio 
with exaggeration ; besides, he alleged, the princes in 
question had promised not to introduce any changes in 
religion ; that he, the king, would not prevent the emperor 
from looking after Catholic interests, but he was determined 
not to allow religion to be used as a cloak for the political 
aims of the house of Habsburg. 2 The attitude of his 
counsellors did not differ from that of the king. When 
Ubaldini complained of the assistance which France gave to 
the Protestant pretenders, Villeroi made counter-accusations 
against the action of the nuncio of Cologne who was said 
to have exhorted the Estates of Jiilich and Cleve to remain 
loyal to the house of Habsburg. Ubaldini replied that all 
that the nuncio had done was to stand up for Catholic rule 
in Jiilich and Cleve ; the Holy See had the concord of the 
Catholic Powers quite as much at heart as the extirpation 
of heresies. The chief source of all evils, Ubaldini declared, 
was the jealousy of the Catholic Powers which blinded them 
to such a degree that they would rather have a whole province 
fall into Protestant hands than allow even one town to get 
into the power of a rival. France would be the very first 
to experience the harm caused by every fresh innovation 
in matters of religion. Eventually Villeroi came back to 
his earlier proposal, that of an amicable settlement of the 
Jiilich dispute by means of a Franco-Spanish marriage. 3 

Such a solution was in complete harmony with the views 
of Paul V. who, from the first, had but one aim in mind in 

1 See the Report of Ubaldini of April 14, 1609, ibid., 334. 

2 See the Report of UBALDINI, of July 7, 1609, ibid., XVI., 
63 seq. 

3 Ibid., of July 21, 1609, ibid., 65 seq. 

VOL. xxv. 

29 



402 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the whole affair, namely the well-being of the Church. To 
this end it was just as imperative to prevent the outbreak 
of a fresh war between the two chief Catholic Powers as it 
was to save the duchies of the Lower Rhine from passing 
into Protestant hands. The Pope was indifferent as to which 
of the various claimants the rich inheritance might eventually 
fall to : his one anxiety was that he should be a Catholic. 1 
In his eagerness for a happy settlement, the Pope had more 
than once spoken in this strain to Breves, the French envoy 
in Rome, 2 and he had also sent instructions to this effect 
to the Paris nuncio. 3 If at first Paul V. favoured a decision 
of the dispute by the emperor whose intention it was to 
bestow the duchies on a Catholic prince, though not one of 
the house of Habsburg, it was because he hoped to preserve 
those territories from Protestantizing influences and at the 
same time to satisfy Henry IV. In this respect his calculations 
miscarried for the Protestant princes acted promptly and 
seized the territory. As for the emperor, he had neither the 
power nor the will to take a decisive measure. Maximilian 
of Bavaria also hesitated. The French king turned a deaf 
ear to all the representations of the Pope whilst he jealously 
watched lest there should be any increase of the power of the 
emperor or the Spaniards. If he could not secure the heritage 
of the Lower Rhine for France, he unhesitatingly preferred 
its passing into the hands of the Protestants rather than those 
of a Habsburg claimant. 4 

Notwithstanding the studied impartiality of the Pope, 
Henry was for ever afraid lest the Curia should swerve towards 
his opponents. To prevent this he spared neither astute 

1 See HILDEBRANDT, XV., 336, 347, to whom belongs the 
credit of being the first to bring out this circumstance. 

2 Cf. the report of Breves, in Brief en und Akten, II., 573 seq., 
575 se( l-> 5**5 seq. The editor, M. RITTER, has overlooked the 
fact that most of the letters had been published by GOUJET, 
I., 262 seq., 270 seq. (In the last reference, read " September 14 " 
instead of " August 14 ".) 

8 See HILTEBRANDT, XV., 347, A. i. 
4 Ibid., 348. 



IMPARTIALITY OF THE POPE. 403 

representations, nor offensive and threatening remarks. 
Breves, the French ambassador in Rome, roundly told Paul V. 
that he ough to look for nuncios who depended wholly on 
him and not such as served the king of Spain better even 
than his own envoys. 1 Breves even endeavoured to make 
the Pope believe that the policy of France, in the Julich 
question, was really in the interests of the Church s liberty, 
for the union of the duchies to Spain would increase that 
State s power to such a degree that the Popes would be 
reduced to being no more than the chaplains of the Spanish 
king. 2 When in the autumn of 1609 Cardinal de la Roche 
foucauld set out for Rome, to receive the red hat, he was 
commissioned to remind the Pope, in energetic terms, " of 
his duties as the impartial and common father of all 
Christians," and to tell him quite unequivocally that even 
if he were eventually to favour the Spanish plans in regard 
to Julich, that action would not prevent the king of France 
from supporting the interests of the two princes in possession. 
If the Pope mentioned the injury that would accrue to the 
Church, the Cardinal was to point out that the Elector of 
Saxony, whose claims had the support of the emperor, was also 
a Protestant. There was no question whatever of religion ; 
the whole thing was an attempt to secure the triumph of 
those who were least entitled to it over those whose claim 
was the strongest. The king was not at all averse to peaceful 
means, but when an attempt was made to turn these purely 
worldly disputes into a war of religion, His Majesty would be 
compelled to take risks in common with his friends, and he 
would do so with as much magnanimity and determination 
as he had shown on former occasions. 3 A month later the 



1 See Brief en und Akten, II., 592. 

2 Ibid., 575 seq. 

3 * Instruction pour le card, de la Rochefoucauld, October 16, 
1609, in Cod., 10, 450, of the Bourgogne Library, Brussels ; 
an extract in PHILIPPSON, Heinrich IV., III., 359 seq. ; and in 
MERCIER DE LACOMBE, Henri IV., p. 514 seq. The imposition 
of the red hat followed on January 23 ; the " closing of the mouth " 



404 HISTORY OF THE POPES 

French ambassador in Rome received similar instructions : 
If the Pope, so he was told, turned the conversation to the 
question of Julich, he was to bring pressure to bear on him 
by insisting, in the most forceful manner, on the king s will 
in this matter. "If I find," so the instructions dated 
November 29th declared, " that people are not straight with 
me, or that they seek to deceive me, I shall act on behalf 
of my friends and allies and in defence of their righteous cause, 
with as much energy as I have ever shown, since, thanks be 
to God ! I possess the courage and the strength as well as the 
means to give them adequate support. 1 

In the given situation there seemed to remain but one way, 
one that the tireless Ubaldini had pursued for some time 
already, namely that of settling the question of Julich 
amicably by means of a Franco-Spanish marriage. A fresh 
proposal by the indefatigable nuncio, about the middle of 
November, was to the effect that the French king, with the 
consent of Spain as well as that of the emperor, should buy 
a strip of the Julich inheritance bordering on the Spanish 
Netherlands and bestow it as her dowry upon his daughter 
Christina whom it was proposed to marry to Don Carlos. 
This plan met with so favourable a reception not only in 
Paris but in Madrid also, that there seemed to be every 
prospect, through the mediation of the Pope, of settling the 
dispute by this means. 2 However, a fresh complication 
occurred before the Pope could do anything in the matter. 

A criminal passion of the almost sexagenarian French king 
for the fifteen year old wife of the prince de Conde threatened 



on January 27, 1610 ; the " opening of the month " on February i . 
(*Acta Consist., Vatican Library.) For the Cardinal s negotiations 
cf. G. DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULD, Le card. Francois de La Roche 
foucauld, Paris, 1926, 103 seq. 

1 Letteres missives, VII., 798 seq. 

2 See Briefen u. Akten, II., 482 seq. ; PHILIPPSSON, III., 
394 seq. Cf., for the marriage plans, the detailed evidence of 
HILTEBRANDT, which bears out the statements of RITTER, loc. 
cit., XV., 337-345- 



INTRIGUES OF HENRY IV. 405 

" to set the war ball rolling ". In order to shelter the princess 
from Henry s ceaseless pursuit, Concte took her to Brussels, 
on November 29th, 1609. 1 The affair now assumed great 
political importance inasmuch as Henry feared lest his 
nephew, Conde*, should put himself at the head of all the 
discontented elements in France and that Spain should use 
him as a tool against himself, for the prince was the next 
heir to the throne after Henry s sons by his marriage with 
Marie de Medicis and the legitimacy of these was called in 
question by many people. To the frenzy of love, to which 
fuel was added by the sentimental letters of the light-headed 
and vain princess whom the governor, archduke Albert, 
refused to surrender, there were now added political and 
dynastic interests, all of which combined to inflame the warlike 
disposition of the king. When Prince Christian of Anhalt, 
the real founder of the Protestant Separate League of the 
Union, and the most determined opponent of the Habsburgs, 
came to Paris in December, as ambassador of the Palatinate, 
he found Henry prepared to turn the little war for Jiilich 
into a mighty struggle against the power of the house of 
Habsburg. On January 22nd, 1610, the king explained his 
plan to the Dutch ambassador : it was to make a sudden 
attack on Spain from three different points. Henry conducted 
similar negotiations with the German Protestant princes and 
with the ambitious duke of Savoy. However, these dis 
cussions, owing to mutual distrust, proved exceedingly 
arduous and failed to yield really satisfactory results. The 
alliance concluded with the crafty Savoyard in April, 1610, 
" was not fully worked out in all its details and stood in need 
of expansion through the adhesion of other Italian States." 
As to the use of the modest offer of the Protestant Union, 
Henry would only announce his decision after he had assured 
himself of the concurrence of Holland. Here also his hope 
of a definite alliance proved abortive ; as for England and 
Venice, in that quarter Henry met with a lukewarmness that 

1 Cf. D Aumale, Hist. d. princes de Conde II., Paris, 1864 ; 
HENRARD, Henri IV. et la princesse de Conde, Bruxelles, 1885. 



406 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

must have given him food for much thought. 1 None the less, 
the danger of the outbreak of a big war was growing, for the 
extensive warlike preparations of Henry were met with 
counter-armaments by the emperor, by Spain and by the 
Catholic princes of Germany. 2 

Henry IV. did not fail to realize the risks he was taking 
both for himself and for his beloved France. Consequently, 
even in the midst of his preparations, he was still undecided, 
whether or no to attempt the venture. In April the duke of 
Epernon summed up the state of the king s mind in these 
words : " We want it and we want it not ; we do it and we 
do it not." Henry s uncertainty was increased by the weak 
ness of the archduke Albert who, in order to avoid war, 
granted a free passage to the army whose object it was to 
drive his brother out of Julich. In these circumstances the 
French king might well cherish the hope that he would 
succeed in compelling the Spaniards, by diplomatic pressure 
alone, to comply with his demands. 3 

Ever since the appearance of these complications Paul V. 
had been indefatigable in his efforts to prevent a conflict 
between the two principal Catholic Powers. Even though, 
for reasons we can understand, he refrained from examining 
the details of Henry s unworthy love intrigue, he nevertheless 
did his utmost to bring about a reconciliation between Conde 
and the king. In his endeavours for a peaceful solution of the 
Julich-Cleve question, he went as far as he could go. War, 
he was convinced, was the greatest of evils ; hence he was 
prepared to consent to a temporary occupation of the duchy 
by the Protestants if thereby a peaceful settlement could be 
arrived at. 4 Above all the Pope sought to use his influence 

1 See RITTER, II., 329, and PHILIPPSON, III., 432 seq. With 
regard to Venice see especially the researches in archives by 
HOFLER, Heinrichs IV. Plan, dem Hause Habsburg Italien zu 
entreissen, Prague, 1859. 

2 See PHILIPPSON, III., 451 seq., 457 seq. ; RITTER, II., 330 seq. 

3 See CORNELIUS, in Mimchner Hist. Jahrbuch fur 1866, S. 64, 
and HILTEBRANDT, XV., 347. 

4 See HILTEBRANDT, XV., 349 seqq. 



PAPAL EFFORTS FOR PEACE. 407 

on Henry himself. In a Brief of January 22nd, 1610, he 
urgently pressed him to preserve the peace by pointing to 
the dangers of war. 1 The tireless Ubaldini made similar 
representations. The task was not a light one. Again and 
again Henry insisted that the affair of the Jiilich heritage was 
a political, not a religious question ; did not the emperor 
himself favour the claims of the Lutheran Elector of Saxony ? 
The concessions for the protection of the Catholics on the 
Lower Rhine, which Rudolph II. might obtain from that 
pretender, he himself could secure just as easily from Branden 
burg and Neuburg on this point he could give the Pope his 
word as a king. Ubaldini countered this reasoning by pointing 
out that even if such was not his intention, Henry would still 
injure the Catholic religion, because his support would give 
to the Protestant princes the power and the opportunity to 
proceed not only against the neighbouring principalities but 
also to oppress the Catholics of the duchies. How could the 
king prevent these things, seeing that experience was there 
to show that no Protestant prince tolerated the Catholic 
religion in his territory ? For these reasons the Pope could 
do no other than to approve and to praise the Catholic League 
which was being formed in Germany. 2 

The French Cabinet did its utmost to restrain Paul V. 
from extending his support to the archduke Leopold and 
from participating in the Catholic League. It greatly dreaded 
such an intervention of the Pope, all the more as already in 
August, 1609, when the Spanish ambassador had depicted 
to him, in the most vivid colours, the plight of the Catholics 
of Austria, the Pope had gone so far as to declare that he would 
help with all the money he possessed if there was question of 
using steel against the heretics. 3 On mature reflection, 



1 See the Text in Appendix No. 3, Papal Secret Archives. 

2 See the Note of Ubaldini of February 16, 1610, published 
by HILTEBRANDT, XVI., 2, 73 seq. 

3 See the report of Castro of August 9, 1609, in GINDELY, 
Rudolf II., Vol. II, 53. Cf. the *Brief to the archbish6p of Trier, 
of August 30, 1609, in the Epist., V., 95, Papal Secret Archives. 



408 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

however, the Pope could not help seeing that, in view of the 
weakness of the Catholic party in Germany, a war of religion 
would be a desperate risk, one which the Jiilich heritage was 
not worth. 1 Towards the end of November, Paul V. assured 
the French ambassador, Breves, of his eagerness for a peace 
able solution of the affair of Jiilich. Breves rejoined that this 
statement was contradicted by information he had to the 
effect that His Holiness was working for an entente against 
the princes in possession, in conjunction with the emperor, 
Spain, the archduke Albert and the Catholic Electors, and 
that he had promised half a million scudi to archduke Albert 
who had been chosen as head of the league. Paul V. gave the 
envoy to understand that he was not so liberal as that with 
the goods of the Church ; all that was true in the report was 
that the ecclesiastical princes of Germany did discuss the 
creation of a league ; this he could not dissuade them from 
doing, but the only contribution he would make would be 
his prayers. 2 However, the Pope s waiting policy became 
more difficult when, at the close of 1609, an embassy from the 
three ecclesiastical Electors and a representative of Maximilian 
of Bavaria, Giulio Cesari Crivelli, earnestly begged for 
financial assistance for the league. 3 When the Spanish envoy, 
Francisco de Castro, added his prayers to the request, the 
Pope promised an annual contribution of 200,000 ducats. 4 
For all that, the negotiations of the deputies of the league 
did not prosper in accordance with their wishes ; in the end 
all they obtained was some indefinite promises. 5 Though 
he praised their intentions, Paul V. made no secret of his fear 
of the emperor s jealousy when the latter discovered that he 
had been left out of the Catholic league ; as for monetary 

1 See HILTEBRANDT, XV., 347 seq. 

2 See the Report of Breves in the Brief en und Akten, II., 596. 

3 Cf. WOLF, Gesch. Maximilians, I., Bd. II., 487 seq. ; Briefen 
und Akten, VII., 183, 252. 

4 See GINDELY, loc. cit., 64. 

5 See the report in Briefen und Akten, VII.. 281 seq., 371, 404, 
410 ; VIII., 415 seq. Cf. also KYBAL, Jindrich IV. a Europa 
v letech 1609 a 1610, p. 156 seq. 



THE POPE AND THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE. 409 

assistance, the exhaustion of the papal finances made it 
very difficult. The clever counter-action of the French 
ambassador clinched the matter, for he successfully instilled 
the suspicion into the mind of the careful and parsimonious 
Pontiff that under the cloak of religion, the league, as well as 
Maximilian, were pursuing selfish interests. Breves began 
by representing to the influential Cardinal Lanfranco that the 
Spaniards were anxious to see the Pope at the head of the 
league in order to make of him a tool of their ambitious plans, 
and, in the event of his committing himself still further, to 
empty his treasury, notwithstanding their protestations to 
the contrary. The French envoy made similar representations 
to the Pope who retorted that he had no thought of putting 
himself at the head of the league ; however, should a war 
of religion break out, he would come to the rescue of the 
German Cathloics by levying a tenth from the Italian clergy. 1 
At the same time Breves sought to win over the Cardinal 
Secretary of State, Borghese, who was in receipt of an annual 
pension from France, for the concurrence, by the Holy See, 
in his king s anti-Spanish intrigues in Italy, by pointing out 
how favourable the occasion was for securing the kingdom of 
Naples for the house of Borghese. 2 Breves even dared to 
make similar insinuations to the Pope himself. The occasion 
was propitious, he explained in the first days of February, 
1610, for the people of Naples were stretching out their hands 
towards someone who would rescue them and the Italian 
princes eagerly longed to shake off the foreign yoke ; yet 
the Pope was not doing as much as he might. He ought to 
give more thought to his posthumous reputation ! 3 

As a matter of fact the ferment in Naples was strong 
enough. And as in that city, so over all Italy, resentment 
against the Spaniards was rising. In Rome itself there 
prevailed strong resentment because of their usurpations in 

1 See Briefe und Akten, III., 497 seq., 509. Cf. GOUJET, I.. 
181. 

2 See Briefe und Akten, III., 498. 
Ibid., 502. 



4IO HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

the Church s own domain. 1 Hence it was not altogether 
impossible that the French instigations would get a hearing. 
The Spanish envoy, Castro, was so much afraid of such a 
result that he counselled his sovereign to keep the Pope in 
check by giving him cause to fear Spain s entering into a 
league with the Roman princes. 2 Nevertheless, in spite of 
all Breves efforts to induce the cautious Pontiff to swerve 
from the path of neutrality, his hopes in this respect were 
frustrated. Even though Cardinal Borghese lent an ear to 
the French insinuations, at least for a time, he lacked sufficient 
influence to force a decision of any kind. In his higher policy 
Paul V. acted with complete independence ; he had no 
intention whatever to fall in with France s anti-Spanish plans 
in Italy, for he was fully aware that the interests of the 
Church imperatively demanded the maintenance of peace. 3 
Hence nothing was to be feared as much as warlike complica 
tions of any kind. On the other hand, what the Calvinists 
and the revolutionary agitators hoped to win by means of 
a war is revealed by their confidential statements. " Our 

1 We hear of the Spaniards in *Animadversiones circa electionem 
regis Rom. a. 1619, 26 Mail conscriptae, that they had, " giuris- 
dittione ecclesiastica tanto debilitata che li vescovi et prelati 
vengono stimati et rapazzati come lor cappellani," Cod., X., 
VI., 30, p. 153, of Casanat. Library, Rome. 

2 See the *report of Castro, used by GINDELY (Rudolf II.}, 
February 4, 1610, Archives, Simanca, 993. Probably Castro 
drew up the *" Lista de los barones y gentiles hombres Romanes 
que se muestran affecionados a el servicio de S. M d y otros 
que se pueden ganar ". According to this, the following were 
in receipt of Spanish pensions : "el condestabile de Napoli de 
casa Colonna, Don Virginio Ursino duque de Brachano, el duque 
de Sermoneta, el Marques Pereti, el duque de Poli de casa Conti, 
Maria Frangipani, Phelippe Caetano, and Juan Pedro Cafarelo." 
Archives of the Spanish Embassy, Rome, III., 9. 

3 PHILIPPSON, who can hardly be said to be favourable to 
Paul V. (in his Rudolf II., Vol. III., 479 seq.} judges, nevertheless, 
that " there is nowhere any trace that the Pope acquiesced in 
the ambitious, though quite passing, anti-Spanish ideas of Cardinal 
Borghese ". 



FURTHER PAPAL ACTION FOR PEACE. 41 1 

hope," Sarpi wrote, "is in war alone ; from it alone can 
come our salvation." By this the sacrilegious priest meant 
not only the downfall of the house of Habsburg, but likewise 
the end of the papacy. The imagination of one of his 
accomplices already pictured " the Roman See, that great 
beast, nearing its end in Italy ". Du Plessis-Mornay, too, 
cherished an assured confidence that the impending war would 
bring about " the destruction of that Babylon ". " A single 
spark," he boasted, " will set all Europe on fire ". 1 

Paul V., fully conscious of the seriousness of the situation, 
most earnestly remonstrated with the French ambassador 
against a war the consequence of which would be a fresh 
menace to Christendom on the part of the Turks as well as 
an increase of protestantism. All his nuncios, he declared, 
had been instructed to work for peace with the emperor, 
the king of Spain, and the archduke Albrecht. Let Henry 
wait for the result of these efforts. Breves replied that his 
sovereign could not abandon the rightful heirs of Jiilich, nor 
could he suffer that, under the protection of the Spaniards, 
Conde should give himself out as the legitimate heir to the 
crown. The Pope ought to intervene in this affair and bring 
the Spaniards to reason ; it should, however, be done at once, 
for Henry would not put off the war and so give his enemies 
time to prepare. 2 

On April 24th, 1610, Paul V. thoroughly discussed with 
Cardinals Lanfranco, Borghese, Millini and Barberini both 
the situation and the measures with which they might cope 
with it. It was decided to send two extraordinary nuncios 
to the kings of France and Spain respectively, with mission 
to dissuade the two monarchs from opening hostilities, so 
as to give the Pope time for a friendly mediation. The next 
day the decision was submitted to a consistory of the Cardinals. 
Breves had instructed Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld to 
oppose the dispatch of a nuncio to France ; but to Spain, as 
the aggressor, a nuncio should be sent with mission to induce 

1 See JANSSEN-PASTOR, V., 635. 

2 See Brief en und Akten, III., 525, 528. 



412 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

her to make reparation for her misdeeds. After the consistory, 
Breves made representation in this sense to the Pope himself, 
and that in the most pressing manner. At the very least let 
him dispatch the nuncio destined for Spain fourteen days 
before the French one, so that the latter may find the Spanish 
answer on his arrival. Paul V. replied that though he had 
no firm assurance from the cabinet of Madrid, he nevertheless 
felt sure that he would obtain from it such concessions as 
would ensure peace ; in particular he hoped for the extradition 
of Conde". Besides this Breves demanded that the archduke 
Leopold should evacuate Julich, that the dispute over the 
succession to the inheritance be submitted to arbitration, and 
that negotiations be started with a view to reimbursing his 
sovereign for his expenditure on armaments. 1 

Whilst the Pope, by the dispatch to France of the arch 
bishop of Nazaret, Domenico Rivarola, and of the arch 
bishop of Chieti, Ulpiano Volpi, to Spain z was working for 
a peaceable settlement of the quarrel between the two chief 
Catholic Powers which was taking an increasingly threatening 
turn, Ubaldini exerted himself to the same end in Paris. 
From Henry he always had to hear the identical assertions ; 
that the question of Julich was one of politics ; that religion 
had nothing to do with it. It so happened that at this very 
moment the king was in a position to make capital out of a 
statement of Rudolph II. which had given great pain to the 
Pope. Henry also laid stress on the commission with which 
he had charged his envoys to Schwabisch Hall ; they were 
instructed to demand from Brandenburg and Neuburg a 
promise not to molest the Catholics of Julich-Cleve. Though 
by these means Henry sought to convince the nuncio that his 
support of the two Protestant princes would secure rather 

1 See ibid., 528. 

2 See SIRI, Memorie, II., 228 seq., where the Instruction for 
Rivarola is printed. Cf. KYBAL, loc. cit., 263 seq. The *Brief 
concerning the sending of Rivarola to Cardinal Joyeuse is dated 
April 29, 1610 (Epist., V., 386, Papal Secret Archives). The 
monograph of A. POLITIS (Lettere, Venezia, 1624, 305) shows how 
highly the Pope thought of U. Volpi. 



UBALDINI S ARGUMENTS WITH HENRY IV. 413 

than injure Catholic interests, Ubaldini let him see that he 
was by no means reassured ; the history of the last thirty 
years had proved only too clearly what efforts and promises 
of this kind were worth. Ubaldini also pointed out that if 
the king expected the Curia to believe that he really had at 
heart the best interests of the Catholic religion, he must 
credit the Pope with similar intentions and not look upon 
the protection which the Holy See extended to the German 
Catholics as a favour shown to the house of Habsburg. As 
on former occasions, Ubaldini strove once again to make an 
impression on Henry by pointing to the dangerous reper 
cussions of a war on the internal condition of France where a 
good deal of discontent still subsisted among the nobility and 
where the Huguenots were only waiting for an opportunity 
to extort further concessions, and thus to bring about the 
creation of a State within the State. All was in vain : Henry 
repeated that he was irrevocably resolved to join his army on 
May 15th. 1 After this audience, which took place on 
April 14i.ii, Ubaldini presented himself once more before the 
king, on the twenty-seventh, in order to hand to him a Brief 
in which the Pope again exhorted Henry to refrain from war. 
When the king reaffirmed his pacific intentions, Ubaldini 
replied that his majesty was joking, for the facts betrayed 
all too clearly his determination to break with Spain. To a 
fresh recital of the grounds which made for the preservation 
of peace, the king gave the cynical answer that there was 
no way out except the immediate surrender of the princess of 
Conde, the submission of her husband, or his expulsion from 
Spanish territory. To leave nothing undone, Ubaldini strove 
in this audience to induce a change in the king s mind by 
considerations of high politics. Even if Henry s experience 
in the art of war, as well as his good fortune, so Ubaldini 

1 See the report of Ubaldini of April 14, 1610, partly published 
by SIRI (Memorie, II., 183 seq.) and in its entirety by HILTE- 
BRANDT (XVI., 2, jj seq.}. For Henry IV. s demand at Schwabisch 
Hall as to the safeguarding of Catholics in Jiilich-Cleve, see SIRI, 
II., 73 seq. 



414 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

argued, were to give him the victory over the well-known 
valour of the Spanish infantry, it would be a barren victory 
inasmuch as his own allies, namely, the Dutch and the 
English, would eventually prefer to see Flanders under 
Spanish rather than under French domination. In a supreme 
appeal to the political sense of the king, Ubaldini uttered the 
prophetic words : " The common interests of the European 
Powers demand the maintenance of equilibrium between 
France and Spain to such a degree that they would never 
suffer the destruction of one of these two States, and they 
would always ally themselves with the weaker of the two." 1 

On May 7th, 1610, the nuncio handed to the king yet another 
letter from the Pope, explained the purpose of the mission of 
Barberini and Rivarola, and made a supreme effort to turn 
Henry from his purpose of proceeding against Jiilich by 
marching through Belgium. 

Henry once again denied that this would lead to a rupture 
with the archduke Albert as well as with Spain. As a proof 
of his pacific disposition he allowed Ubaldini to see the text 
of the request to archduke Albert for free transit through 
Jiilich. The king raised no objection to the mission of 
Rivarola though he roundly declared that after May 20th 
the envoy would find him in camp, for the forward march 
of his army could be no longer postponed. None the less 
another delay did occur and Ubaldini hoped that Rivarola 
would find Henry still in Paris. 2 However, on May 14th the 
dagger of Ravaillac put an end to the life of the fifty-seven 
year old king, the most popular ruler that France ever had. 
Thus were all schemes upset. 3 

1 See the report of Ubaldini of April 27, 1610, ibid., Si seq. 
See, too, the communication of Ubaldini and Coton to PECQUINS 
in the latter s note of April 28, 1610, in D AUMALE, Conde, II., 542. 

2 See Ubaldini s report of May 12, 1610, in HILTEBRANDT, XVI., 
86 seq. Cf. SIRI, II., 240 seq. 

3 The assassination was the deed of a semi-madman. That it 
did not proceed from French or Spanish nobles is clear from 
PHILIPPSON, III., 483 seqq. ; see also Forsch. u. Mitteil. zur 
Gesch. Tirols, II., 65. Equally there are no solid proofs that 



DEATH OF HENRY IV. 415 

At Brussels and at Madrid the news of the death of 
Henry IV. was felt like the lifting of a heavy weight. " The 

" fanatical priests " as RANKE still thought (Franz. Gesch., II., 
143) were responsible. Nor had the Society of Jesus any share 
in the crime, as the Huguenots and other enemies of the Jesuits 
made out. Cf. the detailed examination of DUHR, Jesuitenfabeln, 
409 seqq. ; and FOUQUERAY, III., 238. Moreover, even Voltaire 
defended the Jesuits against such a suspicion, and so outspoken 
an enemy of the Society as J. HUBER (Der Jesuitenorden, 161) 
is of opinion that " it cannot be shewn that the Jesuits were 
involved in the plot and it is not even likely ". A critical examina 
tion of the facts has discredited, as fiction, the account handed 
down by Sully of Henry IV. s great plan completely to rearrange 
the map of Europe in the French interests ; to annihilate the 
power of the house of Habsburg, and to build up a league of 
the Christian nations against the Turks. Cf. CORNELIUS in the 
Munchner Hist. Jahrb., 1866, i seqq. ; RITTER, in the Abhandl. 
der Munchner Akademie Hist. KL, XL, 3, i seqq. ; PHILIPPSON, 
III., 348 seqq. ; Westeuropa, II., 482 seq. ; Ron, Henri IV., 
s. 448 seq. KUKELHAUS (Der Ursprung des Planes vom Ewigem 
Frieden in den Memoiren des Herzogs von Sully, Berlin, 1893) 
shows in his very instructive investigation, how historical tradition 
came to believe in the idea that such fantastic plans, on the 
part of Henry IV., existed ; and how they rested on a tissue of 
lies, by which the ambitious Sully, who had been set aside from 
the Regency, desired to establish clearly, for the benefit of 
posterity, his own merits and importance. This view, which 
is borne out, on the whole, by CH. PFISTER, who submitted to 
a critical examination the different versions of Sully s Memoirs 
(see Rev. Hist., LVL, 337 seqq.). H. PRUTZ (Die Friedensidee, 
Munich, 1917), completes the data of Kiikelhaus and shows the 
probability that Sully or his secretary, knew the ideas which 
Jean Bodin, the first protagonist of a Peace Policy, developed 
in his six books De la Republique (universelle), published 1577. 
Cf. also W. SOBIESKI, Henry IV. wobec Polski e Sweczyi, 1602- 
1610, Krakow, 1907, 189 seq. PLATZHOFF also (Ludwig, XIV., p. 8) 
describes the " great plan " of Henry IV. as "an invention and 
falsehood ". " The sober political realist on the French throne 
did not give himself up to such fantastic dreams ; he pursued 
a policy of uncompromising French nationalism." 



4*6 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

news," so Cabrera wrote in his diary, " is looked upon as a 
miracle wrought by Heaven itself, seeing that it occurred at 
a time when on all sides one saw nothing but armaments 
and everybody wondered where the king and his army would 
strike the first blow. I trust that this death will give 
Christendom a prolonged period of peace." l Paul V. spoke 
in similar terms to the Belgian envoy. 2 On the other hand, 
in the consistory of May 26th, he lamented the fact that so 
richly endowed a ruler should have met with such an end, 
and recommended the soul of the deceased to the prayers 
of all. " May God grant to his successor," the Pope concluded, 
" to resemble the holy king St. Louis, not in name only but 
in conduct also." s The nuncio was at once instructed to see 
to it that Louis XIII. was given a Catholic education and was 
preserved from all contact with the religious innovators. 4 
To the French hierarchy the Pope recommended the pre 
servation of tranquillity within the realm, for this was of the 
greatest importance for the progress of the restoration of 
religion. 5 

1 See PHILIPPSON, III., 487 seq. 

2 Ibid., 486 seq. 

3 See *Acta Consist., Vatican Library. For the funeral cere 
monies in Rome, see the report of Breves, in the Notices et extr. 
des MSS. de B. du Roi, VII., 2, Paris, 1804, 327 seq. ; and the 
*Avviso of May 29, 1610, Vatican Library. Cf. the account of 
Borghese to Ubaldini, May 28, 1610, in LAMMER, Zur Kirchen- 
gesch., 80. NARDUCCI (Corrisp. dipl. d. corte di Roma per la morte 
di Enrico IV., in the Atti d. Accad. dei Lincei 4. Serie, Rendiconti 
III., i (1887), 157 seq.), published the accounts of Borghese to 
Ubaldini and to the nuncios in Spain and Prague, without noticing 
that a part had already been published by LAMMER (Zur Kirchen- 
gesch., 80 and Melet., 285). Ibid., 284-5 for Borghese s letters 
of condolence to Louis XIII. and M. of Medici. 

4 See preceding note for the account of Borghese of May 28, 
1610. 

5 *Letter to all the bishops and archbishops of France, May 29, 
1610, in Epist., VI., 7 and 8, Papal Secret Archives. In the 
*letter of Paul V. of May 29, 1610, to Cardinal Givry, it is said : 
" Interim regni istius nobilissimi pacem et quietem cum religionis 



MARRIAGE AGAIN PROPOSED. 417 

The Pope had no wish to see the power of France diminished, 
for in such an eventuality the Spaniards would have been 
in a position to do what they liked in Italy. Hence the regent, 
Marie de Medicis, could count on the strong support of 
Paul V. 1 The Pope, who was always anxious for the pre 
servation of peace, must have been extraordinarily gratified 
by the change which now occurred in France s foreign policy. 
True, the request so strongly urged by the nuncio, Ubaldini, 
and by the extraordinary envoy, Rivarola, who had arrived 
meanwhile, namely, that the enterprise against Jiilich should 
be dropped, was not to be fulfilled. 2 However, there could 
be no question of a big war against Spain at a time when the 
king was a child and the regent a foreigner. As a matter of 
fact the daughter of the Medici had always been of the opinion 
that the mutual hostility between the two chief Catholic 
powers had not only done grievous harm to religion, but to 
the interests of her family as well. So it became possible, 
in that same year, 1610, through the intervention of the 
Florentine ambassador and the papal nuncio, to begin 
negotiations with a view to a matrimonial alliance between 
the houses of Bourbon and Habsburg ; and, notwithstanding 
manifold obstacles, they progressed favourably. -On April 
30th, 1611, an agreement was signed at Fontainebleau, 
by the terms of which Louis XIII. was to become affianced 

catholicae incremento conservare ex animo desideramus. Et quia 
id assequi speramus, si regni ordines in regis et reginae matris 
eius obedentia constantes permanserint, in hunc scopum consilia 
nostra omnia dirigimus." Givry was to work towards the same 
goal. The nuncio, ROBERTUS EP. MONTEPULCIAMI, would give 
him further information. Cod., 219, p. 403, Municipal Library, 
Metz. 

1 Cf. MOCENIGO, Relazione, 104 seq. Cardinal Lanfranco was 
an opponent of Spain. A remark of his about the king of Spain 
came to the ears of Count de Castro, who accordingly, in his 
*letter to Philip III., of September 27, 1611, pressed for the 
withdrawal of the yearly Spanish pension which the Cardinal 
enjoyed. Archives of Simanca. 

2 Cf. SIRI, II., 260 seq. 

VOL. XXV. 



418 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

to the daughter of Philip III., the Infanta Anna Maria, and 
the Infante Philip engaged to Isabella of France, Henry IV/s 
eldest daughter. At the same time, " for the welfare of 
Christendom and for the preservation of the Catholic faith " 
both Powers entered into a ten years defensive league directed 
against all enemies, both foreign and domestic. 1 On account 
of the Huguenots these conventions were kept secret for a 
time ; they were only made known to the Grandees of the 
Court on January 26th, 1612 ; on March 25th they were 
published officially and celebrated with pomp, in Paris, at 
the beginning of April. 2 

Nothing could have given the Pope keener satisfaction 
than an alliance of this kind, which would give a fresh turn 
to French policy. Towards the close of April, 1612, the 
French ambassador in Rome solicited a special audience in 
which he prayed for the Pope s blessing for the engaged 
people. Paul V. had never appeared so radiant as on that 
day. 3 He hoped that a further result of the marriage would 
be an accretion of strength to the Catholic party in France 
as against the Gallicans. 4 

1 See SIRI, II., 528 seq. Cf. F. SILVELA DE LE VIELLENZE, 
Matrimonies de Espana y Francia, Madrid, 1901. 

2 See BAZIN, I., 190 seq. 

3 See SIRI, II., 678. Cf. *Avviso of January 7, 1612, Vatican 
Library. 

4 Cf. SIRI, II., 669. After the contract of marriage had been 
signed at Madrid, August 22, 1612, and at Paris, August 25 
(BAZIN, I., 208 seqY, Paul V. congratulated the French king 
in a *Brief of September 26, 1612, Epist., VIII., 130. Ibid., 139, 
a *Brief to the Spanish ambassador in Paris, September 26, 1612, 
praising his collaboration in the transaction. When the marriage 
took place, in November, 1615, Paul V. sent the French king, 
in a *Brief of November 30, 1615, " ensis et pileus," and to his 
wife Anna, by a * Brief of the same date, the Golden Rose (Epist., 
XV., Papal Secret Archives). The King came of age in September, 
1614 ; on April 30, 1615, he was granted by Paul V. " ad vitam ", 
an " Indultum nominandi ad ecclesias et monasteria Britanniae 
et provinciae Provinciae " (Bull., XII., 301 seq.). In the autumn 
of 1615 Louis sent to Rome duke Alexander of Venddme to 



PERIOD OF UNREST AND ANXIETY. 419 

The months immediately following were to cause Paul V. 
grave anxiety for the peace of Italy, to the preservation of 
which he attached the utmost importance. Close upon the 
death of Henry IV. warlike disturbances began to menace in 
the peninsula when the governor of Milan, Fuentes, threatened 
to punish duke Charles Emmanuel of Savoy for entering 
into a league with the King of France. On this occasion the 
Pope s exhortations to peace were assisted by the death of 
Fuentes. 1 In the following year the restless Savoyard planned 
an attack on Geneva and the canton of Vaud, but in view of 
the attitude of the Bernese he did not dare to carry his design 
into execution. 2 Paul V. had emphatically dissuaded him 
from the dangerous undertaking, because, in the first instance, 
he rightly mistrusted the Savoyard ; and, on the other hand, 
because he did not wish to see the peace disturbed in any 
way. From a similar motive, he had done all in his power to 
prevent a rupture between the courts of Turin and Madrid. 3 

do homage to the Pope (cf. *Avviso, October 7, 1615, Vatican 
Library). The rendering of homage took place on October 6 
(see *Acta consist., ibid.). Cf. F. LECHARRON, Oratio ad S.D.N. 
Paulum V. P.O.M. pro Ludovico XIII. Franciae et Navarrae 
rege christ. hdbita a. 1615, cum ill. princeps Alex. Vind. . . . regis 
nomine obedientiam S.D.N. praestaret, Romae, 1615. 

1 Cf. SIRI, II., 335 seq., 382 seq., 409 seq., 428 seq. 

2 Ibid., 735. 

3 See MOCENIGO, Relazione, 107. The nuncio in Turin had 
already reported to Rome, October 10, 1609 : *Li padri Cappuc- 
cini venuti da Tonone mi hanno participate essere stato detto 
loro che facilmente la citta di Ginevra si metterebbe sotto la 
protettione della Sede Apostolica, parendo che in quella citta 
sieno molti cattolici che lo desiderano, et che gli altri poi vi 
potessero concorrere per assicurarsi di essere difesi dalla sogettione 
d altri principi, come V.S. ill ma potra meglio intendere dal padre 
fra Paolo da Cesena cappuccino alia sua venuta costl ; al quale 
io ho preso ardire di soggiungere che ricordi a N. Sig w et a V. S. 
ill ma da mia parte, piu tosto per satisfare all obligo del carico 
mio che per bisogno ch io conosca nella somma prudenza di N 
Signore e di V.S. ill ma di alcun avvertimento, che io non giudico 
a proposito che si entri in questi laberinti, poiche, per 1 esperienza 



42O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

On December 21st, 1612, Francesco IV., duke of Mantua, 
died, at the early age of twenty-seven, leaving an only 
daughter, Maria, as yet an infant. When the news reached 
Rome the college of Cardinals had just assembled for the 
Mass of Christmas day. Cardinal Ferdinand Gonzaga 
communicated it at once to the Pope and forthwith hastened 
to Mantua to take up the reins of government. 1 The grave 
fears which the ambitious duke of Savoy occasioned him 
were soon to be realized. Charles Emmanuel put forward 
some long-standing claims, in particular, he demanded for his 

ch io ho del paese, tengo 1 impresa non solamente per difficile, 
ma per impossibile che possa riuscire. II sig r duca si e ritirato dal 
pensiero, che, come scrissi a V.S. ill ma alii 26 del passato, haveva 
di procurare la chiesa di Sion per il card, suo figlio, cosl persuaso 
dal padre Peletta cappuccino, et ancho per qualche diligenza 
usatavi da me, che gli ho fatto penetrare, con destrezza e senza 
scoprirmi per6, non essermi stato participate il detto negotio 
da Sua Altezza, che tal impresa poteva piu tosto nocere che 
giovare alia religione cattolica et agl interessi non solo dell Alt za 
Sua, ma anco degli Spagnoli. Qua si ritiene per concluso da molte 
persone principal! il matrimonio di questo principe con la figliola 
primogenita del re di Francia, et che fra le altre condition! pro- 
metta di non impedire a quest Alt za 1 impresa di Ginevra ; di 
che V.S. ill ma potra havere maggior certezza di Francia (Borghese, 
I., 28, p. 221, Papal Secret Archives). A *Discorso fatto dal 
card. Lanfranco a Paolo V. dissuades him from attacking Geneva 
(Nunziat. div., 240, p. 85 f., ibid.}. It here reads : II proporre che 
per quietare questi moti d arme, che passano fra Spagnuoli e 
Savoia si dovesse muover prattica da V ra Beat ne di voltar 1 armi 
dell uno e 1 altro essercito contro Ginevra per acquistarla al Duca 
e debellare quegli eretici, per isnidare da quella citta il ridotto 
di pessimi huomini inimici della nostra santa religione, non si 
puo negare che non sia consiglio pieno di pieta e di zelo e che 
per questa parte non meriti lode. Ma, se si vuol considerare bene 
addentro il negozio, vi si scorgeranno tante difficolta, per non 
dire impossibilita, che si conoscera apertamente che il trattar 
di questa impresa sarebbe opera vana e forsi causa di danni 
maggiori all istessa religione cattolica et a tutta 1 Italia. . . . 
1 See DIERAUER, III., 449. Cf. SIRI, II., 466, 481 seq., 509. 



DISPUTE OVER SUCCESSION. 421 

niece, Maria, the right of succession to the marquisate of 
Montferrat, which was famous for its fertility. He failed 
in this effort ; in consequence, in the last week of April, 
1613, he seized the greater part of the marquisate, with 
the exception of Casale, the important capital city. That 
stronghold remained in the power of the Gonzagas, and 
Carlo Gonzaga, duke of Nevers, garrisoned it with French 
troops. 1 

Tuscany and Venice took the part of the duke of Mantua. 
Like France, they too believed in the existence of an under 
standing between the Savoyard and Spain. The above- 
named Powers did all they could to win over the Pope to their 
side and to induce him to put himself at the head of an Italian 
league. However, Paul V. confined himself to exhortations 
to peace and the dispatch of Innocenzo de Massimis to Milan 
and Turin. He rejected the request of the Venetians and 
the duke of Mantua to allow them to raise recruits in the 
pontifical states. 2 All the eloquence of Breves, the French 
ambassador, proved unavailing with Paul V. who retained 
vivid memories of all that had happened at the time of his 
struggle with Venice. 3 

When Philip III. also declared himself against the Savoyard, 
the latter was forced to give way. For a moment peace 
seemed secure. However, whilst the duke of Mantua was 
demobilizing in earnest, Charles Emmanuel had recourse to 
subterfuges. 4 When Spain threatened an armed attack, he 
accepted the uneven struggle (September, 1614). In official 
documents, as well as in poetical effusions, he had it described 
as a war for Italy s liberation from the dictatorship of Spain. 5 
France, Venice, and the Pope all strove for an accommodation, 



1 A synopsis of the literature of the Montferrat War is in 
Bollett. stor. Pavese, VI., 409 seqq. 

2 Cf. Notices et extraits des MSS. du Roi, VII., 2, Paris, 1804. 
388 ; SIRI, III., 76, 81 ; Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., C. 35. 

8 Cf. SIRI, III., 95 seqq., 167 seqq., 170 seqq. 

* See CARUTTI, II., 124. Cf. Rev. hist., CV., 67 seqq. 

5 Cf. Giorn. stor. d. left, ital., LIV., i seq. 



422 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

but in vain. The peace signed at Asti, on June 21st, 
16t5, as a result of French intervention, remained a dead 
letter. 1 

To this war in Upper Italy another came to be added at 
the close of 1615, when Venice, whose relations with Austria 
had become increasingly strained, more particularly by 
reason of certain pirates the Uskoks, who had settled on 
the Dalmatian coast took up arms against the archduke 
Ferdinand of Stiria. The superiority of power lay with the 
republic of St. Mark, but the Austrian offered an obstinate 
resistance. 2 After a two years struggle, peace was at last 
re-established thanks to the efforts of Paul V. , who contributed 
to the happy issue by the dispatch to Upper Italy of the 
archbishop of Bologna, Ludovisi, 3 as well as to the action of 
the nuncios of Madrid and Paris. 4 5 The treaty concluded 
at Madrid on September 26th, 1617, re-established peace 
between Spain and Savoy on the one hand, and on the other 

1 See CARUTTI, II., 133 seq. Cf. GALIANI, Carlo Emanuele e 
il trattato d Asti 1614-1615, Bologna, 1915. See also CaL of State 
Papers, XIV., London, 1908, XIII seq. On a plan for poisoning 
Carlo Emanuele, see the letter of Paul V. to Ferdinando Gonzaga 
of March i, 1616, in CURTI, Carlo Emanuele, Milan, 1894, 125, 
who believes that the plan was devised by the Spaniards. 

2 Cf. HURTER, VI., 530-622 ; VII., 76-195 ; HUBER, V., 81 seq.; 
A. GNIRS, Oesterreichs K amp f fur sein Sudland am Isonzo, 1615- 
1617, Vienna, 1917. 

3 Cf. SIRI, III., 508 seqq. ; IV., 7 seqq., 20 seq., 24 seq., 207, 
272 seq., 292 seq. ; Bzovius, Vita Pauli V., c. 35 ; I. ACCARISIUS, 
*Vita Gregorii XV., I, 3, ch. n, in Cod. B 7 of Boncompagni 
Archives, Rome. Cf., ibid., Cod. E 63-5, *Pendenze della corte 
di Savoia composte per la mediazione di Paolo V. (Letters of 
Borghese to Ludovisi, 1616 to 1618). 

4 Cf. the account of Bentivoglio in Vol. I. of his nunciature 
reports, ed. by L. de Steffani, Florence, 1863. See also BENTI 
VOGLIO, Memorie, 283 seq. The bishop of Trieste, Orsino Berti, 
in * letters to Borghese, June 27, 1616, applied to the Pope for 
help towards settling the Austro- Venetian conflict, which was 
very detrimental to his diocese. Archives of Massa. 

6 See SIRI, IV., 417. 



AN INSECURE PEACE OBTAINED. 423 

between Ferdinand, the emperor, and Venice. The archduke 
undertook to expel the Uskoks whose business was piracy, 
and to hand over to Venice the conquered territory ; but the 
controversy in regard to free navigation in the Adriatic 
remained in suspense. Charles Emmanuel, on his part, was 
compelled to restore his conquests, whilst his claims to 
Montferrat were indefinitely adjourned by being referred 
to the judgment of the emperor. 1 The Pope actively promoted 
the execution of the peace, the conclusion of which had not 
been generally expected. 2 - 3 For all that the situation in 
Upper Italy remained insecure and it was to be still further 
complicated by the troubles in the Orisons. 

The change of nuncios undertaken by Paul V., in 1606, had 
also affected Switzerland. Count Giovanni della Torre, who 
had completed ten years as nuncio in Lucerne, was given a 
successor on June 7th, 1606, in the person of the bishop of 
San Severo, Fabrizio Verallo 4 who, however, was himself 
recalled two years later in consequence of his elevation to 
cardinalate. 5 His immediate successor was Ladislao d Aquino, 
bishop of Venafro, 6 who in his turn was replaced, in 1613, by 
Lodovico di Sarego, bishop of Adria. 7 

Ladislao d Aquino s official report at the conclusion of his 



1 Ibid., 260 seq. 

2 Cf. Cat. of State Papers, XV., London, 1909, XI. 

3 TARQUINIO PINAORO compiled a treatise dedicated to Paul V., 
end of 1616 : *Danni e r ovine sovrastanti alia Chiesa cattolica 
Romana nel spirituals e temporale per le due guerre che si fanno 
in Italia e lor opportuni rimedii, Barb., LVL, 107, p. 10 seq., 
Vatican Library. 

4 See * Brief of June 7, 1606, in the Quellen zur Schweizer 
Gesch., XXL, 467 seq. The "Instruction for F. Verallo in Borghesc, 
I., 899, Papal Secret Archives. 

5 Cf. above, p. 330. 

6 See the *Brief of June 23, 1608, in the Quellen zur Schweizer 
Gesch., XXL, 479 seq. The *Instruction for L. d Aquino in 
Barb., LVIL, 7, p. 95 seq. (cf. Ottob. 2707), Vatican Library. 

7 See Quellen zur Schweizer Gesch., XXL, 483. Cf. P. R. STEINER, 
Die pd pstl. Gesandten in der Schweiz., 1073-1873, Stans, 1907. 



424 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

term of office, 1 and a memorandum which he drew up for 
the information of his successor 2 give an interesting picture 
not only of his work, plans and intentions, but also of 
ecclesiastical conditions in the country as well as of the 
importance of the post he was about to vacate. The 
importance of the Swiss nunciature was due to its vast extent 
and to the geography of the country. It included not only 
all the Catholic parts of Switzerland, but, since the bishoprics 
of Bale and Constance were likewise joined to it, it also 
embraced Upper Alsace, Breisgau and part of Suabia. It 
extended, moreover, as far as the Vintschgau, which belonged 
to the jurisdiction of the bishop of Chur, and to the Tessin and 
the Valtellina which were respectively parts of the dioceses 
of Milan and Como. 

1 *Relazione delta Nunziatura de Suizzeri (1613), MSS. in many 
places, in Berlin, State Library, Inform, polit., IX., i seq. ; Paris, 
National Library (cf. MARSAUD, I., 371 seq.}, and Rome, Corsini 
Library, Cod., 40, F. 30. A faulty and inaccurate translation 
is in SCHREIBER S Taschenbuch fur Gesch., II. (1840), 280 seq. ; 
III., 289 seq. ; IV., 31 seq., with wrong date of 1612 ; MAYER 
(II., 301 seq.} gives good extracts with some original documents. 
RANKE (Pdpste, III. 6 , 106) with his unqualified praise of the 
" report ", must be discounted at many points. See HOLL, 
/. Fugger, 21, 51, 116, 119 seq., 191 seq., 238. 

2 *Informazione mandata dal sig. card, d Aquino a mons. 
Feliciano, vescovo di Foligno per il paese de Svizzeri e Grisoni, 
in the Inform. Polit., IX., 145 seq. of the State Library, Berlin, 
transl. by J. Burckhardt in SCHREIBER S Taschenbuch, V., 31 seq. 
RANKE (Pdpste, III. 6 , 104*) calls the bishop, Feliciano Silva, which 
he is not in the MSS. ; he was Porfirio Feliciani and in Paul V. s 
time was Segretario delle lettere a principi (see MORONI, XXV., 
141), but not the successor in office to Aquino, as Burckhardt 
thought. The Informazione and the Relazione (sup., note i) are 
the chief sources for the account that follows. Compare with 
this the instructions to the Swiss nuncios, in Barb., 5920 
(al vesc. di Venafro, 1609-1613) and 5921 (al arcivesc. d Adria, 
1613-1614), Vatican Library. Copies also are in the Stuttgart 
Library, No. 181, and fuller one in the Bibl. Angelica, Rome. 
German extracts in LE BRET, Magazin, VII., 445 seq. Registers 
for the years 1609-1615 in Bollett. d. Svizz. ital., 1901-5. 



POSITION IN SWITZERLAND. 425 

Since Switzerland was contiguous to Italy, and its mountain 
passes commanded the communications with Germany, the 
Holy See was exceedingly concerned for the preservation of 
the Catholic faith in that country. In this respect the nuncios 
had been so successful, chiefly owing to the self-sacrificing 
labours of the bishops, the Capuchins and the Jesuits, during 
the reign of Pius V., that out of the thirteen cantons properly 
so called seven, that is Lucerne, Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, 
Zug, Solothurn and Fribourg, had remained loyal to the 
ancient Church. In the cantons of Glarus and Appenzell the 
Catholics had maintained themselves in considerable numbers ; 
in Wallis the Catholic restoration was as yet only beginning 
and in the Grisons a majority of the population had accepted 
the new religion ; Bern, Zurich, Bale and Schaffhausen had 
become entirely Protestant. The hope at one time enter 
tained of winning these four cantons back to the Church had 
completely vanished when Aquino relinquished his nunciature 
in 1613. Generally speaking, Protestants and Catholics were 
about equally strong in Switzerland. The numerical majority 
of the Catholic cantons was neutralized by the greater 
extension of the territory of the Protestant ones, as well as 
by their superiority in population and natural resources, and 
even in their military strength, for the warlike valour of the 
Catholic cantons had sunk to a low level. The Catholics 
were aware of their peril, hence they sought to make up for 
what they lacked in strength by extraordinary activity and 
great willingness to make sacrifices. 1 The nuncios, who 
encouraged them by every means in their power, gladly paid 
tribute to their zeal. The testimony which Ladislao d Aquino 
gives to the Swiss Catholics in his report of 1613, is as honour 
able as could be imagined : " They frequent church and the 
sacraments," he writes, "and they honour the priest sin all 
sorts of ways, far more than is done anywhere else." * Aquino 
enumerates with profound satisfaction the adherents of the 

1 Cf. DIERAUER, IV., 421 ; DANDLIKER, II. 3 , 738 seq. 

2 Aquino s opinion is confirmed by other witnesses ; see DUHR, 
II., i, 286. 



426 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Holy See in Lucerne, Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Zug, and 
Fribourg. Almost all personages of mark, who were for the 
most part adherents also of the Spanish party, were fervent 
Catholics and in close contact with the nuncios. In Solothurn 
alone the representatives of the Holy See had failed to establish 
intimate contact with the leading personalities. The cause 
was, here as elsewhere, that the adherents of the French party 
took up an unfriendly attitude towards the nuncios. In the 
Catholic part of Appenzell-Innerhoden, where none of the 
important people cherished French sympathies, all gave 
proof of loyal attachment to the Holy See. 

Aquino specially impressed on his successor the necessity 
of cultivating good relations with the Catholic Swiss. He 
counselled him to make as much allowance as possible for the 
love of liberty and for the self-confidence of the Swiss, as well 
as for their other characteristics. Among these was the bad 
habit one not exclusively peculiar to the Swiss of having 
pensions and gifts bestowed upon them by foreign Powers. 
Aquino was of opinion that such a means of exercising 
influence, of which Spain and France especially made use, 
should not be neglected by the nuncio if he would attain his 
end, at least when there was question of important affairs. 

Aquino s further counsels are evidence of the shrewd 
Italian s anxiety to fall in, as much as possible, with local 
manners and customs. The nuncio, he insists, must show 
courtesy towards the Swiss, shake hands as the custom 
of their country demands, and see to it that the personnel 
of the nunciature behave politely towards all and sundry, 
especially when walking through the town, when they should 
salute people, raise their hats and so forth. Special courtesy 
should be shown to persons of a more exalted position. These 
people have a mistaken notion that the Italians look down 
with contempt on the Swiss and that they have but little 
respect and esteem for their senators. This urbanity must 
not be artificial. The nuncio must always preserve his 
personal dignity. With regard to the slowness and formality 
with which business is transacted in Switzerland, no sign of 
annoyance should escape him ; on the contrary, he ought to 



LADISLAO AQUINO, SWISS NUNCIO. 427 

manifest his delight at such local customs ; in this way the 
goodwill of the Swiss is secured and they settle down to 
business. Aquino counsels a study of Swiss history ; the 
nuncio should allude to, and praise, their victories and their 
battles, quoting from their own historians ; in this way 
confidence is won and they begin to look upon the repre 
sentative of the Holy See as almost one of their own. 

Though the nuncio has his private chapel, it is advisable 
that he should frequently assist at Mass and at sermons in 
church. On great feasts, and at processions, this is indis 
pensable. Let him carefully watch over the conduct of his 
servants. The Swiss are pious people and are easily shocked 
even by slight faults of the servants, for they watch them 
closely, and what in others they would deem but little sins, 
that in them they judge to be grievous ones. Much drinking 
and frequent meals, Aquino continues, is a common practice 
with all northern peoples, in fact it is quite natural, owing 
to the cold of the climate. Hence frequent banquets and 
f eastings are part of Swiss life also. The nuncio cannot escape 
the abuse already introduced by his predecessors in office of 
inviting a few of the gentlemen every week, more especially 
on feast days. He should do this especially at the beginning 
of his nunciature ; he must of necessity invite to his table, 
by degrees, all the gentlemen of the Lesser Council, and after 
them those of the Great Council. Many courses and divers 
wines must be served, according to Swiss taste. On the 
occasion of the meeting of the Diet all the deputies must be 
invited, a few at a time. On these occasions it is imperative 
to make a great display, else the gentlemen would not feel 
honoured, and on no account must the nuncio rise from table 
before three hours have gone by. The first toast goes to the 
person who holds the highest rank ; when this has been 
drunk, the others follow, in due order, in honour of every 
one of the guests. Aquino advises the nuncio to entertain 
in like manner the Jesuits, the Capuchins, the Canons, and 
other clergy of some position, so as to win their goodwill ; at 
table many things may be learnt which he would not get to 
know by any other means. If individual representatives 



428 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

of any of the Cantons happen to be in the city, they should 
be given an invitation. The gentlemen are most anxious to 
ascertain whether the privileges granted to them by the 
Holy See are to be in any way curtailed. Hence the nuncio 
should be most careful of what he says and show an inclination 
to extend them still further. Let him praise the Swiss, but 
with discretion. It is particularly useful to praise their good 
government and to prophesy for them both greatness and 
eternal endurance. Written answers must always be 
courteous. If a letter remains unanswered, it is taken as a 
grievous insult. When the nuncio is approached on matters 
of business, he must not forthwith give a negative answer, 
nor unduly raise the hopes of the client, if he is not very sure 
of his affair. The Swiss are prone to take a courteous answer 
for a promise. 

On the occasion of the marriages of people of position, 
Aquino goes on, the nuncio s presence is invited, but as a 
rule he does not put in an appearance. On the other hand, he 
is bound to send the bride a gift, usually a ring. There are 
other occasions, and they are of frequent occurrence, when 
the nuncio is bound to make gifts. " For some gentlemen 
I have obtained a knighthood of the Golden Spur," Aquino 
relates. " This gives them great pleasure, especially if one 
adds the further gift of a gold chain, or a gold medal. How 
ever if the distinction is bestowed on too many people it loses 
its value." 

Though he pays tribute to the religious feelings displayed 
by the Swiss Catholics, Aquino was by no means blind to the 
shadows in his picture of the condition of the country. One 
of the darkest was the unwarrantable meddling of the secular 
power with affairs that appertained to ecclesiastical juris 
diction. However, in this respect Aquino thought he could see 
some improvement since he had pointed out to the Swiss, 
with charity and kindliness, the wrongfulness of their conduct 
as well as the risk they ran of incurring ecclesiastical penalties. 
" They justify their claims," Aquino adds, " by the numberless 
papal privileges which were granted to them at a time when 
they defended the Catholic faith of their country, sword in 



AQUINO S ADVICE TO HIS SUCCESSOR. 429 

hand, at a time also when they were lacking the assistance of 
their bishops and other prelates. At that period things had 
come to such a pass that the various governments submitted 
a formula of faith (professio fidei) to the priests which they 
had to swear to. In this way they secured numberless rights 
of collation, and as for the appointment to canonries, it was 
an ancient right of theirs. In addition they are the patrons 
of all churches and convents, as the successors, so they 
declare, of the house of Austria. Now patronage, as under 
stood by them, means tutelage and usufruct. On this point 
I have done all I could to make them see what genuine patrons 
of churches and monasteries may do and are bound to do, 
and my efforts have not been fruitless. The fact that their 
forbears have frequently punished members of the clergy 
I have shown to have been a usurpation consequent on the 
inability or unwillingness of the bishops to take action, 
because they were themselves hard pressed by the heretics 
and because there were no nuncios in the country ; in a 
word, owing to circumstances that no longer exist. At 
present the governments are in the habit of turning to me 
when it is necessary to punish a cleric." 1 

Violations of ecclesiastical jurisdiction were all too common 
in other countries also, but what was wholly peculiar to 
Switzerland was that in certain cantons, such as Schwyz and 
Appenzell, an idea prevailed that parish priests could be 
removed ad nutum. 2 

The moral conduct of the Swiss parochial clergy could be 
considered as very satisfactory on the whole ; the only thing 
that Aquino would have liked to see abolished was the habit 
of the priests to visit public houses, owing to the manifolds 
inconveniences of this custom of the country. All the nuncios 
are loud in their praise of the eminent services rendered by 
the Jesuits and Capuchins. " The Jesuits," Aquino writes, 
" have vast and imposing colleges at Constance, Lucerne, 

1 For this matter see the explanations of HOLL, /. Fugger, 40, 
who quotes the points which may be cited in exculpation of the 
Catholic Cantons. Cf. MAYER, II., 104. 



43O HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

Fribourg, and Pruntrut. They combine the work of educating 
youth, preaching, and the administration of the sacraments 
with an exemplary conduct. I can only testify that they 
display the same activity as in Italy and in other countries, 
and that they are indeed the staunchest support that poor 
Germany still has. But for their unfailing zeal, that country 
would be in an even more serious plight than it is at the 
moment." x At Lucerne the Jesuits displayed heroic charity 
during the great epidemics of 1611 and 1616. 2 Among the 
many friends of the Fathers in that city an outstanding figure 
was that of the town clerk, Renward Cysat, to whose pen are 
due almost all the more important official documents of that 
period. 3 

With regard to the execution of the religious restoration of 
Switzerland, the Capuchins attained an importance greater 
even than that of the Jesuits. Their Province continued to 
spread in Switzerland as in Swabia and Breisgau. Thus 
foundations arose at Sursee (1606), Biberach (1606), Freiburg 
(1609), Neuenburg on the Rhine, Kienzisheim (1613), Thann 
(1613), Engen (1616), Rottenburg (1616), Bremgarten (1617), 
Altkirch (1617), Radolfzell (1617), Uberlingen (1618). 4 In 
all these places the lowly sons of St. Francis worked with 
wonderful results for the renewal of the Christian life, the 
strengthening of the ancient faith and the repression of 
innovations in matters of religion. The latter point was the 
special care of the missionary Province which Paul V. founded 
at the very gates of Geneva, by separating it from the 

1 A Jesuit, Fr. Emeran Welser, started in 1614, the so-called 
" Golden Alms " for the purpose of distributing at a low cost 
good books ; this greatly furthered the Catholic revival. See the 
essays of ZWERGER, in the Hist.-polit. Blattern, CLXIX (1922), 
Heft 6-7. 

2 See DUHR, II., i, 282 seq., 291 seq., 294. 

3 For R. CYSAT, who died March 25, 1614, cf. HIDBER, in 
Archiv fur schweiz. Gesch., XIII., 161 seq. ; XIV., passim ; 
DIERAUER, II., 368, 374 ; DUHR, II., i, 287 seq. 

4 See Chronica prov. Helv. Capuc., 44 seq., 60 seq. As for 
Unterwald, see LAMMER, Melet., 328. 



RELIGIOUS ORDERS IN SWITZERLAND. 43! 

Province of Lyons. The convents of Gex, Roche, Thonon and 
Saint-Julien also formed part of the new Province. 1 

As regards the old Orders, the union of the reformed 
Benedictine Abbeys, which had already been effected under 
Clement VIII., 2 had proved successful. At its head stood 
the Abbey of St. Gall, whose abbot, Bernard Miiller, dis 
tinguished himself by his attachment to the Holy See. Under 
his guidance the monastery gained fresh lustre. 3 The 
monasteries of Muri 4 Rheinau, Engelberg and Einsiedeln 5 
were likewise presided over by excellent superiors who were 
learned, pious and charitable and spent themselves in 
labouring for the service of God and the well-being of their 
flock. The affluence of pilgrims to the miraculous image of 
Einsiedeln Aquino could only compare to what took place 
at Loreto. The nuncio also did all he could to bring about 
the affiliation to the Swiss Benedictine Congregation of the 
Abbey of Dissentis which had become relaxed. 

Paul V. failed in his endeavours to unite the Swiss Cistercians 
in a reformed Congregation because the monks feared to 
offend their General who resided in France. As a matter of 
fact in these monasteries discipline was sound, in some it 
was even very strict. In this respect Wettingen, which since 
1594 possessed an excellent abbot in the person of Peter 
Schmied, 6 was not excelled by any Benedictine monastery. 
St. Urban and Altenryf were reformed by Aquino. The 
Premonstratensians gave the nuncio but little to do ; they 
lived retired lives, in accordance with their Rule. But things 
were all the worse with the Franciscans Conventual. Aquino 
gave it as his opinion that it would be better if these had not 

1 See Rocco DA CESINALE, I., passim ; ILG, II., 77, 102, 109 seq. 

2 Cf. our account, Vol. XXIII. , 183. 

3 Cf. the * Brief addressed to him, August 12, 1606, in the 
Epist., II., 103, Papal Secret Archives. 

4 See KIEM, Gesch. der Abtei Muri-Gries, Stans., 1888-1891. 

6 Cf. HURBIN, 254. Ibid., too, for the history of the restoration 
of the Swiss Cistercian monasteries, p. 255. 

Cf. A. MULLER, Peter II. Schmied, Abt von Wettingen. Bin 
Lebensbild, Zug, 1918. 



432 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

so many convents, for all had departed from their Rule and 
were an occasion of scandal. It was more difficult to reform 
one of their monasteries than a hundred abbeys. Aquino 
took from them the supervision of the convents of nuns of 
their Order because they tolerated too many abuses. The 
convents of nuns, which failed especially in the observance 
of the enclosure, gave the nuncio much trouble, but in this 
quarter also he had many consolations. A particularly 
inspiring spectacle was the reform carried through by 
Elizabeth Spitzlin in the convent of Pfanneregg, near Watwil, 
in Toggenburg. From there the reform soon spread to other 
convents, encouraged as it was by Ladislao d Aquino. The 
above-named nun, who strongly recalls the personality of 
Charitas Pirkheimer, occupies an honourable rank among 
the leading figures of the Catholic restoration in Switzerland. 1 
It was the good fortune of Catholic Switzerland that its 
dioceses were without exception presided over by excellent 
bishops. Here foremost mention must be made of the 
bishopric of Bale, so sorely tried by the religious divisions. 
Its bishop saw himself compelled to reside at Pruntrut whilst 
his Chapter was at Freiburg, in Breisgau. At the death of 
the distinguished bishop of Bale, Jacob Christoph Blarer 
(April 18th, 1608) Paul V. urged the election of a successor 
no less zealous for the salvation of souls. 2 He had his wish, 
for Wilhelm Rink von Baldenstein, who was elected on 
May 19th, was in every respect a worthy successor. 3 He 
displayed so much energy in carrying into effect the 
ecclesiastical reform that the Pope repeatedly expressed his 
highest satisfaction. 4 But in Alsace the zealous bishop saw 

1 See SCHWEILER in the Zeitschr. f. schweiz. Kirchengesch., XI., 
204 seqq., 279 seq. 

2 See Epist., III., 563, Papal Secret Archives. For Blarer cf. 
our notes, Vol. XX., 137 seq., XXII., 137. 

3 Cf. VAUTREY, Hist, des eveques de Bale, II., 177 seq. ; 
SCHMIEDLIN, Zustdnde, 430 seq. 

4 Besides the Brief quoted by SCHMIEDLIN, loc. cit. t of October 
17, 1609, see the * Brief of December 22, 1609, praising the 
activity of RINK VON BALDENSTEIN in making visitations, Epist., 
V., 246, Papal Secret Archives. 



SWISS SEMINARIES AND CONVENTS. 433 

his efforts grievously hindered by the ca>saro-papalism of 
the Austrian authorities as well as by other disturbances. 1 
The nuncio Aquino speaks of Rink von Baldenstein as an 
excellent prelate, remarkable, in particular, by the fact that 
he visited his diocese in person. Paul V. gave 11,000 florins 
for the seminary which the bishop founded at Pruntrut. 2 
The bishop of Bale had under him a number of parishes in 
districts which had become Protestant. He took much trouble 
in order to bring these back to the true faith, and notwith 
standing the opposition of the Bernese, he was able to register 
some splendid successes. Aquino, too, did all he could to 
foster conversions, but he counselled prudence, for many went 
under instruction and accepted alms, only, to withdraw again. 
" At Lucerne," he reports, " I have maintained many 
converts at my own expense, and have had them instructed 
by the Jesuits ; others I recommended to the abbeys, when 
my means proved inadequate. The foundation at Thonon, 8 
on the lake of Geneva, renders good service and many 
converts repair thither." Aquino planned the erection of 
similar houses in other localities also, but the outbreak of 
the plague prevented his doing so. He very earnestly recom 
mended this work to his successor and advised him to set 
aside a fund for the support of converts from the contributions 
of the monasteries. 

Aquino took particular interest in the bishopric of Lausanne 
which, in consequence of the religious divisions, was now 
confined within the boundaries of the Canton Fribourg. 
He appointed as its vicar-general the excellent Anton von 
der Weyd who accomplished an immense amount of good. 
At the suggestion of the nuncio, Weyd visited the contiguous 
parts of the Canton Solothurn where, for 150 years, 
no visitation had been held. " The visitation produced 

1 Professor Schmiedlin will give further details in his monograph 
on the Catholic revival in Alsace, to be included in the Erlauter- 
ungen und Ergdnzungen of JANSSEN S Gesch. des deutschen Volkes. 

2 See MAYER, II., 55. For the visitations in Solothurn, see 
Zeitschr. f. schweiz. Kirchcngesch., IV., 131 seq. 

8 Cf. our account, Vol. XXIV, 307 seq. 

VOL. xxv. 

31 



434 HISTORY OF THE POPES. 

immense results," Aquino reported to Rome. He urged that 
the restoration of the bishopr