The life and pontificate of Leo the Tenth

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European 3Lifcrarg«

LIFE OF LEO THE TENTH.

THE

LEO THE TENTH.

BY WILLIAM ROSCOE.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

LONDON:
DAVID BOGUE, FLEET STREET.

MDCCC XLVI.

Nunc aurea conditur aetas

Mars silet, et positis belli Tritonia signis
Exercet calamos, sopitaque tempore longo
Excitat ingenia ad certamina docta sororum.

And. Fulvii, prof, ad Leon. X. de antiquitatibus Urbis.

Neque enim ignorabam, non nnius diei, fortuitique sermonis, sed phirimomm
mensium, exactoeque liistorise munus fore.

Brandolini, Dialog, cui tit. Leo, 95.

LIFE OF LEO THE TENTH.

CHAPTER XIII.

- 1515— 1510.

Francis I. assumes the title of duke of Milan — Forms an alliance with tljf
archduke Charles — With Henry VIII. — And with the Venetian state — -
Leo X. wishes to remain neuter — Marriage of Giulinuo de' Medici witli
Filiberta of Savoy — Confidential letter to him from the cardinal de
Bibbienn — Leo X. compelled to take a decisive part — Accedes to the
league against France — Revolt of Fregoso at Genoa — He attempts to
justify his conduct to the pope — Preparations of Francis I. for attacking
the Milanese — Forces of the allies — The league proclaimed — Genoa
surrenders to the French fleet — Prospero Colonua siirprised aud made
prisoner — The pope relaxes in his opposition to Francis I. — The Swiss
resolve to oppose the French — Francis I. summons the city of Milan to
surrender — Endeavours without effect to form an alliance with the Swiss
— Rapid march of d'Alviano — Inactivity of the Spanish and papal
troops — Battle of Marignano — Francis I. knighted by the chevalier
Bayard — Surrender of the Milanese — Leo X. forms an alliance with
Francis I. — Embassy from the Venetians to the French king — Death of
d'Alviano — Wolsey raised to the rank of cardinal — Leo X. visits
Florence — Rejoicings and exhibitions on that occasion — Procession cf
the pope — He visits the tomb of his father — Arrives at Bologna — Hi»
interview with Francis I. — Particular occurrences on that occasion-
Abolition of the Pragmatic Sanction and establishment of the Concordat
— Leo X. returns to Florence — Raffaello Petrucci obtains the chief
authority in Siena — Death of Giuliano de' Medici — Escape of the pope
from barbarian corsairs at Civita Laviuia.

ALTHOUGH the death of Louis XII. had for the present
relieved the Roman pontiff from the apprehensions which he
had entertained for the repose of Italy, yet that event was \>y
no means favourable to his views. By the united efforts of

VOL. II. B

LIFE OF LEO X.

his spiritual arms and his temporal allies, Leo had not only
repressed the ambitious designs of the French monarch, but
had acquired an ascendancy over him, which might have
been converted to very important purposes; and if he could
not induce the king to relinquish his designs upon Milan, yet
he had made such arrangements as to be prepared for what
ever might be the event of that expedition. By the death
of this monarch, he, therefore, lost in a great degree the
result of his labours; and this he had the more reason to
regret, as the duke of Angouleme, who succeeded to the
crown at the age of twenty-two years, by the name of
Francis I., was of a vigorous constitution, an active disposi
tion, and courageous even to a romantic extreme. On
assuming the title of king of France, he forgot not to add
that of duke of Milan;1 but although the salique law had
preferred him to the two daughters of Louis XII., as the
successor of that monarch, the sovereignty of Milan was
considered, under the imperial investiture, as the absolute
inheritance of the late king, and liable to be disposed of at
his own pleasure. Preparatory to the negotiation which
had taken place for the marriage of Renee, youngest daughter
of Louis XII., Avith the archduke Charles, her father had
made a grant to her of the duchy of Milan and the county of
Pavia, with a limitation, in case of her dying without off
spring, to his eldest daughter Claudia, the queen of
Francis I.'2 Soon after the accession of Francis, the queen,
therefore, by a solemn diploma, transferred to the king her
rights to the duchy of Milan and its dependent states; in
consideration, as it appears, of a grant previously made to
her of the duchies of Aragon and Angouleme, and a stipula
tion on the part of Francis of providing a suitable match for
the princess Renee.3

The character of Francis I. was a sufficient pledge that
the title which he had thus assumed would not long be
suffered to remain merely nominal. From his infancy he had
been accustomed to hear of the achievements of his country
men in Italy. The glory of Gaston de Foix seemed to
obscure his own rep station, and at the recital of the battles
of Brescia and of Ravenna, he is said to have expressed all
those emotions of impatient regret which Caesar felt on con
templating the statue of Alexander. He was, however,

ALLIANCE BETWEEN FRANCIS I. AND HENRY VIII. 3

sufficiently aware, that before he engaged in an enterprise of
such importance as the conquest of Milan, it would be neces
sary not only to confirm his alliances with those powers who
were in amity with France, but also to obviate as far as
possible the opposition of such as might be hostile to his
views. His first overtures were, therefore, directed to the
young archduke Charles, who, although then only fifteen
years of age, had assumed the government of the Nether
lands, which he inherited in right of his grandmother Mary,
daughter of Charles, last duke of Burgundy. The situation
of the archduke rendered such an alliance highly expedient
to him; and the conditions were speedily concluded on. By
this treaty the contracting parties promised to aid each other
in the defence of the dominions which they then respectively
held, or which they might thereafter possess; and that if
either of them should undertake any just conquest, the
other should, upon a proper representation, afford his assist
ance, in such a manner as might be agreed upon. Many
regulations were also introduced respecting the territories
held by the archduke as fiefs from the crown of France, and
the contract for the marriage of the archduke with the
princess Renee was again revived under certain stipulations,
which it would be superfluous to enumerate, as the marriage
never took place.4

The friendship of Henry VIII. was not less an object of
importance to the French monarch than that of the archduke,
and he therefore sent instructions to the president of Rouen,
his ambassador in England, to propose a renewal of the treaty
made with Louis XII., which, upon Francis entering into a
new obligation for the payment of the million of crowns for
which Louis had engaged himself, was willingly assented to,
and the treaty was signed at Westminster, on the fourth day
of April, 1515. Leo X. is named therein, with other
sovereigns, as the ally of both the contracting parties ; but it
is particularly specified that this nomination shall have no
reference to the states of Milan, which the French king claims
as his right; and through the whole treaty he has cautiously
affixed to his other titles those of duke of Milan and lord of
Genoa.5

The negotiations of Francis with Ferdinand of Aragon and
the emperor elect, Maximilian, were not, however, attended

B2

4 LIFE OF LEO X.

with the expected success. To the former he proposed the
renewal of the treaty which had subsisted between him and
Louis XII., omitting only the article which guaranteed the
tranquillity of Milan ; but as this held out to Ferdinand no
adequate advantages for a concession which might prove
eventually dangerous to his Italian possessions, it is riot sur
prising that he rejected the proposition ; and the emperor
elect, who at this time regarded Ferdinand as an oracle of
political wisdom, was easily prevailed upon to join his irreso
lute and feeble aid in opposing the designs of the French
monarch. Whilst these negotiations were depending, Francis
had forborne to treat with the Venetians, who still remained
firmly attached to the cause of the French ; but no sooner
were his propositions to the two sovereigns rejected, than he
agreed with the senate to renew the treaty of Blois, by which
Louis XII. had promised to assist them in recovering the
possessions of which they had been deprived by the emperor
elect in Lombardy. At the same time he assured the Venetian
ambassador, that before the expiration of four months, he
would unite his arms with those of the republic on the banks
of the Adda.*

The Swiss, whom the breach of the treaty of Dijon had
rendered irreconcilable enemies of France, still continued to
breathe from their mountains defiance and revenge. A herald
whom Francis sent to demand passports for his ambassadors,
instead of obtaining the object of his mission, was ordered to
return and inform his sovereign that he might soon expect
another visit from them, unless he speedily fulfilled the treaty.
In one respect this avowed hostility was, however, serviceable
to the king, as it enabled him, under the pretext of opposing
the Swiss, to carry on, without exciting the jealousy of sur
rounding states, those formidable preparations which he in
tended to direct towards another quarter.

Under this alarming aspect of public affairs, which
evidently portended new calamities to Europe, Leo availed
himself of the friendly terms which he had cautiously main
tained with the contending powei's, to decline taking aa
active part in favour of any of them, whilst he continued, as
the chief of Christendom, to administer his advice to all. la

* Ligue de Cambruy, iv.

MARRIAGE OF GIULIANO DE MEDICI. O

this conduct, which was no less consistent with the dignity
of his office than with his own private interest, he was for
some time encouraged to persevere, by the open sanction or
the tacit assent of all parties. Francis I. instead of pressing
him to favour an enterprise towards the success of which he
well knew the pope was decidedly adverse, contented himself
with sending an embassy to request that he would not enter
into any engagements which might prevent those friendly
connexions that would probably take place between them, in
case his expedition against Milan should prove successful ;''
and to assure him that there was no one who esteemed more
highly the favour of the holy see, or who would make greater
sacrifices for the service of the pontiff and the honour of his
family, than himself.* This communication, which in fact
left the pope at full liberty to preserve his neutrality until the
event of the contest was known, induced him to decline the
offers which were made to him about the same period, by the
emperor elect, the king of Aragon, and the Helvetic states, to
enter into the league which they had lately concluded for the
defence of the Milanese, and in which a power had been
reserved for the pope to accede to it within a limited time.
By this treaty it had been agreed that the Swiss should send
a powerful body of troops to the defence of Milan, and should
at the same time march an army into the duchy of Burgundy,
for the purpose of occupying the French monarch in the de
fence of his own dominions ; for which services they were to
receive a monthly subsidy of forty thousand crowns. Ferdi
nand, on his part, undertook to attack the dominions of Francis
on the side of Perpignan and Fontarabia ; whilst Maximilian,
on this as on other occasions, seemed to consider the imperial
sanction as a sufficient contribution, in lieu both of money
and troops. t

In determining the pope to the neutrality which he mani
fested on this occasion, other reasons of no inconsiderable
importance concurred. Early in the month of February,
15 lo, the matrimonial engagement which had been entered
into at the close of the preceding year between Giuliano de'
Medici and Filiberta of Savoy, sister of Louisa, duchess of
Angouleme, the mother of Francis I., was carried into effect ;

* Guicciard. xii. + Ligue de Cambray, iv.

6 LIFE OF LEO X.

on which occasion Giuliano paid a visit to the French court,
where he so far obtained the favourable opinion of Francis,
that he declared he esteemed the connexion as highly as if it
had been formed with the most powerful sovereign. Besides
the revenues of Parma and Piacenza, which Leo had already
conferred on his brother, and which amounted to the clear
annual sum of twenty-eight thousand ducats, he assigned to
him the income to arise from the city of Modena, which was
supposed to amount to about twenty thousand more. He also
conferred on him the title of captain-general of the church, to
the exclusion of the duke of Urbino, to which he added a
montlily salary of four hundred and eight ducats, whilst a
separate revenue of three hundred ducats per mouth was
granted to the bride for her own use, although, in respect of
her high alliances, she had been received without a portion.*
Other considerable sums were disbursed in preparing a suit
able residence for Giuliano and his bride at Rome, where it
was intended they should maintain a secular court; and in
the rejoicings which took place in that city on their arrival,
the pope is said to have incurred the enormous expense of
one hundred and fifty thousand ducats."f Extraordinary
festivals were also celebrated at Turin, where Giuliano and
his wife resided for a month after their marriage ; and again,
at Florence, where all the inhabitants, either through affection
or through fear, were anxious to show their respect to the
family of the Medici. But in case the king proved success
ful in his enterprise against Milan, the territory from which
Giuliano derived a great part of his revenues lay at the
mercy of that monarch, and it would therefore have been not
only indecorous but imprudent in the pope, at such a juncture,
to have espoused the cause of his adversaries and blighted
the expectations which Giuliano might reasonably form from
the continuance of his favour.

During the absence of Giuliano de' Medici from Rome, he
received frequent information respecting the critical state of
public affairs and the dispositions and views of the European
powers, as well from Lodovico Canossa, the pontifical legate
at the court of France, as from the cardinal da Bibbiena at

* Lettera del Card, da Bibbieua a Giuliano de' Med. l.ettere di Principi,
i. If).

+ Muratori, x. 110.

LETTER TO GIULIANO FROM BIBBIENA. 7

Borne. The letters from Canossa, on this occasion, contain
the fullest assurances of the kind dispositions, as well of the
king as of his mother Louisa, towards the family of the
Medici; and the strongest exhortations to him not to neglect
so favourable an opportunity of cementing, by a stricter
alliance, a connexion so happily begun. But the letters of
the cardinal da Bibbiena, who was, at this period, intrusted
with the most secret intentions of the Roman court, are of a
much more curious nature, and throw such light on the state
of public affairs, the situation of the different members of the
Medici family, and the ambitious designs which were formed
by them, as might render a specimen of them not uninteresting,
even if it were not written by the lively pen of the author of
the Calandra.

To the Magnificent Giuliano de Medici, Captain of the
Church.

" His holiness has expressed great surprise and dissatis
faction at having heard nothing respecting you during so
many days, and complains grievously of your attendants, who
have been so negligent, that since your arrival at Nice no
intelligence has been received of your proceedings. The
blame of this is chiefly attributed, both by his holiness and
myself, to M. Latino,7 whose province it was to have written.
It is no excuse to say, that from the remote situation of the
place he knew not how to forward his letters, because the
expense would have been well laid out in sending a special
messenger, who might at any time have proceeded either to
Genoa or Piacenza, to inform the pope of that which is dearer
to him than any other object; the state of your own health
and person. If you, therefore, wish to relieve his holiness
from this anxiety and afford him real consolation, take care
that he may in future be more particularly apprized of your
welfare.

" Not only the pope and your own family, your brother,
nephew, and sister,8 but the whole court are in the most
earnest expectation of receiving news from you and your
illustrious consort; nor do I think that the arrival of any
person in any place was ever expected with an impatience
equal to that which she has excited at Rome, as well from her
own accomplishments, on which account every one is desirous

8 LIFE OF LEO X.

to see and to honour her, as from the great favour with which
you are yourself regarded here. You will therefore inform
us, with all possible speed and accuracy, what time will be
employed in your journey, and when you purpose to arrive
at Rome, that everything may be prepared for your reception.
I shall say no more on this head, expecting to hear fully from
you on the subject.

" As I know that M. Pietro Ardinghelli has continually
apprized you of the most important occurrences, I have not
for the last ten days troubled you with my letters. I had
before written two long letters to you, by way of Piacenza,
which I flatter myself came safe to your hands. I there men
tioned that Tomaso,*" on going from home had left your
Bacciof to expedite many affairs of importance. With
Ghingerh'l and with him who wished to be related to Leo
nardo,1' an intimate friendship and good understanding has
been concluded; they being fully inclined to do the same as
the rest whom Leonardo knows, if that which Tomaso wishes
for Leonardo be granted, which it is hoped will be done.10
By his letters of the third day of this month, Ghingerli has
informed Tomaso that he is willing, besides the other recom-
pence which I mentioned to you, to relinquish the place at
which my Leonardo was formerly so much indisposed, to the
person you know.11 It remains, therefore, that he who is to
receive this recompence,§ and his defenders in the vicinity |
should satisfy themselves on this head; it being expected that
they will approve of it.12 The person whom count Hercole
resembles13 has sent a message to his master to this effect,
and has requested Ghingerli that he will wholly give up the
other two places which are to belong to Tomaso, or, to speak
more accurately, to Leonardo,^ and it is thought there will
not be the slightest difficulty. Tomaso is well disposed to
this arrangement, and told me this morning repeatedly, that
Leonardo should also have all the other places of which he
had formerly spoken,14 making, however, as you know, a due
recompence to those by whose means these favours are
received.

. * Leo X. + The cardinal da Bibbieim, writer of the letter.

J The king of Spain. § Meaning Giuliano himself.

ji The Roman see. ^f The cities of Parma and Piacenza.

LETTER TO GIULIANO FROM BIBBIENA.

" Bartolommeo, who has the cipher, is not at home. I
must therefore express myself without it; particularly as this
will be sent by our own messengers.

" Our most reverend cai'dinal and the magnificent Lorenzo
recommend themselves to you as fully as can be expressed.
I hope you will not omit to write to them, and especially to
his holiness, whom I ought to have mentioned first. In this
I trust you will not fail, as the reverence due to his holiness
and the love which they bear you require it. The cardinal
has received the placet of his most Christian majesty for the
cathedral of Narbonne, and wholly through the means of the
duchess of Angouleme,15 on which account your excellency
may return thanks in the name of his holiness to the duke
and his consort. The business was concluded in the con
sistory the day before yesterday, and the bull dispatched to
France, as I believe Ardinghelli informed you, as well as
with the alliance which the Swiss have made with the em
peror, the catholic king, and the duke of Milan. The sub
stance of this treaty Ardinghelli must have transmitted to
you, as I gave him a copy of the heads of it. To this his
holiness is not, for many reasons, disposed to assent ; it
appearing to him to be proper, that when a league is agreed
upon in which he is to be included, it should be negotiated
and stipulated with him, as the head of the league and of all
Christendom.

" Tomaso says, that he expects they should accept and agree
to what he proposes, and not that he should have to accept
Avhat is done by others.1''

" We hear, by way of France, that the king of England
intends to give his sister to the duke of Suffolk, to which she
is not averse. This is not much believed, and yet the intelli
gence is pretty authentic.

" It is thought his most Christian majesty will not this
year make his attempt against Lombardy.

" The king of England is resolved that his sister shall on
no account remain in France.

" The emperor and the catholic king are using all their
efforts to have her married to the archduke. This is what
we hear from our nuncios in Germany and in Spain.17 I
recollect nothing further that can be new to you. I leave
the festivities of this carnival to be narrated by others. I

10 LIFE OF LEO X.

shall only mention, that on Monday the magnificent Lo
renzo will have the Pcenulus* represented in your theatre,
and will give a supper in your salon to the Marchesana.
And on Sunday, in Testaccio, he and the most reverend cardi
nal Cibo Avill exhibit a magnificent gala, with twenty persons,
dressed in brocade and velvet, at the expense of his holiness.
It will be a fine sight.

" You have never yet informed us, whether you have
excused yourself to the duke of Milan ; whether you have
sent to the Swiss and the cardinal of Sion, as was spoken of
and advised; or whether you have had any communication
with his most Christian majesty. Respecting all these mat
ters, it is requisite that his holiness should be fully informed.

" Remember that, next to his holiness, every one regards
you as the person in whom all the thoughts, the expectations,
and the designs, of the pope are concentred. I must also
remind you, that all your actions are not less noted and con
sidered than those of his holiness; and I therefore entreat
you, by the great affection which I bear you, that you will
daily, if possible, manifest such a course of conduct as may
be worthy of your character.

" THE CARDINAL DA BIBBIENA.

" From Koine, the IGtli Feb. 151")."

Could the French monarch have remained satisfied with
the neutrality of the pontiff, the motives which had led to its
adoption were sufficient to have induced Leo to persevere in
it; but, as the contest approached, Francis became more
desirous of engaging the pope to take a decided part in his
favour. Such, however, was the aversion which Leo enter
tained to the establishment of the French in Italy, that even
the solicitations of his brother to favour their cause were
of no avail. As far as expressions of respect and paternal
admonitions could appease the king, Leo spared nothing
that might be likely to conciliate his favour; but the
more Francis pressed him to a decision, the more apparent
became his inclination to the cause of the allies. In order,
however, to ascertain his intentions, Francis dispatched as
his ambassador to Rome the celebrated Budseus, who is
deservedly considered by Guicciardini as " perhaps one of

» OfPlautus.

CONDUCT OF THE POPE. 11

the most learned men of the age, both in Greek and Roman
literature."* He was shortly afterwards succeeded by Anton-
Maria Pallavicini, a Milanese nobleman, who was supposed
to possess great influence with the pope;t but the endeavours
of the king to obtain a positive sanction to his enterprise were
still ineffectual. Sometimes Leo appeared to have serious
intentions of entering into a treaty, and required, as a pre
liminary, that the states of Parma and Piacenza should be
guaranteed to the church, the refusal of which he conceived
would afford him a sufficient apology for joining the cause of
the allies. At other times, he is said to have made propo
sitions couched in such ambiguous terms, as, when assented
to, always required further explanations, and which left the
negotiations in the same state of suspense as when the treaty
begun. The French and Italian writers are agreed in con
sidering the conduct of the pontiff on this occasion as the
result of artifice and disingenuousness ;£ but they appear not
sufficiently to have attended to the difficulties of his situa
tion, or at least not to have made sufficient allowance for
them. As head of the church, and, both by his disposition
and office, the acknowledged arbiter and mediator of Europe,
he ought not, perhaps, to have been solicited to take a
decided part in the threatened hostilities; and, as a prince
whose temporal authority was supported rather by public
opinion and the favour of surrounding states than by his own
forces, it was evident that he could not, without endangering
his own safety, accede to the propositions of the king. If,
therefore, the reiterated efforts of the French monarch to
engage the pope in his interests were not followed by the
consequences which he wished, they were followed by such
as he might reasonably have expected, and, instead of inducing
the pope to unite the power of the Roman and Florentine
states with the arms of France, compelled him, in conformity
with his former maxims, to embrace the cause of the allies.
In the month of June he issued a monitory, subjecting, in
general terms, all those who should again disturb the states
of the church, and in particular, Parma and Piacenza, to
the penalties of excommunication ;§ and, in July, he openly

* Guicciard. xii. f Ligue de Cainbr. iv.

J Guicciard. xii. ; Muratori, x. 107 ; Ligue de Cambray, iv.

§ This document is preserved in Liinig, ii. 802.

12 LIFE OF LBO X.

acceded to the general league expressly formed for the defence
of Milan. Nor, if a decision could no longer be delayed, can
it be denied that, in making this election, he chose the part
that did the most credit to his character; or that an opposite
conduct would have rendered him deservedly liable to the
suspicion of having sacrificed his principles and his country
to the favour of the French monarch and the aggrandizement
of his own family.

The first decisive indications of approaching hostilities
appeared in Genoa, where Ottaviano Fregoso, who held the
chief authority in that city, which he had obtained by the
favour and preserved by the assistance of the pope, 18 unex
pectedly relinquished his title of doge, and assumed that of
governor for the king of France. That so bold a measure
could not be adopted without the participation and encourage
ment of the king, was apparent; but the event proved that
the eagerness of Fregoso to avail himself of the honours and
emoluments that were to be the rewards of his defection had
prematurely led him to this treacherous attempt. The Adorni
and the Fieschi, the ancient enemies of the Fregosi, were
vigilant in grasping at any opportunity that might eifect his
ruin. Uniting their arms with those of Prospero Colonna,
who commanded the forces of the duke of Milan, and being
joined by six thousand Swiss who had already arrived in
Italy, they proceeded towards Genoa. Fregoso had assembled
for his defence about five thousand men; but conceiving that
they would be unable to support so powerful an attack, and
despairing of obtaining timely aid from France, he Avas
reduced to the humiliating necessity of having recourse to
the pope to protect him from the chastisement which his
treachery had so justly merited. Whether Leo believed
Fregoso to be sincere in his contrition, or whether, as is
much more probable, he was umvilling to exasperate the
French monarch, certain it is that on this occasion lie exerted
his authority with Colonna to prevent the intended attack,
and a negotiation was entered into, by which Fregoso was
allowed to retain his authority as doge, on his engaging not
to favour the cause of the French, and paying to the Swiss a
considerable sum of money as an indemnification for their

expenses.*

* Guicciard. xii. ; Murat. x. 111.

FREGOSO'S VINDICATION OF HIMSELF. 13

In order to exculpate himself from the disgrace which he
had incurred by this transaction, Fregoso is said to have
addressed a letter to Leo X., in which, after having par
ticularized all the motives of his conduct and alleged all the
excuses in his power, he finally endeavours to vindicate the
steps which he had taken by the example of the pontiff him
self, assuring him, " that he well knew it would be difficult
to apologize for his conduct, if he were addi'essing himself to
a private individual, or to a prince who considered matters of
state by those rules of morality which are applicable to pri
vate life. But that in addressing himself to a sovereign who
was inferior in talents to no one of the age, and whose pene
tration must have discovered that the measures which he had
adopted were such as appeared necessaiy for the pi-eservation
of his authority, any further excuse must appear superfluous,
it being well understood that it was allowable, or at least cus
tomary, for a sovereign to resort to expedients of an extraor
dinary nature, not only for the preservation, but even for the
extension and increase of his dominions." On this produc
tion, in which Fregoso is supposed to have satirically alluded
to the conduct of the pope, in his negotiations with the king
of France, and which has been considered as the manifesto of
that monarch against Leo X.,* it may be remarked, that if
it was written to prevail upon Leo to interpose his authority
for the protection of Fregoso, it was ill calculated to effect its-
purpose; if it was addressed to the pontiff afterwards, it was
an ungrateful return for a magnanimous and unmerited
favour; and that at whatever time it was produced (if. in
deed, such a document ever existed) its application was
equally insolent and absurd; the connexion between Leo X.
and Francis I. bearing no similarity to that which sub
sisted between Fregoso and the pontiff, who had invested
him with that very authority which he had endeavoured to
pervert to purposes the most opposite to those for which it
had been intrusted to him.

As soon as the intentions of the pope were known,
Francis I. thought proper to dispense with the pretexts
under which he had made such formidable preparations, and
to avow his purpose of attempting to recover the states of

* Ligue de Cambr. iv. ; Guicciard. xii.

14 LIKE OF LEO X.

Milan. If we compare the measures adopted by Francis on
this occasion with those of Charles VIII., about twenty years
before, we shall be led to conclude, that of all the objects
which at that time engaged the attention of mankind, the de
structive science of war had made the most rapid progress.
In fact, the commencement of the modern system of -warfare
is to be referred to this period, when the disorderly bodies of
mercenary troops, dependent on their own particular leader,
and armed in various modes, gave way to regular levies, duly
disciplined, and to those immense trains of artillery, which
have ever since been found the most effectual implements of
destruction. In preparing to carry his arms beyond the
Alps, it was, however, necessary that Francis should first
provide for his security at home. The province of Gascony
was threatened by Ferdinand of Aragon, and that of Bur
gundy by the Helvetic states. For the defence of the former
he dispatched the sieur de Lautrec, with five hundred lances
and about five thousand infantry, whilst la Tremouille has
tened to Provence with a considerable body of troops to pre
vent the incursions of the Swiss.* The army destined for
the expedition to Milan is said to have consisted of four thou
sand lances, being double the number retained in the service
of Louis XII., and which may be computed, with their
usual attendants, at twenty thousand cavalry; but the accu
racy of this statement has been questioned, and it is probable
the number employed in this service did not greatly exceed
half that amount, t19 To these were added several large bodies
of infantry, as well Germans as French, amounting in the
whole to upwards of thirty thousand men, and a much more
formidable train of artillery than had ever before been col
lected. On arriving in the Lionnese, where they were
directed to assemble, they were also joined by Pietro Navarro,
at the head of ten thousand Biscayans, or Basque infantry,
whom he had raised rather by the credit of his military repu
tation than by the influence of his rank or his pecuniary
resources. This celebrated officer, who had long held a
conspicuous command in the Spanish army, after having been
made a prisoner at the battle of Ravenna, had remained in
confinement, his captor having demanded as his ransom twenty

* Muratori, x. 111. f Id. ib.

FRANCIS ENGAGES NAVARRO IN HIS SERVICE. 15

thousand gold crowns, which his avaricious sovereign had re
fused to pay. On the accession of Francis to the throne, ho
found Navarro languishing in prison, and being pleased with
the opportunity of attaching such a man to his interests, he
paid his ransom, and gave him the command of a troop of
Biscayans, his countrymen. Navarro, although of mean ex
traction, had a sense of honour and fidelity, the criterion of
an elevated mind. Before he would accept the bounty of the
king, he again addressed himself to his former sovereign,
once more entreating to be liberated and replaced in his former
employ. On the reiterated refusal of Ferdinand, Navarro
transmitted to him a resignation of all the grants which had
been made to him as a reward for his services, and took an
oath of allegiance to the French monarch, to whom his talents
and experience were of singular service, and to whom he ever
afterwards retained an unshaken fidelity.*

Nor were the allied powers remiss in preparing for the de
fence of Italy. The movement of troops throughout the
whole of that country far exceeded any recent example.
After having reduced Fregoso, doge of Genoa, to obedience,
Prospero Colonna, at the head of the Milanese forces, hastened
into Piedmont to oppose the entrance of the French. The
viceroy, Cardona, with upwards of twelve thousand Spaniards,
directed his inarch towards Vicenza, then occupied by the
Venetian general d'Alviano, who, not being prepared to con
tend with so great a force, retired in haste to the Brental;
in consequence of which Vicenza was plundered, and its
stores of provisions sent to Verona. The Swiss, pouring-
down in large bodies from the mountains, had increased their
army to upwards of thirty thousand men. Another body of
Milanese was stationed at Cremona, to repress the depreda
tions of Renzo da Ceri, who, from his fortress at Crema,
continued to harass the surrounding country. At the same
time, the pope dispatched his brother Giuliano, as general of
the church, at the head of three thousand Roman cavalry and
a considerable body of infantry, to Bologna, whilst Lorenzo
de' Medici, as general of the Florentine republic, with two
thousand horse and six thousand foot, took his station in th«
vicinity of Piacenza.t 20

* Ligue de Cambr. iv. f Muratori, x. !!;>.

16 LIFE OF LEO X.

The views of ihe adverse parties were now fully disclosed;
and whilst Francis I. was on the point of passing the Alps,
in the beginning of the month of August, the league between
the pope, and the king of the Romans, the king of Aragon,
the states of Florence and of Milan, and the Swiss cantons,
was solemnly proclaimed in Naples, Rome, and other prin
cipal places.* At the same juncture, Henry VIII. sent an
envoy to the French monarch, to admonish him not to disturb
the peace of Christendom by carrying his arms into Italy ;t
but opposition and exhortation were now alike ineffectual;
and Francis, having passed with his army into Dauphiny,
was there joined by Robert de la Marck, at the head of the
celebrated bandes itoires, who were equally distinguished by
their valour in the field and by their fidelity to the cause
which they espoused.

In order to engage the attention of the allies whilst the
French army was passing the Alps, Francis had dispatched a
flotilla, with four hundred men at arms and five thousand
foot, under the command of Aymar de Prie, with orders to
possess himself of the city of Genoa. On their arrival at
Savona, that place immediately capitulated. Fregoso had
now obtained a better opportunity of deserting his friends
than had before presented itself. That he might not, ho\v-
ever, a second time incur the imputation of treachery, he
dispatched messengers to the duke of Milan, to request instant
succour from the allies: and as this did not speedily arrive,
he opened the gates of Genoa to the French, and raised their
standard in the city. The French general having accom
plished his object without bloodshed, and being now rein
forced by a body of troops from Fregoso, proceeded to Alex
andria and Tortona, of both which places he possessed himself
without difficulty, although the viceroy Cardona was strongly
intrenched at Castellazzo; and even the city of Asti soon
afterwards surrendered to the French arms4

Whilst this detachment was thus successfully employed,
the body of the French army, under the command of Tri-
vulzio, marshal of France, was effecting its passage over the
Alps. They did not, however, follow the usual track, from

* Muratori, x. 113. + Guicciard. xii

j Ligne de Cambr. iv. ; Murat. x. 11J).

PROSPERO COLONNA MADE PRISONER. 17

Grenoble to Susa, although it afforded the greatest facility
for the conveyance of artillery; having had information that
the Swiss were assembled there in great force to oppose their
progress, on the supposition that it would not be possible for
the French to effect their passage in any other part. Choos
ing, therefore, rather to encounter the difficulties of a new
and unexplored pass, than to attempt to force their way in
the face of a bold and active enemy, who might annoy them
at every step, they bent their course to the south, and pro
ceeded between the maritime and Cottian Alps towards the
principality of Saluzzo.*21 In this undertaking, they under
went great labour and surmounted incredible difficulties,
being frequently obliged to hew through the rocks a path for
their artillery, and to lower the cannon from the precipices
with which the country abounds. Having, however, no fear
of an attack, they divided their force into different bodies,
each taking such direction as appeared most practicable, and
in six days arrived in the vicinity of Embrun. The Milanese
general, Prospero Colonna, lay encamped at Villa Franca, near
the source of the Po, whence he intended to proceed towards
Susa, for the purpose of joining his arms with those of the
Swiss, to oppose the descent of the French. As he had not
the most remote idea that the enemy could have effected a
passage so far to the south, he was wholly unprepared for an
attack; but the sieur Palisse, at the head of a strong detach
ment, having availed himself of the services of the neighbour
ing peasants, surprised him whilst he was seated at table, and
having dispersed his troops, made him and several of his
chief officers prisoners. t This unexpected and disgraceful
event, by which a great and experienced commander, in
whose abilities and integrity the allied powers had the fullest
confidence, was lost to their cause, added to the successes of
Aymar de Prie, spread a sudden panic throughout the coun
try, and was more particularly felt by the pope, who, relying
on the courage and vigilance of the Swiss, had flattered him
self that the French would not be able to force their way
into Italy.

As the measures in which Leo had concurred for the public
defence had been adopted rather through compulsion than

* Guicciard. xii. t Ib. ; Muratori, x. 114.

VOL. II. C

18 LIFE OF LEO X.

from any hostile disposition to the French monarch, for whom
he still continued to profess the highest regard; so the earnest
of success which Francis had already obtained, induced him to
relax still further in his opposition, lest he should eventually
exasperate the young monarch beyond all hope of recon
ciliation. Hitherto the troops of the church had taken no
other part in the contest than such as appeared necessary for
the protection of the papal territories. Unable to support the
fatigues of a camp, Giuliano de' Medici had been attacked
by a slow fever, in consequence of which he relinquished the
command of the Roman troops to his nephew Lorenzo, and
retired to Florence, in hopes of deriving advantage to his
health from the air of his native place. Three days after the
capture of Colonna, Lorenzo arrived at Modena, between
which place and Reggio he stationed his troops, the only
active service which he had performed having been the ex
pulsion of Guido Rangone from the fortress of Rubiera. In
this situation it became a subject of serious deliberation with
the pope, whether he should order the Roman and Florentine
troops to hasten and join the Swiss, who were obliged to re
tire before the French in all directions, or should avail himself
of the opportunity which might yet remain of a reconciliation
with the French monarch. In consulting his principal ad
visers, he found at this important crisis a great diversity of
opinion among them. The cardinal da Bibbiena and other
courtiers, actuated rather by their fears of the French than
by a deliberate consideration of the circumstances in which
the Roman pontiif was placed, earnestly advised him to humi
liate himself to the king. They represented to him that the
duke of Ferrara would undoubtedly seize this opportunity to
recover the cities of Modena and Reggio, and that the Ben-
tivogli would, in like manner, repossess themselves of Bologna,
on which account it would be more prudent for the pope
rather to relinquish those places voluntarily, than by an ob
stinate and hopeless defence to endanger the safety of the
states of the church. This pusillanimous advice was, how
ever, opposed by the firmness of the cardinal de' Medici, who,
having lately been appointed legate of Bologna, and conceiv
ing that the disgrace of its surrender would be imputed to
his counsels, exhorted the pope not to relinquish to its former
tyrants one of the finest cities in the ecclesiastical state, nor to

PROGRESS OF FRANCIS I. 19

desert at such a crisis those noble and respectable inhabitants
who had adhered with such unshaken fidelity to his interests.*
These representations, which the cardinal enforced by frequent
messengers from Bologna, are said to have had a great effect
on the mind of the pope, who resolved not to surrender any
part of his territories until he was compelled to it by irre
sistible necessity. If, however, on the one hand, he did not
abandon himself to despair, on the other, he did not think it
advisable to take the most conspicuous part among the allies
in opposing the progress of the king, but directed his general,
Lorenzo, to keep his station on the south of the Po. At the
same time, he dispatched to Francis I. his confidential envoy,
Cinthio da Tivoli, for the purpose of endeavouring, by the
assistance of the duke of Savoy, to effect a new treaty; or,
at least, for the purpose, as it has been with no small pro
bability conjectured, that in case the monarch should prove
successful, the pope might be found in open negotiation with
him.t

Nor did the allies of the pope, the Swiss alone exeepted,
discover any greater inclination than himself to oppose the
progress of the French. The emperor elect did not appear
on this occasion, either in his own person or by his represen
tative. The viceroy Cardona, at the head of the Spanish
army, after having long waited in vain at Verona for the
reinforcements in men and money which Maximilian had
promised to furnish, quitted that place, and pi-oceeded to Pia-
crn/a, to join the troops under the command of Lorenzo de'
Medici. In the meantime, Francis had arrived with the re
mainder of his army at Turin, where he had met with a
splendid reception from his near relation, Charles III., duke
of Savoy. As the Swiss found themselves closely pressed by
the French, and wholly unsupported by their allies, who
ought to have felt a much greater interest in the cause than
themselves, they listened to the representations of the duke of
Sa\ oy, who had endeavoured to effect a reconciliation between
them and the king. Nor is it unlikely that his efforts would
have been successful, had they not been frustrated by the re
monstrances and exhortations of the cardinal of Sion, who

* .lulii Metl. Card, ad Pont. up. Fabr. iu Vita Leon. X. !)().
t Ligue de Cambr. iv. ; Guicciard. xii.

c 2

20 LIFE OF LEO X.

being irreconcilably adverse to the cause of the French, and
possessing great influence among his countrymen, stimulated
them by every means in his power to persevere in the cause.
He also repaired to Piacenza, where he prevailed on Cardona
to furnish him with a supply of seventy thousand ducats and
a body of five hundred cavalry under the command of Lodo-
vico Orsino, count of Pitigliano, with which he returned to
his countrymen; who, upon this reinforcement, rejected the
overtures of the king, and determined to seize the first favour
able opportunity of bringing him to a decisive engagement.
The arrival at this juncture of fresh levies of their country
men confirmed them in this resolution; and although some
of their leaders were still desirous of an accommodation, yet the
increasing activity and energetic harangues of the cardinal
had inflamed their resentment to such a degree, that the
greater part of the army breathed only war and revenge.*

During these negotiations the Swiss had quitted Noyara,
on the approach of the king, who, after a cannonade of some
days, compelled the inhabitants to surrender, on terms which
secured to them their safety and effects. He thence hastened
to Pavia, which instantly surrendered to his arms, and passing
the river Tesino, he dispatched Trivulzio, with the advanced
guard, towards Milan, in expectation that the inhabitants
would openly espouse his cause.22 In this, however, he was
disappointed. The sufferings which they had experienced on
the last incursion of the French had taught them the danger
of a premature avowal of their sentiments, and they therefore
determined to remain neuter, if possible, until the event of
the contest was known. In order, however, to mitigate the
resentment of the king, who had already advanced as far as
Btiffalora, they dispatched an embassy to him, to entreat that
he would not attribute their reluctance to obey his summons
to any disrespect either to his person or government, but that
after having suffered so much on a former occasion, by their
attachment to his pi-edecessor, they trusted they should not
now be called upon to adopt such a conduct as might expose
them to the resentment of his enemies. The difficulty of their
situation justified in the mind of the monarch the temporizing
neutrality Avhich they professed; and with equal prudence and
generosity he declared himself satisfied with their excuse. f

* Giiiccianl. xii. + Ligue de Cambray, v.

FRANCIS SEEKS AN ALLIANCE WITH THE SWISS. 21

From Buffalora the king proceeded to Abbiategrasso, whilst
the Swiss assembled in great numbers at Gallarate. In this
situation, the duke of Savoy renewed his pacific negotiations,
and having given audience to twenty deputies sent to him
with proposals on the part of the Swiss, lie so far coincided
in their representations as to lay the foundation for a further
treaty, for the completion of which he afterwards went to
Gallarate, where the terms of the proposed reconciliation were
explained and assented to. It was there agreed, that an un
interrupted peace should be established between the king and
the Helvetic states, which should continue during his life and
ten years after his death; that the territories which the Swiss
had usurped in the vallies of the Milanese should be restored,
and the pension of forty thousand ducats paid to them from
the state of Milan abolished; that the duke of Milan should
have an establishment in France, under the title of duke of
Nemours, should ally himself by marriage to the reigning
family, enjoy a pension of twelve thousand golden ducats, and
have an escort of fifty lances. For these concessions on the
part of the Swiss, they were to receive six hundred thousand
crowns, claimed by them under the treaty of Dijon, and three
hundred thousand for the restoration of the valleys, retaining
four thousand men in arms for the service of the king. In
this treaty the pope, in case he relinquished Parma and Pia-
cenza, the emperor, the duke of Savoy, and the marquis of
Monferrato, were included as parties and allies, but no men
tion was made either of his catholic majesty or the Venetians,
or of any other of the Italian states.* The treaty was, how
ever, no sooner concluded than it was broken, in consequence
of the arrival of fresh bodies of Swiss, who, holding the French
in contempt, refused to adhere to the conditions agreed upon j
whereby such a diversity of opinion arose among them, that
although the chief part of the army agreed to remain for the
defence of Milan, great numbers quitted the field, and retired
towards Como, on their return to their native country.

This defection of a part of the Swiss army was not, how
ever, so important as to damp the ardour of the rest. A body
of thirty-five thousand men, accustomed to victory and in
flamed with the expectations of an immense booty, presented
a formidable barrier to the progress of the king. In retiring

* Guicciard. xii. Ligne Je Camlr. v.

22 LIFE OF 1,EO X.

from Verona to Piacenza, Cardona had eluded the. vigilance
of the Venetian general, d'Alviano, who, having the command
of an army of upwards of ten thousand men, had assured the
king that he would find sufficient employment for the Spanish
troops. No sooner, therefore, was he informed of the move
ments of Cardona, than he quitted his station in the Polesine,
and passing the Adige, proceeded along the banks of the Po,
towards Cremona, with a celerity wholly unexampled in the
commanders of those times, and which he was himself accus
tomed to compare to the rapid march of Claudius Nero, Avhen
he hastened to oppose the progress of Asdrubal.* On the
approach of d'Alviano, Francis proceeded to Marignano, for
the purpose not only of affording the Venetian general an
opportunity of joining the French army, but also of pre
venting the union of the Swiss with the Spanish and papal
troops.

It may be admitted as a general maxim in the history of
military transactions, that the efforts made by separate powers
in alliance1, with each other are inferior to those made with
equal forces by a single power. On such occasions, the post
of danger is willingly conceded to those who choose to take
the lead, and the proportionate aid to be given by each party
becomes at length so nicely balanced, that the common cause
is often sacrificed to vain distinctions and distrustful timidity.
Such was the situation of the Spanish general, Cardona, and
of Lorenzo de' Medici, at Piacenza; Avhere, whilst each of
them stimulated the other to pass the Po, to the aid of the
Swiss, neither of them could be prevailed upon to take the
first step for that purpose. In exculpation, however, of the
Spaniards, it is alleged that Cinthio da Tivoli, the envoy of
the pope to Francis I., having been seized upon by the
Spanish troops, was compelled to disclose the purpose of his
mission, in consequence of which Cardona lost all further con
fidence in the aid of the papal troops ; and to this it is added
that Lorenzo had himself secretly dispatched a messenger to
the king, to assure him that, in opposing his arms, he had no
other motive than that of obedience to the commands of the
papal see, and that he should avail himself of every opportu
nity, consistently with his own honour, of showing him how

* Guicciard. xii.

BATTLE OF MARIGNANO. 23

sincerely he was attached to his interests.* The concurring
testimony of the historians of these times may be admitted as
evidence of facts, which the temporizing course of conduct
adopted by the pope on this occasion renders highly probable.
But it is equally probable, that Cardona availed himself of
these circumstances, as his justification for not doing that
which he would equally have declined doing, had they never
occurred. Ferdinand of Aragon was at least as indecisive as
the pontiff, and Cardona well knew the disposition of his
sovereign. Day after day was appointed for the passage of
the Po, and a part of the Spanish army had at one time made
a movement for that purpose, but a pretext was easily found
for their retreat; and the Swiss, deserted by those allies who
had called for their aid, were left, almost alone, to support a
contest which was to decide the fate of Milan, and perhaps
the independence of Italy.

At the conclusion of one of those inflammatory exhortations
with which the cardinal of Sion was accustomed to harangue
his countrymen, the resolution was adopted instantly to attack
the French, although only about two hours of daylight re
mained. By a rapid and unexpected march, the whole body
of the Swiss presented themselves before the French encamp
ments at Marignano, on the thirteenth day of September,
1515.f The attack immediately commenced. Their impe
tuosity was irresistible. The intrenchments were soon
carried, and a part of the artillery was already in the hands
of the assailants. As the French recovered from their sur
prise, they began to make head against their adversaries, and
the horse joining in the action, a dreadful engagement took
place, which continued with various success and great slaughter
to a late hour of the night. During this contest, Francis was
in the midst of the battle, and received several wounds. The
bandes noires, whom the Swiss had threatened with total
extermination, contributed, with the French gendarmerie, to
retrieve the loss. The darkness of the night, although it did
not terminate the contest, rendered it for a time impossible
for the combatants to proceed in the work of destruction;
and an involuntary truce of some hours took place, during

* Muratori, x. 114. Ligue de Cambr. v. Guicciard. xii.
f Muratori, x. 11 ft.

24 LIFE OF LEO X.

•which botli parties kept the field, impatiently waiting for that
light which might enable them to renew the engagement.
Accordingly, with the dawn of day, the battle again com
menced, when it appeared that the French monarch had
availed himself of this interval to arrange his artillery, and to
reduce his troops into better order than when they had been
attacked on the preceding day. The vanguard was now led
by the sieur de Palisse, with seven hundred lances and ten
thousand German infantry. The body of the army under
the royal standard was commanded by the king, and consisted
of eight hundred men at arms, ten thousand Germans, five
thousand Gascons, and a large train of artillery directed by
the duke of Bourbon. Trivulzio led the corps de reserve,
which consisted of five hundred lances and five thousand
Italian infantry. The light infantry, under the command of
the sieur de Chita and the bastard of Savoy, brother of the
king, were ordered to act as circumstances might require.*
The attack of the Swiss was now supported with unshaken
firmness. A detachment, which was intended to surprise the
right wing of the French army, was intercepted by the duke
of Alencon, and pursued by the Basque infantry of Pietro
Navarro, who put every man to the sword.-f- After having
resisted the charge, the French became the assailants.
Francis, at the head of his gendarmes, first made an impres
sion on their line ; but the numbers of the Swiss were so
great, and their courage and discipline so exemplary, that he
would in all probability have been repulsed, had not d'Alvi-
ano at that moment rushed into the midst of the combat, at
the head of a small but select and intrepid body of cavalry,
and by the cry of San Marco, the war signal of the Vene
tians, given new courage to the French, and dispirited the
ranks of their adversaries, who conceived that the Venetian
army had at this juncture joined in the engagement. After
sustaining the contest for several hours, the Swiss were
obliged to relinquish the palm of victory; but even under
these circumstances, they had the firmness and resolution to
form in regular order, and to quit the scene of action under
such discipline, that the French monarch, whose army was
exhausted by watchfulness and fatigue, did not venture on a

* Muratori, x. 110. + Ligue de Cambray, v.

FRANCIS I. KNIGHTED BY BAYARD. 25

pursuit.* Weakened by intestine divisions, deserted by tlieir
allies, and defeated by the French, they hastened to Milan,
where they demanded from the duke such subsidies as they
knew he was wholly unable to pay. This, however, afforded
them a sufficient pretext for withdrawing themselves alto
gether from the theatre of war, and leaving their Italian
allies to the mercy of the conquering army.-j-

The battle of Marignano is j ustly considered by both the French
and Italian historians as highly honourable to the gallantry
and prowess of the French arms. The example of Francis I.,
who had in the course of the conflict repeatedly extricated
himself from situations of imminent danger by his own per
sonal courage, had animated his soldiers to the most daring
acts of heroism; insomuch that Trivulzio, who had before
been engaged in no less than eighteen important battles, de
clared that they resembled only the sports of children in
comparison with this, which might truly be called a war of
giants. The chevalier Bayard fought at the side of his
Sovereign, where he gave such proofs of romantic courage,
that Francis, immediately after the engagement, insisted on
being knighted by him upon the field of battle. The cere
mony was instantly performed in the true spirit of chivalry,
and Bayard, making two leaps, returned his sword into the
scabbard, vowing never more to unsheathe it except against
the Turks, the Saracens, and the Moors.23 This victory is
chiefly to be attributed to the superiority of the French
artillery; but the arrival of d'Alviano, although accompanied
by so small a body of soldiers, undoubtedly contributed to
the success of the day. The number of Swiss left dead on
the field is stated by different historians at eight, ten, four
teen, and even fifteen thousand; whilst the loss of the French
varies from three to six thousand, among whom, however,
were many of the chief nobility of France.24 On this spot,
polluted with carnage, Francis gave orders that three solemn
masses should be performed, one to return thanks to God for
the victory, another for the souls of those who were slain in
battle, and a third to supplicate the restoration of peace. He
also directed that a chapel should be built adjacent to the

* Ligue de Cambr. v. Planta's Helvetic Confederacy, ii. 11 '2.
t Guicciard. xii.

26 LIFE OF LEO X.

field of battle, as a testimony of his gratitude and a permanent
memorial of his success.

No sooner was the event of the battle of Marignano known
at Milan, than the duke Maximilian Sforza, accompanied by
his general, Giovanni Gonzaga, and his chancellor and con
fidential adviser, Morone, shut himself up in the castle, which
was strongly fortified and garrisoned by a considerable body
of Swiss, Italian, and Spanish soldiers. The inhabitants of
Milan, deprived of all means of defence, seat deputies to the
king to testify their entire submission to his authority; but
Francis refused to enter the city, conceiving that it would be
derogatory from his honour to take up his residence in a
place, the fortress of which was yet held by his enemies.*
Operations were therefore instantly commenced against the
castle, under the directions of Pietro Navarro, who promised
to reduce it in less than a month; but although he was suc
cessful in destroying a part of the fortifications, it is probable
that the task which he had undertaken would have required
considerable time, had not the assailants found means to open
a negotiation with the principal advisers of the duke. In
fluenced by the treacherous recommendation, or the dastardly
apprehensions of Morone, the duke was induced to listen to
terms of accommodation, by Avhich he agreed, not only to
surrender the fortress of Milan, and that of Cremona, which
was yet held by his friends, but also to relinquish for ever
the sovereignty of Milan and its dependent states. As a
compensation for these concessions, Francis agreed to use his
influence with the pope to appoint Maximilian a cardinal,
with ecclesiastical preferments and benefices to the annual
amount of thirty-six thousand livres, promising to pay him,
in the meantime, a pension to the like amount, and also .to
advance him, within the space of two years, ninety-four
thousand livres, to be disposed of at his own pleasure. A
provision was also made for the other members of the house
of Sforza; and Morone, who negotiated the treaty, stipulated
that he should himself enjoy the rank of a senator of Milan,
with the office of master of requests of the hotel to the king.f
Thus terminated the brief government of Maximilian Sforza;
without his having, by his misfortunes, excited in others the

* Ligue <le Cambray, v. f Liinig, i. 023.

THE POPE'S ALLIANCE WITH FRANCIS. 27

sensations of sympathy or regret which usually accompany
those who suddenly fall from high rank into the mediocrity
of private life. The only observation recorded of him upon
this occasion, is an expression of his satisfaction on being at
length freed from the tyranny of the Swiss, the persecution
of the emperor elect, and the deceit of Ferdinand of Aragon;*
a remark which is no proof of that want of intellect which
has been imputed to him, but which, on the contrary, shows
that he had compared the advantages of sovereignty with the
inconveniences and dangers that attend it, and had reconciled
himself to that destiny which it was no longer in his power
to resist.

The cautious pontiff, who had waited only to observe from
what quarter the wind of fortune would blow, no sooner
found that the French monarch had defeated the Swiss, and
subjugated the state of Milan, than he exerted all the means
in his power to obtain the favour and secure the alliance of
the conqueror. Had he stood in need of an apology to his
allies for his apparent versatility, he might have found it in
the temporizing negotiations of the Swiss before the engage
ment, and their speedy desertion after it; in the hesitating
conduct of the viceroy Cardona, and the total inattention of
the emperor elect to the interests of the league; but it is pro
bable that he was much more anxious to excuse himself to the
king for the apparent opposition which he had manifested to
his views, than to his allies for his dereliction of a cause which
was now become, hopeless. He did not, however, on this
emergency, omit the usual forms of exhorting his associates
to bear their misfortunes with constancy, and to repair them
by their courage; but whilst he thus endeavoured to support
a consistency of conduct in the eyes of the world, he had
already engaged the duke of Savoy to unite his efforts with
those of his envoy, Lodovico Canossa, to effect an alliance
with the king. In truth, the situation of the pope was such
as would not admit of longer delay. Already the king had
given orders to construct a bridge over the Po, for proceed
ing to the attack of Parma and Piacenza; and although a
veneration for the Roman see might prevent him from attack
ing the ecclesiastical dominions, this sentiment did not apply

* Guicciord. xii.

28 LIFE OF LEO X.

to the state of Florence, which had taken a decided and hostile
part against his arms. Fortunately, however, for the pope,
the king was not averse to a reconciliation, which, whilst it
relieved him from those spiritual censures that had occasioned
such anxiety and humiliation to his predecessor, might be of
essential service to him in securing the possession of his newly
acquired dominions. A negotiation was accordingly opened,
when it Avas proposed that the pope and the king should
mutually assist each other in the defence of their respective
dominions; that the king should take under his protection the
state of Florence and the family of Medici, particularly Giu-
liano, the brother, and Lorenzo, the nephew of the pontiff,
and should maintain to them and their descendants the autho
rity which they enjoyed in the Florentine state. In return
for these favours it was proposed, that the pope should sur
render to the king the cities of Parma and Piacenza, the king
promising, in return, that his subjects in Milan should be
obliged to purchase their salt from the ecclesiastical states.
It had also been proposed that the duke of Savoy should be
authorized to inquire and determine whether the Florentines
had infringed their treaty with Louis XII., in which case he
should impose upon them such penalty as he might think rea
sonable, the king expressly declaring that this clause was
introduced rather to satisfy his own honour than for any
other cause. But although these propositions were assented
to by Canossa, they were by no means satisfactory to the
pope, who had flattered himself with the expectation of re
taining the states of Parma and Piacenza, and would gladly
have postponed the ratification of the treaty, in the hopes of
hearing the determination of the Helvetic diet assembled at
Zurich, for the purpose of debating on the expediency of
giving fresh succours to the duke of Milan. But Canossa
having assured the pope that the French monarch had already
made preparations for attacking the papal dominions in Lom-
bardy and dispatching a body of troops into the Tuscan states,
the pope had no alternative but to conclude the treaty. He
did not, however, ratify it without some modifications, the
principal of which was, that the Florentines should not be
subjected to any penalty or inquiry with respect to their pre
tended breach of faith to Louis XII. It was also expressly
agreed that the king should not protect any feudatory or sub-

THE VENETIANS SEND AMBASSADORS TO FRANCIS. 29

ject of the ecclesiastical state against the just rights of the
Roman see, a stipulation which, although expressed as a
matter of course, and in such vague and general terms as,
perhaps, not to be fully understood by the king, had objects
of no inconsiderable importance in view, which a short time
sufficiently disclosed.*25

Francis was well aware that the pope had suffered great
mortification in being deprived of the territories of Parma
and Piacenza, and he therefore endeavoured to justify himself
for the part which he had acted, by alleging that they were a
portion of the states of Milan, which he could not, consist
ently with his honour, relinquish. In order, however, to
reconcile the pope to this sacrifice, and to lay the foundation
of a lasting amity between them, he requested to be admitted
to an interview with him, which, on the part of Leo X., was
assented to, not only Avith willingness but alacrity. It is not
improbable, that on this occasion the pontiff conceived that he
might be enabled, by his eloquence and personal address, to
influence the young sovereign to admit of some relaxation in
the severity of the terms agreed on ; or, at least, that it might
afford him an opportunity of indemnifying himself for his
losses, and providing for the establishment of his family in
some other quarter. He did not, however, think it prudent
to admit the king into either Rome or Florence, but named
for that purpose the city of Bologna, where he promised to
meet him as soon as the necessary arrangements could be
made for their reception.

Encouraged by the success of Francis I., the Venetians
began to entertain hopes that they should be enabled to re
cover their continental possessions, of which they had been
dispossessed by the imperialists and the Spaniards, in conse
quence of the league of Cambray. They therefore dispatched
to the king, at Milan, an embassy, consisting of four of their
most respectable citizens, to congratulate him on his success,
and to concur with him in such measures as might appeal-
conducive to the mutual interests of himself and the republic.
The ambassadors were accompanied by the learned Battista
Egnazio, who, by his extraordinary acquirements, had raised
himself from a humble rank to great consideration among his

* Du Mont. Corps Diplomat, iv. i. 214.

f30 LIFE OF LEO X.

countrymen, and who, upon this occasion, gave an additional
proof of his talents, in the composition of a Latin panegyric
on Francis I., in heroic verse, celebrating his arrival in
Italy, and his victory over the Swiss. This poem he soon
afterwards published, with a dedication to the chancellor du
Prat, and the king, as a mark of his approbation, gave the
author a medallion of gold with his "own portrait.26

Whilst the Venetians were thus soliciting the king, and
preparing their own forces for the recovery of their conti
nental possessions, the sudden death of their chief general,
Bartolommeo d'Alviano, which happened at Gheddi, on the
first day of October, 1515, retarded for a while their efforts
and dispirited their troops.-7 During twenty-five days, the
Venetian soldiers, then proceeding to the attack of Brescia,
carried along with them, in great pomp, the body of their
favourite commander, determined to convey it to Venice for
interment. Nor would they condescend to ask a passport
from Marc- -Antonio Colonna, who then commanded the im
perial troops, it having been gallantly observed by Teodoro
Trivulzio, son of the marshal, that such a request ought not
to be made after his death, for a man who, whilst living, had
never feared his enemies.* His remains were, accordingly,
interred at Venice, by a decree of the senate, with extraor
dinary honours. His funeral oration was pronounced by the
celebrated Andrea Navagero, then very young, in a strain of
eloquence which may be considered as the earnest of his
future celebrity. If we assent to the opinion of Guicciardini,
d'Alviano was rather a brave soldier than a skilful general.
He Avas not only frequently defeated, but it had been ob
served, that whenever he held the chief command he had
never obtained the victory. Yet it must be confessed, that
the man who, by his activity, courage, and perseverance,
could frustrate the efforts of such a powerful alliance; as had
been formed against the Venetian states, had no slight pre
tensions to the applause and gratitude of his country. In the
elegant Latin oration of Navagero, which yet remains,28 are
briefly enumerated the principal transactions of his life; and
we learn, from the same authority, that his few hours of
leisure were sedulously devoted to the cultivation of literature,

* Guicoiard. xii.

WOLSEY SEEKS THE CARDINALATE. 31

in which he had made a much greater proficiency than could
Lave been expected from a person devoted to the ceaseless
duties of a military profession.29 Of the solidity of his judg
ment, a sufficient proof may be found in the early patronage
which he afforded to Girolamo Fracastoro, who was destined to
be one of the principal literary ornaments of the age, and who
was chiefly indebted to this celebrated commander for those
opportunities of improvement which have conferred immor
tality on his name.

The important changes which had taken place in the affairs
of Italy naturally led to some alteration in the conduct of the
pontiff towards the other sovereigns of Europe, and particularly
towards Henry VIII., between whom and Francis I. a degree
of emulation had arisen which was already sufficiently appa
rent. On the death of cardinal Bambridge, Wolsey had suc
ceeded him as archbishop of York ; but this preferment,
although it increased the revenues, did not gratify the
ambition of this aspiring ecclesiastic, who had flattered him
self with the hope of obtaining also the hat of a cardinal lately
worn by his predecessor. In soliciting from the pope this
distinguished favour, Wolsey had relied on the assistance of
Adrian de Corneto, bishop of Bath and cardinal of S. Crisogono,
the pope's collector in England, under whom, as the cardinal
resided at Rome, Polidoro Virgilio acted as sub-collector.30
The cardinal was either unable or unwilling to render the
service expected; and such was the resentment of Wolsey,
who conceived that he had been betrayed by him, that, under
some trivial pretext, he seized upon his deputy, Polidoro, and
committed him to the tower.* This violent measure had
been the subject of frequent representations from the court of
Rome; but although the cardinal Giulio de' Medici and the
pope himself had written to the king, requesting the liberation
of their agent, he still remained in confinement. The appa
rent disrespect thus manifested by the English monarch to the
holy see had induced the pontiff to listen to the representations
of Francis I., who was extremely earnest to obtain the restora
tion of Louis Guillard, ex-bishop of Tournay, to that rich
benefice, of which he had been deprived by the intrusion of
Wolsey. Whilst the pope was yet hesitating, not, perhaps, as

* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. (London, 1740) 51.

32 LIFE OP LEO X.

to the rights of the respective claimants, but as to which of
the rival sovereigns it would be most expedient to attach to
his interests, the success of the French arms effected a speedy
decision, and Leo immediately granted a papal bull for re
storing Guillard to his benefice, and even authorizing him to
make use of the secular arm for obtaining possession. It may
well be conceived that this measure gave great offence not
only to Wolsey, but to Henry VIII., who had lately incurred
an immense expense in fortifying the city of Tournay; and
warm remonstrances were made upon it to the court of Rome,
in consequence of which the business was referred to the
decision of two cardinals, who showed no great disposition to
bring it to a speedy termination. In the meantime, Francis,
who was well apprized where the chief difficulty lay, conceived
that if he could obtain for Wolsey an equivalent for the loss
of his bishopric, he should find no further obstacles from that
quarter. He therefore gave him to understand that he should
promote his interests at Rome to the utmost of his power.*
In the weighty discussions now depending between Francis
and the pontiff, the appointment of a cardinal was an object
of small comparative importance. The promotion of Wolsey
to that dignity was determined on, of which Francis took care
to send Wolsey the first intelligence ;-j- and at a consistory held
for that purpose, on the tenth day of September, 1515, he was
the sole person raised to that high rank, his title being that of
S. Cecilia trans Tiberim. About the same time, the pope's
agent in England was liberated from his confinement ; but
Wolsey, having obtained his object, still refused to relinquish
his claims to the bishopric of Tournay; and is supposed to
have stimulated his sovereign to a new quarrel with Francis,
for the purpose of affording himself a pretext for retaining the
emoluments of his see.

The arrangements for the intended interview between
Leo X. and Francis I. at Bologna being now completed, Leo
communicated his intention to the college of cardinals, some
of whom ventured to insinuate that it would be derogatory to
the dignity of the pontiff to receive the king in any other
place than Rome. AVithout regarding their suggestions, he
directed the cardinals to meet together at Viterbo on the ap-

* Lord Herbert's Life of Henry VIII. 51. <• Ibid.

THE POPE VISITS FLORENCE. 33

proacliing festival of All Souls; and to the absent cardinals
he addressed a circular letter to the same effect. On his
quitting the city, with the intention of paying a visit to
Florence before he proceeded to Bologna, he entrusted the
chief authority to the cardinal Soderini, brother of the late
gonfaloniere, as his legate; not on account of his own attach
ment to him, but, as it was supposed, because he was appre
hensive that if the cardinal accompanied him to Florence, his
presence might remind the citizens of their former liberties.
It was the intention of the pontiff to have proceeded from
Rome to Siena, but the number of his followers, consisting of
twenty cardinals with their attendants, and an immense train
of prelates and officers of the court, alarmed the inhabitants of
that place, who sent a deputation to him whilst yet on the
road, to apprize him, that in the scarcity of provisions under
which they laboured, it would be impossible for them to
provide for such a multitude. He therefore changed his
route, and proceeded towards Cortona, where he was magni
ficently entertained for three days, in the house of Giulio
Passerini, one of the nobles attendant on his court, and gave
audience to six of the principal inhabitants of Florence, who
were deputed to meet and to pay him homage in the names of
their fellow-citizens. On leaving Cortona, he passed through
Arezzo, and arrived on the twenty-sixth day of November
in the vicinity of Florence, where he took up his residence
for a few days at Marignolle, the villa of Jacopo Gianfiliazzi,
until the preparations making for his reception within the city
could be completed. These preparations were much impeded
by a long continuance of rainy weather, but the inclemency
of the season did not prevent the inhabitants from displaying
their usual magnificence and invention; and the exhibitions
upon this occasion employed the talents of the first professors,
in a city which was the centre of the arts, and at a period
when they had attained their highest excellence.*31

At the approach of the pontiff the gates and part of the
walls of the city were thrown down,32 and the exultation of
the populace was unbounded, whilst his presence reminded
them, at the same time, of the honour which his high rank
conferred on them and of the happiness which they had en-

* Cambii, Hist. Flor. ap Moreni.
VOL. II. D

34 LIFE OF LEO X.

joyed under the mild and paternal authority of his ancestors.
At the entrance of the city was erected a triumphal arch,
richly decorated with historical sculpture, the workmanship
of Jacopo di Sandro and Baccio da Montelupo. Another
arch in the Piazza di S. Felice was completed by Giuliano
del Tasso; in which was placed the statue of Lorenzo the
Magnificent, the father of the pontiff, with a motto pathe
tically appropriate, although, perhaps, profanely applied;*
at the sight of which the pope appeared to be deeply affected.
The same artist also exhibited at the S. Trinita, a bust of
Romulus and several beautiful statues, and erected in the
Mercato nuovo a column resembling that of Trajan at Rome.
Antonio da S. Gallo built in the Piazza de' Signori an
octangular temple, and Eaccio Bandirielli placed in the
Loggie a colossal figure of Hercules. Between the monastery
and the palace a triumphal arch was erected by Francesco
Granacci and Aristotile da S. Gallo; and another in the
quarter of the Bischeri, by Rosso Rossi, with great variety
of ornaments and figures, and with appropriate inscriptions
in honour of the pontiff.f But the work which was chiefly
admired was the front of the church of S. Maria del Fiore,
which was covered with a temporary facade, from the design
of Jacopo Sansovino, who decorated it with statues and
bassi rilievi ; in addition to which the pencil of Andrea
del Sarto enriched it with historical subjects in chiaro-scuro,
executed in such a manner as to produce a most striking
effect ; a mode of ornament, the invention of Avhicli is
attributed by Vasari to Lorenzo, father of the pontiff, and
whicli was highly commended by Leo X., who declared that
the structure could not have appeared more beautiful if the
whole had been built of marble.33 Many other works of
art are commemorated by contemporary writers, some of
which were executed from the designs of Baccio Bandinelli,
and were displayed in such profusion as almost to fill the
streets through which the pontiff had to pass.

The ceremonial order of the procession was arranged with
great attention by Paris de Grassis,34 from the inferior ranks
of valets, heralds, and horsemen, to the great officers of
the pope's household, nobles, ambassadors, and independent

* •' Hie est filius meffs dilectus."

t Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, ii. 224, in Vita di Andrea del Sarto.

PROCESSION OF THE POPE. 35

princes of Italian states. In this task he found, however,
no small difficulty; for as there were three ambassadors from
France, and only one from Spain, the Spanish envoy insisted
on being placed next to the first of the French envoys, so that
the other two should follow him. To this the French envoys
positively objected, alleging, that on a former occasion, when
there were three Spanish ambassadors and one from Eng
land, and the English envoy claimed the privilege of follow
ing after the first of the Spaniards, they refused to allow
themselves to be separated, and insisting that the same rule
should be applied to them which they had applied to others;
whereupon the Spaniard quitted the procession in disgust.
To the ambassadors succeeded the magistrates of Florence,
on foot, the guards of the pope, and Lorenzo de' Medici, with
fifty followers. The host was borne by the clerk of the
papal chapel, preceded by tapers, and placed under a canopy
supported by canons of the church. Next appeared the
cardinals, according to their distinctions of deacons, priests,
and bishops, who were succeeded by one hundred young
men of noble families, superbly and uniformly dressed. The
master of the papal ceremonies, Paris de Grassis, bishop of
Pesaro, with his assistants, immediately preceded the pope,
who appeared under a canopy, which was carried by the gon-
faloniere and chief magistrates of Florence, and followed by
the chamberlains, physicians, secretaries, and other officers,
of the pope's household. Among these was his treasurer,
who during their progress distributed money among the
crowd; for which purpose the pope had appropriated a sum
of three thousand ducats. A long train of prelates and
ecclesiastics folknved, and the horse-guards of the pope
brought up the rear. In this manner the procession passed
towards the church of S. Maria del Fiore, the pope fre
quently stopping to observe the inscriptions and trophies
which appeared in his way. On his arrival at the church,
he found an elevated path prepared, on which he proceeded,
with a few attendants, from the entrance to the high altar,
whilst the rest of his followers remained in the church
below. Here he continued in prayer a longer time than
usual; after which the cardinal Giulio de' Medici, as arch
bishop of Florence, chanted the service and recited the
oration. The pope then gave his benediction and plenary

36 LIFE OF LEO X.

indulgence to all present, after which he retired to relax
from his fatigues, in the adjacent monastery of S. Maria
Novella, whilst the evening was passed by the populace in
joyful acclamations. The repose of the night was disturbed
by the firing of cannon, which the prudent master of the
ceremonies had strictly prohibited during the day, lest the
horses of the secular attendants, and the terrified mules of
the ecclesiastics should throw their riders on the pavement.

On the following day the pope visited the church of the
Annunciata, where having some doubts whether he should
unveil the celebrated image of the Virgin, he consulted the
cardinals present on this important question, by whose
advice the veil was drawn aside at three short intervals.
Thence he proceeded to take up his residence at his paternal
mansion, where he found his brother Giuliano confined to
his bed, by a tedious and hopeless complaint. The third
day after his arrival, being the first Sunday in Advent,
was devoted to the performance of divine service in the
chapel of the Medici family, dedicated to S. Lorenzo. On
the conclusion of the ceremony, Leo X. turned to the spot
where the remains of his father were deposited, and whilst
he prostrated himself in the attitude of supplication, he was
observed by his attendants to shed tears.*35

On the evening of the last mentioned day, the pontiff
quitted the city of Florence and proceeded to Bologna,
where he met with a very different reception from that with
which he had been honoured in his native place. The
inhabitants, still attached to their banished chiefs of the
family of Bentivogli, and mindful of the severities exercised
upon them by Julius II., received the pope in sullen silence;
except when the sound of Serra, Serrarf resounded in his
ears, as he passed in procession through the streets. This
circumstance gave great offence to many of the cardinals,
who thought that the pontiff should have manifested his dis
pleasure on such an occasion. Leo, however, judged much
better than his attendants, and availed himself of this
opportunity of displaying his moderation and forbearance;
qualities for which he was remarkable, and which in general

* Fabr. in Vita Leon. X. Oo.

+ A s«ir, the impresa, or arms, of the Beutivogli.

I

INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE TOPE AND FRANCIS. Oi

not only disarm resentment, but often convert an unjust or
mistaken adversary into a faithful friend.

Three days afterwards, Francis I., who had been accom
panied from Parma by four prelates, sent for that purpose by
the pope, was received on the conh'nes of the ecclesiastical
state by the cardinals de' Medici and Flisco, and conducted
to Bologna, where all the members of the sacred college pro
ceeded to meet him beyond the gate of S. Felice.* After
they had waited there a short time, the king made his appear
ance between tho two pontifical legates, and was welcomed by
A short address in Latin from the cardinal bishop of Ostia,
who remained uncovered whilst he delivered it, as did also the
other cardinals. To this the king, who was also uncovered,
replied in French, assuring them that he considered himself as
the son of his holiness, that he was thoroughly devoted to the
apostolic see, and desirous of rendering every service in his
power to the college of cardinals, as being his fathers and his
brethren. Having addressed himself particularly to every
one of the cardinals, they then approached him in succession,
and gave him a fraternal kiss ; the master of the pontifical
ceremonies at the same time informing him of the name and
quality of each cardinal as he approached. After this exhi
bition they proceeded together towards the city, the king
being placed between the cardinals Sanseverino and Este ;
but the attendants of the monarch disregarded the admonitions
of the officer whose duty it was to regulate the proceedings of
the day, and followed in a disorderly and tumultuous manner.
He was thus conducted to the apartments provided for him in
the palace, where four cardinals remained as his companions,
and dined with him at the same table. The pope, having in
the meantime been arrayed in his pontifical garments and
seated in full consistory, expected the approach of the king,
who was introduced by the master of the ceremonies between
two cardinals, attended by six prelates, and followed by such
an immense multitude as well of the populace as of French
and liomans, that great apprehensions were entertained for
the safety of the building. The king was himself upwards of
half an hour in making his way through the crowd ; a cir
cumstance which he seems, however, to have borne with great

* The piirticuhir.-j of tliis interview are related by Paris Je Grassis.

38 LIFE OF LEO X.

good humour. Arriving at length in the presence of the
pope, he made his due genuflexions, and having complied with
the humiliating ceremony of kissing the foot and the hand of
his holiness, was next allowed the more familiar honour of
kissing his cheek. The king then expressed, in a few words
in his native language, his great satisfaction in having been
allowed a personal interview with the supreme pontiff, the
vicar of Christ upon earth; professing himself desirous of

The

goodness of God. Francis then took a seat provided for him
on the right hand of the pope, whilst his chancellor delivered
a Latin oration, in which, in the name of his sovereign, he
acknowledged the supremacy of the holy see, and commended
the fidelity of the French monarchs and particularly that of
his sovereign, Francis I., to the church. At the same time the
king would have uncovered his head, but the pope prevented
him. At the conclusion of the harangue, Francis bowed, in
token of his assent, when the pope again addressed him in a
few words, commending his dutiful fidelity. Such of the
French nobility and attendants as could force their way
through the crowd were then admitted to kiss the feet of the
pontiff, but the dukes of Bourbon and of Orleans, with mon-
seigneur de Yallebrune, were the only persons who were
allowed to kiss his hand and face. This ceremony being per
formed, the pope led the king into a chamber which com
manded a view of the principal street of the city; where
having left him for a short time, he hastened to remove the
incumbrance of his pontifical robes, and on his return
entered with him into familiar conversation. On this
occasion, the vigilant master of the ceremonies cautioned his
holiness against touching his cap in token of respect to the
monarch, whilst they were seen together by the populace ; a
mark of attention which it seems Alexander VI. had
imprudently shown to Charles VIII., on their interview;
this ecclesiastical Polonius contending that it did not become
the vicar of Christ to exhibit any reverence tOAvards a
sovereign, even if he were the emperor himself.

During the continuance of the two potentates in Bologna,
they resided together in the palace of the city, and had fre-

OCCURRENCES ON THE OCCASION. 39

quent conferences on the important subjects which had been,
the occasion of their interview. The endeavours of the king
were exerted to prevail upon the pope to unite his arms with
those of France, for the expulsion of the Spaniards from
Italy; but as these efforts, if successful, would have enabled
Francis to have seized upon the crown of Naples, and given
him a preponderating authority in Italy, the pope, without a
direct opposition, affected to postpone the measure ; alleging
that he could not in so ostensible a manner infringe the treaty
which then subsisted between Ferdinand of Aragon and him
self, and of which sixteen months were yet unexpired.* With
no greater effect did the king employ his efforts to prevail on
the pope to surrender the cities of Modena and Iteggio to the
duke of Ferrara, or to moderate his resentment, and relinquish
his designs against the duke of Urbino. To the former he
refused to assent, unless he was repaid the money which he
had advanced to the emperor, on being invested with the
sovereignty of Modena ; and with respect to the latter, he
contended that the duke of Urbino had forfeited his dominions,
which he held as a vassal of the church, by not joining his
arms, when required, with those of the pope, under the com
mand of Lorenzo de' Medici.36 But although the pope
firmly resisted every proposition which tended to the further
abridgment of his power, he was indefatigable in his attention
to his royal guest, whom he entertained with the utmost splen
dour and magnificence. He also bestowed on him, as a mark
of his esteem, a cross ornamented with jewels, estimated at
fifteen thousand ducats, and presented to the beautiful and
accomplished Maria Gaudin a diamond of immense value,
which has since been called the Gaudin diamond. f The
numerous attendants of the king were also treated with
particular honour and respect : the pontiff being no less
desirous of obliterating in the minds of the French people the
animosities which had been excited by the violence of Julius
II., than of impressing them with an exalted idea of the
resources and grandeur of the Roman see. Nor is it impro
bable that the genial warmth of pontifical kindness found its
way into those bosoms which the frowns of his predecessor
had hardened into animosity and resistance. In the midst of

* Jovii, in Vita Leon. X. iii.

•f- Amelot, Mem. Hist. ap. Fabroii. Leou. X. not. 42.

40 LIFE OF LEO X.

a solemn interview, one of the French nobles, apparently
affected by a sentiment of contrition for the part which he had
acted in opposition to the holy see, called out aloud in French,
that he wished to make his confession to his holiness, and,
that as he could not be admitted to do it in private, he would
in public acknowledge that he had fought against Julius II.
with the utmost resentment, and had paid no regard to
his spiritual censures. To this the king added, that he had
himself been guilty of a similar offence. Many others
of the French nobility made the same acknowledgment,
and requested forgiveness from the pope ; whereupon Leo
stretching out his hands, gave them his absolution and pon
tifical benediction. The king then turning to the pope,
said, " Holy father, you must not be surprised that we were
such enemies to Julius II., because he was always the
greatest enemy to us ; insomuch, that in our times we have
not met with a more formidable adversary. For he was in
fact a most excellent commander, and would have made a
much better general of an army than a Roman pontiff."*37

In addition to these proofs of liberality and good will on
the part of the pontiff, an opportunity also occurred of render
ing the monarch a much more important service, in a matter
which he had greatly at heart. For several centuries the
French clergy had claimed, and frequently exercised, an ex
emption in particular cases from that general control in
ecclesiastical affairs which was assumed by the holy see ; an
exemption which is the foundation of what have been called
the rights of the Gallican church. Pretensions of this nature
are on record as early as the reign of St. Louis, and are pro
bably of still greater antiquity; but in the year 1438, the
council of Basil, then acting in direct opposition to Eugenius
IV., who had assembled another council at Florence, formed
several canons for the future regulation of the church, which
greatly restricted the power of the supreme pontiff, and
abolished many of the most glaring abuses in ecclesiastical
discipline. In consequence of the rejection of these canons
by Eugenius, the council passed a decree, deposing him from
his pontifical dignity; but Eugenius triumphed over his
opponents, and these regulations were not confirmed by the

* This anecdote is related on the authority of P. de Grassis.

THE PRAGMATIC SANCTION ABOLISHED. 41

head of the church; notwithstanding which, they were ap
proved by Charles VII., who expressly recommended them
to the adoption of the assembly of divines then met at Bourges,
under the title of the pragmatic council.*38 By this assembly,
these regulations were admitted as the general rules of
ecclesiastical discipline in France, and its decision has been
distinguished by the name of the pragmatic sanction. Not
withstanding the attempts of succeeding pontiffs to abrogate
these canons, as impious and heretical, they were firmly ad
hered to by the French clergy and people, as highly con
ducive to the welfare and repose of the kingdom. Nor had
the sovereigns of France been less attached to a system which
freed them in a great measure from the influence of the
Romish see, submitted the nomination of benefices to the ap
probation of the king, prohibited the payment of annates and
other exorbitant claims of the Roman court, and abolished
the scandalous custom of selling ecclesiastical dignities, which
was practised not only as they became vacant, but during the
life of the possessor, as a reversionary interest. Hence, not
withstanding the authority of the advocates of the Romish
see, who have asserted or insinuated that these canons were
abrogated by succeeding monarchs, and in particular by Louis
XI. and Louis XII., the claims of the French clergy under
the pragmatic sanction were still considered as in full force.39
In agitating this important question, the object of Francis
was not only to obtain a formal concession of the jurisdiction
exercised by the monarchs of France in the ecclesiastical
affairs of the kingdom, but to transfer to the crown some of
those privileges which had been claimed and exercised by the
French clergy, and to vest in the king a right to those pre
sentations to ecclesiastical benefices which had heretofore
been claimed by the Roman see. On the other hand, Leo
was not less desirous to accomplish an object which had
frustrated the efforts of his predecessors, and to abolish a code
of laws which had been so long regarded as the opprobrium
of the church ; and although the pretensions of the king went
beyond the claims of the pragmatic sanction, yet, as the
destruction of that system would overturn the independence
of the French clergy, and as the rights of the sovereign were

* S.S. Concilia, xii. U30. Ed. Lubbei et Cossartii. (Par. ]0?^.)

42 LIFE OF LEO X.

to be exercised under the express sanction of the holy see,
and not in direct opposition to its authority, as had thereto
fore been done, the pontiff willingly listened to the repre
sentations made to him by the king on this head, and the
discussion was soon terminated to their mutual satisfaction.
In was, in consequence, agreed that the pragmatic sanction
should be abolished in express terms, both by the pope and
the king, but that its chief provisions and immunities should
be revived and extended by a contemporary act, which should
invest the king with greater power in the ecclesiastical con
cerns of the kingdom than he had before enjoyed. Hence
arose the celebrated Concordat, by which the nomination to
all ecclesiastical benefices within the French dominions was
expressly granted to the king, with a reservation of the
annates to the Roman see ; besides which, the right of
deciding all controversies respecting the affairs of the church,
excepting in some particular instances, was conceded to the
judicature of the sovereign, without appeal.*40 Both the
king and the pope have been accused, on this occasion, of
having mutually bought and sold the rights of the church,
and betrayed the interests of that religion which it was their
duty to have protected. That their conduct excited the
warmest indignation of the French clergy, appears by the
bold appeal of the university of Paris, in which the proceed
ings of the council of Basil, in opposition to Eugenius IV., are
openly defended, the rights of the Gallican church courageously
asserted, and the character of Leo X. impeached with great
freedom. Even the laity were jealous of the authority which
the king had thus unexpectedly obtained; conceiving that by
this union of the spiritual and temporal power in his own
person, he would find it an easy task to eradicate the few re
maining germs of liberty which had escaped the destructive
vigilance of Louis XL, and which, under the milder govern
ment of his successors, had begun to put forth no unpromis
ing shoots.41

After these important arrangements, the king returned from
Bologna to Milan, and soon afterwards repassed the Alps, to
prepare for new contests, with which he was threatened by

* Hist. S. Lateran. Coiicil. 184. S.S. Concilia Labbei et Cossartii, xiv.
288. Diunont, Corps Diplomat, iv. i. 226.

STATE OF SIENA. 43

the emperor elect and the kings of England and Aragon.
The pope, after having, by the desire of the king, conferred
on Adrian Boissi the hat of a cardinal, quitted a place where
he had been treated with disrespectful coldness, and, accom
panied by twelve cardinals, repaired to Florence, where he
arrived on the twenty-second day of December, 1515. Being
now freed for awhile from the cares of state, he had here an
opportunity of indulging his natural disposition in splendid
representations and acts of munificence towards his fellow-
citizens. The day of the Nativity was celebrated in the
church of S. Maria del Fiorje with unusual exultation; and
on the first of the new year he presented to the gonfaloniere,
Pietro Ridolfi, who then resigned his authority to his suc
cessor, a cap of state and a sword, which had been previously
sanctioned by the apostolic benediction. On the same day, he
also assembled in the cathedral the archdeacon and canons of
Florence, and being himself seated in state, in the midst of
his cardinals and prelates, he gave to the chapter, the mem
bers of which were then prostrate before him, a mitre orna
mented with jewels of the estimated value of ten thousand
ducats.* At the same time, as a proof of the affection which
he bore to the church, of which he had himself from his
infancy been a canon, he enlarged the incomes of the ecclesi
astics attached to it, and directed that the canons should
rank as prothonotaries of the holy see, and should wear the
habit of such dignity on all public occasions-42

Having thus distributed his bounty, and left to seven
altars in the principal church the less expensive favour of his
pontifical indulgence, Leo returned to Rome. The first ob
ject that required his attention was the state of Siena ; where
the inability of Borghese Petrucci, who at the age of twenty-
two years had succeeded to the government, on the death of
his father Pandolfo, was so apparent as to give just cause for
dissatisfaction among the inhabitants. This circumstance
induced his cousin, RafFaello Petrucci, then bishop of Grosseto
and keeper of the castle of S. Angelo, to aspire to the chief
dignity, to which he was also encouraged by Leo; who, in
consideration of his long attachment and services, and with
the view of placing in so important a station a person attached

* Ammirato, Hist. Flor. xxix.

44 LIFE OF LEO X.

to his own interests, furnished him with two hundred lances
and two thousand infantry, under the command of Vitello
Vitelli, with which the bishop proceeded towards Siena.43 The
rumours of these hostile preparations having reached the
<;ity, Borghese assembled the chief inhabitants, for the pur
pose of interesting them in his favour and preparing for their
defence; but the indications of displeasure and animosity
which he there perceived induced him to relinquish all hopes
of maintaining his authority, lie therefore privately effected
his escape from the city, and fled towards Naples, accompanied
by Fabio, his younger brother ; but leaving behind him his
wife, his child, his friends, and his fortunes, to the mercy or
the resentment of his adversaries.*

The satisfaction which the pontiff had experienced in the
success of his measures was, however, speedily interrupted by
domestic calamities and personal dangers. In the month of
March, 1516, he received information of the loss of his
brother Giuliano, who died at Florence, on the seventeenth day
of that month, after having supported his indisposition with
great patience and resignation. His death was a subject of
real regret to the citizens of Florence, who had the fullest
confidence in his sincerity and good intentions, which they I
contrasted with the qualities of his nephew Lorenzo, in a j
manner by no means favourable to the popularity of the i
latter. His obsequies were celebrated with great magnifi- I
cence ; but the noble monument erected to his memory by!
Michael- Agnolo, in the chapel of S. Lorenzo at Florence, may.
be considered as a far more durable memorial of his fame.44

A few days after he had received intelligence of this event,
Leo retired to Civita Lavinia, a town of great antiquity,
situate between Ostia and Antiuin, at the distance of abou
three miles from the sea. At this juncture a horde of bar
barian corsairs suddenly disembarked from their vessel, anc
after committing great depredations on the coast, captured a
considerable number of persons, whom they carried off with
them as prisoners. It was supposed to have been their in
tention to have seized upon the person of the pope, of whose
temporary residence they had probably been apprized ; bu-
Leo was aware of the danger in sufficient time to escap<

* Jovius, Vita Leon. X. iii. 71. Fabrou. Vita Leou. X. 114.

ESCAPE OF THE POPE FROM COHSAIRS. 45

their pursuit, and hastened in great terror to Rome. Muratori,
who relates this incident on the authority of a manuscript
history, by an anonymous writer of Padua, exclaim?, " What
horrors, what dreadful consequences would have ensued, if
these barbarians had succeeded in their project !" It would
indeed have been a singular circumstance, if Leo had in one
moment descended from the height of his authority and the
first station in Christendom to the degrading condition of a
slave. To form conjectures as to the probable consequences
of such an event, is, however, as useless as it is difficult ; but
we may with certainty decide, that however humiliating such
a circumstance would have been to the Christian world, it
would not have shaken the belief of the faithful either in the
sacred character of the pontiff or in the infallibility of the
holy see.

46 LIFE OF LEO X.

CHAPTER XIV.
1616—1517.

Proposed alliance of England, Spain, and Austria— Death of Ferdinand of
Spain— His character— Francis I. forms designs upon the kingdom of

Naples The emperor elect Maximilian enters Italy in great force — His

ineffectual attempt against Milan— Francis I. suspects the pope of having
favoured the enterprise— Leo intends to aggrandize his nephew Lorenzo
—Excommunicates the duke of Urbino, and expels him from his domi
nions—Confers the title and authority on Lorenzo — The Venetians
recover the city of Brescia — Verona successfully defended by Marc-
Antonio Colonna— Negotiations for the general pacification of Europe —
Treaty of Noyon — Leo endeavours to counteract its eifects — Treaty of
London — Motives of the pope for opposing the pacification — The exiled
duke of Urbino recovers his dominions — Leo requires the aid of all
Christendom against him— The duke of Urbino challenges his rival
Lorenzo to single combat— War of Urbiuo — The duke resigns his
dominions — Conspiracy of Petrucci and other cardinals against the pope
— Conspirators discovered — Arrest of the cardinal Eiario — Several other
cardinals confess their guilt — Execution of Petrucci and his subordinate
accomplices— Conduct of Leo towards the other conspirators — Observa
tions on this event— Leo creates in one day thirty-one cardinals— Splen
dour of the Roman see— Leo promotes the happiness of his subjects.

AFTER twenty years of warfare and desolation, Italy begani
at length to experience some respite from her calamities. The
contest was not, indeed, wholly terminated; but it was chiefly
restricted to the Venetian territories, where the senate werej
struggling to recover from the emperor the important cities of'
Brescia and Verona, which, by the aid of their successful allies,
the French, they now expected speedily to accomplish. The con
quest of Milan, and the progress of the French arms were not.
however, regarded with indifference by Ferdinand of Aragon
who was well apprized of the warlike disposition and ambition
designs of Francis I., and fully aware how much the possessioi!

PROPOSED ALLIANCE AGAINST FRANCE. 47

of the Milanese might facilitate the success of his hostile
attempts against the kingdom of Naples. These apprehensions
were increased by the strict alliance lately formed between
Francis and Leo X., the latter of whom, if he was not become
the adversary of Ferdinand, was, at least, no longer his asso
ciate in the war ; and his neutrality was scarcely less dan
gerous than his hostility. Induced by these considerations,
Ferdinand determined to provide the active sovereign of
France with employment in another quarter. To this end he
renewed his applications to the emperor Maximilian and to
Henry VIII., to join him in a league against France. These
propositions were willingly acceded to by Maximilian, who
earnestly desired the assistance of the Spaniards in divesting
the Venetians of their continental possessions; and were also
listened to by Henry VIII., who, notwithstanding his late
dissatisfaction with the conduct of his father-in-law, and his
treaty with Francis I., had been induced by Wolsey to look
with an hostile eye on the proceedings of the French monarch.
The motives of this powerful favourite, in thus inciting his
sovereign to a new contest, are too obvious to be mistaken.
By the aid of Francis I., he had lately obtained the hat of a
cardinal; and he well knew that the expected compensation
for this favour was his relinquishing the revenues arising from
his bishopric of Tournay, which, in case of hostilities between
the two countries, he could still retain. He was, therefore,
indefatigable in forwarding the negotiations with the emperor.1
The Spanish ambassador, who had of late experienced great
neglect at the English court, was again received into favour ;
and the ancient treaties between Spain and England were
revived and confirmed ; but whilst the proposed alliance
between the three sovereigns was thus on the point of being
accomplished, its further progress was prevented by the death
of Ferdinand, who, after a lingering illness, and at an advanced
age, terminated his mortal career on the twenty-third day of
January, Iol6.2

The reign of Ferdinand may be considered as having laid
the foundation of the power of the Spanish monarchy ; and he
may justly be regarded, if not as one of the greatest, as one

the most fortunate sovereigns on historical record. His
i marriage with Isabella eventually united the people of Castile
land Aragon under one sovereign, and formed them into one

48 LIFE OF LEO X.

powerful nation. To the encouragement which, however
tardy and imperfect, was afforded by Ferdinand and his queen
to Columbus, may be attributed the discovery of the great
continent of America; undoubtedly one of the most important
events in the history of mankind. The expulsion of the Moors
from his dominions is another incident which adds lustre to
his reign. By the valour and conduct of his great general,
Gonsalvo, he had obtained the peaceful sovereignty of the
kingdom of Naples, and thereby restored to the legitimate
branch of the house of Aragon their long asserted rights.
The acquisition of Navarre, and the conquest of several im
portant places on the shores of Africa, were also highly ho
nourable to the Spanish arms. These uncommon successes,
together with the reputation which Ferdinand had acquired
for moderation, prudence, and piety, gave him an extensive
influence among the crowned heads of Europe; but, notwith
standing these splendid achievements, Ferdinand was himself
no hero. Whilst Louis XII. and Francis I., and even the
emperor elect, Maximilian, took the field, he was, for the most
part, satisfied with acquiring by proxy what they lost in person.
Those talents which were dignified by the name of wisdom and
prudence, would have been better characterized by the appel
lations of craft, of avarice, and of fraud. His treacherous
conduct towards his near relation, Ferdinand, king of Naples,
and the young prince of Calabria, his son, leaves a stain on
his character which cannot be varnished even by the bril
liancy of success. In England, his name was odious for breach
of faith, and the French had still greater cause to complain of
his perfidy. To reproaches of this kind he was himself in
different: and, provided he could accomplish his purpose, he
rather gloried in his talents than blushed for his crime. To
his secretary, Quintana, who informed him that Louis XII.
had complained that he had twice deceived him, " The drunkard
lies!" he exclaimed; "I have cheated him upwards of ten
times."* The disgrace and infamy of this conduct he endea
voured to cover by pretensions to extraordinary piety and an
invariable obedience to the injunctions of the Koman see. To
him is to be referred the introduction into Spain of the
horrible tribunal of the Inquisition, which was first intended to
compel the Moors and the Jews to enter the pale of the church,

* Ligue de Carnb. v.

FRANCIS' DESIGNS UPON NAPLES. 49

but was afterwards extended to all those who presumed to
differ in opinion from the infallible doctrines of the holy see.
The bigotry of Ferdinand descended to his successors. After
tarnishing the character of Charles V., it was concentrated in
that of Philip II., and became the scourge of Europe during
the greater part of the sixteenth century.

The death of Ferdinand of Aragon was an event which
had been impatiently waited for by Francis I., who was ambi
tious of adding the conquest of Naples to that of Milan.
During his interview with Leo X., at Bologna, there can be
no doubt that this subject had been discussed; nor is it im
probable that the pontiff, instead of directly opposing the
views of the king, had advised him to postpone any hostile
attempts until the death of Ferdinand, an event which, from
his advanced age and infirm state of health, it was supposed
could not be far distant. Having, therefore, complied Avith
the advice of the pontiff, Francis might reasonably expect
that he would now favour his pretensions; and as he well
knew that the archduke Charles was threatened with some
impediments in his succession to the crown of Aragon, he
conceived that it might not be impracticable, either by nego
tiation or by force, to deprive him of the dominion of Naples.3

In the midst of these dreams of aggrandisement, Francis
was suddenly awakened by the alarm of hostilities on the
part of the emperor elect, Maximilian, who seemed, at length,
to have aroused himself from his lethargy, and to have formed
:he resolution of repairing, by his own efforts, the disasters of
lis allies. By the seasonable aid of one hundred and twenty
thousand crowns, which had been sent to him from Spain
shortly before the deatli of Ferdinand, he was enabled to sub
sidize a body of fifteen thousand Swiss mercenaries, to which
lie had united at least an equal number of troops, collected
from various parts of the Austrian dominions. His prepara
tions were hastened by the critical situation of the cities of
Brescia and Verona, in consequence of a body of three thou
sand men, sent as an escort with supplies for the relief of
those garrisons, having been intercepted by the sieur de
Lautrec, the commander of the French troops in the Venetian
service, and defeated with great slaughter.* AVith a promp-

* Ligue ele C'ambr. v. ii. M9.
VOL. II. E

50 LIFE OF LEO X.

titude which astonished all Europe, Maximilian took the field
in person early in the year, and passing through the Tyrol,
arrived at Verona. The united arms of the French and
Venetians were unable to oppose his progress;4 and Lautrec,
after having threatened in vain that he would arrest his
course, was obliged to relinquish successively the passes of
the Mincio, the Oglio, and the Adda, and eventually to take
shelter within the walls of Milan.*

This sudden and unexpected alteration in the aspect of
public affairs, once more awakened in the mind of Leo X. the
hopes of a speedy expulsion of the French from Italy; and,
notwithstanding his alliance with Francis I., he immediately
dispatched the cardinal da Bibbiena, as his legate, to the em
peror, at the same time directing his general, Marc-Antonio
Colonna, then at the head of a small body of Roman troops,
to join the imperial army.t The government of Milan had
been intrusted by Francis I. to Charles, duke of Bourbon,
who avowed his resolution of defending the city to the last
extremity. With the most vigilant attention he suppressed
the symptoms of tumult among the inhabitants; he impri
soned such of them as he suspected of disaffection to his
cause; he even set fire to the suburbs of the city, to the great
dissatisfaction and injury of the inhabitants, who attributed
this measure to the advice of the Venetian provveditorc and
the effects of national jealousy; and, finally, he omitted no
measures that were likely to harass the emperor in providing
supplies for his numerous troops. The imperial army had
now arrived in the vicinity of the city, and was increased by
a considerable party of the Milanese exiles. Colonna had
possessed himself of Lodi, where, contrary to his intentions,
and notwithstanding his precautions, a great number of the
French and their adherents were put to the sword; but whilst
Maximilian was preparing for the attack of Milan, the arrival
at that city of a body of ten thousand Swiss, whom Francis
had, in consequence of a recent treaty with the Helvetic
states,5 engaged in his interests, suddenly arrested the pros
perous career of the imperial arms, and induced Maximilian
to hesitate as to his further proceedings. The mercenary
character of the Swiss, if not already sufficiently notorious,

* Guicciard. xii. + Ligiie de Cambr. v.

EETREAT OF THE EMPEROR. 51

was now manifested by their being engaged in nearly equal
numbers on opposite sides of the question. The emperor, at
this critical juncture, could not avoid calling to mind the fate
of Lodovico Sforza, who, under similar circumstances, had
been betrayed by the Swiss, and delivered up to Louis XII. A
letter, written by Trivulzio to the commander of the Helvetic
troops in the imperial service, for the express purpose of
being intercepted, and referring to the speedy execution of
some preconcerted plan, confirmed the suspicions of the em
peror. No manifestations of a favourable disposition were
shown by the inhabitants of Milan ; the circumstances in
which the emperor was placed would not admit of long hesi
tation, and his only choice was either to attack the united
forces of the French, the Venetians, and the Swiss, in the
fortifications of Milan, or to consult his safety by a timely
retreat. In adopting the latter alternative, Maximilian only
acted that part which, from his former conduct, might safely
have been predicted. Disgraced, although not defeated, he
withdrew to Lodi, incumbered with an inmense army of dif
ferent nations, which he was unable either to feed or to pay.*
After having been reduced to the necessity of plundering
those cities which, as their sovereign, he ought to have pro
tected, he hastened with all possible expedition to Trent,
whilst the Swiss in his service, being obliged on their way to
levy contributions on the inhabitants, returned through the
Valteline to their mountains. Thus ended the expedition of
the emperor Maximilian against Milan, a memorable instance
of that imbecility which frustrates all expectation, and sets at
defiance every effort of good fortune to crown it with either
honour or success.

The conduct of Leo through these transactions was viewed
with a jealous eye by Francis I., who began to entertain sus
picions that he had incited Maximilian to this enterprise.
These suspicions were greatly strengthened by the hesitation
which Leo had shown in complying with the terms of the treaty
concluded between them, by which it had been agreed, that
in case of an attack on the states of Milan, he should provide
for its defence five hundred men at arms, and should sub
sidize and maintain for the same purpose a body of three

* Guicciard. xii.
E2

52 LIFE OF LEO X.

thousand Swiss mercenaries. When, however, the king re
quired the stipulated aid, Leo had excused himself on account
of his inability, but had promised to send to the assistance of
the king a body of Florentine troops, which had, at length,
taken the field, and proceeded by slow marches to Bologna,
without having effected the slightest service to the cause of
the French. As the fortunes of the emperor declined, the
pontiff manifested a more decided adherence to his former
engagements. The cardinal da Bibbiena had indeed departed
on his embassy, but he had stopped at Kubiera under pretext
of sickness; and Leo, with great apparent punctuality,
directed his nephew, Lorenzo, to advance the first month's
pay for three thousand Swiss. Francis, on condescending to
receive the money, coldly observed, that as his treaty with the
pope was of r.o service to him in the moment of war and
danger, he would negotiate a new one with him, which should
only relate to times of peace.*

For a long course of years prior to the time of Leo X., the
principal object of those who had filled the chair of St. Peter
had been the aggrandizement, or rather the founding, of a
family, which should hold a respectable rank among the
princes of Italy. Of this common character of the Roman
pontiffs Leo strongly participated. The person on whom lie
had placed his fondest hopes was his brother Giuliano; but
the pacific and unambitious temper of this estimable young
man had prevented those exertions which the pope was in
clined to make in his favour, and an untimely death had
blighted the expectations which had been entertained of him.0
After this event, the favour of the pope was principally
turned towards his nephew Lorenzo, who felt no scruples in
availing himself of any advantages which, through his near
kindred to the pontiff, lie might be likely to obtain. So
evidently did the death of Giuliano contribute to the advance
ment of Lorenzo, that the nephew has been accused of having
treacherously accelerated the death of the uncle, in order to
prepare the way to his own promotion ;f but accusations of
this nature, which rest merely on presumption, deserve no
credit; and miserable indeed would be the lot of humanity, if
such motives could countervail that love of kindred which is
one of the strongest safeguards of society.

* Guicciard. xii. -j- Leoni, lit sup.

MONITION TO THE DUKE OF UKDINO. 53

The temporary cessation of hostilities, occasioned by the
retreat of the imperial troops, afforded the pope a favourable
opportunity of attempting to carry into effect his long medi
tated design against the duchy of Urbino, and of raising his
family to a sovereign rank. It is probable, however, that in
this design, Leo was actuated not only by motives of ambi
tion, but by his resentment against the duke, who had on
several occasions manifested a disposition hostile to his views,
and particularly at the time of the restoration of the Medici
to Florence, when he had refused to afford them his assistance,
as general of the church, although he had been directed by his
uncle, Julius II., to grant them all the support in his power.
These private reasons of dislike were, however, cautiously
suppressed, and motives of a more public nature were alleged
by the pontiff in justification of the violent measures which
he had in contemplation. Among these, Leo did not forget
to enumerate the assassination of the cardinal of Pavia, in the
streets of Ravenna, perpetrated by the duke with his own
hand, in a season of tranquillity and confidence; the animosity
shown by the duke against the papal troops, as well on other
occasions as after the battle of Ravenna, when he expelled
the unfortunate fugitives who had escaped that dreadful day
from his dominions; his treacherous negotiations with foreign
powers, and his contumacy, as a vassal of the holy see, in re
fusing those supplies which it was his duty, and which he had
positively stipulated, to provide. For these ostensible reasons
Leo issued a monitory to the duke, of which he was no sooner
apprized than he quitted his capital, and retired to Pesaro.
Here he endeavoured, by all the means in his power, to ap
pease the resentment of the pontiff; for which purpose he
dispatched to Rome the duchess Elixabetta, the widow of his
predecessor, by whose intercessions he hoped to avert the
danger with which he was threatened. The reception of the
duchess was not, however, such as from her rank, her accom
plishments, and the services rendered by her husband and
herself to the family of the Medici, she was entitled to ex
pect. In two audiences, obtained not without difficulty, she
remonstrated with the pontiff on the severity of his conduct
towards the representative of a family which had so long been
connected by the ties of friendship with his own, and which
had manifested the sincerity of its attachment by the protec-

LIFE OF LEO X.

tion afforded to the Medici in the midst of their calamities,
and when they had no other refuge. She reminded the pope
of the intimacy which had so long subsisted between the duke
and his late brother Giuliano, who had always avowed the
warmest attachment towards the family of his protectors; and
she declared that it would be an instance of ingratitude,
which she could not believe would be countenanced by so
generous and magnanimous a prince as his holiness was uni
versally esteemed to be, if his nephew Lorenzo, who, when an
infant, had so often been caressed in her arms, should now
rise up against his benefactors, and expel them from the very
place which had been the scene of their kindness to him.*
These supplications had, however, little effect on the determin
ation of the pontiff, who informed the duchess, in reply, that
he expected the duke to make his appearance at Rome, ac
cording to the tenour of the^monitory, the term of which
being now nearly expired, he should, from his personal respect
to her, enlarge for a few days.f Instead, however, of pro
ceeding to Rome, the duke retired from Pesaro to the court
of his father-in-law, Francesco Gonzago, at Mantua, whither
he had already taken the precaution of sending his wife and
family, having first garrisoned the citadel of Pesaro with three
thousand men, the command of whom he entrusted to Tran-
quillo da Mondolfo, an officer in whom he placed great confi
dence. Availing himself of the disobedience of the duke to
the paramount authority of the holy see, Leo issued a decree
of excommunication, by which the duke was declared a rebel,
and deprived of his titles and offices, and all the cities in the
state of Urbino were placed under an interdict as long as they
avowed their allegiance to him. The princes of Christendom
were admonished not to afford him any assistance, and even
the duchess Elizabetta was deprived of her dowry arising
from the territories of her late husband-! At the same time
Lorenzo de' Medici, as general of the church, accompanied by
the experienced commander, Renzo da Ceri, entered the
duchy of Urbino, by way of Romagna, at the head of one
thousand men-at-arms, one thousand light horse, and twelve
thousand infantry. Vitello Vitelli, with upwards of two
thousand men, attacked the dominions of the duke on the side

* Leoni, ut sup. 171. t Ib. 174. % Ib. 180.

THE DUKE EXPELLED HIS DOMINIONS. 55

of Lamole, and Giovan-Paolo Baglione, attended by an apos
tolic commissary, proceeded towards the city of Urbino, by
way of Gubbio.* Such an attack was irresistible; and the
duke t himself, being apprized of the forces brought against
him, conceded to his subjects, in express terms, the liberty of
entering into such stipulations with the conquerors as they
might think conducive to their own safety.f The city of
Urbino immediately surrendered to the pontifical arms, and
this example was followed by all its dependent cities and
places, except the citadel of Pesaro and the fortresses of
Sinigaglia, San Leo, and Majuolo. After sustaining a can
nonade of two days, Mondolfo, to whom the defence of the
citadel of Pesaro had been intrusted, agreed to surrender the
place if effectual assistance did not arrive within twenty days;
but when the time had expired, Mondolfo, instead of comply
ing with the terms of the treaty, again attacked the besiegers
with his artillery. The straits to which the garrison was
reduced, soon, however, gave rise to mutiny and disorder, and
the soldiers, seizing upon their leader, delivered him up as the
price of their own security to the commanders of the papal
troops, who executed him on the gallows as a traitor.7 The
fortresses of Majuolo and Sinigaglia were immediately sur
rendered, but that of S. Leo, being well garrisoned and
situated on a precipitous rock, was deemed impregnable.^
After a siege of three months, its conquest was, however,
accomplished by the contrivance and exertions of a master-
carpenter, who, having ascended by night the steepest part of
'the rock, and concealed himself by day under its projections
and cavities, enabled the besieged to fix their ladders, by
means of which one hundred and fifty chosen men arrived
early in the morning at the summit, a part of whom, carrying
six standards, having scaled the walls, the garrison, conceiv
ing the place was stormed, abandoned its defence, and the
gates were opened to the besiegers. §

The conquest of the whole state being thus accomplished,
Leo invested his nephew, Lorenzo, with the duchy of Urbino,
and its dependent states of Pesaro and Sinigaglia; and in order

* Leoni, ut sup. 180. f Guicciard. xii.

J Bonamini, Mem. Istor. cli GuiJo Postumo Silvestri. Nuova Eaccolta
d' Upuscoli. xx. ii. 19.

§ Guicciard. xii.

56 LIKE OF LEO X.

to give greater validity to the act of investiture, he caused it
to be authenticated by the individual signatures of all the
cardinals, excepting only Domenico Grimani, bishop of
Urbino, who refused to concur in despoiling the duke of his
dominions. Fearful, however, of having incurred the indig
nation of the pope, Grimani, a few days afterwards, prudently
withdrew from Rome, and did not return until after the death
of the pontiff.*

The exiled duke, thus deprived of his dominions, requested
the pontiff that he would at least liberate him from his eccle
siastical censures; but Leo refused him even this consolation,
although the duke entreated it " for the salvation of his soul."f
Thus the man who appears to have felt no remorse for the
assassination of another, and that, too, a cardinal of the church,
professed his anxiety in labouring under the displeasure of
the pope; and thus the pontiff, to whom the care of all Christ
endom was intrusted, after despoiling the object of his re
sentment of all his possessions in this world, refused to pardon
him even in the next.

Soon after the retreat of Maximilian and the dispersion of
his immense army, the duke of Boui'bon relinquished the
government of Milan, and that important trust was com
mitted to Odet de Foix, sieur de Lautrec, who had greatly
distinguished himself by his important services in Italy. The
cities of Brescia and Verona yet retained their fidelity to the
emperor, or rather the inhabitants were kept in subjection by
the powerful garrisons of German and Spanish troops by
Avhich they were defended. On the disgraceful return of the
emperor elect to Vienna, the Venetians resolved to attempt
the recovery of these important places. They increased the
number of their troops, the chief direction of Avhich was
intrusted to Andrea Gritti, who was joined under the walls
of Brescia by Lautrec, at the head of five hundred lances and
five thousand French infantry. After bombarding that city
for several days with forty-eight pieces of heavy artillery, the
French and Venetian generals compelled the besieged to a
capitulation, by which it was agreed that if effectual assist
ance did not arrive within eight days, they should surrender
the place. The vigilance of the besiegers having prevented

* Guicciard. xii. f Leoni, 101.

VERONA SUCCESSFULLY DEFENDED. 57

the approach of the expected succours, this city, on the day
appointed, once more passed under the dominion of the Vene
tians, to the great joy of the major part of its inhabitants.

The attack of the united armies upon the city of Verona
was not attended with equal success. Their forces were now,
indeed, increased to twelve hundred men at arms, two thou
sand light horse, and twelve thousand foot. But the place
was defended by Marc- Antonio Colon na, who, with the con
sent of the pope, had quitted his service for that of the em
peror elect, and had garrisoned the place with a force little
inferior to that of his enemies. So numerous a body within
the walls, whilst it discouraged the besiegers from an imme
diate attack, suggested to them the expedient of reducing the
place by famine. They therefore took their position before
the city, the inhabitants of which endured with exemplary
patience all the extremes of hunger, of oppression, and of
misery. The besiegers, however, soon began to find that
the inconveniences which they themselves experienced from
the want of supplies were scarcely inferior to those of the
besieged. After having been obliged to plunder and desolate
for their support the surrounding country, they resolved, at
the expiration of two months, to attempt to storm the city.
The artillery was therefore employed with unceasing activity;
the walls were frequently destroyed, so as to admit of an
assault; the French and the Venetian troops emulated each
other in the courage which they displayed on this occasion,
but the firmness and perseverance of Colonna resisted the
shock. "\Vitli incredible assiduity he repaired the breaches in
the fortifications; he repulsed the besiegers in many severe
engagements, and frequently, instead of waiting the approach
of his enemies, led out his troops, and attacked them in their
intrenchments. From the month of August to that of October
the fate of the city remained in suspense; when information
being received that a strong reinforcement was on its march
from Trent, to the assistance of Colonna,8 the besiegers sud
denly broke up their camp, and retiring in separate bodies,
relinquished their undertaking.

During these occurrences in Italy, negotiations had been,
carrying on among the European states, which, in the event,
not only appeased these contests, but laid the foundation of
that general tranquillity which soon afterwards ensued. The

GO LIFE OF LEO X.

suspicions entertained by Francis I. of the dispositions of
Leo X. had received confirmation from many concurring
circumstances; nor can it be doubted that in his aversion to
the establishment of a French government in Italy, Leo was
uniform and unalterable. This aversion had been increased
by the conduct of the French monarch, who, by depriving
the pope of the sovereignty of Parma and Piacenza, had done
him an injury which, from motives of good policy, he ought to
have avoided, and for which all his other concessions were
not considered by Leo as an equivalent. The papal troops,
which, since the departure of Marc-Antonio Colonna, had
been intrusted to the command of his near relations, Prospero
and Mutio Colonna, yet remained in the vicinity of the
Milanese; whence, in order to prevent suspicion, they at
length retreated to Modena. Here an interview took place
between those commanders and Girolamo Morone, which was
conjectured to be for the purpose of arranging the prelimi
naries for an attack upon some part of the state of Milan.
At the same time, Leo had sent as his legate to the Swiss
cantons, Ennio, bishop of Veruli, for the purpose, as Francis
rightly conjectured, of inducing them to engage their services
to his enemies.* Under these impressions, the king mani
fested some hesitation in permitting the pope to receive the
emoluments arising from the tenths of the benefices in France,
as agreed on by the concordat; but afterwards, either sup
pressing his displeasure, or being yet desirous of obtaining
the favour of the pontiff, he not only assented to this claim,
but endeavoured to secure his friendship by other acts of
kindness. He relinquished his pretensions to a revenue from
the states of Mirandola, Carpi, aiid Correggio, as lord para
mount of those places, on being informed that the pope had
received them under his protection. He also affected to enter
into the views of the pope, with respect to his favourite object
of an attack upon the infidels, and offered to equip a powerful
armament at Marseilles, under the command of Pietro Na-
varrojf for the purpose of attacking the states of Barbary,
whose corsairs infested the Mediterranean, and who had
probably increased the pious hatred of the pontiff by their
sacrilegious attack upon his person. Well aware, however,

* Guicciard. xii. f Ibid.

TREATY OF NOYON. 59

that all attempts to reconcile the pontiff to the perraament
establishment of the French in Italy might prove fruitless, he
turned his views towards another quarter, and determined to
secure his Milanese possessions by accommodating his dif
ferences with the young king of Spain. The advantages to
be derived to both parties from such a treaty were obvious.
The accession of Charles to the dominions of his ancestors
was not unattended by difficulties, and, in particular, his Nea
politan dominions were yet subject to the rival claims of the
house of Anjou, and of the illegitimate branch of the house
of Aragon. The basis of this negotiation was therefore the
quieting and defending each other in the possessions which
they respectively held in Italy. On the thirteenth day of
August, 1516, it was solemnly agreed at Noyon* that the
treaty of amity concluded between the two monarchs at Paris,
in the year 1514, should be renewed and confirmed, and that
they should assist each other, as well in the defence of their
respective territories on both sides the Alps as in any just
conquest which either of them might undertake. In order
to confirm this connexion, it was further concluded, that
Francis should give his daughter Louisa, -then only one year
of age, in marriage to Charles, at a stipulated period, and that
on such marriage Charles should be invested with all the
rights and pretensions of the family of Anjou to the crown
of Naples. By the same treaty, the rights of the family of
D'Albret to the kingdom of Navarre, and the discordant
interests of the Venetians and the emperor elect, were par
ticularly attended to and arranged ; and a power was reserved
for Maximilian to accede to the league at any time within
the space of two months. The pope was particularly named
as the ally of both parties; but this was well understood to
be merely in respect of his dignity, and not under any ex
pectation that he was likely to assent to the treaty.

No sooner was Leo apprized of these negotiations, than he
employed all his art and all his influence to prevent the
Spanish monarch from acceding to the terms proposed to him,
but finding that his interference for this purpose was not
likely to avail, he resolved to counteract, if possible, the
effects of this treaty by another alliance equally formidable.

* Du-Mont. Corps. Diplomat, iv. i. 2^4.

60 L1FK OF LEO X.

To this end, he prevailed on the king of England and the
emperor elect to unite with him in a league, to which he had
also the address to prevail on the Spanish monarch to accede.
But although Leo had been the original promoter of this
measure, he declined being nominated as an ostensible party,
and requested that power might be reserved to him to join
in it at a future time. By this treaty, which was concluded
at London, on the twenty-ninth day of October, 15 1 6,9 the
emperor elect and the kings of England and of Spain agreed
to defend each other against any power that should attack
their respective states ; and the contingency of each party
was settled at five thousand horse and twenty thousand foot.
It was further stipulated, that all potentates and states that
might be desirous of entering into the league should be
admitted ; and as the confederates acknowledged they had
reason to expect that the pope would become a party, they
declared him principal and chief of the league. Such were
the avowed and ostensible objects of this alliance ; but by a
separate article,* it was further agreed, that endeavours
should be used for disengaging such of the Swiss cantons as
were in alliance with France, from the interests of that
crown ; and it was also settled what amount each of the allies
should pay towards the pensions which should be distributed
among the Swiss, as well to the public as to private persons.10
The consequences which Leo expected from this formidable
combination were, however, frustrated by the instability or
duplicity of the emperor elect ; who, at the same instant that
he was negotiating the treaty of London, availed himself of
the opportunity afforded him of becoming a party to that of
Noyon, which was intended as a definitive arrangement of the
affairs of Italy. In consequence of this treaty, the city of
Verona was again surrendered to the Venetians. A further
agreement was soon afterwards concluded between the
Venetian senate and the emperor elect, which terminated for
a time the other objects of their dispute. On the twenty-
ninth day of November, in the same year, Francis I. con
cluded the memorable treaty of Fribourg with the Swiss
cantons, known by the name of the perpetual alliance, which
lias been the foundation of the close connexion that has since

* Supplem. an Corps Diplomat, iii. i. 47.

MOTIVES OF THE POPE. 61

subsisted between the two countries.* By these alliance?,
the peace of Europe was guaranteed by its most powerful
sovereigns; and Leo was compelled to be a reluctant spec
tator of that tranquillity which he had certainly, on this
occasion, done all in his power to prevent.

It would, however, be unjust to the character of the pontiff
to conclude that he was averse to the repose of Italy. On the
contrary, there was perhaps no object that he had more at
heart ; but this repose he conceived to be ill-secured whilst
the northern and southern states of that country were held
by two powerful foreign potentates, whose dissensions or
whose closer alliance might equally prove fatal to the rest.
This, therefore, was not such a peace as Leo wished to see
effected ; and if he did not manifest his open disapprobation,
it was only because he was for the present precluded from all
means of interrupting it with any hopes of success. Nor can
it be denied, that in this respect he manifested a regard for
the true interests of his country, and a degree of political
sagacity which does credit to his discernment : subsequent
events having sufficiently demonstrated, that the appre
hensions of the pontiff for the safety and repose of Italy were
too well founded ; that country having, soon after his death,
exhibited scenes of contention and of carnage between the
rival monarchs of France and of Spain, yet more horrible
than any that had before occurred ; and the city of Home
itself having become the prey of a horde of Christian barba
rians, who sacked it with circumstances of ferocious cruelty
scarcely to be paralleled iu the history of mankind.11

One of the immediate consequences of the general pacifica-

I tion was the disbanding of a great number of the Italian

j condottieri; who being now out of employment, were ready to

1 engage in any enterprise whu-h might afford them emolument

i or support. Availing himself of this circumstance and of the

i pecuniary aid of his father-in-law the marquis of Mantua, the

exiled duke of Urbino had begun to collect a military force

* for the purpose of attempting the recovery of his dominions. t

In the month of January, 1.517, he assembled his troops,

which then amounted to five thousand Spanish infantry,

most of whom had been employed in the defence of Verona,

* Murntori, x. 1:30. Ligue tie Cainbr. liv. v.
{ Muratori, x. 1:31. Leoni, ii. p. 108.

62 LIFE OF LEO X.

three thousand Italian stipendiaries, and fifteen hundred
horse, commanded by Federigo Gonzago, lord of Bozzolo, who
avowed a mortal enmity to Lorenzo de' Medici on account of
a personal affront which he had received from him. With
this army the exiled duke began his march ; having, as a
justification of his conduct, addressed a letter to the college of
cardinals, in which he declares himself a faithful and obedient
son of the church ; complains of the unexampled severity
with which he had been treated ; asserts that he had not only
been pursued with all the violence of ecclesiastical censures,
but that his life had been frequently attempted, both by
poison and by force ; and disavows any intention of disturb
ing the states of the church further than might be necessary
to the recovery of his just rights.* He then took the route
of Romagna, and arriving at Cesena passed the river Savio
under the walls of that place, without interruption from
Lorenzo de' Medici, who was then with a considerable force
within the city. The rapidity of his movements anticipated
the vigilance of the papal commanders. A few fortresses of
little importance which had opposed his progress were
stormed, and the garrisons treated with great severity.
Arriving in his own dominions, he found his capital defended
only by a small body of troops, which was instantly put to
flight, and in the space of a few weeks the duke, without a
single engagement of any importance, found himself as
suddenly restored to his authority as he had been, a short
time before, deprived of it.

This unexpected reverse of fortune was a cause of inex
pressible chagrin to the pope, not only on account of the loss
of a territory which he had considered as effectually secured
to his family, but as it indicated a hostile disposition on the
part of those sovereigns whose commanders and troops had
engaged in the service of the duke. On this account he
warmly remonstrated with the ambassador of the French
monarch, on the conduct of Lautrec, who had permitted
Federigo da Bozzolo, one of his stipendiaries, to enter into the
service of the duke.f He also complained to the emperor
elect, Maximilian, and to the young monarch of Spain, that
their troops had been engaged in opposition to the cause of

* Leoui, ut sup. + Guicciard. xiii.

TUE POPE S EFFOETS AGAINST THE DUKE. 63

the church, which he strongly insinuated would not have been
done without their privity and assent. Not satisfied, however,
with these remonstrances, he resorted to his pontifical
authority, and issued his briefs requiring the assistance of all
the princes of Christendom against a rebel and a traitor, who
had not only opposed himself in open arms against his para
mount lord, but had thrown off all reverence to the holy see.12
These representations were not without their effect. The
friendship of a pontiff, who, by his talents and vigilance, no
less than by his high office, had obtained so considerable an
influence in the affairs of Europe, was without long hesitation
preferred to the disinterested task of vindicating the rights of
a petty sovereign, whose conduct had on several occasions
undoubtedly given just cause for reprehension. The Spanish
king not only exculpated himself from all share in the trans
action, but immediately admonished his subjects to quit the
service of the duke of Urbino. He also directed the count
of Potenza to proceed from Naples with four hundred lances
to the aid of the pope, and as a proof of the sincerity of his
intentions, he deprived the duke of Urbino of the ducal
territory of Sora, which had been purchased by his father
within the kingdom of Naples. Francis I. although justly
suspicious of the intentions of the pontiff, sent also to his
assistance a body of three hundred lances ; but this reinforce
ment was accompanied by many complaints of the non-
observance by the pope of the treaty concluded between him
and the king at Bologna. The unjustifiable severity
exercised by Leo against the exiled duke of Urbino, and
particularly his cruelty in depriving both the dowager duchess
and the wife of the reigning duke of the revenues appointed
for their support, had also been warmly animadverted on by the
duchess of Angouleme, mother of the French monarch, who
possessed great influence with her son, and resented with
commendable spirit the injury done to those of her own sex.
Leo, being privately informed of this circumstance, and con
scious that he had given just occasion for complaint, hesitated
whether it would be prudent to accept the assistance offered
to him by^the king. These difficulties were not, however, of
long continuance. In complying with the request of the
pope, by giving to his cause the credit of his name and the
assistance of his arms, Francis proposed that a new confede-

64 LIKE OF LEO X.

ration should be entered into between them, by which they
should reciprocally bind themselves to the dei'ence of each
other's dominions, and to the advance for that purpose, if it
should appear necessary, of a monthly sum of twelve thousand
ducats. The Florentines were also included as auxiliaries in
the league, and Lorenzo de' Medici was expressly recognised
as duke of Urbino.13 The king further consented to assist
the pope, whenever he was required, against the vassals and
feudatories of the church ; but the pontiff engaged by a sepa
rate brief not to require the aid of the French monarch against
the duke of Ferrara. On this occasion Francis again insisted
with great earnestness on the restitution of Modena and
Reggio to the duke of Ferrara; but the pope sought to evade
the discussion under the pretext that it was not a proper time
to make such a request, when he was engaged in a dangerous
contest with another of the vassals of the church. Such,
however, was the perseverance of the king, that Leo at length
consented, by a written engagement, to restore those places
to the duke at the expiration of the term of seven months ; a
promise which there is too much reason to believe he never
intended to perform, although conceded to the importunity of
the king ; relying on the change of circumstances which
might arise within that period for a sufficient reason to justify
him in the breach of it.14

During this negotiation, Leo had used his utmost efforts
to increase the forces under the command of his nephew
Lorenzo ; which soon amounted to one thousand men at
arms, fifteen hundred light horse, and eighteen thousand in
fantry, composed of an heterogeneous assemblage of Gascons,
Germans, Swiss, Spaniards, and Italians,15 the immediate com
mand of which, under the direction of Lorenzo, was intrusted
to Kenzo da Ceri. Of this force a considerable part was con
centrated atPesaro; but at the time when hostilities were ex
pected to commence, a herald arrived at Pesaro, to demand a
safe-conduct for two persons who were authorized by the duke
of Urbino to impart a message to Lorenzo de' Medici. The
necessary credentials were accordingly given, when Suares di
Lione, a Spanish officer, and Oratio Florida, secretary to the
duke, were introduced in a public audience; but instead of an
nouncing any proposition of submission or accommodation, as
was probably expected from them, the secretary read aloud a

WAR OF URBINO. 63

challenge from the duke, addressed to Lorenzo; by which he
proposed, that in order to prevent the effusion of blood and
the calamities of a protracted warfare, the contending parties
should terminate the contest by an equal number of soldiers
on each side, such number to be at the choice of Lorenzo 5
from four, to four thousand; concluding with an offer to
Lorenzo, in case he preferred it, to meet him at a time and
place to be appointed for that purpose, and to decide their
differences by single combat.*

The only reply which Lorenzo made to this message,
which he affected to consider as a personal affront, was to
commit the bearers of it to prison.16 In a few days, how
ever, he liberated the Spaniard; but he sent the secretary of
the duke to Rome, for the purpose of being examined re
specting the measures and intentions of his master, and par
ticularly as to the persons who had stimulated and abetted
him in the prosecution of the war. To the indelible reproach
of the pope and his advisers, the use of torture was resorted:
to, for the purpose of obtaining information from a person
who had relied on the express sanction of a safe-conduct;
but the result of this atrocious act is said to have served
only to confirm the pope in the suspicions which he already
entertained of the hostile disposition of the French mo
narch.17

The opposing armies now took the field, that of the duke
being inferior in number to that of his adversaries. After
several movements and partial contests on the banks of the'
river Metro, in the vicinity of Fossombrone, in which the
celebrated commander Giovanni de' Medici, then very young,
gave an earnest of those military talents which he afterwards
more fully displayed,18 the armies arrived within a mile of
each other near Monte Baroccio. A decisive conflict now
seemed inevitable, but Lorenzo lost a favourable opportunity
of bringing his adversaries to an engagement, and suffered
them to withdraw from a situation of acknowledged danger
into a place where they might either accept or decline the
combat. Instead of appealing to arms, the duke of Urbino
had recourse to a stratagem for creating dissensions among
his adversaries, and particularly for detaching the Gascons

4 ••

* This singular document is preserved by Leoni.

VOL. II. F

66 LIFE OF LEO X.

from the service of Lorenzo. To this end he transmitted to
their commanders certain letters, said to have been found
in the apartments of the secretary of Lorenzo at Sahara,
which place had been occupied by the duke immediately
after the departure of the papal troops. By these letters it
appeared that the pope had complained of the extravagant
expense of supporting his auxiliaries, and had expressed his
wishes that they would return to France. Hence a con
siderable ferment arose in the army, which combining with
the disadvantages of their situation, the difficulty of obtain
ing provisions, and perhaps the reluctance of the commanders
to hazard an engagement, induced them to change their
position, and to retire in the presence of an inferior force
into the Vicariato. After attacking the castle of S. Costanza,
which was carried by storm and delivered up to be plundered
by the Gascons, the papal troops encamped before Mondolfo,
the strongest fortress in that district. Here an event
occurred which had nearly proved fatal to one of the leaders.
On planting the artillery for the attack of the place, it ap
peared that the engineers of the papal army, either through
ignorance or negligence, had chosen such a station as exposed
the soldiery to the fire of the garrison, in consequence of
which one of the captains and several other men were
killed. Exasperated at this misconduct, Lorenzo hastened
to the spot, contrary to the earnest remonstrances of his
officers; where, after having with great labour and perse
verance provided for the defence of his followers, he was,
when retiring, struck by a ball from the garrison which
wounded him on the back part of his head, and not only
rendered him incapable for some time of further exertion,
but greatly endangered his life.19

On the arrival of this information at Rome, Leo instantly
dispatched the cardinal Giulio de' Medici, to take upon him
the chief command of the papal army. On his arrival he
found it in a state of the utmost disorder. The private
disputes and personal quarrels of the soldiers of different
nations had been espoused by their respective commanders,
and the Germans, Spaniards, and Italians, instead of opposing
the enemy, had armed against each other; in consequence of
which several affrays had taken place, in which some of the
parties had lost their lives. The first measure adopted by

THE DUKE CONSENTS TO TREAT. 67

the papal legate was to divide the troops of each nation from
those of the others, and to order them into separate canton
ments. This task, although highly proper, was not carried
into effect without considerable personal danger to the car
dinal, and gave such dissatisfaction, that several considerable
bodies of troops quitted the service of the pontiff, and
repaired to the standard of the duke of Urbino. If, at this
juncture, the duke had hastened to the attack of his ad
versaries, he would in all probability have obtained an easy
and decisive victory; but if we may judge of the intention of
the commanders from a general view of the contest, it seems
to have been equally the policy of both these rivals to decline
an engagement, and rather to circumvent each other by
deceit, than to trust to the open decision of arms. Instead
of opposing his enemies in the field, the duke of Urbino
marched towards Perugia, leaving his own territories ex
posed to the ravages of his adversaries. Having obtained
the surrender of this place, through the treachery or cow
ardice of Gian-Paolo Baglioni, the Florentine commandant,
he began to threaten the states of Tuscany? but on receiving
information of the progress of the papal troops in Urbino,
he changed his purpose and hastened to the defence of his
capital. After an unsuccessful attack on the fortress of
Pesaro, he again returned towards the Florentine state and
attempted to carry by storm the citadel of Anghiari; but
being repulsed by the courage of the garrison rather than
by the strength of the place, he withdrew his troops tinder
the Apennines, between Borgo and Castello, uncertain what
course he should next pursue, and exhausted with the ex
pense of a contest which by one great effort he might have
terminated both to his honour and advantage.

In the hopeless situation to which the duke was reduced,
surrounded by an army clamorous for subsistence, and appi'e-
hensive at every moment of being betrayed into the hands of
his enemies, he consented, at length, to listen to terms of ac
commodation. The negotiation was, however, entered into
on his part under the most unfavourable auspices. The
sovereigns of Spain and of France had seen with mutual
jealousy the commanders and troops of each other employed
as auxiliaries in the war, and began to entertain apprehensions
that the continuance of this contest might endanger the pos-

F2

68 LIFE OF LEO X.

sessions which they respectively held in Italy. The re
monstrances of the pope to those monarch s to recall their
subjects from the service of the duke of Urbino were also
urged with a degree of earnestness that could no longer be
resisted without giving open cause of offence, and Don Ugo-
de Moncada, viceroy of Naples, was directed to mediate be
tween the contending parties. His efforts to this effect were
seconded by those of the French commander, L'Escii, and as
the duke appeared unwilling to submit to the terms proposed,
orders were immediately given to the French and Spanish
troops then in his service, to quit his standard and to repair
to that of their respective sovereigns. Under these circum
stances, the duke was required to relinquish his dominions
and accept from the pope a compensation for his claims; but
although he was compelled to assent to the former, he rejected
the latter with becoming spirit, as a measure that would be
subversive of his rights. He stipulated, however, that he
and his followers should, on his relinquishing his territories
to the pope, be freed from all ecclesiastical censures; that his
subjects should not be liable to punishment, on account
of their adherence to him; that the dowager duchess
and his own wife should be allowed to enjoy their pos
sessions in the state of Urbino, and that he should be
at liberty to remove all his furniture, arms, and personal
effects, among which, it was expressly agreed, there should
be included the celebrated library collected by his grand
father Federigo, duke of Urbino. With these terms the pope
did not hesitate to comply, and the duke, having been allowed
to repair to Urbino, for the purpose of carrying into execu
tion the articles agreed to in his favour, there assented to the
treaty.20 On the same day he quitted the city under an escort
of French cavalry, and passing through Cento, again took up
his residence with his father-in-law, the marquis of Mantuar
"to enjoy," says his biographer Leoni, " the admiration and
applause of mankind, and the reward of his labours. Thus,"
continues the same writer, " did Leo, after a contest of eight
months, terminate the war of Urbino, with the expense of a
million of crowns, which it was said throughout Italy had
only purchased for him disgrace and insult to his soldiers, his
states, and his commanders ; and with the acquisition of the
duchy of Urbino, lost indeed by the trial of arms, but ob-

CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE POPE. 69

tained by the influence of his authority." "Without wholly
agreeing with this author in his commendations of the con
duct and character of the exiled duke, it must be confessed
that the motives of the pope in this undertaking were as
culpable as the conduct of his commanders was disgraceful;
whilst the enormous expenses which he incurred exhausted
his treasury, and induced him to resort to those measures
for replenishing it which were shortly afterwards productive
of such disastrous consequences to the Roman church.

During the war of Urbino, an alarming conspiracy was
discovered at Rome, the object of which was to destroy the
pope by poison ; and if the name of religion had not been
already sufficiently prostituted, the Christian world might
have shuddered to hear that the authors of this crime were
found among the members of the sacred college. The chief
instigator of this attempt was the cardinal Alfonso Petrucci,
the brother of Borghese Petrucci, who had lately been de
prived of his authority in Siena and expelled from that place
by the interference of the pope. This total subversion of the
dignity and fortunes of his family, which had been accom
panied by the confiscation of his own hereditary revenues,
sunk deep into the mind of the cardinal. He considered the
conduct of the pope, in this transaction, as in itself highly
oppressive and unjust ; but when he compared it with the
services rendered by his father Pandolfo to the family of the
Medici, as well on their restoration to Florence as on other
important occasions, and recollected the very active part
which he had himself taken, with the rest of the younger
cardinals, in raising the pope to his high dignity, his resent
ment rose to such a degree as could not be restrained either
by the sense of guilt or the fear of punishment. In the first
paroxysms of his anger he determined to assassinate the pope
with his own hand; but from this he was deterred by the
difficulty of effecting his purpose, rather than by the horror
of such a, crime, or the scandal that must have arisen to
the church from the murder of a pope by the hands of a car
dinal.* Changing, therefore, his means, but not his object, he
resolved to destroy the pope by poison, for which purpose he
engaged as the partner of his guilt Battista de Vercelli, a
celebrated practitioner of surgery at Rome. The manner in

* Guicciard. xiii.

70 LIFE OF LEO X.

which this was to be accomplished was agreed upon.21 During
the absence of the surgeon who usually attended the pope, on
account of a dangerous and painful complaint, with which he
had long been afflicted, Battista was introduced to him as a
person of superior skill; and if Leo had not, by a fortunate
delicacy, and contrary to the entreaties of his attendants, re
fused to discover his complaint to a stranger, it was intended to
have mingled the ingredients of poison in the medicaments to
be applied. The impatience of Petrucci could not, however,
brook delay, but frequently and involuntarily burst forth in
complaints against the ingratitude of the pontiff, and in
expressions of enmity and revenge. This conduct soon
attracted notice, and Petrucci, being aware of the danger
which he had incurred by his imprudence, thought it expe
dient to retire for a short time from Rome. He did not, how
ever, relinquish his project, which he had communicated to his
secretary Antonio Nino, who was to accelerate its execution
in his absence, and with whom he maintained a frequent
interchange of letters.* Some of these being intercepted,
sufficiently disclosed the criminal nature of the correspond
ence, and Leo, under the pretext of consulting with Petrucci
on the arrangement of his family concerns, required his pre
sence in Rome. Conscious of his guilt, Petrucci manifested
some reluctance in complying with this request; but Leo
removed his apprehensions by granting liim a safe-conduct,
at the same time undertaking, by his solemn promise to the
Spanish ambassador, not to violate his own act. Confiding
in assurances so solemnly sanctioned, Petrucci instantly
repaired to Rome. On his arrival he was introduced, in
company with the cardinal Bandinello de' Sauli, into the
chamber of the pope, where they were both secured by the
guards, and committed prisoners to the castle of S. Angelo.f
Against these proceedings the Spanish ambassador loudly
remonstrated, asserting that as he had pledged his faith for
the safety of Petrucci, it must be considered as the engage
ment of his sovereign.^ Leo was not wanting in arguments
to justify his conduct. He alleged in reply, that no instrument
of safe conduct, however full and explicit, could be allowed

* Jovii, Vita Leon. X. iv. Fabronii, Vita Leon. X.

t 19th May, 1517. Par. de Grass. Diar. inedit. ap. Bib. Pub. Paris. 458.

t Guieciard. xiii.

CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE POPE. 71

to avail a person who had conspired against the life of the
supreme pontiff, unless the crime was therein expressly
mentioned. He contended that the same rule was applicable
to the crime of murder by poison ; a species of guilt abhorred
by all laws human and divine. By evasions of this nature the
pontiff did not scruple to violate that good faith of which he
ought to have been the first person to set an ^example, and
condescended to use against his adversary the same treachery
which had been employed against himself. The measures
thus adopted, Leo communicated by official letters to the
other European potentates, well knowing that great interest
would be made by the cardinals to screen their offending
brethren from a punishment which would reflect disgrace on
the whole college.

The surgeon Battista, who had retired to Florence, was
soon afterwards apprehended and sent to Rome. Another
person, named Pocointesta, who had long served the family of
Petrucci in a military capacity, was also taken into custody;
and the delinquents were rigorously examined by the pro
curator-fiscal, Mario Perusco.* From the confessions of
these wretched men, the guilt of Petrucci was apparent, and
there was also great reason to suspect that not only the car
dinal de' Sauli, but several other members of the college had
been privy to his designs. Leo therefore resolved to call a
meeting of the cardinals in full consistory, to inform them of
the reasons of his conduct, and to obtain, if possible, a public
confession from such of them as he suspected to be implicated
in the crime.

Before the day arrived for this assembly, which had been
fixed for the twenty-second of May, Leo became so greatly
alarmed at the extent to which the conspiracy had been carried
among the cardinals, that he durst not trust himself in the
midst of them. He determined, however, to secure the person of
Raffaello Riario, cardinal of S. Giorgio, who, since the time of
the memorable conspiracy of the Pazzi, in which he had acted
a principal, though perhaps an involuntary part, had now sat
in the college nearly forty years, and from his great wealth
and splendid manner of life was considered as the principal
person in the college. The particulars of his arrest, and of

* Guicciard. xiii. Fabronii, Vita Leon. X. 1 1(>,

72 LIFE OF LEO X.

the dismission of the other cardinals from the consistory, are
minutely related by Paris de Grassis, and may give a sufficient
idea of the personal conduct of the pontiff on this trying occa
sion.* " The consistory being assembled, the pope sent for
the cardinal of Ancona, who continued with him about an
hour. As we were surprised at this long interview," says this
vigilant master of the ceremonies, " I looked through an
opening of the door, and perceived in the chamber of the pope
the captain of the palace and two of the guards under arms.
I was apprehensive of some untoward circumstance; but I
remained silent. Seeing, however, the cardinals S. Giorgio
and Farnese enter the pope's chamber with great cheerfulness,
I concluded that the pope had called them to consult Avith him
respecting a promotion of cardinals, of which he had spoken
in the morning ; but scarcely had the cardinal S. Giorgio
entered, than the pope, who commonly walked very delibe
rately between two of his chamberlains, hastened out of the
room Avith great precipitation, and shutting the door, left the
cardinal S. Giorgio with the guards. Greatly astonished at
his haste, I inquired from the pope the reason of it, and asked
whether he meant to enter the consistory without his stole.
We arrayed him Avith the stole. He Avas pale, and much
agitated. He then ordered me, in a more positive tone
than usual, to send all the cardinals from the consistory ;
and afterwards, with a still louder voice, to shut up the
eonsistorial chamber. I obeyed; and no longer entertained
a doubt that the cardinal S. Giorgio was arrested. The
other attendants and myself then began to form conjectures
as to the cause of these proceedings ; but the pope soon
aftenvards explained them himself, by informing us, that the
two cardinals in prison had declared that the cardinal S.
Giorgio Avas their accomplice; that they had agreed to poison
the pope, and nominate that cardinal as his successor. We
could scarcely believe that the cardinal of S. Giorgio, Avhose
prudence and abilities Avere so Avell known, could have engaged
in such a plot; or, if he had been guilty, that he Avould not
haAre made his escape. We Avere therefore inclined to think
that this accusation Avas made by the pope as a pretext to
revenge himself for former injuries.22 HoAvever this may be,
all that the other cardinals could obtain Avas, that he should
not be sent to the castle of S. Angelo, but should remain under

* Notices des MSS. du Roi, ii. 599.

SEVERAL CARDINALS CONFESS. 73

arrest at the palace. A few days afterwards lie was, however,
ordered into closer custody."

On the eighth day of June, the pope again assembled the
cardinals, and after bitterly complaining that his life should
have been so cruelly and insidiously attempted, by those who,
having been raised to such high dignity, and who, being the
pi'incipal members of the apostolic see, were bound beyond
all others to defend him ; and after lamenting that the
kindness and liberality which he had uniformly shown to
every individual of the sacred college, even to a degree which
had been imputed to him as a weakness, had met with so un
grateful a return;* he proceeded to inform them, that two
others of their members were concerned in the conspiracy, and
called upon the guilty to make their peace by a prompt con
fession, threatening that otherwise he would immediately order
them into custody. By the advice of three of the cardinals,
Remolini, Accolti, and Farnese,t each cardinal was called upon
to answer, on oath, the interrogatory whether they were
guilty. When the question was put to Francesco Soderini,
cardinal of Volterra, he denied the fact; but upon further
admonition he fell prostrate, and, with many tears, acknow
ledged his offence, yielding his life to the discretion of the
pontiff. Leo then observed, that there was yet another con
cealed traitor, when the three cardinals before mentioned,
turning to Adrian di Corneto, cardinal of S. Crisogono,
advised him in like manner to humble himself. With great
reluctance he, too, confessed his guilt. It was then determined
that the penitent cardinals, after paying a heavy fine, should
be restored to favour. This fine was settled at twenty-five
thousand ducats ;i but, when they had raised that sum by
joint contributions, Leo insisted that it was intended they
should each pay that amount, whereupon they availed them
selves of the earliest opportunity to effect their escape from
the city. The cardinal of Volterra retired to Fondi, where
he remained under the protection of Prospero Colonna, until
the death of the pontiff ;§ but what became of Adrian is
wholly unknown, no tidings having been i-eceived of him after
his flight from Rome.23

* Guicciard. xiii. + Fabron. Vita Leon X.

{ Par. de Grussis, Diar. iuedit. ap. Bibl. Pub. Paris. Guicciard. xiii.

§|Guicciard. xiii.

74 LIFE OF LEO X.

The painful task of punishing the authors and principal
promoters of this conspiracy yet remained, and seems to have
affected the pontiff with real concern. Of the guilt of the
cardinals Petrucci and de' Sauli no doubt was entertained;
yet the conduct of the latter excited general surprise; as he
had shared in an eminent degree the favour and liberality of
the pontiff, which he had secured by the elegance of his
manners and conversation, insomuch as to have been the
frequent companion of the pontiff in his hours of leisure and
relaxation. It was, however, conjectured, that the prosperity
which he thus enjoyed had only served to excite in him those
ambitious expectations which no reasonable kindness could
gratify, and that he resented the preference shown by the pope
to the cardinal Giulio, in conferring upon him the episcopal
see of Marseilles.* Whatever was the cause of his animosity,
it was sufficiently apparent, as well from Avritten documents
as the evidence of the surgeon Battista, that he had taken an
active part in the machinations of Petrucci, and had supplied
him with money for carrying them into effect. During his
examination, he is said to have hesitated, trembled, contra
dicted himself, and given evident symptoms of his guilt;
whilst Petrucci, almost frantic with rage, poured out his exe
crations against the pontiff;f but little reliance is to be placed
on the conduct of persons examined under the immediate
terrors of the rack, where hardened intrepidity may be mis
taken for innocence, and the natural dread of corporeal suffer
ings for the strugglings of conscious guilt.

On the day of Pentecost, Leo, having again assembled the
cardinals, addressed them in a long and pathetic oration, in
which he intimated that although he might legally and pro
perly have proceeded to degrade and punish the guilty, yet
he had determined to pardon them. The cardinals present
acknowledged his clemency towards their offending brethren,
whereupon Leo was melted into tears.J He then went to
attend the celebration of mass, after which his dispositions
and intentions seemed to be astonishingly changed, and it
was thought that he had been instigated to convert the
punishment of the offenders into a source of gain.§ On the
twentieth day of June, he proceeded to degrade the cardinals

* Jovii, Vita Leon. X. iv. Fabron. Vita Leon. X.

f Fabrou. nt sup. J Par. de Grass. Diar. § Ib.

PUNISHMENT OF THE OFFENDERS. 75

Petrucci and de' Sauli, and also the cardinal Riario, from
their dignities, and to deprive them of their goods and eccle
siastical preferments; after which, to the terror and astonish
ment of all the members of the sacred college, he delivered
them over to the secular power.* During this meeting of
the consistory, which continued thirteen hours, great dissen
sions and tumults arose, as well between the pope and some
of the cardinals, as among the cardinals themselves, of whom
only twelve were present, being all who then remained in the
city. The sentence of deprivation was read by Pietro
Bembo.24 On the following night, Petrucci was strangled
in prison.25 The subordinate instruments of this treachery,
Battista da Vercelli and Antonio Nino, were also sentenced
to death, and after suffering excruciating torments, were
finally strangled, and their bodies quartered.20 The life of
the cardinal de' Sauli was spared, on the entreaty of Fran
cesco Cibo, the brother-in-law of the pontiff,27 and although
he was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, yet he was
soon afterwards liberated, on payment of a sum of money and
making an humble submission, which the pope received in a
most ungracious manner, and answered by a severe remon
strance.28 As the cardinal died in the ensuing year, it was
insinuated that he perished by a slow poison, administered to
him whilst in custody by the order of the pontiff ;f an accusa
tion which has no foundation, but in the horrible frequency
with which crimes of this nature were then resorted to, and
in the idea, that as the pope had always treated the cardinal
with distinguished kindness, he could not forgive the injury
meditated against him. The cardinal of S. Giorgio expe
rienced greater lenity; and, although he had been included in
the decree of deprivation, was, on the payment of a certain sum
and without any apology, immediately restored to all his
ecclesiastical functions, except the power of voting in the
college; which incapacity was also removed before the expira
tion of a year. On the reconciliation between them, Leo
used expressions of particular kindness and respect; solemnly
assuring him that whatever offences the cardinal had com
mitted against him, he had wholly pardoned and obliterated
from his mind.29 Riario, however, either humiliated by this

* Par. de Grass. Diar. t Guicciard. xiii.

<6 LIFE OF LEO X.

transaction, or not confiding in the assurances of the pontiff,
soon afterwards quitted the city of Rome, where he had so
long resided in the greatest splendour and respectability, and
took up his residence at Naples, where he terminated his days
in the month of July, 1 520.

This extraordinary transaction, in which so great a pro
portion of the members of the sacred college conspired against
the life of the supreme pontiff, gave rise to much discussion
and great diversity of opinion.30 The motives of Petrucci
were indeed sufficiently obvious, and his guilt was universally
admitted; but the reasons which actuated the other cardinals,
who were regarded as his confederates, are not so apparent,
and it is highly probable that the crime of some of them
merely consisted in their not having revealed to the pope
those expressions of resentment which Petrucci had uttered
in their presence.31 By some it was supposed that the duke
of Urbino, who had already attempted, by his letters, to
interest the college of cardinals in his favour, had prevailed
on a part of its members to engage in this hazardous attempt;
whilst others did not hesitate to represent it as merely a con
trivance of the pontiff to extort large sums of money from the
richer cardinals; but against the last supposition, the confes
sion of several of the delinquents, in open consistory, is a
sufficient answer. Upon strict grounds of positive law, the
execution of Petrucci may, perhaps, be justified; almost all
countries having concurred in punishing a projected attempt
against the life of the sovereign in the same manner as if
the crime had been actually committed; but the shameful
violation of every principle of humanity exemplified in the
execution of the subordinate instruments of his guilt, can
never be sufficiently execrated. Are such punishments
intended as a retribution for the crime? Justice then dege
nerates into revenge. Are they for the purpose of deterring
others from like offences? Care should then be taken not to
render the offenders objects of compassion, and to prevent
that re-action of opinion, which loses the guilt of the criminal
in the cruelty of the judge.32 Are they intended to correct
the excesses, and to improve the morals of a people? How
can this be effected by spectacles that outrage humanity, and
which, by their repetition, steel the heart against all those
sentiments by which the individual and general safety of

CREATION OF NEW CARDINALS. 77

mankind are secured, much more effectually than by gibbets
and halters, racks and chains.

In punishing the authors and abettors of this insidious
attempt against his life, Leo was well aware that he had
created new enemies among their friends and supporters,
whose resentment was not to be disregarded; nor had he
observed without alarm the conduct of the other members of
the college, almost all of whom had interested themselves
with great warmth in behalf of their guilty brethren. He
therefore took additional precautions for his safety, and was
usually surrounded by his guards, who attended him even
during the celebration of divine service; not to protect him
against a foreign enemy, but to secure the chief of the Chris
tian church against the more dangerous attempts of the
members of the sacred college. In this disgraceful and me
lancholy state of the Roman see, Leo had recourse to an
expedient, on which he had for some time meditated, and
which, in a great degree, relieved him from his apprehensions.
In one day he created an additional number of thirty-one
cardinals.* Among these were several of his relations and
friends, some of whom had not yet obtained the habit of pre
lacy; a circumstance which gave rise to no small dissatisfac
tion amongst the more rigid disciplinarians of the Roman see.
On the whole, however, it must be acknowledged that in
point of talents, rank, experience, and learning, the persons
now called to support the dignity of the Christian church
were not surpassed by any of those who had of late enjoyed
that honour. Of these, one of the most distinguished by the
solidity of his judgment, the extent of his acquirements, and
the sanctity of his life, was Egidio of Yiterbo, principal of
the order of Augustines, who had long lived on terms of
familiarity with the pontiff. Of the elegance of his taste he
had in his youth given a sufficient specimen in his poetical
writings; but his riper years had been devoted to more seri
ous studies; and Leo, who had long consulted him in matters
of the first importance, availed himself greatly of his advice
in selecting the other persons on whom it might be proper to
confer this high dignity. The principal of the Domenicans,
Tomaso de Vio, and of the Franciscans, Cristoforo Nu-

» 2GtU June, 1517.

78 LIFE OP LEO X.

malio, were also at the same time received into the college;
and although this might be attributed to the wish of the pope,
to avoid the appearance of partiality to the Augustines, by
the choice made of Egidio, yet it is acknowledged that they
were men whose personal merits well entitled them to this
distinction;33 and the former of them, who, from the place of
his birth, was denominated the cardinal of Gaeta, or Caje-
tanus, soon afterwards acted an important part in the religious
controversies which agitated the Christian world. Another
distinguished person now elected into the college was
Lorenzo Campeggio, of Bologna, who had already served
the pontiff on several important embassies, and who was
afterwards appointed legate to England, to decide, in con
junction with Wolsey, the great question of divorce between
Henry VIII. and Catharine of Aragon, where he obtained
by the favour of that monarch the episcopal see of Salisbury.34
Among those whom Leo selected, from his personal knowledge
of their virtues and their acquirements, may also be enume
rated, Giovanni Picolomini, archbishop of Siena, a near rela
tion of the pontiffs Pius II. and Pius III. ; Niccolo Pandolfini,
of Florence; Alessandro Cesarini, bishop of Pistoja; Giovanni
Domenico de' Cupi, and Andrea della Valle, both distinguished
citizens of Rome; and Domenico Jacobatio, author of the cele
brated treatise on the councils of the church, which is usually
annexed to the general collection of those proceedings. Nor
did Leo on this occasion forget his own relations, many of
whom had long anxiously looked up to him for preferment,
nor those steadfast friends to whom in the course of his event
ful life he had been so highly indebted. Among the former
were Niccolo Ridolfi, Giovanni Salviata, and Luigi Rossi, the
sons of three of his sisters, all of whom afterwards distin
guished themselves as men of superior talents and munificent
patrons of learning; but the last of these was the particular
favourite of the pontiff, having been educated with him under
the same roof, and his constant attendant through all his
vicissitudes of fortune. In conferring the dignity of a car
dinal on Ercole Rangone, of Modena, Leo not only did credit
to his judgment, on account of the eminent qualifications of
that young nobleman, but gave a striking proof of his grati
tude for the kindness shown him by Bianca Rangone, the
mother of Ercole, when he was hurried by the French as a

SELECTION OF FOREIGN CARDINALS. 79

prisoner through Modena. Nor was this the only remunera
tion which that lady received from the pontiff'; as he had
already provided her with a suitable residence in Rome, and
assigned to her use extensive gardens near the castle of
S. Angelo. From a like grateful sense of favours, and on
account of long attachments to his interests, Leo is supposed
on this occasion to have distinguished Francesco Armellini,
of Perugia, Sylvio Passerini, of Cortona, Bonifazio Ferreri,
of Vercelli, and Francesco de' Conti, and Paullo Emilio
Cesio, of Rome. Nor did he forget Raffaello Petrucci, whom
he had lately established as chief of the republic at Siena, and
on whom he had lavished many favours which might have
been elsewhere much better bestowed.

In order, however, to give greater splendour and celebrity
to this extensive nomination, as well as to gratify the more
distant states and sovereigns of Christendom, by the adoption
of their relations or more illustrious citizens into' the sacred
college, Leo selected from different parts of Europe several
additional members, who were distinguished by their high
birth or acknowledged talents. Of the royal family of France,
he conferred this dignity on Louis of Bourbon; of whom it
has been said that the splendour of his virtues would have
rendered him illustrious, had he been of the humblest origin.
Emanuel, king of Portugal, was gratified by the adoption into
the college of his son Alfonso, then only seven years of age ;
but this was accompanied by a restriction that he should not
assume the insignia of his rank until he should attain his
fourteenth year. The high reputation acquired by Adrian,
of Utrecht, the preceptor and faithful counsellor of Charles
of Spain, afterwards emperor, by the name of Charles V.,
recommended him on this occasion to the notice of the
pontiff; whom, by a singular concurrence of favourable cir-
jumstances, he succeeded in the course of a few years in
the apostolic chair. Gulielmo Raimondo Vico,35 a native of
Valencia, was selected from the kingdom of Spain. The
families of Colonna and Orsini, which had been so fre
quently dignified with the honours of the church, received the
[ugliest proof of the pontifical favour, in the persons of Pom-
pejo Colonna and Franciotto Orsino. A yet more decisive
partiality was shown to the family of Trivulzio, of which two
members, Scaramuccio, bishop of Coma, and Agostino, were

80 LIFE OF LEO X.

at the same time received into the college. The citizens of
Venice and of Genoa were honoured by the nomination of Fran
cesco Pisani from among the former, and of Giovan-Battista
Pallavicini from the latter. For similar reasons, in all pro
bability, Ferdinando Ponzetto, a Florentine citizen, was added
to the number. An eminent historian has, indeed, informed
us, that in many instances the pope had no other motive for
conferi-ing this high honour than the payment of a large sum
of money;30 and if we consider the exhausted state of his
treasury, by the expenses incurred in the war of Urbino and
other causes, it is by no means improbable that this informa
tion is well founded.

This important and decisive measure, by which the pontiff
diminished the influence of tlie carcTihals then in the college,
and called to his society and councils his confidentiaLJriends
and relatives, may be regarded as tha.,chief jcause-cfUhe sub
sequent tranquillity and happiness of his life, and of the cele
brity and splendour of his pontificate. Until this period he
ha^%eeTn5onsfahtly engaged in adverse undertakings or ne
gotiations of peculiar difficulty, and surrounded with persons
on whom he could place no well-founded reliance; but his
contests with foreign powers were now terminated, if not
wholly to his wishes, at least in such a manner as to allow
him that relaxation which he had never before enjoyed;
whilst his apprehensions of domestic danger were removed,
or alleviated, by the constant presence of those friends whose
fidelity he had before experienced. In the gratification of
his natural propensity to liberality, and in the aggrandize
ment of his friends and favourites, he found an additional
satisfaction, by contributing towards the respectability and
honour of that church of which he was the chief, and which
from this time displayed a degree of magnificence which had
never before been equalled. The revenuesoTthe numerous
benefices, rich abbeys, and other ecclesiastical preferments
bestowed upon each of the cardinals and great dignitaries of
the church, frequently amounted to a princely__sum, and a
prelate was considered as comparatively poor whose annual
income did not amount to eight or ten thousand ducats.* On
the death of Sixtus della Rovere, the nephew of Sixtus IV.,37
in the year 1517, Leo appointed his cousin, Giulio de' Medici,

* Fabron. Leon. X. 127.

THE POPE'S BENEFICENT RULE. 81

vice-cliancellor of the holy see; which office alone brought
him the annual sum of twelve thousand ducats. Nor was it
only from within the limits of Italy that the cardinals and
prelates of the church derived their wealth and their dignities.
All Europe was then tributary to the Roman see; and many
of these fortunate ecclesiastics, whilst they passed their days
amidst the luxuries and amusements of Rome, supported their
rank and supplied their dissipation by contributions from the
remotest parts of Christendom. The number of benefices
held by an individual was limited only by the will of the
pontiff'; and by an ubiquity which, although abstractedly im
possible, has been found actually and substantially true, the
same person was frequently at the same time an archbishop in
Germany, a bishop in France or England, an abbot or a prior
in Poland or in Spain, and a cardinal at Rome.

By the example of the supreme pontiff, who well knew how
to unite magnificence with taste, the chiefs and princes of the
Roman church emulated each other in the grandeur of their
palaces, the sumptuousness of their apparel, the elegance of
their entertainments, and the number and respectability of
their attendants;38 nor can it be denied, that their wealth
and influence were frequently devoted to the encouragement of
the fine arts, and the remuneration of men of genius in every
department of intellect. Soon after the creation of the new
cardinals, such of them as resided in Rome were invited by
the pontiff to a sumptuous entertainment in the apartments of
the Vatican, which had then been recently ornamented by those
exquisite productions of Raffaello d'Urbino which have ever
since been the theme of universal applause.39 The Roman
•citizens, who partook of the affluence of the church in a general
abundance of all the necessaries of life, re-echoed the praises
of the pontiff"; who by a liberal policy abrogated the mono
polies by which they had been oppressed, and allowed all
kinds of merchandise to be freely imported and exported
throughout his dominions. Hence the city of Rome became
a granary, always supplied with provisions, and was frequently
chosen as a residence by mercantile men from other parts of
Italy, who contributed by their wealth and industry to the
general prosperity.40 Nor was this prosperity less promoted
by the security which the inhabitants enjoyed, from a strict
and impartial administration of justice; it having been a

VOL. II. G

82 LIFE OF LEO X.

maxim with the pontiff, not to endanger the safety and tran
quillity of the good by an ill-timed lenity towards the guilty.4'
The happiness enjoyed by the Roman people, during the re-
maining part of the life of Leo X^bTffiSTlhn^ejed^lh^tiruest
gfory~of liis pontificate. That they were sensible of this hap
piness, appears not only from the sentiments of admiration
and regret with which the golden days of Leo were referred
to by those who survived to experience the calamities of sub
sequent times, but from a solemn decree of the inhabitants, to
perpetuate the remembrance of it by a statue of the pontiff',
which was accordingly executed in marble by Domenico
Amio, a disciple of Sansovini, and placed in the Capitol,
with the following inscription: —

OPTIMO . PBINCIPI . LEOKI . X.

MED . IOAN . PONT . MAX.

OB . KESTITVTAM . BESTAVBATAMQ.

VBBEM . AVCTA . SACRA . BONASQ.

ABTES . ADSCITOS . PATBES.

SVBLATUM . VECTIGAL . DATVMQ.

CONGIABIVM .9. P. Q. B. P.

83

CHAPTER XV.

1517—1518.

Leo X. dissolves the council of the Lateran — Commencement of the Re
formation — Superstition of the middle ages — The early promoters of
literature arraign the misconduct of the clergy — Dante — Petrarca —
Boccaccio and others expose the clergy to ridicule — Accusations against
the clergy justly founded — Attempts made to restrain the freedom of
publication — Effects of the revival of classical literature on the estab
lished religion — And of the study of the Platonic philosophy — Restraints
imposed by the church on philosophical studies — General spirit of
inquiry — Promulgation of indulgences — Impolicy of this measure —
Luther opposes the sale of indulgences — They are defended by Tetzel
— By Eccius— And by Prierio — Leo inclines to temperate measures —
The emperor Maximilian calls on the pope to interfere — Leo cites
Luther to appeal- at Rome — Luther obtains a hearing in Germany — He
repairs to Augsburg — Interview between Luther and the cardinal of
Gaeta — Luther appeals to Leo X. — Papal decree against the opinions of
Luther — He appeals from Leo X. to a general council — Two circum
stances which contributed to the success of Luther — I. He combines
his cause with that of the promoters of learning — II. He offers to sub
mit his doctrines to the test of reason and Scripture.

THE council of the Lateran, which commenced under the
xmtificate of Julius II., having now sat for nearly five years,
approached the termination of its labours. Were we to
nsinuate that the motive of Julius, in convoking this assembly,
was, that it might operate as his justification, in refusing to
submit to the adverse decrees of the council of Pisa, we
might incur the imputation, although we should now escape
the penalties of heresy.1 It may, however, with confidence be
asserted, that this council was chiefij_mt ended to counteract
the pTOceedinglToFtTHrT^T^

triumph was complete; the cardinal Carvajal, who had been
the tea3er~bT the refractory ecclesiastics, having not only

G 2

84 LIFE OF LEO X.

made his submission in the seventh session of the council of
Lateran, but having accepted the humiliating honour of per
forming divine service on its final dissolution, which took
place on the sixteenth day of March, 1517. On this occa
sion, a solemn excommunication was denounced against all
persons who should presume to comment upon or interpret
its transactions, without the special licence of the holy see.2

The peace of the church thus restored, by the labours of
the "council, was not,~h~bwever, destined to remain long undis
turbed. Scarcely had the assembly separated, before the new
opinions and refractory conduct of Martin Luther, a monk of
the Augustine order at AVittemberg, attracted the notice of
the Roman court, and led the way to that schism which has
now for nearly three centuries divided the Christian world,
and introduced new causes of alienation, discord, and perse
cution, among the professors of that_religion? which was
intended to inculcate universal peace, charity, and good-will.

For some centuries aTteFthe establishment of the Christian
religion, the annals of the church have preserved the remem
brance of various persecutions, which sufficiently attest the
intolerant character of paganism and the inflexible constancy
of the first martyrs. The subsequent conversion of the
Roman emperors to the Christian faith, and the acknowledged
supremacy of the bishops of Rome, gave, however, at length
a decided ascendancy to the new opinions; and it would have
been well if those who professed them had not, whilst they
assumed the ensigns of authority, imbibed the intolerant
spirit of their former tyrants. How this authority was ex
ercised may, in some degree, appear from the bloody and
mutilated records of the middle ages. For our present
purpose it may be sufficient to observe, that the papal power
was, for a long course of years, almost uniformly devoted to
destroy the remains of science and the memorials of art, and
to perpetuate among the nations of Europe that ignorance to
which superstition has ever been indebted for her security.
In reviewing the progress of the human race from the earliest
assignable period, the chief part of their course seems to have
lain through a cheerless desert, where a few scanty spots of
verdure have only served to increase the horrors of the sur
rounding desolation. Such has been the powerful effect of
moral causes on the character and happiness of mankind.

DANTE AND PETRARCA. 83

Nor ought we to forget, that on ourselves alone depends our
exemption from a similar debasement; and that, without a
vigilant exertion of the faculties which we possess, ages of
ignorance, darker than the world has hitherto experienced,
may yet succeed.

In the fourteenth century, when the human mind began to
be emancipated from its long thraldom, one of the first indi
cations of liberty appeared in the bold and presumptuous
manner in which the fathers and promoters of literature
penetrated into the recesses, and arraigned the conduct of the
Roman pontiffs and chief dignitaries of the church. What
ever might have been the crimes of the priesthood, the voice
of censure had hitherto been effectually suppressed; and their
transactions, like those of the ancient heroes, were buried in
eternal silence, for want of due celebration. The hardy
genius of Dante shrunk not, however, from the dangerous
task; and after having met with pope Anastasius in the
depths of hell, it is no wonder that he represents the church
as sunk under the weight of her crimes and polluted with
mire and filth.3 The milder spirit of Petrarca appears upon
this subject to be roused to a yet higher pitch of indignation.
In one of his sonnets he assimilates the papal court to Baby
lon, and declares that he has quitted it for ever, as a place
equally deprived of virtue and of shame, the residence of
misery and the mother of error; and in another he seems to
have exhausted on this theme every epithet of reproach and
abhorrence which his native language could afford.4 If the
genius and character of these two great men secured them,
whilst living, from the effects of ecclesiastical resentment, the
increasing celebrity which their works acquired after their
death gave additional weight to the opinions which they had
so freely expressed. Even the populace, under the sanction
of such authority, began to open their eyes to the abuses
of the church, and to doubt of that infallibility which
had before been as willingly conceded as it was arrogantly
assumed.

Whilst these and similar productions were calculated to
bring the church into odium and disgrace, those of the cele
brated Boccaccio were at least equally calculated to expose
the priesthood to ridicule and contempt. The debaucheries
of the religious, of both sexes, form the most general theme

CD LIFE OF LEO X.

of his very popular and entertaining work. That Boccaccio
was the most dangerous adversary of the papal power, cannot,
indeed, be doubted. What we violently abhor, we may still
justly dread; but that which we have learnt to despise ceases
to be an object of terror. To Boccaccio succeeded several
writers, whose works, considered in other points of view, are
of little importance, but which, as contributing to sap the
foundations of the Roman power, and to weaken in the minds
of the people the influence and authority of the holy see,
have greatly contributed to the emancipation of the human
race. Such are the Facetiae of Poggio, and the writings of
Burchiello, Pulci, and Franco. To some of these works the
newly invented art of printing gave a more general circu
lation. Of the Facetice, upwards of ten editions were printed
in the last thirty years of the fifteenth century.5 They were
also published at Antwerp and Leipsic ; an evident proof, in
that early state of the art of printing, that the work had
obtained great celebrity not only in Italy, but throughout the
whole extent of Christendom.

If the foregoing instances of a rising spirit of opposition
to the Roman see were not sufficient to show the decided
hostility which already subsisted between literature and
superstition, it Avould be easy to multiply them from the
works of other writers; but it must not be supposed that
the animadversions, or the ridicule, of all the learned men
of the time, could have brought the priesthood into contempt,
if its members had not by their own misconduct afforded
substantial grounds for such imputations. That a very
general relaxation, not only of ecclesiastical discipline, but
of the morals and manners of the clergy, had taken place, is
a fact, for the proof of which it is not necessary to search
beyond the records of the church itself. Even in the council
of the Lateran, Giovanni Francesco Pico, the nephew of
the celebrated Pico of Mirandula, delivered an oration, under
the sanction of that assembly, in which he inveighed with
great bitterness against the avarice, the luxury, the ambition,
and the misconduct, of those ecclesiastics, who ought to have
supported the dignity of the church, not only by their in
trinsic merit and virtue, but by the regularity and decency
of their deportment. Yet more remarkable are the acknow
ledgments contained in the decree of the eleventh session

EFFECTS OF THE REVIVAL OF LITERATURE. 87

of the same council, by which it appears, that the ministers
of religion were accustomed, not only to live in a state of
public concubinage, but even to derive a part of their emolu
ments from permitting to others a conduct similar to that in
which they themselves indulged.6

The dangerous consequences that would inevitably result
from so full an exposure of the misconduct and crimes of the
clergy were early perceived. But instead of applying the
only radical and effectual remedy to the evil, by introducing
a reformation in their morals and their lives, the pontiffs
and cardinals of the church thought it more expedient to
endeavour to silence reproach by severe denunciations and
exemplary punishment. During the pontificate of Sixtus IV.,
regulations were established for preventing the printing of
any work, except such as was previously licensed by an
officer appointed for that purpose; and in the tenth session
of the council of Lateran, it was decreed, that no one, under
the penalty of excommunication, should dare to publish
any new work without the approbation either of the ordinary
jurisdiction of the place, or of the holy inquisition; injunc
tions which clearly demonstrate that the promulgation of
such works was supposed to have a powerful tendency
towards alienating the minds of the people from the Roman
see; although it may well be doubted whether the coercive
measures adopted to prevent their dispersion did not increase
the evil which they were intended to correct.

The important schism which occurred at this period was
also preceded, and perhaps in some degree promoted, by ,
another circumstance not hitherto explicitly noticed. With
the restoration of ancient learning, the doctrines of the
ancient philosophers and the mythology of the pagan world
were again revived. In almost all the universities and
public schools of Italy, the studies of divinity and ecclesias
tical jurisprudence were rivalled by or intermixed with the
acquirements of poetry and classical literature. In propor
tion as the beauties of style displayed by the authors of
antiquity began to be perceived, the Italian scholars rejected
as barbarous the Latinity of the middle ages, and in all their
compositions attempted to emulate those elegances which
they had learnt to admire. The abstruse mysteries and
peculiar dogmas of the Christian faith Avere elucidated by, or

88 LIFE OF LEO X.

enveloped in, the language of Cicero or of Virgil; and even
the divine persons of the Trinity and the Holy Virgin were
identified with the divinities of ancient Greece and Rome.
The father was denominated Jove, or Jupiter Optimus
Maximus; the Son, Apollo or JEsculapius; and the Virgin,
Diana. Of the great extent to which this extraordinary
practice Avas carried, a competent idea may be formed from
the specimen given by Erasmus of a sermon at which he was
himself present, and which was preached before Julius II.
and the cardinals and prelates of his court.*7 The subject
of the discourse was the sufferings and death of Christ. The
orator commenced with an eulogium on the pope, whom he
designated as Jove, and represented as vibrating in his omni
potent right hand the inevitable lightning, and regulating
the concerns of the universe by his nod. In adverting to
the death of Christ, he reminded his audience of the examples
of the Decii, and of Curtius, who for the safety of their
country devoted themselves to the infernal gods; nor did he
omit to mention with due honour, Cecrops, Mena^cius, Iphi-
genia, and others, who preferred the welfare of their country
to their own existence. In moving his audience to com
passionate the fate of the great author of their religion, lie
reminded them that the ancients had immortalized their
heroes and benefactors by erecting statues to their memory,
or decreeing to them divine honours; whilst the ingratitude
of the Jews had treated with every degree of ignominy the
Saviour of mankind, and finally doomed him to the cross.
The death of Christ was then compared with that of other
excellent and innocent men who had suffered for the public
benefit, and reminded the orator of Socrates and of Phocion,
who, without being guilty of any crime, were compelled to
perish by the fatal draught; of Epaminondas, who, after all
his glorious deeds, was reduced to the necessity of defending
himself as a criminal; of Scipio, who was rewarded for his
incalculable services by exile; and of Aristides, who was
compelled to relinquish his country because he had been dig
nified with the title of the Just.* When such was the
conduct of the public preachers of religion, it can excite no
surprise that Pontano, Sanazzaro, and other distinguished

* Erasmi Ciceronianus, 43. Ed. Tolosoe, 1620. + Id. ib.

STUDY OF THE PLATONIC PHILOSOPHY. 89

Latin writers of the times, should have admitted throughout
all their poetical works, as well on sacred subjects as profane,
a constant reference to the mythology of the pagan world;
or that Marullus should have written a series of hymns,
addressed, with every sentiment of piety and veneration, to
the deities of ancient Greece and Home.8

The unfavourable effect which these circumstances must
have produced, as well on the minds of the populace, as on
the great scholars and dignified ecclesiastics of the time, may
readily be conceived; but the injury thus done to the cause
of the Romish religion by the mixture of paganism, was,
perhaps, yet inferior to that which was occasioned by the
revival of the Platonic philosophy; the doctrines of which
were at this period embraced by many persons of great rank
and learning with peculiar earnestness. Besides the various
systems of ethics, physics, and metaphysics, which may be
traced in the writings of Plato and his followers, they also
contain a system of theology, differing, as may be expected,
in many important points from that of the Romish church.
As opposed to the Christian idea of the Trinity, the Platonists
assert the notion of pure theism, expressly maintaining the
unity of the divine Being. Instead of the rewards of heaven
and the punishments of hell, the human soul is represented
by them as having been united with imperfect matter, and
placed here in a state of probation ; where, by constant strug
gling to rise above the passions of sense, it is at length
disengaged from its degrading combination, and restored to
its original splendour. Even in admitting the doctrine of
the immortality of the soul, the followers of Plato differ
greatly from the received opinions of the Christian church.
With the former, the soul is a portion of the Divinity himself.
According to the latter, it is a distinct and peculiar being,
the object of punishment or reward. The labours of Marsilio
Ficino, of Pico of Mirandula, of his nephew Gian-Francesco,
of Girolamo Benivieni and others, had contributed to diffuse
these doctrines among the learned and polite; but the great
patron, and perhaps the most powerful advocate of this sect
was Lorenzo de' Medici, the father of the pontiff, whose
writings contain frequent allusions to the refined notions of
the Platonists, and whose pieces on religious subjects, instead
of conforming to the dogmas of the church, are evidently

90

LIFE OP LEO X.

founded on, and greatly illustrate, the principles of this
theology.9

As the opinions of these modern Platonists were, however,
originally adopted only by speculative men, who had the dis
cretion not to attempt the formation of an ostensible sect,
they were not only tolerated, but considered as favourable to
many of the more mysterious doctrines of the Christian
faith. A great number of persons of considerable talents
and learning became the avowed teachers of these opinions,
and the inculcation of them was established, as a branch of
education, in almost every university in Italy. Even the
supreme pontiff was himself supposed to be more favourable
to them than to those sciences which, it has been observed,
would better have become his dignity and his character.
The scepticism and indifference which were thus introduced,
relaxed in a great degree the severity of ecclesiastical dis
cipline, and afforded a wider scope for those inquiries, the
result of which was so injurious to the interests of the
Roman church. The danger, however, became at length too
evident to remain unnoticed, and in the eighth session of the
council of Lateran, held under Leo X., it was declared by a
solemn decree, that the soul of man is immortal, and that differ
ent bodies are not actuated by a portion of the same soul, but
that each has a soul peculiar to itself. It was also ordered,
.that all persons professing to teach the doctrines of the
\ ancient philosophers, should explain in Avhat respects the
jsame differed from the established faith, and particularly as
Ito the immortality and the unity of the soul, the eternity of
the world, and similar subjects; and should endeavour to
Inculcate the truths of religion, and invalidate the objections
fhich might be raised against them, to the utmost of their
jower. In the same session it was also decreed, that no
>erson intended for sacred orders should devote more than
ive years to the studies of poetry and philosophy; but that,
|t the end of that period, he should diligently apply himself

the sciences of theology and ecclesiastical jurisprudence;
in order that he might be enabled thereby to correct the
errors which he might have imbibed from his former
pursuits.*

Whatever might have been the effect of these and similar

* S. S. Concilia, xiv. 188.

CAUSES OP THE REFORMATION. 91

precautions, had they been early adopted and vigilantly eni
forced, they were now too late. A general spirit of inquiry
and dissatisfaction had already diffused itself throughout al
Christendom; and a proper opportunity alone was wanting
to call it forth and direct it to some certain point. With tin
causes before stated, as having contributed to excite thi
spirit, and which appear not to have been observed, 01
sufficiently insisted on, by former writers, many others un
doubtedly concurred. Among these may be enumerated t
long schism of the church of Rome in the fourteen
century; the misconduct of Alexander VI. and of Julius I
the usurpations and encroachments of the clergy on th
rights of the laity, the venality of the Roman court; an
above all, perhaps, the general progress of liberal studies, an<
the happy invention of the art of printing.10 It would in
deed be absurd to suppose that, without some powerful pre
disposing circumstances, the efforts of an obscure individual
could have effected so important a revolution in the ecclesi
astical world. But if Luther did not contribute all the
materials of the immense blaze which now burst forth, he
certainly applied the spark which called them into activity;
nor could the great work of reformation have been intrusted
to a more unconquerable spirit or a more intrepid heart.

The immediate occasion of this grand dissension has been
generally attributed, by the protestant writers, to the mis
conduct and rapacity of Leo X., whose unbounded extrava
gance in the gratification of his taste for luxury, magnifi
cence, and expense, as well as his liberality in promoting
works of genius and of art, had exhausted the pontifical
treasury, and induced him to have recourse to new methods
for its replenishment. On the contrary, the adherents to
the ancient discipline, anxious for the hoifour of the church,
in the person of its chief minister, have endeavoured to show
that Leo had much more commendable objects in view; and
that the real motive of soliciting the aid of the Christian
world by the sale of indulgences, was for the purpose avowed
in the brief itself, the completion of the immense fabric of
S. Peter's, begun on so magnificent a scale by Julius II.
That this was an object of his unremitting attention during
the whole of his pontificate appears, indeed, from authentic
documents; and the astonishing expenses thus incurred had

92 LIFE OF LEO X.

certainly contributed, with other causes before noticed, to
increase the necessity of further supplies.11 The grant, by
the pontiff, of a portion of the profits to arise by the sale of
indulgences to his sister Maddalena, asserted by Guicciardini
and Fra. Paolo, as it would have convicted the pope of a
direct and sacrilegious misapplication of the revenues of the
church, has been the subject of particular examination by a
Roman prelate,* who had the custody of the papal archives,
and who has positively asserted the falsity of this pretended
donation; of which no memorial whatever appears in the
records of that period. That there was any degree of novelty
in the method adopted by Leo of obtaining a temporary aid
to the revenues of the church by the dispensation of in
dulgences, may be denied with still greater confidence; it
being certain, that these measures had been resorted to as
early as the year 1100, when Urban II. granted a plenary
indulgence and remission of sins to all such persons as should
join in the crusades, to liberate the sepulchre of Christ from
the hands of the infidels. Hence it became customary to
grant them also to such as, without adventuring in their own
persons, should provide a soldier for these expeditions; and
from this origin, the transition was easy to any other purpose
which the Romish church had in view.

In admitting, however, that Leo did not in this instance
exceed the acknowledged limits of his authority, there is
good reason to suppose that he did not sufficiently provide
against the enormities and abuses to which the distribution
of these indulgences was likely to give rise; and that his
commissaries, Arcimboldo and Tetzel, who, under the au
thority of Albert of Brandenburg, elector of Mentz, were
intrusted with this critical employ, not only converted it to
their own emolument, but by employing ignorant monks of
loose lives and abandoned manners, brought the dispensa
tions and indulgences of the church, and even the church
itself, and the supreme pontiff, into discredit and disgrace.12
It must also be allowed, that if the measures thus adopted
by Leo, intrinsically considered, afford no very serious im
putation on his public or private character, the time at

* Felice Contelori, \vlio wrote an express treatise on this subject, cited
by Pallavicini, Istoria del Concilio di Trento. (Rom. 1664.) i. iii. 54.

LUTHER OPPOSES THE INDULGENCES. 93

which he resorted to such an expedient is no additional
proof of that prudence and that sagacity which all parties
have so liberally conceded to him. After the efforts which
had been made towards the improvement of the human
mind, and to which Leo had himself so powerfully con
tributed, he ought to have been aware, that those gross pre
tensions to the exercise of divine powers which had imposed
on the credulity of the middle ages, were no longer likely to
be tolerated. It is, indeed, very remarkable that Luther
himself, who was an excellent scholar and well acquainted
with the writings of the ancient philosophers, was a warm
advocate of those very doctrines which Leo and his pro
genitors had introduced and encouraged, and that he publicly
supported the opinions of Plato as opposed to those of Aris
totle;* but probably Leo did not suspect that the inhabit
ants of a remote part of Saxony had attained a degree of
illumination which he considered as peculiar to a few men of
eminence and learning in Italy. As all authority, both civil
and ecclesiastical, is founded merely on opinion, regard must
be had by those in power to the character and spirit of the
times ; a Avant of due attention to this important maxim
brought Charles I. to the scaffold, and overturned no in
considerable portion of the long established fabric of the
Roman church.

The first measures adopted by Luther,13 who was then a
young doctor of theology and a preacher in the city of "\Vit-
temberg, in opposing the sale, or, as it was more decently
called, the promulgation of indulgences, was the cautioning
his hearers against the imposition attempted to be practised
on their credulity; in which he professes that so far from
thinking that he should incur reproof, he expected to have
found himself warmly patronised by the pope, who had in his
decretals explicitly condemned the indecent rapacity of the
collectors. On the same subject he addressed a letter to
Albert of Brandenburg, elector of Mentz,f apprising him of
the consequences likely to result from the scandalous sale of
indulgences, and requesting his interference in preventing
them. These remonstrances were, however, disregarded;

* Pallav. Concil. di Trento, GO.

f Lutheri, ^rcef. iv.l Op. Lat. (Jense, 1012.) i.

94 LIFE OF LEO X.

nor was it likely that they would produce on the elector the
effect intended, as he had stipulated with the pope, that he
should retain one half of the income derived from indulgences
for his own use; a circumstance with which Luther was not
at that time acquainted.* Finding these measures ineffectual,
he immediately published ninety-five brief propositions,
which he had read in the great church at Wittemberg, on
the eve of All Saints, in the year 1517, the chief object of
which was to show, that the pope hath power to remit no
other penalties than such as he hath power to impose, and
that every truly penitent Christian is released from his
offences without the formality of an absolution. Adverting
to the pretext that the monies received were intended for the
purpose of erecting and completing the church of St. Peter,
Luther observed that the pope, out of his unbounded wealth,
might if he chose finish it himself; and that he ought rather
to sell the church to succour the distresses of those who were
called upon to contribute, than to erect it with the flesh and
blood of those committed to his charge. These bold opinions
were, however, rendered less offensive by the form in which
they were expressed, as subjects of doubt rather than of
positive assertion, as well as by the express avowal of the
author, that he was ready on all occasions to submit himself
and his opinions to the decision of the holy church; but at
the same time he not only printed and dispersed his proposi
tions throughout all Germany, but continued to enforce by
his preaching the same sentiments which he had expressed
by his pen.

[No sooner had the propositions of Luther found their way
to Frankfort, than John Tetzel, the dominican monk who had
been intrusted by the elector of Mentz as his principal agent
in the promulgation of indulgences, and who then executed
the office of inquisitor in that place, endeavoured to counter
act their effects; first, by publishing a set of counter propo
sitions by way of reply, and next, by burning those of Luther
in public. These violent proceedings only served to excite
an equal degree of violence in the friends of Luther at Wit
temberg, who, having collected together the publication of
Tetzel, committed to the flames eight hundred copies in the

* Lntheri, contra Henvicum Ducem Brunsvicensem. Apologia, ap.
Seckend. Comment, i. vii. 15.

THE POPE'S MODERATION. < 95 \

public square of that city; a circumstance which Luther had
the moderation to regret, and which he asserts occurred with
out his knowledge, or even that of the duke and the magis
trates of the place.*

The brief animadversions of Johannes Eccius, vice chan
cellor of Ingoldstadt, as they consisted rather of reproaches
and abuse than of argument, so far from tending to convince
the adherents to Luther of their error, failed even in obtaining
the approbation of his adversaries ; many of whom have
acknowledged that they were rather calculated to increase
than to remedy the evils which they were intended to pre
vent. Another opponent to Luther appeared in Silvestro
Prierio, master of the apostolic palace; but this officer, a part
of whose duty was to license the publication of books, could
not divest himself of his professional importance; and instead
of answering the arguments of Luther, thought it sufficient
to assert that they were heretical, t The reply of Luther to
this work produced another publication from Prierio, in which
he incautiously exalted the authority of the pope above both
the councils and the canons of the church, and affirmed that
the whole force of the sacred writings depended on his
authority. This was more than the patience of Luther could
support. In a short address to his readers, he rudely asserts
that the book of Prierio is such a'compound of lies and blas
phemies that it can only be the work of the devil; and that
if the pope and cardinals countenance such doctrines, Rome
must be the seat of Antichrist. ^

These disputations were regarded Jxy Leo- adthout any
great apprehensions ; and perhaps he might derive some
amusement from the violence of the contending parties. Nor
would this bring upon him the charge of either levity or
inattention, for it can scarcely be allowed that he had hitherto
any serious cause of alarm. After having just escaped with
his life from the machinations of the college of cardinals, it is
not surprising that he gave himself little concern at the
proceedings of Luther in Germany, or that he rejoiced that
the danger, whatever it might be, was at least removed to a
greater distance. "We may now," said he, "live in quiet,

* Maimb. Sect. xii. ap. Seckend. et addit. i. Sec. xii. 24, 25.
t Pallavicino, Conefi. di Treuto. cap. 0, p. 05.
J Luth. op. i. 54. b.

96 LIFE OF LEO X.

for the axe is taken from the root, and applied to the
branches." 14 In fact, the church was at this period in the
gre^te^cre^it^ncLl§spectabilityr. The personal character of
the pontiff stood high throughout all Europe. He was sur
rounded at home, and represented abroad, by men of the
greatest eminence. The sovereigns of Christendom vied with
each other in manifesting their obedience to the holy see;
even Luther himself had written to the pope in the most
respectful terms, transmitting to him, under the title of
Resolutiones, a full explanation of his propositions, submitting
not only his writings but his life to his disposal, and declaring
that he would regard whatever proceeded from him as
delivered by Christ himself. Under such circumstances, how
was it possible for Leo, unless he had been endowed with a
greater portion of the prophetic spirit than had been conferred
on any of his predecessors, to foresee that the efforts of an
obscure monk, in a corner of Germany, would effect a schism
in the hierarchy which would detach from its obedience to the
Roman see one half of the Christian world? When, however,
Leo found his interference necessary, his first impulse was
rather to soothe and pacify the turbulent priest than to
irritate loim by severlty^fo further acts of disobedience; for
which purpose he wrote to John Staupitz, vicar-general of
the Augustines, directing him to endeavour to reconcile his
refractory brother by admonitory letters, written by some
persons of integrity and good sense, which he did not doubt
would soon extinguish the newly kindled flame. The effect
which might have been produced on the mind of Luther by
the moderation of the pontiff was, however, counteracted by
the violence and intemperance of the interested zealots who
undertook to defend the cause of the church; and who also,
as has been conjectured by more judicious writers, by pre
maturely representing Luthor as a heretic forced Elm at
length to become one.1^ The scholastic disputations, or
dogmatic assertions of Tetzel, Eccius, and Prierio, were
ill calculated to oppose the strong reasonings on which
Luther relied in his dissent;16 but if they did not discredit
his doctrines by their arguments, they exasperated his
temper by their abuse, to such a degree, that he was no
longer satisfied with defending victoriously the ground which
he had already assumed, but, carrying the war into the pre-

LUTHER CITED TO ROME. 97

cincts of his adversaries, began with an unsparing hand to
lay waste all that seemed to oppose his course.

But whatever might have been the moderation or the
negligence of the pontiff, who from one or the other of these
causes was certainly not disposed to use severity,17 he was
not long permitted to regard these proceedings with indiffer
ence. The effect produced in Germany by the writings of
Luther had already excited great alarm among the faithful
adherents to the church. His opinions were espoused by
many men of acknowledged integrity and learning, and
several persons of high rank had manifested a partiality to his
cause. Among the latter was his sovereign, Frederick,
elector of Saxony, a prince of great personal worth, who not
only tolerated Luther in his dominions, but was strongly dis
posed to protect him against the attacks of his adversaries.
These daring innovations at length attracted the notice of
the emperor elect, Maximilian, who, at a diet held at Augs
burg, in the year 1518, inveighed against the promoters of
them, and afterwards addressed a letter to the pope, requiring
his immediate interference, and promising to give full effect
throughout his dominions to all such measures as the head of
the church should think proper to adopt.18 Before the arrival
of this letter, Leo had, however, by the means of Girolamo de
Genutiis, auditor of the chamber and bishop of Ascula,
addressed a monitory to Luther, commanding him to appear
at Rome within the space of sixty days, and defend himself
from the imputations charged against him in respect of his
doctrines.* But after the pope had been thus reminded of
his duty by a secular prince, he thought it advisable to resort
to more efficacious measures ; and without waiting for the
expiration of the sixty days, he sent instructions to Tomaso
de Vio, cardinal of Gaeta, his legate at the imperial court, to
call Luther personally before him, and in case he should per
sist in his heretical opinions, to detain him until he should
receive further orders from Rome respecting him. Of these
hasty and inconsistent proceedings Luther complained, with
apparent justice ; alleging that, instead of sixty days, only
sixteen had intervened between the date of the monitory and
that of the brief to the cardinal of Gaeta; and that he had

* This monitory was dated seventh August, 1518.
VOL. II. H

98 LIFE OF LEO X.

not even had notice of the monitory before he was thus con
demned.* The letter to the cardinal of Gaeta was accompa
nied by another from Leo to the elector of Saxony, informing
him that he had sent instructions to the cardinal how to pro
ceed in this important business ; and exhorting the elector to
submit in a matter of an ecclesiastical nature to the sug
gestions of the cardinal, and use his endeavours, if required,
that Luther should be delivered up to him, to be sent to
Rome ; at the same time assuring him, that if Luther was
found innocent, he should return home in safety; and that the
pontiff was mercifully inclined, and would not refuse his
pardon to a sincere penitent.

Luther now found himself under considerable difficulties.
On an open resistance of the pontifical authority he had not
yet perhaps fully resolved ; and the avowal of such an act of
disobedience would infallibly deprive him of the support of a
considerable part of his friends, who, in opposing the abuses of
the Roman court, had not yet determined on a total separation
from the church. On the other hand, to comply with the
mandate, and to submit his opinions to the master of the pon
tifical palace, with whom he had carried on a controversy
which had terminated in the most violent abuse, could only
lead either to the total sacrifice of his conscience and cha
racter, or to his being prematurely associated to the glorious
train of martyrs.19 In this emergency, he endeavoured to
steer a middle course ; and whilst he acknowledged the
authority of the pope, entreated that he might be allowed to
make his defence before a competent jurisdiction in some
part of Germany. His request was enforced by a public
letter to Leo X., from the university of Wittemberg, and by the
personal application of the elector of Saxony to the cardinal of
Gaeta : in consequence of which, the pope delegated to the
cardinal full authority to hear the defence of Luther, and on
his retracting his errors with cordial penitence, to receive him
again into the unity of the church.f

Having thus obtained his purpose, in being allowed an
opportunity of defending his doctrines, without repairing to
Rome, Luther undertook his journey to Augsburg, poor, and
on foot, if we are literally to believe his own narrative. + 20

* Liith. Op. Lat. i. 101. t Palla\iciiii, i. ix. 7G. J Luth. iu proef.

LUTHER AT AUGSBURG. 99

On the eve of his departure on this expedition, so hazardous
to himself and so important in its consequences to the world,
he wrote a short letter to his intimate friend Melancthon,
which strongly marks the intrepidity of his character. " I
know nothing new or extraordinary here," says he, " except
that I am become the subject of conversation throughout the
whole city, and that every one wishes to see the man who is
to be the victim of such a conflagration. You will act your
part properly, as you have always done ; and teach the youth
intrusted to your care. I go, for you, and for them, to be
sacrificed if it should so please God. I rather choose to
perish, and what is more afflicting, to be for ever deprived
even of your society, than to retract what I have already
justly asserted, or to be the means of affording the stupid
adversaries of all liberal studies an opportunity of accom
plishing their purpose."

After his arrival at Augsburg,* whither he brought re
commendatory letters from the elector of Saxony, he remained
three days before he had an interview with the cardinal,
although frequently summoned by him for that purpose.
This he did by the advice of several of his friends, who
entreated him not to hazard a meeting until he should be
furnished with a safe-conduct from the emperor. On the
third day, one of the officers of the cardinal called upon him,
and requested to know why he had not yet made his appear
ance; and when Luther explained the reason, adding that he
had already applied for a safe-conduct, which he soon hoped
to receive, " What," replied the messenger, " do you think
the elector will take up arms in your defence ?" Luther re
plied, " He did not wish to be the cause of it." " If you had
the pope and cardinals in your power," said the messenger,
" how would you treat them ?" " I would show them," said
Luther, " all possible honour and reverence." The Italian
snapped his fingers in the manner of his country, and cried
Hem ! after which Luther saw no more of hirn.-f-

The safe-conduct was at length obtained, and was formally
communicated by the imperial senate to the cardinal, who,
it appears, however, had been consulted by the emperor before

* On the 12th day of October, 1518. Maimb. ap. Seckend. i. xvi. 45.
t These incidents are minutely related by Luther himself ill the general
preface to his works.

H2

100 LIFE OF LEO X.

he thought proper to grant it. On this important interview
depended the event of the Reformation. The cardinal was a
man of talents and moderation, and was, most probably, really
desirous of restoring to the obedience of the church one who had
distinguished himself no less by the abilities which he had shown
in defending his cause, than by the novelty and boldness of his
opinions. Hence Luther, on his first visit, was received not
only with kindness, but almost with respect, by the cardinal,*
who, being unwilling to enter into any discussion, proposed
to him that he should retract his erroneous propositions, and
should in future refrain from asserting such doctrines, or any
others, in opposition to the authority of the church.-)- To-
this Luther replied, that he was not conscious of any errors ;
and requested to be informed in what they were supposed to
consist. It might at this juncture have occurred to the
cardinal, that between an open opposition to authority, and a
misconception of its decisions, there is a very evident dis
tinction. The answer of Luther might have been considered
as applicable only to the latter ; and the cardinal might have-
been justified in inferring that Luther was an obedient son of
the church, although he had mistaken its precepts ; an error
which he might have left to his own judgment, or to the
future decisions of the church to correct. By this conduct
the great point of supremacy and infallibility would have
been secured ; and the construction of the voluminous and
contradictory dogmas of scriptures, and fathers, and councils,
and popes, would have been referred to future decision, in
which the church might have availed itself of a thousand
resources to retain as much of its ancient influence as the
spirit of the times would have allowed. Incautiously, how-
over, the cardinal construed the answer of Luther, not into a
submission to the church, but into a vindication of his own
doctrines, and immediately objected to him two points on
which he had advanced erroneous opinions. The first of
these was, " That the spiritual treasure of the church, which
it distributed in indulgences, did not consist of the merits of
Christ and his saints." The second, " That in order to
obtain the benefit of the sacrament, it was requisite to have
an absolute faith in its efficacy."

* Lutberi, op. i. 104. f Id. ib.

LUTHER AT AUGSBURG. 101

What further could remain to be said on this occasion ?
Were the contending parties to try the weapons of controversy,
and oppose authority to authority, through the immense mass
of all that related, or did not relate, to the subject ? And
at last, Avho was to be the umpire between them ? Or what
could prevent either of the parties from claiming the honour
of the victory ?21 The legate was not, however, aware of
his error ; but having cited, on his part, the decisions of the
church, and in particular, one of the extravagants or decretals
of Clement VI., called Unigenitus, Luther answered him
with such full knowledge, both of the tenour of the decree and
. the commentaries upon it, as to convince him that nothing
was to be obtained by a further controversy. He therefore
endeavoured to recover the ground which he had lost; and,
with a condescending smile, told Luther, that it was not his
intention to enter into a dispute with him, but paternally to
exhort him to disavow his errors and submit himself to the
judgment of the church. Luther had now felt his superiority,
and was less inclined to comply with this request than before
the interview began. Not choosing, however, and perhaps
not thinking it safe to avow an absolute dissent, he requested
further time to deliberate, with which the cardinal having
complied, he took his leave.

On the following day, Luther, instead of attending on the
cardinal, as was expected, to renew the deliberations, made
his appearance accompanied by four imperial senators, a
notary, and witnesses, and delivered to the cardinal a protest,
in writing, in which, after recapitulating the proceedings
which had already taken place, he declares that he is not
conscious of having advanced anything against the holy
scriptures, the ecclesiastical fathers, the decrees of the popes,
or right reason; but that all which he has said is catholic,
proper, and true. Being, however, a man, and therefore
liable to error, he submits himself to the church, and offers
himself personally, either there or elsewhere, to adduce the
reasons of his belief and to reply to all objections that may
be made against it.* The cardinal again adverted to the
objection which he had first made on the preceding day; but
Luther, in reply, only referred to his protest, and promised

* Pallavicmi, ix. 79.

102 LIFE OF LEO X.

to give a further explanation of his tenets in writing. Ac
cordingly he drew up a full statement of his opinions on the
points objected to him, with the reason on which they were
founded, which he delivered in person, on the following day,
to the cardinal, who affected to treat it as irrelevant to the
purpose, although he told him that he should send it to
Rome, and still persevered in requiring an implicit assent to
the authority of the holy see.

For the purpose of prevailing on Luther to relax in his
opposition, the cardinal had recourse to the interference of
John Staupitz, vicar-general of the Augustines,22 and Wen-
ceslaus Linceus, two of the intimate friends of Luther; by
whose persuasions he was induced to address a conciliatory
letter to the cardinal, in which he acknowledges that he has
been indiscreet in speaking in disrespectful terms of the
supreme pontiffs, and promises even to be silent in future re
specting indulgences, provided his adversaries were also com
pelled to be silent, or were restrained in their abuse of him.
Conceiving, however, that in his appearance and conduct at
Augsburg he had now shown a degree of obedience suffi
ciently dangerous, he determined to quit the city. This re
solution he communicated to the cardinal in another letter,
written with great temper and moderation, and which, with
the former, may be admitted as a sufficient proof, that of the
personal conduct of the cardinal towards him he had no just
ground of complaint. Before his departure, he prepared
an appeal from Leo X., prejudiced and misled, to Leo X.,
when better informed on the subject; for the adoption of
which daring measure he excuses himself, in his last letter
to the cardinal, by attributing it to the hardships of his situ
ation and the advice of his friends. He did not, however,
fail to give directions, that after his departure this appeal
should be affixed in the great square of the city; which direc
tions were punctually complied with.

Notwithstanding the disrespect shown to the cardinal by
the abrupt departure of Luther, he did not exercise the
powers which had been intrusted to him, by excommuni
cating Luther and his adherents ; but contented himself with
writing to the elector of Saxony, expressing his disappoint
ment at the conduct of Luther; and requesting that if he still
persevered in his opposition to the church, the elector would

LUTHER APPEALS TO A GENERAL COUNCIL. 103

send him to Rome, or at least banish him from his do
minions.23 The reply of the elector, in which was inclosed a
long justificatory epistle from Luther, was temperate, but
firm ; and whilst he expressed his unwillingness to approve of
any erroneous doctrines, he refused to condemn Luther be
fore such errors were proved.

The important distinction which seems not to have
occurred to the cardinal of Gaeta, was, however, fully per
ceived at Rome. To the authority of the church, Luther
had professed his entire submission; but he had contended
that this authority, rightly understood, did not authorize the
opinions which he had opposed. The supreme pontiff could
not enter into a theological controversy with Luther; but he
could declare the sense in which the sacred writings and the
former decrees of the church should be explained. Instead,
therefore, of adopting the decisive measure of excommuni
cating the refractory priest, Leo resolved to put his sincerity
to the test, by a step which, if he believed in the infallibility
of the church, would afford him an opportunity of returning
to his duty; and if not, would compel him to desert the
ground which he had hitherto maintained, as an obedient
member of the church. He therefore published a bull, which
bears date the ninth day of November, 1518, by which he
declared, in express terms, that the pope, as the successor of
St. Peter and vicar of Christ upon earth, hath an indisputable
power of granting indulgences, which will avail as well the
living as the dead in purgatory; and that this doctrine is
necessary to be embraced by all who are in communion with
the church. Luther had now no resource but instant sub
mission or open contumacy, and being thus driven to ex
tremes, his bold genius prompted him to the latter. Instead
of repeating his former professions, he now discovered that
the Roman pontiff, like other men, might fall into error; and
he appealed, by a new instrument, from the authority of
Leo X. to that of a general council. The bare mention of
such a council is, to the court of Rome, equivalent to a
declaration of war;24 but the important events which occurred
at this period turned the attention of Europe from theological
discussions to political debates; and Luther was suffered,
without any great interference from the church of Rome, to
proceed in that course of conduct from which every effort

104 LIFE OP LEO X.

hitherto made to deter him had only served as an encourage
ment to him to persevere.

The success which Luther experienced is chiefly to be
attributed to two circumstances, of which he availed himself
with uncommon dexterity, to increase the number of his
adherents and to give respectability to his cause. He was
himself a man of considerable learning; and although his
chief proficiency was in ecclesiastical and scholastic studies,
yet he was not destitute of some acquaintance with polite
literature, and was perfectly aware of the advantages which
he should obtain by combining his own cause with that of
the advancement of learning, and thereby securing the favour
and assistance of the most eminent scholars of the time. In
the letter already cited, written by him to Melancthon, on his
leaving Wittemberg to repair to Augsburg, this object is
apparent; and many other indications of it appear in his
works. His friends are always represented by him as the
friends and patrons of liberal studies; and his adversaries are
stigmatized, in the most unqualified terms, as stupid, illite
rate, and contemptible.25 Notwithstanding the gravity of
his cause, he is at some times sarcastically jocular; and his
parody on the first lines of the JEneid, whilst it shows that
he was not unacquainted with profane writers, contains an
additional proof of his endeavours to mark his enemies as the
enemies of all improvement.26 On this account he sought
with great earnestness, in the commencement of his under
taking, to attach Erasmus to his cause, as he had already
done Melancthon.27 And although, by the violence of his
proceedings, and the overbearing manner in which he en
forced his own peculiar opinions, he afterwards lost, in a
great degree, the support of that eminent scholar, yet he has
himself acknowledged, that the credit and learning of Eras
mus were of no inconsiderable service to him.28 This attempt
to unite the cause of literature Avith that of reform is also
frequently noticed by Erasmus. " I know not how it has
happened," says he, " but it is certain that they who first
opposed themselves to Luther were also the enemies of learn
ing; and hence its friends were less adverse to him, lest by
assisting his adversaries they should injure their own
cause."* Erasmus could, however, have been at no loss to
* Erasm. Ep. Jodoco Jonas, xvii. Ep. 18. 704.

CAUSES OF THE SUCCESS OF LUTHER. 105

know how this was effected, for certainly no one contributed
to it in so eminent a degree as himself; as may sufficiently
appear from numerous passages in his letters, in which he
has most forcibly inculcated these sentiments.29 Afterwards,
indeed, when the inflexible temper of Luther had given
offence to Erasmus, and when, perhaps, the danger of ad
hering to him had increased, Erasmus endeavoured to frus
trate the effects of his former labours, and to convince his
friends that the cause of learning, of which he considered him
self and Reuchlin as the patrons in Germany, had no connexion
whatever with that of Luther.30 But the opinion was now too
deeply impressed on the public mind, and ah1 his efforts
served rather to establish than to obliterate it. The advan
tages which Luther derived from this circumstance are in
calculable. His adversaries were treated with derision and
contempt; and the public opinion was so strongly in his
favour, that his opponents could scarcely find a printer in
Germany who would publish their works.81 Nor is it impro
bable, that the same reasons which attached the most eminent
scholars in Germany to the cause of Luther, operated also in
Italy to prevent that opposition which might otherwise have
defeated his success, or at least have retarded his progress.
But Sadoleti, Bembo, and the rest of the Italian scholars,
kept aloof from the contest, unwilling to betray the interests
of literature by defending the dogmas of religion; and left
the vindication of the church to scholastic disputants, exas
perated bigots, and illiterate monks, whose writings, for the
most part, injured the cause which they were intended to
defend.

The other method adopted by Luther, to increase the
number and secure the attachment of his friends, appeared in
his continual protestations that he was at all times ready to
submit his opinions to the test of reason and scripture, and to
the decision of enlightened and unprejudiced judges. Bold,
and even sarcastic as his propositions were, he affected to
offer them only as questions for disputation, of the truth of
which he was not himself, in all cases, fully convinced; and
whilst he challenged the strictest inquiry of his adversaries,
he deprecated, as unjust and tyrannical, the adoption of any
severe measures against him until his errors were clearly de
monstrated. Declarations, apparently so just and reasonable,

106 LIFE OF LEO X.

gained him many powerful friends. Even his sovereign and
great patron, the elector of Saxony, seems to have considered
this as a decisive proof of the rectitude of his views. After
assuring the cardinal Riario, in a letter which bears the date
of August, 1518, that he had not even perused the contro
versial works of Luther, he adds, " I am informed, however,
that he has always been ready to make his appearance before
impartial and prudent judges, and to defend his doctrines;
and that he avows himself willing, on all occasions, to submit
to, and embrace those more correct opinions, which may be
taught him on the authority of the Holy Scriptures." * In
the axioms of Erasmus, in which he seems to have suggested
to Luther some of the leading points on which he ought more
particularly to insist, we find the same sentiment repeated.32
It is also occasionally referred to in the letters of Erasmus, in
such a manner as to show that this part of the conduct of
Luther had contributed, in a great degree, to secure the
favour and concurrence of that eminent scholar. " The papal
bulls may have more weight," says he; " but a book filled
with good arguments, derived from the sacred writings, and
which pretends to teach only and not to compel, Avill always
be preferred by men of real learning, for a well-informed
mind is easily led by reason, but does not readily submit to
authority." f This conduct on the part of Luther, at the
same time that it confirmed the attachment of his friends,
depressed and injured the cause of his opponents, who, by
declining the challenge, gave rise to suspicions that they were
unable to defend by reason, those doctrines which they
wished to enforce by violence and by threats. Plausible,
however, as this conduct may appear on the part of Luther,
it must be confessed that its success was much beyond what
might reasonably have been expected from it, and that it was,
in fact, little more than a veil thrown over the eyes both of
his enemies and his friends. Both pai'ties might, without any
extraordinary sagacity, have perceived, that between an entire
obedience to the decrees of the Romish church and a direct
opposition to them, there is no medium. To doubt the
supreme authority of the holy see in matters of faith, to call

* Epist. Fred. Duels Saxon, ad Cardin. S. Georgii, in op. Lutlieri. i. 160.
t Erasm. Ep. Francisco Craneveldio. xv. 0. 090.

CAUSES OF THE SUCCESS OF LUTHER. 107

upon her to defend her doctrines by arguments, to question
the rectitude of those opinions which have been silently and
respectfully assented to for ages, to assert those of a contrary
tenor, to enforce them not only by reason and scripture, but
by sarcasm and abuse, and, finally, to impeach the authority
of the church itself by requiring the dispute to be heard by
impartial judges, is to throw off all obedience and to appear
in open rebellion. Could the supreme pontiff lay aside his
infallibility, and, surrounded by the venerable college of car
dinals, enter into a dispute with a German monk on ques
tions which involved both the spiritual and temporal authority
of the holy see? Could the successor of St. Peter betray 'the
interests of his high office, and consent to submit the decision
of points of faith to any inferior tribunal? Was it to be
tolerated, that an obscure individual should be allowed to
range at large through the Holy Scriptures, the decisions of
councils, and the decretals and bulls of two hundred successive
pontiffs, in order to convict the church itself of error and to
combat her with her own weapons ? If it had been possible that
the pontiff and his advisers could have stooped to this humi
liation, he must have appeared to the world as a self-convicted
impostor, and the triumph of Luther would have been com
plete. But although the pope and his adherents were in
no danger of disgracing themselves, by submitting their cause
to the test of reason and scripture, yet they imprudently suf
fered themselves to be discountenanced and repulsed by the
bold attitude and daring approach of their adversary; and
Luther, individually, for a long time balanced the scale
against the whole Christian world, and at length broke the
beam which he could not wholly incline in his favour.
Warmly as the protestant writers^ have inveighed against
the arrogance and unbending pride of the cardinal of Gaeta
and the other opponents' of Luther,33 it is sufficiently clear,
that the cause of the church was rather injured by the con
descension and moderation which he experienced, as well as
by the writers who entered with him into discussions on con
tested dogmas and intricate points of faith. The first measure
adopted by Luther in the publication of his propositions at
Wittemberg, was sufficiently hostile to have justified the
pontiff in calling upon him for an unqualified submission, and
in case of refusal or hesitation, to have separated him, as an

108 LIFE OF LEO X.

infected limb, from the body of the church. Of the feeble
conduct of the Roman see, both on this and on other occa
sions, Luther was well aware, and had employed his time
to such advantage, that before Leo assailed him with the
thunders of the Vatican, he was already prepared to obviate
their effects, to retort violence for violence and abuse for
abuse. Throughout all his writings, this great reformer has
represented his own cause as the cause of truth, of religion,
of justice, and of sound learning; and by the skilful manage
ment of these topics, his efforts were, in a great degree,
crowned with success. Being thus aware of the weapons to
Avhich he owed his victory, he was enabled, after he had once
established himself in the public opinion, to defend himself
against those who presumed to differ from him, as he had
before differed from the church of Rome; and the conduct of
Luther in enforcing his own peculiar dogmas, and silencing
those who opposed his tenets, may justify the assertion, that
if he had been pope instead of Leo X., he would have de
fended the church against a much more formidable adversary
than the monk of Wittemberg.

109

CHAPTER XVI.

1518.

Encouragement given to men of talents at Borne — Italian poets — Sanazzaro
— Tebaldeo — Bernardo Accolti, called L'Unico Aretino — Bembo —
Beazzano — Molza — Ariosto — His apologue respecting Leo X. — Effect
of his writings on tlie taste of Europe — Vittoria Colonua — Veronica
Gambara — Costanza D'Avalos — Tnllia D'Aragona — Gaspara Stampa —
Laura Battiferra — " La Poesia Bernesca" — Francesco Berni — Character
of his writings — His " Orlando Innamorato'' — Teofilo Folengi — His
Macaronic poems and other works — Imitators of the ancient classic
writers — Trissino — Introduces the " Versi Sciolti," or Italian blank
verse — His " Italia Liberata da' Goti" — Giovanni Bucellai — His didactic
poem " Le Api" — His tragedy of " Oreste" — Luigi Alamanni — His poem
entitled " LaColtivazione" — General classification of the Italian writer*
— The Italian drama.

THE tranquillity which Italy now enjoyed, and the favour
and munificence of the supreme pontiff, at length called forth
and expanded those seeds of genius, which, although they
had been sown by the provident hand of his father at the
close of the preceding century, had, under the dark and
stormy pontificates of his predecessors, narrowly escaped
entire extirpation. From the time of the elevation of Leo X.,
the city of Home had become the general resort of men of
talents and of learning from all parts of Italy; who, being
attracted as well by the charms of that literary society which
was there to be met with, as by the well-known disposition
of the pontiff to encourage and reward superior merit, either
chose that place as their stationary residence, or paid it long
and frequent visits. Nor was it only to the grave and the
learned that Home held forth its attractions. Whoever ex
celled in any art or accomplishment that could afford amuse
ment ; whoever, in short, could render himself either the
cause, or the object, of mirth, was certain of receiving at

110 LIFE OF LEO X.

Rome, and even in the pontifical palace, a hearty welcome
and often a splendid reward.

In the gay tribe that exist only in the sunshine of prosperity,
the poets hold a distinguished rank ; but the fountain of
Poetry ran at this time in two separate currents, and whilst
some of them drank at the Tuscan stream, a still greater
number imbibed the pure waters from the Latian spring. In
considering the state of polite letters at this period, it will be
necessary to keep in view this distinction ; and our first
attention will therefore be turned towards those writers who
are chiefly known to the present times by their poetical pro
ductions in their native tongue.

Among those few men of distinguished talents who, after
having ornamented the academy of Naples, had survived the
desolation of their country, and whose exertions contributed
to the preservation of a true taste in Italian composition,
Sanazzaro must not be forgotten. In the course of the pre
ceding pages we have seen him on several occasions employing
his powers in exciting his countrymen to resist their invaders,
or in expressing his indignant sorrow at their subjugation.
His Italian compositions seem to have been chiefly produced
before the pontificate of Leo X., and it has already been
remarked, that the superior applause obtained by Pietro
Bembo in his Italian writings, is supposed to have induced
Sanazzaro to direct his talents towards the cultivation of the
Latin tongue. It may, however, with justice be observed,
that if the Venetian excel the Neapolitan in elegance and
correctness of style, yet, in vigour of fancy and strength of
expression, the latter has generally the advantage.1 Nor can
it be doubted, that if he had persevered in his exertions and
undertaken a work deserving of his talents, he would have
established a reputation as an Italian poet, which would
scarcely have been excelled by that of any other Avriter of
whom Italy can boast.2

Another surviving member of the Neapolitan academy was
Antonio Tebaldeo, of whose writings some specimens have
also been given in the foregoing pages. He was a native of
Ferrara, born in the year 1463,* and educated to the pro
fession of medicine; in which, however, it is not probable

* Giornale d' ltd. iii. 374.

ANTONIO TEBALDEO. Ill

that he made any great proficiency, as it appears that from
his youth he had been devoted to the study of poetry and
was accustomed to recite his verses to the music of his lute.
A collection of his poems was published by his cousin Jacopo
Tebaldeo at Modena, in the year 1499; contrary, as it has
been said, to the wishes of the author, who was sensible of
their inaccuracies and defects.3 It was probably for this
reason that he turned his attention to Latin poetry, in which
he is acknowledged to have been more successful than in his
Italian compositions.* Soon after the elevation of Leo X.,
Tebaldeo took up his residence in Rome, and the pontiff is
said to have presented him with a purse of five hundred
ducats in return for a Latin epigram in his praise.f A more
authentic testimony of the high favour which he had obtained
with the pontiff, appears in a letter yet preserved from Leo to
the canons of Verona, recommending to them one Domizio
Pomedelli, a scholar of Tebaldeo, " whom," says he, speaking
of the master, " I greatly esteem, both for the proficiency
which he has made in useful studies, and for his poetical
talents."^ His approbation is also expressed in terms of
equal kindness, on recommending Tebaldeo to the office of
superintendent of the bridge of Sorga; an employment which
probably required no personal attendance, and certainly pro
duced a considerable income, as the pontiff adds as a reason
for his interference, " that it might enable Tebaldeo to sup
port himself in affluence." After the death of Leo X., Te
baldeo continued to reside in Rome, but with his great patron
he appears to have lost the means of even a competent sup
port, and was obliged to resort to Bembo, who afforded him a
temporary assistance.§ He lived until the year 1537, and
for a considerable time before his death was confined to his
bed, " having no other complaint," as we are informed by one
of his friends, " than the loss of his relish for wine. At the
same time he poured forth his epigrams with greater profu
sion than ever, and was surrounded at all hours by his learned
friends;" but after the invectives which he had written against
the French, some of which we have before had occasion to

* Tiraboschi, vi. ii. 154.

+ Giornale (T Ital. iii. 370. Tirab. vi. ii. 155.

| Bemb. Ep. nom. Leon. X. ix. Ep. ii.

$ Bembi. Ep. v. iii. v. Tirabos. vi. ii. 155.

112 LIFE OF LEO X.

notice, it may surprise us to hear that he had " become their
warm partisan, and an implacable enemy to the emperor."*
From the censures of Muratori, who considers Tebaldeo as
one of the corrupters of the literary taste of the age,f he has
been defended by several authors, and among the rest by
Baruffalda and Tiraboschi; the latter of whom, although he
acknowledges his defects, asserts his claim to rank among the
best poets of his time.4

Not less celebrated for his poetical effusions, and much
more distinguished by his exquisite skill in adapting his
verses to the music with which he accompanied them, was
Bernardo Accolti of Arezzo, usually called, on account of his
excellence in this department, IJ Unico Aretino.\ He was
one of the sons of Benedetto Accolti, author of the well-known
history of the crusades ;§ and his elder brother, Pietro Accolti,
was dignified by Julius II. with the rank of cardinal. In his
youth he was a frequent visitor at the court of Urbino, and is
enumerated by Castiglione among those eminent men who
were accustomed to assemble every evening in the apartments
of the duchess, for the enjoyment of literary conversation.]]
On his arrival at Rome, in the pontificate of Leo X., he was
received with great favour by the pope, who soon afterwards
appointed him one of the apostolic secretaries; an employment
which conferred both honour and emolument. It has also
been asserted that Leo was so delighted with his uncommon
talents, that he conferred on him the duchy of Nepi;^[ and
although this has been denied on the testimony of one of the
letters of Accolti, in which he complains that he had been
divested by Paul III. of the sovereignty** of this place, which
he had purchased with his own money; yet it is a matter of
little importance whether he owed his possessions to the gift
of the pope, or purchased them by the aid of his bounty; and

* Girol. Negro a Marc. Ant. Miclieli. Lettere dei Princ. iii. 38.
+ Muratori, della perfetta Poesia, iv. ii. 3(Hi, 303.
1 Aiiosto denominates Lira,

" II gran lume Aretiu, 1'tmico Accolti." — Orl. Fur. caut. xlvi st. 10.
§ Of Benedetto some account is given in the Life of Lor. de' Med. 44.
|| Castiglione, Libro del Cortegiano, i. 26, '21.

^f Vita di Benedetto suo padre in fronte al dialogo de praestantia vivorum
sui aevi. ap. Mazzuchel. i. 0(J.
** Or rather feud. — B.

L'UNICO ARETINO. 113

in fact, in the letter referred to, he attributes this acquisition
as well to his own merits as to the money disbursed by him.*
This dominion was afterwards restored to him, it appearing
that he was succeeded in it by his illegitimate son, Alfonso.'1"'
Of the astonishing effects which the talents of Accolti pro
duced among all ranks of people at Rome, long after the time
of Leo X., a very particular account is given by his licen
tious countryman, Pietro Aretino, who assures us, " that when
it was known in Rome that the celestial Bernardo Accolti
intended to recite his verses, the shops were shut up as for a
holiday, and all persons hastened to partake of the entertain
ment. That on such occasions he was surrounded by the
prelates and chief persons of the city, honoured by the solemn
light of torches, and attended by a numerous body of Swiss
guards." The same author also adds, that he was himself
once sent by the pope to request that Accolti would favour his
holiness with a visit, as he had already promised; and that
the poet " no sooner made his appearance in the venerable
hall of St. Peter, than the vicar of Christ cried out, ' Open
all the doors, and let in the crowd.' Accolti then recited a
Ternale^ in honour of the blessed Virgin; with which his
auditors were so delighted, that they unanimously exclaimed,
'Long live the divine poet, the unparalleled Accolti!"'7

Distinguished as Accolti was by such unbounded approba
tion, one circumstance only is wanting to his glory — that
his works should have perished along with him. Unfortu
nately, however, some of them have survived their author,
and although they are not wholly devoid of merit, yet they
are so far inferior to the idea that must have been formed of
them from the accounts given of their astonishing effects, as
greatly to detract from his fame. Among these is his dra
matic poem, entitled Virginia, written in ottava and terza rima,
and represented for the first time at Siena, on the marriage of
the Magnifico Antonio Spanochi.8 This piece, which may be
enumerated amongst the earliest productions of the Italian
drama, is founded on the story of Giletta di Nerbona, one of
the novels of Boccaccio; but the scene is changed from France
to Naples, and the name of Virginia was given by the
author to his heroine, in reference to that of his own daughter,

* Lettere scritte al Sig. Pietro Aretino, i. 141, ap, Mazz. i. CO.
VOL. II. I

114 LIFE OF LEO X.

who became the wife of the count Carlo Malatesti, lord of
Sogliano.9 Of the lyric pieces of Accolti, which are not
numerous, his Strambotti have been most commended,10 and
of these his verses entitled Julia are incomparably the best.11
Besides the writings of Accolti which have been published,
he left a poem in manuscript, entitled The liberality of Leo. X.,
which an eminent critic asserts was written in a fine style,
and full of matter.* Of his style a very sufficient specimen
remains, but we may be allowed to regret the loss of those
anecdotes, which the poem of Accolti would have transmitted
to us respecting Leo X., and which would, in all probability,
have done so much honour to his memory.

The person, however, to whom the Italian critics have
unanimously attributed the praise of having, both by his
precept and example, revived a true taste in Tuscan literature,
was a native of Venice, the illustrious Pietro Bembo. " It
was he who opened a new Augustan age, who emulated
Cicero and Virgil with equal success, and recalled in his
writings the elegance and purity of Petrarca and of Boc
caccio.'^ The early part of the life of Bembo had been
divided between amusement and study; but neither the cir
cumstances of his family nor his own exertions had enabled
him to provide for his support, in a manner equal to his rank
or his habits of life. His appointment by Leo X. to the
important office of pontifical secretary, not only gave him a
fixed residence, but enabled him by its emoluments to secure
a respectable competency; his salary of one thousand crowns
having been increased by the grant of ecclesiastical revenues
to the annual amount of three thousand.^ The society
which Bembo met with at Rome was highly congenial to his
taste; and he appears, from his letters, to have enjoyed it with
no common relish. Amongst his most intimate friends and
associates wre find the cardinals da Bibbiena and Giulio de'
Medici, the poets Tebaldeo and Accolti, the inimitable artist,
Raffaelle d' Urbino, and the accomplished nobleman, Baldas-
sare Castiglione. The high reputation Avhich Bembo enjoyed
throughout all Italy, induced the pontiff to employ him occa-

Dclce, trattato secondo di sua Libreria, ap. Mazzucli. i. OH
Bettinelli, del risorgimento d'ltalia negli Studii, &c. ii. 10").
Mazzucli. art. P. Bembo. iv. 739.

PIETRO BEMBO. 115

sionally in important embassies; but Bembo was designed by
nature rather for an elegant writer than a skilful negotiator,
and his missions were seldom crowned with success. In the
execution of his office as pontifical secretary, he is, however,
entitled to great commendation, and the letters written by
him and his associate Sadoleti, first demonstrated that the
purity of the Latin idiom was not incompatible with the forms
of business and the transaction of public affairs. A short time
before the death of Leo X., Bembo had retired from Rome,
on account, as has been generally supposed, of the infirm
state of his health; but there is reason to conclude that al
though this was the pretext, he had some cause of dissatisfac
tion with the pontiff, and that he left it with a resolution
never more to return.12 Being now released from the cares
of business, he chose as his residence the city of Padua. He
had already selected as the partner of his leisure a young
woman named Morosina, whom he frequently mentions in his
letters, and who continued to reside with him until the time
of her death, in the year 1535; a period of nearly twenty-two
years. By her he had two sons and a daughter, to whose
education he paid particular attention.13 The revenues
which he derived from his ecclesiastical preferments now
enabled him to enjoy the liberty of a private life, devoted to
his own studies and pleasures, and to the society of his friends.
He here formed, by great expense and assiduity, a collection
of the ancient manuscripts of the Greek and Roman authors,
which in point of number and value was exceeded by very
few in Italy. Of these works, the greater part have since
been incorporated into the library of the Vatican. To these
he added a cabinet of coins and medals, enriched with other
ancient specimens of art. A part of his time was spent at
his country residence of Villa-bozza, in the vicinity of Padua,
where he devoted himself to the study of botany. The
garden which he here completed and furnished witli plants is
noticed by various authors. In this state of independence a
great part of his writings was produced, and such was the
happiness which he enjoyed, that when, in the year 1539, he
was unexpectedly nominated by Paul III. to the rank of car
dinal, he is said to have hesitated for some time whether he
should accept that dignity.14 His choice was, however, at
last determined by his having accidentally heard, at the cele-

116 LIFE OF LEO X.

bration of mass, the priest pronounce the words, "Peter,
follow me,"* which he chose to understand as applied to him
self. He now once more repaired to Rome, where he was
highly favoured by the pontiff, who conferred upon him
many lucrative benefices; and where he found in the college
many of his former friends, particularly the cardinals Con-
tarino, Sadoleti, Cortese, and the English cardinal, Reginald
Pole, who then held a high rank both in the political and
literary world. In this city Bembo terminated his days, in
the year 1547, being then upwards of seventy-six years of
age.15

The high commendations bestowed on the writings of
Bembo by almost all his contemporaries, have been confirmed
by the best critics of succeeding times; nor can it be denied,
that by selecting as his models Boccaccio and Petrarca, and
by combining their excellences with his own correct and ele
gant taste, he contributed in an eminent degree to banish that
rusticity of style which characterized the writings of most of
the Italian authors at the commencement of the sixteenth
century. His authority and example produced an astonishing
effect, and among his disciples and imitators may be found
many of the first scholars and most distinguished writers of
the age. It must, however, be observed, that the merit of
his works consists rather in purity and correctness of diction,
than in vigour of sentiment or variety of poetical ornament;
and that they exhibit but little diversity, either of character or
subject, having for the most part been devoted to the celebra
tion of an amorous passion. Plis Canzone on the death of
his brother Carlo has been highly commended, and must be
allowed to possess merit,' without, however, exhibiting that
warmth of natural feeling which such an occasion might be
expected to produce. In estimating with impartiality the
talents of Bembo, and ascertaining the services which he
rendered to the progress of taste, it will be necessary to make
a distinction between the advancement of Italian poetry and
the improvement of the Italian language; between the efforts
of genius and the result of industry. The poetical works of
Bembo consist chiefly of Sonetti and Canzoni, in the style of
Petrarca, and are frequently more correct and chaste, but at

* E;it see Mazznclielli, IT. 74G.

AGOSTINO BEAZZANO. 117

the same time more unimpassioned and cold, than the model
on which they are formed. In the perusal of these pieces we
perceive nothing of that genuine feeling, which, proceeding
from the heart of the author, makes a direct and irresistible
appeal to that of the reader; and but little even of that se
condary characteristic of genius which luxuriates in the
regions of fancy, and by its vivid and rapid imagery delights
the imagination. On the contrary, whilst these pieces stand
approved to our deliberate judgment, we feel a conviction
that any person of good taste and extensive reading might, by
a due portion of labour, produce works of equal merit. That
this conviction is well founded, is proved in no unequivocal
manner, by the innumerable throng of writers who have imi
tated the manner of Bembo; and who, availing themselves of
the example of this scholastic style of composition, have inun
dated Italy with writings which seldom exhibit any distinction,
either of character or of merit. That the inti'oduction of this
manner of writing was fatal to the higher productions of
genius, cannot be doubted. Internal worth was sacrificed to
external ornament. The vehicle was gilt and polished to the
highest degree, but it contained nothing of any value; and
the whole attention of these writers was employed, not in
discovering what should be said, but hoiv it should be said.10
One of the most intimate associates of Bembo, as well in
his various embassies and public concerns, as in his literary
occupations, was his countryman, Agostino Beazzano, who,
although he was only descended from a family of the order of
Venetian citizens, enumerated among his ancestors Francesco
Beazzano, great chancellor of the republic. Agostino was a
knight of Jerusalem, and was frequently dispatched by Leo X.
on missions of great importance.17 Such was his acquaint
ance with the concerns of the Roman court, and his experience
in matters of business, that he was consulted at Rome as an
oracle. By the bounty of Leo X. he became possessed of
rich church preferments, and it seems not improbable that he
aspired to the rank of a cardinal; although in one of his Latin
poems, addressed to Leo X., he professes not to have carried
his views so high.13 An infirm state of health compelled him,
soon after the death of Leo, to quit the Roman court, and the
last eighteen years of his life were spent in retirement at
Trevigi, where he endeavoured, not without success, to alle-

118 LIFE OF LEO X.

viate the pains or exhilarate the languor of sickness, by the
delights of study and the society of his friends. Among the
various tributes of respect to his memory,* it may be suffi
cient to notice, that he is enumerated by Ariosto among the
most eminent scholars of the age.19

From the works of Beazzano, it appears that he maintained
a literary intercourse with most of the learned men of his
time. His Latin writings are deservedly preferred to those
in his native tongue, Avhich are not wholly divested of the
rusticity which prevailed in the early part of the sixteenth
century. Of his sonnets, a great part are addressed to the
emperor Charles V. The rest are chiefly devoted to the
commendation of Leo X.,20 of Pietro Bembo, of the marquis
del Vasto, and other distinguished characters. Among them
are also several addressed to Titian, the eminent painter, in
terms of high admiration and great esteem.

Another author, equally celebrated for his Italian and his
Latin productions, is the elegant Francesco Maria Molza,
whose writings have a more distinctive character than those
of most of his contemporaries, and, by their peculiar tenderness
and expression, might entitle their author to the appellation
of the Tibullus of his age. He was born of a noble family at
Modena, in the year 1489, and having been sent by his father
to Rome, had there the good fortune to be associated in his
early studies with the accomplished Marc Antonio Flaminio,
one of the most exquisite Latin poets of the age.21 After
having made an uncommon proficiency in the Greek and
Latin languages, and acquired also a knowledge of the He
brew tongue, which then first began to be studied in Italy,
he was recalled by his father to Modena, where, in the year
1512, he married and took up his residence, f He had, how
ever, already distinguished himself by several admired pro
ductions; and having heard of the extraordinary liberality of
Leo X. towards men of talents, and particularly those who
excelled in poetry, he felt such an irresistible inclination to
return to Rome, that neither the remonstrances of his parents,
nor his affection for his wife and children, could prevent him
from carrying his purpose into execution. He accordingly
arrived at that city about the close of the year 1516, under

* For many of these, see Mazzuclielli, iv. 573, et seq.

+ Serassi,Vita del Molza, in fronte delle Opere volgari e latine del Molza, 4.

FRANCESCO MOLZA. 119

the pretext of forwarding a law- suit in which his family was
involved, but to which it appears he afterwards paid very
little attention.* Here he soon formed an intimate acquaint
ance with Filippo Beroaldo, then librarian of the Vatican,
Sadoleti, Bembo, Colocci, Tebaldeo, and the other distin
guished scholars of Rome, to Avhom his society was highly
acceptable. In this situation he appears wholly to have for
gotten his country, his parents, his family, and his wife, and
to have mingled the studies of literature with the gratification
of a licentious passion for a Roman lady; in consequence of
which he received a wound from the hand of an unknown
assassin, which had nearly cost him his life.f Soon after the
death of Leo X. he quitted the city of Rome, in common with
many other eminent and learned men, who found in Adrian
VI., the successor of Leo, a pontiff who held all the produc
tions of literature and of art in the utmost contempt.22 Instead,
however, of returning to his family, Molza retired to Bologna,
where he soon became deeply enamoured of Camilla Gonzaga,
a lady of rank and beauty, and a warm admirer of Italian
poetry. By her attractions he was detained there two years;
although it has been supposed that his passion was merely of
a Platonic kind.23 The life of Molza seems, however, to have
been wholly divided between poetry and dissipation.24 Dur
ing the transitory splendour of the cardinal Ippolito de' Medici,
he was one of the brightest ornaments of his court, and by
his extraordinary talents and vivacity attracted the admiration,
and even conciliated the esteem and affection of a large circle
of friends.25 After having abandoned his wife and his off
spring, and been disinherited by his father, he at length
terminated his days by that disease which afforded a subject
to Fracastoro for his admirable poem, to which the complaints
of Molza, expressed in verses of equal elegance, might serve
at once as a supplement and a comment.26

The most celebrated composition of Molza, in the Italian
language, is his pastoral Poemetto, entitled, La Ninfa Tibe-
rina, written in praise of Faustina Mancini, a Roman lady,
who then engaged his ardent but volatile affections. Some
of his Canzoni have also great merit, and unite considerable
vigour of sentiment with great simplicity and elegance of ex-

* Serassi, Vita del Molza, '), 0. t Ib. 10, 11.

120 LIFE OF LEO X.

pression. This may sufficiently appear from one of these
productions, which was probably addressed to Ippolito de'
Medici, and in which he laments that his young patron did
not enjoy those opportunities of signalizing himself by his-
great talents, which would have been afforded him under the
pontificate of Leo X. At the same time regretting the sud
den extinction of those hopes which the virtues and munifi
cence of that pontiff had inspired.

Whilst many of the most distinguished scholars of Italy,
attracted by the generosity of the pontiff, had taken up their
residence in Rome, the celebrated Ariosto, the chief favourite
of the muses and the glory of his age, remained at Ferrara,
attached to the court of the cardinal Ippolito d' Este, in whose
employment he had lived from the year 1503.27 During this
period he had rendered many important services to Alfonso,
duke of Ferrara, both in a civil and military capacity, in the
former of which he had incurred no less danger than in the
latter, particularly on his embassy to Rome, in the year 1512.
to appease the anger of that irascible pontiff, Julius II. The
long and friendly intercourse which had subsisted between
Ariosto and Leo X., before his elevation to the pontificate,
induced the poet, soon after that event, to hasten to Rome, in
the hopes of sharing that bounty which was so liberally be
stowed on others of much inferior merit. Leo recognised his
old friend; and raising him from the ground, and kissing him
on each cheek, assured him of the continuance of his favour
and protection.28 The favour of the pontiff extended, how
ever, no further on this occasion, than to grant him a special
bull, to secure to him the emoluments to arise from the pub
lication of his celebrated poem. But if the sanguine expecta
tions of the poet were disappointed, his good sense soon
convinced him that the blame was not wholly to be imputed
to the pope ; and whilst he describes, in the most lively
manner, the demolition of his hopes, he furnishes, even in the
midst of his sarcasms, a sufficient apology for the pontiff.
" Some persons may perhaps observe," says he, in his epis
tolary satire to Annibale Malaguzzi,* " that if I had gone to
Rome in quest of benefices, I might have caught more than
one before this time, especially as I had long been in favour

* Ariosto, Satire iii.

ARIOSTO'S APOLOGUE. 121

with the pope, and had ranked among his ancient friends
before his virtue and his good fortune had exalted him to his
high dignity, or the Florentines had opened to him their
gates, or his brother Giuliano had taken refuge in the court
of Urbino, where, with the author of the Cortegiano, with
Bembo, and other favourites of Apollo, he alleviated the
hardships of his exile. When, too, the Medici again raised
their heads in Florence, and the gonfaloniere, flying from his
palace, met with his ruin, and when he went to Rome, to take
the name of Leo, he still preserved his attachment to me.
Often, whilst he was legate, has he told me, that he should
make no difference between his brother and myself. On this
account it may appear strange to some, that when I paid him
a visit at Home he 'should have humbled my crest, but to
these I shall reply by a story. Read it, my friend; for to read
it, is less trouble to you than it was to me to write it.

"There was once a season in which the earth was so
parched up with heat, that it seemed as if Phrcbus had again
relinquished the reins to Phaeton. Every well and every
spring was dry. Brooks and streams, — nay, even the most
celebrated rivers, might be crossed without a bridge. In
these times lived a shepherd, I know not whether to call him
rich, or incumbered with herds and flocks, who, having long
sought for water in vain, turned his prayers towards that
Being who never deserts those who trust in him, and by
divine favour he was instructed, that at the bottom of a cer
tain valley he would find the welcome aid. He immediately
departed, with his wife, his children, and all his cattle, and,
according to his expectations, found the spring. The well
was not, however, very deep, and having only a small vessel
to dispense the water, he desired his followers not to take it
amiss if he secured the first draught for himself. The next,
says he, is for my wife, and the third and fourth for my dear
children, till all their thirst be quenched. The next must be
distributed to such of my friends as have assisted me in open
ing the well. He then attends to his cattle, taking care to
supply those first whose death would occasion him the greatest
loss. Under these regulations they pass on, one after another,
to drink. At length a poor parrot, which was very much
beloved by its master, cried out, Alas! I am neither one of
his relations, nor did I assist in digging the well, nor am I

122 LIFE OF LEO X.

likely to be of more service to him in future than I have been
in times past. Others, I observe, are still behind me, and
even I shall die of thirst if I cannot elsewhere obtain relief.
With this story, my good cousin, you may dismiss those who
think that the pope should prefer me before the Neri, the
Vanni, the Lotti, and the Baci,2g his nephews and relations,
who must drink first, and afterwards those who have assisted
in investing him with the richest of all mantles. When these
are satisfied, he will favour those who espoused his cause
against Soderini, on his return to Florence. One person will
say, I was with Piero in Casentino, and narrowly escaped
being taken and killed. I, cries Brandino, lent him money.
He lived, exclaims a third, a whole year at my expense,
whilst I furnished him with arms, with clothes, with money,
and with horses. If I wait until all these are satisfied, I shall
certainly either perish with thirst, or see the well exhausted."
That Ariosto, however, felt his disappointment, is evident
from many other passages in his satires, in which he adverts
to his journey to Rome with equal vexation and pleasantry.
Certain it is, that the munificence of the pontiff by no means
corresponded with the kind and even affectionate reception
which the poet experienced on his arrival. The granting him
a pontifical privilege for securing to him the sole right of
printing his great work, the bull for which was, as he
pointedly informs us, expedited at his own expense,* was
assuredly no great effort of princely bounty. It is, however,
evident, [from the writings of Ariosto, that he possessed a
considerable share of that impatience and irritability which
are the usual attendants of genius. After waiting a few days
at Rome, in the expectation that the pope would have made
a liberal provision for one towards whom he had expressed '•
such uncommon regard, he hastily took his departure, with a '
firm resolution never more to return.30 There is, however, •
sufficient reason to believe, that Ariosto experienced, at dif
ferent times, the liberality of the pontiff, and in particular,
that Leo presented him with several hundred crowns towards
the expense of publishing his immortal poem.31 It is certain,
also, that the disappointment which he has described in such
lively terms, did not excite in the generous breast of Ariosto
any lasting degree of animosity towards the pontiff, whom he

ARIOSTO RETIRES TO FERRARA. 123

has frequently mentioned in his subsequent writings with the
highest veneration and applause.

On quitting Rome, Ariosto did not immediately return to
Ferrara, but paid a visit to Florence, where he was present
at the rejoicings which took place in that city on the elevation
of Leo X. He remained there at least six months, and pro
bably a much longer time, attracted by the air and situation
of the place, the beauty of the women, and the manners of
the inhabitants, and on his departure celebrated, in an exqui
site poem, the opportunities of enjoyment which it afforded
him, and which, it seems, were sufficient to banish all anxieties
but those of love.* On his arrival at Ferrara, he again
attached himself to the service of the cardinal Ippolito, which,
however, did not prevent his finishing the poem on which he
had been so long employed, arid which he published at Fer
rara, in the year 1515. If Ariosto was disappointed in the
conduct of Leo X., he had much more reason to complain of
the illiberality and insensibility of his great patron the car
dinal, to whom he has inscribed his work in terms of such
high commendation, but who, instead of affording him any
recompence for his labours, inquired from him, with the in
difference of a stupid curiosity, where he had collected
together such a number of absurdities.32 This reproof, which
was not counterbalanced by any act of kindness on the part
of the cardinal, greatly affected the poet, who, in the second
edition of his poem, expressed his sense of it by an impresa,
or device, in which he has represented a serpent, towards
which a hand is stretched out, attempting with a pair of
shears to cut off its head, and surrounded by the motto, Pro
bono malum. This device, in which he seems to have alluded
to the supposed healing power of the serpent, he exchanged,
in the next edition, for one which he perhaps thought would
be more generally understood, and represented his lost labours
by the emblem of a hive of bees, which are destroyed with
flame, for the purpose of robbing them of their honey.33

In the year 1518, the cardinal Ippolito d'Este undertook a
journey to Hungary, on which he expected to be accompa
nied by the most eminent persons in his court, and among the
rest by Ariosto. The poet was not, however, inclined to

* " Gentil Citta, che con felici auguri." — Rime di Ariosto, 40, Ed.
Vinegia, loo 7.

1Z4 LIFE OF LEO X.

make such a sacrifice of his time, of which he well knew the
value, or of his health, which was then in a precarious state,
to the gratification of a person who appears not to have
merited his attachment. By his refusal, he not only lost the
favour of the cardinal, but incurred his resentment, which he
manifested by depriving the poet of the pitiful stipend of
twenty-five crowns, which it seems the cardinal allowed him
every four months, but which he had not always the good
fortune to obtain. This event supplied Ariosto with the
subject of his first satire, in which he has treated it with the
most severe pleasantry, the most attractive simplicity, and
the most inimitable wit; avowing his resolution to maintain
the independence both of his person and mind, and to with
draw from the vexations of a court, to the retirement of
private life. He accordingly quitted Ferrara, and took up
his residence in his native district of Reggio, attending only
to his own studies and amusements; where he remained until
the death of the cardinal.34

The loss of his patron seems to have been the commencement
of the good fortune of Ariosto. Immediately after that event,
he was again called to Ferrara, by the duke Alfonso, who
appears to have been desirous of repairing the neglect of his
brother, and who appointed Ariosto to a respectable situation
in his court, without requiring from him any attendance
which might interfere with his studies.35 The liberality of
the duke soon enabled Ariosto to erect for himself a house in
the city of Ferrara, in the front of which he placed an in
scription, suitable to the modest mansion of a poet, and
consistent with the moderation and independence of his own
character.36 In this residence, and in the gardens attached
to it, he devoted himself with fresh ardour to his literary
pursuits; he composed the additional cantos of his Orlando,
and versified his two comedies of the Cassaria and the '
Suppositi, which he had in his youth written in prose. Soon
after the death of Leo X., his leisure was for a short time
interrupted, by a mission to the district of Garfagnana, a part
of the territory of Ferrara,37 whither he was sent by the
duke, to appease, by his discretion and authority, a tumult
among the inhabitants, in which his efforts had the desired
success;38 but the city of Ferrara continued to be his chief
residence until the time of his death, which happened on the

EFFECT OP ARIOSTO'S WRITINGS. 125

sixth day of June, 1533, after he had attained the fifty-ninth
year of his age.

On a work so well known, and so universally read, as the
Orlando Furioso,39 any observations would now be superfluous,
and of the satirical and lyric productions of Ariosto, some
specimens applicable to the events of the times have already
been given.40 Like most of those eminent scholars of the
age, he devoted a portion of his leisure to Latin composition ;
but although some of his productions in this language have
considerable merit,41 it is on his writings in his native tongue
that his permanent reputation is founded. On taking a
general view of the poets of this period, we immediately per
ceive that Ariosto occupies the first station, and that had it
been deprived of the splendour of his talents, a considerable
diminution must have been made from the glory of the age.
The fertility of his invention, the liveliness of his imagery,
the natural ease and felicity of his diction, give a charm to
his compositions which arrests the attention and interests the
feelings of the reader, in a degree not experienced from the
productions of any of his contemporaries. Whilst the other
writers of Italy were devoting their talents to the close imita
tion of Petrarca, and to the mere elegances of expression, he
allowed himself a wider range, and poured forth the ideas of
his creative fancy in his own attractive and forcible language.
Hence the genius of Ariosto is not presented to us in the
fashionable garb of the day, but in its own natural and
becoming dress, which appears equally graceful and appro
priate at all times and in all places. By the example of
Bembo, the Italians would have written with correctness and
with elegance, but they would have been read only by their
own countrymen. The delicate and attenuated sentiment
which gives its faint animation to their writings, is lost when
an attempt is made to transfuse it into another language; but
the bold and vigorous ideas of Ariosto bear without injury
all change of climate; and his Avorks have contributed more
than those of any other author to diffuse a true poetical spirit
throughout Europe.

The applause bestowed upon those whose labours contri
buted to restore the purity of the Italian tongue, must not,
however, be confined to one sex only. At no former period
of society had the spirit of literature been so generally dif-

126 LIFE OF LEO X.

fused; and at no period have its female admirers proved
themselves more accomplished proficients or more formidable
rivals. Among those who at this time distinguished themselves
by their talents, two are conspicuously eminent; not only for
their high rank, extraordinary acquirements, and excellent
literary productions, but for the unsullied purity of their
character and for all the virtues which add lustre to their
sex. These are Vittoria Colonna, marchioness of Pescara,
and Veronica Gambara, countess of Correggio.4-

Vittoria Colonna Avas the daughter of the celebrated com
mander, Fabrizio Colonna, grand constable of the kingdom of
Naples, by Anna di Montefeltro, the daughter of Federigo,
duke of Urbino. She was born about the year 1490, and
when only four year of age was destined to be the future
bride of Ferdinando d'Avalos, marquis of Pescara, then very
little further advanced in life. The extraordinary endow
ments both of person and of mind with which she was
favoured by nature, aided by a diligent and virtuous educa
tion, rendered her the object of general admiration, and her
hand was repeatedly sought in marriage by several of the
independent sovereigns of Italy. Happily, however, the
early choice of the parents Avas confirmed by the mutual
attachment of their offspring, and at the age of seventeen she
became the Avife of a man Avho, by his great endowments,
unshaken fidelity, and heroic valour, merited such a partner.
A perfect conformity of temper and of excellence Avas the
pledge of their conjugal affection; but the contests Avhich dis
tracted Italy soon called the marquis from his domestic en
joyments, and at the battle of Ravenna, where he had the
command of the cavalry, he Avas dangerously Avounded, and
led, with the cardinal de Medici, afterwards Leo X., a prisoner
to Milan. Whilst confined in the castle of that place, and
prevented by his wounds from bodily exercise, he devoted
his hours to study; the result of Avhich appeared in a dialogue
on Love, addressed to his AArife, Avhich has not been preserved
to the present times, but which AVC are assured Avas replete
Avith good sense, eloquence, and wit.* He Avas at length
liberated from his confinement, by the friendly interference
of the marshal Trivulzio ; and by the active part which he

* Jovius, in Vita. Ferdin. Daval. Pise. i.

YITTORIA COLONNA. 127

afterwards took in the military affairs of the time, and the
many engagements in which he was victorious, acquired the
highest character among the Italian leaders. Having entered
into the service of the emperor, he commanded at the battle
of Pavia, in which Francis I. was made prisoner; wrhere he
distinguished himself no less by his magnanimity and
humanity, than by his prudence and intrepidity, to which the
success of the imperialists has usually been attributed.43
This event he did not, however, long survive, having fallen a
sacrifice to his military fatigues and the consequences of his
wounds. He died at Milan, in the month of December, 1525,
after a short but glorious life, which has afforded ample ma
terials for the historian.44 This fatal event blighted all the
hopes of his consort; nor did her sorrow admit of any allevia
tion, except such as she found in celebrating the character
and virtues of her husband, and recording their mutual
affection in her tender and exquisite verse. Soon after his
death she retired to the island of Ischia, refusing to listen to
those proposals of other nuptials which, as she had no off
spring, her friends were desirous that she should accept.43
In her retirement she appears to have acquired a strong
religious cast of character, which did not, however, prevent
her from exercising her poetical talents, although she from
this time devoted them chiefly to sacred subjects. Her
exemplary conduct and the uncommon merit of her writings,
rendered her the general theme of applause among the most
distinguished poets and learned men of the time, with many
of whom she maintained a friendly epistolary intercourse.40
She was also a warm admirer of the great artist Michel-
Agnolo, who designed for her several excellent pieces, the ideas
of which have been preserved by the engraver,47 and who
appears to have enjoyed her favour and friendship in an
eminent degree; she having on several occasions quitted her
residence at Viterbo, to which place she retired some years
before her death, and made excursions to Rome for no other
purpose than that of enjoying his society. This affectionate
attachment, equally honourable to both parties, was at other
times supported by an epistolary intercourse. To her
Michel -Agnolo has also addressed several of his sonnets,
which yet remain, and in which his admiration of her beauty
and acomplishments is tempered by the most profound

128 LIFE OF LEO X.

respect for her character.* It is a singular anecdote, pre
served by Condivi, that this eminent man paid her a visit in
the last moments of her life; and that he afterwards expressed
his extreme regret, that he had not on that occasion kissed
her face or her forehead, as well as her hand.f After having
lived until the year 1547, she terminated her days at Rome;
not having taken upon her any religious profession, and not
indeed without having given rise to some suspicion that she
was inclined to the doctrines of the reformed church.48

Among the Italian writers who have revived in their works
the style of Petrarca, Yittoria Colonna is entitled to the first
rank; and her sonnets, many of which are addressed to the
shade of her departed husband, or relate to the state of her
own mind, possess more vigour of thought, vivacity of colour
ing, and natural pathos, than are generally to be found among
the disciples of that school.49 Her Canzone, or monody to
the memory of her husband, is, however, more deservedly
celebrated, and is certainly in no respect inferior to that of
Bembo on the death of his brother Carlo; but perhaps the
most favourable specimen of her talents appears in her Stanze,
or verses in ottava rima,™ which in simplicity, harmony, and
elegance of style, equal the productions of any of her contem
poraries, and in lively description and genuine poetry excel
them all, excepting only those of the inimitable Ariosto.

Veronica Gambara was the daughter of the count Gian-
Francesco Gambara, by his wife Alda Pia, of Carpi, and was
married in 1509, to Giberto X., lord of Correggio, whom she
survived many years, devoting herself to the education of her
two sons, Ippolito and Girolamo, the latter of whom obtained
the dignity of a cardinal of the Roman church. Her natural
disposition, the course of her education, and above all, per
haps, the instructions and advice of Pietro Bembo, led her in
her youth to devote a part of her leisure to the cultivation of
her poetical talents, which, through all the vicissitudes of her
future life, was her occasional amutement.J In the year 1528,
she left Correggio to reside at Bologna with her brother
Uberto, on whom Clement VII. had conferred the office of
governor of that city. Here she established in her house a
kind of academy, which was frequented by Bembo, Molza,
Mauro, Capello, and other eminent men who then resided at

* Condivi, Vile cli M. A. Buonarotti, 53. t Ib. J Tirab. vii. iii. 47.

JOCOSE SATIRE. 129

the Roman court. She afterwards returned to Correggio,
where she had the honour of receiving as her guest the
emperor Charles V. Her life was prolonged until the year
1550. Her writings, which had been dispersed in various
collections of the time, were collected and published at Brescia,
in 1 759, and although inferior in elegance and polish to those
of Yittorio Colonna, display a peculiar originality and viva
city, both in sentiment and language, which raise them far
above those insipid effusions which, under the name of sonnets,
at this time inundated Italy.51 The mutual esteem and admi
ration that subsisted between these accomplished women is
recorded in their writings. Their example excited the emu
lation of many competitors among their own sex, and the
Rimatrici of the sixteenth century may be considered as little
inferior, either in number or in merit, to the Rimatori. Of
these, some of the most distinguished are, Costanza d'Avalos,
duchess of Amalfi,5- a few of whose sonnets, of no inferior
merit, are united to the works of Vittoria Colonna, in the
edition of Sessa, 1558 ; Tullia d'Aragona, the illegitimate
offspring of Pietro Tagliavia, a cardinal of the church, and
himself an illegitimate descendant of the royal house of
Aragon;53 Laura Terracina, a Neapolitan lady, whose nume
rous poetical works have frequently been printed;54 Gaspara
Stampa, of Padua, ranked among the best poets of her
time;55 and Laura Battiferra, of Urbino,50 represented by her
contemporaries as the rival of Sappho, in the elegance of her
writings, and much her superior in the modesty and decorum
of her life.

To the time of Leo X. is to be referred the perfecting of
the jocose Italian satire, which originated in Florence towards
the close of the preceding century. The credit of reviving
this whimsical style of composition, and rendering it in the
highest degree lively and entertaining, is due to the eccentric
genius of Francesco Berni, whence it has been denominated
JM Poesia Bernesca. In this undertaking he had, however,
some coadjutors of no inconsiderable talents, and in particular.
Francesco Mauro and Gian-Francesco Bini, whose works-
have usually been united with his own, to which in vivacity
and humour they are little inferior. The character of Berni
was as singular as his writings. He was born at Lamporec-
ehio, a small town in the Tuscan state,57 of a noble, although

VOL. II. K

130 LIFE OF LEO X.

reduced family, and was sent whilst very young to Florence,
where he remained until he had attained his nineteenth year,
and where he probably imbibed from the works of the Pulci,
Franco, and Lorenzo de' Medici, the earliest taste for that style
of composition by which he afterwards so greatly distinguished
himself. About the year 1517, he repaired to Rome, and
entered into the service of the cardinal Bernardo da Bibbiena,
to whom he was in some degree related, and from whom he
entertained hopes of preferment, which were not realized.
After the death of Bernardo, he attached himself to his ne
phew, the cardinal Angelo da Bibbiena, but with no greater
advantage, and was at length obliged to accept the office of
secretary to Giammatteo Ghiberti, bishop of Verona, who
then held the important station of datary to the Roman see.
Having now taken the ecclesiastical habit, Berni was occa
sionally employed by Ghiberti in missions to his more distant
benefices, and frequently accompanied the bishop on his jour
neys through Italy ; but the fatigues of business and the
habits of regularity were irksome to him, and he sought for
relief in the society of the muses, who generally brought both
Bacchus and Venus in their train. Being at length pre
ferred to the affluent and easy station of a canon of Florence,
he retired to that city, where he was much more distinguished
by the eccentricity of his conduct and the pungency of his
satire than by the regularity of his life. Such was his aver
sion to a state of servitude, if we may credit the humorous
passages in which he has professedly drawn his own character,
that he no sooner received a command from his patron than
he felt an invincible reluctance to comply with it. He de
lighted not in music, dancing, gaming, or hunting; his sole
pleasure consisting in having nothing to do and stretching
himself at full length in his bed. His chief exercise was to
eat a little, and then compose himself to sleep, and after sleep
to eat again. He observed neither days nor almanacks ; and
his servants were ordered to bring him no news, whether
good or bad. These exaggerations, among many others yet
more extravagant, may at least be admitted as a proof that
Berni was fond of his ease, and that his writings were rather
the amusement of his leisure than a serious occupation.

The death of Berni is said to have been occasioned by the
jealous enmity which subsisted between the duke Alessandro

CHARACTER OF BERNl's WRITINGS. 131

and the cardinal Ippolito de' Medici, each of whom is supposed
to have contended with the other which should first destroy
his rival by poison. One of them, if we may believe this
story, was desirous of engaging the assistance of Berni, and
he having refused to join in so detestable a project, fell a
victim to the revenge of his patron, by a death of similar
treachery. On this it may be sufficient to observe, that the
cardinal died in the month of August, 1535, and that Berni
survived him at least until the month of July, 1536. We
may therefore conclude with certainty, that he was not poi
soned by the cardinal, and with scarcely less certainty that he
was not poisoned by Alessandro, for not having concurred in
the destruction of a rival who had then been dead nearly
twelve months.*

Of the style of composition adopted by Berni and his asso
ciates, it is not easy to convey an adequate idea, as its excel
lence consists rather in the simplicity of the diction, and the
sweetness of the Tuscan idiom, than in that sterling wit and
vigorous sentiment which bear to be transfused into another
language. Of all writers, those whose merit depends on what
is called humour are the most local. That which in one
country is received with admiration and delight, may in ano
ther be considered as insipid or contemptible. To enjoy
these writings in their full extent, some degree of acquaint
ance is necessary with the manners and peculiarities of the
inhabitants, even of the lower classes, and perhaps the deli
cacy and flavour of them can never be fully perceived except
by a native. These observations may be applied in different
degrees, not only to the works of Berni, Bini, and Mauro,
but to the Capitoli and satires of Giovanni della Casa, Agnolo
Firenzuola, Francesco-Maria Molza, Pietro Nelli, who as
sumed the name of Andrea da Bergamo, and a long train of
other writers, who have signalized themselves in this mode of
composition.58 That these early productions led the way to
a similar eccentricity of style in other countries is not impro
bable, and perhaps the most characteristic idea of the writings
of Berni and his associates may be obtained by considering
them to be, in lively and unaffected verse, what the works of
Rabelais, of Cervantes, and of Sterne, are in prose.59

* Maz/uchelli, urt. Berni, iv. 080.
K2

132 LIFE OF LEO X.

It is, however, much to be regretted, that a great part of
these compositions are remarkable for a degree of indecency
and profaneness which requires all the wit and elegance of
the original, and perhaps more sympathy with such subjects
than an untainted mind should feel, to prevent their being
read without disapprobation or disgust. It can, therefore,
occasion no surprise, that these pieces, many of which have
been written by men of high ecclesiastical rank, should have
brought some degree of disgrace upon the Roman church.
One of the productions, in this style of writing, of Giovanni
della Gasa, archbishop of Benevento, and for some time in
quisitor at Venice, has been singled out as a particular
instance of depravity, but many examples at least equally
flagrant might have been produced. Even the writings of
Berni contain passages, and indeed, whole pieces, not less
gross and licentious than the work which has given rise to so
much reprehension.00

That Berni was not, however, so entirely devoted to indo
lence, as we might, from the character which he has chosen to
give of himself, be induced to believe, may sufficiently appear
from his numerous writings, and particularly from his having
reformed and new-modelled the extensive poem of Orlando
Innamoroto of the count Bojardo. This work he is said to
have undertaken in competition Avith the Orlando Furioso
of Ariosto, which has given occasion to accuse Berni of pre
sumption and of ignorance; but Berni was too well acquainted
with the nature of his own talents, which involuntarily led
him towards the burlesque and the ridiculous, to suppose, that
in serious composition he could emulate that great man. lie
has, however, both in this and other parts of his writings,
shown that he could occasionally elevate his style, and the in
troductory verses to each canto of the Orlando Innamorato,
•which are generally his own composition, are not the least
admired nor the least valuable parts of the work. That the
alterations of Berni raised the poem of Bojardo into more
general notice, may be conjectured from the various editions
of the reformed work which issued from the press soon after
its first appearance, and which are yet sought after with
avidity.61 The task which Berni thus completed, was also
undertaken by several of his contemporaries, and in particular
by Teofilo Folengi and Lodovico Dolce; neither of whom

TEOFILO FOLENGI. 133

brought their labours to a termination. It appears, also, that
Pietro Aretino had formed an intention of devoting himself
to this task, which, however, he afterwards relinquished; and
if we may be allowed to judge from the specimen given of his
epic talents in his poem of Marfisa, the world has sustained
no loss by his determination.

Yet more extravagant than the writings of Berni, are
those of his contemporary, Teofilo Folengi, of Mantua, better
known by his assumed name of Merlino Coccajo. He was,
also, an ecclesiastic, having, in the year 1507, when only six
teen years of age, entered into the order of Benedictines, on
which occasion he relinquished his baptismal name of Giro-
lamo, and took that of Teojtto.* His religious vows did not,
however, extinguish his amorous passions, and a violent
attachment which he soon afterwards formed for a young
lady, named Girolama Dieda, induced him to desert his
monastery. After passing for several years an irregular
and wandering life, he published his macaronic poems, in
which, by a singular mixture of the Latin and Italian with
the various dialects of the populace, and by applying the
forms of one language to the phrases of another, he has pro
duced a kind of mongrel tongue, which, from its singularity
and capricious variety, has attracted both admirers and imi
tators.02 How it was possible for a person possessed of the
talents and learning by which Folengi was undoubtedly dis
tinguished, to sacrifice to these compositions such a portion of
time as they must, from their number and prolixity, have re
quired, it is not easy to conceive, and certainly a much
smaller specimen might have satisfied the curiosity of most of
his readers. It has, indeed, been said, that it was his first
intention to compose an epic poem in Latin, which should far
surpass the -ZEneid; but finding, from the decision of his
friends, that he had scarcely rivalled the Roman bard, he
committed his poem to the flames, and began to amuse him
self with these extravagant compositions; some of which,
however, occasionally display such a vivacity of imagery and
description, and contain passages of so much poetical merit,
that if he had devoted himself to more serious compositions,
he might probably have ranked with the first Latin poets of

* Tiraboscbi, vii. i. 302.

134 LIFE OF LEO X.

the age. In the year 1526, Folengi, under the name of
Limerno Pitocco, published in Italian his burlesque epic poem
of Orlandino ; a work which discovers still more evidently
the vigour of his imagination and the facility and graces of
his composition; and which, not being written in the grotesque
and motley style of his former productions, may be perused
with considerable pleasure.03 It must, however, be remarked,
that both this poem and his Macaronics abound with obscene
passages; a peculiarity which seems in these times to have
distinguished the productions of the ecclesiastics from those
of the laity.64 Repenting of his errors, or wearied with his
disorderly conduct, Folengi soon afterwards returned to his
cell, where his first occupation was to write an account of the
aberrations and A'icissitudes of his past life, which he printed
under the title of Chaos de tri per uno, and which is yet more-
capricious and extravagant than his former writings.0'' As
the fire of his fancy or the ardour of his passions decreased,
he turned his talents to religious subjects, and composed a
poem, DelV Umanita deljigliuolo di Dio, which has probably
attracted much fewer readers than his former Avorks.00 Having
been appointed principal of the small monastery of S. Maria
della Ciambra, in the island of Sicily, he there, at the request
of Ferrando Gonzaga, the viceroy, composed a poem in terza
rima, divided into two books, and entitled La Palermita, and
also three tragedies in verse on sacred subjects,07 but these
pieces have never been printed. Many other works of Fo
lengi are noticed by his editors and biographers. His life
was prolonged until the year 1544, when he died at the
Priorato of Campese, near Bassano, and was buried in the
adjacent church of Santa Croce.

Although the study of the ancient languages had long been
revived in Italy, yet no idea seems to have been entertained,
before the time of Leo X., of improving the style of Italian
composition, by a closer adherence to the regularity and purity
of the Greek and Roman writers. Some efforts had, indeed,
been made to transfuse the spirit, or at least the sense, of
these productions into the Italian tongue. The Metamorphoses
of Ovid,08 and the JEneid of the Mantuan bard,09 had thus
been translated into prose; and the Thebaid of Statius,70 the
Pharsalia of Lucan,71 the Satires of Juvenal,72 with some de
tached parts of the writings of Ovid,73 and of Virgil,74 had

IMITATIONS OF THE ANCIENT CLASSICS. 135

been translated into Italian verse; but in so rude and unskilful
a manner, as to produce, like a bad mirror, rather a caricature
than a resemblance. As the Italian scholars became more
intimately acquainted with the works of the ancients, they
began to feel the influence of their taste, and to imbibe some
portion of their spirit. No longer satisfied with the humble
and laborious task of translating these authors, they, with a
laudable emulation, endeavoured to rival the boasted remains
of ancient genius by productions of a similar kind in their
native tongue. In order to attain an equality with their
great models, they ventured also to discard the shackles of
rhyme, and to introduce a kind of measure which should de
pend for its effect on the elevation and harmony of its
language, and on the variety of its pauses, rather than on the
continual recurrence of similar sounds. The person who is en
titled to the chief credit of having formed, and in some degree
executed, this commendable design, is the learned Gian-
Giorgio Trissino; and although his powers as a poet were in
adequate to the task which he had imposed upon them, yet
the chaste and classical style which was thus introduced, has
given rise to some of the most correct and pleasing productions
in the Italian tongue.

Trissino Avas born of a noble family at Vicenza, in the year
1478, and for some time received instructions from the cele
brated Greek, Demetrius Chalcondyles, at Milan.75 On the
death of his, wife, of whom he was eai'ly in life deprived, he
repaired to Rome, where he obtained the particular favour of
Leo X., who employed him on several important missions;
and in particular to the emperor Maximilian.* The versi
sciolti, or blank verse of the Italian language, was first em
ployed by Trissino, in his tragedy of Sofonisba ; and is cer
tainly much better calculated than either the terza rima, or
the ottai-a stanza, to works of length. The same mode of
versification was, however, employed about the same time by
several men of considerable talents, and an eminent Italian
critic has asserted, that " it was first used by Luigi Ala-
manni, in his translation, from Catullus, of the Epithalamium
of Peleus and Thetis; afterwards by Lodovico Martelli, in
translating the fourth book of the .SCneid, and by the cardinal

* Trissino, in Dedicaz. di sua Italia liberata, al Imperat. Carlo V.

136 LIFE OF LEO X.

Ippolito de' Medici, in translating the second; in imitation of
whom Trissino afterwards composed, in the same measure,
his epic poem of Italia liberata dd'Goti."* But it must be
observed, that the Italia liberata was not the first work in
which Trissino had employed the versi sciolti, his tragedy of
Sofonisba having been written at least ten years before he
begun his epic poem, and completed in the year 1515.70 It
is, however, certain, that in the same year Giovanni Hucellai
wrote in blank verse his tragedy of Rosmunda ; but as he
has himself addressed Trissino as his literary preceptor, and
as the pretensions of Trissino to the precedency in this
respect are confirmed by the explicit acknowledgment of
Palla Rucellai, the brother of Giovanni, we may with confi
dence attribute to Trissino the honour of the invention ;f
unless the pretensions of the Florentine historian, Jacopo
Nardi, who gave a specimen of blank verse in the prologue to
his comedy, entitled L'Amicizia, supposed to be represented
before the magistrates of Florence, about the year 1494, may
be thought to invalidate his claim.77 The tragedy of Sofo
nisba is, however, entitled to notice, not only as having first
introduced the versi sciolti into general use, but as being the
first regular tragedy which made its appearance after the
revival of letters. The appellation of tragedy had, indeed, been
already adopted, and even the story of Sophonisba had been
the subject of a dramatic performance, in ottava rima, by
Galeotto, marquis of Carretto, presented by him . to Isabella,
marchioness of Mantua;^ but this piece, like the Virginia of
Accolti, and other productions of a similar nature, was so
imperfect in its arrangement, and so ill adapted to theatrical
representation, that it rather increases than diminishes the
honour due to Trissino, who, disregarding the example of his
contemporaries, introduced a more correct and classical style
of dramatic composition.78 The affecting story of this tra
gedy, founded on the relation of Livy, in the thirtieth book of
his history, is already well known, having been frequently
the subject of theatrical representation in this country. It
may, therefore, be sufficient to observe that Trissino, without
greatly deviating from the records of history, has given a

* Lettere di Clandio Tolomei, oitate nelle Giorii. di Letterati, xxvi. 200.

f Dedicazione nl poema degli Api, al Trissino.

;J Maffei, Teatro Italiaiio, i., in prefaz. alia Hofonisba del Trissino.

TRISSINO. 137

dramatic form to the incidents which renders his production
not uninteresting, and has interspersed it with some passages
of expression and pathos. At the same time, it must be
acknowledged that the dignity of the tragic style is not
always equally supported, and that the author frequently
displays a prolixity, languor, and insipidity, both of sentio
ment and of style, which greatly detract from the interest ce
the piece.

It was not, however, until the year 1547, that Trissino
published the nine first books of his epic poem of Italia
liberata da* Goti; of which the additional eighteen books
made their appearance in 1548.79 In this poem, to the com
pletion of which the author had dedicated upwards of twenty
years, he proposed to exhibit to his countrymen a specimen
of the true epic, as founded on the example of Homer, and
confirmed by the authority of Aristotle. The subject is the
liberation of Italy from the Goths by Belisarius, as general
of the emperor Justinian. In the execution of it, Trissino
asserts that he had examined all the Greek and Roman
writers, for the purpose of selecting the flowers of their elo
quence to enrich his own labours. That Trissino was a man
of talents and of learning, is evident from his other writings ;
and his various acquirements in mathematics, physics, and
architecture, are highly celebrated by his contemporaries;
yet, of all the attempts at epic poetry which have hitherto
appeared, the Italia liberata may be considered as the most
insipid and uninteresting. In Berni, Mauro, Folengi, and
other writers of burlesque poetry, their simplicity or vulga
rity is evidently assumed, for the avowed purpose of giving a
greater zest to their satire or their wit, but the low and
pedestrian style of Trissino is genuine and unaffected, and is
often rendered still more striking by the unconscious gravity
of the author. Yet more reprehensible is the plan and con
duct of the poem, in which the heathen mythology is con
founded with the Christian religion, and an invocation to
Apollo and the muses introduces the Supreme Being, as in
terfering in the concerns of mortals, in such language, and by
such means, as must, in the estimation of either true piety or
correct taste, appear wholly unworthy of the divine character.
Hence neither the industry of Trissino, nor the high literary
character which he had before attained, could raise into

138 LIFE OF LEO X.

credit his unfortunate poem, which, as one of his contempo
raries informs us, was never read, but seemed to have been
buried on the same day that it first saw the light.80 About
the year 1700, a feeble attempt was made, by the associates
Vvf the academy of cardinal Ottoboni, at Rome, to transpose
via Italia liber ata into ottava rima, each member selecting a
b^parate book for the exercise of his talents; but although
^ome of them performed their task, the work was never com
pleted. The critics of Italy, unwilling to detract from the
character of a man whose merits have, in other respects,
done honour to their country, have, however, seldom men
tioned the Italia liberata but in terms of respect; although
it never was reprinted until the year 1729, when it was in
serted in the general collection of the works of its author.

Subsequent to Trissino in the adoption of the versi sciolti,
but more successful in the manner in which he employed it,
was his friend Giovanni Rucellai, whose near consanguinity
to the pontiff Leo X. as well as his own extraordinary merits,
entitles him to particular notice. He was one of the four
sons of Bernardo Rucellai, by his wife Nannina, sister of
Lorenzo the Magnificent, and was born at Florence in the
year 1475.* The example of his father, who is justly ranked
among the most eminent scholars and correct Latin writers of
his time, and the instructions of the celebrated Francesco
Cataneo da Diaceto, were a sure pledge of his early profi
ciency; and it has been said of him, with undoubted truth,
that he was highly accomplished as well in the Greek and
Latin languages as in his own.f In the year 1505, he was
sent as ambassador from his native city to the state of Venice,
and was present when the envoy of Louis XII. required that
the senate would permit the learned civilian Filippo Decio to
return as his subject to Pavia, to teach the canon law, with
which the senate refused to comply; an incident which, it
seems, made a great impression on Rucellai, as being a proof
of the value of literature, and the great importance of a man
of talents. £ In the tumult raised by the younger citizens of
Florence on the return of the Medici, in the year 1512, and
which contributed so greatly to facilitate that event, Giovanni

* Giornale de' Letterati, xxxiii. i. 240.

t Pocciaiiti, Cntal d' Scrittori Fioreutini. ap. Giorii. d' Letterati, ut sup.

J Giornale de' Letterati, xxxiii. i. 244.

GIOVANNI RUCELLAI. 139

Rucellai and his brother Palla took a principal part ; in which
they appear to have acted in opposition to the wishes of their
father, who was a firm adherent to the popular cause.* On
the elevation of Leo X. and the appointment of his nephew
Lorenzo to the government of Florence, Giovanni remained
at that city in a respectable employment, and is supposed to
have accompanied Lorenzo to Rome, when he went to assume
the insignia of captain -general of the church. Soon after his
arrival, Rucellai entered into the ecclesiastical order, and
attended the pontiff on his visit to Florence at the close of the
year lolo, when Leo Avas entertained in the gardens of the
Rucellai with the representation or recital of the tragedy
of Rosnwnda, written by Giovanni in Italian blank verse. It
has excited surprise that Leo did not confer the dignity of
the purple on a man so nearly related to him, to whom he
was so much attached, and who was in every respect worthy
of that honour. Some authors have attributed this circum
stance to the timid jealousy of Giuliano de' Medici, who is
said to have represented to his brother the danger that might
accrue to their family in Florence, from any increase of the
credit and authority of the Rucellai, who could number
amongst them one hundred and fifty men capable of bearing
arms; whilst others have supposed, that as Leo did not
choose to advance to the rank of cardinal some of his rela
tions as near to him as Rucellai, on account of the opposi
tion which they had shown to his family, he on this account
postponed also the nomination of Giovanni; but whatever
was the reason of the conduct of the pope, which was pro
bably neither of those before assigned, it is certain that it
arose not from any want of esteem or confidence, as may be
inferred from his dispatching Rucellai, at a very important
crisis, as his legate to Francis I., in which station he suc
ceeded Lodovico Canossa, and continued until the death of
the pontiff.

After this unexpected event, Rucellai returned to Flo
rence; and on the elevation of Adrian VI., the successor of
Leo, was deputed, with five others of the principal citizens,
to congratulate the pope on his new dignity. Rucellai, as
chief of the embassy, addressed the pontiff in a Latin oration,

* Giornale de' Letterati, xxxiii. i. 245.

140 LIFE OF LEO X.

which is yet preserved. The short pontificate of Adrian was
succeeded by that of Clement VII., to whom Rucellai stood
in the same degree of kindred as to Leo X., and who imme
diately after his elevation gave a decisive proof of his regard
for Rucellai, by appointing him keeper of the castle of
S. Angelo; a dignity which has usually been considered as the
proximate step to that of a cardinal, and whence Rucellai is
commonly named // Castellano*1 This honour he did not,
however, long enjoy, having terminated his days about the
beginning of the year ] 526, and before the deplorable sack
ing of Rome which soon afterwards occurred.

During the residence of Rucellai at the castle of S. Angelo,
lie completed his tragedy of Oreste and his beautiful didactic
poem, Le Api; neither of which were, however, during his
lifetime, committed to the press. The reason of this will
appear from the words of the author, addressed, a short time
before his death, to his brother Palla Rucellai.* " My Api"
said he, " have not yet received my last improvements; which
has been occasioned by my desire to review and correct this
poem in company with our friend Trissino, when he returns
from Venice, where he is now the legate of our cousin Cle
ment VII., and which poem I have, as you will see, already
destined and dedicated to him. I therefore entreat that when
you find a fit opportunity, you will send him this poem for
his perusal and correction; and if he approve it, that you will
have it published, without any testimony but that of his
perfect judgment to its merits. You will likewise take the
same method with my Oreste, if he should not think it trou
blesome to take so much labour for the sake of one who was
so affectionately attached to him." The poem of the Api was
accordingly published in the year 1539, and will secure to its
author a high rank among the writers of didactic poetry.
AVithout rendering himself liable to the charge of a servile
imitator, he has chosen a subject already ennobled by the
genius of Virgil, and has given to it new attractions and new
graces. His diction is pure, without being insipid and sim
ple, without becoming vulgar; and in the course of his work
he has given decisive proofs of his scientific acquirements,
particularly on subjects of natural history.

* Maffei, prefazione a] Oreste. Teatro Italiuno, i. 02.

ALAMANNI. 141

The injunctions of Giovanni Rucellai, with respect to hi»
; tragedy of Oreste, were not so punctually complied with; the
; cause of which is, however, assigned by his brother Palla, in
his dedication of the Api to Trissino. " As to the Oreste, I
have thought it better to wait awhile, until your Belisario, or
to speak more accurately, your Italia liberate*, a work of great
learning, and a new Homer in our language, shall be perfected
and brought to light." This tragedy remained in manuscript
until nearly two centuries after the death of its author, when
it was published by the marchese Scipione Maffei. The sub
ject of this piece is similar to that of the Iphigenia in Tauris
of Euripides; but the author has introduced such variations,
and ennobled his tragedy with so many grand and theatrical
incidents, that it may justly be considered as his own, and
not as a mere translation from an ancient author, insomuch
that Maffei, who, from his own performances, must be ad
mitted to be a perfect judge, considers it as not only superior
to the Rosmunda of the same author, but as one of the most
beautiful pieces which any author, either ancient or modern,
has adapted to the theatrical representation.*

Another Italian writer who distinguished himself by the
elegance and harmony of his blank verse, was Luigi Alamanni,
who was born of a noble family at Florence, in the year
1475,82 and passed the early part of his life in habits of friend
ship with Bernardo and Cosimo Rucellai, Trissino, and other
scholars who had devoted themselves more particularly to the
study of classical literature. f Of the satires and lyric poems
of Alamanni, several were produced under the pontificate of
Leo X. In the year 1516, he married Alessandra Serristori,
a lady of great beauty, by whom he had a numerous offspring. £
The rank and talents of Alamanni recommended him to the
notice and friendship of the cardinal Giulio de' Medici, who,
during the latter part of the pontificate of Leo X., governed
on the behalf of that pontiff the city of Florence. The rigid
restrictions imposed by the cardinal on the inhabitants, by
which they were, among other marks of subordination, pro
hibited from carrying arms under severe penalties, excited
the indignation of many of the younger citizens of noble
families, who could ill brook the loss of their independence,

* Maffei, Teatvo Italiano, t. 9-">. + Mazzuchelli, art. Alamamu. { Ib-

142 LIFE OF LEO X.

and among the rest of Alamanni, who, forgetting the friend
in the patriot, not only joined in a conspiracy against the
cardinal immediately after the death of Leo X., but is said
to have undertaken to assassinate him with his own hand.*
His associates were Zanobio Buondelmonti, Jacopa da Diaceto,
Antonio Brucioli, and several other persons of distinguished
talents, who appear to have been desirous of restoring the
ancient liberty of the republic, without sufficiently reflecting
on the mode by which it was to be accomplished. The de
signs of the conspirators were, however, discovered, and
Alamanni was under the necessity of saving himself by flight.
After many adventures and vicissitudes, in the course of
which he returned to Florence and took an active part in the
commotions that agitated his country, he finally withdrew to
France, where he met with a kind and honourable reception
from Francis I., who was a great admirer of Italian poetry,
and not only conferred upon him the order of S. Michael,
but employed him in many important missions.83 On the
marriage of Henry, duke of Orleans, afterwards Henry II.,
with Catherine de' Medici, Alamanni was appointed her
Maitre d' Hotel; and the reward of his services enabled him
to secure to himself great emoluments, and to establish his
family in an honourable situation in France. The writings
of Alamanni are very numerous,84 but his most admired pro
duction is his didactic poem La Coltivazione, written in versi
sciolti, and addressed by him to Catherine de' Medici, by a
letter, in which he requests her to present it to Francis I.85
This work, which Alamanni completed in six books, and
which he appears to have undertaken rather in competition
with, than in imitation of the Georgics, is written not only
with great elegance and correctness of style, but with a very
extensive knowledge of the subject on which he professes to
treat, and contains many passages which may bear a compa
rison with the most celebrated parts of the work of his
immortal predecessor. His tragedy of Antigone, translated
from Sophocles, is also considered by Fontanini as one of the
best dramatic pieces in the Italian tongue; but his epic ro
mances of the Avarchide^ and the Girone Cortesef1 both
written in ottava rima, have not had the good fortune to
obtain for their author any considerable share of applause.

* Varclii, Istor. Fiorentina, v. 108.

CLASSIFICATION OP THE ITALIAN WRITERS. 143

From this brief revieAV of some of the principal Italian
poets, who Avrote in the pontificate of Leo X., it will not be
difficult to perceive, that they may be divided into four dis
tinct classes. I. Such as continued to adopt in their writings,
although in different degrees, the rude and imperfect style of
composition which was used towards the latter part of the
preceding century. II. The admirers of Petrarca, who con
sidered him as the model of a true poetic diction, and closely
imitated his manner in their writings. III. Those who,
depending on the vigour of their own genius, adopted such
a style of composition as they conceived expressed, in the
most forcible and explicit manner, the sentiments which they
had to communicate. And IV. Those authors who followed
the example of the ancients, not only in the manner of treat
ing their subjects, but in the frequent use of the versi sciolti,
and in the simplicity and purity of their diction. That in
each of these departments a considerable number of writers,
besides those before-mentioned, might be enumerated, will
readily be perceived; but the limited object of the present
work will be sufficiently obtained, by demonstrating the en
couragement which the poets of the time derived from Leo
X., and the proficiency made during his pontificate in this
most popular and pleasing branch of literature. It is to this
period that we are to trace back those abundant streams
which have now diffused themselves throughout the rest of
Europe; and although some of them may be pursued to a
still higher fountain, yet it was not until this time that they
began to flow in a clear and certain course. The laws of
lyric composition, as prescribed by the example of Sanazzaro,
Bembo, Molza, and Vittoria Colonna, have since been adopted
by the two Tassos, Tansillo, Costanzo, Celio Magno, Guidi,
Filicaja,88 and a long train of other writers, who have carried
this kind of composition, and particularly the higher species
of ode, to a degree of excellence hitherto unattained in any
other country. In epic poetry, the great work of Ariosto
excited an emulation which in the course of the sixteenth
century produced an immense number of poems on similar
subjects, many of which are of great extent, and some of
which, if they have not equalled the Orlando Furioso in
fertility of invention and variety of description, have excelled
it in regularity and classical chastity of design, and have

144 LIFE OF LEO X.

displayed all those poetical graces that, without surprising,
delight the reader. If to the satires of Ariosto we add those
of Ercole Bentivoglio, who was nearly his contemporary, and
which are Avritten on a similar model, we shall be compelled
to acknowledge that neither these, nor the singular produc
tions of Berni, Bini, Mauro, and their associates, have in any
degree been rivalled in subsequent times. Nor have the later
writers of blank verse, among whom may be enumerated
Annibale Caro, Marchetti, and Salvini, greatly improved
upon the correct and graceful example displayed in the
writings of Rucellai, Alamanni, the cardinal Ippolito de'
Medici, and frequently in those of Trissino.

With respect to the drama, much, however, remained to be
done. Neither the Sofonisba of Trissino, nor the Rosmnnda
or Oreste of Rucellai, although highly to be commended when
compared with the works which preceded them, and when
considered with relation to the times in which they were pro
duced, can be regarded as perfect models of tragedy, adapted
to theatrical representation. It must also be observed, that
the efforts of the cardinal da Bibbiena, and even of Ariosto,
to introduce a better style of comic writing, are rather scho
lastic attempts to imitate the ancient writers, than examples
of that true comedy which represents by living portraits the
follies, the vices, and the manners of the age. It is only in
later times that the dramatic works of Maffei, of Metastasio,
of Alfieri, and of Monti, have effectually removed from their
country the reproach of having been inferior in this great
department of letters to the rest of Europe. In comedy, the
Italians have been yet more negligent; for between the dry
and insipid performances of the early writers, and the extra
vagant, low, and burlesque exhibitions of Goldoni, Chiari,
and similar authors of modern comedy, lies a spacious field,
in which the genius of a Moliere, a Goldsmith, or a Sheridan,
would not fail to discover innumerable objects of pursuit and
of amusement.

145

CHAPTER XVII.

Improvement in classical literature — Jacopo Sadoleti — Latin writings of
Bembo — Giovanni Aurelio Angurelli — His " Chrysopoiea" — Latin
writings of Sauazzaro — His poem " De partu Virgiuis" — Girolamo Vida
— His " Cliristiad" — His " Poetics" — Girolamo Fracastoro — His poem
entitled " Syphilis" — Andrea Navagero — Marc-Antonio Flaminio — His
writings — Latin poetry cultivated at Rome — Guido Postumo Silvestri —
Giovanni Mozzarello — Latin extemporary poets — Raffaello Brantlolini
— Andrea Marone — C'amillo Quemo and others — Baraballo di Gneta —
Giovanni Gorizio, a patron of learning at Rome — TLe " Coryciana" —
Francesco Arsilli — His Latin poem, " De Poetis Urbanis."

FROM the time of the revival of letters in Italy, the poesia
volgarc, or poetry of the national tongue, had experienced
many vicissitudes; having at some periods shone with dis
tinguished lustre, and at others been again obscured by dark
and unexpected clouds; but classical learning, and particu
larly Latin poetry, had made a steady and uniform progress,
and in the course of one hundred and fifty years, during
which a long succession of eminent scholars had continually
improved upon their predecessors, had at length nearly
attained to the highest degree of excellence. The pontificate
of Leo. X. was destined to give a last impulse to these
studies; for if there was any department of literature, the
professors of which he regarded with more partiality and
rewarded with greater munificence than those of another, it
was undoubtedly that of Latin poetry. Nor had this par
tiality first manifested itself on his ascending the pontifical
throne; whilst he yet held the rank of cardinal, the Italian
scholars had been well prepared by his conduct to judge of
the favour and encouragement which they would be likely to
experience if that fortunate event should take place; and we
have already seen, that in the very commencement of his pon-

VOL. II. L

146 LIFE OF LEO X.

tificate, he was saluted by them as the person destined to
restore the honours of literature, and to revive the glories of
the Augustan age.

The hopes thus early entertained of the future conduct of
the pontiff had been greatly encouraged by the appointment
to the important office of apostolic secretaries, of Bembo and
Sadoleti; two men who were distinguished by their profici
ency in almost every branch of polite learning, but who had
chiefly acquired their reputation by the superior elegance of
their Latin writings. Jacopo Sadoleti was a native of Mo-
dena, and was born in the year 1477.* After having com
pleted his studies at Ferrara, under the directions of Nicolo
Leoniceno, and other eminent professors, and made a great
proficiency in philosophy, eloquence, and the learned languages,
he arrived at Rome during the pontificate of Alexander VI.,
where he found in the cardinal Oliviero Carafta a kind and
munificent patron, and in the learned Scipione Carteromaco
an excellent instructor. Of the literary associations which
were afterwards formed in Rome, Sadoleti was a distinguished
member, and it is to his recollection of these meetings, in
which festivity and learning seem to have been united, that
we are indebted for the most particular account that now
remains of them, and which we have before had occasion to
notice. The ability and diligence of Sadoleti, in his official
employment, gave such satisfaction to Leo X., that he con
ferred upon him the bishopric of Carpentras; the duties of
which station Sadoleti fulfilled during his subsequent life,
notwithstanding his higher preferments, in a manner that
proved him to have entertained a proper sense of the im
portance of his trust. Amidst his ecclesiastical duties and
his political occupations, he did not, however, wholly relinquish
the exercise of his talents for Latin poetry; and his verses on
the group of the Laocoon, which had been discovered in the
baths of Titus, during the pontificate of Julius.II., are worthy
of that exquisite remnant of ancient art which they are in
tended to celebrate.1 It was not, however, until the ponti
ficate of Paul III., in the year 1536, that Sadoleti was
honoured with the purple ; a dignity which he had long
merited, not only by the services which he had rendered to

* Tirabosclii, vii. i. 273.

JACOPO SADOLETI. 147

the Roman see in many important embassies, but by the
temperate firmness of his character, his elegant and con
ciliating manners, and, if it can be considered as any recom
mendation at a time when it was so notoriously dispensed
with, by his sincere and unaffected piety. The moderation
which he displayed in opposing the reformers, the concessions
which he was willing to make to them, and the kindness with
which he invited them to return to the bosom of the church,
formed a striking contrast to the conduct of the greater part
of his ecclesiastical associates, and have led an eminent writer
to express his opinion, that if there had been many like
Sadoleti, the breach would not have been so widely extended.*
It was probably from this liberality of sentiment, that, in his
Commentary on the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans, he
incurred the censure of the Roman court; and although the
prohibition was, in consequence of his representations, re
moved by the pope, and the work was, with some corrections,
admitted as canonical, yet this event appears to have occa
sioned infinite anxiety to its author.2 His Latin tracts, and
particularly his treatise, De libcris instituendis, have been
greatly admired. This work is indeed considered by Tira-
boschi as superior to the many essays and systems of edu
cation which have been produced in modern times, when, as
he justly observes, it is too common to insult the elder writers
as barbarians. f

The Latin writings of Pietro Bembo appear, as well from
the nature of the subjects as the persons to whom they are
addressed, to have been chiefly the production of the early
part of his life; after which he was induced, by causes which
we have before assigned, to devote himself more particularly
to the cultivation of his native language; this alteration in his
studies is also alluded to in the following lines, prefixed to
the general collection of his works:3

" Tu quoque Virgilio certabas, Bembe, Latino

Magnanhnum heroum carmine facta canens.
Audiit, et MUSED captus dulcedine, Thuscos
Ad citharam versus condere jussit Amor."

Neither the Italian nor the Latin writings of Bembo have

* Tivab. vii. i. 276. t Ib. 277.

L2

148 LIKE OF LEO X.

been considered as entitled to the praise of originality. If,
in the former, he has manifested a close adherence to Petrarca,
he has in the latter been thought to have followed, with too
servile a step, the track of the ancients, and to have imitated
as "well in his verse as his prose writings the style of Cicero.
It may, however, be observed, that this imitation is not so
apparent in his Latin poems as in his Italian sonnets and lyric
productions; and that the former, although not numerous nor
on subjects of importance, possess, in general, more interest
and vivacity than the latter.4

In briefly noticing the attention paid by Julius II. to the
learned men of his time, we have already had occasion to
mention the Latin poet Augurelli; but as he lived also during
the pontificate of Leo X., and survived that pontiff several
years, and as his most considerable work is on a singular
subject, and is inscribed to Leo X., a more particular account
of him will be necessary. Giovanni Aurelio Augurelli, or
Angurello, was born about the year 144 1,5 of a respectable
family in the city of Rimini, whence he was frequently
denominated Giovanni Aurelio da Rimini. His early studies
were completed in the celebrated university of Padua, where
he made a long residence,0 and where it is probable that he
first began to give public instructions in polite literature ; he
being mentioned by Trissino, in his treatise entitled // Cas-
tellano, as the first person who had observed the rules of the
Italian language prescribed by Petrarca.* Having afterwards
the good fortune to obtain the favour and patronage of
Nicolo Franco, bishop of Trevigi, he took up his residence
with him at his episcopal see, where he was appointed a canon,
and honoured with the freedom of the city, as he had before
been with that of Padua. After the death of his patron he
left Trevigi, and passed about fifteen months at Feltre, for
the purpose of devoting himself without interruption to the
study of the Greek language, t and at length fixed his abode
at Venice, where he obtained great reputation as a private
instructor, and had the honour of numbering among his pupils
Bembo, Navagero, and others, who afterwards rose to great
eminence. Augui'elli is represented by Paulo Giovio as the
most learned and elegant preceptor of his time.J His studies

* 11 Castellano, iv. t Mazzuchelli, art. Angurelli, j Giov. Iscritt. i. 12H.

AURELIO AUGURELLI. 149

are, however, said to have been interrupted by a violent
passion for alchemy, which induced him to consume his hours
over a furnace, in the vain expectation of discovering a sub
stance which he supposed would convert the baser metals into
gold.* The failure of his hopes seems not to have deterred
him from pursuing his speculations, but instead of persisting
in his chemical operations, he prudently resolved to commit
his ideas on this abstruse subject to Latin ve:*se, in which he
completed a poem in three books, which he entitled Chryso-
poeia, or the art of making gold. This work he dedicated to
Leo X., in a few elegant introductory lines, which are well
entitled to notice.7 By this production, Augurelli obtained
great credit; and it has been justly said, that his verses con
tain a richer ore than that which he pretends to teach his
readers to make.j" It has also been observed, that he dis
played a singular propriety in dedicating his work to Leo X.,
who stood in need of such a resource to enable him to supply
his expenditure, and to repay himself for the immense sums
which he disbursed in rewarding men of talents, and in mag
nificent feasts and spectacles. £ The compensation which
Leo bestowed on Augurelli was not, however, less appropriate ;
he having, as it has frequently been related, presented him
with a large and handsome, but empty purse, observing, that
to a man who could make gold, nothing but a purse was
wanting.^ An eminent modern critic is of opinion that
Augurelli was not serious in his composition of this poem,
and that he employed himself in better pursuits than the study
of alchemy ;||8 but it may be observed in reply, that such a
poem could only have been written by a person who had paid
great attention to the subject, and that the work has been
received as canonical by the professors of the mysterious art.9
Augurelli lived to an advanced age, and at length died sud
denly in the year 1524, whilst he was disputing in the shop of

* Jovius, lit sup. Mazzucli. art. Augurelli.
t Dom. Onor. Caramella. ap. Mazzuch. in art. Augurelli.
J Jov. Iscritt. i. 129.

§ Fabron. Vita Leon. X. 220. Mazzuch. in art. Augurelli. This inci
dent is also alluded to in the following lines of Latomus, ap. Mazzuch. ut
sup. : — •

" Ut quod minus collegit e carbonibus,

Avidi Leonis eriperet e dentibus."
|j Tiraboschi, vi. ii. 231.

150 LIFE OF LEO X.

a bookseller at Trevigi; in which city he was buried, and
where an epitaph written by himself was inscribed on his
tomb.10

Besides his Chrysopoeia, and another Latin poem, entitled
Geronticon, or on Old Age, there remains of Augurelli a
volume of poems, under the names of lambici, Sermones, and
Carmina, Avhich has frequently been reprinted. The merits
of these poems have been variously appreciated by succeeding
critics, but they undoubtedly display an easy and natural
vein of poetry, a great acquaintance with the writings of the
ancients, and a purity and correctness of style, to which few
authors of that early period had attained.11 On this account
a learned Italian, himself no inelegant poet, after having fully
considered the sentiments of preceding writers and particularly
the unfavourable opinion of Julius Cassar Scaliger, on this
subject, scruples not to assert, that on a question of this
nature Scaliger was incapable of forming a proper judgment,
and that the writings of Augurelli are worthy of immortality.*

The Latin writings of Sanazzaro are entitled to more par
ticular consideration, and although not voluminous, most pro
bably afforded him occupation for the chief part of his life.
They consist of his piscatory eclogues; two books of elegies;
three of epigrams, or short copies of vei'ses, and his celebrated
poem, De part.u Virginis. Of these, the eclogues possess the
merit of having exhibited a novel species of composition, in
having adapted the language of poetry to the characters and
occupations of fishermen;12 and this task he has executed with
a degree of fancy, variety, and even of elegance, which perhaps
no other person could have excelled; yet it may be doubted
whether these subjects, and the long details of no very pleas
ing nature to which they give rise, are well adapted for a
professed series of poems; the varied aspects of mountains,
vales, and forests, and the innocuous occupations and diver
sified amusements of pastoral life, are ill exchanged for the
uniformity of the watery element, and the miserable and
savage employment of dragging from its depths its unfortu
nate inhabitants.

The elegies of Sanazzaro are, however, much more highly
to be esteemed, as well for their innumerable poetical beauties

* Giammateo Toscano, Peplus ltd. Ixv. 40. Ed. Par. 1578.

SANAZZARO. 151

and the expressive simplicity and elegance of their style, as
for the many interesting circumstances which they have pre
served to us respecting the times in which he lived. But the
work to which Sanazzaro devoted the greatest part of his
time and on which he chiefly relied for his poetical immorta
lity, was his poem in three books, De partu Virginis, which,
after the labour of twenty years and the emendations derived
from the suggestions of his learned friends, was at length
brought to a termination. That Leo X. would have thought
himself honoured by the patronage of this poem, there is
sufficient reason to believe; but Sanazzaro had, from political
motives, long evinced a kind of habitual hostility to the
Roman see-, and some circumstances are said to have occurred
between him and Leo X. which are supposed to have increased
rather than diminished his antipathy, and to have induced
him to express his resentment in a sarcastic copy of Latin
verses, in which the family descent and personal defects of the
pontiff are, from want as it would seem of other causes of re
prehension, the chief objects of his satire.13 Whether, how
ever, this alleged misunderstanding ever occurred or not ;
and whether the verses referred to be the production of Sanaz
zaro or of some one who assumed his name, as has not with
out reason been asserted,14 certain it is that Leo was so far
from manifesting any displeasure against the poet, that on
being informed of the completion of his great work, he
addressed to him a letter, commending in the highest terms of
approbation his talents and his piety, entreating him to pub
lish his poem without further delay, and assuring him of the
protection and favour of the holy see. Induced by these
representations, Sanazzaro immediately prepared to lay his
performance before the public, with a dedication in Latin
verse to Leo X., but the death of that pontiff, which occurred
only a few months after the date of his letter, prevented
Sanazzaro from carrying his intentions into effect, and the tes
timony of respect intended for Leo X. was reserved by its
author for Clement VII., to whom he inscribed his poem in a
few elegant lines, which bear, however, strong internal
evidence that they were originally intended for his more
accomplished predecessor.15 On receiving the work from the
hands of the cardinal Girolamo Seripando,* Clement, who

* Crispo, Vita del Sanazzaro, 20, in frontc alle sue Opere. Ed. Yen.
1752. 8vo.

152 LIFE OF LEO X.

was no less ambitious of the honour of being considered as a
patron of letters than Leo X., requested the cardinal to thank
Sanazzaro in his name for his beautiful poem, to assure him
of his favour, and to request that he might see him at Rome
as early as might be convenient to him. Not satisfied, how
ever, with this verbal expression of his approbation, he
addressed a letter to the poet, in which he expresses high
satisfaction in having his name united to a poem which is
destined to survive and to be read through all future times ;
at the same time justifying the love of that fame which is the
result of commendable labours, which he considers as the
image or reflection of the immortality promised by the reli
gion of Christ. This obligation the pontiff expresses himself
ready to repay to the utmost of his power; and from these
assurances Sanazzaro is supposed to have entertained hopes of
being admitted into the sacred college.* That he would have
received some distinguished mark of the approbation of the
pontiff, is not improbable, had not the calamitous events of the
times, and particularly the dreadful sacking of the city of
Rome, called the attention of Clement VII. to objects more
immediately connected with his own safety. Sanazzaro had,
however, the satisfaction of receiving a letter from Egidio,
cardinal of Viterbo, to whom he had also transmitted a copy
of his poem, containing the highest commendations both of
the work and its author;10 and as praise is the natural and
proper reward of poetry, Sanazzaro must have been extremely
unreasonable if the reception of his work did not afford him
entire satisfaction.17

That the poem De partu Virginis contains many fine
passages, and exhibits the powers of the author and his com
mand of the Latin language in a more striking point of view
than any of his other Avritings, cannot be denied; and it is
even probable that he chose this subject for the purpose of
displaying the facility with which he could apply the lan
guage and the imagery of paganism to the illustration of the
truths of the Christian creed. But after all, it must be
confessed that he was unfortunate in his choice; and that the
work, if not deserving of reprehension for its impiety, was at
least deserving of it in the estimation of a true and correct
taste. To require the attention of the reader through a poem

* Crispo, Vita del Sanazzaro, 20, et nota C8.

SANAZZARO. 153

containing nearly fifteen hundred lines, to an event over

which the common feelings of mankind have agreed to throw

a respectful veil, is itself injudicious, if not indelicate; but to

expose the mysteries of the Christian faith in the language of

profane poetry; to discuss with particular minuteness the

I circumstances of the miraculous conception and delivery of

! the virgin, and to call upon the heathen deities to guide him

i through all the recesses of the mysterious rite,18 can only

! occasion disgust and horror to the true believer, and afford

the incredulous a subject for ridicule or contempt. Hence it

is probable that the elegies and other pieces of Sanazzaro,

which he has devoted to natural and simple subjects, or to the

commemoration of historical facts and characters, will con-

itinue to interest and delight the reader, when the poem«.De

\partu Virginis will be consulted only as an object of literary

curiosity, or regarded as an instance of the waste of labour

and of the misapplication of genius.

Among the followers of the muses, Sanazzaro may be con
sidered as one of the most fortunate. The destruction of his
beloved villa of Mergoglino, by Philibert, prince of Orange,
on account of its having been occupied as a military station
by the French, is said, however, to have occasioned him
great concern;* but with the exception of this event, amidst
all the convulsions of his country, his talents and integrity
procured for him general respect, and he enjoyed to the close
of hi/ life an honourable independence. His latter years were
past in the pleasant vicinity of Somma, in the society of
Cassandra Marchese, who is the frequent subject of panegyric
in 1 is writings.19 The wishes of the poet, that she might be
pre: 3nt to close his eyes and perform his funeral rites, were
literally fulfilled; and under her care his remains were de
posited in a chapel which he had erected at his villa 01
Mergoglino,20 and where a superb monument was some years
afterwards raised to his memory, on which was inscribed the
following lines by Bembo:

" Da sacro ciueri flores. Hie ille Maroni,
Sincerus, musa proximus ut turaulo."

Fresh flow'rets strew, for Sanazzar lies here,
In genius, as in place, to Virgil near.

* Crispo, Vita del Simazzaro, 28, et nota 75.

154 LIFE OF LEO X.

The extraordinary talents displayed by Sanazzaro in his
Latin compositions, did not, however, secure to him an
uncontested pre-eminence over his contemporaries. Before
he had brought to a conclusion the work on which he meant
to found his poetical reputation, several powerful rivals
arose, one of whom, in particular, produced, under the auspices
of Leo X., a poem of great merit and considerable extent,
which will secure to its author a lasting reputation among the
Latin writers of modern times. This poem is the Christiad
of Vida; a man who may be considered as one of the chief
luminaries of the age in which he lived, and of whose life and
writings a more particular account cannot fail to be generally
interesting.

Marco Girolamo Vida was a native of Cremona. Some
diversity of opinion has arisen as to the time of his birth,
Avhich event has generally been placed about the year 1470,*
whilst some have contended that it could not have occurred
until the year 1490.21 The reasons adduced by different
authors have served to refute the opinions of their opponents
without establishing their own; and as Vida was, as it will
hereafter appear, certainly born some years after the first-
mentioned time, and some years before the latter, his nativity
may be placed with sufficient accuracy about the middle of
these two very distant periods. His family was of respect
able rank, and although his parents were not wealthy, they
were enabled to bestow upon their son a good education, for
which purpose he was successively sent to several of the
learned academies with which Italy was then so well pro
vided.22 The first specimen of the talents of Vida in Latin
poetry appeared in a collection of pieces on the death of the
poet Serafino d'Aquila, which happened in the year 1500;
tOAvards which he contributed two pieces, which were pub
lished in that collection, at Bologna, in the year 1504. In
this publication he is named by his baptismal appellation
Marc- Antonio, which on his entering into regular orders he
changed to that of Marco- Girolamo. The memorable combat
between thirteen French and thirteen Italian soldiers under
the walls of Barletta, in the year 1503, afforded him a subject
for a more extensive work; the loss of which is to be re
gretted, not only as the early production of so elegant a

* De vita et scriptis auctoris. in op. Videe. 1731, ii. App. 154, in not.

GIROLAMO VIDA. 155

writer, but as a curious historical document.'23 After having
made a considerable proficiency in the more serious studies of
philosophy, theology, and political science, he repaired to
Rome, where he arrived in the latter part of the pontificate of
Julius II. and appears to have been a constant attendant on
those literary meetings which were then held in that city, and
were continued in the commencement of the pontificate of
Leo X. Of his larger works, on which his reputation as a
Latin poet is at this day founded, his three books De Arte
Poetica were probably the first produced; and these were
soon afterwards followed by his poem on the growth of silk
worms, entitled Bombyx, and by his Scacchice Ludus, a poem
on the game of chess.* On the last of these poems being
shown to Leo X. he was delighted beyond measure with the
novelty of the subject, and with the dignity, ease, and lucid
arrangement with which it was treated; which appeared to
him almost beyond the reach of human powers, f He there
fore requested to see the author, who was accordingly intro
duced to him by Giammatteo Ghiberti, bishop of Verona,
who appeal's to have been his earliest patron, and whom he
las celebrated in terms of the warmest affection in several of
ais works.24 Vida was received by the pontiff with particular
iistinction and kindness, admitted as an attendant on the
jourt, and rewarded with honours and emoluments;25 but
shat upon which the poet appears chiefly to have congra-
;ulated himself was, that his works were read and approved
the pontiff himself.26 Whether Leo was merely desirous
)f engaging Vida in a subject that might call forth all his
;alents, or whether he wished to raise up a rival to Sanazzaro,
ho he probably suspected was not favourable to his fame,
rtain it is that at his suggestion Vida begun his Christiad,
hich he afterwards completed in six books, but which the
ontiff Avas prevented by his untimely death from seeing
orought to a termination. The future patronage of this
e|vvork was therefore reserved for Clement VII. under whose
uspices it was first published in the year 1535, with an
pologetical advertisement at the close of the work; in which
Jthe author excuses the boldness of his attempt, by informing
..|the reader that he was induced to begin and to persevere in
is undertaking by the solicitations and munificence of the

* Faballi, Orat. de Vida; in Vidoe. Op. App. 143. + IWd.

156 LIFE OF LEO X.

two pontiffs Leo X. and Clement VII., to whose exertions
and liberality he ascribes the revival of literature from its
long state of torpor and degradation.

In order to stimulate the poet to terminate this work, or to
reward him for the progress which he had made in it,
Clement had already raised him to the rank of apostolical
secretary, and in the year 1 532 conferred on him the bishop
ric of Alba. Soon after the death of that pontiff, Vida re
tired to his diocese, and was present at his defence against
the attack of the French, in the year 1542, where his ex
hortations and example animated the inhabitants successfully
to oppose the enemy. After having attended in his episcopal
character at the council of Trent, and taken an active part in
the ecclesiastical and political transactions of the times, he
died at his see of Alba, on the twenty-seventh day of Sep
tember, 1566, more respected for his talents, integrity, and
strict attention to his pastoral duties, than for the wealth
which he had amassed from his preferments.27

Of all the writers of Latin poetry at this period, Vida has
been the most generally known beyond the limits of Italy.
This is to be attributed, not only to the fortunate choice of
his subjects, but to his admirable talent of uniting a consider
able portion of elegance, and often of dignity, with the
utmost facility and clearness of style; insomuch that the most
complex descriptions or abstruse illustrations are rendered by
him perfectly easy and familiar to the reader. Of his Vir-
gilian eclogues, the third and last is devoted to commemorate
the sorrows of Vittoria Colonna, on the death of her beloved
husband, the marquess of Pescara.28 Among his smaller
poems, his verses to the memory of his parents, who both
died about the same time, and while he was engaged* in the
successful pursuit of preferment at Rome, display true pathos
and beautiful images of filial affection.29

The poetics of Vida, to which he is indebted for so con
siderable a part of his reputation, both as a poet and as a
critic, were, on their publication in 1527, addressed by the
author to the dauphin Francis, son of Francis I., at that time
a prisoner with his brother Henry, as an hostage for his
father at the court of Spain ; but this address was not prefixed
until several years after the termination of the work itself,
which was written at Rome, under the pontificate of Leo X.,

GIROLAMO VIDA. 157

and originally inscribed to Angelo Dovizio, nephew of the
cardinal Bernardo da Bibbiena, who afterwards attained also
[the honour of the purple.30 It has, indeed, been supposed,
[that this production was first printed at Cremona, in the year
[1520; and it is certain that the fellow-citizens of Vida had
[requested his permission to make use of this work for the
(instruction of youth, to which he expressed his assent in a
letter which yet remains;31 but although it appears, from the
[archives of Cremona, that it was actmilly ordered to be
printed, yet there is reason to suppose that this order was
pot carried into effect; not a single copy of such an edition
having hitherto occurred to the notice of any bibliographer.
|;The cause of this is, perhaps, to be attributed to Vida him
self, who had in his letter given strict injunctions that his
work should not be made public; and whose subsequent re
monstrances, when he was acquainted with the intentions of
the magistrates of Cremona, may be supposed to have deterred
[them from committing his work to the press.32 The appro
bation which the poetics of Vida had the good fortune to
obtain from the most correct and elegant poet of our own
country, has recommended them to general notice,33 to which
t may be added, that an excellent English critic considers
.hem as the most perfect of all the compositions of their
author, and as " one of the first, if not the very first piece of
criticism, that appeared in Italy since the revival of learning.*34
In his poem of the Christiad, Vida has avoided the error
into which Sanazzaro has fallen, in mingling the profane
'ables of the heathen mythology with the mysteries of the
Ihristian religion; and like Milton, seeks for inspiration only
Ironi the great fountain of life and of truth. Although he
placed Virgil before him. as his principal model, and certainly
regarded him with sentiments next to adoration, as may
appear from the conclusion of the third book of his poetics,
yet he knew how to fix the limits of his imitation; and whilst
he availed himself of the style and manner, and sometimes
even of the language of the great Mantuan, he sought not to
give to his writings a classic air, by the introduction of such
persons and imagery, as could only violate probability, nature,
and truth. Hence, whilst the poem of Sanazzaro seems to

* Wai-ton's Essay on the Genius &c. of Pope.

158 LIFE OF LEO X.

be the production of an idolater, who believes not in the truths
which he affects to inculcate, and frequently verges on the
confines of indecency or incongruity, the writings of Vida
display a sincere and fervent piety, a contempt of meretricious
ornament, and an energetic simplicity of language, which will
secure to them unmingled and lasting approbation.

In the first class of Italian scholars at this period, we may
also confidently place Girolamo Fracastoro; who was not less
distinguished by his skill in medicine and his uncommon
scientific acquirements, than by his great and acknowledged
talents for Latin poetry. He was a native of Verona, where
his ancestors had long held a respectable station. The time
of his birth may be placed with tolerable certainty in the
year 1483. Some peculiar circumstances attended his in
fancy, which his future eminence has perhaps caused to be
more particulai'ly noticed. At the time of his birth, his lips
adhered together in such a manner as scarcely allowed him to
breathe, and a surgical operation became necessary in order •
to remedy the defect. This incident is commemorated in
an epigram of Julius Csesar Scaliger, which may thus be
imitated:35

Thine infant lips, Fracastor, nature seal'd,

But the mute organ favouring Phoebus heal'd.

He broke the charm; and hence to thee belong,

The art of healing, and the power of song.

An awful event, which occurred in the infancy of Fracas
toro, has also been considered as a presage of his future
eminence. Whilst his mother was carrying him in her arms
she was struck dead by lightning, but her child received not
the slightest injury. This singular fact is attested by such
decisive evidence as to place it beyond all reasonable doubt.*

After having received a liberal education in his native
place. Fracastoro repaired to Padua, where he for some time
availed himself of the instructions of the celebrated Pietro
Pomponazzo, and formed a friendly intimacy with several
persons who afterwards rose to great literary eminence. The
authority of his instructor did not, however, lead Fracastoro
to embrace his singular and erroneous opinions in metaphysics,
some of which he afterwards confuted in one of his dialogues,

* Franc. Pola, tip. Meuckeuium, in Vita Fracastorii, p. 30.

GIROLAMO FRACASTORO. 159

[.although without expressly naming his former tutor.* He
early perceived the futility of the barbarous and scholastic
philosophy which Pomponazzo professed, and directed his
whole attention to the cultivation of real science, of natural
knowledge, and of every branch of polite literature. At the
pge of nineteen, he had not only received the laurel, the
[emblem of the highest academical degree at Padua, but was
[appointed professor of logic in that university, which office
lae relinquished a few years afterwards, that he might attend
juvith less interruption to his own improvement. f He at first
[applied himself to the study of medicine rather as a science
[than as a profession ; but afterwards engaged with great
[assiduity in the laborious duty of a physician, and was re
garded as the most skilful practitioner in Italy. His engage
ments, in this respect, did not, however, prevent him from
other pursuits, and his proficiency in mathematics, in cosmo
graphy, in astronomy, and other branches of natural science,
have given just reason to suppose, that no other person in
those times united in himself such a variety of knowledge-!
The irruption of the emperor elect, Maximilian, into Italy, in
the year 1507, and the dangers with which the city of Padua
was threatened, induced Fracastoro, who had then recently
lost his father, to form the intention of taking up his residence
in his native city of Verona, but he was prevailed upon to
change his purpose by the solicitations of the celebrated com
mander, Bartolommeo d'Alviano, who, amidst the tumults of
war, and the incessant occupations of his active life, had never
ceased to cultivate and to encourage literary studies. At his
request, Fracastoro delivered public instructions at the cele
brated academy established by d'Alviano in his town of
Pordonone, in the rugged district of Trevigi; which place,
after having been wrested by him from the emperor, was
given to him by the Venetian senate as an independent
dominion, in which he was succeeded by his son.§ When
that great general was again called into public life, Fracas
toro accompanied him as the associate of his studies, until the
year 1509,3G when, at the fatal battle of Ghiaradadda, d'Al
viano was wounded and taken prisoner by the French. After

* Tirnboschi, vii. i. 203.

t Mafi'ei, Veron. iii. ii. 337. ap. Tirab. (1785,) vii. iii. 293. in not.

+ Tirab. -ut sup. § Alberti, Italia, 175.

160 LIFE OP LEO X.

this event, Fracastoro retired to Verona, and dividing his time
between the city residence, and his retired villa in the moun
tains of Incaffi, devoted himself to scientific and literary
pursuits, and to the composition of those ivorks in various
departments, which have conferred so much honour on his-
memory.

To this period of the life of Fracastoro may be referred
the commencement of his celebrated poem, entitled Syphilis,
sive de Morbo Gallico, which appears from internal evidence
to have been completed under the pontificate of Leo X. In
adopting this subject, it was probably the intention of Fra
castoro to unite his various talents and acquirements in one
great work, which should at once display his extensive know
ledge in the various branches of natural philosophy, his skill
and experience on medical subjects, and his admirable genius
for Latin poetry. The success of his labours proves that he
had neither mistaken nor over-rated his powers, and the appro
bation bestowed from all quarters upon the Syphilis was such,
as no production of modern times had before obtained. This
work he inscribed to Pietro Bembo, then domestic secretary
to Leo X., with whom he had always maintained a friendly
intercourse. In the beginning of the second book he par
ticularly refers to the period at which the poem was written,
and takes a general view of the circumstances of the times,
the calamities that had afflicted Italy, the discoveries of the
East Indies, the recent improvements in natural knowledge,
in which he refers with great approbation to the writings of
Pontano, and to the tranquillity enjoyed under the pontificate
of Leo X.

Nor yet, without the guiding hand of heaven,
To mortal toils are new acquirements given.
For tho' fierce tempests sweep the fields of air,
And stars malignant shed an angry glare ;
Not yet the gracious power his smile denies,
Evinced in happier hours, and purer skies.
— If in new forms a dire disease impend;
In dreadful wars if man with man contend;
If the sad wretch, afar condemri'd to roam,
To hostile bands resign his native home;
If cities blaze, and powerful kingdoms fall,
And heaven's own altars share the fate of all;

FRACASTORO'S " SYPHILIS." 161

If o'er its barrier burst the heaving tide,
And sweep away the peasant's humbler pride ;
Yet even now (forbid to elder times,)
We pierce the ocean to remotest climes ;
Give to the furthest east our keels to roll,
And touch the confines of the utmost pole.
— Nor o'er rude wilds, and dangerous tracks aloner
We make Arabia's fragrant wealth our own ;
But 'midst Hesperia's milder climes, descry
The dusky offspring of a warmer sky;
Midst furthest lud, where Ganges rolls his floods,
And ebon forests wave and spicy woods ;
Where man a different offspring seems to rise ;
And brighter planets roll thro' brighter skies.
Him, too, we boast, great poet, o'er whose song
His own parthenope delighted hung;
With refluent wave whilst smooth Sebeto moves,
And Maro's mighty shade the strain approves
Of all the wandering stars of heaven that told ;
And western groves of vegetable gold.
— But why recount each bard of mighty name,
Who stands recorded in the rolls of fame;
Whom future times shall hail (to merit just)
When their mute ashes slumber in the dust ?
— Yet Bembo, not in silent joy supprest,
Be one great boon ; the latest and the best;
High-minded LKO ; by whose generous cares,
Her head once more imperial Latium rears;
Whilst Tiber, rising from his long repose,
Onward in gratulating murmurs flows.
At his approach each threatening portent flies,
And milder beams irradiate all the skies ;
He calls the muses to their lov'd retreats ;
(Too long sad exiles from their favourite seats)
Gives Rome once more her ancient laws to know,
And truth and right to fix their reign below.
Now greatly just, he rushes on to arms,
As patriot ardour, or religion warms ;
Back towards his source Euphrates rolls his tides,
And Nile his head iu secret caverns hides ;
vEgean Doris seeks her oozy caves,
And Euxine trembles 'midst his restless waves.3r
VOL. II. M

162 LIFE OF LEO X.

The title of this singular poem is derived from the shep
herd Syphilus, who is supposed to have kept the herds of
Alcithous, a sovereign of Atlantis, and who, having become
impatient of the scorching rays of the summer sun, refused,
with impious expressions, to pay his sacrifices to Apollo, but
raising an altar to Alcithous, worshipped that sovereign as
his divinity. Exasperated at this indignity, Apollo infected
the air with noxious vapours, in consequence of which
Syphilus contracted a loathsome disease, which displayed it
self in ulcerous eruptions over his whole body. The means
adopted for his restoration to health, and the circumstances
by which the remedy was communicated to Europe, form a
principal part of the subject of the poem; which throughout
the Avhole displays a degree of elegance and a propriety of
poetical ornament, scarcely to be expected from so un
promising a topic. In relating the discovery of the great
mineral remedy, the powers of which were then well known,
and the use of which is fully explained, the author has in
troduced a beautiful episode, in which he explains the
internal structure of the earth, the great operations of nature
in the formation of metals, and the gloomy splendour of her
subterraneous temples, her caverns, and her mines. This
region he has peopled with poetical beings, among whom the
nymph Lipare presides over the streams of quicksilver, into
which the diseased visitant is directed to plunge himself
thrice, and on his restoration to health, and his return to the
regions of day, not to forget to pay his vows to Diana, and
to the chaste nymphs of the sacred fount.38

It would be tedious, if not impracticable on the present
occasion, to repeat the numerous testimonies of approbation
with which this poem and its author have been honoured, as
well on its first appearance as in subsequent times;39 but the
most decisive proof of its merit is derived from the acknow
ledgment of Sanazzaro, who is generally accused of having
estimated the writings of his contemporaries with an in
vidious severity, but who, on perusing the Syphilis, confessed
that Fracastoro had in this work not only surpassed any of
the writings of Pontano, but even the poem De partu
Virginis, on which he had himself bestowed the labour of
twenty years.*40

* Thuani, Histor. xii. i. 430. Ed. Buckley.

GIROLAMO FRACASTORO. 163

The reputation of Fracastoro as a skilful physician, had,
however, increased no less than his fame as an elegant poet;
and besides being resorted to by great numbers for his assist
ance, he was frequently obliged to quit his retreat, for the
purpose of attending on his particular friends, among whom
were many men of rank and eminence in different parts of
Italy.41 By the desire of Paul III., he attended also in his
medical character at the council of Trent, and it was prin
cipally by his advice that the session was removed from that
city to Bologna.*42 The fatigues of his public life were,
however, compensated by the pleasures which he found on
his return to his villa, in the society of Giammatteo Ghiberti,
who then resided at his bishopric of Verona, and expended
his large revenues in the encouragement of learning and
learned men; and by the occasional visits of the most cele
brated scholars from different parts of Italy. Among these
were Marc-Antonio Flaminio, Andrea Navagero, Giovan-
Battista Rannusio, and the three brothers of the Torriani, all
of whom he has celebrated in his writings, some of which are
also devoted to the praises of the cardinal Alessandro Far-
nese, to whom he dedicated his treatise in prose, De morbis
contagiosis. The smaller poems of Fracastoro, in which he
frequently refers to his beloved villa, to his mode of life, his
literary associates, and his domestic concerns, are peculiarly
interesting, and place him both as a man and an author in
the most advantageous light.43 The detached pieces of a few
lines, to each of which he has given the title of Incidens,
may be regarded as so many miniature pictures, sketched
with all the freedom of the Italian, and finished with all the
correctness of the Flemish school. His sacred poem entitled
Joseph, which he began in his advanced years and did not
live to terminate, is sufficiently characteristic of his talents;
although not considered as equal to the more vigorous pro
ductions of his youth. His specimens of Italian poetry are
too few to add to his reputation, but will not derogate from
the high character which he has by his various other labours
so .'deservedly attained.

The death of Fracastoro was occasioned by an apoplexy,
and occurred at his villa of Incaffi, in the year 1553; he

* Tirab. vii. ii. 294.
M2

164 LIFE OF LEO X.

being then upwards of seventy years of age.44 A splendid
monument was erected to his memory in the cathedral of
Verona; besides which he was honoured, by a public decree
of the city, with a statue, which was accordingly erected at
the common expense. A similar testimony of respect was
paid to his memory at Padua, where the statue of Fracastoro
and another of Navagero were erected by their surviving
friend Giovan-Battista Rannusio.45 Of the prose composi
tions and scientific labours of Fracastoro, a further account
will occur in the sequel of the present work.

Among the learned friends of Bembo and Fracastoro, who
by their character and writings did honour to the age, no one
held a higher rank than Andrea Navagero. He was born of
a patrician family at Venice, in the year 1483,* and from
his childhood gave indications of that extraordinary proficiency
to which he afterwards attained. So retentive was his
memory, and so highly was he delighted with the writings of
the Latin poets, that whilst yet very young, he was accus
tomed to recite pieces of great length, which from his fine
voice and correct pronunciation acquired additional interest.
His first instructor Avas the eminent Antonio Cocci, called
Sabellicus, and author of the earliest history of Venice; but
the assiduous perusal of the ancient authors refined his taste
and improved his judgment much more than the precepts of
his teacher; and his proficiency was manifested by his com
mitting to the flames several of his poems, which he had
written in his early youth in imitation of the Sylvce of Statius,
but of which he could not in his maturer estimation approve.46
On the arrival of Marcus Musurus at Venice, Navagero be
came one of his most assiduous pupils, and, by his indefa
tigable attention, acquired such a thorough acquaintance with
the Greek tongue, as enabled him not only to understand the
authors in that language, but to perceive their most refined
excellences, and convert them to his use in his own writings.*
For this purpose, it was his custom not only to read,
but to copy the works of the authors whom he studied,
and this task lie had executed more than once in the writings
of Pindar, which he always held in the highest admiration.47
Not confining himself, however, to the study of languages-

* ,T. A.Vulpius, in Vita Naugerii, esjud. op. praef. 10. Ed. Coinino. 1718.
+ Vulpius in Vita Naugerii, 14.

ANDREA NAVAGERO. 165

and the cultivation of his taste, he repaired to Padua for the
purpose of obtaining instructions in philosophy and eloquence
from Pietro Pomponazzo; and it was in that distinguished
seminary of learning that he formed connexions of friendship
with Fracastoro, Rannusio, the three brothers of the Torriani,
and other men of rank and eminence, which continued un
broken throughout the rest of his life. On his return to
Venice he became one of the most able and active supporters
of the academy of Aldo Manuzio, and was indefatigable in
collecting manuscripts of the ancient authors, several of
whose works were published with his emendations and notes,
in a more correct and elegant form than they had before ap
peared.48 It was, indeed, chiefly by his exhortations that
Aldo was induced, amidst all the calamities of the times, to
persevere in his useful undertaking;* and the obligations
which this great scholar and eminent artist owed to Navagero
are expressed in several dedicatory epistles, addressed to him
with a warmth of gratitude that evinces the deep sense which
Aldo entertained of his merits and his services. An infirm
state of health, occasioned by incessant study, rendered some
relaxation necessary, and Navagero, therefore, accompanied
his great patron d'Alviano to his academy at Pordonone,
where he had an opportunity of enjoying once more the
society of his friend Fracastoro,49 and where he some time
afterwards delivered public instructions. The high repu
tation which he had now acquired induced the senate to
recal him to Venice, and to intrust to him the care of the
library of cardinal Bessarion,50 and the task of continuing
the history of the republic of Venice, from the termination
of the work of his preceptor Sabellicus.51 It soon, however,
appeared that the talents of Navagero were not confined to
the study of literature, but were equally calculated for the
service of his country in the most difficult and honourable
departments of the state. In the year 1523, after the battle
of Pavia, in which Francis I. was made prisoner, he was
dispatched, as the ambassador of the republic to the emperor
Charles V. in Spain, and was absent from his country nearly
four years. Soon after his return to Venice,52 he was sent
-as ambassador to Francis I., who then held his court at

* Alcli Ep. ad Nauger. Pindari Ed. prsef. Yen. 1513.

166 LIFE OF LEO X.

Blois, where he died in the year 1529, being then only in
the forty-sixth year of his age.* Of the cause of the death
of Navagero, of his character and acquirements, and of the
fate of his writings, a particular account is introduced by
Fracastoro in his treatise De morbis contaglosis ;\ which,
whilst it records a very singular medical fact, confers equal
honour on the characters of both these illustrious scholars.
After adverting to a species of putrid fever which appeared
in Italy in the year 1505, and again in 1528, and which was
attended with an eruption of efflorescent pustules, Fracastoro
observes, that many persons who had left Italy and travelled
into countries where this fever was not before known, had,
after their departure, been affected by it, as if they had
before received the infection of the disease. " This," says
he, " happened to Andrea Navagero, ambassador from the
Venetian republic to Francis I., who died of this disease in
a country where such a complaint was not known even by
name; a man of such abilities and acquh'ements, that for
many years the literary world has not sustained so great a
loss; for not only was he accomplished in every branch of
useful science, but highly qualified to the service of his
country in the most important concerns. Amidst the most
imminent dangers of the republic, and when all Europe was
embroiled in war, Navagero had scarcely returned from his
embassy to the emperor Charles V., by whom he was highly
esteemed for his distinguished virtues, than he was sent as
ambassador to Francis I. The state of affairs admitted of
no delay. The emperor was expected to arrive in Italy in
the course of the summer to renew the war; and early in the
year Navagero set out with fatal speed, by post-horses for
France. Soon after his arrival at Blois, and after having
had a few interviews with the king, he was, however, seized
with the disorder that caused his death; an event that occa
sioned the utmost grief to all men of learning, to the French
nation, and to the king himself, who was an earnest promoter
of literature, and who gave directions that his obsequies
should be performed with great pomp. His body being
brought to Venice, as he had by will directed, was there
interred with his ancestors." — " The same good fortune that

* Vulpius, in Vita Nauger. p. 24.

t Fracastorii op. 87. Ed. ap. Juntas, 1574.

ANDREA NAVAGERO. 167

had distinguished his public negotiations, did not, however,
attend Navagero in his domestic concerns. Notwithstanding
his great talents and great activity, he was so fully occupied
with the affairs of the state, that he could scarcely devote
any time to his studies. His correct judgment led him to
appreciate with severity his own productions, and having
formed an idea that they were not sufficiently revised and
polished to be published, without detracting from the high
reputation which he had obtained among the learned of
almost all nations, he committed ah1 the writings which he
had with him to the flames. Among these were his books
De Venatione, or on hunting, elegantly written in heroic
verse, in compliment to Bartolommeo d'Alviano; and
another work which I have seen, De situ Orbis; and not to
dwell upon his oration to the memory of Catharina queen of
Cyprus, daughter of the senator Marco Cornaro, and other
pieces which were then destroyed, how shall we sufficiently
regret the loss of that excellent history, which he had under
taken at the request of the senate, and which he had with
great assiduity completed from the arrival of Charles VIII.
in Italy to his own times? For this we must not, however,
presume to blame the author, but must acknowledge with the
poet, that,

" Ducunt volentem fata, nolentem trahunt.
Fate leads the willing, drags th' unwilling on.

The orations of Navagero on the death of d'Alviano, and
of the doge Loredano, which are distinguished by all the
beauty of antiquity, and a few poems which were privately
copied by his friends, and may be considered as the gleanings
of his funeral pile, have, however, been published, and will
demonstrate the exalted genius and great learning of Nava
gero to all future times."53

To the credit of Navagero, it may be, with truth, observed,
that all his writings are perfectly free from that point and
antithesis which is the common subterfuge of inferior talents,
but which true genius spurns with an indignant feeling. Not
satisfied, however, with the example afforded his countrymen
in his own writings, he gave a striking proof of his aversion
to a false and affected taste, by annually devoting to the
flames a copy of the works of Martial,54 whom he prob ably

168 LIFE OF LEO X.

considered as the chief corrupter of that classical purity
which distinguished the writers of the Augustan age.

From the great names of Fracastoro and Navagero, that of
Marc- Antonio Flaminio ought not to be far divided ; not only
on account of the great similarity of studies and of taste, but
of the uninterrupted friendship and affection which subsisted
among these distinguished men, whom posterity ought to
regard as patterns of human excellence. The family name
of Flaminio was Zarrabini, which had been exchanged by
hie father Gian- Antonio, on his entering into a literary society
at Venice, for that of Flaminio. Gian-Antonio was himself
a scholar of acknowledged merit, and a professor of belles-
lettres in different academies of Italy; but although he has
left favourable specimens of his proficiency both in prose and
verse,55 his own reputation is almost lost in the additional
lustre which he derives from that of his son, whose honours
lie lived many years to enjoy. A short time before the close
of the fifteenth century, Gian-Antonio had quitted his native
city of Imola, and taken up his residence at Serravalle, where
Marc -Antonio was born in the year 1498.5ti Under the
constant care and instructions of the father, the happy dispo
sition and docile genius of the son were so early and so highly
cultivated, that when he had attained the age of sixteen,
his father determined to send him to Rome, for the purpose
of presenting to the supreme pontiff, Leo X., a poem exhorting
him to make war against the Turks, and a critical work under
the title of Annotationum Sylvce."1 On this occasion Gian-
Antonio addressed a letter to the pope, and another to the
cardinal Marco Cornaro; by whom, and by the cardinal of
Aragon, Marc-Antonio was introduced to the pontiff, who
received him with great kindness, and listened with apparent
satisfaction to the compositions which he read. After bestow
ing on Marc- Antonio distinguished proofs of his liberality,
he sent to his father to request that he would permit him to
remain at Rome, where he would himself provide him with
suitable instructors; but Gian-Antonio, who appears to have
attended no less to the morals than to the literary acquirements
of his son, probably thought him too young to be released
from his paternal guidance, and it is certain, that on this
occasion Marc-Antonio did not long reside at Rome. He
soon afterwards, however, paid another visit to the pontiff,

MARC-ANTONIO FLAMINIO. 169

and was received by him at his villa at Malliana. Leo again
expressed himself highly gratified with his young visitor, and
promised to remember him on his return to Rome. Accord
ingly, soon after the return of Leo to the city, he sent for
Marc- Antonio, and rewarded him for his uncommon talents
and early acquirements, with that liberality which he always
showed towards men of learning, at the same time addressing
him in the language of the poet,

" Macte nova virtute, puer ; sic itur ad astra."* 3S

The pontiff was also desirous of ascertaining whether the
elegance of taste displayed by Flaminio was accompanied by
an equal solidity of judgment ; for which purpose he proposed
to him several questions, which he debated with him at great
length in the presence of some of the cardinals. In the
course of this conversation, Flaminio gave such proofs of his
good sense and penetration, as equally surprised and delighted
all who heard him;t in consequence of which the cardinal of
Aragon wrote to Gian-Antonio Flaminio a letter of congra
tulation. J It appears to have been the intention of the elder
Flaminio that his son should return to him at Imola, but the
kindness and honours bestowed on Marc-Antonio at Rome,
induced his father to grant him permission to remain there ;
where, by the directions of the pope, he for some time en
joyed the society, and availed himself of the instructions of
the celebrated Raffaello Brandolini.59 This indulgence on
the part of his father afforded Flaminio an opportunity of
making an excursion to Naples, where he formed a personal
acquaintance with Sanazzaro, whom he always highly honoured,
and which was perhaps the principal inducement to him to
undertake the journey. §

In the year 1515, Flaminio accompanied the count Bal-
dassare Castiglione to Urbino, where he continued to reside
for some months, and was held in the highest esteem by that
accomplished nobleman for his amiable qualities and great
endowments, but particularly for his early and astonishing
talents for Latin poetry.00 The care of his father was not,
however, yet withdrawn; towards the close of the last-men
tioned year, he called his son from Urbino, and sent him to

* Joan- Anton. Flam. Epist. in Op. M. A. Flamin. 297.

+ J. Ant. Flamin. Ep, ut sup. Tiraboschi, \ii. iii. 2.r)9. J Ib. § Ib.

170 LIFE OF LEO X.

Bologna, to attend to the study of philosophy, preparatory to
his making choice of the profession which he meant to adopt.
Nor was he deterred from this measure by the solicitations of
Beroaldo, who proposed on the part of Sadoleti, to associate
Marc-Antonio with him in the honourable office of pontifical
secretary. The refusal of so respectable and advantageous
an employment for a young man on his entrance into public
life is remarkable, and might induce a suspicion that either
the father or the son did not approve of the morals and
manners of the Roman court, or had not been fully satisfied
with the conduct of the pontiff; a suspicion that may perhaps
receive some confirmation by observing that Marc- Antonio
has not, throughout all his poetical Avorks, introduced the
praises or even the name of Leo X. However this may be,
it is certain, that after his residence at Bologna, he again re
turned to Eome, and formed an intimacy with those illustrious
scholars who rendered that city the centre of literature and
of taste.* Without devoting himself to any lucrative profes
sion, he for some years attached himself to the cardinal de'
Sauli, whom he accompanied on a journey to Geneva, and
enjoyed with him the society of several eminent scholars, who
formed a kind of academy at his villa. After the death of the
cardinal, Flaminio resided with the prelate Giammatteo
Ghiberti, either at Padua, or at his see of Verona, where he
secured the friendship of Fracastoro and Navagero; a friend
ship of the most disinterested and affectionate kind, as appears
from many passages in their writings.

About the close of the year 1538, Flaminio was induced
by a long continued and dangerous indisposition, to pay an
other visit to Naples, where he remained about three years,
and by the relaxation which he obtained from his studies, and
the alternate enjoyment of the city and the country, recovered
his former health.61 Whilst at Naples, he was appointed to
attend the cardinal Contareni to the congress held at Worms,
in 1540; but his infirmities would not permit him to under
take the journey. f On quitting Naples he repaired to
Viterbo, where the cardinal Reginald Pole then resided as
pontifical legate, and where Flaminio lived on terms of the
most friendly intimacy with that prelate, who greatly distin-

* Tiraboscki, vii. iii. 260. f Ib. 265.

MARC-ANTONIO FLAMINIO. 171

guished himself by his munificent patronage of the learned
men of his time. He also accompanied the cardinal to the
council of Trent, in which the cardinal was appointed to preside
as one of the pontifical legates, and where the important office
of secretary to the council was offered to Flaminio, who, by
his declining it, as well as by other parts of his conduct, and
the tenor of some of his writings, gave rise to suspicions that
he was inclined towards the opinions of the reformers. This
imputation has occasioned considerable discussion between
the papal and protestant writers, which demonstrates, at least,
the earnest desire entertained by each of the contending par
ties to rank as their adherent a man so distinguished by his
accomplishments, and whose virtue and piety were no less
conspicuous than his talents.*52 Certain it is that no person
of his time conciliated in so eminent a degree the respect and
affection of all those who were capable of appreciating real
merit; and the sincerity of their esteem was often displayed
in acts of kindness which did equal honour to his patrons and
himself. The important benefits conferred upon him by the
cardinal Alessandro Farnese, who restored to him his paternal
inheritance, of which he had been unjustly deprived, are
acknowledged in many parts of his works. The cardinal
Ridolfo Pio also increased his possessions, and from the car
dinals Sforza and Accolti he received similar marks of atten
tion and esteem.*

The death of Flaminio, which happened at Rome, in the
year 1550, occasioned the sincerest grief to all the friends of
literature. Of the numerous testimonies of affection, of
respect, of admiration, and of grief, which were poured out
by the scholars of Italy on this occasion, many have been
collected by the editors of his works, and to these many others
might yet be added from the writings of his contemporaries.
But his own productions remain, and it is to these only
that posterity will resort for an impartial estimate of his
merits. The chief part of these are collected in eight books
of Latin poems, and consist of odes, eclogues, hymns, elegies,
and epistles to his friends. He appears never to have had
the ambition to attempt any work of considerable length; yet
if we may be allowed to judge from the vigour with which

* Flamiuii Carm. i. 17, 22, 29, &c. ii. 10. v. 2. \u. 42.

172 LIFE OF LEO X.

he always supports himself, he might with safety have ven
tured on a longer flight. It is difficult to determine in what
department of poetry he most excels. In his odes he has
caught the true spirit of Horace. His elegies, among which
that on his own sickness and that on his journey to Naples
are pre-eminently beautiful, may rank with the most
finished remains of Tibullus; hut if a preference be due to
any part of his writings above the rest, it may perhaps be
given to his Hendecasyllabi and Iambics, in which he displays
a simplicity and a pathos which seem to exhibit the real cha
racter of his mind. It is in these pieces, not the cold and
laboured productions of the head, but written warm from the
heart, that we are to trace that affection to his friends, that
gratitude to his benefactors, that engaging tenderness of [sen
timent, which, united with a lively fancy and exhibited with
the utmost grace and elegance of expression, secured to him
the love and admiration of all his contemporaries, and will
never fail to conciliate a sincere esteem for his memory in all
those who enjoy the pleasure of an acquaintance with his
works.

Among the particular friends of Fracastoro, Navagero,
and Flaminio, many of whom contributed by their own pro
ductions to give additional lustre to the literature of the age,
may be enumerated the three brothers of the Capilupi, Lelio,
Ippolito. and Camillo of Mantua, all of whom distinguished
themselves by their talents for Latin poetry, no less than by
their various other accomplishments;03 Trifone Benzio of
Assisi, an Italian poet, who, by the elegance of his writings,
and the philosophic firmness of his mind, alleviated the mis
fortune of his personal defects;04 Achille Bocchi, called
Philerote, deeply skilled in the Greek and Hebrew tongues,
and well-known by his elegant book of symbols,05 and by his
other poems; Gabriello Faerno, whose Latin fables are
written with such classical purity, as to have given rise to an
opinion that he had discovered and fraudulently availed him
self of some of the unpublished works of Phredrus;* Onorato
Fascitelli,00 and Basilio Zanchi,07 two Latin poets, whose writ
ings are deservedly ranked among the best productions of the
age; Benedetto Lampridio, no less to be esteemed for the ser-

* Tirab. vii. iii. 249.

CHARACTER OF THE LITERARY MIND OF THE PERIOD. 173

rices rendered by him to the cause of literature, as an excellent
preceptor, than for his Latin poems, in which lie is considered
as the first who emulated with any degree of success the
flights of Pindar;* Adamo Fumani, of whom many produc
tions remain, in Greek, Latin, and Italian, and whose poem
on the rules of logic, in five books, is mentioned by Tiraboschi
in terms of the highest applause;*58 and the three brothers of
the Torriani, who, although not celebrated by their own
writings, were eminent promoters of literature, and main
tained a strict intimacy with most of the learned men of the
time.f

It would be unjust to the characters of the illustrious
scholars before-mentioned, and particularly of Fracastoro,
Flaminio, Navagero, and Vida, to close this brief account
without adverting to some circumstances which apply to them
in common, and which confer the highest honour on their
memory. Although they devoted their talents to the cultiva
tion of the same department of literature, yet so far were they
from being tainted in the slightest degree with that envy
which has too often infected men of learning, and led them
to regard the productions of their contemporaries with a
jaundiced eye, that they not only passed their lives in habits
of the strictest friendship, but admired and enjoyed the lite
rary productions of each other, with a warmth and a sincerity
which were at once a proof of the correctness of their judg
ment and of the liberality of their minds. This admiration
they were not more ready to feel than to express; and their
works abound with passages devoted to the commemoration
of their friendship, and to the mutual commendation of their
talents and writings. This example extended to their con
temporaries, and humanized and improved the character of
the age; insomuch that the scholars of the time of Leo X.
were not more superior to those of the fifteenth century in
the proficiency made in the liberal studies, than in the
urbanity of their manners, the candour of their judgment,
and the generous desire of promoting the literary reputation
of each other. Hence it is further to be observed, that these

* Tirab. vii. iii. 221.

f See Fracastor. Dialog, cui tit. Turrius, sive de Intellectione, in op. 121.
Ed. Ginnti, 1574. Ejusd. Carm. ii. iii. viii. xiv. xvi. xvii. in op. i. Nava-
geri, veris descriptio. iu op. Comin. 199. Flaminii, Carm. passim.

174 LIFE OF LEO X.

authors have never dipped their pens in the gall of satire,
or degraded their genius by combining its efforts with those
of malignity, of jealousy, of arrogance, or of spleen. Not
confining their talents to the cloistered recesses of learned
indolence, they obtained by their conduct in public life the
esteem and confidence of their fellow-citizens; whilst their
hours of leisure were devoted to the cultivation of the severer
sciences, and enlivened by those poetical effusions to which
they are now indebted for the chief part of their fame. The in
trinsic merit and classical purity of their writings are rendered
yet more estimable, by the strict attention to decency and
moral propriety which they uniformly display; and which,
added to the consideration of the ease and simplicity with
which they are written, might justly entitle them to a pre
ference even to the remains of many of the ancient authors,
in promoting the education of youth.69

In no part of Italy, however, was the cultivation of Latin
poetry attended to with such assuidity as in the city of Rome,
to which place almost all the learned men from every part of
Europe occasionally resorted, and where many of them fixed
their constant residence. Among those who appear to have
enjoyed in an eminent degree the favour and confidence of
the supreme pontiff, we may particularly distinguish Guido
Postumo Silvestri of Pesaro; who Avas born in that city, of a
noble or a respectable family, in the year 1479.70 His father,
Guido Silvestri, having died before the birth of his son, his
mother gave to her offspring the appellation of her deceased
husband, with the addition of that of Postumo. His early
education was superintended by Gian-Francisco Superchio,
Proposto of the cathedral of Pesaro, better known by the
name of Philomuso,71 and by Gabriel Foschi, afterwards
appointed by Julius II. archbishop of Durazzo.72 He then
repaired to the academy of Padua, where having pursued his
studies during two years, he married at the early age of nine
teen a lady of whom he was deeply enamoured, and whom he
has frequently celebrated in his writings under the name of
Fannia* The death of his beloved consort, which happened
within the short space of three years after her marriage,
whilst it appears to have affected him with sincere sorrow,

* Elegia, ii. 4G, 47, 53, &c.

POSTUMO SILVESTRI. 175

afforded him an additional topic for the exercise of his poetical
talents.* He now quitted the city of Padua, and engaged in
the service of Giovanni Sforza, lord of Pesaro, on whose
behalf he interested himself with great warmth when that
prince was attacked by Caesar Borgia. On this occasion,
Postumo expressed his resentment against the family of Bor
gia in some sarcastic verses; in consequence of which he was
soon afterwards deprived of his possessions, and might have
considered himself as sufficiently fortunate in having escaped
with his life from the effects of their resentment.73 On his
expulsion from his native place, he repaired to Modena,
where he was appointed preceptor to the young nobles of the
family of Rangone, the sons of Bianca, daughter of Giovanni
Bentivoglio of Bologna; and by her recommendation he was
nominated as one of the professors of the celebrated academy
of Bologna, from whence he was, however, soon afterwards
expelled, in consequence of the dissensions between the family
of Bentivoglio and the pontiff Julius II. f Having taken an
active pai't in the wars which desolated Italy, and in which
he obtained great credit by his military talents, he was, in
the year 1510, whilst commanding a troop of Bolognese in the
service of the Bentivoli, made prisoner by the papal troops,
and committed by Julius II. to close confinement. As Pos
tumo had long been the avowed adversary of the Roman see,
and had attacked the character of the pontiff in his writings,
he conceived himself on this occasion to be in great danger,
and endeavoured to mitigate the anger of the pope in a sup
plicatory elegiac poem, which yet remains, and which probably
obtained him his liberty.^:

From this time the life of Postumo appears to have been
more tranquil. Having throughout the whole course of his
studies paid particular attention to medicine, he was, in the
year 1510, appointed by the duke of Ferrara, professor of
that science and of philosophy in the university of Ferrara,
where he remained about six years. § This situation he
probably quitted for the purpose of superintending the educa-

* Ad illust. Comitem Hannibalem Eaug. Prorempticon. El. i. '-24.
+ Boiiamini, Memorie tli Guid. Postumo. 13.

| Ad Julium Secundum, Pont, lit subjectis et victis parcat hostibus.
Eleg. i. 10.

§ Bouamini, Memorie Intoriclie, IT.

176 LIFE OF LEO X.

tion of Guidubaldo, the infant son of Francesco Maria, duke
of TJrbino; as it appears, that on the attack made upon the
territories of that prince by Leo X., Postumo was sent with
his young charge to the fortress of S. Leo, as to a place of
perfect safety. Of this fortress it has been suggested that
Postumo held the chief command, when it was captured in
the year 1517, by the joint efforts of the pontifical and
Florentine troops; but of this the evidence is too slight to be
relied on.74 It is, however, highly probable that he was here
made a prisoner, since we find him in the same year at Rome;
but in whatever character he first made his appearance there,
it is certain that he was treated by Leo X. with particular
attention and kindness, which he has endeavoured to repay by
recording the praises of that pontiff in many parts of his
works.75 Among these commendatory pieces, the elegiac
poem in which he compares the happiness enjoyed under the
pontificate of Leo X. with the wretched state of Italy, under
his predecessors Alexander VI. and Julius II. is deserving of
particular notice. By the generosity of Leo X. Postumo was
enabled to restore his family mansion at Pesaro to its former
splendour; a circumstance which he has not failed to record
in his writings. In the amusements of the chase, of which
Leo so eagerly partook, Postumo was his frequent associate,
and one of the most finished poems of this author is devoted
to commemorate the various incidents which attended an
excursion made by the pontiff to his villa at Palo, for the
purpose of enjoying this amusement, on which occasion he
was accompanied by the foreign ambassadors, and the pre
lates and nobles of his court. The tranquillity and hap
piness which Postumo now enjoyed, were, however, inter
rupted by the infirm state of his health, which some of
his contemporaries attributed to the luxurious banquets of
which he partook in the pontifical palace,* but which others
have supposed to have been the effects of his military
fatigues on a constitution naturally weak.f In hopes of de
riving some advantage from change of air, he retired to the
pleasant villa of Capranica, in company with his former
pupil, the cardinal Ercolo Rangone, whence he addressed to
Leo X. an elegiac poem, which is conjectured to be the last

* Gyrald, de poet suorum. temp, in Op. ii. 538.
•(• Bonamini, Mem. Istoriche, 29.

GIOVANNI MOZZARELLO. 177

of his productions; as he died at this place only a short time
time befoi'e the pontiff, in the year 152 1.76

Of the merit of the writings of Postumo very different
opinions have been entertained. That they are to be ranked
with the polished productions of Fracastoro, of Vida, and of
Flaminio, cannot, indeed, be asserted; but they frequently
exhibit passages of considerable merit, and are, on the pre
sent occasion, entitled to particular notice, as having preserved
to us many circumstances of the private life and character of
LeoX.

Among those who contributed by their wit and vivacity to
the amusement of the pontiff in his hours of leisure, was
Giovanni Mozzarello, a native of Mantua; but Leo had suffi
cient discernment to perceive that Mozzarello, although very
young, possessed superior talents, which amidst his apparent
negligence he had cultivated with uncommon application. By
his cheerful and friendly disposition, and the facility and
elegance which he displayed both in his Latin and Italian
writings, he conciliated, in an eminent degree the favour of
almost all the eminent scholars who then adorned the Roman
court.77 After having for some time observed his character,
and experienced his attachment, Leo removed him from the
dissipation of the city, and appointed him governor of the
fortress of Mondolfo, the income of which office afforded him
an ample competency, with sufficient leisure for the prosecu
tion of his studies.* In this situation he undertook an epic
poem, entitled Porsenna, which he was probably prevented
from terminating by an untimely and calamitous death; having
been found, after he had been sought for in vain upwards of
a month, suffocated, with his mule, at the bottom of a well;f
a circumstance which confirmed the suspicions before enter
tained, that his death was occasioned by the barbarity and
resentment of those persons over whom he was appointed to
preside. This event affected his numerous friends with real
sorrow; and Bembo, in particular, has, in several letters to
the cardinal da Bibbiena, lamented his fate in terms of the
warmest affection and the sincerest regret.78 Under the
name of Mutius Arelius, by which he chose to distinguish
himself, Mozzarello produced several works, some of which

* Valerian, de Literator. infel. i. 34. t Ib.

VOL. II. N

178 LIFE OF LEO X.

are yet preserved in the Italian libraries,79 whilst others, as
well Latin as Italian, have been published in different collec
tions, and are entitled to no inconsiderable share of approba
tion.80

The efforts of the Italian Improvvisatori were emulated by
the extemporary recitations of the Latin poets; and when
Leo was not detained by the correct and classical productions
of Vida, of Bembo, of Fracastoro, or of Flaminio, he might
listen with satisfaction to the spontaneous effusions of Bran-
dolini, of Morone, or of Querno, who often attended him
during his convivial entertainments, and poured out their
verses on such subjects as the occasion supplied, or were
suggested to them by the pontiff; who hesitated not at some
times to lay aside his dignity, and take a part himself in the
entertainment.81 Nor ought we to conclude, as it has too
generally been supposed, that these were always the illiterate
efforts of men without talents and without education. Although
recited extempore, it was required by the pontiff that the
verse should not only be applicable, but correct; and Brando-
lini has, in particular, left several works, which prove him to
have been a man of real learning.82 To the favours conferred
upon him at Naples by Charles VIII., in the year 1495, we
have before had occasion to refer, and he appears to have
attached himself to the cardinal Giovanni de' Medici before
his elevation to the pontificate.83 Soon after that event,
Brandolini took up his residence at Rome, where he had
apartments allotted him in the pontifical palace, and acquired
in an eminent degree the favour and friendship of the pope. S4
These obligations he has in some degree repaid, in his elegant
dialogue, entitled Leo, to which we have had frequent occasion
to refer in the course of the present work,85 and where the
author has preserved many curious particulars respecting that
pontiff, and thrown considerable light on the general history
of the times.

Andrea Marone, another favourite attendant of Leo X.,
was a native of Brescia, and had passed some part of his
youth in the court of Ferrara, under the protection of the
cardinal Ippolito d'Este. On the journey which the cardinal
undertook into Hungary, Marone expressed a desire of ac-

* Foliazzi, in Vita Eapb. Brandolini, 47. Ed. Yen/ 1?D3.

ANDREA MARONE. 179

companying him, and on his being refused, quitted Ferrara,
and repaired to the court of Rome.* The facility and
promptitude with which Marone expressed himself in Latin
verse on any subject that could be proposed to him, surprised
and delighted all his auditors. His recitals were accompanied
by the music of his viol, and as he proceeded he seemed
continually to improve in facility, elegance, enthusiasm, and
invention. The fire of his eyes, the expression of his
countenance, the rising of his veins, all bespoke the emo
tions with which he was agitated, and kept his hearers
in suspense and astonishment, f Having been desired, at
a solemn entertainment given by the pontiff to several of
the ambassadors of foreign powers, to deliver extempore
verses on the league which was then forming against the
Turks, he acquitted himself in such a manner as to obtain the
applause of the whole assembly,86 and the pope immediately
afterwards presented him with a benefice in the diocese of
Capua. On the celebration of the feast of Cosmo and Damiano,
the tutelar saints of the family of Medici, a subject was pro
posed by the pope, on which all those who aspired to the
character of extempore Latin poets were to display their
talents, and contend for superiority. Notwithstanding many
learned competitors appeared, the prize was adjudged to
Marone; but the circumstance that conferred on him the
highest honour, was, that on this occasion Brandolini was
one of his unsuccessful rivals.87 Of the Latin poetry of
Marone, very few specimens have been preserved ;88 but
the commendations bestowed upon his extemporary effu
sions by Jovius, Valerianus, and others, may be admitted as
a sufficient proof of his extraordinary endowments, and of
the wonderful effects which they were accustomed to pro
duce upon the learned audience by which he was generally
surrounded.89

The arch-poet, Camillo Querno, was also an extempore
reciter of Latin verse, and his talents in this department have
met with high commendation from some of his contempo
raries.90 whilst others have attributed the applauses which he
received rather to his unblushing assurance than to his extra-

* Calcagnini Carm. 172. ap. Tirab. vii. iii. 211.
f Jov. iu Elog. Ixxii.

N 2

180 LIFE OF LEO X.

ordinary merits.* On the first arrival of Querno at Rome,
he brought with him from Monopoli, in the kingdom of
Naples, of which place he was a native, an epic poem, enti
tled Alexias, consisting of twenty thousand verses. With
this and his lyre he presented himself at the literary meetings
of the Roman scholars, who soon perceived that he was well
qualified to afford them a rich fund of entertainment. A day
was appointed on which Querno should recite his poem, for
which purpose his auditors repaired to a small island in the
Tiber. Here he alternately drank and sang; and after he
had proved himself equally qualified for either of these tasks,
a crown of a new kind was prepared for him, interwoven with
the leaves of vine, of cabbage, and of laurel, which was im
mediately placed on his head, and he was saluted by his
companions with the title of Archipoeta.^ This incident soon
reached the ears of the pontiff, who was highly delighted
with it, and desired that the arch-poet might be introduced to
him without delay. From this time he became a frequent
attendant on the convivial entertainments of the pope, who
usually sent him a portion from his table, which he consumed
with a voracity equal to that of the heroes of Homer; but the
wine was brought to him only on the condition of his reciting
a certain number of stanzas, and if he made an error, either
in sense or in measure, it was mixed with a due proportion of
water.91 On some occasions, Leo is said to have amused him
self with replying to Querno. Of this instances have been
preserved, which, if authentic, sufficiently show that in the
extempore recitation of Latin verse, the pontiff possessed a
facility not inferior to that, with the display of which in
others he was himself so highly delighted.92

In the same class with Querno may be placed Giovanni
Gazoldo and Girolamo Britonio, both of whom aspired to the
character of extemporary Latin poets, and if they failed in
obtaining the applause, frequently provoked the laughter of
the pope and his attendants. These exhibitions were, how
ever, carried sometimes beyond the bounds of jocularity.
Gazoldo is said to have received a reward for his bad verses
in a serious bastinado, bestowed upon him by the orders of
the supreme pontiff, and the arch-poet was so disfigured by a

* Gyrnldi de Poet, suorum. temp. + Jov. in Elog. Ixxxii.

BARABALLO DI GAETA. 181

wound given him in the face, by some person who had taken
offence at his intemperance and gluttony, that he was deterred
from attending the banquets of the pontiff so frequently as he
had before been accustomed to do.93 Several other persons
are mentioned by Jovius as having contributed to the hilarity
of the pontiff in his festive hours, among whom was Giovan-
Francesco, one of the sons of Poggio Bracciolini.* They
were, however, more distinguished by their devotion to the
pleasures of the table, than by their intellectual endowments;
and the frugal Batavian, Adrian VI., who, by an extraor
dinary combination of circumstances, succeeded Leo X. in the
pontifical chair, was astonished at the luxury of his prede
cessor, and particularly at the expenses incurred in peacock
sausages, which seem to have been a favourite dish with these
voracious frequenters of the pontifical table. t

But the most remarkable instance of folly and of absurdity
is preserved to us in the account given of Baraballo, abate of
Gaeta, one of that unfortunate but numerous class, who,
without the talent, possess the inclination for poetry, and
who, like the rest of his brethren, was perfectly insensible of
his own defects. The commendations ironically bestowed on
his absurd productions had, however, raised him to such im
portance in his own opinion, that he thought himself another
Petrarca, and, like him, aspired to the honour of being crowned
in the capitol. This afforded too favourable an opportunity
for amusement to be neglected by the pontiff and his attend
ants, and the festival of SS. Cosmo and Damiano was fixed
upon as the day for gratifying the wishes of the poet. In
order to add to the ridicule, it was resolved that the elephant,
which had lately been presented to the pontiff by the king of
Portugal, should be brought out and splendidly decorated,
and that Baraballo, arrayed in the triumphal habit of a Ro
man conqueror, should mount it and be conveyed in triumph
to the capitol. The preparations on this occasion were highly
splendid and expensive; but before they were completed, a
deputation arrived from Gaeta, where the relations of Bara
ballo held a respectable rank, for the purpose of dissuading
him from rendering himself an object of laughter to the whole
city. Baraballo, however, construed their kindness into an

* See Shepherd's Life of Poggio Bracciolini, xi. 48ft. _'
+ Jov. in Vita Leon. X. iv. 8").

182 LIFE OF LEO X.

illiberal jealousy of his good fortune, in having obtained the
favour of the pontiff, and dismissed them with reproaches and
anger. Having then recited several of his poems, replete with
the most ridiculous absurdities, until his hearers were no
longer able to maintain their gravity, he was brought to the
area of the Vatican, where he mounted the elephant, and pro
ceeded in great state through the streets, amidst the confused
noise of drums and trumpets, and the acclamations of the
populace.94 " I should scarcely have believed," says Jovius,*
" unless I had myself been present at the sight, that a man
not less than sixty years of age, of an honourable family, and
venerable by his stature and his grey hairs, should have suffered
himself to be decorated with the toga palmata and the latum
clamim of the ancient Romans, and, bedecked with gold and
purple, to be led in a triumphal procession before the public,
with the sound of trumpets." His triumph was not, however,
of long continuance. On arriving at the bridge of S. Angelo,
the sagacious quadruped refused to contribute any longer to
the ungenerous mirth of the crowd, and the hero of the day
was glad to descend in safety from his exalted station.95 The
remembrance of this important incident was, by the orders of
the pope, perpetuated by a piece of sculpture in wood,96
which yet remains upon the door of one of the inner chambers
in the Vatican.

Among the inhabitants of Rome, one of the most distin
guished patrons of learned men was a noble and opulent
German, named Giovanni Gorizio, or, as he was usually de
nominated, Janus Corycius, who, under the pontificate of
Leo X., held the office of a judge in the civil concerns of the
city. For several years, the house and gardens of Corycius
were the usual resort of the Roman academicians. On the
feast day of S. Anna, his tutelary saint, he was accustomed
to provide a splendid entertainment, which was attended by
the most accomplished scholars and respectable inhabitants of
Rome and its vicinity, and afforded a favourable opportunity for
those literary contests and exhibitions which gave additional
vigour to these studies. The liberality of Corycius was re
paid by the commendations of his learned friends, many of
whom have perpetuated his name in their verses. About the

* Jov. in Vita Leon. X. iv. 85.

GIOVANNI GORIZIO. 183

year 1514, he erected, at his own expense, in the church of
S. Agostino, at Rome, a magnificent family chapel, in which
he placed a beautiful piece of sculpture, the workmanship of
Andrea Contucci del Monte Sansovino, representing the in
fant Jesus with the Virgin and S. Anna. These figures,
although all formed from one block of marble, were nearly the
size of life, and are mentioned by the historian of the arts as
one of the finest productions of the times.97 On this occasion
the learned friends of Corycius vied with each other in pay
ing a tribute of respect to his munificence, his piety, and his
taste; and the numerous compositions to which this incident
gave rise, may be considered as the most decisive proof of the
proficiency which had been made in the cultivation of Latin
poetry within the city of Rome.

One of the most eminent contributors to the shrine of S.
Anna was Biagio Pallai, a native of Sabina, who assumed the
academic name of Blosius Palladius, by which he is frequently
mentioned in the writings of his contemporaries.98 In the
year 1516, he had the honour of being admitted a Roman
citizen by a public decree.* This accomplished scholar was
no less distinguished by his hospitality than by his talents,
and his house and gardens are also celebrated as having fre
quently afforded a place of assembly and entertainment for
his literary friends, t After having been one of the principal
ornaments of the Roman academy during the pontificate of
Leo X., he rose to considerable eminence in the state, and
filled the office of pontifical secretary to Clement VII. and
Paul III., by the latter of whom his services were rewarded
by the presentation to the bishopric of Foligno4 To Palla
dius we are indebted for the publication of the poems ad
dressed to Corycius, which the latter had carefully preserved,
but which he justly conceived would subject him to the imputa
tion of vanity if he were to commit them to the press. The
solicitations of Palladius at length removed his objections, and
they made their appearance in the year 1524, in an elegant
volume, now of extreme rarity, entitled Coryciana.m This
collection contains, besides several anonymous pieces, a
specimen of the productions of no less than one hundred and

* Tiraboschi, vii. iii. 203.

+ Flamin. Carm. i. Car. 55. " Blosi villula ter quaterque felix."

I Fabroni, Vita Leon. X, 194.

184 LIFE OF LEO X.

twenty Latin poets, who were then found within the limits of
Rome, and many of whom yet hold a high rank in the annals
of learning.100 It appears to have been usual to present these
pieces as votive gifts at the altar of S. Anna; but the offerings
became so numerous, that Corycius was at length obliged to
close the doors of his chapel, and to terminate this more than
half idolatrous worship.101

The collection of the Coryciana is terminated by a poem
of Francesco Arsilli, entitled De Poetis Urbanis, which cele
brates the names, and characterizes the works of a great
number of Latin poets resident at Rome in the time of Leo X.
Its author was a native of Sinigaglia, and was of a respectable
family, his brother Paolo having been deputed by his coun
trymen to congratulate Lorenzo de' Medici, duke of LTrbino,
on his acquisition of that state. After having finished his
studies at Padua, and devoted himself to the practice of medi
cine, Francesco took up his residence at Rome.102 He appears,
however, neither to have been favourable to the pontiff, nor
to have obtained his friendship; as a reason for which, it has
been said that he was too fond of his own liberty to attend on
the court, and that the court therefore neglected or forgot
him.* Hence Arsilli was one of the few instances which
these times afforded, of unrewarded merit; and his dissatis
faction is pointedly expressed in the commencement of his
poem, addressed to Paulus Jovius, where he enters into the
following comparison between the patronage afforded to the
poets of antiquity and to those of his own days:

Long have I, Jovius, in my mind revolved
Whether the laureate wreath to former times,
Or to our modern bards be rather due.
— But sure the muses in those better days
Were blest, when great Augustus ruled the earth,
And when Maecenas, with his liberal hand,
Foster'd the flowers of genius. Witness thou,
Melodious Horace, and thou, Mighty Bard,
Who sang'st the labours of the Phrygian chief,
And, Naso, thou, and ye, the numerous throng,
Whose fame survives the lapse of rolling years.
Then to the poet's song the sovereign bent

* Jov. in Elog. Arsilli, ciii.

FRANCESCO ARSILLI. 185

With ear benignant ; but, in modern times,

We to the deaf our tuneful warblings pour.

Rude was the breast that from th' imperial smile

Caught not a warmer fervour ; and 'tis hence

We yield (if yet we yield) to elder days.

— But when I note this avaricious age,

And the scant boon the modern patron gives ;

— An age in which the tuneful maids themselves

Might ask admittance at the door in vain,

And unprotected on Parnassus' hill

The laurel droops and dies ; I boldly, then,

Prefer to ancient talents modern worth.

For not by hopes of lucre led, the bard

To virtue only consecrates his song.

O that the shepherd would, with timely care,
Collect his scatter'd flock, and lead them forth
To richer pasturage, and guard them safe
From ravenous wolves, that, with unsparing tooth,
Tear the fair fleece from Phrebus' favourite train.
Then, to the envy of each former age,
Should flow the nectar'd melody. Even now,
Tho' chill'd by cold neglect, the heavenly flame
Glows ardent ; and, forgetful of his lot,
The poet raises his immortal strain.

To these querulous effusions, the numerous instances of
the liberality of the pontiff to the professors of every depart
ment of literature and the general testimony of his contem
poraries, would afford a sufficient reply;103 but for this pur
pose it is not necessary to resort further than to the poem
itself, which exhibits in a striking point of view the astonish
ing proficiency which, in the course of a very few years, had
taken place in the city of Rome. This proficiency the author,
it is true, affects to consider as the spontaneous result of the
genius, the talents, and the virtues of those whom he has cele
brated; but he might as well have informed us, that in those
days the flowers of summer bloomed in the midst of winter,
as attempt to conceal a truth which is demonstrated by every
line of his work; there being scarcely a person of any emi
nence mentioned by him, who was not indebted to Leo X.
for the competence, and, perhaps, for the credit which he en
joyed. On the merits of Sadoleti and of Bembo, this author
has dwelt with peculiar complacency.

186 LIFE OF LEO X.

Hence, numerous are the bards that Rome infolds
In her maternal bosom ; heirs of fame,
While yet they live. For say -what future age
Shall rob thee of thy honours, or refuse
Thy praise, O Sadoleti ? in whose verse
The breathing marble of Laocoon glows
"With strong expression, as in serpent-folds
He and his sons expire ; or Curtius wheels
His foaming steed and rushes on to fate,
To save his country. Nor inferior praise
Is thine, O Bembo, who, amidst the waves
Of Venice nursed, couldst tune thy infant voice
To notes of Tuscan melody, or wake
To Latian sounds the elegiac lyre,
From amorous Pan as Galatea flies.
Sing'st thou the hero's praise ? thy rival verse
Aspires to emulate his deeds, and bears
The palm of excellence from every age.
Or if to narrower bounds confined, thou know'st
To rein thy steed and bend thy fervid wheels
Within prescriptive limits. These, the bards
Of kindred mind, amid th' Idalian groves
Oft social wander, emulous to crop
Their brightest flowers ; and when the sister-train
Of Pho3bus seek on Aganippe's brink
A shelter from the day-star's burning rage,
Then to her lyre Calliope attunes
Their melting numbers, that, like music sweet,
Sink deep into the vacant mind ; and they,
The tuneful maids, responsive to the song,
In choral harmony applaud the strain.

This poem, as published in the Coryciana, consists of only
one hundred and ninety-two distichs; but Tiraboschi had the
good fortune to obtain another copy in the hand-writing of
the author, which is enlarged by the addition of many other
names, and extends to three hundred and twenty-seven dis
tichs. The perusal of this poem gives the admirer of Latin
poetry a characteristic idea of the numerous authors there
mentioned.

187

CHAPTER XVIII.

1518—1519.

Selim usurps the Ottoman tlirone — Defeats the Sophi of Persia — Conquers
Egypt — Apprehensions entertained for the safety of Europe — Leo X-
endeavours to form an alliance among the Christian powers — Publishes
a general truce for five years — His plan of an offensive league against
the Turks — The Christian sovereigns engage only in a defensive al
liance — Marriage of Lorenzo de' Medeci with Madelaine de Tours —
Munificence of the pope on that occasion — Charles of Austria endea
vours to obtain the title of king of the Romans and the investiture of
Naples — Death of the emperor elect, Maximilian — Charles of Austria
and Francis I. contend for the imperial crown — Views and conduct of
Leo X. — Election of the emperor, Charles V. — Death of Lorenzo, duke
of Urbino— Ippolito de' Medici — Alessandro de' Medici — Consequences
of the death of Lorenzo — State of the Florentine government — Memoir
of Machiavelli — The cardinal de' Medici directs the affairs of Tuscany —
Urbino united to the dominions of the church.

THE states of Italy were now freed from the calamities of
internal war, but the apprehensions entertained of the
increasing power and desolating ferocity of the Turks
diminished that satisfaction which their inhabitants had
begun to experience. Nor was there ever a time when these
apprehensions were more justly founded. The Ottoman
throne was now filled by a monarch who, to the most ardent
and persevering courage, united the most insatiable thirst of
conquest and the utmost cruelty of disposition. By a suc
cessful rebellion and the murder of his father Bajazet, Selim
had prematurely seized upon the reins of empire, to the
exclusion of his brother Achmet; whom, having afterwards
defeated in an engagement, he publicly put to death. The
two sons of Achmet and a younger brother of Selim, with
many others of the family, experienced a similar fate; and
such was the unnatural hatred by which this monster was

188 LIFE OF LEO X.

actuated against his own blood, that he intended to deprive
of life Solyman, his only son; who lived, however, to inherit
the sanguinary jealousy of his father, and to complete the
unnatural example, by the destruction of his own offspring.1

Having by these means endeavoured to secure himself
against all competition at home, Selim directed his efforts
towards the conquest of the surrounding states, and it was
for some time doubtful whether Asia, Europe, or Africa,
would first have to sustain the fury of his attack. A shade
of difference in construing the law of the great prophet, and
the offence of having afforded assistance to Achmet, his
unfortunate brother, determined him, however, to turn his
arms against Ismael, sophi of Persia, whom he defeated in a
decisive engagement, and possessing himself of the city of
Tauris, delivered it up to be plundered by his soldiery;
having first sent the principal inhabitants as slaves to Con
stantinople. The sterility of the country, which disabled
him from obtaining supplies for his numerous army, com
pelled him, however, to relinquish his conquests; but Selim
found no delight except in slaughter, and no relaxation
except in preparing for a new expedition. After possessing
himself of a great part of the country lying between the
Tigris and the Euphrates, he attacked the sultan of Egypt;
and notwithstanding the power and resources of that sovereign,
and the courage and fidelity of the Mamelukes, he succeeded
in subjugating that kingdom and annexing it to the Ottoman
dominions. In this contest the sultan Campson perished in
battle, and his successor Tomombey, the last sovereign of the
Mamelukes, having been made a prisoner, was put to death by
Selim, with circumstances of peculiar ignominy and cruelty.*

The fall of such a long established and powerful empire,
which had been supported by a military system of unex
ampled vigour for upwards of three hundred years, struck all
Europe with terror, which the preparations carrying on at
Constantinople for another, and apparently still more im
portant expedition, were not calculated to allay. This
general alarm was also increased by the knowledge of the
personal character of Selim, who sought to cover the enormity
of his guilt by the splendour of his triumphs. He is also

* Sagredo, Mem. Tstor. iii. 141.

THE POPE ATTEMPTS TO FORM A CHRISTIAN LEAGUE. 189

said to have inflamed his passion for conquest by perusing
the narratives of the deeds of Alexander and of Caesar, which
he caused to be translated and read to him. Thus is the
world destined to pay the penalty of its blind admiration of
those whom it dignifies with the name of heroes. At some
times it was supposed that the island of Rhodes and the
knights of St. John of Jerusalem, who then possessed it, and
were considered as the bulwark of Christendom, would be
the first objects of his attack. At other times, apprehensions
were entertained that the kingdom of Hungary, then governed,
during the infancy of its sovereign, by a regency, would most
probably excite his ambition; whilst others deemed it pro
bable that the example of his grandfather Mahomet, who
had, in the year 1480, captured Otranto and gained a footing
in the kingdom of Naples, might induce him to attempt the
conquest of Italy.

At this juncture, Leo X. conceived it to be his peculiar
office and duty, as head of the Christian church, to endeavour
to form such an alliance among the sovereigns of Europe, as
might not only repress the incursions of these formidable
enemies, but by carrying the war into the Ottoman domi
nions, might either expel them from the countries which they
had recently occupied, or afford them sufficient employment
in providing for their own defence. But although the cir
cumstances of the times were the immediate motives which
induced the pontiff to take an active part in opposing the
power of the Turks, yet his dread and abhorrence of them
had long been avowed. From the commencement of his pon
tificate, his efforts had been employed to engage the sovereigns
of Christendom to unite together in a common attack upon
the infidels, and the harmony which now subsisted among
them seemed to afford a more favourable prospect of accom
plishing this great object than had ever before presented
itself. The exertions of the pontiff were stimulated by the
representations made to him on behalf of the sovereigns of
those countries which bordered on the Turkish dominions,
and particularly by the governors and inhabitants of the pro
vinces of Croatia and Dalmatia, who were obliged to main
tain their independence by a cruel and continual warfare.
He was also incited to persevere in this attempt by many
noble and learned Greeks, resident in Italy, who yet flattered

190 LIFE OF LEO X.

themselves with, faint and distant hopes of regaining their
native country, and by several eminent Italian scholars, who
had imbibed from their preceptors a hatred of the Turks, as
the enemies alike of learning, of liberty, and of religion.2
Nor can it, perhaps, with truth be denied, that Leo was also
prompted to this attempt by the ambitious desire of being
considered as the author of this general league of the Chris
tian powers, and of seeing himself placed at their head, as
the supreme director of their movements.

The first public measure adopted by the pontiif was the
calling together the cardinals in full consistory, where he laid
before them his vast project, and published a general truce
among the potentates of Europe for the space of five years;
subjecting, in the severest terms, all such princes or states as
should contravene it to the penalties of excommunication.
He then dispatched, as his legates to the principal sovereigns
of Europe, such of the cardinals as enjoyed the highest cha
racter for their talents, and held the chief place in his confi
dence. Bernardo da Bibbiena was sent to France, Lorenzo
Campegio to England,3 Egidio of Viterbo to Spain, and
Alessandro Farnese to the emperor elect, Maximilian; all of
them furnished with ample instructions as to the object of
their mission, and with directions to give to these different
sovereigns the most positive assurances, that the sole object
which the pontiff had in view was the general safety of Eu
rope, and the protection and honour of the Christian church.
In order to promote the success of these exertions, or to give
a greater degree of solemnity and importance to the measures
which he meant to adopt, Leo directed that public supplica
tions should be made in Rome for three successive days; in
the course of which he walked in the public processions with
head uncovered and naked feet, performed in person divine
offices, distributed his bounty to the poor, and by every mark
of humility and devotion endeavoured to conciliate the favour
of Heaven, or at least to evince the sincerity of his inten
tions. On this occasion, Jacopo Sadoleti also delivered a
public oration, encouraging the intended enterprise, and
highly commending the pontiff for the piety, zeal, and
activity, with which he devoted himself to the common cause,
and the different sovereigns of Europe for the ardour which
they had already manifested in its support.

ALLIANCE AGAINST THE TURKS. 191

Leo was, however, well aware that the success of his under
taking was not to be solely intrusted to measures of this
nature. " It is folly," said he, " to sit still and suppose that
these ferocious enemies can be conquered by prayers alone.
We must provide our armies, and attack them with all our
strength."*4 He therefore consulted with the most expe
rienced soldiers of Italy, he sought out and examined those
persons who were best acquainted with the military force of
the Turks, the disposition of the inhabitants of the different
countries which they held in subjection, and the places most
open to an attack; and having obtained the fullest informa
tion in his power, he sketched the great outline of his under
taking. By this, he proposed that an immense sum of money
should be raised from the voluntary contributions of the
European sovereigns, and a compulsory tax upon their sub
jects ; that the emperor of Germany should provide a
numerous army, which, uniting with large bodies of cavalry
to be furnished by the Hungarians and the Poles, should
proceed down the Danube into Bosnia, and thence through
Thracia, towards Constantinople; that at the same time the
king of France, with all his force, the armies of the Vene
tians, and other Italian states, and a powerful body of Swiss
infantry, should assemble at the port of Brindisi, on the
Adriatic gulf, whence they might easily pass to Greece,
which was still inhabited by great numbers of Christians, im
patient of the tyranny of the Turks; that the fleets of Spain,
of Portugal, and of England, should meet at Carthagena and
its adjacent ports, whence two hundred vessels should be dis
patched with Spanish soldiers, to attack the Dardanelles, and
join the allies in storming the Turkish capital. In the mean
time the pope, who meant to take a personal part in the
attempt, proposed to proceed from Ancona, accompanied by
one hundred well-armed vessels; so that the Turks, being
attacked both by land and by sea with such immense num
bers, a happy termination of the expedition might be speedily
and confidently expected.f

Thus far this mighty enterprise seems to have proceeded
with favourable omens, and Leo had already, perhaps, antici
pated in his own mind the time so frequently foretold, when

* Fabron. in Vita Leon. X. 73. t Guicciard. xiii. ii. lf>4.

192 LIFE OF LEO X.

he should be hailed as the restorer of the eastern empire, the
deliverer of the holy land, and the avenger of the atrocities
committed on Christendom by the Turks. But these mag
nificent expectations were not destined to be realized. It is
true, that the general truce for five years which he had pro
claimed among the European sovereigns, was accepted by
them with apparent cheerfulness, and that they vied with
each other in avowing their readiness to afford their assist
ance in promoting so just and so important an enterprise.5
A treaty was also concluded between the kings of England,
of France, and of Spain, in express compliance with the re
quisition of the pope, and in which he was declared to be chief
of the league;6 but although the avowed object of this union
was the mutual defence of each other's dominions and the
protection of Christendom against the Turks, yet it was
merely defensive, and by no means calculated to answer the
purposes which Leo had in view. How, indeed, Avas it to be
expected that so many different states, some of them imme
diately and others only remotely interested in the cause,
should concur in carrying on a distant and offensive war?
After the instances which had been exhibited since the com
mencement of the century, of restless ambition, unprovoked
aggression, the overturning of states and kingdoms, and the
breach of the most solemn treaties, could it be expected that
the voice of the pontiff should at once allay all suspicions, and
destroy those sanguinary passions which now only slumbered
to acquire new strength? Add to this, that the political
horizon of Europe, although calm, was not cloudless. The
young sovereign of Spain had already given indications of a
vigorous and decisive character, and the advanced age of his
grandfather, Maximilian, afforded reason to suppose that it
would not be long before discussions might arise of the
highest importance to the public tranquillity. Under such
circumstances it was scarcely to be supposed that the principal
sovereigns of Europe would desert their stations, or weaken
their strength by engaging in distant and dangerous expe
ditions, which afforded no prospect of an adequate recom-
pence, and might expose those who were sincere to the de
signs of those who might not hesitate to take advantage of
any circumstances that might contribute to their own aggran
dizement. The ratification of the defensive treaty among

THE POPE'S ENVOY IN FRANCE. 193

the chief powers of Europe, which was afterwards confirmed
by the pope, prevented him, however, from experiencing
the raortifjing reflection that his exertions had been wholly in
vain; and perhaps the notoriety of tin's formidable league
might, in fact, have had a beneficial effect in deterring the
Turkish emperor from attacking the Christian territories.
The pontifical legates at the different courts still continued to
promote, to the utmost of their power, the great object of their
mission, towards which they affected to consider the treaty
already formed as only a previous step, and they obtained at
least the credit of having performed their duty with vigilance-
arid with ability;7 but notwithstanding their exertions, no
further measures were adopted by the princes of Europe for
carrying the project of Leo into effect; and whilst his envoys
were still labouring to promote a hopeless cause, events
occurred, both in the eastern and western woi'ld, which
changed the aspect of public affairs, and afforded even Leo
himself sufficient employment in other quarters.

If, however, the envoys of Leo X. failed in accomplishing
the chief object of their mission, they rendered him, in other
respects, a very acceptable service; and the pontifical treasury
was replenished by the contributions obtained both from the
laity and the clergy, under the various pretexts which these
crafty ecclesiastics well knew how to employ.8 At the court
of France, the cardinal da Bibbiena, who, to the character of
a polite scholar and a deep politician, united an easy and
insinuating address, recommended himself so far to the favour
of the duchess of Angouleme, mother of the king, who exer
cised great influence over her son, as to obtain, through her
interference, the presentation of the bishopric of Constance, "
to be held by him in addition-to his many other preferments;
the revenues of which were, however, so inadequate to his
expensive and improvident style of life, that he is said to
have been always embarrassed with debt.* Nor did Leo
neglect the opportunity afforded him by the residence of
the cardinal at the court of France, of aggrandizing his
family, by a nearer connexion with that of the French
monarch. To this end, he proposed a treaty of marriage
between his nephew, Lorenzo, duke of Urbino. and Made-

* Bandini, 11 Bibbiena, 47, UO.
VOL. II. o

194 LIFE OF LEO X.

laine de la Tour, daughter of John, count of Boulogne
and Auvergne, and related by her mother, Joanna, the
daughter of John, duke of Vendosme, to the royal family of
France. This union was readily assented to by the king;
and early in the year 1518, Lorenzo hastened to Florence,
where he made the most sumptuous preparations for his
approaching nuptials. In the meantime, intelligence was
received of the birth of a son to the French monarch, who
expressed his wishes that the supreme pontiff would become
baptismal sponsor for the infant; in consequence of which,
Lorenzo was directed to proceed with all possible expedition
to Paris, as representative of his holiness on this occasion.
The ceremony was performed on the twenty-fifth day of
April, the other sponsors being the duke of Loraine, and
Margaret, duchess of Alencon, afterwards queen of Navarre,
sister of Francis I. ; but this, the first-born son of the French
monarch, who received the name of Francis, did not survive
to enjoy the authority to Avhich his birth would have entitled
Mm.5' This event was, however, distinguished by splendid
banquets and great rejoicings, which were continued during
ten days, and by magnificent tournaments, in which Lorenzo
de' Medici is acknowledged to have acquitted himself with
honour, and to have displayed great courage and address.

The celebration of the nuptials between Lorenzo de' Medici
and Madelaine de la Tour afforded an additional cause of
exultation, and the king and the pontiff vied with each other
in bestowing their favours on both the husband and the bride.
On the part of the king, Lorenzo was invested with an annual
revenue of ten thousand crowns.* But the presents sent by
the pope, as well for the queen of France as for the bride,
were bej'ond even royal munificence, and are said to have
exceeded in value the enormous sum of three hundred thousand
ducats. A train of thirty-six horses conveyed to Paris these
precious articles, among which was a state-bed composed of
tortoise shell, mother-of-pearl, and other costly materials, f
Nor was this event less distinguished by the instances of
mutual kindness which the pontiff and the monarch manifested
towards each other, and which they fortunately found the-

* Ammirato, Ritratto di Lor. duca d'Urbin. in Opusc. iii. 106. Guicciard.
xiii. ii. 155.

t Fabron. Vita Leon. X. in alnotat. Ixix. 291.

PROCEEDINGS OF CHARLES OF AUSTRIA. 195

means of evincing, not at their own expense, but at that of
their subjects or their allies. Leo conceded to the king, in
addition to the tenths of the French benefices, all the contri
butions that should be obtained in France towards the pro
jected crusade against the Turks; the king promising to repay
the amount when that expedition should be actually com
menced. On the other hand, the king transmitted to his
holiness the written engagement which he had subscribed, to
restore to the duke of Ferrara the cities of Modena and
Reggio.f Such were the circumstances under which a mar
riage was celebrated, which, although not destined to be of
long duration, was fatally inauspicious to the destiny of France,
and prepared the way to some of the greatest calamities that
Europe has ever experienced.

This period, in which Europe enjoyed a state of compara
tive tranquillity, may be considered as the termination of that
long course of events, which commenced with the arrival of
Charles VIII. in Italy, and had been continued throughout
all the vicissitudes of the league of Cambray; until the causes,
having produced their effects, had now almost ceased to ope
rate. But, whilst the scene was closing on the transactions
of the past, the prospect of the future opened on the view,
and discovered the commencement of a new series of affairs,
not less striking in their contemplation, nor less important in
their consequences, than those which have before engaged our
attention. Charles, the young king of Spain, had already
turned his attention to the securing and uniting in his own
person the government of those extensive possessions to
which he was either entitled by his birth, or which his situa
tion as the representative of the sovereign houses of Spain
and of Austria gave him a right to expect. His succession
to these dominions was not, however, unattended by diffi
culties. In Castile and Aragon, the refractory proceedings
of the Cortes, or representative assemblies of the nation, had
occasioned him no small share of trouble. His title to the
crown of Naples had not yet been judicially recognised by
the holy see, which confessedly enjoyed the power of deciding
who should be considered as the rightful sovereign of that
kingdom ; and his secession to the imperial throne, on the

* Guicciard. xiii. ii. 155.

196 LIFE OF LEO X.

death of his grandfather, Maximilian, would depend on the
will of the electors, by whom the extent of his hereditary
possessions might be considered rather as an objection than
an inducement to his becoming the object of their choice.
Under these circumstances, Chai'les thought it advisable to
apply to Leo X. to grant him a bull of investiture for his
Neapolitan territories, and to endeavour, during the lifetime
of his grandfather, to obtain the title of king of the Romans,
which would secure to him the indisputable succession to the
imperial dignity. The gratification of Charles in the accom
plishment of these great objects was not, however, consistent
with the views and wishes of the pontiff; who, whilst he
could not contemplate without dissatisfaction the permanent
establishment of any foreign power in Italy, still more justly
dreaded the union of the. Imperial, Spanish, and Neapolitan
crowns in the same person, lie therefore, by means of his
legate, Bibbiena, communicated the request of Charles tu
Francis L, who, although he had lately concluded with Charles
a close alliance, and had contracted to give him one of his
daughters in marriage, was greatly alarmed at the ambitious
views and active measures of the young sovereign, and
earnestly entreated the pontiff not to comply with his re
quest. To the nomination of Charles, as king of the Romans,,
it was objected, that his grandfather, Maximilian, had never
i-eceived the imperial crown, and that there was no instance
in the history of the Germanic constitution, of a successor
having been appointed under such circumstances.* On this
account, Charles prevailed upon Maximilian to apply to the
pope, and to request that he would send a nuncio to crown
him at Vienna. He also endeavoured to engage the king of
France; to forward his views with the pontiff, but instead of
complying with his request, Francis opposed himself to it
with still greater earnestness, and advised the pope to declare
to Maximilian, that in conformity tu ancient custom he could
not invest him with the imperial crown, uidess he, like his
predecessors, would repair in person to Rome. If Maximilian
assented to this proposal, it was not likely that he would'
undertake such an expedition without a considerable military
escort, which would afford a pretext for Francis to oppose

* Guicciard. xiii. ii. 158. Robertson's Life of Cb.iiies V. i. ii. <!!).

CONDUCT OF FRANCIS I. 197

his progress; for which purpose he declared that he should
not only engage the Venetians to take an active part, but
should hold himself in readiness to march into Italy with a
great force, as soon as he was apprized of the necessity of such a
measuve.10 By the vehemence of Francis on this occasion, his
•own projects were sufficiently disclosed. In order to engage
the pope more firmly in his interests, he gave him the most
solemn assurances of his attachment, obedience, and affection,
and pretended that he was now ready to join him in an
offensive league against the Turks, and Would undertake to
furnish, as his contingent, three thousand men at arms, forty
thousand infantry, and six thousand light horse; that to these
he would add a formidable train of artillery; and would, if
required, accompany the expedition in person.* These mag
nificent offers seem, however, to have been duly appreciated
by the pope, who stood in need of no inducements to oppose
himself to the aggrandizement of Charles.11 The reasons
which Leo alleged for this opposition were, that with respect
to Naples, it was a fundamental law of the kingdom, that the
sovereignty of that country could not be united with the
imperial dignity, which Charles Avas evidently endeavouring
to obtain;12 and that with respect to the title of king of the
Romans, it was already enjoyed by Maximilian himself, and,
consequently, could not be conferred on another. The utmost
efforts of both Charles and Maximilian to remove the diffi
culties of the Germanic succession in the diet of the empire
were ineffectual; and as Leo still persevered in his refusal to
transmit his bull for the coronation of Charles as king of
Naples, that monarch was obliged for the present to relinquish
all hopes of obtaining the objects which he had so ardently
desii'ed.

If, however, Francis imagined that on this occasion Leo
was actuated by any desire to further his views, ft is highly
probable that he was mistaken. To the pontiff the two
monarchs were alike objects of dread, and to have divested
them of their Italian possessions, would have been considered
by him as a triumph superior even to that of a victory over
the Turkish sultan. But his enmity to Francis, who had
•deprived him of the territories of Parma and Piacenza, was

* Lnltere tii Prhicipi, i. -r)7.

198 LIFE OF LEO X.

perhaps the most implacable. Amidst all his professions of
esteem and affection for the French monarch, he never for
one moment relaxed in his determinations to seize the first
opportunity that might present itself of divesting him of the
duchy of Milan; and at this very time his agents Avere em
ployed in engaging large bodies of Swiss mercenaries, who
had assembled under various pretexts, and were intended to
be in readiness to act on the part of the pontiff, as circum
stances might require.*

In order, however, to remove the difficulties which had
arisen to obstruct the election of Charles of Austria to the
dignity of king of the Romans, Maximilian at length resolved
to undertake a journey to Rome, to receive from the hands of
the pontiff the imperial crown. This intention he communi
cated to the pope, under the pretext of showing him a mark
of his respect with which he had not thought proper to honour
his predecessors, Alexander or Julius.13 His proposal em
barrassed the pontiff ; who, whilst he was unwilling to pro -
mote the views of the Spanish monarch, was sensible of the
dignity and importance which the Roman see would derive
from the restoration of the ancient custom, of the chief of the
Germanic body resorting to Rome to receive the imperial
crown. But whilst he was deliberating on the measures
which it might be proper to adopt, he was relieved from his
difficulties by an event Avhich wholly changed the posture of
public affairs, and prepared the way for new commotions.
This was the death of the emperor elect, Maximilian, which
happened on the twelfth day of January, 1519. Of the weak
and fluctuating character of this monarch, sufficient instances
have appeared in the preceding pages. An ostentatious
vanity and an inordinate desire of fame were accompanied by
an imbecility of mind, that frustrated all his purposes, and
rendered his magnificence contemptible and his pretensions to
heroism absurd. His whole life was employed to demonstrate
how insignificant the first monarchy in Christendom might be
rendered, by the want or the misapplication of the personal
talents of the sovereign ; and his death was of no other im
portance, than as it opened the way to a successor, who might
vindicate the imperial dignity from disgrace, and restore to it
that influence in the affairs of Europe which Maximilian had
lost.

* Lettere di Principi, i. 38.

CONTEST FOR THE IMPERIAL CROWN. 199

The dominions which, by a singular concurrence of fortunate
events had been united in the person of Charles, were of great
extent and importance. From his father Philip, archduke of
Austria, he inherited the rich patrimony of the Netherlands,
which Philip had himself acquired in right of his mother,
Mary of Burgundy. His title to the crowns of Castile and of
Aragon was derived from Ferdinand and Isabella, by their
daughter Joanna, the mother of Charles, who was yet living,
and whose name was in fact united with his own in the
sovereignty; although she was incapacitated, by a derange
ment of intellect, from taking any share in the administration.
The crown of Sicily had descended in peaceable succession for
several generations,andCharles now assumed it as representative
of the legitimate branch of the house of Aragon. Of that of
Naples, Ferdinand of Aragon had lately divested the illegiti
mate branch of that house, to whom it had been limited
by Alfonso I. ; but although this kingdom was for the present
held by the sword rather than by an acknowledged title, yet
Ferdinand died in the exercise of the royal authority, and
Charles was possessed of resources sufficient to maintain his
pretensions. By the death of Maximilian, he now entered
upon the hereditary dominions of the house of Austria ; and
to these he had the fairest prospect of uniting the imperial
dignity, for which he immediately offered himself a candidate.
He found, however, in Francis I., an early and a determined
competitor, and the respective claims of these powerful rivals
divided the votes of the electors, and suspended for a con
siderable time the important decision which they were called
upon to make.

The conduct of Leo on this occasion was such as was con
sistent with his desire of maintaining a proper equilibrium
among the European states, and providing for the safety and
independence of Italy.14 He would gladly have seen any other
person preferred to these powerful candidates; but he well
knew that his open opposition would be fruitless, and it was
by no means his policy to incur the resentment of either of
the rival sovereigns, much less to manifest a decided hostility
to both. Thus situated, he had recourse to a project, which,
if it had been executed by his agents with a degree of ability
equal to that by which it was conceived, might have produced
an incalculable alteration in the political state of Europe.
Ed

200 LIFE OF LEO X.

That, of the two competitors, Charles was the most Iike3y to
obtain the important prize for which they contended, was
sufficiently apparent. His German origin, his extensive pos
sessions in the empire, and the length of time during which
the imperial dignity had been almost hereditary in his family,
seemed to exclude the pretensions of any other potentate,
however powerful by his dominions or distinguished by his
personal merit. The first object of Leo, whilst he appeared
to maintain a perfect neutrality between the parties, was there
fore, to encourage Francis to persevere in his pretensions, for
which purpose he sent as his confidential envoy, his near
relation, Roberto Orsini, archbishop of Reggio, with directions
to exhort the king to maintain his pretensions, but with
secret instructions, that when a proper opportunity occurred
he should alarm the French king with doubts of his success,
and should endeavour to prevail upon him, as the next
desirable measure, to frustrate the election of Charles, by
proposing to the choice of the electors, and supporting with
all his influence, one of the inferior princes of the German
empire. Nor can it be denied that if Francis had consulted
his true interests, this would have been the proper conduct
for him to adopt. As sovereign of a rich and powerful king
dom, and surrounded by a loyal and warlike people, he would
still have enjoyed a degree of consideration and of influence
superior to that which Charles could have derived from his
scattered possessions, or a subordinate German prince from
the mere splendour of the imperial crown. In executing the
first part of his task, Orsini found no difficulty; but ambition
is not easily stayed in its career, and it required more skill
and address than he seems to have possessed to prevent its
exceeding its proposed limits. Instead of listening to the
voice of prudence, Francis endeavoured by the most shame
less bribery to influence the electors in his favour.15 But as
the deliberations of the electors grew more critical, Charles
adopted a yet more effectual method. Under the pretext of
securing the freedom of election, he suddenly marched a
powerful body of troops into the vicinity of Franckfort,
where the members of the diet were assembled. After this
measure their debates were not of long continuance, and on
the twenty-eighth day of June, 1519, Charles, then only
nineteen years of age, was proclaimed king of the Romans, or

DEATH OF LORENZO OF URBINO. 201

emperor elect; a title which he, however, transposed into that
(,f emperor elect of the Romans, in which he has been imitated
by his successors ; except that they have since omitted as
superfluous the derogatory phrase, elect.

The secret but severe disappointment which Leo experienced
irom the result of this election, was preceded by a domestic
misfortune which had occasioned him great anxiety. On the
twenty-eighth day of April, 1,519, his nephew Lorenzo, duke
of Urbino, died at Florence, of a disorder which is said to
have been the consequence of his licentious amours during
his visit to France. His wife, Madelaiue of Tours, had died
in childbed only a few days before him, leaving a daughter
named Catherina, who, by a concurrence of events which
cannot with truth be called fortunate, rose to the dignity of
queen of France, and became the mother of three kings and a
queen of that country, and of a queen of Spain. The death
of Lorenzo greatly deranged the projects of the pontiff, who
now found himself the only legitimate surviving male of the
K elder branch of the house of Medici, as derived from Cosmo,
I the father of his country. An illegitimate offspring was not,
however, wanting. Of these, the eldest was the cardinal
| (riulio de' Medici, whose origin was derived from the elder
Giuliano, who fell in the conspiracy of the Pazzi. The
younger Giuliano, brother of the pontiff, usually called duke
of Nemours, had also left a son by a lady of Urbino, who was
born about the year loll, and named Ippolito. It was gene
rally believed that the inhuman mother had exposed her
child, from the perils of which situation he had been pre
served by the care of Giuliano, who is said, however, not to
have been without his suspicions that he was the offspring of
a rival.* At the age of three years, this infant was sent to
Home, where he was received under the protection of Leo X.
and gave early indications of a lively and active disposition.
The pontiff took great pleasure in observing his childish
vivacity, and at his request the portrait of Ippolito, as en
gaged in his sports, was painted by Kaffaelle, and placed in
one of the apartments of the Vatican.™ The education which
Ippolito here received, brought those talents with which he
was endowed by nature to early perfection, and led the way

* Anuuirato, Ritratti d'Uomini di Casa Medici in Opu^e. iii. l:Ji.

202 LIFE OF LEO X.

to that eminence, both as a patron and a professor of litera
ture, which, under the name of the cardinal Ippolito de'
Medici, he afterwards obtained. Yet more equivocal was the
origin of Alessandro de' Medici, usually denominated the first
duk<? of Florence. The time of his birth may be placed in
the year 1512, and he has generally been considered as the
son of Lorenzo, duke of Urbino, by a Moorish slave, or
woman of low rank ; but it is much more probable that he
was the son of the cardinal Giulio de' Medici, afterwards
Clement VII., and the earnestness displayed by that pontiff
in raising him to the high station which he afterwards filled,
may be considered as no slight indication that the latter sup
position is well founded.

The obsequies of Lorenzo were celebrated at Florence with
a magnificence suitable to his high station, as chief of the
Tuscan state, and duke of Urbino ; but the respect paid to
the dead is in fact a tribute to the living, and these extraor
dinary honours are to be placed to the account of his near
relationship to the supreme pontiff. In consequence of the
exile and early death of his father, the education of Lorenzo
had been principally left to his mother Alfonsina, who had
instilled into him such ideas, and brought him up in such
habits and manners, as would better have suited an Italian
baron of high birth than a Florentine citizen. Hence he
devoted himself wholly to projects of ambition and aggran
dizement, in which, through the partiality and assistance of
Leo X., he flattered himself with the most sanguine hopes of
success. It was supposed, and not without reason, that by
these means, and by the concurrence of the French monai-ch,
he meant to possess himself of Siena and Lucca, and by unit
ing them with the duchy of Urbino and the Florentine state,
to establish a dominion extending from one coast of Italy to
the other, and to assume the title of king of Tuscany. With
this view he had, in the latter part of the year 1518, paid a
visit to Rome, expecting to prevail on the pontiff to assent to
his ambitious design, but found that Leo was not inclined to
favour the attempt.* By the true friends to the honour and
character of the pontiff, the information of the death of
Lorenzo was received with satisfaction rather than with sor-

* Nerli, Commentar. vi. 131.

AFFAIRS OF FLORENCE. 203

row. The earnestness which Leo had shown in promoting
the advancement of his nephew, and the unjustifiable, expen
sive, and dangerous methods which he had in some instances
resorted to for that purpose, were attributed by them to his
affection for one who was endeared to him no less by a simi
larity and participation of misfortunes, than by the ties of
blood, and it was now generally expected that the pontiff,
having no equal object of his partiality, would consult only
the dignity of his own character, and the honour and interest
of the Eoman see. These expectations were in some degree
confirmed by the conduct of the pontiff, who on this event
expressed his siibmission to the will of God, and appeared to
resume the natural rectitude of his character. That he had
not on all occasions fulfilled the hopes that had been enter
tained of him, is sufficiently apparent from the bold and
remarkable language of Canossa, bishop of Bayeux,* who, in
giving his sentiments on this event to the cardinal da Bibbiena,
considers it as a cause of universal satisfaction, and expresses
his hopes " that his holiness will now become such as he was
expected to be on the day when he was created pope."t

The death of Lorenzo rendered it necessary for the pontiff
to adopt new measures for the government of the Florentine
state, which had now become wholly subservient to the
authority of the Medici, although it still retained the name
and external form of a republic. This undertaking was
attended with no inconsiderable difficulties. Leo might,
indeed, at this period have assumed the sovereignty, and
extinguished even the pretext of a free government; but if
we suppose that he would have felt no reluctance in sacri
ficing to his own ambition the liberties of his native place,
yet he was perhaps aware, that his dignity of supreme
pontiff was scarcely compatible with the assumption of a
monarchical power. He might also reasonably suspect that
such a measure would not be regarded without jealousy by
the principal sovereigns of Christendom; and might enter
tain apprehensions that notwithstanding the devotion and
subservience of the Florentines, he might by too severe a
pressure occasion an elasticity and resistance, which would

* Or Bajusa; as he wrote it, after the Italian manner.
+ Lettere di Principi. i. 07.

204 LIFE OF LEO X.

entirely throw off his authority. On the other hand, to
restore the Florentines to the full enjoyment of their ancient
liberties, although the attempt would have conferred great
honour on the pontiff, would have been a total surrender of
that power and influence which his family had maintained
for so many years, arid preserved by so many sacrifices; nor
could it with certainty be presumed that the citizens of
Florence were now capable of preserving the palladium of
their freedom, even if the pontiff had been inclined to restore
it to them. In this emergency, Leo judged it expedient
to resort to the advice of Niccolo Machiavelli, whose general
knowledge on political subjects, and whose intimate acquaint
ance with the state of his native place, pointed him out as
the fittest person to be consulted on such an occasion. The
memorial which Machiavelli presented to the pope on this
subject yet remains,* and like his other works, contains many
acute remarks, without, however, unfolding those extensive
views which the nature of the inquiry and the circumstances
of the times seem to have required. In taking a retrospect
of the ancient state of Florence, he observes, that the fluc
tuations which it has experienced are to be attributed to its
having been neither strictly a republic, nor an absolute
government. This mixed or intermediate state he considers
as the most difficult of any to maintain, because, as he asserts,
an absolute dominion is only in danger of being dissolved by
one cause, that of inclining towards a republic, and in like
manner, a republic is only in danger by inclining towards a
monarchy; but a mixed government is in constant danger
from two causes, and may be destroyed by inclining too much to
wards either republicanism or despotism. On this account he
advises the pontiff to adopt either the one or the other of
these definite forms of government, and either to erect an
absolute sovereignty, or to establish a perfect republic. He
then proceeds to show, that the choice of these two forms
must depend on the condition and character of the people,
and particularly that a sovereignty can only be supported
where there is great diversity of wealth and of rank, whilst
a republic, on the contrary, requires a considerable degree of
equality among its citizens, of which he adduces several

* Opere di Machiavelli, publicate da. Bavetti, iii. i.

MEMORIAL OF MACHIAVELLI. 205

instances. Under the latter description he includes the in
habitants of Florence, and thence takes occasion to sketch
a form of government which lie denominates a republic, but.
in which he gives to the pontiff and to the cardinal de' Medici
such a preponderating influence, by the nomination, during
their lives, of the persons intrusted with the supreme autho
rity, as must inevitably prevent the exercise of that liberty
on which alone a popular government can be founded. To
restore the freedom of the republic seems, however to have
been the chief object which Machiavelli had in view; but
conceiving that there was no probability that the pontiff and
the cardinal could be-prevailed on voluntarily to relinquish
their authority, he was induced to relax in his purpose, and
to propose that the republic should not enjoy its full liberties
until after their death. "If this plan," says he, "be con
sidered without reference to the authority of your holiness,
it Avill be found in every respect sufficient to answer the
purpose intended; but during the lifetime of your holiness
and the cardinal, it is a monarchy; because you command
the army, you control the criminal judicature, you dictate
the laws, insomuch that I know not what more can be re
quired in a state." At the same time that he thus endea
voured to satisfy the pope as to the continuance of his power,
he attempted to awake in him the desire of being considered
as the founder or the restorer of the liberties of his native
place. 'I conceive," says he, "that the greatest honour
which a man can enjoy, is that which is voluntarily given
him by his country; and I believe the greatest good we can
do, and that which is most acceptable to God, is that which
we do for our country. On this account there are no persons
held in such high honour, as they who by their institutions
and laws have reformed a republic or a kingdom. These
are they who, next to the gods, have been thought entitled
to the highest praise. But as the opportunities for this
purpose are few, and as the number of those persons Avho
know how to make use of them is still fewer, so we find that
this great undertaking has seldom been performed. Such,
hosvevei', is the honour attending it, as to have induced many
persons who could not accomplish it in reality, to attempt it
in their writings; as Aristotle, Plato, and many others, who
have been desirous of showing to the world, that if they had

206 LIFE OF LEO X.

not, like Solon or Lycurgus, been able to establish a civil
community, it did not arise from want of ability, but of a
proper opportunity for carrying their ideas into effect."

The system thus proposed by Machiavelli, was not, how
ever, adopted by the pontiff. From the important changes
which had taken place in Europe, and particularly in Italy,
the state of Tuscany was not merely to be considered as an
independent government, but as affected by the powerful
influence of its foreign relations, and as combining at this
juncture with the Roman see to give strength and importance
to the pontiff, in the great attempts which he now meditated.
It is probable, too, that for reasons sufficiently obvious, neither
Leo nor the cardinal thought it advisable that the commence
ment of the freedom of the republic should depend, as a
simultaneous event, on the termination of their own lives.
Under these circumstances, Leo resolved to permit the
Florentines to continue the established forms of their govern
ment; but at the same time, he retained such a control over
their proceedings as he thought would be necessary, not only
to repress their internal dissensions, but to secure their con
formity to the views and interests of the family of the Medici
and of the Roman see. A few days prior to the death of
Lorenzo, Leo had dispatched to Florence the cardinal de'
Medici, who now assumed the superintendence of the state,
and under the directions of the pontiff established such regu
lations as were calculated to ensure its tranquillity, without
further encroachments on its municipal rights.* The con
duct of the cardinal during his residence at Florence, which
continued nearly two years, furnishes a decisive proof both
of his talents and his moderation, and notwithstanding his
future dignity, may be considered as the most brilliant
period of his life. By his intimate acquaintance with the
state of the city, and the views and temper of the opposing
factions, he was enabled to allay their dissensions, or to
defeat their projects. Without imposing extraordinary bur
thens on the people, he discharged the public debts, and
replenished the treasury with considerable sums. Under
lus influence, the commerce of the city again revived, and
the inhabitants began with confidence to employ their capitals

* Nerli, Comineiitarj. vi. 133.

URBINO UNITED TO THE PAPAL DOMINIONS. 207

in the acquisition of additional wealth. Whilst by these
measures the cardinal acquired the respect and attachment
of the Florentines, he evinced his prudence and his fidelity
by maintaining a strict intercourse with the Roman see, and
a due submission to the supreme pontiff; to whose advice he
constantly resorted on all doubtful points, and to whose direc
tions he strictly and faithfully conformed.

The power which Leo X. possessed over the duchy of
Urbino was yet more absolute than that which he enjoyed in
the Florentine state. By the tenor of the investiture, the
sovereignty had been extended, in default of males, to the
female offspring of Lorenzo, and his infant daughter was now
entitled to the ducal sceptre; but the disadvantages which
might arise from such a government were easily foreseen, and
Catherina, under the care of her powerful relatives, was
reserved for a still higher destiny. To any reconciliation
between its former sovereign and Leo X. the animosities
which had arisen between them, in the course of the contest
in which they had been engaged, had placed an insuperable
bar; and even if the pontiff had been inclined to an accom
modation, the restoration of the duchy of Urbino to the duke
could only have been considered as an acknowledgment on
the part of the pope, that in expelling him from his domi
nions he had committed an act of injustice. Having there
fore first dismembered the duchy of Urbino of the fortress
of S. Leo, and the district of Montefeltro, which he gave to
the Florentines, as a compensation for the expenses incurred,
and the services rendered by them in the acquisition of these
domains, he annexed the remainder of that territory, with its
dependent states of Pesaro and Sinigaglia, to the "dominions
of the church.

208 LIKE OF LEO X.

CHAPTER XIX.

Progress of the Reformation — Leo X. endeavours to conciliate Luther _
Conferences between Luther and ililtitz— Public disputation at Leipsic—
Luther is prevailed upon to write to the pope — Sarcastic tenor of his
letter — His doctrines condemned at Rome — Purport of the papal bull _
Its reception at Wittemberg — Luther publicly burns the bull with the
decretals of the church. — He endeavours to obtain the favour of the em
peror — Aleandro papal legate to the imperial court — Harangues the diet
of the empire against Luther — Luther cited to appear before the diet —
His journey to Worms — His first appearance before the assembly — His
second appearance — He refuses to retract his writings — Observations on
his conduct — The emperor declares his opinion — Further efforts to prevail
upon Luther to retract — Condemned by an imperial edict — Is privately
conveyed to the castle of Wartburg — Henry VIII. writes against
Luther — Reformation of Switzerland by /uinglins— Conduct and cha
racter of Luther — His bold assertion of the right of private judgment _
His inflexible adherence to his own opinion — Uncharitable spirit of the
first reformers — Effects of the Reformation on literary studies — On the
fine arts — On the political and moral state of Europe.

THE death of the emperor Maximilian, and the negotiations
arid intrigues occasioned by the election of his successor,
Charles V., had for a time withdrawn the attention of the
court of Rome from the proceedings of Luther. Of this
opportunity, he and his followers had availed themselves to
spread his opinion?, both by preaching and writing, through
various parts of Germany. The effect of these exertions was
most visible in Saxony, where, during the vacancy of the
imperial throne, the vicarial authority had devolved on the
elector Frederick; who, if he did not openly espouse the cause
of the reformation, at least raised no obstructions to its pro
gress. Under his protection, the new opinions gained consi-

THE POPE ENDEAVOURS TO PACIFY LUTHER. 209

tlerable strength; and as his reputation for integrity, talents,
and personal worth, was equal to that of any sovereign of his
time, the partiality which he manifested to Luther greatly
contributed to the success of the efforts of that dai-ing inno
vator.*

No sooner had the political ferment subsided, than Leo
again turned his attention to the progress of Luther, which,
from its rapidity and extent, now began to excite a real alarm
at Rome. The new decretal \vhich Leo had issued in con
firmation, of indulgences, had answered no other purpose than
to impel Luther to a more direct opposition. To whatever
height the pontifical authority erected its crest, Luther op
posed himself to it with equal confidence, and Leo at length
resolved to try the effect of conciliatory measures. In this it
is probable that he followed the dictates of his own temper
and judgment, which were naturally inclined to lenity and
forbearance; and it is certain that the measure which he
adopted was warmly reprobated by many of the firm and
orthodox adherents of the church. The person selected by
the pontiff for this purpose was Charles Miltitz, a Saxon
nobleman, who had served him for some years in a military
capacity, and had been afterwards nominated to the office of
counsellor and apostolic chamberlain. To this choice Leo
was perhaps, in some degree, led by the consideration that
the elector Frederick was supposed to have long wished for
the honour of the consecrated rose, which is annually given
by the pontiff to some distinguished personage; and he there
fore thought that, by transmitting this mark of his esteem by
the hands of Miltitx, he should, at the same time, conciliate,
the favour of the elector, and find an opportunity of treating
with Luther, without humiliating himself by the appearance;
of sending an express messenger for that purpose. To this
it may be added, that Miltitx had already acted the part of a
mediator with the pope on behalf of Luther, to obtain a hear
ing of his cause in Germany; which office he had been soli
cited to undertake by a letter from the university of Wit-
temberg. Nor is it improbable that Leo preferred a secular
to an ecclesiastical envoy, in the hope of avoiding those spe-

* Luther in praef. ad. op.
VOL. II. !»

LIFE OF LEO X.

culative disputations which had hitherto only tended to widen
the breach which he wished to close.

The reception of Miltitz at the electoral court gave but an
ill omen of his success. Neither the letters of the pontiff,
nor the recommendations which Miltitz had brought to De-
genhart Pfeffinger and George Spalatino, two of the principal
officers of the court, could remove the unfavourable impres
sions which had preceded his arrival. Instead of receiving
with satisfaction and respect the high mark of pontifical
favour of which Miltitz was the bearer, the elector desired it
might be consigned to an officer of his court, who would
convey it to him without the formality of a public interview;1
and to the remonstrances of Miltitz respecting Luther, he
coldly answered, that he would not act as a judge, to oppress
a man whom he hitherto considered as innocent.

These discouraging appearances tended still further to con
vince Miltitz that the mediation of the elector would be hope
less, except he could first prevail upon Luther to listen to
pacific measures. He therefore requested an interview with
him, which was with some difficulty obtained. On this occa
sion, Miltitz cautiously avoided all theological questions, and
endeavoured, by the most earnest persuasions, to induce him
to lay aside the hostility which he had manifested to the holy
see. He acknowledged the abuses to which the promulgation
of indulgences had given rise, and highly censured the mis
conduct and the violence of Tetzel, whom he called before
him, and reprehended with such severity, as being the cause
and promoter of these dissensions, that the unfortunate monk,
terrified by the threats of the legate, and by the letters which
were afterwards addressed to him, fell a sacrifice to his vexa
tion and his grief.2 By these and similar measures, Luther
was at length prevailed upon to relax in his opposition, and to
address a letter to the pontiff, in which he laments, with
apparent sincerity, the part which he had acted, and to which,
as he asserts, he had been impelled by the misconduct, avarice,
and violence of his enemies; and declares, in the sight of God
and the world, that he had never wished to impeach the au
thority of the Koman see and of the pontiff, which was held
by him as supreme over all in heaven and in earth, except
our Lord Jesus Christ.. He also professes his readiness^ to
refrain from the further discussion of the question concerning

DISPUTATION AT LEIPSIC. 211

indulgences, provided his adversaries would do the like.
From the pacific and obedient tenor of this letter, there is
indeed reason to infer that Luther was not at this time averse
to a reconciliation; nor did Leo hesitate to reply to it in
terms equally pacific, insomuch that the friends of peace
began to flatter themselves that these disturbances would soon
be amicably terminated.* But other circumstances arose
which revived the fermentation of theological disputes, and
gave new life to those animosities which seem to be their
natural and invariable result.

Andrew Bodenstein, better known by the name of Carlo-
stadt, or Carlostadius, assumed by him from the place of his
birth, was at this time archdeacon of the cathedral at Wittem-
berg, and having embraced the opinions of Luther, had
published a thesis in their defence. This again called forth
the papal champion Eccius, and, after much altercation, it was
at length determined, that the dispute should be decided by
single combat, substituting only the weapons of argument for
those of force. Of this contest, which was carried on in the
city of Leipsic, in the presence of George, duke of Saxony,
the uncle of the elector Frederick, and a large concourse of
other eminent persons, both ecclesiastical and secular, the
partisans of the Roman church, and the adherents to the
reformation, have each left a full account, -j- After the par
ties had tried their skill for several successive days, Luther
himself, who had accompanied his friend Carlostadt, entered
the lists with Eccius. The battle was renewed with great
violence, and if the disputants did not succeed in enlightening
the understanding, they at least inflamed the passions of each
other to a degree of animosity which sufficiently discovered
itself in their future conduct.3 Hoffman, the principal of the
university of Leipsic, who sat as umpire on this occasion, was
too discreet to detei-mine between the contending parties.
Each, therefore, claimed the victory; but the final decision
upon the various questions which had been agitated, was
referred to the universities of Paris and of Erfurt. This
debate was again renewed in writing, when not only Carlo
stadt, Eccius, and Luther, but Melancthon, Erasmus, and

* Mosheim, Ecclesiast. Hist. ii. 21. note (u.)
f Melchior. Adam, in Vita Carlostadii, 38.

212 LIFE OF LEO X.

several other eminent scholars took an important part in
asserting or opposing the various opinions which had been
advanced at Leipsic. By the publication of these works the
spirit of discussion and inquiry was still further extended,
and whether the truth was with the one or the other, or with
neither of the parties, the prolongation of the contest proved
almost as injurious to the court of Rome as if its cause had
experienced a total defeat.

On the return of Luther to Wittemberg, Miltitz renewed
his endeavours to prevail upon him to desist from further
opposition, and to submit himself to the authority of the holy
see. For the accomplishment of this object he laboured
unceasingly, with such commendations of the virtues and
talents of Luther, and such acknowledgments of the miscon
duct and corruptions of the Roman court, as he thought were
likely to gain his confidence, and disarm his resentment; a
conduct which lias been considered by the papal historians as
highly derogatory to the Roman pontiff, of whom he was the
legate, and injurious to the cause which he was employed to
defend. They have also accused this envoy of indulging
himself too freely in convivial entertainments and the use of
wine; on which occasions he amused his friends with many
exaggerated anecdotes, to the discredit and disgrace of the
Rowan court; which, being founded on the authority of the
pope's nuncio, were received and repeated as authentic.*
Finding, however, that all his eiforts to subdue the pertinacity
of Luther were ineffectual, he had recourse to the assistance
of the society of Augustine monks, then met in a general
chapter, whom he prevailed upon to send a deputation to
their erring brother, to recall him to a sense of his duty.
Luther appeared to be well pleased with this mark of respect,
and promised that he would again write to the pontiff with a
further explanation of his conduct. Availing himself, there
fore, of this opportunity, he addressed another letter to Leo
X., which in its purport may be considered as one of the
most singular, and in its consequences as one of the most
important, that ever the pen of an individual produced.
Under the pretext of obedience, respect, and even affection
for the pontiff, he has conveyed the most determined opposi-

* Pallav. i. xviii. 114.

LUTHER VRITES TO THE TOPE. 213

tion, tlie most bitter satire, and the most marked contempt;
insomuch, that it is scarcely possible to conceive a composition
move replete with insult and offence, than that which Luther
affected to allow himself to be prevailed on to write by the
representations of his own fraternity. " Amongst the monsters
of the age," says Luther, " with whom I have now waged
nearly a three-years war, I am compelled at times to turn my
regards towards you, O most holy father Leo; or rather I
may say, that as you are esteemed to be the sole cause of the
contest, you are never absent from my thoughts. For although
I have been induced by your impious flatterers, who have
attacked me without any cause, to appeal to a general council,
regardless of the empty decrees of your predecessors, Pius
and Julius, which by a kind of stupid tyranny were intended
to prevent such a measure, yet I have never allowed my mind
to be so far alienated from your holiness, as not to be most
earnestly solicitous for the happiness both of yourself and
your see, which 1 have ahvays endeavoured, as far as in my
power, to obtain from God by continual and ardent supplica
tions. It is true, I have almost learnt to despise and to
exult over the threats of those who have sought to terrify me
by the majesty of your name and authority; but there is one
circumstance which I cannot contemn, and which has com
pelled me again to address your holiness. I understand I
have been highly blamed, as having had the temerity to carry
my opposition so far as even to attack your personal cha
racter.

'•' I must, however, most explicitly assure you, that when
ever I have had occasion to mention you, I have never done
it but in the best and most magnificent terms. Had I done
otherwise, I should have belied iny own judgment, and should
not only concur in the opinion of my adversaries, but most
willingly acknowledge my rashness and impiety. I have
given you the appellation of a Daniel in Babylon, and have
even endeavoured to defend you against your great calum
niator, Silvester, (Pricrio,) with a sincerity which any reader
will abundantly perceive in my works. The unsullied repu
tation of your life is indeed so august and so celebrated in
every part of the world by the applauses of learned men, as
to set at defiance any aspersions which can be thrown upon
it. I am not so absurd as to attack him whom every one

214 LIFE OF LEO X.

praises, when it has always been my rule to spare even those
whom public report condemns. I delight not in blazoning
the crimes of others, being conscious of the mote which is in
my own eye, and not regarding myself as entitled to throw
the first stone at an adultress."

After justifying the asperity with which he has commented
on the misconduct of his adversaries, by the example of
Christ, and of the prophets and apostles, he thus proceeds: —
" I must, however, acknowledge my total abhorrence of your
see, the Roman court, which neither you nor any man can
deny is more corrupt than either Babylon or Sodom, and
according to the best of my information, is sunk in the most
deplorable and notorious impiety.4 I have been, therefore,
truly indignant to find, that under your name, and the pretext
of the Roman church, the people of Christ have been made a
sport of; which I have opposed, and will oppose as long as
the spirit of faith shall remain in me. Not that I would
attempt impossibilities, or expect that my efforts could avail
against such a hostile throng of flatterers, and in the midst of
the commotions of that Babylon. I owe, however, something
to my brethren, and conceive that it behoves me to keep
watch that they are not seized in such numbers, nor so
violently attacked, by this Roman plague. For what has
Rome poured out for these many years past (as you well
know) but the desolation of all things, both of body and soul,
and the worst examples of all iniquity. It is, indeed, as clear
as daylight to all mankind, that the Roman church, formerly
the most holy of all churches, is become the most licentious
den of thieves, the most shameless of all brothels, the kingdom
of sin, of death, and of hell; the wickedness of which not
Antichrist himself could conceive.

" In the meantime, you, O Leo, sit like a lamb amidst
wolves, and live like Daniel amidst the lions, or Ezechiel
among the scorpions. But what can you oppose to these
monsters? Three or four learned and excellent cardinals!
but what are these on such an occasion? In fact, you would
all sooner perish by poison than attempt a remedy to these
disorders. The fate of the court of Rome is decreed; the
wrath of God is upon it; advice it detests; reformation it
dreads; the fury of its impiety cannot be mitigated, and it has
now fulfilled that which was said of its mother — ' We have

LUTHER WRITES TO THE POPE. 215

medicined Babylon and she is not healed; let us therefore
leave her.' It was the office of you and of your cardinals to
have applied a remedy; but the disorder derides the hand of
the physician, nee audit currus habenas. Under these impres
sions I have always lamented, O most excellent Leo, that
you, who are worthy of better times, should have been elected
to the pontificate in such days as these. Rome merits you not,
nor those who resemble you, but Satan himself, who, in fact,
reigns more than you in that Babylon. Would that you
could exchange that state, which your inveterate enemies
represent to you as an honour, for some petty living ; or would
support yourself by your paternal inheritance; for of such
honours none are worthy but Iscariots, the sons of perdition."

After pouring out these invectives, and others of a similar
kind, always pointed with expressions of the most con
temptuous kindness for the pontiff, Luther proceeds to give a
brief history of his conduct, and of the efforts made to pacify
him by the Roman court; in which he speaks of Eccius as
the servant of Satan, and the adversary of Jesus Christ, and
adverts to the conduct of the cardinal of Gaeta with an
acrimony by no means consistent with his former professions
in this respect. He then declares, that in consequence of the
representations of the Augustine fathers, who had entreated
him at least to honour the person of the pontiff, and assured
him that a reconciliation was yet practicable, he had joyfully
and gratefully undertaken the present address. " Thus I
come," says he, "most holy father, and prostrating myself
before you, entreat that you will, if possible, lay hands on,
and bridle those flatterers who, whilst they pretend to be
pacific, are the enemies of peace. Let no one, however, pre
sume to think, most holy father, that I shall sing a palinode,
unless he wishes to give rise to a still greater storm. I shall
admit of no restraints in interpreting the word of God; for
the word of God, which inculcates the liberty of all, must
itself be free. Except in these points, there is nothing to
which I am not ready to submit. I hate contention, I will
provoke no one; but being provoked, whilst Christ assists
me, I will not be mute. With one word your holiness might
silence these commotions and establish that peace which I so
earnestly desire.

" Allow me, however, to caution you, my good father

216 LIFE OF LEO X.

Leo, against those syrens who would persuade you that you
are not altogether a man, but a compound of man and God,,
and can command and require whatever you please. This, I
assure you, will be of no avail. Yon are the servant of
servants, and, of all mankind, are seated in the most de
plorable and perilous place. Be not deceived by those who
pretend that you arc lord of the earth, that there can be no
Christian without your authority, and that you have any
power in heaven, in hell, or in purgatory. They are your
enemies, and seek to destroy your soul, as it was said by
.Esaias, 0 my people, they ivho pronounee you Itappy deceive
you. Thus they impose upon you who exalt you above a
council, and the universal church, and who attribute to you
alone the right of interpreting the scriptures, and endeavour,
under your name, to establish their own impiety. Alas, by
their means, Satan has made great gain among your prede
cessors.''5

This letter, which bears date the 6th day of April, 1J20.
was prefixed by Luther as a dedication to his treatise on
Christian liberty, which he professes to transmit to the pope as
a proof of his pacific disposition, and of his desire to attend to his
studies, if the flatterers of the pontiff would allow him, but
which the advocates of the Roman church have considered as
an additional proof of his arrogance and his disobedience.
The measure of his offences was now i'ull ; the pontiff, in
deed, had long been solicited to apply an effectual remedy to
these disorders. The friars accused him of negligence, and
complained that whilst he was employed in pompous exhi
bitions, in hunting, in music, or other amusements, he disre
garded affairs of the highest moment. They asserted that,
in matters of faith, the least deviation is of importance; that
the time to eradicate the evil is before it has begun to spread
itself; that the revolt of Arius was, at first, a spark that
might have been extinguished, but which, being neglected,
had set fire to the world; that the efforts of John lluss and
fFcrome of Prague would have been attended with similar
success, if they had not been frustrated in the commencement
by the vigilance of the council of Constance.*6 These senti
ments were by no means agreeable to the pontiff, who, so far

* :->:;rpi, Hist, del Concil. tli Trcnto, iv. 10

PURPORT OF THE PAPAL BULL. 217

from wishing to resort to severity, regretted that he had already
interfered so much in the business, and made himself a party
where he ought to have assumed the more dignified character
of a judge.* The remonstrances, however, of the prelates
and universities of Germany, added to those of the Roman
clergy, and, above all, the excess to which Luther had now
carried his opposition, compelled him, at length, to have re
course to decisive measures ; and a congregation of the
cai-dinals, prelates, theologians, and canonists, was summoned
at Rome, for the. purpose of deliberating on the mode in
which his condemnation should be announced.

The form of the bull by which Luther and his doctrines
were to be condemned, gave rise to many debates, and a
great variety of opinion; and the authority of the pontiff was
necessary to terminate a contest between the cardinals Pietrot
Accolti and Lorenzo Pucci, the datary, each of whom had
proposed the form of the bull, and were earnest in defence of
their respective opinions. At length, the model of Accolti
was, with some variations, adopted ; and this formidable
document, which has been considered as the final separation
of Luther and his adherents from the Roman church, and as
the foundation of the celebrated council of Trent, was issued
witii the date of the fifteenth day of June, 1520.|

By this bull, the supreme pontiff, after calling upon Christ
to arise and judge his own cause, and upon St. Peter, St.
Paul, and all the host of saints, to intercede for the peace and
unity of the churoh, selects forty-one articles from the asser
tions and Avritings of Luther, as heretical, dangerous, and
scandalous, offensive to pious ears, contrary to Christian
charity, the respect due to the Roman church, and to that
obedience which is the sinew of ecclesiastical discipline. He
then pi'oceeds to condemn them, and prohibits every person,
under pain of excommunication, from advancing, defending,
preaching, or favouring the opinions therein contained. He
also condemns the books published by Luther, as containing
similar assertions, and directs that they shall be sought out,
and publicly burnt. Proceeding then to the person of
Luther, the pontiff declares that he has omitted no effort of
paternal charity to reclaim him from his errors ; that he has

* Sarpi, iv. 11. + Or rather, licneJetto. I Sarpi, iv. 11. Pallav. xx. 1 19

218 LIFE OF LEO X.

invited him to Rome, offered him a safe-conduct, and the
payment of the expenses of his journey, in the full confidence
that he would, on his arrival, have acknowledged his errors,
and have discovered that in his contempt of the Roman
court, and his accusations against the holy pontiff, he had
been misled by empty and malicious reports. That Luther
had, notwithstanding this summons, contumaciously refused,
for upwards of a year, to appear at Rome; that he still per
severed in his refusal; and that, adding one offence to another,
he had rashly dared to appeal to a future council, in defiance
of the constitutions of Pius II. and Julius II., which had de
clared all such appeals heretical. | That, in consequence of
these reiterated offences, the pope might justly have pro
ceeded to his condemnation, but that, being induced by the
voice of his brethren, and imitating the clemency of the
Omnipotent, who desire th not the death of a sinner, he had
forgotten all the offences hitherto committed by Luther
against himself and the holy see, had determined to treat him
with the greatest lenity, and to endeavour, by mildness alone,
to recall him to a sense of his duty; in which case he was
still willing to receive him, like the repentant prodigal, into
the bosom of the church. He then proceeds to exhort Luther
and his adherents to maintain the peace and unity of the
church of Christ, prohibits them from preaching, and ad
monishes them, within sixty days, publicly to recant their
errors, and commit their writings to the flames, otherwise he
denounces them as notorious and pertinacious heretics; he
requires all Christian princes and powers to seize upon Luther
and his adherents, and send them to Rome, or, at least, to
expel them from their territories; and he interdicts every
place to which they may be allowed to resort; and lastly, he
directs that this bull shall be read through all Christendom,
and excommunicates those who may oppose its publication.7

The execution of this bull was intrusted to Eccius, who
had repaired to Rome in order to expedite it, and having
accomplished his purpose, hastened with it to Germany as a
trophy of his victory. The delegation of this authority to an
avowed and personal enemy of Luther, was not, however,
calculated to allay the resentment of that fearless reformer,
and has been justly censured, even by the firmest apologists
of the Roman court, as affording a pretext to Luther, that

EXECUTION OF THE BULL SUSPENDED. 219

this measure was not the result of an impartial consideration
of his conduct, but of the odium of his declared and inveterate
enemies.*

On the publication of this instrument, Leo X. addressed a
letter to the university of Wittemberg, and another to the
elector Frederick, in the latter of which, taking for granted
the firm attachment of the elector to the holy church, and his
enmity to the efforts of that ': child of iniquity," Martin
Luther, he commends him highly for services which he had
certainly never rendered. He then proceeds to acquaint
him, that all efforts to reclaim Luther having proved ineffec
tual, he had issued a decree against him, of which he had
transmitted him a copy, printed at Rome, and entreats him to
use his authority to prevail upon Luther to recant his errors,
and in case of his obstinacy, to take him into custody, and re
tain his person under the directions of the holy see. It is, how
ever, sufficiently apparent, that this letter was rather written
from political motives, to justify to the public the conduct of
the Roman court, than with any expectation of influencing
the elector to take a hostile part against Luther, that sovereign
having, only a few months before, in a letter written to Rome,
decidedly expressed his opinion, " That if, instead of endea
vouring to convince the reformers by arguments and autho
rities from Scripture, the Roman court should have recourse
to threats and violence, it would inevitably occasion the most
bitter dissensions and destructive tumults throughout all
Germany." The absence of the elector, who was at the im
perial court when the letter of Leo X. arrived at Wittemberg,
afforded a pretext for the university to suspend the execution
of the bull until his return, but, by the instigation of Eccius,
the writings of Luther were publicly burnt at Cologn, Lou-
vain, and other cities of the Netherlands and Germany.

The first measure adopted by Luther in opposition to the
pontifical decree, was to renew his appeal to a general council.
He soon afterwards published his animadversions upon the
execrable Bull of Leo -A".,f in which he, in his turn, admo
nishes the pope and his cardinals to repent of their errors,
and to disavow their diabolical blasphemies and impious at
tempts, threatening them, that unless they speedily comply

* Pallavicini, xx. 119. + Lutheri Op. i. 2S6.

220 LIKE OF LEO X.

•with, his remonstrances, he and all other Christians shall
regard the court of Home as the seat of Antichrist, possessed
by Satan himself. He declares that he is prepared, in de
fence of his opinions, not only to receive with joy these cen
sures, but to entreat that he may never be absolved from
them, or be numbered among the folloAvers of the Roman
church, being rather willing to gratify their sanguinary
tyranny by offering them his life; that if they still persist in
their fury, he shall proceed to deliver over both them and
their bull, with all their decretals, to Satan, that by the de
struction of the flesh, their souls may be liberated in the
coming of our Lord. These menaces he soon afterwards
carried into effect, as far as lay in his power. On the tenth
day of December, 1520, he caused a kind of funeral pile to
be erected without the Avails of Wittemberg, surrounded by
scaffolds, as for a public spectacle; and when the places thus
prepared were filled by the members of the university and
the inhabitants of the city, Luther made his appearance, with
many attendants, bringing with him several volumes, con
taining the decrees of Gratian, the decretals of the popes,8
the constitutions called the Extravagants, the writings of
Eccius, and of Emser, another of his antagonists, and, finally,
a copy of the bull of Leo X. The pile being then set on
fire, lie, with his own hands, committed the books to the
flames, exclaiming at the same time, " Because ye have
troubled the holy of the Lord, ye shall be burnt with eternal
fire."* On the following day he mounted the pulpit, and
admonished his audience to be upon their guard against papis
tical decrees. " The conflagration we have now seen," said,
he, " is a matter of small importance. It would be more to
the purpose if the pope himself, or, in other words, the papal
see were also burnt. "t The example of Luther at Wittemberg
was followed by his disciples in several other parts of Ger
many, where the papal bulls and decretals were committed to
the flames with public marks of indignation and contempt.
Such were the ceremonies that confirmed the separation of
Luther and his followers from the court of Rome. A just
representation of that hostile spirit which has subsisted be
tween them till the present day, and which, unfortunately for

* Lutberi Op. ii. ;]'20. Pallavic. sxii. 150. + Ib.

LUTHER SEEKS THE FAVOUR OF THE EMPEROR. 221

the world, lias not always been appeased by the burning
of heretical works, on the one hand, nor of papal bulls and
<!<-c-,vtals, on the other.9

This irreconcilable dissension between Luther and the
church could not have arisen at a more critical juncture.
A young and powerful monarch had just been seated on the
imperial throne, and the part which he might take in this
contest might either overthrow the papal authority throughout
the central provinces of Europe, or frustrate the efforts of
the reformers in the origin of their undertaking. Hence the
eyes of all the Christian world were turned towards Charles V.,
on whose decision the fate of the Reformation seemed to depend.
Of the importance of this decision, Luther and the pontiff
w<-re equally aware; and, accordingly, they neither of them
spared any pains that might secure his countenance and sup
port. In his severe reprehensions of the bull of Leo X., Luther
had already called upon Charles V. to rise up and oppose
himself to the kingdom of Antichrist. He also addressed a
book, in the German language, to the emperor and his
nobles, in which he had endeavoured to prove that the pope
had no authority over the imperial throne, nor any right to
t-xercise those powers which he had long claimed in the
German states, and earnestly entreated the emperor not to
suffer the Roman pontiff to take the sword from his hand, and
reign uncontrolled in his dominions.* Nor was Luther
without a powerful friend in the elector of Saxony, who, on
account of his magnanimity in refusing the imperial crown,
and his effectual recommendation of Charles V. to that high
dignity, enjoyed, in an eminent degree, the favour and con
fidence of that sovereign. The elector palatine, Lewis, was
;:lso supposed to be inclined towards the opinions of Luther,
which had now made such progress in various parts of Ger
many, as decidedly to show that they could not be eradicated
without the most sanguinary consequences. On this im
portant occasion Luther also availed himself of the services of
Ulric llutten and of Erasmus, the latter of whom laboured
with great earnestness, by means of his friends, to discover
the sentiments of Charles V. with respect to the reformers,
which Luther had, however, the mortification to find were not
favourable to his cause.10

* Seckeudorf. Comment, de Lutlu'/anhmo, i. xxxiv. l!iV.

222 LIFE OF LEO X.

The efforts of Leo X. to secure the favour of the emperor,
and induce him to take an active part in the support of the
Roman church, were also unremitting.* On the election of
Charles V., it became necessary to dispatch an envoy from
Rome to congratulate him on that event, for Avhich purpose
the pontiff selected Marino Caraccioli, then an apostolic
notary, and who afterwards, in the pontificate of Paul III.,
obtained the rank of cardinal. Conceiving, however, that
this envoy would be sufficiently employed in watching over
the political interests of the Roman see, and that the business
of the Reformation would require all the vigilance of an
active and skilful negotiator, he sent as another nuncio,
Girolamo Aleandro, to whom he intrusted the important
task of exterminating the heretical opinions of Luther and
his adherents. Aleandro was not only a man of great learn
ing, but of uncommon talents and activity, and being warmly
devoted to the Roman see, he engaged iu its service with in
conceivable earnestness. On his arrival in Flanders, where
the emperor yet remained, he obtained his permission to
carry into effect the bull of Leo X., throughout his patri
monial dominions. After the coronation of Charles at Aix
la Chapelle, Aleandro accompanied him to Cologn, where
the works of Luther were publicly burnt, as well as in other
cities of Germany; not, however, without such an opposition
in some places, as rendered it highly dangerous to those who
undertook the office.

Soon after his coronation, Charles had summoned a diet of
the empire to meet at Nuremburg, in the month of January,
1521, as well for the purpose of making some important
regulations as to the German confederacy, as for taking
into consideration the state of religion; but on account of
the plague appearing at that place, the diet assembled at
Worms. As the resolutions of this meeting v/ere expected
to be decisive of the great question of the Reformation, no
exertions were spared by either of the contending parties to
obtain a favourable decision. Besides the continual efforts
of Aleandro, the cause of the Roman see was supported by
many of the ecclesiastical electors and powerful barons of
Germany, who endeavoured to instigate the emperor to the

* See Sadoleti Ep. nomine Leonis X. Ep. Ixxii. 101. Ed. Rom. 1759. 8.

ALEANDRO HARANGUES AGAINST LUTHER. 223

I most violent measures;* they were, however, firmly opposed
n by the electors of Saxony and of Bavaria, and by many of the
I inferior nobility, who had espoused the cause of Luther, and
I who, by their representations as to the extension of the new
1 opinions in Germany, and the number and resolution of their
I adherents, occasioned great apprehensions among the partisans
I of the Roman see. When the discussion on the state of the
L church was opened, Aleandro addressed the diet, as legate of
ic the pontiff, and in a speech of three hours, in which he is
I acknowledged to have acquitted himself with great ability,
I endeavoured to enforce the necessity of speedy and effectual
; measures. In the course of this oration, he asserted, that
it the opposition of Luther was not confined to the pontiff and
I the Roman see, but was directed against the most sacred
I dogmas of the Christian faith. That Luther had denied the
1 power of the supreme pontiff, or even of a general council,
I to decide in matters of doctrine, without which there would
I be as many opinions of the sense of Scripture as there were
j readers. That by impugning the doctrine of free agency,
I and preaching up that of a certain uncontrollable necessity,
I a door was opened for all kinds of wickedness and licentious-
|; ness, as it would be thought a sufficient excuse to allege that
• such crimes were inevitable. After discussing these and
1 many similar topics, he concluded with observing, that the
I Roman court had laboured during four years, without effect,
I to subdue this detestable heresy, and that nothing now re-
ijmained but to entreat the interference of the emperor and
{ the Germanic states, who might, by an imperial edict, ex-
ttpose both it and its author to merited execration and con
tempt,11

Had Luther or any of his zealous and learned adherents
K been present on this occasion, to have replied to the arguments
! and opposed the assertions of Aleandro, to have directed the
li attention of the assembly to the ambition and proud assump-
I tions of the Roman pontiffs, and expatiated on the abuses of
I the papal see, in converting the religion of Christ into an
I engine of rapine and a source of gain, it is probable that the
I effect produced by this harangue might have been in a great
{ degree obviated; but as the assertions and reasonings of

* Pallavicini, xxiv. 137.

224 1>IFE OF LEO X.

Aleandro remained unanswered, they produced a visible im
pression on the diet, which was now ready to adopt the most
violent proceedings against the adherents of the new opin
ions.* The elector of Saxony, whilst he appeared to agree
with the rest of the assembly as to the expediency of coercive
measures, observed, however, that in this instance they were
about to decide not only on points of doctrine, but against
Luther individually, who was supposed to have been the
author of them. That this was a question of fact, which
ought to be ascertained; for which purpose he ought to be
called upon to appear before the diet, and to declare whether
he had or had not taught those opinions which were said to
be found in his books. This proposition Avas extremely
vexatious to Aleandro, who, as well from the result of his
own judgment, as by particular instructions from Home, had
avoided all opportunities of entering into disputations with
the reformers, and who was apprehensive that the well-
known eloquence and resolution of Luther would eifuce the
impression which he had already made upon the assembly.
The emperor, however, was inclined to favour the proposal
of the elector, observing, that it might otherwise be pre
tended that Luther had been condemned unheard; but in
order to appease the legate, lie consented that the only
question to be proposed to Luther, should be, whether he
would retract the errors which he had published in his writ
ings. f On the sixth day of March the emperor dispatched
lus messenger, Gaspar Sturm, with letters addressed to
Luther, in terms sufficiently respectful, and accompanied
them by an imperial safe-conduct, which was conlirmed by
the princes through whose territories it Avas necessary that
Luther should pass.

On receiving the imperial mandate, Luther lost no time in
preparing for his journey. To the remonstrances of his
friends, who endeavoured to deter him from this expedition,
by reminding him of the examples of John Huss and Jerome
of Prague, who by the shameless violation of a similar pass
port were betrayed to their destruction, he firmly replied,
that if there were as many devils at "Worms as there were
tiles on the houses, he would not be deterred from his pur-

* Pallaviciiri, i. XXM. l.j?. + Mainbuvg. «y. Seckecdorf, i. L')0.

LUTHEU AT WORMS. 225

]»ose.* He arrived at "Worms on the sixteenth day of April.
On his journey he was accompanied by his zealous adhei'ent
Amsdorff, and several other friends, and preceded by the
imperial messenger in his official habit.12 On passing
through Erfurt he was met by the inhabitants and honour
ably received. By the connivance of the messenger, who
had orders to prevent his preaching on the journey, Luther
harangued the populace in this city and other places. The
papists, as they now began to be called, having flattered
themselves with the expectation that he would have refused
to make his appearance at Worms, and thereby have afforded
a sufficient pretext for his condemnation, were alarmed and
j mortified at his approach with so respectable a retinue. On
ihis arrival at that city, he was surrounded by upwards of
. two thousand persons, many of them attached to his opinion?,
j and all of them desirous of seeing a man who had rendered
[himself so famous throughout Europe. y

In the afternoon of the following day, Luther was intro
duced to the diet, by the marshal count Pappenheim, who in-
i formed him that he was not to be allowed to address the
a.-sembly, but was merely expected to reply to the questions
[which might be proposed to him. The person appointed to
: interrogate him was John ab Eyk, or Eccius, not his avowed
[adversary, but another person of the same name, chancellor
lor official to the archbishop of Treves. The first question
I proposed to Luther was, whether he acknowledged himself to
ibe the author of the books published in his name. The second,
[whether he was ready to retract what had been condemned in
Nthosc books. To the first question he answered, after hear
ing the titles of the books read, that he was the author of
jithem, and should never deny them. But in reply to the

• .-L'cund, he observed, that as it was a question concerning faith
and the salvation of souls, and as it involved the divine word,

• than which nothing is greater in heaven or on earth, it would
Ibe rash and dangerous in him to give an unpremeditated
•answer, which might either fall short of the dignity of his
j cause, or exceed the bounds of truth; and might subject him
|to the sentence pronounced by Christ, " Whosoever shall deny

* Lutheri Kp. np. Seckend. i. 108.

t See Viti Warbeccii llelationein tie itinere et adventu Lutheri ; ap. Seck-
•eu'Jorf. i. 1;V>. addit.

VOL. ii. Q,

226 LIFE OF LEO X.

me before men, him will I deny before my father who is in
heaven." He therefore entreated that he might be allowed
time to deliberate, so that he might answer without injury to
the divine word, or danger to his own soul. The emperor,
having advised with the members of the diet, complied with
his request, and directed that he should appear again on the
following day to deliver his final answer, which he was in
formed would not be allowed to be in writing.*

On this first interview, some circumstances occurred which
deserve particular notice. Whilst Luther was passing to the
assembly, he was surrounded with immense crowds, and even
the rooi's of the houses were almost covered with spectators.
Among these, and even when he stood in the presence of the
diet, he had the satisfaction to hear frequent exhortations
addressed to him to keep up his courage, to act like a man,
accompanied with passages from scripture; " Not to fear
those who can kill the body only, but to fear him who can
cast both body and soul into hell." And again, " When ye
shall stand before kings, think not how ye shall speak; for it
shall be given to you in that same hour."f His adversaries
were, however, gratified to find that instead of replying, he
had thought it necessary to ask time to deliberate; and the
apologists of the Roman see have affected to consider it as a
proof that he possessed no portion of the divine spirit, other
wise he would not, by his delay, have given rise to a doubt
whether he meant to retract his opinions. £ We are also in
formed that his conduct on this occasion fell so far short of
what was expected from him, that the emperor said, " This
man will certainly never induce me to become a heretic."§
To observations of this kind, the friends of Luther might
have replied, that the prohibition imposed upon him before the
assembly, prevented him from entering into a general vindi
cation either of his opinions or his conduct. That with
respect to his having exhibited no symptoms of divine inspi
ration, he had never asserted any pretensions to such an
endowment; but, on the contrary, had represented himself as
a fallible mortal, anxious only to discharge his duty, and to
consult the safety of his own soul. And that, as to the

* These particulars are given by Luther himself, Op. ii. 412.

•(• Lutheri, Op. i. 41ti, &c. } Maimb. ap. Seckend. i. 153.

§ Pallavic. i. xxvi. ICO.

LUTHER AT WORMS. 227

remark of the emperor, if in fact such an assertion escaped
him, it proved no more than that he had been already preju
diced against Luther; and that by a youthful impatience,
which he ought to have restrained, he had already anticipated
his condemnation.

On the following day, Luther again appeared before the
diet, and being called upon to answer whether he meant to
retract the opinions asserted in his writings, in reply, he first
observed, that these writings were of different kinds, and on
different subjects. That some related only to the inculcation
of piety and morality, which his enemies must confess to be
innocent and even useful; and that he could not therefore
retract these, without condemning what both his friends and
his foes must equally approve. That others were written
against the papacy and the doctrines of the papists, which
had been so generally complained of, particularly in Germany,
and by which the consciences of the faithful had been so long
ensnared and tormented. That he could not retract these
writings without adding new strength to the cause of tyranny,
sanctioning and perpetuating that impiety which he had
hitherto so firmly opposed, and betraying the cause which he
had undertaken to defend. That among his writings there
was a third kind, in which he had inveighed against those
who had undertaken to defend the tyranny of Rome, and
attacked his own opinions, in which he confessed that he had
been more severe than became his religion and profession.
That, however, he did not consider himself as a saint, but
as a man liable to error, and that he could only say, in the
words of Jesus Christ, " If I have spoken evil, bear witness
of the evil." That he was at all times ready to defend his
opinions, and equally ready to retract any of them which
might be proved, from reason and scripture, and not from
authority, to be erroneous; and would even, in such case, be
the first to commit his own books to the flames. That with
respect to the dissensions which it had been said would be
occasioned in the world by his doctrines, it was of all things
the most pleasant to him to see dissensions arise on account
of the word of God. That such dissensions were incident to
its very nature, course, and purpose, as was said by our
Saviour, " I come not to send peace among you, but a sword."
He then, with srreat dignity and firmness, admonished the

228 LIFE OF LEO X.

young emperor to be cautious in the commencement of his
authority, not to give occasion to those calamities which might
arise from the condemnation of the word of God, and cited
the example of Pharaoh and of the kings of Israel, who had
incurred the greatest dangers when they had been surrounded
by their counsellors, and employed, as they supposed, in the
establishment and pacification of their dominions. "When.
Luther had finished, the orator of the assembly observed, in
terms of reprehension, that he had not answered to the pur
pose; that what had been denned and condemned by the
council ought not to be called in question, and that he must
therefore give a simple and unequivocal answer, whether he
would retract or not. Luther replied in Latin, in Avhich
language he had before spoken, in these terms : —

" Since your majesty, and the sovereigns now present, re
quire a simple answer, I shall reply thus, without evasion,
and without vehemence. Unless I be convinced, by the testi
mony of scripture, or by evident reason, (for I cannot rely OIL
the authority of the pope and councils alone, since it appears
that they have frequently erred, and contradicted each other)
and unless my conscience be subdued by the word of God, I
neither can nor will retract anything; seeing that to act
against my own conscience is neither safe nor honest." After
which he added in his native German, " Here I tak* my
stand; I can do no other : God be my help! Amen."

The orator made another effort to induce him to relax
from his determination, but to no purpose; and night ap
proaching, the assembly separated, several of the Spaniards
who attended the emperor having expressed their disappro
bation of Luther by hisses and groans.*

Such was the result of this memorable interview, which
each of the adverse parties seems to have considered as a
cause of triumph and exultation. The llomish historians
assert that the conduct of Luther on this occasion diminished
his credit, and greatly disappointed the expectations which
had been formed of him; whilst his apologists represent it as
highly to be commended and in every respect worthy of his
character. Tsor can it be denied, that when the acuteness of
his interrogator compelled him either to assert or to retract

* Lutheri op. ii. 41'2,.tf seq.

OBSERVATIONS ON HIS CONDUCT. 229

the doctrines which he had maintained, he rose to the height
of his great task with that inflexible intrepidity, which was
the characteristic feature of his mind. Of the theological
tenets so earnestly inculcated by Luther, different opinions
will be entertained; and whilst some approve, and some con
demn them, there are perhaps others who consider many of
them as unimportant, and founded merely on scholastic and
artificial distinctions; as equivocal, from the uncertainty of
their effects on the life and conduct of those who embrace
them; or as unintelligible, being totally beyond the limits and
comprehension of human reason; but all parties must unite in
admiring and venerating the man, who, undaunted and alone,
could stand before, such an assembly, and vindicate, Avith un
shaken courage, what he conceived to be the cause of religion,
of libert}r, and of truth ; fearless of any reproaches but those
of his own conscience, or of any disapprobation but that of his
(Jod. This transaction may, indeed, be esteemed as the most
remarkable and the most honourable incident in the life of
that great reformer; by which his integrity, and his sincerity,
were put to the test, no less than his talents and his resolution.
That he considered it as a proof of uncommon fortitude, appears
from the language in which he adverted to it a short time
before his death: " Thus," said he, " God gives us fortitude
for the occasion; but I doubt whether I should now find
myself equal to such a task." *

At the meeting of the diet on the following day, the
emperor produced a paper, written with his own hand,
which he read to the assembly; and which contained a con
cise statement of his sentiments on the opinions and conduct
of Luther and his followers. ' Of this paper he sent a copy to
his ambassador, at Rome, to be communicated to the pontiff,
who directed it to be read in full consistory, and immediately
dismissed a brief, to return his acknowledgments to the em
peror; at the close of which, with a condescension unusual in
the supreme pontiffs in this mode of address, he added several
lines written with his own hand. The emperor's Polizza, or
address to the assembly, 'was to the following effect. That the
assembly well knew that he derived his origin from the
most Christian emperors, from the catholic kings of Spain, the

* Luther, ap. Seckeutl. i. 10'2.

230 LIFE OF LEO X.

archdukes of Austria, and the dukes of Burgundy; all of
whom had distinguished themselves by their obedience to the
Roman see and the supreme pontiff, and had been the pro
tectors and defenders of the catholic faith. That it now
became his duty, as the successor of such ancestors, to imitate
their example, and to maintain and confirm the decrees of the
council of Constance, and of the other councils of the church.
That an individual friar, misled by his own opinion, had now,
however, ventured to overturn the decisions of all Christendom;
which, if his notions were true, must hitherto have been
erroneous. But that, as such assertions were most false and
dangerous, he had resolved to devote his dominions, his
empire, his nobles, his friends, his body, and his soul too, if
necessary, in order to prevent the further progress of this
disorder. That, after having heard the obstinate replies given
by Luther on the preceding day, he lamented that he had so
long hesitated in fulminating a process against him and his
doctrines; and had now adopted the resolution not to hear
him again, but to direct that he should quit the court, ac
cording to the tenor of his passport, the conditions of which
he should be bound strictly to fulfil, and not to endeavour, by
preaching, writing, or in any other manner, to excite popular
commotions. That, for his own part, he was resolved to
proceed against Luther as an avowed heretic; and he called
upon the assembly, as good and faithful Christians, to unite
with him, as they had promised to do, in the measures neces
sary on this occasion.

Notwithstanding this decisive declaration of the sentiments
of the young emperor, the assembly were not unanimously
disposed to concur in such hafty and violent proceedings.13
Even the adversaries of Luther, intimidated by the rapid in
crease of his opinions, and by reports of a league of four
hundred German nobles, who were said to be ready to take
up arms in his behalf, were inclined rather to afford him a
further hearing, than to brave the consequences of an open
hostility. His friends also interposed their good offices, and
perhaps the assembly in general might consider the decision
of the emperor, which was made before the membei's present
had deliberated on the subject, as at least hasty and prema
ture, if not an infringement on their privileges. From these
and similar causes, all parties united in requesting the emperor

LUTHER AT WORMS. 231

to allow Luther another hearing, alleging, that if he persevered
in his heresy, he would afford a still better reason for the pro
ceedings intended to be adopted against him; and although
Charles still refused to grant this request in public, yet he
consented to give him permission to remain at Worms three
days longer, during which time any of the members of the
diet might use their endeavours to prevail upon him to
retract his errors.*

In consequence of this resolution, the archbishop of Treves,
Richard de Griffelan, undertook the office of mediator between
Luther and the diet, for which purpose he had several inter
views with him ; at which the good archbishop conducted
himself with such moderation and kindness towards Luther,
and made such concessions and propositions on the part of
the church, as greatly displeased the papal nuncio, Aleandro,
without, however, effecting any alteration in the determina
tion which Luther had adopted, to abide by the consequences
of his own conduct. These conferences, by the assent of the
diet, were continued for two days longer : but, although
Luther appears to have been sensible of the lenity and good
intentions of the archbishop, to whom he addressed himself
in the most respectful and friendly terms, yet, in such a cause,
he was no less on his guard against the influence of gentle
ness and persuasion, than he had before been against all the
terrors of authority. Being at length asked by the archbishop
whether he could himself suggest any expedient which might
tend to restore the public quiet, he replied in the words of
Gamaliel, " If this undertaking be the work of men, it will be
overthrown; but if of God, ye cannot overthrow it."f The
result of this interview being made known to the emperor,
Luther was ordered to leave the city, and not to be found
within the imperial dominions after the expiration of twenty
days. There were not wanting on this occasion some who
suggested to the emperor, that, notwithstanding his solemn
passport, he ought not to suffer so notorious a heretic to
escape ;J but besides the disgrace which this would have
brought both upon him and the assembly, and the reluctance
of the emperor to stain the commencement of his reign by an
act of treachery, it is probable that such a measure would

* Pallavicini, i. xxvii. 163. f Luth. op. ii. 410. b. Seckend. i. 157.

J Sarpi, Concil. rli Trento, i. 15.

232 LIFE OF LEO X.

have occasioned commotions which would not easily have been
allayed. Luther, therefore, left the city on the twenty-sixth
day of April, accompanied by the imperial herald; and being
met at the gate by a large body of his friends, proceeded on
his journey to AVittemberg.

After the departure of Luther, the pontifical legates exerted
all their influence to obtain a decree of the diet against him;
but notwithstanding their efforts, this was not accomplished
until the twenty-sixth day of May. By this document, which
resembles a papal bull rather than a great national act,
and which represents Luther as the devil, in the semblance
of a man, and the dress of a monk,* all the subjects of the
empire are required to seize upon him and his adherents, to
destroy their property, and to burn their books and writings;
and all printers are prohibited from publishing their works
Avithout the approbation of the ordinary. In the meantime,
Luther had found a shelter against the approaching storm.
As he was passing through a wood near Altenstein, on his
return to Wittemberg, with only a few attendants, he was
seized upon by several persons employed by the elector of
Saxony for that purpose, and carried to the castle of Wart-
burg, where he remained in great privacy during the re
mainder of the pontificate of Leo X. At this place, which he
called his Patmos, he devoted himself to study, and composed
several of his theological tracts. He had already, however,
sown the seeds, which grew equally well in his absence as in
his presence, and which, notwithstanding the storm excited by
the apostolic nuncios, soon spread such vigorous roots, as
defied all the efforts of the papal sec to destroy them.

Nor were the new opinions confined to the limits of Ger
many. Within the space of four years they had extended
themselves from Hungary and Bohemia, to France and
to England; having in all places attracted the notice and
obtained the approbation of a great part of the inhabitants.
Such was the reception they met with in this country, that
Henry VIII. who had in his youth devoted some portion of
his time to ecclesiastical and scholastic studies, not only
attempted to counteract their effects by severe restrictions,

* The form of the edict is said to have been prepared by Aleandro. See
Seckendorf. i. 40. 158.

HENRY VIII. WRITES AGA1MST LUTHER. 233

but condescended to enter the lists of lontroversy with
Luther, in his well known work written in Latin, and
entitled, A Vindication of the seven Sacraments.1* This
work Henry dedicated to Leo X., and transmitted a copy to
Rome, with the following distich:

" Anglorura Rex Henricus, Leo Decime, mittit
Hoc opus, et fidei testem et Amicitiir."

Lt was presented to the pontiff in full consistory, by the
ambassador of the king, who made a long and pompous
oration; to which the pope replied in a concise and suitable
manner.*10 The satisfaction which Leo derived from this cir
cumstance, at a time Avhen the supremacy of the holy see was
in such imminent danger, may be judged of by the desire
Avhich he showed to express to the king his approbation of
the part he had taken. After returning him ample thanks,
and granting an indulgence to every person who should
peruse the book, he resolved to confer upon him. some dis
tinguishing mark of the pontifical favour, and accordingly
proposed in the consistory to honour him with the title of
Defender of the Faith. This proposition gave rise, however,
to more deliberation, and occasioned greater difficulty in the
sacred college than perhaps the pope had foreseen. Several
of the cardinals suggested other titles, and it was for a long
time debated whether, instead of the appellation of defender
of the faith, the sovereigns of England should not in all future
times be denominated the Apostolic, the Orthodox, the Faith-
fid, or, the Angelic.\ The proposition of the pope, who had
been previously informed of the sentiments of Wolsey on this
subject, at length, however, prevailed, and a bull was
accordingly issued, conferring this title on Henry and his
posterity: a title retained by his successors till the present
day, notwithstanding their separation from the Roman church;
which has given occasion to some orthodox writers to remark,
that the kings of this country should either maintain that
course of conduct in reward for which the distinction was
conferred, or relinquish the title.J

That the spirit of the times, and in particular, a marked

* Seckendorf, i. 184. + Pavallicini, ii. i. viii. 177. _

{ Maimb. ap. Seckend. i. 183.

234 LIFE OF LEO X.

dissatisfaction with the proceedings of the Roman court, and
an increasing latitude of discussion arid inquiry had pre
pared the way for the success of Luther, may sufficiently
appear from circumstances which occurred about the same
time in other parts of Em-ope. Even in the year 1516, and
before Luther had published his celebrated propositions at
Wittemberg, Ulric Zuinglius, an ecclesiastic of Zurich, had
boldly opposed himself to the assumptions of the Roman
church, and engaged in a system of reform which he carried
on with a degree of ability and resolution not inferior to that
of Luther himself. The promulgation of indulgences in the
Swiss cantons, by the agency of a friar named Sansone or
Samson, afforded him new grounds of reprehension, of which
he did not fail successfully to avail himself ; and a contro
versy was maintained between the papists and the reformers
in the Helvetic states, which resembled, both in its vehe
mence and its consequences, that between Luther and Tetzel
in Germany.* As the opposition of Zuinglius had arisen
without any communication with Luther, so the doctrines
which he asserted were not always in conformity with those
advanced by the German reformer, and on some important
points were directly contrary to them. In truth, the opposi
tion of Zuinglius to the papal see, was carried to a greater
extent than that of Luther, who still retained some of the
most mysterious dogmas of the Roman church, whilst it was
the avowed object of the Helvetic reformer to divest religion
of all abstruse doctrines and superstitious opinions, and to esta
blish a pure and simple mode of worship. In consequence of
this diversity, a dispute arose, which was carried on with
great warmth, and which principally turned on the question
respecting the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist, which
was firmly asserted by Luther, but not assented to by Zuin
glius, who regarded the bread and wine used in that sacra
ment as types or symbols only of the body and blood of
Christ.16 On this subject a conference was held between
the two reformers at Marpurg, in which Zuinglius was ac
companied by Oecolampadius and Bucer ; and Luther by
Philip Melancthon and others of his friends. Both parties
appealed with confidence to the authority of Scripture for the

* Moslieim's Ecclesiast. Hist. ii. 190, &c.

CONDUCT AND CHARACTER OF LUTHER. 235

truth of their opinions, and both discovered that an appeal to
those sacred writings will not always terminate a dispute.
Persevering in his original intention of restoring the Christian
religion to its primitive simplicity, Zuinglius became the
founder of that which is denominated, in contradistinction to
the Lutheran, the Reformed church. To this great under
taking he devoted not only his learning and his abilities, but
I also his life, having in the year 1530 fallen in battle, in de
fending the cause of the reformers against the adherents of
the Roman church;* leaving behind him an example not only
of heroic firmness in maintaining his own opinions, but,
what is far more extraordinary, of enlightened toleration to
all those who might conscientiously differ from him in matters
of faith.

In order to form a proper estimate of the conduct and
character of Luther, it is necessary to consider him in two
principal points of view. First, as an opponent to the
haughty assumptions and gross abuses of the Roman see ; and
secondly, as the founder of a new church, over which he may
be said to have presided until the time of his death, in 1546,
an interval of nearly thirty years. In the former capacity
we find him endeavouring to substitute the authority of reason
and of scripture for that of councils and of popes, and con
tending for the utmost latitude in the perusal and construction
of the sacred writings, which, as he expressed it, could not be
chained, but were open to the interpretation of every in
dividual. For this great and daring attempt he was peculiarly
qualified. A consciousness of his own integrity, and the
natural intrepidity of his mind, enabled him not only to brave
the most violent attacks of his adversaries, but to treat them
with a degree of derision and contempt which seemed to
prove the superiority of his cause. Fully sensible of the im
portance and dignity of his undertaking, he looked with equal
eyes on all worldly honours and distinctions; and emperors
and pontiffs and kings were regarded by him as men and as
equals, who might merit his respect or incur his resentment,
according as they were inclined to promote or obstruct his
views.17 Nor was he more firm against the stern voice of

* Mosheim's Ecclesiast. Hist. ii. J92. Planta's Hist, of the Helvetic
Confederacy, ii. 148.

236 LIFE OF LEO X.

authority than against the blandishments of flattery and tin;
softening influence of real or of pretended friendship. The
various attempts which were made to induce him to relax in
his opposition, seem in general to have confirmed rather than
shaken his resolution, and if at any time he showed a dis
position towards conciliatory measures, it was only a symptom
that his opposition would soon be carried to a greater extreme.
The warmth of his temperament seldom, however, prevented
the exercise of his judgment, and the various measures to
Avhich he resorted for securing popularity to his cause were
the result of a thorough knowledge of the great principles of
human nature and of the peculiar state of the times in which
lie lived. The injustice and absurdity of resorting to violence,
instead of convincing the understanding by argument, were
shown by him in the strongest light. Before the imperial
diet he asserted his own private opinion, founded, as he con
tended, on reason and scripture, against all the authorities of
the Roman church; and the important point which he inces
santly laboured to establish was the right of private judgment
in matters of faith. To the defence of this proposition, he was
at all times ready to devote his learning, his talents, his repose,
his character, and his life; and the great and imperishable
merit of this reformer consists, in his having demonstrated it
by such arguments as neither the efforts of his adversaries
nor his own subsequent conduct have been able either to refute
or invalidate.

As the founder of a new church, the character of Luther
appears in a very different light. After having effected a
separation from the see of Rome, there yet remained the still
more difficult task of establishing such a system of religious
faith and worship as, without admitting the exploded doctrines
of the papal church, would prevent that licentiousness which
it was supposed would be the consequence of a total absence
of all ecclesiastical restraints. In this task, Luther engaged
with a resolution equal to that with which he had braved the.
authority of the Romish church; but with this remarkable
difference, that in the one instance he effected his purpose by
strenuously insisting on the right of private judgment in
matters of faith, whilst in the other he succeeded by laying
<lown new doctrines, to which he expected that all those who
espoused his cause should implicitly submit. The opinions of

CONDUCT AND CHARACTER OF LUTHER. 237

Luther on certain points were fixed and unalterable. The
most important of these were the doctrine of the real presence
in the Eucharist, and the justification of mankind by faith
alone. Whoever assented not to these propositions Avas not
of his church; and although he was ready on all occasions to
make use of arguments from Scripture for the defence of his
tenets, yet when these proved insufficient, he seldom hesitated
to resort to more violent measures. This was fully exempli
fied in his conduct towards his friend Carlostadt, who not
being able to distinguish between the liomish doctrine of
transubstantiation and that of the real presence of Christ in
the sacrament, had, like Zuinglius, adopted the idea that the
bread and the wine Avere only the symbols, and not the actual
substance of the body and blood of Christ.* Luther, however,
maintained his opinion with the utmost obstinacy; the dispute
became the subject of several violent publications, until
Luther, who was now supported by the secular power, ob
tained the banishment of Carlostadt, who was at length
reduced to the necessity of earning his bread by his daily
labour, t The unaccommodating adherence of Luther to this
opinion placed also an effectual bar to the union of the
Helvetic and German reformers; and to such an uncharitable
extreme did he carry his resentment against those who denied
the real presence, that he refused to admit the Swiss and the
German cities and states which had adopted the sentiments of
Zuinglius and Bucer, into the confederacy for the defence of
the protestant church; ij: choosing rather to risk the total
destruction of his cause than to avail himself of the assistance
of those who did not concur with him in every particular
article of belief.

Nor did Luther adhere less pertinaciously to the doctrine
of predestination, and of justification by faith alone, than to
that of the real presence in the Eucharist.18 In support of
these opinions he warmly attacked Erasmus, who had at
tempted to maintain the freedom of the human will, and when
that great scholar and candid Christian replied, in his
Hypcraspistes, Luther increased his vehemence to scurrility
and abuse. "That exasperated viper, Erasmus," says he,

* Mosheim, ii. 105, mid note (li) of Dr. Maclaine.

+ Maimburg. ap. Seckendorf, i. 109. Mosheim, ii. 105, note (k.)

J Mosheim, ii. 19"i. Planta, ii. 147.

238 LIFE OF LEO X.'

" has again attacked me; what eloquence will the vainglorious
animal display in the overthrow of Luther!"* In defending
his opinion as to the all- sufficiency of faith, he suffered him
self to be carried to a still further extreme; and after having
vindicated his doctrines against councils and popes and
fathers, he at length impeached the authority of one of the
apostles, asserting that the Epistle of James, in which the
necessity of good works to a perfect faith is expressly stated
and beautifully illustrated, was, in comparison with the
writings of Peter and of Paul, a mere book of straw.19

It would too far exceed the necessary limits of these pages
to dwell upon the dissensions to which this inflexible adhe
rence of Luther to certain opinions gave rise, or on the
severity with which he treated those who unfortunately hap
pened to believe too much, on the one hand, or too little, on the
other, and could not walk steadily on the hair-breadth line
which lie had prescribed. Without attributing to the con
duct of Luther all those calamities which a diversity of reli
gious opinions occasioned in Europe, during the greater
part of the sixteenth century, and in which thousands of inno
cent and conscientious persons were put to death, many of them
with the most horrid torments, for no other reason than a
firm adherence to those doctrines which appeared to them to
be true,f it is sufficient on the present occasion to remark the
wonderful inconsistency of the human mind, which the cha
racter of Luther so strongly exemplifies. Whilst he was en
gaged in his opposition to the church of Rome, he asserted
the right of private judgment in matters of faith with the
confidence and courage of a martyr; but no sooner had he
freed his followers from the chains of papal domination, than
he forged others, in many respects equally intolerable, and it
was the employment of his latter years to counteract the
beneficial effects produced by his former labours. The great
example of freedom which he had exhibited could not, how
ever, be so soon forgotten, and many who had thrown off
the authority of the Romish see refused to submit their,
consciences to the control of a monk who had arrogated to

* Luth. ap. Melchior Adam, in Vita Lutheri, 63. Luther also accused '
Erasmus of being an atheist, an enemy to Christianity, &c. ; see Erasm.
Ep. xxi. Ep. 44.

t Mosheim, ii. 238, 239.

THE REFORMATION AND LITERATURE. 239

himself the sole right of expounding those scriptures which
he had contended were open to all. The moderation and
candour of Melancthon in some degree mitigated the severity
of his doctrines; but the example of Luther descended to his
followers, and the uncharitable spirit evinced by the Lutheran
doctors, in prescribing the articles of their faith, has often
been the subject of just and severe reprehension.20 Happy
indeed had it been for mankind had this great reformer dis
covered, that between perfect freedom and perfect obedience
there can be no medium; that he who rejects one kind of
human authority in matters of religion is not likely to submit
to another; and that there cannot be a more dangerous nor a
more odious encroachment on the rights of an individual, than
officiously and unsolicited to interfere with the sacred inter
course that subsists between him and his God.

As the progress of literature had concurred with other
causes in giving rise to the Reformation, so that great event
produced in its turn a striking effect on the studies and the
taste of Europe. Many of the reformers, and especially Luther
and Melancthon, were men of sound learning and uncommon
industry; and the latter, in particular, if he had not engaged
in the Reformation and devoted himself to theological studies,
would undoubtedly have been one of the best critics and most
elegant scholars of the age. In the Latin tongue, Luther
was a great proficient ; but his style, though expressive and
masculine, has little pretensions to elegance, and appears to
be better calculated for invective and abuse than for the
calm tenour of regular composition. He had a competent
knowledge of the Greek, as appears by his translation of the
New Testament, which he executed during his solitude in
his Patmos, and published shortly afterwards. He also
undertook the study of the Hebrew; a task of no inconsider
able difficulty; but which, however, he had the resolution to
surmount. The intercourse that subsisted between him and
the other reformers, particularly Zuinglius, Bucer, Reuchlin,
and llutten, and the controversies in which he engaged, as
well with these as with the supporters of the Romish church,
called forth exertions beyond what the more tranquil spirit of
literature could have inspired. The ancient authors began
not only to be studied for the charms of their composition,
but were called in as auxiliaries by the contending parties,

240 LIFE OF LEO X.

Avho, by affecting an intimate acquaintance with the writers of
antiquity, supposed that they gave additional credit to their
own cause; and the period which immediately succeeded the
Reformation was thai in which Europe saw the luminary of
classical learning at a higher meridian than at any time either
before or since. For some time the important discussions
which took place, in both political and ecclesiastical concerns,
afforded ample topics for the exercise of that eloquence and
facility of composition which were then so generally extended;
but as the contests of the pen gave way to those of the sword,
and subjects of great and general interest were neglected as
useless, or prohibited as dangerous, a new style of writing
arose, like a weak scion from the root of a tree felled by the
axe, which ill compensates by elegance of form and luxuriance
of foliage for the loss of the more majestic trunk. To this
state of literature the great Lord Bacon has alluded, in what
he denominates " delicate learning,"* the introduction of
which he attributes to the effects of the Reformation, "which
occasioned the " admiration of ancient authors, the hate of the
schoolmen, the exact study of languages, and the efficacy of
preaching;" the four causes that, according to him, brought
in " an affectionate study of eloquence and copia of speech,
which then began to flourish. This," says he, " grew speedily
to an excess; for men began to hunt more after words than
matter, and more after the choiceness of the phrase, and the
round and clean composition of the sentence, and the sweet fall i ng
of the clauses, and the varying and illustration of their works
with tropes and figures, than after the weight of matter, worth
of subject, soundness of argument, life of invention, or depth
of judgment. Then grew the flowing and watery vein of ;'
Osorius, the Portugal bishop, to be in price; then did Sturmius
spend such infinite and curious pains upon Cicero the orator,
and Hermogenes the rhetorician, besides his own books of
periods, and imitation, and the like. Then did Car, of Cam
bridge, and Ascham, with their lectures and writings, almost
deify Cicero and Demosthenes, and allure all young men that
were studious unto that delicate and polished kind of learning.
Then did Erasmus take occasion to make the scoffing echo,
Dcccm annos consitmpsi in legcndo Cicerone ; and the echo

* Of the Advancement of Learning, i. 18. 1st edit.

THE REFORMATION AND THE FINE ARTS. 241

answered in Greek, £1NE, Asinc. Then grew the learning of
the schoolmen to be utterly despised as barbarous. In sum,
the whole inclination and bent of those times was rather to
wards copia than weight."

Nor was the reformation of religion favourable in its con
sequences to the progress of the line arts, "which extending
themselves from Italy, had now begun to be cultivated with
great attention in other parts of Europe. The effect of this
struggle was to call off the public attention from these studies,
as useless and insignificant, and to fix it on those more im
portant discussions which were supposed so nearly to affect
both the temporal and eternal happiness of mankind. But
the injurious consequences of the Reformation on the arts
were yet more direct. Before this event, the Roman religion
had not only relinquished its hostility to the productions of
the chisel or the pencil, but had become the foster-mother
of these pursuits, and supplied the noblest and most inter
esting subjects for the exercise of their powers. The artist,
whose labours were associated with the religion of his
country, enjoyed a kind of sacred character, and as his com
pensation was generally derived from princes and pontiffs,
from munificent ecclesiastics, or rich monastic institutions,
the ample reward which he obtained stimulated both himself
and others to further exertions. To the complete success of
the artist, a favourable concurrence of extraneous circum
stances is often necessary, and the mind already impressed
with religious awe by the silence and solemnity of the cloister
or the cathedral, dwells with additional interest on represent
ations already in unison with its feelings, and which exem
plify in the most striking manner the objects of its highest
admiration and respect. Even the opportunity afforded the
artist, of a spacious repository for his productions, where they
Avere likely to remain secure for ages, and where they might
I be. seen with every advantage of position, were circumstances
highly favourable to his success. The tendency of the Refor-
I mation was to deprive him of these benefits, to exclude his
productions from the place of worship, as profane or idola
trous, to compel him to seek his subjects in the colder pages
of history, and his patrons among secular and less wealthy
j individuals. This effect is not, however, so much to be attri
buted to the opinions or the instigation of Luther himself, as

VOL. II. II

242 LIFE OF LEO X.

to those of his over-zealous followers, who on this head went
far beyond what he conceived to be either necessary or
expedient. During his retreat at his Patmos, his disciple
Carlostadt, in a paroxysm of religious enthusiasm, had ordered
the images and representations of the saints in the church of
Wittemberg to be destroyed; a circumstance of which
Luther was no sooner informed, than he quitted his retire
ment without the knowledge of his patron, the elector, and
hastening to Wittemberg, effectually checked the further pro
ceedings of Carlostadt and his adherents.* From the senti
ments of Luther on this head, as expressed in various parts
of his works, it appears that he conceived such representations
might be tolerated, provided they were not regarded as objects
of worship; although he did not admit that there was any
merit in encouraging them, and, with true sectarian spirit,
thought the cost of them would be better applied to the use of
the brethren.^ The opinion of Erasmus in this, as in other
respects, was much more liberal. " They who have attacked
the images of saints," says he, " although with immoderate zeal,
have had some reason for their conduct, for idolatry, that is,
the worship of images, is a horrible crime; and although it
be now abolished, yet the arts of Satan are always to be
guarded against. But when we reflect that statuary and
painting, formerly regarded as liberal arts, are a kind of
silent poesy, and have often an effect on the feelings of man
kind beyond that produced by the most accomplished orator,
it might have been well to have corrected their superstition
without destroying their utility. I could, indeed, wish, that
the walls of all public places were decorated with representa
tions of the incidents of the life of Christ, expressed in a
becoming manner. But as it was decreed in the council of
Africa, that in places of worship nothing should be recited
but the scriptural canons, so it would be proper that no sub
jects should be exhibited in such places, except such as the
scriptural canons supply. In the porches, vestibules, or
cloisters, other subjects might be represented, taken from com
mon history, so that they inculcated good morals; but absurd,
obscene, or seditious pictures, should be banished not only
from churches but from all habitations; and as it is a kind

* Moimburg, ap. Seckend. i. 197.

POLITICAL EFFECTS OF THE REFORMATION. 243

of blasphemy to pervert the sacred writings to profane and
wanton jests, so those painters deserve to be punished, who,
when they represent subjects from the holy scriptures, mingle
with them their own improper and ridiculous inventions. If
they wish to indulge their folly, let them rather seek for
their subjects in Philostratus; although the annals of heath
enism afford many lessons which may be exhibited with
great utility."* That observations so rational, and from
which Luther himself would scarcely have dissented, have
not been sufficient to prevent the almost total exclusion of
picturesque representations from the reformed churches, is
greatly to be regretted; not only as being an irreparable
injury to the arts, but as depriving the people of a mode of
instruction not less calculated to interest their feelings and
excite their piety than that which is conveyed by means of
speech. Whether mankind in any state of society were ever
so ignorant as to make these visible representations the actual
objects of their adoration may well be doubted, but at all
events there can now be no danger of such an error in the most
uninformed part of Europe; and it may yet be hoped that as
the spirit of bigotry declines, religion may be allowed to avail
herself of every aid which may engage her admirers, illustrate
her precepts, or enforce her laws.

The effects produced by the Reformation on the political
and moral state of Europe are of a much more important
nature. The destruction of the authority of the Romish see
throughout many flourishing and many rising nations, whilst
it freed the monarch from the imperious interposition of an
arrogant pontiff, released the people from that oppressive and
undefined obedience to a foreign power which exhausted their
wealth, impeded their enjoyments, and interfered in all their
domestic concerns. The abolition of the odious and absurd
institutions of monastic life, by which great numbers of per
sons were restored to the common purposes of society, infused
fresh vigour into those states which embraced the opinions of
the reformers; and the restoration of the ancient and apostolic
usage of the Christian church, in allowing the priesthood to
marry, was a circumstance of the utmost advantage to the
, morals and manners of the age. To this may be added the

* Erasm. ap. Seckendorf, iii. f>l.
R 2

244 LIFE OF LEO X.

destruction of many barbarous, absurd, and superstitious
dogmas, by which the people were induced to believe that
crimes could be commuted for money, and dispensations pur
chased even for the premeditated commission of sins.
J But perhaps the most important advantage derived from
/the Reformation is to be found in the great example of
freedom of inquiry which was thus exhibited to the world,
/ and which has produced an incalculable effect on the state
\ and condition of mankind. That liberty of opinion, which
\ was at first exercised only on religious subjects, was, by a
\ natural and unavoidable progress, soon extended to those of a
Ipolitical nature. Throughout many of the kingdoms of Eu-
Irope, civil and religious liberty closely accompanied each
/other; and their inhabitants, in adopting measures which
seemed to them necessary to secure eternal happiness, have
at least obtained those temporal advantages which, in many
instances, have amply repaid them for their sacrifices and
their labours.

That these and similar benefits were, however, in a great

\degree counterbalanced by the dreadful animosities to which
the Reformation gave rise, as well between the reformers and
the adherents to the ancient discipline as between the diffe
rent denominations of the reformed churches, cannot be denied;
and the annals of Europe exhibit a dreadful picture of war,
desolation, and massacre, occasioned by the various struggles
of the contending parties for the defence or the establish
ment of their respective opinions.'22 Whoever adverts to the
cruelties exercised on the Anabaptists, the Socinians, and
\various other sects of Christians, who differ in some abstruse
or controverted points from the established churches; who
ever surveys the criminal code of the Lutheran and Calvin-
istic nations of Europe, and observes the punishments de
nounced against those who may dare to dissent, although upon
the sincerest conviction, from the established creed, and con
siders the dangers to which they are exposed in some countries,
and the disabilities by which they are stigmatized and oppressed
in others, must admit, that the important object which the
friends and promoters of rational liberty had in view, has
hitherto been but imperfectly accomplished, and that the
human mind, a slave in all ages, has rather changed its master
than freed itself from its servitude.

245

CHAPTER XX.

1521,

Errors incident to an early state of society — Writings of Aristotle — Eival
doctrines of Plato — Commentators on the philosophy of the ancients —
Niccolo Leonico Tomeo — Pietro Pomponazzo — Agostiuo Nifo — Giovan-
Francesco Pico — Study of natural philosophy — Attempts towards the
reformation of the calendar — Discoveries in the East and West Indies —
Papal grants of foreign parts — Consequences of the new discoveries —
Humane interference of Leo X. — Study of natural history — Moral phi
losophy — Matteo Bosso — Pontano — His treatise " De Principe" — His
work " De Obedientia," and other writings — Baldassare Castiglione —
His " Libro del Cortegiano" — Novel writers — Matteo Bandello — Pietro
Aretino.

IT is a striking fact that mankind, when they begin to culti
vate their intellectual powers, have generally turned their
first attention towards those abstruse and speculative studies,
which are the most difficult of comprehension and the most
remote from their present state and condition. This is
the natural result of that inexperience which is common
to an early or unimproved state of society. Ignorant of that
which relates to their immediate well-being, they attempt to
rise into the realms of immaterial existence ; or, if the laws of
nature engage their notice, it is only in subordination to some
higher purpose. The course of the heavenly bodies would be
considered as a study not deserving of their attention, were it
not believed to unfold to them the secrets of futurity; and
the productions of the vegetable and mineral kingdoms are
disregarded, except when they are supposed to exhibit striking
prodigies, or to produce miraculous effects.1 Hence, it has
been the most difficult effort of the human mind to divest
itself of absurdity and of error, and to quit its sublime flights
for the plain and palpable inductions of reason and common
sense; and hence the due estimation of our own powers,

246 LIFE OF LEO X.

although it be of all sciences the most important, is generally
the latest acquired.

In correcting these errors of early times, the ancients had
made a considerable progress; but on the revival of letters,
that second infancy of mankind, the powers of the human in
tellect were not so frequently employed on subjects of real
utility as in the investigation of the most difficult or unin
telligible propositions. The writings of Aristotle, which had
first been introduced through the medium of the Arabians,
afforded the greatest abundance of subjects of this nature, and
he therefore became the universal favourite. The study of
his works superseded the study of nature; and as feAV topics
were left untouched by his vigorous and enterprising genius,
he was not only resorted to as the general authority on all
subjects of science and of literature, but produced a consider
able effect on the theological tenets of the times. The su
periority and influence which, by the aid of the schoolmen, he
had for so many ages maintained, were at length diminished
by the rival system of Plato, and the dominion which he had
so long exercised over the human intellect was now divided
between him and his sublimer opponent; this circumstance
may be considered rather as a compromise between the rulers
than as an alteration in the condition of those who were still
destined to obey. The metaphysical doctrines of Plato were
as remote from the business of real life and the simple induc
tion of facts as those of Aristotle. It is not, however, wholly
improbable that mankind derived some advantage from this
event. In dividing their allegiance, it occasionally led them
to think for themselves, and perhaps induced a suspicion that,
as, in opposing systems, both leaders could not be right, so it
was possible that both of them might be Avrong.

This divided authority was not, however, without its vari
ations, in which each of the contending parties struggled for
the ascendancy, and at the close of the fifteenth century the
triumph of Platonism was almost complete. The venerable
character of Bessarion, the indefatigable labours of Ficino,
and the establishment of the Platonic academy at Florence,
under Lorenzo de' Medici, were the chief causes of this su
periority.* With the loss of the personal influence of these

* See Life of Lorenzo, 2!), 85, &c.

LEONICO — POMPONAZZO. 247

eminent men, its consequence again declined; and the doctrines
of Aristotle, better understood and more sedulously incul
cated by many of his learned countrymen, again took the
lead. The scholars of the time devoted themselves with great
earnestness to the task of translating, illustrating, or defend
ing his writings, which now began to be freed from the vi
sionary subtilties of the Arabian commentators, and were
studied and expounded in their original language. The first
native Italian who attempted this arduous task, was Niccolo
Leonico Tomeo, a disciple of Demetrius Chalcondyles, and a
distinguished professor of polite letters in the university of
Padua, where he died in the year 1531, having taught at that
place upwards of thirty years. The talents of Leonico were
not, however, wholly devoted to this employment. He was
not less acquainted with the doctrines of Plato than with
those of Aristotle. He translated many philosophical works
from the Greek into Latin with great elegance, and has left
several treatises or dialogues on moral and philosophical sub
jects,2 although they are now no longer generally known.
Some specimens of his poetry are also to be found in the col
lections of the times.3 His chief merit consists in his having
for a long course of years sedulously diffused the riches of
ancient learning among his countrymen, and his chief honour
in having numbered among his pupils many of the most emi
nent men of the time. The epitaph on Leonico, by his friend
and countryman, Bembo, is an elegant compendium of his
literary and moral character, and is highly favourable to
both.4

Another celebrated professor of philosophy at Padua, at
the commencement of the sixteenth century, was Pietro Pom-
ponazzo, of Mantua, usually denominated, on account of hia
diminutive stature, Pcretto. Such was the estimation in
which his services were held at this university, that he was
rewarded with an annual stipend of three hundred and seventy
ducats; yet we are told, that notwithstanding his acquaintance
with the secrets of nature, with Aristotle, with Plato, with
Avicenna, and with Averrhoes, he had no knowledge of
either Arabic or Greek; and that he knew no more of Latin
than he had acquired at school from the seventh to the twelfth
year of his age.* Being compelled, with the other professors,

* Speroni, Dialogo deila Istoria, ii. in op. ii. 252.*

248 LIFE OF LEO X.

to quit Padua, during the unfortunate events of the war of
Cambray, he retired, in the year 1510, to Ferrara; where
Alberto Pio, lord of Carpi, and Celio Calcagnini, were glad to
avail themselves of his instructions.* In the year 1512, he
left Ferrara, and took up his residence at Bologna, where he
taught during the remainder of his days. At this city he
died in 1524, being then sixty-two years of age.5 Bandello,
many of whose novels are founded on facts that happened
within his own knowledge, relates, that in the year 1520,
Pomponazzo paid a visit to Modena, to be present at a public
disputation held by his pupil, Gio van -Francesco dal Forno,
and that the orator, after having, in the presence of his pre
ceptor and of the inhabitants, acquitted himself with great
honour, accompanied Pomponazzo through the city, to point
out to him whatever might be deserving of his attention;
when the singulai' figure, dusky complexion, and unusual
appearance of the philosopher,'1 attracted the notice of two
Modenese ladies, who seeing him attended by a long train of
respectable followers, mistook him for a Jew celebrating his
nuptials, and expressed their desire to be of the party. The
reply which the novelist has attributed to Pomponazzo would,
if authentic, sufficiently demonstrate that the precepts of his
philosophy had not enabled him to control his passions and
regulate his own temper.7 Nor was Pomponazzo less remark
able for the peculiarity of his opinions than for the singularity
of his person, on which account his safety was frequently en
dangered, from the persecuting spirit of the times. This,
however, can occasion no surprise, w-hen we find him assert
ing in some of his works, that all miracles are merely the
effect of imagination, and that the care of Providence is not
extended to the transitory concerns of the present world.
But the chief difficulties of Pomponazzo were occasioned by
his book, De Immortalitate Animal, in which he is said pub
licly to have denied the immortality of the soul. This dan
gerous opinion excited a host of opponents, who impugned
his doctrines and threatened his person. In his defence he
endeavoured to convince his adversaries that he had stated
this opinion, not as his own, but as that of Aristotle; and
that he had himself only asserted that the existence of a future

* Tiraboschi, vii. i. '->ll.

AGOSTINO NIFO. 249

state could not be proved by natural reason, but must be
believed on tbe authority of the Christian church, of which
he professed himself an obedient son and disciple. These
explanations were of no avail. The ecclesiastics of Venice
represented the book to the. patriarch as being filled with the
most dangerous heresies; the patriarch called in the aid of
the secular power; Pomponazzo was by general consent de
clared a heretic, and his book was condemned to the flames.
Not satisfied with these proceedings, his prosecutors trans
mitted a copy of his book to Bembo, at Rome, entreating him
to obtain, if possible, the condemnation of its author by the
authority of the holy see; but neither the secretary nor the
pontiff were inclined to treat with severity a scholar and a
philosopher who had advanced a few bold opinions, not likely
to engage the attention of many followers. Bembo read the
book, and not finding it so dangerous as it was represented
to be, showed it to the master of the apostolic palace, whose
office it was to take cognizance of all publications, and who
agreed with him in opinion respecting it. Pomponazzo was
therefore released from the terrors of persecution, and his
gratitude is perpetuated in a letter addressed to Bembo.*
Whatever wore the real opinions of this writer, it is certain
that he has on many occasions treated the doctrines of Chris
tianity with no small degree of ridicule.8 For this conduct
he has endeavoured to apologize, by alleging that he wrote
only as a philosopher, and that whenever the church had
decided, he submitted his judgment, and firmly believed what
was proposed to him; an apology which has given occasion to
Boccalini to introduce Apollo as deciding that Pomponazzo
should stand exculpated as a man, and should be burnt only
as a philosoplier.f

Among those who distinguished themselves by their oppo
sition to the doctrines of Pomponazzo, was Agostino Nifo, a
native of Sessa, in the kingdom of Naples, and one of the
learned professors who had been engaged by Leo X. to de
liver instructions in the Roman academy. Prior to the
year 1500, Nifo had filled the chair of a professor at Padua,
where lie had imbibed the opinions of Averrhoes; and in his

* Tirabosclii, (Ed. Roui. 1784,) vii. i. J577, in iiota.
+ Itap-guagli cli Paimso, Cent. i. Hag. xc.

250 LIFE OF LEO X.

treatise, De Intellects, et Demonibus, had asserted the unity of
spiritual existence, and that there is only one soul, which
animates all nature. In consequence of these doctrines, he
was warmly attacked by the theologians of the times, and
might have experienced great vexation, had not the candid
and learned Pietro Barozzi, bishop of Padua, interfered on his
behalf, and afforded him an opportunity of correcting such
passages in his work as were most objectionable. It was on
this occasion that, as a further proof of his penitence, he
wrote against the dogmas of Pomponazzo, on the nature of
the human soul. After having taught in various parts of
Italy, and distinguished himself by the wit and vivacity with
which he seasoned his instructions,* he was called to Rome,
in the year 1513, by Leo X., who received him into his par
ticular favour, honoured him with the title of count palatine,
and allowed him to use the name and arms of the Medici; of
which privilege he has accordingly availed himself in several
of his works. The chief part of his time was employed in
commenting on the remains of Aristotle; but he has also
written on various subjects, political and moral.9 Notwith
standing his sublime meditations, it appears that Nifo could
at times relax from his labours, and could even condescend so
far as to render himself the object of amusement and of ridi
cule to the cardinals and great men of the court ; and perhaps
this qualification was not without its effect in obtaining for
him the favour of the supreme pontiff. Even his writings
are said to bear marks of the same levity which distinguished
his conduct, and to afford sufficient reason to believe that his
philosophy did not always prove a sufficient restraint on those
passions, the effects of which were apparent even amidst the
ravages of disease and the decrepitude of old age.10

Upon the whole, however, it is impossible to observe the
industry, the learning, and the acuteness which have been
displayed in these abstruse speculations, without sincerely
regretting such a lamentable waste of talents and of time.
For wh.it important discoveries might the world have been
indebted to the genius of Giovanni Pico, of Mirandula, if,
instead of attempting to reconcile the opinions of Plato and
of Aristotle,11 he had devoted himself to those studies which

* Jovius Iscrit. 17C.

GIOVAN-FKANCESCO PICO. 251

are within the proper limits of the human intellect. Nor
might posterity have had less cause to admire the talents, and
approve the indefatigable labours of Giovan-Francesco Pico,
the nephew of Giovanni, if he had not suffered himself to be
led astray from the path of nature and utility by the example
of his uncle and the inveterate prejudices of the age. When
we consider the distinguished rank and important avocations
of Giovan-Francesco, and the turbulence and misfortunes of
his public life, we cannot but wonder at his acquirements, and
at the numerous and learned productions which have issued
from his pen. He was born in the year 1470, and was the
son of Galeotto Pico, lord of Mirandula, whom he succeeded
in that government. The ambitious spirit of his brother
Lodovico, who had married Francesca, the daughter of the
celebrated marshal, Gian-Giacopo Trivulzio, prompted him
to aspire to the sovereignty; and in the year 1502, he, with
the assistance of his father-in-law and the duke of Ferrara,
deprived Giovan-Francesco of his dominions, which were held
by Lodovico to the time of his death, in the year 1509. On
the capture of Mirandula by Julius II., in the year 1511,
that pontiff expelled the widow and family of Lodovico, and
restored Giovan-Francesco to his government; but before he
had enjoyed his authority a year, he was again driven from
his capital by the French troops, under the command of
Trivulzio. On the decline of the cause of the French in
Italy, Giovan-Francesco a third time assumed the govern
ment; and by the aid of the cardinal of Gurck, then the
imperial envoy in Italy, a reconciliation was effected between
him and the countess Francesca, which it was expected had
finally terminated their dissensions. The substantial cause
of dissatisfaction still, however, remained, and each of the
parties complained of the other to Leo X., who endeavoured,
by his influence and authority, to reconcile them.12 During
the life of the pontiff, and for some years afterwards, Giovan-
Francesco enjoyed a state of comparative tranquillity; but the
animosities which had arisen in this family were not destined
to terminate, without exhibiting a horrible tragedy. In the
night of the fifteenth of October, 1533, Galeotto, the son of
Lodovico, entered the city of Mirandula, at the head of a
I chosen band of followers, and forced his way into the palace.
Alarmed at the tumult, Giovan-Francesco had thrown him-

252 LIFE OF LEO x.

self on his knees before a crucifix, where he was seized upon
by Galeotto, who, regardless either of the ties of blood or
the supplications of the venerable prince, instantly struck off
his head. His eldest son, Alberto, experienced on this occa
sion a similar fate, and his wife and youngest son were shut
up in prison. Such was the eventful life, and such the un
fortunate death, of one of the most virtuous and learned men,
and one of the most distinguished writers of the age.

The works of Giovan-Francesco, which he had produced
thirteen years before his death, and of which he transmitted
a catalogue to his friend Giraldi, exhibit an astonishing
instance of the efforts of human industry. They embrace
almost every department of literature and of science, and
every mode of composition ; poetry, theology, antiquities,
natural philosophy, morals, and ascetics; letters, orations,
translations from the Greek, and literary essays.13 In many
of his writings he has warmly opposed the doctrines of
Aristotle, and evinced an ^extreme admiration of Plato, to
whose opinions he has not, however, on all subjects con
formed. In his nine books, De Rerum Prcenotione, he has
followed the example of his uncle, in exposing the impostures
of judicial astrology; notwithstanding which, in his life of
Savonarola, he has displayed a degree of credulity scarcely
consistent with a correct and vigorous mind. Almost all the
learned men of the time have held him in the highest esteem,
both for his talents and his virtues. Sadoleti confesses that
he knew no sovereign of the age who united, like him, ability
with moderation, religion with military skill, and an extensive
knowledge in all arts and sciences with a close application to
the cares of government; nor are the applauses of Giraldi
and Calcngnini less honourable to his character as a sove
reign, a scholar, and a man.*

But if the Italian scholars in the infancy of science wan
dered through the regions of incorporeal existence, without a
system and without a guide, it might yet have been expected
that they would have studied with more success the appear
ances and relations of the visible Avorld, and have applied
them to some useful end. Certain, however, it is, that for a
long course of ages no study was so much abused to the pur-

* Ap. Tirab. vii. i. IJ98, &c.

STUDY OF NATURAL PHILOSOPHY. 253

poses of imposing on the credulity of mankind as that which
professes to develop the system of the universe, and to explain
the nature, the relations, and the motions of the heavenly
bodies. Until the close of the fifteenth century, the factitious
science of judicial astrology maintained its full credit in Italy.
Most of the sovereigns and eminent men of that country
retained a great number of astrologers in their service, and
did not venture to engage in any undertaking of importance
without their decision and approbation. The early attempts
of the Italian scholars to investigate the real system of the
universe were weak and uncertain. One of the first Avho
undertook this task was Francesco Stabili, usually called,
from the place of his birth, Cecco d'Ascoli, in his poem
entitled L'Acerbct, written early in the fourteenth century.14
But such a vehicle was not likely to convey much philoso
phical information, even if the author had been better ac
quainted with his subject. His opinions, which may at least
pass for the opinions of the times, were, that the earth was
a fixed and immovable body in the midst of the heavens,
from every part of which it was at an equal distance; and this
he endeavours to demonstrate by observing, that from what
ever part of the earth we view the stars, they appear to be
equally bright and numerous.1-"' He describes the planets as
revolving in their orbits round the earth, and attempts to
explain the eclipses of the moon.10 In accounting for the
appearance of comets, he conceives them to be vapours ema
nating from the planets, and to portend or occasion various
calamities to the human race.* But these inquiries occupy
only the first part of his work, which is divided into five
books, and comprises numerous subjects of natural and moral
philosophy. The style of this writer is so rude and bar
barous as sometimes to be scarcely intelligible; a circum
stance which reflects additional honour on the superior genius
of Dante, of whom Cecco was the contemporary, and over
whom he affects to triumph, in having devoted his writings
to the investigation of truth, whilst Dante employed himself
in composing fabulous narrations;17 representing the great Flo
rentine as having at length lost his way, and taken up his
final residence in his own Inferno.1* These faint attempts to

* L'Acerba, i. 5.

254 LIFE OF LEO X.

discuss with freedom subjects which were supposed to have
been sufficiently explained in holy writ, were, however, ob
served with great jealousy by the persecuting bigots of the
age, and the author of the Acerbo, being accused of heresy
and magic, expiated his ^ temerity in the flames.19 In the
early part of the fifteenth century, another poem was written
by Gregorio Dati, of Florence, entitled La Sfera ;20 which led
the way to more successful attempts. About the year 1468,
Paolo Toscanelli erected the gnomon in the cathedral of
Florence, and thereby gave a decisive proof of the proficiency
which he had made in mathematical and astronomical science.
It appears from the evidence of Cristoforo Landino, in his
commentary on Virgil, that Toscanelli had also applied him
self with great diligence to the study of geography. His
conjectures on the discovery of a passage by sea to the East
Indies were communicated, in several letters, to Fernando
Martinez, canon of Lisbon, and to the fortunate navigator,
Cristoforo Colombo.21 He also transmitted a chart of navi
gation to the latter, who was probably indebted to the
suggestions of Toscanelli for no small share of his subse
quent success. Towards the close of the fifteenth century,
the learned Pontano undertook to illustrate the science of
astronomy, both in prose and verse: in the former, by his
fourteen books, De Rebus Cwlestibus ; in the latter, by his five
books, entitled Urania sive de stellis, and in his book, Meteo-
rorum ; but although he has displayed much acuteness in the
one and much elegance in the other of these works, yet he
has done little towards the real promotion of the science; his
chief object having been to ascertain the effects produced by
the heavenly bodies upon the earth and its inhabitants. The
celebrated Fracastoro devoted a considerable portion of his
time to astronomical studies, as appears from his treatise,
entitled Homo Centricus ; and Celio Calcagnini, of Ferrara,
wrote and published a work in Italian, before the system of
Copernicus issued from the press, in 1543, by which he under
took to prove the motion of the earth.*1 These laudable
attempts at improvement are not, however, to be considered
as detracting from the glory of that eminent and successful
philosopher, who is justly rewarded for his labours, in having

* " Quod ccelum stet, terra uutem moveatur." — Tirabosclii, vii. i. 4^7.

REFORMATION OF THE CALENDAR. 255

his name inseparably united with that true system of the
universe which he was the first to develop and explain.

To the reformation of the calendar, Leo X. paid great at
tention, and endeavoured to accomplish that desirable object
by every effort in his power. One of the first persons who
ventured to point out the errors in the common mode of com
putation, Avas an ecclesiastic, named Giovanni di Novara, or
Johannes Novariensis, who presented to Julius II. a book on
that subject, in which he also proposed a mode of correcting
them. As this was treated as a theological inquiry, the pro
fessed object of the philosopher being to ascertain the precise
time for the due observance of Easter. Julius listened to his
representations, and invited him to remain and pursue his
studies at Rome, promising that further measures should be
taken for carrying his proposal into effect. After the death
of Julius, Leo undertook the task, and particularly recom
mended to the ecclesiastics assembled in the council of the
Lateran to attend to the correction of the tables then in
general use. He also addressed himself, in earnest terms, to
the principals and directors of the Italian academies and to
many learned individuals, entreating them to consider this
important subject, and to transmit to him in their writings
the result of their observations and researches.22 In conse
quence of these measures, several works Avere produced,
which at least prepared the \vay for more effectual efforts.
Paul of Middleburg, bishop of Fossombrone, presented to the
pontiff a treatise, De recta Paschcc celebratione, in twenty-
three books, for the printing and publishing of which Leo
granted him an exclusive privilege.* Basilio Lapi, a Cis
tercian monk, dedicated to him a work, De JEtatum computa-
tione et Dierum anticipatione, a manuscript copy of Avhich
yet exists in the Nani library, at Venice ;23 and in the
Laurentian library, at Florence, is preserved a Latin tract of
Antonius Dulciatus, De Kalendarii correctione, also inscribed
by the author to Leo X.24 The early death of the pontift
prevented, in all probability, the further progress of these
inquiries, and it was not until the pontificate of Gregory XIII.,
in the year 1582, that the reformation of the calendar was

* Fabron. in Vita Leon. X. 27;"). This work was printed at Fossombrone
(Foro Semurouiensis), in 151;3, in fo.

256 LIFE OF LEO X.

carried into full effect, and adopted throughout the catholic
countries of Europe.

The proficiency made in geographical and astronomical
studies prior to and during the pontificate of Leo X., is not,
however, so much to be collected from the written documents
of the times as from the great practical uses to which those
studies were applied. That the researches of the early
navigators were instituted and promoted by many of the
most eminent scholars of the times, appears from undoubted
evidence. The assistance thus afforded to these daring ad
venturers was, however, amply repaid. By the successful
result of their labours, the form of the globe and the revolu
tions of the heavenly bodies were more decidedly ascertained.
Nor can it be doubted that their experience first served to
establish that more correct system of the universe which has
since been fully demonstrated. These discoveries gave rise,
however, to many extravagant ideas, which afford a striking
proof of the credulity of the age. It is asserted by Monal-
deschi, that the kingdom of Peru required a whole year to
traverse it from one extremity to the other, and that New
Spain was at least twice the size of Peru.* Bembo, in his
history of Venice, has also expatiated on the productions
of the new world, and on the persons and customs of the in
habitants, with a mixture of truth and fiction highly amusing. -f-
The success which attended the expeditions to the eastern
world was no small cause of anxiety to the Venetians, who
foresaw in the new intercourse to which they would un
doubtedly give rise, the destruction of that commerce which
the republic had so long monopolized; but although the states
of Italy derived fewer advantnges from these discoveries than
any other country in Europe, yet it is observable that the
persons by whose courage, skill, and perseverance they were
made, were principally Italians.-5 Cristoforo Colombo was a,
native of Genoa; Amerigo Vespucci, who contended with
him for the honour of having been the first to touch that new
continent, which is yet designated by his name, was a Floren
tine; Giovanni Verazzini, to whose efforts the French were
so much indebted for their foreign possessions, was of the

* Comment. Istorica. Ven. 1584.

t Dell' Istoria Veneta, vi. in op. i. 13>?, ei seq.

PAPAL GRANTS OF FOREIGN PARTS. 257

same country; and John and Sebastian Cabot, who, under the
reigns of Henry VII., Henry VIII., and Elizabeth, rendered
such important services to the English crown, were of
Venetian origin.

From the earliest attempts at discovery, the Roman pontiffs
had interested themselves with great earnestness in the result;
and no sooner had these efforts proved successful, than they
converted them to the purpose of extending the credit and
authority of the holy see. A plausible pretext for this inter
ference was found in the promised universality of the church
of Christ, and the duty consequently incumbent on the su
preme pontiff to watch over the souls of all mankind. It was
upon this principle that Eugenius IV. had made a formal
grant to the Portuguese of all the countries extending from
Cape Naon on the continent of Africa to the East Indies.
This grant had been confirmed or extended by the subsequent
bulls of Nicholas V. and Sixtus IV. The dissensions which
arose between Ferdinand, king of Spain, and John, king of
j Portugal, respecting the right of occupying the countries
newly discovered, were submitted to the decision of Alex-
lander VI., who, as is well known, with a boldness peculiar to
[his character, directed that the globe of the earth should be
livided by an imaginary line, extending from north to south,
ind passing one hundred leagues to the west of the Azores
ind Cape Verd islands; that whatever lands were discovered
on the eastern side of this line should belong to the king of
Portugal, and those on the west to the king of Spain.20

It has already been noticed, that in the year 1514, Leo X.
made also a formal concession to Emanuel, king of Portugal;
xtending not only to all countries which were then discovered,
but to such as were even unknown to the pontiff himself. The
Roman see having thus acquired an acknowledged jurisdiction,
began to assume over the new world the same authority that it
had long exercised over the old; and the grants thus made were
accompanied by conditions that the sovereigns should send
out priests to convert the natives to Christianity. These grants,
absurd and futile as they may now appear, were not without their
effects, whether beneficial or injurious to mankind. From
the respect paid by the sovereigns of Europe to the apostolic
see, they might prevent, in some instances, that interference
of different nations in foreign parts, which in all probability

VOL. II. S

258 LIFE OF LEO X.

might have given rise to violent and destructive wars and
defeated the common object of both parties. At the same
time, the commanders employed in these expeditions engaged
in them with a thorough conviction, that in seizing on a
newly discovered country and subjugating its inhabitants,
they were only vindicating the rights of their sovereign
and extending the jurisdiction of the holy Roman church.27

The exultation which these discoveries occasioned through
out Europe, is supposed to have been of the most just and
allowable kind. The extension of the bonds of society to
distant nations and people before unknown; the important
additions to the conveniences and the luxuries of life, and the
great influx of riches which Europe was to experience,
all seem to entitle it to the denomination of one of the happiest,
as well as one of the most important events in the history of
the world. Whether an impartial estimate would confirm
this opinion may, perhaps, be doubted. In the decision of
this question two parties are concerned; the native inhabitants
of the newly discovered countries, and their European in
vaders. To the former, the visitation of a pestilence which
sweeps whole nations from the earth, was not more dreadful
than the arrival of their Spanish conquerors; and the dis
pirited remnant of an unoffending and unwarlike people was
destined to a gradual but sure extirpation by a long and
hopeless series of labour and of suffering. The history of the
discovery of America is, in fact, that of the destruction of its
population, and of the usurpation of its territory by a foreign
power.28 On the other hand, what are the advantages which
Europe has hitherto derived from this intercourse? Had the
people of these distant shores any new information in science,
in politics, in morals, or in arts, to impart to us? Has the
communication between the two countries given rise to situa
tions which have called into action those generous propensi- >
ties and virtuous qualities, on which alone are founded the
dignity and happiness of the human race? Or has it not given
us, on the contrary, a new, representation of the deformity of
our nature, so horrid and so disgusting, that experience alone :
could have convinced us of its reality? The nations of Europe,
instead of being tranquillized by prosperity or enriched by a
new influx of wealth, have from that period either sunk into a
debilitating indolence, or been roused to action by dissensions, to

HUMANE INTERFERENCE OF THE POPE. 259

vhich these discoveries have afforded new causes, and by which
jven the indignant manes of the slaughtered Indians might
l be appeased. If we seek for more consolatory views,
ve must turn towards a new people, who have risen upon
,hese ruins, where we may discern the origin of a mighty
impire, destined, perhaps, to be the last refuge of freedom,
ind to carry to higher degrees of excellence those arts and
sciences which it has received from the exhausted climes of
Surope.

If, however, the spirit of ecclesiastical domination conspired
with the lust of ambition in extending the conquests of the
maritime nations of Europe, it must be remembered, to the
credit of the Roman church, that the first persons who opposed
themselves to the atrocities committed on the unoffending
atives, were the missionaries of the different orders of monks,
who had been sent for the purpose of preaching among them
the Christian faith. In this generous undertaking the
Dominicans took the lead. The horrible practice of seizing
upon the persons of the native Americans, and distributing
them in proportionate numbers among the new settlers, to be
held in perpetual slavery, was represented by the monks of
this fraternity as wholly inconsistent with the mild spirit of
Christianity, and subversive of the great object of their own
mission.* The Franciscans, without attempting to justify
these enormities to their full extent, opposed themselves to
the benevolent views of the Dominicans. Their dissensions
soon reached Europe, and the supreme pontiff was resorted
to for his decision on this novel and important subject. Hia.
sentence confers Jionour on his memory. He declared that
fenot o^^religioiT^^"ur~naTure Iherielf, -cried_ouFagainst
.ffslavery.t He observed with equal justice and benevolence,
I ithat the only mode by which civilization and religious im-
I provement could be extended, was by the adoption of jnild
.Band equitable measures^ and he employed his utmost en-
ildeavouTs to prevalTon Ferdinand of Spain to repress the
•avarice and ferocity of the new settlers, in the countries sub-
f jjected to his authority. § On this occasion the humane and
I indefatigable ecclesiastic, Bartolommeo de las Casas made the

* Robertson's Hist, of America, iii. i. 214, &c.

+ Fabron. in Vita Leon-X. 227. j Ib. ut sup. § Ib. ut sup*

s2

260 LIFE OF LEO X.

most strenuous and persevei'ing efforts for the relief of the
unhappy objects of colonial oppression; but the errors of good
men are sometimes more fatal to the happiness of mankind
than the crimes of the wicked; and the expedient which he
proposed, of alleviating the distresses of the Americans by
enslaving and transporting the natives of Africa, has given
rise to still greater calamities than those which it was in
tended to remedy. After the lapse of nearly three centuries,
some efforts have been made to remove this reproach, which,
if successful, would have displayed the greatest triumph of
virtuous principle ever yet exhibited to the world. But the
guilt of so many ages is not likely to be expiated by repent
ance; and the course of Providence seems too plainly to in
dicate, that a practice begun in rapacity and injustice can
only terminate in revenge, in horrors, and in blood.

If, however, the benefits that might have been derived
from the great events before referred to, have in general
been either neglected, or perverted to the most injurious pur
poses; yet the discoveries made both in the eastern and
western world, opened a new field of speculation and instruc
tion, which has been cultivated by the labours of succeeding
times to a high degree of perfection. Besides the general
knowledge of the globe, which was thus obtained, it is
certain that the great diversity of animal, vegetable, and
mineral productions, observed in regions so remote from each
other, and distinguished by such a variety of temperature, of
soil, and of climate, excited the desire of examining their
nature, their qualities, or their effects. The progress of these
studies was not, however, rapid. The only motive by which
the early navigators were actuated, was the desire of gain.
Gold, in its natural state, was the universal object of their
inquiry. Where this could not be obtained, other articles
were sought for, which might be converted to the greatest •
profit; and the most beautiful, or the most surprising pro- •
ductions of nature, were regarded only as they might be
converted into advantageous objects of merchandise. The
study of nature in her animal and vegetable kingdoms,
although of all others the most obvious and simple, seems to
have been one of the last which, in the rise of learning, at
tracted the attention of mankind. After all the researches
that have been made on this subject, it is yet probable that

STUDY OF NATURAL HISTORY. 261

•th-:.' garden of Lorenzo de' Medici, at Careggi, affords the
learliest instance of a collection of plants extending beyond
Ithe mere object of common utility. From several passages
•in tlie works of Pontano we may, however, discover that this
pitthor devoted himself to the practical study of nature ; and
•his poem in two books on the cultivation of the lemon, the
•orange, and the citron, entitled, De Hortis Hesperidum, sufii-
Iciently demonstrates that he was acquainted with some of the
Imost curious operations in horticulture.29 A more striking
•indication of a rising taste for these occupations, appears in
Ithe estimation in which the works of the ancients who have
? treated on these subjects now began to be held. The
[writings of Theophrastus and Dioscorides had been translated
jiinto Latin, and published before the close of the fifteenth
•century. Of the latter, a new and more correct version was
completed by the learned Marcello Virgilio Adrian!, and
published at Florence in the year 1518. Besides the various
editions of the natural history of Pliny, which in the infancy
of the art of printing had issued from the press, and the illus
trations on that work by Ermolao, Barbaro, Niccolo Leoniceno,
and others,30 it was translated into Italian by Cristoforo Lan-
dino, of Florence, and published at Venice, in the year 1476.
The decided propensity which now appeared towards the
cultivation of natural history, was further increased by the
extension of the theatre on which it had to expatiate ; and
the singular productions of foreign countries, by exciting the
curiosity of the European students, led them to examine those
of their own with an intelligent and a discriminating eye. It
was not, however, until nearly the middle of the sixteenth
century, when the commentaries of Pier- Andrea Mattioli on
the six books of Dioscorides were first published, that the
science of botany began to assume a distinct form, and to be
studied as a separate and interesting branch of natural know
ledge. Still more recent has been the attention paid to the
other departments of natural history. If we except the small
tract of Paullus Jovius, De Piscibus Romanis, published in
the year 1524,31 and a few other detached and unimportant
treatises, we shall find no attempt made to investigate the
history of animated nature, and to reduce the science of
zoology to a general system until the time of Gessner and of
Aldrovando; the former of whom in Switzerland, and the

262 LIFE OF LEO X.

latter in Italy, devoted their talents at the same period to this
important task, and by their elaborate works laid those broad
foundations which have served to support the extensive and
still increasing superstructure of subsequent times.32

Nor had the science of ethics, that most important branch
of knowledge, hitherto received that attention which its inti
mate connexion with the concerns of human life indisputably
demands. Some occasional parts of the writings of Petrarca,
and several of the treatises and dialogues of Poggio Braccio-
lini, may be considered among the earliest and most successful
attempts to illustrate the principles of moral conduct, and to
regulate the^intercourse of society. Before the close of the
fifteenth century, Matteo Bosso, principal of the monastery
of Fiesole, had also undertaken to recommend and to enforce
various branches of moral duty in separate Latin treatises,
written with great apparent sincerity, and not without pre
tensions to perspicuity and to elegance.33 It may indeed be
admitted as a characteristic of a vigorous and an independent
mind, that at a time when theological subtilties and scholastic
paradoxes had so deeply entangled the human faculties, this
venerable ecclesiastic could free himself from their bonds, so
as to observe, with a distinct and penetrating eye, the rela
tions and connexions of human life, and to apply to their
regulation the dictates of sound reason and the precepts of
genuine religion. A more powerful and more successful
effort was made by the celebrated Pontano, whose prose works
consist chiefly of treatises on the various branches of moral
duty; some of which, as applying more generally to the con
cerns of states and of princes, may be considered as illustrat
ing the science of politics, whilst others, relating to individual
conduct, are intended to define the duties of private life.
Under the former head may be classed his treatise De Principe,
addressed to Alfonso, duke of Calabria, in which he has at
tempted to define and exemplify the duties and conduct of a
sovereign. This piece, written upwards of twenty years
before the treatise of Machiavelli, under the same title and
on the same subject, is greatly to be preferred to it for the
sound maxims of policy which it professes to inculcate, and
the noble examples which it holds up for future imitation.
The great distinction between these productions is, that in
the work of Pontano politics are considered as a most im-

PONTANO'S " DE PRINCIPE." 263

islDortant branch of morals, whilst in that of Machiavelli they
dfcppear to be merely an artifice employed to accomplish some
immediate end, which is frequently most injurious to him
Jyho obtains it. " He who wishes to govern well," says Pon-
mano, " should propose to himself liberality and clemency as
il.he first rules of his conduct. By the former he will convert
jliis enemies into friends, and even recall the treacherous to
iJidelity. The latter will secure to him the affection of all
Jnen, who will venerate him as a divinity. United in a sove
reign, they render him indeed most like to God, whose attri-
MJUte it is to do good to all, and to spare those who fall into

eferror."* " It is not, howrever, of so much im-

Jjortance to be esteemed even humane and liberal, as it is to
Avoid those vices which are considered as their opposites. An
^Inordinate desire to obtain that which belongs, and is dear to
•|)thers, is, in a sovereign, the origin of great calamities,
fcence arise proscriptions, exiles, torments, executions; and
tlaence too it is often truly said,

' Ad genenim Cereris, sine csede et vulnere pauci
Descendant Reges, et sicca morte Tyranni.'

Few are the tyrant-homicides that go
Unpierced and bloodless to the realms below.

" What indeed can be more absurd in a sovereign, or less
ilbonducive to his own safety, than instead of displaying an
«3xample of humanity, to show himself severe and arrogant.
I Inhumanity is the mother of hatred, as haughtiness is of
Ipruelty, and both of them are bad protectors either of life or
Ipf authority."t These maxims he confirms by numerous
1 3xamples from ancient and modern times, which show the
! sxtent of his acquirements, and greatly enliven his work.
j But the strongest instance that history affords of the truth of
| these maxims, is, perhaps, to be found in that of Alfonso him-
||self, to whom they were so ineffectually addressed.

I Of the other pieces of Pontano, one of the most extensive
and important, is his treatise, De Obedientia, in five books;
I under which title he has comprehended no inconsiderable
I portion of the system of moral duty.34 In the commencement
iof this work, he observes, that " the efforts of both ancient

* Pontan. de Princjpe. in ejusd. op. i. 87. + Ib. i. 91.

264 LIFE OF LEO X.

and modern philosophy, as well as of both divine and human
law, are chiefly directed to compel the passions of the mind
to submit to the dictates of reason, and to prevent them from
breaking loose, and wandering without a guide." Under
this extensive idea of obedience, he takes occasion to treat on
the chief duties of life, as justice, prudence, firmness, and
temperance; continually intermixing his precepts with ex
amples, many of which, being the result of his own observa
tions, have preserved a great number of historical and literary
anecdotes, not elsewhere to be found. Besides these works,
Pontano produced several others on various topics connected
with moral conduct, which he has illustrated in a similar
manner. These writings of Pontano display great reflection,
learning, and experience; and if the severity of his judgment
had been equal to the fertility of his genius, and had been
suffered to exert itself in correcting those superfluities with
which his works sometimes abound, he would have merited a
rank in this most important department of science, to which
very few writers, either of ancient or modern times, could
justly have aspired. It might have been expected that his
example would have prepared the way to a further profi
ciency in these studies, especially as he had divested them of
the scholastic shackles in which they had been involved, and
had directed them to the great objects of practical utility;
but amidst the convulsions of war, and the dissipations of
domestic life, his works were probably neglected or forgotten;
and it is certain, at least, that the age in which he lived
produced no moral writer of equal industry or of equal merit.
The professors of Rome, of Padua, and other Italian aca-.
demies, thought it sufficient to confine their comments to the
works of Aristotle; and for some time afterwards, the treatise
of Cicero, De Officiis, instead of being considered as a model
of imitation, was regarded as an object of criticism and of
reproof.*

With respect, however, to the regulation of individual
intercourse by the rules of civility and good breeding, which
may be reckoned among the minor duties of society, a work
of extraordinary merit was written in the time of Leo X.
This is the Libro del Cortegiano, of the count Baldassare

* See Tirab. vii. ii. 2-3C.

CASTIGLIONE. 265

Castiglione, who has before occurred to our notice; but a
more particular account of so accomplished a nobleman, and
so elegant a scholar, who shared in an eminent degree the
esteem of Leo X., cannot be uninteresting. He was bora at
his family villa of Casatico, in the territory of Mantua, in the
year 1478, and was the son of the count Cristoforo Castiglione,
by his wife, Louisa Gonzaga, a near relation of the sovereign
family of that name.* In his early years, he was sent to
Milan, where he was instructed in the Latin language by
Giorgio Merula, and in Greek, by Demetrius Chalcondyles.
Having there distinguished himself by his personal accomplish
ments, and particularly by his skill in horsemanship and arms,
he entered into the military service of Lodovico Sforza, with
out, however, relinquishing his literary pursuits, in which he
derived assistance from Filippo Beroaldo the elder. With
him he devoted a great part of his time to the study of the
ancient authors, on whose works he committed to writing
many learned notes and observations. His principal favourites
were Cicero, Virgil, and Tibullus. Nor did he neglect the
distinguished writers of his own country; among whom he is
said particularly to have admired the energy and learning of
Dante, the softness and elegance of Petrarca, and the facility
and natural expression of Lorenzo de' Medici and of Poli-
tiano.f

The death of his father, which was occasioned by a wound
received at the battle of the Taro, and the subsequent over
throw of Lodovico Sforza, having induced Castiglione to
leave Milan, he resorted to his relation Francesco, marquis
of Mantua, whom he accompanied to Naples, where he was
present at the battle of the Gariglione, in the year 1503.
With the consent of the marquis, he soon afterwards paid a
visit to Rome, where he was introduced by his intimate
friend and relation, Cesare Gonzaga, to Guidubaldo da Mon-
tefeltro, duke of Uribino, who had been called to Rome in
consequence of the elevation of Julius II. to the pontificate.
Attracted by the liberality and elegance of manners which dis
tinguished the duke and the gentlemen of his court, Castiglione
entered into his service, to the great dissatisfaction of the

* Serassi, Vita del Conte Baldassare Castiglione, iii fronte al sxio libro
del Cortegiano. Ediz. di Comino, Padova, 17UG, p. 9.
^ Id. p. 10.

266 LIFE OF LEO X.

marquis of Mantua, and accompanied him to the siege of
Cesena, which place was then held for Caesar Borgia, but
which, together with the city of Imola, soon afterwards sur
rendered to the beseigers. By the fall of his horse, Castig-
lione here received a severe injury in his foot, which rendered
it necessary that he should enjoy some repose; and he ac
cordingly retired to Urbino, where he met with a most
gracious reception from the duchess, and from Madonna
Emilia Pia, with whom he ever afterwards maintained a
friendly intercourse, rendered more interesting and not less
honourable by difference of sex. In the tranquillity which
he here enjoyed, he again devoted himself to his studies, or
occasionally took a distinguished part in the conversation of
the many eminent and learned men who resided at that
court, and were admitted to the literary assemblies of the
duchess. In particular he formed a strict intimacy with
Giuliano de' Medici, whom he has introduced as one of the
principal characters in his Cortegiano, the asra of which
work is assigned to this period. Such was the friendship
between them, that Giuliano had negotiated a marriage be
tween his niece Clarice, the daughter of Piero de' Medici,
and Castiglione; but political motives induced her friends to
dispose of her in marriage to Filippo Strozzi, through the
powerful influence of whose family in Florence they hoped
to regain their native place.* Castiglione continued in the
service of the duke until the death of that learned and ac
complished prince, in the year 1508; having represented him
in several embassies to foreign powers, and particularly in
the year 1506, when he came to England to be installed as
a knight of the garter, in the name of the duke, upon whom
that honour had been conferred by Henry VII.35

After the death of the duke, Castiglione continued in the
service of his successor Francesco-Maria della Rovere. The
assassination of the cardinal of Pavia by the hands of the
duke, and the resentment of Julius II., who in consequence
of this sacrilegious murder, deprived his nephew of his dig
nities and estates, threw the court of Urbino into great
agitation and distress, and every method was resorted to
that was thought likely to mitigate the anger of the pontiff.

* Serassi, Vita del Castiglione, 14.

CASTIGLIONE. 267

On his journey to Rome, to receive absolution for his crime,
the duke was accompanied by Castiglione. The various
services rendered by him to the duke were rewarded by a
grant of the castle and territory of Ginestrato, which were
afterwards exchanged at his request, for the territory of
Nuvellara, about two miles from Pesaro, where he had an
excellent palace, good air, fine views both by sea and land,
and a fertile soil; advantages with which he declares himself
so perfectly satisfied, that he has only to pray that God
would give him a disposition contentedly to enjoy them.

On the death of Julius II. in February, 1513, and the
election of Leo X., Castiglione was dispatched by the duke
of Urbino to Rome, in the character of ambassador to \ihe
holy see; where he obtained the particular favour of the
pope, who confirmed to him the grant of his territory of
Nuvellara, and manifested on all occasions the greatest
respect for his talents and opinions, particularly on subjects
of taste. He had now frequent opportunities of enjoying the
society of his former friends; among whom were Sadoleti,
Bembo, Filippo Beroaldo the younger, the poet Tebaldeo,
and Federigo Fregoso, archbishop of Salerno, nephew of the
duchess of Urbino. He maintained a strict intimacy with
Michel- Agnolo, with Raffaello, and with the many other
eminent artists then resident at Rome; nor was there,
perhaps, any person of his age whose opinion was with more
confidence resorted to, on account of his judgment in archi
tecture, painting, sculpture, and other works of art; insomuch,
that it is said that Raffaello himself was frequently accus
tomed to consult him on his most important works.* To
the predilection of an amateur he united the science of an
•antiquarian, and was indefatigable in collecting not only the
! works of the great masters of his own times, but also busts,
statues, cameos, and other remains of ancient art.

The marriage of Castiglione in the beginning of the year
1516, with Ippolita, daughter of the count Guido Torello, a
lady of great accomplishments and high rank, her mother
being the daughter of Giovanni Bentivoglio, lord of Bologna,
detained him for some time at Mantua. It appears, however,
that even after his marriage he continued to spend the chief

* Serassi, Vitajlel Castiglione, 18.

263 LIFE OP LEO X.

part of his time at Rome, whilst his wife remained with her
friends at Mantua; a circumstance which may be supposed
to have given rise to those tender and affectionate remon
strances which he has himself so elegantly expressed in an
Ovidian epistle, written in the name of his wife, Avhich not
only displays many traits in his character and conduct, but
affords a satisfactory proof, that as a Latin poet he might
justly rank with the most eminent of his contemporaries.36
The death of his lady, which happened in child-bed, whilst
he was still detained at Rome in the character of ambassador
from his relation the marquis of Mantua, rendered him for some
time inconsolable. The attention of the cardinals and most
distinguished persons in the Roman court was devoted to
mitigate his grief, and Leo X., as a mark of rhis particular
esteem, conferred on him about the same time a pension of
two hundred gold crowns.*

On the death of the pontiff, Castiglione remained in Rome j
until the election of Adrian VI., soon after whose arrival
at that city he returned to Mantua; but on the election of 1
Clement VII., in the year 1523, he was again dispatched by j
the marquis of Mantua to Rome. The new pontiff, who was "
well acquainted with his integrity, talents, and experience,
and who had occasion to send an ambassador to the em- i
peror Charles V., selected him for this purpose, and having
obtained the consent of the marquis of Mantua, dispatched
him to Madrid, where he arrived in the month of March,
1525, greatly honoured, as he expresses it, throughout his ]
whole journey, but especially on his arrival at Madrid;
where the emperor received him with particular attention
and kindness. Whilst he was engaged in this mission, and
endeavouring to the utmost of his abilities to reconcile the
differences between the European powers, he received the
alarming intelligence of the capture and sacking of the city
of Rome, and of the imprisonment of the supreme pontiff.
The extreme grief which he experienced on this occasion
was rendered still more poignant, by a letter from the pope,
complaining that he had not given him timely information,
so as to enable him to avoid the disaster. This produced a '
long justificatory reply from Castiglione, in which he reca-

* Serassi, Vita del Castiglione, 20.

CASTIGLIONE. 269

pitulates his efforts and his services, both before and after
this unfortunate event, the plan of which had not been laid
in Spain, but in Italy, and asserts, that he had prevailed on
the Spanish prelates to suspend the performance of divine
offices, and to address themselves in a body to the emperor
to demand the liberation of their chief, the vicar of Christ on
earth. By these representations he succeeded in removing
the unfounded prepossessions which the pope had entertained
against him; but the wound which his own sensibility had
received from these imputations was too deep to admit of a
cure. The favours of the emperor, who conferred on him
the privileges of a denizen in Spain, and nominated him
bishop of Avila,37 which see produced a large revenue, were
insufficient to restore him to his former tranquillity; and a
feverish indisposition, of six days' continuance, terminated
his life at Toledo, on the second clay of February, 1529, at
the age of little more than fifty years. His eulogy was
pronounced in a few words, but with great justice, by the
emperor himself, who on this event said to Lodovico Strozzi,
the nephew of Castiglione, " I assure you we have lost one
of the most accomplished gentlemen of the age." 38

The celebrated Libra del Cortegiano, which had engaged
the attention of Castiglione for several years, was terminated
in 1518, when it was sent by its author to Beinbo, that he
might revise it and give his opinion upon it. Castiglione was,
however, in no haste to commit it to the press, the first
edition being printed in the year 1528, by the successors of
Aldo, at Venice. Of a work which has been so generally
read, and Avhich has been translated into most of the modern
languages of Europe, a particular account is now superfluous.
It may, however, be observed, that although this treatise pro
fesses only to define the qualifications of a perfect courtier,
yet it embraces a great variety of subjects; insomuch that
there are few questions of importance, either in science or
morals, which are not therein touched upon or discussed.
The merit of the work is greatly enhanced by a pervading
rectitude of principle, by the inculcation of true sentiments of
honour, and by the precepts of magnanimity, "of propriety, of
temperance, of modesty, and of decorum, which render it
equally fit for perusal in all times, by both sexes, and by every
rank. The style, although confessedly not uniformly Tus-

270 LIFE OF LEO X.

can, is pure and elegant; and if we could excuse in some
of the interlocutors a prolixity which seems to have been
common to the age, this production might be esteemed a per
fect model of colloquial composition.39

To enumerate among the moralists the writers of novels
and romances, may scarcely be thought allowable; yet as
human life and manners are their professed subjects, they
may, perhaps, without any great impropriety, be noticed on
this occasion. It is true, their end is in general rather to
amuse than to instruct; and if we may judge from the works
of this nature which were produced in the time of Leo X.
they were rather calculated to counteract than to promote
those maxims of virtue and decency which the moralist is
most earnest to inculcate.40 The earliest collection of novels,
and perhaps one of the earliest specimens that now remains of
the Italian language,41 is the Cento Novelle Antiche,^ of
which numerous copies existed before the time of Boccac
cio, who has occasionally been indebted to it for the mate
rials of some of his tales.* This production is wholly dif
ferent from the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, which is an
original French work of much later date, and is supposed to
have been written for the amusement of Louis XI. before his
accession to the throne, and during his retreat to the castle
of Guenepe, in Brabant, between the years 1457 and 1461.f
Soon after the publication of the Decamerone, which, what
ever may be thought of its moral tendency, certainly contri
buted in an eminent degree to purify and polish the Italian
tongue, several other writers employed their talents on
similar subjects. The novels of Franco Sacchetti appeared
about the year 1376;43 those of Giovanni Fiorentino, under
the name of Pecorone, in 1378;44 and those of Masuccio
Salernitano, under the title of Cento Novelle, soon after the
year 1400.45 These writers were, however, rather collectors
of singular incidents and extraordinary facts, than original
inventors of their own stories, as sufficiently appears from
a comparison of their narratives with the historians of
their own and preceding times. J In the year 1483, Gio
vanni Sabadino Degli Arienti, of Bologna, published a work

* Mauni, Istoria del Decamerone, 153. + Menagiana, iii. 401.

} Manni, Istoria del Decamerone, 134.

MATTEO BANDELLO. 271

consisting of seventy novels, and entitled Porrettane, from
their being supposed to have been narrated at the baths of
that name, which he inscribed to Ercole d'Este, duke of
Ferrara.46 The celebrity of these productions was, however,
greatly surpassed in the beginning of the ensuing century by
the writings of Matteo Bandello, which have given him a
rank in this department of letters, second only to Boccaccio
himself.

Bandello was born at Castelnuovo, in the district of Tor-
tona, and repaired at an early age to Rome, where he re
mained for some years under the patronage of his uncle
Vincenzio Bandello, general of the order of Dominicans, with
whom he also travelled through various parts of Italy, France,
Spain, and Germany, where it was the duty of the general to
inspect the convents of this order.*47 After the death of his
uncle, at the convent of Altomonte, in Calabria, in the year
1506, Bandello passed a considerable part of his time at the
court of Milan, where he had the honour of instructing the
celebrated Lucrezia Gonzaga, in whose praise he wrote an
Italian poem, which still remains, and where he formed an
intimacy with many eminent persons of the age, as appears
from the dedicatory epistles prefixed to his novels. Having
early enrolled himself in the order of Dominicans, in a fra
ternity at Milan, he entered deeply into the ecclesiastical and
'political affairs of the times, and, after various vicissitudes of
fortune, obtained at length the bishopric of Agen, in France,
conferred on him by Henry II. Whilst he was thus en
gaged in frequent journeys and public transactions, he omitted
jno opportunity of collecting historical anecdotes and narra-
[tives of extraordinary events, as materials for his novels,
which were composed at different periods of his life, as occa-
;sion and inclination concurred. These tales, of which three
large volumes were collected and published by him after he
had obtained his episcopal dignity, under the title of Le No-
velle del Bandello,^ bear the peculiar character which in
general distinguishes the literary productions of the eccle
siastics of that age from those of the laity, and are no less
remarkable for the indecency of the incidents than for the
natural simplicity with which they are related. Some of the

* Mazzuchelli, iii. 201.

272 LIFE OF LEO X.

literary historians of Italy have endeavoured to extenuate
that want of decorum in these writings, which they cannot
entirely defend,* whilst others have congratulated themselves
that the appearance of so scandalous a work at so critical a
period did not afford the reformers those advantages which
they might have obtained, had they known how to avail
themselves of them.f In point of composition, these novels,
although much inferior to those of Boccaccio, are written
with a degree of vivacity and nature which seldom fails to
interest the reader, and which, combined with the singularity
of the incidents, will probably secure a durable, although not
a very honourable reputation to the author.

Whilst Bandello was collecting the materials for his works, ;
the precincts of literature were polluted by the intrusion of:
an author yet more disgracefully notorious, the unprincipled
and licentious Pietro Aretino. Were it the object of the
present pages to collect only such circumstances as might
confer honour on the age, the name of this writer might well
be omitted, but the depravity of taste and morals is no less an
object of inquiry than their excellency. The life of Aretino
may be denominated the triumph of effrontery. His birth was
illegitimate. The little learning which he possessed, was
obtained from the books which in his early years it was his
business to bind.49 He was driven from his native city of
Arezzo, for having been the author of a satirical sonnet, anc
having afterwards found a shelter in Perugia, he there gave
a further specimen of his indecorum, by an alteration made by
him in a picture on a sacred subject. An early confidence
in his own talents induced him to pay a visit to Rome, w-her<
he arrived on foot, and without any other effects than the
apparel which he wore. Being retained in the service of the
eminent merchant, Agostino Chigi, he was dismissed or
account of having been detected in a theft.:}: He then became
a domestic of the cardinal di S. Giovanni, on whose death he
obtained an employment in the Vatican, under Julius II., bj
whose orders he was, however, soon afterwards expelled fror
the court. On an excursion which he made into Lombard}
he rendered himself remarkable by the extreme licentiousnes

* Mazzuclielli, iii. 204. + Tirabosclu, iii. 93

I Mazzucli. Vita dell' Aretiuo, ID.

PIETRO ARETINO. 273

)f his conduct, which did not prevent him from being re-
jeived at Ravenna into a confraternity of monks. On his
second visit to Rome he found the pontifical chair filled by
Leo X., who considering him as a man of talents, admitted
iim to a share of that bounty which he so liberally dispensed
>n all who did, and on many who did not deserve it ; and
A.retino has himself boasted, that on one occasion he received
rom this pontiff a present in money to a princely amount.
Fhe protection of Leo was accompanied by that of the cardi-
lal Giulio de' Medici, who on his becoming supreme pontiff,
)y the name of Clement VII., continued his favour to Aretino.
riiese obligations are confessed by himself in various parts
>f his writings ;50 yet with an ingratitude and an inconsist
ency which marked the whole of his conduct, he complained,
long after the death of both these pontiffs, that in return for
ill his services they had only repaid him with cruelties and
njuries.* Being compelled to abandon the city of Rome, on
iccount of the share which he had in the indecent set of
Drints designed by Giulio Romano, and engraved by Marc-
rVntonio Raimondo, to which Aretino had furnished Italian
L'erses/'1 he engaged in the service of the distinguished com-
nander Giovanni de' Medici, captain of the Bande nere, whose
favour he obtained in an eminent degree, and who died in his
firms in the month of December, 1526, of a wound from the

lot of a musket. The credit which he had acquired by the
riendship of this eminent soldier, recommended him to the
lotice of many of the most celebrated men of the times.52
?rom this period he fixed his residence at Venice, and re
vived not to attach himself to any patron, but to enjoy his
reedom, and to procure his own subsistence by the exercise
f his talents and the labours of his pen.

It would be as disgusting to enter into an examination of
he indecent and abominable writings of Aretino, as it would
>e tiresome to peruse those long and tedious pieces on reli-
;ious subjects, by which he most probably sought to counter-
>alance, in the public opinion, the profaneness of his other

reductions. It may, indeed, truly be said, that of all the
efforts of his abilities, in prose and in verse, whether sacred or
)rofane, epic or dramatic, panegyrical or satirical, and not-

* Lettere del Aretin. iii. 1C,
VOL. IT. T

274 LIFE OF LEO X.

withstanding their great number and variety, not one piece
exists which in point of literary merit is entitled to approba
tion ; yet the commendations which Aretino received from
his contemporaries, are beyond example ; and by his
unblushing effrontery and the artful intermixture of censure
and adulation, he contrived to lay under contribution almost
all the sovereigns and eminent men of his time. Francis I.
not only presented him with a chain of gold, and afforded him
other marks of his liberality, but requested that the pope
would allow him the gratification of his society. Henry
VIII. sent him at one time three hundred gold crowns,53 and
the emperor Charles V. not only allowed him a considerable
pension, but on Aretino being introduced to him by the duke
of Urbino on his way to Peschiera, placed him on his right
hand, and rode with him in intimate conversation.* The dis
tinctions which he obtained, by his adulatory sonnets and
epistles, from Julius III. were yet more extraordinary. The
present of a thousand gold crowns was accompanied by a
papal bull, nominating him a Cavaliere of the order of S.
Pietro, to which dignity was also annexed an annual income, t54
These favours and distinctions, which were imitated by the
inferior sovereigns and chief nobility of Europe, excited the
vanity of Aretino to such a degree, that he entertained the
strongest expectations of being created a cardinal; for the re
ception of which honour he had actually begun to make prepa
rations.55 He assumed the titles ofllDivino, and II Flagello de
Principi. Medals were struck in honour of him, representing
him decorated with a chain of gold, and on the reverse the
princes of Europe bringing to him their tribute. Even his
mother and his daughter were represented in medals with ap
propriate inscriptions. His portrait was frequently painted
by the best artists of the time, and particularly by the cele
brated Titiano, with whom he lived in habits of intimacy;55
insomuch that it may justly be asserted, that from the days of
Homer to the present, no person who founded his claims to
public favour merely on his literary talents, ever obtained one
half of the honours and emoluments which were lavished on
this illiterate pretender.

Great, however, as these distinctions were, they were not

* Mazzuch. Vita dell' Aretino, 04. + Ib. 09.

PIETRO ARETIKO. 275

jenjoyed by Aretino without considerable deductions, and
ffrequent mortifications and disgrace. In the pontificate of
i Leo X. he was twice in danger of his life from the attacks of
•those whom he had calumniated, and on one occasion owed
jhis escape only to the interference of his friend Ferraguto di
tLazzara.* He also met with a firm opponent in the respect-
I able and learned Giammatteo Ghiberti, bishop of Verona and
lapostolic datary, who used all his efforts to strip the mask
I from this shameless impostor, t A still more formidable
(adversary appeared under the pontificate of Clement VII. in
I Achille della Volta, a gentleman of Bologna then resident in
iRome, on whom Aretino had written a satirical sonnet, and
I who repaid him with five wounds of a dagger, one of which
was for some time supposed to be mortal.:!: In consequence
•of a lampoon written by Aretino when at Venice, against the
j distinguished commander Pietro Strozzi, who, in the year
•1542, wrested from the Imperialists the fortress of Marano,
•that haughty soldier gave him to understand, that if he
•repeated the insult he would have him assassinated even in
•his bed; in consequence of which he lived under great appre-
wiensions as long as Strozzi remained in the Venetian terri-
mories.§ A singular interview is said to have taken place
•between Aretino and Tintoretto the painter, on whom he had
•lavished his abuse. Tintoretto having invited him to his
•house under the pretext of painting his portrait, seated him
fen a chair as if for that purpose ; but, instead of taking up
Mais pencils, the painter drew from his bosom a large pistol,
•which he levelled at Aretino. The conscious and terrified
libeller cried out for mercy, when Tintoretto said, with great
•gravity, " Compose yourself whilst I take measure of you,"
fend moving the direction of the pistol slowly from head to
•foot, he added, " I find you are just the length of two pistols
lind a half." Aretino understood the lesson, and from this
(time avowed himself the painter's warmest friend. On
another occasion he incurred the resentment of the English
ambassador at Venice, by insolently insinuating that he had
(detained in his hands the money remitted by his sovereign
Is a present to Aretino; in consequence of which the ambas-

? Mazzucb. Vita dell' Aretino, 81. + Ib. :>;}, &c. J Ib. 30. § Ib. 74.

|| Ridolfi, Vite de' Pittori Veneziani. ii. f>8.

T2

276 LIFE OF LEO X.

sador is said to have hired six or seven persons to attack him
with cudgels, which he represented as a design to murder
him.57 There is good reason to believe, that Aretino expe
rienced on many occasions similar treatment ; on which
account Boccalini has humorously called him " the loadstone
of clubs and daggers;" adding, "that those persons who were
as ready of hand as he was of speech, had left their marks in
such a manner on his face, his breast, and his arms, that he
was streaked all over like a chart of navigation."

Nor did the arrogance and effrontery of Aretino escape the
reprehension of his numerous literary adversaries, who
availed themselves of every opportunity to render him an
object of ridicule and contempt; as a contrast to the osten
tatious medals which he had caused to be struck in honour
of himself, others were made public, exhibiting his resem
blance on one side, and on the other a most indecent device,
as emblematical of his character and writings. On the report
of his being mortally wounded by Achille della Volta in
Rome, Girolamo Casio, a cavalier of Bologna, wrote a sonnet
of exultation, and on his recovery another equally satirical
and vehement.-58 The enmity of the good prelate Ghiberti
was seconded by the keen satire of Berni, who was employed
by him in his office as datary of the holy see, and who pro
duced a sonnet against Aretino, which in point of vivacity,
scurrility, and humour, has perhaps never been equalled;59
but the most inveterate enemy of Aretino was Nicolo Franco,
who after having been for some time his assistant in the
composition of his various works, became at length his rival,
and whilst he at least equalled him in virulence and licentious
ness, greatly surpassed him in learning and abilities. On
being driven by Aretino from his house, and finding that
Aretino, on reprinting the first volume of his letters, had
omitted some passages in which he had before spoken of him
with great approbation, Franco was so exasperated that he
attacked his adversary in a series of indecent, satirical, and
ludicrous sonnets, which he continued to pour forth against
him, until he had completed a volume. In defiance of decency
this collection has been several times reprinted, and is cer
tainly not less disgraceful to the memory of its author than to
that of his opponent.00 Other persons of much more respect
able character also animadverted with great severity on the

PIETRO ARETINO. 277

iconduct and writings of Aretino; and if on the one hand he
;was flattered as an earthly divinity, on the other he was

treated as the outcast of society and the opprobrium of the
(human race.

The death of Aretino is said to have resembled his life.
(Being informed of some outrageous instance of obscenity

committed by his sisters, who were courtesans at Venice, he
i was suddenly affected with so violent a fit of laughter that

he overturned his chair, and thereby received an injury on
j his head which terminated his days. This story, however
I extraordinary, is not wholly discredited by the accurate
iMazzuchelli; who further informs us, although, as he admits,

on doubtful evidence, that when Aretino was on the point of
i death, and had received extreme unction, he exclaimed,

" Guardatemi da topi, or che' son unto."
Greased as I am, preserve me from the rats.

The enemies of Aretino, not appeased by his death, have
liCommemorated him by an epitaph as profane as his own
! writings, which has been repeated with several variations in
the Italian, French, and Latin languages, and is erroneously
(supposed to have been engraven on his tomb in the church
i of S. Luca at Venice.

" Qui giace 1' Aretin, poeta Tosco,

Che disse mal d'ognun, fuorche di Dio,
Scusandosi col dir, Non lo conosco." "l

278 LIFE OP LEO X.

CHAPTER XXI.

152].

Vicissitudes and final establishment of the Laurentian library — Leo X. in
creases the library of the Vatican — Custodi, or keepers of the Vatican
library — Lorenzo Parmenio — Fausto Sabeo — Learned librarians of the
Vatican in the pontificate of Leo X. — Tomaso Fedro Inghirami — Filippo
Beroaldo — Zanobio Acciaiuoli — Girolumo Aleandro — Other libraries in
Rome — Historians in the time of Leo X. — Nicolo Machiavelli — His his
tory of Florence — Estimate of his political writings — Filippo de' Nerli —
Jacopo Nardi— Francesco Guicciardiui — His history of Italy — Paullo
Giovio — His historical works — Miscellaneous writers — Pierio Vale-
riano — Celio Calcagnini — Lilio Gregorio Gyraldi.

By no circumstance in the character of an individual is the
love of literature so strongly evinced, as by the propensity
for collecting together the writings of illustrious scholars,
and compressing " the soul of ages past" within the narrow
limits of a library. Few persons have experienced this pas
sion in an equal degree with Leo X., and still fewer have
had an equal opportunity of gratifying it. We have already
seen that in the year 1 508, whilst he was yet a cardinal, he
had purchased from the monks of the convent of S. Marco, at
Florence, the remains of the celebrated library of his ances
tors, and had transferred it to his own house at Rome.1 Un
willing, however, to deprive his native place of so invaluable
a treasure, he had not, on his elevation to the pontificate,
thought proper to unite this collection with that of the
Vatican; but had intrusted it to the care of the learned
Varino Camerti; intending again to remove it to Florence,
as to the place of its final destination. This design, which
he was prevented from executing by his untimely death, was
afterwards carried into effect by the cardinal Giulio de'
Medici, who, before he attained the supreme dignity, had

THE LAURENTIAN LIBRARY. 279

i engaged the great artist Michel- Agnolo Bonarotti to erect
the magnificent and spacious edifice near the church of
S. Lorenzo at Florence, where these inestimable treasures
were afterwards deposited;2 and where, with considerable
additions from subsequent benefactors, they yet remain, form-

1 ing an immense collection of manuscripts of the oriental,

i Greek, Roman, and Italian writers; now denominated the

: Bibliotheca Me.diceo Laurentiana.3

The care of Leo X. in the preservation of his domestic
library, did not, however, prevent him from bestowing the

: most sedulous attention in augmenting that which was des
tined to the use of himself and his successors in the palace
of the Vatican. This collection, begun by that excellent and
learned sovereign Nicholas V., and greatly increased by suc
ceeding pontiffs, was already deposited in a suitable edifice
erected for that purpose by Sixtus IV., and was considered
as the most extensive assemblage of literary productions in
all Italy. The envoys employed by Leo X. on affairs of
state in various parts of Europe, were directed to avail them
selves of every opportunity of obtaining these precious re-

: mains of antiquity, and men of learning were frequently dis
patched to remote and barbarous countries for the sole pur
pose of discovering and rescuing these works from destruc
tion.4 Nor did the pontiff hesitate to render his high office
subservient to the promotion of an object which he considered
as of the utmost importance to the interests of literature, by
requiring the assistance of the other sovereigns of Christendom
in giving effect to his researches. In the year 1517, he dis
patched as his envoy, John Heytmers de Zonvelben, on a
mission to Germany, Denmark, Sweden, and Gothland, for
the sole purpose of inquiring after literary works, and par
ticularly historical compositions. This envoy was furnished
with letters from the pope to the different sovereigns through
whose dominions he had to pass, earnestly entreating them to
promote the object of his visit by every means in their power.
Some of these letters yet remain, and afford a decisive proof
of the ardour with which Leo X. engaged in this pursuit.5
With a similar view he dispatched to Venice the celebrated
Agostino Beazzano, whom he furnished with letters to the
doge Loredano, directing him to spare no expense in the

280 LIFE OF LEO X.

acquisition of manuscripts of the Greek authors.* Efforts
so persevering could not fail of success; and the Vatican
library, during the pontificate of Leo X., was augmented by
many valuable works, which without his vigilance and liber
ality would probably have been lost to the world.

On his attaining the pontifical dignity, Leo X. found the
office of Custode, or keeper of the Vatican library, intrusted to
Lorenzo Parmenio, who had been appointed by Julius II.,
in the year 1511, probably as a reward for the various
productions, in Latin verse, in which he has celebrated the
civil and military transactions of his patron.0 Although
Parmenio survived until the year 1529, yet it appears that
Leo X. conferred the office of Custode on Fausto Sabeo of
Brescia, but whether as a coadjutor with Parmenio, or as his
successor, and at what precise period, has not been sufficiently
ascertained.7 Before his nomination to this trust, which lie
is said to have held under six succeeding pontiffs, Sabeo had
been employed by Leo X. in exploring distant regions for
ancient manuscripts, as appeal's from several of his Latin
epigrams; a collection of which was published at Rome in
the year 1556.8 In some of these he boasts of the important
services which he had rendered to the pontiff, and complains
that his remuneration had not been equal to his merits.9
After the death of Leo X., he addressed a short poem to
Clement VII., in which he bestows on Leo the appellations
of bountiful, magnanimous, and learned, and laments his
death with apparent sincerity, although at the same time he
positively asserts, that he never received any reward for all
his services;10 an assertion which would be better entitled to
credit, if Sabeo had not indulged himself in similar com
plaints against all the pontiffs, by whose favour he continued-
in that office, which had been first conferred upon him by the
liberality of Leo X.

In the year 1527, when the city of Rome was captured and
plundered by the banditti under the duke of Bourbon,11 the
Vatican library partook of the general calamity, and many of
the valuable works there deposited were seized upon, dispersed,
or destroyed by the ignorant and ferocious soldiery. The
humiliating and dangerous situation to which Clement VII.

* Fabron. in Vita Leon. X. 201. '

TOMASO FEDRA INGHIRAMI. 281

, was reduced by this unexpected event, prevented him from
paying that attention to repair the injury, which, from his
well-known disposition to the encouragement of literature,
there is reason to believe he would otherwise have done. On
this occasion the custode, Sabeo, thought it necessary to direct
the attention of the pontiff to the wretched state of the collec
tion, which he conceived might be done with the least offence
by addressing to him a Latin poem in elegiac verse. In this
piece he boldly personifies the V atican library, under the cha
racter of a most abject, miserable, and mutilated figure, that
intrudes herself on the pontiff, and represents her services,
her calamities, and the claims which she has on his favour.12
These remonstrances seem, however, to have had little effect
during this turbulent period; and it was not until the succeed
ing pontificate of Paul III. that the library began to revive
from its misfortunes and to recover its former splendour.

But besides the custode, or keeper, this celebrated library
has also required the attention of a bibliotecario, or librarian ;
a trust which has generally been conferred on men eminent
for their rank or distinguished by their learning, and for a
long time past has been conferred only on a cardinal of the
church.13 At the time of the elevation of Leo X., this office
was filled by Tomaso Fedra Inghirami, who had been ap
pointed by Julius II. to succeed Giuliano di Yolterra, bishop
of Ragusa, in the year 1510. This eminent scholar was
descended from a noble family of Volterra, where, in the
commotions which took place in the year 1472, his father
lost his life, and the surviving members of the family, among
whom was Tomaso, then only two years of age, sought a
shelter at Florence. Being there received under the imme
diate protection of Lorenzo de' Medici, and having closely
attended to his studies, Tomaso, at thirteen years of age,
was induced, by the advice of that great man, to pay a visit
to Rome, where he made such a rapid progress in his acquire
ments, as to obtain an early and deserved celebrity.14 Soon
after the accession of Alexander VI., he was nominated by
that pontiff a canon of S. Pietro, and dignified with the rank
of a prelate. In the year 1495, he was sent as papal nuncio
into the Milanese, to treat with the emperor elect, Maximilian,
on which embassy he had the good fortune to obtain not only
the approbation of the pope but also the favour of the emperor,

282 LIFE OF LEO X.

who, soon after the return of Inghirami to Rome, transmitted
to him, from Inspruck, an imperial diploma, by which, after
enumerating his various accomplishments, and particularly
his excellence in poetry and Latin literature, he created him
count palatine and poet laureate, and conceded to him the
privilege of emblazoning the Austrian eagle in his family
arms. Nor was Inghirami less favoured by Julius II., who,
besides appointing him librarian of the Vatican, conferred on
him the important office of pontifical secretary, which he after
wards quitted for that of secretary to the college of cardinals,
in which capacity he was present in the conclave on the elec
tion of Leo X. By the favour of the new pontiff, Inghirami
was enriched with many ecclesiastical preferments, and con
tinued in his office of librarian until his death, which was
occasioned by an accident in the streets of Rome, on the
sixth day of September, 1516, when he had not yet com
pleted the forty-sixth year of his age.15 To this unfortunate
event, it is probably owing that so few of his writings have
reached the present times. From the testimony of his con
temporaries, it is well known that he was the author of many
learned works. Among these, his surviving friend, Giano
Parrhasio, has enumerated a defence of Cicero, a compendium
of the history of Rome, a commentary on the poetics of
Horace, and remarks on the comedies of Plautus; but these
works were left at his death in an unfinished state, and have
since been dispersed and lost.16 It has been supposed, and
not without reason, that the additions to the Aulularia of
Plautus, first published at Paris in 1513, are from the pen of
Inghirami.* For that celebrity of which he has been de
prived by the loss of his writings, he has, however, been in
some degree compensated by the numerous testimonies of
applause conferred upon him by his contemporaries, among
whom that of Erasmus is deserving of particular notice.17

On the death of Inghirami, the office of librarian of the
Vatican was conferred by Leo X. on Filippo Beroaldo,
usually called Beroaldo the younger. This eminent scholar
sprung from a noble family of Bologna, and was the nephewf
and pupil of Filippo Beroaldo the elder, under whose instruc
tions he made such an early proficiency in the Greek and

* Elog. Tosc. ii. 232. + Lancellotti, Vita di Aug. Colocci, 52.

FILIPPO BEROALDO. 283

Latin languages, that, in the year 1496, when he was only
twenty- six years of age, he was appointed public professor of
polite literature in the university of his native place.*
Having afterwards chosen the city of Rome as his residence,
he there attracted the notice of Leo X., then the cardinal de'
Medici, who received him into his service, and employed him
as his private secretary.f After the accession of Leo to the
pontificate, Beroaldo was nominated proposto, or principal of
the Roman academy, J which office he probably relinquished
on accepting that of librarian of the Vatican. Of his critical
talents, his edition of Tacitus, before particularly noticed,
affords a favourable specimen; but Beroaldo stands also emi
nently distinguished among his countrymen by his talents for
Latin poetry; and his three books of odes, first published by
him in the year 1530, were received with such applause, par
ticularly by the French nation, that he has had no less than
six translators in that country, among whom is the celebrated
Clement Marot.18 From a poem of Marc- Antonio Flaminio,
addressed to Beroaldo, it appears that he had also undertaken
an historical work on the events of his own times, which it is
much to be regretted that he did not live to complete.19 Be
roaldo also appears among the admirers of the celebrated
Roman courtesan, Imperia, and is said to have been jealous of
the superior pretensions of Sadoleti to her favour. §20 The
warmth of his temperament, indeed, sufficiently appears in
some of his poems. His death, which happened in the year
1518, is said to have been occasioned by some vexations
which he experienced from the pontiff in his office as libra
rian ;|| but the authority of Valeriano and his copyists is not
implicitly to be relied on, and the epitaph with which Bembo
.has honoured the memory of Beroaldo, and which explicitly
asserts that Leo X. shed tears on his loss, may be considered
as a sufficient proof that he retained the favour of the pontiff
to the close of his days.21

The office of librarian of the Vatican, which had become
vacant by the death of Beroaldo, was soon afterwards con
ferred by the pontiff on Zanobio Acciajuoli, a descendant of a

* Mazzuchelli, Art. Beroaldo. iv. 1018.

•f Valerian, de Literator. infel. 41. J Mazzucliel. iv. 101:3.

§ Lancellotti, Vita di Ang. Colocci, op. Ital. 29. Ed. Jesi, 1772, in not.
|| Valerian, de Literal, infel. 41.

284 LIFE OF LEO X.

noble Florentine family, which has produced many eminent
men. Zanobio was born in the year 1461, and having, while
yet an infant, been banished with his relations, he was recalled,
when about sixteen years of age, by Lorenzo the Magnificent,
and educated, by his directions, with Lorenzo, the son of
Pier-Francesco de' Medici, to whom Zanobio was nearly re
lated.2'2 Hence he had frequent intercourse with Politiano,
Ficino, and other eminent Florentine scholars, whose favour
and friendship lie conciliated by his early talents and acquire
ments. After the death of Lorenzo the Magnificent, he be
came disgusted with the commotions which agitated his native
place, and devoting himself to a monastic life, received from
the famous Girolamo Savonarola, about the year 1494, the
habit of a Dominican. For the more effectual promotion of
his ecclesiastical studies, he applied himself with great in
dustry to the acquisition of the Hebrew tongue; but the chief
part of his time was devoted to the examination of the Greek
manuscripts in the library of the Medici, and in that of
S. Marco, at Florence, from which he selected such as had
not before been published, with the design of translating them
into Latin, and giving them to the world through the medium
of the press.*

On the elevation of Leo X., Zanobio hastened to Rome, and
was received with great kindness by the new pontiff, who
enrolled him among his constant attendants, and granted him
an honourable stipend, with a residence in the oratory of
S. Silvestro.23 A general chapter of his order being held at
Naples, in the year 1515, Zanobio attended there, and in the
presence of the viceroy and the general of the order made an
oration, in Latin, in praise of the city of Naples, which he
afterwards published and inscribed to the cardinal of Aragon.
Upon his appointment to the office of librarian of the Vatican,
he undertook the laborious task of selecting and arranging the
ancient public documents there deposited, containing imperial
privileges, bulls, and instruments, of which he formed an
exact index, and afterwai'ds, by the order of the pope, con
veyed them to the castle of S. Angelo.'24 It is highly
probable that the unwearied industry of Zanobio abridged his
days, as he did not long survive to enjoy his office, having

* Mazzuclielli, i. M.

ZANOBIO ACCIAJUOLI. 285

died on the twenty-seventh day of July, 1519. To Zanobio
we are indebted for collecting and preserving the Greek epi
grams of Politiano, which were recommended to his care by
their 'author in his last moments. Among his remaining
works is an oration in praise of the city of Rome, which he
dedicated to the cardinal Giulio de' Medici.25 He translated
into Latin verse the Greek address of Marcus Musurus to
Leo X., prefixed to the first edition of Plato, and made several
other translations from the Greek, some of which he in
scribed to that pontiff. His Latin poems have been men
tioned with great applause.20 Among these is a Sapphic ode,
addressed to Leo X., inciting him to proceed in improving
the city of Rome, and particularly in decorating the Esquilian
hill. In the library of the convent of S. Marco, at Florence,
are also preserved a few lines in the handwriting of Zanobio,
in which he has attempted to compliment the pontiff on the
happy coincidence of the name of his family with the appel
lations of his high dignity.27

Acciajuoli was succeeded in his office as librarian, by
Girolamo Aleandro, who was, however, soon called off from
the duties of this station by his embassy to the imperial diet,
to oppose the rapid increase of the doctrines of Luther. Of
his conduct on that occasion some account has already been
given; but of so eminent a scholar and so extraordinary a
man, some further particulars cannot be uninteresting. Were
we to rely on the positive assertion of Luther, Aleandro was
of Jewish origin; but neither Luther nor his opponents were
remarkable for a scrupulous adherence to truth in the charac
ters given by them of their adversaries, and this aspersion, if
it is to be considered as such, may safely be placed to the
account of religious animosity. In reproaching him with his
supposed origin, Luther, however, admits that Aleandro was
acquainted with the Hebrew as his vernacular tongue, that he
was familiar with the Greek from his infancy, and that he
had acquired, by long experience, the use of the Latin lan
guage.* Girolamo was in fact the son of Francesco Aleandro,
a physician at Motta, in the duchy of Concordia, and is said
to have deduced his origin from the ancient counts of Landro.28
He was born in the year 1480, and at thirteen years of age

* Luther, ap, Seckeiid. i. ] 25.

286 LIFE OF LEO X.

repaired to Venice, where he received instructions from
Benedetto Brugnolo, and afterwards from Petronello di
Rimini. A long and dangerous illness compelled him to
return to his native place. On his recovery, he paid a visit
to the academy at Pordenone, where Paolo Amalteo read
lectures explanatory of the ancient authors, with great credit
to himself and before a numerous train of auditors. After a
second visit to Venice, Aleandro again returned to Motta,
where he challenged Domenico Plorio, the public instructor
of that place, to a literary contest, in which Aleandro demon
strated so effectually the ignorance of his opponent, that he
was by general consent elected in his stead. After having
taught successively at Venice and at Padua, his reputation
reached the Roman court, and Alexander VI. determined to
call him to that city and appoint him secretary to his son,
Caesar Borgia. Accordingly, in the year 1501, Aleandro
took up his residence with the papal nuncio, Angelo Leonino,
bishop of Tivoli, at Venice. Whilst he was preparing for
his journey, the pope, who had been informed that Aleandro
was no less distinguished by his talents for public affairs than
for his learning, directed him to repair to Hungary as his
envoy. Aleandro set out from Venice in the beginning of
the year 1502; but being attacked by sickness, he was
detained many months on the road, and was at length
obliged to abandon the expedition, and return to Venice. The
death of the pontiff happening soon afterwards, Aleandro was
freed from the cares of public life, and devoted himself witli
fresh ardour to his studies.29 Such was the reputation which
he had acquired, before the twenty-fourth year of his age, that
Aldo Manuzio dedicated to him his edition of the Iliad of
Homer, alleging as a reason for conferring on him this
honour, that his acquirements were beyond those of any other
person with whom he was acquainted; a compliment which
is enhanced by the consideration that Aldo was acquainted
with almost all the learned men of the age.30 At Venice,
Aleaudro formed an intimate acquaintance Avith Erasmus ;
and these two eminent men resided together for some time in
the house of the printer, Andrea d'Asola, the father-in-law of
Aldo, where Aleandro assisted Erasmus in publishing a more
full and correct edition of his Adagia, from the Aldine press.31
In the contests to which the Reformation gave rise, Erasmus

GIROLAMO ALEANDRO. 287

,and Aleandro adopted a different course of conduct ; but
i although they attacked each other with sufficient asperity,
ij'Erasmus always candidly acknowledged the great talents and
'. uncommon learning of his former friend.3'2

In the year 1508, Aleandro was invited to Paris by Louis
I XII., to fill the place of a professor in the university of that
}city. His exertions there met with the highest applause,
land he was shortly afterwards appointed rector of that
I famous seminary, contrary to the express tenour of its statutes,
i which were dispensed with in favour of so extraordinary a
• scholar.* After residing there some years, he was induced
I to quit that city by his apprehensions of the plague, and pro-
i .ceeding through different parts of France, he gave public
J lectures on the Greek language at Orleans, Blois, and other
Lplaces. At length he took up his residence at Liege, where
I the prince-bishop of that city, Everard della Marca, nominated
i him a canon of his cathedral, and appointed him chancellor of
his diocese; employments which did not, however, prevent
jiAleandro from giving instructions in the Greek tongue, which
I he continued to do there for two years with distinguished
jisuccess.t About the middle of the year 1517, he was dis
patched to Eome by his patron, who was eager to obtain the
i dignity of a cardinal, and who conceived that he might avail
i himself of the talents of Aleandro to accomplish his purpose.
I The reception which the learned envoy experienced from
pLeo X. was such as might have been expected.33 The pontiff
fcconfessed that he had never before met with his equal, and
liirequested the prince-bishop would permit Aleandro to quit
|-:his service and enter into that of the Roman church. The
I bishop was not disposed to refuse a request which was an
iiearnest of his own success. Aleandro was first appointed
psecretary to the cardinal Giulio de' Medici, an office at that
fitime of the highest trust; and in the year 1519, was nomi-
jmated, by a papal bull, librarian of the Vatican. He did not,
Thowever, forget his former patron; and notwithstanding the
smany difficulties with which he had to contend, he continued
his exertions, as well at Rome as on his mission into Germany,
luntil he succeeded in obtaining for the prince-bishop his long
jexpected dignity 4

* ,Tod. Badius, Dedicat. Plutarch, ad Aleand. ap. Mazzuch. i. 413.
+ Mazzuchelli, i. 413. { Pallavicini, i. 23.

288 LIFE OF LEO X.

On the embassy of Aleandro to the imperial diet, in the
year 1520, his conduct drew down upon him the censure and
abuse, not only of the more earnest reformers, but of his
former friend, Erasmus, who condemned the violence of his
zeal with great asperity.34 After the death of Leo X.,
Aleandro rose to high dignity in the church. By Clement
VII., he was nominated archbishop of Brindisi and Oria,
and was appointed apostolic nuncio to Francis I., whom he
attended in that capacity at the battle of Pavia, in 1525. He
there met with a disaster similar to that of the French
monarch; having been made prisoner by the Spaniards, and
obtained his release only by the interference of powerful
friends, and the payment of a considerable ransom.35 After
having performed several other important embassies, and
taken a principal part for many years in the transactions of
the Roman court, Aleandro was, in the year 1538, raised to
the rank of a cardinal by Paul III., on which occasion he
resigned his office of librarian, and was succeeded by Agos-
tino Steuco, afterwards bishop of Chissano, in the island of
Candia.* The death of Aleandro, which Jovius informs us
was occasioned or accelerated by the too frequent use of
medicine, and too curious an attention to his health,30 hap
pened at Rome, in the year 1542, when he had nearly com
pleted his sixty-second year. The same author asserts, that
Aleandro displayed in his last moments great impatience, and
was highly exasperated at the idea of being cut off before he
ha-d finished the sixty-third year of his age. In this case, we
may, however, be allowed to doubt the account of the impiety
of a Roman cardinal, although related by a Roman bishop.
At least such account is in express contradiction to the
Greek epitaph which Aleandro composed for himself a short
time before his death.37

The writings which remain of Aleandro are scarcely equal
to what might have been expected from his acknowledged
learning, great eloquence, and uncommon industry. The
Greek lexicon, published under his name at Paris, in 1512,
was compiled by six of his scholars, and the only share which
he took was in correcting the ultimate proofs from the press,
and adding some words omitted in former collections.38 In

* Mazzucbelli, i. 419.

GIROLAMO ALEANDRO. 289

;.the same year, lie reprinted the Greek grammar of Chryso-
a loras, of which he also made a compendium.39 His treatise,
I De Concilia habendo, consisting of four books, is said to have
V. been of great use in regulating the proceedings of the council
j of Trent. Erasmus believed Aleandro to have been the
: author of the oration, published under the name of Julius-
| Caesar Scaliger, as an answer to his Ciceronianus, in the
j year 1531, and some years elapsed before he could be con-
| vinced that it was the work of the celebrated scholar whose
L name it bears.40 That so little remains of the writings of
j Aleandro may, perhaps, be attributed to his various im-
t portant avocations and active life; but Jovius informs us,
s : that he had so long indulged himself in a certain extempo-
I; raneous mode of expression, that when he attempted to exercise
ii himself in well regulated composition, he found himself unable
H to support a clear and elegant style; and Valeriano, whilst he
j acknowledges the intrinsic value of his writings, has, in an
k elegant allegory, taxed them with obscurity.* A few of the
I letters and poems of Aleandro have been preserved in various
|| collections, and his Latin verses, Ad Julium et Neceram, are
M considered by Fontanini as affording alone a sufficient proof
|| of the great talents of their author, f

The example of Leo X., in collecting the precious remains
I of ancient learning, was emulated or imitated by several dis-
tt tinguished prelates of the Roman court, the extent of whose
fi collections resembled that of a munificent sovereign rather
ii than of a private individual. Aleandro had himself formed
r a very considerable library, which he bequeathed to the
ji monastery of S. Maria del Orto, in Venice. It was after-
l wards transferred to the monks of S. Georgio, of which
k congregation Aleandro had been protector, and has since
• contributed to increase the celebrated library of S. Marco,
Ji at Yenice4 Erasmus, in a letter written from London, in
ii the year 1515, mentions the library of cardinal Grimani, at
t Rome, as being richly furnished and abounding in books in
0 all languages. This extensive collection, consisting of up-
p wards of eight thousand volumes, was bequeathed by the
Ii cardinal, in the year 1523, to the regular canons of S. Salvador,

Carm. illustr. Poet. Ital. x. m. t Ib. i. 114.

Mazzucbelli, i. 420, nota 88.

VOL. II.

290 LIFE OF LEO X.

in Venice. It was afterwards increased, by the addition of
many valuable works, by the cardinal patriarch, Marino
Grimani, and was preserved until nearly the end of the
seventeenth century, when it was unfortunately destroyed by
fire.* Equally extensive, and equally unfortunate, was the
library of cardinal Sadoleti. After having escaped from the
sacrilegious hands of the barbarians, during the sacking of
Rome, in the year 1527, the books were put on board a ship,
to be conveyed to the diocese of Sadoleti, in France; but on
the arrival of the vessel, it was discovered that the passengers
were infected with the plague; in consequence of which,
they were not permitted to land, and the books were either
lost, or carried to some distant country, where Sadoleti never
heard of them more.f The library of Bembo was rich in
valuable manuscripts, and contained many of the productions
of the Provencal poets, with whose language he was well
acquainted. He possessed also several pieces in the hand
writing of Petrarca, with other rare and valuable works, as
well printed as manuscript, which he had collected at an
immense expense. Many of these were afterwards united
with the ducal library of Urbino, whence they have since
been transferred to that of the Vatican. Amongst them were
the two ancient copies of Virgil and of Terence, which have
been justly esteemed the chief ornaments of that immense
collection. |

Before the French, under Charles VIII., had burst the
barrier of the Alps, the Italian scholars had already begun
to examine with great industry the transactions of former
times, and to record those of their own with accuracy and
fidelity: of this, the history of his own times, by Leonardo Are-
tino; that of Florence, by PoggioBracciolini; that of Venice,
by Marc- Antonio Cocchi, called Sabellicus; and that of Milan,
by Bernardo Corio, may be admitted as sufficient proofs.
The important transactions which had since taken place in
Italy, and the increasing interest Avhich these great events
had excited, now called forth more distinguished talents;- and
the historical and political writings of Machiavelli, of Nardi,
of Nerli, and of Guicciardini, have not only transmitted to us
Avith great minuteness the events of the age in which they

* Tiral. vii. i. tQS, f Ib. J Ib. lit sup.

MACHIAVELLI. 291

I lived, but have frequently furnished us with such reasonings
i and deductions from them as have been found applicable to
I subsequent occurrences and to future times.

Of the principal incidents in the life of Machiavelli, some
f account has already been given in the course of the present
i work.41 That he was a man of talents is apparent, not only
I from his writings but from the important offices which he
i tilled; having been for some years secretary to the republic,
, and frequently dispatched on embassies to foreign powers.
I Whether prompted by the love of liberty or the spirit of
i faction, he displayed a restless and turbulent disposition,

I which not only diminished the respect due to his abilities,
i but frequently endangered his personal safety. Besides his
i having engaged in the conspiracy of Capponi and Boscoli, in
j consequence of which he had to suffer four jerks of the cord,
L and from which he only escaped with his life by the clemency

II of Leo X.,* he entered into another plot, immediately after
L the death of that pontiff, to expel the cardinal de' Medici from
fc Florence, in which his associates were Luigi Alamanni,
I Zanobio Buondelmonte, and other young men who frequented.

the gardens of the Rucellai. That he had also to struggle
with pecuniary difficulties, appears from several passages in
his works; and a letter written by his son Pietro, on the
death of his father, in the month of June, 1527, acknowledges
that he died in extreme poverty.42

The prose writings of Machiavelli consist of his history of
Florence, in eight books, his discourses on Livy, and his book
entitled, // Principe, or, " The Prince," with some smaller
treatises. His history, which comprehends the transactions
of the Florentine state, from its origin to the death of Lorenzo
the Magnificent, in 1492, is written in a vigorous, concise,
and unaffected style, and although not always accurate in
point of fact, may, upon the whole, be read with both plea
sure and advantage.43 He has, however, rendered himself
much more conspicuous by his political tracts, which have,
indeed, in the general estimation, entitled him to the first
rank among the writers on these subjects; but whilst some
have considered him as having employed his talents to en
lighten mankind, and to promote the cause of truth, of liberty,

* Bandin. Monum. inedit. iii praef. 35.
U 2

292 LIFE OF LEO X.

and of virtue, others have regarded him as the advocate of
fraud, of oppression, and of assassination, and have stigmatized
his memory with the most opprobrious epithets. To reconcile
these discordant opinions is impossible; and it may therefore
not be thought a superfluous task, to endeavour impartially to
ascertain in what estimation his political writings ought to be
held.

On this subject it may, then, be remarked, that no one has
hitherto been found hardy enough to defend, in their full
extent, the baneful maxims advanced by Machiavelli, particu
larly in his treatise, entitled II Principe. " If it be con
tended," says one of his warmest apologists, " that this work
Is fit for the perusal of all sovereigns, as well legitimate as
usurpers, and that he intended to give an eulogium on tyranny,
he can neither be defended nor excused. But how can it be
thought possible," continues he, " that Machiavelli, who was
born under a republic, who was employed as one of its secre
taries, who performed so many important embassies, and who
in his conversation always dwelt on the glorious actions of
Brutus and of Cassius, should have formed such a design?"*
Hence, it has frequently _been urged on his behalf, that it was
not his intention to suggest wise and faithful counsels, but to
represent, in the darkest colours, the conduct which a sove
reign must necessarily pursue, in order to support his autho
rity. " It was the intention of Machiavelli," says another
encomiast, " to describe a destructive tyrant, and by these
means to excite odium against him and prevent the execution
of his projects. t " Our thanks are due to Machiavelli," says
Lord Bacon, " and to similar waiters, who have openly and
without dissimulation shown us what men are accustomed to
do, not what they ought to do."! The validity of these
and similar apologies is, however, extremely questionable.
Those principles and rules of conduct on which the tran
quillity of mankind so essentially depends are too sacred to
be treated in ambiguous terms, and Machiavelli frequently
displays so much apparent sincerity in his political writings,
as renders it extremely difficult if not impossible to decide
when he intends to be ironical. Nor have the friends of this

* Elogii Toscani, iii. 89.

+ Gasp. ScLioppii, Paeilia Politices. np. Elog. Tosc. iii. 90.

J De Augin. Sclent, vii. in op. iii. 137. Ed. 1753. fo.

MACHIAVELLI. 293

author, who have supposed that in his treatise, del Principe,
{; he meant only to instigate his patron, Lorenzo, duke of Ur-
t bino, to his ruin, conferred any honour either on his moral or
| intellectual character. If, indeed, this were his real intention,

we might be inclined to assent to the opinion of cardinal Pole,
\ that the writings of Machiavelli were traced by the finger of
• the devil.44 But, supposing the purpose of Machiavelli to
$ have been commendable, can there be a greater solecism in
i point of judgment than to instigate a person to tyrannize over
I a country, to be cruel to his own subjects, and faithless to the
I rest of the world, in the expectation of exciting a general
j odium against cruelty, fraud, and oppression? and thus intro-
iducing a certain evil for the purpose of applying to it a
| dubious remedy ? We may, however, safely release this
1 author from an accusation, for which he has been indebted

I solely to the over-earnest zeal of his advocates, and may
(; certainly admit that, whatever may be thought of the recti-
j, tude of his maxims, he was at least serious in his promulga-
( tion of them. Many of the most exceptionable doctrines in his

II Principe are also to be found in his Discorsi, where it cannot be
|i pretended that he had any indirect purpose in view; and in
I the latter he has in some instances referred to the former for
| the further elucidation of his opinions.4'"' Nor is it a slight
1 proof of the sincerity of Machiavelli, that his work was re-
r commended by his intimate friend, Biagio Buonaccorsi, as a
I' grave and useful performance.46 This, indeed, seems to have
fcbeen the general opinion at the time of its publication.
•i Neither Adrian VI. nor Clement VII. passed any censure on
B his writings, and the latter not only accepted the dedication
| of his history, which Machiavelli wrote at his request, but
i granted the Roman printer, Antonio Blado, a papal bull for

the publication of all the writings of Machiavelli, in which
the Principe is particularly mentioned.

Taking it, then, for granted that Machiavelli has, in his poli
tical works fairly represented his own sentiments, how are his
merits to be appreciated? Machiavelli was an acute man;
but not a great man. He could minutely trace a political
intrigue through all its ramifications, but he could not elevate
his views to perceive that true policy and sound morality are
inseparably united, and that every fraudulent attempt is then
most unfortunate when it is crowned with success To obtain

294 LIFE OF LEO X.

a political end by the violation of public faith is a stratagem
that requires no great talents, but which will not bear to be
frequently repeated. Like the tricks of a juggler, the petty
routine of these operations is quickly understood, and the
operator himself is soon on a level with the rest of mankind.
Those who, like Machiavelli, have examined human conduct
only in detail, must ever be at a loss to reconcile the discord
ant facts and to distinguish the complicated relations of public
and national concerns. It is only by tracing them up to some
common source, and adjusting them by some certain standard,
that past events can ever be converted into proper rules of
future conduct. To recall the examples of ancient and modern
history for the imitation of future times, is a mode of instruc
tion which, without proper limitations and precautions, will
often be found highly dangerous. Such is the variety in
human affairs, that in no two instances are the circumstances
in all respects alike, and, on that account, experience without
principles must ever be a fallacious guide. To close our eyes
to the examples of past ages would, indeed, be absurd ; but
to regulate our conduct by them, without bringing them to
their proper test, would be still more so. With these con
siderations, the works of Machiavelli may be read with advan
tage, and his errors may perhaps prove no less instructive
than his excellences.47

Whilst the history of Machiavelli relates to the general
transactions of Florence, that of the senator Filippo de'
Nerli, is restricted to its municipal and internal concerns.
The family of Nerli had for several centuries ranked among
the principal nobility of that city,48 and several of its mem
bers were no less distinguished as eminent patrons of learning
than as accomplished statesmen. The marriage of Tanai de*
Nerli, who had twice filled^the office of chief magistrate of
Florence, with a niece of the celebrated Piero Capponi, was
productive of five sons, all of whom arrived at considerable
eminence. Jacopo and Francesco were frequently honoured
with the most important offices of the state, and the lat
ter became the father of two sons, who were successively
archbishops of Florence and cardinals of the church. Ber
nardo and Neri de' Nerli, have left a noble monument of
their munificence and love of literature, in publishing at
their own expense the first edition of the writings of Homer,

FILIPPO BE' NERLI. 295

printed at Florence in the year 1488; a work which confers
; honour not only on its patrons, and on the eminent Greek
scholars who superintended the printing, but on the age and
country in which it was produced.49 This great work was
inscribed by Bernardo de' Nerli to Piero de' Medici, the
elder brother of Leo X., in a Latin address, in which he
explains the motives of the undertaking, and the means
adopted for carrying it into effect. Benedetto de' Nerli, the
eldest of these five brothers, supported the rank of his family
on many public occasions, and in particular was one of the
ambassadors appointed by the state of Florence to congratu
late Leo X. on his elevation to the pontificate. Filippo, the
historian, the son of Benedetto, was born in the year 1485.
His education was superintended by Benedetto, called //
Filologo, who had been a disciple of Politiano, and is highly
commended by Crinitus.50 In his youth he frequented the
gardens of the Eucellai, where he formed an intimacy
with the most distinguished scholars of Florence, and in
particular \vith Machiavelli, who inscribed to him his Capitolo
dcir occasione. But whilst his early associates warmly
opposed the increasing powrer of the Medici, Filippo became
one of their most strenuous partisans, and was frequently
employed by them in important services, until the establish
ment of an absolute government, under Cosmo I., finally ter
minated the contest. After this event, he obtained in an
eminent degree the confidence of this cautious prince, who
successively intrusted to him the government of several of
the Florentine districts, and on the assumption to the ponti
ficate of Julius III., appointed him the chief of a splendid
embassy to congratulate the pontiff, who, on that occasion,
conferred on him the title of cavalier, with that of count
palatine.* He had married, in the year 1509, Caterina, the
daughter of Jacopo Salviati, by his wife Lucrezia, the sister
of Leo X., and lived until the year 1556, leaving at his death
a numerous offspring. His commentaries comprise a well-
arranged and useful narrative of the internal concerns of the
Florentine state,51 written in the style of a person conversant
with public affairs, and not with the laboured eloquence of a
professed author. That they manifest a decided partiality

* Vita del Seuatore Filippo de' Nerli. in fronte a' suqj Conamentarj.

296 LIFE OF LEO X.

to the family of the Medici, has been considered as their
chief excellence by the apologists of an absolute government
in subsequent times;* but, however meritorious the purpose
may be, it must be admitted that a work avowedly written
to promote a particular object can never be perused without
distrust, nor relied on without collateral evidence for the
facts which it records.

To the life and writings of Nerli, those of his contemporary
and countryman, Jacopo Nardi, exhibit almost a complete
contrast. Nerli enjoyed a long series of honours and pros
perity; Nardi was a fugitive and an exile. The former
availed himself of his adherence and services to the Medici,
to maintain himself in authority and importance; the latter
\vas their decided and implacable adversary, and his history
is allowed to be as hostile to that family, as the Commentaries
of Nerli are favourable. The birth of Nardi, who also de
rived his origin from a noble family at Florence, is placed
in the year 1476, and although the time of his death be not
precisely known, it is highly probable that he lived beyond
his eightieth year.52 In his early progress he had filled many
honourable employments in the state, and in the year 1527
was ambassador from his native place to the Venetian re
public. His history of Florence, which extends from the
year 1494 to 1531, bears the marks of . great accuracy, and
is not without some share of elegance, but like that of Nerli,
must be read with caution by those who would form an im
partial judgment on the important events which occurred
within that period, f Nardi was a man of uncommon learn
ing, and his translation of Livy, which has been several
times reprinted, is yet considered as one of the best versions
•of the ancient authors in the Italian language.^ In his youth
he distinguished himself as a soldier, and in his life of the
celebrated commander, Antonio Tebalducci Malespini, he has
shown that he had himself acquired great knowledge and
experience in military concerns. § He was the author of

* Elogio del Sen. Filippo de' Nerli. Elog. Toscani, ii. 319.

+ Le Historic della Citta di Fioreuza di M. Jacopo Nardi, Cittadino
Florentine. Lione, 1580, 4to.

J Tirab. vii. ii. 280.

§ Vita d' Antonio Giacomino Tebalducci Malespini, Scritta da Jacopo
Nardi. In Fiorenza, 1597, 4to.

GUICCIARDINI. 297

(•several other works both in verse and prose. His comedy,
•entitled UAmicizia, written by him whilst very young, has
I already been referred to, as having some pretensions, from
rits introductory lines, to be considered as having given the
! first example of the versi sciolti, or Italian blank verse.

The local narratives of Machiavelli, of Nerli, and of
iXardi, must, however, give place in point of interest and im-
iportance to the more general history of the immortal Guic-
iciardini ; a work which professes to record only the events of
[Italy, but which in fact comprehends those of the principal
[•states of Europe during the period to which it relates. This
[distinguished ornament of his country was the son of Piero
I Guicciardini, who, although a citizen of Florence, derived from
;his ancestors the title of count palatine, which had been con-
• ferred on them by the emperor Sigismund in the early part
of the fifteenth century.* He was born in the year 1482,
i and received the baptismal name of Francesco Tomaso, the
latter of which appellations he omitted in his riper years.
lAfter having attained a sufficient share of classical learning,
'he applied himself to the study of the civil law under the
pnost eminent professors, as well at Pisa, Ferrara, and Padua,
ias in his native place. He had at one time formed the inten-
I tion of devoting himself to the church, but his father not
[having encouraged the design, he changed his views, and
[•having obtained the degree of doctor of civil law in the academy
i which had been transferred from Pisa to Florence, he was
| appointed in the year 1505, to read and illustrate the Insti-
htute of Justinian ; by which, as well as by his opinions on
[questions of law, he gained great credit. The first office of
: importance in which he was employed by the republic, was
I that of ambassador to Ferdinand of Spain, in the year 1512.
'On this mission, which in respect to his well known talents,
was intrusted to him before he was of sufficient age, accord
ing to the established rules of the state, he was absent about
htwo years, and on his return was honoured by the king with
Ra present of several rich pieces of silver plate, f When Leo
IjjX. paid a visit to Florence, at the close of the year 1515,
'ii Guicciardini was despatched with several of the mostrespect-
iable citizens to meet him at Cortona. The reputation which

* Manni, Elog. di Guicciardini. Elog. Toscan. ii. OOC. -t- lb. 309.

298 LIFE OF LEO X.

he had already acquired, the propriety and gravity of his
manner, and the good sense which he manifested on all occa
sions, soon procured him the favour of the pontiff, who in an
assembly of cardinals, held on the day after his arrival at
Florence, bestowed on Guicciardini the dignity of advocate
of the consistory. This event may be considered as the com
mencement of his fortunes. Soon after the return of the
pontiff to Rome he sent for Guicciardini, and after having
experienced his fidelity and vigilance in several important
concerns, he intrusted him, in the year 1518, with the govern
ment of Modena and Reggio, which, from the critical circum
stances under which these places were held by the pope, was
undoubtedly the most confidential employment that could
have been conferred upon him. The difficulties which he
experienced in the defence of these important districts, called
forth those great talents with which he was endowed, and
afforded him frequent opportunities of displaying the prompti
tude of his genius, the solidity of his judgment, and the
unshaken fortitude of his mind. lie continued in the service
of Leo X. during the remainder of his pontificate, intrusted
with the chief authority, as well in the military as civil con
cerns of the places in which he commanded. Nor was he less
honoured by Adrian VI., and Clement VII., the latter of
whom appointed him president of Romagna; which office he
relinquished, in the year 1526, to his brother Jacopo, when he
was himself nominated to the chief command of the papal
troops. In the various reforms of the Florentine government
which prepared the way to the dominion of Cosmo I., Guic
ciardini had an important share; but soon after that event he
retired to his villa at Montici, where he devoted himself to
the composition of his history. He died in the year 1540,
after having completed the work which has immortalized his
name, but which was not published until many years after
his death.53

The historical writings of Guicciardini have not only enti
tled their author to the indisputable precedence of all the his
torians of Italy, but have placed him at least on a level with
those of any age or of any country. His first great advantage
is, that he was himself personally acquainted with most of the
transactions Avhich he relates, and frequently acted in them an
important part.51 He also united within himself almost every

PAULLO GIOVIO. 299

qualification that is necessary for a perfect historian; a fear-
iless impartiality, a strong and vigorous judgment, equally
rremote from superstition and licentiousness, and a penetra-
cion of mind that pierced through the inmost recesses of poli-
Icical intrigue. His narrative is full, clear, and perspicuous,
find the observations to which it occasionally gives rise, are
tin general just, apposite, and forcible. The principal ble-
iinishcs which have been attributed to him as a writer, are
khose of having frequently given too much importance to
|3vents of inferior consideration, and of having, in imitation
t rf the ancient historians, assigned to several of his principal
actors, orations which, although sufficiently consonant to
i.:heir sentiments, were never in reality delivered.53 If, how-
!3ver, the writings of all his contemporaries had perished, his
ivorks alone would have exhibited a perfect picture of the
ige, and must ever be regarded as the mine from which future
historians must derive their richest materials. Fastidious
: .'ritics, and indolent readers may complain of the minuteness
pf his narrative, or the length of his periods; but every sen
tence is pregnant with thought, every paragraph teems with
information, and if sometimes they do not please the ear,
[they always gratify the understanding. The principal defect
Ln his history is such as is, perhaps, inseparable from his
L-haracter as a statesman and a soldier, and appears in his
accounting for the conduct of others wholly by motives of
'interest and of ambition, without sufficiently adverting to the
various other causes which have, in all ages, had a consider
able influence on the affairs of mankind.56

Yet more extensive in its plan than the history of Guic-
! 2iardini, is the history of his own times by Paullo Giovio, or
\Paulus Jovius, in which he undertook to record the most
j important events which occurred during that period in every
I part of the world. This voluminous writer was a native of
iComo, and was born in the year 1483. Being early deprived
lof his [father, he was educated under the care of his elder
•brother, Benedetto, who was also an historical writer, and is
Iconsidered by Tiraboschi as not inferior, in point of merit, to
his younger brother.57 After having studied at Padua, at
Milan, and at Pavia, he obtained at the latter place the
Idegree of doctor in medicine, and practised for some time as
I- a physician both in Como and Milan. An early and decided

300 ' LIFE OF LEO X.

propensity led him, however, to the study and composition of
history. Having completed a volume, and heard of the en
couragement given by Leo X. to every department of litera
ture, he repaired, about the year 1516, to Rome, where he
met with a most favourable reception from the pontiff, who,
after reading before many of the cardinals a long passage from
the work of Giovio, declared, that next to Livy, he had not
met with a more eloquent or a more elegant writer.* The
rank of a cavalier, with a considerable pension, was the
reward bestowed by the munificent pontiff on the fortunate
author. In this place, Giovio formed an intimacy with the
numerous men of talents whom the liberality of the pontiff
had attracted to that city. Like the rest of the Roman
scholars, he here devoted himself to the cultivation of Latin
poetry; several of his pieces appear in the Coryciana, and
other collections, and we have already seen, that Francesco
Arsilli inscribed to him his poem, DePoetis Urbanis.™ After
the death of Leo, he was one of the very few men of learning
who obtained the favour of Adrian VI., by whom he was
appointed a canon of the cathedral of Como; on condition,
however, as it has been said, that he should mention the
pontiff with honour in his writings.59 Under the pontificate
of Clement VII., he was yet more highly favoured, having
been appointed by the pope to be one of his attendant cour
tiers, provided with a residence in the Vatican, and supplied
with an income for the support of himself and his domestics.
To these favours were afterwards added the precentorship of
Como, and, lastly, the bishopric of Nocera, which was the
highest ecclesiastical preferment that Giovio ever obtained.
During the sacking of the city of Rome, in the year 1527,
Giovio had secreted his history, which had been copied on
vellum, and elegantly bound, in a chest, which contained also
a considerable quantity of wrought silver, and had deposited
it in the church of S. Maria sopra Minerva. This booty
was, however, discovered by two Spanish officers, one of
whom seized upon the silver, and the other, named Herrara,
carried off the books. At the same time, many loose sheets,
supposed to have contained some portions of his history, and
which had also been deposited in the chest, were dispersed

* Bened. Jovii, Hist. Novocom. ap. Tirab. vii. ii. 2CO.

PAULLO GIOVIO. iiOl

md lost. Ilerrara, finding that the books belonged to Giovio,
Drought them to him, and required to know whether he
•vould purchase them. The unfortunate author, being wholly
stripped of his property, resorted for assistance to Clement
STL, who agreed to confer on Herrara, on his returning the
jooks, an ecclesiastical benefice in Cordova, and Giovio thus
'egained possession of his work.00 Under the pontificate of
Paul III., he was desirous of exchanging his bishopric of
Nocero for that of Como, his native place; but the pope
•efused his request : in consequence of which, and of the
icglect with which he conceived himself to be treated, he
expressed himself respecting that pontiff with great warmth
md resentment. He is said to have flattered himself, on the
aith of the predictions of Luca Gaurico, and other astrologers,
vith the hopes of obtaining the dignity of a cardinal; but
ike many other persons in those times, he attempted in vain
1:0 discover in the stars the events that were to take place on
sarth. His favourite residence was at a beautiful villa on
i-he banks of the lake of Como, where, notwithstanding the
occasional levity of his temper and conduct, lie diligently
>ursued his studies. Here he also formed a museum, con-
isting of portraits of the most illustrious characters, chiefly
ihose of his own times, many of which were transmitted to
••lim from various parts of the world. To each of these he
;.ffixed an inscription, or brief memoir, some of them highly
.avourable, and others sarcastically severe.01 About two
-ears before his death, he quitted his retirement, and took
p his residence in Florence, where he terminated his clays, in
Lie year 1552, and was buried in the church of S. Lorenzo,
i that city.

The historical works of Giovio, which are all in the Latin
ongue, comprehend a very interesting period of time, and
re written with great facility. His history of his own times,
vhich commences with the descent of Charles VIII. inta
taly, and extends to the year 1547, is divided into forty-five
>ooks; but six of them, from the fourth to the eleventh, com-
ing the period from the death of Charles VIII. to the
levation of Leo X. are wanting, and are supposed to have
•een lost during the unfortunate sacking of the city of Kome,,
a the year 1527. From the eighteenth to the twenty-fifth
•ook, another deficiency of six books occurs, which extends

302 LIFE OF LEO X.

from the death of Leo X. to the capture of Rome, and which,
as it appears from the information of Giovio himself, he was
deterred from writing, by the Avretched and deplorable nature
of the incidents which he would have had to relate. These
defects he has, however, in a great degree supplied, by his
narrative of the lives of Alfonso, duke of Ferrara, of the great
-captain Gonsalvo, of Leo X., of Adrian VI., of Ferdinando
d'Avalos, marquis of Pescara, and of the cardinal Pompeo
Colonna, all of which he has written at considerable extent.62
On their first appearance his writings were received with
great approbation ; but, in a short time, their credit di
minished, and he had the mortification to find himself alter
nately accused of flattery, and of malignity, and of having
sacrificed his talents to servile and interested purposes. The
decisions of subsequent times have not tended to exculpate
him from these imputations. Girolamo Mutio asserts, that
" he was the most negligent of all authors ; that his diligence
was only shown in obtaining the favours of the great, and
that he who gave the most was the principal hero of his
works."* The acute and indefatigable Bayle has availed
himself of innumerable occasions to point out his errors,
which have also afforded subjects of confutation or of reproof
to many other writers. That he did not prescribe to himself
any very severe rules of composition, appears from his own
acknowledgments. Having on some occasion related in his
writings several absurd and improbable incidents, and being
admonished by one of his friends to use more caution, he ob
served in reply, that "it was of little importance; for that
when the persons then living were no more, it would all pass
for truth." Of his levity in this respect, his letters also afford
frequent instances. " You well know," thus he writes to one
of his correspondents, " that a history should be faithful, and
that matters of fact should not be trifled with, except by a
certain little latitude, which allows all writers, by ancient
privilege, to aggravate or extenuate the faults of those on
whom they treat, and, on the other hand to elevate or de
preciate their virtues. I should, indeed, be in a strange
situation if my friends and patrons owed me no obligation,
when I make a piece of their coin weigh one half more than

* Mutio del Gentihioino. ii. 106. ap. Tirab. vii. ii. 265.

PAULLO GIOVIO. 303

that of the illiberal and worthless. You know that by this
sacred privilege, I have decorated some with rich brocade,
land have deservedly wrapt up others in coarse dowlas. Woe
Jto them who provoke my anger; for if they make me the
mark for their arrows, I shall bring out my heavy artillery
and try who will have the worst of it. At all events they
\vill die; and I shall at least escape after death, that ultima
:?/»(?« of all controversies."* Several other passages might be
\ cited from his letters, in which he openly acknowledges the
; venality of his writings, and accounts for his temporary
esilence because he found no one to bribe him.f He is said to
i have asserted, that he had two pens, the one of iron and the
[other of gold, which he made use of alternately, as occasion
Urequired, and it is certain that the latter, his penna (Toro, is
^frequently mentioned in his letters.03 But the greatest
Blemish in the writings of Giovio, and which has not suffi-
pdently incurred the reprehension of his numerous critics, is
[the defective or perverted morality with which they abound.
lOf this, some instances have been given in the preceding
Ipages, and many others might be selected from his works.
fcThe misrepresentation of a fact is often of less importance
\ than the deduction which is drawn from it. Under the im-
i mediate influence of ambition and revenge, amidst the storm
•of passion and the fury of war, deeds of treachery or of
fctrocity have been too often committed, the perpetrators of
hvlnch may have lived to repent of their crime ; but it is,
ttndeed, horrible, when the narrator of past events, in the
_:alm retirement of his closet, attempts to vindicate the breach
. of moral obligation upon the pretext of temporary expedience,
and gives the sanction of deliberate reason to those actions
1 which even the impulse of passion is insufficient to justify.
i With all these defects, the writings of Jovius cannot, how-
Isver, be wholly rejected, without the loss of much important
•information, copiously narrated and elegantly expressed; and
•under proper precautions they yet furnish valuable materials
u i future times.

Among the writers of this period, whose works afford
•abundant materials for the use of the politician, the moralist,
land the philosopher, may be enumerated Pierio Valeriano, of

* Lettere, 12, ap. Tirab. \ii. ii. 205. t Ib. 2GG.

304 LIFE OF LEO X.

Belluno, the nephew of Urbano Bolzanio, of whom some ac
count has been given in the preceding pages. The narrow
ness of his circumstances compelled him, when young, to enter
into the menial service of some of the Venetian nobility, and
prevented his attending to literary studies until he had at
tained the fifteenth year of his age.64 He afterwards applied
himself to them with great diligence, and under the instruc
tions of Benedetto Brognolo, Giorgio Valla, Janus Lascar,
and Marc-Antonio Sabellico, made an uncommon proficiency.
On the recommendation of the latter he changed his baptismal
name of Gian-Pietro, for the more classical and sonorous ap
pellation of Pierio. His education was completed at the
university of Padua, where he arrived about the time that
Fracastoro quitted it, whom he regrets that he had only
seen three times. Being driven from his country by the ir
ruption of the imperial troops into Italy, in the year 1509, he
resorted for safety to Rome, where he soon formed an in
timacy with several eminent men, and among others, with
the cardinal Egidio of Viterbo, and Gian-Francesco dclla
Rovere, archbishop of Turin, the latter of whom, being ap
pointed keeper of the castle of S. Angelo, gave Valeriano a
residence there. But he was still more fortunate in having
attracted the notice of the cardinal de' Medici, afterwards Leo
X., who no sooner ascended the pontifical throne, than he
received Valeriano among his constant attendants and gave
him a competent support. Thus attached to the service of
the pontiff, he accompanied Giuliano de' Medici on his matri
monial expedition to Turin, and was afterwards appointed by
Leo X. instructor of the young favourites, Alessandro and
Ippolito de' Medici.* At this period of life he distinguished
himself by his Latin poetry, and is commemorated by Arsilli
in his poem De Poetis Urbanis, as a successful imitator of
Horace and of Propertius.65 That he attended also on the
literary feasts of Corycius, he has particularly mentioned in
his works. f After the death of Leo he retired for some time
to Naples, but was recalled to Rome by Clement VII. who
had a pride in remunerating the learned favourites of his

* Valerian. Hexamet. iu Epist. Dedicat. ad Catliarinam Gallise Regiuam.
Yen. 15.">0.

+ Valerian. Hieroglyph, xvii. in Ep. mmcupat. ad JEgidium Viterbieusem
Curd. 124.

CELIO CALCAGNINI. 305

i illustrious predecessor, and who conferred on Valeriano the
I rank of prothonotary, with several ecclesiastical preferments,
land appointed him to fill the chair of professor of eloquence
I at Rome. He afterwards passed some part of his time at
i Florence, but after the death of the cardinal Ippolito, in 1535,
land the assassination of the duke Alessandro de' Medici, he
j retired to Belluno, whence he transferred his residence to
j Padua, at which place he continued to devote himself in
(i tranquillity to his favourite studies until the close of his days
| in the year 1558.*

Valeriano is chiefly known to the present times by his
I brief, but curious and interesting work, De Literatorum
\Infelicitate, which has preserved many anecdotes of the prin-
I cipal scholars of the age, not elsewhere to be found. His
1 Latin poetry has also considerable merit, and has frequently
|l been cited in the foregoing pages, as illustrating the events of
b the times. His extensive learning is, however, chiefly dis-
E coverable in his great work on Hieroglyphics, divided into
1 fifty-eight books, in which he has undertaken to illustrate,

• from Egyptian, Greek, and Roman symbols, almost every
I branch of science and of art; but in this undertaking he is

• supposed to have displayed more imagination than judgment,
I and more labour than discrimination.06 Under the title of
I Antiquitates Bellunenses, he also published a work on the
I antiquities of his native place. This author is entitled to a
1 kind of commendation not to be indiscriminately given to the
I eminent scholars of his time, having been no less remarkable
1 for the probity of his life and the inoffensiveness of his
I manners than for the many learned works which issued from
I his pen.

Few men of this period had made a greater proficiency in
literary studies and scientific acquirements than Celio Cal-
cagnini, of Ferarra. His father was of a respectable family,
and held the rank of an apostolic notary; but it is conjectured
with great probability that Celio was not the offspring of a
matrimonial connexion. He was born in the year 1479. In
his early studies, under Pietro Pomponazzo, he had as an asso
ciate the celebrated Lilio Gregorio Giraldi, with whom, and
with Pierio Valeriano, he maintained throughout his life a strict

* Tirabosclii, vi. iii. 239.
VOL. II. X

306 LIFE OF LEO X.

intimacy, which was cemented by a conformity of studies and
pursuits. In his early years he had devoted himself to a
military life, and served for some time in the army of the
emperor Maximilian. He afterwards engaged in the service
of Julius II., and was employed in several important nego
tiations. Returning to Ferrara, he obtained the particular
favour of the family of Este, and was chosen to accompany
the cardinal Ippolito on his journey into Hungary. About
the year 1 520, he was appointed professor of the belles lettres
in the university of Ferrara; a situation which he held with
great credit until the time of his death, in the year 1541.
His writings, which are very numerous, were collected and
printed at Basle in the same year. They relate to almost every
branch of learning; to philosophy, politics, moral and natural
science. His Latin poetry is, however, preferred, in point of
elegance, to his prose writings, and entitles him to a respect
able rank among the most eminent of his contemporaries. In
some of these pieces he highly applauds the liberality of Leo
X., of whose bounty it is probable that he partook, in common
with his two learned friends. In an interview which took
place between him and Erasmus, when the latter was on a
visit at Ferrara, Calcagnini addressed that great scholar in
Latin with such fluency and elegance as not only to surprise
him, but, as he himself confesses, almost to deprive him of
the power of making a reply.* Some years afterwards, the
treatise of Calcagnini, De Libero Arbitrio, written by him in
opposition to the Lutheran doctrine of predestination, being
dispersed abroad in manuscript, fell into the hands of Erasmus,
who finding that Calcagnini agreed with him in the opinions
which he had avowed in his Diatribe on the same subject,67
wrote to him, with high commendations of his work; which
he assures him he meant to have sent to the press, had it not
contained in one passage some insinuations to the prejudice
of Erasmus, as a friend to the proceedings of Luther, t He
then takes an opportunity of vindicating himself from any
connexion with the reformers. He complains, with great
justice, that whilst he endeavours to keep upon terms with
both parties, he is persecuted by both, and inveighs against
the theologians and monks, who, as he asserts, detest him on

* Erasm. Ep. xxviii. Ep. 25. •(• Ib. xx. 53.

LILIO GREGORIO GIRALDI. 307

(.account of his labours for the promotion of learning, which
ithey hate even worse than they do Luther himself.* In his
ireply to Erasmus, Calcagnini attacked Luther and his doc-
itrines with great bitterness. Adverting then to the conduct
tof Erasmus, he informs him, that those who censure him the
Ileast do not hesitate to represent him as one who acts a double
I' part, and who, although he alone might extinguish the flame,
stands by unconcerned whilst the altars of the gods are de
stroyed, t He assures him, however, that these are not his
•sentiments, and declares that he is fully convinced of his
piety and his sincerity; as a proof of which, he requests that
[he will not only correct the passage which has given him so
|much concern, but will alter or expunge any expression which
imay be supposed to convey the slightest reflection on his
i| character. :{; Under the smooth polish of urbanity which
(appears in this letter, Calcagnini has, however, conveyed no
Ismail portion of reproof; nor is it, indeed, surprising, that
[the rigid adherents of the Roman church should feel highly
lindignant at one of their most accomplished chieftains, who
•in the day of battle refused to oppose himself openly to the
•enemy., and, to use the language of Calcagnini himself, looked
•sedately on " whilst the wild-boar rooted up the vineyard of
khe Lord."

In the course of the preceding work, we have had frequent

•occasion to refer to the writings of Lilio Gregorio Giraldi,

i:ind particularly to his treatise on the Latin poets of his own

ijtimes. There are, indeed, few departments of literature

•which have not been the subjects of his inquiry, and in

I whatever study he engaged, he made a distinguished pro-

jficiency. He was born of a respectable family at Ferrara, in

(the year 1489; and although his finances were scanty, he had

the good fortune to obtain instructions from Luca Biva and

Battista Guarini. In his youth, he paid a visit to Naples,

-vhere he had an opportunity of forming an intimacy Avith

some of the distinguished scholars who then resided there.

He afterwards visited Mirandula, Carpi, and Milan ; in which

last city he prosecuted the study of the Greek language,

under Demetrius Chalcondyles.§ Thence he passed to Mo-

* Erasm. Ep. xx. Ep. 5-'S.

t Colcag. Ep. ad Erasm. int. Eras. Ep. xx. Ep. f)4. + Ib. vt sup.

§ Tirab. vii. ii. 21G, 217.

x2

308 .' LIFE OF LEO X.

dena, where, at the request of the countess Bianca Rangone,
he undertook to superintend the education of Ercole Rangone,
one of her sons. On the countess transferring her residence
to Rome, at the invitation of Leo X., who, as has already
been related, made a splendid provision for her and her
family, Giraldi followed his patroness, and had apartments
assigned to him by the pontiff in the Vatican; where he not
only continued to watch over the education of his pupil, who
was afterwards raised by Leo X. to the dignity of a cardinal,
but delivered instructions to such other young men of emi
nence as were inclined to attend him.68 The favour with
which he was regarded by Leo X., and by his successors,
Adrian VI. and Clement VII., might have induced him to
flatter himself with the hope of some important preferment;
but the only office which he obtained was that of an apostolic
notary. During his residence in the pontifical court, Giraldi
is said to have indulged himself too freely in the luxuries of
the table, in consequence of which he contracted the gout.69
With the pangs of this disorder, he had also to sustain other
misfortunes. In the sacking of the city of Rome, in the year
1527, he was plundered of all his property, not being able to
eave even his books. In the same year, he lost, by an un
timely death, his great protector, the cardinal Ercole Ran
gone; in consequence of which he left the city of Rome, 'and
retired to Mirandula, where he was most kindly received by
Giovan-Francesco Pico, lord of that place. The treacherous
assassination of that learned prince, in the year 1533, again
deprived Giraldi of a liberal patron, and had nearly involved
him in destruction. He effected, however, his escape tc
Ferrara, where, in the friendship of Giovanni Manardi anc
Celio Calcagnini, and the favour of the duchess Renata, one
of the daughters of Louis XII., he found at length a refuge
from his misfortunes. With his returning prosperity, his
disorder, however, acquired new strength, and he was at
length confined entirely to his bed, where he still continued
his studies, and composed several of those learned works
which have transmitted his name with credit to future times.
He died in the year 1552; having, during his residence at
Ferrara, acquired a considerable sum of money, which he
gave by his will to the duke, to be divided among the poor;
a disposition which would have been more to his honour, had

LILIO GREGORIO GIRALDI. 309

the not left six nieces, of marriageable age, wholly destitute
i'of support. His books he bequeathed to his relatives, Giam-
jibattista Giraldi70 and Prospero Pasetio. In consequence of
ithe frequent praises bestowed by Giraldi on the duchess of
[Ferrara, who was generally supposed to be favourable to the
[opinions of the reformers, Giraldi was himself suspected of
ra similar partiality. His numerous writings on history, criti-
Icism, morals, and other subjects, were collected and published,
[in two volumes in folio, at Leyden, in 1696. These volumes
icontain also his Latin poems, which entitle him to rank
fcamong the most correct and learned writers of his time.

.-._

310 LIFE OF LEO X.

CHAPTER XXII.

Revival of the fine arts — Research of antiques encouraged by Leo X. — His
iambics on the statue of Lucretia — Collection of Angelo Colocci —
Erection and improvements of the Vatican palace — Extensive views of '
Julius II. — Architectural works of Bramante — Most nourishing period
of the arts — Michelagnolo Buouaroti — Emulation between him and
Lionardo da Vinci — Cartoons of the wars of Pisa — Commencement of
the modern church of St. Peter's at Rome — Michelagnolo undertakes the
tomb of Julius II. — Erects the statue of that pontiff in Bologna — Raf-
faello d'Urbiuo — Michelagnolo commences his works in the Capella
Sistina— Paintings of Raffaello in the Vatican — Whether Raffaello im
proved his style from the works of Michelagnolo — Circumstances
decisive of the controversy — Picture of Heliodorus — Leo X. engages
Michelaguolo to rebuild the church of S. Lorenzo, at Florence — Raf
faello proceeds in painting the frescoes of the Vatican — Works executed
by him for Agostino Chigi — Roman school of art — Loggie of Rafl'aello —
Polidoro da Caravaggio — The cartoons of Raffaello — Hall of Constan
tino — Transfiguration of Rafl'aello, painted in competition with Michel
agnolo — Raffaello employed by Leo X. to delineate the remains of
ancient Rome — His report to the pope on that subject — Death of Raf
faello — Other artists employe$,..l»jHbeevX. — Luca della Robbia — Andrea
Contucci — Frahcla™rfKgio- — Andrea del Sarto — Jacopo da Puntormo— ^
Lionardo da Vinci said to have visited Rome — Origin of the art of eoM
graving on copper — Stampe di Niello — Baccio Baldiui — Andrea Man-
tegna — Marc-Antiouio Ramondi and his scholars — Invention of etching.

THE encouragement afforded by the Roman pontiffs to paint
ing, to sculpture, and to architecture, is almost coeval with
their revival in modern times. For a long succession of ages,
the genius of the predominating religion had, indeed, been
highly unfavourable to these pursuits, and uniting with the
ferocity of barbarian ignorance, had almost extirpated the last
remains of those arts, which had been carried by the ancients

RESEARCHES AFTER ANTIQUITIES. 311

;o so great a degree of perfection.1 The fury of the icono-
jlasts subsided, as the restoration of paganism became no
.onger an object of dread, and some of the meagre and muti-
; ated remains of ancient skill, sanctified by new appellations
rierived from the objects of Christian worship, were suffered
i ;o remain, to attract the superstitious devotion rather than
;he enlightened admiration of the people. The remonstrances
find example of Petrarca seem first to have roused the atten-
;ion of the Romans to the excellence of those admirable
ivorks, by the remains of which they were still surrounded.
\\'c Do you not blush," said he, " to make an infamous traffic
}f that which has escaped the hands of your barbarian
mcestors; and to see that even the indolent city of Naples
Ifadorns herself with your columns, your statues, and the
i: sepulchres that cover the ashes of your forefathers?"* From
iithis period some traces appear of a rising taste for these pro
ductions, which, in the course of the succeeding century,
Ibecame a passion that could only be gratified by the acquisi
tion of them. Of the labours of Niccolo Niccoli, of Poggio
(jBracciolini, and of Lorenzo, the brother of the venerable
ICosmo de' Medici, some account has been given in other
| works, f By Lorenzo the Magnificent this object was pur-
|sued with constant solicitude and great success; and the col
lection of antiques formed by him in the gardens-of S. Marco,
lat Florence, became the school of Michelagnolo.

This relish for the remains of antiquity, whether they
Iconsisted of statues, gems, vases, or other specimens of skill,
lihad been cultivated by Leo X., from his earliest years, under
this paternal roof; where the instructions of the accomplished
fPolitiano had enabled him to combine amusement with im-
{ provement, and to unite a correct taste with the science of an
i antiquarian. Before he was raised to the pontifical chair,
| he had distinguished himself by the encouragement which he
I had afforded to the research of antiquities at Rome.2 By his
I assiduity, a piece of sculpture was discovered in a small island
j of the Tiber, representing the ship of ^Esculapius; an inci-
ident which is referred to by one of the poets of the time, as

* Petrar. Hortat. ad Nicol. Laurent, ap. Tirab. v. 312.
f Shepherd's Life of Poggio Bracciolini, vii. 291. Life of Lorenzo de'
I Medici, 19.

312 LIFE OF LEO X.

an augury of the election of Leo to the pontificate and of the
tranquillity and glory of his reign. In the year 1508, under
the pontificate of Julius II., the group of the Laocoon, one of
the most precious remains of antiquity, was discovered in the
ruins of the baths of Titus, and the fortunate discoverer was
rewarded by the pontiff with an annual stipend, arising from
the revenues of the church of S. John Lateran. On the
elevation of Leo to the pontificate, he removed this in
estimable memorial of art to the Vatican, and in exchange
for the annuity, conferred on the person who discovered it
the honourable and lucrative office of an apostolic notary.3
The encouragement thus afforded to those who devoted them
selves to these inquiries gave new vigour to their researches.
The production of a genuine specimen of antiquity secured
to the fortunate possessor a competency for life, and the
acquisition of a fine statue was almost equivalent to that of
a bishopric. In these pursuits, little attention was paid by
the pontiff to economy. Whatever appeared deserving of
his notice was purchased at any expense, and paid for
from the revenues of the church. Many of the cameos
and gems of great value, which had been collected by
his ancestors and dispersed during the misfortunes of his
family, were fortunately recovered by him, and to these, im
portant additions were made by his own assiduity. He
placed in the front of the pantheon, now called the church of
La Rotonda or S. Maria ad Martyresf a fine porphyry vase,
which lias since tbeen removed by Clement XII. into the
church of the Lateran. The discovery of these monuments
of ancient skill called forth the panegyrics of the most accom
plished scholars of the age. To the Latin verses of Sadoleti
on the Laocoon and the Curtius we have before had occasion
to refer. Castiglione has in like manner celebrated the
statue of Cleopatra, now supposed to be that of Ariadne, in a
poem of great elegance, in which he has taken occasion
highly to commend the taste and munificence of Leo X. Even
Leo himself, whilst yet a cardinal, exercised his talents on a
similar subject ; and his iambics on the discovery of a statue
of Lucretia among the ruins of the Transtevere, exhibit the
only specimen that has been preserved to us of his poetical
compositions, and afford a sufficient proof, that if he had
devoted a greater share of his attention to the cultivation of

THE PALACE OF THE VATICAN.

- ;his department of letters, he might not wholly have despaired
of success.5

The particular favour with which Leo X. regarded anti
quarian studies, gave them a new impulse at Home, where
many of the cardinals and distinguished prelates began to
(form collections which have since been highly celebrated,
i Among these, that of Angelo Colocci, in the villa and gardens
!jf Sallust, is deserving of particular notice. His statues,
i busts, sepulchral memorials, cameos, coins, and medals, were
; numerous and valuable.6 The walls of his house were
(decorated with classical monuments in marble; and the Roman
(Standard, and the consular Fasti of Colocci, have frequently
(been referred to, as the most authentic documents for ascer
taining circumstances of considerable importance in the topo-
| graphy and history of ancient Rome.7

The palace of the Vatican, first erected by the pontiff Sym-
i machus, about the beginning of the sixth century,8 had been
enlarged by Nicholas III., so as to afford a commodious resi-
i dence for the chiefs of the Christian church; but the magnifi-
i cent idea of increasing the splendour of the Roman see, and
Tendering the city of Rome the centre of literature and of arts,
no less than of religion, was first conceived by Nicholas V.,
I about the middle of the fifteenth century. As a part of this
i design, he resolved to complete the palace of the Vatican on
i such an extensive scale and with such elegance of ornament,
as to render it the largest as well as the most beautiful fabric
(in Christendom. It was his intention not only to prepare
•a suitable residence for the supreme pontiff, and for the
cardinals of the church, by whom, as his constant council, he
ought always to be surrounded, but to provide appropriate
buildings for transacting all the affairs of the Roman court,
with accommodations for the officers both of the church and
state, so as to give to the seat of the supreme pontiff the
utmost possible degree of convenience and of pomp. Splendid
apartments were also to be provided for the reception of the
sovereigns and great personages who for devotional or secular
1 purposes might visit the holy see, and an immense theatre
was to be erected for the coronation of the Roman pontiffs,
i This extensive structure formed, however, a comparatively
smah1 part of his vast design, which, it seems, was to compre
hend the whole of the Vatican hill, and to enclose it from the

314 LIFE OP LEO X.

rest of the city. The communication with the latter was to
be formed by extensive corridors, which might be used for
shops and mercantile purposes, and which were designed in
such a manner as to be secure from the inconveniences
arising from the winds that prove so injurious to the inha
bitants, and from all causes of infection and disease. The
buildings were intended to be surrounded with gardens, with
galleries, fountains, and aqueducts; and among them were to
be erected chapels, libraries, and a large and elegant structure
for the assembly of the conclave. " What a glory would it
have been for the Roman church," exclaims the pious Vasari,
" to have seen the supreme pontiff, as in a celebrated and
sacred monastery, surrounded by all the ministers of religion, ;_
and living, as in a terrestrial paradise, a celestial and holy
life; an example to all Christendom, and an incitement to un
believers to devote themselves to the true worship of God and
of our blessed Saviour."* Whether the completion of this
plan would have been productive of such happy consequences,
may, perhaps, be doubtful; but the arts would have been
fostered and rewarded by such an application of the immense
treasures then derived from every part of Christendom,
which would, at least, have been expended in elegant and
harmless pursuits, instead of being devoted, as has been too
often the case, to the purposes of luxury, of corruption, and
of war. The artist employed by Nicholas V., in executing
his immense designs, was Bernardo Rosselini. His plans
were completed and approved of ; the work was commenced ;
and such part of the buildings as front the cortile of the
Belvedere, with a part of the extensive walls, was erected,
when the death of this munificent pontiff terminated his
mighty projects; not, however, before he had, by the assist
ance of the same eminent architect, completed several magni
ficent buildings, as well within the city of Rome as in other
parts of Italy. As a painter, Pietro della Francesca was
employed by Nicholas V. to decorate, conjointly with other
artists, some of the chambers of the Vatican; 9 but their labours
were desti'oyed during the pontificate of Leo X., to make way
for much superior productions.

The buildings of the Vatican were increased by Pius II.,

* Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, i. 181.

BRAMANTE. 315

•Paul II., and Sixtus IV,, who erected the chapel known by
pis name, with the library and the conclave; and by
Innocent VIII., who completed several extensive galleries
l,nd apartments, and ornamented them with paintings and
mosaics. A stately tower was raised by Alexander VI., the
ipartments of which were decorated with pictures by the
|>est artists of the time;10 but the honour of having carried
forward to a great degree of perfection the splendid designs
•if Nicholas V. was reserved for Julius II. Shall we, with
pembo, attribute it to the good fortune of this pontiff, that
lie was surrounded by three such artists as Bramante,
Ilaft'aello, and Michelagnolo, or may we not with greater
fcustice suppose, that Julius communicated to them a portion
If the vigour and impetuosity of his own character; and
acknowledge that these great men were indebted to the
pontiff for some part of their reputation, and perhaps of their
Excellence, by the opportunities which his magnificent pro-
lects and vast designs afforded them, of exercising their
relents on a theatre sufficiently ample to display them to full
lidvantage ?

: The first patron of Bramante, after his arrival from Milan
it Rome, was the cardinal Oliverio Caraffa, for whom he de-
ligned and completed the choir, in the convent of the Frati della
•Pace. This specimen of his talents recommended him to the
liotice of Alexander VI., by whom he was employed in exe
cuting the pontifical arms in fresco, over the great doors of
John Lateran, when that church was opened for the cele-
)ration of the jubilee in the year 1500. Alexander after-
vards conferred upon him the office of his sub-architect; but
m the accession of Julius II., a fairer opportunity was
iforded him of displaying his talents. No sooner was Julius
eated in the chair, than he determined to facilitate the com-
nunication between the gardens of the Belvedere and the
•ontifical palace by two magnificent corridors, the execution
»f which he committed to Bramante. The inequality of the
urface, instead of proving an obstacle to the artist, enabled
lim to exhibit the powers of his invention to greater ad-
antage; and the model which he formed is acknowledged to
lave been equal in grandeur, in elegance, and in extent, to the
nost celebrated works of the ancients. Of this immense
lesign, the Loggie that extend four hundred yards in length,

316 LIFE OF LEO X.

and yet form one of the chief ornaments of the Vatican, were
a part, and were intended to correspond with a similar range
of buildings on the opposite side, the foundations of which
were laid, but which in consequence of the death of the pope,
and that of the artist, who did not long survive him, remained
unfinished, until they were completed by Pius IV.* The
model formed by Bramante of these magnificent structures,
in which the levels of the different buildings were connected
by flights of steps, designed with wonderful ingenuity and
ornamented by ranges of Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian coluiun%
was considered as an astonishing performance, and seems to
have resembled the bold inventions of a more modern artist,
who being unable, in latter days, to obtain an adequate employ
ment for his extraordinary talents, found a gratification in
designing imaginary buildings, which rise pile above pile in
towering sublimity, and present to the eye masses of archi
tecture, which the labour of ages could not accomplish, and
of which the revenues of kingdoms would not defray the
expense, f

Bramante having thus become the professed architect and
favourite of Julius II., frequently accompanied the pontiff on
his military expeditions, who, in return for his attachment
and his services, conferred on him the lucrative office of
sealer of the pontifical briefs. Under his directions, Bramante
executed in Rome and its vicinity several considerable build
ings; and such was the fervour of the artist who laboured
and of the pontiff who stimulated him, that these immense
fabrics, to use an expression of Vasari, seemed rather to be
born than to be built.

The most illustrious period of the arts is that which conJ
mences with the return of Michelagnolo from Rome to1
Florence, about the year 1500, and terminates with the death
of Leo X., in 1521, or rather with that of Raffaello, in the
preceding year. Within this period, almost all the great
works in painting, in sculpture, and in architecture, whic
have been the admiration of future times, were produce
Under the successive but uninterrupted patronage
Julius II. and Leo X., the talents of the great artists the

* Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, passim.
t II Cavaliero Giambattista Pirauesi.

MICHELAGNOLO. 317

ving were united in one simultaneous effort; and their
ival productions may be considered as a joint tribute to the
aunificence of their patrons and the glory of the age. A
faort time prior to the expulsion of Piero de' Medici from
"lorence, in the year 1494, Michelagnolo had quitted his
kative place, from an apprehension of the disturbances which
.'• -aw were likely to ensue. After a short and unprofitable
•i.sit to Venice, he took up his residence at Bologna, where
le gave some specimens of his talents, not only as an artist,
tut as a polite scholar; and his host, Aldrovandi, was delighted
frith his recitation of the works of Dante, Petrarca, Boccaccio,
Ind other Tuscan writers.* On the establishment of the
government, under Pietro Soderini, Michelagnolo returned to
•"lorence, where he executed for Lorenzo di Pier-Francesco
ie' Medici, a statue in marble of St. John, which has un-
brtunately eluded the researches of his admirers.f About
lie same time he also completed in marble, a figure of Cupid
leaping, which at the suggestion of the same Lorenzo, he is
aid to have placed for some time in the ground, for the
>urpose of giving to it the appearance of a piece of ancient
culpture. It was afterwards sold, as a real monument of
ntiquity, to the cardinal Kaffaello Riario, Avho having dis-
overed the deception and being insensible of its intrinsic
nerit, returned it on the hands of the artist.11 Notwithstand-
ng this impeachment of the taste of the cardinal, he soon
iterwards invited Michelagnolo to Rome, where he remained
rtxmt the space of a year, but without being employed by
he cardinal in any undertaking worthy of his talents.12 He
lid not, however, quit the city without giving splendid
woofs of his genius; among which, his figures, in marble,
>f Cupid and of Bacchus,13 executed for Jacopo Galli, a
-toman gentleman, and his astonishing production of the
Madonna and dead Christ, completed at the instance of the
ardinal of Rohan, are the most distinguished.

It was not, however, until the return of Michelagnolo to
-lorence, about the close of the century, that he may be said
o have started in the career of his glory, to which he was
ncited by a spirit of emulation and a fortunate concurrence

* Vasari, Vita di Michelagn. in vite, iii. 197.
f Bottari, Nota al Vasari, iii. 197.

318 LIFE OF LEO X.

of circumstances. On the ruin of Francesco Sforza, and the
capture of Milan by the French, in the year 1500, the cele
brated Lionardo da Vinci quitted that city, where he left
many noble monuments of his genius, and repairing to
Florence, arrived there about the same time that Michelag-
nolo returned from Rome.14 The rising reputation of Michel-
agnolo was contrasted with the veteran glory of Lionardo.
They each felt the excellences of the other, and they each
aspired to rival them. By this collision the spark was pro
duced which was shortly to illuminate Italy. The first con-,,
test between these illustrious artists was favourable to the
credit of Michelagnolo. A large block of marble, to which
Simone da Fiesole, a Florentine sculptor, had unsuccessfully
attempted to give the resemblance of a human figure of
gigantic size, had remained neglected upwards of a hundred
years, and was supposed to be irremediably deformed. The
magistrates of Florence were desirous that this opprobrium
of the art should be converted to the ornament of the city,
for which purpose they applied to some of the most eminent
professors of the time, and, among the rest, to Lionardo da
Vinci and Michelagnolo. Lionardo, who had excelled in the
productions of the pencil rather than of the chisel, hesitated
to undertake the task, alleging that the work could not be
completed without supplying the defects with additional
pieces of marble.15 Michelagnolo alone engaged to form it
into a statue of one entire piece; and under his hands thiaj
shapeless block became the wonderful colossal figure of
David, which Avas afterwards placed, by order of the magi?-.]
trates, before the gates of the palace of justice. With sued
accuracy had he estimated the dimensions of this celebrated
statue, that in several parts of the figure he has left un-j
touched the ruder labours of his predecessor, upon which ,
he could not employ his chisel without injury to its pro-]
portions.

The spirit of patronage which at this time actuated the!
Florentine government soon afforded these great artists <
another opportunity of exerting their rival talents, in which!
Lionardo might justly have flattered himself with a fairer
prospect of success. The magistrates having resolved to|
decorate the council-hall of Florence with a picturesque
representation of some of the battles in which the republic

CARTOONS OF THE WARS OF PISA. 319

had been successfully engaged, intrusted to Lionardo and
jMichelagnolo, in detached portions, the execution of this ex
tensive work. The subject proposed was the wars of Pisa,
in the result of which the Florentines obtained the final
Ilominion of that place. The cartoons, or designs for this
purpose, were immediately commenced. The preparations
rnade by each of the artists, and the length of time employed,
Iis well in intense meditation as in cautious execution, suffi
ciently demonstrated the importance which they attached to
be result. From variety of talent, or by mutual agreement,
bey each, however, chose a different track. Lionardo under -
ook to represent a combat of horsemen, which he introduced
is a part of the history of Nicolo Piccinino, a commander for
he duke of Milan. In this piece he concentrated all the
esult of his experience and all the powers of his mind. In
;he varied forms and contorted attitudes of the combatants,
le has displayed his thorough knowledge of the anatomy of
he human body. In their features he has characterized, in
he most expressive manner, the sedateness of steady courage,
he vindictive malevolence of revenge, the mingled impressions
f hope and of fear, the exultation of triumphant murder, and
he despairing gasp of inevitable death. The horses mingle
n the combat with a ferocity equal to that of their riders, and
he whole was executed with such skill, that in the essential
wints of conception, of composition, and of outline, this pro-
luction has, perhaps, seldom been equalled and certainly never
excelled. Michelagnolo chose a different path. Devoted
•olely to the study of the human figure, he disdained to lavish
my portion of his powers on the inferior representations of
inhnal life. He therefore selected a moment in which he
supposed a body of Florentine soldiers, bathing in the Arno,
:o have been unexpectedly called into action by the signal of
Battle. To have chosen a subject more favourable to the
lisplay of his powers, consistently with the task committed to
lim, was, perhaps, impossible. The clothed, the half-clothed,
ind the naked, are mingled in one tumultuous group. A
soldier just risen from the water starts in alarm, and turning
towards the sound of the trumpet, expresses in his complicated
action almost every variety incident to the human frame.
Another, with the most vehement impatience, forces his drip
ping feet through his adhesive clothing. A third calls to his

320 LIFE OF LEO X.

companion, whose arms only are seen grappling with the
rocky sides of the river, which from this circumstance appears
to flow in front, although beyond the limits of the picture.
'Whilst a fourth, almost prepared for action, in buckling
round him his belt, promises to stoop the next moment for his
sword and shield which lie ready at his feet. It would be as
extravagant as unjust to the talents of Michelagnolo, to carry
our admiration of this production so far as to suppose, with
the sculptor Cellini, that he never afterwards attained to half
the degree of excellence which he there displayed; 1G but it
may be asserted with confidence, that the great works which
this fortunate spirit of emulation produced marked a new rera
in the art, and that upon the study of these models, almost all
the great painters who shortly afterwards conferred such
honour on their country were principally formed.17

On the elevation of Julius II. to the pontificate, one of the
first objects of his ambition was to have his memory im
mortalized by the labours of the greatest sculptor of his time.
He therefore invited Michelagnolo to Rome, and engaged him
by the most liberal offers to form for him the design of a
sepulchral monument.18 The great artist had now found a
proper theatre for the display of his powers. His mind
laboured with this favourite subject. For several months he
is said to have brooded over it in silence, without even tracing
an outline ; but the meditations of such a mind are not
destined to be fruitless, and the result of his deliberations
appeared in a design which far exceeded in elegance, in
grandeur, in exquisite ornament, and abundance of statues,
every monument of ancient workmanship or imperial splendour.
The magnanimous spirit of Julius II. caught new fire from
the productions of this wonderful man, and it was at this
moment that he formed the resolution of rebuilding the church
of St. Peter, in a manner worthy of receiving and of display
ing to advantage so happy an effort of human powers.19
This task he intrusted to his favourite architect, Bramante ;
and of the designs formed by him for this purpose, one was
selected by the pontiff, which, in grandeur, variety, and
extent, surpassed all that Eome had seen, even in the most
splendid days of the republic. The ancient cathedral was
demolished with an almost indecent rapidity, insomuch that
many valuable remains of art, and representations and monu-

TOMB OP JULIUS II. 321

nents of eminent men, were indiscriminately destroyed. la
i short time the modern church of S. Pietro began to rise
rom the ruins of the former pile, on a scale yet more
extensive than it has since been found practicable to complete
t. In the execution of this building, as well as in the design,
iramante gave proofs of the wonderful powers of his genius ;•
jut the brief limits of human life are not commensurate with

h vast projects. Long after the death of both the architect
aid the pontiff, the church of S. Pietro continued to employ
;he abilities of the first artists of the time; and by the im
mense expenses which it occasioned to the Roman seer
)ecame the cause or the pretext of those exactions through
out Christendom, which immediately led the way to that irre
concilable dissension which we have before had occasion to
elate.*

Having obtained the approbation of the pontiff to the
design of his monument, Michelagnolo engaged in the execu-
;ion of this immense work with all the ardour which was
natural to him, and with all the expedition of which so
Laborious a performance would admit. The colossal figure of
Moses, which yet occupies the centre of this astonishing:
piece of art, was soon completed;20 and several other statues,
destined to fill their proper stations in the monument, were
ither finished or in a state of great forwardness. The slovr
progress of the hand of art was, however, ill calculated to
correspond with the impatient temper and rapid ideas of the
pontiff, who expected by striking the ground with his foot to-
obtain the accomplishment of his wishes. As the labour con--
tinued, and the expense increased, the pontiff became dis
satisfied, and at length appeared indifferent to the completion'
of the work. The demands of Michelagnolo, for the charge
of conveying the marble from the quarries of Carrara ter
Home, were treated with neglect, and when he requested an
interview, Julius refused to admit him into his presence^
The artist did not long deliberate on the course of conduct
which it became him to adopt. He requested the attendants-
of the pope to inform his holiness, that whenever he chose to-
inquire for him he might seek him elsewhere, and imme
diately taking his departure from Rome, he hastened to Poggi-

* Pallavicini, i. 49.
VOL. II. T

322 LIFE OP LEO X.

bonzi, within the territories of Florence.* This decisive
step equally surprised and chagrined the pontiff. Five suc
cessive couriers were dispatched from Rome, to pacify the
artist, and prevail upon him to return; but all that they could
obtain from him was only a short letter to the pope, in which
he requested his pardon for having so abruptly relinquished
his labours, which he assured him he was only induced to do
by being driven from his presence; a reward which his faithful
services had not merited, t Returning to Florence, Michel- 1
agnolo employed himself during three months in finishing his
design of the cartoons in the great hall of the city. Whilst
he was thus engaged, the pope dispatched to the magistracy I
of the city three successive briefs, in which he strenuously
insisted on their sending Michelagnolo again to Rome. The
violence and perseverance of the pontiff, whose character was
well known, alarmed Michelagnolo, who began to entertain
thoughts of quitting Italy and retreating to Constantinople ;
but at the entreaties of the gonfaloniere, Soderini, he at length. !
consented to comply with the wishes of the pope, by returning
once more to Rome. The remonstrances of Soderini to «
Michelagnolo on this occasion are preserved by Condivi.
"Thou hast tried an experiment upon the pope," said the
gonfaloniere, " upon which the king of France would scarcely
have ventured. He must not, therefore, be under the necessity
of submitting to further entreaties, nor must we, on thy ac-^
count, risk the dangers of war and the safety of the state.
Prepare, therefore, to return, and if thou hast any appre- '
hensions for thy safety, thou shalt be invested with the title
of our ambassador, which will sufficiently protect thee from
his wrath." £

The reconciliation between Michelagnolo and Julius took
place in the month of November, 1506, at Bologna, which
place had just before surrendered to the pontifical arms. In
consequence of the indisposition of the cardinal Soderini, who
was expected to have been the moderator on this occasion,
Michelagnolo was introduced by one of the bishops who Avas
attached to the service of the cardinal. § The artist sub
missively waited for the apostolic benediction; but the pope,

* Condivi, Vita di Michelagn. 20. f Ibid. J Ibid.
§ Or rather, of the pope. — B.

RAFFAELLO D'URBINO. 023

with an oblique glance and stern countenance, exclaimed—
" Instead of coming here to meet us, thou hast expected that
we should come to look for thee!" Michelagnolo, with due
humility, was proceeding to apologize for his precipitancy,
when the good bishop, desirous of appeasing the anger of the
pope, began to represent to his holiness that such men as
Michelagnolo were ignorant of everything but the art they
professed, and were therefore entitled to pardon. The reply
of the pontiff was made with his staff across the shoulders of
the bishop, and Julius, having thus vented his wrath, gave
Michelagnolo his benediction, and received him once more
into his favour and confidence.* On this occasion, that great
artist erected in front of the church of S. Petronio, at
Bologna, a statue of the pontiff in bronze, which he is said
to have executed so as to express in the most energetic man
ner those qualities by which he was distinguished; giving
grandeur and majesty to the person, and courage, prompti
tude, and fierceness to the countenance, whilst even the
drapery was remarkable for the boldness and magnificence of
its folds. When Julius saw the model, and observed the
vigour of the attitude, and the energy with which the right
arm was extended, he inquired from the artist, whether he
meant to represent him as dispensing his benediction or his
curse; to which Michelagnolo prudently replied, that he
meant to represent him in the act of admonishing the citizens
of Bologna. In return, the artist requested to know from
his holiness whether he would have a book in his hand.
" No," replied Julius, " give me a sword. I am no scholar."
The completion of this statue employed Michelagnolo for
sixteen months, at the expiration of which time he repaired
once more to Rome. He there met with a yet more powerful,
although much younger rival than he had left at Florence,
in the celebrated Raffaello d' Urbino. This distinguished
painter Julius II. had, on the recommendation of his archi
tect, Bramante, who stood related to Raffaello, invited to
Rome, at which city he, as well as Michelagnolo, arrived in
the year 1508.'21 Raffaello was now twenty-five years of age,
having been born at Urbino, in the year 1483. His father
was a painter, and although of no great eminence, is supposed

* Coudivi, Vita di Miclielagn. 22.
Y 2

324 LIFE OF LEO X.

to have directed the early studies of his son in their proper
track. He was afterwards placed under the tuition of Pietro
Perugino, whom he soon rivalled in execution, and surpassed
in design. After visiting Citta di Castello, where he exercised
his talents with great applause, he was called to Siena, to
assist the celebrated painter, Pinturicchio, who was employed
by the cardinal Francesco Piccolomini, afterward Pius III.,
to decorate the library of the cathedral in that city. Raffaello
had already sketched several designs for the work, and had
himself executed a part of it, when, hearing of the cartoons of
Lionardo da Vinci and of Michelagnolo, at Florence, he deter
mined to pay a visit to that place, where he arrived in the
year 1504, and is enumerated among the young artists who
enlarged their judgment and improved their taste from those
celebrated models.22 The death of his parents compelled him
to return for some time to Urbino, for the arrangement of his
domestic concerns; but he soon afterwards paid a second visit
to Florence, where he may be said to have completed his
professional education, and from the labours of Masaccio, in
the chapel of the Brancacci, and the works of Michelagnolo
and Lionardo da Vinci, to have derived those constituent ele
ments of his design, which, combined by the predominating
power of his own genius, formed that attractive manner,
which unites the sublime and the graceful in a greater degree

O Cj O

than is to be found in the productions of any other master.

Soon after the return of Michelagnolo from Bologna to
Rome, the pope, who was well aware of the variety and extent
of his talents, formed the resolution of decorating the chapel
erected by his uncle, Sixtus IV., Avith a series of paintings
on sacred subjects, in a style of grandeur superior to any that
had before been produced. The execution of this immense
work he committed to Michelagnolo, who, we are told, felt
great reluctance in undertaking it, being desirous to proceed
with the tomb of the pontiff, and endeavoured to prevail
upon the pope rather to intrust it to Raffaello, who was
much more conversant than himself with the process of paint
ing in fresco. It has also been said, that the pope was prompted
to engage Michelagnolo in this employ by the envy or ma
lignity of the enemies of that artist, and particularly of
Bramante, who, being well aware of the superiority of
Michelagnolo as a sculptor, conceived that as a painter he

THE FRESCOES IN THE SISTINE CHAPEL. 325

would be found inferior to Raffaello; but imputations of this
jkind are generally the result of little minds, that attribute to
.more elevated characters the motives by which they are them-
i selves actuated, and the instances of mutual admiration and
^good-will which appear in the conduct of Raffaello and Michel-
lagnolo towards each other are, at least, a sufficient proof
rthat they were both equally superior to an illiberal jealousy.
fThe pontiff, who had destined the talents of Raffaello to an
other purpose, would, however, admit of no apology. The
paintings with which the chapel had been decorated by the
elder masters were immediately destroyed, and the designs
[for the ceiling by Michelagnolo were commenced. Conscious,
however, of his inexperience in the mechanical part of his art, he
[invited from Florence several painters to his assistance, among
whom were Granacci, Giuliano Bugiardini, Jacopo di Sandro,
'' the elder Indaco, Agnolo di Donnino, and Aristotile di San
i Gallo, who for some time painted under his directions; but
i the efforts of these secondary artists were so inadequate to his
! own conceptions, that he one morning wholly destroyed their
labours, and, shutting the doors of the chapel against them,
: refused to admit them to a sight of him. From that moment,
i he proceeded in his work without any assistance, having
; even prepared his colours with his own hands. The diffi-
, culties which he experienced are particularly noticed by his
•biographer, Vasari; but they were conquered by the diligence
i and perseverance of the artist, who on this occasion availed
i himself of the experience and advice of Giuliano da S. Gallo.*
j When Michelagnolo had completed one half of the work, the
pontiff insisted on its being publicly shown. The chapel was
accordingly opened, the scaffolding removed, and in the year
1511, the populace were gratified with the first specimen of
these celebrated works. The applauses bestowed on them
induced the pontiff to urge Michelagnolo to proceed in the
work, regardless of the advice of Bramante, who, as we are
told, was now desirous that the termination of it should be
intrusted to Raffaello. As the Avork approached its termina
tion, the eagerness and importunity of the pontiff increased.
Having impatiently inquired from the artist when he meant
to finish it, and Michelagnolo having replied, " When I am

* Or rather, Sebastiano. — B.

326 LIFE .OF LEO X.

able;" "When I am able!" retorted Julius, in great wrath,
" thou hast a mind, then, that I should have thee thrown from
the scaffold!"* After this threat, the completion of the
work was not long delayed; and on the day of All -Saints, in
the year 1512, the paintings were exposed to public view;
without, however, having received from the artist the final
touches of his pencil. The whole time employed by Michel-
agnolo in this labour was twenty months, and he received for
it, in different payments, the sum of three thousand crowns. •

Such were the circumstances attending the execution of
the great works in fresco of Michelagnolo, which yet re
main in the chapel of Sixtus IV., although darkened by
time, and obscured by the perpetual use of wax tapers
in the services of the Roman church. The different com
partments of the ceiling were occupied by various subjects of
sacred history; and on the walls of the chapel, sit in solemn
grandeur those sublime and terrific figures of the sibyls and
prophets, that unfold ideas of form and of character beyond
the limits of common nature, and commensurate with the
divine functions in which they appeared to be engaged.23
Over the altar-piece is the great picture of the Last Judgment
— the masterpiece of Michelagnolo, and the admiration and
reproach of future artists; but this immense offspring of
labour and of genius, although requisite to complete the grand
cycle of divine dispensation which the artist had formed in
his own mind, was not commenced until the pontificate of
Paul III., nearly thirty years after he had terminated the
earlier part of his work.

Whilst Michelagnolo was thus employed by Julius II. in
the Sistine chapel, Raffaello was engaged in decorating the
chambers of the Vatican with those admired productions,
which first displayed the extent of his genius and the wonder
ful fertility of his invention. He commenced his labours in
the Camera della Segnatiira, with the celebrated picture,
usually, but erroneously, called the Dispute on the Sacraments;
a work so daring in its design and so complex in its composi
tion, as to have given rise to various conjectures respecting
the intention of the artist. The scene comprehends both
earth and heaven. The veil of the empyreum is withdrawn.

* Condivi, Vita di M. A. ap. Bottari.

RAFFAELLO'S WORKS IN THE VATICAN. 327

The Eternal Father is visible. His radiance illuminates the
•heavens. The cherubim and seraphim surround him at awful

distance. With the one hand he sustains the earth; with the
jjother, he blesses it. Below him, but in another atmosphere,
Isits the Son, who, with outstretched hands, and a look of
jextreme compassion, devotes himself for the salvation of
lr mankind. On one side of Christ sits the Virgin Mother,
((who adores him; on the other, St. John the Baptist, who
•indicates him as the Saviour of the world. The great assembly
•of patriarchs, prophets, evangelists, and martyrs, all of whom
tare strongly characterized, are seated in the beatific regions,
•and enjoy the divine glory. Among these appears our first
•parent, Adam, now purified from the effect of his transgres-
ision. Such is the celestial part of this composition. On
•earth, the altar appears in the midst, supporting the host. On
;each side are arranged various pontiffs, prelates, and doctors
I of the church, whose writings have illustrated the great
[mystery of the Trinity. Their attention is not directed to
lithe awful scene above, the view of which is intercepted by
•thick clouds, but is concentrated in the contemplation of the
i holy wafer, as the visible and substantial essence of deity.
I The extremities of the picture to the right and left are filled
'by groups of pious and attentive spectators, among whom the
[painter has introduced the portrait of his relation and patron,
IBramante.

The high commendations bestowed on this picture, as well

at the time it was produced, as by every one who has since
f had occasion to mention it, are not beyond its merits;24 yet to
( do full justice to the artist, some regard must be had to the
I state of the art in the age in which he lived. To this may

be attributed the formality of the design, by which the two
I sides of the picture emerge from the centre, and correspond,
I perhaps too mechanically, to each other; the barbarous custom
{ of gilding some parts of the work, in order to produce a richer
E effect; and lastly, the extraordinary solecism of introducing
I an extraneous light, which extends through the whole com-
ji position, and affects, in the midst of their concentrated glory,
ji the divine characters there represented, in common with the
ji rest of the piece; an error of which artists of much inferior
I character were soon aware, and which Federico Zuccaro, in his

328 LIFE OF LEO X.

celebrated picture of the Annunciation, in the church of the
.Jesuits at Home, was careful to avoid.*5

This representation of Theology was followed by that of
Philosophy, exemplified in the Gymnasium or school of Athens,
where, in a splendid amphitheatre, the ancient philosophers
are introduced as instructing their pupils in the various de
partments of human knowledge. Pythagoras, Socrates,
Plato, and Aristotle, are characteristically distinguished. Em-
pedocles, Epicharmus, Archytas, Diogenes, and Archimedes,
pursue their various avocations. The presiding deities are
Apollo and Minerva, exhibited in their statues. A noble
youth, in a white mantle ornamented with gold, is said to re
present Francesco Maria della Rovere, great nephew of the
pontiff. Another youth, attentive to the demonstrations of
Archimedes, is supposed by Vasari to be the portrait of
Federigo, marquis of Mantua, who was then at Rome; and in
the person of Archimedes, the artist has again taken an op
portunity of perpetuating the likeness of Bramante. The
subject of the picture intended as a representation of Poetry,
is the assembly of Apollo and the Muses on the summit of
mount Parnassus. The most distinguished characters of
:ancient and modern times are there introduced. The father
of epic poetry, in an attitude of great dignity, recites his
compositions. Virgil points out to Dante the track he is to
pursue. Of living authors, only Sanazzaro and Tebaldeo
are admitted into these regions of poetic immortality. The
artist has, however, claimed a place for himself in this august
.assembly. He appears near to Virgil, crowned with laurel,
'" and is deservedly admitted," says his warm admirer, Bellori,
" into that Parnassus, where he drank from his infancy the
waters of Hippocrene, and was nursed by the Muses and the
Graces."* The representation of Jurisprudence includes two
•distinct actions, at two distant periods of time, which are
rendered, however, less objectionable by their being separated
'-by the position of the window. On one side sits Gregory
IX., who delivers the decretals to an advocate of the consis
tory; but under the character of that pontiff, the painter has
introduced the portrait of Julius II. In the cardinals who
surround the pope, he has also represented those of his own

* Bellori, Descritt, &e. 53.

RAFFAELLO'S STYLE. 329

[times, and particularly the cardinal Giovanni de' Medici,
[afterwards Leo X., Antonio cardinal del Monte, and the
Lcardinal Alessandro Farnese, afterwards Paul III. On the
licit side of the window appears the emperor Justinian, who
•intrusts the Pandects to Trebonian. By these incidents the
•painter evidently intended to exhibit the establishment and
•completion of civil and of canon law. Above the window,
|ithe virtues of prudence, temperance, and fortitude, the indis-
Ipensable attendants 011 justice, are displayed in their proper
•symbols. The labours of Raffaello in this chamber form a
[complete series. His object was to exemplify, in a picturesque
[manner, the four principal sciences, the guides and instructors
j'of human life. The key to this, if any were wanting, is
(found in the single figures painted in circles in the ceiling,
[above each picture, and decisively marking the intention of
{the artist. Above the representation of the Trinity is the
[emblematical figure of Theology; above the school of Athens,
[that of Philosophy ; above the Parnassus, Poetry; and above the
I Jurisprudence, that of Justice, four figures in which the pe-
[culiar grace and manner of the artist are not less displayed
I than in the more laborious compositions beneath. The base-
;ment and interstices of the room are richly ornamented with
paintings in chiaro-scuro, executed after the designs of Raffaello,
[by Fra. Giovanni, of Verona; among which are several em
blematical and historical works, illustrating the same subjects.
| Under the arch of the window of this chamber, which looks
towards the gardens of the Belvedere, is yet inscribed, JULIUS n.

.LIGUR. PONT. MAX. ANN. CHR. MDXI. PONTIFICAT. SUI. VII.

This precise period, when Raffaello had finished the first
series of his labours in the Vatican, and Michelagnolo ex-
. posed to public view a part of his paintings in the Sistine
chapel, recalls to consideration a question which has been
discussed with great warmth and at great extent by the
writers on this subject;20 Whether Raffaello acquired a
greater style, from observing the works of Michelagnolo?
j This contest originated with Vasari, who informs us, in his
! Life of Raffaello, that when Michelagnolo was obliged to re
treat from Rome to Florence, on account of his dissensions
with Julius II. in the Sistine chapel, Bramante, who kept the
keys of the chapel, secretly introduced his relation Raffaello,
and allowed him the inspection of the work; in consequence

330 LIFE OF LEO X.

of which he not only painted anew the figure of Isaiah, which
he had then just finished; above the statue of S. Anna, by
Sansovino, in the church of S. Agostino, but afterwards en
larged and improved his manner by giving it greater majesty;
insomuch that Michelagnolo, on his return, was aware, from
the style of Raffaello, of the transactions which had occurred
during his absence.* On this story, it must, however, be
acknowledged that little reliance can be placed: Condi vi, who
is supposed to have written the life of Michelagnolo under
the immediate inspection of that great artist,27 alludes to no
such circumstance; to which it may be added, that the
quarrel between Julius II. and Michelagnolo occurred whilst
the latter was employed in preparing the tomb of the pontiff,
long before the commencement of the works in the Sistine
chapel; and that it does not appear that he ever quitted Rome
in disgust after such work was begun, although Vasari, in his
life of Raffaello, promises to relate such an incident when he
treats on the life of Michelagnolo. So far, however, is he
from performing his promise, that when he arrives at this
period in the life of Michelagnolo, he not only forgets or de
clines to relate this incident, but expressly assigns the first
sight which Raffaello had of the Sistine chapel to the period
when Michelagnolo publicly exposed a part of his work; from
the consideration of which, as he then tells us, Raffaello
instantly changed his manner, and adopted the great style
which he displayed in his future productions.28 We may
therefore reject the story of the private visit of Raffaello to
the Sistine chapel, on the authority of Vasari himself.29 But
the question will equally recur; Whether Raffaello invigo
rated and enlarged his style from the works of Michel
agnolo?

Without engaging in a minute examination of the opinions
of the many different writers who have embraced opposite
sides of this question, so interesting to the admirers of the
fine arts,30 it may be sufficient to advert to two circumstances
which seem to be sufficiently decisive of the controversy.
I. By a reference to the works of Raffaello, even as they may
be seen through the medium of the elder engravings by con
temporary artists, it is not difficult to perceive a gradual

* Vas. Vita de' Pittori. ii. 104.

RAFFAELLO'S STYLE. 331

•alteration and improvement of his style, from the meagre
•forms of Perugino, to the full but modest outline of his riper
•productions. That this was the result of patient study and
Judicious selection, is evident from the visible gradations by
•which it was formed; and what master of this period was so
•deserving of being studied by Raffaello as Michelagnolo? It
•was to this circumstance that Michelagnolo himself referred,
Iwith equal truth and delicacy, when he said, that Raffaello
•did not derive his excellence so much from nature as from
•persevering study; an expression which has been considei-ed
las unjust to the pretensions of the Roman artist, but which,
•on the contrary, confers on him the highest praise.* II. The
•expression attributed by Condivi to Raffaello, without contra
diction by other writers, that he thanked God that he had been
bora in the time of Michelagnolo, is a sufficient indication that
he had availed himself of the labours of his great contemporary,
: and refers to the opportunities which had been afforded him
of improving his style by the study of them, as well in his
. youth at Florence, as in his riper years at Rome.31 The study
I of Raffaello was not, however, imitation, but selection. The
rworks of Michelagnolo were to him a rich magazine; but he
(rejected as well as approved. The muscular forms, daring
i outline, and energetic attitudes of the Florentine artist, were
? harmonized and softened in the elegant and graceful produc
tions of the pencil of Raffaello. It is thus that Homer was
jdmitated by Virgil; and it is thus that genius always attracts
. and assimilates with itself whatever is excellent, either in the
r.works of nature or the productions of art.32

The labours of Raffaello in the Camera della Segnatura
j had obtained the full approbation of the pontiff, and a second
i apartment, contiguous to the former, was destined to receive
I its inestimable ornaments from his hand. The subject first
Lchosen by Raffaello was the story of Heliodorus, the praefect
I of king Seleucus, who, whilst he was employed in plundering
the temple of Jerusalem of the treasures intended for the
tsupport of the widows and orphans, was assailed by a for-
i midable warrior and two celestial youths, whom the prayers
rof Onias, the high priest, had called to his aid. The pencil
i is no less the instrument of flattery than the pen, and in this

* Condivi, Vita di Miclielagn. 56.

332 LIFE OF LEO X.

piece the artist is supposed to have alluded to the conduct of
Julius II., who had driven the tyrants and usurpers of the
patrimony of St. Peter from their possessions, and united
them with those of the church.* This idea is confirmed by
the introduction of the pontiff, as being witness of this mira
culous interposition. He is carried in his chair of state, and
is surrounded by numerous attendants, in some of whom the
painter has represented the portraits of his friends. Among
these, are the celebrated engraver, Marc-Antonio Raimondi,
one of the disciples of Raffaello, and Giampietro de' Foliari,
secretary of the petitions to the Roman see. Over the window
which occupies part of another side of the apartment, the
painter has represented the celebration of the Mass atBolsena;t
in which, to the confusion of the incredulous priest who offi
ciated at the altar, the holy wafer miraculously dropped blood.
In this piece, also, the pontiff is introduced, kneeling in prayer,
and intent on the celebration of the mass. He is attended by
two cardinals and two prelates of the court, probably friends
of the artist, although the resemblances are now no longer
known. In these works Raffaello demonstrated, that with a
grander character of design, he had also acquired a greater
knowledge of the effects of light and shadow, and a more
perfect harmony of colour; insomuch, that he may justly be
said to have united and exemplified in himself, at this period,
all the great requisites of the art.

Such was the progress which had been made in these
pursuits, and such the state of them in the city of Rome,
when Leo X. was called to the pontifical throne. One of the
earliest objects of the attention of the new pontiff was the
rebuilding, in a most splendid manner, the church of S.
Lorenzo, at Florence, for which purpose he resolved to avail
himself of the great architectural talents of Michelagnolo, who
was then employed, under the cardinals Lorenzo Pucci and
Leonardi Grossi, in finishing the tomb of Julius II. A model
was accordingly prepared, and Michelagnolo was directed to
proceed to Florence, and take the sole direction of the work.
He was, however, unwilling to relinquish an undertaking
Avhich he perhaps considered as more worthy of his talents,
and endeavoured to excuse himself to the pontiff, by alleging

* Bellori, descritt. CT, 71. + Or rather, the miracle at Bolsena. — 13.

THE CHURCH OF SAN LORENZO AT FLORENCE. 333

i-ihat he stood engaged to the two cardinals to complete the
icomb. Leo, however, informed him, that he should take it
iipon himself to satisfy them in this respect, and Michelagnolo,
fcontrary to his wishes, was obliged to repair to Florence.
iCrenius resembles a proud steed, that, whilst he obeys the
^'slightest touch of the kind hand of a master, revolts at the
•first indication of compulsion and of restraint. Every inci-
Ident became a cause of contention between the artist and his
•patron. Michelagnolo preferred the marble of Carrara; the
•pope directed him to open the quarries of Pietra Santa, in the
•territories of Florence, the material of which was of a hard
• and intractable kind.* The artist had called on the envoy of
jthe pope for a sum of money, and, finding him engaged, had
•not only refused to wait for it, but when it was sent after him
[to Carrara, had rejected it with contempt. t Under these dis-
HDuraging circumstances, the proposed building made but
rlittle progress. The ardour of the pontiff was chilled by the
icold reluctance of the artist. During the life of Leo, the
i.'work did not proceed beyond the basement, and a single
icolumn of marble, brought from Carrara, served only as a
•Memorial of the unfortunate disagreement which had prevented
the erection of this splendid fabric. In fact, the talents of
Michelagnolo owe little to the patronage of Leo X., the in-
•terval of whose pontificate forms the most inactive part of
jthe life of that great artist. A few models and designs for
ornaments of internal architecture are the principal works
i which the vigilance of his historians has been able to discover
ij during that period; and it was not until after the death of the
pontiff that Michelagnolo returned to his favourite task, the
completion of the tomb of Julius II., and commenced, under
the directions of Clement VII., those splendid monuments for
the chiefs of the Medici family, which have conferred greater
honour on himself than on those for whom they were
1 erected.33

The individual who, as an artist, forms the chief glory of
;the pontificate of Leo X., is the accomplished Raffaello; who,
i uniting to an elevated genius and a great variety of talents
! the most engaging modesty and complacency of manner, at-

* Condivi, Vita di Michelagaolo, 30, 31.

f Vasari, Vita di Michelaguolo. Vite de' Pittori, iii. 233.

334 LIFE OF LEO X.

traded, in an eminent degree, the favour and munificence of
the pontiff. Under such patronage, the works already comj
menced in the chambers of the Vatican proceeded with iiifl
.•reused ardour. The tirst subject in which Raffaello engage™
after the elevation of Leo X., was the representation of AttilaB
king of the Huns, opposed and driven from Italy by thl
admonitions of the sainted pontiff, Leo III., which occupiel
one of the sides of the apartment in which Raffaello hau *
before represented the lleliodorus and the miracle at Uolsena. f
The conception of this picture affords a decisive proof that
Raffaello combined the fancy of the poet with the skill of
the painter, lie saw, that to have exhibited a fierce and
exasperated warrior retiring with his army at the pacific
admonition of a priest, could only have produced an insipid
and uninteresting effect. But how greatly is this incident
dignified, how much is its importance increased, by the
miraculous interposition of St. Peter and St. Paul, the chief
protecting saints of the Roman .church, who, descending
through the air in menacing attitudes, although visible, only
to the monarch, inspire him with that terror which the
astonished spectators attribute to the eloquence and courage
of the pontiff ! :J4 Nor is it to be supposed that this incident
detracts from the merits of S. Leo, whose character and eon-
duct derive from such auxiliaries higher honours than the
display of any mortal talents could bestow. That which ap
pears to the faithful believer as a miracle is, however, in the
eye of the discriminating critic, only an elegant and expres
sive allegory, by which the artist insinuates, that on this im
portant occasion the pontiff was actuated by the genuine
spirit of religion, and a true regard for the honour and safety
of the Christian church. In such instances the sister arts
assimilate with each other, and the pictura loquens and the
mala pocsis are synonymous terms.

All the powers of mind and of mechanism displayed by
Raffaello in this picture are, however, only the subordinate
instruments of one great purpose — that of flattering the
reigning pontiff. Even S. Leo himself and his dignilied
attendants become only supposititious personages, intended to
immortalize Leo X. and the cardinals and prelates of his
court, whose portraits are actually substituted for those of
their predecessors in the honours and dignities of the Roman

KAI'TAKM.O S WORKS IN T11K VATICAN. 33.J

Here a new allegory commences, which has hitherto
holly escaped the observation of tin; numerous commentators
i these celebrated productions. To have represented Leo X.
living in the time of Leo III. would have been an
lachronism. To have exhibited him as miraculously ex-
•lling Attila from Italy, would have, been a falsehood. Hut

ittila himself is only the type of the French monarch,
is XII., whom Leo had, within the first months of his
mtilieate, divested of the state of Milan, and expelled from
limits of Italy.'1''' Here the allegory is complete; and
civ we discover the reason why, amidst the real or fictitious
•aiisiic.tions of past ages, this particular incident should have
-cii selected for the pencil of the artist, and why he has
IOSCM to treat, it in the manner already described.
The liberation of St. I'eter from prison by the interposition

T an angel, was the next subject which RafVaello undertook,
'his picture is opposite to that of the Mass of Bolsena, and

•\cr the window of the apartment which looks towards the
l \cdere. Flights of marble steps seem to ascend, on each
dc the window, to the prison, which is illuminated by the
ilcndoiir of its heavenly visitant, who with one hand
•ally awakes the sleeping saint, and with the other points
>wards the door, already open for his escape. In this piece
artist alludes to the capture of Leo X. at the battle of

tuveuna, and his subsequent liberation.* In four eompart-
leuts of the ceiling, formed by arabesque ornaments in
liiaro - scuro, executed before KaHacllo commenced his
il ours, and which he left untouched, he has introduced four
iihjccts of script ure history. Over the picture of 1 Icliodorus

•^ the representation of the Kternal Father, who promises to
l-.scs the liberation of the children of Israel. Over that of

\itila is Noah returning thanks to (<od after the deluge.

Jver the Mass of Bolsena is the sacrifice of Abraham; and
ver the liberation of St. Peter, the dream of .Jacob, with the
ngels ascending and descending. Above the window of this
partment, which looks towards the Belvedere, yet remain
lie arms of Leo X., with the inscription, LEO x. I'ONT. MAX.

NNO. t'JIK. MUXIV. rONTIFICIATUS SIM. II.

The reputation which Karl'aello had acquired by the first
* Uellori deacritt. 07.

336 LIFE OF LEO X.

part of his works in the Vatican, occasioned the productions
of his pencil to be sought after with eagerness by the prelates
and wealthy inhabitants of Rome. Of these, no one displayed
greater earnestness to obtain them than the opulent merchant
Agostino Chigi, who, in his admiration and munificent en
couragement of Raffaello, almost vied with the pontiff him
self.30 Even under the pontificate of Julius II., Agostino
had prevailed upon Raffaello to execute for him, in his newly
erected and elegant mansion in the Transtevere, now called
the Farnesina, a picture in fresco, representing Galatea
borne in a car over the waves by dolphins, and surrounded
by tritons and sea nymphs.37 This was soon afterwards fol
lowed by the paintings in the family chapel of Agostino,
erected by him in the church of S. Maria della Pace, at
Rome. In this work, which, if we may believe Vasari, was
commenced by Raffaello after he had seen the productions of
Michelagnolo in the Sistine chapel,* he undertook to repre
sent the sibyls, in which he united a grander style of design
than he had before displayed, with a greater perfection of
colouring, insomuch that these pieces are enumerated amongst
the most exquisite productions of his pencil. f38 In the in
tervals of his engagements with Leo X., Raifaello returned to
the house of his friend Agostino, where he decorated one of
the apartments with the history of Cupid and Psyche, in a
series of pictures, and represented in the ceiling, in two large
compartments, Venus and Cupid pleading against each other
before Jupiter, in the assembly of the Gods, and the marriage
of Cupid and Psyche.30 This labour was, however, frequently
interrupted by the occasional absence of the artist, who,
being passionately enamoured of a beautiful young Avoman,
the daughter of a baker in Rome, whence she was usually
called La Fornarina, deserted his occupation for the sake of
her society; a circumstance of which Agostino was no sooner
aware, than he prevailed upon her to take up her abode in
his house, and Raffaello, in her presence, proceeded in his
woi'k with great diligence.^ Nor was it as a painter only
that Raffaello devoted his talents to the service of his friend.
As an architect, he furnished Agostino with the designs from
which he erected his before-mentioned chapel, and even

* Vasnri, Vite de' Pittori, ii. 104. t Ib. II. ii. 1^.'.

RAFFAELLO S PORTRAITS. O37

favoured him with a drawing for the elevation of his stables.
He also undertook to superintend the exeeution of a magnifi
cent sepulchre, which Agostino, in imitation of .Julius II., waa
desirous of having prepared in his own lifetime, and which
was intended to have been erected in his chapel. The work
manship was entrusted to the sculptor Lorenzetto, who exe
cuted two figures in marble, as a part of the sepulchre, after
modclssaidto have been furnished by Raff'aello, when the further
progress of it was interrupted by the death of both Raffuello
and his patron.40 One of these figures is the celebrated
statue of Jonah, which is allowed to exhibit a degree of excel
lence scarcely exceeded by the finest remains of ancient art.41
To this period of the life of Raffuello may be assigned the
production of many of his pictures in oil, which were eagerly
sought after, not only in Rome but in other parts of Italy,
and have since formed the chief ornaments of the most cele
brated cabinets in Europe. Nor did he less distinguish him
self by the excellence of his portraits, in which the utmost
dc.-jree of truth and of nature was embellished by that in
effable grace which, like the splendour that surrounds the
pictured features of a saint, gives to all his works a character
of divinity. Among these, his portrait of Leo X., attended
by the cardinals Giulio de' Medeci and Luigi Rossi, is
eminently distinguished; and the applauses bestowed, for
nearly three centuries, on this picture, whilst it remained in
the ducal gallery at Florence, will now be re-echoed from
another part of Europe.4'2

These engagements did not, however, prevent this inde
fatigable artist from prosecuting his labours in the Vatican,
and a third apartment was destined by Leo X. to receive its
ornaments from his talents; but human efforts have their
limits; and Raff'aello, whilst he furnished the designs, and
diligently superintended the execution of the work, fre-
iquently giving the last finish with his own hand, found it
necessary to employ young artists of promising talents in the
more laborious parts of the undertaking. Hence arose the
-diool of Rufiaello, or, as it has usually been denominated in
the annals of painting, the Roman school of design; the pro
fessors of which, without emulating the bold contours of the
Florentine artists or the splendid tints of the Venetians,
have united with chastity of design an appropriate gravity

VOL. II. Z

338 LIFE OF LEO X.

of colouring, and displayed a grace and a decorum not less
interesting than the more obtrusive excellences of their
rivals. The subjects represented in this apartment are
selected from the history of those distinguished pontiffs who
had borne the same name as the reigning pope. The coro
nation of Charlemagne by Leo III., and the justification of
the same pontiff from the accusations preferred against him
to that monarch, occupy two sides of the room. The other
two exhibit the victory of S. Leo IV. over the Saracens at
the Port of Ostia, and the miraculous extinction of the con
flagration in the Borgo Vecchio, at Rome; incidents which
we may be assured were not selected without a reference to
the views and conduct of the reigning pontiff, who, in raising
these monuments to the memory of his illustrious prede
cessors, meant to prepare the way to the more direct cele
bration of the transactions of his own life;43 but the time
was fast approaching which terminated these magnificent
projects; and the actions of Leo X. were destined to be com
memorated in another place, and by a much inferior hand.44

The galleries of the Vatican, intended to unite the detached
parts of that immense fabric, and usually denominated the
Loggie, having been left by Bramante in an unfinished state,
Leo X. prevailed upon Raffaello, who had already given
several specimens of his skill in architecture, to undertake
the completion of the work. He accordingly formed a model
for that purpose, in which he introduced great improvements
on the design of Bramante, arranged the whole in a more
convenient manner, and displayed the elegance of his taste in
various appropriate ornaments. The execution of this plan
gave great satisfaction to the pontiff; who, being desirous
that the interior embellishments of this part of the palace
should correspond with its exterior beauty, directed Raffaello
to make designs for such ornamental works in painting,
carving, and stucco, as he thought most suitable for the pur
pose. This afforded the artist an opportunity of displaying
his knowledge of the antique, and his skill in imitating the
ancient grotesque and arabesque ornaments, specimens of
which then began to be discovered, as well in Italy as in
other places; and which were collected from all parts at
considerable expense by Raffaello, who also employed artists
in various parts of Italy, and even in Greece and Turkey, to

POLIDORO DA CARAVAGGIO. 339

furnish him with drawings of whatever remains of antiquity
might appear deserving of notice.*4"' The execution of this
great work was chiefly intrusted to two of his scholars,
Giulio Romano and Giovanni da Udine: the former of whom
superintended the historical department; the latter, the stucco
and grotesques, in the representation and exquisite finish of
which he excelled all the artists of his time; but various
other artists, who had already arrived at considerable emi
nence, were employed in the work and laboured with great
assiduity. Among these were Giovanni Francesco Penni,
called 77 Fattore, Bartolommeo da Bagnacavallo, Perino del
Vaga, Pellegrino da Modena, and Vincenzo da S. Gemig-
nano.f In the various compartments of the ceiling, Raffaello
designed a series of pictures from sacred history, some of
which are supposed to have been finished with his own hand,
and the rest by his pupils under his immediate direction.40
The great extent and variety of this undertaking, the fertility
of imagination displayed by Raifaello in his designs, the con
descension and kindness with which he treated his pupils,
who attended him in great numbers whenever he appeared
in public, and the liberality of the pontiff in rewarding their
labours, all combined to render the Vatican at this period a
perfect nursery of art. Among the lowest assistants, a boy
had been employed in carrying the composition of lime and
other materials requisite for the works in fresco. From
daily observing these productions, he began to admire them,
and from admiring, to wish to imitate them. His meditations,
although secret, were not fruitless; he became an artist,
before he produced a specimen of his talents, and at eighteen
years of age seized the pencil and astonished his employers.
The disciples of Raffaello owned no superiority but that of
genius. Polidoro da Caravaggio was received among them
as a companion and a brother, and by his future eminence
added new honours to the school in which he had been
formed.^ After the completion of the Loggie, Raffaello was
employed by the pontiff to embellish in a similar manner one
of the saloons of the Vatican, where he painted several
! figures of the apostles and saints; and availing himself of the

* Vasiiri, Vite de' Pittori, ii. 118. + Ibid.

J Vasari, Vita cli Polidoro da Caravaggio ; Vite de' Pittori, ii. 283.
z2

340 LIFE OF LEO X.

assistance of Giovanni da Udine, decorated the interstices
with arabesques, in which he introduced the figures of
various animals, which had at different times been presented
to the pope,47 who was so highly gratified by the judgment
and fancy displayed in these works, that he invested Raffaello
with the general superintendence of all the improvements of
the Vatican.

The demands made by Leo X. upon the talents and the
time of Raffaello were indeed unremitting, and could not
have failed to have exhausted the efforts of a less fertile
imagination, or a less rapid hand. Having determined to
ornament one of the apartments of the Vatican with tapestry,
which was at that time woven in Flanders with the utmost
perfection and elegance, he requested Raffaello to furnish
the designs from such portions of scripture history as might
'be suitable for the purpose. The passages which he chose
were selected from the Acts of the Apostles; and these he
designed on cartoons, or paper, as models for the imitation of
the Flemish artists. Each of these subjects was ornamented
at the bottom with a frieze, or border, in chiaro-scuro, repre
senting the principal transactions in the life of Leo X. The
pieces of tapestry wrought from these designs, and which
until very lately decorated the papal chapel, were executed
by the tapestry-weavers with a harmony of colour and
brilliancy of effect that astonished all who saw them, and
seemed to be rather the production of the pencil than the
loom.*48 In this work Leo expended the enormous sum of
seventy thousand crowns.49 But although the tapestry
arrived at Rome, the drawings, yet more valuable, were
suffered to remain in the hands of the Flemish workmen,
from whose descendants it is supposed they were purchased,
in the ensuing century, by the accomplished but unfortunate
Charles I.f50 During the disturbances which soon after
wards arose in these kingdoms, these precious monuments
were exposed to sale, in common with the rest of the royal
collection; but Cromwell was not so devoid of taste as to
permit them to be lost to this country, and directed that they
should be purchased.51 No further attention seems, however,

* Vasari, Vita di Raffaello, in Vite de' Fittori, ii. 124.
•t- Richardson, Traite de la Peinture, iii. 459.

THE CARTOONS. 341

to have been paid to them, and soon after the accession of
William III., they were found in a chest cut into strips for
the use of the tapestry-weavers, but in other respects with
out material injury. For several years these celebrated car
toons formed the chief ornament of the palace of Hampton
Court, whence they were removed by the orders of his
present majesty to his residence at Windsor. Let not the
Bi-itish artist who is smitten with the love of his profession,
and owns the influence of genius, fail to pay his frequent
devotions at this shrine.52

We now touch the confines of the highest state of the art ;
of that period when the powers of Raffaello, who undoubtedly
united in himself all the great requisites of a perfect painter
in a higher degree than any other individual, were exerted
to their full extent. To distinguish this rera was the destina
tion of his last great work, the Transfiguration of Christ on
Mount Tabor. In the production of this piece Raffaello was
attracted by friendship and stimulated by emulation. During
the absence of Michelagnolo from Rome, that great artist had
heard the praises of Raffaello resounded from every quarter,
and had found his productions commended for propriety of
invention, correctness of design, grace of composition, and
harmony of colouring ; whilst his own were represented as
having no other excellence than truth of drawing to recom
mend them.* Relinquishing for a moment that department
which was more consonant to the severe energy of his own
genius, and in which he stands without a rival in modern
times, he resolved to oppose a barrier to the triumphs of his
great competitor, and by availing himself of the experienced
pencil and attractive colouring of Sebastiano del Piombo, to-
give to his own vigorous conceptions those advantages which,
were necessary to exhibit them with full effect. This union
of genius with', talent gave rise to several celebrated produc
tions, the designs of which were furnished by Michelagnolo,
and the execution intrusted to Sebastiano/"'3 At this juncture,
the cardinal Giulio de' Medici had engaged Raffaello to paint
for him in oil the picture of the Transfiguration, which was-
intended to ornament the great altar of the cathedral of Nar-
bonne, of which place the cardinal was archbishop. No sooner

* Vasari, Vite, ii. 470.

342 LIFE OF LEO X.

had he commenced the work, than Sebastiano begun, as if in
competition with him, his celebrated picture of the Raising of
Lazarus, which was painted with the greatest attention, and
in part from the designs of Michelagnolo, and under his imme
diate superintendence and direction.* 64 Such a contest was
well calculated to call forth all the efforts of Raffaello, and
the work which he produced is acknowledged to have dis
played his various excellences to full advantage.55 The pic
tures, when completed, were exhibited together to public view
in the chamber of the consistory, and both received high
commendation. The work of Sebastiano was universally
approved of, as a wonderful instance of energetic design and
powerful effect ; but the warmest admirers of Michelagnolo
have not hesitated to confess, that in beauty and in grace the
picture of Raffaello had no equal.56

Among the last and unfinished labours of Raffaello, are the
designs for another apartment in the Vatican, now called the
Hall of Constantine, which were begun by him under the
directions of Leo X., and terminated, after the death both of
the artist and the pontiff, by Giulio Romano and Gian-Fran-
cesco Penni, who are acknowledged to have proved themselves
by this work the worthy disciples of so great a master. This
series comprises four grand compositions, each occupying one
side of the apartment. The first represents the vision of
Constantine, with the miraculous appearance of the holy cross.
The second and largest, is the victory of Constantine over
Maxentius. The third is the baptism of the emperor, and
the fourth, the donation made by him to the church. On the
basement of this apartment are represented the figures of
several of the Roman pontiffs who distinguished themselves
by their superior piety; each of whom appears to be seated
in a niche, and to be attended by two angels, who support his
mantle, or assist in holding the book which he is employed in
reading. f Among them are the sainted pontiffs, Pietro, Ua-
maso, Leo, Gregory, and Silvester. On the base of a column,
at the foot of the picture which represents the baptism of
Constantine, is inscribed, CLEMENS vn. PONT. MAX. A LEONE x.

COEPTUM CONSUMAVIT.

As an architect, Raffaello is scarcely less entitled to com-
* Vasari, ii. 471. + Bellori Descrittione, &c. 150.

RAFFAELLO AS AN ARCHITECT. 343

mendation than in the other departments of art. On the
death of Bramante, in the year 1514, a competition took place
for the office of superintendent of the church of S. Pietro,
between the professors of architecture at Rome ; among whom
were Fra Giocondo, Raffaello, and Balthazar Peruzzi, the
latter of whom, at the request of Leo X., formed a new model
for the building, excluding such parts as appeared to him not
to correspond with the rest, and comprehending the whole in
one magnificent and simple form. But although the design
of Peruzzi gave great satisfaction to the pontiff, and some
parts of it were even adopted by succeeding architects in
carrying forwards this great work, yet Leo, in compliance
with the dying request of Bramante, conferred the office of
architect on Raffaello, giving him as a coadjutor, or assistant,
the experienced Fra Giocondo, then at an advanced period of
life.57 The appointment of Raffaello, which is dated in the
month of August, 1514, contains high commendations of his
talents, and assigns to him a salary of three hundred gold
crowns, with full power to call for the supplies necessary for
carrying forward the work. For the same purpose he was
also authorized to make use of such marble as might be found
in the city of Rome, or within the distance of ten miles from
its walls ; and a penalty was imposed upon all persons who,
upon discovering the remains of any ancient edifice, should
not, within three days, give notice of the same to Raffaello,
who, as prsefect of St. Peter's, was empowered to purchase
and make use of such part of it as might suit his purpose.
These regulations became the means of preserving from de
struction many remains of ancient art which would otherwise
undoubtedly have perished. In the brief addressed by the
pontiff to Raffaello on this occasion, it is observed, that " great
quantities of stone and marble are frequently discovered with
inscriptions or curious monumental devices, which are deserv
ing of preservation for the promotion of literature and the
cultivation of the Latin tongue, but are frequently cut or
broken, and the inscriptions obliterated, for the sake of using
them as materials in new buildings." The pontiff therefore
imposes a heavy fine upon any person who shall destroy any
inscription without the permission of Raffaello. These pre
cautions could not fail of answering in a great degree the
commendable ends which the pontiff had in view; and to

344 LIFE OP LEO X.

him may be ascribed the preservation of such memorials of
former ages as had escaped the ravages of his predecessors;
many of whom had not only permitted these venerable relics
to be defaced at the pleasure of those who found them, but
had themselves torn down some of the finest works of anti
quity, and employed the splendid fragments in the churches
and modern edifices of Rome.

The progress of this great work, during which the pontiff
had frequent interviews with his architects, suggested to him
a yet more extensive and magnificent plan. This was the
forming an accurate survey of the city of Rome, with repre
sentations of all the remains of ancient buildings, so as to
obtain, from what might yet be seen, a complete draught or
model of the whole, as it existed in the most splendid tera of
its prosperity. This task he also intrusted to Raffaello, who
undertook it with great alacrity, and appears to have made
some progress towards its completion; but the untimely
death of that great artist, which happened soon after the
commencement of the undertaking, frustrated the views of the
pontiff. A singular memorial of the measures adopted by
Raffaello for carrying this purpose into effect, yet, however,
remains, in a letter addressed by him to the pope, and which,
until within the space of a few years past, has been erro
neously attributed to the count Baldassare Castiglione.58 In
this letter, which displays in every sentence the knowledge
of a practical artist, the author has fully explained the nature
of his undertaking, the rules which he had prescribed to
himself for carrying it into effect, and even the implements
made use of for that purpose. " There are many persons,"
says he, "holy father, who, estimating great things by their own
narrow judgment, esteem the military exploits of the ancient
Romans, and the skill which they have displayed in their
buildings, so spacious and so richly ornamented, as rather
fabulous than true. With me, however, it is widely different;
for when I perceive, in what yet remains of Rome, the
divinity of mind which the ancients possessed, it seems to me
not unreasonable to conclude that many things were to them
easy which to us appear impossible. Having therefore,
under this conviction, always been studious of the remains of
antiquity, and having with no small labour investigated and
accurately measured such as have occurred to me, and com-

RAFFAELLO'S REPORT ON ROMAN ANTIQUITIES. 345

| pared them with the writings of the best authors on this
ij subject, I conceive that I have obtained some acquaintance
(j with the architecture of the ancients. This acquisition,

• whilst it gives me great pleasure, has also affected me with
I no small concern, in observing the inanimate remains, as it
j were, of this once noble city, the queen of the universe, thus
if lacerated and dispersed. As there is a duty from every child
1 towards his parents and his country, so I find myself called

• upon to exert what little ability I possess, in perpetuating

I somewhat of the image, or rather the shadow, of that which
| is in fact the universal country of all Christians, and at one
| time was so elevated and so powerful, that mankind began to
n believe that she was raised beyond the efforts of fortune and
| destined to perpetual duration. Hence it would seem that
|| time, envious of the glory of mortals, but not fully confiding
|( in his own strength, had combined with fortune, and with the
[i profane and unsparing barbarians, that to his corroding file
ij and consuming tooth they might add their destructive fury;
y and by fire, by sword, and every other mode of devastation,
[j might complete the ruin of Home. Thus those famous works

II which might otherwise have remained to the present day in
Ej full splendour and beauty, were, by the rage and ferocity of
ii these merciless men, or rather wild beasts, overthrown and
II destroyed; yet not so entirely as not to leave a sort of me-
|] chanism of the whole, without ornament indeed; or so to
Ji express it, the skeleton of the body without the flesh. But
1 1 why should we complain of the Goths, the Vandals, or other

I \ perfidious enemies, whilst they who ought, like fathers and
i guardians, to have protected the defenceless remains of Rome,
i i have themselves contributed towards their destruction. How

I 1 many have there been, who, having enjoyed the same office as
1 your holiness, but not the same knowledge, nor the same
i greatness of mind, nor that clemency in which you resemble

the Deity, how many have there been who have employed
i ; themselves in the demolition of ancient temples, statues,
arches, and other glorious works! How many who have
allowed these edifices to be undermined, for the sole purpose
; of obtaining the pozzolana from their foundations; in conse
quence of which they have fallen into ruins! What materials
for building have been formed from statues and other antique
; sculptures ! Insomuch, that I might venture to assert, that

346 LIFE OF LEO X.

the new Rome which we now see, as large as it may ap
pear, so beautiful and so ornamented with palaces, churches,
and other buildings, is wholly composed of the remains of
ancient marble. Nor can I reflect without sorrow, that even
since I have been in Rome, which is not yet eleven years, so
many beautiful monuments have been destroyed; as the
obelisk that stood in the Alexandrian road, the unfortunate
arch, and so many columns and temples, chiefly demolished
by M. Bartolommeo della Rovere. It ought not. therefore,
holy father, to be the last object of your attention, to take
care that the little which now remains of this the ancient
mother of Italian glory and magnificence, be not, by means
of the ignorant and the malicious, wholly extirpated and de
stroyed; but may be preserved as a testimony of the worth
and excellence of those divine minds by whose example we
of the present day are incited to great and laudable under
takings. Your object, however, is rather to leave the ex
amples of the ancients to speak for themselves, and to equal
or surpass them by the erection of splendid edifices, by the
encouragement and remuneration of talents and of genius,
and by dispensing among the princes of Christendom the
blessed seeds of peace. For as the ruin of all discipline and
of all arts is the consequence of the calamities of war, so
from peace and public tranquillity is derived that desirable
leisure, which carries them to the highest pitch of excellence."
After this introduction, the author proceeds: " Having then
been commanded by your holiness to make a design of ancient
Rome, as far as it can be discovered from what now remains,
with all the edifices of which such ruins yet appear, as may
enable us infallibly to ascertain what they originally were,
and to supply such parts as are wholly destroyed by making
them correspond with those that yet exist, I have used every
possible exertion, that I might give you full satisfaction, and
convey a perfect idea of the subject." He then enters upon
a technical description of the principal edifices then existing in
Rome, which he divides into three classes, those of the ancients,
of the middle ages, and of the moderns, giving to each their
peculiar characteristics. He describes a mathematical instru
ment which he has employed for completing his task with
accuracy, and which appears, from the use of the mariner's
compass, to be the same as that which is now called the

DEATH OF RAFFAELLO. 347

Plane tabble ; and after having thus given a full explanation
of his proceedings, he transmits to the pope the drawing of
an entire edifice, completed according to the rules which he
had laid down.

With the death of his favourite artist, it is probable that
Leo relinquished this undertaking. This event happened on
Good Friday, in the year 1520, Raffaello having on that day
completed the thirty-seventh year of his age.59 The regret
which every admirer of the arts must feel for his early loss,
is increased by the reflection, that this misfortune was not the
result of any inevitable disease, but is to be attributed to the
joint consequences of his own imprudence, and of the teme
rity or ignorance of his physician.00 With every accomplish
ment, both natural and acquired, with qualities that not only
commanded the approbation, but conciliated the affection of
all who knew him, it was his misfortune not sufficiently to
respect the divine talents with which he was endowed. His
friend, the cardinal da Bibbiena, had endeavoui*ed to prevail
on him to marry, and had proposed to give him his niece as a
wife;01 but the idea of restraint was intolerable to him, and
whilst he appeared disposed to comply with the wishes of the
cardinal, he still found means, under various pretexts, to
postpone the union. Among the reasons assigned for this
delay, it has been alleged, that on the finishing the pictures
in the Vatican, the pope intended to confer on him, in reward
of his labours, the rank and emoluments of a cardinal. It
must, however, be confessed, that such a promotion, if indeed
it ever was in contemplation, would have conferred little ho
nour either on the artist or his patron. In the estimation of
his own times, as well as of the present, he already held a
higher rank than Leo could bestow, and the hat of a cardinal
could only have disgraced the man whose chief pretensions to
it were founded on his pallet and his pencils.62

It would be no less unjust to the character and liberality of
Leo X. than to the disinterestedness of Raflfaello, and indeed
to the merits of the age, to suppose that the patronage of the
pontiff was confined to the encouragement of a single artist,
to the exclusion of all contemporary excellence. In truth,
no person was ever more free from that envy, which is the
invariable mark of inferior talents, than Raffaello himself.
Among those whom he recommended to the favour of Leo X.

348 LIFE OF LEO X.

was Luca della Robbia, who had cai-ried to high perfection an
art which had long been practised by his ancestors, that of
painting on Terra invitriata, or glazed earth ; an fart which
has since been lost, or at least is now confined to the narrow
limits of enamel painting.03 In this method he executed the
Impresa, or arms of Leo X., which yet adorn the apartments
of the Vatican, and completed the floors of the papal Loggie.*
In the decoration of the Vatican, Leo was desirous of obtain
ing the assistance, not only of the most eminent painters, but
of the most skilful artificers in every kind of ornament, to the
end that this place might concentrate and exhibit in one
point of view all that was exquisite in art.f His exertions
for this purpose were eminently successful; and in the ensu
ing century the celebrated French painter, Niccolo Poussin,
was employed by Louis XIII. in making drawings of the
decorations of the Vatican, to be employed in the palace of
the Louvre, which he was then erecting,^ a circumstance
which confers honour on the taste 'of that sovereign, and
marks the commencement of that improvement which, under
the patronage of his successor, arrived at its highest pitch of
excellence.

The reputation acquired by Andrea Contucci,§ called
Andrea da Monte Sansavino, by his celebrated group in the
chapel of Gorizio, to which we have before had occasion to
refer, induced the pope to require his assistance in completing
the ornaments for the chapel of our Lady of Loretto, which
had been commenced by Bramante, but left imperfect at his
death. This work consisted of a series of pieces in sacred
history, executed in basso rilievo in marble. The talents
displayed by Andrea in this undertaking fully justified the
choice of the pontiff; and even Vasari, although devoted to
the admiration of Michelagnolo, acknowledges that these pro
ductions were the finest and most finished specimens of
sculpture which had until that time been seen.|| The enter
prise was, however, too extensive for the accomplishment of
an individual, and some of the rilievos being left by Andrea
in an unfinished state, were completed by succeeding artists.
Thus Baccio Banclinelli finished the representation of the

* Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, i. 202, 200. f Il>. ii. 12:1.

\ Bottari, Note al Vasari. ii. 120. § Or more correctly, Cantucci. — B.

|| Vasari, ii. 170.

OTHER ARTISTS EMPLOYED BY LEO. 349

' birth of the Virgin, Raffaello da Monte Lupo that of her
marriage, and Girolamo Lombardo the nativity of Christ, and
i adoration of the Magi. The miracle of the migration from
Sclavonia to Loretto of this famous chapel, which is pretended
to have been the birthplace and residence of the Holy Virgin,
supplied another subject for the inventive talents of Andrea,
and his design was afterwards executed by the Florentine
sculptor Tribolo.*

Among other great works completed by Leo X. during his
brief pontificate, may be enumerated the rebuilding and
adorning with paintings the church of our Lady at Monte-
cello, the superintendence of which place had been intrusted
to him whilst a cardinal. He also restored and beautified
the baptismal font of Constantine in the Lateran, which had
nearly become ruinous. He vigilantly repaired the roads
and bridges within the Roman territories, erected or enlarged
many magnificent palaces in different parts of his dominions,
conducted to his favourite villa of Malliana a plentiful supply
of water, and ornamented the place by a beautiful building.
Beyond the limits of the Roman state, he attended to the
completion and decoration of the palace of Poggio Cajano,
situate between Pistoja and Florence, which had been erected
by his father Lorenzo. The direction of this undertaking
was intrusted by the pontiff to his relation Ottaviano de'
Medici, who possessed the same taste for the arts which dis
tinguished the rest of his family, and lived on terms of friendly
intimacy with the most eminent painters of the time. It was
the intention of the pontiff to ornament the walls and ceiling
of the great hall with paintings in fresco, the execution of
which had been committed to Francia Bigio; but Ottaviano
de' Medici called in further assistance, and allotting only one
third of the work to Bigio, apportioned the rest between
Andrea del Sarto and Jacopo da Puntormo, in hopes that by
the emulation thus excited, the work would be better and
more expeditiously performed. One of the pictures under
taken by Bigio, was the representation of Cicero carried in
triumph by his fellow citizens.f Andrea del Sarto commenced
a picture of the tribute of various animals presented to Ca3sar, J
and Jacopo da Puntormo, one of Vertumnus and Pomona,

* Vasavi, ii. 174. + Ib. ii. '217, 231. J Ib. ii. 035.

350 LIFE OF LEO X.

characterized by their insignia, and their attendants. Other
pieces were also commenced; but the great deliberation with
which the artists proceeded, in the hopes of surpassing their
competitors, and perhaps some degree of dissatisfaction arising
from the partition of their labour, delayed the completion of
their undertaking, until its further progress was effectually
prevented by the death of Leo X., an event which, as Vasari
has observed, not only frustrated many great works at Rome,
at Florence, at Loretto, and other places, but impoverished
the world by the loss of this true Mecrenas of all distinguished
men.*

Among other artists, whom the elevation of Leo X. to the
pontificate induced to visit the city of Rome, Vasari has
enumerated the accomplished Lionardo da Vinci, who is said
to have accompanied Giuliano de' Medici from Florence on
that occasion. t The same author informs us, that on his
arrival, the pope gave him a subject on which he might
employ his pencil. Lionardo, who devoted much of his time
to the improvement of the mechanical processes of his art,
began to prepare oils and varnishes; whereupon the pope
exclaimed, " What, alas! can be expected from a man who
attends to the finishing before he has begun his work !" We
are also told that on this occasion, Lionardo executed for
Baldassare Turin! da Pescia, a picture of the Madonna and
infant Christ, and an exquisite portrait of a boy; both of
which were, in the time of Vasari, in the possession of
M. Giulio Turini, at Pescia. There is, however, some reason
to doubt the authenticity of this relation, and to suspect that
Lionardo did not pay a visit to Rome during the pontificate
of Leo X. If the works attributed to him in that city by
Bottari,:}: are, in fact, the productions of his pencil, they were
probably executed at a much earlier period of his life.''4
To what a degree of proficiency Lionardo might have at
tained, had he devoted to the prosecution of his art that
time which he misapplied in alchemical experiments, or lost
in puerile amusements, may readily be conjectured from the
astonishing specimens which he occasionally produced; but
whilst Raffaello and Michelagnolo were adorning Italy with
their immortal labours, Lionardo was blowing bubbles to

* Vasari, ii. ODD. t Ib. ii. 12. J Bottari, Not. al Vasari, ii. 22.

ART OF ENGRAVING ON COPPER. 351

I fill a whole apartment, and decorating lizards with artificial
Swings. Even these occupations may, however, be taken
as indications of the same character which he frequently
}< manifested in his works: impatient of the limits of nature,
j and aiming at the expression of something beyond what
I had ever occurred to his observation; a propensity which
| marks a great and daring mind, but which, if not regu-
jlated and chastened by the laws of probability and of
it truth, is in danger of leading, as in fact it too often led
jiLionardo, to the expression of caricature, deformity, and
i grimace.

It has been considered as a great advantage to the reputa-
r tion of Michelagnolo, and as a misfortune to that of Raffaello.
I! that whilst the former was yet living, the transactions of his
• history were recorded by two of his scholars, whilst no one
I; was found among the numerous admirers of the latter who
( would undertake to perform for him the same office;* but
this disadvantage was amply compensated by another cir-
i' cumstance, which has perhaps rendered more service to the
jj character of Raffaello than could have been done by the
i most eloquent encomiums, or the most flattering pen. This
-observation can only apply to the promulgation of his beau-
i tiful designs, by means of engravings from plates of copper,
I; an art then recently invented, and rapidly rising to perfection.
I From the practice of chasing and inlaying metals, wood, or
('ivory, called by the Italians Lavori di Niello, and which had
::been cultivated by the Florentines with great success, the
modern method of engraving derives its origin. In designing
the subjects to be inlaid on armour, on household plate, and
ji other implements, the painter was not unfrequently called in
I to the aid of the mechanic; and as these labours began to be
•; performed with greater care and attention, it became usmil
ji to take impressions from the engraved metal, in order tu
I judge of the effect of the work, before the cavities were filled
! with the substance intended. This substance was, in general,
>) a composition of silver and lead, which, being black, was
denominated niello (nigellum). Of these impressions, which
are hence called prints in niello, the industry of modern in
quirers has discovered several specimens, which are distin-

* Lanzi, Storia pittorica, i. 394.

352 LIFE OF LEO X.

guished from other early prints, not only by the inscriptions
being reversed in the impression, but by their rudeness in
other respects. From this practice to that of engraving on
metal for the express purpose of multiplying the design, the
transition was not difficult. Among the first persons who
distinguished themselves in this new career, were Antonio
Pollajuolo and Sandro Botticelli, the latter of whom furnished
the designs for the edition of Dante, published in 1488, which
were engraved by Baccio Baldini.05 Many other early artists
are enumerated by writers on this subject, but their preten
sions are in general extremely doubtful; and we may, with
great justice, attribute to Andrea Mantegna the merit of
being the first person who, by his performances, gave stabi
lity and importance to the art. The prints of Andrea yet
frequently occur to the collector, and display great invention,
and expression of character. GG They sometimes even border on
grace and elegance.07 His drawing is in general correct, and
in some instances, exhibits great freedom. All his prints are
peculiarly distinguished by the shadows being formed by
diagonal lines, which are always found in the same direction,
and not crossed by other lines, as has since been practised.
He has not affixed the date to these productions, but they are
certainly to be placed among the earliest efforts of the art,
and may, for the most part, be assigned with confidence to
the latter part of the fifteenth century.08

The person, however, who was destined to carry this art
to a much higher degree of perfection, was Marc-Antonio
Kaimondi of Bologna, frequently called, from having when
young studied under the painter Francesco Francia, Marc-
Antonio di Francia. A modern writer conjectures that he
was born in the year 1487, or 1488,* but one of his pieces
bears the date of 1502,09 and some of his others appear to be
anterior to it, whence we may, perhaps, place that event some
years earlier. His first attempts were in niello, in which he
obtained great applause, f but having taken a journey to
Venice, he there found exposed to sale several of the prints
of Albert Durer, both from copper and wood. The purchase
of these works exhausted his slender finances, and in order to
repair them, he began to copy the series of prints of the life

* Heinek. Diet, des Artistes, i. '275. | Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, ii. 412.

MARC-ANTONIO-RAIMONDI. 353

of Christ, by Albert Durer, consisting of thirty-six pieces
engraved in wood, which he imitated with such exactness on
i copper, as effectually to deceive those who saw them, and
i enable him to sell them as the prints of the German artist.
A'usari informs us, that when Albert was acquainted with
this circumstance, by a friend who transmitted to him one of
(the copies by Marc- Antonio, he immediately repaired to
Venice to complain of the fraud to the senate; but that the
only satisfaction which he could obtain was a decree prohi
biting Marc- Antonio from affixing the name or the emblem-
of Albert to his own engravings in future.* An attentive
.; examination of the works of these artists affords, however,
i no little reason to doubt of the truth of this narrative, which
i Yasari has probably adopted without sufficient authority.

From Venice, Marc-Antonio repaired to Rome, where,
i soon after his arrival, he attracted the notice of Raf-
; faello, by engraving from one of his designs a figure of
i Lucretia.70 This print being shown to that great artist,
he immediately saw the important uses to which the talents
of the engraver might be applied, and from that time the
j abilities of Marc-Antonio were chiefly devoted to the re
ft presentation of the designs of Raffaello. The first piece
[assigned to him by Raffaello was the Judgment of Parisr
which he executed with great ability,! and this was suc-
( ceeded by several other works which were the adrnira-
;-tion of all Italy, and have preserved to the present day
;:many exquisite designs of that great artist, which would
ii otherwise have been lost to the world. It has been said that
^Raffaello not only directed Marc- Antonio in the execution-
j of his labours, but that he frequently engraved the outlines-
I of his figures, so as to render them as correct as possible;71
i and although this may be allowed to rest on conjecture only,.
Jyet it is certain that the labours of Marc-Antonio Avere-
i highly approved by Raffaello, who, as a proof of his profi-
itciency, transmitted impressions of his prints to Albert Durer,
iand received in return a present from the German artist of
Rimany of his works. The reputation of Marc-Antonio was
wnow established. The utility of his art was universally ac-
i.knowledged. His school was thronged with disciples, many
of whom became great proficients. Marco da Ravenna..

* Vasari, Vite di I'itlori, ii. 41:!. + Ib. ii. 416.

VOL. II. A A

354 LIFE OF LEO X.

Agostino Venetiano, and Giulio Bonasone, were scarcely
inferior to their master, and by their labours and those of
their successors, a correct and genuine taste for picturesque
representation has been diffused throughout Europe.

The art of engraving in copper by the qurin, was accom
panied, or speedily succeeded, by another invention of no
less importance; that of engraving by means of aquafortis,
or as it is now called, etching. The great labour and long
experience which the management of the tool required, had
divided the province of the engraver from that of the painter,
and it might frequently have happened, that through the
incorrect or imperfect medium of the former, the latter could
scarcely recognise his own works. The art of etching, as it
required but little mechanical skill, enabled the painter to
transfer to the copper his own precise ideas; and to this we
have been indebted for some of the most exquisite produc
tions of genius and of taste. In fact, these prints may justly
be esteemed as original drawings of the masters who have
produced them; and although the works of the modern en
graver may frequently be entitled to great admiration, yet
they will never, in the estimation of an experienced judge,
be allowed to rival those free and unfinished, but correct
•and expressive sketches, which the immediate hand of a great
painter has produced.

The origin of this invention has been attributed by the
Italians to Parmigiano;* but it was certainly known in Ger
many, if not before Parmigiano was born, at least before he
was able to practise it. If, however, Parmigiano was not
the inventor, the beautiful works which he has left in this
department, and which exhibit all the elegance, grace, ;md
spirit, of his paintings, which they will in all probability
long survive, give him a decided superiority over all that
preceded him; nor whilst we possess these precious remains,
can we suppress our regret, that the same mode of execution
was not occasionally resorted to by the other great artists of
the time, and that we are not allowed to contemplate the
bold contours of Michelagnolo, or the graceful compositions
of Raffaello, as expressed and authenticated by their own
hand.

* Francesco Mazzuoli, generally called Parmigianino, not Parmigiaao.

355

CHAPTER XXIII.

1521.

(Tranquillity of Italy — Leo seizes upon several of the smaller states — At
tempts the duchy of Ferrara — Meditates the expulsion of the French
and Spaniards from Italy — Engages a body of Swiss mercenaries —
Treaty with the emperor for restoring the family of Sforza to Milan —
The French general, L'Ecus, made a prisoner by Guicciardini, and
liberated — Hostilities commenced against the French — Francis prepares
to defend his Italian possessions — The allies attack Parma — The duke
of Ferrara joins the French — The cardinal Giulio de' Medici legate to
the allied army — The Swiss in the service of France desert to the
enemy — The allies pass the Adda — Capture of Milan — The allies attack
the duke of Ferrara — Sudden indisposition of Leo X. — His death —
Reasons for believing that he was poisoned — His funeral and monu
ment.

•.ITALY had now for some years enjoyed a state of repose; nor
idid there appear to exist among the sovereigns of Europe
any immediate cause which might lead them to disturb her
tranquillity. Charles V. had hitherto been too much engaged
in confirming his authority and regulating his administration
in Germany, in Spain, and in Flanders, to pay any particular
attention to his Neapolitan possessions ; and Francis I. ap
peared to be rather solicitous to secure his dominions in the
Milanese, than ambitious of further conquests. The Vene
tians, who by the aid of the French monarch had recovered
the important cities of Brescia and Verona, still maintained
with him a close alliance ; and the secondary states of Italy
jwere too well aware of the dangers which they might incur
in the general commotion, to give occasion to new disturb
ances. Even the duke of Ferrara, although by no means
reconciled to the loss of Modena and Reggio, which were still
retained by Leo X., thought it prudent to suppress his resent-

A A 2

LIFE OF LEO X.

niont, lest it should afford the pope a pretext, of which he
would gladly have availed himself, to do him a more essential
injury.

Nor were the great prosperity of the Roman see and the
personal character of the pontiff considered as slight assur
ances of the continuance of peace. The dissensions which,
under the pontificates of Alexander VI. and Julius II., had
torn the states of the church, were at length appeased, and
Leo found the obedience of his subjects unlimited and his
authority uncontrolled. To the possessions of the Eoman see,
he had united the cities and territories of Urbino and Sini-
gaglia ; whilst Tuscany, then in its highest state of riches
and population, remained as a patrimonial inheritance at his
absolute disposal. Thus fortunately situated, and the con
tinuation of his prosperity being secured by friendly alliances
with the other sovereigns of Europe, he not only indulged
his natural disposition in the encouragement of literature, and
the promotion of works of art, but is said to have devoted
himself to an indolent course of life, from which he was
roused only by the pursuit of his pleasures, which consisted
in music, in hunting, or in the company of jesters and buf
foons. From this quarter, therefore, no danger was appre
hended ; and in the confidence of the continuance of tran
quillity, Italy had already revived from her terrors, and begun
to lose the remembrance of her past calamities.

If, however, the pope devoted his leisure to amusement, it
may be doubted whether he had thereby acquired that total
dislike of public business Avhich has been so generally attri
buted to him ; on the contrary, if we may judge from his
conduct, it may be presumed that no one watched more nar-»
rowly over the affairs of Italy, or observed those of Europe
with greater vigilance. For some years he had turned hi*
attention towards the smaller states in the vicinity of the
Ivoman territory, which had been seized upon by successful
adventurers, or were occupied by domestic tyrants, but over
which the church had always asserted its superiority when
ever an opportunity occurred of enforcing its claims. The
city of Perugia was governed by Gian-Paolo Baglioni, who,
if we may believe contemporary historians, Avas a monster of
iniquity and impiety ; but the cruelty with which he exer
cised his usurped authority rendered him no less an object of

PAPAL ENCROACHMENTS. 357

dread, than liis other crimes did of horror.* Acting on those
maxims which he appears to have adopted on other occasions,
I jand which, however fallacious, have found apologists in snb-
) sequent times, Leo conceived that, against such an offender,
rr-.very species of treachery was justifiable. Pretending, there-
pore, that he Avished to consult with Baglioni on affairs of
I importance, he invited him to Rome ; but Baglioni, affecting
Ijto be indisposed, sent in his stead his son, Gian-Paolo, for
I the purpose of discovering the intentions of the pope. Leo
i received the youth with the greatest kindness, and after de-
i taining him some time, sent him back to his father, whom he
again requested to take a journey to Home, and in order to
i 'insure his safety, transmitted to him a safe-conduct. The
i (violation of such an assurance was a crime which even the
} 'guilty mind of Baglioni could not conceive, and he accord-
;: 'ingly hastened to Home, where he Avas admitted to the pre-
jisence of the pontiff, and to the honour of kissing his feet. On
'the following day, however, he was taken into custody by
( > Annibale Rangone, captain of the pontifical guard, and sub
jected to the torture, where he is said to have disclosed enor-
fmities, the perpetration of which could not have been expiated
by a thousand deaths. f This treacherous and tyrannical act
was closed by the decapitation of Baglioni, in the castle of S.
j.Angelo, and by the pope possessing himself of the states of
jlPerugia ; whilst the family of Baglioni sought a shelter at
i Padua, under the protection of the Venetian republic, in whose
iservice he had long been employed. From similar motives,
and under similar pretexts, Leo despatched Giovanni de' Me
dici, with one thousand horse and four thousand foot, to attack
the city of Fermo, then held by Ludovico Freducci, a military
commander of great courage and experience. On the ap
proach of the papal army, Freducci quitted the city, and at
tempted to make his escape at the head of two hundred horse ;
but having been intercepted by Giovanni, and refusing to
submit, he was, after a desperate resistance, left dead on the
field, with one half of his followers; and Fermo was received
into the obedience of the papal see.J The fall of Freducci
intimidated the petty tyrants who had possessed themselves
of cities or fortresses in the march of Ancona; some of whom

* Mnrat. x. 142. f Ib. x. 143. \ Ib. x. 140.

358 LIFE OF LEO X.

effected their safety by flight, and others resorted to Rome
to solicit the clemency of the pope. It appeared, however,
that they who mistrusted him, had formed a more accu
rate judgment of his character, than they who confided in
him ; several of the latter having been imprisoned, and a strict
inquiry made into their conduct ; in consequence of which,
such as were supposed to have committed the greatest enor
mities were executed, without any regard to the circumstances
under which they had placed themselves in the power of the
pontiff.1

In the dissensions between Leo X. and the French monarchs,
the part adopted by the duke of Ferrara had given great
offence to the pope, who did not, however, discover by his
public conduct, the resentment which he harboured in his
breast. After having frequently been called upon, without
effect, to fulfil his promise of restoring to the duke the cities
of Modena and Reggio, Leo at length avowed his resolution
to retain them; and in the close of the year 1519, when
Alfonso was incapacitated by sickness from attending to his
defence, and his life was supposed to be in danger, the vigilant
pontiff marched an army into the vicinity of Ferrara, for the
purpose, as was supposed, of occupying the government in
case of the death of the duke. The friendship and active in
terference of Federigo, marquis of Mantua, who had shortly
before succeeded to that dignity, on the death of his father
Francesco, defeated this project. The Roman army was with
drawn, and mutual expressions of confidence and respect took
place between the pontiff and the duke. These circumstances
did not, however, prevent the pope, in the course of the en
suing year, from forming a plan for possessing himself of the
city of Ferrara by treachery. The person whom he employed
for this purpose was Uberto Gambara, an apostolic prothono-
tary, who afterwards attained the dignity of the purple. A
secret intercourse was established between Uberto, and Ridolfo
Hello, the captain of a body of German soldiers in the service
of the duke, who, having received a sum of two thousand
ducats, as the reward of his treason, engaged to deliver up
one of the gates of the city to the papal troops. Orders were
accordingly sent to Guido Rangone, who commanded the
papal army, and to Guicciardini, governor of Modena, to
collect their forces under other pretexts, and to be in readi-

DESIGNS UPON NAPLES. 359

ness to possess themselves of the gate, which they were to
defend until further succours should arrive ; but when the
plan was arranged, and the day for the attack agreed on, it
was discovered that Eidolfo had from the beginning commu
nicated the whole affair to Alfonso, who, having seen sufficient
of the intention of the pontiff, and being unwilling that
matters should proceed to extremities, took the necessary
means for convincing the pope that Ridolfo had imposed upon
him.2 The conduct of Leo X. towards the duke of Ferrara
discloses some of the darkest shades in his character; and in
this ^instance we find those licentious principles which induced
him to forfeit his most solemn promises, on pretence of the
criminality of those to whom they were made, extended to
accomplish the ruin of a prince who had not, by his conduct,
furnished any pretext for such an attempt.

Nor were the designs of the pope, at this period, limited to
the subjugation of the smaller states of Italy. The most
decisive evidence yet remains that he had not only formed a
project for expelling the French monarch from the territories
of Milan and of Genoa, but that he also intended to turn his
arms against the kingdom of Naples, and, by delivering it
from the yoke of the Spaniards, to acquire the honour to
which Julius II. had so ardently aspired, of being considered
as the assertor of the liberties of Italy. He was, however,
well aware, that these great undertakings could not be accom
plished merely by his own strength and his own resources,
and he therefore resolved to take advantage of the dissensions
which had already arisen between Francis I. and the emperor,
to carry his purposes into effect.

Before he engaged in negotiations, which he foresaw must
involve him in hostilities, he resolved to raise such a force as
would not only be sufficient for his own defence, but would
enable him to co-operate vigorously with his allies, in effecting
the purposes which he had in view. To this end, he dis
patched as his envoy to Switzerland, Antonio Pucci, bishop
of Pistoja, with directions to raise for his service a body of
six thousand men.* In this undertaking the bishop found no
difficulty, as the pontiff had, ever since the war of Urbino,
taken care to renew his treaties with the Helvetic chiefs, and

* Guicciard. xiv.

860 LIFE OF LEO X.

had intrusted the bishop with one hundred and iifty thousand
gold crowns for their pay.* Having thus prepared the way
tor active operations, he proposed to Francis I. to unite with
him in an attack upon the kingdom of Naples. In the con
ditions of this treaty it was stipulated, that Gaeta, and the
whole of the Neapolitan territory between the river Garigliano
and the ecclesiastical state, should be united to the dominion
•of the church; and that the remainder of the kingdom should
be held for the second son of the French monarch, who was
then an infant, and should be governed by an apostolic nuncio,
until he was enabled to take upon himself the government.^
Whilst these negotiations were depending, the Swiss troops
in the service of the pope were permitted to pass through the
states of Milan, and were stationed in different parts of
Romagna and the march of Ancona. This, however, was the
only advantage which Leo derived from his treaty with the
French monarch, and was, in all probability, the sole object
which he had in view. Francis now began to see with
jealousy the conduct of the pontiff, and declined the overtures
which had been made to him. His delay, or his refusal,
afforded Leo a plausible pretext for a step which it is highly
probable that he had previously determined upon ; and he
immediately and openly united his forces with those of the
emperor, for the express purpose of wresting from Francis
the dominion of Milan, and expelling the French from
Italy 4

On the expulsion and death of Maximilian Sforza, the
right of that family to the supreme authority of the Milanese
had devolved upon his brother Francesco, who had taken
refuge at Trent, where he impatiently waited for a favourable
opportunity of recovering the possessions of his ancestors,
having constantly refused all the offers of the French monarch
to induce him to relinquish his claims. His expectations had
been encouraged by the zeal and activity of Girolamo Marone,
formerly chancellor of Maximiliano, duke of Milan, and by
whose advice that city had been surrendered to the French;
but who, not having experienced from Francis I. the same
attentions as from his predecessor, Louis XII., had assidu
ously, though secretly, laboured to overturn his authority.

* Mm-atori, x. lift. + Guicciard. xiv. J Muratori, x. 14(j.

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE FRENCH. 361

By the interference of Morone, a treaty was concluded, on
the eighth day of May, 1521, between the pope and the
emperor, for establishing Francesco Sforza in his dominions.
By this treaty it was also stipulated, that the cities of Parma
and Piacenza should again be united to the dominions of the
church; that the emperor should support the claims of the
pope on the Ferrarese; and that he should confer on Ales-
sandro de' Medici, the illegitimate son of Lorenzo, duke of
UrbiHO, then about nine years of age, a territorial possession
in Naples,3 and on the cardinal Giulio de' Medici a pension
of ten thousand crowns, payable from the archbishopric of
Toledo, then lately vacated.4 But for the more effectual
accomplishment of the objects proposed, it was agreed that
this alliance should not be made public until measures had
been taken, as Avell in Genoa as in Milan, for overturning
the authority of the French, either by fraud or by force.

The government of the French in Milan had given great dis
satisfaction, insomuch that many of the noble and principal
inhabitants had quitted the city, and taken refuge in different
partsof Italy, intending to join thestandard of Francesco Sforza,
as soon as he should be enabled to take the field. By the
advice of Morone, it was determined that this force should be
concentrated in the city of Reggio, which place, as well as
the city of Modena, was then governed, on behalf of the
pope, by the historian, G-uicciardini, who was directed
secretly to forward the enterprise, and to advance to Morone
ten thousand ducats for the pay of his troops. About the
same time, the papal gallies were ordered to unite with those
of the emperor, then at Naples, and to proceed with two
thousand Spaniards to the port of Genoa, accompanied by
Girolamo Adorno, one of the Genoese exiles, who had been
(compelled to quit that place by the rival faction of the Fre-
gosi, and whose appearance, it was expected, would conciliate
the favour of the populace to the attempt. The doge, Fre-
igoso, had, however, been informed of their approach, and had
so effectually secured the coast, that the commander of the
fleet found it expedient to retire without attempting to dis-
iembark.* In the meantime, the sieur de 1'Ecus,5 who, in
the absence of his brother, Odet de Foix, mareschal de

* Guicciard. xiv.

362 LIFE OF LEO X.

Lautrec, held the chief authority in Milan, being apprised of
the assemblies of the Milanese exiles within the papal states,
resolved to use his endeavours for suppressing them. Taking
with him, therefore, a company of four hundred horse, and
followed by Federigo Gonzaga, lord of Bozzolo, at the head
of one thousand infantry, he made his appearance before the
gates of Reggio, in the hope, as Guicciardini conjectures, that
he might be enabled to secure the persons of the exiles,
either by prevailing upon the governor, who was not a soldier
by profession, and was supposed to be wholly unprovided for
an attack, to deliver them up to him, or by availing himself
of some pretext for entering the place. Guicciardini had,
however, received intimation of his design, and had requested
the papal commander, Guido Rangone, then in the Modenese,
to enter the city of Reggio by night; he had also called in to
his assistance the soldiers raised by Morone, and directed
that the neighbouring inhabitants should be in readiness, at
the'sound of the bell, to repair to the gates. In the morning,
the French commander presented himself before the city, and
sent one of his officers to request an interview with the
governor. Guicciardini complied with his wishes, and a
place was appointed where the meeting should take place,
without the walls. L'Ecus accordingly made his appearance,
with several of his followers, and dismounting from his horse,
proceeded towards the gate, through which Guicciardini and
his attendants passed to meet him. The French commander
then began to complain to the governor that he had shown
favour and aiforded support to the Milanese rebels, who had
been suffered to assemble in that city for hostile purposes;
whilst the governor, on the other hand, lamented that a body
of French troops had thus, without any previous representa
tions having been made as to their object, suddenly entered
the dominions of the church. During this interview, one of
the French officers, availing himself of the opportunity
afforded him by the opening of one of the gates for the pur
pose of admitting a waggon laden with corn, attempted to
enter the city at the head of his troops, but was repulsed by
the soldiers provided for its defence. This incident excited a
general alarm, and the inhabitants, supposing that the French
commander had been privy to the attempt, began to discharge
their artillery from the walls, by which Alessandro Trivulzio,

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE FRENCH. 363

an eminent Italian commander in the service of the French, who
stood near 1'Ecus, received a wound, of which he died on the
second day following ; nor was it to be attributed to any other
cause than the fear of injuring the governor, that 1'Ecus himself
escaped. In his turn, he accused Guicciardini of treachery,
and not knowing whether to remain where he stood, or to
seek his safety in flight, suffered the governor to take him by
the hand, and lead him into the city, accompanied only by
la Motte, one of his officers. The rest of his troops, sup
posing that their chief was taken prisoner, betook themselves
to flight in such haste that several of them left their weapons
behind them. After a full explanation had taken place,
Guicciardini set at liberty the French commander, who dis
patched la Motte to Rome, to inform the pope of the cause
of his visit to Reggio, and to request that he would give
orders for prohibiting the assembling of the Milanese exiles
within his territories.* Of this incident Leo availed himself,
to represent to the consistory the misconduct and treachery
of the French, whom he accused of a design of possessing
themselves of the city of Reggio ; he declared it to be his in
tention to unite his arms with those of the emperor; and
although the treaty with Charles V. had actually been con
cluded, he now affected to treat with the imperial ambassador
as to the terms of the confederation, and issued a papal bull,
by which he excommunicated, as well the French monarch,
as his two commanders, Odet and Thomas de Foix, until they
should restore the cities of Parma and Piacenza to the
authority of the holy see.6

Hostilities being now unavoidable, Leo called to Rome the
celebrated Italian commander Prospero Colonna, who had been
appointed by the emperor one of the imperial generals, to
consult with him on the most effectual means of carrying on
the war.f He also engaged in his service Federigo, marquis
of Mantua,7 and conferred on him the title of captain-general
of the church, to which he had long aspired. On this occa
sion the marquis sent back to France the insignia of the
order of S. Michael, with which he had been honoured by
the king.J The army of the allies consisted of six thousand
Italian troops, two thousand Spaniards who had returned

* Guicciard. xiv. ; Murator. x. 147. t Muvator. x. 148. J Guicciard. xiv.

LIFE OF LEO X.

from the attack of Genoa, and two thousand more who were
dispatched from Naples, under the command of Ferdinando
d'Avalos, marquis of Pescara. These were afterwards
joined by six thousand Germans, raised at the joint expense
of the pope and the emperor, and by the Swiss troops which
Leo had brought into Italy; whose numbers had, however,
been reduced, by the return of many of their associates, to
about two thousand. If to these be added the papal and
Florentine troops not enumerated with the above, the force
of the allied army may be computed to have amounted to
upwards of twenty thousand men.* Of these, the chief
command was confided to Prospero Colonna; but the imme
diate direction of the papal army was intrusted to Guicciar-
dini, who, under the name of commissary-general, was
expressly invested with authority over the marquis of
Mantua. In the month of August, the Italian troops as
sembled at Bologna; and Colonna, having soon afterwards
effected a junction with the German and Spanish auxiliaries,
proceeded to the attack of Parma.

These formidable proceedings occasioned great alarm to
Francis I., who now began to perceive the effects of his own
imprudence in divesting the pope of Parma and Piacenxa.
But whilst lie endeavoured in vain to mitigate the resent
ment of the pontiff', he resorted to such measures as seemed
necessary for the defence of his possessions, and Lautrec,
then in France, was ordered to return to his government,
with the promise on the part of the king that he should
speedily receive a supply of three hundred thousand ducats.
On his arrival, Lautrec began to collect the French forces
dispersed in different parts of Lombardy. The Venetians
also dispatched to the assistance of their allies a body of
eight thousand foot and about nine hundred horse, under the
command of Teodoro Trivulzio and Andrea Gritti.f The
most strenuous efforts of both the contending parties were,
however, employed in obtaining the assistance of the Swiss,
on whose determination it was conceived that the event of
the contest would finally depend; and notwithstanding the
representations and promises of the cardinal of Sion, and of the
imperial envoys, the cantons agreed to fulfil the treaty which

* Guicciard. 187. + Murator. x. 147.

THE ALLIES ATTACK. PARMA. o65

they had previously formed with Francis L, and to supply
him with a considerable force; in consequence of which, four
thousand of these mercenaries, being a comparatively small
part of the number for which he had stipulated, arrived at
Milan.8 Lautrec now commenced his operations, and dis
patching his brother L'Ecus, at the head of five hundred
lances, and Federigo of Bozzolo, with five thousand infantry,
to the defence of Parma, employed the utmost vigilance in
securing the city of Milan and the rest of its territory against
the expected attack.

The allied forces, after various dissensions between the
Italian, German, and Spanish troops, and great diversity of
opinion amongst the commanders, at length commenced their
attack upon Parma; and although they were frequently on
the point of relinquishing the attempt, they at length suc
ceeded in compelling the French garrison to retire to that
part of the city which lies beyond the river, and immediately
occupied the station which their adversaries had left. The
inhabitants of this district expressed the greatest satisfaction
on being again restored to the dominion of the church; but
their joy was speedily terminated by the outrages committed
by the promiscuous soldiery, who had proceeded to sack the
city. From this violence they were, however, at last re
strained by the most decisive measures on the part of the
commander Colonna, who, among other instances of a just
severity, executed by the halter a number of soldiers who
had violated the sanctuary of a monastery, and thus at length
succeeded in appeasing the tumult.*

In the mean time, the French and Venetian army, of
which Lautrec had now taken the command, although con
sisting of upwards of fifteen thousand men, had remained
inactive, in expectation of the arrival of the additional body
of six thousand Swiss, by whose assistance they might be
enabled to oppose the papal and imperial troops in the field.
On receiving intelligence of the attack upon Parma, they
advanced, however, to the banks of the Taro, about seven
miles from that city, for the purpose of opposing the further
progress of the enemy, f At this juncture, the hopes of the
French were encouraged by the duke of Ferrara, who, having

* Muratori, x. 148. + Ib. x. 149.

366 LIFE OF LEO X.

discovered the tenor of the treaty between the pope and the
emperor, and finding no security for himself but in the
success of the French, took the field at the head of a formid
able body of troops, and advancing into the Modenese, cap
tured the towns of Finale and San Felice, threatening even
the city of Modena. This unexpected event compelled the
allies to divide their forces; Guido Rangone was dispatched
with a powerful body of troops to oppose the duke of Ferrara;
all further attempts on the city of Parma were abandoned;
and an opportunity was afforded the French commander of
supplying the place with provisions, and fortifying it against
subsequent attacks.*

The retreat of the papal army from Parma was a cause of
great vexation to the pontiff, who had hitherto been obliged
to bear almost the whole expenses of the war, and who now
began to doubt whether his views had not been counteracted
by the insincerity of his allies.f He therefore, by means of
his envoy, the cardinal of Sion, redoubled his efforts to ob
tain a reinforcement from the Swiss; and although the Hel
vetic chiefs had already dispatched several bodies of troops
into Italy, to the aid of the French, yet such was their avidity
for pay and for plunder, that they agreed to furnish the pope
with twelve thousand men, under the pretext that they
should be employed only in the defence of the states of the
church. | At the same time Leo dispatched his cousin, the
cardinal Giulio de' Medici, under the title of legate of the
church, to take upon himself the superintendence of the
allied army, and to allay by his authority the disputes and
jealousies which had arisen among the commanders, and
which seemed daily to increase.

The opposing armies, after frequent movements and some
skirmishes of little importance, now waited with the utmost
impatience for the arrival of those reinforcements from Swit
zerland which had been promised to both, and which were
expected to give the party which should obtain their services
a decided superiority. A considerable body of these merce
naries at length arrived, and formed a junction at Gambara
with their countrymen in the pay of the allies; the two car
dinal legates of Medici and of Sion, decorated § with their

* Mnrator. x. 149. + Gnicciaril. xiv. ; Murator. x. 149.

J Guiccianl. xiv. § Or rather, preceded in the usual way. — B.

THE ALLIES PASS THE ADDA. 367

crosses of silver, marching in the midst of them, to the great
scandal of their religion and office. A negotiation was now
opened, in which it may be presumed the services of the
Swiss were offered to the highest bidder; but the French,
commander having been disappointed in his promised supply
of three hundred thousand ducats from France, which had
been appropriated by the duchess of Angouleme, mother of
the French monarch, to her own use, the offers and promises
of the pontifical legates prevailed; and the Swiss, notwith
standing the remonstrances and efforts of Lautrec, united
their forces with those of Colonna; whilst those in the service
of the French monarch deserted their standards, and either
joined the papal troops or returned to their own country.

Dispirited by this disappointment, and alarmed at the acces
sion of strength which his adversaries had thus obtained,
Lautrec thought it expedient to retreat beyond the banks of
the Adda. Having therefore strongly garrisoned Cremona
and Pizzighitone, he broke up his camp and took his station
on the side of the river next to Milan, intending to oppose
the further progress of the enemy. The papal and imperial
commanders, having with their new accession of strength
acquired fresh spirits, resolved to relinquish all attempts of
less importance, and proceed immediately to attack the city
of Milan. The passage of the river was conducted with a
degree of secrecy and dispatch which is allowed to have con
ferred great honour on Colonna; and its success attached no
less disgrace to the military talents of Lautrec, who had
boasted, even in a dispatch to his sovereign, that he would
prevent his enemies from effecting their purpose. The
transportation of the army took place at Vapriori, about three
miles from Cassano, where the French troops were then
encamped; the cardinal de' Medici having accompanied the
first detachment of the army in one of the boats employed for
that purpose.* No resistance was made on the part of the
French; and although the movement was rendered tedious by
various circumstances unavoidable in such an attempt, yet a
considerable body of the allied army effected a landing. It
might have been presumed that Avhen Lautrec was apprized
of this circumstance, he would have marched his whole force

* Guicciartl. xiv.

368 LIl-E OF LEO X.

against the invaders; but after a fatal deliberation of some
hours, he dispatched his brother, with a body of French
infantry, four hundred lances, and some pieces of artillery, to
oppose their further progress. A vigorous action took place,
in which the superiority was warmly contested. The French
commander, with the cavalry, fought with great courage ; and
if the artillery had arrived in time it is supposed that the
French would have repulsed the allies. The troops which
had not yet passed, seeing the danger to which their asso
ciates were exposed, made the utmost efforts to cross the
river to their assistance. Giovanni de' Medici, prompted by
that fearless magnanimity by which he was always distin
guished, plunged into the current at the head of his troops,
mounted on a Turkish horse, and arrived in safety on the
opposite shore. By these exertions L'Ecus was compelled to
retreat with considerable loss to Cassano, when Lautrec
immediately broke up his camp and hastened towards Milan,
imtending to concentre all his forces in the defence of that
capital. On his arrival he committed an act of useless
and imprudent severity, by the public execution of Cristoforo
Pallavicini, a nobleman not less respectable by his age and
character than by his rank and influence, and who had pre
viously been committed to prison as a partisan of the pope,
between whom and his family there had long subsisted a
friendly intimacy.

On the nineteenth day of November, 1521, the allied army
arrived without further opposition in the vicinity of Milan,
where an incident took place which has been represented as
of a very surprising nature. Whilst the legates and prin
cipal officers were debating, near the abbey of Chiaravalle, on
the mode to be adopted for the attack of the city, they are
said to have been accosted by an old man, in the dress of a
peasant, who informed them that if they would instantly pro
secute their enterprise, the inhabitants would, at the sound of
the bells, take up arms against the French; an incident, says
Guicciardini, " which appears marvellous; as, notwithstanding
all the diligence that could be used, it never was discovered
either who this messenger was, or by whom he had been sent."
At the approach of night, Ferdinando d'Avalos, marquis of
Pescara, at the head of the Spanish troops, proceeded to the
attack. On presenting himself before one of the bastions in

CAPTURE OF MILAN.

suburbs of the city, which was defended by a party of
Venetians, a mutual discharge of musketry took place; but
the assailants making an attempt to scale the walls, the
Venetians, abandoning their station, betook themselves to
light.* The marquis, pursuing his good fortune, entered the
suburbs, and after a short contest, in which the Venetian
smmander Trivukio was wounded and taken prisoner, dis-
rsed the French and their allies. On his approaching the
jates of the city, they were instantly opened by his partisans,
whilst the cardinal de' Medici and the other chiefs were received
nth their followers at another of the gates, according to the
surances i-eceived from their unknown visitor. The French
immander, surprised and dispirited by the sudden approach
the enemy, and terrified by the general indignation ex-
2ssed by the populace, withdrew with his troops to Como,
laving first strongly garrisoned the citadel of Milan. Some
)prehensions were entertained for the safety of the citizens
the violence of the victorious army; but by the vigilant
induct of the cardinal de' Medici and the prudent advice of
[orone, all outrage was prevented, and a proclamation was
issued prohibiting on pain of death any injury to the inhabit-
its.t In the morning an embassy of twelve citizens, of the
arder of nobility, appeared before the cardinal legate to sur-
jnder the city and intreat protection. Morone, in the name
rf Francesco Maria Sforza, now regarded as duke of Milan,
possession of the government under the title of his lieu
tenant. The other cities of the Milanese successively sub-
litted to his authority, and Parma and Piacenza once more
sknowledged the sovereignty of the Roman see.:}:

No sooner had the papal commanders accomplished this
abject, than they turned their arms against the duke of
^errara, who, by an act of open hostility, had now afforded the
jope that pretext for a direct attack upon him, which he had
long sought for. The towns of Finale and San Felice were
[(speedily retaken, and many of the principal places of the
luchy of Fevrara, on the confines of Romagna, were occupied
y the pupal troops. The Florentines at the same time pos-
sssed themselves of the extensive district of Garfagnana,
whilst Guicciardini, as commissary of the pope, seized upon

Commentarj. di Galeazzo Capella, i. 11.
Guicciardini, xiv. ; Muratori, x. 151.

t Ibid.

-VOL. II.

B B

370 LIFE OF LEO X.

the small province of Frignano, which had been reinarkahle
for its fidelity in adhering to the duke. In the midst of
these hostilities the pope issued a monitory, in which, after
loading the duke with reproaches, he excommunicated him as
a rebel to the church, and placed the city of Ferrara under
an interdict. The violence of these measures, instead of in
timidating the duke, only served to stimulate his exertions
and to rouse his resentment. He determined to defend his
dominions to the last extremity. He fortified the city of
Ferrara as completely as possible, and provided it with am
munition and provisions for a siege. He increased Jhis
Italian militia and engaged in his services four thousand Ger
man mercenaries. To the monitory of the pope he replied
by a manifesto, wherein he insisted on the justice of his
cause, and bitterly complained of the outrageous and trea
cherous conduct of the pontiff. But just as the storm was
expected to burst forth, an event occurred which not only re
lieved him from his apprehensions, but produced a most im
portant alteration in the concerns of Italy and in the general
aspect of the times.9

When the intelligence arrived of the capture of Milan and
the recovery of Parma and Piacenza, Leo was passing his
time at his villa of Malliana. He immediately returned to
Rome, where he arrived on Sunday the twenty-fourth day of
November, for the purpose of giving the necessary directions
to his commanders, and partaking in the public rejoicings on
this important victory. It was at first rumoured that the car
dinal de' Medici had prevailed upon Francesco Sforza to cede
to him the sovereignty of Milan, in consideration of which he
had agreed to surrender to the duke his cardinal's hat, with
the office of chancellor of the holy see and all his benefices,
amounting to the annual sum of fifty thousand ducats; and it
was supposed to be on this account that the pope expressed
such symptoms of joy and satisfaction as he had on no other oc
casion evinced, and gave orders that the rejoicings should be
continued in the city during three days. On being asked
by his master of the ceremonies whether it would not also be
proper to return solemn thanks to God on such an occasion,
he desired to be informed of the opinion of this officer. The
master of the ceremonies told the pope, that when there was
a war between any of the Christian princes, it was not usual
for the church to rejoice upon any victory, unless the holy

DEATH OF THE POPE. 371

see derived some benefit from it; that if the pope therefore
(thought that he had obtained any great advantages, he should
manifest his joy by returning thanks to God; to which the
ipope, smiling, replied, " that he had indeed obtained a great
[prize."* He then gave directions that a consistory should be
i held on Wednesday the twenty-seventh day of November;
land finding himself somewhat indisposed, he retired to his
f chamber, where he took a few hours' rest.f

The indisposition of the pontiff* excited at first but little
. alarm, and was attributed by his physicians to a cold caught at
his villa. The consistory was not, however, held; and on the
morning of Sunday the first day of December, the pope sud
denly died. This event was so unexpected, that he is said
Eto have expired without those ceremonies which are con-
[sidered as of such essential importance by the Roman
.church.10 Jovius relates, that a short time before his death,
he returned thanks to God with his hands clasped together
and his eyes raised to heaven; and expressed his readiness to
[submit to his approaching fate, after having lived to see the
I cities of Parma and Piacenza restored to the church, and the
| French effectually humbled ;J but this narrative deserves
| little further credit than such as it derives from the mere pro
bability of such a circumstance. In truth, the circumstances
I attending the death of the pontiff are involved in mysterious
and total obscurity, and the accounts given of this event by
Varillas and similar writers in subsequent times, are the
i spurious offspring of their own imagination.11 Some infor
mation on this important event might have been expected
from the diary of the master of the ceremonies, Paris de Grassis;
but it is remarkable, that from Sunday the twenty-fourth day
of November, when the pope withdrew to his chamber, to
, the same day in the following week, when he expired, no no
tice is taken by this officer of the progress of his disorder, of
the particulars of his conduct, or of the means adopted for his
recovery. On the last mentioned day, Paris de Grassis was
called upon to make preparations for the funeral of the pon-
titi'. He found the body already cold and livid. After having
gi\ en such directions as seemed to him requisite en the occa-

* Pnr. de Grassis, Diar. iuedit.

t These circumstances are related on the authority of Paris de Grassis.

J Jovii, vita Leon. X. iv. US.

P, B2

372 LIFE OF LEO X.

sion, he summoned the cardinals to meet on the following day.
All the cardinals then in Rome, being twenty-nine in number,
accordingly attended; but the concourse of the people was so
great in the palace, that it was with difficulty they could make
their way to the assembly. The object of this meeting was
to arrange the ceremonial of the funeral, which it was ordered
should take place on the evening of the same day.

Such is the dubious and unsatisfactory narrative of the
death of Leo X. which occurred when he had not yet com
pleted the forty-sixth year of his age; having reigned eight
years, eight months, and nineteen days. It was the general
opinion at the time, and has been confirmed by the suffrages
of succeeding historians, that his death was occasioned by the
€xcess of his joy on hearing of the success of his arms. If, how
ever, after all the vicissitudes of fortune which Leo had expe
rienced, his mind had not been sufficiently fortified to resist
this influx of good fortune, it is probable that its effects would
have been more sudden. On this occasion it has been well
observed that an excess of joy is dangerous only on the lirst
emotion, and that Leo survived this intelligence eight days.*
It seems therefore not unlikely that this story was fabricated
merely as a pretext to conceal the real cause of his death; and
that the slight indisposition, and temporary seclusion of the
pontiff, afforded an opportunity for some of his enemies to
gratify their resentment, or promote their own ambitious
views, by his destruction. Some circumstances are related
which gave additional credibility to this supposition. Before
the body of the pope was interred, Paris de Grassis, perceiv
ing it to be much inflated, inquired from the consistory
whether they would have it opened and examined, to which
they assented. On performing this operation, the medical
attendants reported that he had certainly died by poison. To
this it is added, that during his illness the pope had frequently
complained of an internal burning, which was attributed to the
same cause, " whence," says Paris de Grassis, " it is certain
that the pope was poisoned." In confirmation of this opinion,
a singular incident is also recorded by the same officer, who
relates in his diary, that a few days before the indisposition
of the pontiff, a person, unknown and disguised, called upon
one of the monks in the monastery of S. Jerom, and requested
him to inform the pope, that an attempt would be made by

* M. de Brequigny. ap. Notices des MSS. du Roi, ii. 590.

CAUSE OV HIS DEATH. 373

4 one of his confidential servants to poison him; not in his food
but by his linen. The friar, not choosing to convey this in-
il telligence to the pope, who was then at Malliana, communi-
fi cated it to the datary, who immediately acquainted the pope
{with it. The friar was sent for to the villa, and having there
I confirmed in the presence of the pontiff what he had before
I related, Leo with great emotion observed, " that if it was the
will of G-od that he should die, he should submit to it; but
u that he should use all the precaution in his power." We are
|:further informed, that in the course of a few days he fell
: sick, and that with his last words he declared that he had
[• been murdered, and could not long survive.

The consternation and grief of the populace on the death
! of the pontiff were unbounded. On its being rumoured that
; he died by poison, they, in the first emotions of their fury7
seized upon Bernabu Malespina, one of the pope's cup-bearers,
who had excited their suspicions by attempting to leave the
city at this critical juncture, on the pretext of hunting, and
dragged him to the castle of S. Angelo. On his examination,
"it was alleged against him, that the day before the pope
became indisposed, he had received from Malespina a cup of
wine, and after having drank it, had asked in great anger
what he meant by giving him so disagreeable and bitter a
potion. No sufficient proofs appearing of his guilt, he was,
however, soon afterwards liberated; and the cardinal legate
de' Medici arriving at the city, prohibited any further exam
ination on the subject.12 He could not, however, prevent the
surmises of the people, some of whom conjectured that Fran
cis I. had been the instigator of the crime, a suspicion wholly
inconsistent with the ingenuous and open character of that
monarch. It has since been suggested that the duke of
Ferrara, whose dominions were so immediately endangered
by the hostile attempts of the pontiff', or the exiled duke of
IJrbino, might have resorted to these insidious means of
revenge;* but of these individuals, the Aveightier suspicion
would fall on the latter, who, by his assassination of the car
dinal of Pavia, had given a decisive proof that in the gratifi
cation of his resentment he knew no bounds; and who had, by
'his complaints and representations to the sacred college, suc
ceeded in exciting a considerable enmity against the pontiff,
even within the limits of the Roman court.

« Fabron. Vita Leon. X. 'i39.

374 LIFE OF LEO X.

The obsequies of the pope were performed in the Vatican,
without any extraordinary pomp,13 the avowed reason of
which was the impoverished state of the Roman treasury^
exhausted, as it was alleged, by his profuse liberality, and by
the wars in which he had been engaged. The recent suc
cesses with which his efforts had been crowned might, how
ever, have supplied both the motives and the resources for a
more splendid funeral, if other circumstances, arising from
the peculiar and suspicious manner of his death, had not
rendered it improper or inexpedient. His funeral panegyric
was pronounced by his chamberlain, Antonio da Spello, in a
rude and illiterate manner, highly unworthy of the subject;
for which reason his oration has not been preserved;14 but in
the academy della Sapienza at Rome, a discourse is annually
pronounced in praise of Leo X. Many of these have been
printed, and are occasionally met with in rare collections.15
For several years no monument distinguished the place of his
sepulture; but after the death of Clement VII. the cardinal
Ippolito de' Medici, having removed his remains from the
Vatican to the chapel of S. Maria ad Minervam, employed
the eminent sculptor, Alfonso Lombardi, to erect suitable
memorials to the memory of the two pontiffs, to whom he
stood so nearly related. Lombardi accordingly formed the
models, after sketches furnished by Michelagnolo, and repaired
to Carrara to procure the marble requisite for the purpose;
but, on the untimely death of the cardinal, he was deprived
of this favourable opportunity of displaying his talents; and
through the influence of Lucrezia Salviati, the sister of Leo X.,
the erection of the monument of that pontiff' was intrusted
to Baccio Bandinelli, who had made a model of it during the
life of Clement VII., and who completed it in the church of
S. Maria ad Minervam, where it is yet to be seen in the
choir behind the great altar, and near to it is that of Clement
VII."' The statue of Leo is the work of llaffaello da Monte
Lupo, and that of Clement VII. is by the hand of Giovanni
Bigio.* Another monument to Leo X. is said to have been
erected in the church of S. Pietro in Vaticano\, under an
arch near the famous sculpture of a charity by Michelagnolo,
where, however, it is now no longer to be found.17

* Titi, NUOTO studio di Pittura, &c. 20. t Ibid.

375

CHAPTER XXIV.

Diversity of opinion respecting the character of Leo X. — Causes of such
diversity — From his family connexions — From political enmities — From
his conduct as head of the church — Inquiry into his real character —
His pei-son and mariners — His intellectual endowments — His political
conduct — His ecclesiastical character — His supposed neglect of sacred
literature — Charges of profligacy and irreligion — Aspersions on his moral
character — His relaxations and amusements — Encouragement of letters
and arts — How far he was rivalled in this respect by the other princes of
his time — Conclusion.

M

AMONG all the individuals of ancient or modern times, who by
the circumstances of their lives, by their virtues, or by their
talents, have attracted the attention of mankind, there is,
perhaps, no one whose character has stood in so doubtful a
light as that of Leo X. From the time of his pontificate to
the present day, the applauses so liberally bestowed upon him
by some, have been counterbalanced by the accusations and
reproaches of others, and numerous causes have concurred in
giving rise to erroneous opinions and violent prejudices
respecting him, into which it may now be necessary, or,
at least, excusable, to institute a dispassionate inquiry.

That distinguished excellence, or even superior rank and
•elevation, is as certainly attended by envy and detraction, as
the substance is followed by the shadow, has been the stand
ing remark of all ages; but, independently of this common
ground of attack, Leo X. was, from various circumstances,
the peculiar object of censure and of abuse. This liability to
misrepresentation commenced with his birth, which occurred
in the bosom of a city at all times agitated by internal com
motions, and where the pre-eminent station which his family
had long occupied, rendered its members obnoxious to the
attacks and reproaches of their political opponents. Hence
almost all contemporary historians may be considered as parti-

376 LIFE OF LEO X.

sans, either warmly attached or decidedly adverse to him ; a
circumstance highly unfavourable to the impartiality of his
torical truth, and which has tinged the current of information
at its very source, with the peculiar colouring of the narrator.
Nor did these prejudices cease with the death of Leo X. The
exalted rank which his family afterwards acquired by its near
connexion with the royal house of France, and the important
part which some of its members acted in the affairs of Europe,
are circumstances which, whilst they recalled the ancestors
and relations of the Medici to more particular notice, gave
occasion to the warmest sentiments of commendation and of
flattery on the one hand, and to the most unbounded ex
pressions of contempt and of execration on the other.1

Another source of the great diversity of opinion respecting
this pontiff, is to be traced to the high office which he filled, and
to the manner in which he conducted himself in the political
concerns of the times. As many of the Italian potentate?,
during the wars which desolated Italy, attached themselves to
the cause of foreign powers, in like manner, several of the
Italian historians have espoused in their writings the interests
of other nations, and have hence been led to regard the con
duct of Leo X. with an unfavourable eye, as the result of an
ambitious and restless disposition. This indifference to the
independence and common cause of Italy is observable even
in the greatest of the Italian historians, and has led Guic-
ciai'dini himself unjustly to depreciate, rather than duly to
estimate the merits of the pontiff. The same dereliction of
national and patriotic spirit is yet more apparent in Muratori,
who has frequently written with too evident a partiality to
the cause of the French monarchs; a partiality which is per
haps to be accounted for from the close alliance which sub
sisted between them and the ancestors of his great patrons,
the family of Este. It may further be observed that Leo
frequently exerted his authority, and even employed his arms
against the inferior potentates of Italy, some of whom severely
felt the weight of his resentment; arid that these princes have
also had their annalists and panegyrists, who have not scrupled,
on many occasions, to sacrifice the reputation of the pontiff to
that of their patrons. To these may be added various other
causes of offence, as well of a public as of a private naturej
unavoidably given by the pontiff in the course of his pontifi-

HIS CHARACTEK. 377

Icatc, and which afforded a plausible opportunity to those
fwhom he had offended of vilifying his character and loading
:his memory with calumny and abuse.2

But the most fruitful cause of animosity against Leo X. is
to be found in the violence of religious zeal and sectarian
hatred. That he was the chief of the Roman church has
ialone frequently been thought a sufficient reason for attacking
ihim with the most illiberal invectives. To aspersions of this
:nature he was more particularly exposed by the circumstances
of the times in which he lived, and by the part which he was
obliged to act in opposing the progress of the Reformation. In
this kind of warfare Luther was himself a thorough proficient;
nor have his disciples and advocates shown any want of ability
in following his example. Still more unfortunate is it for the
' character of Leo, that whilst, by the measures which he
adopted against the reformers, he drew down upon himself
their most unlimited abuse, he has not always had the good
fortune to escape the severe censure of the adherents of the
Romish church; many of whom have accused him of a criminal
lenity in neglecting to suppress the new opinions by more
efficacious measures, and of attending to his own aggrandize
ment or gratification, whilst the church of Christ was suffer
ing for want of that aid which it was in his power alone to
afford.*

The difficulties which arise from these various representa
tions respecting the character of Leo X., instead of deterring
us from further inquiry, render it a still greater object of
speculation and curiosity. What, then, we may ask, were his
personal and intellectual accomplishments? Was he a man
of talents, or a mere favourite of fortune? Will his public
and private conduct stand the test of an impai'tial examina
tion? In what degree is the world indebted to him for the
extraordinary proficiency in literature and the arts, which
took place during his pontificate? Such are some of the
questions which naturally arise, and to which it is now rea
sonable to expect a reply.

That the hand of nature has impressed on the external
form and features, indications of the mind by which they are
animated, is an opinion that has of late received considerable

* Murator. x. 145.

378 LIFE OF LEO X.

support, and which, under certain restrictions, may be ad
mitted to be well founded. From the accounts which have
been transmitted to us of the countenance and person of
Leo X., and from the authentic portraits of him which yet
remain, there is reason to believe that his general appearance
bespoke an uncommon character; and the skilful physiogno
mist might yet, perhaps, delight to trace, in the exqui
site picture of him by RafFaello, the expressions of those
propensities, qualities, and talents, by which he was more
peculiarly distinguished. In stature he was much above the
common standard. His person was well formed ; his habit
rather full than corpulent;3 but his limbs, although elegantly
shaped, appeared somewhat too slender in proportion to his
body. Although the size of his head, and the amplitude of
his features, approached to an extreme, yet they exhibited a
certain degree of dignity which commanded respect. His
complexion was florid; his eyes were large, round, and pro
minent, even to a defect; insomuch, that he could not discern
distant objects without the aid of a glass, by the assistance of
which, it was observed, that in hunting and country sports,
to which he was much addicted, he saw to a greater distance
than any of his attendants.* His hands were peculiarly white
and well formed, and he took great pleasure in decorating
them with gems. His voice was remarkable for softness and
flexibility, which enabled him to express his feelings with
great effect. On serious and important occasions, no one spoke
with more gravity; on common concerns, with more facility;
on jocular subjects, with more hilarity. From his early years
he displayed a conciliating urbanity of manner, which seemed
perfectly natural to him, but which was probably not less the
effect of education than of disposition; no pains having been
spared in impressing on his mind the great advantage of those
manners and accomplishments which soften animosity and at
tract esteem. On his first arrival at Rome, he soon obtained
the favourable opinion of his fellow cardinals by his uncom
mon mildness, good temper, and affability, which led him to
resist no one with violence, but rather to give way when op
posed with any great degree of earnestness. With the old he
could be serious, with the young, jocose; his visitors he enter-

* Jov. in Vita Leon. X.

HIS INTELLECTUAL ENDOWMENTS. 379

i tallied with great attention and kindness, frequently taking
I them by the hand, and addressing them in affectionate terms,
S and on some occasions embracing them, as the manners of the
; times allowed. Hence all who knew him agreed that he pos
sessed the best possible dispositions, and believed themselves to
be the objects of his particular friendship and regard; an
I opinion which, on his part, he endeavoured to promote, not
I only by the most sedulous and unremitting attention, but by
I frequent acts of generosity. Nor can it be doubted, that to
i his uniform perseverance in this conduct he was chiefly in-
I debted for the high dignity which he attained so early in life.4
In his intellectual endowments, Leo X. stood much above
I the common level of mankind. If he appears not to have
I been gifted with those creative powers which are properly
E characterized by the name of genius, he may justly be said to
I: have displayed the highest species of talent, and, in general,
1 to have regarded the times in which he lived, and the objects
) which presented themselves to his notice, with a comprehen-
I sive and discriminating eye. His abilities have, indeed, been
I! uniformly admitted, even by those who have, in other respects,
I been sparing in his praise.5 That he was not affected by the
I superstitious notions so prevalent in his own times, is itself a
I proof of a clear and vigorpus mind.6 The memory of Leo
1 was remarkable; and as he read with great patience and per-
• severance, frequently interrupting and prolonging his meals
r by the pleasure which he took in this employment, so he
r obtained a very extensive acquaintance with the historical
I events of former times. In the regulation of his diet he
i!i adhered to the strictest rules of temperance, even beyond the
i usual restraints of the church.7 Although not, perhaps, per-
l' fectly accomplished as a scholar, yet he was well versed in
I the Latin language, which he both spoke and wrote with
r elegance and facility, and had a competent knowledge of the
P! Greek. Nor ought it greatly to diminish our opinion of him
in this respect, that Bembo has thought proper to detract
i from his reputation for learning, when we consider that this
h ungenerous insinuation was intended merely to flatter the
' reigning pontiff, Paul III., at the expense of his more illus
trious predecessor.8 By Jovius we are informed that he
wrote verses both in Italian and in Latin. The former have,
i in all probability, perished. Of the latter, a single specimen

380 LIFE OF LEO X.

only is known, which has already been submitted to the
judgment of the reader.9

In his political character, the great objects which Leo
appears to have generally pursued sufficiently evince the
capaciousness of his mind, and the just sense which he
entertained of the important station in which he was
placed. The pacification of Europe, the balancing of its
opposing interests in such a manner as to insure its tran
quillity, the liberation of the states of Italy from their
dependence on foreign powers, the recovery of the ancient
possessions of the church, and the repressing and humbling
the power of the Turks, were some of those great purposes
which he appears never to have abandoned. On his elevation
to the papal throne, he found the whole extent of Italy
oppressed or threatened by foreign powers, and torn by in
ternal commotions. The Spaniards were in possession of the
kingdom of Naples; the French were preparing for the
attack of Milan; and the states of Italy, in aiding or opposing
the cause of these powerful intruders, were at constant war
with each other. The first and most earnest desire of the
pontiff was to free the whole extent of Italy from its foreign
invaders; an object not only excusable, but in the highest
degree commendable. Whilst the ^xtremities of that country
were occupied by two powerful and ambitious monarchs, the
one of them always jealous of the other, its interior could
only become the theatre of war, and be subjected to con
tinual exactions and depredations. The preponderating power
of either the one or the other of these sovereigns might prove
fatal to the liberties of the whole country; and at all events,
the negotiations and intrigues to which they both had re
course, for supporting their respective interests among the
inferior states, occasioned an agitation and ferment which
kept it in continual alarm. In this situation, the accomplish
ment of the ends which the pontiff had proposed to himself
was the only mode by which he could reasonably hope to
establish the public tranquillity; and if this be kept in view,
it will enable us to explain, although it may not always ex
cuse, many parts of his conduct, which may otherwise appear
weak, contradictory, or unintelligible. To oppose himself to
such adversaries by open arms was impossible; nor, whilst
the same causes of dissension remained, was there the most

HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT. 381

listant prospect of forming an effective union among the
Italian states; several of which had, by a weak and unfortu-
late policy, entered into close alliances with the invaders.
I Nothing, therefore, remained for the pontiff, but to turn the
strength of these powerful rivals against each other, and to
ake advantage of any opportunity which their dissensions
night afford him, of liberating his country from them both.
I Hence it was his great object to secure, by incessant negotia-
;ions and constant assurances, the favour and good opinion
)f the French and Spanish monarchs; to be a party to all
;heir transactions, and to enter into all their designs, so that
t ic might be enabled to maintain a kind of equilibrium be-
sween them, and to give the preponderance on important
Dccasions, either to the one or the other of them, as might
jest suit his own views. This policy was, however, at some
:imes combined with more open efforts; and the inefficacy of
he papal arms was supplied by powerful bodies of Swiss
nercenaries, which the pope retained in his service by liberal
stipends, and by whose assistance he twice expelled the
French from Italy. Although frequently counteracted and
defeated in his projects, by the superior strength and re
sources of his adversaries, yet he never appears, throughout
lis whole pontificate, to have deviated from the purposes
.vhich he had originally in view. His exertions had at
ength opened to him the fairest prospects of success; and it
s highly probable, that if an untimely death had not ter-
iiinated his efforts, he would finally have accomplished his
rreat undertaking. That he had intended to retain the
command of the Milanese, or to vest the supreme authority
)f that state in the cardinal Giulio de' Medici, may be re-
rarded as certain;* and the union of these territories with
:hose of Tuscany and of Rome, together with the continued
lid of his Swiss allies, would have enabled him to attack the
•cingdom of Naples, then almost neglected by its young sove-
•eign, with the fairest probability of success. In examining
:he public conduct of Leo X. by this test, it will be found to
lisplay a consistency not to be discovered by considering it
n separate parts, or on detached occasions. His insincerity
n his treaties with Francis I., although not justified, was

* Guicciavd. xiv. ii. 175.

382 LIFE OF LEO X.

occasioned by this unalterable adherence to his primitive
designs; and the avidity of that monarch in depriving the
pontiff' of the districts of Parma and Piacenza confirmed him.
in his resolution to seize the first opportunities of carrying
those designs into effect. The French monarch should have
known, that even in the moment of victory, it is not always
expedient to grasp at every possible advantage, or to subject
a humiliated adversary to intolerable or irksome terms; and
that as morality and good faith should enforce the execution,
so justice and moderation should be the basis of public
engagements.

Nor was Leo less uniform and consistent in his endeavours
to allay the dissensions among the Christian powers, with
the view of inducing them to unite their arms against the
Turks ; a course of conduct which has given occasion to
charge him with extravagant and romantic views; but which
cannot be fairly judged of without considering the state of
the times, and recollecting that those powerful barbarians
had then recently established themselves in Europe, had
overturned in Egypt the empire of the Mamelukes, and
made several attempts against the coast of Italy, in one of
which they had possessed themselves of the city of Otranto.
That the pontiff' was defeated in his purpose, is not to be
attributed to any want of exertion on his part, but to the
jealousy of the Christian states, which were yet more fear
ful of each other than they were of the Turks. In aiming at
great objects, it often, however, happens, that although the
attempt be not wholly successful, some benefit is derived
from it which is amply worth the labour; and if, in this in
stance, the pontiff" could not inspire the rulers of Christendom
with his own feelings, and actuate them with good-will
towards each other, and with animosity only towards their
common enemy, he yet succeeded so far as, in all probability,
to deter the Turks from turning their arms against the
western nations; so that during his pontificate the Christian
world enjoyed a respite from commotion, which, when com
pared with the times which preceded and those which
followed, may be considered as a season of tranquillity and
of happiness. If amidst these splendid and commendable
purposes, he occasionally displayed the narrow politics of a
churchman, or the weaker prejudices of family partiality,

HIS POLITICAL CONDUCT. 383

:his may perhaps be attributed, not so much to the errors of
ills own disposition and judgment, as to the example of his
predecessors, and the manners of the age, which he could not
jw holly surmount; or to that mistaken sense of duty which
iias too often led those in power to consider ah1 measures as
j lawful, or as excusable, which are supposed to be advantage
ous to those whom they govern, or conducive to the aggran-
jdizement of those who, from the ties of nature, look up to
[them for patronage and for power.

In one respect, however^, it is impossible that the conduct

of Leo X., as a temporal prince, can either be justified or ex—

Itenuated. If a sovereign expects to meet with fidelity in

pii-Tallies, or obedience in his subjects, he ought to consider

i his own engagements as sacred, and his promises as inviolable.

yliLCondescendin^ to make use of treachery against his adver-

[•saries, he^sets an example which shakes the foundations of his

own authority, and endangers his own .sjafety ; and it is by no

iffieahs improbable, that the nntiiaety^ft»*h "f tin* pontiff' was

f the~consequence 6Tan act of revenge. The same misconduct

which probably shortened his days, has also been injurious to

I; his fame;10 and the certainty, that he on many occasions

resorted to_mdirect and treacherous means To circumvent or

destroj his adversaries, has caused him to^be accused of crimes

I; which are not only unsupported by any positive i'eviflgncerTmf "~

are irPtEe highest degree improbable.11 He has, however,

sufficient to answer for in this respect, without being charged

with conjectural offences.12 Under the plea of freeing the

territory of the church from the dominion of its usurpers, he

became an usurper himself ; and on the pretext of punishing

the guilt of others, was himself guilty of great atrocities. If

the example of the crimes of one could justify those of

another, the world would soon become only a great theatre of

treachery, of rapine, and of blood; and the human race would

excel the brute creation only in the superior talents displayed

in promoting their mutual destruction.

In his ecclesiastical capacity, and as supreme head of the
Christian church, Leo X. has been treated with great free
dom and severity. Even the union of_the temporal and
spiritual power in the same person, has been represented as
totally destfucttve'of the true spirit. aP rvVrojn^ and as pro
ductive ...^f .M^JBxtrenaej3orr_untion of morals. "The eccle-

384 LIFE OF LEO X.

siastical character," says a lively writer, '; ought to have the
ascendancy, and the temporal dignity should be considered
only as the accessary; but the former is almost always ab
sorbed in the latter. To unite them together is to join a
living body to a dead carcase ; a miserable connexion ; in
which the dead serves only to corrupt the living, without
deriving from it any vital influence." * The Lutheran writers
have indeed considered this union of spiritual and temporal
authority as an unequivocal sign of Antichrist ;f yet it may
be observed, that even after the Reformation, the necessity of
a supreme head in matters of religion, was soon acknow
ledged; and as this was too important a trust to be confided
to a separate authority, it has in most protestant countries
been united to the chief temporal power, and has thus formed
that union of church and state, which is considered as so
essentially necessary to the security of both. Hence, if we
avoid the discussion of doctrinal tenets, we shall find, that all
ecclesiastical establishments necessarily approximate towards
each other ; and that the chief difference to an individual is,
merely, whether he may choose to take his religious opinions
on the authority of a pope, or of "a monarch, from a consis-
tory7 or a convocation, from Luther, from Calvin, from
Henry VITL, or from Leo X.

But dismissing these general objections, which at all events
apply rather to the office than to the personal conduct of the
pope, Ave may still admit, that an evident distinction subsists
between a great prince and a great pontiff", and that Leo,
however he might possess the accomplishments of the one,
may have been defective in those of the other. That this
was in fact the case, is expressly asserted, or tacitly admitted,
by writers in other respects of very different opinions. " Leo X.
displayed," says Fra Paolo, " a singular proficiency in polite
literature, wonderful humanity, benevolence, and mildness ;
the greatest liberality, and an extreme inclination to favour
excellent and learned men ; insomuch, that for a long course
of years, no one had sat on the pontifical throne that could in
any degree be compared to him. He would, indeed, have
been a perfect pontiff, if to these accomplishments he had
united some knowledge in matters of religion, and a greater

* Bayle. Diet, in art. Leon. X. t Seckendorf, de Lutheran, i. 5. II.

HIS ECCLESIASTICAL CHARACTER. 385

: inclination to piety, to neither of which he appeared to pay
any great attention." * These animadversions of Fra Paolo
are thus adverted to by his opponent, Pallavicini, who has
entered very i'ully into the consideration of this part of the
^character of Leo X. " It has been asserted by Paolo," saye
this writer, " that Leo was better acquainted with profans
([literature than with that called sacred, and which appertains
jto religion; in which I by no means contradict him. Having
^received from God a most capacious mind and a studious
[disposition, and finding himself, whilst yet almost in his in-
i fancy, placed in the supreme senate of the church, Leo wa&
•j wanting in his duty, by neglecting to cultivate that depart
ment of literature which is not only the most noble but was
|the most becoming his station. This defect was more appa-
(rent, when, being constituted, at thirty-seven years of age, the
jpresident and chief of the Christian religion, he not only con-
Itinued to devote himself to the curiosity of profane studies,
| but even called into the sanctuary of religion itself those who-
twere better acquainted with the fables of Greece and the de-
rlights of poetry than with the history of the church and the
I doctrines of the fathers." * * " Nor will I affirm," says-
the same author, " that he was as much devoted to piety as-
his station required, nor undertake to commend or to excuse
all the conduct of Leo X., because, to pass over that which
exists in suspicion rather than in proof, (as scandal always-
delights to affix her spots on the brightest chai'acters, that their
deformity may be the more apparent,) it is certain that the
attention which he paid to the chase, to amusements, and to
>pompous exhibitions, although it might in part be attributed
to the manners of the age, in part to his high rank, and in
part to his own natural disposition, was no slight imperfection
in one who had attained that eminence among mankind which
requires the utmost degree of perfection. f But whilst the
partisans of the reformers, on the one hand, and the adherents
of the Roman church, on the other, have thus concurred in
depreciating the character and conduct of the pontiff, they
have been guided by very different motives. The former,
'with Luther at their head, have accused him of endeavouring,
by the most rash and violent measures, to enforce that sub-

* Fra Paolo, Couc. di Trent, i. ">. f Pallav. i. ii. 51.

VOL. II. C C

LIFE OF LEO X.

mission which ought at least to have been the result of a cool
and temperate discussion; whilst the latter have represented
him as too indifferent to the progress of the new opinions,
and as having indulged himself in his own pursuits and
amusements whilst he ought to have extirpated, by the most
efficacious methods, the dangerous heresy which at length
defied his utmost exertions. To attempt the vindication of
Leo against these very opposite charges would be superfluous.
In their censure of him, the zealous of both parties are agreed;
but to the more moderate and dispassionate it may appear to
be some justification of his character to observe, that in steer
ing through these tempestuous times, he was himself generally
inclined to adopt a middle course; and that if he did not com
ply with the proposal of the reformers, and submit the ques
tions between Luther and himself to the decision of a third
party, neither did he adopt those violent measures to which
the church has occasionally resorted for the maintenance of
its doctrines, and to which he was incited by some of the per
secuting zealots of the age.13 To countenance the doctrines
of the reformers was incompatible with his station and office;
to have suppressed them by fire and sword, would justly
have stigmatized him as a ferocious bigot; yet either of these
extremes would certainly have procured him from one party,
at least, that approbation which is now refused to him by
both.

Nor has the concurring testimony of Fra Paolo, Pallavi-
cini, and other polemical writers, been uniformly assented to
as a sufficient proof of that gross neglect of sacred literature
imputed to Leo X.14 Of the encouragement afforded by him
to many learned ecclesiastics who devoted themselves to the
study of the sacred writings, several instances have before
been given, to which, if necessary, considerable additions
might yet be made. On this subject we might also appeal
with great confidence to the evidence of a contemporary
writer, who assures us that " Leo X. diligently sought out
those men who had signalized themselves in any department
of knowledge, moral or natural, human or divine; and parti
cularly in that chief science which is called Theology ; that
he rewarded them with honourable stipends, conformed him
self in his conduct to their suggestions, and treated them
with the same kindness and affection that he experienced

HIS ECCLESIASTICAL CHARACTER. 387

{.from them in return." The same author adds, that the most
^celebrated philosophers and professors of the civil law were
falso invited by Leo X. from all parts of Italy and France
Ito Rome; "for the purpose," says he, " of rendering that
•city, which had already obtained the precedency in religion,
I in dignity, and in opulence, not less celebrated as the seat of
| eloquence, of wisdom, and of virtue."*

But perhaps the most decisive proof of the partiality with
I which L_ep regarded real knowledge and useful learning, may
I be found in the particular attention shown by him, on all
I occasions, to the moderate, the candid, and truly learned
i Erasmus.. Between him and the pontiff an epistolary inter-
i course occasionally subsisted, which, notwithstanding the
$ 'opinions of the religious zealots of opposing sects, who have
I condemned the condescension of the one and the commen-
I datory style of the other, confers equal honour on both.
I Before the elevation of Leo to the pontifical chair, they had
i met together at Home, and had formed a friendly intimacy.
I' When the character of Leo, as supreme pontiff, had in some
B degree unfolded itself, and he appeared as the pacificator of
• the Christian world and the promoter of liberal studies,
| Erasmus addressed to him, from London, a long and congra-
Itulatory epistle, which may be considered as a compendium
tof the previous life and conduct of the pontiff. After advert -
ling to the extraordinary circumstances which prepared the
I; way to his elevation, he compares the pontificate of Leo with
Kthat of Julius II., and expatiates at large on the happy effects
I of his measures, when contrasted with the warlike pursuits
I' of his restless predecessor. He then alludes to the recent
I humiliation of Louis XII., and to the ascendancy which Leo
lihad obtained as well over that monarch as over Henry VIII.
li Thence he takes occasion to refer ^o the earnest efforts then
I making by the pontiff for the union of the princes of Chris-
t'tendom against the Turks; without, however, approving of
I violent and sanguinary measures, which he considers as in-
1 consistent with the character and conduct of Christians, who
fl ought to set an example of benevolence, forbearance, and
l| piety, and subdue the world by these virtues rather than by
I fire and sword. But the chief object of his letter is to re-

* Brandolini, Leo, 127.

c c 2

388 LIFE OF LEO X.

quest the favour of the pontiff towards a new and corrected
edition of the works of S. Jerom, which he had then under
taken at the instance of William Warham, archbishop of
Canterbury, and which was soon afterwards published, with
a dedication to that munificent prelate.* To this address,
Leo returned a highly satisfactory reply, in which he reco
gnises his former acquaintance with Erasmus; expresses his
most earnest wishes that the Author of all good, by whose
providence he has himself been placed in so elevated a station,
may enable him to adopt the most efficacious measures for
the restoration of true virtue and piety among mankind; and
assures Erasmus, that he expects with joyful impatience the
volumes of S. Jerom and of the New Testament, which he
had promised to transmit to him.f At the same time, he
wrote to Henry VIII., recommending Erasmus to him in the
warmest terms, 'as deserving not only of his pecuniary bounty,
but of his particular favour and regard.^ The edition of the
New Testament in Greek and Latin, with the corrections
and annotations of Erasmus, made its appearance soon after
wards, accompanied by a dedication to Leo X., to whom
Erasmus also addressed a letter, expressing his grateful ac
knowledgments for the recommendation of him to Henry
VIII., which had been the result of the kindness and favour
able opinion of the pontiff, without his own solicitation. § At
a subsequent period, when this eminent scholar had incurred
the suspicion of being secretly attached to the cause of the
reformers, he again addressed himself to Leo X., as well as
to some of the cardinals of his court, vindicating, in a respect
ful, but manly style, the moderation of his own conduct; at
the same time lamenting that the advocates of the church
had resorted to violence and scurrility for the defence of their
cause, and that the pope had, by the intemperance of others,
been prevented from attending sufficiently to the mild and
liberal suggestions of his own disposition. | In the course of
his correspondence, Erasmus has celebrated the pontiff for
three great benefits bestowed upon mankind — the restoration
of Christian piety, the revival of letters, and the establishment
of peace throughout Christendom.^" The attention paid by

* Erasmi Epist. ii. Ep. 1. Ed. Loud. 1642. t Ib. Ep. 4..
J Ib. Ep. 5. § Ib. Ep. (j. 1| Ib. xiv. Ep. i. '>.

^ Ib. i. Ep. 30.

HIS RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. ( 389

pLeo to the graver studies of theology, jurisprudence, philo-
jsbphy, and medicine, is also admitted by Erasmus, who
tsolicits the pontiff to patronise the study of languages and
[elegant literature, merely that they may be of use in pro-
I'moting the knowledge of those more important subjects to
tiwhich he has already referred.*

Were we to place implicit confidence in the opinions of
many authors who have taken occasion to refer to the cha-
U'acter of Leo X., we must unavoidably suppose him to have
ijbeen one of the most dissolute, irreligious, profane, and
unprincipled of mankind. By one writer we are told, that
Leo led a life little suited to one of the successors of the
apostles, and entirely devoted to voluptuousness;! another
Jias not scrupled to insert the name of this pontiff in a list
i which he has formed of the supposed atheists of the time.:};
John Bale, in his satirical work, entitled The Pageant of
Popes, in which, in his animosity against the church of Rome,
he professes it to be his intention to " give her double accord
ing to her works," has informed us, that when Bembo quoted
\ to Leo X., on some occasion, a passage from one of the evan-
igelists, the pope replied, " It is well known to all ages how
profitable this fable of Christ has been to us;"§ lr> a story,
which it has justly been remarked, has* been repeated by
i three or four hundred different writers, without any authority
: whatsoever except that of the author above referred to.||
.Another anecdote of a similar nature is found in a Swiss
writer; who, as a proof of the impiety and atheism of the
pontiff j relates, that he directed two of the buffoons whom he
: admitted to his table to take upon them the characters of
philosophers, and to discuss the question respecting the
immortality of the soul; when, after having heard the argu
ments on both sides, he gave his decision by observing, that
i " he who had maintained the affirmative of the question, had
given excellent reasons for his opinion, but that the arguments
' of his adversary were very plausible." This story rests only on
| the authority of Luther, who on such an occasion can scarce

* Erasm. Ep. xi. Ep. 0. + Bayle, Diet. Art. Leon. X

I Mosheim, ap. Jortin, Remarks oil Ecclesiast. Hist. v. 500.
§ Bale's Pageant of Popes, 179. Ed. 1574.
j| Bayle, in art. Leon. X.

390 LIFE OF LEO X.

be admitted as a sufficient evidence.* We are told by another
protestant author, that at the time " when Leo was thundering
out his anathemas against Luther, he was not ashamed to
publish a bull in favour of the profane poems of Ariosto;
menacing with excommunication all those who criticised
them or deprived the author of his emolument, "f a circum
stance which has been adduced by innumerable writers, and
even by the dispassionate Bayle,16 as an additional proof of
the impiety of the pontiff and of the disgraceful manner in
which he abused his ecclesiastical authority. But in answer
to this it may be sufficient to observe, that the privilege to
Ariosto was granted long before Luther had signalized himself
by his opposition to the Romish church, and that such privi
lege is in fact nothing more than the usual protection granted
to authors, to secure to them the profits of their works. That
it contains any denunciations against those who censure the
writings of Ariosto, is an assertion wholly groundless; the
clause of excommunication extending only to those who should
surreptitiously print and sell the work without the consent of
the author;17 a clause which is found in all licences of the
same nature, frequently much more strongly expressed, and
which was intended to repress, beyond the limits of the
papal territories, those literary pirates who have at all times
since the invention of printing been ready to convert the
industry of others to their own emolument.

Nor has the moral character of Leo X. wholly escaped these
disgraceful imputations, which affix a stain of all others the
most readily made and the most difficult to expunge. These
accusations are noticed by Jovius, who at the same time
justly asks, whether it was likely, that amidst the abuse and
detraction which then characterized the Roman court, the
best and most blameless prince could have escaped the shafts
of malice? or whether it was probable that they who levelled
these malignant imputations against the pontiff had an oppor
tunity of ascertaining their truth ?J To these remarks he
might safely have trusted the vindication of Leo, without in
decently and absurdly attempting to extenuate the alleged

* Ap. Seek. iii. 676. It is observable, that in the satirical Vie de Catlu
de Medicis, i. 13, this story is related of Clement VII.
f David Bloudel, ap. Bayle. art. Leon. X.
t Jov. in Vita Leon. X. iv. 86.

HIS MORAL CHARACTER. 391

*

•offence of the pontiff, as a matter of slight importance in a
•great prince.18 With respect to the moral conduct of Leo X.
•in private life, the most satisfactory evidence remains, that he

• exhibited, not only in his early years but after his^elevation
Ito the pontificate, an example of' chastity and decorum, the
I more remarkable as it was the more unusual in the age in

• which he lived.19 Nor can it be supposed that so many
writers would, in commending the pontiff for virtues which

the was known or suspected not to possess, have incurred the

• double risk of degrading their own characters in the eye of
•the world, and giving the pontiff reason to suppose that they
Ihad ironically or impertinently alluded to so dangerous a
•subject.

But whilst we reject these unfounded and scandalous irnpu-
Jtations, it must be allowed that _the_ occupations and ja.muse-
Iments in which the pontiff indulged himself were not always
I suited either to the .dignity of his station or to the gravity of
I his own character. " It seems to have been his intention,"
I says one of his biographers, " to pass his time cheerfully, and
f to secure himself against trouble' an d anxiely. by. all the means
I in ~~Kis power. He therefore sought all opportunities of

• ^pleasure and hilarity, and indulged his leisure in amusement,
I jests, and singing; either induced by a natural propensity, or
I from an idea that the avoiding vexation and care might con-
I tribute to lengthen his days."* On some occasions, and par-
I ticularly on the first day of August in every year, he was
I accustomed to invite such of the cardinals as were admitted
1 to his more intimate acquaintance to play cards with him;
f and of this opportunity he always availed himself to display
1 his liberality, by distributing pieces of gold among the crowd

of spectators whom he allowed to be present at these enter
tainments, f In the game of chess^he was a thorough pro-
I ficient, and could conduct its most difficult operations with
I the utmost promptitude and success;:}: but gaining with dice
I he always reproved, as equally inconsistent with prudence
I and injurious to morals. §

His knowledge of music was not only practical, but scientific.
fi He had himself a correct ear and a melodious voice, which

* Vita Leon. X. ab. Anon. t Jovii Vita Leon X. iv. 86.

t Lett, inedit. di Bait, da Pescia. MSS. Flor.
§ Jovii Yita Leon. X. iv. 86.

392 LIFE OF LEO X.

had been cultivated in his youth with great attention. On
the subject of harmony and the principles of musical notation
he delighted to converse, and had a musical instrument in his
chamber, by the assistance of which he. was accustomed to
exemplify and explain his favourite theory.* Nor were the
professors of music less favoured by him than those who ex
celled in other liberal arts. To the cultivation and encou
ragement of this study he was more particularly led, by the
consideration of its essential importance to the due celebration
of the splendid rites of the Romish church, t In the magni
ficence of his preparations, the propriety of his own person
and dress, and the solemnity and decorum of his manner on
these occasions, he greatly excelled all his predecessors.20 In
order to give a more striking effect to these devotional ser
vices, he sought throughout all Europe for the most celebrated
musical performers, both vocal and instrumental, whom he
rewarded with the utmost liberality. As a proof of the high
estimation in which these professors were held by him, he
conferred on Gabriel Merino, a Spaniard, whose chief merit
consisted in the excellence of his voice arid his knowledge of
church music, the archbishopric of Bari.J Another person,
named Francesco Paolosa, he promoted, for similar qualifica
tions, to the rank of an archdeacon ;§ and the pontifical letters
of Bembo exhibit various instances of the particular attention
paid by him to this subject.21

That a mind which, like that of the pontiff, could discrimi
nate all the excellences-0£Jitia-at»re-ftH4 -of -art, could, as we
are told was the fact, also stoop .to jifitfive- its-pleasures from
the lowest species of buffoonery, is a singular circumstance,
but may serve to mark that diversity and range of intellect
which distinguished not only Leo X., but also other individuals
of this extraordinary family.22 To such an extreme was this
propensity carried, that his courtiers and attendants could not
more effectually obtain his favour than by introducing to him
such persons as by their eccentricity, perversity, or imbecility
of mind, were likely to excite .his .mirth.23 On one occasion,
this well known disposition of the pontiff is said to have sub
jected him to an unexpected intrusion. A person having

* Fabron. Vita Leon. X. 200.

+ Matt. Herculan. Encom. Leon. X. ap. Fabron. in adnot. 84.

J Fabron. Vita Leou. X. 205. § Ib. 207.

HIS RELAXATIONS. 393

•raited in vain for several days, in the hope of speaking to him,
Iddressed himself at length to the chamberlain, assuring him
pat he was a great poet, and would astonish the pope by the
post admirable verses he had ever heard; a stratagem which
procured him immediate admission, although to the chagrin
Ind disappointment of the pontiff.24 That Leo could bear a
fast with a good grace, is, however, evinced by another inci-
lent: a person having presented him with some Latin verses
in hopes of a great reward, the pope, instead of gratifying
fiis expectation, repeated to him an equal number of lines
lath the same terminations; whereupon the disappointed poet
ixclaimed :

Si tibi pro numeris numeros fortuna dedisset,
Non esset capiti tanta corona tuo.

Had fortune your verses with verses repaid,
The tiara would ne'er have encircled your head :

Ind the pope, instead of being offended, opened his purse and
•warded him with his usual liberality.*

There is reason to believe that thepleasure which Leo X.
lerived from the sumptuous entertainments .*o frequently
;iven within the precincts of the Roman court, arose not so
much from the gratification of his own appetite, in the indul
gence of which he was very temperate,-'1"1 as from the delight
jvhich he took in ridiculing the insatiable gluttony" of 'his
Companions, f Dishes of ah uncommon kind, or composed of
aiimals not usually considered as food, but so seasoned as to
I .ttract the avidity of his guests, were occasionally introduced,
laid by the discovery of the fraud, gave rise to jocular re-
| crimination, and additional mirth.J It is not, however, im
probable that these accounts have been either invented or
lixaggerated by the fertile imagination of the narrator; and
|t is certain that they are greatly at variance with others,
[vhich are intitled at least to equal credit. The severe rules
)f abstinence which the pope constantly imposed upon him
self, and the attention to his studies, even during his meals,
| vhich has before been noticed, are circumstances not easily to
)e reconciled to the riot and dissipation which he is supposed

!|;o have so indecorously encouraged. To these may be added
•the evidence of a contemporary writer, who appears to have

* Histoire des Papers, iv. 418. Ed. La Hayc, 17'}:}, 4to.
+ Jov. Vita Leon. X. iv. 85. Ibid.

394 LIFE OF LEO X.

been one of his guests, and to have formed an opinion very
different from that of Jovius, as to the conduct of the pontiff
on these occasions. " Such was the attention of Leo X. to
improvement," says this writer, " that he would not allow
even the time of his meals to elapse without some degree of
utility to his guests. Nor could all the splendour of the
table, and the apparatus of the feast, engage our attention, or
prevent our entering into conversation, not indeed on light
and trifling topics, but on the most sacred and interesting
subjects, and such as in their discussion required the greatest
erudition and the most perspicacious mind." *

When Leo occasionally retired from the tumults of the
city to his villa of Malliana, about five miles from Rome, he
dedicated a considerable portion of his time to the amuse
ments of fowling and hunting, in which he engaged with such
earnestness as to disregard all the inclemencies of weather,
and the inconveniences arising from want of accommodation.
To these active exercises he was most probably led to ac
custom himself, from an idea that they were conducive to
his health.20 Having from his youth been devoted to these
sports, he was well skilled in conducting them, and was
highly offended with any of his companions, whatever their
rank might be, who, through ignorance or carelessness, spoiled
the expected diversion.27 An unsuccessful chase seemed to
be one of the heaviest misfortunes; whilst those who were
hunting for the pontifical favour, rather than the beasts of
the field, always found that it was the best time to obtain it
when the exertions of the pontiff had been crowned Avith
success, f Towards the decline of the year, when the heat of
the season began to be mitigated by the rains, he visited the
warm baths of Viterbo, the vicinity of which abounded with
partridges, quails, and pheasants, and where he frequently
took the diversion of hawking. Thence he passed to the
beautiful lake of Bolsena, where he spent his time in fishing '
on the island in the midst of the lake, or at the entrance of
the river Marta. In this neighbourhood he was always
splendidly entertained by the cardinal Alessandro Farnese,
afterwards Paul III., who had erected there superb villas and
palaces, and, by extensive plantations of fruit and forest trees,

* Matt. Herculan. ap. Fabron. in adnot. 83.
+ Jovii, Vita Leon. X. iv. 88.

HIS RELAXATIONS. 395

ornamented and enriched the surrounding country,
fter quitting these confines, he usually pursued his journey
long the Tuscan territories, until lie arrived at the shore of
sea, near Civita Vecchia. Here an entertainment of the
lost acceptable kind was provided for him. In a large plain,
^surrounded with hills, like an amphitheatre, and overspread
[jwith underwood for covert, a great number of wild boars and
[jdeer were collected, and the Roman pontiff, forgetful of both
ichurch and state, enjoyed the pleasures of the chase in their
{highest perfection. From Civita Vecchia he returned about
cthe month of November, by Palo and the forest of Cervetri,
;to Rome, which, however, he soon quitted for his villa at
jMalliana, a place with which he was so delighted, notwith
standing the insalubrity of the air, occasioned by the exhala-
Jtions of the surrounding fens, that it was with difficulty he
; could be prevailed on to return to the city, unless a meeting
i of the consistory, or some important occasion, required his
(presence. His arrival at Malliana was welcomed by the
peasantry with no less joy than the appearance of an abundant
harvest. His bounty was showered down alike on the old
and the young, who surrounded him on the road to present
to him their rustic offerings. But not satisfied with indis
criminate generosity, he frequently entered into •conversation
withthem, inquired into their wants, paid the debts oFTEe"
aged7^unfortunate, or infirm, bestowed marriage portions upon
the damsels, and assisted those who had to provide for a
numerous family; there being, in his opinion, nothing so be
coming a great prince as to alleviate distress, and to send
away every person satisfied and cheerful from his presence.*
After all, however, it must be confessed, that the claims of
Leo JL_ to the applause and gratitude of after times are chiefly
to be sought for in the munificent- fin**WrflfieTnprit afforded by
him to every' department of polite literatim- and of elegant
art. .It is this great clmrucTeristic which, amidst two hundred
and fifty successive pontiffs, who, during the long space of
nearly twenty centuries, have occupied the most eminent sta
tion in the Christian world, has distinguished him above all
the rest, and given him a reputation which, notwithstanding
the diversity of political, religious, and even literary opinions,
has been acknowledged in all civilized countries, and by every

* Jovii, Vita Leon. X. iv. 88, 89.

396 LIFE OF LEO X.

succeeding age.28 It is true, some modern authors have en
deavoured to throw doubts even upon this subject, and have
indirectly questioned, or boldly denied the superiority of his
pretensions as a patron of letters, to those of the other sove*
reigns of the age. " It is well known," says one of these
writers, " what censure attaches to the character of Leo X.
for having favoured and rewarded musicians and poets, in
preference to theologians and professors of the law; whilst
the glory of having revived and promoted the studies of polite
literature, is to be attributed rather to the pontiffs, his pre
decessors, and to his own ancestors, than either to himself
or to his cousin Clement VII."* " I observe," says an
other eminent literary historian, " that these times are gene
rally distinguished as THE AGE OF LEO THE TENTH; but I
cannot perceive why the Italians have agreed to restrict to
the court of this pontiff that literary glory which was com
mon to all Italy." " It is not my intention," adds he, " to
detract a single particle from thej praises due to Leo X. for
the services rendered by him to the cause of literature. I
shall only remark, that the greater part of the Italian princes
of this period might with equal right pretend to the same
honour; so that there is no particular reason for conferring
on Leo the superiority over all the rest."t After the pages
which have been already devoted to enumerate the services
rendered by Leo X. to all liberal studies, by the establish
ment of learned seminaries, by the recovery of the works of
the ancient writers, and the publication of them by means of
the press, by promoting the knowledge of the Greek and
Latin languages, and by the munificent encouragement be
stowed by him on the professors of every branch of science,
of literature, and of art, it would surely be as superfluous to
recapitulate his claims, as it would be unjust to deny his pre
tensions to an eminent degree of positive merit. How far he
was rivalled in his exertions in these commendable pursuits,
by the other princes of his time, is a question which has not
hitherto been particularly discussed. If, however, for this
purpose, we take a general view of the states of Italy, or even
of Europe, and compare the efforts made by their sovereigns
with those of Leo X., we shall find little cause to accede to
the opinion so decisively advanced. In Naples, with the ex-

* Deniua, Revoluzione d' Italia, xxi. 12. neljine.

t Andres, Dell' origine, &c. d'Ogni Leiteratura, i. 380.

1 HIS ENCOURAGEMENT OF LITERATURE AND THE ARTS. 397

)ulsion of the family of Aragon, and the introduction of the
"Spanish government, the literary constellation which had
jhhone so bright at the close of the preceding century, sud-
lenly disappeared, and left that unfortunate and distracted
sountry in almost total darkness. The vicissitudes to which
. he city and territories of Milan had been exposed, and the
j requent change of its sovereigns, had effectually prevented
; hat place from being considered as a safe asylum for either
;he muses or the arts; and even the character of the princes
t )f the house of Sforza, in the time of Leo X., as displayed
i luring the short period in which they held the sovereignty,
; exhibited few proofs of that predilection for literature
oy which some of their ancestors had been distinguished.
I Although the city of Venice was further removed from the
calamities of the time, yet the continental territories of that
state had suffered all the horrors of warfare; and even
;he capital derives more celebrity, in the estimation of the
present day, from its having been fixed upon by Aldo for the
establishment of his press, than from the literary character of
!ts inhabitants. The family of G-onzaga, the sovereigns of
Mantua, have justly been distinguished as eminent patrons of
.earning; but the inferiority of their resources, which were
exhausted by military expeditions, and the narrow limits of
:he theatre of their exertion, prevent their being placed in
any degree of competition with Leo X. On the death of
iGmidubaldo, duke of Urbino, in the year 1508, and the acces-
:Bion of his successor, Francesco Maria della Rovere, that
court changed its character; and after the expulsion of the
duke by Leo X., in the year 1516, the duchy of Urbino may
ibe considered as composing, like the Tuscan state, a part of
the dominions of Leo X. Of all the principalities of Italy,
'Ferrara is the only one that had any pretensions to contend
ivvith the pontifical see in the protection and encouragement
afforded to men of talents, learning, and wit, and the posses
sion of Ariosto alone is an advantage not to be counterbalanced
iby any individual of the Roman court; yet the patronage
'conferred on this great man by the family of Este was so
iscanty as to have supplied him with frequent subjects of
iremonstrance and complaint. As a patron of learning,
Alfonso was greatly inferior to many of his predecessors, and
he was indebted for his glory rather to his military exploits
than to his successful cultivation of the arts of neace. During

398 LIFE OF LEO X.

his avocations or his absence, the encouragement of literature
devolved, with the care of his states, on his duchess Lucrezia,
to whom is to be attributed no small share of the proficiency
made in liberal studies during the times in which she lived.
Nor is there any person of the age who is better entitled to
share with Leo X. in the honours due to the restorers of learn
ing, than the accomplished, but calumniated daughter of
Alexander VI.

Still less pretensions than the Italian potentates have the
other sovereigns of Europe, to participate in or to diminish
the glory of Leo X. The cold and crafty policy of Ferdi
nand of Spain, and the vanity, imbecility, and bigotry, of
the emperor elect, Maximilian, were ill adapted to the pro
motion, or the toleration, of liberal studies; and their youth
ful successor, Charles V., and his rival, Francis I. were too
much engaged in hostilities against each other, to allow them
at this time to afford that encouragement to letters and to
arts, which they manifested at a subsequent period. The
most munificent, as well as the most learned monarch of his
time, was Henry VIII., under whose auspices England
vigorously commenced her career of improvement; but the
unaccountable versatility, and unrelenting cruelty of his dis
position, counteracted in a great degree the effects of his
liberality; and it was not until the more tranquil days of his
daughter Elizabeth that these kingdoms rose to that equality
with the other states of Europe, in the cultivation of science
and of literature, which they have ever since maintained.
_That_jux astonishing proficiency in the improvement of
the human intellect was made during the pontificate of
Leo X. is universally allowed. That .-'iieli proficiency is
principally to be attributed to the exertions of that pontiff,
will now perhaps be thought equally indisputable. Of the
predominating influence of a powerful, an accomplished, or a
fortunate individual on the character and mariners of the age,
the history of mankind furnishes innumerable instances; and
happy is it for the world, when the pursuits of such indi
viduals, instead of being devoted, through blind ambition,
to the subjugation or destruction of the human race, are
directed towai-ds those beneficent and generous ends which,
amidst all his avocations, Leo X. appears to have kept con
tinually in view.

DISSERTATION

401

DISSERTATION

CHARACTER OF LUCRETIA BORGIA.

: IF the Lucretia of ancient history has been considered as the glory
! of her sex, the Lucretia of modern Rome has been alleged as an
• example of its disgrace and its shame. From her own times to the
I present, her depravity is on historical record ; yet many circum-
I stances concur to raise considerable doubts in the mind of an im-
! partial inquirer, whether the horrible accusations under which her
j memory labours be well founded. Amidst the licentiousness that
I characterized the age in which she lived, the most flagrant charges
(acquire a probability which they could not, in another period, obtain ;
I and among the vices of the times, calumny and falsehood have, in

general, been at least as active as the rest.

To the present day, Lucretia is, for the most part, only known as
| the incestuous daughter of Alexander VI., the prostitute, in common,
| of her father and of her two brothers, one of whom is supposed to
I have assassinated the other from jealousy of his superior pretensions
; to her favour. If nothing more had been recorded respecting her
I than the charges of her accusers, we must have submitted to receive
j their information as true, with those doubts only which the abomin-
' able nature of the accusation must always inspire. But Lucretia
; Borgia is known, from other sources of information, to have been a
| woman of great accomplishments, as well of mind as of person, and
i to have passed the chief part of her life, in an eminent station, not
| only without reproach, but with the highest honour and esteem. If
j the Ethiopian cannot change his skin, nor the leopard his spots, how
| are we to conceive it possible that the person who had, during so

many years of her life, been sunk into the lowest depths of guilt and
\ of infamy, could at once emerge to respectability and to virtue ?
VOL. II. D D

402 DISSERTATION ON THE

The history of mankind furnishes no instances of such a rapid
change, and we are therefore naturally led to inquire upon what
evidences such charges have been made ; and as, from their nature,
it can scarcely be supposed that they are capable either of positive
proof or of positive refutation, we must be satisfied to form our
belief according to the best evidence of probability.

That accusations of this nature were brought against Lucretia
early in life, and during the pontificate of her father, there is great
reason to believe. The first traces of them appear in the writings of
the Neapolitan poets, who, being exasperated against Alexander VI.
for the active part which he had taken in the expulsion of the house
of Aragon, placed no limits to their resentment.* These imputations
might, however, scarcely have deserved a serious reply, had they not
received additional credit from the pen of the distinguished historian
GuicciardiniT who informs us that " it was rumoured, that not only
the two brothers, but even the father, were rivals for the love of
Lucretia."f By these rumours, it is probable that he alludes to the
writings of the Neapolitan poets, with whose works, it is to be re
marked, he was well acquainted, as appears from the manner in
which he refers to the small river Sebeto, near Naples, so frequently
the theme of their applause. J

These authorities have been considered as sufficient grounds for
future historians to assert the guilt of Lucretia in the most explicit
terms ; nor have even the writers of the Romish church hesitated to
express their conviction of her criminality in the most unqualified
manner, and the tale of her infamy has accordingly been admitted into
general compilations and biographical dictionaries as undoubted
matter of fact.|| It can, therefore, occasion no surprise, that the pro-
testant authors have frequently expatiated on a subject which, as they
suppose, reflects such disgrace on the Roman see. In the writings of

* Thus Pomano, in an epitaph for Lucretia Borgia, who, however, sur
vived him upwards of twenty years :

" Hie jacet in tumulo, Lucretia nomine, seJ re

Thais. Alexaudri filia, sponsa, nurus."
And Sfina//uro thus addresses her :

" Ergo te semper cupiet, Lucretia, Sextus,

O fatum diri numinis, hie Pater est."

And this snpposed intercourse is also frequently alluded to, in other partft '
of the works of the last mentioned writer.

•f* " Eramedesimameute fama, se pero e degno di credersi tanta euormita,
che neir amor di Madonna Lucretia, concorressino 11011 solamente i duifra-
telli ma eziandio il padre medesimo." — Guicc. iii.

J " The little streamlet of Sebeto, which would have remained perfectly
unknown, had not the verses of the Neapolitan poets celebrated it.

|i Moreri, Diet. Hist. Art. Caesar Borgia, &c.

CHARACTER OF LUCRKTIA BORGIA. 403

Henry Stephens,* of Bale,1! and of Gordon, J this accusation forms a
(conspicuous feature ; nor is it less decisively admitted by the dis-
icriminating Gibbon, in his Antiquities of the House of Brunswick. §
!" In the next generation," says this author, " the house of Este was
isullied by a sanguinary and incestuous race, by the nuptials of
i Alfonso I. with Lucretia, a bastard of Alexander Vl., the Tiberius
jof Christian Rome. This modern Lucretia might have assumed
iwith more propriety the name of Messalina ; since the woman who
jcari be guilty, who can even be accused of a criminal intercourse
iwith a father and two brothers, must be abandoned to all the licen-
jtiousness of venal love."

Such being the evidence on which these charges have been
(generally believed, it may now be proper to state such circumstances
as may throw additional light on the subject. This will, perhaps, be
jmost effectually done by taking a brief review of the principal cir-
iCutnstances in the life of Lucretia, as fur as they can be collected
ifrom the writings of her contemporaries, and by comparing her
.conduct and character as it is represented by those to whom she
was well known, and by whom she was highly respected, with her
.conduct and character as represented by those who have, either
directly or indirectly, countenanced imputations against her of so
! detestable a nature.

Before the elevation of Alexander VI., his daughter Lucretia, not
I being then of marriageable age, had been betrothed to a Spanish
(gentleman ;j| but on his obtaining- the pontificate, he dissolved the
[engagement, apparently with the ambitious view of forming a higher
i connexion. On the twelfth day of June, 1493, being in the first
year of her father's pontificate, she was accordingly married to
i Giovanni Sforza, lord of Pesaro, a grandson of the brother of the
••great Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan.^f With him she resided till
Ithe year 1497, when some dissensions having arisen between her and
.her husband, she quitted him, and the pope afterwards dissolved the
marriage, " not being able," as Guicciardini asserts, " to bear even
a husband as a rival, and having proved, by suborned evidence, be
fore judges delegated by himself, that Giovanni was impotent."**
This separaticM gave rise to a disagreement between the pope and
j Sforza, in consequence of which the latter was in danger of being
j deprived of his dominions, which he preserved only by resorting to
ithe Venetians for assistance."}"!

* Apologie pour Herodote. 1. 559. 1G():>. f Pageant of popes, 17:]. 1574.
I Life of Alex. VI. and his son Caesar Borgia, 271, &c.
§ In the second vol. of his Posthumous Works, 080.
|l Nardi Hist. Fior. iv.

If " The marriage was celebrated with great pomp in the pontifical palace
i on 12th June, 149;!."

** Guicciard. iii. -It Murat. ix. 590.

D D 2

404 DISSERTATION ON THE

If the reason given by Guicciardini for the interference of the
pope on this occasion be the true one, lie soon changed his mind,
having shortly after entered into a treaty for a marriage between his
daughter and Alfonso, duke of Bisaglia, a natural son of Alfonso II.,
king of Naples.* This marriage was celebrated in the year 1498,
and the pope conferred on his daughter the perpetual government of
the duchy of Spoleto, and invested her with the territory of Ser-
moneta, of which he had shortly before deprived the family of
Gaetani.f The offspring of this marriage was a son, who was born
in the month of October, 1499, and named after the pontiff, Ro-
derigo.J The attention paid by Alexander to the education of this
child, has been considered as a presumptive proof that he stood re
lated to him in a still nearer character than that which he avowed ;§
but when it is recollected that this son was the future hope of an
ambitious and aspiring family, and, detached from all criminality,
was allied to the pontiff by the near claims of consanguinity, there
seems no need to resort to other motives to explain the conduct of
Alexander on this occasion. From the explicit evidence of Burchard,
who appears to have intruded himself into the most secret trans
actions of the apostolic palace, we may exonerate the pontiff and his
daughter from this heinous charge, and allow that there are good
grounds to admit that Alfonso of Aragon was the father of the
child. ||

The unfortunate husband did not long survive this event. In the
month of June, 1500, he was attacked, on the steps before the great
door of the church of S. Pietro, by a band of assassins, by whom he
was dangerously wounded. That the perpetrators of this crime were
persons of rank, may be conjectured from their having been escorted
out of the streets of Rome by a body of forty horsemen, who protected '
them in their flight.^]" Alfonso, yet living, was conveyed into a cham
ber in the apostolic palace, where he struggled with the consequences
of his wounds upwards of two months, and, as Burchard asserts, was
then strangled in his bed. The physicians who had attended him,
and a person who had waited on him during his confinement, were
apprehended and examined, but were soon afterwards liberated.**
The death of Alfonso, like that of the duke of Gandia, has been
attributed to Caesar Borgia, but with no other evidence than that
which arises from presumptions, founded on the general atrocity of
his character, and his supposed criminal attachment to his sister; to
which it has been added, that the new connexions which he had

* Burchtml, Diui1. up. Gordon. + Muratori, ix. C01.

J Burch. Diur. ap. Gordon. § Gordon's Life of Alexander VI. 271.
|| " Oontrnxit deiiide post ]>iuicos dies matrimonium per verba de present!
cum ipsn Lncretia; illndqtie carnall copulatione consummavit," — Diar.

J-'Ufcii. :iii. Gordon.

«•; Bnreh. T'ii'.r. r.p, Gordon. ** Ibid.

CHARACTER OF LUCRETIA BORGIA. 405

formed with Lewis XII. operated as an inducement with him to
[terminate his alliance with a family which he had already devoted
to destruction.*

A few days after the death of Alfonso, his widow, who had never
been accused of having had any share in this horrid transaction, re
tired for some time to Nepi, for the purpose of indulging her grief, f
On her return to Home, she was intrusted, during the absence of
the pope, with the management of public aft'airs, for which purpose
she was empowered to open all letters addressed to the pontiff, and
directed, in cases of difficulty, to consult with some of the cardinals
in the confidence of the pope. We may agree with Muratori, that
this mode of government conferred but little honour on the pontiff,];
but we can scarcely admit it as a proof, as some have been willing to
assume, of an incestuous intercourse between the father and the
daughter.§ To a short time subsequent to this period, we may,
however, refer those abominable scenes of lewdness which are said
to have been transacted within the precincts of the apostolic palace,
and which, however incredible, are recorded by Burchard, not only
without a comment, but with as much indifference as if they were
only the usual occurrences of the day.| But it is highly important
to our present subject to observe, that throughout the whole narra
tive of this loquacious master of the papal ceremonies, who seems
on no occasion to have concealed what might disgrace either his
superiors or himself, there appears not the most distant insinuation

* Guicciardini expressly asserts, that the husband of Lucretia, whom he
calls Gismondo, was assassinated by Cossar Borgia, " il quale era stnto am-
mazzato dal Duca Valentino," and Muratori informs us, that Alfonso was
[first wounded, and afterwards poisoned, and that Caesar Borgia was supposed
to be the perpetrator of the crime; to which he was instigated by his attach
ment to the French, and his aversion to the family of Aragan. — Annali
d' Italia, ix. GOO.

+ Birch. Diar. ap. Gordon.

I " Questa maniera di Governo, se i'acesse onore al Papa, poco ci vuole
:per conoscerlo." — Murat. Aimal. x. 7.

§ Gordon's Life of Alexander VI. 173, &c.

|| " Dominica ultima mensis Octobris in sero fecerunt csenam cum Duce
Valentinensi hi camera sua in Palatio Apostolico, quiiiqmiginta Meretrices
honestse, Cortegianae uuncupatse, quos post caenam chorearunt, cum servi-
,toribus et aliis ibidini existeutibus, primo in vestibus suis, delude nudse.
•Post caenam posita fuerunt candelabra communia menses cum candelis
ardentibus, et prqjectae ante candelabra per terram castaneae, quas meretrices
ipsae, super manibus et pedibus nudce, candelabra pertranseuntes collige-
bant; Papa, Duce, et Lucretia sorore sua, praesentibus et aspicientibus.
Tandem exposita dona ultima, diploides de serico, paria caligarum, bireta et
alia, pro illis qui plures dictas meretrices carnaliter agnoscerunt, quoe fuerunt
ibidem in aulu publice carnaliter tractatae, arbitrio praesentium, et dona dis-
tributa victoribHS." — Burch. Diar. ap. Gord.

406 DISSERTATION ON THE

of that criminal intimacy between Alexander and his daughter, or
between her and her brothers, which, if he had known or suspected
it to have existed, it is not likely, from the tenour of other parts of
his narrative, that he would have been inclined wholly to conceal.

However this may be, the pope, who never for a moment lost
sight of the aggrandizement of his family, in the latter part of the
year 1501, entered into a negotiation for uniting Lmcretia in mar
riage to Alfonso of Este, the son of Ercole, duke of Ferrara. This
connexion was highly flattering to the house of Borgia, as well from
the elevated rank of the husband, who was expected shortly to take
a respectable station among the sovereigns of Italy, as from his per
sonal character, which had already given rise to expectations that
his future conduct abundantly confirmed.* In accounting for an
union which has in later times been considered as degrading to the
family of Este, some have been inclined to attribute it to the advan
tageous proposals made by the pope, who, besides an immense sum
which he expended in jewels and apparel, gave to his daughter on
her marriage one hundred thousand gold crowns, and accompanied
them with the grant of the territories of Cento and Pieve ; whilst
others have conjectured, that the princes of Este were rather terri
fied than allured to such a measure, by their apprehensions from the
ambition, rapacity, or resentment of the family of Borgia, t The
marriage ceremony was performed at Rome on the nineteenth day
of December, 1501, with circumstances of uncommon magnificence,
which are related by Burchard with great minuteness. Her journey
thence to Ferrara, and her splendid entry into that city, on the
second day of February, 1502, are dwelt upon at great length by
contemporary writers, whose narratives exhibit a curious picture of
the manners of the age.J

At this period of the life of Lucretia, when she was finally re
moved from the Roman court to the city of Ferrara, which became
her residence during the remainder of her life, some ^reflections
occur on her past conduct. That the daughter of Alexander VI.,
young, beautiful, and accomplished, educated in the midst of a

* " A noble prince," says Muratori, " who in talent aiid worth had few
equals in his time. ' — Aunali, x. 262.

+ Nardi, Hist. Fior. 75.

" The marriage articles were signed," says Mr. Gibbon (Antiq. of Bruns
wick, in Postli. Works, ii. 689.) " and as the bed of Lucretia was not then
vacant, her third husband, a royal bastard of Naples, was first stabbed, and
afterwards strangled in the Vatican." This is not founded on historical
fact, nor, as far as I know, asserted by any other writer ; the treaty for the
marriage with Alfonso of Este not having taken place till upwards of twelre
months after the death of her former husband.

\ See Beeerittione della nozza di Lucretia figliuola di Alessandro VI. ed
Alfonso d'Este, inter Muratori, Rerum Ital. Scrip, xxvii. 398.

CHARACTER OF LUCRETIA BORGIA. 407

luxurious city and a profligate court, might, on all occasions, have
escaped the general contagion, will not perhaps be readily believed ;
but with respect to the incestuous intercourse, of which she has been
so generally accused, the circumstances of her life and conduct
afford no evidence ; on the contrary, the anxiety of her father to
avail himself of the first opportunity of uniting her to another hus
band, must be considered as a strong indication that his own
attachment to her was not of the criminal nature before referred to.
Were it also to be granted, that the family of Este was induced to
accede to this marriage by the allurements and persuasions, or was
terrified into it by the dread of the vengeance of the pontiff, it must
still require a considerable portion of credulity to believe that either
Ercole, duke of Ferrara, or Alfonso his son, who were distinguished
by their virtues and their talents, both civil and military, beyond
any of the sovereigns of the time, would have submitted to have per
petuated their race through the contaminated blood of a known and
incestuous prostitute.

The arrival of Lucretia at Ferrara gave a new impulse to those
studies and literary amusements by which that place had been so
long distinguished. Among the many men conspicuous by their
talents and their learning, who at this time frequented the court,
was the celebrated Pietro Bembo. He had accompanied his father,
who had visited that city in a respectable public character, and the
attractions which he had met with in the literary society of the
place, had induced him to prolong his residence there. The reputa
tion which Bembo had already obtained by his writings, and perhaps
his personal address and accomplishments, early introduced him to
the notice of the duchess, who received him with that freedom and
affability for which the Italian courts were then remarkable. At
this time Bembo was about thirty years of age, and it appears from
his letters, that he had twice been the slave of an amorous but un
successful passion. The extraordinary beauty, the various endow
ments, the vivacity and condescension of the duchess, were attrac-'
tions too powerful for him to resist, and there is reason to believe,
that Lucretia Borgia was destined to complete that amorous servitude
of three lustres, or fifteen years, of which he frequently complains.
The epistolary correspondence of Bembo contains several letters
addressed to the duchess of Ferrara, to which she frequently replied.*

* In the Ambrosian library, at Milan, a manuscript is said to exist, which
contains nine letters, in the hand-writing of Lucretia, seven of which are in
Italian, and two hi Spanish ; and at the close, a copy of verses, also in
Spanish, all of which are addressed to Bembo. These letters appear to
have been folded in the form of billets, and are superscribed, Al mio caris-
timo M. Pietro Bembo. The writer denominates herself Lucretia Estcnse
da Borgia, and the seals of the arms of Este and Borgia are appended to
them. At the close of the volume is a canzone in Spanish, of the compo-

40£ DISSERTATION ON THE

But although it might be presumed from her letters, that she was not
wholly insensible to the passion of her admirer, by whose attentions
it is probable she was highly flattered, yet it must be observed, that
Mazzuchelli, one of the most judicious critics that Italy has pro
duced, considers this attachment as having been regulated by senti
ments of propriety and honour ;* nor is it indeed likely, that a
friendly epistolary intercourse would have been continued for so
long a time after the termination of a connexion, which could never
have been recollected by either of the parties without sentiments of
compunction and of shame. In the letters of Bembo to the duchess
of Ferrara, which extend from the year 1503, to the year 1516, he
at some times communicates to her his own sorrows, and at others,
congratulates her on the birth of her children ; but the warmth of
the lover, if it ever existed, soon gave place to the respect of a friend,
and the introduction of frequent apologies for his neglect, or omis
sions, clearly indicates that he had long relinquished that character,
which on their first acquaintance he appears to have been willing to
assume.

The attachment of Bernbo to Lucretia Borgia, was not, however,
so cautiously concealed, as to have escaped the notice of his friends,
the two Strozzi, with whom he lived at Ferrara on terms of the
utmost intimacy, and at whose villa, in the vicinity of that city, he
passed a considerable portion of his time. Tito, the father, has re
corded this passion in an enigmatical epigram, which it is not now
difficult to explain,f and Ercole, the son, in confiding to Bembo his
own amours, adjures him to conceal them with the same secrecy,
with which he has himself preserved those intrusted to him by the
confidence of his friend, j

sition and band-writing of Bembo, and in a folding of white vellum, tied
with four ribands, is a lock of light- coloured hair, such as Bembo has fre
quently described in his poems, and which, by constant tradition, has been
Relieved to be that of Lncretia Borgia. From the description of this singular
relic, it decidedly appears, that this book formerly belonged to Bernbo, who
has minuted with his own hand, the dates of the letters, and had probably
inserted them in this volume, as a memorial of what he considered as the
most elevated and honourable attachment of his early years. — Dissertazione
del Dott. Baldassare Oltrocchi sopra i primi amori di Pietro Bembo. Ba-
colta d'opuscoli di Calogera. iv. ].
* Mazzuch. in Art. Lucretia Borgia.

+ " Si mutetur in X.C. tertia nominis hujus

Litera, Ltix fiet, quod modo Luc fuerat
Rctia subsequitur, cui tu htcc subjunge, paratque ;

Sic scribens, Lux hac rctia, Bembe, parat."

J " At tu, Bembe, ineos quern nou celare calores

Debueram, tauti semina disce mali.
Fas uni tibi nosse, decem quse me usserit aiinos,
Quaeque meo jussit corde latere faces.

CHARACTER OP LUCRETIA BORGIA. 409

From this period, the conduct of Lucretia Borgia, during the
•emainder of her life, being an interval of upwards of twenty years,
• was not only without reproach, but in the highest degree com-
'•nendable and exemplary. Amidst the disturbances which agitated
[taly, and which frequently threatened Ferrara with destruction,
i j(he was intrusted by the duke, during those warlike expeditions in
hivhich he so eminently distinguished himself, with the government
if the state ; in which she conducted herself so as to obtain not only
:he approbation of her husband, but the respect and affection of his
subjects. By Alfonso she was the mother of three sons, the eldest
)f whom succeeded to the government of the state of Ferrara, by
;he name of Ercole II.* Towards the close of her life, she became
severely rigid in her religious duties, and devoted herself to works
)f benevolence and piety. From the official letters of Leo X., it
appears, that she had applied to that pontiff, soon after his elevation,
"or his spiritual advice and consolation, which he conceded to her in
:he fullest terms, with high commendations of her exemplary life.f
It is true, that long after she had established a character beyond all
just reproach, and when her father was no more, and her brother
was driven from Italy, the voice of calumny did not fail to pursue
;her amidst the splendour of a court ; and in the vindictive lines of
iSanazzaro, Lucretia is the heifer that wanders disconsolate on the
banks of the Po, lamenting the loss of her mate, j But the motives
:of these accusations have already been explained, and even if Sanaz-
xaro had been more impartial, the distance of his residence from

Hane tamen obtc.stor, ne te sciat indice quisquam ;

Graia tibi servet sic Tefessilla fidem.
Sic mihi, quae dixti, cunctos celentur in annos ;

Nullaque non felix sic eat hora tibi."

Strozz. fil. Amor. 7'2.

I * '• Alfonso I.," says Mr. Gibbon, " believed himself to be the father of
itbree sons. The eldest, his successor, Hercules II., expiated this maternal
'stain by a nobler choice, and his fidelity was rewarded by mingling the blood
iOf Este with that of France." — Antiq. of the House of Brunswick, in Post.
.Works, ii. 089. The doubt which Mr. Gibbon has implied respecting the
legitimacy of the eldest sou, involves the historian in some degree of iiicon-
jsistency. For, if Hercules was not in fact the offspring of Alfonso, how can
lie be said to have mingled the blood of Este with that of France '.'

t See Bembi Ep. nom. Leon. X. iv. Ep. 3.

| " .Tuvenca, solos quce relicta ad aggeres
Padi sonantis, lieu nialum sororibtis
Omen, dolentes inter orba populos
Te te requirit, te reflagitaus sunm
Implet querelis nemus ; et usque mugiens
Modo hue, modo illuc furit, amore perdita."

Saunaz. i. Epigr. 15.

410 DISSERTATION ON THE

Rome would prevent his being considered on such an occasion as an
authentic evidence.

But although the charges against Lucretia Borgia appear to be
wholly unsupported, either by proof or probability, it would be
unjust to her talents and her character to close the present inquiry
without adducing some of those numerous testimonies in her favour
with which the writings of the most celebrated scholars of the age
so frequently abound. In this we need not rely on the applauses
bestowed on her by Ercole Strozzi, or Antonio Tebaldeo, who may
be considered as the poets-laureate of Ferrara, the former of whom
has in particular availed himself of every opportunity of resounding
her praise.* Still less must we found our decision on the various
poems, both in the Latin and Italian tongue, which Bembo has con
secrated to her honour, because he may not be considered as an
impartial judge. Yet we cannot pass unnoticed the letter, in which
he inscribes to her his romance of the Asolani, which he completed
and published at her request, and in which he addresses her, " As a
princess who was more desirous of ornamenting her mind with ex
cellent endowments, than her person with the decorations of dress.
Applying all her leisure hours to reading or composition : " to the
end," says he, " that you may surpass other women, as much in the
charms of your understanding as you already do in those of external
beauty, and may be better satisfied with your own applause than with
that, however infinite, of the rest of the world."

The historians of Ferrara, so far from supposing that the family
of Este was degraded by their union with Lucretia Borgia, mention
her with the highest praise. Giraldi denominates her " a woman of
uncommon excellence ;"f and Sardi, " a most beautiful and amiable

* Several of the principal poems of Ercole Strozzi, as bis I'eitatio and
Gigaiitomachia, are inscribed to Lucretia, whom he also thus addresses at.
the close of one of his elegies, in which he relinquishes all further inter
ference in public affairs.

" Teque meum veneror, Coelestis Borgia, Sydus,

Qua nullum Hesperio purius orbe micat.
Tu mi hi carmen eria, tu lucida callis ad astra,

Qua niveas ariimas lacteus orbis liabet ;
Adsertae superis, Juno, Pallasquc, Venusque,

Juno opibus, Pallas moribus, ore Venus.
Regna tibi meliora, animique nitentior ardor,

Plusque tua iguiferi forma vigoris liabet.
Quis neget his coalum meritis ? tua miminaquoiidani

Neilus, et extrema Baetis houore colent.
Templa tibi statuent, nee votis templa carebunt.
At nostrum, inter tot grandia, majus erit."

Strozz. fil. E'.eg. ad Divam Lucretiara Borgian

Ferrariae Ducem, Strozzi, op. 53.
•f " Karissima Donna." — Girald. Comment, delle cose di Ferrara. 181.

CHARACTER OF LUCRETIA BORGIA. 411

Irincess, adorned with every virtue.''* Yet more honourable is the
•raise of Libanori ; who describes her as " a most beautiful and
•irtuous princess, endowed with every estimable quality of the mind,
Ind with the highest polish of understanding ; esteemed as the
lelight of the time and the treasure of the age."| Caviceo, in the
liiear 1508, dedicated to her his work, entitled 11 Peregrino ; and
•dverting to the celebrated Isabella of Este, daughter of Ercole I.,
Ijluke of Ferrara, and wife of Francesco Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua,
tie conceives that he has given her sufficient praise, in asserting that
one approaches next in excellence to Lucretia Borgia. \ If the most
Htemote idea had been entertained that Lucretia had been the detest-
j[ble character which the Neapolitan poets have represented, is it to
[•lie conceived that this author would have introduced one of the first
women in Italy, in point of rank, character, and accomplishments, as
rnly second to her in merit ?

I The marriage of Lucretia with Alfonso of Este was celebrated
'In a Latin epithalamium by Ariosto ; but this may be considered as
j me of those complimentary tributes which a youthful poet would
j pe proud to pay to his prince. If, however, the moral character of
he bride had been so notoriously disgraceful as to render her an
jibject of abhorrence, it is scarcely to be supposed that Ariosto would
jiave had the effrontery or the absurdity to represent her as " rival
ing, in the decorum of her manners as well as in the beauty of her
iterson, all that former times could boast."§ The same author has,
jiowever, on a subsequent occasion given a more decisive testimony
;if his approbation. In the forty-second book of his" immortal poem,
lie has raised a temple of female excellence, the splendid niches of
tvhich are occupied by women of the greatest merit and chief dis-
inction in Italy ; and among these, Lucretia Borgia assumes the
irst and most conspicuous station. It is remarkable, that in the
!ines devoted to her praise on this occasion, the poet asserts that
('Rome ought to prefer the modern Lucretia to the Lucretia of an-
iiquity, as well in modesty as in beauty ;" a comparison which, if the
nspersions under which she has laboured had obtained the slightest
Credit, could only have been considered as the severest satire. Each

j * " Donna bellissima, gentile, ed ornata d'ogni virtu." — Sardi, Historic
(Ferrarese, x. 198.

t Mazzuchelli, v. 1751.

J " Accede alia tua eccellentia quello lume cue extinguere non si puo, di
jiidla vera mortale Dea, Elizabetta Estense di Gonzaga principessa Man-
: uana, alia quale le Muse fanuo riverentia." — Caviceo, ap. Quadrio Storia
si' ogui Poesia, vii. 70.

clan soboles Lucretia Borgiae,

PulcL.ro ore, et pulchris eequautem nioribus aut quas
Verax fama refert, aut quas sibi fabula finxit."

Ariost. Epithol, ap. Cam. illust. Poet. Ital. i. -344.

412 DISSERTATION ON THE

of his heroines are attended by two of the most distinguished poets
of Italy, as heralds of their fame ; those assigned to Lucretia Borgia,
are Ercole Strozzi and Antonio Tebaldeo.*

These commendatory testimonies might be increased to a con
siderable extent from the works, both in prose and verse, which have
been inscribed to her by those authors to whom she afforded en
couragement and protection ;f but in addition to those already
adduced, it may be sufficient to cite the grave and unimpeachable
testimony of one who, from the respectability of his character, can
not be suspected of flattery, and who indeed cannot be supposed to
have had any other motives for his commendation than such as he

* " La prhna inscrittion cli' agli ocelli occorre,
Con lungo onor Lucretia Borgia, noma;
La cui bellez/a, e onesta, preporre
Deve a I'autica la sua patria Roma.
I duo che voluto hail s'jpra se torre
Tanto eccellente etl onorata soma,
Noma lo scritto, Antonio Tebaldeo,
Ercole titrozza ; unLiuo, ed uno Orfeo." — Can. 45. St. 83.

+ Antonio Cornazzano, addressed to her his Life of the Virgin, and Life
of Christ, both in terza rima, (Tirab. vi.par. ii. 101.) and Giorgio Hobusto,
of Alexandria, his poems, printed at Milan, about the year ] 500. (Quadrio,
viii. 65.) To these 1 shall only add another testimony. Father Francesco
Antonio Zaccharia, on examining the Jesuits' library of S. Fedele, at Milan,
found a manuscript volume of poetry, the author of which, as appears by the
dedication, was Luca Valenziano, of Tortona. Zaccharia imagined that these
poems were unpublished, but there is extant a rare edition of them printed
at Venice, by Bernardino de' Vitali, in 1532, 8vo, under the title of Opere
volgari di M. Luca Valenziano, Dertonese, ad istanza di Federigo di Ger- •
vasio, Napolltano. The poems in question have great merit, particularly for
their pathetic simplicity ; and are dedicated in the manuscript copy, but not i)i
the printed work, to Lucretia Borgia, in the following Latin verses :

Ad JDivam Lucretiam Borgiam Estenscm ;

Lucas Valentiantis, Dertonensis.
" Quae tibi pauca damns, tali, Lucretia, front e

Suscipe mine, quali grandia dona soles.
Haec ego dnm canerem lacrymis rorantia, dixi ;

Praesideos uostrse, Borgia diva, lyrae.
O tecum Alphonsus duri post prselin Martis,

Otia Musarum quaerere tuta velit.
Sic Caesar, sic Hex Macedum, sic ille solebat,

Africa cui nomen, victa parente, dedit.
Hunc lege ; perlectum longo ditabis honore ;
Tutus et a rabido dente libellus erit."

Raccolta d' Opuscoli di Calogera, xliv.

That Lucretia wrote Italian poetry is believed by Crescimbeni, who inform

ns that he had been assured by a person deserving of credit, and who wa

CHARACTER OF LUCRETIA BORGIA. 413

ias himself assigned : the favour and assistance which he afforded
,o every meritorious undertaking, and to every useful art.

The person referred to, is the celebrated printer, Aldo Manuzio.
From the tenour of his address to her, prefixed to his edition of the
jvorks of Tito and Ercole Strozzi, it appears that she had offered
lot only to assist him in the establishment of his great undertaking,
put also to defray the whole expense attending it. If the sentiments
,vhich he attributes to her, were in fact expressed by her, of which
.here appears no reason to doubt, they sufficiently mark a great and
t virtuous mind. "Your chief desire," says he, "as you have your-
,elf so nobly asserted, is to stand approved of God, and to be useful,
:iot only to the present age, but to future times ; so that when you
mit this life, you may leave behind you a monument that you have
lot lived in vain." He then proceeds to celebrate, in the warmest
:erms of approbation, her piety, her liberality, her justice, and her
iffability. If Lucretia was guilty of the crimes of which she stands
iccused, the prostitution of her panegyrists is greater than her own ;
mt of such a degradation several of the authors before cited were
ncapable ; and we may therefore be allowed to conclude that it is
scarcely possible, consistently with the known laws of moral cha-
•acter, that the flagitious and abominable Lucretia Borgia and the
•espectable and honoured duchess of Ferrara could be united in the
>ame person.

•veil acquainted with the early literature of Italy, tliat lie had seen, in a col-
ection of poems of the sixteenth century, several pieces attributed to her, bur,
ihat notwithstanding all the researches made, both at Home and at Florence.
10 traces of them could now be discovered. The aunotator on Crescimbeni
s. however, of opinion, that if this had been the case, her works would have
heen noticed by Bembo in the many letters addressed to her, or by Aldo, in
'iis preface to the works of the two Strozzi. " She was, however," adds he,
!' a great patroness of literature, and by her means the court of Ferrara
abounded with men distinguished even iu foreign countries ; among whom
,vas the before-mentioned Bembo." Mazzuchelli has, however, cited one of
he letters of Bembo ; from which it appears that she addressed some verses
o him; but whether they were in Italian or Spanish, which latter language
•he frequently adopted in her poetical compositions, he has not ventured to
lecide. It may, however, be presumed, from the following lines in one of the
elegant Latin poems addressed to her by Bembo, that she wrote Italian
joetry, and it is not, therefore, without sufficient reason that both Mazzu-
•helli and Qiuulrio have enumerated her among the writers of Italy.

" Te tamen in studio, et doctas traducis in artes,
Nee sinis ingenium splendita forma premat.
Rive refers lingua modulatum carmen Hetrusca,

Crederis Hetrusca nata puella solo ;
Sen calamo condis numeros et carmina sumto
Ilia uovem possunt scripta decere Deas," &c.

Ail Luoretiam Borgiam, in Bemb. op. iv. 845.

414

NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

CHAPTER XIII.

NOTE 1, (p. 2.) — The pretensions of Louis XII. to the ducliy of Milan,
when he was yet merely duke of Orleans, were founded upon the rights of
his grandmother, Valentina, only sister of the last duke of the Visconti
family. — B.

NOTE 2, (p. 2.) — There was also a further limitation to Francis, in case
the two princesses died without children. The grant is preserved in Du
Mont, Corps DiploTimtique, iv. i. 177.

NOTE 3, (p. 2.) — This act is given by Liinig, Codex Italine Diploma-
ticus, i. 522 ; also by Du Mont, Corps Diplomat, iv. i. 211.

NOTE 4, (p. 3.) — The author of the Ligiie de Cambray informs us, that
by this treaty the French monarch undertook to assist the archduke in re
covering the dominions of his maternal ancestors, on the death of his grand
father, the king of Aragon ; in return for which the archduke agreed not
to oppose the king in his attempt on Milan. — Ligue de Cambr. ii. -'i97. It
would have been very indecorous, and, indeed, very impolitic, in Charles to
have introduced a clause of this nature, which/would have had a direct ten
dency to throw doubts upon his title to his hereditaiy dominions in Spain ;
nor are any such specific stipulations contained in the treaty, which is
couched only in general terms. — Du Mont, Corps Diplomat, iv. i. 199.

NOTE 5, (p. 3.) — Du Mont, Corps Diplomat, iv. i. 204. Rymer, Foedera,
vii. i. 98. The great attention paid by the pope to Henry VIII. at this period
sufficiently appears by a letter from him to that monarch, respecting the
appointment of the archbishop of St. Andrews to the office of pontifical
legate, in which he assures the king that he esteems him before all the
sovereigns of the time, and is ready to do all in his power for his gratification.

NOTE 0, (p. ">.) — Leo had written to Francis I. soon after his succession,
congratulating him on that event, and assuring him of his perfect confi
dence in his good intentions towards the holy see ; at the same time request
ing him to confer on the cardinal Giulio de' Medici the archbishopric ol
Narbonne, with which the king complied.

NOTE 7, (p. 7.) — Latino .Tuvenale, one of the secretaries of Leo X., anc
frequently employed by him as an envoy to foreign states.

NOTE 8, (p. 7.) — Francesco Cibo, Lorenzo de' Medici, and his mother
Alfonsina Orsino.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIII. 415

' NOTE 0, (p. 8.) — By the person who wished to be related to Leonardo,
probably meant the emperor elect, Maximilian, and by Leonardo, certainly
magnificent Giuliano, to whom the letter is addressed.

NOTE 10, (p. 8.) — From this, it is to be understood, that the king of
pain and the emperor were willing that the pope should retain the pos-
isions which he held in Lombardy.

NOTE 11, (p. 8.) — Undoubtedly the duchy of Urbiuo, where Giuliano
passed a great portion of his time during his exile.

NOTE 12, (p. 8.) — This seems intended to discover the sentiments of
iuliano respecting the attempt upon Urbino, of which, from principles of
ustice and gratitude, he always disapproved.

NOTE 13, (p. 8.) — The Spanish ambassador, who probably bore some
semblance in his person to the count Ercole Ilangone, a nobleman of the
.rt of Leo. X.

NOTE 14, (p. 8.) — Alluding, in all probability, to the duchy of Ferrara
.d its dependent states.

NOTE 15, (p. 0.) — The mother of Francis I., and sister to the wife of
iuliano de' Medici.

NOTE 16, (p. 9.) — These passages afford a presumptive proof that the
ipe had not, at this time, determined to enter into the league against
ancis I.

NOTE 17, (p. 9.) — It is not improbable that the attachment of the widow
f Louis XII. to the duke of Suffolk, and the sudden celebration of their
iage, terminated a negotiation which might have had such important
•nsequences to these kingdoms and to Europe.

NOTE 18, (p. 12.) — Leo, in one of his letters, thus addresses Fregoso and
.e magistrates of Genoa: " I have arranged with the magistrates of Flo
rence and with Lorenzo de' Medici, my nephew, to send the horse they
have now at Pisa to your assistance, and to be altogether at your disposal.
If you need further aid, all the rest of the Florentine force and my own
troops shall be dispatched with all speed to support you in the maintenance
of your official power." — Fabr. in Vita Leon X. 8K.

NOTE 19, (p. 14.) — But according to the enumeration of Guicciardini,
the forces of Francis I. amounted to upwards of fifty thousand men. — Hist,
d'ltal. xii.

NOTE 20, (p. 15.) — Leoni, in his Life of Fr. -Maria, Duke d'Urbiuo,
107, states the forces of Lorenzo at eight hundred men at arms, as many
light horse, and seven thousand infantry.

NOTE 21, (p. 17.) — There are many interesting details of this expedi
tion, in a curious work entitled " Voyage ct Conqitete du Duche de Milan,
en 1515, par Francois I. Rcdige en verset en prose par Pasqitier le Maine,
dit Ic Maine sansfroc, Portier ordinaire du Roi. Paris, 1520." — Histoirc
Litteraire de la Ville de Leon, par le Perc de Colonne, 490. — B.

NOTE 22, (p. 20.) — It would seem, from Mr. Roscoe's account, that
the summons to surrender did not take place until after Francis had occu
pied I'avisi, but de la Tremouille and Trivulzio had sent messengers from

416 NOTES TO CHAPTER XIII.

Alessandrea to the authorities at Milan, offering to forgive the past, and to
take the city into favour, on condition of its returning at once to its obe
dience to the king, but threatening the utmost rigours in case of further
resistance. — B.

NOTE 23, (p. 25.) — " Certes, ma bonne epee, vous serez dores-en-avant,
gardee comme une relique, et honoree sur toutes ; et jamais je ne vous por-
terai, si ce ii'est contre les Turcs, les Sarrasins, et les Maures." — Cham-
pier, ap. Moreri, Diet. Hist., art. Bayard.

NOTE 24, (p. 25.) — The author of the League of Cambray states the loss,
on the part of the French to have been between live and six thousand, nnd
adds, that fifteen thousand Swiss were left dead on the field, (v. ii. 49!) ;)
but Mr. Plauta, on the authority of Schwickardt, informs us, that it appeared
by a muster-roll of the Swiss, after their return, that about five thousand
men had perished in the action. — Hist of the Helvetic Confed. ii. 112.

NOTE 25, (p. 29.) — The treaty bears date the 13th day of October, 1515.
The editor remarks, that it was concluded at a single conference, so greatly
was the pope alarmed in consequence of the battle of Marignano ; but in this
he is mistaken, as the proposed terms gave rise to much negotiation, and
were considerably modified. It is remarkable, also, that in the title of the
treaty, the editor styles Lorenzo de' Medici, duke of Urbino, although he
certainly did not obtain that title until the following year. There is reason
to suspect that even the treaty as there given is erroneous or imperfect. In
the course of the discussion, the pope's envoy, Canossa, bishop of Tricarica,
hastened to Eome and had an interview with the pope, when some modifi
cations were proposed, and Leo wrote to the king to conciliate his favour.

NOTE 26, (p. 30.) — This piece, which greatly increased the reputation of
its author, was again printed in the year 1540, with considerable additions,
commemorating the heroic actions of the ancestors of Francis I. against the
Saracens and common enemies of the Christian faith ; but instead of in
scribing this new edition to the chancellor, the author thought proper to
dedicate it to the king himself. — Agostini, Notizie di Batt. Eguazio, negli
Opuscoli di Calogcra, xxxiii. 05.

NOTE 27, (p. "0.) — It was probably in the same year that Titian
painted the portrait of Alviano, in a large historical piece hung in the great
chamber of the supreme council of Venice. The picture, which is described
at length by Kidolfi, unhappily perished in the conflagration of the ducal
palace. — B.

NOTE 28, (p. 30.) — Printed, with other works of Navagero, at Venice, by;
Tacuini, in 1530, under the title, "Andres Naugerii Patricii Veneti Ora-
tiones duae, carminaque nonnulla, 4to ;" and again, in the enlarged edition of
the works of Navagero, by Cominio, Padua, 1718, 4to.

NOTE 29, (p. 31.) — "His natural abilities were so great that when, as
was his frequent wont, he discoursed with the learned upon learned subjects,
he manifested such acuteness, such strength of apprehension, such a know
ledge of the liberal arts, that whatever question he discussed, however ab
struse, he seemed to have made a peculiar study of it." — Naugerii Orat. in
fuuere Bart. Liviani, 7. (Ed. Tacuin, 1530.)

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIII. 417

NOTE 30, (p. 31.) — Polidoro Virgilio was n native of Urbino, and dis--
tiugnished himself by several well-known works, particularly his Latin col
lection of proverbs, published in 1498, and by his treatise de Inventorlbus
Be rum, published in 1499, which has since been frequently reprinted. He
was sent to England in the pontificate of Alexander VI., and at the request
of Hemy VII. undertook, in the year 1505, his history of England, which
he wrote in Latin, but which has not gained him the suffrages of posterity,,
either for ability or impartiality. He was afterwards appointed archdeacon
of Wells, but in consequence of the Reformation, he quitted this kingdom
and retired to his native place, where he lived to an advanced age, and died
in I">"i5. — Bayle, Diet. art. Pol. Virgile.

Polidoro Virgilio's History of England was published at Basil, in 1534.
It occasioned the following epigram:

" Virgilii duo sunt, alter Maro, tu, Polydore
Alter ; tu meudax, ille poeta fuit." — B.

NOTE 31, (p. 33.) — The visit of the pontiff to this place is commemo
rated by the following inscription at Marignolle : — " Leo X. Pont. Max. cuni'
primum Pont. Florentiam veniret, ob antiquam fidem devotiouem, et merita
Gianfilia/iae familise et in ea Jacobi filiorumque ejus, suburbanum hoc inter
tot alia elegit, in quo triduum esset dum accessus ei ad urbem pararetur a die
21 ad 30 Novembris, 151f>, Pont, sui anno 3.

" Dulcis et alta quies, Decimo pergrata Leoni,
Hie fuit; hinc sacrum jam reor esse locum."

NOTE 32, (p. 33.) — The pope entered the city by the gate of S. Piero-
Gattoliui, (Vasar. Ragiouam. 9'-2,) over the portal of which is placed the
following inscription : — " Leo X. primus in Florentina gente e nobilissima
Mediceorum familia Pont. Max. bonouiam proficiscens Florentiam patriam
suam primus in eo honore intravit, diruta hujus muri parte Maguificeutis-
simoq. renun omnium apparatu et laetissimo totius civitatis plausu exceptus
die 30 Novembris, 1515, Pontificatus sui anno 3."

NOTE 33, (p. 34.) — " The idea of this work was of noble conception. On
a base of large dimensions were Corinthian columns ; between these were
niches, with figures in them representing the Apostles : the whole workr
was enriched with basso-rilievos admirably arranged. It was all in wood.
Sausoviuo executed the statues and the basso-rilievos. Andrea del Sarto
painted some pieces in chiaroscuro." — Tomaso Tamauza, Vita del Sansovino.-
Ap. Bottari, Nota al Vasari, ii. 225.

NOTE 34, (p. 34.) — On this occasion, Paris de Grassis accompanied the
pope to Florence, as his master of the ceremonies, during which he continued
his diary ; in which he inserted, as usual, every circumstance that occurred.
His narration has been given to the public by Domenico Moreni, under the
title, " De ingressu Summi Pont. Leouis X. Floreutiam Descriptio Paridis
de Grassis Civis Bouoniensis Pisauriensis Episcopi Ex. Cod. MS. uunc
prirnum in lucem edita et notis illustrata a Domeuico Moreni Academise
Florentine uec uon Columbarise Socio." — Both the matter and the manner;
of the diary of this officer, who attended on the person of the pope, and regu
lated his equipage and dress, to the minutest particulars, are highly curious.

NOTE 35, (p. 36.) — The visit of the pontiff to the church of S. Lorenzo
was commemorated in the following lines of Marcello Adriaiii Virgilio,
VOL. II. E E

418 NOTES TO CHAPTER XIII.

chancellor of the republic, which were afterwards inscribed over the great
door of the church : —

" Divus Laurentius, ad Leoncm X. Pont. Max.
" Hanc mihi, Sancte Pater, Cosmus cum conderet aedem,

Gaiidebam, Proavi religione tui ;
Delectavit Avus, delectavere Parentes,

Quorum ope creverunt Templa sacrata mihi.
Sed, Pronepos, majora dabis pietate ; Parentes
Pontiflcem turpe est non superasse suos."

NOTE 36, (p. 39.) — " It was thought that the king, in order to knit the
pope closer to him, and to make him still more favourable to his views on
Naples, seeing him so exasperated against the duke (of Urbino) was not
very pressing in his entreaties on the duke's behalf, least he should prejudice
his own case." — Leon. Vita di Fr. Maria Duca d'Urbino, ii. 170.

NOTE 37, (p. 40.) — "It was probably at this period that Titian painted the
portrait of Francis, at Bologna. All the biographers concur that the por
trait was painted when the king was quite young, and in 1515, he returned
to France, where he continued for ten years, so that Titian could not have
seen him all that time.'' — B.

NOTE 38, (p. 41.) — The history of the council of Basil is written by
jEueas Sylvius, afterwards Pius II., who was present on the occasion, and is
published in the P'ascicul. rerum expetend. et fugiend. i. 1.

NOTE 39, (p. 41.) — In the rebellious efforts of Louis XI. to seize upon
the crown of France during the life of his father, he had assured Pius II.
that when he had obtained possession of the kingdom, he would abolish the
pragmatic sanction. When that event occurred, the pope did not forget to
remind him of his promise, in consequence of which that crafty prince issued
a decree for its abrogation, which he sent to the parliament of Paris for its
approbation ; but at the same time he secretly directed his attorney-general
to oppose it, and prevent its being registered ; which that officer accordingly
did ; and the legate, whom the pope had dispatched to France on this sub
ject, returned without having effected the object of his mission. — S. S. Con
cilia, Labbei et Cossartii, xii. 1432.

NOTE 40, (p. 4'2.) — By art. xxix. of this Concordat, the clergy are pro
hibited from keeping concubines, under the penalty of forfeiture of their
ecclesiastical revenues for three months, and loss of their benefices, if they
persevered. The laity are also exhorted to continence : and it is very gravely
and very truly observed — " Nothing can be more reprehensible than for him
who has a wife to go after other women ; if a man be loosed from a wife, and
cannot restrain himself, as the apostle advises, let him take another wife."

NOTE 41, (p. 42.) — The Parisians, who hated the Concordat, attributed
it to the pope, the duchess of Angouleme, mother of Francis I., and the
chancellor, du Prat. The following lines are said to have been affixed in
different parts of the city :

" Prato, Leo, Mulier, frendens Leo rodit utrumque ;

Prato, Leo, Mulier, sulpburis autra petant ;
Prato, Leo, consorte carent, Mulierque marito ;
Coujugio hos jungas ; Cerberus alter erunt."

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIII. 419

Such was the tumult, that a leader only seemed wanting to induce the
people to revolt, and the streets of Paris resounded with seditious ballads —
" Concilium Cleri fle — quicquid habes sera rifle, "&c.

Seckendorf. Comment, de Lutheranismo. i. 32.

The Abbe Mably, in his Observations sur I'Histoire de France, (Fabr. ill
not. Leon X. 44.) considers the authority thus obtained, as a powerful en
gine of oppression in the hands of the sovereign. " It was to ally himself
more closely with the clergy, that Francis agreed, with Leo X. upon the Con
cordat, and maintained with such obstinacy a treaty which rendered him the
general dispenser of dignities, and of a large proportion of the domains of
the church. Property destined for the aid of the poor and the support of
the ministers of religion, became the price of the corruption to which it
gave birth. The king held in his hand, as it were, the whole body of the
prelates, whose ambition and avarice were insatiable ; and through them had
the direction of all the ecclesiastics, whose power is always so considerable
in a nation." — Thuani Hist. i. 18. (Ed. Buckley.)

NOTE 42, (p. 43.) — Notwithstanding the liberality of the pontiff, the Flo
rentines, who were affected by the general scarcity of provisions which then
prevailed in most parts of Italy, were well pleased when he and his numerous
attendants took their final departure. Paris de Grassis protests that he
neither could nor would remain any longer in a place where the inhabitants
seemed inclined to famish their Roman visitors. He therefore left the pon
tiff, and hastened to his brother, the cardinal Germauo de Grassis, at
Bologna ; where he seems to have made himself amends, by his good living,
for the penance which he underwent at Florence. He afterwards returned
to that city, to accompany the pontiff to Rome, but Leo dismissed him to
attend the host, whilst he made a circuitous tour of about twelve days ; and
although Paris was greatly scandalized that the pontiff should travel without

: the host, yet he confesses that he did not remonstrate on the occasion, lest
the pope should give him orders to wait for him in such a miserable place,

i but hastened with it as quickly as possible to Rome.

NOTE 43, (p. 44.) — Jovius denominates him " a man of trust, but
: utterly ignorant, and full of wickedness." — Vita Leon. X. iii. 71, et v. Fa-
i broni, Vita Leon. X. 1 15, et not. 48.

NOTE 44, (p. 44.) — To a correct and unimpeachable moral character,
Giuliano united no inconsiderable portion of literary talent, as appears from
i his writings, in which he followed, though not with equal vigour, the steps
i of his father. He is, however, enumerated by Crescimbeni among those
. writers who were superior to the corrupt taste of the age, " He displayed his
iine talents more especially in Italian poetry, following in his father's foot
steps, and though he did not attain Lorenzo's excellence, yet he manifestly
showed himself above the corrupt taste of the age." — Comment, ii. ii. vi.
;538. On the death of Giuliauo, his widow, Filiberta of Savoy, returned to her
1 sister Louisa, mother of Francis I., taking with her all her jewels and bridal
ornaments, to an immense value. Jov. vita Leon. X. iii. TO. Their short
union was not productive of any offspring, but Giuliauo left an illegitimate
son, who was born at Urbino, in the year 1511, and after having been
' educated in the Roman court, became the celebrated cardinal Ippolito de'
Medici, and the munificent patron of all the learned men of his time. By
l the treaty between Leo X. and Francis I. Giuliano was to be honoured with

E E 2

420 NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV.

a title in France, which it was understood should be that of Duke of Ne
mours ; and although his death prevented his being formally invested with
that honour, yet he is frequently mentioned by that title. On his death,
Ariosto wrote an ode, not inferior to any of the productions of his exquisite
pen, in which he introduces the shade of Giuliano as apostrophizing in the
most elesnmt and affectionate terms his widowed bride.

CHAPTER XIV.

NOTE 1, (p. 47.) — This treaty, the professed object of which was, to
raise Francesco Sforza to the government of Milan, which had been relin
quished by his brother Maximilian, occasioned great debates in the English
councils, which are fully stated by Lord Herbert. " Leo had a hand here
in," says that historian, " as knowing how much safer it was for Italy, that
a single duke should govern Milan, than such a potent prince as Francis I."
At this time the emperor amused Henry VIII. with promises of granting to
Imu the duchy of Milan, and resigning to him the empire, by which means
he extracted from him considerable sums of money. Lord Herbert's Life
of Henry VIII. 51, &c. From a document preserved in Eymer's Fosdera, it
also appears, that Francesco Sforza had promised to pay Wolsey a pension
of ten thousand ducats from the time of his obtaining possession of his
dominions. — Eapin's Hist, of Eng. xv. i. 732.

NOTE 2, (p. 47.) Guicciardini places this event ill January. Robertson
more particularly, on the twenty-third day of January. — Life of Chas. V. iii..
'21. Muratori, who is in general accurate in his dates, on the fifteenth of
January, 1510. — Aunali, x. 122.

NOTE 3. (p. 49.) Charles derived his pretensions to the crown of Aragon
from his mother Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella ; and as it
was a maxim, that a female could not succeed to the crown of Aragon, so it
was contended, that she could transmit no right to her descendants. — -
Guicciard. xii.

NOTE 4, (p. 50.) " It was believed," says Muratori, " that this army
numbered 6000 horse, and 25,000 foot." — Aunali, x. 124.

NOTE 5, (p. 50.) By this treaty, which was effected on the seventh day'
of November, 1510, Francis agreed to advance lo the Swiss four hundred
thousand crowns in lieu of the terms stipulated by the treaty of Dijon, and
three hundred thousand more for the expenses which they had incurred itt
Italy. — Du Mont. Corps Diplomat, iv. i. 218.

NOTE 6, (p. 52.) '•' In Lim, it was said, the pope intended to vest the
kingdom of Naples, the duchy of Ferrara, the lordships of Lucca, Siena and
Pisa ; in short, Giuliano seemed to be the chief object of all the pontiffs
thoughts and schemes." — Leoui, Vita di Francesco Maria, duca d'Urbino,.
ii. 105.

NOTE 7, (p. 55.) Guicciard. xii. ii. 11s. But Leoni asserts, that Mon-
dolfo was executed contrary to his capitulation with Lorenzo.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV. 421

• NOTE 8, (p. 07.) It was also rumoured that fifteen thousand Swiss, in the
pay of the king of England, were expected at Milan. — Murat. x. 127.

NOTE 0, (p. 00.) This treaty is given by Liinig, i. 140. Rymer, Fcedera,
vi. i. 1121. Du Mont, Corps Diplomat, iv. i. 1240; also see Supplem.au
Corps Diplomat, iii. i. 40, where this treaty is more correctly given, from an
ancient copy, apparently written at the time of its conclusion.

NOTE 10, (p. (50.) — The proportions of the kings of England and Spain
were fixed at fifteen thousand gold florins each, and Maximilian was to dis
charge the stipulations already entered into hy him with the Swiss in this
respect. — Supp. an Corps Diplomat.

NOTE 11, (p. 01.) — A succinct account of these shocking transactions
may be found in Robertson's History of Charles V. iv. [There is also a
very exact narrative of them by Jacopo Bonaparte of San Miniato. — B.]

NOTE 12, (p. 03.) — On this occasion Leo wrote in a particular manner
to Henry VIII., representing the church as in a situation of great difficulty
and danger, and entreating his immediate and effectual assistance.

NOTE 13, (p. 04.) — Tliis treaty does not appear either in the Codex
Italia? Diplomaticits of Liiuig, or in the collections of Dn Mont, yet, as is
stated in express terms by G uicciurdmi, xiii., and is recognised by the accu
rate Muratori, x. 132, there can be no doubt that it was concluded.

NOTE 14, (p. 04.) — On this subject, Muratori bluntly observes, " keep
ing his word was never reckoned among the virtues of this pontiff." — An-
nali d'ltalia, x. 132.

NOTE 13, (p. 64.) — Leoni, ii. Guicciardini states the amount at one
thousand men at arms, one thousand light horse, and fifteen thousand in
fantry. — Lib. xiii.

NOTE 1C, (p. 03.) — Ammirato informs us, that Lorenzo offered to accept
th? challenge, and meet the duke in single combat, provided he would first
restore matters to their former footing. — Araniir. Eitrattid'Uomini illustri di
Casa Medici, in Opusc. iii. 103. If, by this proposal, it was meant that the
duke should relinquish to Lorenzo the sovereignty of Urbino before the
combat took place, it was not likely that the duke would accede to it, and
the evasion will not save the credit of the papal commander, which, how
ever, might perhaps be defended on better grounds.

NOTE 17, (p. 03.) — It appears from Guicciardini, that the Roman casuists
pretended that the passport was void, because Florida was not expressly
named as a subject of the church, and secretary of the duke ; but the histo
rian justly treats this as a miserable cavil. — Lib. xiii. The secretary did
not, however, lose his life on this occasion, but was liberated in consequence
of a stipulation for that purpose, in the treaty afterwards concluded be
tween the contending parties. — Leoni, ii. '261.

NOTE 18, (p. 05.) — He was the son of Giovanni di Pier-Francesco de
Medici, by Caterina Sforza, the heroine of her age, and was born at Forli, in
1498. If we may credit Ammirato, he manifested, in his infancy, a most
savage ferocity of disposition, which could only be gratified by slaughtering
brute animals, and insulting and abusing his companions. In the paroxysms
of his fury, he had even assassinated several persons, and had been banished

422 NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV.

from Florence before lie arrived at manhood. His early crimes were, how
ever, too soon forgotten in the splendour of his military exploits ; and his in
credible courage, and unbounded generosity, gained him numerous friends
and adherents, and are said to have occasioned great apprehensions to
Leo X., who sent for liim to Rome at an early age, and endeavoured to
secure his attachment by continual favours. The descendants of Giovanni,
who was the father of the grand duke Cosmo I., swayed the sceptre of Tus
cany for two centuries. — Ammirato, Eitratti di Uomini illustri di Casa
Medici. Opusc. iii. 176.

NOTE 19, (p. 66.) — Ammirato, Eitratti, iii. 105 ; Guicciard. xiii. Leoui,
ii. 230, informs us, more particularly, that Lorenzo was wounded by a
Spanish soldier, named Eobles, who, having observed from the garrison that
he frequently visited the artillery without being sufficiently attentive to Ms
safety, took aim at his head, whilst he was stooping to examine a cannon,
and struck him between the neck and shoulder ; to which the author adds,
that the wound was thought so dangerous, that Lorenzo was carried to
Ancona, with little hopes of his recovery.

NOTE 20, (p. 68.) — We are informed by Guicciardini, that, on the con
ditions of the treaty being reduced into writing, the duke required the
insertion of certain words, importing, that the Spaniards had conceded the
dominions of Urbino to the pope, which not being assented to, the duke
refused to affix his signature, and hastening from the place, accompanied by
Federigo da Pozzolo, and others of his followers, proceeded through Eo-
magna and the Bolognese to Mantua. — Storia d'ltal. xiii. ii. 151. I have,
however, preferred the authority of Leoni, who allows (ii. 262,) that the
duke assented to the treaty; nor indeed, without such assent, could he
have been entitled to the advantages for which he had stipulated.

NOTE 21, (p. 70.) — " They had planned that the pope, who was under
medical treatment for a fistula which he had in the upper part of the
thigh, and which had more than once well nigh occasioned his death,
should be attended one day by a surgeon of their own providing, his own
being removed, meanwhile, on some pretext, and that this surgeon should
poison the affected part. Every arrangement had been made, and Yercelli
had made all his preparations, when the plot was frustrated by the timely
delicacy of the pope, who objected to having a fresh surgeon." — Fabron.
Vita Leon. X. ; et v. Jovii, Vita Leon. X. iv.

NOTE 22, (p. 72.) — " There were not wanting persons to suggest that
the pope had availed himself of mere conjectures, for the purpose of reveng
ing himself on the cardinal for the part he had taken in the Pazzi con
spiracy, when a young man. Grassis seems to confirm this opinion, when
he says, the pope ever (after the death of his uncle Giuliano) retained a
resentment against San Giorgio." — Fabron. Vita Leon. X. 117.

NOTE 23, (p. 73.) — It was supposed, however, that Adrian was murdered
by one of his servants, for the sake of the gold which he had secreted in
his flight, and that his body was concealed in some secret spot. — Valerian,
de Literal, infelic. i. 17. Adrian was an accomplished Latin scholar, as
appears by such of his pieces as are preserved in the Carm. illust. Poet.
Ital. v. 397. In the reign of Henry VIII., he was the pope's collector in
England, and stood high in the favour of the king, who conferred ^on him

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV. 423

the see of Hereford, and afterwards that of Bath. — Bacon. Hist, regni.
Hen. VII. in op. iii. 560. " Certainly," says that eminent author, "Adrian
was a great man, endowed with much learning and wisdom, and- well skilled
in political matters." He afterwards relates the part which Adrian took in
the conspiracy of Petrucci, and attributes it to an ambitious and vain desire
of obtaining the papacy ; which it seems had been promised by an astro
loger to a cardinal named Adrian, which he conceived applied only to him
self; but which was intended to refer to Adrian of Utrecht, the preceptor
of Charles V., and successor of Leo X. A few months after the cardinal
had absconded, he was deprived of his dignities and benefices, as appears
by a letter from the cardinal Giulio de' Medici to Wolsey, requesting that
Henry VIII. would signify his intentions to the pontiff, as to the disposal
of the vacant bishopric.

NOTE 24, (p. 75.) — " Concistorium hoc duravit ab hora XI. usque ad
XXIV. turn propter lectionem processus, quam propter clamores et rixas
in Concistorio habitas ; nam suat ab extriuseco exauditi clamores mutui,
prsesertim Papae contra aliquos Cardiuales, et Cardinalium contra Cardi-
nales et contra Papani. Cardinales praesentes privation! fuerunt XII. nam
non plures eraut in urbe. Petrus Bembus legit sententiam." — Par. de
Grass. Diar. x. 120.

NOTE 25, (p. 75.) — Guicciard. xiii. Another author, however, relates,
that Petrucci was decapitated, having refused to confess his sins, alleging,
that if he lost his body, he cared nothing about his soul. — Ex. relat.
Titii. ap. Fabrou. Leon. X. in adnot. 285.

NOTE 26, (p. 75.) — " Having been dragged about the city, tied to
chariots, they were torn piecemeal with red hot pincers, and when all but
dead with the torture, they were strangled, and their remains cut into
pieces. This severity struck all with great terror." — Jov. Vita. Leon. X.
iv. 78.

NOTE 27, (p. 75.) — Fabron. Vita Leon. X. 120. It is not, however,
improbable, that the cardinal was chiefly indebted for his safety to the
interference of Francis I., who represented him to the pope as one of his
Genoese subjects, and of a family which he highly esteemed.

NOTE 28, (p. 75.) — " Then the pope, who appeared among them with an
agitated and angry countenance, briefly replied to them : ' I would that
you were really of the mind that you affect to be of; for if I could
believe you spoke honestly, I would willingly extend my favour to you.
But I doubt whether your desire be not to return to your vomit ; if so, it
were well you thought further of the matter.' " — Par. de Grass. Diar.

NOTE 29, (p. 75.) — "Ego remitto Dominationi vestrae Reverendissimae
omnem injuriam, si quam ullo casu, aid tempore contra me fecistis; et
vice versa similiter, per D. N. J. C. hie preesentem, rogo et peto, ut contra
me omnem malum animum remittatis, si quern habetis." — Par. de Grass.
ap. Fabr. Vita Leon. X. 117. The lenity experienced by Eiario at different
periods of his life, from the pontiff and his father, is thus commemorated
by Angelo Coloeci :

" Accepere manus Riari vincla nocentes,
In caput Etrusci qui tulit arma Ducis.

424 NOTES TO CHAPTER XIV.

Vitam oral vitam lacrymis, Leo magne, dedisti ;

Debuit exitium dextra, dedit veniam.
Scilicet hoc Medicnm est ; quod fesso setate senecti

Tu facis, hoc juveni fecerat ante Pater."

Colocc. op. lat. b8.

NOTE GO, (p. 70.) — Vasari, who has given some account of this trans
action in his own manner, mentions six cardinals as involved in the con
spiracy, having erroneously enumerated S. Georgio and Raffaello Biario as
different persons. — Rogionam, 102.

NOTE 31, (p. 76.) — This conjecture is confirmed by a letter from several
dignified ecclesiastics and noblemen at Rome, to Henry VIII., requesting
Lis interference in behalf of the cardinal Riario.

NOTE 32, (p. 7(5.) — " Most men only think of that which last presented
itself to their contemplation ; and in the case of the worst criminals,
forget their crimes if their punishment, from its excessive severity, produce
too great a reaction in the minds." — Salut. Catil. 51.

NOTE 33, (p. 78.) — " Men distinguished for harmony and virtue." —
Fabron. Vita. Leon. X. 121.

NOTE 34, (p. 78.) — Ariosto denominates him the ornament and honour
of the Roman senate ; and Erasmus has addressed to him several letters, in
terms of great respect.

NOTE 35, (p. 70. 'I — " Whose acute judgment, wisdom in council, and
piety towards God, are generally commended.'' — Fabron. Vita Leon. X. 125.

NOTE 36, (p. 80.) — " He created many for pecuniary considerations, his
money being completely exhausted, and lie in great straights." — Guicciard.
viii. It was also supposed, that in this measure Leo selected the friends
of his family, that he might prepare the way for his cousin, Giulio de"
Medici, as his successor in the pontificate. — Jacob. Ziegler, in Historia
dementis VII. ap. Fabron. Vita Leon. X. in adnot. 52. In his series of
historical pictures in the palace of the grand duke at Florence, Vasari has
introduced the portraits of all these cardinals, whom he has also described
in his Mayionameiiti, or dialogue with the duke Francesco de Medici,
whom he represents as exclaiming, '• A story full of virtue, and liberality
and grandeur of Pope Leo, who conciliated in this way to our house, against
the chance of any ill fortune happening to it, almost all the nations of
Europe ; exalting so many virtuous men, and men eminent for their learn-
iiing, and by nobility of blood." — Vasari, Ragionam. 105.

NOTE 37, (p. 80.) — The annual income of this debauched ecclesiastic
amounted to upwards of 40,000 ducats, although Paris de Grassis informs
us, that he was so ignorant as not to be able either to write or read ; to
which he adds, in allusion to the disease under which he laboured, " He
was a mass of disease from head to foot, so that he could neither stand
.nor walk." — Fabron. Leon. X. in aduot. 53. 287.

NOTE 38, (p. 81.) — " The papal palace was ever hospitably open, and the
cardinals met there as welcome guests, enjoying themselves nobly, and
without any fear, as heretofore, that they were assembled by the pope as

NOTES TO CHAPTER XV. 425

victims to his revenge or his avarice." — Mat. Herculanus, ap. Fabron. Vita
Leon X. in adiiot. 286.

NOTE 39, (p. HI.) — A great storm is said to have happened on this day,
which was supposed to portend some disaster to the church. — Fabron. Vita
Leon. X. aduot. 02.

NOTE 40, (p. 81.) — The inhabitants of Rome at this period are enume
rated by Jovius at 80,000 persons, including strangers ; but after the dreadful
sackage of the city, in the pontificate of Clement VII., and the other cala
mities which that place experienced, they were reduced, at the time Jovius

wrote, to 32,000 Jovii, Vita Leon. X. iv. [Giovio is here in error ; the

population of Home, from the twelfth century upwards, as appears from the
most accurate tables, was never less than from 00,000 to 00,000 inhabit
ants.— B.]

NOTE 41, (p. 82.) — " He was more peculiarly severe against persons
found guilty of having forged his name to pretended legal documents ; so
severe, indeed, that he had Sebastian Tarvigi, a lecturer on law, in the
Roman university, burned for an oifeuce of this sort." — Jovii, Vita Leon. X.
vi. In the punishment of other offences, he seldom deviated from the well-
known lenity of his disposition.

CHAPTER XV.

NOTE 1, (p. 8:3.) — " Quisquis ergo bane synodum ea dumtaxat pvimaria
i intentione a Julio iudictam existimat, ut hoc prsetextu judicium Pisuni Con-
ciliabuli decliuaret, graviter aberrat." — S. S. Concilia Labbei et Cossartii,
! torn. xiv. 343. in uotis Binii. Ed. Par. 1072. fo.

NOTE 2, (p. 84.) — " — Inhibentes sub excommunicationis, lutcesentoitia,
ipoena, omnibus et singulis Christ! fidelibus, ne in prteseuti Coucilio gestaet
I facta sine nostra et dictae sedis licentia speciali, glossare aut interpreted
praesumant." — S. S. Concil. xiv. 330.

NOTE 3, (p. 85.) — Inferno, xi. vi. &c., also the whole nineteenth canto,
•where Dante finds Nicholas III. (Orsini) in hell, planted with his heels
upwards, waiting till Boniface VIII. arrives, who is to take his place ; and
who is to be again relieved, in due time, by Clement V. " Un pastor senza
legge."

NOTE 4, (p. 85 ) — See the sonnets of Petrarca, beginning,

'• Dell' empia Babilonia ond' e fuggita,"

and

" Fiamma dal ciel su le tue treccie piova,"

; printed in some editions of his works. Should it be contended that these
(sonnets relate only to the papal court at Avignon, it will not invalidate the
i purpose for which they are here cited.

NOTE 0, (p. 80.)— The first edition of the Facetie, now excessively rare,
;was printed at Rome, by Georgio Laner, about 1409. The subsequent editions

426 NOTES TO CHAPTER XV.

are freed, in a great degree, from the monstrous obscenity which disfigures
the first. — B.

NOTE 6, (p. 87.) — " Whereas in certain parts clergymen exercising eccle
siastical jurisdiction, are not ashamed to derive pecuniary gain from sanc
tioning concubinage, we order all such persons, that henceforth, under pain
of eternal damnation, they give no such licence, direct or indirect, or in any
way permit such foul privileges." — S. S. Concil. xiv. 302.

NOTE 7, (p. 88.) — On either side of the tomb of Sanazzaro, in a church
at Naples, were placed statues of Apollo and Minerva, to which, at a later
period, without any change being made in the figures, the names of David
and Judith were respectively assigned. — B.

NOTE 8, (p. 89.) — The official documents derived sensible benefit as to
their Latinity from this taste of the period, although the improved phraseo
logy, assimilated to that of ancient Rome, involved reference also to ancient
religious manners and ideas. — Henke.

NOTE 9, (p. 90.) — This will appear from the following admirable laude,
or hymn, written by him, and of which 1 have given a translation ; it is,
however, very inadequate to convey to the English reader a full idea of the
majestic grandeur and profound piety of the original :

ORAZIONE.

Magno Dio, per la cui constante legge,

E sotto el cui perpetuo governo,

Questo Universe si conserva, e regge,
Del tutto Creator, che dallo eterno

Punto comandi corra el tempo labile,

Come rota fan a su fisso perno.
Quieto sempre, e giammai non mutabile,

Fai e muti ogni cosa, e tutto muove

Da te fermo Motore infatigabile.
Ne fuor di te alcnna causa truove,

Che rimuova a formar questa materia,

Avida sempre d'aver forme nuove.
Non indigenzia, sol di bonta vera

La forma forma questa fluente opra,

Bonta, che sanza invidia o malizia era.
Questa bonta sol per amor s' adopra

In far le cose a guisa di modello,

Simile allo edificio ch'£ di sopra.
Bellissimo Architetto el Hondo hello,

Fingendo prima nella eterna mente,

Fatt' ai questo all'imagine di quello.
Ciascuna parte perfetta esistente

Nel grado suo, alto Signer, comandi,

Che assolva el tutto ancor perfettameute.
Tu gli elementi a'propri luoghi mandi,

Legandoli con tal proporzione,

Che 1'uu dall' altro non disgiungi, o spandi.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XV. 427

Tra'l foco e'l gliiaccio fai cognazione,

Cosi temper! insieme il molle e'l duro,

Da te fatti contrari anno unione.
Cost non fugge piu leggiero e puro

El foco in alto, no giu el peso affonda

La terra in basso sotto'l centra oscuro.
Per la tua providenzia fai, s'iufonda

L'anima in mezzo del gran corpo, donde

Conviene in tutti e membri si diffonda.
Cid cbe si muove, non si muove altronde

In si bello auimale ; e tre nature

Quest' anima gentile in se nasconde.
Le due piu degne piu gentili e pure,

Da se movendo, due gran cerchi fanno,

In se medesme ritornando pure ;
E'ntorno alia profonda mente vanno.

L'altra va dritta mossa dall' amore

Di far gli effetti, cbe da lei vita anno.
E come muove se questo Motore

Movendo el Cielo, il suo moto simiglia,

Come le membra in mezzo al petto el core.
Da te primo Fattor la vita piglia

Ogn'animale ancor di minor vita,

Benche piu vil ; questa e pur tua famiglia.
A questi da la tua bonta iufinita

Curri leggier di puro fuoco adorni,

Quando la Terra e'l Ciel gli cbiama in vita.
E dipoi adempiuti e mortal giorni,

La tua benigua legge allor concede,

Che il curro ciascun monti, et a te torni.
Concedi, o Padre, 1'alta e sacra sede

Monti la mente, e vegga el vivo fonte,

Fonte ver bene, onde ogni ben precede.
Mostra la luce vera alia mia fronte,

E poiche conosciuto e'l tuo bel Sole, '

Dell' Alma ferma in lui le luci pronte.
Fuga le nebbie, e la terrestre mole

Leva da me, e splendi in la tua luce ;

Tu se'quel sommo ben, eke ciascun vuole,
A te dolce riposo si conduce,

E te come suo fin, vede ogni pio ;

Tu se'principio, portatore, e duce,
La vita, e'l termin, Tu sol Magno Dio.

HYMN.

Great God, by whose determin'd laws
All nature moves ! unceasing cause,

Wbose power the universe controls !
Who from the central point decreed
That time his rapid flight should speed,

As round th' eternal circle rolls !

428 NOTES TO CHAPTER XV.

At rest thyself, yet active still,

Thou mak'st and chaugest tit thy will;

Unmov'd alone, thou movest all ;
Whilst matter, eager to assume
New forms, from thee awaits its doom,

Arid hastens at thy powerful call.

Finn on the ductile mass imprest
Whate'er thy wisdom deems the best

Thou fashion's! with unbounded love ;
Whilst all the wond'ring eye surveys
Unfolds to reason's clearer gaze

The nobler Archetype above.

Resolv'd in thy eternal mind,
Whate'er thy providence design'd

Its primal fashion there assum'd :
Till all in just dependence shown,
All future change to thee foreknown,

The whole in full perfection bloom'd.

Then first thy mightier chain was bound
The struggling elements around,

Till each assum'd its destin'd stand.
Thy power their contraries controll'd,
And moist and dry, and heat and cold,

Were harmonized at thy command.

Nor scales the fire th' empyreal height,
Nor sinks the earth's incumbent weight

Beneath the central darkness deep ;
But temper'd in proportions true,
Each binding each in order due,

They learn their destin'd bounds to keep.

Difius'd thro' all the mighty whole,
Thy goodness pours the living soul

That actuates each remoter part.
Thy energy with ceaseless force
Impels the still returning course,

As 'midst the limbs the heaving heart.

From Thee, great Author, all that lives
Its stated boon of life receives,

Ere long again restor'd to Thee ;
Each insect too minute to name
Yet owns a portion of thy flame,

Part of thy num'rous family.

Resplendent cars of fiery glow
From realms of light to earth below

Thy animated offspring bear ;
And when this mortal trial ends,
Again the glorious car attends

To wing them to their native sphere.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XV. 429

Grant then, my God, that rais'd sublime
My soul the arduous heights may climb,

And gaze upon the fount of light ;
Nor ever from the place where shines
That cloudless sun which ne'er declines

Remove again its raptur'd sight.

Purge thou, my God, my visual ray ;
Banish these earthly mists away,

Great centre towards which all things tread !
In thee alone, eternal mind !
The good their final refuge find,

Of all Creator, Guide, and End.

NOTE 10, (p. 91.) — These more obvious causes of the Reformation are
! fully enlarged upon by Fra. Paolo and other protestant writers, and par-
i ticularly by Dr. Robertson, in his history of Charles V., book ii.

NOTE 11, (p. 92.) — " Pursuing the bent of his natural inclination to
I magnificence, he set about completing the superb cathedral of St. Peter,
, which his predecessor, Julius II., had begun ; but he had exhausted his
treasury by his immense expenditure in all sorts of display, befitting rather
I a rich and powerful prince of this earth, than the vicar of him whose king-
i dom is not of this world." — Maimburg, Hist. Lutheranismi. ap. Seckendorf,
iCommentar. de Lutherauismo. (Lipsiae, 1094.) i. sect. v. 11.

NOTE 12, (p. 92.) — " It shames one to relate," says Fabroni, speaking of
: Tetzel, " the things he said and did, putting himself forward as a messenger

from Heaven, empowered to give remission for all sins whatever." — Leonis X.

Vita, I:j2. The reformed writers accuse Leo X. of having exceeded all his
; predecessors in his rapacity upon this occasion. " Not even Julius II., or

Alexander VI., or any other of his predecessors, went further than he did
: in this respect ; and I doubt, too, whether the collectors who were employed
' under the direction of his nuncio, did not with their excesses transcend the

nefariousness of all their predecessors in the same office." — Cha. Chais,
; Lettres Listoriques sur les Jubiles et les Indulgences, (La Haye, 1751.) iii.

707.

NOTE 1:1, (p. 93.) — He was born at Isleben, in the county of Mansfeld,
on the tenth day of November, 14Ho. His name, in his native language,
i was Liitfcr, which afforded some one of his numerous adversaries a subject
: for the following lines, more remarkable for their scurrility than their wit.
" Germain's Latter Scurra est, est Latro Bohemis,
Ergo quid est Latter ?• scurra latroque simul."

NOTE 14, (p. 90.) — Segni, Storie Fior. iv. Fabr. Leon. X. aduot. 55.

Bnndello, in the preface to one of his novels, (Parte iii. Nov. 25.) informs
Ins, that Leo X. was blamed, because, when Silvestro Prierio pointed out to
1 him the heresies in the works of Martin Luther, he coldly observed, that

Lutlicr tens « man of talents, and that these were only the squabbles of

monks.

NOTE 1"), (p. 90.) — Pallav. Concil. di Trent o, 05. Erasmus favours the
same opinion, when, speaking of Luther, he says, " Qui nunc bellaudo,
belhUor factus est.'' — Epist. xxi. vii.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XV.

NOTE 10, (p. 90.) — Fabroni candidly owns that the writings of Luther's
opponents were not likely to oppose his progress. " Their scholastic dispu- j
tations were not of a nature to destroy the seeds of error, either in Saxony, or j
in any other of the German provinces." — Vita Leon. X. 133 ; and see Erasmi,
Ep. xix. 107.

NOTE 17, (p. 97.) — " In the opinion of many grave and wise persons, the I
affair would have had a happier result, if its conduct had been entrusted to I
men of greater temper and moderation ; or, in other words, if pope Leo had I
acted upon his own temperate views instead of letting those about him have j
their passion- guided way." — Erasmi, Ep. iv. Ep. i.

NOTE 18, (p. 97.) — This letter is dated 5th August, 1518, Pallavicini
(Storia del Cone, di Trento i. vi. 6(5.) accuses Fra. Paolo of having inten
tionally omitted to notice this letter, which he considers as a refutation of
the common notion, that Leo had proceeded against Luther with too much
haste and severity ; but although the letter is of too important a nature to be
overlooked in a narrative of these transactions, yet it certainly appeal's that
proceedings had been commenced against Luther before its arrival at Rome,
and that Maimburg is right in asserting that the citation of Luther was
issued prior to the receipt of the letter by the pope. — Maim. ap. Seckendorff.
Comrn. de Lutheranism. i. xvi. 41.

NOTE 19, (p. 98.) — The persons appointed to hear him were his avowed
adversaries, the bishop of Ascula, and Silvestro Prierio. — See Maimb. ap. u
Seckend. xvi. 41.

NOTE 20, (p. 98.) — If Luther really went to Augsburg on foot, observes:
the catholic count Bossi, he went on foot for his own pleasure, or out of
ostentation, which he deemed beneficial to his cause ; for already, as lie was
head of a powerful party, protected by a sovereign prince, and with rich
friends, it is absurd to suppose he could not have obtained a conveyance had
he chosen to do so.

NOTE 21, (p. 101.) — The cardinal maintained, on the authority of
church, " That one drop of the blood of Christ being sufficient to redee
the whole human race, the remaining part that was shed in the garde
iind'upou the cross, was left as a legacy to the church, and might be dist:
buted by indulgences from the Roman pontiff." Luther, whilst he admitted
that the merits of Christ were necessary to salvation, denied that the pc
held them, like money in a chest ; but allowed that he had power to dist
bute them by virtue of the keys of St. Pater ! On the second question, til
Roman church has decided, that a leycd obedience, or conformity in receivii
the sacrament, when combined with good works, is sufficient for salvation
tut Luther insisted, that the efficacy of the sacraments depended on
degree of faith with which they were received ; an opinion which the ci
dinal treated with such ridicule as to raise a laugh among his Italia
attendants against Luther. — Luth. Op.,i. 164. This opinion, of the neces
sity of faith to salvation, was ever afterwards maintained by Luther wit;
great firmness ; and to such a length did he carry it, " as seemed, thoug
perhaps contrary to his intention, to derogate not only from the necessity <
(food works, but even from their obligation and importance. He would not
allow them to be considered either as the conditions or the means of salva
tion, nor even as a preparation for receiving it." — Maclean, Note on Mo-

NOTES TO CHAPTER XV. 431

sheim's Eccles. Hist., ii. 170. His disciple, Amsdorff, went still further,
and maintained that good works were an impediment to salvation. — Mo-
sheim, ii. 172. Luther endeavoured to explain his notion of faith and
works, hy saying, " Good works make not a good man, but a good man
| make tli good works. Good works make not a bad man, but a bad man
maketh bad works." — Seckend. i. xxvii. 100.

NOTE 22, (p. 102.) — Staupitz was, in fact, a warm adherent to the cause
| of Luther, and Pallavacini informs us, that it was supposed to have been at
his instigation that Luther first opposed himself to the promulgation of in
I dulgences : " not foreseeing the explosion to which he was thus giving rise."
I — Pallav. i. ix. $2. That Pallavacini was not mistaken in this conjecture
' sufficiently appears by a letter from Luther to Staupitz. — Lutheri, Op.
I i. 04, 1>.

NOTE 23, (p. 103.) — This letter contains the cardinal's account of his
i various interviews with Luther. In common with all the other important
: documents referred to by Mr. Roscoe, it will be quoted in the EUROPEAN
I LIBRARY Life of Luther.

NOTE 24, (p. 103.) — Although Luther, in his second appeal, which bears

1 date the 28th day of November, 1518, has not expressly assigned as a rea-

i son for it, the papal bull of the Oth day of the same month, yet it is highly

i probable, that he was sufficiently informed of its purport, or, at least, was

i well aware that some measure of the kind would be taken against him ; as

he expressly states, that " he hears proceedings are already commenced

against him in the Roman court, and that judges are appointed to condemn

I him," &c. So that there can be no doubt that this declaration of the pope,

\ respecting indulgences, compelled Luther to appeal from his authority to

, that of a general council. The apologists of the Roman see have, indeed,

; contended that the appeal of Luther was not provoked by the bull of Leo X.,

I and Maimburg expressly places the appeal before the bull ; but this is suf-

, ficiently refuted by the dates of the respective instruments. — Maim. ap.

Seek., 58. Pallavicini also attempts to invalidate the express assertion of

; Fra. Paolo, that the bull gave rise to the appeal, because, as he says, it

•must have required a month to send the former from Rome to Germany

1 (a slow progress in a business of such urgency) and that it was not published

'at Lintz till the 13th day of December; but this affords no proof that

Luther was not apprized of its contents ; and, at all events, it is sufficient

for the present purpose, that it appeai-s from his appeal, that he knew such

•measures were in agitation. — Fra. Paolo. Storia del Concil. Tridentino, i. 9 ;

Pallavicini, i. xii. 92.

NOTE 2o, (p. 104.) — " I never saw a more ignorant ass ! It is a compli
ment to be despised by such a blockhead as you," says Luther to Jac.
Hoogstraten, a Dominican inquisitor, who had exhorted the pope to use no
other remedies than fire and sword to free the world from such a pest as
Luther.— Luth. Op., i. 102.

NOTE 26, (p. 104.)

" Adversus armatum virum Cocldeum.
" Arma virurnque caiio, Mogaui qui nuper ab oris,
Leucoream, fato stolidus, Saxonaque venit

432 NOTES TO CHAPTER XV.

Littora, multnm ille et furiis vexatus et oestro,

Vi scelerum, memorem Rasorum cladis ob iram ;

Multa quoque et Satana passus, quo perderet urbem,

Inferretque maliim stndiis, genus unde malonim

Errorumque Patres, atque alti gloria Papse." — Luth. op. ii. 567.

NOTE 27, (p. 104.) Melaucthon, addressing Erasmus, (January, 1519,)
says, " Martin Luther is most eager to possess your good opinion, ad
miring you so greatly as lie does." — Erasm. Ep. (Lond. 1642.) v. Ep.
•37, 339."

NOTE 28, (p. 104.) — "I will most readily acknowledge the service that
your learning has been to me. I owe you much for it, I reverence you for
it, and look up to you with sincere admiration." — Luth. ad. Eras, in op.
iii. 230.

NOTE 29, (p. 105.) — " They (Luther's enemies) will not be quiet till
they have subverted all literature and learning." — Eras. Ep. Gerardo No*
viomago, xii. Ep. 17, 004.

" In a word, the tendency of their proceedings is to damage litera
ture equally with Luther." — Erasm. Ep. Con. Pentingero, xii. Ep. 30, 633.

Erasmus was accused of having laid the egg which Luther hatched. This
appears in his letter to Joannes Ceesarius, 7 Kal. Jan. 1524. " I laid the egg,
Luther hatched it : a fine saying of the worthy Minorites, for which they
deserve a good cuffing. I laid an egg, may be, but Luther hatched a hen of
a very different brood. I do not wonder at anything these pot-bellies say,
but I do marvel greatly that you should heed them for a moment." —
Erasm. Ep. xx. Ep. 24, 989.

NOTE 30, (p. 105.) — "There be some, I perceive, who, the more to
strengthen their party, essay to mix up the cause of literature, the cause of
lleuehlin, my cause, with the cause of Luther, wherea's there is nothing
in common between them." — Erasm. Ep. Leo. X. xiv. Ep. 5. 656.

" I have always endeavoured to keep the cause of literature and of your
self separate from that of Luther in the minds of all I have addressed, but
people will insist upon combining them," &c — Erasm. Ep. Joan. Eeuch-
lino, xii. Ep. 16, 603.

NOTE 31, (p. 105.) — Erasmus, writing to Henry VIII., from Basle, says,
" There is not a printer here, I believe, who would venture to print a word
against Luther, whereas anything against the pope, however scurrilous, is
published at once." — Erasm. Ep. xx. Ep. 49. 1009.

NOTE 32, (p. 106.) — " Ipse videtur omnibus sequis sequum petere, cum
ofl'erat se disputationi publics, et submittat se judicious noii suspectis."
— Erasm. Axiom, in Luth. op. ii. 314.

NOTE 33, (p. 107.) — "It was sufficient barely to mention the measures
taken by Cajetan," (says the learned translator of Mosheim, ii. 21,)
" to draw Luther anew under the papal yoke, because these measures were
indeed nothing more than the wild suggestions of superstition and tyranny,
maintained and avowed with the most fronttess impudence."

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI. 433

CHAPTER XVI.

NOTE 1. (p. 110.) — Of this, his seventeenth Canzone, in which be laments
the obstacles that oppose his attempts to immortalize his name hy his
writings, may be esteemed a sufficient proof. The reader will find this
poem in Mr. Mathias's elegant selection of the Poeti Liricl <F Italia, vol. i.
p. 105.

NOTE 2, (p. 110.)— The Italian poems of Sanazzaro have generally been
published with his Arcadia, of which there have been numerous editions :
of these the most complete and correct are those by Komiuo, Padua, 1723.
4to, and by Kemondini, Venice, 1752, 8vo.

NOTE 3, (p. 111.) — "Impresso in Modena per Dionysio Bertocho nel
anno de la redemptione humana M.CCCC.LXXXXVIII. a di xm. de Magio.
Imperante lo sapientissimo Hercule Duca di Ferrara, Modena & Regio.
in 4to." This edition is dedicated by the editor to the marquis of Mantua.
The dissatisfaction of the author is alluded to by Narni, in his poem
Delia Mortt del Dancsc, ii. 4, where he represents Tebaldeo as,

" Mesto alquauto dell' opra sua prima."

Zeno, Note al Fontan. Bib. Ital. ii. 52.

NOTE 4, (p. 112.) — " But these defects were, perhaps, less apparent in
Tebaldeo than in other writers ; and on the whole, he may fairly take his
name among the best poets of his time." — Stor. della Let. Ital. vi. ii. 150.
Tebaldeo seems, however, to have foreseen the approaching improvement

the Italian language, and the fate of his own productions, as appears
from the following lines :

" So che molti verran nell' altra etate,
Ch' accuseranno i miei rimi e versi,
Come iuornati rigidi e mal tersi,
E fieu le carte mie ibrse stracciute."
Dolce, Hist. Gym. Fer. ap. Museum Mazzuchell. i. 184.

Of the Italian works of Tebaldeo, no complete collection has, I believe,
hitherto been published ; although the learned Apostolo Zeno, more than
f a century since, indicated the sources from which such an edition
might be formed. — Note alia Bibl. Ital. di Foutaniui. ii. -r)5.

NOTE 5, (p. 113.) — Mazzuch. i. G7. — " He had given him by Leo X. the
ordship of Nepi and other castles in the ecclesiastical states. After his death,
which took place at Eome, in 1534, they w-ere given by Clement VII. to Al
fonso, his natural son. — Mamii, Istoria del Decamerone, ii. xxxi. 238. There
appears, however, some degree of inconsistency in these accounts, for if
Bernardo was deprived of his possessions by Paul III., how could they be
restored to his son Alfonso by Clement VII., who preceded Paul in the
ntifical chair, and died in 1534 ? The annotator on the Ragionumcnti
fVasari, thus relates this circumstance; "Leo X. gave the Uiiico, in
520, with the title of Duchy, the city of Nepi, in the patrimony of
t. Peter, which in 1530, on his dying without heirs, returned to the
oly see. — Piagionam. 93. Arezz. 1702".
VOL. II. P F

434 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI.

NOTE C, (p. 113.) — A Ternale is an epistle in terza rima. The above
anecdote shows that Accolti was an improvvisatore, aud this circumstance
explains the wonderful effect produced upon his audience by his recitations
an effect which the compositions that have come down to us would other
wise never have had. — B.

NOTE 7, (p. 113.) — Lettere di P. Aretino, v. 46. Mazzuchel. i. 06. —
If the reader be curious to inquire what were the sublime and pathetic
passages which produced so wonderful an effect on the audience, he may be
gratified by perusing the following lines to the Virgin, which are cited in
the letter of Pietro Aretino as having given occasion to such extravagant
applause :

" Quel generasti di cui concepesti ;
Portasti quel di cui fosti fattura ;
E di te nacque quel di cui nascesti."

Happy days ! when poetic honours were so easily attained. The whole of
this Ternale is printed in the early editions of the works of Accolti ; and
may be consulted by such of my readers as approve the above specimen.

NOTE 8, (p. 113.) — As appears from the title of the early editions, also
see Mauni, Istoria del Decamerone, ii. xxxi. 237.

NOTE 9, (p. 114.) — Mazzuchelli denominates him " il Conte Giambat-
tista Malatesta," and adds, that Virginia brought her husband 10,000
crowns, which in those days was considered a very large portion.— r
Scrittori d'ltal. i. 67.

NOTE 10, (p. 114.) — " Among these Strambotti of Accolti, there are some
very pointed ones, coming near to the Greek and Roman epigrams." — Redi,
Anuotaz. al suo Ditirambo di Bacco in Tosc. (Fir. 1685.) 87.

NOTE 11, (p. 114.) — The works of Accolti were first printed at Florence.
A stanza di Alessandro di Francesco Bossegli adi vi. di Agosto, 1513. 8vo.
Again at Florence in 1514, 12mo. at Venice in 1515, at Florence in 1518, '
and at Venice in 1519, by Nicolo Zopino e Vincentio Compagna, with the
following title : " OPERA NOVA del preclarissmo Messer Bernardo Accolti,
Aretino, Scriptore Apostolico, & Abbreviatore, Zoe, Soneti, Capitoli, Stram
botti, & uua Commedia con dui capitoli, uno in laude dela Madonna, Faltro
de la Fede." In the title page of this edition is the figure of Accolti in
meditation.

NOTE 12, (p. 115.) — " I bless the day on which I quitted Rome i
Pope Leo, of whom I only asked leave to retire to these parts for a short
space for the benefit of my health, intending, however, in reality, not to
return to Rome, but to live to myself the rest of the time that remained to
me." — Bembo, Lettere a Sommi Pontefici, &c. v. 1.

NOTE 13, (p. 115.) — Lucilio, one of his sons, died young in 1531. Tor-
quato, who was admitted into the church and became a canon of Padna,
distinguished himself by his literary acquirements. Helena was married
in 1543, to Pietro Gradenigo, a noble Venetian. — Mazzuch. iv. 741. Agos-
tino Beazzano has celebrated her accomplishments in one of his sonnets,
beginning :

" Helena, del grim Bembo altero pegno."

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI. 435

Morosina is said to have been buried in one of the churches of Padua,
with the following inscription: " Hie jacet Morosina, Petri Bembi Concu-
bina." But Mazzuchelli has shown that this epitaph is fictitious. She
was, in fact, interred in the church of S. Bartolommeo at Padua ; over her
sepulchre is inscribed — " Morosinae, Torquati Bembi Matri. Obiit 8 Idus
Augusti, M.D.XXXV." Beinbo is said to have regarded her as a legitimate
wife. That he loved her with a sincere and constant aft'ectiou is apparent
from the grief which he suffered on her loss ; on which occasion eleven of
his sonnets remain which have more pathos than any of his writings.—.
Bemb. Ep. Fam. vi. 60, 67. Lettere volgari, ii. ii. 14.

NOTE 14, (p. 115.) — The pains which Bembo afterwards took to obviate
the objections that had been made to his moral conduct, and his flattering
letters to Paul III. seem, however, to contradict the report encouraged by
Beccatelli, his biographer, and others, that he reluctantly acceded to this
promotion.

NOTE 15, (p. 116.) — Bembo was interred in the church of S. Maria alia
Minerva at Rome, behind the gi-eat altar, and between the tombs of Leo X.
and Clement VII. with the following inscription placed by his son Torquato :
" Petro Bembo patritio Veneto ob ejus singulares virtutes, a Paulo III.
pontif. max. in sacrum collegium cooptato, Torquatus Bembus P. obiit 15,
kal. Feb. M.D.XLVII. vixit. an. LXXVI. men. vn. d. xxvm." , t

NOTE 16, (p. 117.) — Independently of his poetical merits, Bembo was one
'• of the best Greek scholars of his time, and, in other respects, possessed a
i treasure of classical learning ; his Latin was of peculiar elegance ; his
; letters are models of style ; and his orations, his Storla T'enetn, his
[ familiar epistles, his book De Imitatione, are all of the highest merit. — B.

NOTE 17, (p. 117.) — A letter from LeoX. to Leonardo Loredauo, doge of
! Venice, not only demonstrates the high esteem in which the pontiff held
' Beazzano, but shows that he continued the hereditary practice of his family,
>' in combining the affairs of state with the promotion of literature. " I send to
i you Agostiuo Beazzano, my intimate friend, and a citizen of your own, a man
' of great learning and integrity, who will explain to you my views more in
! detail. I have also commissioned him to search through Venice for certain
[ Greek books I want." — Bemb. Ep. nom. Leon. X. x. ep. 40.

NOTE 18, (p. 117.)

" Non ego divitias regnm, non anxius opto

Quas Tagus auriferis in mare volvit aquis ;
Nee magnos ut consideam spectandus amicos

Inter, purpureo cinctus honore caput ;
Amplave ut iimumeris strepitent mea tecta ministris,

Et vix niensa ferat delitiosa dapes ;
O Decus, 0 nostri spes unica, vitaque secli,

Non minor hoc, placidus quern regis orbe, Leo.
Fortune tantum dederis, Leo maxime, quantum

Parco sufficiat, si mihi, dives ero."

The same sentiment is also repeated in another epistle addressed to
I Bembo, requesting his interest with the pontiff, and beginning
" Cum te rector arnet lati Leo maximus orbis."
F F 2

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI.

NOTE 19, (p. 118.) — Orl. Fur. xlvi. 14. On the tomb of Beazzano, in
the church of Trevigi; is inscribed the following epitaph : —
" Hospes, Beatiamis hie est, scis cetera; num tam

Durus es, ut siccis hinc abeas oculis ?"

NOTE 20, (p. 118.) — The following production, on the indisposition of
Leo X. may be considered as no unfavourable specimen of his style.

SONETTO.

" Re del Ciel, che qua giu scender volesti
Vestito del caduco vel terreno ;
E, per mostrarti ben cortese a pieno,
Toglieudo a morte noi, te a morte desti ;
L'alma Leon, che gia primo elegesti

Fra tanti a governar del mondo il freno,
Conserva tal, che se non d' anui pieiio,
Non torui ad habitar fra li celesti.
Non \edi, che la gente sbigottita

Gridaudo piange, e prega per clii tiene
In dubbio con la sua, la nostra vita ?
Perche s'egli si tosto a morte viene
Vedrem d' ogni virtu per lui fiorita,
II fiore e il frutto in un perder la spene."

The Latin and Italian works of Beazzano were printed in' one volume,
•octavo, under the title, De le Cose volyariet Latine del Beatiano. Venetilt
per Bartholonueum de Zaneltis de Brixia,anno a nativitate Domini, 1538,
die dccimd Octob. The edition which appears to bear the date of 1551, is
only the former with a new title.

HOTE 21, (p. 118.) — " Fr. Maria Molza, of Modena, and M. Antonio
Flaminio, are two young men under my observation, most intent in the
pursuit of literature, both of them always assiduously cultivating the pro-
.ductions of others, or putting forth something of their own. Francesco
combines with a thorough knowledge of his own language, wherein he ha
written some excellent things, a great acquaintance with the Latin, Greek,
and Hebrew tongues. He is of a somewhat too amorous turn, but in
•capacity may be deemed most eminent." Lit. Greg. Gyraldus, de Poetis
6uor temp. Dial. i. in Op. ii. 544. Ed. Lug. Bat. 1G96.

NOTE 22, (p. 110.) — And yet he had been preceptor of Charles V. — B.
NOTE 23, (p. 119.) — On the portrait of this lady, Molza wrote a poem,
in two parts, each consisting of fifty stanzas, in ottava ritna, which is pub
lished in his works, vol. i. 133, and contains many beautiful passages.

NOTE 24, (p. 119.) — He had the misfortune to be present at the mise
rable saccage of Rome, by the banditti under the duke of Bourbon, in Io27.
•which he indignantly mentions in one of his elegies, addressed to his frient
Luigi Priuli.

" His tecnm decuit me potius vivere in oris,
Quam spectasse Urbis funera Romuleae ;
Qnam saevas acies, truculeuti et Teutouis iras,

Ustaque ab Hispano milite templa Deum
Vidi ego Vestales fcedis contactibus actas

Nequicquam sparsis exululare comis ;
Collaque demissum ferro, gravibusque catenis

Romana sacra procuuui^se via." — Molzoe, Op. ii. 169.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI. 437

NOTE 25, (p. 119.) — It would be tiresome to collect the eulogies on the
racter of Molza ; almost all the distinguished writers of the time having
their testimony to his praise. None of these are, however, more honour-
able to his memory, than that of the virtuous and accomplished Vittoria
Dolonna, who has devoted two of her sonnets to commemorate the death of
lie parents of Molza, who both died nearly at the same time, and to excite
[the son to immortalize their virtues in his writings.

" Opra e da voi con 1'armouia celeste

Del vostro altero suon, che uostra etade
Gia del antico ouor lieta riveste,
Dir, com' ebber quest' alme libertade

Insieme a uu tempo, e come insieme preste,
Volar ne le divine alte contrade."

Son. 118. Ed. del Corso, 1558.

Nor must we omit the following elegant lines of his early friend Flaminio,
De Francisco Molsa.

" Postera dutn numeros dnlces mirabitur aetas,

Sive Tibulle, tuos, sive, Petrarca, tuos ;
Tu quoque, Molsa, pari semper celebrabere fama,

Vel potius titulo duplice major eris ;
» Quicquid euim laudis dedit iuclyta Musa duobus

Yatibus, hoc uni donat habere tibi." — Flam. Carm. ii. 19.

His memory was also honoured by the following epitaph, from the pen of
the count Nicolo d'Arco.

" Molza jaces. Musae te discedente Latinoe
Fleruut, et Tuscis miscuerunt lacrimas."

NOTE 26, (p. 119.) — In one of his elegies addressed to the cardinal Be
nedetto Accolti, we find the following unequivocal and impressive lines :

" Tertia nam misero jampridem clucitur aetas,

Ex quo me morbi vis fera corripuit ;
Quam lectas nequeunt, succisve potentibus herbae,

Pellere, iiec magico Saga ministerio,
Vecta nee ipsa Indis nuper felicibus arbor,

Una tot humanis usibus apta juvat.
Decolor ille meus toto jam corpore sanguis

Aruit, et solitus deserit ora nitor.
Quae si forte modis spectes pallautia miris,

Esse alium quam me, tu, Benedicte, putes.
Quid referam somni ductas sine munere noctes,

Fugerit utque omuis lumina nostra sopor ?
Et toties haustum frustra cereale papaver,

Misceri et medica quicquid ab arte solet ?
Saevit atrox morbi rabies, tenerisque medullis

Haeret, et exhaustis ossibus, ossa vorat."

Molzae, op. i. 131.

A short time before his death, he also addressed a most beautiful and
pathetic Latin elegy to his friends ; printed in his works, vol. i. 242. That

438 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI.

Molza was not so enveloped in licentious amours as wholly to have relin
quished the hopes of a lasting fame, is evident from one of his sonnets,
beginning,

" Alto Silenzio, eh' a pensar mi tiri." — In. op. i. 43.

[Tarquinia Molzn, his granddaughter, was celebrated for her beauty, her
virtues, her profound knowledge of the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages,
and for her graceful poetry, printed with that of her uncle in 1750.] — B.

NOTE 27, (p. 120.) — In the year 1507, he was sent by the cardinal Ippo-
lito to Mantua, to congratulate his sister Isabella d'Este, the wife of the
marquis Francesco Gouzago, on the birth of a child. A letter from Isabella
to her brother yet remains, and shows that at this time Ariosto had made a
considerable progress in his great epic poem, some parts of which he read
for her amusement.

NOTE 28, (p. 120.)

" Piegossi a me da la beata sede

La mano, e poi le gote ambe mi prese,
E'l santo bacio in amendue mi diede."

Ariosto, Sat. iii. ad. Annib. Malaguzzi.

NOTE 29, (p. 122.) — Not the names of noble families of Florence, as
some have supposed, but diminutives of affection, derived from the common
names of Giovanni, Bartolommeo, Lancelotto, &c. <

NOTE 30, (p. 122.)—

" Venne il di che la Chiesa fu per moglie
Data a Leone, ed a le nozze vidi
A tanti amici miei rosse le spoglie.
Venne a Calende, e fuggi innanzi a gli Idi;
Fin che me ne rimembre, esser non puote
Che di promessa altrui mai piu mi fidi.
La sciocca speme a le contrade ignote, '
Sali del ciel, quel di che'l Pastor santo
La man mi strinse, e mi bacio le gote."

Ariost. Sat. vii.

NOTE 31, (p. 122.) — The favours conferred by Leo on Ariosto are alluded
to by Gabriello Simeoni, in his Satira sopra I 'Avarizia.

" Successe a lui Lion poi lume e specchio
Di cortesia, che fu la cagion prima
Che all' Ariosto ancor porgiamo orecchio."

Which is explained by a marginal note ; " Leo X. dono all' Ariosto per
fornire il suo libro pin centinaja di scudi." — Mazzuchelli, ii. 1063.

NOTE 32, (p. 123.) — Dove, dlavolo, Messer Lodovico, avete pigliate
tante coglionerie. Mazzuchelli has altered, in some degree, the phraseology
of the cardinal, who, according to his narrative, inquired from Ariosto,
Dondemai avesse egli trovate tante (minchionerie.) — Scrittori d'ltal. ii.
1069; but there is reason to believe, that the anecdote is well-founded,
and that the merits of Ariosto, like those of Milton, and of all others, whose
genius has been superior to the character of the age, were not sufficiently
acknowledged in his life-time. " "Tis thus the world treats its great men,

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI. 439

tjnever perceiving or acknowledging their greatness till it has lost them.
See how it used poor Ariosto ; read his writings, and observe his history,
ind say whether the world of his own time recognised his greatness. Were
lie to come to life again now, princes would rie with each other in seeking

this society, and all would honour him." — Doni, la Zucca, 105. ap. Mazzuch.
;i. 1009. P. Aretino, in a letter to Dolce relates that an expression similar
to that made use of by the cardinal had been applied by one of his servants

feto the paraphrase of Aretino, of the seven penitential psalms. " A servant

tot mine, hearing my psalms read, exclaimed : ' Where the devil can my

(master have got all this rubbish ?' " — Note, M. de la Monnoye. Baillet,

|Jugemens des S£avans, iv. 48.

[The phrase made use of by the cardinal to Ariosto did not go the length

jjof absurdities, but simply implied trifles, flighty things.] — B.

'. NOTE 33, (p. 123.) — These emblems have been perpetuated on the re-
I'verse of two different medals, representing the eflftgies of the poet. They are
i both given in the Museum Mazzuchellianum, i. 209, tab. 37.

NOTE 34, (p. 124.) — To this happy period of his life he alludes in his
^.fourth satire,

" Gia mi fur dolci inviti a empir le'carte

I luoghi ameni, di che il nostro Keggio

II natio nido mio n'ha la sua parte."

*****

" Cercando hor questo et hor quel loco opaco,
Quivi in pid d'una lingua, e in piu d'un stile,
Eivi trahea fin dal Gorgonio laco."

• NOTE 35, (p. 124.)

" II servigio del Duca, da ogni parte

Che ci sia buona, piu mi piace in qnesta
Che dal nido natio raro si parte.
Percio gli studi miei poco molesta,
Ne mi toglie, oude mai tutto partire
Non posso, perche il cor sempre si resta."

NOTE 30, (p. 124.) — The centre of the facclata of the house has the
following inscription : — " Parva, sed apta milii ; sed nulli obnoxia ; sed non
sordida ; parta meo sed tamen aere domus."

On the highest part of the front is inscribed ; " Sic domus haec Areostea,
propitios Deos habeat olim ut Pindarica.

! NOTE 37, (p. 124.) — Or rather of Modena, which at that time was under

• the dominion of the dukes of Ferrara. — B.

NOTE 38, (p. 124.) — To this mission Ariosto alludes in his fourth satire,
in which lie laments the interruption which it had occasioned to his studies,
<and his absence from his mistress. He admits that his employment is both
; honourable and profitable, but alleges, that he is in the situation of the cock
;that found a diamond, or of the Venetian nobleman to whom the king of
Portugal made a present of an Arabian horse.

NOTE 39, (p. 125.) — For an account of the various editions of this cele
brated poem, after its first publication in Ferrara, per Lodovico Mazziocco,
in 1515, 4to, I must refer to the bibliographers and literary historians of

440 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI.

Italy, and particularly to Mazzuchelli, who has particularized no less than
sixty-seven editions, down to the year 1753 ; of which the best is allowed
to be that with the designs of Girolamo Porro, Venice, appresso Francesco
di Franceschi, 1584, 4to.

NOTE 40, (p. 125.) — The Satires of Ariosto were not published until
after the death of their author, in 1534. This edition is entitled, " Le Satire
di M. Ludovico Ariosto. volgari. In terza rima, di nuovo Stampate, del
Mese di Octobre, M.D.XXXIIII.," from which it might be inferred, they had
before been printed, if it were not known that this is the frequent phrase
ology of the printers of this period, and that many instances occur where it
lias been used, when the work has never before undergone the press. These
satires have been inserted in the lists of books prohibited by the Roman see,
but this has not prevented the publication of many subsequent editions, some
of which have been printed in Venice at different times, as well separately, as
with his lyric pieces and other works.

NOTE 41, (p. 125.) — The Latin poems of Ariosto, divided into two books,
were collected and published by Giov. Batt. Pigna, together with his own
poems, and those of Celio Calcagnini, at Venice, ex Officiua Erasmiana, by
Viucentio Valgrisi, in 1553, 8vo. Giraldi denominates them, ingenlosa sed
dttriuscula. — DC Poet. suor. temp. dial. i. Some of them appear in various
collections, and particularly in the Carm. illust. Poet. Ital. i. 342.

NOTE 42, (p. 12(5.) — " We have had two princesses and poetesses very little
inferior to men: Vittoria Colonna of Pescara, and Veronica Gambara of
Correggio, whose poems, intrinsically most admirable and divine, we read all
the more admiringly for that they were composed by illustrious ladies." — Lil.
Greg. Gyraldiis, de Poet. suor. temp. dial. ii. 571.

NOTE 43, (p. 127.) — His generosity and attention to the celebrated cheva
lier Bayard, who fell in an engagement at Biagrassa, in the year 1524, is re
corded by Dr. Robertson, in his life of Charles V. iii. ii. 203.

NOTE 44. (p. 127.) — Jovius has written the life of this distinguished
commander, in seven books, which comprise the history of the principal
military events of the time.

NOTE 45, (p. 127.) — The dignified conduct of Vittoria gave occasion to
the following lines, attributed to, and not unworthy of the eminent Latin
poet Marc-Antonio Flaminio.

" Non vivam sine te, mi Brute, exterrita dixit

Porcia ; et ardentes sorbuit ore faces.
Davale, te extincto, dixit Victoria, vivam,

Perpetuo mcestos sic dolitura dies.
Utraque Romana'est, sed in hoc Victoria Major ;

Nulla dolere potest mortua, viva dolet."

Flam. Op. 204. Ed. Com. 1727.

NOTE 46, (p. 127.) — Among these were Beazzano, Flamiuio, Molza, the
cardinals Coutarini, Bembo, and Pole ; most of whom have celebrated her
in their writings.

NOTE 47, (p. 127.) — One of these pieces represents Christ, just taken
from the cross, and sinking on the knees of his mother. This work has

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI. 441

frequently been copied in paintings, which are erroneously supposed to be
the production of Michel-Agnolo, and has also been engraved. Bottari,
Note al Vasari. iii. 314, and see Coudivi, Vita di M. A. Buouarotti, 53,
! where this piece is fully described, and where it appears that the artist
inscribed on the cross the following line :

" Non vi si pensa quanto sangue costa."

He also designed for her a figure of Christ on the cross, and another of
Christ at the well, with the woman of Samaria, which has also been en
graved. — Vasari, nt sup.

NOTE 48, (p. 128.) — In one of the poems of Michel-Agnolo, addressed
to Marchesana, he laments the fluctuating state of his religious sentiments,
and calls upon her to direct him in his spiritual concerns.

" Forgo la carta bianca
A i vostri sacri inchiostri,
Ove per voi nel mio dubbiar si scriva,
Come quest' alma d' ogni luce priva,
Possa 11011 traviar dietro il desio
Negli ultimi suoi pussi, ond' ella cade ;
Per voi si scriva, voi, che'l viver mio
Volgeste al ciel per le piii belle strade."

Rime del Buonarotti, GO. Ed. Firen. 1720, 8vo.

He also wrote a sonnet on her death, which manifests the sorrow which
3 felt on that occasion, and the sacred affection with which he regarded
3r memory. — Rime, 70.

NOTE 49, (p. 128.) — Of the poems of Vittoria Colonna, four editions
were printed in her life time. They were first collected by Filippo Piro-
igallo, and published, without her knowledge, at Parma, in 1538, reprinted
in 1539, without note of place or printer ; and again at Florence in the
last-mentioned year, with the addition of sixteen spiritual sonnets. The
; fourth edition is that of Venice, 1544, with the addition of twenty -four
spiritual sonnets, and her celebrated Stanze. They were also republished.
after her death, particularly by Lodovico Dolce, in 1552, at Venice ; and
again at the same place by Girolamo Ruscelli, with the exposition or com
mentary of Rinaldo Corso in 1558. Her Pianto sopra la iiassione di
< Crisfo, with other sacred poems, was also printed at Bologna, per Antonio
Manuzio, 1557, and at Venice, presso i figliuoli d' Aldo, in 1501. — Zeno,
Note al Fontaniui, Bib. Ital. ii. 95.

NOTE 50, (p. 128.) — This piece was probably addressed to Filiberta of
Savoy, the wife of Ginliano de' Medici, and seems to have been written in
the early part of the life of its illustrious author during the pontificate of
Leo X. although not inserted in the first editions of her works.

NOTE 51, (p. 129.) — " They are so excellent," says Tiraboschi, " that they
may take their place among the most polished productions of the age." Her
life was written by Rinaldo Corso, and published at Ancona in 1556. A
more full account of her is given by the Dott. Baldassare Camillo Zam-
boni, prefixed to her works, edited by him in 1759, to which edition he has
added her letters, which, we are informed, are highly estimable for the natu
ral and easy elegance of their style. — Tirab. vii. i. 48.

442 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI.

NOTE 02, (p. 129.) — Daughter of Innico d'Avalos, marquis del Vasto.
" The few verses of hers which remain, are replete with grace aud beauty,
with purity and elegance, with elevated sentiment, and Christian piety." —
Crescimb. Istor. della volgur poes. ii. 400. v. Mazzuchelli, ii. 1223.

NOTE 53, (p. ]29.) — The offspring of love, Tullia is said not to have
been insensible to his dictates. Her attractions, both of person and mind,
are celebrated by the most distinguished wits and scholars of the time, al
most all of whom were proud to enrol themselves among her admirers. The
principal work of Tullia is her poems in ottava rimn, entitled II Mcschino,
detto Gueri>w, in twenty-six cantos, printed at Venice in 1560, quarto,
which is said by Crescimbeui, i. 341 , to rival the Odyssey in the disposition
of its parts ; but other critics have formed a different judgment. Her
dialogue, delt Infinita d' Amore, was printed at Venice, in 1547. Among
her admirers who have addressed her in their verses, we find the cardinal
Ippolito, son of Giuliano de' Medici, Francesco-Maria Molza, Ercole Benti-
voglio, Filippo Strozzi, Alessandro Arrighi, Lattanzio Beuucci, and Bene
detto Varchi ; but the person who adored her beyond all the rest, and who
has dedicated a great part of his compositions to her praise, was the cele
brated Girolamo Muzio. Her poems were published at Venice, presso il
Giolito, 1547, and have frequently been reprinted, accompanied with at least
an equal number of sonnets and other poems in her praise. Among these
compositions, one of the sonnets of the cardinal de' Medici is deserving of
particular approbation ; but her own pieces are seldom inferior in spirit and
elegance to those of her numerous panegyrists.

NOTE 54, (p. 129.) — At Venice 1548, 1549, 1550, and 1554, and again
corrected by Domenichi, in 1500. Among the friends and patrons to whom
they are addressed, we find Ercole Bentivoglio, Luigi Tansillo, Lodovico
Domenichi, Bernardino Kota, and Vittoria Colonna ; some of whom have
honoured her in return with their commendations. In the Ragguagli di
Pornaso, of Boccalini, Cent. ii. Ragg. 35, is a satirical relation of the sup
posed marriage of Laura Terracina with the poet Francesco Mauro, who,
soon after his marriage, became jealous of his wife, on account of a garter
which she wore, studded with jewels, which she had received as a present
from Edward VI. of England, in return for her devotion towards htm, a
circumstance which so exasperated Mauro, that he cut the throat of his wife
with a prohibited versa of six syllables which he carried at his side. A
great tumult arose in Parnassus, which Apollo allayed by a speech ; the
object of which seems to be to satirize the order of the Garter, and
to compare the favours conferred by sovereigns on the subjects of other
princes, to the presents given by lovers to other men's wives.

NOTE 55, (p. 129.) — " One of the most elegant poetesses of the time,
worthy to be placed in the first rank of poets." — Tirab. vii. iii. 49. Many
of her poems are addressed to the count of Collalto, of whom she was pas
sionately enamoured, and whose marriage to another lady she did not long
survive, having died in 1554, about the thirtieth year of her age. Her
poems were published by her surviving sister Cassandra, soon after her
death, but were not reprinted till the year 1738 ; when they were again pub
lished by Antonio Rambaldo di Conti count of Collalto, a descendant of the
nobleman to whom they were so ineffectually addressed by their unfor
tunate author.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI. , 443

' NOTE 56, (p. 120.) — She became the wife of the celebrated Florentine
[•sculptor Bartolommeo Ammauati. Her works were first published at
^Florence, appresso i Giunti, in 1568. Mazzuchelli and Tiraboschi have
Jpollected numerous testimonies of her coutemporaries to her merits.

• NOTE 57, (p. 120.) — Respecting his name and the place of his birth, see
rMenage, Anti-Baillet, i. 37.

• NOTE 58, (p. 131.) — The Of ere Burlesche of Berni and others, after some
bf them had been separately published, were collected by Anton- Francesco
v.jrazziui, called II Liisca, and published by the Giunti, at Florence,!.
•1548, 1550; ii. 1555, octavo. They have been frequently reprinted since,
out generally in a mutilated and imperfect manner. The most complete

ind best edition is that of which the first and second volumes bear the date
)f London, 1723, and the third, of Florence in the same year, but which

kere in fact printed at Naples, and this edition is cited as one of the Tcsti

' II Lingua by the academicians Delia Crusca,

I NOTE 59, (p. 131.) — " A blessing," says Sancho, " on him who first in
vented sleep ; it wraps a man all round like a cloak." Thus Berni, almost
i* century before Cervantes, on the same subject : —

" Quella diceva ch' era la piu bella

Arte, il piu bel mestier che si facesse ;
II letto er' una veste, una gouella
Ad ognum buoiia che se la mettesse."

Orl. Innam. iii. vii.

, NOTE 60, (p. 132.) — The work alluded to, of Giovanni della Casa, is his
Capilolo del Forno, published with his terze rime, in the Opere burlesche
}f Berni and others, in three volumes. This piece has given rise to an
•'nfinite number of errors aud misrepresentations, that have stained the
nemory of this most accomplished scholar and elegant writer with uncom-
non odium. From these accusations, he has been defended with great
ibility by M. Menage, in his Anti-Baillet, ii. 119. That he was himself,
iowever, extremely sensible of the reproaches which he had incurred, ap-
jears from his exquisite Latin' lines, addressed Ad Germanos, in which he
las endeavoured to justify himself, by alleging that these obnoxious verses
tvere written in the more thoughtless days of his youth, and that he had
:ompensated for them by the regularity, industry, and continency of his
future life and conduct ; for which he refers to Bembo, Flaminio, and his
nher friends. His example may be a lesson to young writers, to be cautious
low they produce

" One line which dying they would wish to blot."
\ caution which is beautifully enforced in his own verses :

" Annis ab hinc triginta et amplius, scio
Nonnulla me fortasse non castissimis
Lusisse versibus ; quod setas tune mea
Rerum me adegit inscia, et semper jocis
Licentius gavisa, concessu omnium,
Juventa; quod fecere et alii item boni.
At nunc abit juventa, lusus permanet ;

444 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI.

Et cat-mini illi nomen adscribunt meum

Idem quod ante erat, nee adscribunt diem

Eamdem, erat quoe quando id olim lusimus ;

Sed quod puer peccavit, accusant senem."

The works of Casa were collected and published in five volumes quarto,
Venice, 1728. Both his verse and prose may be esteemed among the
purest models of the Italian, tongue.

NOTE 61, (p. 132.) — The first of these editions is that of the Giunti, in

1541, quarto. It was also published at Milan, nelle case d'Andrea Calvo,

1542, quarto, with the privilege of the pope and the state of Venice ; and
again at Venice in 1545, con la Ghmta di molte stanze, wliich are, how
ever, of little importance. Another edition is said to have been published
at Venice, per Girolamo Scotto, in 1548. — Quadrio. iv. 554 ; Mazzuchelli,
iv. 992, but this I conceive to be the Orlando Innamorata, as reformed by
Lodovico Dominichi ; at least, a copy of the latter work by the same
printer, and in the same year, is in my possession. The more modern
edition, with the date of Florence, 1725, but, in fact, printed at Naples, is
considered as the most correct.

NOTE 02, (p. 133.) — Tiraboschi informs us that the first edition is that
of Venice, in 1519; but Foutanini and Zeno have cited an edition contain
ing his eclogues, and the first seventeen books of his poem of Baldo,
printed at Venice in 1517, 8vo. They were afterwards reprinted at Venice,
in 1520; and by Alexander Pagauini, Ttiscitlani apud Lacum Boiacvnscm,
in 1521, ornamented with grotesque prints from blocks of wood, with the
following title : —

" Opus Murlini Cocaii Poetae Mantuani Macaronicorum, totum in pris-
tiuam formam per me Magistruui Acquarium Lodolam optime redactum, in
his infra notatis titulis divisum.

" Zanitonella, quoe de amore Tonelli erga Zaninam tractat. Quoe con-
stat ex tredecim Souolegiis, septem Ecclogis, et una Strambottolegia.

" Phantas'ue Macaronicou, divisum in vigintiquinque Macaronicis,
tractaus de gestis magnanimi et prudentissimi Baldi.

" Mosch(C<c, Facetus liber in tribus partibus divisus, et tractans de
crueuto cerhimine Muscaruni et Formicarum.

" Llbcllus Epistolarum, et Epigrammatum ad varias personas direc-
tarura.

" Jfexnxticon Joaunis Baricocolae.

Merdiloqui putrido Scardaffi stercore uuper

Omnibus in bandis imboazata fui.
Me tamen Acquarii Lodolee sguratio lavit,

Sum quoque savono facta galanta suo.
Ergo me poptili comprantes solvite bursas.

Si quis avaritia non emit, ille miser."

Foleugi afterwards reformed and altered this work, for the purpose o:
correcting its satirical tendency, and a new edition was printed without nott
of year, place, or printer ; but which was printed at Venice, in 1530. Th<
edition of 1521 is, however, considered as the best, and has been the usua
model of those since reprinted, particularly that of Venice, apud Joannen
Variscum et Socios, 1573. A splendid edition of the Macaronics of Fo

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI. 445

lengi, in two vols. 4to., was published at Mantua, in 1708 and 1771, with
Pjthe life of the author, by Gianagostino Gradeuigo, bishop ofCeueda.

[There was also a good edition published at Venice, in 15G1 ; and an-
I other printed at Amsterdam, 1092, 8vo — B.]

NOTE 63, (p. 134.) — This poem, divided into eight cantos, has been
Ij several times reprinted after the first edition of the Sabbil, in Venice, 1520,
• particularly by Gregorio de' Gregori, at the same place, and in the same
year: in Rimini, by Soncino, 1527 (ed. castrata), in Venice, by Sessa,
1520 and l.r>39, and at the same place by Bindoui, in 1550 ; which last
> : edition has been counterfeited by an impression of the same date, of much
\ (inferior execution. At the close, is an apologetical address from the author,
i in which he has attempted to vindicate himself from the charge of impiety,
l:in having satirized the clergy, under the character of Monsignore Griff'a-
Urosto ; and, what was much more dangerous, in having shown a partiality
I to the cause of the reformers. — Zeuo, anuot. al Fontan. i. 303.

I NOTE 04, (p. 134.) — It is to be observed, that at the period in ques-
' .tion, every young man not destined for the military profession who dis-
i iplayed more than ordinary talent, was made an ecclesiastic ; whence it hap
pened that there was hardly any writer who was not in the church. — B.

NOTE 05, (p. 134.) — His Tripcruno is intended to exhibit the three dif
ferent periods of the life of its author, and was first printed at Venice, in
1527, and again in 1540.

I NOTE GO, (p. 134.) — Printed at Venice, per Aurelio Pincio, 1533. This
work is divided into ten cantos, in the first of whi^h Homer and Virgil are
introduced conversing together in favour of the four Christian poets who
lhave written on the humanity of the Son of God, who it appears are, /'/
-.Folgo, or Folengi himself, Sanazzaro, Vida, and bcipione Capece. Folengi
seems to have imbibed some of the notions of the reformers, which he did
not dare more openly avow; and like David before Achish, to have feigned
:himself mad, and " scrabbled on the doors of the gate, and let his sjiiitle
fall down upon his beard."

I NOTE 67, (p. 134.) — " La Cecilia," " La Cristina," e " La Cateriua."
— Zeno, Note al Fontanini, i. 302.

NOTE 08, (p. 134.) — Translated by Giovanni Buonsiguore, supposed as
early as the fourteenth century, printed at Venice per Gio. Rosso. Ven.,
1497.— Morelli, Bib. Pinel. iv.Art. 200!). Haym. Bib. Ital. 118. 13.

NOTE 09, (p. 134.) — " L'Eneida," ridotta in prosa, per Atanagio Greco
Viceuza, per Ermanno di Levilapide. 1470.

NOTE 70, (p. 134'.) — " Tebaide di Stazio," in ottava Rimada Erasmo di
Valvasone, Veu. ap. Fr. Franceschi. 1470.

NOTE 71, (p. 134.) — " Lucano la Farsaglia," tradotla dal Cardinale Mon-
tichiello. Mihmo, per Cassano di Mantegazii, 14!)2. 4to.

NOTE 72, (p. 134.) — " Le Satire di Giuvenule," in terza rima, da
'Giorgio Sommaripa, in Trevigi, 1480. fo.

NOTE 73, (p. 134.)—" De arte Amandi," in terza rima, Milano, per
filippo di Montegazzi, 1494. There is also another edition, without date,
iwhich is probably the first. — Morelli. Bill. Pinel. iv. 2071.

446 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI.

NOTE 74, (p. 134.) — " Bucoliche di Virgilio," per Bernardo Pulci, di
Latino in vulgnre traducte, printed with some of the Bucolics of Francesco
Arsochi, Hieronymo Benivieui et Jacopo Fiorino de Buoninsegni, Flor., per
Maestro Antonio Mischomini, 1494. I must observe that Mr. Warton
is not correct in asserting, that Virgil's Bucolics were translated into Italian
by Bernardo Pulci, Fossa de Cremona, Benivieni, and Fiorini Buoninsegni.—
Hist, of Eng. Poetry, ii. 256. The only translators of Virgil being Bernardo
Pulci, and Evaugelista Fossa; and the Bucolics of Benivieni and Buoninsegni
being original compositions. The translation of Fossa is entitled, " Bucho-
lica Vulgare de Virgilio, composta per el Clarissimo Poeta Frati Evange
list a Fossa de Cremona, del ordine di Servi, MCCCCLXXXXIV. in Venetia." The
translation is in terza rima, but extremely rude and incorrect.

NOTE 75, (p. 135.) — With a laudable gratitude, Trissino erected in the
church of S. Maria della Passione, at Milan, an elegant monument to the
memory of his instructor, who died at that city in the year 1511 — Tirab. ,
vi. ii. 132.

NOTE 76, (p. 136.) — It appears from a letter of Giovanni Rucellai to
Trissino, dated the eighth of November, 1515, that Trissino had then com
pleted his tragedy, which was intended to be represented before Leo X., ',
probably on the occasion of his visit to Florence in that year. — Zeno, Note
al Fontauini, Bib. Ital.i. 464. It was not, however, printed until the year
1524, when it was published in Rome, per Lodovico degli Arrighi Vicentino; ,
with a dedication, which had been addressed by that author to Leo X., in the .
lifetime of that pontiff.

NOTE 77, (p. 136.) — This question has given rise to great diversity 01
opinion between Monsignore Fontanini and his severe commentator, Ajios-
tolo Zeno ; which the reader will find in the Bibl. dell' Eloq. Italiana, i. 384
et srq. It has also been discussed by Mr. Walker, in the Appendix to his
Historical Memoir on Italian Tragedy, ii. 20.

NOTE 78, (p. 136.) — On this account, Giraldi, in the prologue to hii
Orbecche, denominates him —

" II Trissino gentil, die col suo canto
Prima d'ognun, dal Tebro, e dall' Ilysso,
Gia trasse la Tragedia a 1'onde d' Arno."

NOTE 79, (p. 137.) — This poem, like the second edition of the Sofo-
irisba, 1529, was printed with the occasional introduction of Greek letters
for determining, with greater precision, the Italian pronunciation; tin
invention of which is due to Trissino, although his authority has failed o
introducing it into general use. He dedicated it to the emperor Charles V
in an address which explains the motives of his attempt, and elucidates somi
circumstances in his own life. Several passages in this poem gave
offence, the author having severely censured the conduct of some of
Roman pontiffs, in consequence of which they were cancelled by him in th-
copies remaining unsold ; a circumstance which has given rise to mud
discussion among the Italian bibliographers. — Fontanini, Bib. Ital. i. 268.

NOTE 80, (p. 138.) — "Do we not see that Trissiuo's poem, though th
learning of the writer was perfectly wonderful, and though the poem itself i
full of erudition, and of most excellent tendency, is not read at all: nay, th
very day it was born it was buried.'' — Bernardo Tasso, ap. Tirab. ltd;
vii.'iii. 113.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI. 447

NOTE 81, (p. 140.) — The dialogue of Trissino on the Italian language,
entitled II Castellano,is thus named by the author from his friend Rucellai,
who is one of the interlocutors, and is therein styled by him, " a man infe
rior to none of his contemporaries, in learning, goodness, and natural
ability." The strict friendship which subsisted between Trissino and
Rucellai, whilst they emulated each other in their works, is, as Maffei has
justly observed, highly honourable to the characters of both. — Teatro
Ital. i. 93.

NOTE 82, (p. 141.) — From a variety of circumstances stated by count
Bossi, I am disposed entirely to concur with him in the opinion that the
year of Alamanni's birth was 1495, not 1475. — W. H.

NOTE 83, (p. 143.) — On an embassy from Francis I. to the emperor
Charles V., Alamanni gave a singular instance of his talents and prompti
tude. Having, in his oration before the emperor, frequently mentioned the
Imperial Eagle, Charles, after having attentively listened till the close of
the speech, turned towards the orator, and repeated, with a sarcastic em
phasis, from one of the poems of Alamanni,

" L'aquila grifagna,
Che per piu divorar due becchi porta."

Alamanni heard this reproach with perfect composure, and instantly sub
joined, " Since these lines are known to your majesty, I must be allowed to
say, that when I wrote them I wrote as a poet, to whom it is allowed to
feign ; but that I now speak as the ambassador from one great sovereign
to another, whom it would ill become to deviate from the truth : they were
the production of my youth ; but now I speak with the gravity of age : they
were provoked by my having been banished from my native place ; but I
now appear before your majesty divested of all passion." Charles, rising
from his seat and laying his hand on the shoulder of the ambassador, told
him, with great kindness, that he had no cause to regret the loss of his
i country, having found such a patron as Francis I., adding, that to a virtuous
man, every place is his country. — Mazzuchelli, art. Alamanni, 253.

NOTE 84, (p. 142.) — The works of Alamanni, consisting of his Elegies,
\ Eclogues, Satires, and Lyric Pieces, with his tragedy of Antigone, were
i first printed by Gryphius, at Lyons, i. 1532 ; ii. 1533 ; the first volume was
i also printed by the Giunti, at Florence, in 1532, and both volumes were
afterwards published at Venice, in 1533, and again in 1542. Notwithstand
ing these frequent editions, the works of Alamanni were prohibited in the
1 pontificate of Clement VII., both at Florence and Rome ; in the latter of
: which places they were publicly burnt. — Mazzuchelli, i. 250.

NOTE 85, (p. 142). — Printed af Paris by Robert Stephens, in 1540, in a
beautiful edition corrected by the author, and dedicated to Francis I. It was
, again printed in the same year by the Giunti at Florence, and has been since
frequently reprinted, particularly in a correct and fine edition, in large quarto,
by Comino, at Padua, in 1718, with the Api of Rucellai, and the epigram*
of Alamauni, and at Bologna in 1740.

NOTE 86, (p. 142.) — First printed after the death of the author, at Flo
rence. Nella stamperia di Filippo Giunti, 1570, 4to. The subject of this-
poem is the siege of the city of Bourges, the capital of the duchy of Bern,

448 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVI.

supposed to be the Avaricum of Julius Caesar. The plan and conduct of it
is so closely founded on that of the lliud, that, if we except ouly the altera
tion of the names, it appears rather to he a translation than an original work.

NOTE 87, (p. 142.) — Girone il Cortese, printed at Paris, da Binaldo
Calderio e Claudio suo figliuolo, 4to, aud again at Venice, per Comin da
Trino da Monferato, 1549. This work is little more than a transposition
into Italian ottava rima, of a French romance entitled Gijron Conriois,
which Alamanni undertook at the request of Francis I., a short time before
the death of that monarch, as appears from the information of the author
himself, in his dedication to Henry II., in which he has described the origin
and laws of the British knights errant, or knights of the round table.

NOTE 88, (p. 143.) — It is strange that Mr. Eoscoe has not mentioned
Gabriele Chiabrera, by some called the Pindar of Italy, or given more than
a passing word to Annibale Caro, a writer prominent among those who
at this period purified and elevated the Italian language. — B.

CHAPTER XVII.

NOTE 1, (p. 140.) — These verses, which obtained for the author no in
considerable share of reputation as a Latin poet, are printed in the works of
Sadoleti, 1738, iii. 24") ; and also in the Carm. illust. Poet. Ital.

NOTE 2, (p. 147.) — Tiraboschi, vii. i. 278. Erasmus, who was a friend
and admirer of Sadoleti, was aware that the publication of his commentary
would give rise to some dissatisfaction. After adverting to the epistle of
Paul, in a letter to Damiano Goes, he adds, " Upon that epistle three books
were written by that distinguished ornament of our age, Jacopo Sadoleti,
full of graceful elegance, of a truly Ciceronian eloquence, and conceived in
a spirit worthy of a Christian bishop. Such a book by such a writer cannot
but have the suffrages of all good men ; though I fear its extreme refine
ment of style may with many persons lessen its religious effect." — Erasm.
Ep. xxvii. Ep. 38. It appears also that Erasmus admonished him to be
cautious in publishing his commentary. — Erasm. Ep. xxx. Ep. 72.

NOTE 3, (p. 147.)

•' Whilst, rivalling the strains that Maro sung,
Thine hands across the Latian chords were flung,
Love raptured heard ; aud bad thee next aspire
To wake the sweetness of the Tuscan lyre."

NOTE 4, (p. 148.) — It is curious that Mr. Eoscoe should not have noticed
Bembo's Latin poem, JEtna, printed by Aldus, towards 1495, and which is
one of his most valuable productions. — B.

NOTE 5, (p. 148.) — Mazzuchelli fixes his birth about 1454, but the
count Eambaldo degli Azzoni Avogari, in his memoirs of Auguerelli, pub
lished in the sixth volume of the Nuova Raccultu d' Opuscoli, 1C2, Las
sufficiently shown that this event is to be placed at an earlier period.

NOTE C, (p. 148.) — It appears, from the following passage in one of his
odes, that he remained at Padua twenty years.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII. 449

" Duloibus sic dnm teneor potentum
Ipse Musarum studiis, et oti
Debitus, duduin patriae duo bis

Lustra reposcor." Carm. ii. Ed. Aid. 1505.

ir NOTE 7, (p. 140.) — From this introduction, as well as from various pas-
nages in the poem itself, it appears, that this work was written in the pon
tificate of Julius II., during the war of Cambray, and that the address tcr
pLeo X. was prefixed to it afterwards, when the author resolved to publish it.

I NOTE 8, (p. 140.) — The author observes, that Augurelli himself professe*
} n his poem to write in jest, and to make no account of this pretended art.
(If, however, we except a few lines at the end, the whole piece appears to
lave been very seriously written; and even in these he professes to have
j'niiigled the lessons of wisdom with the festivity of wit:

" doctos salibus serrcones spargere puris

Tentavi."

NOTE 9, (p. 149.) — It has been printed in various collections of writers
pn alchemy, particularly in the Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa of Maugetusr
|i. 371. Geneve, 1 702. fo.

NOTE 10, (p. 150.)

" Aurelii Augurelli imago est, quam vides,
Uni vaeantis literarum serio
Studio et jocoso, dispuri cura tameu ;
Hoc ut vegetior sic fieret ad seria,
Illo ut jocosis uteretnr firmior."

' NOTE 11, (p. 150.) — The poems of Augurelli were published by Aldo, itt
;t beautiful volume iu 8vo. Yen. 1505.

NOTE 12, (p. 150.) — Perhaps the merit of originality in this species" of
Composition may be thought rather to belong to Theocritus, cr the writer'
>f the piscatory eclogue placed among his idylliums.

I NOTE 10, (p. 151.) — It appears that Alfonso Castriotta, marquis of Tri-
talda, had formed a marriage contract with Cassandra Marchese, a Neapo-
itan lady, who enjoyed, in an eminent degree, the esteem and friendship of
•>auazzaro, but that having repented of his engagement, lie applied to the
Ionian court for a dispensation, to release him from its effects. To the
panting this dispensation Saimzzaro opposed all his influence, and engage^'
lis friend Bembo to prevent, if possible, the issuing of the bull ; but thrr
auk and opulence of the marquis were suffered to prevail against the effort*
pf the lady and her friends, and the teuour of his own promise. The line*
ttributed to Sanazzaro on this occasion are as follow :

In Leoncm X.
" Sumere maternis titulos cum posset ab ursis

Cteculns hie noster, maluit esse Leo.
Quid tibi cum magno commune est, Talpo, Leone ?

Non cadit in turpes nobilis ira feras.
Ipse licet capias auimos simulare Leouis ;

Non Lupus hoc genitor, jion sinit Ursa parcns.
I VOL. II. G G

450 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII.

Ergo aliud tibi prorsus habendum est, Caecule, nomen;
Nam cuncta ut possis, non poles esse Leo."

NOTE 14, (p. 151.) — This, and other epigrams of Sanazzaro against the
Roman pontiffs, printed in several editions of his works, are considered by
• Fontanini as scandalous libels, published by the heretical authors of the
pasquinades, in the name of Sanazzaro, and incautiously admitted by sub
sequent editors into the collections of his works. — Fontauini, Biblioth. Ital.
i. 453.

NOTE 15, (p. 151.)

" CLEMENTI SEPTIMO PONTIFICI MAXIMO

" Acthis synccrus.

" Magne Parens. Custosque hominum, cui jus datur uui

Claudere cselestes, et reserare fores ;
Occurrent si qua in nostris male firma libellis,

Deleat errores aequa litura meos.
Imperiis, Venerande, tuis submittimus illos ;

Nam sine te recta non licet ire via.
Ipse manu sacrisque potens Podalyrius herbis

Ulcera Pseonia nostra levabis ope.
Quippe mihi toto nullus te praeter in orbe

Triste salutifera leniet arte malum.
Ranis honos, Summo se Praeside posse tueri ;

Rarior, a Summo Praeside posse legi."

Sanazzaro had written the concluding stanza,

" Barns honos tanto se Principe posse tueri
Rarior a Summo Praeside posse legi ;"

but the advice of his friend Puderico induced him to adopt the improved
reading.

NOTE 10, (p. 153.) — In this letter, the cardinal applies to Sanazzaro the
Homeric lines :

O' $' oXfiioe ovriva Moiicrat
foXcvirat, yXu/cEp?) ot a7r6 tTTOfiaroc p£« avdri.
.KOV a/jidpTrjua, exclaims Vulpius, " cum Hesiodum dicere
debuerat ; haec enini leguntur in Hesiodi Theogonia." — v. 9(5.

But the cardinal probably found these lines in the fragment of the hymn
to Apollo and the Muses, attributed to Homer ; to whom it may also be
presumed to belong, from a similar passage in the Iliad.

Tov teal anb yXw<r<7?j£ /wXiroe y\VKia>v pktv avdr].

IX. a. 249.

NOTE 17, (p. ]")i).) — This poem was translated into Italian, in versi
sciolti, by Giovanni Giolito, one of the sons of the celebrated printer,
Gabriel Giolito, and published at Venice, in 1588, in a beautiful edition en
titled, "Del parlo della Vergine del Sanazzaro, libri tre, tradotti in versi
Toscanida Giovanni Giolito de' Ferrari, al Ser. Sig. Don Vincenzo Gonzaga.
Duca di Mantoua e di Monferrato," &c.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII. 451

I NOTE 18, (p. 15:3.) — These improprieties did not escape the animadver-
jion of Erasmus, in his Ciceronianus ; where he makes some very judicious
remarks on the maimer of treating sacred subjects in poetry.

\ NOTE 10, [p. 153.)

" Tu quoque vel fessae testis, Cassandra, senectae,

Quam manet arbitrium funeris omne mei ;
Composites tumulo cineres, atque ossa piato ;

Neu pigeat vati solvere justa tuo.
Farce tamen scisso sen me, mea vita, capillo ;
Sive — sed heu prohibet dicere plura dolor."

Sannaz. Eleg. iii. El. ii.

L To the same lady, Sanazzaro has also addressed the fifth of his piscatory
Iclogues.

I NOTE '30, (p. 153.) — Or Mergillina, as it is more generally called. — B.

I NOTE '31, (p. 154.) — Marcheselli, Orazioui in difesa del Vida, ap. Tira-
loschi, vii. iii. '370. The last-mentioned author has also adduced a pas-
[tage from the first book of the Scacchia, dedicated to Isabella Gonzaga,
•larchioness of Mantua, from which the poem appears to have been written
i rhen her son Feilerigo was in his early youth. Federigo was born in 1500,
| nd Tirabosehi supposes that he might, at the time when Vida wrote his
Ijoem, be about nine or ten years of age. Now as Vida himself informs us
Ijiat he wrote this poem in his early years, adolescent i<e sua liisum, the his-
| man conjectures, that he might then be about twenty years of age, and
Has consequently born about the year 1490. It is, however, to he observed,
mat this poem was not one of the earliest efforts of the poetical talents of
ida, as we shall hereafter have occasion more particularly to notice.

Ill NOTE -22, (p. 154.)

" Vos claras me scilicet artes,

Ee licet augusta, potius voluistis adire,

Quam genere indignis studiis incumbere nostro ;

Atque ideo doctas docilem misistis ad urbes."

Manibus Parentum, in op. v. ii. 143.

NOTE 23, (p. 155.) — If we accede to the opinion of Tiraboschi, Vida, at
le time of the death of Serafiuo d'Aquila, was only about ten years of age,
:id at the time of the combat at Barletta, about thirteen ; a period of life
hen it can scarcely be supposed that he was capable of celebrating these
rents in Latin poetry ; and \ve may therefore with confidence presume, that
le was born some years prior to the date assigned to his 1'irth by that author.

A portion of this work, since Mr. Roscoe wrote, has been discovered and
•iuted by Sigflor Cagnoli, of Reggio B.

I NOTE 24, (p. 155.) — Particularly in two fine odes, and a copy of hex-
Mieter verse ; in his Carmina, No. i. in. iv.

j NOTE 25, (p. LVi.)— He received from Leo X. the priory of San Silvestro
!: |L Tivoli, aud in that residence he is said to have commenced his Cristiade,
; poem which he commenced at the suggestion of the pope himself. — Ii.
C G 2

452 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII.

NOTE 26, (p. 155.)

" Leo jam carmina nostra

Ipse libens relegebat. Ego illi cams, et auctus
Muneribusque, opibusque, et honoribus iusignitus."

Parentum Manibus. in. op. ii. 144.

NOTE 27, (p. 150.) — " lo ho veduto," says Tirabosclri, " I'inventario de'
mobili trovati nel suo Palazzo Vescovile ; il quale ci fiv vedere eh' ei mor'i
assai povero." — iii. 2X3. Vidn was buried in liis cathedral at Alba, where
the following epitaph was inscribed on his tomb :

" Hie situs est M. Hieronynius Vida.
Cremout. Albae. episcopus."

NOTE 28, (p. 150.)

" Conjugis amissi fuuus, pulcherrima Nice
Flebat, et in solis errabat moiitibus aegra ;
Atque homines fugiens, mcesto solatia amori
Nulla dabat ; luctu sed cuiictn implebat amaro,
Flens noctem, flens lucem; ipsi jam funera montes
Lugebant Davali ; Davalum omuia respondebant."

In Vidoe Op. ii. 131.
NOTE -29, (p. 150.)

" Vos uiios agitabam animo, vestraque fruebar
Laetitia exsultans, et gaudia vestra fovebam,
Mecum animo versans, quam vobis ilia futura
Laeta dies, qua me vestris amplexibus urgens
Irruerem improvisus ad oscula, vix bene utrique
Agnitus, insolitis titulis et honoribus auctus,
Scilicet, et longo tandem post tempore visus,
Dum teuuit me Eoma, humili vos sede Cremona."

In Vidas Op. ii. 14-3.

NOTE 30, (p. 157.) — Tiraboschi had seen a beautiful MS. of this
sis first written, and addressed to Dovizio, of which he has given a particular
account. — Storia della Lett. Ital. \ii. iii. 27!).

NOTE 31, (p. 157.) — In this letter we find the following apology, wbic
he attempts to derive from the difficulty of his undertaking. " I know indee
how perilous it is for me to attempt to write concerning a matter so variou
and so difficult, especially in these times, when by the liberality of poj
Leo X. so many far greater men have been encouraged to come forth into i"
light of day." — In Ep. praef. ad. lib. de Poetic, in Ed. Com.

NOTE 32, (p. 157.) — Some further particulars on this |ubject may be
found in a letter of Girolamo Negri, in the Lettere di Principi, i. 100.

NOTE 33, (p. 157.)

" But see each muse, in Leo's golden days,
Starts from her trance, and trims her wither'd bays ;
Bome's ancient genius, o'er its ruins spread,
Shakes oif the dust, and rears his reverend head.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII. 453

Then sculpture and her sister arts revive ;
Stones leap'd to form, and rocks began to live ;
With sweeter notes each rising temple rung;
A Raphael painted and a Vidu sting.
Immortal Vida ! on whose honour'd brow
The poet's bays and critic's ivy grow ;
Cremona now shall ever boast thy name,
As next in place to Mantua, next in fume."

Pope's Essay on Criticism, C97.

NOTE 34, (p. 157.) — As a proof of the estimation in which this work of
Ida's is held in England, I may mention that a splendid 4to edition of it
published at Oxford in 172-'3. — B.

NOTE 35, (p. 158.)

" Os Fracastorio uascenti deftiit, ergo

Sedulus attenta finxit Apollo mauu.
Inde hauri, Medicusque ingens, ingensque Poeta,
Et maguo facies omuia plena Deo."

.'hese lines have also been paraphrased by the Cavalier Marini, in the softer
angunge of Italy :

" Al Fracastor nascente,

Miiuco la bocca ; allora il biondo Dio,

Con arte diligente,

Di sua man gliela fece, e gliel 'aprio,

Poi di se gliel' empio,

Quinci ei diviu divenne ; ed egualmente

Di doppia gloria in 1111 giuuse a la meta;

E Fisico, e Poeta."

NOTE 30, (p. 159.) — It is remarkable that D'Alviano had iii his train
iree of the greatest Latin poets that modern times have produced; Andren.
(Javagero, llieronyino Fracastoro, and Giovanni Cotta, the latter of whom
L'as dispatched by D'Alviano, when he was made a prisoner at the battle of
.ignadello, on an embassy to Julius II., to endeavour to procure the liberation
f his patron; on which expedition he died of a fever, having yet scarcely
ittained the prime of life. The few poems left by Cotta breathe the very
:pirit of his countryman, Catullus, and are well characterized in the following
mes of Jo. Matthaeus Toscanus :

" Qui Musas, Veneremque Gratiasque
Vis coetu socias videre in uno,
Hunc ununi aureolum legas libellum,
Quo Musae ueque sunt politiores,
Ipsa nee Venus est inagis venusta,
Nee gratoe Charites magis. Quod ulli
Si fortasse secus videtur, ille
Iratas sibi noverit misello,
Camoenas, Veneremque, Gratiasque."

And Flamiuio has ventured even to prefer his poems to, or at least to
iluce them on an equality with, those of Catullus himself.

454 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII.

" Si fas cuique sui sensus expromere cordis,
Hoc eqtiidem dicam, pace, Catulle, tua ;
Est tua Musa quidem dulcissima ; Mnsa videtur
Ipsa tamen Cottae dulcior esse mihi."

The lines on the assassination of Alessandra de' Medici, usually called the
first duke of Florence, attributed to Cotta by Gaguet and Vulpius, (see Fra-
castor. Cottse, et aliorum Carm. Patav. 1718. 8vo,) are the production of
some later author; that event not having occurred until many years after
his death.

NOTE 37, (p. 161 .) — Syphil. ii. 11. It is very remarkable that Menckenius,
in his life of Fracastoro, 111, has asserted that Fracastoro has not, either in
his Syphilis, or in any other part of his works, expressed his approbation of,
or even mentioned Potano. Surely Menckeuius should have known that
the poet mentioned in the passage above quoted,

" Of all the wandering stars of heaven that told,
And western groves of vegetable gold,"

could be no other than Pontano. In addition to which it may further be ob
served, that Fracastoro, in his dialogue entitled, " Naugerius, sive de
Poetica," has not only expressly mentioned Pontano, but has cited his
opinion as to the object and end of poetry, which he there fully discusses
and confirms. — Op. Fracastor. ap. Giuut. 116.

NOTE 38, (p. 102.) — In this poem the author doubtless alludes to the
recent discovery of America, and to the venereal disease, which it is said was
brought thence by the first navigators. — B.

NOTE 39, (p. 102.) — Many of these testimonies may be found in the ATOR
FracastoricB of Julius Caesar Soaliger, printed with other commendatory
pieces, at the close of the second volume of the works of Fracastoro, by
Comino, Patav. 1739, 4to, and in the life of Fracastoro, by Menckenius,
sec- 9.

NOTE 40, (p. 102.) — With respect to this anecdote, it is to be observed
that the Sifilidc was not published until after Sanazzaro's death, and though
it is possible the latter may have seen the work in manuscript, there are
many circumstances which render this extremely improbable. — B.

NOTE 41, (p. 103.) — If De Thou was not misinformed, Fracastoro exer
cised his profession without deriving from it a pecuniary reward : " Medi-
cinam, ut honestissime ac citra lucrum, ita felicissime, fecit." — Thuani,
Histor. xii. i. 430. Ed. Buckley.

NOTE 42, (p. 103.) — The true reason assigned by most writers for this
removal is Paul's reluctance to be too near the emperor Charles V., with
whom he was not on very friendly terms; and he therefore, it is said, pro
cured a friendly certificate from Fracastoro, which warranted the removal of
the former to Bologna. But then, the certificate of insalubrity given by
our literary physician was on oath. — B.

NOTE 43, (p. 103.) — A translation of Fracastoro's description of his Caphian
villa, in his beautiful epistle to Franc. Torriano, may be found in Mr. Gres-
well's account of some of the Latin poets of Italy in the sixteenth century;

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII. 455

Hit perhaps the most exquisite production of Fracastoro is his epistle on the
ontimely death of his two sous, addressed to Giovan-Battista Torriano, and
which, in point of elegance, pathos, and true suhlimity, may hear a com
parison with any production of the kind, either in ancient or modern times.

NOTE 44, (p. 164.) — "But especially lamentable, though not premature,

ras the death of Girolamo Fracastoro, who applied his acute and profound

nind to the exact sciences and the mathematical arts, and chiefly to astro-

lomy, on which he wrote some learned treatises." — Thuani, Histor. xii. i.

30.

NOTE 45, (p. 164.) — The motives of this are beautifully assigned by De
Thou : " That they who in life had been joined together in the study and dif-
sion of the finest and highest literature, should after death still be seen
lited ; and daily receive in company the homage of the Paduan youth and
' the whole university." — Ibid.

Of the numerous testimonies of respect to the memory of Fracastoro, by
scholars of the time, the following lines of Adam Fumani, prefixed to the
Jiuutine edition of the works of Fracastoro, Yen. 1574, 4to, may perhaps be
onsidered as the most elegant :

" Longe vir unus omnium doctissimus,
Verona per quern non Marones Mantuae,
Nee nostra priscis invideut jam secula,
Virtute suminam consecutus gloriam
Jam grandis sevo hie conditur Frastorius.

" Ad tristem acerbee mortis ejus nuntium,
Viciua flevit ora, flerunt ultimse
Gentes, periisse musicorum candidum
Florem, optimarum et lumen artium omnium."

NOTE 46, (p. 164.) — This Navagero has himself commemorated in the
following lines : —

Vota Acmonis J^ttlcaiio.
" Has, Vulcane, dicat sylvas tibi Villicus Acmon;

Tu sacris illas ignibus ure, pater.
Crescebant ducta e Statii propagine sylvis ;

Jamque erat ipsa bouis frugibns umbra uoceus.
Ure simul sylvas, terra simul igne soluta

Fertilior largo foenore messis eat.
Ure istas ; Phrygio nuper mihi consita colle
Fac, pater, a flammis tuta sit ilia tuis."

Naug. Carm. xvii. 191.

NOTE 47, (p. 164.) — " You were so delighted with this poet, that you
several times transcribed him with your own hand, that you might become
more thoroughly familiar with him, and retain him more perfectly in your
memory. Demosthenes did the same with Thucydides, transcribing him, as
Lucian tells us, no fewer than eight times." — Aldi Manuti Ep. ad Nauger.
iu ed. Pindar. Ven. 151 5, 8vo.

NOTE 48, (p. 165.) — Among these were the Orations of Cicero, com
posing three volumes of the edition of Cicero in eight volumes, printed at
the Aldine press, in 1519, and the second volume of the edition of the

456 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII.

•works of Cicero (printed by the Jtmtae, at Venice, 1534, in 4 vols. fo.
^liich were edited by Petrus Victorius, under the title, " Toimis secund
3f. T. orationes hubet, nb Andrea Naugerio, patricio veneto, summo lal
«,« industria in Hispanieusi, Gnllicaque legatioue, excussis permultis biblio
ihecis, et emeudatiores niulto 1'actas, et in stiam integritatem od exemplar
vCodicum antiquorum longe eopiosius restitutas." To which may also be
added his Far ice Lectioncs in omnia opera. Ovidii, printed in the Aldine
.edition of 1510, in three volumes, and again in 1533. These readings are
also met with in other editions derived from the Aldine.

NOTE 4!), (p. 105.) — On the reconciliation which took place bet./een
Julius II. and the Venetian republic, in the year 150!), and which first
broke the formidable league of Cambray, Navagero addressed to that pon
tiff, in terms of the highest commendation, a Latin eclogue, which deserves
notice, as well from its intrinsic merit as from the particularity with which
it applies to the events before i elated.

NOTE 50, (p. 105.) — This collection, which was the foundation of the
-celebrated library of S. Marco, had, in the year 14GB, been presented by
Bessariou to the Venetians. — Life of Lor. de* Medici, 1'J.

NOTE 51, (p. 105.) — To this work Navagero alludes in the following
truly Horatiau lines, addressed,

'• Ad Bemltum.

" Qui modo ingentes auimo parabam,
Bembe, bellorum strepitusque, et arma
Scribere, hoc vix exigno male audax,

Carmine serpo.

" Nempe Amor magnos violentus ausus,
Fregit iratus ; velut hie Tonantem,
Cogit et fulmen trifidum rubenti

Ponere dextra.

" Sic eat ; fors et sua laus sequetur,
Candidae vultus Lalages canentem, et
I'urius claro radiantis astro

Frontis honores.

" Nota Lesbo£E lyra blanda Sapphus,
Notus Alceei Lycus, altiori
Scripserit quamvis animosum Homerus
Pectine Achillem."

NOTE 52, (p. 105.) — On this event he had begun a Latin poem, in which
he was interrupted, and of which or.ly the following beautiful lines are pre
served :

" Salve, cura Deum, mundi felicio ora,
Formosae Veneris dulces salvete recessus ;
Ut vos post tantos animi, mentisque labores,
Aspicio, lustroque libens ! Ut munere vestro,
Sollicitas toto depello e pectore curas !
Non aliis charites perfunduut Candida lymphis
Corpora ; non alios coiitexunt serta per agros."

NOTE 53, (p. 107.) — The few pieces to which Fracastoro above refers.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII. 457

vere collected together soon nfter the death of Navagero, and printed in the
year 1530, with a short address prefixed, for the most part in the very
•words of Fracastoro above cited; from which we may reasonably conjecture,
that it was he who procured this edition of the writings of his friend, and
i\vho superintended its publication. This edition, now not frequently met
with, is entitled, " Audreoe Kaugerii Patricii Veiled Orationes duos Car-
iuriuaque uonnulla." And at the close we read : " Impraessum Veuetiis
lauiicorum cura quam potuit fieri diligenter. Proelo Joan. Tacuini.
JM.D.XXX.IIII. id. Mart." The researches of subsequent times, and par
ticularly the industry of the learned brothers, Giovan-Aiitonio and Gaetano
Volpi, to whom we are indebted for many valuable editions of the works of
Ithe early restorers of literature, have, however, collected a few additional
pieces of Navagero, which had before been scattered in various publications,
.uid given to the public a complete edition of his works, entitled, " Andreas
Naugerii, Patricii Veneti, oratoris et Poetae clarissimi opera omnia, quse
ijuidem magna adhibita diligentia colligi potuerunt. Curantibus Jo. An
tonio J. U. D. et Cajetano Vulpiis Bergomensibus Fratribus. Patavii, 1718.
Kxcudebat Josephus Cominus, Vulpiorum aere, et superiorum permissu."
Among these are the remarks made by Navagero on his journies to Spain
:iud to France, a few Italian poems, wliich bear the same character of
-•legant correctness as his Latin writings, and several of his letters, prefixed
j;o his editions of the ancient authors, particularly one which is addressed
:o Leo X., exhorting him to undertake an expedition against the Turks,
i MOTE ")-!, (p. 107.) — Jovius, ap. Tirab. Storia della Lett. Ital. 7, iii. '-2:50.
This is also alluded to in the following lines of Jo. Matth. Toscanus :
" Hie Naugerins ille, Martialis

Lascivi petulantiam perosus,

Et musas sine fine prurientes,

Laeso cuncta quibus licent puclore,

Non jam virginibus, sed impudicis.

— At castas voluit suas Camoenas

Hie Naugerius esse, sicque amores,

Cautare, ut tenerum colant pudorem.

Hunc ergo pueri, puellulosque,

Crebri volvite, quippe Martiale

Nee doctum minus, et magis pudicnm."

NOTE 5f>, (p. 108.) — During the wars consequent on the league of
~ambray, Gian-Antouio had been despoiled of his property, and driven from
:ns residence at Serravalle, but was relieved by the liberality of Julius II.,
ind of the cardinal Eafl'aello Hiario. He has left many works, both in prose
and verse, some of which have been printed, and of which his twelve books
Df letters are the most valuable, as they throw considerable light on the
state of literature, and afford much particular information respecting the
;arly progress of his son.

NOTE 50, (p. 108.) — It has generally been supposed, that Marc-Antonio
.was a native of Imola; but Gianagostino Gradenigo, bishop of Ceneda, has
.clearly shown that lie was born at Serravalle. — Lettera di Gradenigo,
Nuova Ra"colta d' Opuscoli, xxiv. Ven. 177.']. i. It is, however, admitted
that his father, Gian-Autonio, was born at Imola, whence both he and his
(son have frequently denominated themselves Forocornelienses. The family

458 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII.

was originally of Cotignola, where Lodovico Zarrabim, the father of Gian-
Antonio, resided. — Tirab. vii. iii. 256.

NOTE 57, (p. 168.) — A copy of this Aniiotationum yet remains, and is
in the possession of the learned Abate Jacopo Morelli, librarian of S. Marco,
at Venice.

NOTE 58, (p. 169.) — To this quotation the pope added: " 1 perceive that
you, in a very short time, will achieve a name for yourself, and will be an
honour not only to your father, and your family, but to all Italy." — Joan-
Anton. Flam. Epist. in Op. M. A. Flamin. 297.

NOTE 59, (p. 1G9.) — This is fully shown from the letters of the elder
Flaminio, cited by Mazzuchelli in his life of Braudolini. — Scrittori d'ltalia,
-vi. 2019.

NOTE 60, (p. 109.) — In the same year, when Marc-Antonio was scarcely
eighteen years of age, he published at Fano the first specimen of his pro
ductions, with a few poems of Marullus, that had not before been printed,
under the following title : " Michaelis Tfirchaniotse Marulli Neniae. Ejus-
dem epigrammata nunquam alias impressa. M. Antonii Flaminii Carminum
libellus. Ejusdem Ecloga Thyrsis." At the close : " Impressum Fani in
sedibus Hieronymi Soncini. Idibus Septemb. M.D.XV." As this small
volume, printed in octavo, is extremely rare, a more particular account of it
may not be unacceptable. It is addressed by the editor, Flaminio, in a
short dedication, to Achille Philerote Bocchi. The poems of Mavullus
consist of his Neniae, or complaint on the loss of his country, and the
misfortunes of his family ; an elegy on the death of Giovanni, the son of
Pier- Francesco de' Medici ; an ode to Charles V., and another ad Antoniiim
Baldracamim, with a few epigrams, or short occasional poems. These pieces
do not appear, either in the first edition of the works of Marullus, printed at
Florence, in 1497, or in the later edition by Cripius, Paris, 15(51, and are,
perhaps, only to be found in this volume. The poems of Flaminio are
dedicated to Lodovico Speranzo, by whose entreaties it appears he had
selected a few of his pieces to be printed. In this dedication, Flaminio ex
presses his apprehensions that he may be accused of presumption, in expect
ing the world will read the poems of a youth, who has yet scarcely attained
the eighteenth year of his age. Of these poems, some have been printed,
often with variations, in the subsequent editions of his works; but several
pieces appear there which are not to be found in the edition by Mancurti,
published at Padua, by Comino, in 1727, which is considered as the most
complete ; whence it is probable this early publication of Flaminio was not
known to his editors. It is observable that the lines in commendation of
the writings of Navagero, in the Comino edition, p. 40,

" Quot bruma creat albicans pruinas
Quot tellus Zephyro soluta flores," &c.

are applied in the early edition to the writings of the author's father,
Gian-Antonio Flamiuio ; the above lines being transposed, and the poem
ending thus,

" Tot menses, bone Flamini, tot annos

Perennes maneant tui libelli."

Among the pieces that have not been reprinted, are two odes, addressed
to Guido Postttmo, of whom some account will hereafter be given, which

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII. 459

display the early talents of the author no less than his other writings. The
volume concludes with an eclogue, intended to express the gratitude of the
author to the count Baldassare Castiglione, for the favours conferred upon
lam at Urbino. These pieces, with the dedications or introductory letters
by which they are accompanied, throw considerable light on the early life
and studies of their author, and deserve to be more generally known.

NOTE 61, (p. 170.) — To this visit, during which Flaminio was honoured
by the attention of the Neapolitan nobility and scholars, he adverts with
great pleasure in many of his writings ; particularly in his beautiful elegy.
— Carm. lib. ii. Carm. vii. " Pausilypi colles et Candida Mergellina," and
iu his verses addressed to Francesco Caserti, lib. vi. Carm. xx.

" Quid ? ista vestra

Tarn felicia, tarn venusta rura,
Quern non alliciant suo lepore ?
Adde quod mihi reddidere vitam,
Cum vis tabifica, intimis medullis
Serpens, lurida membra devoraret."

NOTE 62, (p. 171.) — A dissertation, expressly on this subject, was
•written by Schelhornius, and published in the Amsenitat. Hist. Ecclesiast.
ii., to which Tiraboschi has fully replied in his Storia, vii. iii. 263. From these
it appears, that the opinion of the heterodoxy of Flaminio had gained such
ground, that his writings were for some time prohibited in the Index Expur-
gatorius of the Roman church by that bigoted pontiff, Paul IV. (Caraffa)
who, it is also said, intended to have the body of the author disinterred, and
committed to the flames. Tiraboschi has endeavoured to invalidate this
latter assertion, by referring to the instances of friendship which passed be
tween that pontiff, whilst a cardinal, and Flaminio ; but if the pope could
attempt to blacken the memory of Flaminio by the darkest imputation with
which, in the general opinion, it could be affected, there seems no improba
bility in supposing that he would also display his resentment against his
lifeless remains. As to the fact itself, Tiraboschi fully admits that Fla
minio had adopted the opinions of the reformers, and this from a motive
which confers the highest honour on his character. " That he for some
time manifested a tendency to embrace the opinions of the reformers cannot
be denied. And, doubtless, it was the very piety of Flaminio, and his pure
and innocent character, which led him unconsciously in that direction,
for a reform of the abuses, and the correction of the manners of the church
being the pretexts of which the heretics availed themselves, it is no wonder
that pious men should for awhile have been seduced by such arguments."
The same author, however, afterwards endeavours to show, that Flamiiiio was
re-converted to the true faith, by the exertions of his friend, Cardinal Pole,
under whose roof he died as a good Catholic, and who boasted of having
rendered a great service, not only to Flaminio, but to the Roman church, in
detaching him from the cause of the reformers. — Tirab. vii. iii. 26:}. By
what arguments his conviction was effected, does not appear, but the mild
and inoffensive spirit of Flaminio was ill qualified to brook the reproaches
of his friends, much less to prompt him to undergo the sufferings of a
martyr. I shall only further observe, that the lines of Flamiuio, entitled De
Hieronymo Savonarola, Ed. Comin. 72, (see vol. 1. in Appendix,) were
more probably intended to apply to Jerome of Prague, who was actually

460 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII.

burnt alive by the council of Constance, -whilst the dead body only of Suvo
norolu was consumed by the flames.

NOTE 03, (p. 172.) — Their works were united together and published in
1540. Many of them are also inserted in the Cam. illustr. Poet. Itnl. iii.
Flaminio has addressed to them a copy of verses, accompanying some of his
poems, in which he denominates them,

" Fratres optimi et optiini poetae."

Flaniin. v. Cnrm. 50.

NOTE 04, (p. 172.) — Mazzuch. ii. 900. Tirab. vii. iii. 194. Flaminio,
contrasting the personal deformity of his friend Benzio with the accom
plishments of his mind, addresses him,

" O dentatior et lupis et apris,
Et setosior hirco olente, et idem
Tameu delicire novem dearum
Quce silvaui Aouiam coluut," &c.

Canu. v. 50.

NOTE Co, (p. 172.) — First printed at Bologna, 1555, and again in 1574.
The prints in this work are designed and engraved by the celebrated artist,
Giulio Bonasoue. Their merit is various, but many of them are
very beautiful ; a circumstance which may be explained by a passage in
Malvasia, Felsiua Pit trice, ii. 72, where we find that Bonasone frequently
copied his ideas from Michel-Agnolo and Albert Durer, and that he pro
cured designs from Pnrmigia.no and Prospero Fontana ; the latter of whom
was an intimate friend of Bocchi. With this information, it would not be
difficult to allot tliese designs to their respective masters. In the second
edition, the prints are retouched by Agostino Caracci, who has also
engraved the first symbol from a design of his own ; but notwithstanding
the great merit of this artist, the first edition of this scarce work is to be
preferred. The pieces addressed by Flaminio to Bocchi may be found in
i. Carin. 34, 43. ii. Carm. 29.

NOTE GO, (p. 172.) — A native of Isernia, and bishop of Isola. Many of
his poems are annexed to the edition of Sanazzaro byComino, Padua, 1731.
He is denominated by Broukhusius, " Poeta purus ac nitidus;" a character
not superior to his merits.

NOTE 07, (p. 172.) — A native of Bergamo, who resided at Rome during
the pontificate of Leo X. and whose poems were published at Bergamo, in
1747, with the life of the author by Serassi. Many of them are also inserted
in the Carm. illust. Poet., and may bear a comparison with the finest produc
tions of the times. — Tirab. vii. iii. 224.

NOTE 08, (p. 173.) — This poem, and other works of Fumani, are printed
with the works of Fracastoro, in the second edition by Comino, two volumes
quarto, Patav. 1739.

NOTE 09, (p. 174.") — The Latin poems of Flaminio were printed at Venice,
in 1548, in a volume with those of his friends, Bembo, Navagero, Castig-
lione, and Cotta — B.

NOTE 70, (p. 174.) — The particulars of his life have been collected by the
Cav. Domenico Bouamiui, under the title of " Memorie Istoriche di Guido

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII. 461

•• I'ostmno Silvestre Pesarese,'1 and published in the Nuova Raccolta d' Opuscoli,
xx. Venez. 1770. To this tract, and to the writings of Postumo, I am
j chiefly indebted for the particulars given of him in this work.

NOTE 71, (p. 174.) — Author of the congratulatory verses to Leo X. on his
'•• appointment to the rank of cardinal, and afterwards on his elevation to
the pontificate.

NOTE 72, (p. 174.) — To this, his early preceptor, Postumo has addressed
his affectionate and pathetic elegy, entitled, "Ad Fuscum, Episcopnm Co-
maclensem," Eleg.i. 10, in which he acknowledges his kindness, and laments
his own misfortunes and imprisonment.

NOTE 70, (p. 173.) — It is observable, that in one of the poems of Pos
tumo, intended to excite the citizens of Pesaro to resist the arms of Borgia,
the author refers, not only to the murder of the duke of Gandia, by Caesar
:Borgia, and to the supposed incestuous intercourse of this family, but to
[other charges, not alluded to, as far as I have discovered, by any other
iwriter, which are, however, sufficiently refuted by their own enormity.

" Pellite vi vires, ferrumque arcessite ferro,

Inque feros euses obvius ensis eat.
Aspera dux vobis iudixit prselia, cujus

Fraterua potuit ceede madere manus."

* * * *

" Sede sub hac non est matri sua filia pellex,

Concubuitve suo noxia Myrrha patri ;
Hie neque pro nato victurum in secula torrem

Testiadem fiammis imposnisse ferunt ;
Solve Thyestece fugiens fera pocula mensae,

Pone domum celeres ire coegit equos.
Monstra minis nostrse non progenuere, tulitque

De hove semivirum, de cane nulla caiiem." — Eleg. ii. 33.

NOTE 74, (p. 170.) — Bonamini has founded this opinion on the following
lines of Postumo, in his Epicedium on the death of his mother :

" Creditus hoc cum ipso est saxo mihi regius infans
Guidus Juliades, qui quamquam mitis, et ore
Blandiis, ut exvultupossis cognoscere matrem,
Patrem animis tameii, et primis patruum exprimit annis."

But this is contradicted by the historical evidence of Leoni, who informs
us, that the defence of this fortress was intrusted to Sigismondo Varano, who,
ion account of his youth, was assisted by Bernardino Ubaldiuo, and Battista
Ida Venafro — Leoni, Vita di Fran. Maria DucaD'Urbino, ii. 183.

NOTE 7'), (p. 17ti.) — " Guido Postumo of Pesaro, a poet of a light, grace
ful and ingenious turn of wit, after he had become known by various elegies,,
land other compositions, was received with distinction in Leo's palace, which
'was ever open to men of genius and a scene of refined gaiety." — Jov.
:Elogia. Ixix.

NOTE 76, (p. 177.) — Tebaldeo honoured the memory of Postumo with
the following epitaph : —

462 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII.

" Posthumus hie situs est ; ne dictum hoc nomine credos

In lucem extincto quod patre prodierit ;
Mortales neque enim talem genuere parentes,

Calliopeia fuit mater, Apollo pater." — Jov. Elog. Ixix.

Some time after the death of Postumo, his •writings were, at the instance
of the cardinal Rangone, collected hy his pupil, Lodovico Siderostomo, and
published at Bologna, in 1524, with a dedication from the editor to Pirro
Gonzaga, protouotary of the Roman see. The extreme rarity of this volume,
of which very few copies are known to exist, has given rise to conjectures
that the edition was suppressed by some of those persons in power, who
found themselves attacked by the satirical and pungent style of the author;
nor is it unlikely that this circumstance may be attributed to the freedom
with which he had treated the Roman pontiffs who preceded Leo X. This
volume is entitled, " Guidi Posthumi Silvestris Pisaurensis elegiarum
libri ii. cum gratia et privilegio." At the close : " Impressum Bouonise per
Hieronymum de Benedictis Bibliopolam Bononiensem, Anno Domini
M.D.XXIIII. Calen. Jul." " This edition became, in a very short time, so
excessively rare, that scarcely a copy of it is now to be met with. There is
one in the public library of Perugia, and two in the Alexandrine library, at
Rome." — Memor. Istoriche di Guido Posth. 25.

NOTE 77, (p. 177.) — Bembo, writing to Ottaviano Fregoso, denominates
him : " a young man of great promise, as you know, and, perhaps, of even
greater than you may imagine. He makes great progress every day, in the
poetical pursuits, for which he is by nature chiefly adapted, and his private
conduct is of the highest excellence." — Ep. Fam. T. vii.

NOTE 78, (p. 177.) — " My lord, you are aware of my fear that our poor
Mozzarcllo has been killed by the people about him. For a month past he
has not been seen. All that is known about him is, that he set out from
that cursed rock, and that nothing has since been heard of him. Unhappy
young man! 'Tis truly pitiable to see such high genius cut oft' so prema
turely, and in such a manner." — Bembo Ep. al Card, da Bibbiena. in
op. iii. 10.

NOTE 79, (p. 178.) — In the ducal library of Modena is a work of Mozza-
rello, written by him, whilst very young, in the manner of the Arcadia of
Sanazzaro, and dedicated to Elizabetta Gonzaga, duchess of Urbino. —
Tirab. vii. iii. '283.

NOTE 80, (p. 178.) — Ariosto has immortalized him, by enumerating him
among the great scholars of the age.

" Uno elegante Castiglione, e un culto
Mutio Arelio." — Orl. Fur. cant. 42, 87.

NOTE 81, (p. 178.) — The art of improvvising- Latin verses took its rise in
Italy, and to this we may ascribe the origin of the Italian improvvisatori,
who increased in number, as the former diminished. — B.

NOTE 82, (p. 178.) — The Brandolini were of a noble family at Florence,
and were distinguished, at the close of the fifteenth century, by two men of
considerable literary eminence, Aurelio and Raffaelle, each of whom was

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII. 463

known by the denomination of Lippo, or Lippus Florentinus. Of the
I former of these writers, who died in the year 1497, a full account may be
i found in Mazzuchelli, vi. 2013.

NOTE 83, (p. 178.) — He collected together some of the works of his rela-
.tion, Aurelio ; one of which, entitled De copiparatlone Beipubllcae et Hegni,
|he dedicated to the cardinal de' Medici, afterwards Leo X., in an address,
' which contains several curious particulars of the Medici family.

NOTE 84, (p. 178.) — On this account, he is denominated by Gian-Antonio
•Flaminio, Oculus Pontificis, although Braudoliui was himself, in fact, nearly
deprived of sight. It has already been noticed that, at the desire of the
.pontiff, Bramlolini gave instructions to the celebrated Marc-Antonio Fla-
lininio, the son of Gian- Antonio, to/wkich it may be added, that the father
has, on many occasions, expressed his satisfaction that his son had obtained
the assistance of so accomplished a tutor, who is said to have treated his
.pupil with as much kindness and affection as if he had been his own off
[spring. — J. A. Flamin. Op. ap. Mazzuck. vi. 2019.

NOTE 8."), (p. 178.) — This work was preserved in MS. until the year 1753,
I when it was published at Venice, by Francesco Fogliazzi, doctor of laws,
accompanied by a life of the author, and copious notes.

NOTE 86, (p. 179.) — -Jovius, who relates this incident, has preserved the
commencement of the verses recited by Marone :

" Infelix Europa, diu quassata tumultu
Bellorum."

NOTE 87, (p. 179.) — "The annual festival instituted by Leo X. in honour
of the great Cosmo, his grandfather, was celebrated with very great splendour.
| On this occasion, a number of eminent poets were present, who, according
to the custom, competed with each other in extempore verses. When
Andrea Marone, a man of quick and powerful wit, had silenced all the rest,
he was ordered by the pope to enter the lists with Lippo, and, after a con
test, ably conducted on both sides, the victory was adjudged to Marone." —
Fogliazzi, in Vita Raph. Brandolini, 48.

NOTE 88, (p. 179.) — Two Latin epigrams of Marone, which do no dis
credit to his talents, are prefixed to the singular book of Francesco Colonna,
i entitled, " La Hypnerotomachia di Poliphilo," printed by Aldus in 1499,
and again in 1045, of which a full account may be found in the Menao-iaua,
iv. 70.

NOTE 89, (p. 179.)

" Quid si ilium audieris, velut sodales
Octo av.divimus, optimum sodalem !
Nos audivimus ; audit hunc et omnis
Doctorum manus in dies, cauentem •

Mille ex tempore carmina erudita;
Quis nil sit lutulentum, inexpolitum,
Nil absurdum, et inane, nil hiulcum ;
Tanquam Virgilii mora, et labore,
Tanquam tempore culta sub novenni."
Pier. Valerian, ad Dantem iii. Aligerum. Hexam. &c. 127.

464 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII.

NOTE 90, (p. 179.) — Particularly by FT. Arsilli, in his poem, DC poetis
Urlttinis, to which we shall hereafter have occasion to refer.

NOTE 91, (p. 180.) — On one of these mortifying occasions, Querno is
said to have turned towards the pontiff, with the cup in his hand, and to
have addressed him in these Leonine verses :

" In crutere ineo Thetis est conjuncta Lyoeo
Est Dea juncta Deo ; sed Dea major eo."

Foresti, Mappamondo Istorico, iii.

NOTE 92, (p. 180.) — Of this the following specimen has frequently been
quoted. Querno complaining of his laborious office, exclaimed,

" Archipoeta facit versus pro mille poetis."
To which Leo instantly replied,

" Et pro mille aliis Archipoeta bibit."

Querno, who found some reinforcement necessary, shortly afterwards sub
joined,

" Porrige quod faciant niihi carmina docta Falenmm."
But Leo refused ; and added, as a reason,

" Hoc vinum enervat debilitntque pedes."

In which it has been supposed that he alluded to the gout, with which
Querno is said to have been afflicted ; but he certainly meant also to apply
the word pi-des to Ike feet of the verse, which were not likely to be improved
by an additional quantity of wine.

[Querno remained in Rome after the death of Leo X. It was not till
the sacking of Home that he retired to Naples, where he endured such per
secution from his countrymen, that he used to say that, instead of one lion,
he had found a thousand wolves.] — B.

NOTE 93, (p. 181.) — "An uescitis Gazoldum sfepius, ob ineptos versus
et claudicantes, male mulctatum a LEOXE flagris, et fabulam omnibus
factum ? Archipoetam vero immania ingurgitantem pocula a ganeone Alex,
smribus et pcene naribus defonnatum ?" — Giraldi, De Poetis suor. temp, in
op. 547. And see Maz/uchelli Scvittori d' Ital. vi. 2112.

NOTE 94, (p. 182.) — To this event Angelo Colocci refers in one of his
epigrams, entitled,

De Abanle BaralmHa.
" Littore de curve vicina cadentibus Enris
Cajeta hue celebres misit alumna viros,
vEnean mentem Trojae, et te maxime vatum,
Qui nunc Assaraci nomen Abantis habes.
Clarus Abans cantu, ter dextra clarus, et armis;

Ilium pax redimit, liunc grave Martis opus.
. At nos Nutrici taiitum debebimus omues,

Quantum Roma sure debet alumna Lupae."

Colocci, op. Lat. 109.

NOTE 95, (p. 182.) — Several writers have erroneously supposed that
Baraballo and the arch-poet Querno were the same person. Bottari, Note
;il Vasari, ii. 120. Lancelotto, in op. lat. Angeli Colocci, notis, 109. Bara-
Lallo was of Gaeta, Querno of Monopoli, in Appulia. Both these authors

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII. 465

cite the authority of Jovins, in Elog., who makes HO such assertion.
Bottari is tilso mistaken in relating that Leo X. actually crowned Baraballo,
" fece la fuuzione di incoronarlo," for which he also cites the authority of
.lovius.

NOTE 06, (p. 182.) — By Giau Barile, "an artist of very great excellence
in his class." — Bottari, Note al Vasari, ii. 120.

NOTE 97, (p. 18'!.) — "From time to time so many complimentary
verses were written about this admirable production, that the monks have
filled u large book with them, which I myself have seen." — Vasari, Yite de'
Pittor. ii. 109.

NOTE 98, (p. 183.) — Particularly in the Cannina of Marc-Antonio Fla-
minio, where it appears that the most trivial circumstances have at times
[given rise to compositions which Horace or Catullus might not have blushed
.10 own. — Flamin. Carm. i. Carm. 50, &c.

i NOTE f)i), (p. 183.) — At the close we read : " Impressum Eomse apiul
;Ludovicum Vicentinum, et Lantitium Perusinum. mense Julio. MDXXIV."
The address of Palladius prefixed to this work, and the letters of Corycius
,and of his friend Cajus Sylvanus, one of his learned countrymen then
[resident at Rome, and who contributed several pieces to this collection,
throw considerable light on the state of literature in Rome during the pon-
itificate of Leo X.

; NOTE 100, (p. 18-1.) — Of the nature of these compositions, the following:
lines of Flaminins, whilst they exhibit a singular mixture of Christian piety
'tnd heathen sensuality, may afford a sufficient idea.

DC Sacdlo Conjciano.
" Dii, quibus tarn Corycius venusta
Signa, tarn dives posuit sacellum,
Ulla si vestros animos piorum

Gratia tangit,

Vos jocos risusque seuis facett
Sospites servate diu ; senectam
Vos date et semper viridem, et Falerno

Usque madentem.
At simul longo satiatus eevo
Liquerit terras, dapibus Deorum
Laetus iutersit, potiore mutans

Nectare Bacchum." Carm. i. Car. vii.

Ye sacred powers, to whom this shrine,

These sculptur'd forms, Corycins rears,
If e'er your favouring ear incline

To votive sighs and mortal prayers,
O grant him still with jest and song

The blissful hours of life to pass ;
To healthful age his years prolong;

And crown with wine his festive glass ;
Till satiate with this earthly fare,

You lead him to your seats divine,
The banquets of the gods to share,

And into nectar change his wine.
VOL. II. H H

466 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVII.

NOTE 101, (p. 184.) — Tins circumstance is alluded to in the following
lines of Fabius Virgil :

" Tandem, Jane, oculis aufer Miracula Divum,

Nam decet arcauis sacra latere locis.
Ni facis, accurrent vario tot ab orbe poetae

Qnot Persarum iniere agmina Thermopylas.
Nee tibi, quot scita populo statuere Quiritum
Bissense adversus sat fuerint tabulae," &c.

NOTE 102, (p. 184.) — Tiraboscbi, vii. iii. 200, where it appears that
Arsilli returned to Sinigaglia, in the year 1527, not richer than he left it,
and lived there till 1540; several other works of this author yet remain in
MS., among which Tiraboschi enumerates, Amorum, iii., Pirmillieidos, iii.,
Piscatio. Helvetiados, L, Praedictionum, iii. Onorato Fascitelli has cele
brated the memory of Arsilli in the following lines :

In obitu Arsilli, Medici, el Poeta.

" Ergo videmus lumine hoc spirabili

Cassum jaeere te quoque;
Ut plebe quivis unus e vili jacet,

Arsilk, magno Apollini
Novemque Musis care ? Sive poculis

Praesentibus morbi graves
Essent levandi, sive dulci carmine

Dicenda mater aurea
Cnpidinum, lususque furtorum leves.

O vota nostra inania !
Quid dura fati non potest necessitas ?

I, da lyram mihi, puer,
Manuque funde proniore Csecubum.

Nunc sunt Lysei munera,
Nunc plectra cordi ; nunc juvat lectissimo

Cinxisse flore tempera.
Sicci, tenebris obsiti, tristi in Styge

Fortasse eras silebimus."

NOTE 103, (p. 185.) — Even Jovius, to whom the poem of Arsilli is
addressed, attributes the sudden improvement of polite literature to the
liberality of Leo X. — Jov. in Arsilli Elog. ciii.

CHAPTER XVIII.

NOTE 1, (p. 188.) — Solyman put to death two of his sous, Mustapha and
Bnjazet, with their innocent offspring. "The princes of this house," says
Sugredo, " are born as sheep for the slaughter ; doomed victims to the idol
of ambition." — See Memorie Istoriche de' Monarch! Ottomani, ii. 11!) ; iii.
J22: vii. 343. 349; Robertsons Hist. Cha. V. xi.

NOTE 2, (p. 190.) — Among these was Andrea Navagero, who, in his epis
tolary address to Leo X., prefixed to the first volume of his edition of the

NOTES TO CHAPTER XVIII. 467

jrations of Cicero, employs all his eloquence to incite the pontiff to this great
indertaking, and promises him a complete triumph over his enemies.—
Manger. Ep. ad Leon. X. In impassioned language, Vida, too, addressed the
jontiff on this occasion in a Sapphic ode, in which, like another Ossian, he
•Hers his personal services in the war, and exults in that immortality which
vould he the certain result of his military achievements.

NOTE 3, (p. 190.) — Wolsey was joined withCampegio in this commission,
without which measure Leo well knew there would he no chance of suc-
;ess. — Rapin's Hist, of England, xv. i. 7-']!). The bull from Leo to Wolsey
;iven in Rymer's Foedera, vi. 140. An original letter on this subject,
rom the bishop of Worcester, then ambassador at Rome, to Wolsey, which
Wrongly marks the earnestness of the pope on this occasion, is preserved in
he British Museum.

NOTE 4, (p. 1!)1.) — This may be thought a bold truth from the mouth of
i pontiff; but Sagredo the historian avows the same sentiment. "Fasts and
ndulgences are always of use : but while, on the one hand, we must never
Ml to place our trust in Heaven, ou the other, we must have some reliance
HI ourselves ; let us pray, but let us not forget to keep our swords at our
>ides." — Mem. Istoriche de' Monarchi Ottoman, 14-4.

NOTE 5, (p. 192.) — The declaration of Henry VIII. on this subject, is
>reserved among the Cottoniaii MSB. in the British Museum.

NOTE 0, (p. 102.) — This treaty, bearing date 2 October, 1518, is given
n Du Mont, Corps Diplomat, iv. i. 20(5. But in the title, the editor
las erroneously called Charles of Austria, the emperor Charles V. The rati-
ication of Charles bears date the 14th January, 1519.

NOTE 7, (p. 193.) — These negotiations are greatly illustrated by the con-
identiul letters between the cardinal da Bibbiena, and the cardinal Giulio
le' Medici ; in the Lettere di Priucipi, i. 27, 34, 35, &c.

NOTE 8, (p. 193.) — The exaction of these contributions gave rise to great
dissatisfaction, particularly in Germany, where the doctrines of the reformers
lad already made considerable progress. The oration made on this occa
sion by the apostolic legates before the imperial diet, was soon afterwards
irinted by the adversaries of the Roman see, and accompanied by a kind of
Nver or exhortation, not to comply with the requisition of the pope. This
piece, which is attributed to the pen of Ulrich Hutten, contains many severe
sarcasms on Leo X. and the family of the Medici.

| NOTE 9, (p. 194.) — " About this time there was born to Francis I. king of
France, a male child, who afterwards became Francis II." — Muratori, Annali
1' Ital. x. 130. It is surprising that this eminent historian should have
'alien into such an error ; Francis II. being the son of Henry II. and grand-
bon of Francis I.

I NOTE 10, (p. 197.) — These particulars appear in a letter from the cardinal
la Bibbiena, to the cardinal Giulio de' Medici. — Lettere di Priucipi, i. 50.
1 NOTE 1], (p. 197.) — It appears to be in reference to these promises, that
the cardinal Giulio de' Medici observes in one of his letters to the cardinal da
Bibbiena, " The attentions paid by the king, the queen, and madame, are
ihily estimated by his holiness, as far as they go, though he is not disposed
[o put any faith in them." — Lettere di Priucipi, i. 00.

H H 2

468 NOTES TO CHAPTER XVIII.

NOTE 12, (p. 197.) — This law was founded on a bull of Clement IV. —
See Seckendorf, i. xxxiii. 123.

NOTE 10, (p. 198.) — " His majesty has sent word, that he proposes to
pay a compliment to Leo X. which he did not pay to either Alexander or
Julius, namely, to come to Rome for the purpose of being crowned by the
hands of his holiness. The legate highly approves of this determination, and
recommends us to accept the offer, that we may depart from the recent prac
tice of sending the crown to the emperors, and return to the old one of
having the emperors come to Rome for it themselves." — Lettera del Card.
Giulio de' Med. al Card, da Bibbieua. Lettere di Principi, i. GC.

NOTE 14, (p. 199.) — It is related on the authority of a MS. attributed to
Spalatino, that after the death of Maximilian, the three ecclesiastical elec
tors, and the elector palatine, met to consult together on their common de
fence during the vacancy of the imperial functions. That the cardinal of
Gaeta, the pope's legate, went to this meeting, and required three things in
the name of the pontiff. I. That they should turn their thoughts on elect
ing an emperor possessed of great talents and resources. II. That they
should not elect Charles of Austria, he being also king of Naples, which
sovereignty could not be held with the imperial crown, such an union
being prohibited by the bull of Clement IV. III. That they should ex
plicitly inform the legate of their intentions. To these demands, the electors
replied, that they had not met for the choice of an emperor, but to consider
on their own affairs ; that, however, they had no doubt, that such a person
would be chosen, as would be found desirable to the pontifical see, and to
all Christendom, and formidable to their enemies ; but that they were much
surprised that the pope should in so unusual a manner attempt to prescribe
laws to the electors. This anecdote is probably well-founded, and may serve
to show the active part which Leo took in influencing the election. — Secken
dorf. Comm. de Luther, i. xxxiii. 123.

NOTE 1"), (p. 200.) — "As the expeditious method of transmitting money,
and the decent mode of conveying a bribe by bills of exchange, was tlieu
little known, the French ambassadors travelled with a train of horses, loaded
with treasure ; an equipage not very honourable for that prince by whom
they were employed, and infamous for those to whom they were sent .'" — Ro
bertson's Life of Charles V. i. ii. 52. Nor did Charles scruple to for
ward his cause by similar methods. In particular he sent a large sum of
money to Frederick elector of Saxony, the great patron of Luther, to whom
the imperial crown had been offered by his associates, and who after having
magnanimously rejected it, aud given his vote to Charles, was not likely to
disgrace himself by accepting such a reward, and accordingly sent back the
money, and moreover strictly ordered all his people in like manner to refuse
any presents that might be offered them. — Lettera a Papa Leone X. Luglio
151!). Lettere di Principi. i. 73. Henry VIII., who had flattered himself
with some distant hopes of the imperial dignity, sent his agent Richard Pace
to the diet, who applied to the elector of Saxony, and offered his master's
interest if he would accept the imperial crown ; otherwise requesting the vote
of the elector for the king his master. — Ex. MS. Spalatini ap. Seckend. i.
xxxiii. 123 ; and see Lord Herbert's Hist, of Hen. VIII. 74.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIX. 469

i NOTE 16, (p. 201.) — This early favourite of fortune is ofteii mentioned
kiin the letters of the cardinal da Bibbieua, written to Giuliano de' Medici,
BJabout the year 1515. In one of them he says, " Hippolito is well. He says
I ito every one who asks him where his father is gone : Oh, he is (/one to briny

•mil lady mother home. When he made this reply to the pope, his holiness
I) (nearly split his sides with laughter."

CHAPTER XIX.

NOTE 1, (p. 210.) — Luther asserts that the elector treated the present of
,the pope with contempt : " The golden rose, as they call it, which Leo X.
.sent this year to the elector, was received with no sort of honour; hut, ou
jthe contrary, treated with contempt, so that the Romans began to despair of
deceiving that great prince with their miserable shifts." — Luther, in prsef. et
;Pallavicini, Coiicil. di Trent, i. 90.

NOTE 2, (p. 210.) — When Luther was informed of his sickness, he ad-
' dressed a letter to him, intreating him "to keep up his spirits, and to fear
nothing from his resentment," &c. — Luth. op. in praef. Whether this was
I really intended as a consolation, the reader will judge.

NOTE 3, (p. 211.) — This famous dispute commenced on the 27th day of
June, 151!) . The principal question agitated between Carlostadt and Eccius
was, Whether the human will had any operation in the performance of good
: works, or was merely passive to the power of divine grace? The debate
i continued six days ; Eccius maintaining that the will co-operated with the
divine favour, and Carlostadt asserting its total in efficacy for any meritorious
purpose. The debate between Luther and Eccius occupied ten days, in the
i course of which Luther delivered his opinion respecting purgatory, the ex-
i istence of which he asserted could not be proved by scripture ; of indulgences.
'which he contended were useless ; of the remission of punishment, which he
considered as inseparable from the remission of sin ; of repentance, which
he asserted must arise from charity and love, and was useless if induced by
fear; of the primacy of the pope, which he boldly contended was supported
by human and not by divine authority. This last point was contested by
both parties with great earnestness and ability. Luther, however, acknow
ledges, that he and his friends were overcome, at least by clamour and by
gestures : " Ita, me Deus amet, fateri cogor victos nos esse, clamore et
gestu." — Excerpta Lutheri, de suis et Carolostadii thesibus, ap. Seckend. 73*
It is remarkable that Milton appears as an advocate for the catholic doc
trine of free -will, in opposition to the Lutheran and Calvinistic opinion of
the total iuefficacy of the human mind to all good purposes.
" Freely they stood, who stood, and fell, who fell;
Not free, what proof could they have given sincere
Of true allegiance, constant faith, or love ?
Where only what they needs must do appear'd,
Not what they would, what praise could they receive ?"

' Par. Lost. iii. 103,

470 NOTES TO CHAPTER XIX.

NOTE 4, (p. 214.) — It must be observed, that Luther had been in Rome,
in the year 1510, on the affairs of his convent, where he had been greatly
disgusted with the conduct of the clergy, and the manners of the people, in
the performance of religious worship. — Ex. Luther, op. German, vi. Jenee,
ap. Melch. Adam in vita, 49.

NOTE 5, (p. 210.) — Some of the protestant writers, willing to attribute
the schism of the church wholly to the rash and intemperate conduct of the
Roman pontiff, have passed over in silence this provoking letter of Luther,
although published in the general collection of his works ; (see Cha. Chais,
Mosheim, Robertson, &c.) others who have cited it, have supposed that
Luther was serious in his professions of respect and attachment to Leo X.,
and that the pontiff should have considered it as a peace-offering; ^Sleidan
and Seckendorf) but it is not difficult to perceive that the whole is a bitter
satire, rendered more galling by the pretended anxiety of the writer for the
temporal and eternal welfare of the pope. Seckendorf has also attempted to
prove, that although this letter bears the date of the Oth April, 1520, it was
not written till the month of October following ; in which opinion he has been
incautiously followed by other writers. To say nothing of the decisive inter
nal evidence of the letter having been written before the issuing of the papal
bull, it may be sufficient to notice the following facts ; a due attention to
which would have prevented Seckendorf and his followers from falling into
such an error. I. The letter in question was prefixed, as the actual dedica
tion to Leo X. of the book of Luther, de Libertate Christiana. In this
form it appeal's in the Jena edition of the works of Luther, where it imme
diately precedes the treatise, and is entitled " Epistola Lutheri ad Leonem X.
Rom. Fontificem, Libello de Libertate Christiana prasfixa." The dedicatory
words at the close of the letter admit of no doubt that it was published with
the book: "Finally, that I may not present myself empty handed, 1 bring
with me this little treatise, sent forth under your name, as an auspice of peace
and hope," &c. II. The precise time of the publication of this treatise is
marked by the dedicatory letter itself; viz., the (5th April, 1520. It pre
ceded, in the order of publication, the treatise, de Captivltate Babylonica;
and the latter treatise had made its appearance in the month of August,
1520. — Sleidan, ii. Seckend. i. Ixxiii. III. The Jena edition of the works
of Luther was superintended by his particular friends soon after his death,
and the greatest care was taken in arranging his writings, in order of time,
according to their proper dates. This is repeatedly insisted on, in the pre
face by Amsdorf, as one of the chief merits of the work. " For many, not
keeping in view the order of time, grossly blunder, when under colour of
Luther's writings they seek to reconcile Christ and Belial." In this edition
the letter appears in its proper place, with the date of the Gth April, and
before the bull of Leo X., which is dated the 15th of June. IV. Any cor
respondence between Luther and Leo X. after the issuing the bull must have
been well known, and given rise to great observation, as it would have
shown the conduct of Luther in a very different light from that in which it
now appears, and led to very different conclusions respecting his character.
To have omitted or misplaced it in the Jena edition of the works of Luther,
which professes to give a history of the Reformation for the years 1517, 18,
19, 20, and 21, by a regular series of authentic documents, would have been
unpardonable. Even Seckeudorf himself has not ventured to introduce, or

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIX. 471

even to mention such letter in las commentaries, at the time when he con
tends it was written ; and only undertakes, in a former part of his work, to
raise some doubt on the subject ; " dubitationem quandam infra aperiam ;"
a doubt which a proper examination would effectually have removed.

NOTE 0, (p. 216.) — But the execution of John Huss, despite the imperial
safe conduct, produced a terrible civil war, in which his followers, to the
number of 40,000, covered Bohemia witli blood and devastation. — B.

NOTE 7, (p. 218.) — On this bull, which effected the entire separation of
die reformers from the church of Eome, Ulric Hutten wrote a series of
sarcastic commentaries which were published in the works of Luther, i.
423.

NOTE 8, (p. 220.) — The decrees of Gratian, in point of fact, are only a
collection of the decretals of the popes. — B.

NOTE 9, (p. 221.) — An account of the ceremony of proclaiming the sen
tence of the pope against Luther, and the burning his books in St. Paul's
Church-yard, London, in the presence of Wolsey and the prelates of the
realm, is given in the Appendix from the Cottoniau MSS. in the British
Museum.

NOTE 10, (p. 221.) — " Erasmus writes that the emperor's court is filled
with beggarly tyrants, and that nothing is to be hoped from Charles. It is
not to be wondered at. ' Put not your faith in princes, nor in the sons of
men.' " — Luther, ad Spalatinum. ap. Seckend. Comment, i. 20, 115, et Palla-
vicini, xxiii. 132.

NOTE 11, (p. 223.) — The harangue of Aleandro is given entire by Palla-
vicini, from documents preserved in the archives of the Vatican. — xxv, 142.

NOTE 12, (p. 225.) — Maimburg asserts that Luther travelled in a mag
nificent carriage,with an escort of honour of 100 horse ; but Seckendorf has
shown that these accounts were exaggerated by his enemies for the purpose
of charging him with ostentation. His appearance at Worms was, however,
sufficiently respectable. — Seckend. i. 152.

NOTE 13, (p. 230.) — Pallavicini, i. xxvii. 103, asserts that the whole
assembly concurred in the opinion of the emperor, " tutta la dieta concorse
nella seutenza di Cesare ;" but this is sufficiently contradicted by the ob
servations in the Lettere di Principi, i. 03.

NOTE 14, (p. 233.) — Assertio septem Sacramentorum adversus Martinum
Lutherum. The original, in an elegant MS., is still preserved in the
library of the Vatican, and is usually shown to Englishmen on their visits
to Rome. — Dr. Smith's Tour to the Continent, ii. 200. From this copy
it was printed at Home, "in aedibus Francisci Priscianensis Florentini,
1543," as appears by the colophon, " Descriptus liber ex eo est, quern ad
Leonem X. Pont. Max. Hex ipse misit ;" but it had before been published in
London, in aedibus Pynsonianis, 1521, and at Antwerp, in sedibus Michaelis
Uillenii, in the year 1522. On this occasion several of the Italian scholars,
and particularly Vida, and Colocci, addressed Latin poems to the king.

NOTE 15, (p. 233.) — Luther replied to this book in his Treatise contra
Hcnricum VIII. Anglite Rcgem ; which he addressed to Seb. Schlick, a
Bohemian nobleman, in a dedication which bears date loth July, 1522.

472 NOTES TO CHAPTER XIX.

In this work lie treats the king, without any ceremony, as a liar and ft
blasphemer. But whilst he stigmatizes the book of Henry VIII. as stoli-'
dittttnum and turpissimum, he acknowledges it to be "inter omnes qn£
contra se script! sunt latiuissimum." He insinuates, however, that it was
written by some other person in the name of the king. An answer to the
work of Luther was published or re-published, Lond. 1523, under the fol
lowing title, &c. " Eruditissimi viri Gulielmi Rossei opus elegans, doctum,
festivum, pium, quo pulcherrime retegit ac refellit iusanas Luther! calum-
nias; quibus invictissimum Anglia: Galliaeque Kegem Henricum ejus
nominis octavum, Fide! defensorem, baud literis minus quam regno durum
scurrii turpissimus insectatur," &c. In this work, which is attributed to
Sir Thomas More, the author has not only endeavoured to refute the argu
ments, but to equal the abuse of the German reformer ; and he concludes
it by leaving him, " cum suis furiis et furoribus. cum suis merdis et ster-
coribus, cacantem cacatumque." Such are the cleyantitB of religions con
troversies. A few years afterwards, when Luther began to suspect that the
king was not indisposed to favour his opinions, he wrote to him to excuse
the violence and abuse contained in his book, which he attributed to the
advice of others, acknowledging that he had published it too rashly, and
ottering to make a public apology. To this Henry condescended to write
a long and argumentative reply, in which he advises Luther to retract his
errors, or to shut himself up in a monastery, and repent of bis sins. These
letters have been published without note of place or date, and are prefixed,
in the copy now before me, to the treatise of Henry on the seven sacraments.

NOTE 1C, (p. 234.) — Luther endeavoured to explain his doctrine of the
real presence, by comparing it to a red hot iron, in which, said lie, as two
distinct substances — viz., iron and fire — are united, so is the body of Christ
joined with the bread in the Eucharist. Dr. Maclaine calls this a miserable
comparison. — Note (z) on Mosli. Ecclesiast. Hist. ii. 34.

NOTE 17, (p. 233.) — " To say nothing of his abuse of Henry VIII., it
may be observed that it was not without great reluctance that he addressed
Charles V. by the title of Domiuus Clementissimus : " when nil the world,"
says he, " knows that be is excessively bitter against me ; everybody will
laugh nt this manifest absurdity." — Seckend. i. 1!)(J. But the language in
which he rejects the protection of his great friend, the elector, is yet more
remarkable. " I write to your highness to let you know that I am going
to \Vittemberg under far higher than electoral protection. I will not be
protected by you, nor call the sword into use in this matter. God will take
care of it, without any man's help. Since your highness is of infirm faith, I
cannot adopt you as my protector. But since you wish to know what you
are to do, saying that yon think you have not done so much as you ought,
I will tell you that you are to do nothing at all, and that you have already
done more than was wanted. God will not have this cause gained by force.
If you believe this, you are safe ; if not, I, nt all events, believe it ; and as
to you, your incredulity will bring its own punishment. Meantime, you
stand excused, whatever happens to me." — Ex. fragm. Lutheri Ep. ap
Seckend. i. 195.

NOTE 18, (p. 237.) — The doctrine of predestination was first advanced
by Austin, in consequence of what he had maintained in the Pelagian con--

NOTES TO CHAPTER XIX. 473

trovt'rsy, on the subjects of grace ami original sin. — Priestley's Hist, of the
Christian Church, ii. 2.")(5. Ed. Northumb. 1802. It was afterwards (about
the year 847) more rigorously insisted on by Godeschalcus, a Saxon
monk, " who seems to have pursued the leading principles of Austin nearly
to their full extent." — Ib. 207.

NOTE 10, (p. 238.) — I am aware of the fate of Edmund Campian, the
Jesuit, who, having in his conferences whilst a prisoner in the Tower of
London, a short time before his execution on account of his religion, ac
cused Luther of having called the epistle of James a book of straw, was
required to produce his authority, and not being able to discover the passage
in the edition of the works of Luther brought to him for that purpose, was
treated as a calumniator and falsifier. The Protestants for some time
enjoyed their triumph : " The learned Whittaker," says Bayle, " enjoyed this
agreeable satisfaction all his life. He maintained that Luther had never
said anything of the sort, and that Campian had calumniated him." On.
further inquiry, it. appeared, however, that there was more reason for the
assertion of Campian than his opponents had supposed. Even Whittaker
at length confessed, that he had found an early edition of the works of
Luther, which contained the expression alluded to. " Prim inn enim vidi
quandam Lutheri praefationem antiqnissimam, editam anno 152-J, Wittem-
bergce, in qua Jacobi Epistolam, prje Petri ac Pauli Epistolis, stramineara
vocat." The Jesuits have in their turn considered this as a complete
victory. The whole controversy is given by Bayle.— Diet. His tor. Art.
Luther, note N. 0.

NOTE 20, (p. 230.) — "The conduct of the Lutheran doctors," says a
very candid and competent judge, " in the deliberations relating to the
famous Form of Concord, discovered such an imperious and uncharitable
spirit, as would have been more consistent with the genius of the court of
Ilome, than with the principles of a Protestant church." — Dr. Madame,
note (c) on Slosh, ii. 148.

NOTE 21, (p. 242.) — Lnth. ap. Seckend. ii. 25. — It is a curious fact that
Luther availed himself of the assistance of Luca Crauach, one of the mos£
eminent German artists of the time, to satirize the lloman court in a set of
figures representing the cteeds of Christ, and of Antichrist ; to which Luther
himself wrote inscriptions. — Seckend. i. 148.

NOTE 22, (p. 244.) — The violence of the first reformers is very fully
admitted by a learned prelate of the church of England, who, in speaking
of Erasmus, says, " — for the other reformers, such as Luther, Calvin, and
their followers, understood so little in what true Christian charity consisted,
that they carried with them into the reformed churches that very spirit of
persecution which had driven them from the church of Borne." — Warburton's
Notes on Pope's Essay on Criticism, in Pope's Works, i. 222. The annals
of persecution cannot furnish a more atrocious instance of bigotry and
cruelty, than the burning of Servetus, in a Protestant city, and by Protestant
priests. The life of this unhappy victim of ecclesiastical tyranny was
written by Henricus ab Allwoerden, at the instance of the learned Mosheim,
and published at Helmstadt, in 1728. The execution of Servetus is thus
described in a MS. history of him, cited by Allwoerden, 112 : " Servetus
was placed against a stake fixed in the earth, and with his feet fastened to

474 NOTES TO CHAPTER XX.

the ground. Around his head was a crown of straw or leaves steeped in
sulphur. His body was bound to the stake with an iron chain, while a
thick rope was twisted four or five times round his neck ; his book was
tied on to his thigh. He asked the executioner to dispatch him as quickly
as possible. When the fire was lighted, he cried out so horribly that he
terrified the whole assemblage, saying piteously, 'Jesus, Son of God, have
mercy on me ;' he expired at mid-day." Calvin, who was apprehensive that
the death of Servetus might entitle him to the rank of a martyr, thought it
necessary to defame his memory, by asserting that he had no religioi: ; and
inhumanly attributed the expression of his feelings on the approach of Ms
horrible fate, to what he calls a brutal stupidity. — Calvini Opusc. et Genev.
1597, ap. Alwoerden, 101. What Calvin did not scruple to perform, Me-
lancthon and Bullinger did not hesitate to approve. Thus the former
addresses himself to the latter on this subject, "I have read what you said
about the blasphemies of Servetus, and approve of it entirely ; it is only
another proof of your piety and excellent judgment. I think the senate of
Geneva did quite right in removing that stubborn man ; and cannot but be
astonished at those who object to the severity exercised towards him." —
Jortin's Tracts, 8vo. i. 401. Such were the sentiments of the mild and
candid Melancthon, and such the first fruits of that reformation, which
professed to assert the right of private judgment in matters of religion, and
to enlighten and humanize mankind !

CHAPTER XX.

NOTE 1, (p. 245.) — Even with reference to the animal kingdom, greater
attention was paid to the subject of monsters, than to that of the animals
actually known, and hence the origin of the many fabulous creatures, which
all had some foundation in nature, wherein marvels rather than truth had
been sought. — B.

NOTE 2, (p. 247.) — Among others he published a collection of various
tracts from the works of Aristotle and Theophrastus, which were printed
from his copies, and published by the heirs of Filippo Giuuti, at Flor. 1327.
In the dedication of this work to Bernardo Giunti, Leonico asserts, that he
had carefully corrected and restored about two thousand passages in these
treatises. — Bandin. Juntar. Typogr. Ann. ii. 213.

NOTE 3, (p. 247.) — Tiraboschi, vii. i. 373. He is also mentioned by
Erasmus in his Ciceronianus with great commendation.

NOTE 4, (p. 247.) — This inscription, which yet remains in the church of
S. Francesco, at Padua, is as follows: "LEOXICO THOM^EO, Veneto, mitio-
ribus in literis pangendisque carminibus ingenio amabili, Philosophies vero
in studiis, et Academica Peripateticaque doctrina praestanti ; nam et Aristo-
telicos libros Groeco sermone Patavii primus omnium docuit, scholamque
illam a Latinis iuterpretibus iuculcatam perpolivit, et Platonis majestatem
nostris hominibus jam prope abditam restituit ; multaque praeterea scripsit,
multa interpretatus est, multos claros vires erudiit, praeter virtutem bonasque

NOTES TO CHAPTER XX.

artes tota in vita nullius rei appetens. Vixit autem annoslxxv. M. i. D. 27."
I \ Lc.on ico is supposed to be merely an anagrammatical transposition of Nicolo,
jor Nicolao. This writer has been frequently confounded with Nicolo Leoni-

oeno, or Da Lonigo, a physician at Ferrara, who wrote a treatise DC Morbo

Gallico, and other works. — B.J

NOTE 5, (p. 248.) — His body was sent, by the orders of the cardinal
i Ercole Gonzaga, who had been his pupil, to Mantua ; where it was interred
in the church of St. Francesco. A statue of bronze, which yet remains, was
| there erected to his memory, in which he is represented sitting with a book
jopen in one hand, and another closed at his feet, with the words, " Obiit an.
<<. MDXXIV. M. M."
Below is inscribed :

" Mantua clara mihi genetrix fuit, et breve corpus
Quod dederat natura mihi, me turba Perettum
Dixit. Naturae scrutatus sum intima cuncta."

NOTE 0, (p. 248.) — Peretto was a little, a very little man, with a phy-
! sioguomy partaking, to say the truth, much more of the Jew than of the
i Christian. He dressed too in a particular fashion, more like a rabbi than
. a philosopher, and always went close shaved — Bandell. Nov. iii. nov. 38.

NOTE 7, (p. 248.) — "What the devil are you talking about? What the
devil is all this about? Do you take me for a Jew? May fire come down
from Heaven and bum you all !" &c. — Ibid. Tiraboschi, in relating this
anecdote, has unaccountably mistaken the Modenese ladies for Jewesses,
, vii. i. 375.

NOTE 8, (p. 249.) — The works of Pomponazzo were collected and pub-
.lished the year after his death, under the following title: " PETBI POMPA-
NATII opera omnia; sive Tractatus acutissimi de Reactione, de Intentione
ibrmaiiim, de Modo agendi primarum quulitatum, de Immortalitate animae,
Apologia contradict. Tractatus Defensorium. Approbatioues rationum De-
fensorii, &c. Venetiis, Haeredes Octav. Scoti, 1525, in fol." This edition,
de Bure informs us, is rare. — Bib. Instruct. No. 1289.

NOTE 9, (p. 250.) — In the year 1520, he published at Florence his
Dialnctic<t Lutlicra, and in 1521, his Libellus de his qua; ab optimis Priitci-
pibus agenda suitt ; in both of which he denominates himself A ttgiistinus
Niphus Medlces, pliifasophns Simssaiius ; and in the dedication to him of
the commentary of Alexander Aphrodisiensis on some of the works of
Aristotle, by Antouius Francinus Varchieusis, he is styled Augustlnus Niphus
<b' Medicls, Peripafeticorum Princeps. — Bandin. Juntar.Typog. Ann. ii. 183.

NOTE 10, (p. 250.) — Oil the follies and amorous propensities of Nifo in
his old age, Bayle has, according to his custom, expatiated at large. That
Nifo had afforded some reason for these animadversions may, however,
sufficiently appear from the following not inelegant lines of one of his
contemporaries :

" Apagete vos, Philosophiam qui tetricam

Putatis, et boni indigam
Leporis, ebrise horridamque Cypridis.
Quid ? Niphus an uon malleus,

476 NOTES TO CHAPTER XX.

Perplexa suetus inter enthymemata

Et syllogisimos frigidos
Narrare suaves, Atticasque fabulas ;

Multumque risum spargere ?
At quam venustum hoc ; septuagenarian)

Quod undulntis passibus,
Ex curioso, flexuosoque capite,

Saltare coram cerneres,
Modo Dorium, modo Phrygium, vel Lydium ;

Am ore saucium gravi ?
Tract are sic Pbilosopbiam invisam, arbitror

Summi fuisse Pbilosopbi."

Latomi, ap. Jovium in Elog.

NOTE 11, (p. 250.) — In bis treatise De Eittc c-l Una, addressed by biml
bis friend Politiano. Of the character and writings of Pico the reader will
find the most full and interesting account which has yet been given to the
world, in Mr. Greswell's Memoirs of Italian Scholars, 2nd. ed. 1805.

NOTE 12, (p. 251.) — Leo wrote to the marquis of Mantua, and to Lautrec,
governor of Milan, requesting them to interpose their authority to prevent
such disgraceful dissensions. He also addressed a letter to Gian-Francesco,
and another to the countess, in terms of admonition and reproof; which
were tempered, however, in his letter to Gian-Francesco, by expressions of
great esteem and respect for his talents and his learning. — Bembi Epist. t
Pont. xi. ep. 30, 32, 33.

NOTE 13, (p. 252.) — In the year 1510 he printed at Rome his four books
de Amore Divino, which he inscribed to Leo X. A copy in Manuscript of
this work is preserved in the Laureutian Library, at the beginning of which
are the family arms of the Medici richly illuminated. But his principal work
is his Examen fanitatis Doctrinal Gentium, et Jreritatis Christiana; Dis-
clpllnce, printed by him at his own press at Mirandola in the year 1520, and
also dedicated to Leo X. This work is preceded by an apostolic licence, in
the form of an epistle to Giovau-Francesco, in which the pontiff recognises
the great merits of the celebrated Giovanni Pico, and the friendly intimacy
which subsisted between him and Lorenzo the father of the pontiff; and
highly commends Giovau-Francesco for imitating the example of his illus
trious predecessor in the prosecution of liberal studies. The works of Giovan-
Francesco have generally been printed with those of his nncle, of which
several Editions have been published at Basle, in 2 vols. folio.

NOTE 14, (p. 253.) — In the earlier editions, the title is La Cerba. — B.
NOTE 15, (p. 253.)

" Dal cielo sta la terra equal lontaua,

Perho la luce de le stelle mostra

E qtial splendor ad ogni vista humana ;

Se uel oriente, o nel mezzo, gira,

O verso in occidente ella s' c posta

Di quella forma se mostra cbi la mira." — L'Acerba, i. iii.

NOTE 1C, (p. 253.)

" Doi cerchi souo intersect! insieme,
E quaute differente dice altrui,

NOTES TO CHAPTER XX. 477

Ove son juncti e la dove son streme ;
La prima stella gira in quel sito,
E'l sole a 1'altro e opposite a lui,
Quando il suo corpo e di splendor finite.
E de le doe stelle uel mezo t: la terra ;
Per qua! la lima lo raggio non vede,
Che nel sno corpo 1'ombra se disfera.
Sempre non tutta questa stella oscura,
Si come nostra vista ne fa fede ;
Ch' in parte more al tempo sna figura." — L'Acerlia, i. 4.

j NOTE 17, (p. 253.)

" Qui non si canta al modo del Poeta

Che finge imagiiiando cose vane,

Ma qui risplende e luce ogui natura,

Che a chi inteude fa la meuta lieta.

Qui non si soguia per la selva scura,
Qui non vego Pauolo ne Francesca,

De li Manfred! nou vego Alberigo,

Che de h niaari frutti nella dolcie escha.

Dal Mastino novo & vecchio da Verucliio.

Che fece de Montaguia qui non dico ;

Ne de' Franceschi lor sanguignio muchio.
Non vego '1 Coute che per ira & asto

Ten forte 1' Arcivescovo Puiggiero

Prendendo de suo cieffo el fiero pasto.

Non vego qui squatrare a Dio le fiche.

Lasso le ciancie e torno su nel vero," &c.

L'Acerba, v. 10.

.'; NOTE 18, (p. 254.)

" Ne gli altri regni dove audo col duca,
Fondando gli soi pie nel basso centro,
La lo coudusse la soa fede poca,
E soi camin non fece mai ritorno ;

Che'l suo desio lui sempre tien dentro.
De lui mi duol per uuo pavlar adoruo."

i NOTE 19, (p. 254:.) — He was burnt, by the sentence of the inquisition, at
Florence, in the year 1327. An ancient MS. copy of the proceedings
against him, with his sentence, is in my possession, but I have not had an
opportunity of comparing them with those published by Lami, in his cata
logue of the Puccardi library.

! NOTE 20, (p. 254 ) — Of this poem, several editions are cited by Quadrio.
Storia d' ogni Poesia, iv. 4L I have also a MS. copy, of the fifteenth
century, ornamented with astronomical and geographical figures, coloured,
explaining the system of the heavens, the signs of the zodiac, the divisions
of the earth, &c.

NOTE 21, (p. 254.) — From these letters, it appears that Colombo had
imparted his intentions as early as the year 1474. to Toscanelli, who had
encouraged him to proceed in his enterprise, and furnished him with such

478 NOTES TO CHAPTER XX.

instructions, both historical and geographical, as seemed most likely to
ensure his success. These letters have been published in the life of Cristo-
foro, by Ferdinanclo Colombo, and are particularly stated by Tiraboschi,
i. 170, 309.

NOTE 22, (p. 2.")").) — Leo wrote to Henry VIII., requesting that he
would employ his professors of astrology and theology to take the subject
into their consideration.

NOTE 23, (p. 255.) — Basilio was also the author of another work, De
J'arit'tate Tempo rum. He was a native of Florence, and had been a pupil
of Vespucci. — Ixvii. 74. [The manuscript is now in the royal library of St.
Mark.— B.]

NOTE 24, (p. 255.) — This work consists of twenty-five propositions, of
which the first six are lost or mutilated.

NOTE 25, (p. 250.) — Or, more correctly, they were all Italians. — B.

NOTE 20, (p. 257.) — " This bull, which is inserted in the Diplomatic
Code of Leibnitz, page 472, has been assailed by many grave writers, and
particularly by the celebrated Hugo Grotius, in his treatise, entitled Mare
Liberum." — Btmdin. Vita di Amerigo Vespucci, 40. Flor. 1745.

NOTE 27, (p. 258.) — See the proclamation of Alonso do Ojeda, trans
lated by Ilobertson, in his History of America, i. xxxiii.

NOTE 28, (p. 258.) — Las Casas has therefore entitled his work, with
strict propriety, Tlie History of the Destruction of the Indies — " Eelacion
de la Destruyciou de las Indias :" from the introduction to this most dread
ful and affecting history, which was translated into Italian by Giacomo
Castellani, and published at Venice in 1043, I shall only give the following
passage : — " I positively and truly assert, that within the space of forty
years, there have unjustly and tyrannically perished, by the oppression and
infernal conduct of the Christians, more than twelve millions of persons,
men, women, and children ; and I believe that I am not mistaken in assert
ing that there are more than fifteen millions." It is to be hoped, for the
credit of human nature, that Robertson is right in asserting that the
accounts of Las Casas are not to be implicitly believed, especially when he
speaks of numbers.

NOTE 29, (p. 201.) — Among other observations in the works of Pontami.
there is one which particularly deserves the attention of the practical gar
dener. He asserts, on his own experience, that if a graft be cut from the
extremity of a fruit-bearing branch, it will itself bear fruit the first year of
its being ingrafted ; but that if it be taken from a sucker, or unripe part of
the tree, it will be many years before it bear fruit. — Pontan. ii. 180. This
lias since been observed by other naturalists, and the reason is explained by
Dr. Darwin, in his Phytoloyia, ix. ii. 7, 150.

NOTE 30, (p. 201.) — The author should not have omitted Pandolfo
Collenuccio, who undertook the defence of Pliny against Da Lorrigo. — B.

NOTE 31, (p. 201.) — In folio, and reprinted in 1527, 8vo. This work
Jovius dedicated to the cardinal Louis, of Bourbon, who deluded his ex
pectations of a great reward by presenting him with an imaginary benefice

NOTES TO CHAPTER XX. 479

in the island of Thule, beyond the Orkneys. — Letteradi Giovio a M. Galeaz.
iFlorimoute. ap. Tirab. vii. 2, '20. With this malicious sarcasm the cardinal
1 iseeins to have reproved .Tovius for quitting his theological studies to write
jthe treatise inscribed to him.

NOTE 32, (p. 262.) — A particular account of the rise of the science of
uiatural history, and of its progress to the present time, may be found in Dr.
: Smith's introductory Discourse, prefixed to the first vol. of the Transactions
lof the Liunaeau Society. Lond. 1791. 4to.

NOTE 33, (p. 262.) — See Life of Lorenzo, 234. His moral works are
(published under the following titles : — " De veris ac salutaribus animi gau-
diis. Flor. 1491." " De instituendo sapientia animo. Bonon. 1495." " De
tolerandis adversis. lib. ii." "De gerendo magistratu, justitiaque colenda."
The two last tracts are published in the general collection of the works of
their author, Argeutor. 1509, et Flor. 1513.

j NOTE 34, (p. 263.)— First published at Naples, in a well printed and
;elegant edition, 4to., and dedicated by the author to Roberto Sanseveriuo,
iPrince of Salerno. At the close we read: "Joannis Joviani Pontani de
:obedieutia opus finit feliciter. Impressum Neapoli per Mathiam Moravum
anno Salutis Dominicae 1490. die 25 Octobris."

NOTE 35, (p. 266.) — M. Ant. Flaminio has applied to Castiglione the fol
lowing lines :

"Rex quoque te simili complexus amore Britannus,

Insignem clari Torquis honore facit:"

which have led his biographers to suppose, that Castiglione was himself ad
mitted into the order of knighthood. " He was received by king Henry with
such marked distinction and kindness, as to excite surprise in the minds of
all the courtiers, and their astonishment was increased by his honouring
him with the collar of the Garter, which is only bestowed upon very few
persons, and those of the highest rank." — Marliani, vita di Castiglione. Se-
rassi, another of the biographers, says : " He received from the king a splen
did gold chain, so delighted was his majesty with this great man." On
this subject some doubts have, however, lately been raised, by the Abate D.
Francesconi; who has very justly suggested the improbability, that the king
would confer on the ambassador the same honour as he had before bestowed
on his sovereign; to which he adds: " The explanation of the matter be
longs to whomsoever may undertake the history of this chivalrous order, and
in doing so ascertain the names of all those who have had it conferred on
them." — See Fraucesconi Discorso al Reale Academia Fiorentina. Flor.
1799, p. 80. By the obliging assistance of Sir Isaac Heard, garter principal
king of arms, I am enabled to clear up these doubts, and to state with confi
dence, that Castiglione was not of the order of the garter. King Henry VIJ.
transmitted the ensigns to the duke of Urbino, by the abbot of Glastonbury,
and sir Gilbert Talbot ; after which the duke sent Castiglione to England
to be installed in his name. On his landing at Dover, on the 20th day of
October, sir Thomas Brandon was dispatched with a considerable retinue to
meet him ; and in the college of arms are yet preserved the particulars of
his reception by the lord Thomas Doquara,lord of St. John's, and sir Thomas
Wriothesley, garter king of arms ; who conducted him to London, where he
was lodged in the house of the pope's vice collector. But although Castig-

480 NOTES TO CHAPTER XX.

lione was not created a kniglit of the garter, there is yet reason to believe
that he received some distinguishing mark of the favour of the king, lu
letter which he soon afterwards addressed to that sovereign, giving him
account of the death of the duke, " whom,'' he says, "you so loved, that you
decorated him with the order of the garter," he refers to certain honours and
dignities conferred also on himself. In addition to which it may be observed,
that the MS. from which Anstis published the letter of Castiglione, at the eud
of his second volume on the Order of the Garter, and which MS. is by him
stated to be deposited in the museum of Mr. Thoresby at Leeds, was embel
lished with the arms of Castiglione, surrounded by a collar of SS. ending
with two portcullises, and having at the bottom a rose, gules, and argent;
which affords a strong proof that Henry VII., whose badges were a portcullis
and united rose, had decorated Castiglione with such a collar at the time of
his mission to this country.

NOTE 30, (p. 208.) — This piece, entitled, " Hippolyta, Balthasari, C'asti-
lioui Conjugi," 1ms given rise to an erroneous opinion, that the lady of Cas-
tiglione wrote Latin poetry ; but although it affords no positive evidence of
this circumstance, yet it is not improbable, that the ideas and sentiments it
contains were such as were conveyed to him by his wife during his absence,
and which he has thought proper to transpose into Latin verse.

NOTE 37, (p. 209.) — Castiglione, however, never took possession of his
bishoprick, for he died within a few davs of having been nominated to
it.— 13.

NOTE 38, (p. 200.) — The body of Castiglione was interred in the metro
politan church of Toledo, whence it was afterwards removed by his daughter
to the church of the Fruti Minori, at Mantua, and deposited in a handsome
chapel erected for that purpose, with the following inscription written by
Bembo : " Baldassari Castilioni Mantuano. Omnibus naturae dotilms,
plurimis bonis artibus, ornato ; Grsecis literis erudito ; in Latinis et Etruscis
etiam poetae : oppido Nebularise in Pisaureu. ob. virt. inilit. donate ; duabus
obitis legationibus, Britannica et Eomana; Hispaniensem cum ageret, acres
dementis VII. Pont. Max. procnraret, quatuorque libros de instituenda Be
gum familia perscripsisset ; postremo cum Curolus V., imperator epu'copnm
flbnlse creari mandasset, Toleti vita functo, magni apud omues gentes noini-
nis. qui vix. annos 1. mens. ii. diem i, aloysia Gonzaga, contra votum super-
stes. fil. B. M. P. anno domini 152!)."

NOTE 39, (p. 270.) — Castiglioue has also left a few poetical compositions
in his native tongue, which display equal elegance with his Latin writings.
His canzone beginning —

" Manca il fior giovenil de' miei prim' anni,"

in particular, exhibits a force of sentiment and of expression seldom met
with in the works of his contemporaries. That he not only admired, but
imitated Lorenzo de' Medici, is sufficiently evident from the following pas
sage in this poem :

" E parmi udire ; O stolto, 0 pien d' obblio,
Dal pigro sonno omai
Destati, e dar rimedio t'appnrecchia
Al lungo error;"

NOTES TO CHAPTER XX. 481

Which seems to be imitated from these lines of Lorenzo :
" Destati pigro ingegno da quel sonuo,

Che par che gli occhi tuoi d'un vel ricopra,
Onde veder la verita non ponuo.
Svegliati omai," &c.

NOTK 40, (p. 270.) — The more ancient novelists, however, Boccaccio,
Poggio, Masuccio Salernitano, Sacchetti, £c., were more licentious in their
stories than those of the time of Leo, excepting Baudello. — B.

| NOTK 41, (p. 270.) — The language of the Cento Novclle Antiche is
formed, and to a certain extent matured ; it does not probably date beyond
(the fourteenth century. — B.

1 NOTE 42, (p. 270.) — "Le Ciento Novelle Antike. Fiori di Parlare di belle
cortesie, e di belle valeutie e doni secondo ke per lo tempo passato anno fatto
[molti valentiuomiui. In Bologna, iielle case di Girolamo Beuedetti, 1525."
;This edition was published at the instance of Bembo, by his friend Carlo
.Gualteruzzi, who preserved throughout the ancient orthography; but Zeuo
.met with an edition without note of date or place, which he supposed to be
of greater antiquity. — Note al Fontauini, ii. 181.

NOTE 43, (p. 270.) — The best edition is that of Florence, 1724, 2 vols.
8vo.

NOTE 44, (p. 270.) — Printed at Milan, 1558, and several times reprinted
NOTE 45, (p. 270.) — Printed at Venice, K10, 1531, 1541, &c.

NOTE 46, (p. 271.) — The first edition in fol. 1483, is extremely rare. —
IPiuelli, Sale Catal. No. 4283. These novels were reprinted at Venice, by
Marchio Sesso, 1531, 8vo.

NOTE 47, (p. 271.) — The order is now entitled Castelnuovo di Scrivia. — B-

NOTE 48, (p. 271.) — They were printed at Lucca in 1554, in 4to. ; a
fourth volume was afterwards published at Lyons, 1574, 8vo. They have
since been several times reprinted, particularly in London, 1740, in 4 vols.
4to.

NOTE 49, (p. 272.) — Mazzuchelli, vita di Pietro Aretino, p. 14 Ediz.
Brescia, 1703, 8vo. This work of the count Giaminaria Mazzuchelli, how-
iever unworthy the subject of it may be, may justly be considered as a per-
ifect specimen of literary biography.

NOTE 50, (p. 273.) — In one of his letters, iii. 80, he acknowledges to
iliave received, dalla sautamemoria di Leone danari in real summa. — Mazz.
in Vita, 10.

NOTE 51, (p. 273.) — For this scandalous publication the engraver, Marc-
Antonio, was committed to prison by the orders of Clement VII., whence he
•was only liberated on the entreaties of the cardinal (Ippolito) de' Medici,
and Baccio Bandinelli. — Vasari, vite de' Pittori, ii. 420. It is highly pro
bable that the few impressions which were printed, have all been destroyed.
Even those (which are preserved in the library of the Vatican are not by
Marc-Antoiiio. — Heineke, Diet, des Artistes, i. 357. [The number of
prints engraved by Raimondi was sixteen; I have seen an edition
published in the seventeenth century -which had twenty plates, but four
VOL. II. I I

482 NOTES TO CHAPTER XX.

of these were spurious. Giulio Romano had quitted Rome a few days before
the affair of these engravings was discovered. — B.]

NOTE 52, (27-3.) — In one of his Capitoli addressed to Cosmo I. duke of
Florence, Aretino reminds him of the intimacy that had subsisted betwe
himself and Giovanni de' Medici, the father of the duke.
" Che amicizia non fu, ma frutellanza,
Quella ch' ebbi col vostro genitore,
Di propria man di voi n' ho la quietanza."
Opere Burlesche di Benii, &c. iii. 14. Ed. Fir. 1723.

NOTE 53, (p. 274.) — It has also been supposed that Henry VIII. had left
him a legacy in his will. See a curious dedicatory letter on this subject from
William Thomas, clerk of the closet to Edward VI. and a prebendary of St.
Paul's, addressed To Mr. Peter Aretine, the right natural poet ; in sir
Richard Clayton's translation of Teuhove's Memoirs of the House of
Medici, ii. 200.

NOTE 54, (p. 274.) — The revenue, however, from this cavalierato was
only seventy or eighty crowns a-year.

NOTE 55, (p. 274.) — Mazzuch. Vita dell' Aretino, 70. He afterwards
boasted that he had refused the cardinalate. — Lettere, vi. 293. Mazz. 73.
[He was aided by Titian's good offices in his endeavours to attain this dis
tinction. It may appear strange that a man of Titian's virtue should have
been so intimate with an unprincipled, shameless man like Aretiuo. But
the painter found himself everywhere celebrated by the poet, and moreover,
introduced by him to good sitters, Charles V. among the number. Buona-
rotti, too, was very intimate with Aretino. — B.]

NOTE 50, (p. 274.) — Of the extreme arrogance and vanity of Aretino, the
following passage from one of his letters may aft'ord a sufficient proof: " So
many noblemen are constantly distracting me with their visits, that my stairs
are worn with their feet, as the floor of the Capitol with the wheels of the
triumphal chariots. Rome herself never attracted a greater variety of people
from different countries, than I seem to do. Here are Turks, Jews, Indians,
French, Germans, Spaniards, always besieging me. And as for Italians,
there is not a moment in which I am free from all sorts of them, soldiers,
scholars, laymen and priests, asking my advice and assistance. I am regu
larly become the oracle of truth, the secretary of the world, and so I would
have you henceforth entitle me." — Lettre, i. 206. Mazz. 57.

NOTE 57, (p. 276.) — This circumstance is referred to in many of the
letters of Aretino, cited by Mazzuchelli.

NOTE 58, (p. 276.) — These sonnets are given by Mazzuchelli, Vita dell'
Aretino, 31, 32.

NOTE 59, (p. 276.) — This production is a master-piece in its way.

NOTE 60, (p. 276.) — Delle Rime di M. Niccolo Franco contra Pietro
Aretino, et dell a priapea del medesimo. The first edition was in 1541, and
bears date at Turin, but was, in fact, printed at Casale; the second in 1546,
and the third in 1548 ; besides these, a modem edition of the Priapea was
published, with the Vendemmiatore of Luigi Tasnsillo, o Pe-King, reynante
Kien-Long, nel xviii. secolo, probably printed at Paris. These productions

NOTES TO CHAPTER XX. 483

|of Franco are well characterized by Tirabosclii, " The grossest obscenity,
I the most wholesale abuse, the most utter contempt for all persons in au-

• thority, are the main features of this infamous work." — Storia della Lett.
Ital. vii. iii. 14. At the close of his work is a letter addressed " Agli infami

iprincipi dell' infame suo secolo, Nic. Franco, Beueventano," inwliich he up-

.braids all the sovereigns of his time, in the grossest terms, for conferring
their favours on such a wretch as Pietro Aretiuo ; a reproof which they well

.merited, but which loses its effect from the indecent language in which it is
conveyed. The scurrility of Franco met, however, with a severe retribution.
In the year 1509, he was seized upon at Rome, by the orders of Pius V., and
publicly hanged as a criminal. On being brought out for execution, his
venerable appearance and hoary head excited universal compassion, and his
exclamation, " This is rather too much," so remarkable for its naivete on
such an occasion, and which was the only complaint he uttered, was assented
to by all present. A satirical epigram, written by Franco, against the pope,
is supposed to have incurred his resentment. This epigram is given in the
Menagiana, ii. 358. But Franco had, in his sonnets, committed much

, greater offences, and had, in particular, alluded to the atrocious conduct of
1'ier-Luigi Farnese, the son of Paul III., which is fully related by Varchi, at
the end of his Florentine history, and exhibits the most horrible instance of
diabolical depravity that ever disgraced human nature. That Franco was a
man of real learning, appears from his various other works, among which is
a translation of the Iliad of Homer, in ottava rima, which is said to be pre
served in the Albani library, at Rome. — Tirab. vii. iii. 15, in nota.

NOTE 01, (p. 277.) — The Latin original of this epitaph, which is sup-

• posed to have been written by the president Mainard, runs thus :

" Condit Aretini civeres lapis iste sepultos

Mortales atro qui sale perfricuit,
Intactus Deus est illi ; causamque rogatus,

Hanc dedit : Ille, inquit, non notus est mihi."— B

CHAPTER XXL

NOTE 1, (p. 278.) — SeeFr. AlbertinideMirabilibusRom8e,iii.ap.Bandin.
Lettera sopra la Biblioteca Laurenziana, 22. The sum paid by the cardinal
to the monks of S. Marco was 2052 ducats. — Bandin. Praef. ad vol. i. Catal.
[Mi8. Graec. Bib. Laurent. 13.

NOTE 2, (p. 270.) — Over the great doors which open into the hall, the
following inscription appears on marble : " Deo Prsesidibusque familise divis
Clemens VII. Medices Pont. Max. libris opt. studio Majorumet suo undique
conquisitis Bibliothecam ad ornamentum patriae ac civium suorum iiti-
jlitatem, D. D."

NOTE 3, (p. 279.) — An ample and well-arranged catalogue of the Greek,
Latin, and Italian MSS. in this library has been published by the learned
ICanonico Angelo-Maria Bandiui, who held the office of librarian from the

n2

484 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI.

year 1756 to the time of his death, in 1803, in 11 vols. folio. This great
work, which has opened the treasures of the Laurentian library to the literary
world, was published at the instance of the emperor Francis I., who pre
sented the compiler with a sum of money towards the expense, and made
him promises of further assistance, which were defeated by the untimely
death of that munificent sovereign. In the letters of the venerable Caiionico
to the author of the present work, he laments the want of that patronage to
•which his labours were so justly entitled. A catalogue of the Oriental manu
scripts was before published by the learned Evodio Asseman, archbishop of
Apamea, Florence, 1742. fo. And the Canouico Anton Maria Biscioni, who
preceded Bandini in the office of librarian of the Laureutian, also printed at
Florence, in the year 1752, the first volume in folio of a catalogue which
contains also the Oriental MSS., but which was not published until after his
dcutl .

NOTE 4, (p. 279.) — "In the notes to Poggio's Epistles, there is mention
made of Leo's sending messengers in search of two Greek volumes of the
Holy Scriptures, for the use of Cardinal Ximeues." — Fabr. in Vita Leon. X.
adnot. 113, 307.

NOTE o, (p. 279.) — M. de Seidel, privy counsellor to his Prussian ma
jesty, communicated to the learned Bayle copies of two original letters or
briefs of Leo X., in the hand-writing of Sadoleti ; the one of them addressed
to the archbishop elector of Meutz, requesting him to assist his envoy Heyt-
mers, in his inquiries after ancient MSS., the other, probably, to the canons
of Magdebourg, with particular inquiries respecting the Decades of Livy;
all of which are said to have been then preserved in the library of that place.
Another letter, to the same effect, was also addressed by Leo X. to Christian
II., king of Denmark, which is mentioned by Bayle to have been published
in the Nova Litcraria Marts Bulthicl ct Septi'itlrionis.

NOTE G, (p. 280.) — One of the poems of Parmenio, entitled, " De cladi-
bus per Gallos Italite allatis, et de triumpho Julii II. Pont. Max." is pre
served in the Laurentian library. — Plut. Ixv. Cod. 51. Another piece, "De
operibus et rebus gestis Julii II. Pont. Max.," has been published. — Auecd.
Bom. iii. Tirab. vii. i. 201. nota.

NOTE 7, (p. 280.) — Tiraboschi positively informs us, that Parmenia held
the office from 1511, to the time of his death, in 1522, but which should be
1529, either of which periods includes the whole pontificate of Leo X., yet he
afterwards as positively asserts, that Sabeo was appointed by Leo X., without
seeming to be aware of any inconsistency. This appointment of Sabeo is
also confirmed by various other testimonies, and particularly by cardinal
Quirini, in his Spec. Litterat. Brixian. 171.

NOTE 8, (p. 280.) — Epigrammatum, Libri V. ad Henricum EegemGalliee.
I. De Diis. II. De Heroibus. III. De Amicis. IV. De Amoribus. V. De Mis-
cellaneis. Romas, apud Valerium et Aloysium Doricos, Fratres Brixieuses.
1556. 8vo.

NOTE 9, (p. 280.)

"Ad Leonem X. Pont. Max.

" Praemia pro meritis, et munera, maxinie priuceps,
Qutim tribuas, casus quid nieruere mei ?

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI. 485

fpse tuli pro te discrimina, damn a, labores,

Et varios cas-us, barbaric in media ;
Carcere ut eriperem, et viuclis, et funere, libros,

Qui te eonspicerent, et patriam reduces.
Eripui ; ante pedes acclanwvere jacentes,

Vive Leo, cujus vivimus auspiciis.
Ergo mihi quid erit ? Pro te uam cuncta reliqui ;

Memet, cognates, et studia, et patriam.
Das cuncta, et cuuctis, uni mihi dextera avora est,

Me miserum, plus est aere opus, ore juvas.
Ipse ego promerui, spero, peto ; quattuor ista,

Alcidse clavam detraherent manibus.
Magna dedi minimus ; mnjus, Leo Maxime, reddas,

Vel quia das cuuctis, vel quia promerui."

On presenting to Leo X. a MS. copy of the Cosmography of Julius Orator,
Sabeo accompanied it with tlie following lines:

" Ad Leonem X. Pont. Max.
" Tot tibi quum dederim nostri moniinenta laboris,

Largus adhuc uequeo parcere muueribus.
Multa dedi, mine plura fero tibi, scilicet orbis

Oppida cum populis, aequoi'a cum fluviis."
NOTE 10, (p. 2yO.)

" Ad Clemcntem VII. Pont. Mnx.
" Commendo tibi me, meamque sortem,
Et dispeudia quse tuli, et labores,
llomame ob studium eruditiouis,
Jnssu Principis inclyti Leonis,
Largi, magnanimi, undecunque docti,
Per tot oppida, regna, uationes,
Multo tenipore sumptibus meisque.
Incassum hactenus, hactenus tot orbis
Disjunctissima regna, barbarosque
Mores, et populos truces, ferosque
Lustrariin, peragraverim, sine iillo
Unquam munere, et absque praemio ullo,
Ecquis crederet, et quis hoc putaret ?
Et tamen vacua maim recessi
Post longas ego postulatioues,
Post longam miser esuritionem,
Quamvis vincere liberalitatem
Dando sit solitus Leo. 0 Leo mi 1
Immaturior eestimntione,
Hinc te proripis, orbe derelicto,
Ut longis lacrymis meos ocellos
Damnares simul, et simul necores.
0 mors iuvida, pessimae et sorores !
Ter mors pessinui, et invidaB sorores !
Hoc me perdidit, abstulit, peremit."

NOTE 11, (p. 280.) — The horror which this event occasioned at Rome
may, perhaps, be more fully conceived by a particular instance than by a.

486 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI.

general description. Giuliauo Princivalle, of Camerino, a public professor
of languages at Rome, who bad been appointed by Leo X. to superintend
the education of his nephew, the cardinal Innoceuzo Cibo, was so shocked
at the instances of brutal cruelty which he saw perpetrated by the Spanish
and German soldiers, that in a moment of desperation, he flung himself
from a lofty window, and perished by a fall on the pavement. The immediate
cause of his terror is assigned by Valeriauo, " cum couspexisset aliquos ex
familia per testes arripi, et ea parte alligatos sublimes in supplicium, et
absconditi ami qusestione vexari," &c. — Val. de Infel. lit. Of the Latin
poetry of Princivalle, a favourable specimen is given by Lancelotto in his
life of Angelo Colocci, p. 70.

NOTE 12, (p. 281.) — This piece is given by cardinal Quirini, in his Spec.
Lit. Brix. 173.

NOTE 13, (p. 281.) — Tiraboschi informs us, that the custom of conferring
the office of librarian on a cardinal arose in the time of Paul III., who
passed a decree to that effect, viii. i. 200. But Mazzuchelli has thrown
some doubts on this circumstance, i. 19.

NOTE 14, (p. 281.) — He obtained the name of Fedra, or Phaedra, by a
singular instance of talents and promptitude. Having undertaken, with
some of his learned friends, to perform before the cardinal of S. Giorgia
(Kiario) the tragedy of Seneca, entitled Hippolytus, in which he acted the
part of Ph<edra, and a part of the machinery having by accident been broken,
which interrupted the performance, he alone entertained the audience whilst
the injury was repaired, by the recital of extemporary Latin verse ; on which
account he was saluted, amidst, the applauses of his hearers, by the name of
Ph&dra, which he afterwards retained and used as his signature. Elog. di
Inghirami. Elog. Tos. ii. 227. [I have, however, found the name Fcdro,
and not Fedra, in a great number of ancient manuscripts, and I believe
Fedro to be the right name.] B.

NOTE 13, (p. 282.) — The mule on which he rode took fright at a car drawn
by two buffaloes, and threw him on the pavement near the wheels of the
car, which had nearly passed over him ; by which, although not materially
hurt, he was so terrified that he did not long survive the accident. — Elog.
Tosc. ii. 236. To the corpulence of Inghirami, Angelo Colocci alludes in
the following satirical lines, addressed to Leo X.

" Hesterna, Leo, luce cum perisset

Orator gravis, et gravis Poeta,

Hseredem sibi fecit ex deunce

Erasmum, Beroaldum ex triente,

Ex semisse Juveucium ; Camillo

Nepoti reliquum reliquit assis.

Is vero tumulum replevit unus

Posteros monumenta lie sequantur." — Coloc. Op. lat. 56.
NOTE 16, (p. 282.) — " Who will put the last touches to these works ?
works whose incompletion causes a regret similar to that felt in reference
to the unfinished Venus of Apelles." — Parrhasii Orat. Elog. Tos. ii. 232.

NOTE 17, (p. 282.) — "I became acquainted there with Fedra, and formed
a warm attachment for him. He first became known from a tragedy

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI. 487

•of Seneca's, called Hippolytus, in which he represented Phaedra; the tragedy
fcwas acted in the square before the palace of cardinal Raffaello Georgio.
|,The cardinal himself told me this, and that our friend thence acquired the
Ijcognomen of Fedra. He died ere he had attained fifty. He was called the
I Cicero of his age." — Erasm. Ep. xxiii. Ep.4.

NOTE 18, (p. 283.)— Goviet. Bibl. Fran§oise. ap. Mazzuch. iv. 1020.
i Among the Traductions de Clement Marot, 23, Ed. Lyons, 1520, we find,
I " Les tristes vers de Beroalde sur le jour du vendredi sainct."

NOTE 19, (p. 283.)

" Scribes Bentivoli fortia Priucipis
Tu facta, et Ligurem sanguine Julium
Gaudentem Latio, infestaque Gallioe

Nostris agmina finibus," &c. — M. Ant.Flamiu. op. 33.

' NOTE 20, (p. 283.) — The well known piety and virtue of Sadoleti, make
I it matter of certainty, that the implied imputation on his character has no
I real foundation. — B.

tfoxE 21, (p. 283.)

" Felsina te geuuit, colles rapuere Quirini,

Lougum audita quibus musa diserta tua est.
Ilia dedit rerum Domino placuisse Leoni,]

Thebanos Latio dum canis ore modos.'
Unamines raptum ante diem flevere sodales,

Nee Decimo sanctae uon maduere genee.
Quse pietas, Beroalde, fuit tua, credere verum est,
Carmima nunc Cceli te canere ad citharam."

: NOTE 22, (p. 284.) — He states this in the dedication to Leo X. of his

translation of Theodoretus, De cvratione Grcecarum affectiomtm. " Nam

| et magnificus Laurentius pater tuus, aunis me natum quattuor de viginti,

1 extorrem in patriam revocavit; ubi apud nobiles consanguineos suos,

i eosdem meos affines, in bonarum artium studiis, quae tune Florentiae vestris

praesidiis floruerunt jucundissime diu vixi." — Mazzuch. i. 50.

NOTE 23, (p. 284.) — " Ad quae Patris in me tui, majorumque tuorura
beneficia, tu id mihi seorsum, Pater Beatissime, contulisti ; quod ad pedes
tuos gratulaudi causa provolutum, in Urbano S. Silvestri Oratorio, ad
liouestam studiorum quietem, humanissime collocasti." — Mazzuch. ut sup.

NOTE 24, (p. 284.) — This index is published by Moutfaucou in the first
volume of his Biblioth. Bibliothecarum MSS. 202.

NOTE 25, (p. 285.) — Printed in 4to. without note of place, printer, or
year; the address to the cardinal is signed '• in S. Sylvestro, Montis Cabal,
die 26 Maii. 1518." — Mazz. ut sup.

NOTE 26, (p. 2H5.) — Albert! denominates his writings, "most pleasing
and elegant, and replete with the best sentiments." — De viris illustribus, 154.
i ap. Mazzuch. i. 53.

NOTE 27, (p. 285.) — " DC Eeone, Decimo, Medico.
Ut nomen Leo regium est,
Tigris ut Medico nil potius datur,

488 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI.

Nee culmen Decimum supra

Cuiquam per numeros ire licet novos ;

Sic et summus, et optimus

Rex est, qui Decimus, qui Medlcus, Leo."

Zenobii Acciajoli, Ord. Pried. Propria Mann.
Ex. Codice M.S. Marucelliauo, Flor.

NOTE '28, (p. 285.) — Aleaudro, quasi detto a Laudro. Seckendorf, i. 149.
and Mazzuchelli, i. 409. Aleandro thought it necessary to vindicate himself
against the calumnies respecting his birth. In his speech ag;dn.-. Luther,
before the diet of the German empire, he exclaims: "Immortal God!
Many are the worthy men to whom I and my family are well known. I can
truly affirm that my ancestors were marquesses in Istria. That my parents
became poor was no fault of theirs. But even though I had been a Jew, if
I had been then baptized, I ought not to be rejected ; Christ and the Apostles
were Jews."

NOTE 29, (p. 280.) — Seckendorf asserts, that Aleaudro had been private
secretary to Ctesar Borgia, and composed a part of the Roman court under
Alexander VI. — De Lntheranismo. i. 125. But from the narrative of Maz
zuchelli, who derived his information from an authentic MS. diary of the life
of Aleaudro, it appears that he never was at Rome until after the death of that
pontiff.

NOTE 30, (p. 280.) — From this dedication we learn, that Aleandro was
not only a perfect master of the Greek and Hebrew, but had applied himself
with great diligence to the acquisition of the Arabic and Chaldaic tongues.

NOTE 31, (p. 280.) — The first edition of Paris, 1500, was very defective,
that of Aldo is very correct, aud was published in the year 1508.

NOTE 32, (p. 287.) — Erasmus having been informed that some person had
preferred Aleandro iu all respects to himself, thus candidly and magnanimously
replies : " There is no blame to be cast on him who may prefer Aleandro to
Erasmus ; I, myself, ascribe very great eminence in learning to Aleandro,
and I am no more annoyed at any one's thinking him more learned than
myself, than for him to be thought richer or handsomer." — Erasmi Ep.
1524.

NOTE 33, (p. 287.) — " And did not his holiness, n man of such infinite
judgment, such literary knowledge, such experience of the world, such exalted
rank, solicit your friendship, and receive you into the circle of his most
select intimates ? And most judiciously ; for when he became acquainted with
you, he acknowledged that he had never seen any one equal to you." — And.
Asolan. in dedicat. Galeni. ap. Mazzuch. i. 414.

NOTE 34, (p. 288.) — Of the alternate dissensions and reconciliations of
Erasmus and Aleaudro, Mazzuchelli has given a long and interesting account.
i. 415, (note 51.)

NOTE 35, (p. 288.) — Aleandro was at the side of the monarch when he
was made prisoner, insomuch that, when the horse of the king fell, lie
touched that of Aleandro. A particular account of the capture and libera
tion of Aleandro is given by Girolamo Negri. — Lettere di Priucipi, i. 159.

NOTE 30, (p. 288.) — " He would doubtless have attained full age, but
for his over solicitude about his health. By making himself his own phy-

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI.

dcian, and constantly taking wrong medicines, he completely destroyed his
stomach." Baillet misunderstood this passage, ami informs us in bisJiiye-
nrns ties Sijavans, 1273, that Aleandro died by the stupidity of his phy-
•iciun, par la Ivtise de son medecln.

• NOTE 37, (p. 288.) — This epitaph concluded with the following lines :
KdrBavov OUK dt/cuiv, on Travtropai wv kTrtpdpTvc;

\u)j>, (pvtrtp iSilv d\yiov »/i> Qavdrov.
JJ' Without reluctance I resign my breath,

To shun the sight of what is worse than death."

|[n which it may be doubted whether he meant to refer to the rapid progress
!>f the Reformation, or to the licentiousness and scandalous abuses of the
rloman court under Paul III.

NOTE 38, (p. 288.) — Entitled, " Lexicon Grseco-Latinum opera Hiero-
ivnii Aleandri, industria et impendio proborum virorum Jigidii Gounnontii
j?t Matthaei Bolseci Bibliopolarum Parisieusium, 1512, ad eidus Decembres,
To." This work is now very rare.

| NOTE 39, (p. 289.) — Entitled, " Hieronymi Aleandri Mottensis Tabulae
i^aue utiles Grascarum Musarum adyta compeiidio ingredi volentibus." It
Las been frequently reprinted.

NOTE 40, (p. 289.) — " There has been published against me an oration
full of the most impudent lies and the most outrageous abuse. It bears the
name of Julius Scaliger, but I am satisfied, from many circumstances about
it, that the work is not his." — Erasm. ap. Mazz. i. 410. " I am as sure
'the book is Aleaudro's as I am of my own existence." — Ibid.

: NOTE 41, (p. 291.) — In a former part of this work I have charged Machia
velli with having had a share in the contrivance of the atrocious stratagem
by which Caesar Borgia destroyed Vitelli, the Duke of Gravina, and others,
iat Sinigaglia, in the year 1502. But the further perusal of the letters of
Machiavelli has induced me to modify this opinion, and enabled me pre
cisely to state the part which he had in this black transaction. By a letter
from him to the magistrates of Florence, dated the 1st of January, 1502,
(but which should be 1003, the Florentines having, until the year 1750,
continued the date of the year to the 25th of March,) it appears that Borgia
jhad communicated his intentions to Machiavelli the day before the per-
ipetrating of the deed ; and that Machiavelli had not taken any measures to
prevent it, either by expostulating with Borgia or apprizing the parties de
voted to destruction: so that, according to the laws of this country, he
jStands in the predicament of what is called an accessory before the fact. It
is true he gives us to understand that he was not apprized of the whole of
the intentions of Borgia ; but the manner in which he speaks of the trans
action afterwards, sufficiently proves that he would not have shrunk from
a fuller participation of the crime. His words are : " He sent for me after-
' wards in the night, and with the most agreeable air in the world, rejoiced
with me on his success, saying he had spoken of only part of the design to
me the day before, and had not explained it all, which is true." In the same
letter he proceeds, according to the desire of Borgia, to congratulate the
republic on this event, and to represent the advantages which would arise

490 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI.

from their union, &c. — Lettere di Macbiav. in op. iii. 73. (Ed. Baretti.
Lond. 1772.)

NOTE 42, (p. 291.) — " I cannot help weeping, as I convey to you the in
formation that our father died the 22ud of this month, from inflammation of
the stomach. He confessed his sins to Fra Marco, who remained with him
to the last moment. He has left us, as yon know, in the depth of poverty,"
&c. — Lett, di P. Mach. a Francesco Nelli. ap. Tirab. vii. 1, 517.

NOTE 43, (p 291.) — It has been of late years discovered, that the Diary
of the most important events in Italy, from the year 1492 to 1512, pub
lished by the Giunti in 15(58, under the name of Biagio Buouaccorsi, is in
fact a part of the notes of Machiavelli, which he had intended for a conti
nuation of his history, but which, after his death, remained in the hands of
his friend Buonaccorsi. — Elog. Toscani. iii. 94.

NOTE 44, (p. 293.) — " Etsi hominis nomen et stylum prae se ferat, vix
tamen coepisse eum se legere, quin Satanae digito scriptum agnosceret."— •
Card. Quirini Diatrib. in Poli. Op. i. 264.

NOTE 45, (p. 293.) — Compare Ins Discorsi, iii. 42, and II Principe, 18.

NOTE 40, (p. 293.) — Thus he writes to Pandolfo Bellucci: "I send you
a little work lately sent forth by Niecolo Machiavelli, wherein you will find,
described briefly, but with great perspicuity, all the qualities incidental to
principalities, the methods of preserving them, the faults to which they are
liable, with accurate observations upon history, ancient and modern, and
many other most useful features, from all which, if you read the book with
your accustomed attention, you will derive great benefit." — Bandin. Monu-
men. hied, in praef. 37.

NOTE 47, (p. 294.) — Of the poetical writings of Machiavelli in his
native tongue, several pieces remain, which are distinguished rather by
•vigour and conciseness of expression, than by poetical ornament. It
has been doubted whether Machiavelli was a man of learning; but one of
these pieces, entitled, Capitolo dell' Occasions, sufficiently shows that he
was not unacquainted with the works of the ancients.

NOTE 48, (p. 294.) — Dante, in relating the simplicity and parsimony of
the Florentines, exemplifies them in two of their noblest families, the Nerli
and the Vecchi.

" E vidi quel di Nerli, e quel del Vecchio,
Esser content! alia pelle scoverta,
E le sue donne al fuso, ed al pennecchio."

II Paradise, cant.

NOTE 49, (p. 295.) — This edition was carefully corrected, and the p:
ing superintended by the learned Greek, Demetrius Chalcondyles. Mail
taire speaks of the execution of this edition in the highest terms. — Maittaire
Annal. Typogr. i. 49. The merits of these illustrious brothers are thus
recognised by the learned Heyne, Horn. op. iii. 4. — " The name and memory
of these admirable young men should be dear and pleasant to all posterity,
for whose advantage they, at their own cost, executed this great work. An
expenditure how much more noble, more elevated, more truly liberal, than
that of the men who spend their paternal inheritance in vain and selfii "

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI. 491

stentation." I must observe, that in denominating Bernardo, Neri ins sett
ferius, the learned editor has been led into a slight error by the similarity
the family and baptismal name of Neri de' Nerli, one of the brothers,

' In prisf. fronte Nerlins, mox iterum Neriits. — De Editionibus Horn, in op.

jii. 4 ; but in the Greek passage which he afterwards cites from the preface

J)f Chalcoudyles, these brothers are named RipvapBoc Kal Nlpig rw NqptX/a* ;

Bernardo and Neri de' Ni-rli.

NOTE 50, (p. 295.) — Benedetto corrected and published several of the
vorks of the ancient writers, and among the rest, the edition of Horace,
printed by the Giunti, at Florence, in 151-1, which he dedicated to Filippode'
"s'erli.

NOTE 51, (p. 205.) — These commentaries were not published until the
ar 1728, when they were given to the public by the cavalier Settimaui,
whom we are also indebted for the works of Segui and of Varchi,) under
following title : " Commentarj de' fatti civili occorsi dentro la (Jitta di
me, dall' anno MCCXV. al MDXXXVII. Scritti dal Senatore Filippo de'
•li Gentiluomo Fiorentino. In Augusta, 1 728, in fo.

NOTE 52, (p. 206.) — In a letter written to Benedetto Varchi, dated the
'th of July, 1555, he says : " I am still well, though weak, as you may
ess, when 1 tell you, that on the 21st of this month I begin the weari-
ie ascent of the 80th year of my ill-spent life." — Tirab. vii. ii. 281.

NOTE 53, (p. 298.) — The history of Guicciardini was first published by
is nephew, Agnolo Guicciardini, at Florence, Appresso Lorenzo Torreutino,
.1561, in large folio. But this edition comprises only the first sixteen books,
and is, besides, defective by the omission of several passages of importance.
The four additional books were published by Seth Viotti, at Parma, in 1564,
land the passages omitted have been published separately in the work en
titled " Thuauus restitutus, sive Sylloge, &c., cum Francisci Guicciardini
iParalipomenis. Ainstel. 1663." This history has been frequently reprinted,
but the unostentatious editions of Stoer, Geneva, 1621, 1636, in two vols.
4to, are the most complete.

i NOTE 54, (p. 298.) — " We have finished the twentieth and last book of
Guicciardini's history ; the most authentic, I believe, (may I add, I fear,)
that ever was composed. I believe it, because the historian was an actor
Jin his terrible drama, and personally knew the principal performers in it ;
arid I fear it, because it exhibits the woful picture of society in the fifteenth
;and sixteenth centuries." — Sir W. Jones, in Lord Teigumouth's life of that
great and good man, 325, 4to.

j NOTE 55, (p. 290.) — These objections have been collected from several
.authors by the indiistrious Bayle, in his Diet., art. Guicciardini ; but have
ibeen more particularly insisted on by Foscarini, Delia Letteratura Vene-
ziiiiiii, i. 253.

; NOTE 56, (p. 290.) — Montaigne has not only made a similar remark, but
•has raised an implication upon it rather unfavourable to the moral character
of Guicciardini : " I have also observed this in him, that of so many persons
kind so many effects, so many motives and so many counsels, as he judges
'of, he never attributes any one of them to virtue, religion, or conscience,
if all these qualities were utterly extinct in the world. And of all the

492 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI.

actions, how brave and fair an outward show they make of themselves, he
always throws the cause and motive upon some vicious occasions, or some
prospect of profit. It is impossible to imagine but that amongst such au
infinite number of actions as he makes mention of, there must be some one
produced by the way of reason. No corruption could so universally have
infected men, that some of them would not have escaped the contagion,
which makes me suspect that his own taste was vicious ; whence it might
happen that he judged other men by himself." — Montaigne, by Hazlitt,
(London, 1845,) p. 192.

NOTE 57, (p. 29!).) — Benedetto appeal's to have been equally conversant
with science and with literature. Among his writings are, the history o:
Como, his native place, in which lie is said to have shown an intimate
acquaintance with the study of antiquities ; a Treatise on the Transactions
and Manners of the Swiss ; a collection of one hundred letters ; several
translations from the Greek, and some specimens of Latin poetry, one o:
which, entitled, " De Venetis Gallicum Trophaeum," has been printed with
cut note of place or year. His brother Paullo has, with laudable gratitude
assigned him a place among the illustrious characters of the age in which hi
lived. — Elog. No. cvi. Iscritt. 202.

NOTE 58, (p. 300.) — Arsilli, however, did not qualify Giovio himself as
poet. — B.

NOTE 59, (p. 300.) — Tiraboschi, viii. ii. 200. But the Roman editor of th
work of Tiraboschi has attempted, at great length, to justify Adrian VI. fror
this imputation. — Ibid. 201, note (a), Edit. Horn. 1784.

NOTE 00, (p. 301.) — This circumstance is alluded to by Lilio Gregori
Gyraldi, in the following lines : —

" Nee Jovius Medicus vitam qui prorogat nnus
Historiis, auro et multa mercede redemptis."

Gyr. Poemat. in Op. ii. 915.

NOTE 01, (p. 301.) — These memoirs have frequently been printed uudt
the title of " Elogia Doctorum virorum, ab avorum memoria publicatis ir
genii monumeutis illustrium." They were also translated into Italian b
Hippolito Orio, of Ferrara, and published at that place, in 1552, under tli
following title : — " Le Iscrittioiii poste sotto le vere imagini degli huomii
famosi, le quali a Como, nel Museo del Giovio si veggiono." The portrait
have also been engraved in wood, and published under the title of " Musa
Joviani Imagines, artifice maim ad vivum expressae ; nee minore industri
Theobaldi Mulleri Marpurgensis Musis illustratse. Basil, ex Officina ~
Pernas, 1577."

NOTE 62, (p. 302.) — The other writings of Giovio are : the lives of tl
twelve Visconti, lords and dukes of Milan ; a description of the island i
Great Britain, of Muscovy, of the lake of Como ; and the eulogies of mt
who have distinguished themselves in arms. Three of the lost books i
the history of Paullo Giovio, with some of the works of his brother Bem
detto, have lately been discovered amongst the domestic MSS. of the com
Giambattista Giovio, a descendant of the same family. — Tirab. vii. ii.

NOTE 03, (p. 303. — In a letter to Henry II. of France, he says, " lo '.
gia temperata la penna d'oro col finissimo inchiostro per scrivere in

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXI. 493

jli lunga vita," £c. And in another to Giambattisto Gastoldo, " Gia lio
:*>mperata la fxninu d'oro per celebrare il valor vostro." — Lett. 31, 30, ap.
,1'inib. nt siq).

' NOTE 04, (p, 304.) — He refers to his servitude in his Elcg.de calamitat.
nue rifce.

" A patruo demum Venetas accitus ad Hildas,

Vix menses nostro viximus aere decem.
Patriciis igitur servire coegit egestas
jErumiiosn, bouis invida priucipiis."

: NOTE 05, (p. -304.) — The poems of Valeriano, in five books, under the title
>f Amonim, were first printed in 1524, and afterwards by Giolito, at Venice,
u 1549. His hexameters, odes, and epigrams, were also printed by Giolito,.
n 1550.

! NOTE 06, (p. 305.) — The opinions of various authors on this, and other
.•reductions of Valeriano, may be found in the Censiira celebriorum
\iuthoriim of Pope Bloimt, 557. — Ed. Genev. 1710, 4to.

i NOTE 07, (p. 300.) — In reply to this Diatribe of Erasmus, Luther wrote
•Ids treatise, De Servo Arbitriu, which is published in the general collection
j)f his works, iii. 100.

i NOTE 08, (p. 308.) — In a MS. copy of the poetics of Vida, cited by
iTiraboscld, is the following passage :

" 1 puer ; atque fores Lili pulsare docentis
Ne dubita, et vatis sacratum insistere limeii.
Excipiet facilis, teque admiretur ab aunis,
Spesque avidas ultro dictis accendat amicis."

These lines were omitted by Vida, on printing his poem ; a circumstance
;<vhich gave great offence to Gyraldi, who alludes to it in the following
lines :

" Poscere nou ausim Vidam, promittere quamvis
Sit monies auri solitiis ; nam carmine nomen
Ipse suo expunxit, nostroque a limine vates
Summovit teneros ; hunc qui snccurrere credas '?"

And to the same cause may be assigned the sarcastic manner in which
Gyraldi characterizes the poetical writings of Vida, in his treatise, De Poet.
SHOT. temp.

NOTE 09, (p. 308.) — " As I have always entertained an affection for
Lilio, I warned him to avoid the manners of that pestilent city ; but some
liow or other, he had no sooner approached the Circean vortex than he
rushed into it, quite forgetful of his former self." — Celio Calcag. Joan. Fr.
Pico, Ep. ap. Tirab. vii. ii. 218.

NOTE 70, (p. 309.) — Well known, Tinder the name of Giovambattista
Giraldi Cyuthio, as the author of the ffccatommUhi, or hundred novels, in
the manner of Boccaccio, which have been frequently printed. A collection
of bis poems was published at Ferrara, in 1537, at the close of which is a
treatise of Celio Calcagini, DC Imitations, addressed to Cyuthio. This
volume rarely occurs.

494 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII.

CHAPTER XXII.

NOTE 1, (p. 311.) — " But that which more than any of the circumstances
J have mentioned was detrimental to these studies, was the excessive zeal
of the early Christians, who not merely tlirew down and destroyed the mar
vellous statues, husts, sculptures, paintings, mosaic work, &c. illustrative
of the false gods of Greece and Rome, but also those memorials which re
mained of the great and excellent men who adorned antiquity." — Vasari
Vite de' Pittori. in Proem. 73.

NOTE 2, (p. 311.) — In the Laurentian library, Plut xxxiii. Cod. 37, is
preserved a Latin poem of Andrea Fulvius, in two books, entitled Anti-
(/iiai-ia, in which he describes at great length the antiquities of Borne, with
many encomiums on Leo X. — Fabr. Leon. X. Vit. 305, note 111.

NOTE 3, (p. 312.) — See Winckel. Storia delle arti. Nota dell' Edit. ii.
103. The merits of the fortunate discoverer, Felice de' Fredis, were also
inscribed on his tomb.

" Felice de' Fredis,

" Qui ob proprias virtu tes,
Et repertum Laocoontis divinum quod
In Vaticano cernes fere
Respirans simulacrum,
Immortalitatem meruit,
Anno Domini MDXXVIIII."

Richardson sur la Peinture, iii. 711, in addendis.

NOTE -4, (p. -312.) — This was commemorated by the following inscrip
tion : " Leo X. Pont. Max. providentiss. Priuceps vas elegantissimum ex
lapide Numidico ne pollutum negligentiae sordibus obolesceret in hunc
modum repoiii exornarique jussit. Bartholomseus Valla, Ramundus Capo-
ferrus, Aediles Fac. Cur."

NOTE 5, (p. 313.)

" In Lucreti(E Statuam.

" Libenter occumbo, mea in prascordia
Adactum habens ferrum ; juvat mea mauu
Id praestitisse, quod Viraginum prius
Nulla ob pudicitiam peregit promptius ;
Juvat cruorem contueri proprium,
Illumque verbis execrari asperrimis.

Sanguen mi acerbius veneuo colchico,
Ex quo cam's Stygius, vel Hydra prasferox
Artus meos compegit in poeuam asperam ;
Lues flue, ac vetus reverie in toxicum.
Tabes amara exi ; mihi invisa et gravis,
Quod feceris corpus nitidum et amabile.

Nee interim suas nionet Lucretia
Civeis, pudore et castitate semper ut
Sint prseditae, fidemque servent iutegraBi

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII. 495

Suis maritis, cum sit hsec Mavortii

Ltuis magna populi, ut castitate faeminse

Laetentur, et viris mage ista gloria

Placere studeant, qnam nitore et gratia ;

Quin id probasse caede vel mea gravi

Lubet, statim animum purum oportere extralii

Ab inquinati corporis custodia."

i NOTE 6, (p. 31 3.) — "Andrea Fulvio mentions, that among other monu
ments collected by Colocci, were statues of Socrates and Alcibiades, Jupiter
nmion, Proteus, jEsculapius, figures of the months and their tutelar gods,"
::c. — Ubaldiui, Vita Colotii, 20.

I NOTE 7, (p. 313.) — " Hortiili Colotiani ad Aquam Virginem siti, maxima
etnstorum mouumentorum copia instnictissimi, quoe primis illis temporibus,
iuibus autiquitatis studiuin caput extollere caepit, uims Angelus Colotius,
knctissimus doctissimusque vir, eo in loco summa cum diligentia hinc inde
pllegit, magnam mihi Inscriptiouum multitudinem suppeditarunt." — Pan-
iinii Fast. ii. ap. Ubaldini, Vitarn Colotii, 31.

NOTE 8, (p. 313.)

" Symmaclms haec primus vicina palatia Petro,
Condidit ; hinc alii longo post tempore patres
^Edificavemnt, coluereque protinus cedes."

Andr. Fulvius, de Antiq. Urbis, i. Ed. Rom. 1513.

! NOTE 9, (p. 314.)

" Hasc loca tuta parum primus munita reliquit
Nicoleos quintus, qui moeriibus ambiit altis ;
Struxit et oniavit pictis laquearibus aulas ;
Binaque ubi fieret res sacra sacella peregit.
Multa quoque incnspit, multa imperfecta reliquit."

Andr. Fulv. de Antiquit. Urbis. i.

: NOTE 10, (p. 315.)

" Sextus Alexander, postremo in vertice turrem
Addidit, antiquis quse proeminet aedibus alt am."

Andr. Fulv. ut sup.

NOTE 11, (p. 317.) — This figure afterwards came into the possession of
Jsesar Borgia, who presented it to the marchioness of Mantua, at which city
jt gave rise to an anecdote recorded in the life of De Thou. That great man
being at Mantua, in the year 1573, was, as we are told, gratified with the
::ight of the Sleeping Cupid of Michelagnolo, of which he and his friends
ixpressed their high approbation ; but on being shown, immediately after-
viirds, another figure of the same subject, of antique workmanship, they
'f/ere instantly convinced of the inferiority of the modern artist ; whose work
ippeared, in comparison with the other, a shapeless block, and were ashamed
jf having expressed their approbation of it. This story, if true, does no
bredit to the taste of De Thou and his companions. They might, perhaps,
justly have preferred the ancient to the modem statue ; but in thus extra
vagantly condemning that which they had the moment before commended,
fliey proved that they had no real standard of taste, and were not qualified to
judge on the subject.

496 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII.

KOTE 12, (317.) — It is strange that Michelaguolo should, at the request
of the cardinal, have condescended, as Vastiri relates, to make a design for
a painting of St. Francis receiving the stigmata, which was to be finished in
colours by the tonsor of the cardinal. It appears, however, to have been
executed, and after having been coloured by the barber " molto diligeute-
mente," was honoured with si place in one of the chapels of S.Pietro a Mon-
torio, at Rome. Such is at times the wayward fate of genius ; condemned,
on one occasion, to gratify the gaze of folly by erecting a statue of snow,
and on another, to be the footstool for a barber to mount to immortality.'*

NOTE 10, (p. 317.) — The statue of Bacchus is (or lately was) in the Flo
rentine gallery. It lias been engraved in the collection of ancient and mo
dem statues by Domenico Rossi, Rom. 1704, and in the third volume of
the Museum Florentinum.

NOTE 14, (p. 318.) — At what time Michelagnolo returned to Florence is
not precisely stated by his biographers ; but Coudivi informs us, that at the
time he executed the Madonna for the cardinal of Rohan, at Rome, he was
twenty-four or twenty-five years of age ; consequently, as he was bom in
1474, his return may be placed with tolerable accuracy in 1499. This also
agrees sufficiently with his contest with Lionardo da Vinci, which occurred
soon afterwards. — Condivi, Vita di Michelagu. 14. Ed. Fer. 1740, fo.

NOTE 1."), (p. 318.) — Besides Lionardo and Michelagnolo, Andrea Con-
tucci, an excellent artist, had been treated with to undertake the work.—
Vasari, Vite, iii. 203. The document from the public records of Flore:
by which this task was intrusted to Michelagnolo, is published by Gori,
his Annotations on Condivi, 100.

NOTE 10, (p. 320.) — " Sebbene il divino Michelagnolo fece la gran
pella di Papa Julio, dappoi non arrive a questo segno mai alia nieta, la
virtu nou aggiunse mai all forza di quei primi studj." — Vita di Benv. C
13.

NOTE 17, (p. 320.) — Neither of these works was ever completed, an
even the cartoons have long since been lost or destroyed. That of Lionard
was, however, engraved by Edelinck, when young, from an imperfect design
It has since been engraved with less elegance, but from a better model, an
published in the Etruria Pittrice, No. xxix. There is also a print of a par
of the cartoon of Michelagnolo by Marc-Antonio, which was also re-engrave
byAgostino Veneziano. This print is known by the name of the Grimpeurs
The only copy ever made of the whole composition of the cartoon of Mi
chelagnolo, is said to have been among the pictures collected by the lat
Lord Leicester, and to be now in the possession of Mr. Coke, of Norfolk. " ]
is a small pictiire in oil, in chiaro-scuro, and the performance of Bastiano d
S. Gallo, surnamed Aristotile, from his learned or verbose descants on tht
surprising work." — Seward's Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons, iii. 137.

NOTE 18, (p. 320.) — It has been supposed that Julius II. called Michel

ngnolo to Rome soon after his elevation, in the year 1503 Condivi, 1(

But Bottari has observed, that the colossal statue of David was not erecte
at Florence until 1504, after which Michelaguolo executed some other wori
there, whence he concludes that Julius did not call him to Rome until tl
fourth or fifth year of his pontificate. Bottari is right in his premises, hi

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII. 497

wrong in his conclusion. Michelagnolo certainly did not quit Florence im
mediately after the accession of Julius, but his arrival at Home was as cer-
tiinly not later than 150-'), or the second year of the pontificate of Julius, as
will appear from subsequent circumstances.

i NOTE J9, (p. 320.) — That this design first suggested to the pontiff the
.idea of rebuilding St. Peter's, is asserted by Vasari, vol. ii. p. H'5, and again,
i . '211 ; also by Bottari, ivi, note 1 ; and by Condivi, Vita da Michelagnolo,
I ). This monument, which was not completed until long after the death of
f.l e pontiff, was not, however, erected in the church of S. Pietro, Vaticano,
') it in that of S. Pietro in Vlnculis, where it yet remains. — Dr. Smith's Tour
!o the Continent, ii. 39.

NOTE 20, (p. 321.) — This celebrated figure has given rise to a literary
production, which has been considered as scarcely inferior, in point of
sublimity, to the statue itself.

SONETTO.

DI GIOVAMBATTI6TA ZAPPI.

" Chi e Costui, che in dura pietra scolto,
Siede gigante, e le piu illustre e conte

Prove dell' arte avanza, e ha vive e pronte

Le labbia si, clie le parole ascolto ?
Quest' e Mose ; ben mel diceva il folto

Onor del meiito, e'l doppio raggio in fronte,

•Quest' e Mose, quando scendea dal nionte,

E gran parte del Nume avea nel volto.
Tal era allor, che le souante e vaste,

Acque ei sospese a se d'iutorno, e tale

Quando il mar clause, e ne ft; tomba altrui.
E voi sue turbe un rio vitello alzate ?

Alzate aveste imago a questo egnale !

Ch'era men folio 1'adorar costui."

SONNET.

And who is he, that, shaped in sculptured stone,
Sits giant-like ? stern monument of art
Unparallel'd, whilst language seems to start

From his prompt lips, and we his precepts own ?

— 'Tis Moses ; by his beard's thick honours known,
And the twin -beams that from his temples dart ;
'Tis Moses ; seated on the mount apart,

Whilst yet the Godhead o'er his features shone.

Such once he look'd, when ocean's sounding wave
Suspended hung, and such amidst the storm,
When o'er his foes the refluent waters roar'd.

An idol calf his followers did engrave ;

But had they raised this awe-commanding form,
Then had they with less guilt their work adored.

NOTE 21, (p. 323.)— It appears from the narrative of Vnsnri, that Raffaello
rived at Rome before Michelagnolo returned from Bologna, after having
VOL. II. K K

498 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII.

completed the statue of Julius. — Vita di Michelagn. in vite de' Pittori, iii.
219. Mariette Observ. sur la Vie de Mich. Ang. par Condivi, 72.

NOTE 2:1, (p. 324.) — " In tale cartone studio Aristotile da Saugallo,
amico suo Ridolfo Grillaudajo, Raifael Sanzio da Urbino, Francesco Granaccio,
.Baccio Bandinelli, e Alonzo Berugetto Spagnuolo." — Vasari, iii. 209. Ed.
Bottari. It is remarkable, however, that in the first edition of Nasari, in
two volumes, Fior. 1550, Raffaello is not enumerated among the artists who
studied from the cartoons of Pisa. The painters there mentioned are
Aristotile de San Gallo, Ridolfo Ghirlaudajo, Francesco Granacci, Baccio
Bandinello, and Alonzo Berugetto; to whom are added, Andrea del Sarto,
II Francia Bigio, Jacopo Sansoviuo, II Eosso, Maturino, Loreuzetto, II
Tribolo, Jacopo da Poutormo, and Perin del Vaga. That Raffaello studied
the works of Michelagnolo, is, however, highly probable ; and so far from
being derogatory to his character, confers honour both on his diligence and
his taste, as a young man of twenty years of age, eager to obtain improve
ment, and capable of selecting the best models of imitation. The judicious
observations of M. Mariette on this subject, deserve the notice of the
reader. " It is true that both were naturally very superior men ; but
Michelaguolo came first in order of time, and it would have been a
miserable piece of vanity in Raffaello, and of which he was wholly inca
pable, to have neglected to study, in common with the other young painters,
his contemporaries, a work which by common consent was finer than any
thing which had hitherto appeared." — Mariette, Observ. sur la Vie de Michel
agn. par Condivi, 72.

NOTE 23, (p. 326.) — If the reader wishes to form a proper idea of these
productions, I cannot refer him to a better source of information than tc
the third discourse of Mr. Fuseli, professor of painting of the Royal Academj
of London.

NOTE 24, (p. 327.) — It has frequently been engraved, particularly b\
Giorgio Ghisi of Mantua, in a large print of two sheets. A sketch of it has
also lately been given by Mr. Duppa, in his life of Raffaello ; accompaniec
by several heads, elegantly engraved after drawings of the same size as th<
original picture.

NOTE 25, (p. 328.) — It is remarkable, that in order to show his decidei
intention, Zuccaro has, in this work, represented the sun rising in ful
splendour, a circumstance which produces no effect of light and shadow 01
the picture, the beams of the sun being absorbed in the superior light whicl
issues immediately from the Deity. This picture is described by Vasari, ii
his life of Taddeo, the brother of Federigo ; Vite, iii. 161, 102, and has beei
carefully engraved by J. Sadeler, 1580.

NOTE 26, (p. 320) — Particularly by Vasari, Coudivi, Bellori, Giusepp
Crespi in the Lettere Pittoriche, Bottari, in his notes on Vasari, and finall
by Lauzi with great judgment, but perhaps with too evident a partiality t
Raffaello.

NOTE 27, (p. 330.) — " The more I read this life," says M. Mariettf
" the more thoroughly am I convinced that the author wrote it almost t
the dictation of Michel Augelo. There breathes throughout it an air <
truth which we do not perceive in Vasari's account." — Observations sur 1
Tie de M.A. de Condivi, p. 72.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII. 499

NOTE 28, (p. 330.) — " Dove Eaffaello da Urbino, die era molto excel-
,ente in imitare, vistola, muto subito maniera, e fece a un tratto per mos-
rare In virtu sua, i profeti e le sibille dell' opera della pace. — Vasari, Vite
ile' Pittori, iii. 222.

! NOTE 29, (p. 330.) — The origin of Nasari's error is discoverable by a
.•omparison of the original edition of his lives, in 1550, with those which
ollowed it. In this first edition we find no account of any quarrel between
'ulius and Michelagnolo respecting his tomb ; but in relating the circum-
•tances attending the painting the Sistine chapel, Vasari informs us, that
'he pope was eager to see the progress of the work, for which purpose he
iiad paid a visit to the chapel, where he was refused admittance by Michel-
lignolo. That the artist knowing the inflexible temper of the pontiff, and
>eing apprehensive that some of his attendants might be induced, either by
ribes or threats, to admit him, pretended to quit Rome for a few days,
ml gave the keys to his assistants, with orders that no one should be
llowed to enter, even if it were the pope himself. He then shut himself
p in the chapel, and proceeded with his labours, when the pope made his
ppenrance, and was the first to mount the scaffold ; bur Michelagnolo,
retending not to know him, saluted him with a shower of tiles and slates
isomuch that lie was glad to make his escape. Immediately afterwards,
lichelagnolo quitted the chapel through a window, nnd hastened to
lorence, leaving the key of the chapel with Bramante. — Yas. ii. 963.
1550. Better information, or a further consideration of the subject,
onvinced Vasari of his error, and in his subsequent edition, he has, in his
tfe of Michelagnolo, properly assigned the flight of Michelagnolo to a former
eriod, when he was employed on the tomb of Julius II., and omitted the
tory of the disagreement in the chapel. Through inadvertence, however, he
eft the reference to this incident in the life of Enffaello, as it originally stood,
u which he has been followed by subsequent editors ; whence the passage in
vhich he alludes to the time " at which Michelagnolo had that violent
ispute with the pope in the chapel, of which we shall make mention in his
ii'e, and which compelled him to fly from Home," has no corresponding
• assiige, except by a reference back again to the life of Raifaello, in the
.ater editions of his works.

NOTE 30, (p. 330.) — Bellori boldly denies that Raffaello imitated the
manner of Michelagnolo in any respect whatever, " whether design, colour-
,ng, in nude or in clothed figures, in conception or in execution," an asser-
jion which has been controverted with great success by Crespi, Letters
'ittoriche, ii. 123.

I NOTE 31, (p. 331.) — "Raffaello d'Urbino, quantunque volesse concorrer
(on Michelagnolo, piu volte ebbe a dire, che riugraziava Iddio d'esser nato.
1 suo tempo, avendo ritratta da lui altra maniera di quella, che del padre,
he dipintor fu, e dal Perugino suo maestro avea imparata." — Ibid.

NOTE 32, (p. 331.) — The judicious Lanzi, although warmly attached to.
he cause of Raffaello, sufficiently admits, that he attained a bolder style
if design from the works of Michelagnolo. " Nor do I believe that he
limself would have denied that the study of Michelagnolo had inspired
liiu with a greater boldness of design, and that in grand subjects he had
umetimes imitated him. But how imitated ? By rendering, as Crespi
K K 2

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII.

himself remarks, the manner of his model still more beautiful, and more
majestic." — Lanzi, Storia Pittorica. i. 390.

NOTE 33, (p. 333.) — It hns before been noticed that Michelagnolo dis
tinguished himself by his Italian poetry ; and I shall take this last oppor
tunity to observe, that his writings, although not marked by splendid
imagery and striking ornament, bear the same elevated character as the
productions of his chisel and his pencil. His ideas are all drawn from the
same source ; and whether embodied in visible forms, or expressed through
the medium of language, discover the same indications of their superior
origin. Throughout his whole life he appears to have been impressed with
a deep religious feeling. His poems, in fact, are not amatory, although
many of them apparently bear that character. The beauty which he admires
and celebrates, is not sensual. Through the perfections of the creature he
contemplates only the Creator, and the breathings of his passion are breath
ings after immortality.

NOTE 34, (p. 334.) — The Attila has been engraved, not only from the
picture, but from the original design of Raffaello. — Bottari, nota al Vasari,
ii. 109.

NOTE 35, (p. 335.) — It has already been observed that the triumph of
Camillus, represented at Florence, in the year 1514, was intended to com
memorate the same event. The above construction of the intention of the
artist, in the picture of Attila, may receive further confirmation from a Latin
poem of Lilio Gregorio Gyraldi, which purports to be a hymn to Saint Leo,
but which is, in fact, intended, like the picture, to celebrate the conduct of
Leo X. in expelling the French from Italy. It is highly probable that this
poem was written before the picture of Raffaello was painted, as otherwise
its author would scarcely have omitted so striking and poetical an incident
as the appearance of the two heavenly auxiliaries ; an incident not related
in the legend, but devised by the painter, to express, in a poetical manner.
the eifects of the pontiff's exhortations.

NOTE 30, (p. 330.) — Of the liberality of Agostino towards the professors
of literature, some account has already been given in this work. It is re
markable that Agostiuo had supported his credit for integrity and ability,
and had enjoyed the favour of several successive pontiffs. Under Alex
ander VI. he is said to have converted even his silver plate into coin, foi
the use of Caesar Borgia, on his expedition into Romagna. He acted not
only as banker, but as superintendent of the finances to Julius II., whc
honoured him by a sort of adoption into the family of Eovere. But it was
not only in his patronage of letters and of the arts that Agostino emulate!
the Roman pontiffs; he vied with them also in the luxury of his table, am
the costly and ostentatious extravagance of his feasts. On the baptism o
one of his children, he is said to have invited Leo X. with the whole colleg
of cardinals, and the foreign ambassadors at Rome, to an entertainment, i)
which he provided the greatest delicacies, and among the rest, several dishe
of parrots' tongues, variously cooked. The plates, goblets, and vessels
were all of wrought silver, and when once used, were thrown into the Tibei
which flowed near the house. If we may credit Paiillus Jovius, Agostin
was one of the admirers of the beautiful Imperia. For these anecdotes tl)
reader will find the authorities in Bayle, Diet. Hist. Art. Chigi; observin;

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII. 501

1 iiowever, that the authors whom he cites are, as is usual with him, of very

jj jloubtful authority. After the death of Agostino, the family of Chigi were

' .Lriveu from Rome by Paul III. who seized upon their mansion in the Trans-

s ;evere, and converted it into a sort of appendage to the Furnese palace,

ivheiice it has since been called the Farnesina. But in the ensuing cen-

ury, the family of Chigi rose to pontifical honours, in the person of Alex-

mder VII., Fabio Chigi ! who established it in great credit, without, how-

:ver, restoring to it the family mansion, which has descended with the

possessions of the Faruese to the king of Naples, to whom it now belongs.

I NOTE 37, (p. 336.) — The print engraved from this picture by Marc-
i iVntonio, is rare and valuable ; it has also been engraved by several snbse-
i iiuent artists, but in a much inferior style.

) NOTE 38, (p. 330.) — This highly commended work has never been well
mgraved, and having now been injured from want of care, and retouched by
inferior hands, may be considered as lost to the world.

' NOTE 39, (p. 330.) — In this work Baffaello is supposed to have been
assisted by some of his scholars. Some parts of it have been engraved by
[Marc-Antonio or his pupils, and the whole of it by Cherubino-Alberti, by
\udran, and by Nicolo Dorigny. — Bottari, note on Vasari, ii. 122. Dr.
Smith has given a full account of this celebrated work, in his Tour on the
Joutiueut, vol. ii. p. 2.

NOTE 40, (p. 337.) — These events were not far distant from each other;
\gostino. having died at Eome, on the tenth day of April, 1520. — Fabron.
I Vita. Leon. X. in adnot. 137, 313.

NOTE 41, (p. 337.) — The statue of Jonah, with the other statue, which
iras not finished by Lorenzetto, occupy two niches in front of the Chigi
Jliapel, in the church of S. Maria del Popolo, at Rome ; the other two
riches being filled with statues by Bernini. In their unbounded admiration
jf the statue of Jonah, the Italians have been rivalled by many accomplished
strangers who have visited Italy, and been struck with the exquisite design
ind perfect style of execution which this performance displays. A very
>articular and animated description of it may be found in Dr. Smith's Tour
m the Continent, vol. ii. p. 23.

NOTE 42, (p. 337.) — This picture must have been painted between the
*rears 1517 and 1019 ; as it was only during that time that Rossi enjoyed
the dignity of the purple.

j NOTE 43, (p. 338.) — This apartment was finished in the year 1517, as
appears by the inscription over the window towards the Belvedere, where,
kinder the arms of Leo X., we read —

LEO X. PONT. M. PONTIFICATUS

ANNO CHRISTI. sui ANNO

MCCCCCXVII. mi.

NOTE 44, (p. 338.) — The grand duke, Cosmo I., employed Giorgio
Vasari, the historian of the painters, to represent, in fresco, on the walls of
iliis palace at Florence, the achievements of the family of Medici, commenc
ing with the elder Cosmo, Pater Patrice, proceeding through those of
Lorenzo the Magnificent, Leo X., Clement VII., the duke Alessandro

502

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII.

Giovanni, captain of the Jiaiide Ncrc, and terminating with those of Cosmo I
Of this immense labour, Vasari lias himself left an account, not less diffuse
imd ostentatious than the work itself, in a series of dialogues, entitled.
" Ragionameuti del Sigiior Cavaliere Giorgio Vasari, Pittore e Arcliitettc
Aretino, sopra le invenzioui da lui dipinte in Firenze, nel palazzo di lore
Altezze Sereiiissime, con lo illustriss. ed eccellentiss. Signore D. Francescc
Medici nllora Principe di Firenze," which was published after the death
of Vasari, by his nephew, in 1588, and reprinted at Arezzo, in 1762
4to. As an artist, Vasari has incurred the severe, but, I fear, too weL
founded reprehensions of a professor of painting to our royal academy
who denominates him " the most superficial artist, and the mosi
abandoned mannerist of his time, but the most acute observer of men, and
the most dexterous flatterer of princes. He overwhelmed the palaces o)
the Medici and the popes, the convents and churches of Italy, with a delug(
of mediocrity, commended by rapidity and shameless bravura of hand. He
idone did more work than all the artists of Tuscany together ; and to hia
may be truly applied what he had the insolence to say of Tintoretto, that h<
turned the art into a boy's toy." — Fuseli's '2nd Lecture, 72.

NOTE 45, (p. 039.) — A print of the time of Raffaello is in my possession
representing the base of a column, ornamented with bas reliefs of twe
female figures, each supporting a buckler ; between them a large circle 01
shield, with the letters, S. P. Q. R., and below, three boys with festoons o:
flowers. At the foot is inscribed : " Bazamento d. la colona d. Constanti-
nopolo mandate a Ralelo da Urbino." This print, although not marked, is
engraved by Agostino Veneziano.

NOTE 46, (p. 339.) — The paintings of Raffaello in the Loggie have
frequently been engraved in fifty-two pieces, and are known by the name oi
the Bible of Raffaello ; particularly by Giovanni Lanfranco and Sistc
Badalocchi, pupils of Annibale Carracci, to whom they dedicated the work, ir
1607, and by Horatio Borgianni, in 1615, as well as by many subsequent
artists ; for a further account of whom, see Bottari, note on Vasari, ii. 119.

NOTE 47, (p. 340.) — This work was destroyed by the ignorant and
superstitious Paul IV., (Caraffa,) who, as Vasari tells us, " to make room
for some little chambers of his own conception, spoiled this saloon, and de
prived the palace of a work of singular excellence ; a solecism which hif
holiness would never have committed, had he been endowed with any taste
in the arts of design." — Vasari, iii. 47.

NOTE 48, (p. 340.) — Mr. Duppa informs us, that these tapestries were
dispersed when the Vatican palace was sacked by the French, in 1798. —
Life of Raffaello, 12. Lond. 1802.

NOTE 49, (p. 340.) — Vasari, ii. 124, but Panvinius, in his life of Leo X..
states the expense to have been 50,000 gold crowns. — Vite de' Pontefici.
ii. 495.

NOTE 50, (p. 340.) — The same author adds, that Charles II. would have
sold them to Louis XIV., who applied to him, by liis ambassador, to pur
chase them, but that he was dissuaded from it by the earl of Danby, after
wards duke of Leeds. — Ibid.

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII. 503

NOTE 51, (p. 340.) — The number of cartoons was originally twelve. It
s probable that Giulio Romano added that of the Magi, which was exhibited
vith the rest. Seven of these only are now preserved, although some
nutilated fragments have been discovered, which are supposed to have been
nuts of those which are lost.

NOTE 52, (p. 341.) — Richardson has entered into a long disquisition, to
'trove that the cartoons then at Hampton Court have preserved the most
jerfect specimen of the productions of llaffaello, by his own hand, that now
exists in any one place ; and that they are to be preferred to his works
either in the Vatican or the Fiimesina. — Traite de la Peinture, iii. 4-39, &c.
Bottari has noted this observation, without attempting to reply to it — Note
d Vasari, ii. 124 — and Lanzi has confirmed it by asserting, that in these
works the art had arrived at its highest pitch of excellence, and that the
world has not since seen any production of equal beauty. " Anche in
juesti arrazzi 1'arte ha tocco il piu alto segno, lie dopo essi ha veduta il
mondo cosa ugualmeiite bella." — Lanzi, Storia Pittorica, i. 401. The
jartoons have been frequently engraved by various artists, and the friezes of
the life of Leo X. by Pietro Santi Bartoli of Perugia. Mr. Holloway, an
eminent English artist, is now employed (1805) in engraving the cartoons,
on a large scale ; and from the specimens which the public have already
iiad of his abilities, there is reason to expect that they will be executed in
a superior style. [It is hardly necessary to observe that the cartoons have
.ong since been restored to Hampton Court. — W. H.]

NOTE 53, (p. 341.) — Among these, a Transfiguration, in fresco, a Flagel-
ation of Christ, with other pieces, in one of the chapels of S. Piero, in
Montorio in Rome, are mentioned as having attracted particular approba
tion — Vasari, ut sup., and Lanzi, Storia Pittorica, i. 404.

NOTE 54, (p. 342.) — This picture was sent by the cardinal de' Medici to
lis cathedral of Narbonne, instead of the Transfiguration of Rafl'aello. It
las since been transferred to this country, and now enriches the National
allery.

NOTE 55, (p. 342.) — " The picture of the Transfiguration," says Mengs,
' is a clear proof that Raifaello had acquired higher ideas of the beautiful ;
or it alone contains more beautiful tilings than all his previous works."
Op. di Mengs, i. 134. On the death of RafFaello, which happened shortly

. after the completion of this picture, the cardinal de' Medici changed his
intention of sending it to Narboune, and placed it in the church of S. Pietro,

! in Montorio, at Rome, where it remained until it was lately brought to

1 France, and placed in the collection of the Louvre.

NOTE 56, (p. 342.) — This picture was engraved by the scholars of Mare
Antonio Raimondi, in 1538 ; and afterwards by several other artists. A
large print from the cartoon of it has also lately been published at Rome by
Francesco de' Santis, which exhibits, by a comparison with the former
prints, the alterations made by the artist in the execution of his design.
The manner in which Raffaello has treated tliis subject, in representing the
transfiguration of Christ on the mountain, and the presentation for cure of
the boy possessed by an evil spirit below, has given occasion to some critics
to charge him with having represented two separate actions, and two distinct
periods of time, in the same picture. This objection has been answered by

504 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII.

several writers, and particularly at great length, by Mr. Rutgers, in his letter
on this subject to Messrs. Richardsons, printed in the Addenda to their
treatise tiur la Peinture ; and more concisely, but more decisively, by Mr.
Fuseli, at the end of his third lecture at the Royal Academy.

NOTE 57, (p. 343.) — Fra Giocondo was not only an eminent architect,
but an accomplished scholar, and instructed the learned Julius Caesar
Scaliger in the Greek and Latin languages. On his erecting for Louis XII.
the famous bridge over the Seine, Sanazzaro produced the well-known
couplet :

" Jocundus geminum imposuit tibi Sequana poutem,
Hunc tu jure potes dicere Poutificeni."

NOTE 58, (p. 344.) — In the year 1799, the Abate Daniele Fraucesconi,
published a discourse on this subject, addressed to the Florentine academy,
and modestly entitled, " Congettura die una lettera crednta di Baldassar
Castiglione sia di Raffaelle d' Urbhio," for a copy of which extract 1 am
indebted to the obliging attention of the learned Abate Jacopo Morelli,
librarian of S. Marco at Venice. In this discourse, and the judicious notes
by which it is accompanied, the author has demonstrated, in the most satis
factory manner, that the letter in question is, in fact, the answer or report
of Raffaello to the commission delegated to him by the pontiff. Among the
reasons given by the Abate Francesconi for this opinion, are the following:
I. It appeal's from the internal evidence of the letter, that the pope had
employed the writer of it to furnish him with the plans and drawings in
question, and it is not likely that he would have committed the task to two
different persons. — Discorso, 35. II. That Haffaello, at the time of his
death, was employed in making drawings of the remains of ancient Rome,
is Avell known, from the information of Jovius, of Calcaguini, of Andrea
Fulvio, and of the author of the anonymous life of Raffaello, published by
Comolli, attributed to Giovanni della Casa; all of whom are cited by Fran
cesconi. — Discorso, 21, '2'2. III. It is scarcely probable, that a nobleman,
and ambassador at the Roman court, like Castiglione, would devote himself
to the laborious task of investigating, and accurately measuring the ancient
edifices of Rome ; although this might be a proper employment for an artis
by profession, like Raffaello. — Discorso, 33. IV. The striking circumstanc
mentioned in the letter, that the writer had been nearly eleven years sta
tionary in Rome, corresponds with the life of Raffaello, who arrived at that
city, in the year 1508, and probably wrote the letter in question in 1519;
but disagrees with that of Castiglioue, who only visited it as a public envoy,
and was frequently absent. — Discorso, 51, &c. V. The instrument de
scribed by the author of the letter, as having been employed by him, is
described by Jovius as the discovery of Raffaello, HOVO quodam ac mirul'"
invcnto. — Discorso, 24. VI. The elegant and well-known lines of Casti
glione on the death of Raffaello, contain a constant allusion to the efforts i
the artist, in restoring the city of Rome to its ancient splendour ; without
the least allusion to any such attempt by Castiglioue himself. These lines,
are alone sufficiently decisive of the question :

DC Morte Raphaclis Pictoris.
" Quod lacerum corpus medica sanaverit arte,
Hippolytum stygiis et revocarit aquis,

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII. OUO

Ad Stygias ipse est raptus Epidaurius undas ;

Sic pretium vitas mors fuit Artifici.
Tn quoque dum toto laniatam corpore Eomam

Componis, miro, Raphael, iugenio,
Atque urbis lacerum ferro, igni, auuisque cadaver

Ad vitain, aiitiquum jam revocasque decus,
Movisti superuiu invidiam, iudignataque Mors est,

Te duduni extinctis reddere posse animam ;
Et quod longa dies paullatim aboleverat, hoc te

Mortal! spreta lege, parare iterum.
Sic miser, Lew ! prima cadis iutercepte juventa,

Deberi et morti nostraque nosque mones."

If the foregoing reasons were insufficient, much additional evidence might
be adduced in confirmation of them. I shall, however, only refer to the
two following authorities : — I. In the close of his third part, Vasari ex
pressly mentions his obligations to the writings of Lorenzo Ghiberti,
Domenico Grillandai, and Raffaello d' Urbino ; which in all probability can
only relate to this letter, and see Richardson, iii. 708. II. The assiduity
of Raffaello in prosecuting his laborious undertaking, is referred to in the
following lines of Celio Calcagniui :

Raphcells Urbinatis Industrie.
" Tot proceres Romam tarn louga exstruxerat aetas,

Totque hostes, et tot saecula diruerant;
Nuiic Eomam in Roma quaerit, reperitque Raphael.
Quaerere magni hominis, sed reperire Dei est."

Carm. Illust. Poet. Ital. iii. 7G.

NOTE 59, (p. 347.) — " He perished in the flower of his life, while occu
pied in a survey of the remains of the old city, with a view to restore it, as
nearly as possible, to its original appearance." — Jovii, Vita Raphael.

NOTE GO, (p. 347.) — " Raffaello secretly pursuing amorous pleasures to
excess, at length was seized with a disorder incidental to them, which his
physicians mistook for fever, and accordingly, he not confessing the truth,
proceeded to bleed him, weakening him just at the time when he required
to have his strength restored." — Vasari Vite, ii. 132.

NOTE 01, (p. 347.) — Richardson relates that he had seen a letter of Raf-
Faello containing many curious particulars of his life, some of which he has
given, and which seem to be authentic. — Traite de la Peinture, iii. 463.
Raffaello made a formal disposition of his property, whereby, after providing
for the support of his favourite mistress, and the salvation of his soul, which
ilatter object he secured by directing that a chapel should be built, and en
dowed with a certain number of masses, he left the residue of his effects to
his disciples Giulio Romano and Gian Francesco Penni, and appointed
Baldassar Turini, then datary to the pope, and usually called Baldassare da
Pescia, to whose unpublished correspondence we have had such frequent
occasion to refer in the course of this work, the only executor of his will.— •
Vasari, ii. 132.

NOTE 02, (p. 347.) — Vasari asserts, that the pope wept bitterly on the
leath of Raffaello. " La sua morte amaramente lo fece piangere." — Vas.

506 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII.

ii. 33. The great picture of the Transfiguration, which Eaffaello had only
just finished, was displayed at the head of the apartment where his remains
were placed prior to interment. His epitaph was written by Bembo : —
" D. O. M. Raphaeli Sauctio Joan. F. Urbiuat. pictori eminentiss. Vete-
rumque oemulo cujus spiranteis prope imagineis si contemplere naturae atque
artis fosdus facile inspexeris Julii II. et Leonis X. Pout. Max. pictures et
architect, operibus gloriam atixit vixit a. xxxvii. integer integros quo die
natns est eo esse desiit vii. id. April MDXX."

NOTE 63, (p. 348.) — This art was known to the ancients. By some
writers it is derived from China, whence it passed, according to them, into
Majorca, or Majolica, and from that island into Italy. — B.

NOTE 64, (p. 350.) — " How could he (Vasari) have written so well
about Lionardo, if he had not intimately known him ? — M. Moriette, Lettere
Pittoriche, No. 84. But how could Vasari, who was born in 1512, derive
any advantages from his acquaintance with Lionardo, who died in 1518 ?
Accordingly we find that Vasaii's account of this great artist, instead of
being well written, as M. Mariette asserts, is extremely meagre and imper
fect ; its author having been obliged to supply the want of authentic matter
with equivocal narratives and trifling anecdotes. In the account of the visit
of Lionardo to Eome, Vasari has, however, been implicitly followed by most
of those writers who have had occasion to touch upon this subject ; parti
cularly by Du Fresne, in his life of Lionardo, annexed to the treatise, Delia
Pittura, Paris, 1701, and Napol. 1733 ; by M. Mariette in the Lettere
Pittoriche, No. 84, and even by Monsig. Fabroni, in his life of Leo X., p.
219. 1 cannot, however, divest myself of great doubts on this subject.
Giuliano de' Medici quitted Florence and repaired to his brother at Rome,
about the month of September, 1513 ; but I find no evidence in any contem
porary writer that he was accompanied by Lionardo, who was then seventy
years of age. In the splendid exhibitions at Rome, on Giuliano being re
ceived into the rank of a citizen, and in which it might be supposed that
Lionardo, as an artist, would have taken an important part, we find no men
tion made of him, nor is he noticed in the poem of Aurelio Sereno of Mono-
poli, on that subject ; although many of the eminent persons then in Rome,
who attended on that festival, are particularly enumerated. In the MS.
letters written from Rome to Florence by Baldassare da Pescia, for whom
Lionardo is said to have painted the two pictures before mentioned, and
which letters extend through great part of the year 1514, no notices appear
of Lionardo ; which, considering his great eminence, and his intimacy with
the writer, would probably have been the case had he then been at Rome.
To these doubts I shall only add, that Borghini, a well informed writer of
the sixteenth century, attributes the two pictures painted for Bald, da Pescia
to the time when Lionardo was in Florence, and wholly omits the story of
his journey to Rome in the time of Leo X. — Borghini, il Reposo. p. 371.
Ed. Fior. 1584.

. NOTE 65, (p. 352.) — This is generally supposed to be the first book which
was ornamented with engravings on copper, but Mr. Heineken has cited
others of anterior date. — Idee Generale, &c. 143. Diet, des Artistes, iii.
208. It appears to have been the intention of the printer to have placed a
vignette at the head of each canto, but only two are inserted, viz. at the

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXII. 507

ommencement of the first and second canto of the Inferno ; and if three be
.found, the third is only a repetition of the second. It is now incontestably
jved, that the supposed rare editions of this hook, which are said to con
tain a greater number of these engravings, and which are alluded to by the
.earned Morelli in his Libreria Pinelliana, iv. 280, have no existence ; and
;;hat if any work has such an appearance, the prints are either pasted on the
ieaf or copied by a pen. Of the last description is that of the Pinelli library,
described by Morelli. The copy which I possess agrees with that descrip-
i tion in every respect, and appears to be the same book.

NOTE 66, (p. 352.) — Of this his two prints of the battle of sea monsters,
ind the triumph of Silenus, afford sufficient proof.

, NOTE C7, (p. 352.) — As in his print of four nymphs dancing.

i NOTE 68, (p. 352.) — Mantegna died in 1505. Vasari, who places this
jvent in 1517, has confounded it with the date of the monument erected to
Mantegna, in the church of S. Andrea at Mantua.

NOTE 69, (p. 352.) — His print of Pyramus and Thisbe.

i NOTE 70, (p. 353.) — Marc-Antonio engraved this subject twice after
Raffaello, but the larger print was the first engraved. They are both with
out mark or date.

NOTE 71, (p. 303.) — On this subject, see Heinek. Diet, des Artistes, i. 280.

CHAPTER XXIII.

NOTE 1, (p. 358.) — Jovius in his Life of Leo, gives a list of some of the
more prominent malefactors who were executed on tin's occasion. — Jov. Vita
Leon X. iv. 83.

NOTE 2, (p. 359.) — Muratori has not scrupled to assert that the pope
entered into a conspiracy to assassinate the duke, and that Guicciardini
found liimself unintentionally involved in this black transaction. For this
imputation he refers, in general, to the Femirese historians, and to Guicci-
iirdini. I have taken the trouble of examining these writers, and apprehend
that Muratori has on this, as on other occasions, been led by his partiality
to the family of Este, to extend the accusation against the pope beyond
what Ids authorities can justify. Of the histories of Ferrara, that of Pigna
terminates in the year 1J-70, and consequently throws no light on this
transaction. Gyraldi, although he relates the animosity between the duke
and the pontiff, and mentions the determination of the latter to possess
himself of Ferrara, has not accused him of any treacherous attempt against
the life of the duke; Sardi, or rather his continuator Faustini, has indeed
informed us, " that in the beginning of the year 1520, the life of the duke
was attempted by one Kidolfello, captain of his German guard, who having
been corrupted by a large sum of money, entered his chamber with an
intent to assassinate him; but that being overawed by the appearance and
countenance of the duke, he relinquished his design, and confessed the

508 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXIII.

whole transaction." This relation differs so greatly from that of Muratori*
that it can scarcely be considered as the authority on which he has relied.
Faustini has not even insinuated that the pope was an accomplice, nor has
he connected this transaction with the movements of the pupal army. The
narrative of Guicciardim corresponds with that which I have given, and
contains no charge of any intention on the part of the pontiff to assassinate
the duke; nor has Paulus Jovius, who has left a very full and circumstantial
narrative of the life of Alfonso, taken any notice of such a transaction.

NOTE 3, (p. 361.) — This was agreed to he the duchy of Civita di Fenna,
which brought in an annual revenue of ten thousand crowns, and which
Alessandro afterwards enjoyed.

NOTE 4, (p. 361.)— This treaty is given by Liinig, 167, and by Du Mont,
iv. viii. 91).

NOTE 3, (p. 361.) — Thomas do Foix Sieur de 1'Ecus. Capello, in his
Commentaries, denominates him Tomaso Fu.sio chiamato Mon.iignor de
I'Escus; Guicciardini calls him Lo Sciiclo, and Robertson the Marcschal
de Foix.

NOTE 6, (p. 363.) — This document is preserved in Du Mont, iii. i. 71.
Charles V. also issued an imperial edict which Leo published at Borne,
About this time an explosion of gunpowder happened in the citadel of
Milan, supposed to have been occasioned by lightning, by which several
French soldiers lost their lives, and the fortifications were considerably
damaged. Guicciard. xiv. This incident is commemorated in a Lathi
poem by Antonius Thylisius, of Cosenza, entitled, Tiirris de ccelo percitssa ;
published with his other poems, at Rome, 1 ;V->4. 8vo.

NOTE 7, (p. 303.) — He had previously entered into stipulations with the
marquis for three hundred men at arms, the treaty for which is given by
Du Mont, iv. 322.

NOTE 8, (p. 365.) — The number agreed for was ten thousand. — Guic
ciard. lib. xiv. Plauta, ii. 113.

NOTE 9, (p. 370.) — Alfonso has commemorated his unexpected deliver
ance in a medal struck on this occasion, with the motto, " Ex ore Leonis."

NOTE 10, (p, 371.) — The death of the pontiff without the sacraments,
occasioned the following lines, attributed, but perhaps without reason, to
Sanazzaro.

" Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis liora
Cur Leo non potuit sumere ; vendiderat."

NOTE 11, (p. 371.) — Anecdotes de Florence, 303. Essais de Montaigne, i. 15.
Seckendorff, i. xlvii. 191, &c. A very apocryphal account of the conduct of the
pontiff in his last moments is also given by Fra Callisto Piacentino, regular
canon of the Lateran, an enthusiastic preacher of the school of Savonarola;
who in one of his discourses on the words, Seminastis multiim et intu listis pa-
rum, exclaims, " Poor Pope Leo, who had got together in his life so many
dignities, so much treasure, so many palaces, so many friends, so many ser
vants, when he came to the end of his mortal chapter, found himself left
alone, the only person remaining with him being Fra Martino, who, a
light commodity (as befitted his quality of buffoon), kept sticking to him
as a straw to an old sack. When the forlorn pope was at the point of death,

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXIII. 509

of nil liis former retinue, there was no one left but Fra Martino, to pray for
his passing soul. ' Commend yourself to God, holy father ;' said worthy

1 Martino ; and so the poor pope, murmuring, Good God ! Good God ! 0 good
God !' rendered his soul to his Creator. Truly is it said : He carneth
icayes to put it into a bay with kites." — Tirab. vii. iii. 419.

NOTE 12, (p. 373.) — The cardinal de' Medici communicated the intelli
gence of the death of Leo X. to Henry VIII. in a letter, the original of
which is preserved among the Cottonian MSS. in the British Museum; at

! the same time the cardinal transmitted to him the papal bull for his new

i title of Defender of the Faith.

NOTE 13, (p. 374.) — This event furnished some one of his adversaries
with an occasion of stigmatizing his memory by the following lines :
" Obrata in hoc tumulo est, cnm eorpore, fama Leonis.

Qui male pavit oves, mine bene pascit humum."

On the other hand, the death of the pontiff gave rise to numerous panegy
rics, to which it would be equally tedious and useless to refer, as they may
be found in the works of almost all the poets of the time ; I shall therefore
only cite the following lines of G. M. Toscani, from his Pepltts Ituliee, 30.
" Purpureo ante diem Medices velatus amictu,

Ante diem Petri sede potitus erat ;
Sed non ante diem Musis amplexus amicis,
Est tamen, hen, Musis mortnus ante diem.
Hoc etenim Musas sublato nullus arnavit.

Sic Medicem et Musas abstulit hora brevis.''

NOTE 14, (p. 374.) — " ' La ori'.zione funebre del papa fu fatta Marted'i, che
fu 1' ultimo giorno delle exequi, per Antonio da Spello, suo Cameriere, assai
hrutta ; e da Piovan di Villa.' Dunque per essere stata troppo inetta
questa orazione resto sconosciuta." — Lettera iuedit. del Sig. Abate Jac. Mo-
relli all' Autore.

NOTE I"), (p. 374.) — " Of these there have been printed, discourses by P.
Paulino di san Giuseppe, and others by Alessandro Burgos, Antonio Maria
Vezzosi, Filippo Renazzi, Tomaso Maria Mamacchi, &c." — Lettera del Sig.
Ab. Morelli, ut .tup. Another of these pieces was in the very select collec
tion of the late Canon. Bandini, of Florence, and is entitled, " Trismegistus
Mediceus ; sive Leo X. P. 0. M. tribus Orationibus in anniversario trieunio
fuuere laudatus, a Jacobo Albano Ghibbesio, Medicinae Doctore, atque iu
Roman a Sapientia Eloquentiae professore. Glamavit Leo super speculam,
Ego Sum. Romae, (ut videtur) iu 8vo. sine typographi nomine. Ex rela-
tione Clariss. Baudiui."

NOTE 10, (p. 374.) — " S. Maria sopra Minerva belongs to the Domini
cans, imd is of a long, narrow figure. It was built on the ruins of a temple
of Minerva. In the choir are the very conspicuous mausoleums of Leo X.
and Clement VII." — Dr. Smith's Tour on the Continent, ii. 154.

NOTE 17, (p. 374.) — It is curious enough that Mr. Roscoe has not re
corded any epitaph made upon this pope. The following, according to
Moreri, was placed on his first tomb in the church of the Vatican :

LEOXISX. PONT. MAX. DEPOSITUM.
Delicise humani generis, Leo Maxime, teeum,
Ut simul illnxere, interiere simul. — B.

510 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXIV.

CHAPTER XXIV.

NOTE I, (370.) — Among these panegyrical and satirical productions may
lie enumerated, " Le Brilliant de hi Royne ; on, les Vies des Hommes illus-
tres du nom de Medici, par Pierre de Boissat, Seigneur de Licieu, 1590," a
work not without merit ; but highly favourable to the family of the Medici.
On the other hand, there appeared in 160,3, a piece entitled, "Discours mer-
veilleux, de la vie, actions, et deportemeuts, de la Eeyne Catherine de Medi-
cis, Mere de Francis II., Charles IX., Henry III., Hois de France ;" in
•which the character of Leo X., with those of others of the family, is vehe
mently abused.

NOTE 2, (p. 377.) — To the conduct of such persons Lilio Gregorio Gy-
valdi has pointedly referred, in his Parseneticus adversus Ingratos, op. ii.
710, where he laments the untimely death of Leo X., and expresses his in
dignation against those who were so eager to asperse his memory.

NOTE 3, (p. 378.) — Paris de Grassis gives us, however, a singular picture
of the pontiff whilst he performed divine service in hot weather. " He is
very fat indeed, and so given to excessive perspiration that, during divine
service, he is constantly wiping his reeking head, face, hands, and throat
with a linen cloth." — Diar. inedit.

NOTE 4, (p. 370.) — This account of Leo X. is chiefly obtained from the
fragment of a Latin life of him, by an anonymous author.

NOTE 5, (p. 379.) — "A prince in whom there was much to praise as well
a-s to blame, but who certainly disappointed the expectations which had been
formed respecting him on his election to the pontificate ; for though, on the
one hand, he displayed higher judgment in political matters than had been
anticipated, yet, on the other, the dictates of the heart were less yielded
to than was expected." — Guicciard. 14.

NOTE 0, (p. 37!).) — He ridiculed the folly of Paris de Grassis, who
requested him to order prayers and processions to avert the evils which
were foretold by inundations, by thunder, by the fall of a crucifix, or a con
secrated wafer carried away by the wind. " There is nothing in all this,"
said the pope to his master of the ceremonies, " but what is perfectly
natural. People believe that it indicates an invasion by the Turks, and I
yesterday received letters from the emperor, informing me that the princes
of Christendom have united to attack Constantinople, and drive the Turks
from their dominions." — Par. de Grass, ap. Notices des MSS. du Eoi, ii.
508.

NOTE 7, (p. 379.) — "He had made it an inviolable rule to eat no flesh
on Wednesday, to touch nothing but vegetables on Friday, and to abstain
from supper on Saturday." — Jov. in vita Leon. X., iv. 80.

NOTE 8, (p. 379.) — In dedicating to Paul III. the official letters written
in the name of Leo X., Bembo thus addresses his patron. " I dedicate

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXIV. 511

with peculiar satisfaction, these letters to you, O Paul, who not only are
.pope, as Leo X. also was, but are infinitely more versed in high literature-
j.han he was."

1 NOTE 9, (p. 380.) — Valeriano thus refers to the literary acquirements of
ithe pontiff: " Pope Leo X., an adept in every species of knowledge, a
'master of Greek and Hebrew, of judgment at once acute and solid, and
talways excellent in composition, whether he penned a serious discourse, or
threw off a gay song." — De Literator. Infel. i. 19.

I NOTE 10, (p. 383.) — To this circumstance the anonymous author of the
life of Leo X., before referred to, attributes, with great appearance of proba
bility, the numerous lampoons which soon after the death of the pontiff were
poured out against his memory.

NOTE 11, (p. 383.) — Thus he has been accused of having poisoned Ben-
diiiellode' Sauli, one of the cardinals who conspired against him in the year
l."»17, and yet more positively, although more preposterously, with having
Destroyed, by a similar act of treachery, the cardiual da Bibbiena, his early
jpreceptor and great favourite, who was supposed to have aspired to the
'pontificate, and who died at Rome, in the month of November, 1520. — Jovii
Elogia, Ixv. 15G. Bandin. II Bibbiena, 49.

\ NOTE 12, (p. 383.) — Valerianus informs us, that immediately after the
ideath of the pontiff, his conduct and character were attacked by the most
Iscurrilous libels, and that it was even debated in the consistory whether
his name and acts should not be abolished from the records of the holy see.
— De Literator. infel. L 21.

; NOTE 13, (p. 386.) — "He who wrote more fiercely than any one against
'Martin Luther was Brother James Hoogstraateu, a Dominican inquisitor,
who exhorted the pope to convince Luther with fire and flame." — Concil. di
Trento, 8.

NOTE 14, (p. 380.) — "You will not hesitate to disbelieve those who most
falsely assert that Leo encouraged the cultivation of profane, to the neglect
of sacred literature." — Fabron. Vita Leon. X. 183.

NOTE 15, (p. 389.) — Of the candour and accuracy of this zealous friend
to the reformed religion, the following passage affords an ample specimen r
" This Leo did enrich above measure his bastardes and cosins, advaunciug
them to dignityes both spirituall and temporall, with robbing and undoing
other. For he made Juliauus, his sister's son, duke of Mutinensis, and
Laurentianus duke of Urbin ; marryinge the one to the sister of Charles,
duke of Savoye, and the other to the duchess of Poland," &c. — Bale, 180.

NOTE 10, (p. 390.) — "Etoit ce garder le decorum de la papaute, que
d'expedier ime bulle si favorable aux poesies d'Arioste ?" — Bayle, Diet. art.
Leon. X. Other authors have asserted, that Leo actually excommunicated
all those who should dare to criticise the writings of Ariosto. " Leon X. fit
publier uue bulle, par laquelle il excommunioit tons ceux qui oseroient
i entrepreudre de critiquer ce poeme d'Arioste, ou d' enempecher la vente." —
1 Eichardson sur la Peinture, iii. 435. " Leo, whilst he was pouring the
: thunder of his anathemas against the heretical doctrines of Martin Luther,
published a bull of excommunication against all those who should dare to
: censure the poems of Ariosto." — Wortou's History of English Poetry, ii. 411.

512 NOTES TO CHAPTER XXIV.

NOTE 17, (p. 300.1 — There are two copies of this hull extant, which
agree in substance ; one published in the first edition of the Orlando Fnrioso,
Ferrara, 1510, and repuhlished in the appendix to the Pontifical Letters of
Sadoleti, 193. The other copy may be found in the Pontifical Letters of
Bembo, ep. 40.

NOTE 18, (p. 391.) — " That which is a vice in a private man, may as
sume quite a different aspect in a prince." — Jov. ut. sup.

NOTE 19, (p. 391.) — Andrea Fulvio, a contemporary author, alluding to
the life of Leo X., says,

" Quid referam castos vitae sine crimine mores ?"

And another writer of the same period dwells yet more expressly on the
acknowledged and even unsuspected chastity of the pontiff, as the chief of
his virtues. — Math. Herculanus. ap. Fabrou. Vita Leon. X. in adnot. 84.
Even the adversaries of Leo, in taxing him with too great an attention to
jesters and buffoons, tacitly acquit him of those vices with which they
freely charge his predecessors.

" Sixtum Lenones, Julium rexere Cinnedi,
Imperium vani Scurra Leonis habet."

PI. Stephens, Apol. pour Herodote, 554.

NOTE 20, (p. 392.) — "Non pero si vogliono tralasciare il gran decoro, e la
maesta, con cui esercito sempre le sacre funzioni, sopra tutti gli anteces-
sori," &c. — Pallavicini, Cone, di Trento, i. ii. 51. That he did not allow
his ostentation to interfere with his devotion, appears from a passage in
Par. de Grassis. " The pope always carried the host bareheaded ; and this
purely out of a feeling of devotion, for he looked far more majestic and
imposing in the mitre." — Diar. inedit. Leo did not, however, approve of
long sermons. In the year 1514, he ordered his master of the palace, on
pain of excommunication, to see that the sermon did not exceed half an
hour; and in the month of November, 1517, being wearied with a long
discourse, he directed his master of the ceremonies to remind the master of
the palace that the council of the Lateral! had decided that a sermon should
not exceed a quarter of an hour at the most. In consequence of these
remonstrances, there was no sermon on the first day of the year 1518, the
master of the palace being fearful that the preacher would exceed the pre
scribed limits. — P. de Grass. Diar. ap. Notices des MSS. du Koi, ii. 598.

NOTE 21 , (p. 392.) — Pietro Aaron, a Florentine of the order of Jerusalem,
and canon of Bimini, a voluminous writer on the science of music, in the
dedication of his treatise entitled, Toscanello dclla Mitsica, the most
considerable of all his writings, printed at Venice, 1523, informs tis, that
he had been admitted into the papal chape] at Rome, during the pontificate
of Leo X., in speaking of whom, he says, " though this pontiff' had acquired
a consummate knowledge in most arts and sciences, he seemed to love,
encourage, and exalt music more than any other ; which stimulated many
to exert themselves with uncommon ardour in its cultivation. And among
those who aspired at the great, premiums that were held forth to talents, I
became," says he, " a candidate myself; for being born to a slender fortune,
which I wished to improve by some reputable profession, I chose music ;
at which I laboured with unremitting diligence till the irreparable loss I

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXIV. 513

sustained by the death of my munificent patron, Leo." — Dr. Burney's Hist,
of Music, iii. 154.

The pope is said to have diverted himself with the folly and absurdity
of Evangelista Tarasconi, of Parma, whom he prevailed on to write a treatise
on music, full of the most absurd precepts, advising, among other things,
that the arms of the performers should be tied up in a particular manner,
so as to give greater strength to their fingers, &c. — Jovius, in Vita Leon. X.
iv. 84. But the learned Padre Ireneo Affo thinks that Jovius has cari
catured his picture too higlily. Tarasconi was a man of considerable learn
ing, and among others, left a work entitled, " Historia Calamitatum Italiae,
tempore Julii II.," which has not, however, been printed, and is now
probably lost. — Affo, Memorie degli Scrittori Parmigiani. iii. 330.

NOTE 22, (p. 392.) — This peculiarity in the character of the pontiff was
discovered even by the licentious Pietro Aretino, who otherwise would not
have experienced his bounty.

NOTE 23, (p. 302.) — Of the society that occasionally frequented the
pontifical table, some idea may be formed from the following passage :
" The good pontiff has in his palace a monstrous glutton, named Father
Martin, who makes but one swallow of a roast pigeon ; who eats, as I am
told by persons who have witnessed it, four hundred eggs at a sitting, and
makes but one meal of twenty capons." — Titius. ap. Fabron. adnot. 82.

NOTE 24, (p. 393.) — .Jan. Nycii Erythraei Piuacotheca, ii. 110. If Leo
was disappointed on this occasion, he might have consoled himself on
another, in which one who had been thought a very sage personage, and
whom he had honoured with the name of his poet, turned out (by no un
common metamorphosis) to be a mighty great fool. — P. de Grass. Diar.
inedit. This probably alludes to the story of Baraballo.

NOTE 25, (p. 393.) — Even when he celebrated the anniversary of his
election, with the cardinals, in the Vatican, he set an example of sobriety in
his own person, as appears from Par. de Grassis. " Anniversarium elec-
tionis Papae Leouis, Papa in fine fecit prandium curdinalibus, ut alias. Ipse
quotidie jejunat et sero ccenat." — Diar. inedit.

NOTE 26, (p. 394.) — A contemporary author informs us, that the pontiff
was not induced to pursue these amusements so much for the pleasure of
the chase as for the purpose of invigorating both his body and mind for the
due performance of his more important occupations.'' (Matt. Herculan. ap.
Fabron. in adnot. 84.) Reasons of nearly a similar nature are alleged by
the pontiff himself, in justification of his frequent use of those active diver
sions, as appears from a papal brief addressed by him to Giovanni Neroni,
in which he appoints him pontifical game/weper, and directs him in what
manner he is to execute this important trust. — Bembi Ep. Pont. x. Ep. ].

NOTE 27, (p. 394.) — His master of the ceremonies, Paris de Grassis, was
higlily scandalized at the profane habiliments in which the pontiff took the
field. " Thursday, 10 Jan., after breakfast, the pope went to Toscanello
and its neighbourhood. He went without his stole, and, worse than that,
without his rochet, and, worse than all, wore boots." — Diar. inedit.

NOTE 28, (p. 390.) — " Quantum Eomani Pontificis fastigium inter reli-
quos mortales emmet, tantum Leo inter Romanes pontifices excellit," says
Erasmus, i. 30.

VOL. IT. L L

INDEX.

ACADEMY, Neapolitan, members of, i. 39

Academy, Roman, state of, on the ele
vation of Leo X., i. 330 ; restored by
Leo X., ib.

Acciajuoli, 7anobio, librarian of the Va
tican, ii. 284.

Accolti, Bernardo, L'Unico Aretino, ac
count of his life and writings, ii. 112.

Achillmi, Giovanni Filoteo, an Italian
poet, i, 53.

Acquaviva, Andrea Matteo, duke of
Atri, account of, i. 39.

Belisario, duke of N ardi, account

of, i. -10.

Adrian of Utrecht, afterwards Adrian
VI., made a cardinal by Leo X., ii.
79. ,

yEgineta, Petrus, one of the Greek in
structors of Leo X.,i. 18.

Aguilar, Gonsalvo d', the great captain,
sent to aid the king of Naples, i. 120 ;
recovers the city of Ostia for Alexan
der VI., i. 146 ; betrays the young
duke of Calabria, i. 179 ; compelled
by the duke of Nemours to retreat to
Barletta, i. 100; defeats the French,
and conquers the kingdom of Naples,
i. 195 ; betrays Caesar Borgia, i. 202 ;
defeats the French on the Garigliano,
i. 205 ; dines at table with the kings
of France and Spain, i. 216; dis
graced, ib. ; repents of his errors, ib. ;
ineffectually vindicated by Jovius, ib.

Alamanni, Luigi, ii. 141 ; his poem en
titled La Coltivazione, ii. 142.

Fiero, his letter to Lorenzo de'

Medici respecting Ms son, i. 20.

Albino, Matteo, a Neapolitan academi
cian, i. 42.

Aleandro, Girolamo, papal legate to the j
imperial court, ii. 222; harangues the |
diet of the empire against Luther, ii. j
223 ; account of his life and writings, j
ii. 285 ; appointed by Leo X. librarian i
of the Vatican, ii. 287 ; his private
library, ii. 289.

Alessandri, Alessaudro de', account oj
and of his ' Geniales Dies,' i. 41.

Alexander VI. aids in the promotion of
Leo X., i. 12 ; account of, i. 25 ; elect
ed pope, i. 65 ; general apprehensions
thereon, i. 66 ; forms a league with
the Venetians and the duke of Milan,
i. 70; remonstrates with (harks
VIII. on his intended enterprise
against Naples, i. 81; his interview
with Alfonso II. of Naples, i. 87;
forms an alliance with Charles VIII.,
i. 109 ; takes shelter in the castle
of S. Angelo, ib. ; refuses to grant
Charles VIII. the investiture of Na
ples, i. 110; his remark on the con
quest of Naples by Charles VIII., i.
116; joins a league against Charles,
i. 120 ; quits Rome on the approach
of Charles, i. 125 ; attacks the Roman
barons, i. 145 ; forms an alliance
with Louis XII., i. 164 ; joins the
league against Naples, i. 177; his
death, i. 187 ; remarks on Ms charac
ter, i. 188.

Alfonso II. of Aragon, Ms patron age o
literature referred to, i. 33 ; succeeds
his father Ferdinand as king of Na
ples, i. 85; prepares to defend himself
against Charles VIII., i. 86 ; sends ap
plication for aid to Bajazet, ib.; his con
ference with Alexander VI., i. 87 ; his
unsuccessful expedition against Ge
noa, i. 88 ; relinquishes his crown to
his son Ferdinand, i. Ill ; takes shel
ter in a convent at Messina, i. 118;
dies, i. 140.

Alfonso of Aragon, married to Lucrezia
Borgia, i. 156.

Alfonso I., duke of Ferrara, succeeds his
father Ercole, i. 210; possesses him
self of the district of Este, &c., i. 220;
defeats the Venetians on the Fo, i.
234 ; contributes to the victory of the
French at Ravenna, i. 253 ; detained
at Rome by Julius II., i. 268 ; effects

INDEX.

515

\ his escape by the aid of the nobles of
I the Colonna family, i. 269 ; sends
I Ariosto as his ambassador to Rome,
. ib. ; assists at the coronation of Leo

X., i. 294; joins Francis I. against
; Leo. X. and the emperor, ii. 366 ; is
! attacked by the allied army, ii. 369.
lAlibiiso, son of Emanuel, king of 1'or-
! tugal, nominated a cardinal by Leo X.,

ii. 7!>.

i.Uidosio, Francesco, cardinal of Pavia,
i defends Bologna for Julius II., i. 240;
i assassinated at Ravenna, by the duke
! of Urbino, i. 241.

i.Vltilio, Gabriele, bishop of Polycastro, a
i Neapolitan poet, i. 42.
iAlviano, Bartolommeo d', defeats the
i troops of Alexander VI., i. 145 ; de-
I feats the emperor elect Maximilian,
I i. 222; his opinion on the defence of
| the Venetian state, i. 227; defeated
| and made prisoner by Louis XII., i.
i 228; restored to liberty, i. 301 ; cap-

• tures Cremona, Bergamo, and Brescia,
i i. 305 ; defends Padua against the
; allies, i. 310; defeated at the battle
i of Vicenza, ib. ; retires to the Brentel

• before Cardona, ii. 15 ; his rapid
! march to join the French, ii. 22 ; en
gaged in the battle of Marignano, ii.

i 25; his death and character, ii. 30.
jAmbrogio, Teseo, professor of the eastern
j tongues in Bologna, i. 355 ; his intro-
i duction to the Chaldean and other

languages, i. 356.
\mmonio, Andrea, the pope's collector

in England, i. 369.

i\ncient classic writings, early transla-
! tions of, ii. 134.

Yngeriano, Girolamo, a Neapolitan poet,
j i. 42.

Anjou, family of, its claims to the crown
1 of Naples, i. 73.

Aniso, Giovanni, called Janus Anysius,
j mention of, i. 41.
jVnna, of Bretagne, married to Charles

VIII., i. 78.

; Viitiquario, Giacopo, a distinguished
', scholar, i. 53.

Antiques, the research of them encou-
: raged by Leo X., ii. 311.
|\quila, Serafinod", an Italian poet, i. 32.
i \ragon, family of, its claims to the
: crown of Naples, i. 73.

; Isabella of, duchess of Milan,

I characterized, i. 08,

Aragona, Tullia d', an Italian poetess, ii.
129.

Aretiuo, Pietro, account of his life and
writings, ii. 272.

Ariosto, Loclovico, his early writings, i.
46 ; ambassador from the duke of
Ferrara to Julius II., i. 209 ; visits
Leo X. at Rome, ii. 120 ; his apologue
respecting Leo X., ii. 121 ; obtains a
papal bull for the publication of his
poem, ii. 122 ; repairs to Florence, ii.
123 ; is deprived of his stipend by the
cardinal Ippolito d' Este, ii. 124;
establishes his residence in Ferrara,
ib. ; effects of liis writings on the state
of Europe, ib.

Aristotle, effect of his writings, ii. 246 ;
commentaries on his works, ii. 247.

Armellini, Francesco, raised by Leo X.
to the rank of cardinal, ii. 79.

Arrivabene, Giampietro, his ' Goiizagi-
dos,' i. 49.

Arsilli, Francesco, his poem ' De Poetis
Urbanis,' ii. 184.

Arts, their revival in modern times, ii.
310 ; their most flourishing period, ii.
316 ; Roman school of, ii. 337.

Aubigny, Edouard d', general to Charles
VIII., sent envoy to Rome, i. 81 ; en
ters Romagna at the head of the
French army, i. 89 ; compels the duke
of Calabria to retreat, i. 99 ; appointed
grand constable of Naples,!. 124; de
feats Gonsalvo, i. 135 ; retires to
France, i. 137 ; defeated in Calabria
by Cardona, i. 195.

Aubusson, Pierre d', surrenders Zizim

to the pope,i. 27.
I Augurelli, Giovanni Aurelio, ii. 148 ; his

Chrysopoeia, ii. 149.

i Avalos, Alfonso d', marquis of Pescara,
defends the Castel-nuovo at Naples
against Charles VIII., i. 115.

Costanza d', an Italian poetess,

ii. 129.

1 Ferdinando d', marquis of Pescara

commands the light infantry at the
battle of Ravenna, i. 252; leads the
attack at the battle of Vicenza, i.
315; his death, ii. 127.

BAGSACAVAILO, Bartolommeo da, as
sists Eaffaello in painting the Vati
can, ii. 339.

J Bajazet, the Turkish emperor, his con
duct towards his brother Zizim, i. 28 ;

L2

516

INDEX.

his correspondence with Alexander

VI. i. 109.
Baldini, Baccio, an early engraver on

copper, ii. 352.

Bambridge, Christopher, cardinal arch
bishop of York, poisoned by his stew
ard at Rome, i. 368.
Bandello, Matteo, account of his life and

novels, ii. 271.
Bandinelli. Baccio, ii. 348 ; erects the

monument of Leo X., ii. 374.
Baraballo di Gaeta, a pretender to Latin \

poetry, ii. 181 ; his burlesque triumph i

at Rome, ib.

Barletta, the fight of, i. 1 94.
Battiferra, Laura, an Italian poetess, ii. i

120.
Bayard, Chevalier de, knights Francis I. '

after the battle of Marignano, ii. 25.
Beazzano, Agostino, accompanies Bern- '

boon his embassy to Venice, i. 384 ; j

account of hig life and writings, ii.

117.
Belgioioso, count of, sent by Lodovico

Sforza to invite Charles VIII. into

Italy, i. 70 ; i. 73.
Bellincione, Bernardo, a Florentine poet, ;

Bembo, Pietro, afterwards cardinal, his
rivalship with Sanazzaro, i. 37 ; his
letter to Julius II. on the revival of
short-hand writing, i. 285 ; appointed
pontifical secretary by Leo X., i. 299 ;
dispatched by Leo X. as legate to Ve
nice, i. 382 : his proposto to the se
nate, ib. ; fails in the object of his mis
sion, i. 384 ; historical mistakes re
specting it, i. 385 ; account of his life
and writings, ii. 114 ; character of his
Latin works, ii. 147; his valuable
library, ii. 290.

Bentivoglio, Giovanni, lord of Bologna,
his patronage of literature, i. 54 ; his
reception of the fugitive Medici, i. 101:
expelled from Bologna by Julius II.,
i. 214.

Annibnle and Hermes, restored

to Bologna by the French, i. 240.

Benigno, Cornelio, of Viterbo, edits the
works of Pindar at Rome, i. 345.

Benzio, Trifone, an Italian poet, ii. 172.

Bernaudo, Bernardo, sent ambassador to
the king of Spain, i. 119.

Berni, Francesco, his version of the
Orlando Innamorato, i. 45 ; account
of his life and writings, ii. 130; his

Orlando Innamorato, ii. 132; his
satirical sonnet against Pietro Are-
tino, ii. 27G.

Beroaldo, Filippo, the younger, edits s
more complete edition of the works of
Tacitus, i. 353 ; account of his life and
writings, ii. 282.

Bibbiena, Bernardo da, directs the riper
studies of Leo X., i. 18 ; promotes the
election of Leo X., i. 291 ; raised to
the rank of cardinal, i. 317; his confi
dential letter to Giuliano de' Medici,
ii. 7 ; legate of Leo X. to France, ii.
190 ; obtains from Francis I. the bish
opric of Constance, ii. 193.

Bigio, Francia, a painter employed by
Leo X., ii. 349.

Bini, Gian-Francesco, cultivate? th&
Poesia Bernesca, ii. 131.

Blob, treaty of, between the Venetians
and Louis XII., i. 301.

Boccaccio, Giovanni, effects of his writ
ings, ii. 85.

Bocchi, Achilles, called Philerote, ii. 172.

Bodenstein, Andrew, called Carlstadt,
his public disputation at Leipsic, ii.
211.

Bojardo, Matteo Maria, count of Scan-
diano, account of him, i. 45 ; his Or
lando Innamorato, ib. ; his Amores
and other writings, ib.

Bologna, state of, in 1492, i. 54; re
stored to the Roman see, i. 206.

Bolzano, Fra Urbano, of Belluno, his
services to literature, i. 351.

Bonasone, Giulio, an eminent engraver
on copper, ii. 353.

Borgia, Cesare, receives a grant from
Alfonso of Naples, i. 8G ; accompa
nies Charles VIII. on his expedition
against Naples, i. 109 ; returns to
Rome secretly, i. 113 ; accused of the
murder of his brother, i. 147 ; his em
bassy to Louis XII., i. 156; created
due de Valentinois, ib. ; marries Car-
lotta, daughter of Alan d'Albret, i.
164 ; attacks the cities of Romagna,
i. 168 ; perseveres in his attempts
against the states of Italy, i. 172 ; pro
mises to restore the Medici to Flo
rence, i. 173; turns his arms against
the Florentine state, i. 174; is ap
pointed condottiero to the republic,
ib. ; captures L'rbino and other states
of Italy, i. 180 ; forms an alliance with
Louis XII., i. 182 ; the princes of

INDEX.

517

I Italy oppose him, ib. ; puts several of
them treacherously to death at Sini- I

I jraglia, i. 186; seizes on their territo- |

i ries.i. 1ST; aspires to the title of king |
of Uomagna and Umbria, ib. ; com- j

: pelled on tlie death of Alexander VI. i

•' to quit Rome, i. 197 ; attacked by the
Ursini, i. 398; the states of Romagna

i retain their fidelity to him, i. 199 ;

i negotiates with Julius II., i. 201 ; be
trayed by Gonsalvo and sent to Spain,

' i. 20--' ; his death, ib. ; his character,

'•• ib.

i (Borgia, Geoffroi, marries Sancia of Ar-

1 ragon, i. 85.

— Giovanni, created duke of Gau-

dia, i. is 6 ; wounded at the siege of

j Bracciano, i. 145 ; created duke of Be-

I nevento, i. 14t> ; liis death, i. 147 ; par
ticular account of it by Burchard, ib.

Girolamo, a Neapolitan poet,

I i. 42.

Lucre/ia, married to Giovanni

1 Sforza, lord of Pesaro, i. 145 ; man-ies

j Alfonso of Aragon, i. 155.

Roderigo, see Alexander VI.

:5oscoli, Pietro Paolo, conspires against
, the Medici, i. 2 SO ; decapitated, i. 298.
<i5ossi, Donate, an eminent scholar, i. 53.
!5osso, Matteo, his letter describing the
; investiture of Leo X. with the insignia
i of a cardinal, i. 22 ; his moral writings,
! ii. 26-'.
Botticelli, Sandro, his designs for the

edition of Dante, of 1488, ii. 352.
fl'.racciolini, Giovan Francesco, ii. 181.

Foggio, effect of liis writings, ii.

1 86.

ilJramante, employed by Alexander VI.
i as his architect, ii. 315; great works
I executed by him for Julius II., ib. ;
• commences the modem church of S.

Pietro at Rome, ii. 320.
Urandolini, Raffaello, ii. 178.
iBrescia stormed by the French, i. 248.
jBresse, Philippe de, recommends to
; Charles VIII. the restoration of the
i Medici, i. 102.
.Brissouet, bishop of St. Maloes, ap-

pointed a cardinal by Alexander VI.,
I i. 110.
i Rritonio, Girolamo, a pretender to Latin

poetry, ii. 180.
Uuonaccorsi, Filippo, called Callimachus

Experiens, takes refuge in Pol and

i. 31.

Euonaroti, Michelaguolo, visits Vittoria
Colonna in her last moments, ii. 128 ;
quits Florence, ii. 317; employed at
Rome, ib. ; emulation between him
and Lionardo da Vinci, ib.; his colossal
statue of David, ib. ; his cartoon of the
wars of Pisa, ii. 319 ; undertakes the
monument of Julius II., ii. 320 ; his
celebrated statue of Moses, ii. 321 ;
quits the service of Julius II. in dis
gust, ib. ; his reconciliation with Julius
II., ii. 322 ; erects the statue of Julius
II. in Bologna, ii. 323 ; commences
his works in the Capella Sistina, ii.
325 : how far imitated by Rafiaello,
ii. 329 ; employed by Leo X. to re
build the church of San Lorenzo at
Florence, ii. 332 ; designs for Sebas-
tiano del Piornbo in competition with
Raffaello, ii. 342.

Burchard, his account of Giovanni Bor
gia's death, i. 147.

CABOT, Jolin and Sebastian, eminent
navigators, ii. 257.

Calamities in Italy, prognostics of, i. 29.

Calaiidra, La, a comedy, by B. Divizi, i.
18.

Calcagnini, Celio, his work, in 1534, oil
the motion of the earth, ii. 254 ; ac
count of his life and writings, ii. 305.

Calchi.Bartolommeo, an eminent scholar,
i. 53.

Calendar, attempts towards correcting
it, ii. 255.

Calliergo, Zaccaria, a Greek printer at
Rome, i. 345.

Camaldoli, Monastery of, Leo's con
nexion with it, i. 20.

Cambray, League of, i. 223.

Camerino taken possession of by Caesar
Borgia, i. 180.

Camerti, Varino, called Phavorinus, i.
346'; his ' Thesaurus Cornucopias' ib. ;
appointed librarian to the Medici
family, and bishop of Xocera, i. 347 ;
his Apothegms, i. 348 ; his Greek
dictionary, under the name of Phavo
rinus, ib.

Camillus, Triumph of, represented at
Florence, i. 374.

Campeggio, Lorenzo, nominated a Car
dinal by Leo X., ii. 78; legate from
Leo X. to Henry VIII., ii. 190.
Campson, sultan of Egypt, defeated by
Selhn, emperor of the Turks, ii. 188.

518

INDEX.

Canossa, Lodovico, bishop of Tricarica,
legate from Leo X. to France and
England, i. 366 ; his singular inter
view with Erasmus in London, i. 370 ;
appointed by Francis I. bishop of
Bayeux, i. 371 ; his observation on
the conduct of Leo X., ii. 203.

Capilupi, Lclio, Ippolito, and Camillo,
Latin poets, ii. 172.

Capponi, Agostino, conspires against the
Medici, i. 280 ; decapitated, i. 298.

Piero, his courageous opposition

to Charles VII., i. 103.

Capua taken by the French, i. 177.

Caravaggio, rolidoro da, an eminent
painter, ii. 339.

Cardinals, College of, its composition on
the accession to it of Leo, i. 25.

thirty -one created in one day by

Leo X., ii. 77.

Cardona, Don Kaimondo, viceroy of
Naples, his slow operations against
Bologna, i. 246 ; commands the Spa
nish troops at the battle of Ravenna.
i. 251 ; assists the Medici to regain
the city of Florence, i. 271 ; attacks
Padua, i. 315 ; commands the Spanish
troops against Francis I., ii. 15 ; his
indecisive opposition to the French,
ii. 23.

Cariteo, a Neapolitan poet, account of,
i. 38.

Carlstadt, see Bodenstein.

Carvajal, Bernardo, cardinal, chief of the
council of Pisa, i. 242 ; restored to his
rank by Leo X., i. 324; performs di
vine service on the termination of the
council of the Lateran, ii. 84.

Casa, Giovanni della, archbishop of
Beneveiito, a licentious writer, ii.
132.

Castagno, Cristoforo, his project to as
sassinate /.izim, i. 28.

Castiglione, Baldassare, account of his
life, ii. 265 ; his Libro del Cortegiano,
ii. 269 ; his verses on the statue of
Cleopatra, ii. 312.

Cavanilla, Trojano, count of Troja, ac
count of, i. 40.

Cccco d'Ascoli, see Stabili/

Cento Novelle Antiche, ii. 270.

Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, ib.

Ceri, Eenzo da, commands in the for
tress of Crema, ii. 13 ; employed
against the duke of Urbino by Leo X.,
ii. 54.

Cesarini, Alessandro, bishop of Pistoja,
appointed a cardinal by Leo X., ii. 76.

Cesio, Paulo-Emilio, raised to the rank
of cardinal by Leo X., ii. 79.

Chalcondyles, Demetrius, instructs Lw
X. in Greek, i. 18.

Charles VIII. of France, invited by Lu-
dovico Sforza to attack the kingdom
of Naples, i. 70 ; resolves to under
take the enterprise, i. 73 ; his cha
racter, ib. ; prepares for his expe
dition, i. 76 ; accommodates his dif
ferences with Ferdinand king of .Spain,.
i. 77 ; and with the emperor elect
Maximilian, i. 78 ; negotiates with the
Florentines for their assistance, ib. ;
dismisses the Florentine ambassadors
in displeasure, i. 81 ; is encouraged by
the duke of Ferrara, i. 82 ; his inde
cision, ib. ; engages Italian stipen
diaries, i. 87 ; passes the Alps, i. 91;
is detained by sickness at Asti, i. 94 ;
his interview at Pa via with Gian-
Galeazzo-Sforza, duke of Milan, ib. ;
hesitates as to the prosecution of his
enterprise, i. 92 ; determines to pro
ceed by way of Florence to Kome,
i. 93 ; prevails on Piero de' Medici to
surrender to him the fortresses of
Tuscany, i. 90 ; enters the city of
Florence, i. 100 ; intends to reinstate
the Medici, i. 102 ; concludes a treaty
with the Florentines, i. 104 ; enters
the states of the church, i. 105 ; forms
an alliance with Alexander VI., i.
109 ; exercises supreme authority in
Kome, i. 110; proceeds towards Na
ples, i. 113 ; enters the city of Naples
as sovereign, i. 115 ; liis conduct
there, i. 117 ; league among the states
of Italy to oppose his return, i. 120;
gives great dissatisfaction to the Nea
politans, i. 121 ; his coronation, i. 122 ;
resolves to return to France ; impolicy
of the determination, i. 124 ; proceeds
through the Roman territories, i. 125 ;
arrives at Viterbo, ib. : arrives at
Siena, i. 126 ; Ins interview with Sa
vonarola at Poggibonza, i. 127 ; his
fleet defeated at Rapallo, i. 129; his
troops massacre the inhabitants of
Pontremoli, ib. ; he passes the Apen
nines, i. 130 ; is opposed by the allied
army under the marquis of Mantua,
i. 131; prepares for engagement, i.
132 ; his gallant conduct, i. 133 ; ef-

INDEX.

519

fects the passage of the Taro, ib. ;
returns to France, i. 138 ; observations

• upon his expedition to Naples, ib. ;
his death, i. 155.

, Charles, Archduke of Austria, after
wards Charles V., assumes the go
vernment of the Netherlands, ii. 3.

Charles V., having succeeded to the

, crown of Spain, forms the treaty of

; Nbyon with Francis I., ii. 59 ; endea
vours to obtain the title of king of

I the Romans and the investiture of

: Naples, ii. 19G; contends for the im-

i perial crown, ii. 199 ; elected em
peror, ii. 201; summons Luther to
attend the diet of the empire, ii. 224;
declares his opinion of Luther in
writing, ii. 229 ; issues an imperial
decree against him, ii. 232 ; unites
with Leo X. in restoring the family
of S for/a to Milan, ii. 361.

Charles III., duke of Savoy, endeavours
to reconcile Francis I. and the Swiss,
ii. 19.

i Cliisi, Agostiiio, a merchant at Rome,
celebrates the election of Leo X., i.
296 ; publishes the first Greek books
at Rome, i. 341 ; employs Raffaelloto
decorate liis palace, now called the
Farnesina, ii. 336.

Cibo, Francesco, marries Maddalena de'
Medici, i. 10 ; sells his territorial pos
sessions, i. 70.

Innocenzio, nephew of Leo X.,

raised to the rank of cardinal, i. 317.

Cieco, Francesco, his poem of Mam-
briano, i. 47.

Cinthio da Tivoli, envoy of Leo X. to
Louis XII., i. 303.

Clergy, their misconduct arraigned by
the early promoters of literature, ii.85.

Coccajo, Merlino, see Folengi.

Colocci, Angelo, his celebrated collection
of Antiques, ii. 313.

Colombo, Cristoforo, or Columbus, ii.
256.

Colonna, Fabrizio, commands the Italian
troops at the battle of Ravenna, i.
252 ; made prisoner, i. 253 ; assists in
releasing the duke of Ferrara from
Rome, i. 268.

Marc- Antonio, defends Ravenna

against de Foix, i. 251 ; assists in
liberating the duke of Ferrara,!. 268 ;
defends Verona against the French
and Venetians, ii. 57.

Colonna Pompejo, nominated a cardinal
by Leo X., ii. 79.

Prospero, conveys Caesar Borgia

to Spain, i. 202; defeats d' Alviano at
the battle of Vicenza, i. 315 ; opposes
the French in the Milanese, ii. 15 ;
surprised and made prisoner by the
French, ii. 17 ; commands the allied
army against Milan, ii, 3G4; attacks
the city of Panna, ii. 365 ; passes the
Adda, ii. 367 ; captures Milan, ii. 369;
attacks the duke of Ferrara, ib.

Vittoria, account of her life and

writings, ii. 128.

Combat of thirteen French and thirteen
Italian soldiers, i. 194.

Comiues, Philippe de, his character of
Charles VIII., i. 82 ; his interview
with Charles at Siena, i. 126 ; nego
tiates on the part of Charles previous
to the battle of the Taro, i. 131.

Conspiracy of the cardinals to poison
Leo X., ii. 69 ; observations thereon,
ii. 74.

Constantino, his supposed donation to
the church, i. 4.

Conti, Francesco de', appointed a car
dinal by Leo X., ii. 79.

Coutucci, Andrea Sansovino, his cele
brated group of St. Anne, ii. 183 ;
employed as a sculptor by Leo X.,
ii. 348.

Corbey, treaty of, i. 325.

Cornazzano, Antonio, an Italian poet at
Milan, i. 53.

Corneto, Cardinal Adrian di, a party in
the conspiracy against Leo X., ii. 73.

Cortese, Paolo, his promotion of litera
ture at Rome, i. 31.

Corvino, Massimo, bishop of Massa,
i. 42.

Cosmico, Nicolo Lelio, a Latin poet,
i. 47.

Cotta, Giovanni, a Latin poet, i. 42.

Coryciana, a collection of Latin poems
by Roman anthors, in the time of
Leo X., ii. 183.

Corycius, Janus, see Gorizio.

Crinitus, Petrus, see Ricci.

Cuhna, Tristano, ambassador from the
king of Portugal to Leo X., i. 359.

Cupi, Giovanni de', appointed a cardinal
by Leo X., ii. 78.

DANTE, satirizes the Roman church,
ii. 85.

520

INDEX.

Decio, Filippo, delivers instructions in

the Academy of Pisa to Leo X., i. 20.
Delfinio, Pietro, one of the instructors

of Leo X., ib.

Despotism, its character in 1175, i. 2.
Dijon, treaty of, i. 314.
Dioscorides, his works published, ii. 261.
Discoveries in the East and West Indies,

ii. 250; consequences thereof, ii. 258.
Dominion, observations on the object of,

i. 75.

Donatello, his figure of Judith, i. 98.
Dovizi, Bernardo, account of, i. 18.
Dulciatus, Antonius, inscribes to Leo X.

his treatise De Kalendarii Correc-

tioue, ii. 255.

ECK, JOHN, animadverts on the propo
sitions of Luther, ii. 95 ; intrusted
with the execution of the papal bull,
condemning the doctrines of Luther,
ii. 218.

Ecus, L', a French general, made pri
soner by Guicciardini at Reggio, ii.
362.

Egidio of Viterbo, an Italian poet, i. 42 ;
raised by Leo X. to the rank of car
dinal, ii. 77; cardinal legate from
Leo X. to Spain, ii. 190.

Eliseo, Giovanni, called Elysius Calen-
tius, i. 42.

Emanuel, king of Portugal, sends a
splendid embassy to Leo X., i. 359.

Engraving on copper, its origin and
progress, ii. 352.

Entraigues, D', appointed governor of
the citadel of Pisa, i. 128 ; sells it to
the inhabitants, i. 141.

Erasmus, Desiderius, his interview with
Canossa, the pope's legate in London,
i. 370 ; his account of a singular ser
mon delivered before Julius II., ii.
88 ; favours the cause of Luther, ii.
104 ; engages in the discussion of the
questions agitated at Leipsic, ii. 211 ;
his opinion respecting picturesque
representations in places of worship,
ii. 242 ; friendly correspondence with
Leo X., ii. 388.

Ercole d'Este, duke of Ferrara, a pro
moter of literature, i. "43 ; translates
the Menaechmus of Plautus, ib. ; en
courages Charles VIII. to attack
Naples, i. 82 ; appointed umpire be
tween the inhabitants of Florence
and Pisa, i. 158; dies, i. 210.

Este, tragical event in the family of,
i. 211.

Ferdinando d', remains fifty -four

years in prison, ib.

Giulio, imprisoned for life, ib.

Etching on copper invented, ii. 354.

Europe, political system of, in 1475, i.
1, '2 ; pacification of, ii. 57 ; princes
of, their ambition for the pontifical
chair, i. 7.

FAENZA taken by Caesar Borgia, i. 172.

Faerno, Gabriello, his Latin fables, ii.
172.

Farnese, Alessandro, legate from Leo X.
to the emperor elect Maximilian, ii.
190 ; his improvements in the vicinity
of the lake of Bolsena, ii. 498.

Fascitello, Onorato, a Latin poet, ii. 172.

Federigo of Aragon, king of Naples, his
interview with Charles VIII., i. 117;
succeeds liis nephew Ferdinand II,
i. 141; his popular government, i.
175 ; attempts to defend his domi
nions against Louis XII., i. 176; is
betrayed by Ferdinand of Spain, i.
177; retires to Ischia, i. 17S; relin
quishes the crown of Naples, ib. ; me
diates between the French and Spa
nish monarchs, i. 204.

Ferdinand 1., king of Naples, his alarm
at the election of Alexander VI., i.
66; forms an alliance with the Flo
rentines, i. 71 ; endeavours to prevail
on Charles VIII. to relinquish his
enterprise, i. 84 ; prepares for his de
fence, ib. ; dies, i. 85.

Ferdinand II. of Naples, opposes the
French in Komagna, i. 89 ; retreats
before D'Aubigny, i. 99 ; assumes the
crown on the resignation of his father
Alfonso, i. 112; preparations for de
fending himself against Charles VIII.,
ib.; retires before the French army,
i. 113 ; releases his subjects from their
oath of fidelity, i. 114; escapes to
Ischia, ib. ; kills Candina, lieutenant
of the castle of Ischia, i. 115 ; refuses
to treat with Charles VIII. for the
surrender of his crown, i. 117; resorts
to the aid of Ferdinand of Spain,
i. 119 ; recovers the kingdom of
Naples, i. 1-30 ; expels the French
from his dominions, i. 137 ; marries
his aunt Joanna, i. 140 ; dies, i. 141.

Ferdinand, king of Spain, agrees with

INDEX.

521

,j Charles VIII. not to interfere in the

! concerns of Naples, i. 77 ; assists Fer-

j <linand II., king of Naples, to expel
the French from his dominions, i. 1 1 « ;

' forms a secret treaty with Louis XII.
tor the partition of the kingdom of
Naples, i. 176; quarrels with Louis
XII. respecting the partition of Na-

1 pies, i. 192 ; expels the French from
Naples, i. 196 ; marries Germaine de
Foix, niece of Louis XII., i. 212 ; visits
his Neapolitan dominions, i. 215 ; joins
Leo X. in the treaty of Mechlin, i.

: 303 ; forms an j'.lliance with Henry
VIII. and the emperor Maximilian
against Francis I., ii. 47 ; his death

i and character, ib.

Fermo, Oliverotto da, put to death by

j Caesar Borgia at Sinigaglia, i. 186.

'Ferrara, literary eminence of, in 1492,

i i. 43.

I , Duke of, encourages Charles

VIII. in his expedition, i. 82.

iFerreri, Bonifazio, appointed a cardinal
by Leo X., ii. 79.

Ficino, Marsilio, appointed a canon of

j Florence, i. 64.

Feramosca, Ettore, one of the com-

: batants of Barletta, i. 195.

Filiberta, of Savoy, aunt of Francis I.,
I marries Giuliano de Medici, ii. 5.

Fiorentina, Giovanni, liis novels, entitled
Pecorone, ii. 270.

Firenzuola, Agnolo, ii. 131.
'Flaminio, Giovan- Antonio, favoured by
; Julius II., i. 284.

Marc-Antonio, an eminent scho

lar of Sicily, i. 42.

• Marc - Antonio, of Serravalle,

account of his life, ii. 168 ; his writings,
ii. 171.

"lodden, battle of, i. 312.

Florentines expel the Medici, i. 97 ; their
treaty with Charles VIII., i. 104 ;
attack Pisa, i. 142 ; form an alliance
-.vith Lodovico Sforza, i. 154 ; recover
the possession of Pisa, i. 234 ; extinc
tion of their popular government, i.
270 ; their splendid pageants, i. 373 ;
state of their government on the death
of Lorenzo, duke of Urbino, ii. 203.

'^oix, Gaston de, relieves Bologna, i. 245 ;
storms the city of Brescia, i. 248 ;
attacks Ravenna, i. 250 ; defeats the
allies before Ravenna, i. 253 ; his
death, i. 254.

Folchi, Giovanni, conspires against the
Medici, i. 280 ; pardoned by Leo X.,
i. 298.

Folengi, Teottlo, called Merlino Coccajo,
ii. 133 ; macaronic poems and other
works, ib.

Fortiguerra, Scipione, called Cartero-
machus, i. 349.

Fracastoro, Girolamo, account of his life,
ii. 158 ; his poem, entitled " Syphilis,"
ii. 160.

France, nobles of, their objection to the
expedition of Charles VIII., i. 75.

Francis I., accession of, to the crown of
France, ii. 2 ; assumes the title of
duke of Milan, ib. ; forms an alli
ance with the" archduke Charles, ii.
3 ; with Henry VIII., ib. ; with the
Venetians, ii. 4 ; prepares to attack
the Milanese, ii. 14 ; arrives at Turin,
ii. 19 ; summons the city of Milan to
surrender, ii. 20 ; ineffectually endea
vours to form an alliance with the
Swiss, ii. 21 ; defeats them at Marig-
uano, ii. 23 ; knighted by the cheva
lier Bayard, ii. 25 ; possesses himself
of the Milanese, ii. 26 ; forms an
alliance with Leo X., ii. 27 ; receives
at Milan an embassy from the Vene
tians, ii. 29 ; interview with Leo X.
at Bologna, ii. 37 ; abolishes the Prag
matic Sanction, and concludes the
Concordat with Leo X., ii. 42 ; forms
designs upon the kingdom of Naples,
ii. 49 ; suspects Leo X. of insincerity,
ii. 51 ; endeavours to gain him over,
ii. 58 ; joins in the treaty of Noyon,
ii. 59 ; opposes the projects of Charles
of Spain, ii. 197 ; contends with him
for the imperial crown, ii. 199 ; pre
pares to defend his Italian posses
sions, ii. 364 ; divested of the Milanese
by Charles V. and Leo X., ii. 369.

Franco, Niccolo, writes against Pietro
Aretino, ii. 276.

Frederick, elector of Saxony, favours
Luther, ii. 97 ; endeavours to obtain
a hearing of Ms cause in Germany, ii.
98 ; refuses to condemn Luther, ii.
103 ; receives from Leo X. the con
secrated rose, ii. 210.

Fregoso, Antonio, called Phileremo, an.
Italian poet, i. 53.

Fregoso, Giano, escapes from Genoa, i.
305.

Ottaviano, brings to Rome the

522

INDEX.

first intelligence of the battle of Ra
venna, i. 256.

Fregoso, Ottaviano, doge of Genoa, as
sumes the title of governor for the
king of France, ii. 12 ; vindicates
himself to Leo X., ib. ; surrenders
Genoa to the French, ii. 16.

Fumani, Adamo, a Latin poet, ii. 173.

GALATEO, Antonio, an eminent physi
cian, i. 42.

Gama, Vasco di, his discoveries cele
brated at Rome, i. 359.

Gambara, Veronica, account of her life
and writings, ii. 128.

Gazoldo, Giovanni, poet and buffoon, ii.
180.

George, duke of Saxony, attends the
disputes of Luther and his adversaries
at Leipsic, ii. 211.

Ghiaradadda, battle of, i. 228.

Ghiberti, Giammatteo, bishop of Ve
rona, his patronage of Flaminio, ii.
170 ; an opponent to Pietro Aretino,
ii. 275.

Giovio, Paullo, called Paullus Jovius,
his vindication of Gonsalvo, i. 216 ;
his treatise De Piscibus Romanis, ii.
261 ; his favourable reception by
Leo X. at Rome, ii. 300 ; his histori
cal writings, ii. 301.

Giustiniani, Agostino, publishes a poly
glot edition of the Psalter, i. 356.

Gonzaga, family of, their patronage of
literature, i. 47.

Federigo, marquis of Mantua,

appointed by Leo X., captain-general
of the church, ii. 363.

-, lord of Bozzolo, re

ceives Leo as prisoner, i. 255 ; joins
the French in the defence of Milan,
ii. 362.

Francesco, marquis of Mantua,

his cultivation of literature, i. 49 ;
commands the allied army of Italy
against Charles VIII., i. 131 ; opposes
his passage of the Taro, i. 132 ; high
commendations of him, i. 135 ; ap
pointed captain-general of the church,
i. 214 ; taken prisoner by the Vene-.
tians, i. 232.

Lodovico, protects the poet

Cosmico, i. 47.

Isabella, her elegant tastes, i. 49.

Ridolfo, a commander at the

battle of the Taro, i. 131 ; killed,!. 13S.

Gorizio, Giovanni, called Janus Cory-
cius, a patron of learning at Rome,
ii. 182,

Granacci, Francesco, employed in pre
paring the splendid exhibitions at
Florence, i. 372.

Granada, conquest of, from the Moors,
celebrated throughout Christendom,
i. 35.

Gravina, Pietro, a Latin poet, i. 42.

Gradius, Nicolas, of Rohan, a Neapo
litan Academician, i. 43.

Grimani, Cardinal, his library at Rome,
ii. 289.

Guicciardini, Francesco, his character of
Alexander VI., i. 66 ; his history of
Italy, ii. 297 ; makes the French
general L'Ecus a prisoner at Reggio, ii.
362 ; appointed by Leo X., commis
sary-general of the papal army,ii. 364.
Pietro, envoy from Florence

to congratulate Leo X., i. 297.

Guidacerio, Agacio, dedicates his Hebrew
Grammar to Leo X., i. 356.

Gurck, Matteo Langi, Cardinal of, im
perial ambassador to Leo X., i. 316 ;
his ambition and avarice, i. 378.

Gyraldi, Lilio Gregorio, account of his
life and writings, ii. 307.

Giovambattista Cynthio, ii. 309,

HENRY VIII., king of England, joins
with Julius II. and Ferdinand of
Spain against Louis XII., i. 250;
unites with Leo X. in the treaty of
Mechlin, i. 303 ; subsidises the em
peror elect, Maximilian, i. 304; in
vades France, i. 310; defeats the
French at the battle of the Spurs, ib. ;
captures Tournay, and appoints Wol-
sey bishop of that see, i. 311 ; cap
tures Terouenne, and gives it to the
emperor elect, Maximilian, ib. ; re
ceives a congratulatory letter on his
victories from Leo X., i. 312 ; returns
to England, i. 314 ; forms an alliance
with Louis XII., i. 364 ; agrees to
give his sister Mary in marriage to
the French king, i. 3C7 ; enters into
an alliance with Francis I., ii. 3 ; ad
monishes him not to disturb the peace
of Christendom, ii. 1C ; joins the al
liance against Francis I., ii. 47 ; forms
the treaty of London with the emperor
elect, Maximilian, and Leo X., ii. 60 ;
writes liis vindication of the seven

INDEX.

523

i sacraments against Luther, ii. 233 ;

is honoured by Leo X. with the title
: of Defender of the Faith, ib. ; sends

Aretino 300 gold crowns, ii. 274.
iistoriausin the time of Leo X.,ii. 290.
'loly League, the first, formed against
j Charles VIII., i, 120.

TACOBATIO, DOMEMCO, appointed a

: cardinal by Leo X., ii. 78.

(Fames IV. king of Scotland, threatens

j Henry VIII., i. 311 ; enters England

' in great force, ib. ; is defeated and
-lain at the battle of Flodden, i. 312.

'.nprhirami Tomaso Fcdro, librarian of
the Vatican, ii. 281.

*; innocent A'HI., elected pope, i. 10 ;

[1 appoints Giovanni de' Medici, after
wards Leo X., a cardinal, i. 13 ; re-

; reives him into the college, i. 22 ; his
death and character, i. 64.

Jovius Paullus, see Giovio.

-talian poets in the time of Leo X., ii.
110; general classification of them,

| ii. 143.

[!:taly, its tranquillity in 1475, i. 2 ; princes

:; of, in 1475, ib. ; great families of,

; their rise, i. 5 ; luxurious refinement

I of, about 1492, 51.

il Jubilee, year of, celebrated, i. 2.

Tulius II., (Ginliano della Rovere,)

i characterized, _ i. 26; quits Rome

.'! on the election of Alexander VI.,
i. f',1 ; his interview with the Car-

i! dinal dc Medici at Savona, i. 166 ;

\\ elected pope, i. 199 ; his treaty with

•I Caesar Borgia, i. 200 ; attempts to
divest Borgia of his territories, ib.;

ii seizes the cities of Perugia and Bo-

; logna, i. 213 ; joins in the league of
Cambray, i. 224 ; excommunicates
the Venetians, i. 227; deserts his
allies, and forms an alliance with the
Venetians, i. 235 ; excommunicates
the duke of Ferrara, i. 236 ; is be
sieged in Bologna, i. 237 ; captures Mi-
randola, i. 239 ; restores it to Giovan-
Francesco Pico, ib. ; loses the city of
Bologna, i. 240 ; his statue by Michel-
agnolo destroyed, ib. ; unites with
Ferdinand of Spain and Henry VIII.
in the holy league, i. 213; determines
to restore the Medici to Florence, i,
244 ; opens the council of the Late-
ran, i. 259; deceives Louis XII.,
i. 261 ; recovers Bologna, i. 2C6 ;

his treacherous conduct to the duke of
Ferrara, i. 2C7 ; threatens to have the
poet Ariosto thrown into the sea, i.
269 ; his death, i. 280 ; his character
and conduct considered, i. 281 ; library
formed by liim, i. 284 ; letter to him
from Pietro Bembo, i. -'85 ; his en
couragement of the arts, ii. 318 ; un
dertakes to rebuild the church of S.
Pietro, ii. 321 ; his monument by
Michelagnolo, ib. ; and statue, 323.
Justiniano, Paullo, an early instructor
of Leo X., i. 20.

I L-^TUS, Pomponius, an eminent scholar

at Rome, i. 30.
Lampridio, Benedetto, a Latin poet, ii.

172.

Lanfredini, Giovanni, Florentine envoy
at Rome, i. 11.

i Laocoon, groupof the, discovered, ii. 312.

i Lapi, Basilio, dedicates to Leo X. his
treatise, De a?tatum computatione, ii.
255.

i Lascaris Giovanni, employed by Leo X.
in the promotion of Greek literature,
i. 332 ; appointed to superintend the
Greek press at Rome, i. 343.
Lateran, council of, opened by Julius II.,
i. 259 ; its sittings renewed by Leo X.,
i. 316 ; its termination, ii. 84.
Latin poetry, its progressive improve
ment, ii. 145 ; urbanity of Latin
writers in the time of Leo X., ii. 173 ;
particularly cultivated at Rome, ii.
174 ; extemporary Latin poets, ii. 178.
Laurentian library, its establishment and

vicissitudes, ii. 179.

Leo the Tenth (Giovanni de' Medici),
bom, i. 1 ; prognostics respecting him,
i. 2 ; destined to the church, i. 7 ; re
ceives the Tonsura, i. 8 ; appointed
by Louis XI. abbot of Fonte dolce,
ib. ; appointed abbot of Passignano
by Sixtus IV., ib. ; his numerous
church preferments, i. 11 ; raised to
the rank of a cardinal, i. 13 ; his
education, and early conversancy with
literature, i. 17 ; causes of the defects
in his character, i. 19 ; repairs to the
academy of Pisa, i. 20 ; receives the
insignia of a cardinal, i. 22 ; quits
Florence to reside at Rome, i. 23 ; his
entry, and reception at Rome, i. 2 4 ;
appointed legate of the patrimony
and of Tuscany, i. 64 ; visits Florence;

524

INDEX.

his conduct there, ib. ; returns to
Rome on the death of Innocent VIII.,
ib. ; retires again to Florence on the
election of Alexander VI., i. 67 ; ex
pelled the city of Florence with his
brothers, i. 1)7 ; escapes to Bologna,
i. 98; retires to Castello, i. 102 ; quits
Italy and travels through Europe, i.
165 ; his interview with the cardinal
Giuliano della Rovere at Savona, i.
166; returns to Rome, i. 170; his
moderation and prudence, i. 206 ; his
difficulties and embarrassments, i. 209 ;
appointed to the chief direction of the
papal troops, i. 244; diifers in opinion
with the Spanish generals, i. 246;
legate of the church at the battle of
Ravenna, i. 251 ; made a prisoner, i.
205 ; delivered up to the custody of
the cardinal Sanseverino, ib. ; dis
patches Giulio de' Medici to Rome, i.
256 ; conveyed to Milan, i. 257 ; ab
solves his enemies, i. 258 ; effects his
escape, i. 264 ; attempts by the aid of
the Spanish troops to regain the city
of Florence, i. 271 ; endeavours to pre
serve from pillage the inhabitants of
Prato, i. 273 ; restored to Florence, i.
275; returns to Home on the death
of Julius II., i. 288 ; elected pope, i.
290 ; assumes the name of Leo the
Tenth, ib. ; motives of the choice of
the college, ib.; reasons for his as
suming the name of Leo X., i. 292 ;
his coronation, ib. ; splendid proces
sion to the Laterau, i. 294; pardons
the conspirators at Florence,!. 298;
favours the family of Soderini, ib. ;
recalls Piero Sodermi, late Gonfalo-
niere, from exile, ib. ; appoints Bembo
and Sacloleti pontifical secretaries, i.
299; resolves to establish the peace
of Europe, ib. ; endeavours to dissuade
Louis XII. from attacking Milan, i.
302 ; opposes his attempt upon Italy,
i. 303 ; forms the treaty of Mechlin,
ib. ; subsidizes the Swiss, i. 305; re
commends lenient measures to his
allies,!. 309; his congratulatory letter
to Henry VIII., i. 312 ; appointed to
decide the differences between the
Venetians and the emperor elect,
Maximilian, i. 316; renews the sit
tings of the Lateran council, ib. ; no
minates four cardinals, i. -317; pardons
the cardinals who had adhered to the

council of Pisa, i. 321; receives the
humiliation of Louis XII., i. ^26;
high expectations formed of his pon
tificate, i. 329; restores the Gym
nasium, or Roman academy, i. 330;
encourages the study of the Greek
language, i. 332 ; his letter to Musurus,
i. 334; founds the Greek institute at
Home, ib. ; address to him in Greek
verse, prefixed by Musurus to his first
edition of Plato, i. 335 ; appoints
Musurus archbishop of Malvasia, i.
339 ; dedication to him by Aldo Ma-
nuzio, of the works of Plato, i. 340 ;
grants to Aldo a pontifical privilege,
i. 342 ; establishes a Greek press at
Rome, i. 343 ; obtains and publishes
a more complete copy of the works of
Tacitus, i. 353 ; encourages the study
of Oriental literature, i. 355 ; directs
the translation of the scriptures by
Pagnini to be published at his ex
pense, i. 356 ; encourages researches
for eastern manuscripts, ib. ; orders
public thanksgivings for the success
of the Christians arms, i. 359 ; re
ceives a splendid embassy from the
long of Portugal, ib. ; confers on him
the consecrated rose, 300 ; grants
him the newly discovered countries,
i. 362 ; endeavours to prevent the alli
ance of France, Spain, and Austria, i.
363; attempts to reconcile the French
and English sovereigns, i. 364 ; forms
designs upon the kingdom of Naples,
i. 378 ; enters into a secret alliance
with Louis XII., i. 379; his motives
for such measure, i. 380 ; possesses
himself of the city of Modena, i. 381 ;
endeavours to reconcile the Venetians
with the king of Spain and the em
peror, i. 382 ; dispatches Bembo as
his legate to Venice, ib. ; endeavours
to maintain his neutrality in the con
tests respecting Milan, ii. 4 ; com
pelled by Francis I. to take a decided
part, he accedes to the league against
France, ii. 11; relaxes in his opposi
tion to Francis I., ii. 18 ; forms an
alliance with him ii. 27 ; visits Flo
rence, ii. 33 ; his splendid procession,
ii. 34; visits the tomb of his father,
ii. 36 ; arrives at Bologna, ib. ; his
interview there with Francis I., ii. 37;
particular occurrences on that occa
sion, ii. 39; abolishes the Pragmatic

INDEX.

525

Sanction, ii. 42 ; concludes the Con
cordat with Francis I., ib. ; returns to
Florence, ii. 43 ; expels Borghcse Pe-
trucci from Siena, ii. 44 ; in danger
of being seized on by barbarian cor
sairs, ib; suspected by Francis I. of
having favoured the attempt of the
emperor against Milan, ii. 51 ; forms
designs for the aggrandizement of his
nephew, Lorenzo, ii. 5:2 ; excommuni
cates the duke of Urbino, and expels
him from his dominions, ii. 54 ; in
vests Lorenzo de' Medici with the
duchy of Urbino, ii. 55 ; refuses to
absolve the exiled duke, ii. 56 ; his
aversion to the establishment of a
French government in Italy, ii. 58 ;
attempts to engage the Swiss against
Francis I., ib. ; endeavours to coun
teract the effects of the treaty of
Noyon, ii. 59 ; forms the treaty of
London with Henry VIII. and the
emperor Maximilian, ii. GO ; motives
of Leo X. for opposing the general
pacification, ii. Cl ; requires the aid
of all Christendom against the duke
of Urbino, ii. 62 ; conspiracy by several
of the cardinals to destroy him by
poison, ii. 6 It ; his conduct on this
occasion, ii. 73 ; creates in one day
thirty-one cardinals, ii. 77; establishes
the Koman see in great splendour, ii.
81 ; promotes the happiness of his
subjects, ib. ; his statue erected by the
Citizens of Home, ii. 82 ; promulgates
indulgences for sale in Germany, ii.
91 ; impolicy of this measure, ii. 92 ;
inclined to temperate measures against
Luther, ii. 95 ; exhorted by the em
peror Maximilian to interfere, ii. 97 ;
summons Luther to appear at Rome,
ib. : writes to the elector of Saxony
respecting him, ii. 98 ; consents that
the cause of Luther may be heard in
Germany, ib. ; issues a bull, asserting
the power of the supreme pontiff, ii.
103; encourages men of talents, ii.
109 ; presents the poet Tebaldeo with
500 ducats, ii. Ill; confers on the
poet Bernardo Accolti the duchy of
Nepi, ii. 112; enriches Agostino
Beazzano by church preferments, ii.
117 ; his reception of Ariosto at
Rome, ii. 120 ; grants him a papal
bull for the publication of his poem
of Orlando Furioso, ii. 122 ; appoints

Sadoleti bishop of Carpentras, ii. 146;
presents Augurelli, in return for his
Chrysopoeia, with an empty purse,
ii. 149; requests Sanazzaro to publish
his Latin poem, De partu Virginis, ii.
151; receives Vida with great kind
ness at Rome, ii. 155; suggests to
him the subject of his Christiad, ib ;
commended in the Latin writings of
Fracastoro, ii. 160 ; encourages Marc-
Antonio Flaminio, ii. 168 ; his libe
rality to Guido 1'ostumo Silvestri, a
Latin poet, ii. 176; amuses himself
with the absurdities of pretended
poets, ii. 181 ; endeavours to unite
the Christian princes in a league
against the Turks, ii. 189 ; publishes
a general truce for five years, ii. 190 ;
forms the plan of an attack upon the
Turks, ii. 191 ; only prevails on the
sovereigns of Europe to engage in a
defensive alliance, ii. 192 ; his profu
sion on the marriage of Lorenzo de'
Medici, ii. 1 94 ; opposes Charles of
Spain in h:s attempt to obtain the
title of king of the Romans, ii. 196 ;
refuses to grant him the investiture of
Naples, ii. 197; his motives, ib. ; his
views and conduct on the election
of Charles V., ii. 199; obtains the
opinion of Machiavelli on the govern
ment of Florence, ii. 204 ; establishes
new regulations there, ii. 206 ; en
deavours to pacify Luther, ii. 209 ;
confers on the elector Frederick, the
consecrated rose, ib; publicly con
demns the doctrines of Luther by a
papal bull, ii. 217 ; the execution of
his bull suspended at AVittemberg,
ii. 219; his bull publicly burnt by
Luther, ii. 220 ; dispatches Aleandro
as liis legate to the emperor, ii. 222 ;
endeavours to reform the calender, ii.
255 ; interposes on behalf of the in
habitants of the newly conquered
countries, ii. 259 ; increases the li
brary of the Vatican, ii. 280 ; en
courages the research of antiquities,
ii. 311 ; places in the Vatican the
group of the Laocoon, ii. 312 ; his
Iambics on the statue of Lucretia, ib. ;
employs Michelagnolo to rebuild the
church of S. Lorenzo at Florence, ii.
332 ; engages Rafi'aello to proceed in
painting the. frescoes of the Vatican,
ii. 334 ; his portrait by Raffaello, ii.

526

INDEX.

337 ; employs Raffaello to make a
survey and delineation of Rome, ii.
344 ; engages various artists in his
service, ii. 34S ; great works com
pleted by him in different parts of
Italy, ii. 349 ; seizes upon several of
the smaller states of Italy, ii. 356 ;
betrays and puts to death Gian-Paolo
Baglioni, ii. 357 ; attempts to possess
himself of the duchy of Ferrara, ii.
:.)•") s ; accused of having conspired
against the life of the duke, ib. ;
meditates the expulsion of the French
and Spaniards from Italy, ii. 359 ;
engages Swiss mercenaries in his ser
vice, ib. ; forms a treaty with Charles
V. for restoring the family of Sforza
to Milan, ii. 361 ; commences hos
tilities against the French, ii. 3C3 ;
captures Milan, ii. 369 ; his sudden
indisposition and death, ii. 371 ;
reasons ior believing that he was
poisoned, ii. 372 ; his monument, ii.
374 ; diversity of opinions respecting
his character, ii. 375; causes of such
diversity, ib. ; inquiry into his real
character, ii. 377 ; his person and
manners, ib. ; his intellectual endow
ments, ib. ; his political conduct con
sidered, ii. 380 ; his ecclesiastical cha
racter, ii. 383 ; his supposed neglect
of sacred literature, ii. 384 ; his cor
respondence with Erasmus, ii. 387 ;
charged with profligacy and irreligion, |
ii. 389 ; aspersions on his moral cha- j
racter, ii. 390 ; his relaxations and I
amusements, ii. 391 ; his knowledge •
of music, ib. ; his predilection for I
bufibons, ii. 391 ; his abstinence, ii. i
393 ; devoted to the pleasures of the ;
chase, ii. 394 ; his encouragement of
letters and of arts, ii. 395 ; how far ,
he was rivalled in this respect by 1
the other sovereigns of his time, ii.

396.

Leouico Nicolo, ace Toineo.

Librafatta, taken by the Pisans, i. 172. ;

Ligny, Prince de, appointed governor of j
Siena by Charles VIII., i. 126.

Literature, state of, in Home in 1492, i. j
30 ; at the commencement of the ,
pontificate of Leo X., i. 327 ; effects
of its revival on the established reli
gion, ii. S'j ; consequences of the Re
formation upon it, ii. 239.

London, treaty of, ii. 60.

Louis XII. defeats the Neapolitans,
i. 89 ; asserts his claim to the
duchy of Milan, i. 129 ; succeeds
to the crown of France, i. 155;
divorces his wife, and marries the
widow of Charles VIII., ib.; resolves
on the conquest of Milan, i., 163 j|
forms an allian ce with the pope, i. 164;-
possesses himself of the states of .Milan,
i. 167; conspires with Ferdinand of
Spain to betray the king of Naples, i.
176; attacks the Neapolitan territory,
i. 177 ; quarrels with the king of Spain
respecting the partition of Naples, i.
192 ; attacks successfully the Spanish
troops, i. in. 3 ; renews his efforts
against Naples, i. 204 ; his army de
feated on the Garigliano, ib. ; his
final expulsion from Naples, i. 212;
causes of his animosity against the
Venetians, i. 223 ; joins the league of
Cambray, i. 224 ; defeats the Venetians
at Ghiaradadda, i. 228 ; storms the
citadel of Peschiera, i. 229; opposes
the authority of Julius II., i. 238 ; is
desirous of a reconciliation with him,
i. 261; is deluded by him, ib. ; his
troops expelled from Italy, i. 263 ;
attacks the states of Slilan, i. 300;
negotiates for the favour of Leo X., ib. ; .
forms with the Venetians the treaty "
of Blois, i. 301 ; attacks the Milanese,
i. 305 ; defeated by the Swiss at No-
vara, i. 307 ; again expelled from
Italy, i. 310; his humiliation and ab
solution by Leo X., i. 326 ; endeavours
to gain over to his interests the Hel
vetic states, i. 362; proposes an alliance
by marriage with the Houses of Spain
and Austria, ib. ; is counteracted by "
Leo X., i. 363 ; reconciles his differ
ences with Henry VIII. and forms an
alliance with him, i. 366 ; rejects the
alliance of Spain and Austria, i. ;;«S;
marries the princess Mary, sister of1
Henry VIII., i. S69 ; forms a secret -
alliance with Leo X., i. 379 ; dies, i.
385 ; his character, i. 386.

Louis of Bourbon, appointed a cardinal
by Leo X., ii. 79.

Luther, Martin, prepares the way for
the Reformation, ii. 91 ; opposes the,
sale of indulgences, ii. 93 ; publishes
his propositions, ii. 94 ; replies to Sil-
vestro Prierio, ii. 95; summoned by
Leo X. to appear at Home, ii. 97 ; *

INDEX.

527

nplains of the proceedings against
n, ib. ; obtains a hearing of his
use in Germany, ii. 98; repairs to
Augsburg, ib. ; his interview with the
cardinal of Gaeta, ii. 100 ; requires ,
time to deliberate, ii. 101 ; appeals to
Leo X., ii. 102 ; lu's doctrines opposed
:>y a papal decree, ii. 103 ; appeals
from Leo "X. to a general council, ib. ; !
combines lu's cause with that of the
promoters of literature, ii. 104; his :
conduct towards Erasmus, ii. 106 ; j
offers to submit his opinions to the I
test of reason and scripture, ib. ; his j
conferences with Miltitz, ii. 210 ; is
prevailed on to write toLeoX.,ii.212;
sarcastic tenor of his letter, ii. 213 ; j
bis doctrines publicly condemned by i
a papal bull, ii. 217 ; burns the pope's i
bull at "Wittemberg, ii. 2 20 ; endeavours
to obtain the favour of Charles V., ii.
221 ; cited to appear before the diet i
of the empire, ii. 224 ; proceeds to
Worms, ib. ; his first appearance be
fore the emperor,ii. 225; circumstances j
attending it, ii. 226; his second appear- j
ance, ii. 227 ; refuses to retract his
writings, ii. 228; observations on his
conduct, ib. ; quits Worms to return to
Wittemberg, ii. 232 ; conveyed to the
castle of Wartburg, ib. ; his doctrines
attacked by Henry VIII., ib. ; his con
duct and character considered, ii. 235 ;
Ms bold assertion of the right of pri
vate judgment, ib. ; his inflexible
adherence to his own opinions, ii.
237.

MACHIAVELLI, Niccolo, ambassador
from the Florentines to Louis XII., i.
I"-.' ; his account of Borgia's destruc
tion of the princes of Italy, i. 183 ;
engages in a conspiracy against the
Medici, i. 280 ; pardoned by Leo X.,
i. 298 ; his memoir addressed to Leo
X. on the government of Florence, ii.
204 ; conspires a second time against
the Medici, ii. 291; his history of
Florence, ib. ; estimate of his political
writings, ii. 292.

Majo, Giuniano, of Naples, preceptor of
Sanazzaro, i. 41.

Mantegna, Andrea, his engravings on
copper, ii. 352.

Mantua, diet of, i. 269.

refinement of the court of, i. 49.

Mantuano Battista, a Latin poet, i. 50 ;
his eulogy of Francesco Gonzaga, i.
430.

Manuzio Aldo, account of him, i. 58 ;
instructs Alberto Pio, lord of Carpi, i.
59 ; his acquaintance with Giovanni
Pico of Mirandola, ib. ; his motives
for undertaking to print the works of
the ancients, ib. ; establishes his
press at Venice and founds an academy
there, i. 60 ; progress and success of
his undertaking, i. 61 ; inscribes to
Leo X. the first edition of the works
of Plato, i. 340 ; obtains from Leo X.
a papal privilege, i. 342.
Marck, Robert de la, gallant action of,

i. 308.

Marco, St., garden of, at Florence, de
stroyed by the populace, i. 98.
Marignano, battle of, ii. 23.
Maroue, Andrea, an extemporary Latin

poet, ii. 178.

; Marullus, Michaele, a distinguished Latin,
scholar, i. 43 ; encourages Charles
VIII. to the conquest of Naples, i.
112.

I Mary, sister of Henry VIII., marries
Louis XII., i. 367 ; left a widow, and
marries the duke of Suffolk, i. 386.
1 Mattioli, Pier- Andrea, his commentaries

on Dioscorides, ii. 261.
| Mauro, Francesco, cultivates the poesia

Bernesca, ii. 129.

Maximilian, emperor elect, reconciled to
Charles VIII., i. 79 ; enters Italy in
great force, i. 142 ; his attempt frus
trated, ib. ; makes an unsuccessful at
tempt on the city of Padua, i. 233 ;
joins Leo X. in the treaty of Mechlin,
i. 303 ; serves in the British army
under Henry VIII., i. 310; razes the
town of Terouenne, i. 311; submits
his differences with the Venetians to
Leo X., i. 316 ; joins with England
and Spain hi the treaty against
Francis I., ii. 47 ; enters Italy at the
head of his army, ii. 50 ; his ineffec
tual attempt against Milan, ib. ; joins
with Leo X. and Henry VIII. in the
league of London, ii. 60 ; accedes to
the treaty of Noyon, ib. ; exhorts
Leo X. to proceed against Luther, ii.
97 ; his death and character, ii. 98.
Mazzuoli, Francesco, called Parmigiano,

his beautiful etchings, ii. 3o4.
Mechlin, treaty of, i. 303.

528

INDEX.

Medici, the family of, expelled from
Florence, i. 97 ; their palace plun
dered, i. 98 ; their unsuccessful at
tempt to regain their native place,
i. l-i3 ; make a second attempt to
enter Florence, i. 151; unsuccessful
in a third attempt, i. 158 ; make a
fourth effort, i. 173 ; again endeavour
to effect their restoration, i. 271 ; re
stored to Florence, i. 275 ; methods
adopted by them to secure their power,
i. 276 ; conspiracy against them, i.
280 ; deliberations at Home, for their
aggrandizement, i. 378.

Alessandro de', afterwards called

duke of Florence, ii. 202 ; created
duke of Citta di Penna, ii. 3C1.

Alfonsina dc', her cautious ad

vice to her son Lorenzo, i. 375.

Clarice de', daughter of Piero,

marries Filippo Strozzi, i. 206.

Giovanni de', see Leo X.

• Giovanni de', captain of the

Bande Nere, his early military ser
vices, ii. 65 ; his intrepidity, ii. 368.

Giovanni de', son of Pier-Fran-

cesco, encourages Charles VIII. to
enter Italy, i. 80 ; returns to Florence
and assumes the name of Popolani,
i. 101.

• Giuliano de', expelled the city

of Florence with his brothers, i. 9
restored to his native place, i. 275 ;
acknowledged as chief of the state,
i. 277 ; institutes the order of the
diamond, i. 278 ; his impresa, or
arms, ib. ; mediates between Leo and
Louis XII., i. 300 ; relinquishes his
authority at Florence to reside at
Rome, i. 320 ; his moderation and
urbanity, ib. ; appointed a Roman
citizen, i. 321 ; rejoicings at Rome on
that occasion, ib. ; his amiable cha
racter, i. 376 ; marries Filiberta of
Savoy, aunt of Francis I., ii. 5 ; con
fidential letter to him from the car
dinal da Bibbiena, ii. 7 ; commands
the Roman cavalry as general of the
church, ii. 15 ; his death, ii. 44.

Giulio de', Clement VII., his

early destination, i. 22 ; characterized,
ib. ; dispatched to Rome with infor
mation of the battle of Ravenna, i.
256 ; raised to the rank of cardinal,
i. 317 ; advises Leo X. against pusil
lanimous measures, ii. 18 ; takes the

command in the war of Urbino, ii. 66 ;
directs the affairs of Tuscany under
Leo X., ii. 206 ; legate to the allied
army before Milan, ii. 366 ; captures
the city of Milan, ii. 369.

Medici, Ippolito de', afterwards cardinal, &
a favourite of Leo X., ii. 201.

— Lorenzo de', called the Magni-X

ficent, father of Leo X., destines liis
son Giovanni to the church, i. 8 ; his
account of the early promotions of
his son, i. 9 ; his efforts to obtain for ~
his son the dignity of cardinal, i. 10 ;•
his letters to Lanfredini, and to thel
pope, i. 11, 12 ; his account of thej
elevation of his son to that dignity, i.
13 ; the leading Platonist of his time,!
i. 19 ; endeavours to shorten his son'sj
probation, i. 20 ; his advice to his son I
on his first visit to Rome, i. 25 ; his
death, i. 63.

Lorenzo de', son of Pier-Fran

cesco, encourages Charles VIII. to
enter Italy, i. 80; returns to Florence,
and assumes the name of Popolani,
i. 101.

Lorenzo de', son of Piero, after

wards duke of Urbino, i. 205 ; assumes
the government of Florence, i. 320 ;
entertains the Florentines with tour
naments, i. 375 ; cautious advice to
him from his mother, ib. ; his ambi
tious character, i. 378 ; commands
the Florentine troops against Francis
I., ii. 15 ; hesitates to proceed against
the enemy, ii. 22 ; attacks the duchy
of Urbino, ii. 54 ; assumes the title of
duke of Urbino, ii. 55 ; conducts the
war of Urbino, ii. 64 ; is dangerously
wounded before the fortress of Mon-
dolfo, ii. 66 ; marries Madelaine de la
Tour, ii. 194; his death, ii. 201.

Madalena de', married to Fran

cesco Cibo, i. 10.

Piero de', brother of Leo X.,

visits Rome, i. 9 ; accompanies his
brother from Fiesole to Florence, i.
23 ; on the death of his father, is con
tinued in the government of Florence,
ii. 64 ; forms an alliance with Ferdi
nand, king of Isaples, i. 71 ; declines
the proposed alliance with Charles
VIII., i. 79 ; his agents driven from
Lyons, i. 81 ; his letter to the ma
gistrates of Florence, i. 94 ; surrenders
to Charles V11I. the fortresses of Tus-

INDEX.

529

cany, i. 96 ; incurs the displeasure of '
the Florentines, ib. ; is opposed on j
attempting to enter the palace, and ,
expelled the city, i. 97; retires to
Venice, i. 102 ; loses the opportunity
of being restored by Charles VIII.,
ib. ; joins the long in the papal states,
i. 105 ; perishes in the river Garig-
liano, i. 205.
lenaldo, commander of Ostia, taken

prisoner by Gonsalvo, i. 146.
Melancthon, Philip, Luther's affection
for him, ii. 99 ; attached to the cause
of Luther, ii. 1 04 ; takes a part in the ,
disputations atLeipsic, ii. 211 ; softens i
the asperity of Luther's doctrines, ii. \
239.
MHchelozzi, Bernardo, one of the in- ;

stmctors of Leo X., i. 18.
Hilan, luxurious refinement of the court

of, under Lod. Sforzo, i, 50.
Military discipline, improvements in, i.

220.

Miltitz, Charles, sent by Leo X. as his
legate to pacify Luther, ii. 209 ; his
conl'erences with, Luther, ii. 210 ; re
news his efforts to appease him, ii. 212.
Minuziano, Alessaudro, of Milan, pirates
the first edition of the works of Taci
tus, i. 354.

Mirandola captured by Julius II., i. 239.
Mol/a, Francesco Maria, account of his

life and writings, ii. 118.
Montpensier, Gilbert de Bourbon, duke
de, viceroy of Charles VIII., in
Naples, i. 123 ; compelled to retire to
Atella, i. 136; surrenders himself to
the Spanish troops, i. 137 ; his death, ib.
Montalto, Lodovico, a Neapolitan aca
demician, i. 42.

Montefeltre, Federigo di, duke of Urbino,
his patronage of literature, i. 48.

Guidubaldo, his son, eulogized

by Bembo and Castiglione, ib. ; dis
possessed of Urbino by Csesar Borgia,
i. 180.

Moral philosophy, study of, ii. 262.
Morone, Girolamo, advises Maximilian
Sforza to resign his dominions, ii. 26 ;
negotiates for an attack on the French,
ii. 58.

Mozzarello, Giovanni, called Mutius
Arelius, a Latin poet, ii. 177 ; his un
fortunate death, ib.
Musurus, Marcus, letter to him from Leo
X., i. 334; translation of his Greek

verses prefixed to the first edition of
Plato, i. 335 ; appointed archbishop
of Malvasia, i. 339 ; dies, ib.

NAPLES, state of literature there in 1492,
i. 32 ; academy of, ib. ; disputed claims
of the families of Aragou and Anjou
to its sovereignty, i. 73 ; treaty be
tween France and Spain for its par
tition, i. 176 ; dissensions between
those monarchs respecting its divi
sion, i. 192 ; finally conquered by the
Spaniards, i. 196.
Nardi, Jacopo, his history of Florence,

ii. 296.

Natural history, study of, ii. 260.
Natural philosophy, study of, ii. 253.
Navagero, Andrea, his life and writings,

ii. 1G4.

Navarro, Pietro, his advice at the battle
of Ravenna, i, 232 ; made a prisoner
by the French, i. 253 ; released by
Francis I., and commands the Basque
infantry in his service, ii. 15.
Neapolitan poets, their hostility towards

those of Florence, i. 38, 39.
Nelli Pietro, called Andrea da Bergamo,

ii. 131.

Nemours, duke of, attacks the Spaniards
in the kingdom of Naples, i. 193 ; his
defeat and death, i. 195.
Nerli, Filippo, d', ii. 294; his commen
taries on the civil affairs of Florence,
ii. 295.

Bernardo and Neri de', pub

lishers of the first edition of Homer,

ii. 294.
Nero, Bernardo del, appointed gonfalo-

niere of Florence, i. 150 ; executed, i.

152.

Nestor, Dionysius, lexicographer, i. 33.
Nicholas III., enlarged the palace of the

Vatican, ii. 313.
Nicholas V., his extensive project for

improving the palace of the Vatican,

ib.

Niello, stampe di, ii. 351.
Nifo, Agostino, an eminent teacher of

philosophy, ii. 249.
i Nino, Antonio, a conspirator against

Leo X., ii. 70 ; executed, ii. 75.
Novara recovered by the allies, i. 138.

battle of, i. 307.

Giovanni di, or Johannes Nova-

riensis, points out the errors of the
calendar, ii. 255.

VOL. II.

M M

530

JNDEX.

Novels, writers of, in the time of Leo X.

ii. '270.

Noyon, treaty of, ii. 59.
Numalio, Cristoforo, appointed a cardinal

by Leo X., ii. 77.

ORLANDINI, Piero, conspires against the
Medici, i. 280 ; pardoned by Leo X.
i. 298.

Orsini, Carlo, defeats the troops of Alex
ander VI., i. 145.

Clarice, mother of Leo X., her

dream, i. 1.

Franciotto, nominated a cardi

nal by Leo X., ii. 79.

Nicolo, count of Pitigliano,

general of the Venetians, i. 227 ; his
opinion on their mode of defence, ib. ;
defeated by Louis XII., at the battle
of Ghiaradadda, i. 228 ; his death, i.
235.

Paolo, put to death by Caesar

Borgia, at Sinigaglia, i. 186.

• Rinaldo, archbishop of Florence,

his embassy to Rome, i. 21.

Virginio, engages to assist the

Medici in recovering the city of Flo
rence, i. 143 ; his death, i. 144.
Ostia captured by Gonsalvo d'Aguilar,
i. 146.

PADUA recovered by the Venetians, i.

231 ; ineffectual attempt upon it by

the emperor Maximilian, i. 232.
Pagnini, Sante, encouraged by Leo X.

to publish his translation of the Bible,

i. 356.

Palisse, le sieur de', a French com
mander, surprises Prospero Colonna

and takes him prisoner, ii. 17.
Pallai, Biagio, called Blosius Palladius,

a Latin poet, ii. 183 ; publishes the

" Coryciana," ib.
Pallavicini, Giovan-Battista, raised to

the dignity of cardinal by Leo X., ii.

80.
Cristoforo, a noble Milanese, put

to death by Lautrec, ii. 368.
Pandolfini, Nicolo, created a cardinal by

Leo X., ii. 78,
Pandone, Caniillo, sent by Ferdinand of

Naples to Charles VIII., i. 84.
Papal dominions, their extent, i. 5.
Papal government, nature of, i. 3 ; its

advantages, i. 5 ; how exercised in

the middle ages, ii. 84.

Pardo, Giovanni, a Neapolitan academi
cian, i. 43.

Parmenio, Lorenzo, custode of the Vati
can library, ii. 280.

Parmigiano, see Mazzuoli.

Passerini, Silvio, nominated a cardinal
by Leo X., ii. 79.

Pazzi, Cosmo de', archbishop of Flo
rence, conspires against the Medici,
i. 280.

Pellegrino da Modena paints in the
Vatican, ii. 339.

Penni, Giov. Francesco, called II Fat-
tore, a pupil of Raffacllo, ii. 339.

Petrarca, his reproaches of the Roman
court, ii. 85.

Petrucci, Alfonso, a cardinal, conspires
to destroy Leo X. by poison, ii. 69 ; is
seized on by Leo X., ii. 70 ; degraded
from his rank, ii. 75 ; strangled in
prison, ib.

Borghese, expelled frem Siena

by Leo X., ii. 44.

Raffaello, obtains the chief au

thority in Siena, ii. 44 ; appointed a
cardinal by Leo X., ii. 79.
Pico, Galeotto, assassinates his uncle,
Giovan-Francesco, ii. 251.

Giovanni, ot'Mirandola, charac

terized, i. 17; his friendship with
Aldo Manuzio, i. 59.

Giovan-Francesco, count of Mi-

randola, ambassador of Julius II.,
i. 237 ; restored to his dominions by
Julius II., i. 239 ; account of iiis life
and writings, ii. 251 ; his unhappy
death, ii. 252.

Lodovico, count of Mirandola,

killed, i. 233.

Pio, Alberto, lord of Carpi, instructed
by Aldus, i. 59.

Piombino taken by Caesar Borgia, i. 180.

Pippi, Giulio, called Giulio Romano, a
disciple of Raffaello, assists him in
painting the Vatican, ii. 339.

Pisa, asserts its liberties, i. 99 ; the in
habitants entreat the protection of
Charles VIII., i. 128 ; prepare for
their defence, i. 141 ; exertions for
that purpose, ib. ; repulse the Flo
rentines, i. 142 ; progress of the siege
of, i. 153 ; attack upon, by the French
and Florentines, i. 171 ; surrender to
the Florentines, i. 234.

council of, i. 241 ; remove to

Milan, i. 243.

INDEX.

o31

Pisani, Francesco, appointed a cardinal
by Leo. X., ii. 80.

Pius II., his idea of converting the
Grand Turk, i. 3.

Pius HI., Francesco Piccolomini, ac
count of, i. 26 ; his election and short
pontificate, i. 198.

Platina, Bartol., his kindness to Julius
Pomp. Laetus, i. 30.

Platonic philosophy, its effects on the

* established religion, ii. 89 ; its study
restrained by the church, ii. 90.

Plautus, Mensechmus of, translated by
the duke of Ferrara, and acted in
that city, i. 43.

Pliny the elder, his works commented
on and published, ii. 261.

Poem, an anonymous, rouses the states
of Italy against Charles VIII., i. 10<i.

Poderico, Francesco, a Neapolitan aca
demician, account of, i. 40.

Politiano, Angelo, an early instructor of
Leo X., i. 14; his letter to Innocent
VIII., i. 15 ; the reliance to be placed
upon his criticisms, i. 31 ; his Latin
writings compared with those of Pon-
tano, i. 34 ; assailed by Sanazzaro,
i. 38.

Pollajuolo, Antonio, an early engraver
on copper, ii. 352.

•Pompouazzo, Pietro, called Perotto, an
eminent professor of philosophy, ii. 247 j

Poutano, Giovanni, called Joviauus \
Pontanus, the academy of, i. 32 ; his ;
various works, i. 33 ; his Latin poetry
compared with that of Politiano, i.
34 ; his dislike towards Politiano, i. j
37 ; appointed secretary to Alfonso j
II., i. so ; his oration before Charles
VIII., i. 128 ; his treatise, De Prin
cipe, ii. 263 ; his work, De Obedientia,
and other moral writings, ib.

Pontremoli, massacre of the inhabitants j
of, by the French, i. 129. .

Ponzetto, Ferdinando, created a cardinal
by Leo X., n. 80.

Popes, origin of their temporal autho-
thority, i. 5 ; mode of electing, i. 290.

Portio, Camillo, his oration in praise of
Emanuel, king of Portugal, i. 359.

Prato sacked by the Spaniards, i. 273.

Prie, Aymar de, captures the territory of
Genoa, ii. 16.

Prierio, Silvestro, master of the apos
tolic palace, answers the propositions
of Luther, ii. 95.

Pucci, Lorenzo, endeavours to assist the
cause of the Medici in Florence, i. 270 ;
raised by Leo X. to the rank of car
dinal, i. 317.

Puntormo, Giacomo da, employed as a
painter by Leo X., ii. 349.

QUERNO, Camillo, called the arch-poet,
ii. 179.

RAFFAELLO d'Urbino, see Sauzio.

Kaimondi, Marc-Antonio, an eminent
engraver on copper, ii. 352.

Rangone, Ercole, raised to the rank of
cardinal by Leo X., ii. 78.

Rannusio, Giovan-Battista, his monu
ments to Fracastoro and Navagero,
ii. 164

Rapallo, battle of, i. 129.

Ravenna, attacked by the French under
Gaston de Foix, i. 250 ; battle of, i.
251.

Marco da, an engraver, ii. 353

Reformation of the church, its origin, ii.
85 ; by what means promoted by
Luther, ii. 93 ; its further progress, ii.
209 ; uncharitable spirit of its first
promoters, ii. 238 ; its effects on lite
rary studies, ii. 239 ; on the fine arts,
ii. 241 ; on the political and moral
state of Europe, ii. 243.

Relics sent by the Turkish emperor to
the pope, i. 28.

Riario, Raffaello, cardinal of S. Georgio,
i. 26 ; favours the election of Leo X.,
i. 290 ; conspires against Leo X., ii.
71; degraded from his rank, ii. 75;
pardoned and restored to favour, ib. ;
quits Rome to reside at Naples, ii. 76.

Rhallus, Manilius, appointed Arch
bishop of Malvasia by Leo X., i. 339.

Ricci, Pietro, called Petrus Crinitus, ac
count of, i. 55 ; laments the approach
ing calamities of Naples, i. 424; his
ode on the prospect of expelling the
French from Naples, i. 427.

Ridolii, Nicolo, created cardinal by Leo
X., ii. 78.

Riva, Andrea, the Venetian commis
sary, hung with his son, by Louis XII.,
i. 230.

Robbia, Luca della, an artist employed
by Leo X., ii. 348.

Rome, state of literature there, in 1492,
i. 30, 32 ; in 1513, i. 327 ; its popula
tion hi the time of Leo X., ii. 188.

o32

INDEX.

Jlossi, Francesco de', presents to Leo X. i
his translation of an Arabic MS., i. 356. i

Rossi, Luigi, nominated a cardinal by
Leo X., ii. 78.

Rovere, Francesco Maria della, after
wards duke of Urbino, i. 49 ; attacks
the Venetians, i. 227; assassinates '
the cardinal of Pa via, i. 241 ; ab- !
solved from his homicide by the ;
pope, ib. excommunicated, and ex
pelled from his dominions by Leo X. i
ii. 54 ; publishes a letter, arraigning
the conduct of Leo X., ii. 62 ; recovers i
liis dominions, ib. ; challenges Loren- !
zo de' Medici to single combat, ii. 65 ;
has recourse to a stratagem, ii. 67 ;
withdraws his army, ib. ; resigns his
dominions, ii. 68.

Galeotta della, a cardinal, his

accomplished character and untimely
death, i. 208.

Giovanni della, lord of Sinigag-

lia, marries Giovanna Gonzaga, i. 49.

Kucellai, Bernardo, refuses the office of
envoy from Florence, to congratulate
Leo X. on his election, i. 296.

Giovanni, account of him, ii.

138 ; appointed castellano of S. An-
gelo, ii. 140; his didactic poem, Lc
Api, ib. ; his tragedy of Oreste, ib. ;
letter to his brother Palla, ib.

SABADINO, Giovanni degl' Arienti, his
novels entitled Porrettaue, ii. 270.

Sabeo, Fausto, custode or keeper of the
Vatican library, ii. 280.

Sacchetti, Franco, his novels, ii. 270.

Sadoleti, Jacopo, cardinal, a Neapolitan
academician, i. 42 ; appointed ponti
fical secretary to Leo X., i. 299 ;
account of his life and writings, ii.
146 ; his verses on the Laocoon and
Curtius, ib. ; his oration against the
Turks, ii. 190 ; his library lost, ii.
290.

Salernitano, Masuccio, Ms Cento Novelle,
ii. 270.

Salviati, Giovanni, raised to the rank of
cardinal by Leo X., ii. 78.

Sanazzaro, Giacopo, called Actius Syn-
cerus, i. 35 ; his Arcadia, i. 36 ;
Ms other writings, i. 37; his rival-
ship with Pietro Bembo, ib. ; his
dissensions with Politiano, i. 38 ;
accompanies Federigo II., of Naples,

into France, i. 179 ; Ms sonnet on the
abdication of Alfonso II. of Naples, i.
423 ; his Italian writings compared
with those of Bembo, ii. llu ; his
Latin writings, ii. 150; Ms poem, De
partu Virginis, ii. 151.

Sangro, Giovanni di, a Neapolitan aca
demician, i. 40.

Sanseverino, cardinal, commands in the
battle of Kavenna, i. 251 ; restored to
Ms rank by Leo X., i. 324.

Sansovino, see Contucci.

Sanzio Kaffaello, d'Urbino, his early
studies, ii. 324; improves himself from
the cartoons of Lionardo da Vinci
and Michelagnolo at Florence, ib. ;
commences his paintings in the Va
tican, ii. 326 ; bis representation of
theology, ib. ; Ms representation Of
philosophy, ii. 328 ; his representation
of poetry, ib. ; Ms representation of
jurisprudence, ib. ; whether he im
proved his style from the works
of Michelagnolo, at Borne, ii. 329;
circumstances decisive of the ques
tion, ii. 330 ; Ms picture of He-
liodorus, and other works, ii. 331;
employed by Leo X. to proceed hi
painting the frescoes of the Vatican,
ii. 334 ; Ms picture of Attila, ib. ;
its allegorical purpose explained,
ib.; his picture of the liberation of
St. Peter, ii. 335 ; works executed by
him for Agostino Chisi, ii. 336 ; his
Galatea, ib. ; Ms history of Cupid
and Psyche, ib. ; his statue of Jonah,
ii. 337 ; Ms portrait of Leo X.,
ib. ; Ms coronation of Charlemagne,
and other works, ii. 338 ; his Loggie,
ib. ; his cartoons, ii. 340 ; his pic
ture of the Transfiguration, ii. 341;
Ms designs for the paintings in the
hall of Constantine, ii. 342 ; ap
pointed by Leo X. prefect of the
building of St. Peter's, ii. 343 ; em
ployed by Leo X. to delineate the re
mains of ancient Home, ii. 344 ; Ms
report to Leo X. on the state of the
ancient buildings in Home, ib. ; his
death, ii. 347 ; liis liberal disposition,
ib.

Saraceno, Giovan-Antonio, envoy from
Siena, to congratulate Leo X. on his
elevation, i. 297.

Sarto, Andrea del, employed in paint-

INDEX.

533

ing for Leo X., the palace of Poggio-
Cajano, ii. 349.

Sauli, Bandinello de', cardinal, arrested
as one of the conspirators against
Leo X., ii. 70; his motives and con
duct, ii. 74 ; degraded from his rank,
ii. 75 ; pardoned and restored by Leo
X., ib.

Savonarola, Girolamo, his violent
harangues at Florence, i. 29 ; sent
with a deputation to Charles VIII. at
Lucca, i. 96 ; liis interview with
Charles VIII. at Florence, i. 105;
directs the government of Florence,
i. 100 ; his death and character, i. 156.

iScala, Bartolommeo, of Florence, i. 42.

Selim usurps the Ottoman tlirone, ii.
is 7 ; defeats the Sophi of Persia,
ii. 188; conquers Egypt, ib. ; oc
casions great alarm in Italy, ib.

Sforza, Ascanio, cardinal, aids in the
promotion of Leo X., i. 12 ; his
splendour, i. 27.

Francesco, alliance between

Leo X. and Charles V., for restoring
him to Milan, ii. 361 ; obtains the
government, on the expulsion of the
French, ii. 369.

Gian-Galeazzo, duke of Milan,

oppressed by his uncle Lodovico,
i. 68 ; his interview with Charles VII.
at Pavia, i. 91 ; his death, ib.

Giovanni, married to Lucrezia

Borgia, i. 145.

Lodovico, encourages men of

talent, i. 51 ; his ambitious views, i.
53 ; jealousy of the alliance between
Piero de' Medici and the king of
Naples, i. 70 ; resolves to invite
Charles VIII. into Italy, ib. ; forms
a league with the pope and Venetians,
i. 71; usurps the government of
Milan, i. 91 ; forms an alliance with
Venice against Charles VIII., i. 120 ;
forms a new alliance with Charles
VIII., i. 138 ; his grief on the death
of his wife Beatrice, i. 144 ; forms
an alliance with the Florentines,
i. 154 ; betrayed by the Swiss, i. 169 ;
his imprisonment and death, ib.

Maximilian, restored to the go-

Silvestri, Guido Postumo, account of his

life, ii. 174 ; character of his writings,

ii. 177.
Siou, cardinal of, stimulates the Swiss to

oppose the French, ii. 19.
Sixtus IV., his turbulent disposition, i.

•2 ; his death, i. 10.
Society, errors incident to an early state

of, ii. 245.
Soderini, Francesco, cardinal, favoured

by Leo X., i. 298; conspires against

the pope, ii. 73.

Pietro, preserves Florence from

vernment of Milan, i. 278; prepares
to defend his dominions against Louis
XIL, i. 305; his apprehensions of
treachery, i. 306; relinquishes to
Francis I. the duchy of Milan, ii. 26.

the attacks of Casar Borgia, i. 181 ; is
appointed gonfaloniere for life, i. 182 ;
his indecision, i. 273 ; is deposed from
his office, i. 274; escapes into Tur
key, i. 275; is recalled and favoured
by Leo X., i. 298.

Sozziui, Bartolommeo, gives instructions
to Leo X., i. 20.

Stabili, Francesco, called Cecco d'As-
coli, his Acerba, ii. 253.

Stampa, Gaspara, an Italian poetess, ii.
129.

Staupitz, John, general of the Angus-
tines, applied to by Leo X. to pacify
Luther, ii. 96 ; prevails upon Luther
to address to the cardinal of Gaeta a
conciliatory letter, ii. 102.

Strozzi, Ercole, a Lathi poet, at Ferrara,
i. 44.

Filippo, marries Clarice, daugh

ter of Piero de' Medici, i. 206.

Tito Vespasiano, a poet and

statesman, at Ferrara, i. 44.

Suffolk, duke of, marries Mary, sister of
Henry VIII. and widow of Loin's
XIL, i. 471.

Summon te, Pietro, mention of, i. 42.

Superstition of the middle ages, ii. 84.

Surrey, earl of, defeats James IV. of
Scotland at the battle of Flodden, i.
312.

Swiss betray Lodovico Sforza, i. 169;
arrive in Italy, in the service of Leo
X., i. 305 ; defeat the French at the
battle of Kovara, i. 307 ; compel the
duke de la Tremouille to enter into
the treaty of Dijon, i. 314 ; undertake
the defence of Milan, ii. 17; defeated
at Marignauo by Francis I., ii. 23 ;
join the pope and emperor against
Francis I., ii. 367.

Symmachus, pope, erected the palace of
the Vatican, ii. 310.

534

INDEX.

TARENTK, taken by Gonsalvo, i. 179.

Taro, battle of the, i. 132 ; observations
upon it, i. 134.

Tebaldeo, Antonio, an Italian poet, i.
42 ; his opinion on the abdication of
Alfonso II. of Naples, i. 423; his son
net on the conquest of Naples, by
Charles VIII., i. 425; account of his
life and writings, ii. 110.

Tebalducci, Anton-Giacomino, defends
Leghorn against Maximilian, i. 142.

Terracina, Laura, an Italian poetess, ii.
129.

Terouenne razed by the emperor elect,
Maximilian, i. 311.

Tctzel, John, answers the propositions
of Luther, ii. 94.

Tintoretto, the painter, terrifies Pietro
Aretino, ii. 275.

Theophrastus, his works published, ii.
261.

Tomeo, Nicolo Leonico, first explains
the works of Aristotle in the original
Greek, ii. 247.

Tomombey, the last sovereign of the
Mamelukes, defeated and put to death
by Sclim, ii. 188.

Torriani, the three brothers, ii. 173.

Toscanella, sacked by the French,!. 125.

Tournay, captured by Henry VIIL.i. 311.

Tremouille, duke of, sent as general
against Ferdinand II., i. 204 ; defeated
nt the Garigliano, i. 205 ; attacks the
Milanese, as general of Louis XII., i.
305 ; compelled by the Swiss to enter
into the treaty of Dijon, i. 314; op
poses the Swiss in Provence, ii. 14.

Tribolo, a Florentine sculptor, ii. 349.

Trissino, Gian-Giorgio, introduces the
versi sciolti, or Italian blank verse, ii.
135 ; his " Italia liberata da' Goti," ii.
137.

Trivulzio, Agostino, raised to the rank of
a cardinal by Leo X., ii. 79.

Gian-Giacopo, appointed to com
mand the Neapolitan horse, i. 112;
betrays the king of Naples, i. 113 ;
allows the cardinal de' Medici to
escape, i. 2C5 ; enters Italy as marshal
of France, against Milan, i. 305 ; pro
mises to deliver up the duke of Milan
to Louis XII., i. 306 ; passes the Alps
at the head of the French, ii. 17.

Scaramuccio, appointed a car-

service of the Venetians, his remark
on the death of d'Alviano, ii. 30.
Turks, their progress, i. 3.

VAGA, Pierino della, assists Raffaello in
painting the Vatican, ii. 339

Valeriano, Giovan-Pietro, of Belluno,
called Pierius Valerianus, i. 43 ; at
tends the court of Leo X., ii. 304 ; his
treatise, De Literatorum infelicitate,
and other writings, ii. 305.

Valle, Andrea della, raised to the rank
of cardinal by Leo X., ii. 78.

Valori, Nicolo, the biographer of Lorenzo
the Magnificent, conspires against the
Medici, i. 280 ; condemned to perpetual
imprisonment, i. 298 ; pardoned by
Leo X., ib.

Vatican library, increased by Leo X., ii.
279 ; custodi, or keepers of, ii. 280 ;
its state under Clement VII., ii. 281 ;
learned librarians of, ib.

palace, its erection and pro-

dinal by Leo X., ii. 79.
Theodoro, a commander in the

gressive improvements, ii. 313.

Venereal disease, its introduction into
Italy, i. 139.

Venetians, form an alliance with Louis
XII., i. 164 ; causes of the jealousy of
the Europeans against them, i. 218 ;
repel the attack of the emperor elect,
Maximilian, i. 222 ; prepare for their
defence against the league of Cambray,
i. 226; their territories dismembered,
i. 230 ; exertions of the senate, i. 231 ,-
recover the city of Padua, ib. ; de
feated on the Po, by the duke of Fer-
rara, i. 234 ; pacify and form an alli
ance with Julius II., i. 235 ; form with
Louis XII. the treaty of Blois, i. 301 ;
submit their differences with the em
peror elect, Maximilian, to Leo X., i.
316 ; renew the treaty of Blois with
Francis I., ii. 4 ; assist him in recover
ing the Milanese, ii. 25 ; dispatch an
embassy to Francis I. at Milan, ii. 29 ;
recover the city of Brescia, ii, 56.

Veneziano, Agostino, an eminent en
graver on copper, ii. 354.

Verazzani, Giovanni, an eminent navi
gator, ii. 256.

Vercelli, Battista da, employed by the
cardinal Petrucci to poison Leo X., ii.
69 ; executed, ii. 75.

Vespucci, Amerigo, ii. 256.

Vicenza, battle of, i. 3! 5.

INDEX.

535

Vico, Gulielmo Raimonclo, appointed a
cardinal by Leo X., ii. 79.

Vida, Girolamo, account of his life, ii.
154; his Christiad, ii. luo; his Poe
tics, ii. 150.

"Vincenzo da S. Gemignano, paints in
the Vatican, ii. 39.

Vinci, Lionardo da, account of, i. 51 ;
his picture of the Last Supper, i. 52 ;
emulation between him and Michel-
agnolo, ii. 319 ; his cartoons of the
wars of Pisa, ib. ; doubts respecting
his visit to Home in the pontificate of
Leo X., ii. 330.

Vio, Tomaso de, nominated .a cardinal
by Leo X., and called cardinal of
Gaeta.or Cajctanus.ii. 77 ; authorized
by Leo X. to call Luther before him
at Augsburg, ii. 98 ; interview between
him and Luther, ii. 100 ; writes to the
elector of Saxony against Luther, ii.
102.

Virgil, observations upon him, i. 50.

Virunio, Pontico, scholar and statesman,
i. 54.

Arisconti, Gasparo, an Italian poet, i. 53.

Vitelli, Paolo, attempts to storm the
city of Pisa, i. 141 ; appointed general
of the Florentine army, i. 153 ; cap
tures the fortress of Vieo-Pisano, i.
157; defeats the Venetians, i. 158;
effects a breach in the walls of Pisa,
i. 160 ; brought to Florence and de
capitated, i. 1C1.

Vitellozzo, put to death by Caesar

Borgia, at IHinigaglia, i. ISC.

Volta, Achille della, wounds Aretino
with a dagger, ii. 376.

URBINO, seized on by Caesar Borgia, i.
180 ; seized on by Leo X., ii. 54 ; Lo
renzo de' Medici created duke of, ii.
55 ; recovered by the exiled duke, ii.
62 ; wars respecting it, ii. (J5 ; ceded
to Leo X., ii. G8 ; united to the domi
nions of the church, ii. 207.

Urceus Coclrus, account of, i. 54.

WITTEMBERG, the university of, inter
cede with Leo X. on behalf of Luther,
ii. 98.

AVolsey, Thomas, appointed bishop of
Tournay, i. 311 ; succeeds Christopher
Bambridge, as archbishop of York, i.
369 ; raised to the rank of a cardinal,
i. 69.

XIMENES, cardinal, his great complu-
tensian Polyglot, dedicated to Leo X.,
i. 356.

ZANCHI, Basilio, of Bergamo, a Latin
poet, i. 42, and ii. 172.

Zatti, llinaldo, assists the cardinal de'
Medici in effecting his escape, i. 264.

Zizim, brother of the sultan Bajazet,
delivered into the custody of Inno
cent VIII., i. 27; accompanies Charles
VIII. to Naples, i. 109 ; his death,
i. 113.

Zuinglius promotes the Keformation in
Switzerland, ii. 234.

THE END.

T. C. Savill, Printer, 4, Chanclos Street, Covent Garden.

BX 1315 ,R7 1846

v.2 SMC

Roscoe, William,

1753-1831 .
The life and pontificate

of Leo the Tenth.
AKE-7220 (awsk)