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" A knowledge of the commonplace, at least, of Oriental literature, philo 
sophy, and religion is as necessary to the general reader of. the present day 
as an acquaintance with the Latin and Greek classics was a generation or so 
ago. Immense strides have been made within the present century in these 
branches of learning ; Sanskrit has been brought within the range of accurate 
philology, and its invaluable ancient literature thoroughly investigated ; the 
language and sacred books of the Zoroastrians have been laid bare ; Egyptian, 
Assyrian, and other records of the remote past have been deciphered, and a 
group of scholars speak of still more recondite Accadian and Hittite monu 
ments ; but the results of all the scholarship that has been devoted to these 
subjects have been almost inaccessible to the public because they were con 
tained for the most part in learned or expensive works, or scattered through 
out the numbers of scientific periodicals. Messrs. TiiiJBNER & Co., in a spirit 
of enterprise which does them infinite credit, have determined to supply the 
constantly-increasing want, and to give in a popular, or, at least, a compre 
hensive form, all this mass of knowledge to the world." Times. 

Second Edition, post 8vo, pp. xxxii. 748, with Map, cloth, pi-ice 2 is. 


By the HON. SIR W. W. HUNTER, K.C.S.L, C.S.I., C.I.E., LL.D. 

Member of the Viceroy s Legislative Council, 
Director-General of Statistics to the Government of India. 

Being a Eevised Edition, brought up to date, and incorporating the general 
results of the Census of 1881. 

"Ib forms a volume of more than 700 pages, and is a marvellous combination of 
literary condensation and research. Jt gives a, complete account of the Indian 
Empire, its history, peoples, and products, and forms the worthy outcome of 
seventeen years of labour with exceptional opportunities for rendering that labour 
fruitful. Nothing could be more lucid than Sir William Hunter s expositions of the 
economic and political condition of India at the present time, or more interesting 
than his scholarly history of the India of the past." The Times. 



Third Edition, post 8vo, cloth, pp. xvi. 428, price i6s. 




Late of the Universities of Tubingen, Gottingen, and Bonn ; Superintendent 
of Sanskrit Studies, and Professor of Sanskrit in the Poona College. 


To which is added a Biographical Memoir of the late Dr. HAUG 

by Prof. E. P. EVANS. 

I. History of the Researches into the Sacred Writings and Religion of the 

Parsis, from the Earliest Times down to the Present. 
II. Languages of the Parsi Scriptures. 

III. The Zend-Avesta, or the Scripture of the Parsis. 

IV. The Zoroastriaii Religion, as to its Origin and Development. 

" Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis, by the 
late Dr Martin Hang, edited by Dr. E. W. West. The author intended, on his return 
from India, to expand the materials contained in this work into a comprehensive 
account of the Zoroastrian religion, but the design was frustrated by his untimely 
death We have, however, in a concise and readable form, a history of the researches 
into tlie sacred writings and religion of the Parsis from the earliest times down to 
the present a dissertation on the languages of the Parsi Scriptures, a translation 
of the Zend-Avesta, or the Scripture of the Parsis, and a dissertation on the Zoroas 
triaii religion, with especial reference to its origin and development." Times. 

Post 8vo, cloth, pp. viii. 176, price 73. 6d. 



With Accompanying Narratives. 

Translated from the Chinese by S. BEAL, B.A., Professor of Chinese, 
University College, London. 

The Dhammapada, as hitherto known by the Pali Text Edition, as edited 
by Fausboll, by Max Miiller s English, and Albrecht Weber s German 
translations, consists only of twenty-six chapters or sections, whilst the 
Chinese version, or rather recension, as now translated by Mr. Beal, con 
sists of thirty-nine sections. The students of Pali who possess Fausboll s 
text or either of the above-named translations, will therefore needs want 
Mr. Beal s English rendering of the Chinese version ; the thirteen above- 
named additional sections not being accessible to them in any other form ; 
for, even if they understand Chinese, the Chinese original would be un 
obtainable by them. 

"Mr Seal s rendering of the Chinese translation is a most valuable aid to the 
critical study of the work. It contains authentic texts gathered from ancient 
canonical books, and generally connected with some incident in the history of 
Buddha Their great interest, however, consists in the light which they throw upon 
everyday life in. India at the remote period at which they were written, and upon 
Ihe method of teaching adopted by the founder of the religion. The method 
employed was principally parable, and the simplicity of the tales and the excellence 
of the morals inculcated, as well as the strange hold which they have retained upon 
the minds of millions of people, make them a very remarkable study." Times. 

" Mr Beal, by making it accessible in an English dress, has added to the great ser 
vices he has already rendered to the comparative study of religious history." Academy. 

"Valuable as exhibiting the doctrine of the Buddhists in its purest, least adul- 
terate d form it brings the modern reader face to face with that simple creed and rule 
of conduct which won its way over the minds of myriads, and which is now nominally 
professed by 145 millions, who have overlaid its austere simplicity with innumerable 
ceremonies, forgotten its maxims, perverted, its teaching, and so inverted its leading 
principle that a religion whose founder denied a God, now worships that founder as 
u god himself." Scotsman. 


Second Edition, post 8vo, cloth, pp. xxiv. 360, price IDS. 6d. 



Translated from the Second German Edition by JOHN MANN, M.A., and 
THEODOR ZACHARIAE, Ph.D., with the sanction of the Author. 

Dr. BuHLER, Inspector of Schools in India, writes: "When I was Pro 
fessor of Oriental Languages in Elphinstone College, I frequently felt the 
want of such a work to which I could refer the students." 

Professor COWELL, of Cambridge, writes : "It will be especially useful 
to the students in our Indian colleges and universities. I used to long for 
such a book when I was teaching in Calcutta. Hindu students are intensely 
interested in the history of Sanskrit literature, and this volume will supply 
them with all they want on the subject." 

Professor WHITNEY, Yale College, Newhaven, Conn., U.S.A., writes : 
" I was one of the class to whom the work was originally given in the form 
of academic lectures. At their first appearance they were by far the most 
learned and able treatment of their subject ; and with their recent additions 
they still maintain decidedly the same rank." 

" Is perhaps the most comprehensive and lucid survey of Sanskrit literature 
extant. The essays contained in the volume were originally delivered as academic 
lectures, and at the time of their first publication were acknowledged to be by far 
the most learned and able treatment of the subject. They have now been brought 
up to date by the addition of all the most important results of recent research." 
Times. ; . 

Post 8vo, cloth, pp. xii. 198, accompanied by Two Language 
Maps, price ys. 6d. 



The Author has attempted to fill up a vacuum, the inconvenience of 
which pressed itself on his notice. Much had been written about the 
languages of the East Indies, but the extent of our present knowledge had 
not even been brought to a focus. It occurred to him that it might be of 
use to others to publish in an arranged form the notes which he had collected 
for his own edification. 

" Supplies a deficiency which has long been felt." Times. 

" The book before us is then a valuable contribution to philological science. It 
passes under review a vast number of languages, and it gives, or professes to give, in 
every case the sum and substance of the opinions and judgments of the best-informed 
writers." Saturday Review. 

Second Corrected Edition, post 8vo, pp. xii. 116, cloth, price 53. 



Translated from the Sanskrit into English Verse by 

" A very spirited rendering of the Kumdrasambhava, which was first published 
twenty-six years ago, and which we are glad to see made once more accessible." 

"Mr. Griffith s very spirited rendering is well known to most who are at all 
interested in Indian literature, or enjoy the tenderness of feeling and rich creative 
imagination of its author. " Indian Antiquary. 

" We are very glad to welcome a second edition of Professor Griffith s admirable 
translation. Few translations deserve a second edition better." Athencnum. 


Post 8vo, pp. 432, cloth, price i6s. 




Late Professor of Hindustani, Staff College. 

" This not only forms an indispensable book of reference to students of Indian 
literature, but is also of great general interest, as it gives in a concise and easily 
accessible form all that need be known about the personages of Hindu mythology 
whose names are so familiar, but of whom so little is known outside the limited 
circle of savants." Times. 

" It is no slight gain when such subjects are treated fairly and fully in a moderate 
space ; and we need only add that the few wants which we may hope to see supplied 
in new editions detract but little from the general excellence of Mr. Dowson s work." 
Saturday Review. _^_ 

Post 8vo, with View of Mecca, pp. cxii. 172, cloth, price 93. 



Translator of " The Thousand and One Nights ; " &c., &c. 
A New Edition, Revised and Enlarged, with an Introduction by 


"... Has been loir.? esteemed in this country as the compilation of one of the 
greatest Arabic scholars of the time, the late Mr. Lane, the well-known translator of 
the Arabian Nights. "... The present editor has enhanced the value of his 
relative s work by divesting the text of a great deal of extraneous matter introduced 
by way of comment, and prefixing an introduction." Times. 

" Mr. Poole is both a generous and a learned biographer. . . . Mr. Poole tells us 
the facts ... so far as it is possible for industry and criticism to ascertain them, 
and for literary skill to present them in a condensed and readable form." English 
man, Calcutta. 

Post 8vo, pp. vi. 368, cloth, price 143. 



Hon. LL.D. of the University of Calcutta, Hon. Member of the Bombay Asiatic 

Society, JBoderi Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford. 
Third Edition, revised and augmented by considerable Additions, 

with Illustrations and a Map. 

" In this volume we have the thoughtful impressions of a thoughtful man on some 
of the most important questions connected with our Indian Empire. . . . An en 
lightened observant man, travelling among an enlightened observant people, Professor 
Monier Williams has brought before the public in a pleasant form more of the manners 
and customs of the Queen s Indian subjects than we ever remember to have seen in 
any one work. He not only deserves the thanks of every Englishman for this able 
contribution to the study of Modern India a subject with which we should be 
specially familiar but he deserves the thanks of every Indian, Parsee or Hindu, 
Buddhist and Moslem, for his clear exposition of their manners, their creeds, and 
their necessities." Times. 

Post 8vo, pp. xliv. 376. cloth, price 143. 


With an Introduction, many Prose Versions, and Parallel Passages from 

Classical Authors. 

BY J. MUIR, C.I.E., D.C.L., LL.D., Ph.D. 
"... An agreeable introduction to Hindu poetrv." Times. 

" . . . A volume which may be taken as a fair illustration alike of the religious 
and moral sentiments and of the legendary lore of the best Sanskrit writers." 
Edinburgh Daily Review. 


Second Edition, post 8vo, pp. xxvi. 244, cloth, price los. 6d. 


Translated for the First Time into Prose and Verse, with an Introductory 
Preface, and a Life of the Author, from the Atish Kadah, 


" It is a very fair rendering of the original." Times. 

" The new edition has long been desired, and will be welcomed by all who take 
any interest in Oriental poetry. The Gulistan is a typical Persian verse-book of the 
highest order. Mr. Eastwick s rhymed translation . . . has long established itself in 
a secure position as the best version of Sadi s finest work." Academy. 

" It is both faithfully and gracefully executed." Tablet. 

In Two Volumes, post 8vo, pp. viii. 408 and viii. 348, cloth, price 283. 



Late of the Bengal Civil Service ; Corresponding Member of the Institute ; Chevalier 
of the Legion of Honour ; lato British Minister at the Court of Nepal, &c., &c. 


SECTION I. On the Kocch, B6d6, and Dhimal Tribes. Part I. Vocabulary. 
Part II. Grammar. Part III. Their Origin, Location, Numbers, Creed, Customs, 
Character, and Condition, with a General Description of the Climate they dwell in. 

SECTION II. On Himalayan Ethnology. I. Comparative Vocabulary of the Lan 
guages of the Broken Tribes of Nepal. II. Vocabulary of the Dialects of the Kiranti 
Language. III. Grammatical Analysis of the Vayu Language. The Vayu Grammar. 
IV. Analysis of the Bahing Dialect of the Kiranti Language. The Bahing Gram 
mar. V. On the Vayu or Hayu Tribe of the Central Himalaya. VI. On tue Kiranti 
Tribe of the Central Himalaya. 


SECTION III. On the Aborigines of North-Eastern India. Comparative Vocabulary 
of the Tibetan, Bodo, and Garo Tongues. 

SECTION IV. Aborigines of the North-Eastern Frontier. 

SECTION V. Aborigines of the Eastern Frontier. 

SECTION VI The Indo-Chinese Borderers, and their connection with the Hima 
layas and Tibetans. Comparative Vocabulary of Indo-Chinese Borderers in Arakan. 
Comparative Vocabulary of Indo-Chinese Borderers in Teua-sserim. 

SECTION VII. The Mongolian Affinities of the Caucasians. Comparison and Ana 
lysis of Caucasian and Mongolian Words. 

SECTION VIII. Physical Type of Tibetans. 

SECTION IX. The Aborigines of Central India. Comparative Vocabulary of the 
Aboriginal Languages of Central India. Aborigines of the Eastern Ghats. Vocabu 
lary of some of the Dialects of the Hill and Wandering Tribes in the Northern bircars. 
Aborigines of the Nilgiris, with Remarks on their Affinities. Supplement to tho 
Nilgirian Vocabularies. The Aborigines of Southern India and Ceylon. 

SECTION X. Route of Nepalese Mission to Pekin, with Remarks on the Water- 
Shed and Plateau of Tibet. 

SECTION XL Route from Kathmandu, the Capital of Nepal, to Darjceling in 
Sikim. Memorandum relative to the Seven Cosis of Nepal. 

SECTION XII. Some Accounts of the Systems of Law and Police as recognised in 
the State of Nepal. 

SECTION XIII. The Native Method of making the Paper denominated Hindustan, 

SECTION XIV. -Pre-eminence of the Vernaculars; or, the Anglicists Answered; 
Being Letters on the Education of the People of India. 

" For the study of the less-known races of India Mr. Brian Hodgson s Miscellane 
ous Essays will be found very valuabie both to the philologist and the ethnologist. 


Third Edition, Two Vols., post 8vo, pp. viiL-268 and viii.- 32 6, cloth 
price 2is. 


The Ways to Neibban, and Notice on the Phongyies or Burmese Monks. 

Bishop of Ramatha, Vicar-Apostolic of Ava and Pe<m 

Bishop Bigandet s invaluable work. " Indian Antiquary 

^S^^SSSf^KSSfS^ students o the Sl " 

This work is one of the greatest authorities upon Buddhism."-DuWin Review. 

Post 8vo, pp. xxiv. 420, cloth, price i8s. 



Author of "China s Place in Philology," "Religion in China," &c., &c. 

" It contains a vast deal of important information on the subject such as is only 
to be gamed by long-continued study on the apot."Athenaium. 

"Upon the whole, we know of no work comparable to it for the extent of it 
original research and the simplicity with which this complicated systS^of phi o- 
sophy, religion, literature, and ritual is set forth. "-British Quarterly Review 

" The whole volume is replete with learning. ... It deserves most careful study 
from all interested in the history of the religions of the world and expressly of those 
" re0nedln prOp ^ atio f n Christianity. Dr. Edkins /otSn terms 
exa ^-ated P- ise ^towed upon Buddhism^ recent 

Post 8vo, pp. 496, cloth, price los. 6d. 



Late Member of Her Majesty s Indian Civil Service ; Hon. Secretary to 

the Royal Asiatic Society; 
and Author of " The Modern Languages of the East Indies." 

"We know none who has described Indian life, especially the life of the natives 
with so much learning, sympathy, and literary talent "-Academy 

They seem to us to be full of suggestive and original remarks. "St. James s Gazette 
" His book contains a vast amount of information. The result of thirty-five years 

^ 01 " and that on subjects as ful1 of fascinat4 as 

t Exh i 1 M t i SUCl \ a thor( ? u & h acquaintance with the history and antiquities of India 
as to entitle him to speak as one having authority." Edinburgh Daily Review. 

" The author speaks with the authority of personal experience. . It is this 

to n m2i n v on? 01 ^ he country aud the poople wh > ch gives such a 

to many 01 tJie pages. Atktnceum. 


Post 8vo, pp. civ. 348, cloth, price i8s. 


The Oldest Collection of Folk-lore Extauit : 


For the first time Edited in the original Pali. 


And Translated by T. W. RHYS DAVIDS. 

Translation. Volume I. 

"These are tales supposed to have been told by the Buddha of what he liad seen 
and heard in his previous births. They are probably the nearest representatives 
of the original Aryan stories from which sprang the folk-lore of Europe as well as 
India. The introduction contains a most interesting disquisition on the migrations 
of these fables, tracing their reappearance in the various groups of folk-lore legends. 
Among other old friends, we meet with a version of the Judgment of Solomon. " Times. 

" It is now some years since Mr. Rhys Davids asserted his right to be heard on 
this subject by his able article on Buddhism in the new edition of the Encyclopaedia 
Britannlca. " Leeds Mercury. 

" All who are interested in Buddhist literature ought to feel deeply indebted to 
Mr. Rhys Davids. His well-established reputation as a Pali scholar is a sufficient 
guarantee for the fidelity of his version, and the style of his translations is deserving 
of high praise." Academy. 

" No more competent expositor of Buddhism could be found than Mr. Rhys Davids. 
In the Jataka book we have, then, a priceless record of the earliest imaginative 
literature of our race ; and ... it presents to us a nearly complete picture of the 
social life and customs and popular beliefs of the common people ot Aryan tribes, 
closely related to ourselves, just as they were passing through the first stages of 
civilisation. " St. James s Gazette. 

Post 8vo, pp. xxviii. 362, cloth, price 143. 



Compiled and Translated by PAUL ISAAC HERSHON, 

Author of " Genesis According to the Talmud," &c. 
With Notes and Copious Indexes. 

" To obtain in so concise and handy a form as this volume a general idea of the 
Talmud is a boon to Christians at least." Times. 

" Its peculiar and popular character will make it attractive to general readers. 
Mr. Hershoii is a very competent scholar. . . . Contains samples of the good, bad, 
and indifferent, and especially extracts that throw light upon the Scriptures." 
British Quarterly Review. 

" Will convey to English readers a more complete and truthful notion of the 
Talmud than any other work that has yet appeared." Dally News. 

" Without overlooking in the slightest the several attractions of the previous 
volumes of the Oriental Series. we have no hesitation in saying that this surpasses 
them all in interest." Edinburgh Daily Review. 

" Mr. Hershon has . . . thus given English readers what is, we believe, a fair set 
of specimens which they can test for themselves." The Record. 

" This book is by far the best fitted in the present state of knowledge to enable the 
general reader to gain a fair and unbiassed conception of the multifarious contents 
of the wonderful miscellany which can only be truly understood so Jewish pride 
asserts by the life-long devotion of scholars of the Chosen People. Inquirer. 

" The value and importance of this volume consist in the fact that scarcely a single 
extract is given in its pages but throws some light, direct or refracted, upon those 
Scriptures which are the common heritage of Jew and Christian alik 

" It is a capital specimen of Hebrew scholarship ; a monument of learned, loving, 
light-giving labour." Jeicish Herald. 


Post 8vo, pp. xii. 228, cloth, price ys. 6<1. 



Author of " Yeigo Henkaku Shiran." 

" A very curious volume. The author has manifestly devoted much labour to the 
task, of studying the poetical literature of the Japanese, and rendering characteristic 
specimens into English verse. "Daily News. 

" Mr. Chamberlain s volume is, so far as we are aware, the first attempt which has 
been made to interpret the literature of the Japanese to the Western world. It is to 
the classical poetry of Old Japan that we must turn for indigenous Japanese thought 
and in the volume before us we have a selection from that poetry rendered into 
graceful English verse." Tablet. 

"It is undoubtedly one of the best translations of lyric literature which has 
appeared during the close of the last year." Celestial Empire. 

"Mr. Chamberlain set himself a difficult task when he undertook to reproduce 
Japanese poetry in an English form. But he has evidently laboured con amore and 
las efforts are successful to a degree." London and China Express. 

Post 8vo, pp. xii. 164, cloth, price IDS. 6d. 

THE HISTORY OF ESARHADDON (Son of Sennacherib), 

Translated from the Cuneiform Inscriptions upon Cylinders and Tablets in 

the British Museum Collection ; together with a Grammatical Analysis 
of each Word, Explanations of the Ideographs by Extracts from the 
Bi-Lingual Syllabaries, and List of Eponyms, &c. 


Assyrian Exhibitioner, Christ s College, Cambridge. 

" Students of scriptural archeology will also appreciate the Historv of Esar- 
hacldon. " Times. 

" There is much to attract the scholar in this volume. It does not pretend to 
popularise studies which are yet in their infancy. Its primary object is to translate, 
but it does not assume to be more than tentative, and it offers both to the professed 
Assyriplpgist and to the ordinary non-Assyriological Semitic scholar the means of 
controlling its results." Academy. 

"Mr. Budge s book is, of course, mainly addressed to Assyrian scholars and 
They are not, it is to be feared, a very numerous class. But the more 
thanks are due to him on that account for the way in which he has acquitted Himself 
in his laborious task." Tabiet. 

Post 8vo, pp. 448, cloth, price 2is. 


(Usually known as THE MESNEVIYI SHERIF, or HoLY MESNEVl) 


Book the First. 
Together with some Account of the Life and Acts of the Author, 

of his Ancestors, and of his Descendants. 
Illustrated by a Selection of Characteristic Anecdotes, as Collected 

by their Historian, 

Translated, and the Poetry Versified, in English, 
" A complete treasury of occult Oriental lore." Saturday lievieic. 
"This book will be a very valuable help to the reader ignorant of Persia, who is 
desirous of obtaining an insight into a very important department of the literature 
extant in that language." Tablet. 


Post 8vo, pp. xvi. 280, cloth, price 6s. 




Member of the Bengal Asiatic Society, F.K.G.S. 
" We regard the book as valuable, and wish for it a wide circulation and attentive 

reading." Record. 

" Altogether, it is quite a feast of good things." Globe. 
" It is full of interesting matter." Antiquary. 

Post 8vo, pp. viii. 270, cloth, price 73. 6d. 


Containing a New Edition of the "Indian Song of Songs," from the Sanscrit 
of the "Gita Govinda" of Jayadeva ; Two Books from The Iliad of 
India" (Mahabharata), " Proverbial Wisdom " from the Shlokas of the 
Hitopadesa, and other Oriental Poems. 

BY EDWIN ARNOLD, C.S.I., Author of "The Light of Asia." 
" In this new volume of Messrs. Trubner s Oriental Series, Mr. Edwin Arnold does 
good service by illustrating, through the medium of his musical English melodies, 
the power of Indian poetry to stir European emotions. The Indian Song of Songs 
is not unknown to scholars. Mr. Arnold will have introduced it among popular 
English poems. Nothing could be more graceful and delicate than the shades by 
which Krishna is portrayed in the gradual process of being weaned by the love of 

Beautiful Radha, jasmine-bosomed Radha, 
from the allurements of the forest nymphs, in whom the five senses are typified. "- 

" No other English poet has ever thrown his genius and his art so thoroughly into 
the work of translating Eastern ideas as Mr. Arnold has done in his splendid para 
phrases of language contained in these mighty epics." -Daily lelegrapfi. 

"The poem abounds with imagery of Eastern luxuriousness and sensuousm ss; the 
air seems laden with the spicy odours of the tropics, and the verse has a richness and 
a melody sufficient to captivate the senses of the dullest. Standard. 

The translator, while producing a very enjoyable poem, has adhered with toler- 
nhlp fidelitv to the original text." Overland Mail. 

a ^We certainly wTsh Mr. Arnold success in his attempt to populanse Indian 
classics, that being, as his preface tells us, the goal towards which he bends his 
efforts." Allen s Indian Mail. 

Post 8vo, pp. xvi. 296, cloth, price IDS. 6d. 



Translated from the Original Text and Classified, with 

Comments and Explanations, 
By the REV. ERNST FABER, Rhenish Mission Society. 

Translated from the German, with Additional Notes, 

By the REV. A. B. HUTCHINSON, C.M.S., Church Mission, Hong Kong. 
" Mr. Faber is already well known in the field of Chinese studies by his digest of 
the doctrines of Confucius. The value of this work will fe perceived i rhen it is 
remembered that at no time since relations commenced betwee u in.i nd the 
West has the former been so powerful-we had almost said ffF"*-** J^ 
For those who will give it careful study, Mr. Faber s work is one of the mos 
valuable of the excellent series to which it belongs. Nature. 

A 2 


Post 8vo, pp. 336, cloth, price i6s. 



Translated from the French with the authority and assistance of the Author. 

The author has, at the request of the publishers, considerably enlarged 
the work for the translator, and has added the literature of the subject to 
date ; the translation may, therefore, be looked upon as an equivalent of a 
new and improved edition of the original. 

" Is not only a valuable manual of the religions of India, which marks a distinct 
step in the treatment of the subject, but also a useful work of reference." Academy. 

" This volume is a reproduction, with corrections and additions, of an article 
contributed by the learned author two years ago to the Encyclopedic des Sciences 
Religieuses. It attracted much notice when it first appeared, and is generally 
admitted to present the best summary extant of the vast subject with which it 
deals." Tablet. 

This is not only on the whole the best but the only manual of the religions of 
India, apart from Buddhism, which we have in English. The present work . . . 
shows not only great knowledge of the facts and power of clear exposition, but also 
great insight into the inner history and the deeper meaning of the great religion, 
for it is in reality only one, which it proposes to describe." Modern Review. 

" The merit of the work has been emphatically recognised by the most authoritative 
Orientalists, both in this country and on the continent of Europe, But probably 
there are few Indianists (if we may use the word) who would not derive a good deal 
of information from it, and especially from the extensive bibliography provided in 
the notes." Dublin Review. 

" Such a sketch M. Earth has drawn with a master-hand." Critic (Neio York). 

Post 8vo, pp. viii. 152, cloth, price 6s. 



An Exposition of the System of Kapila, with an Appendix on the 

Nyaya and Vais eshika Systems. 
BY JOHN DAVIES, M.A. (Cantab.), M.R.A.S. 

The system of Kapila contains nearly all that India has produced in the 
department of pure philosophy. 

" The non-Orientalist . . . finds in Mr. Davies a patient and learned guide who 
leads him into the intricacies of the philosophy of India, and supplies him with a clue 
that he may not be lost in them. In the preface he states that the system of 
Kapila is the earliest attempt on record to give an answer, from reason alone, 
to the mysterious questions which arise in every thoughtful mind about the origin of 
the world, the nature and relations of man and his future destiny, and in his learned 
and able notes he exhibits the connection of the Sankhya system with the philo 
sophy of Spinoza, and the connection of the system of Kapila with that of Schopen 
hauer and Vou Hartmann. " Foreign Church Chronicle. 

" Mr. Davies s volume on Hindu Philosophy is an undoubted gain to all students 
of the development of thought. The system of Kapila, which is here given in a trans 
lation from the Sankhya Karika, is the only contribution of India to pure philosophy. 
. . . Presents many points of deep interest to the student of comparative philo 
sophy, and without Mr. Davies s lucid interpretation it would be difiicult to appre 
ciate these points in any adequate manner." Saturday Review. 

" We welcome Mr. Davies s book as a valuable addition to our philosophical 
library. Notes and Queries. 


Post 8vo, pp. x. 130, cloth, price 6s. 


Translated, with copious Annotations, 

Bombay Staff Corps ; Inspector of Army Schools. 

The design of this little work is to provide for missionaries, and for 
others who, like them, have little leisure for original research, an accurate 
summary of the doctrines of the Vedanta. 

" The modest title of Major Jacob s work conveys but an inadequate idea of the 
vast amount of research embodied in bis notes to the text of the Vedantasara. So 
copious, indeed, are these, and so much collateral matter do they bring to bear on 
the subject, that the diligent student will rise from their perusal with a fairly 
adequate view of Hindu philosophy generally. His work ... is one of the best of 
its kind that we have seen." Calcutta Review. 

Post 8vo, pp. xii. 154, cloth, price 79. 6d. 




Custodian of the Grey Collection, Cape Town ; Corresponding Member 

of the Geegr. Society, Dresden ; Corresponding Member of the 

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ANY one who has glanced at the analysis of the Tibetan 
Bkah-hgyur by Alexander Csoma de Koros, published in 
the 2Oth volume of the "Asiatic Kesearches," must have 
been struck with the wonderful patience and perseverance 
of this extraordinary scholar. Some idea of the extent of 
the researches which are embodied in his analysis of the 
Dulva, about the tenth part of the whole Bkah-hgyur, 
may be had when it is known that it occupies more than 
4000 leaves of seven lines to the page, each line averaging 
twenty-two syllables. But notwithstanding all that Csoma 
did to make known to Europe the vast Buddhist literature 
of Tibet, his work is hardly more than an index of the 
Tibetan Tripitaka. Moreover, when he wrote it, Buddhist 
studies were in their infancy, and many important subjects 
on which the Bkah-hgyur furnishes answers, which, if not 
always acceptable, are still plausible and interesting, had 
not been investigated by scholars, and their importance 
"was as yet ignored. 

Csoma s premature death prevented him examining as 
fully as we could have desired the Tibetan Bstan-hgyur, 
in which may be found many important works which help 
to elucidate the difficulties which so frequently beset the 
canonical works in the Bkah-hgyur. 

From what has been said we may safely assert that it 
is not impossible to extend the analysis of the Bkah-hgyur 


far beyond the limits reached by Csoma. So numerous, 
however, are the materials which are supplied us, that it 
is beyond the power of any one scholar to examine them 
in their entirety, and he must necessarily confine himself 
to one special subject or branch of research. 

In the first part of this work we have endeavoured to 
give a substantial and connected analysis, and frequently 
literal translations, of the greater part of the historical or 
legendary texts contained in the Tibetan Dulva or Vinaya- 
pitaka, which is unquestionably the most trustworthy, and 
probably the oldest portion of the Bkah-hgyur. 

By frequent reference to the pages of the original (the 
East India Office copy of the Bkah-hgyur), we hope we 
will have facilitated researches in the cumbrous Tibetan 
volumes, to which no indices are attached. 

Some of the passages of this volume have been analysed 
by Anton Schiefner in his Tibetische Libensbescriebung 
Qakyamuni (St. Petersburg, 1849), but as the work from 
which he translated them was composed by a Tibetan 

lama of the seventeenth century, it could hardly be con- 

sidered as authoritative, and it has been thought advis 
able not to omit these documents in their original Tibetan 

The Tibetan Vinaya (Dulva) is not solely devoted to 
recording the rules and regulations of the Buddhist order, 
as is the Pali work of this name, but it contains jatakas, 1 
avadanas, vyakaranas, sutras, and udanas, and in that it 
resembles the Sanskrit Vinaya, which Burnouf tells us 
presents the same peculiarity. A few of these texts have 
been introduced in this work, because they appeared of 
sufficient interest to justify their presence in a volume 

1 The third volume of the Dulva volume 39, some of which I have not 
contains 13 jatakas, and the fourth met with in the Pali jataka. 


which is intended to give an idea of the Tibetan Vinaya 

By comparing the following notes on the life of the 
Buddha with other works on the same subject, but derived 
from different sources, it will be seen that two periods of 
the life of Gautama are narrated by all Buddhist authors 
in about the same terms (probably because they all drew 
from the same source their information), the history of his 
life down to his visit to Kapilavastu in the early part of 
his ministry, and that of the last year of his life. All the 
events which occurred between these two periods are with 
difficulty assigned to any particular year of his life, and we 
have been obliged to avail ourselves of any incidental 
remarks in the texts for arranging our narrative in even 
a semi-chronological order. Thus the oft-recurring phrase 
that Adjatasatru was king of Magadha when such and 
such an event took place, suggested the idea of taking the 
commencement of his reign (five or eight years before the 
Buddha s death) as a dividing-point in the Buddha s life, 
and of putting in the same chapter all the texts which are 
prefaced with this remark. 

The histories of the councils of Eajagriha and of Vaisali, 
contained in the eleventh volume of the Dulva, are here 
translated for the first time, and they differ in many 
respects from the versions of these events previously 
translated from Pali or Chinese. 

The authenticity of the council of Eajagriha has been 
doubted on insufficient grounds, and, without examining 
the merits of the case, we cannot help thinking that it was 
much more rational that a compilation or collation of the 
utterances of the Master and of the rules of the order 
should have been made shortly after his death, than that 
his followers, however united they may have been, should 


have allowed a century to elapse before fixing in any 
definite shape the sacred words and ordinances. More 
over, both Pali and Tibetan works only credit the council 
of Vaisali with having settled some unimportant questions 
of discipline, and do not mention any revision of the 
sacred works performed by this synod. 

In the sixth chapter will be found a literal translation 
of the greater part of a work on the Buddhist schools of 
the Hinayana by Bhavya, an Indian Buddhist of great 
renown. His work is especially interesting, as it differs 
materially from that of Vasumitra on the same subject, 
which has been translated by Professor Wassilief. Both 
of these works, unfortunately, are far from being satis 
factory, and though Bhavya often appears to quote 
Vasumitra, he has not made use (at least in the Tibetan 
translation) of terms which might enable us to better 
understand the frequently enigmatical explanations of 

A few words are necessary to explain the presence in a 
volume of translations from the Tibetan sacred writings of 
a chapter on the early history of Tibet. What little infor 
mation we possess of the early history of this secluded 
country is scattered about in a number of works not 
always accessible, and frequently unsatisfactory on ac 
count of the defective transcription of Tibetan words. It 
was thought that an abstract of the greater and more 
reliable part of the works bearing on this question might 
prove acceptable to those who may desire to have some 
knowledge on this subject, but who are unwilling to look 
over all the different documents which treat of it. We 
have endeavoured to supplement the researches of our 
predecessors in this field with what new facts we have 
been able to derive from a somewhat hurried examina- 


tion of the Tibetan Bstan-hgyur and some other books 
which have come under our notice. 

The extracts incorporated in chapter viii. are quite 
new, and it is believed that no scholar has heretofore 
called attention -to -them. The texts from which they 
have been taken, with the exception of one, belong to a 
class of Buddhist works called Vyakarana,or Prophecies. 
In them the Buddha predicts to his disciples the events 
which will occur in days to come in such a country or to 
such an individual. In this case these Predictions are 
all corroborated by the statements of the Li-yul-lo-rgyus- 
pa or Annals of Li-yul, the most important of the works 
on this subject which I have met with. 

This last-named work seems to have been compiled 
from documents unknown to Northern Buddhist writers 
in general, and from the particular form in which certain 
proper names have been transcribed (such as Ydgo in 
stead of Yd$as or Yasheska, which is always met with in 
Northern texts), we think its author had access to some 
Southern documents on the early history of Buddhism. 
This supposition is. still more strengthened by the fact 
that this work does not confound the two Abekas, as do 
all Northern Buddhist ones, but gives about the same 
date for his reign as the Dipawansa and Mahawansa. 
Still it is strange, if it was inspired from these Pali 
documents, that it does not give exactly the same dates 
as they do. These extracts are interesting, moreover, in 
that they show with what care and precision the great 
Chinese traveller Hiuen Thsang recorded the traditions of 
the different countries he visited. 

My most sincere thanks are due to Dr. Ernst Leu- 
mann and to Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio for the notes they have 
kindly furnished me, and which are reproduced in the 


Appendix. Dr. Leumann s translation from the Bhaga- 
vatl will prove of great assistance in elucidating the very 
obscure passage of the Samana-phala Sutra relative to 
Gosala s theories, and Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio s parallel trans 
lations of two Chinese versions of the Samana-phala Sutra 
tend to prove the existence at an early date of several 
distinct versions of this very interesting sutra. 

One of the most embarrassing parts of reading Tibetan 
Buddhist works is the habit of those who did these works 
into Tibetan of translating all the proper names which 
were susceptible of being translated. It is hoped that the 
special index of Tibetan words with their Sanskrit equi 
valents at the end of this volume will prove of assistance 
to those who may wish to study Tibetan Buddhism in the 
original works. 

Throughout this volume no attempt has been made to 
criticise the texts which have been studied ; they are only 
intended as materials for those who hereafter may under 
take to write a history of the Buddha founded on the 
comparative study of works extant in thfe different coun 
tries in which his doctrines flourished ; and if our labours 
facilitate this, we will feel fully compensated for all our 

LAUSANNE, June 6, 1884. 




































THE following history of the world s renovation and of 
the origin of castes is taken from the fifth volume of 
the Dulva, fol. 155-166. It also occurs in the third 
volume of the same work, fol. 421-430, but several inte 
resting passages are there omitted, although the rest of 
the text is exactly the same as that of vol. v. In the 
third volume it is Maudgalyayana who, at the Buddha s 
request, tells to the Qakyas the story of the world s re 
generation, and of the ancient peoples who inhabited it. 
The Buddha feared that if he himself told the story the tir- 
thikas would accuse him of unduly extolling his own clan 
(D. iii. 42O b ). In the fifth volume the story is told to the 
bhikshus by the Buddha, to teach them how sin first made 
its appearance in the world. 

" At the time when the world was destroyed, many of 
its inhabitants were born in the region of the A^bhasvara 
devas, and there they had ethereal bodies, free from every 
impurity ; their faculties were unimpaired, they were per 
fect in all their principal and secondary parts, of goodly 
appearance and of a pleasing colour. Light proceeded from 



their persons ; they moved through space and fed on joy, 
and they lived in this state to great ages for a long period. 

In the meanwhile this great earth was mingled up with 
the waters and with the mighty deep. Then on the face 
of the great earth, of the water and of the ocean that were 
mingled together, there blew a wind, 1 which solidified and 
concentrated the rich surface (lit. the cream) ; as when the 
wind blowing over the surface of boiled milk which is 
cooling, solidifies and concentrates the cream, so likewise 
did this wind blowing over the surface of the earth, the 
water and the ocean which were mixed together, solidify 
and coagulate it. 

This rime (lit. essence of the earth, prithivirasa) was of 
exquisite colour, of delicious taste, of delightful (f. 156^ 
fragrance, in colour like unto butter, its taste like that of 
uncooked honey. 

At this period when the world was formed, some of the 
beings in the region of the Abhasvara devas had accom 
plished their allotted time, the merit of their good works 
being exhausted; so they departed that life and became men, 
but with attributes similar to those they previously had. 2 

At that period there was neither sun nor moon in the 
world ; there were no stars in the world, neither was there 
night or day, minutes, seconds, or fractions of seconds ; 
there were no months, half months, no periods of time, 
no years : neither were there males or females ; there were 
only animated beings. 

Then it happened that a being of an inquisitive nature 
tasted the rime with the tip of his finger, and thus he 
conceived a liking (f. I57 a ) for it, and he commenced eating 
pieces of it as food. 3 

Other beings saw this being tasting the rime [so they 

1 Cf . Gen. i. 2, and Ps. xxxiii. 6, 3 In Scandinavian mythology the 
" And the Spirit of God moved upon renovated human race is fed on 
the face of the water." See B. H. dew. So likewise the cow Audh- 
Hodgson, Essays, i. p. 43, and p. 55, umbla lived on salt that came from 
note 3. the rime produced by the ice-cold 

2 The first beings were devas, in streams. See Anderson, Norse My- 
the Vedic sense of " bright ones/ thol., p. 194. 


followed his example], and commenced eating pieces of it 
as food. 

From these beings eating the rime as food their bodies 
became coarse and gross they lost their brilliancy and 
their goodly appearance, and darkness was upon the face 
of the earth. 

For these reasons the sun and moon were created ; 
stars also (f. I57 b ) came into existence, as did night and 
day, minutes, seconds, fractions of seconds, months and 
half months, divisions of time and years. The beings feed 
ing on this rime lived to great ages for a long space of time. 

The complexion of those who ate but little of this food 
was clear, w r hereas that of those who ate much of it was 
dark. Then those whose complexion was clear said to 
the others, " Why, I have a fine complexion, whereas 
you are dark ! " and thus were established distinctions. 
They whose complexion was clear were proud of it, and 
became sinful and iniquitous, and then the rime vanished. 

(f . 1 5 8 a .) When the rime had vanished from these beings, 
there appeared a fatty substance (prithMparvataJca) of 
exquisite colour and savour, of delicious fragrance, in 
colour as a dongka flower, in flavour like uncooked honey ; 
and they took this as their food, and they lived to great 
ages for a long while. 

[This fatty substance vanished after a while, for the 
same reason as had brought about the disappearance of 
the rime.] 

When the fatty substance had vanished from mankind, 
there appeared bunches of reeds (vanalata) of exquisite 
colour and savour, of delicious fragrance, in colour like 
a kadambuka flower (f. 159"), in flavour like uncooked 
honey. Then they took this as their food, and on it they 
lived to great ages for a long while. 

[This food also vanished after a while, for the same 
reasons as above.] 

(f. 1 59 b .) When the bunches of reeds had vanished from 
mankind, there appeared a spontaneously growing rice, not 


coarse, without pellicule, clean, four fingers in length. 
There was never any lack of it ; for if it was cut down in 
the evening, it was grown up again in the morning ; if it 
was cut down in the morning, it was grown ere evening ; 
what was cut down grew up afresh, so that it was not 

Then they took this as their food, and on it they lived 
to great ages for a long time. 

From eating this rice their different organs were de 
veloped ; some had those of males and others those of 
females. Then they saw each other, and conceived love for 
each other, and, burning with lust, they came to commit 

Other beings (f. i6o a ) saw what they were doing, so 
they threw at them earth, stones, gravel, pebbles, and 
potsherds, saying unto them, " Thou doest wrongly ! thou 
doest that which is wrong!" But those who had acted 
wrongly, who had done that which was wrong, exclaimed, 
" Why do you thus insult us ? " 

As nowadays when a man takes unto himself a wife, 
they sprinkle her over with dust, perfumes, flowers, and 
parched rice, with cries of " Good luck, sister!" so those 
beings, seeing the wickedness of those other Beings, 
sprinkled them with earth, threw at them stones and 
gravel, pebbles and potsherds, crying after that, " Thou 
doest wrongly ! thou doest that which is not right !" But 
they who had done wrong, who had done that which was 
wrong, exclaimed, " Why do you thus insult us ?" 

And thus it was that what was formerly considered 
unlawful has become lawful nowadays; what was not 
tolerated in former times has become tolerated nowadays ; 
what was looked down (f. i6o b ) on in former days has 
become praiseworthy now. 

Now, when they had done wrong one, two, three, even 
unto seven days, these sinful beings were so possessed by 
the ways of wickedness that they commenced building 
houses. "Here," they said, "we may do what is not 


allowed ; " and from this expression originated the word 
" house." 1 

Now this is the first appearance in the world of 
divisions by houses, and this (division) is lawful or not 
lawful according to the king s decision, and he is the lord 
of the law. 

If these beings wanted rice to eat in the evening or in 
the morning, they would go and get what was requisite ; 
but it happened that one being who was of an indolent 
disposition took at one time enough rice for evening and 
morning. Now another being said to him, " Come, let us 
go for rice." Then he answered him, " Look after your 
own rice; I have taken enough at one time to last me 
morning and evening" (f. i6i a ). Then the other thought, 
"Good, capital! I will take enough rice for two, three, 
seven days ; " and he did accordingly. 

Then it happened that some one said to this person, 
" Come, let us go for rice ;" but he answered him, "Look 
after your own rice ; I have taken enough at one time to 
last me two, three, seven days." 

" Good, capital ! " thought the other, " I will take 
enough rice for a fortnight, for a month;" and he did 

And because these beings took to laying up provisions 
of this spontaneously growing rice, it became coarse; a 
husk enveloped the grain, and when it had been cut down 
it "Tew not up again, but remained as it had been left. 

Then these beings (f. i6i b ) assembled together in sorrow, 
grief, and lamentation, and said, " Sirs, formerly we had 
ethereal bodies, free from every impurity, with faculties 

unimpaired, &c., &c 2 Let us now draw lines of 

demarcation and establish boundaries between each one s 

1 Khyim is probably derived from of other words in Tibetan, was not 

hyims-pa, " to encircle," in accord- used with this signification until after 

ance with this supposition, which the introduction of Buddhism into 

derives the Sanskrit griha, " house," Tibet. 

from grah, " to embrace, to contain." 2 Here follows a recapitulation of 

This leads us to suppose that the all the preceding history, 
word lchyim ) like a very large class 


property." So they drew lines of demarcation and set up 
bounds " This is thine this is mine " (they said). 

Now, this is the first appearance in the world of a 
system of boundary lines, and this (boundary) is right or 
not right according to the king s decision, and he is the 
lord of the law. 

After this it happened that one person took another s 
rice without his consent, as if it was his own, and when 
other persons saw him, they said to him, " Why do you 
take the rice of another without his consent, as if it was 
your own ? You must not do this again." But he went 
a second and a third time, and took the rice of another 
without his consent, as if it was his own. When the other 
persons saw this (f. i63 b ) they said to him, "Why do you 
thus take the rice of another without his consent, as 
though it was your own ? " So they laid hold of him and 
led him into their midst. 

" Sirs," they said, " this person has been guilty of taking 
the rice of another without his consent, as though it was 
his own." Then they said unto him, "Why have you 
taken the rice of another without his consent, as though 
it was your own ? Go, and do wrong no more." But he 
who had stolen said to them, " Sirs, I have been .badly 
treated in that I have been laid hold of by these per 
sons on account of some rice and brought into this 

Then they said to those who had brought him thither, 
and who had spoken about the rice, " Why did you bring 
this man here to whom you had spoken about the rice ? 
In bringing him here into our midst you have done him 
a wrong; go, and do not so again" (f. i64 a ). Then they 
thought, "Let us, in view of what has just happened, 
assemble together, and choose from out our midst those 
who are the finest-looking, the largest, the handsomest, 
the strongest, and let us make them lords over our fields, 
and they shall punish those of us who do what is punish 
able, and they shall recompense those of us who do what 


is praiseworthy, and from the produce of our fields and of 
the fruits we gather we will give them a portion." 

So they gathered together [and did as they had decided 
upon], and they made him lord over their fields with 
these words : " Henceforth thou shalt punish those of us 
who deserve punishment, and thou shalt recompense those 
of us who deserve recompense, and we will give thee a 
portion of the produce of our fields (f. 164?) and of the 
fruits we gather." 

From his receiving the homages of many he was called 
" Honoured by many, or Mahasammata ; " and as he was 
lord over the fields and kept them from harm, he received 
the name of " Protector of the fields," or Kshatriya ; and 
as he was a righteous man and wise, arid one who brought 
happiness to mankind with the law, he was called " King," 
or Raja. 

Some beings who were afflicted with diseases, ulcera- 
tions, pains, and misery, left their villages for the wilds ; 
they made themselves huts with boughs and leaves, and 
they dwelt therein. Each evening when they (f. i65 b ) 
wanted food, they would go into the villages to gather 
alms, and in the morning when they required food they 
would do likewise; and the people gave to them with 
willing hearts, for they thought, " These learned men are 
afflicted by disease, liberations [the rest as above down 
to], morning and evening they come into the village to beg 


Then it happened that some persons not having been 
able to find perfection in meditation and perfect seclusion, 
went to a certain place, where they made huts with boughs 
and leaves. "Here," they said, "we will compose man 
tras, we will compile the vedas." And they did as they 
had said. 

Now some others of their number not having been abl 
to (f. i65 b ) find perfection in either meditation and per 
fect seclusion, or in composing mantras and in compiling 
the vedas, left the wilds and went back to their villages. 


"Here," they said, "we will distribute alms and do good 
works. All those who come and sit down at our board 
shall have all they may wish, either food or drink/ 
And so they gave alms [and did as they had said they 
would do]. 

Those who lived " away " from villages were called 
" detached minds," or Brahmans, and from the fact that 
(some) were not given to contemplation, but did read, they 
were called " readers " or Pathaka. Those who lived away 
from the forests and in villages were called " Villagers." 

Some beings (f. i66 a ) applying themselves to different 
handicrafts and occupations in their homes, made "different 
kinds" of things (which they did sell), and they were 
therefore called " merchants," or Vaisyas. 1 

Thus were created in the world these three castes. There 
was also a fourth one created, that of the Qramanas. 

Members of kshatriya families cut off their hair and 
beard, and putting on saffron- coloured gowns, they left 
their homes for a homeless state, and completely retired 
from the world (pravradjitd) ; and to them the kshatriya 
spoke with respect; they arose in their presence and 
bowed reverentially to them. The brahmans and vaisyas 
[treated them with like respect]. 

Members of (f. i66 b ) brahman and vaisya families cut 
off their hair and beard, and putting on saffron-coloured 
gowns, they left their homes for a homeless state, and 
completely retired from the world; and to them the 
kshatriyas spoke with respect ; they arose in their pre 
sence and bowed reverentially to them. The brahmans 
and vaisyas [treated them with like respect]. 

Then it was that when a person first took rice from 
another, as if it had been his own, by this transgression 
stealing first showed itself in the world, in which there 
had been no trace of it until then. By this act, by 

1 Rjeu-rigs. Both Csoma and our text, vaisya is derived from vis, 

Jaschke derive this word from rje- vi = so-so, " different (kinds of 

60, "lord," whereas it is evidently things"), 
derived from rje-ba, "to barter." In 


stealing, sin now exists in the world, in which there was 
no trace of it in the first place. 

The history of the succeeding events is taken from the 
third volume of the Dulva, fol. 420* et seq. 

King Mahasammata s son was Eokha (Od mdjcs), whose 
son was Kalyana (Dge-l>a), w T hose son was Varakalyana 
(Dge-mtclwg), whose son was Utposhadha (Gso-sbyong- 
hphags) (f. 430*). From King Utposhadha s head was 
born a son whose name was Mandhatar (Nga-las mi) (f. 
43O b ). These six kings are called the six incommensur- 
ables, for exceeding long were their lives. 

From a tumour on King Mandhatar s right shoulder (?) 
was born a son whose name was Kara (Mdjes-pa\ and 
great were his magical powers. He ruled over the four 
continents. From his left shoulder was born a son whose 
name was Upakaru (Nye-mdjes-pa\ and he ruled over three 
continents (f. 431). 

From a fleshy excrescence on his left foot was born a 
son whose name was Karumant (Mdjes-ldari). He ruled 
over two continents (f. 43 i b ). 

From this one s right foot was born a son whose name 
was Upakarumant (Nye-mdjes-ldan), and he ruled over one 

[Then followed a long succession of kings, whose de 
scendants ruled in Varanasi (f. 43 2 b ), in Kamapala (? do.), 
in Hastipura, in Takshagila, in Kanyakubdja, &c. ; but as 
they are not immediately connected with the Qakyas, it is 
useless to lose time with them.] 

(F. 43 3 b ) Mahesvarasena (Dbang-pTiyug tcJien-poi sde) 
of Varanasi had many descendants, who reigned in 
Kuginagara and also in Potala (Gfru-hdjin) ; one of these 
was King Karnika (Itna-ba-chaii), who had two sons, 
Gautama and Baradvadja (f. 43 5 a ) ; the former was a 
virtuous man, whereas the latter was wicked. Gautama, 
though the elder, begged his father to allow him to 
become a recluse, for he dreaded the responsibility of a 
sovereign ruler. Having obtained the necessary consent, 


he became the disciple of a rishi called Krichnavarna 
(Mdog-nag). After a while, King Karnika died, and Bar- 
advadja became king (f. 436 a ). 

Following his master s advice, Gautama built a hut 
within the precincts of Potala, and there he dwelt. It 
happened once that a courtesan of Potala called Bhadra 
was killed by her crafty lover near the recluse s hut 1 
(f. 437 a ), into which the murderer threw his bloody 

The people of the town finding the murdered woman 
and the sword in the hermit s hut, thought him the mur 
derer, and he was condemned to death. He was marched 
through the city with a wreath of karapira (sic) flowers 
around his neck and dressed in rags; then they took 
him outside the southern gate and impaled him (f. 


While yet alive, his master, the rishi Krichnavarna 
saw him, and questioned him as to his guilt. " If I am 
innocent," Gautama replied, " may you from black be 
come golden-coloured ! " and straightway the rishi became 
golden-coloured, and was from that time known as Kana- 
kavarna (? Gser-gyi-mdog). Gautama also told the rishi 
that he was greatly worried at the thought thaj the 
throne of Potala would become vacant, for his brother 
had no children (f. 438 b ) ; so the rishi caused a great 
rain to fall on Gautama, and a mighty wind to arise 
which soothed his pains and revived his senses, and 
two drops of semen mingled with blood fell from him. 

After a little while these two drops became eggs, and 
the heat of the rising sun caused them to open, and 
from out them came two children, who went into a 
sugar-cane plantation near by. The heat of the sun went 
on increasing, so that the rishi Gautama dried up and 

Now the rishi Kanakavarna perceived that these chil 
dren must be Gautama s, so he took them home with 

1 See Dulva, iii. f. i ct seo^. 


him and provided for them. Having been born as the 
sun arose, and having been brought forth by its rays, 
they were called " of the sun family " or Suryavansa. 
They were, moreover, called Gautama, being the children 
of Gautama, and as they were " born from his loins," they 
were, in the third place, called Angirasas (Yan-lag skyes). 
Having been found in a " sugar-cane plantation," they were 
called Ikshvaku (Bu-ram shing-pa) (f. 439). 

Baradvadja died without issue, and the ministers con 
sulted the rishi to know if Gautama had left children 
(f. 439 b ). He told them the strange story, and they took 
the children and made the elder one king. He died, 
however, without issue, and the younger became king 
under the name of Ikshvaku. One hundred of his de 
scendants reigned in Potala, the last af which was Iksh 
vaku Virudhaka (Hphags-sltycs-po) (f. 440). 

He had four sons, Ulkamukha (Skar-mdah gdong), 
Ivarakarna (Lag rna), Hastinajaka (Glany-po tche hdul), 
and Nupura (Rkang-gdub-chati). He married, however, 
a second time, on condition that if his wife bore a son, 
he should be king. 

After a while she had a son whose name was Rajya- 
nanda(?) (Rgyal-srid dgak) 1 (f. 44 i b ). 

When this last child had grown up, King Virudhaka, 
on the representation of his wife s father, was obliged to 
declare his youngest son his successor and to exile his 
four other sons. 

The princes set out, accompanied by their sisters and 
a great many people. They travelled toward the Hima 
laya mountains, and coming to the hermitage of the rishi 
Kapila, on the bank of the Bhagirathi (Skal-ldan shing 
rta), they built huts of leaves, and fed on the produce of 
their hunting (f. 443). 

1 Spence Hardy, Man. of Budh., shada and Visakha in Schiefner s 
p. 133, calls this prince Janta, so Tib. Tales, p. 128, where mention 
also Beal, Romantic Legend, p. 20. is made of a prince called Rajya- 
Cf. Bigandet, Leg. of the Burmese bhinanda. See also Tumour s Ma- 
Buddha, 3d edition, p. u. Cf. the hawanso, p. xxxv. 
first part of the story of Mahau- 


Following the rishi s advice, they took as their wives 
sisters who were not of the same mother as themselves, 
and in this way they had many children. 1 

The rishi showed them where to build a town, and he 
marked it out with golden sand mixed with water, and 
they built it according to his directions (f. 444). The 
rishi Kapila having given the soil (vastii) of the place, 
they called the town "the soil of Kapila" or Kapila- 

When they had become very numerous, a deva pointed 
out another spot, on which they built a town, which they 
called " shown by a deva " or Devadaha. 2 

They made a law in a general assembly of the clan 
that they should only marry one wife, and that she must 
be of their own clan (f. 444 b ). 

King Virudhaka thought one day of his comely sons, 
so he asked his courtiers what had become of them ; then 
they told him their adventures. " The daring young men ! 
the daring young men!" he exclaimed; and from this they 
became known as " Qakyas " (f. 444 b ). 

King Virudhaka died, and his youngest son succeeded 
him (f. 445) ; but dying without issue, Ulkamukha became 
king of Potala ; but he also left no issue, and was succeeded 
by Karakarna, and he by Hastinajaka. Neither of these 
left children, so JSTupura became king. 

His son was Vasishta (Gnas-hjog), and his successors, 
55,000 in number, reigned in Kapilavastu. The last of 
these was Dhanvadurga (? Gfdju-brtan), who had two sons, 

1 All this legend of Ikshvaku rabuddha. Also Spence Hardy, 
Virudhaka s children is to be found loc. cit., p. 140. Bigandet, op. cit., 
also in Dulva xi. fol. 292 b et scq., p. 12, gives a different account; he 
although abridged. calls the town Kaulya. But p. 13, 

2 This is the town known in the he speaks also of the town of De- 
Southern tradition as Koli. Beal, waha near a lake " somewhat dis- 
Romantic Legend, p. 23, calls it tant from the city" (of Kapila- 
Devadaho, and Foucaux, Rgya- vastu). See also Bigandet s note, p. 
tcher rol-pa, p. 83, " Devadarcita ? " 34, and Rhys Davids, Buddh. Birth 
See Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 52, Stories, p. 65, where the town is 
where Devadaha occurs as the name also called Devadaha. 

of the Raja of Koli, father of Sup- 


Sinhahanu (Seng-ge Jigram) and Sinhanada (Seng-gei sgra) 
(f. 44 5 a ). Sinhahanu had four sons, Quddhodana (Zas- 
gtsang), Quklodana (.Zas-d&ar), Dronodana (Bre-lo sas),and 
Amritodana (Ts ad-med zas). He had also four daughters, 
Quddha (Gtsang-ma), Qukla (Dkar-mo), Drona (Bre-lo-ma), 
and Amrita (Tsad-med ma). 

Quddhodana had two sons, " the Blessed One " and the 
ayuchmat Nanda 1 (Dgali-lo). 

Quklodana had two sons, the ayuchmat Djina (? Egyal) 
and the Qakyaraja Bhadra (or Bhallika, Bzang-ldan). 

Dronodana had two sons, Mahanaman (Mmg-tchen) and 
the ayuchmat Aniruddha (Ma-hgags-pa). 

Amritodana had two sons, the ayuchmat Ananda (Kun- 
dgah-bo) and Devadatta 2 (Lhas-sbyiri). 

Cuddha s son was Suprabuddha (or Suprabodha, Legs- 
par rab-sad). 

^ukla s son (or daughter) was Mallika (Phreng-la-chari). 

Drona s son was Sulabha (? Bzang-len}. 

Amrita s son was Kalyanavardana 3 (? Dge-hplieT). 

The Blessed One s son was Eahula (Sgra-gchan zin) 

(^ 445 b ). 

1 He is also called Sundarananda texts. Cf. Beal, loc. tit., p. 64. 

or "Nanda the fair" (Mdjes dyali- 2 According to Spence Hardy, 

60). See Foucaux, Rgya-tcher rol- Manual, p. 326, Devadatta was son 

pa, translation, p. 137; according of Suprabuddha, his mother being a 

to Fausboll, Dhammapada, p. 313, sister of Cuddhodana ; Amrita ac- 

and Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 52, cording to Rhys Davids, loc. cit., 

there were three sons of Cuddho- p. 52. The similarity of the two 

dana, two by Maya (or Prajapati), names has occasioned the confusion. 

Nanda and Rupananda and Sid- Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. 301, says 

dhartha. Rupananda was the same that he was son of Dronodana. 

as Sundarananda, I think, and these 3 According to Beal, loc. cit., p. 64, 

names are most likely different ones Amritachittra s (or Amrita s) son 

for Nanda, for he is the only one by was Tishya, which would be Od- 

this name (at least among the Cakya Idan or Skar-rgyal in Tibetan, 
princes), who is mentioned in the 



(Dulva iii. f. 446 a .) DURING King Sinhahanu s reign the 
country of Kapilavastu enjoyed peace and prosperity, as 
did also the country of Devadaha, over which Suprabuddha 
was reigning. This latter married a woman by the name 
of Lumbini, 1 who was exceedingly fair ; and in her com 
pany he was in the habit of visiting a beautiful grove near 
the city, which belonged to a wealthy citizen. 

The queen took such a fancy to the place, that she 
begged the king to give it to her. He told her he was 
not able to do so ; but he had her one made more beauti 
ful still, and it was called Lumbini s grove (f. 447 a ). 

After a while Lumbini brought forth a child of such 
extraordinary and supernatural beauty that they called 
her Maya. 2 Some time after a second daughter was born, 
and she they called Maharnaya. Suprabuddha offered the 
hands of his daughters to Sirihahanu for his son Quddho- 
dana (f. 448 a ). He took Mahamaya, for it had been pre 
dicted that she would bear a son with all the characteristics 

1 Rhys Davids, Buddh., p. 52, order of female mendicants. She 
says that Suprabuddha s wife was is called by this name, Dulva iii. 
Am rita, and Beal, Romantic Legend, f. 368, note, and wherever she is 
p. 42, note, has " the Lumbini mentioned, after she had become a 
garden was so called after the name bhikshuni, as in Dulva x. and xi. 
of the wife of the chief minister of It is remarkable that our text does 
Suprabuddha." See also Bigandet, not mention Mahamaya s death 
op. cit., p. 13. seven days after the birth of Sid- 

2 Maya is better known as Maha- dhartha. According to Bigandet, 
pradjapati Gautami, the foster- loc. cit., p. 14 and 27, the Buddha s 
mother of the Buddha, the mother mother was called Maya, and her 
of Nanda, and the head of the sister Pradjapati. 


of a chakravartin monarch ; but he was obliged, for the 
time being, to refuse the elder sister, on account of the 
^akya law allowing a man only one wife. 

At that time the hillmen of the Pandava tribe (Skya- 
lseng-Jcyi-bu) were raiding the Qakya country (f. 449 a ), and 
the people begged the king to send his son Quddhodana 
to subdue them. The king consented, and the young 
prince vanquished them. Sinhahanu requested that, as a 
recompense, they would allow his son to have two wives. 
The people allowed him this privilege, and Quddhodana 
married Maya. 

After a while Sinhahanu died, and Quddhodana reigned 
in his stead; and he knew Mahamaya his wife; but she 
bore him no children (f. 449 b ). 

Now the future Buddha was in the Tushita heaven, and 
knowing that his time had come, he made the five pre 
liminary examinations 1 of the proper family (in which 
to be born), 2 of the country, 3 of the time, 4 of the 
race, 5 of the woman ; and having decided that Mahamayti 
was the right mother, in the midnight watch he entered 
her womb under the appearance of an elephant 1 (f. 45 2 a ). 
Then the queen had four dreams. (i) She saw a six- 
tusked white elephant enter her womb; (2) she moved 
in space above; (3) she ascended a great rocky moun 
tain ; (4) a great multitude bowed down to her. 

The soothsayers predicted that she would bring forth a 
son with the thirty-two signs of the great man. " If he 
stays at home, he will become a universal monarch ; but if 
he shaves his hair and beard, and, putting on an orange- 
coloured robe, leaves his home for a homeless state and 
renounces the world, he will become a Tathagata, arhat, a 
perfectly enlightened Buddha." 

While visiting the Lumbini garden (f. 45 ; b ) the pains 

1 The dream of the queen has Lalita Vistara, p. 63, does not agree 

evidently occasioned the legend of with the Southern version ^as well 

the Bodhisattva s incarnation under as our text. See also Bigandet, 

the form of an elephant. Cf. on p. 28, and Rhys Davids, Buddh. 

this point and on the queen s dreams Birth Stories, p. 63. 
Spence Hardy, Manual, p. 144. The 


of childbirth came upon her, and she seized hold of a 
wide-spreading agoka tree. Then Qataketu (Indra) caused 
a violent rain to fall and a wind to blow, which dispersed 
all the crowd (of her attendants). Assuming the appear 
ance of an old woman, he went to receive the new-born 
child in his lap. 

The Bodhisattva, however, ordered him back, and then 
took seven steps in the direction of each of the cardinal 

Looking to the east he said, " I will reach the highest 

To the south, " I will be the first of all creatures." 

To the west, " This will be my last birth." 

To the north, " I will cross the ocean of existence ! " l 

(f. 453). 

In accordance with what happens at the birth of every 
Buddha, there fell on his head a stream of cold water 
and one of warm, which washed him, and at the spot 
where he had been born there appeared a spring in which 
his mother bathed. 

At the same time as the Buddha was born a son was 
born to Bing Aranemi Brahmadatta of Qravasti ; from the 
whole country being illuminated at the time of his birth 
he was called Prasenadjit 2 (f. 458 b ). 

In Kajagriha, King Mahapadma had a son born to him, 
who, being the son of (queen) Birnbi, and being also 
brilliant as the rising sun of the world, was called Bim- 
bisara. 3 

The king of Kaugambi, Qatanika (Dmag-lrgya-la), had 
a son born to him at the same time, and as the world was 

1 Cf. the Lalita Vistara, chap. " the expert," Qrenika or Crenya, on 
vii. p. 89, where he takes seven account of his adroitness in all arts, 
steps in the direction of the east, See Dulva i. f. 5. It is also said 
and seven toward the west. Also that he was called Vimbasara, be- 
Bio-aiidet, p. 37 ; and Rhys Davids, cause at his birth the world was lit 
op at., p. 67 ; Huen Thsang, B. vi. up as when the disk (vimba) of the 
p. 323 ; and Fah Hian (Beal s sun appears. See Foucaux, Lai. 
trans.), p. 85 et seq. Vist., p. 229, note 2 ; and Dulva xi. 

2 Cf. Dulva xi. f. 99 a . f. 99- 

3 He received the surname of 


illuminated at his birth as with the sun, he was called 
Udayana. 1 

At Udjayani there was born a son to King Anantanemi 
(Mu-khyud mtlmli-yas), and from the fact that the world 
was illuminated as if by a lamp at the time of his birth, 
he was called Pradyota (Rab-snang) 2 (f. 459 a ). 

On the same day as that on which the future Buddha 
was born many blessings of different kinds were granted 
his father, so the child was called Sarvarthasiddha (All 
fulfilled, Thams-clmd-grul-pa) (f. 46o a ). 

It was the habit of the Qakyas to make all new-born 
children bow down at the feet of a statue of the yaksha 
Qakyavardana (Qdkya-hpJiel or spel) ; so the king took the 
young child to the temple, but the yaksha bowed down at 
his feet 3 (f. 46o b ). 

On the way to the temple every one was struck with the 
infant s bold appearance, so he received the second name 
of " The mighty one of the Qakyas or Qakyamuni ; " and 
when the king saw the yaksha bow at the child s feet he 
exclaimed, " He is the god of gods 1 " and the child was 
therefore called Devatideva 4 (f. 46i a ). 

Now at that time there lived on the Sarvadhara (Kun- 

1 In the texts of the Bkah-hygur vi., fol. 137 ; ch. vii., fol. 139 ; ch. 
where his name occurs he is called viii., fol. 147 ; ch. ix., fol. 151 ; ch. 
Udayana, Raja of Vadsala. See x., fol. 154; ch. xi., fol. 156; ch. 
Mdo xvii. f. 339, and Dulva xi. f. 99. xii., fol. 158 ; ch. xiii., fol. 162 ; 

2 He was afterwards surnamed ch. xiv., fol. 163 ; ch. xv., fol. 165 ; 
" the cruel " Tchanda. The instruc- ch. xvi., fol. 173 ; ch. xvii., fol. 1 78 ; 
tive legends concerning him given ch. xviii., fol. 183; ch. xix. fol. 185; 
in Dulva xi. have been translated by ch. xx., fol. 194-210. See, for an- 
Schiefner in his " Mahakatyayana other explanation of the name, Rhys 
und Konig Tshanda-Pradjota," St. Davids, Buddhism, p. 27. We learn, 
Petersburg, 1875, in 4to. As the moreover, that on the same day on 
St. Petersburg edition of the Bkah- which the Buddha was born were 
hgyur differs from that of Paris and also born Ya^odhara, Tchandaka, 
London (India Office), the following Kaludayi, the horse Kanthaka, &c. 
concordance may be of use to those See Bigandet, p. 39 ; Rhys Davids, 
who may desire to consult the origi- Buddhist Birth Stories, p. 68 ; La- 
nal of these legends. In the Paris lita Vistara (Foucaux s trans.), p. 96, 
and London edition, Schiefner s ch. &c. See also Dulva vi. f. 93 et seq. 
i. commences on fol. 99 of Dulva xi. ; 3 Cf. Lalita Vistara, chap. viii. ; 
ch. ii., fol. 106 ; ch. iii., fol. 1 14 ; ch. and Beal, op. tit., p. 52. 

iv., fol. 118; ch. v., fol. 128; ch. 4 Cf. Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. 321. 



hdsin) mountain 1 a rislii called Aklega (Kun-mongs-med 
= Asita), a mighty seer, and with him was Nalada (Mis- 
byiri), his nephew. These two came to see the child (f. 
464 b ), and Asita took him in his arms, and asked what had 
been prophesied about him. He predicted that he would 
leave his home at twenty-nine, that he would be an ascetic 
for six years, and that then he would find the drink of the 
cessation of death (amrita). 

Shortly after, feeling his end approaching (f. 467^, he 
begged Nalada to enter the order of the young Cakya as 
soon as he should have found the truth, and then he died. 

Nalada went to Varan asi, where he entered into a 
company of five hundred mantra-studying brahmans ; and 
as he was of the family of Katya, he became known as 
Katyayana (f. 467 b ). Later on, having been converted by 
the Buddha, he was called " the great member of Katya s 
family," or Mahakatyayana. 2 

While the Bodhisattva was still in his nurse s arms, she 
wanted to give him a golden bowl in which was rice and 
meat, but she was unable to move it from its place. She 
called the king, the ministers, all the town s people ; but 
they were all unable to move it. Neither could five 
hundred elephants ; but the Bodhisattva took hold .of the 

1 Schiefner, Mem. del Acad. de St. calls Naraka (p. 151). Bigandet, p. 

Peters., xxii. No. 7, p. I, also Dulva 42, calls him Nalaka. Rhys Davids, 

xi. f. 99, calls the mountain Kish- Buddh. Birth Stories, p. 69, agrees 

kindha. The Lalita Vistara, chap, with Spence Hardy in saying that 

vii. p. 103, does not mention the Asita had been a samapatti of the 

name of the mountain ; nor does king. He also calls the nephew 

Beal, loc. cit., p. 56. In the Lalita Nalaka, p. 71. 

Vistara, loc. cit., the rishi is called 2 With this, however, Rhys 

Asita (or Kala, Nay-po), which Davids, loc. cit., p. 71, and Bigan- 

agrees with the name given him in det, p. 44, do not agree. They say 

the Southern legend, Kaladevalo. that Nalaka became a disciple of 

Schiefner, loc. cit., calls the nephew the Buddha shortly after his en- 

Narada, as does Beal, p. 39. The lightenment ; that he then went 

Tibetan Mis-byin, " given by a man," back to the Himalayas, reached 

is in Sanskrit, Narada or Nara- arhatship, and died after seven 

datta. See Foucaux, Rgya-tcher months. Cf. with the present ver- 

rol-pa, p. lii. According to Spence sion Dulva xi. 99^ et scq., where we 

Hardy, Manual, p. 149, Kaladewala find another epitome of the Bud- 

( Asita) had been chief counsellor of dha s early life, substantially the 

King Sinhahanu. The nephew he same as that of our text. 


bowl with one finger and pulled it out. On account of 
this exploit he was called " As mighty as a thousand ele 
phants " (f. 468). 

Together with five hundred Qakya children he went to 
be taught his letters by Kaucika (? Sprin-lu go-tcha Vic^va- 
mitra), but he knew everything he could teach (f. ^6cf)} 

Af ter that his uncle Sulabha taught him how to manage 
elephants, and Sahadeva (Lhar-bchas) taught him archery 

(f. 4 6 9 b ). 

When he was yet hardly grown up, the Licchavis of 
Vaisali offered him an elephant of exceptional beauty, for 
they had heard that he would be a chakravartin monarch. 
So having covered it with jewels, they led it to Kapila- 
vastu, but when they were near the town, Devadatta noticed 
it, and, filled with envy, he killed it with a blow of his 
fist (f. 470). Nanda coming that way, saw the carcass 
lying in the road, so he threw it to one side ; but the 
Bodhisattva seeing it there, took it by the tail, and threw 
it over seven fences and ditches, and it dug a great ditch 
in falling, which became known as " the elephant ditch, 
or Hastigarta" (f. 470), and on that spot the believing 
brahmans and householders built a stupa, and it is rever 
enced to the present day by the bhikshus. 

And here it is said 

"Devadatta killed the mighty elephant, 
Nanda carried it seven paces, 
The Bodhisattva through space with his hand 
Did cast it as a stone far away." 

After this the young Qakyas tried their skill at archery. 
The arrow of the Bodhisattva, after having pierced all the 
targets, went so far into the ground that it caused a 
spring to rush forth, and there also the believing brah 
mans and householders built a stupa, &c. (f. 47 i b ). 

When this last event happened, the Bodhisattva was 

1 Cf. Lalita Vistara, chap, x., Tib. Lebens, p. 236, in translating 
where the master is called Vi<jva- Sprin-lu go-tcha, "manner of a 
mitra. I have followed Schiefner, worm," by 


seventeen/ for we are told that when the young Qakyas, 
riding their chariots, re-entered the city, the soothsayers, 
seeing the Bodhisattva, exclaimed, " If twelve years hence 
he does not give up the world, he will become a universal 
monarch" (f. 47 i b ). 

Quddhodana decided that his son must marry ; so he 
had all the maidens of the clan assembled for him to 
choose, and he took Ya^odhara (G-rags hdsin-ma), daughter 
of the Qakya Dandapani (Lag-na dbyug-chari) 2 (f. 4/2 b ). 

On the day of the Buddha s birth there had appeared a 
tree called " essence of virtue " (Kalyanagarbha, Dgebai 
snying-po), which had grown exceedingly big, and when 
the Bodhisattva was twenty, undermined by the waters of 
the Eohita, it had been overthrown by the wind and had 
made a dam between Kapilavastu and Devadaha, so that 
the latter place was deprived of water, whereas the former 
was flooded. All the people were unable to move the 
tree, so Suprabuddha asked Quddhodana to request his son 
to do it, but the father did not like to disturb him (f. 473). 
Tchandaka (Hdun-pa), the prince s charioteer, 3 thought 
he could induce the prince to come without asking him. 
Now, on the banks of the Eohita there were gardens 

1 Spence Hardy, Manual, p. 155, Beal, Rom. Leg., p. 96, says*Danda- 
has it that the prince was first mar- pani s daughter was called Gotami 
ried when he was sixteen, and that (Gopa?). See also his note on this sub- 
he showed his dexterity with the ject, same page. Bigandet, p. 52, 
bow after his marriage, not before, agrees with Rhys Davids. Dulva x. 
as the Lalita Vistara, chap, xii., has io5 b only mentions two wives of 
it. the Bodhisattva, " Mrigadja, Yaco- 

2 Of. Spence Hardy, loc. cit., p. dhara, and 60,000 women." 

140, where he makes Dandapani 3 Tchandaka is here introduced 

brother of Suprabuddha, and con- for the first time, as if he was a 

sequently Siddhartha s maternal personage with whom the reader 

uncle. Rhys Davids, Buddh, p. 52, was well acquainted. This and 

says Ya9odhara was daughter of many more important omissions 

Suprabuddha and Amrita, aunt of in the text seem to indicate that 

the Bodhisattva. The Lalita Vis- the present version is but a summary 

tara, p. 152, Foucaux s trans., says derived from older texts at present 

that Dandapani s daughter was lost. This obliges us not to attach 

Gopa ; Beal, loc. cit., p. 80, makes any undue importance to the chro- 

her daughter of Mahanaman. The nological order in which the stories 

Tibetan version of the Abhinish- are given, at least in the first part of 

kramana Sutra, fol. 32, agrees with this work, 
the Dulva. See Foucaux, loc. cit.; 


belonging to the young Qakyas, and there Tchandaka went 
with the young nobles, knowing that the Bodhisattva 
was there. On a sudden the Bodhisattva heard shouts, 
and asking Tchandaka what was the matter, he learnt that 
the people were unable to move the tree, so he at once 
offered to go and do it. 

While they were still in the gardens, Devadatta saw 
a goose flying overhead, so he shot it, and it fell in 
the Bodhisattva s garden, who took it, and, having ex 
tracted the arrow, bound up its wound. Devadatta sent 
a messenger to claim the bird, but the Bodhisattva would 
not give it up, saying that it belonged not to him who 
had attempted to take its life, but to him who had saved 
it. And this was the first quarrel between these two 

(* 474)- 

As they were going to assist the people, a viper ran 
out before the Bodhisattva, but Udayi (Htchar-ka) struck 
it down, not, however, before it had bitten him, so that 
his skin became black, and he was henceforth called 
" Udayi the black," or Kaludayi l (f. 474). 

None of the young Qakyas could any more than move 
the fallen tree, but the Bodhisattva threw it into the air, 
and it broke in two, a piece falling on either bank of the 
Eohita. Now this happened when the prince was in his 
twenty-second year (f. 4/4 b ). 

The Qakya Kinkinisvara 2 (Dril-lu sgra) had a daughter 
called Gopa (Sa-litso-ma), and as the Bodhisattva was 
riding home (from removing the tree T) she saw him from 

1 According to Beal, op. cit., p. and dexterity on the part of Sid- 

123, Udayi \vas son of Mahanaman dhartha with his marriage to Ya^o- 

and brother of Yacodhara. dhara. See Bigandet, p. 52. I have 

2 Schiefner calls him Gantacabda, not seen mentioned in the Dulva 

loc. cit., p. 238. He also says that that Utpalavarna was wife of Sid- 

his daughter was Gupta, and on dhartha. She is mentioned as being 

p. 236 he tells us that Gopa was a Cakya in Dulva iv. f. 448. There 

another name for Yasodhara. The was another bhikshuni of the same 

Dulva, however, distinctly speaks name, but from Takshasila. See 

of three different wives, Yagodhara, Schiefner, Tib. Tales, p. 206 et seq., 

Gopa, and Mrigadja. It is also to and Schmidt, Dsany Ulun., p. 208 

be noticed that our text does not et seq. 
connect the different tests of skill 


the terrace of her house, and he also noticing her, stopped 
his chariot to look at her. The people saw that they 
were fascinated with each other, so they told the king, 
and he took Gopa and made her his son s wife. 

One day the prince told Tchandaka that he wanted to 
go drive in the park, and while there he saw an old 
man, and the charioteer explained what old age was and 
how all were subject to it (f. 476). Deeply impressed, the 
prince turned back and went home. 

A short time after, while out driving, he met a drop 
sical man (rial rlcib-po), emaciated, weak, with faculties 
impaired (f. 477), and Tchandaka told him what disease 
was (D. iv. f. 1-2), and again he turned back. 

Another time he came across a procession bearing along 
on a litter, with burning torches, something wrapped in 
many-coloured stuffs, the women accompanying it had dis 
hevelled hair and were crying piteously. It was a corpse, 
Tchandaka told him, and to this state all must come (f. 6 a ). 

And yet on another occasion he met a deva of the pure 
abode who had assumed the appearance of a shaved and 
shorn mendicant, bearing an alms-bowl and going from 
door to door. The charioteer told him that he was one 
who has forsaken the world, a righteous, virtuous* man, 
who wandered here and there begging wherewith to satisfy 
his wants (f. 7 b ). So the Bodhisattva drove up to him 
and questioned him about himself, and received the same 
answer. Then pensively he drove back to the palace. 

guddhodana heard from his son of what appeared to 
trouble so much his mind (f. 9 a ), so to divert him he sent 
him to a village to look at the ploughmen. 1 But there he 

1 This is evidently a reminiscence Bigandet (p. 55), however, mentions 

of the legend of the ploughing festi- an excursion of the Bodhisattva to 

val, which in the Southern legend his garden after having met the 

(Spence Hardy, Manual, p. 153; bhikshu, and our legend seems to 

Rhys Davids, Buddh. Birth Stories, agree with what Rhys Davids, loc. 

p. 74), and also in the generality of cit., p. 78, gives as the version of 

Northern works (Lalita Vistara, ch. " the repeaters of the Digha 

xi. ; Beal, Romantic Legend, p. 73), Nikaya." 
occurred at a much earlier date. 


saw the labourers with hair erect, uncovered hands and 
feet, their bodies . dirty and running with sweat, and the 
work-oxen pricked with iron goads, their backs and rumps 
streaming with blood, hungry and thirsty, panting with 
fast-beating hearts, burdened with a yoke which they had 
to drag great distances, flies and insects biting them, with 
bleeding and suppurating wounds, the ploughshare wound 
ing them, running at the mouth and nose, covered with 
gadflies and mosquitoes (sbrang-lu mtcliu rings) (f. Q b ). 
His tender heart was touched with compassion. " To 
whom do you belong ? " he asked the labourers. " We are 
the king s property," they answered. " From to-day you 
are no longer slaves ; you shall be no longer servants ; go 
where ere you please and live in joy." He freed also the 
oxen and said to them, "Go ; from to-day eat the sweetest 
grass and drink the purest water, and may the breezes 
of the four quarters visit you" (f. io a ). Then, seeing a 
shady jambu-tree on one side, he sat down at its foot and 
gave himself to earnest meditation ; and there his father 
found him, and lo ! the shade had not moved from where 
he was. 

Shortly after he went into the cemetery of Eajagriha 
and saw the dead and decaying bodies, and a great grief 
filled his heart, and there his father found him (f. I i a ). 

As he was going back to the city Mrigadja (Ri-dags 
slcyes), the daughter of the Qakya Kalika (Dies-legs) saw 
him from her window. 1 Then she sang 

" Ah. ! happy is his mother ; 
His father also, happy is he. 
Ah ! she whose husband he shall be, 
That woman has gone beyond sorrow ! " 

The Bodhisattva threw her a necklace to pay her for her 
pretty words. Now the people saw all this, and they 

1 Of. the story as told by Rhys ing in love with her, but, after 

Davids (Buddhism, p. 31) where the having sent her the ^necklace, "he 

girl s name is not given. She took no further notice of her and 

thought young Siddhartha was fall- passed on." According to the same 


told Quddhodana, so he took Mrigadja and made her the 
Bodhisattva s wife. So at that time the Bodhisattva s 
wives were Gopa, Mrigadja, 1 &c., and 60,000 attendant 
women (f. n b ). Mrigadja thus became the Bodhisattva s 
wife seven days before he left his home (f. n a ). 

The prediction of the soothsayers, so often repeated, was 
ever in King Quddhodana s ears ; so the same day as that 
on which the last events had taken place he had troops 
stationed outside the city and guards placed at the gates. 
At the southern gate watched Dronodana ; at the western 
one, Quklodana; at the northern one, Amritodana; and 
at the eastern one, Quddhodana ; in the centre of the city 
was Mahanaman with a detachment of troops, and from 
there he patrolled the city (f . 1 2 a ). 

In the meanwhile the ^Bodhisattva was in his palace in 
the midst of his harem, amusing himself with song and 
dance, and now it was that he knew Ya^odhara his wife 

(f. 13). 

And so the king watched six days. On the night of the 
seventh the Bodhisattva noticed all his sleeping harem, 
and the women looked so like the dead in their sleep that 
he was filled with loathing (f. 14). On the same night 
Ya^odhara dreamt he was abandoning her, and she awoke 
and told her lord of her dream. " Oh, my lord, where e er 
thou goest, there let me go to." And he, thinking of going 
to where there was no sorrow (nirvdna), replied, "So be 
it; wherever I go, there mayest thou go also " (f. I4 b ). 

Cataketu (Indra) and the other gods, knowing the 
Bodhisattva s inclinations, came and exhorted him to flee 
the world. " Kau^ika," he answered, " seest thou not all 

authority, it was on the night of this adja. It is also worthy of notice 

same day that he left his home, that several Chinese works say that 

Bigandet (p. 58) also mentions his the Bodhisattva left his home 

rencontre with Keissa Gautami when he was nineteen. See Chin- 

(= Mrigadja) after this occurrence, i-tian, Ixxvii. p. 28 et seq., edited by 

but he does not say that she became Klaproth in Remusat s Foe-kone-ki, 

his wife. p. 231 ; also Kwo-hu-hien-tsai-yin- 

1 It is strange that Ya^odhara ko-king, kiuen ii., and Siu-hing-pen- 

is not mentioned. It is evidently ki-king, vi., cited by Beal, Sacred 

an omission, for she is nowhere con- Books of the East, vol. xix. pp. xxvi. 

founded with either Gopa or Mrig- and xxi. 


the armed men with horses and elephants that surround 
the city ; how can I depart ? " (f. i6 b ). (Jataketu promised 
him his help ; he went and aroused Tchandaka and told 
him to saddle his treasure-horse, Kanthaka (Snags-ldari). 

The Bodhisattva patted the horse and quieted his fiery 
temper, and together with Tchandaka, Qataketu, with 
many other gods, he started out (f. I7 a ). 1 On leaving the 
palace, the devatas who inhabited it commenced to cry, so 
that their tears fell like rain (f. i8 a ). As he passed the 
eastern gate he perceived his sleeping father. " Father," 
he cried, " though I love thee, yet a fear possesses me and 
I may not stay. I must free myself from the fear of con 
quering time and death, of the horrors of age and death ! " 
(f. i8 b ). Suddenly he came across Mahanaman patrolling 
the city; but though his cousin begged and cried aloud, 
telling him of all the sorrow he was bringing to those who 
loved him, yet he pursued his way and travelled that night 
twelve yojanas (f. 2o). 2 

Then he stopped and told Tchandaka to return to the 
city with the horse and the jewels he had on his person ; 
and though the faithful attendant begged to stay with his 
master to protect him against the wild beasts of the forest, 
he made him go so that he might tell his family what 
had become of him. So the charioteer and the horse 
turned back, and reached Kapilavastu after seven days. 3 
Before Tchandaka left him the prince took his sword and 
cut off his hair, which he threw into the air, and Qataketu 
took it and carried it off to the Trayastrimcat heaven. On 
that spot the faithful brahmans and householders built 

1 Rhys Davids (loc. cit, p. 84) The latter says that in that one 
says that the Bodhisattva left his night he passed through three king- 
home on the full - moon day of doms, &c. 

Asalhi, when the moon was in the 3 According to Bigandet (p. 67), 

Uttarasalha mansion (i.e., on the 1st the horse died on the spot where the 

July). Bodhisattva left him (also Rhys 

a Bigandet (loc. cit., p. 64) says Davids, op. cit., p. 87). Bigandet s 

that he journeyed a distance of thirty version is an exact translation of 

yojanas, and arrived on the banks the Pali (Nidanakatha), as far as it 

of the river Anauma, or Anama, as goes. 
Rhys Davids (loc. cit., p. 85) has it. 


the stupa of the taking of the hair and beard (Tchuda- 
pratigraha] (f. 21). 

In former times a rich householder of Anupama (Dpe- 
med) 1 had ten sons, who all successively became Pratyeka 
Buddhas. They all had worn in succession the same 
cotton garment, and they gave it finally to an old woman, 
with instructions to give it after their death to the son of 
Quddhodana-raja as soon as he should have become a 
Buddha, and that by so doing she would reap a great 
reward. On dying, the old woman left it to her daughter 
with similar instructions, and she, feeling her end ap 
proaching, committed it to the guard of a genii of a tree 
near by. Now Qataketu knew all this, so he went and 
took the robe ; then assuming the appearance of an old de 
crepit hunter, with arrows in his hand and wearing this 
garment, he came and stood where the Bodhisattva could 
see him (f. 23). They exchanged clothes, and Qataketu 
carried off to the Trayastrimcat heaven the fine kacj. cotton 
garments of the prince. On this spot the faithful brah- 
mans and householders built a stupa, &c. (as above). 2 

Thus attired, the prince went to the hermitage of the 
rishi, the son of Brigu (f. 23 b ), 3 of whom he inquired how 
far he was from Kapilavastu. " Twelve yojanas," be re 
plied. " Tis too near, Kapilavastu ; I may be disturbed 
by the Qakyas. I will cross the Ganges and go to Eaja- 
griha " (f. 24 a ). The Bodhisattva was expert in all handi 
crafts and occupations of men, so after having crossed the 

1 Lit. "unparalleled;" but may of thirty yojanas." Rhys Davids, 
not this be a translation of Anoma, op. cit., p. 87, has not the words " in 
"high," "lofty"? the name of the the country of the Malla princes." 
river being given to a village on its I do not believe that the Bodhi- 
bank. sattva s visit to Vai^ali, mentioned 

2 This legend is slightly different in the Lai. Vist., chap. xvi. p. 226, 
in Bigandet, p. 65. of Foucaux s trans., and by Rhys 

3 Bigandet, p. 65, says that he Davids, loc. cit., took place at that 
" spent seven days alone in a forest time, but after he had been to Raja- 
of mango trees. . . . This place is griha ; for a little farther on it says 
called Anupyia, in the country be- that Alara was at Vaigali, and the 
longing to the Malla princes." "He Pali text says he saw Alara after 
then started for the country of Rad- having been to Rajagriha. 
jagriha, travelling on foot a distance 


Ganges lie made an alms-bowl of karavira (sic) leaves 
and went into Bajagriha, The king of Magadha, Qrenika 
Bimbisara, noticed him from the terrace of his palace, and 
was struck with his noble bearing (f. 24 b ), so he sent some 
one to fill his bowl, and another person to see where he 
went. The king then learned that he was stopping on the 
Pandava (mountain), 1 and he went to visit him with his 
suite (f. 25 b ), and offered him everything that makes life 
agreeable, women, riches, and pleasures. 

" Raja," the Bodhisattva answered, " near the Himalaya, 
in a rich and prosperous country, Kosala it is named, 
there lives a tribe of Ishkvaku or Solar race, the Qakyas 
they are called. To this tribe I belong ; I am of kshatriya 
caste. I care not for this world s treasures ; they cannot 
bring contentment. Tis hard to cross the swamps of 
human passions ; they are the root of fear, of sorrow, of 
despair. I seek to conquer, not to indulge desires ; happy, 
free from sorrow, is he who has cast them far away. The 
treasure I am seeking is that wisdom which knoweth no 
superior" (f. 25 b ). "When thou shalt have reached thy 
goal, ah! teach it then to me, that unsurpassable wisdom," 
said the king, and the Bodhisattva promised him that he 
would (f. 26*). 

After this interview the Bodhisattva went to the Vul 
ture s Peak 2 (Gridrakuta parvata) near Eajagriha, and 
lived with the ascetics who dwelt there, surpassing them 
all in his mortifications, so that he became known as " the 
great ascetic or Mahac,ramana " (f. 26 b ). But he finally 
learned from them that the object they had in view was 
to become Qakra or Brahma, or even Mara, and then he 
knew that they were not in the right way; so he left them 
and went to Arata Kalama (Egyu-stsal shes-Jcyi-bu ring-du 
hphur); but he taught that all depended on controlling the 
senses (f. 26 b ), and with this he could not agree; so he left 

1 Or "under the shadow of the 2 Bigandet, p. 7. says that he 
Pandava rocks," as Rhys Davids, met Alara immediately after his 
p. 88, has it. interview with Bimbisara. 


him and went to Eudraka Eamaputra (Rangs-byed-kyi-bu 
lliag spyod), who taught that there is neither conscious 
ness or unconsciousness (f. 27 b ) ; but this also could not 
satisfy him, so he departed thence. 

Now King Quddhodana had heard through his messen 
gers that his son was stopping with Eudraka Eamaputra, 
near Eajagriha, and that he had no attendant to minister 
to his wants ; so he sent three hundred men, and Supra- 
buddha sent two hundred, to wait on him ; but the Bodhi- 
sattva would only retain five of them as his attendants, 
and in their company he lived. Two of them were of the 
maternal tribe, and three of the paternal 1 (f. 29**). He 
went to the southern side of Mount Gaya, to the village 
of the school of Uruvilva Kacjapa, and took up his abode 
at the foot of a tree near the bank of the lovely JSTairanjana 
river, and there he continued his mortifications, gradually 
making them more and more severe. 

The gods offered to feed him miraculously and unknown 
to mankind, but he refused (f. 33) ; so he went on fasting 
until he reduced his food to a single pea (mdsha) a day, 
and his body was emaciated, and of a blackish-red colour 

(f. 35 )- 

From the day on which his father heard that he. was 
mortifying his body, he sent each day two hundred and 

1 Their names are given else- follow the prince after having heard 

where. The two last probably came him discuss with Rudraka. Schief- 

from Koli. Their names are always ner, Tibet. Lebens, p. 243, says that 

given in the following order Kaun- Kaundinya, Ac.vadjit, and Vachpa 

dinya, A(jvadjit, Vachpa, Maha- were disciples of Arada Kalapa 

nama, and Bhadrika. This Maha- (Kalama), and Mahanaman and 

naman can neither be the Buddha s Bhadrika disciples of Rudraka ; and 

uncle (for he was killed by Viru- though the first part of the para- 

dhaka), nor the minister of that name, graph in his work is evidently taken 

for he was from Kapilavastu. Spence from our text, the latter part agrees 

Hardy, p. 152, says that these five with the general outline of the Lalita 

were sons of the Brahmans who had Vistara s version. Vachpa is better 

visited the Buddha shortly after his known as Dacabala Ka^yapa (Schief- 

birth, and who had foretold his ner, Tib. Lebens, p. 304). The Maha- 

fxiture greatness. Beal s account, p. wansa, cited by Burnouf, Intr.,p. 157, 

1 88, probably agrees with this latter says that this Mahanaman was the 

version. The Lalita Vistara, p. 235, elder son of Amritodana, and first 

makes them out disciples of Rudraka cousin of Cakya (the Buddha). With 

Ramaputra, who left their master to this our text does not agree. 


fifty messengers (bdog-pa), as did also Suprabuddha, and 
they reported everything the Bodhisattva was doing. 
Then Quddhodana, the prince s wives, and especially 
YaQodhara, were greatly grieved, and the latter put away 
her flowers and jewels, and performed the same mortifica 
tions which her husband was practising ; l but Quddhodana, 
fearing for the child she bore, forbade any one to speak to 
her about the Bodhisattva (f. 3/ b ). 

Finally, the Bodhisattva saw that all this severe asce- 
tism had not brought him nearer the truth ; so he decided 
to take some food, but of a very unpalatable kind. 2 

After he had obtained and eaten it, he wandered into 
the cemetery, and lying down beside a corpse, he went to 
sleep. The village girls saw him, and thought he was a 
fiend (pisatcha) seeking human flesh to devour, and they 
threw dirt and stones at him (f. 38 a ). 

Now, when the five attendants that were with him saw 
all this, they forsook him, thinking that he lacked the 
necessary perseverance to attain enlightenment, and they 
started out for Benares, and there they dwelt in the 
Mrigadava, where they became known as " the Five," or 
the Panchavarga (Lnga-scle]? 

1 Cf. Spence Hardy, Manual, p. shall not have the privilege of the 
353. house, nor shall he abide in the dor- 

2 He takes the milk of a cow who mitory ; he shall not abide among 
had just calved, says our text. The the bhikshus ; he shall not teach 
Lai. Vist., chap, xviii., has a diffe- the dharma to a number of brah- 
rent, but more extraordinary, version mans and householders who have 
of this part of the legend. The Lai. met together for that purpose ; he 
Vist., moreover, says that he made must not enter the houses of brah- 
himself a robe out of the shroud of mans and householders ; if he goes 
a girl who had been recently buried, to one, he must stop at the door ; if 
It is generally recommended in he gets among the ariyas, he must 
Buddhist writings to make the robes say, I am a frequenter of burial - 
of a bhikshu of similar materials ; places (sosdniko}. " This low esti- 
but that this practice did not long mate in which these sosanikos were 
prevail, if it ever even became a held explains what appeared strange 
common one, is evident from the to me in the eleventh paragraph of 
following extract from Dulva xi. chap, xxvii. of the Udanavarga, p. 
32 b : "The bhikshu who wears 127, where the frequenters of burial- 
the clothing of a corpse from the places are classed among those 
cemetery must not enter a vihara ascetics whose practices are not 
(gtsug-lag] ; he must not go to wor- deemed justifiable. 

ship a chaitya ; he must not go to 3 In Pali, Fausboll s Jataka, i. p. 
bow to and circumambulate it; he 57, they are called Pancavaggiya- 


When the Bodhisattva forces had been restored, he 
went to the village of Senani (Sde-chari), the headman of 
which was Sena (Sde). 1 Now, this man had two daughters, 
Nanda (Dgah-mo) and Nandabala (Dgah-stobs), and they 
had heard about the Cakya prince of the Kapilavastu 
Qakyas who lived on the bank of the Bhagirathi, and that 
it had been prophesied of him that he would become an 
universal monarch or a Buddha ; so they had prepared for 
him a milk-soup (f. 4O a ) (the story is told in about the 
same words as in chap, xviii. of the Lalita Vistara), and 
the Bodhisattva took it in a crystal vase adorned with 
jewels, which two devas of the Akanishta region had 
brought him. 

Carrying the food with him, he went to the Nairanjana 
river and bathed, and when he had finished the devas bent 
down the branches of an arjuna tree, 2 which he seized to 
help him out of the water (f. 42 b ). Putting on his robes, 
he sat down on the bank and ate the honeyed soup, and 
having washed the bowl, he threw it into the river. The 
Nagas took it, but Qakra, 3 assuming the form of a garuda 
(Nam-mkali Iding), dashed into the river, and seizing the 
bowl, carried it off to the Trayastrimcat heaven, and there 
the gods built the stupa of the bowl (f. 4i b ). 

When the two sisters made him their offering of food, 
he asked them what they sought by this gift. "The 

therd, or the company of the five daughter Thoodzata (Sujata). Rhys 

elders. Davids, Buddh. Birth Stories, p. 91, 

1 In the Lai. Vist., chap, xviii., calls the place "the village Senani." 

the headman of the village is called Dulva xi. io6 a also speaks of Nanda 

Nandika, and only one daughter is and Nandabala. 

mentioned, Sudjata by name. Beal, 2 The Lalita Vistara, p. 257, calls 

op. cit., p. 191, calls him the brah- the tree a kakubha (Pentaphcra 

man Senayana, and his daughters ardjuna], which agrees with our 

Nanda andBala (= Nandabala) ; as text. Beal, p. 194, calls it pinjuna, 

does also the Tibetan Abhinich- which is most likely an incorrect 

kramana Sutra. See, however, Beal, transcription of arjuna. Cf. Bigan- 

p. 193, where the text speaks of the det, p. 83. 

two daughters of Sujata, the village 3 The Lai. Vist., p. 260, says that 

lord ; and p. 194, where he is called it was Indra who retook the vase 

Nandika, and his daughter is called from the Nagas. Beal, p. 195, agrees 

Sujata. Bigandet, p. 77, calls the with our text, 
villager Thena (Sena), and his 


soothsayers," they replied, "have prophesied that you 
would become a chakravartin monarch ; may this action, 
this seed of virtue, make you become our husband at that 
time." He explained to them that this could never be, 
then they said, " May you then quickly reach the highest 
wisdom and perfection" (f. 42**). 

Then the Bodhisattva waded across the river, and many 
wondrous signs foretold that the hour of enlightenment 
was approaching. 1 

Cakra took the shape of the grass merchant, Svastika 2 
(Bkra-sliis), and from him the Bodhisattva obtained a 
handful of grass, out of which he made his seat at the foot 
of the Bodhi tree (f. 44 a ). 

Then Mara, the Evil one, went to him and said, " Deva- 
datta has subdued Kapilavastu ; he has seized the palace, 
and has crushed the Qakyas. Why stay you here ? " 
He caused apparitions of Yagodhara, of Mrigadja, and of 
Gopa, of Devadatta, and of the Qakyas who had escaped 
to appear before him, but the Bodhisattva remained un 
moved (f. 44 b ). Then Mara reasoned with him, saying 
that it was impossible for him to find enlightenment ; but 
all to no purpose 3 (f. 45). 

After that he called his three daughters, Desire, Pleasure, 
and Delight, 4 and they tried all their allurements, but in 
vain (f. 46) ; the Bodhisattva changed them into old hags. 

All the Evil one s devices were unable to affect the 
Bodhisattva, and, seeing this, the devas of the pure abode 

1 Lotuses sprang up wherever he 3 Cf. Beal, "Romantic Legend, p. 

put down his foot, the four great 207, where Mara brings the Bodhi- 

oceans became lotus ponds, &c. Cf. sattva " a bundle of official notices, 

on these signs the Lai. Vist., p. 262. as if from all the akya princes." 

" Beal, p. 196, calls this man Kih- 4 The Lalita Vistara, p. 353, calls 

li (Santi?), "good luck" or "for- Mara s three daughters Rati (plea- 

tunate," which is also the meaning sure), Arati (displeasure), and Tri- 

of Svastika. Bigandet, p. 84, speaks chna (passion or desire). Spence 

only of a young man returning with Hardy, p. 183, names them Tanha, 

a grass load ; but Rhys Davids, p. Rati, and Ranga ; also Bigandet, p. 

95, calls the grass-cutter Sotthiya, 103. Cf. with the text Dulva xi. 

which would agree with our text lo6 a . 
sotthi = svasti. 


and all the ^ods showered down flowers on the con- 


queror (Djina), and sang songs of victory (f. 47). 

Then reasoning within himself, the Bodhisattva saw the 
cause of existence, of age, of death, and the way to free 
oneself of all this trouble. The concatenation of causes 
and effects which bring about existence and its cessation 
(i.e., the Nidanas) became known to him (f. 50), and he 
became enlightened, a Buddha. 1 

When all wisdom had been given him, Mara s bow and 
his standard fell from his grasp (f. 51), and all his cohorts, 
a million and thirty-six thousand in number, fled, filled 
with dismay. 

The rumour had reached Kapilavastu that the prince 
had died under the excess of his penances, and all the 
court was plunged in despair, and his wives fell fainting 
to the ground ; but a little after came the news that he 
had attained enlightenment, and great was the rejoicing 
everywhere (f. 51). Just as the king was being told this 
news, they came and told him that Yagodhara had 
brought forth a son, and also that Eahu had seized the 
moon (i.e., that there was an eclipse). 2 

So they called the child Eahula (seized by Eahu), or 
Eahulabhadra. On the same day the wife of Amritodana 
brought forth a son, and as the city was rejoicing greatly 
that day, they called him All-joy or Ananda 3 (f. 5i b ). 
Quddhodana thought that Yagodhara s child could not 
be Qakyamuni s, and great was the mother s distress on 
hearing his suspicions ; so she took the child to a pond. 

1 Dulva xi. f. io6 a says that at years old ; and it is generally ad- 
that same time King Pradyota be- mitted that the Buddha visited his 
came sovereign of Udjayani. Ed- country twelve years after he had 
kins, Chinese Buddhism, p. 1 8, says left it. Cf., however, the legend as 
that the prince became a Buddha at told by Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 
the age of thirty, and that "after 30, and Bigandet, p. 6r. 

this he lived forty-nine years." 3 From p. 88 of Beal s Roman. 

2 The Southern legend agrees Leg., we may infer that the Chinese 
tacitly with this one, for we are Abhinichkram. Sutra thinks that 
told by Spence Hardy, Manual, p. Ananda was about the same age as 
211, that when the Buddha first the Buddha, as does the Lalita Vis- 
visited Kapilavastu after commen- tara, p. 145 (trans.) 

cing his ministry, Rahula was seven 


put it on a stone, 1 and placed them together in the water 
with these words : " If the child be the Bodhisattva s, may- 
it and the stone float ; if it is not, may it sink ! " And lo ! 
the child floated on the stone as if it had been a ball of 
cotton. And the people saw this, and they rejoiced 
greatly, and went and took the young child out of the 
pond (f. 52 a ). 

The two same devas of the Akanishta region who had 
previously offered the Bodhisattva a bowl in which he 
had eaten the food offered him by Sena s daughters, now 
came and sang his praises, and their voices recalled the 
Buddha from his abstraction, and he spoke these verses 

(f. 53"):- 

" All the pleasures of worldly joys, 
All those which are known among gods, 
Compared with the joy of ending existence 
Are not as its sixteenth part. 

Sorry is lie whose burden is heavy, 
And liappy he who has cast it down ; 
When once he has cast off his burden, 
He will seek to be burthened no more. 

When all existences are put away, 
When all notions are at an end, 
When all things are perfectly known, 
Then no more will craving come back." 2 

So great was the joy he experienced in the newly dis 
covered freedom, that he passed seven whole days without 
partaking of food. 

1 M. Foucaux in Rgya-tcher rol- 2 These are not the verses that 
pa, p. 389, note, translating this the Buddha is generally supposed 
legend from the Abhinichkram, to have spoken on this occasion. 
Sutra, fol. 75, 76, says that the child The second stanza occurs in the Uda- 
was put on an ass which had for- navarga, chap. xxx.34n. It is also re- 
merly been the Bodhisattva s. This markable that our text does not men- 
version is not as satisfactory as that tion the famous udana, " Through 
of the Dulva. There is hardly any many different births," &c. See on 
miracle remaining. Schiefner, Tib. this Udanavarga, p. 157 ; cf. ako 
Lebens, p. 246, agrees with our Beal, Rom. Leg., p. 225. 


When the seven days were passed l there came along 
two merchants, Trapusha (Ga-gori) and Bhallika (Bmng-po), 
with five hundred waggons ; and following the advice of 
a deva, they came to the Buddha and offered him food 
sweetened with honey and many other sweets. Each of the 
four great kings of the cardinal points brought him each 
a bowl in which to take the food ; and not wishing to 
offend any of them, he took the four bowls and trans 
formed them into one (f. 55 b ). 

Then the Buddha said to the merchants, " Merchants, 
go for a refuge to the Buddha, to the truth and to the 
church that will hereafter exist ! Whatever wish you 
may have made when you made me this offering, it will be 
granted unto you." Then they bowed down before him 
and went on their way rejoicing (f. 55 b ). 

After their departure the Buddha sat down on the bank 
of the Nairanjana and ate the food which the merchants 
had given him, but the honey gave him colic. Then the 
Evil one, seeing the pain he was enduring, came to him 
and said, " Blessed One (Bhagavat), the time to die has 
come!" 2 But he answered him, " Mara, as long as my 
disciples have not become wise and of quick understand 
ing, as long as the bhikshus, the bhikshunis, and the, lay 
disciples of either sex are not able to refute their adver 
saries according to the Dharma, as long as my moral 
teaching has not been spread far and wide among gods 
and men, so long will I not pass away " (f. 56 b ). 

Then Qakra, the lord of the devas, brought an arura 
(myrobolan skyu-ru-ra) fruit from a tree in Jambudvipa, 
and by it the Buddha was cured. 

1 Beal, loc. cit., p. 236, agrees legend in Lai. Vist., p. 352, where 
with this. See, however, Lai. Vist., Papiyan (Mara) visits the Buddha 
p. 356, where the text has it that four weeks after he had obtained 
the offering was only made seven enlightenment. See also Beal, p. 
weeks after he had become Buddha. 240. Bigandet, p. 107, speaking of 
Bigandet, p. 107, agrees with the the offering of fruit made by a 
version of the Lai. Vist. At p. 108 deva, " to prepare his system to 
he tells us that the two merchants receive more substantial food," evi- 
were brothers. dently alludes to this event. 

2 There seems to be a trace of this 


After having remained under the Bo tree as long as 
pleased him, the Buddha went to where lived the na/ra 
king Mutchilinda l (Btang-lzung) ; and he, wishing to pro 
tect him from the sun and rain, wrapped his body seven 
times around the Blessed One, and spread out his hood 
over his head, and there the Lord remained seven days in 

After having remained with Mutchilinda as long as 
pleased him, the Blessed One went to the Bodhimanda 
(Byang-tckub-kyi-snying-pd) ^ and there he remained seven 
days seated on a grass mat studying the twelve branches 
of the theory of causes and effects (pratityasamudpada), 
and when that theory had become well fixed in his mind 
he spoke the udana which is recorded in the last verses 
of the Udanavarga, commencing with " When to the ear 
nest, meditative Brahmana," &c. 3 

The idea took possession of his mind that this doctrine 
of causes and effects was too deep for man s intellect, 
and he thought that he would not teach it; but Brahma, 
the lord of the world, came and begged him to have mercy 
on the erring world, for " the advent of a Buddha is as 
uncommon as is a flower on a fig tree." 

Then the Lord reflected who would be a proper person 
for him to teach; he thought of Arata Kalama, but lie 
found out that he had been dead seven days ; Eudraka, 
son of Eama, had also died three days before (f. 6 b ), so he 
decided upon seeking the Five who were at Benares in 
the Mrigadava of Eishivadana. 

Having stayed at Bodhimanda as long as pleased him, he 
started for Benares, the town of Ka^i, and on the way he 
met an adjivaka (Kun-tu Jit so nyer-hgro)? who questioned 

1 The Lalita Vistara, p. 354, says Lai. Vist., p. 355, as the nyagrodha 
that the Buddha went to Mutchi- of the goatherd. 

linda s five weeks after he had been 3 Cf. Udanavarga, p. 199. 

enlightened. Also Bigandet, p. 106. 4 Bigandet, p. 115, calls him " the 

2 This is the same episode as that heretic Rahan Upaka." P. 117 he 
alluded to by Beal, op. tit., p. 238, says that Upaka went about inquir- 
where the Buddha sat for seven days ing for his friend Dzina (Djina). 
beneath a nyagrodha tree j and in 


him concerning himself and his master, and as to where 
he was going. When he heard his answers, he exclaimed, 
" Venerable Gautama, verily you are a conqueror (Djina) ! " 
and then he went his way (f. 63*). 

( 37 ) 



JOURNEYING along from the Nairanjana river, the Buddha 
finally came to Benares, to the deer-park. When the Five 
saw him, they wanted to receive him coldly, nearly rudely, 
but they could not resist the grandeur of his transformed 
person, and, rising, they ministered to his wants (f. 63). 

They questioned him as to his reason for giving up 
asceticism, and he answered them in the words that have 
been preserved in the Dharma ckakrapravartana Stitra, or 
" the sermon of the foundation of the kingdom of right 
eousness." 1 This work has been so frequently translated 
from different versions that it is useless to dwell on it 

He imparted his doctrine to two of the Five in the 
morning, for the three others had gone to the city to beg, 
and in the evening he taught the latter while the other- 
two went to collect alms (f. 64). 2 

Again he spoke to them about the four truths, and in 
addressing them he called them "bhikshus" or mendi 
cants, a term which was very generally applied at that 
time to all ascetics. 3 

1 There are at least six versions he converted all five the same day ; 

of this sutra in the Tibetan canon, not so, however, in the Nidana- 

i Dulva, iv. 64-68 ; 2 Dulva, xi. katha, Rhys Davids, Birth Stories, 

69-71 ; 3 Mdo, xxvi. 88-92 (Abhi- p. 113. 

nichkramana Sutra) ; 4 Mdo, xxvi. 3 Cf . G. Biihler, Sacred Laws of 

425-431, Dharmachakra Sutra; 5 the Aryas, Gautama Dharma^astra, 

Mdo, xxx. 427-431, Dharmachakra iii. 2. The word sanyasin, generally 

pravartana Sutra ; 6 Mdo, ii. chap, used in the Dharma^astra, conveys 

xxvi. of the Lalita Vistara. the same meaning. 

- According to Bigandet, p. 118, 



When he had finished speaking, he turned to the oldest 
of the five, Kaundinya, and said, " Kaundinya, hast thou 
thoroughly understood the doctrine?" "Blessed One, I 
have thoroughly understood it." On this account he was 
called " Kaundinya, who knows all," or Adjnata Kaun 
dinya (f. 66 b ). 

Yet again he spoke to them about the four truths, and 
he converted the four other bhikshus. Now at that time 
there was one perfectly enlightened disciple (or arhat), 
Kaundinya. After that he preached to them about the 
impermanency of all created things, and the other four 
became arhats (f. 69 b ). 

When he had thus converted the five, he went with 
them and stopped on the bank of the river of Benares, 
the Nagi l (? Gnod-pa-clian). There was a wealthy young 
man of Benares called Yagas 2 (G-rags-pa), who came to 
the bank of the river by night, and seeing the Blessed One 
on the farther shore, he cried out to him, " Qramana, I 
am hurt; Qramana, I suffer!" Then he answered him, 
" Come hither and thou shalt suffer no more, nor be dis 
tressed." So he left his slippers on the river s bank and 
crossed over to where was the Blessed One, who talked to 
him of charity, of virtue, of heaven (svarga), of content 
ment, of the way to salvation, of the four truths, &c. 
(f. 71), and Yagas perceived the truth, he believed, and 
asked to become a lay follower (upasaka), (f. 7i b ). One 
of Yagas slaves discovered, while it was yet night, that 
her master had left his home, so fearing an accident, she 
told his father, who started out to seek him. He came to 
the river, and seeing his son s slippers, he feared that he 
had been drowned or murdered. He crossed the stream 
and met the Blessed One, of whom he inquired concerning 
his son. The Buddha, before answering him, converted 
him (f. 73), and the same sermon made Yagas an arhat. It 

1 1 have followed Schiefner, Tibet. 2 He is called Ratha in Bigandet, 

Lebens, p. 247, in translating this p. 120. He does not mention the 

name. Feer, Annales Musee Guimet, fact that he crossed a river. 
v. p. 21, translates it by Varana. 


was on this occasion that the Blessed One spoke the verse, 
" He who, though dressed in gorgeous apparel, walks in 
the way of truth," &C. 1 (f. 74). 

Then Yaas and his father returned home, and when it 
was morning the Buddha went to his house, and, after 
having partaken of the food provided for him by the wife 
and mother of Yaqas, he preached to them and converted 
them, and they became lay followers (upasikas), (f. 75 b ). 

Now Yaqas had four friends, 2 Purna (Gang-po) t Vimala 
(Dri-med), Gavampati (Ba-lang bdag), and Subahu (Lag- 
bzangs), and when they had heard that Yaqas had become 
a bhikshu, they also came and asked the Blessed One to 
admit them into his order. When he had finished preach 
ing to them they became arhats. At that time there 
were ten arhats in the world, exclusive of the Buddha 

(f. 77"). 

Fifty young men of the leading families of Benares, 3 
on hearing of these conversions, entered the order (f. 
78-79), and they also became arhats shortly after, so that 
there were sixty arhats in the world. 

While still at the deer-park of Bishivadana he sent 
the sixty out two by two (f. 79 b ) to spread the doctrine 
that would help all creation, and he went towards the 
Senani village at Uruvilva. 4 Before he left, however, 
Mara took the appearance of a young brahman and came 
and mocked at him for saying that he had found deliver 
ance, whereas he was yet in Mara s grasp. The Buddha 
recognised him, and with a few words put him to 
nVht. 5 Then the Blessed One went towards the Senani 


1 See TJdanavarga, chap, xxxiii. only be translated by the Senani 

I, p. 185 ; also Feer, op. cit., p. 24. village of Uruvilva. See Feer, 

2 Bigandet (p. 126) says that they Etudes Bouddhiques, Le Sutra de 

belonged " to the most illustrious 1 Enfant, p. 67, note. Bigandet (p. 

families of Baranathu (Benares), and 132) says, "The village of Thena 

formerly connected with Ratha by (Sena), situated in the vicinity of 

the ties of friendship." the solitude of Ooroowila (Uru- 

3 " Who had been the companions vilva)." Also Rhys Davids, Sacred 
of Ratha (Ya?as) while in the world," Books of the East, xiii. p. 1 13. 
adds Bigandet (p. 129). 5 Of. Bigandet, p. 132; Feer, 

4 The text is " Lteng-rgyas-kyi- Annales de Musde Guimet, v. p. 
yrony-khyer-sde-chan," which can 31. 


village, and entering a karvasika or cotton-tree forest 1 
(Ras-lal-chan\ he sat down at the foot of a tree. At that 
time there was a band of sixty young men who were 
called " the happy band " or Bhadravarga, who were in 
the habit of coming each day near Uruvilva to amuse 
themselves with women. One day one of the women ran 
away, and while looking for her the young men came 
across the Blessed One (f. 8i a ). They asked him if he 
had seen such and such a looking woman. Then he asked 
them, "What think ye ? is it better to look for a woman 
or to look for oneself ? " "Better to look for oneself," they 
replied. " Abide then with me a little and I will teach 
you the truth." So they sat down and he instructed them 
so that their hearts were opened ; they believed and be 
came lay followers (f. 82). 

After this the Buddha converted a rich brahman of 
Kapilavastu called Deva, and also his wife. They had 
come to the Senani village and there they had heard of 
their countryman the Qakya prince (f. 82). 

Then the Blessed One went into the village of Uru 
vilva and taught the two girls Nanda and Nandabala, and 
they also became lay disciples (f. 85 a ). 2 

Now the Buddha thought that the most important con 
vert he could make in Magadha would be Uruvilva Kag- 
yapa, the jatila, then aged 120, a man greatly revered 
throughout the land, who was looked upon as an arhat, 
and who, with 500 disciples, was then stopping on the 
bank of the Nairanjana (f. 85). His two brothers, Nadi 
and Gaya Kagyapa, each with 250 disciples, were also 

1 Cf. Rhys Davids, Birth Stories, ing to the system here adopted of 

Nidanakatha, p. 114, where this counting the years from the season 

forest is placed half-way between of was. Rhys Davids (lo&. cit., p. 

the Mrigadava and Uruvilva. He 114) speaks of "the thirty young 

and also Bigandet (p. 134) say that, Baddha-vaggiyan nobles." 
after sending out his disciples, he 2 Comp. Feer, op. cit. p. 42. M. 

spent his first lent (was) in the soli- Feer s translation is from the 6th 

tude of Migadawon (Mrigadava), volume of the Dulva, consequently 

after which he went to Uruvilva. our two translations complete each 

This would place the following other and give an ensemble of all the 

events in the second year, accord- Tibetan vinaya texts on the subject. 


living on the bank of the same river, a little lower down 
the stream (f. 101). The Blessed One went to Uruvilva 
Kagyapa s hermitage, entered into conversation with him, 
and finally asked his permission to pass the night in his 
fire-house, for he was a fire-worshipper (f. 86). Ka^yapa 
cautioned him about the terrible snake which belched forth 
fire and smoke, but the Buddha conquered it and put it 
in his alms-bowl (f. S; b ). Notwithstanding this miracle, 
and many more which the Buddha performed (f. 88-100), 
Kacjapa would not recognise his superiority, but at each 
new miracle he said to himself, "But I also am an 

Finally (f. ioo a ), his pride was subdued, and he in 
formed his disciples that he was going to adopt the rules 
of the order of the MahaQramana. They told him that, as 
he was their master, they would follow him ; so they threw 
into the river their skin couches, tree-bark, staffs, round 
bowls, and sacrificial spoons (f. 101), and then Kacjapa 
begged admission into the order for himself and followers. 

The two younger Kacjapas, seeing all the implements 
of worship of their brother floating down the stream, feared 
that some misfortune coming from the king or robbers, from 
fire or water, had befallen him; so they and their disciples 
went to seek him, and they found him and his disciples 
listening to the Blessed One, and they also were converted 
(f. 102) and entered the order. 

When the Blessed One had stayed at Uruvilva as long 
as pleased him, he and the thousand converts went to 
Gaya, and stopped at the tchaitya of Gayac,irsha (f. iO2 b ), 
and there he showed them many marvellous transformations 
by which he established their faith. He also preached 
to them the sermon on burning, or the Aditta-pariyAya 
tiutta of the Southern canon 1 (f. iO3 b , iO4 a ). 

At this time the emissaries of grenika Bimbisara, king 
of Magadha, reported to him that there was a Buddha at 

i Of. Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 59, and Birth Stories, p. 114; and 
Feer, op. cit., p. 131. 


Gayac,irsha with his disciples (f. 105). Now the king had 
made five wishes I. That a Buddha might appear in his 
reign; 2. That he might see him ; 3. That he might learn 
the truth from him; 4. That he might understand it; 5. 
That he might follow his commandments (f. 106). So, on 
hearing the happy tidings, he sent a messenger to the 
Blessed One to salute him, and to offer to hirn and his 
disciples his royal hospitality at the capital, Rajaoriha 

(f. 107). 

The Blessed One accepted the invitation and went to 
Rajagriha, and took up his abode with his thousand dis 
ciples in the grove of the consecrated (or the mighty) 
tchaitya of the people of Magadha, 1 and there the king 
sought him (f. io8 b ). When the king and all the vast 
multitude which had come with him saw KaQyapa the 
elder with the Buddha, they knew not what to think. 
"Was he the Buddha s disciple, or was the Buddha his ? 

1 This phrase is obscure, and my 
translation is subject to correction. 
The text is," Yul Mayadha-pa-rnams- 
kyim tckod-rtcn leys-par rab-ynas 
Itang (?) bral-Jcyi ts al." It is evi 
dently the same place referred to 
by Eeer, Etudes Bouddh., ii. p. 68, 
as " le jardin abondamment plante 
de 1 est" (? 8 bar pai ts al gseb). 
Schiefner, Tib. Lebens, p. 254, 
speaks of this place as the " Rohr- 
hain des festen k aitya." Spence 
Hardy, p. 196, calls it "the forest 
of Yashti, twelve miles from Raja- 
griha." Beal, Rom. Leg., p. 311, 
says that the Buddha had arrived 
as far as the bamboo grove, and 
was resting for a time near a tower 
erected therein." According to 
another passage of the Dulva, ix. f. 
53, King Bimbisara was converted 
in the Yashtivana, which would 
therefore be the same place as " the 
grove of the tchaitya " of our text. 
Feer, loc. tit., agrees with this. The 
text of Dulva ix. says, however, that 
" from Venuvana the Blessed One 
betook himself at that time to Ba 
li uputrachaity a," and there Maha- 

kacyapa saw him under a tree, and 
was received into the order by him." 
This Kac.yapa was also called Nya- 
grodhaya, as " he had been obtained 
in consequence of a prayer addressed 
to a nyagrodha tree." See Schiefner, 
Tib. Tales, ch. ix. p. 186 et seq. 
The Nidana-Katha, Rhys Davids, 
Birth Stories, p. 1 16, seems to allude 
to the place mentioned in our text, 
where it speaks of the Vannabhu, 
or place of praise, but it places 
Bimbisara s conversion at the 
Latthivana ; Fausboll s text, p. 84, 
and Bigandet, p. 150, at the Tandi- 
vana, which he says is the same as 
the Latti grove. It is strange that 
notwithstanding this well - estab 
lished version of Bimbisara s con 
version, the Mdo (vol. xvi. f. 332- 
336) should have imagined another 
one in which the king, on hearing 
that the Buddha is coming, jealous 
of the homage the people are bestow 
ing on him, makes a man throw a 
rock at the Buddha to kill him, but 
he hears a gatha and is converted. 
Cf. the conversion of Udayana, 
p. 74. 


(f. no). The Lord knew their thoughts, so he made 
Ka^yapa perform all kinds of miracles in their pre 
sence, and declare that the Buddha was his master 

(f. in). 

After that the Blessed One preached to the king and 
the people on form and its transitory nature, on upadana, 
sandjna, sanskara, &c. (f. 112), on the nidanas (f. 113-114), 
&c., so that the king and a great multitude of brahmans 
and householders were converted. 

The king then invited the Blessed One to the city, and 
when he came there, he and his disciples stopped in the 
Yashtivana. The king came to see him, and after having 
heard the Buddha preach, he invited him to a feast on the 
morrow (f. I22 a ). When the feast was over, the king 
poured water over the Blessed One s hands, and said, " I 
give the Kalantakanivasa Bamboo grove to the Blessed 
One to dispose of as may please him" (f. 122). The 
Buddha accepted it, and this was the first vihara or per 
manent residence that the Buddhist order possessed. 

The origin of the name of Kalantakanivasa Veluvana is 
this. Before Bimbisara had ascended the throne, he took 
a great fancy to a park belonging to a householder of 
Eajagriha. He asked the owner for it, but he would not 
give it up, so the prince made up his mind that as soon as 
he should become king he would confiscate it (f. 120). 
This he did, and the lawful owner became after death a 
venomous snake in his garden, and sought an occasion to 
bite the king. One day the king had gone into the park 
with his wives, and had fallen asleep while only one of 
the women was beside him. The snake was crawling 
near him, but some Kalantaka birds seized it and com 
menced crying, when the woman awoke and killed the 

To show his gratitude to the birds, the king had the 
place planted with bamboo groves, of which these birds 
were especially fond, so the park became known as the 


Bamboo grove, the place of the Kalantaka birds (f. I2i b ). 1 
In this grove the Buddha passed the rainy season of the 
first year of his ministry, 2 and there the sixty disciples 
whom he had previously sent out to preach joined him, 
as is shown by the following episode taken from Dulva i. 
f. 13-50. 

There lived at Nalanda, near Rajagriha, a brahman 
called Mathara (Gnas-len-kyi bu), who had a son called 
Koshthila (Stogs-rings) (f. 1 3) and a daughter called Qari. 
Koshthila went to Southern India to study the Lokayata 
system, and he received the surname of " the long-nailed," 
or Dirghanakha, because he had vowed not to cut his 
nails until he had learnt the 9astras. Qari married a 
brahman from Southern India called Tishya (Skar-rgyal). 
She bore him a son whom they called Upatishya 3 (Nyer- 
rgydT) after his father, Cariputra or son of Qari, after his 
mother, and as they belonged to the Qaradvati family, he 
was also called Qaradvatiputra. He learnt all the sciences 
of the brahmans, and excelled in them at an early age 


In a village near by, Modgal, the wife of the purohita 
of King Kaundinya Potala bore a son, who was called 
Kolita, or " the lap-born," and as he greatly resembled his 
mother, he received the name of Modgalputra, or son of 
Modgal, and from the family to which he belonged he 
took the name of Maudgalyayana. He also became a 
master of all brahman lore at an early age. 

These two youths met at school, and became fast 
friends, so when Maudgalyayana decided upon renouncing 

1 Bigandet, p. 157, speaks of this Hardy, Manual, p. 200 ; Feer, op. 

place as the Wiloowon (Veluvana), cit., p. 4 et seq. Huen Thsang, 

but it is only in the Northern legends B. ix. p. 54, says that Cariputra was 

that I have seen the term Kalanta- born at Kalapinaka, and (p. 51) 

kanivasa (or nipata) joined to it. that Maudgalyayana was born at 

See Huen Thsang, B. ix. p. 29. Kulika. Fah Hian, p. in, says 

J See Schiefner, Tib. Lebens, p. that Nalanda was Cariputra s birth- 

315. place. 

3 Cf. Bigandet, p. 158; Spence 


the world, notwithstanding the opposition of his parents, 
his friend Qariputra resolved to follow him (f. 32). 

Together they went to Eajagriha and became disciples 
of Sanjaya (Yang-dag rgyal-ba-chan), (f. 40). When their 
master died they each assumed the leadership of 250 
disciples and took up their abode at Eajagriha. Before 
dying, 1 Sanjaya had spoken to them of the young Qakya, 
and had advised them to become his disciples (f. 41). 
One day Qariputra met Agvadjit while in Eajagriha 
begging his food. Struck with his appearance, he ques 
tioned him concerning himself and master. 

Aqvadjit replied that he was but a neophyte, and could 
not expound all the doctrine, but he repeated the verse, 
" Ye dharma lictu prabhava" 2 &c., and this was enough to 
enable Qariputra to see the truth of the Buddha s doctrine. 
He inquired where the Buddha was, and learnt that he 
was at the Bamboo grove ; so he went to Maudgalyayana, 
and repeated to him the verse he had heard, and he also 
perceived the truth; then together with 250 of their dis 
ciples they went to where the Buddha was, and entered the 

A few days later Qariputra s uncle, Koshthila, came to 
the Bamboo grove, and was converted by the words of the 
Blessed One, which, at the same time, made Qariputra an 
arhat (f. 57). ^ariputra and Maudgalyayana are known 
in Buddhist history as " the model pair ; " the former was 
unsurpassable in wisdom, the latter in magical power. 

It was at about this period of his ministry that the 
Buddha converted the nephew of the old rishi Asita, 
Nalada, who, under the name of Katyayana or Mahtikatya- 
yana, played such a prominent role as a missionary. 

1 Bigandet, p. 161, says that founded with Sanjaya _ the son of 

Thindzi (Sanjaya) was not dead Vairatti, one of the six heretical 

when they entered the Buddhist teachers. See p. 79. 
order, and that they each entered 2 There is a good commentary 011 

with 220 companions. Thindzi, this verse by Nagarjuna in the ;2d 

enraged at being left alone, died, vol. of the Mdo of the Bstan-hgyur, 

vomiting blood from his mouth, f. 244-245. The title_is Dharma- 

This Sanjaya must not be con- dhatugarbha vivarana. 


His conversion is told as follows in Dulva xi. f. 1 18 et seq. 
While the Buddha was yet in the Tushita heaven lie 
had spoken these two enigmatical verses : 

" To whom is lord and king (i.e., the senses), 
Under the rule of the passions, he is covered with dust 


Free from passion (mga), he is free from dust (raga) ; 
Who is it that thus speaks of passion here 1 

Wickedness, by it is sorrow produced ; 
Wisdom, by it is joy brought forth ; 
By being separated from the possession of what 
Do we learn here what is perfection and bliss ? " l 

Before the Buddha s birth no one was even able to read 
these words, and after his birth they could be read, but 
not understood, as it required a Buddha to explain them. 
There lived at that time a naga king called Suvarnapra- 
bhasa (Gfser-od), who saw in the palace of the naga Vaiqra- 
vana (Rnam-tJios-kyi-lu} a copy of these verses; he re 
peated them to Elapatra (Elai-mdab), another naga who 
lived at Takshac^la, and who was very desirous of seeing 
a Buddha. Suvarnaprabhasa advised him to go every 
where offering a laksha of gold to any one who could 
explain these lines to him (f. 1 19). Elapatra followed his 
advice after having assumed the appearance of a young 
brahman. After a while he reached Benares, where was 
Nalada, who promised that he would bring him the 
desired explanation within seven days. Having found 
out that there was a Buddha in the world, and that he 
was stopping in the deer-park of Bishivadana, he went to 
him. He was as ravished with his appearance as would 
be a man who had been plunged in abstraction for twelve 
years, or as a childless man to whom a son is born, or as 
a poor man who sees a treasure ; and as soon as the Bud 
dha had preached to him, his eyes were opened, and he 
saw the truth. So having gone and fulfilled his promise 

1 These verses are very difficult Kb nig Tshanda Pradyota, p. ir. See 
to translate. Cf. Schiefner s transl. also Beal, Romantic Legend, p. 
of them in his Mahakatyayana und 277. 


to Elapatra, he came back and became a disciple (f. 126), 
and henceforth, he was called Katyayana or Katyayana 
the Great (f. 128). 

While stopping at the Qitavana of Kajagriha, 1 the Blessed 
One was invited to a feast by a householder of the city, 
at whose house was then stopping a rich merchant of 
Qravasti called Sudatta, better known on account of his 
generosity and charitableness as " the incomparable alms- 
giver," or Anathapindada. The night before the feast 
Sudatta heard the master of the house giving his orders ; 
and having inquired the reason of these preparations, he 
heard of the Buddha and his disciples, and conceived great 
admiration for the Master. Early on the morrow he went 
to Qitavana, and finding the Buddha walking in front of 
the house, he was led by him into his room, and there the 
Blessed One talked to him of charity, morality, &c., so 
that he saw the truth, and became a lay follower. 

Then the Blessed One questioned him as to his name, 
his country, &c., and Sudatta besought him to come to 
Qravasti in Kosala, and assured him that he would provide 
him and his disciples with all which they might require. 

"Householder," the Buddha inquired, "is there any 
vihara at Qravasti ? " 

" There is none, Blessed One." 

" If there was such a place, householder, bhikshus could 
go, come, and stay there." 

" Only come, Blessed One, and I will provide a vihara 

The Buddha promised him, and with that assurance 
Sudatta departed. 

After a little while he came back and asked the Buddha 

1 Taken from Dulva iv. f. 123-139. to his father to build the vihara of 

This episode is also in Dulva iii. the Banyan grove on the plan of the 

f. 317-341. The Nidanakatha, Rhys Jetavana. Prof. Rhys Davids, loc. 

Davids, op. cit., p. 130, places the cit., translates Sitavana by "grove 

donation of the Jetavana vihara of Sita." I cannot believe that this 

after the journey to Kapilavastu, but can be correct. Cf. Huen Thsang, 

the Tibetan texts do not agree with B. vi. p. 296 et scq. 
this, as it is said that he sent word 


to send a bhikshu with him who could superintend the 
building of the vihara. The Buddha chose (Jariputra, for 
well he knew that he would also work at the conversion 
of the people of Qravasti. 

Sudatta sought to procure a suitable piece of ground for 
the vihara, and his choice fell upon a park belonging to 
Jeta 1 (Bgyal-byed), son of King Prasenadjit. He asked 
the prince for it ; he at first refused, but finally agreed to 
sell it if Sudatta covered all the ground with gold pieces 
(f. 129). To this the householder consented. When he 
had nearly finished having the ground covered with gold, 
Jeta thought that it would be good for him to offer some 
thing to this Buddha for whose sake Sudatta was sacri 
ficing so much, so he asked him to let him retain that part 
of the park not yet covered with gold. Sudatta let him 
have it ; and on this ground the prince afterwards built 
a vestibule, which he gave to the order (f. 130). 

The members of other orders (the tirthikas) in Rajagriha 
became jealous of the sudden popularity of the new order, 
so they complained to the king. Qariputra offered to de 
monstrate his greater worthiness by a trial of their relative 
magical powers (f. 131), out of which contest he came oft 
victorious (f. 132). He also converted the chief of the 
tirthikas, " Eed eye," or Eaktaksha (Mig-dmar), and many 
of the spectators. 

Then the tirthikas sought to kill (Jariputra while the 
vihara was being built ; but they were unable to execute 
their plan, and were finally converted, and became arhats 

(f- 135). 

The vihara was built on the plan of one sent by the 

devas of the Tushita heaven, and contained sixty large 
halls and sixty small ones (f. I36). 2 

1 Jeta was most likely the son of (early part of the fifth century A.D.) 

Varshika, a princess of kshatriya there were very few inhabitants 

caste. See Dulva x. f. 126 ; he is in it, perhaps about two hundred 

there represented as a little older families. 

than Virudhaka, who succeeded 2 In Dulva xi. fol. 34 b , Anatha- 

Prasenadjit. Fah Hian, chap, xx., pindada asks the Buddha how the 

says that when he visited Cravasti vihara must be ornamented with 


When all was ready, Sudatta sent word to the Blessed 
One, and on his arrival at Qravasti he was received with 
great honours, such as were only shown to a king of kings 
(f. 138). After an entertainment, Anathapindada presented 
to the sangha the park and the vihara by pouring water 
on the Buddha s hands, as we have seen Bimbisara do in 
presenting the Bamboo grove. Then the Buddha, in hon 
our of the two donors, called the place Jeta s park (Jeta- 
vana), the pleasure grove of Anathapindada (Anathapin- 
daddramd). Great was Jeta s joy when he heard his 
name placed first ; so he had the vestibule he had built 
ornamented with all kinds of precious substances (f. I39 b ), 

King Prasenadjit of Kosala having heard that the 
Blessed One was at Kajagriha in the Jetavana, visited 
him, and asked him how he could possibly pretend to be 
a Buddha when such old and respected sages as Purna- 
Ka^yapa, the Parivradjaka (Maskharin) Goc^ala, Sanjaya 
son of Vairati, Ajita-Kec,akambala, &c., did not even lay 
claim to this title (f. Hi b ). Then the Buddha preached 
to him the sermon of the comparisons of young men, or 
Kumara dristanta Sutra 1 (f. 140-141), by which the king 
was converted. 

paintings (or bas-reliefs). The Bud- house (well-house ?),.nagas with vari- 

dha answers, " On the outside door ously ornamented vases in their 

you must have figured a yaksha hands ; on the wash-house (or the 

holding a club in his hand ; in the steaming - house bsro - Jchang), foul 

vestibule you must have represented sprites or the different hells ; on 

a great miracle, the five divisions (of the medicine-house, the Tathagata 

beings) of the circle of transmigra- tending the sick ; on the privy, all 

tion ; in the courtyard, the series of that is dreadful in a cemetery; on the 

births (jatakas) ; on the door of the door of the lodging-house (?text 

Buddha s special apartment (lit. hall effaced), a skeleton, bones, and a 

of perfumes, GandhaMti ; see Bur- skull." 

nouf, Intr., p. 262, and Childers, Pali l The Southern version of this 
Diet., s.v. GandhaMti), a yaksha hold- sermon, Dahara Sutta, is in the San- 
ing a wreath in his hand ; in the yutta-nikaya, and is very nearly 
house of the attendants (or of hon- identical with the Northern one. 
our, rim-gro), bhikshus and sthaviras See Feer, Etudes Bouddh., ii. p. 63 
arranging the dharma ; on the kit- et seq. The Tibetan version there 
chen must be represented a yaksha translated (Mdo xxv. f. 458-460) 
holding food in his hand ; on the door differs slightly from that of the 
of the storehouse, a yaksha with an Dulva ; not enough, however, to 
iron hook in his hand ; on the water- justify a new translation of it. 


In this vihara of Jetavana the Buddha passed the 
season of was of the third year of his ministry. 

We are not told where he passed the summer of the 
fourth year, but he was certainly at Jetavana in the fifth 
year, for it was from that place that he went to Kapila- 
vastu in the sixth year of his ministry. 

The Dulva does not chronicle any important conversion 
between that of Prasenadjit, king of Kosala, and that of 
the Qakyas of Kapilavastu in the sixth year. 1 

Part of the intervening time was most likely occupied 
in framing the regulations for the order of bhikshus, 
although the Dulva informs us that the most important 
rules of the code, which was afterwards called the Pratimok- 
sJia, were only formulated when Devadatta commenced 
sowing strife among the brethren, some ten or twelve 
years before the Buddha s death. At all events, our texts 
lead us to suppose that until after the conversion of Pra- 
senadjit the mendicants of the order did not live together, 
and that the only rules laid down for their guidance were 
that they were obliged to beg their food, that they must 
observe the ordinary rules of morality (the Qila precepts), 
that they must own no property, and that they must 
preach to all classes of people. They may have adopted 
such rules as were in general usage at the time among 
ascetics, but it appears improbable that they had any 
regulating their dress, 2 for we are told that King Prasen- 
adjit several times mistook doctors, &c., for Buddhist 
mendicants on account of their similar costumes, and 
that it was only then that the Buddha prescribed that the 
bhikshus should make their cloaks out of pieces of stuff 
dyed of different colours and sewn together (Dulva iii. 
f. H2 b ). Of course, the rule about shaving the head and 

1 See for this date Edkins, Chinese same vol. fol. 4 b , they were pro- 
Buddh., p. 32 ; Schiefner, Tib. Le- hibited from drawing lines in white 
bens, p. 315. clay (on their persons), as do at the 

2 Thus in Dulva x. fol. 9, the present day many Hindu sects, such 
bhikshus are prohibited from wear- as the Nimbarkas, the Ramanujas, 
ing the sacred cord (Ts angs pai &c. 

skud) of the Dvijas. Also, in the 


beard was in force from the first days of the order, for this 
rule was common to all ascetics of those times. 

Prasenadjit, shortly after his conversion, sent a mes 
sage to Quddhodana, king of the Qakyas of Kapilavastu, 
in which he told him, " Kejoice, Eaja, for thy son has 
found the drink of the cessation of death (amrita), and he 
is quenching the thirst of mankind with this nectar ! " (D. 
iv. f. I42). 1 

Then Quddhodana sent several messengers to his son at 
Eajagriha begging him to visit him at Kapilavastu ; but 
they all entered the order, and came back no more to the 

Finally he dispatched Kaludayi 2 with a letter to the 
Buddha. Udayi promised that he would come back, even 
if he entered the order in the meantime. 3 Hardly had he 
arrived at Eajagriha but the Buddha converted him, and 
Qariputra received him into the order (f. 143), after which 
the Buddha allowed him to return to Kapilavastu ; but he 
instructed him to stop at the gate of the town, not to 
dwell in a house in the town, and to inform the king that 
when he himself came he would not stop in the town, 
but in a vihara, and that Jetavana was the model vihara 

(f. 144"). 

Kaludayi delivered the message 4 as it had been given 
him (f. 145), and King Quddhodana had the vihara of the 
Banyan grove, or Nyagrodlidrama, built on the plan of 
the Jetavana vihara for his son s reception (f. 146). 

1 Of. Dulva vi. f. 93-102 ; and brothers, ascetics. And on the full- 
Peer, op. cit., p. 43. moon day of the month of January 

2 The Nidanakatha, Rhys Davids, he went to Rajagriha with a retinue 
Buddh. Birth Stories, p. 1 20, says of a thousand mendicants, and there 
that Kala Udayin was born on the he dwelt two months. Thus five 
same day as the future Buddha, and months had elapsed since he left 
had been his playfellow and com- Benares, the cold season was past, 
panion. See also Feer, op. cit, p. and seven or eight days since the 
58. arrival of Udayin the elder " (them). 

3 The Nidanakatha, p. 120, says, See also Bigandet, p. 169. 

" The Master spent the first Lent 4 The Nidanakatha, loc. cit., says 

after he had become Buddha at Isipa- that Udayin started for Kapilavastu 

tana ; and when it was over, went on the full-moon day of March 

to Uruvila, and stayed there three (Phaggunipunnamd). Also Bigan- 

months, and overcame the three det, p. 170. 


When all was ready, the Buddha started for Kapilavastu 
with his disciples, and first stopped on the banks of the 
Kohita near the city, where he and his followers performed 
all kinds of magical transformations in the presence of the 
king and the Qakyas who had come to meet them, 1 so 
that great was the astonishment of Quddhodana an d hi s 
people (f. 148). The king bowed at the Buddha s feet, 
much to the astonishment of his people ; but he recalled 
to them how he had done so on former occasions when 
the Buddha was but an infant. He conversed with his 
son, recalling to him (in verse) the splendours and joys 
of his former life, to which, however, the Buddha opposed 
those of his present one (f. 150-1 52). 2 

After this first meeting the Buddha took up his abode 
in the Banyan grove, and by his first predication he 
converted his uncle Quklodana and 70,000 Qakyas (f. 
I52 b ), " but Quddhodana was not among them." At short 
intervals after this he converted Dronodana with 66,000 
Cakyas, and Amritodana with 75,000 (f. I53). 3 

The Buddha was very anxious to convert his father, but 
he had not been able to make any impression on his mind, 
although he had sent Maudgalyayana to him, who had 
performed wondrous magical feats in his presence! One 
day a great number of gods came to the Banyan grove and 
built a marvellous hall, in which the Blessed One took his 
seat and explained the truth ; and there his father saw 
him, surrounded by the four Lokapalitas, by Qakra, Brahma, 
&c. (f. 155-156), and when the Lord had finished teaching 
the gods, he came and taught his father, who believed and 
entered the paths (f. I57). 4 

1 The Nidanakatha, p. 122, says 2 Cf. Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. 318 

that the Buddha went to Kapila- et seq. 

vastu attended by 20,000 mendi- 3 These numbers appear fanciful, 

cants, and that he took two months Beal, Horn. Leg., p. 351, speaks of 

to travel the sixty leagues which " all the Cakyas of Kapilavastu, 

separated it from Rajagriha. Big- 99,000 in all. " 

andet, p. 170, says the same thing, 4 The Nidanakatha, p. 126, does 

but all this portion of his text is a not agree with this version. See 

translation of the Nidanakatha, at Peer, op. cit., p. 57. 
least so it appears to me. 


The two following episodes seem out of place here, but 
it appears proper to preserve the arrangement of the text. 

Quddhodana offered the succession to the throne of 
Kapilavastu to Quklodana, but he refused (f. 157), having 
become a Buddhist (bhikshu ?) ; the king s other brothers 
refused for the same reason, 1 so they chose as Cuddhodana s 
successor Qakyaraja Bhadrika (f. I58 a ). 

The following day Quddhodana gave an entertainment 
to the Buddha and his disciples, and presented the Banyan 
grove to him by pouring water on his hands (f. I58 b ). 

Shortly after this the Qakyas made a proclamation 
by which one man out of every family must enter the 
Buddhist order (f. I59 a ), and it is probable that to this 
decision, to which the Buddha was obliged to consent, 
was due a great deal of the trouble he afterwards had with 
some of the Qakya bhikshus whose names are mentioned 
farther on. I reproduce the following anecdote, not so 
much for its historic value, as to show the curious altera 
tions some of these old legends have undergone during the 
ages in which they were preserved orally. 

Dronodana had two sons, Aniruddha and Mahanaman ; 
the former was his mother s favourite, but never took any 
part in the sports and amusements of his age, whereas 
his brother had learnt all kinds of field-work. 2 When 
the king s decree was proclaimed, their mother wanted 
Mahanaman to enter the order, but he told her that her 
favourite Aniruddha was better entitled to such an 
honour ; and, to find out who was the more worthy, they 
made the following experiment. They took an empty 
basket in which they put a vase, which they covered 
over (at the mouth ?) with sugar painted (or sealed) with 

1 Cuddhodana could not have after the Buddha had taken up his 
made this offer to his brothers until residence there, 
after the conversion of Nanda and 2 This is a reminiscence of the 
Rahula, which, according to our passage in the Southern version, in 
text, only took place later on. So, which Mahanama describes to his 
likewise, it appears curious that the brother the labour of the husband- 
presentation of the Nyagrodha vi- man. See Spence Hardy, Manual, 
hara only took place some time p. 235. 


lac. and this they gave to a servant-girl with orders that 
if (f. 1 60) any one asked what was in the vase, to say that 
there was nothing. On the way to where Aniruddha was, 
Qakra filled the vase with pease, vegetables, and other 
kinds of food. Aniruddha asked the girl what she had 
in her basket. "Nothing," she answered him. "My 
mother loves me dearly, she cannot have sent this empty ; 
surely it is a dish called nothing. " So he opened the 
vase, and the fragrance of the contents pervaded the 
whole park and filled him with wonder and gratefulness 
toward his mother, so he sent her word begging that 
she would send him every day some of that " nothing " 

His mother, on hearing what had happened, wondered 
greatly and said to Mahanaman, " Seest thou that, my 
son ? " " Yes, truly, mother." And by this means did 
they discover that Aniruddha was in truth entitled to 
the honour of entering the Buddhist order. 

The mother told Aniruddha that he could enter the 
order, and she explained to him what this term implied. 

Aniruddha sought his friend Qakyaraja Bhadrika (f. 
161), and having embraced him, he told him of the 
king s proclamation and asked him to enter the order with 
him. Bhadrika objected that if he did so the throne 
would belong to Devadatta (f. 162), to the great prejudice 
of the people. Aniruddha then suggested that they 
should induce Devadatta to enter the order at the same 
time ; so they obtained his promise, and as soon as they 
had it they caused to be announced in the streets of the 
city that Bhadrika, Eaivata, Aniruddha, Devadatta, five 
hundred in all, were about to enter the order of the 
Blessed One. 

Devadatta was greatly worried at this ; he had hoped 
to be able to perjure himself and escape becoming a 
bhikshu, for that would put an end to all his hopes of 
reigning; but it was too late, and he had to submit. 
There appears to have been many more of the five hundred 


who entered the order under compulsion, and who after 
wards aided Devadatta in bringing about a schism ; the 
best known were Kokalika, Khandadvaja, Katamora- 
katisya, Sagaradatta, &c. (f. 163). Nanda, 1 the Buddha s 
half-brother, was also one of those who entered against 
his will. Nanda, says the Dulva x. (f. 102), was very much 
in love with his wife Bhadra, 2 but was led by the Buddha 
to the Banyan grove and there made a bhikshu. His 
fondness for his wife was so great that he tried several 
times to get back to her, and the Buddha was obliged to 
take him to the Trayastrimcat heaven, and also to hell, 
to convince him of the airworthiness of any worldly love. 3 
Quddhodana, on hearing of the young Qakyas determi 
nation, sent the royal barber Upali (Nye-lar-lkhor) to shave 
their heads and beards. When he had finished doing so, 
they took off all their jewels and ornaments and gave 
them to him (f. i65 b ) and then went to bathe. Upali 
thought, " If these young noblemen have given up wealth, 
the pleasures of youth, wives, and treasures, to become 
mendicants, it cannot then be seeming in me to care for 
these baubles; they would bring me but grief. If I had 
not had an evil birth, 4 I would have entered the order 
of the well-spoken dharrna, and have devoted myself to 
crossing the stream and to freeing myself of all my bonds." 
Now Qariputra knew that Upali would become famous as 
a bhikshu, so he went to where he was standing, and 
said, " Upali, what troubles you ? " and then he told him 
the thoughts of his mind. Qariputra led him to where the 

1 The Nidanakatha (p. 128) says &c. See Dhatnmapada, 150; Udan- 
that Nanda was received into the avarga, xvi. 22 ; and Dulva x. fol. 
order on the day of his marriage, 246-247, where there are many 
the third day after the Buddha had more verses of an equally instruc- 
reached Kapilavastu. tive character. 

2 In the Nidanakatha (p. 1 28) she 4 Can the Buddhist order have 
is called Janapada Kalyani. Kalyani been in the first place only open to 
= Bhadra, "good, beautiful." men of the higher castes? Upali is 

3 It was then that the Buddha the first bhikshu mentioned in the 
spoke the famous gatha, " When a legends who did not belong to the 
citadel has been made of bones, brahman or kshatriya caste, 
plastered over with flesh and blood," 


Blessed One 1 was, and told him that Upali wanted to 
enter the order. " Come hither, bhikshu," the Blessed 
One said, " and lead a life of purity ; " and forthwith 
Upali s hair fell off and he stood arrayed in bhikshu s 
apparel, an alms-bowl in his hand, with the look of a 
bhikshu of eight years standing. 

When the young Qakyas arrived, the Blessed One con 
sented to their admission into the order with misgivings. 

O O * 

for he saw that some of them would soon become dissatis 
fied (f. 163). Upali had been received while they were 
yet on their way, so they were obliged, on being received 
into the order, to do him homage, and to bow down before 
him. Devadatta, however, would not consent to this. 
" Son," the Buddha said to him, " bow down. Hast thou 
not entered the order to cast off pride ? " But he still 
refused, and this was the first time that Devadatta dis 
obeyed the Blessed One s orders (f. i67 a ). 

One day while the Blessed One was out begging, Yac,6- 
dhara saw him from the palace, so she sought to win him 
back (f. 2o8 a ). She gave five hundred pieces to a charm- 
maker of Bajagriha, who gave her a philter which would 
bring the Buddha back to her. Ya^odhara gave this to 
Bahula, and told him to present it to his father. Whan the 
child came to where the Blessed One was, there appeared 
five hundred Buddhas, but Bahula recognised his father 
among them all, 2 and gave him the charm. The Buddha 
gave the food back to Bahula, and he ate it ; after which 
he could not be prevented from following after the 
Buddha. Now the Lord saw that he was in his last 
birth, so he told Cariputra to admit the child into the 
order (f. 209), although he was only six years old. 

Ya^odhara, foiled in this attempt, arrayed herself, and 
also Gopa, Mrigadja, and the 60,000 women of the palace, 

1 Bigandet (i. p. 183) says that he thief who was recognised by his 
was in the village of Anupya, in the son. The Buddha had been the 
country of the Malla princes. thief. See Schiefner, Tibetan Tales, 

2 It was on this occasion that the p. 37 ; and Dulva iv. f. 209-214. 
Buddha told the story of the clever 


in all their finery (f. 214), and they placed themselves where 
they would be seen by the Buddha when he came to the 
palace to beg. The Blessed One performed all kinds of 
miracles in their presence, by which he filled them with 
awe and established them in the faith (f. 215). Gopfi, 
Mrigadja, and the 60,000 other women entered the paths, 
but YacMh&ra, blinded by her love for her lost husband, 
would not see the truth, but continued to hope that she 
would be able to bring him back to her arms. 1 A little 
while later on, however, he converted her, and she also 
entered the paths. She entered the order (the following 
year?), became an arhati, and the Buddha said of her, 
" Yagodhara, the mother of Bahula, is the most modest of 
all my female disciples " (f. 22O a ). 

Amritodana had a son, Ananda by name, a boy of the 
same age as Bahula. Soothsayers had predicted that he 
would become the personal attendant of the Buddha, so his 
father sought to prevent them meeting. He took him to 
Vaisali when the Buddha came to Kapilavastu, and back 
to Kapilavastu when the Blessed One went to Vaisali. 2 
The Blessed One perceived that it would be good for 
Ananda if he were converted (f. 233 b ), for "after my 
death he will find the amrita." So he went to Amrito- 
dana s house at Kapilavastu, and sat down in a room 
next to the one in which was Ananda. Suddenly the 
door opened, Ananda came in, and bowed to the Blessed 
One ; then taking a fan, he stood on one side fanning him. 
Amritodana on seeing this bowed down at the Buddha s 
feet, and listened to the words of truth which he spoke. 
When the Buddha arose and went away, Ananda followed 
after him, and no one could keep him back. His father 
seeing this, consented that Ananda should enter the order, 

1 On this occasion the Buddha on leaving Kapilavastu went into 
told the Bishyasringa jataka. See the Vridji country. The passage 
Schiefner, op. cit., p. 253 ; and under consideration leads us to sup- 
Dulva iv. f. 216, 219. pose that he made several visits to 

2 We learn from a passage in Kapilavastu at short intervals. 
Dulva xi. f. 328% that the Buddha 


and on the morrow he led him in great pomp to the 
Nyagrodha vihara, where he was received into the brother 
hood by Dagabala Ka^yapa (f. 334 b ). 

While the Buddha was yet at Kapilavastu, 1 the Qakya 
women attempted to gain admission into the order. The 
story is told as follows in Dulva iii. f. 365-368 : 

The Buddha had expounded the truth to the Qakyas 
three times, he had also taught Cuddhodana three times, 
and had made many converts (f. 366*). The Qakya Ma- 
hanaman had also heard the truth, and was so delighted 

7 O 

with it that his wife was struck with his enthusiasm and 
asked him the reason. He told her about the Buddha 
and his doctrine, and said that he was their saviour. 
" He is the saviour of men, but not of women," she 
exclaimed. " Say not so," her husband replied ; " his 
mercy extends to all creation. Go, seek him, and you 
will hear the truth from his mouth" (f. 366 b ). Maha- 
naman was unable, however, to get King Quddhodana s 
permission for the women to go to the Banyan grove 
(doubtless the king suspected their purpose), but he 
interested Mahaprajapati Gautami (Skye-dguhi-bdag tcJien- 
mo), the king s wife, in their undertaking, and she obtained 
the necessary authorisation (f. 367). 

Mahanaman also persuaded five hundred 2 other Qakya 
women to go with them to the Banyan grove. jSTow Maha- 
naman s wife was young and beautiful, and she wore much 
jewellery on this occason. As she was approaching the Bud 
dha with the other women, the Buddha s attendant 3 saw her, 
and reproved her for wearing such gorgeous apparel. She 

1 Already in the fifth century 3 The text says Ananda, but this 
A.D. it was deserted and in ruins, can hardly be if we follow the in- 
See Fah Hian, chap. xxii. dications of D. iv. f. 51 and 232, 

2 This number makes the story for Ananda was the same age as 
look suspicious. It reminds us too Rahula, six years old, when this 
much of the episode of Bhadrika, event happened. That this is the 
E-aivata, Aniruddha, &c. In fact, commonly received version is ap- 
every episode relating to the female parent from Spence Hardy, Man., 
members of the order seems a copy p. 241, where we are told that 
of one concerning the bhikshus, and Ananda was ordained " in the 
is evidently much more recent than twentieth year after the teacher of 
the former. the three worlds became Buddha," 


gave her jewellery to a maid-servant who had accompanied 
her, and who was very desirous of hearing the dharma, and 
told her to take her jewels home (f. 368 b ) ; but the girl 
was so distressed at being deprived of hearing the Buddha 
preach, that she died on the way to the city. She was, 
however, reborn as the Princess Katnavali (Mu-tig-chari), 
daughter of the king of Ceylon. Although the latter part 
of this legend occurred some years later, it is as well to 
reproduce it here, as does the Dulva. 

It happened that some merchants of (Jravasti (f. 370), 
pushed by contrary winds, came to the island of Ceylon, 
and through them Princess Katnavali heard of the Buddha, 
of his life and his doctrines. She wrote a letter to the 
Blessed One (f. 37 i b ), asking him for the amrita, and the 
merchants carried it to the Buddha, who was then at ra- 
vasti. He, knowing that the princess could be converted, 
told the merchants to speak his praise when they should 
return thither, and moreover he decided upon sending the 
princess his likeness. The artists who were called to 
paint his portrait were unable to do so. The Buddha told 
them to take a piece of cotton stuff, and to hold it up be 
tween him and the light, and by this means they traced 
the outlines of his person, and filled them in with diffe 
rent coloured paints (f. 372 b ). Below the portrait he had 
written the three refuges, the five prohibitions, the twelve 
nidanas, what was the truth (lugs dang mtliun) and what 
was not the truth, and the holy eightfold way. Above it 

which would make Ananda twenty accurate, for it does not take into 

at that time, the regulation age for consideration the time during whici: 

ordination. See Dulva i. f. 108. Kacyapa was patriarch possibly ten 

If, on the other hand, we follow the or eleven years. Klaproth, J 

legend which makes him of the same Koue Ki p. 25 1 says that Ananda 

a> as the Buddha, he was a lived a hundred and thirty yeais, 

hundred and twenty when he died, which would allow five years for 

for he was head of the church for Kacyapa s patriarchate, forty-hve 

forty years after Mahaka 9 yapa s for his own, nd woiUd make him 

death Schiefner, Tib. Lebens, p. the same age as the Buddha. Jfid- 

SOQ gays that Ananda was chief of kins, op. cit., p. 42, says that 

the 9 doctrine for forty years, and Ananda was sixteen when he was 

passed away when he was eighty- chosen as the attendant of the 

five. This cannot be considered as Buddha. 


were written the two verses, " Arise, commence new life," 
&c., and " He who leads a life of purity," &C. 1 

The merchants explained to the princess that whosoever 
observed all the rules written on the piece of cloth on 
which was the Buddha s likeness had found amrita (f. 
374 a ). 

When the merchants started for their home again, Eat- 
navali gave them three dronas (bushels) of pearls (f. 375), 
one for the Buddha, one for the dharma, and one for the 

With this legend the account given in the third volume 
of the Dulva of the first attempt of the Qakya women to 
found a female order of mendicants conies abruptly to an 
end. We must turn to the eleventh volume, f. 326 b ~338, 
to find the sequel. 

When the Blessed One had finished preaching to the five 
hundred Qakya women in the Banyan grove, Mahaprajapati 
Gautami said to the Buddha, " If women could have the 
four fruits of the gramana, they would enter the order and 
strive for perfection. I beseech the Blessed One to let 
women become bhikshunis, and to live in purity near the 
Blessed One." But he answered her, " Gautami, wear the 
pure white dress of lay-women; seek to attain perfection; 
be pure, chaste, and live virtuously, and you will find a 
lasting reward, blessings, and happiness " (D. xi. f. 327). 
A second and yet a third time she renewed her request in 
the same terms, but she only elicited the same answer; so 
bowing down, she left his presence. 2 

When the Blessed One had remained at Kapilavastu 
as long as suited him, he took up his alms-bowl and 

1 See Csoma, Tib. Gram., p. 164, take into consideration the facts 

where part of this episode is trans- mentioned in the Southern version 

lated. Udanavarga, p. 23. of the first visit to Kapilavastu in 

2 It would be possible to make the first year, and another at the 
the Southern and Northern versions time of his father s death in the 
agree, to a certain extent, as to the sixth. In our text these two jour- 
time of the Buddha s life when Gau- neys are confounded. This, however, 
tami entered the order, &c., if we is of secondary importance. 


cloak and went to the Natika 1 country in Vriji, and 
stopped at a place called Nakaikundjika (sic) (f. 328 a ). 
Gautami having heard this, she and the five hundred 
Qakya women shaved their heads, put on bhikshuni s 
clothing, and followed after him and came to where he 
was, wearied, ragged, wayworn, and covered with dust. 
"When the Buddha had finished preaching to her and her 
companions, she renewed her request to be admitted into 
the order, but she received the same answer as previously 
(f. 328 b ). So she went and sat down outside the entrance 
of the house and wept, and there Ananda saw her and 
asked her what was the matter. She told him, and An 
anda went to where the Buddha was and renewed Gau- 
tami s request (f. 329 b ). " Ananda," replied the Buddha, 
" ask not that women be admitted into the order, that they 
be ordained and become bhikshunis, for if women enter 
the order the rules of the order will not last long. An 
anda, if in a house there are many women and but few 
men, thieves and robbers may break in and steal ; so will 
it be, Ananda, if women enter the order, the rules of the 
order will not long be safe. 2 Or yet again, Ananda, if a 
field of sugar-cane is blighted (btsah-nad), it is worthless, 
good for nothing; so will it be, Ananda, if women enter the 
order, the rules of the order will not last long (f. 33O a ). 
However, Ananda, if Gautami accepts the eight following 
rules, she may enter the order : ist, To thoroughly under 
stand the nature of a bhikshuni ; 2d, a bhikshuni being 
near bhikshus, shall be taught every half-month ; 3d, a 
bhikshuni shall not pass the season of was in a place 
where there are no bhikshus ; 4th, a bhikshuni during was 

1 Fah Hian, ch. xxi., speaks of a angry, the spiteful, the hating, the 
town called Na-pi-ka, twelve yojanas ungrateful, and the venomous one ; 
south-east of Cravasti. The Natika so likewise there are five kinds of 
of our text must have been east of dangerous women the angry, the 
Kapilavastu, whereas that of Fa Hian spiteful, the hating, the ungrateful, 
was less than a yojana to the west and the venomous women." See also 
of it. p. 152, where Ananda s conduct on 

2 Elsewhere (Dulva x. f. I27 b ) this occasion is severely reproached 
the Buddha says, " There are five by him. 

kinds of dangerous serpents the 


shall be sufficiently separated from the bhikshus so as not 
to see and hear them or fear the proximity; 5th, a bhik- 
shuni by words or by reviving recollections shall not 
damage the morals of a bhikshu ; 6th, a bhikshuni shall 
not be wrathful, abusive, or do anything sinful; 7th, a 
bhikshuni shall confess her sins to the bhikshus (?) every 
fortnight ; 8th, a bhikshuni, though she has been ordained 
since an hundred years, shall always speak kindly to a 
bhikshu, even if he be recently ordained ; she shall honour 
him, rise before him, reverence him, and bow down to 
him" (f. 331). Gautami accepted all these rules, and so 
she and the other women were received into the order, 
and among them was Ya^odhara, the Buddha s wife. 

From here the Blessed One went on to Vaisali. 1 I take 
the following description of this celebrated city from 
Dulva iii. f. 80 : " There were three districts in Vaisali. 
In the first district were 7000 houses with golden towers, 
in the middle district were 14,000 houses with silver 
towers, and in the last district were 21,000 houses with 
copper towers ; in these lived the upper, the middle, and 
the lower classes, according to their positions." The people 
of Vaisali (who were the rulers, f. 79) had made a law 
that a daughter born in the first district could marry o"nly 
in the first district, not in the second or third ; that one 
born in the middle district could marry only in the first 
and second ; but that one born in the last district could 
marry in any one of the three; moreover, that no marriage 
was to be contracted outside Vaisali. 2 

Their chief magistrate was called Nayaka (Sde-dpon) 
(f. 82), and he was elected by the people, or rather 
by the ruling clans of Licchavis, for the people of the 
country were called Vrijians, or inhabitants of the land of 

1 See Schiefner, Tib. Lebens, p. and abode in the Jetavana vihara 

268. Dulva iv. f. 334 b says that (f. 336). 

the Buddha on leaving Kapilavastu 2 I have followed Schiefner s trans- 
went to Rajagriha, where Jivaka lation in W. Ralston s English ren- 
cured an abscess on Ananda s head ; dering of it. Tibetan Tales, page 
and from there he went to Qravasti 77. 


Vriji (Spong-lyed) - 1 Vaisali is invariably described in 
the Dulva as a kind of earthly paradise, with its handsome 
buildings, its parks and gardens, the singing-birds, and 
continual festivities among the Licchavis. " Nanda Upa- 
nanda ! " exclaimed the Chabbaggiya bhikshus when they 
visited Vaisali ; " the Blessed One never saw the like of 
this, even when he was among the Trayastrimcat devas " 
(Dulva x. f. 2). 

Sakala (Dum-lu\ a minister of King Virudhaka of 
Videha, had been obliged to flee from his country on 
account of the jealousy of the other ministers of the king ; 
so he went to Vaisali together with his two sons, Gopala 
(Sa-sltyong) and Sinha (Seng-ge). Sakala soon became a 
prominent citizen in Vaisali, and after a while he was 
elected Nayaka (f. 82). His two sons married at Vaisali, 
and Sinha had a daughter whom they called Vasavi 
(Gos-chari) ; it was foretold that she would bear a son who 
would take his father s life, set the diadem on his own 
head, and seize the sovereignty for himself. Sinha s wife 
bore him, moreover, another daughter, whom they called 
Upavasavi (Nye-gos-cliaii), and the seers declared that she 
would bear a son provided with excellent qualities. 

Gopala was fierce and of great strength, so he ravaged 
the parks of the Licchavis. To restrain him, the popular 
assembly (Don-du tsogs) gave him and his brother a park ; 
and thus it is said by the sthaviras in the sutras, " The 
Blessed One went out from Vaisali to the sala forest of 
Gopala and Sinha" (f. 82). 

When Sakala died, the people appointed Sinha, his 
son Nayaka ; and Gopala, slighted at this, departed from 
Vaisali and took up his residence at Rajagriha in Maga- 
dha, where he became the first minister of Bimbisara 

(f. 8 3 ). 

A little later on King Bimbisara married Vasavi, 
Gopala s niece, and as she was of a family from Videha, 

1 Dulva v. f. 284-288, Ajatasatru ravages the territory of Vriji, and 
it is the Licchavis who defend it. 


she became known as Vaidehi (f. 85). After a while she 
bore a son, who, on account of the prediction made to his 
mother, received the name of Adjatasatru, or " the enemy 
(while) not (yet) born " (Ma-skyes dgra) l (f. 8). 

We will farther on have frequent occasion to speak of 
this prince, who is one of the prominent personages in 
the history of the last years of the Buddha s life. 

The history of two other persons from Vaisali who 
played an important role in this story is told as follows in 
Dulva iii. f. 87-107 : There lived at Vaisali a Licchavi 
named Mahanaman. From a kadali tree in an amra grove 
in his park was born a girl, lovely to look upon, perfect 
in all parts of her body, and he called her name Amra- 
pali (Amra styong-ma). When she was grown up, as 
there was a law of Vaisali by which a perfect woman was 
not allowed to marry, but was reserved for the pleasures 
of the people (f. 88), she became a courtesan. 

Bimbisara, king of Magadha, heard of her through 
Gopala; he visited her at Vaisali, though he was at 
war with the Licchavis, and remained with her seven 

Amrapali became with child by him, and bore him a 
son whom she sent to his father. The boy approached 
the king fearlessly and climbed up to his breast, which 
caused the king to remark, " This boy seems not to know 
fear ; " so he was called Abhaya or " fearless " (f. 92). 

King Bimbisara, " who was always longing after strange 
women," had a child by the wife of a merchant of Kaja- 
griha, and the mother had the child left in a chest be 
fore the palace gate (f. Q2 b ). The king had the chest 
opened, and asked his son Abhaya if the child was living 
(jiva), so it was called Jivaka ; and having been provided 
for by Abhaya, it was moreover called Kumarablianda or 
Jivaka Kumarabhanda (Hts o-lyed gdzon-nus-gsos). 

When Abhaya and Jivaka were grown up, they deemed 

r l Burnouf, Lotus (p. 340 and 482), says that the name of Adjatasatru s 
mother was Crithadr&. 


it proper to learn some trade, so Abhaya learnt coach- 
making and Jivaka studied medicine at Takchagila with 
Atraya (Egyun-shes-kyi-bu), and soon became a master in 
the healing art. 

The Blessed One was once stopping at Eajagriha in the 
Veluvana Kalantaka nivasa. There then lived in Eaja 
griha a householder called Subhadra, whose wife was with 
child. One day the Blessed Buddha, having put on his 
mantle and taken his alms-bowl, went into the town to 
beg. Wandering on through the town begging alms, he 
came to the house of Subhadra. Then he and his wife 
came to the Blessed One, and Subhadra asked him, 
" Blessed One, if this my wife be with child, what kind 
of offspring will she bring forth ? " 

The Buddha replied, " She will bring forth a male child; 
he will make his family renowned ; he will enjoy the 
pleasure of gods and men ; he will enter the priesthood of 
my order, and, casting off all the miseries of sin, he will 
become an arhat." 

Then they filled the Blessed One s alms-bowl with the 
choicest food, both hard and soft, and handed it back to 
him. . . . 

A short time after this one of the Nirgranthas thought, 
" The gramana Gautama has been prophesying something 
to them in this house, the only one where we can get 
anything. I must go and see what he has told them." 
So he went and asked them. Now this Nirgrantha was a 
soothsayer ; so he took a lot of white pebbles, and having 
made his reckoning, he saw how exact was all that the 
Buddha had said. Then he thought, "If I praise this 
prophecy I will cause this householder to go over to the 
Qramana Gautama s doctrine, so I will say a little good 
and a little evil of it." Then he clasped his hands and 
changed the expression of his face, so that Subhadra 
asked him, " Sir, why clasp you your hands and change 
your expression?" "Householder," he replied," part of 
that prediction is true and part is a lie." " What, sir, is 


true and what a lie ? " " Householder, when he said, 
She will bring forth a male child/ that is true ; that he 
will be renowned in his family is true, for renowned 
or prakasa is a man s name ; but it is this child s lot 
to be burnt up in his house a short time after his birth. 
That he will enjoy the pleasures of gods and men is 
a lie, for there are but few (i.e., there are none) men who 
enjoy the pleasures of gods and men, or who ever see 
the gods. That he will enter the priesthood of my 
order is true, for when he is without food or raiment 
he will certainly be a member of the Qramana Gautama s 
order. That he will cast off all the miseries of sin and 
become an arhat is a lie, for the Qramana Gautama 
himself has not cast off all the miseries of sin and be 
come an arhat; how much less then can one of his 
disciples ? " 

Subhadra was greatly distressed at this, and asked what 
he must do. "Householder," the Nirgrantha replied, "enter 
only our order, and by learning our precepts you will find 
wisdom," and with that he departed. 

(After this Subhadra tried to bring on an abortion, but 
being unable to do so, he took his wife into the woods, where 
she died, and his servants and friends came and put the 
corpse on a bier and carried it to the Qitavana cemetery.) 

The JSTirgranthas, on hearing all this, were greatly de 
lighted ; so they erected canopies, flags, and streamers, 
and went about saying to every one in the streets, the 
lanes, and in the cross-roads of Rajagriha, " Listen, sir; the 
Qramana Gautama prophesied that Subhadra s wife would 
bring forth a male child, &c. (as above) ; and now she is 
dead, and they are carrying her to the Qitavana ! " 

Two young men, one a believing kshatriya, the other an 
unbelieving brahman, were out walking, and the brahman 
told the news to his companion ; but the kshatriya youth, 
who did not think the words of the Blessed One could be 
untrue, answered him in this verse : 


" The moon with all the stars may fall to earth ; 
This earth, its hills and forests, may reach the sky ; 
The waters of the mighty deep may all dry up, 
But by no chance can the mighty Bishi tell a lie." 

. . . Subhadra having had firewood made ready, put his 
wife s remains on it and set fire to the pyre. When all 
her body had been consumed there still remained as it 
were a ball of flesh, which burst open, a lotus appeared, 
and lo ! in the centre of the lotus was a child, beautiful 
and of pleasing appearance. 

All the vast multitude saw this, and exceeding great 
was their astonishment ; but the Nirgranthas suffered in 
their might, in their pride, in their haughtiness. 

The Blessed One said to Subhadra, " Householder, take 
your child ;" but he looked at the Nirgranthas, who said, 
" No one has ever entered a roaring fire without being 
burnt to death ;" so he would not take the child. 

Then the Blessed One said to Jivaka, " Doctor, take the 
child." He, thinking the Blessed One would not bid one 
do what was impossible, entered the fire without hesitation 
and took the child. Then it went from mouth to mouth, 
" At the Conqueror s bidding he entered the flames ; he 
took the child in the fire ; by the Conqueror s might the 
fire harmed him not !" . . . 

The Buddha said to Subhadra, " Householder, take this 
child." But he, putting his trust in false doctrines, would 
not take it, and turned to the Nirgranthas, who said, 
" Householder, it is undeniable that this thing will be 
burnt by fire ; if you take it to your house, your dwelling 
will burn, and you will lose your life." So he, thinking 
that his own preservation was of paramount importance, 
left the child. 

Then the Blessed One said to Qrenika Bimbisara, king 
of Magadha, "Maharaja, take the child;" and he, filled 
with the deepest respect for the Buddha, held out his 
hands and took it. 


He asked the Buddha what name it ought to receive. 
" Maharaja," answered the Buddha, " as this child has been 
born from out the fire, let it be called Jyotishka (Me slvyes) 
or Born of the fire " (jyotis). 

(Bimbisara had the boy reared with every care, but 
finally the father was persuaded by his brother-in-law to 
take his child.) 

According to universal custom, as long as the father 
lived the son s name was not mentioned, but after a while 
the householder Subhadra died, and young Jyotishka 
became the head of the house. Filled with faith in the 
Buddha, he sought his refuge in the dharma, the sangha, 
and the Buddha. He had a vihara built on the spot 
where he had been (preserved from) the death that 
(awaited him at the hands of) Subhadra. He fitted it up 
with everything of the most perfect description, and gave 
alms to the clergy of the whole world. Therefore is it 
said in the sutranta of the sthaviras, " The Bless ed One 
was stopping at Eajagriha, in the arama of the rubbed 
side " (dku mnyed-pai ts al). 

Now the agents of Subhadra in foreign parts heard of 
his death, and that Jyotishka had become head of the 
house, also that he was a firm believer in the Buddha, the 
dharma, and the sangha. On hearing this they took an 
alms-bowl of sandal-wood, which they decorated with jewels 
and sent it to Jyotishka. He had it put on the end of a 
long pole, with this notice appendent, " No one may have 
this by using a ladder, steps, or a hook (to reach it), but 
whatever gramana or brahman a can get it by using only 
magical or superhuman means shall have whatever he 
wishes." 1 

Some tirtlrikas came along, after washing on the river- 
bank, and saw this, so they asked the householder what 
it was there for. When he had explained it, they said, 
" Householder, you are a believer in the Qakyaputra 

1 Comp. Bigandet, op. cit., vol. i. p. 212 et seq.. 


cjamanas ; they will get (the bowl) ;" and with that they 
went their way. 

After a while the bhikshus and sthaviras came into 
Eajagriha to beg, and they also saw it. They asked 
Jyotishka what it was ; so he explained it to them. Then 
they said, " Householder, the Blessed One has said the 
bhikshu s virtues must be concealed and his sins made 
public; this is applicable in the case of this alms-bowl," 
and with that they departed. 

After a while the venerable Da^abala Kaxyapa came 
that way, and he asked the householder the same question. 
When its purpose had been explained to him, he thought, 
" It is long since I have put away all sin (Mega), and have 
been made clean, and the householder would be very glad 
to know which of the tirthikas or myself is the greater 
adept in magical performances," so he extended his hand 
as an -elephant would his trunk and took the patra and 
carried it off to the vihara. 

(When the Buddha heard of what Ka^yapa had clone 
he forbade bhikshus showing magical feats, and moreover 
he prohibited them from having alms-bowls made of any 
other substance than iron or earthenware.) 

. . . (f. 34 b .) One day King Bimbisara said to Jyo 
tishka, " Young man, you who are enjoying the pleasures of 
gods and men, how comes it that you have never invited 
me to your house ? " "I invite your majesty." " Go 
then and get ready your servants." " I myself will wait 
on your majesty, though he who knows the joys of gods 
and men has many servants." 

So the king went to Jyotishka s house, . . . and pass 
ing through a jewelled door, he saw before him like a lake 
of water, in which fish were made to move by machinery. 
The king, desiring to enter (the room), commenced un 
doing his shoes, when Jyotishka said, " Sire, why are you 
getting ready to bathe ?" " Because I must wade in the 
water," he replied. " Sire," Jyotishka answered, " it is 
not water, it is a floor of jewels which looks like water." 


"But those fish which seem to move about?" "Sire, 
they are made to move by machinery." 1 

The king could not believe it, so he threw down a ring ; 
and when he heard the noise it made on striking the floor, 
oreat was his amazement. 


Then he entered the room and sat down on a throne. 
When the w r omen came and bowed down at his feet, they 
had tears in their eyes. The king asked, " Why are the 
women crying ? " " Sire," answered Jyotishka, " they 
are not weeping (in grief) ; tis the smoke from the wood 
in the artificial sun which brings tears to their eyes" 
(lhai-na-lzah-la sJiing-gi dud-pai dri dgah-las)? 

Here we will leave Jyotishka for the time being. The 
end of his history will find place in the latter part of our 
narrative, after Adjatasutra had begun to reign. 

Qampa, which was a part of the kingdom of Magadha, 
and where the Buddha made frequent excursions, was the 
birthplace of the two following heroes, whose stories have 
been preserved to us in the third and fourth volumes of 
the Dulva. 

Mrigadhara (Ei-dags hdziri), first minister of Prasenadjit 
of Kosala, had seven sons, the youngest of which was 
called Visakha (Sa-ga), whom he married to Visakha (Sa 
ga-ma), the daughter of Balamitra (Stobs-kyi bshes-gnyen), 
an illegitimate son of King Aranemi Brahmadatta, who 
was living at Qampa, where he had been exiled (f. I26 a ). 
She soon became celebrated for her intelligence, cleverness, 
and wisdom (f. 115-124), which was so great that her 

1 There are several other stories Nepalese princess, wife of the Tibe- 
in the Dulva about mechanical de- tan king Srong-btsan-sgam-po, build- 
vices ; one is given p. 1 08. See also ing a temple on Mount Potala, at 
Dulva xi. f. 1 66, the story of the Lhasa, in which was also a crystal 
elephant which a mechanic made floor. The king was also deluded 
for Bharata, minister of King when he first saw it. The whole 
Tchanda Pradyota. The same story passage of the Bodhimur seems to 
occurs in Rodger s Buddhaghosha s be a copy of our text. 
Parables, p. 39, and Schiefner, Mem. 2 Taken from the Jyotishka 
de 1 Acad. de St. Petersb., xxii. No. Avadana, Dulva x. f. 17-38. The 
7, p. 36. In the Mongol history Sanskrit text is in the Divya Ava- 
entitled Bodhimur (Schmidt, San- dana. See Burnouf, Introd. k 1 Hist. 
ang Setsen, p. 342), we read of the du Buddh., p. 199. 


father-in-law asked permission of the Buddha to call her 
his mother (f. 126), and so she is called in Buddhist 
legends " Visakha, the mother of Mrigadhara." Likewise, 
King Prasenadjit was so faithfully nursed by her in a 
severe illness that he called her his sister. She built a 
vihara near Qravasti, in what had formerly been a park, 
and made it over to the clergy. Therefore it is said in the 
sutranta of the sthaviras, " The Blessed One was residing 
at Qravasti, in the vihara of Mrigadhara s mother, Visakha, 
in what had been a park (pdrvdrama)." 

At another time Visakha brought forth thirty-two eggs, 
which she placed in cotton, each in a separate box, on the 
Buddha s advice, and on the seventh day thirty-two sons 
came forth, who all grew up to be sturdy, very strong, 
overcomers of strength (f. 127*). They once had a 
quarrel with the purohita s son, so he sought means to get 
rid of them. The hillmen had defeated the king s troops 
seven times (f. I27 b ); Visakha s sons were sent against 
them, but they defeated the hillmen, took from them 
hostages and tribute, and came back. Then the purohita 
tried to make the king destroy them, for they were 
dangerous to his power, so strong were they. The king 
therefore invited them to a feast, and there he drugged 
them, and while stupefied he had their heads cut off 
(f. I28 b ), which he sent in a basket to their mother, who 
was then entertaining the Buddha and his disciples. 
The Buddha consoled her by telling her of the evil deeds 
which her sons had committed in a former existence. 1 

At about the same time as the previous events were 
taking place, there lived also at Qampa a rich householder^ 
named Potala 2 (? Grur-Mzin) , to whom a son was born 
while he was on a trip to Eajagriha. A person ran to the 
householder and told him that he had a son. So great was 

1 See also Schiefner, Tibetan take for gro-dzin = Crona. The 

Tales, p. 1 10 et seq. Fah Hian following story is taken from Dulva 

(Seal s); p. 78, where she is called iv. f. 314-325- Cf - the Pali version 

Visakha-matawi. in Mahavagga, _ v. i, and Sutra m 

2 It is probable that this is a mis- Forty-two Sections, sect. 33. 


his delight that he made the messenger repeat the news 
three times, and would have had him repeat it again, but 
the man thought he was laughing at him, and would not 
speak. The householder told him that he was mistaken, and 
that for every time he had told him he would fill his mouth 
once with gold. Moreover he sent word to his treasurer 
to distribute twenty kotis of gold to celebrate the event. 
As the child had been born under the constellation Qrona 
(Gro-dzin), he was called " Crona-twenty-kotis," or Qrona- 
vimpatikoti. On the soles of his feet were tufts of golden- 
coloured hair four fingers long (f. 3i5 b ). The Buddha 
desiring to convert him, sent Maudgalyayana to him, who 
appeared to him in the orb of the sun, and talked to him 
of the Buddha. Qronavimc^atikoti filled his bowl with 
food of extraordinary fragrance, and this he carried back 
to the Buddha in the Kalantaka bamboo grove. Just 
then King Bimbisara came to visit the Buddha, and 
smelling the sweet odour, he asked from whence the food 
came. The Buddha told him that it was from his own 
land of Qampa, and related the young man s history. The 
king decided to go and see this wonder, but the people of 
Qampa, fearing that the king s visit would be dangerous 
for them, sent him word that the young man would come 
to Bajagriha. As he was not accustomed to walk, they 
prepared for him a boat in which he could journey to the 
capital of Magadha (f. 32 i a ). . . . 

The king came down to the Ganges, and had dug a 
canal from there to the capital, by which means the boat 
was brought to Bajagriha amid great rejoicing. . . . The 
king having asked the young man if he had ever seen the 
Buddha, learnt that he had not, so they went together to 
the Bamboo grove, and there QronavimQatikoti was con 
verted and became a bhikshu (f. 323 a ). 

After that he retired to the Qitavana cemetery of 
Eajagriha, and gave himself up to the rudest penances, 
but it did not bring him the passionlessness he sought. 
The Buddha called him to him and asked why he had 


been so severe in his penances. " When you were at 
home did you know how to play on the lute ? " 

" I did, Venerable One." 

"When the strings were excessively stretched, was 
the sound of the lute agreeable, pleasing, harmonious, 
correct ? " 

" It was not, Venerable One." 

" But when the strings of the lute were too loose, was 
the sound of the lute agreeable, pleasing, harmonious, 
correct ? " 

" It was not, Venerable One." 

"When the strings were neither too much stretched, 
nor too loose, was the sound agreeable, pleasing, har 
monious, true ? " 

" It was, Venerable One." 

" Qrona, in like manner, too much application brings 
distraction, and too much relaxation brings indolence. 
Be moderate, unselfish, and pious, and you will reach 

Following this advice, he gave himself up to no more 
excesses, and in a short time he became an arhat. 1 

Twas not very long after his departure from Kapila- 
vastu that the Buddha thought of introducing his doctrine 
into KauQambi. The history of the conversion of the 
king of that country is told as follows in the sixteenth 
volume of the Mdo f. 337-339. I reproduce the intro- 

1 Huen Thsang, iii. p. 66, relates in the midst of the assembly. Then 

this story. In a passage of the spoke the ayuchmat Nanda, Vene- 

Punyabala Avadana (Mdo xxx. f. rable sirs, the best thing conceiv- 

I, 33) occurs the following passage, able is a fine appearance. Vene- 

which happily illustrates the charac- rable sirs, quoth Cronavimcatikoti, 

ter of some of the principal disciples diligence is the best conceivable 

of the Buddha : " A great many of thing. Venerable sirs, skilfulness 

the bhikshus were gathered together, is the best thing, said Aniruddha. 

and were talking about the best The venerable Cariputra said, Vene- 

thing conceivable. Then the ayu- rable sirs, of a truth wisdom is the 

chmat Nanda, the cousin of the best thing that man can conceive. 

Blessed One, and the son of his aunt, But the Buddha declared that 

the ayuchmat Qronavim^atikoti, moral merit was the best thing for 

the ayuchmat Aniruddha, the ayu- man." See also Mdo xvi., Anguli- 

chmat Cariputra, came and sat down maliya Sutra, f. 243-260. 


ductory passage of this story, though I have found no 
mention of this event in the Vinaya : " The Blessed One 
was teaching his doctrine to the multitude in the city of 
Yaranasi, when perceiving that the time for the conver 
sion of Udayana (Tchar-byed), king of Vadsala (Kau- 
gambi ?), had arrived, he, together with his disciples 
departed for the Vadsala country. 

"Udayana, king of Vadsala, had assembled his army 
with the intention of conquering the city of Kanakavati 
(Grser-chan), when, seeing the Blessed One approaching, 
he exclaimed in anger, All such messengers of bad luck 
must be put to death ! and with that he took a sharp 
arrow and shot it at the Blessed One. As it flew through 
the air these words were heard : 

" From malice is misery brought forth. 
He who here gives up to strife and quarrels, 
Hereafter will experience the misery of hell. 
Put then away malice and quarrelling." 

"When the king heard these words, he became submissive 
to the Blessed One, and with clasped hands he sat down 
near the Buddha, who preached to him on giving up strife 
and quarrelling, on conquering, not human enemies, but 
egotism, that great and mighty foe. Let discernment 
(rnam-rtog) be your sword; faith, charity, and morality 
your fort ; virtue your army, and patience your armour. 
Let diligence be your spear, meditation the bow you bend, 
and detachment the arrow. " l 

While the Blessed One was once stopping at Kapila- 
vastu in the Banyan grove, 2 the steward of the Qakya 
Mahanaman died, and he appointed a young brahman in 
his stead steward of the hill-people. Desirous to possess 
this world s good and not to see his race die out, this 

1 This is the substance of his ser- fore the end of the Buddha s life, 

mon, not a literal translation. I only give the general outlines of 

a This must have been in the the story, which is too long to be 

early part of his ministry, for, as we given here in extenso. It is taken 

will see, Mallika s son Virudhaka from Dulva x. f. 121-134. 
had reached man s estate long be- 


brahman married a woman of the same caste as his own, 
who after a while bore him a daughter, whom they named 
Tchandra (? Zla-la). 

She grew up to be shrewd and well-bred, and her pretty 
face gained the hearts of all the hill-people. After a 
while her father died, and the hill-people went and told 
Mahanaman of his death. " Sirs," he inquired, " had he 
collected the taxes and dues ? " 

" Lord, he had certainly collected the greater part of 
them, but he used it to procure remedies for his cough. 
He did not recover, however, and he even made other loans 
besides, so that to-day the little he has left belongs to his 
creditors. But he had a house, a son and daughter, and 
the latter is shrewd and good-looking, a favourite among 
the hill-people." 

So Mahanaman took the daughter into his house. His 
wife was old, and it was her duty to cook the food and to 
gather flowers. Then she said, " My lord, I am very old, 
and my hands are unable to accomplish both my tasks, 
so I pray thee let Tchandra help me." To this he con 
sented, and the old woman said, " Tchandra, go to the 
garden and gather the flowers while I cook the food." 
Mahanaman was so well pleased with the way in which 
she made the wreaths that he changed her name to 
Mallika (Phreng-cJian], or " the wreath girl." 

Now it happened that one day Mallika had gone into 
the garden with her food, and just then the Blessed One 
passed that way collecting alms. Mallika was greatly 
struck with his beautiful appearance, and wished to give 
him her food, but she felt so poor that she held back, 
hesitating. He, knowing her heart, held out his bowl, 
and she put her offering in it, wishing the while, " May 
this make me some day to be no longer a slave or poor." 

One day Prasenadjit, king of Kosala, carried away by 
his horse in the heat of the chase, came to Kapilavastu 
alone, and wandering here and there, he came to Mahana- 


man s garden. There he saw Mallika. "Maiden," lie 
said, " whose garden is this ? " 

"It is the Qakya Mahanaman s." 

He got off his horse and said, "Bring me some water 
to wash my feet." 

A little while after he said, " Maiden, bring me water to 
wash my face." Then she, pushing away with her hand 
the surface water, took water which was neither too warm 
nor too cold, and with that he washed his face. 

Again he said, "Maiden, bring me some drinking 
water." Then mixing 1 the water thoroughly, she took 
cool water in a leaf cup and gave it to the king. When 
lie had drunk it he asked Mallika, " Young girl, are there 
three different pools in this garden that thou hast brought 
me three kinds of water ? " 

Then she explained what she had done, and Prasenadjit 
praised her shrewdness. After that he requested her to 
rub his feet with a towel, and she willingly complied, but 
scarcely had she touched his feet when he fell asleep. 
Mallika thought, " These kings have many enemies. If 
any one should harm him while thus asleep, it would be a 
slur on my master s reputation, so I will close the gate." 
Hardly had she done so when she heard cries of " pen " 
from a crowd of men who wanted to get in, but she 
opened not the gate; and the king awakening, asked 
what was the matter. When he heard why Mallika had 
closed the gate, he admired still more her shrewdness and 

Having found out who she was, he went to Mahanaman, 
and asked him for the girl to make her his wife. Maha 
naman consented, so the king took her with him in great 
state to Qravasti. 2 

Now Prasenadjit s mother was displeased that her son 
had married a servant-girl of humble birth. But when 
Mallika went to salute her and took hold of her feet, 

1 My translation is conjectural, derived from Hong, " a wave. " 
The text is tchu rnam-par glongs- 2 Cf. Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. 
nas. I think that glongs may be 317. 


she at once fell asleep. When she awoke, she thought, 
" Surely a maiden with such a touch is of noble birth, 
worthy of the family of Kosala ! " At that time the king 
of Kosala had two wives, Varshika (Dbyar-tsul-ma\ cele 
brated for her beauty, and Mallika, renowned for her 
wonderful touch 1 (f. 127). 

After a while Mallika had a son, whose name was given 
him by his grandmother. She had said of Mallika that 
surely she was of noble birth, so she called the child 
Yirudhaka (Hpliags-skyes-pd), or " the high-born." 2 

At the same time the wife of the purohita of King 
Prasenadjit brought forth a son amidst great suffering, so 
they called his name Ambarisha (Ma-la gnod), or "Harm 
ful to his mother. 5 3 

Virudhaka was brought up as became the heir to a 
great kingdom, and Ambarisha as became a young 
brahman. He learnt the theories and practices of the 
brahmans, to say Om, to say Bhu, the truth-speaking 
Yeda (Rik), the sacrificing Veda (Yajur), the hymns 
(Sama), the Veda for taking care of the sacred things 
(AtTiarva). He learnt about rishis of old, about the firma 
ment, the cause of earthquakes, and about atmospherical 
space, also the six occupations of a brahman (f. 131). 

One day Virudhaka and Ambarisha while deer-hunting 
came to Kapilavastu and entered the Qakyas park. The 
keepers went and told the Qakyas, saying, "Sirs, Viru 
dhaka is in your park ! " 

Then the Qakyas, who were not forbearing, exclaimed, 
" If that be the case, let us go and kill him ! " So they 
put on their armour and started. 

1 Cf. Feer, Annales Musee Guimet, by this name mentioned in Buddhist 

v. p. 65, note 4. Dbyar-byed is the legends, one of the four great kings 

Varshakara minister of Adjatasatru of space, and a king of Videha. 
who figures in the Parinirvana 3 M. Feer, Annales Musee Guimet, 

Sfttra. See p. 123. Varshika was v. p. 69, thinks that his name may 

probably Bimbisara s sister. See possibly be Matraparadhaka. I have 

Spence Hardy, Manual, p. 227 ; and followed Schiefner, Tib. Lebens, p. 

for the Southern version of Mai- 326. For another version of thete 

lika s story, p. 293 ct seq. events, see Edkins, op. cit., p. 45. 
2 There are two other personages 


The elders seeing them, asked them where they were 

"Virudhaka is in our park, and we are going to kill 
him ! " they cried. 

" Young men," the old Qakyas replied, " you are over- 
hasty ; resent not his wickedness and turn back." And 
the young men obeyed them. 

Virudhaka, who had heard them, went after his troops 
(who had accompanied him in the chase) ; and returning, 
he introduced them into the park. 

Then the keeper of the park went and told the Qakyas, 
" Sirs, Virudhaka has entered the park with all his troops. 
It is not right to let the park be spoiled by dirty elephants 
and horses." 

The Qakyas, greatly exasperated, and disregarding the 
words of their elders, started out to kill Virudhaka. But 
he, hearing that the Qakyas of Kapilavastu were coming 
to kill him, said to one of his men, " I am going to hide 
(with all the troops) ; if the Qakyas ask you anything 
about me, tell them that I have gone away." 

So the Qakyas came to the park, and not seeing Viru 
dhaka, they asked the man, " Where is that son of a slave ? " 

" He has run away," he answered them. 

Then some of them cried, " If we had found Mm we 
would have cut off his hands ; " others said, " We would 
have cut off his feet;" others would have killed him. 
" But since he has run away, what can we do ? " 

So they decided to have the park purified. " Clean up 
the park," they said to the workmen ; " and wherever this 
son of a slave has been, clean it and sprinkle fresh earth 
(over his footprints). Whatever part of the walls he has 
had hold of, plaster it over and make it new. Take milk 
and water and sprinkle it about, and also scented water ; 
strew about perfumes and flowers of the sweetest kind." 

Now Virudhaka s man, who had heard all this, went 
and told him what the Qakyas had said. Virudhaka was 
greatly incensed, and exclaimed, " Gentlemen, when my 


father is dead and I am king, my first act will be to put 
these Qakyas to death. Promise me that you will give 
me your support in this undertaking." 

All those present promised, and Ambarisha said, 
" Prince, you must certainly do as you have resolved, 
(and remember) the virtuous man is steadfast in what is 

And from that time he sought means to take possession 
of the throne of Kosala. 

Shortly before the Buddha s death Virudhaka ascended 
the throne and executed his plan against the Cakyas, as 
will be seen in the next chapter (p. 1 16 et seq.) 

Not wishing to reproduce in this narrative those legends 
which have already been translated from Tibetan into any 
European language, I will devote but a few lines to one 
of the most celebrated victories of the Buddha, viz., the 
one he gained over the six brahmanical teachers assembled 
at Vaisali. This important event took place in the early 
part of the Buddha s public life, most likely in the six 
teenth year of his ministry. 

Buddhist works mention six principal philosophical 
masters who were the chief opponents of the Buddha. 
Their names are frequently met with in Tibetan works 
(Dulva iv. f. 141, 409, et seq.) They were Purna-Kaxyapa, 
(Maskari)-Goc,ala, Sanjaya son of Vairati, Ajita-Kec,akam- 
bala, Kakuda-Katyayana, and Nirgrantha son of Jnata. 
We will have occasion, in speaking of the conversion of 
King Adjatasatru, to mention their principal theories ; 
for the moment we will content ourselves with mention 
ing that they all claimed to be great magicians, and as 
they felt that the Buddha was depriving them of their 
popularity, they decided to have a public trial, which 
would establish their supernatural powers and their supe 
riority over the Qramana Gautama. Prasenadjit, king of 
Kosala, had everything made ready (Dulva xi. f. 239) in a 
place between Qravasti and Jetavana; the Buddha per 
formed such wonderful feats (f. 241-249) that the tirthikas 


dared not show their inferiority, so they fled in dismay 1 
(f. 250). The most prominent of these six was Purna- 
Kagyapa, " a man who went naked in the villages before 
all the world" (f. 252). When his disciples asked him, 
"Master, tell us what is the truth" (tattoo), he told some 
of them, "The truth is that this world is eternal." To 
others he said, "It is not eternal." To others, "It is 
eternal and perishable." To others, " It is neither eternal 
nor perishable." To others, " The finite and the infinite 
exist." " There is no finite, no infinite." " Vitality (srog) 
and the body are one. Vitality and the body are separate. 
On departing this life there is a hereafter. There is 
not. There is and there is not. The truth is that on 
departing this life there is a hereafter and there is no 
hereafter. The other (teachers) are fools ; " and with 
these and similar reasons he upset their minds 2 (f. 251*). 
He could no longer reason, so with wandering mind he 
also ran away. As he went along he met a eunuch, 
who recognised him and said, " Whence comest thou, thus 
crestfallen, like a ram with broken horns ? Ignorant 
though thou art of the truth (taught by) the Qakya, 
thou wanderest about without shame like an ass." Then 
Purna-KaXyapa told him that he was seeking a lovely 
pool full of cool water, in which he wished to clean 1 him 
self of the dirt and dust of the road. When the eunuch 
had pointed it out to him, he went there, and fastening 
around his neck a jar full of sand, he threw himself into 
the water and was drowned. 3 

After defeating the tirthikas the Buddha vanished from 
amidst his disciples and went to the Trayastrimcat heaven, 
where, seated on a slab of white stone in a beautiful grove 

1 Cf. Bigandet, vol. i. p. 215 et seq. teaching of Kacyapa, but only what 

He places the contest of Buddha he said when his mind was troubled 

with the heretics immediately after by his defeat. For Purna-Kagya- 

the story of Dagabala Kagyapa and pa s doctrines, see p. 100. 

Jyotishka s jewelled bowl, see p. 69. 3 For a full account of the Bud- 

Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. 304, says dha s miracles and the subsequent 

that the Buddha converted the events, see Dulvaxi. f. 230-252, also 

heretics. Der Weise und der Thor,,chap. xiii., 

- I do not think that this is and Burnouf, Intr. a 1 Hist., p. 162 

intended to illustrate the habitual et seq. 


of parijataka and kobidaraka (sic) trees, he instructed his 
mother and a host of devas. He was prompted to leave 
Varanasi lest the people should suppose that the great 
wonders he had shown were intended as a means of 
acquiring gifts and honours. 1 

The disciples were greatly worried at the Buddha s 
disappearance, and questioned Maudgalyayana, who told 
them where the Blessed One was. When three months 
had passed away the disciples sought Maudgalyayana 
again, and told him that they wanted to see the Buddha, 
that they thirsted after him. Maudgalyayana, by the power 
of samadhi, went to the Trayastrimcat devas heaven, and 
told the Buddha how all the people of Jambudvipa longed 
to see him. The Blessed One bid him return and tell the 
disciples that after seven days he would return to them, 
and would be at the foot of the udumbara tree of the Ava- 
djaravana (sic) of the town of Samkac^ya in Jambudvipa. 
Then the Buddha visited many other abodes of the devas, 
teaching them all the truth ; after which he descended to 
the earth by a vaidurya (lapis lazuli) staircase, while 
Brahma, bearing a jewelled yak tail, descended a golden 
one on his right together with all the gods of the Kupa- 
loka, and Qataketu (Indra), bearing a hundred-ribbed 
parasol over him, descended by a crystal staircase on his 
left accompanied by all the devas of the Kamaloka. 

Now the bhikshuni Utpalavarna 2 saw the Blessed One 
descending to earth, so she took the appearance of an 
emperor (ChaJcravartin) } and came to honour him. Udayin, 
who was also there, recognised her by the sweet odour 
that her body emitted ; but the Blessed One rebuked her, 
saying, "It is not seeming in a bhikshuni to perform 
magical feats in the presence of the Master." Then he 

1 Conf. Bigandet, i. p. 224, and chap. xxv. According to Tibetan au- 
Spence Hardy, op. cit., p. 308. thorities (Schiefner, Tib. Lebens, p. 

2 See on Utpalavarna, Schiefner s 315), the Buddha passed the seven- 
Tib. Tales, p. 206 et seq.; and Hdj- teenth summer of his ministry in the 
angs-blun (Der Weise und der Thor), Tushita (here Trayastrimcat) heaven. 



sent her away, and the Buddha told his disciples the story 
of Susroni. 1 

There lived at about that time in Koc^ala a celebrated 
brahman called Pushkarasarin (Padma snying-po, in Pali 
Pokkharasddi), who had a very learned disciple called 
Appriya (? Ma-sdug). Hearing that the Blessed One was 
at Qravasti, he sent Appriya to him to see if the reports 
concerning the Buddha s learning were really true. 

So Appriya came and entered into conversation with 
the Buddha, who compared the different occupations of 
cjamanas and brahmanas with what their occupations 
ought to be (see Brahmajala Sutra), and asked him many 
of the questions contained in the sermon known in the 
Pali version as the Tevidja Sutra, or " On the Knowledge 
of the Vedas." Appriya returned to Pushkarasarin, and 
told him that the c^ramana Gautama was worthy of all the 
praise bestowed on him, and he repeated the conversation 
he had had with him. So greatly was the master enraged 
with the way in which his messenger had behaved that he 
hit Appriya on the head with his shoe (f. 520), and then and 
there he decided to go see the Buddha himself. He drove 
to where the Buddha was, taking with him a supply of 
pure food, and he found him. attended by Ananda, who 
was fanning him. 

The Buddha soon remarked how devoured he was by 
pride, for he wanted to fix the ceremonial that should be 
used when he and the Buddha met, so he sought to dispel 
it. He talked to him of charity, of morality, &c. When 
he saw that he had gladdened, incited, rejoiced him, that 
his mind was free from obstacles, intent, that it was pre 
pared to receive the highest truths, then he explained the 
highest truths, namely, suffering, the cause of suffering, 
the cessation of suffering, the path. Just as a clean cloth, 

1 See for the descent from heaven, seq. This translation of Schiefner s 

Dulva xi. f. 308-315 ; and for the is not, however, literal. Conf. also 

story of Susroni (in Tib. Sko-shum- Fah-Hian, p. 62 ; and Hiuen Thsang, 

pa), Dulva xi. f. 316-325 ; and B. iv. p. 237. 
Schiefner s Tibetan Tales, p. 227 et 


free from black spots and ready for dyeing, takes the colour 
when put in the dye, thus the brahman Pushkarasarin 
while sitting there discerned the four blessed truths of 
suffering, the cause of suffering, the cessation of suffering, 
the path (f. 523 b ). Then the brahman Pushkarasarin 
having seen the truth, having found the truth, having dis 
cerned the truth, having fully mastered the truth, having 
penetrated the whole depth of the truth, having crossed 
over beyond uncertainty, having dispelled all doubts, de 
pendent on the favour of no one else (f. 524 a ), not having 
found it by another, having found the incontrovertible 
doctrines in the teaching of the Master, rose from his seat, 
and throwing his cloak over one shoulder, turned with 
clasped hands to the Blessed One, and said to the Blessed 
One, "Lord, glorious, truly glorious! Lord, I take my 
refuge in the Buddha, in the dharma ; I take my refuge in 
the fraternity of bhikshus ; may I be received among the 
lay followers. From this day forth, while life lasts, I take 
my refuge and I put my trust (in them)." l 

We have seen (p. 54) that Devadatta and quite a num 
ber of Qakyas had been made to enter the order much 
against their will when the Buddha visited Kapilavastu 
in the sixth year of his ministry. Devadatta was the 
leader of this dissatisfied portion of the fraternity, and his 
name became in later times synonymous with everything 
that is bad, the object of the hatred of all believers. We 
read in Dulva iv. f. 453, that while the Blessed One was 
at Qravasti, Devadatta started for Kapilavastu with the 
intention of stealing Gopa, the Buddha s wife. He came 
up to her and took her hand, but she gave it such a 
squeeze that the blood spurted out, and then she threw 
him from the terrace where they were standing into the 
Bodhisattva s pleasure pond. The Qakyas heard the noise 

1 This passage, which is continu- ever it was possible, so that the corn- 
ally repeated in the Dulva, is repro- parison might be made by those 
duced to show how exactly the Ti- who cannot avail themselves of the 
betan text and the Pali agree. I have original texts, 
used Rhys Davids expressions wher- 


of his falling. When they found out that Devadatta 
had penetrated into the inner apartments of the Bodhis- 
attva, 1 and had tried to seduce his wife, they wanted to 
put him to death ; but they remembered that the Buddha 
had once predicted that Devadatta would inevitably fall 
into hell, so they let him go. 

Another time, while the Blessed One was stopping at 
Eajagriha at the Kalantaka nivasa Bamboo grove, there 
was a dire famine, and it became difficult to get alms. So 
the bhikshus who had magical powers, and who knew the 
country called Jambudvipa (or the island of Jarnbu), used 
to go there and fill their alms-bowls with delicious jambu, 
myrobolan, or vilva fruits, and bring them back and divide 
them with the other bhikshus. Others would go to Pur- 
vavideha, or to Aparagaudani, or to Uttarakuru, where 
they would fill their alms-bowls with the wild rice which 
grew there, and with this they lived, dividing what was 
left over with the fraternity of bhikshus ; or they would 
go to the four Lokapalitas heaven, to the Trayastrim- 
cat devas heaven, and fill their alms-bowls with nectar 
(amrita) ; or yet again they would go to distant countries 
where there was prosperity and plenty and fill their alms- 
bowls with all kinds of savoury viands, with which they 
lived in plenty, dividing what was left over amoilg the 

Then Devadatta thought that it would be a great thing 
for him to be able to do like these bhikshus with magical 
powers. So he went to where the Blessed One was, 
and asked him to teach him magic. But the Buddha, 

1 The use of the term Bodldsattva vadatta s death, which took place 

in this legend, and in another (Dulva when Adjatasatru was king (i.e., 

iv. f. 454) which we will have occa- during the last five years of the 

sion to relate farther on, seems to Buddha s life). On the other hand, 

imply that the Buddha had not we have learnt (p. 57) that Ya6- 

reached enlightenment at the time dhara became a bhikshuni. It is 

when it took place, or, at all events, impossible to make these different 

that his wives were not aware of it. accounts agree, but the legend 

In the legend of f. 454, Yaodhara is interesting as illustrative of the 

is the heroine, and the story is said Buddhist ideas of the characters of 

to have occurred shortly before De- the Buddha s wives. 


who well knew the evil intentions lurking in his mind, 
answered, " Gotama, devote yourself to virtue, and by 
that means you will acquire magical and other powers. 
Gotama, devote yourself to acquiring spiritual insight and 
superior knowledge, and you will acquire magical and 
other powers." 

So, seeing that the Buddha would not teach him 
magic, he went to Adjnata Kaundinya, Agvadjit, Bhad- 
rika, &c., and asked them to teach him, but they knew 
the Blessed One s opinion, so they each one successively 
answered him, " Devadatta, learn to rightly understand 
rupa, and you will acquire magical and other powers. 
Devadatta, learn to rightly understand vedana, sandjna, 
sanskara, vidjnana, and you will acquire magical and 
other powers." 

Then Devadatta went to Da^abala Kaxyapa, saying to 
himself, " The sthavira Da^abala Kagyapa has no superior 
far or near ; he is without guile, an honest man, the 
master of my elder brother, Ananda (bdag-gi phu-nu-bo- 
rgan pa kun dgah-bo) ; he can teach me the way to acquire 
magical powers." 

Kagyapa taught him the way ; then Devadatta kept 
from sleeping during the night, and having reached the 
first stage of dhyana, he acquired the irrdhi of the way of 
the world. So he became able, from being one, to mul 
tiply himself; and, having multiplied himself, he could 
become one again. With the eye of wisdom he could 
make himself visible or invisible. He could go from one 
side of a wall or of a mountain to the other side without 
any more trouble than if it had been air. He could do 
what creatures on the earth or above it do, or what birds x 
or fishes do. He could walk on water, without sinking, 
as if he were on dry land, or sit cross-legged in the air 
like a winged animal. He could become smoke or fire, 
appearing like a great heap of fire. He could bring a 
stream of water out of his body as if he was a whale 

1 The text has byeu zul byed de, but I read bjeu ts ul. 


(niakara). Through the might of the great magical 
powers he had acquired he could give to himself the 

splendour of the sun and moon. 

Then he thought, If I could get the greatest person 
in the land of Magadha to become my disciple, the 
common of mortals would follow his example without 
any difficulty." Then he thought of Prince Adjatasatru, 
who would be the ruler of the kingdom at his father s 
death; so transforming himself into an elephant, he en 
tered the front door of Prince Adjatasatru s house and 
went out by the wicket, and having entered by the wicket, 
he came out by the front door. After that he transformed 
himself into a horse, into a bhikshu, and passed before 
him in the same manner, Prince Adjatasatru thinking the 
while, "Why, this is the venerable Devadatta ! " Then 
he transformed himself into a golden necklace ; encircling 
the prince s neck, he fell into his bosom, entwined him- 
self around his person, &c., and he knew that Adjatasatru 
thought, "Why, this is the venerable Devadatta ! Why, 
there is no greater teacher than the venerable (ayuchmat) 
Devadatta ; great are his magical powers ! " So the prince 
believed in him ; and after that each morning he would go 
with five hundred chariots, and would givehim and his 
friends five hundred bowls full of different kinds of food, 
on which Devadatta and his five hundred adherents did 
feast. 1 

Devadatta became so infatuated with the gifts and 
honours which Adjatasatru was lavishing on him that he 
said to himself, "The Blessed One is getting old and 
decrepit, and it wearies him to exhort the bhikshus and 
lay followers, both male and female. What if the Blessed 
One turned over the direction of the congregation to me ? 
I will guide them, and in the meanwhile the Blessed One 
will be able to live in comfort, without any pre-occupa- 
tion." Hardly had he conceived this idea but his magical 

* ** ^ * * ^ * 


powers commenced decreasing, and finally left him en 
tirely, although he knew it not. But Maudgalyayana 
was informed of the fact by a deva from the Brahmaloka 1 
(who had been the son of Kaundinya), so he went and 
informed the Buddha just as Devadatta was corning to 
make him the above-mentioned proposition. When the 
Blessed One heard him he replied, " Thou fool ! thinkest 
thou that I will commit the care of the congregation to 
an eater of filth and spittle like thou (ro dang hdra-ba, 
mtchil-ma za-ba), when I do not intrust it to virtuous 
men like (Jariputra or Maudgalyayana ? " 

Devadatta was indignant with the Blessed One ; he 
was provoked and dissatisfied, so he shook his head three 
times, and with the words, "Let us abide our time," he 
went out of the presence of the Blessed One. 2 It was 
probably after the preceding events that Devadatta 
brought about the first schism in the Buddhist order of 
which we have any record. The five rules which seem to 
have been the distinguishing features of his reformation 
are given as follows in Dulva iv. f. 453 : "Sirs," said 
Devadatta to his hearers, "(i.) The qramana Gautama 
makes use of curds and milk; henceforth we will not 
make use of them, because by so doing one harms calves. 
(2.) The qramana Gautama makes use of meat ; but 
we will not use it, because, if one does, living creatures 
are killed. 3 (3.) The cjamana Gautama makes use of 
salt ; but we will not use it, because it is produced from a 
mass of sweat (rngul Jchrod-nas lyung). (4.) The cjamana 
Gautama wears gowns with cut fringes ; but we will wear 
gowns with long fringes, because by his practice the 
skilful work of the weavers is destroyed. (5.) The gra- 
mana Gautama lives in the wilds ; but we will live in 

1 Spence Hardy (op. dt., p. 328) prepared for the bhikshu, if it had 
calls him Kakudha. apparently been prepared for him, 

2 Dulva v. f. 436-439, and Dulva or if it was presumable from circum- 
iv. f. 256-258. stances that it had been prepared 

3 The Buddha allowed the use of in his intention. See Dulva in. 
meat, but it was not lawful to make f. 38. On the third rule see Wassi- 
use of it if it had evidently been lief, Buddh., p. $6. 


villages, because by his practice men cannot perform 
works of charity (dana)" x 

When the Buddha was about fifty years old, 2 he said 
to the bhikshus, "Bhikshus, I am bent down with age 
and infirmities, and worn out through giving counsel to 
my followers; you must appoint a bhikshu who will 
attend to my wants." 

Kaundinya asked to become his attendant, but the 
Buddha told him that he was too old and would require 
an attendant himself. Agvadjit, Subahu, and all the other 
great sthaviras asked for this place, but he told them that 
they were all too old. Then Maudgalyayana bethought 
him that Ananda would be a fit person and acceptable to 
the Lord ; so he took Qariputra with him and went and 
asked Ananda if he would accept this most honourable 
place. Ananda at first refused, " for," he said, " it is a 
difficult matter to wait on a Buddha. As it is diffi 
cult to approach a mighty sixty-year-old elephant of the 
Matanga (forest), strong, with great curved tusks and 
deep-set chest, revelling in the fight, when he is ready 
for the fray, so is it difficult to serve the Blessed Buddha 
and to attend on him ; therefore, venerable Qariputra, 
choose me not as the Blessed One s attendant." 

Finally he consented, but on three conditions : (i.J That 
he should never have to partake of the Blessed One s food, 
use his underclothes (smad gyogs), or his cloak ; (2.) That 
he should not have to accompany the Blessed One when 
he went to a layman s house; (3.) That he might at any 
time see and revere the Blessed One. The Buddha agreed 
to these conditions, and from that day on Ananda became 
his inseparable attendant, and was the foremost among 
those who heard much, who understood what they heard, 
who remembered what they had heard. 3 

1 See also Udanavarga, p. 204, means. Cf. Spence Hardy, Manual, 

where the third rule is still less in- p. 338. 

telligible, but might be rendered 2 See Spence Hardy, Manual, 

" because it is produced from the p. 241. 

semen of Mahesvara," whatever that 3 See Dulva iv. f. 240-243. 


While Devadatta was enjoying his short-lived popu 
larity in Kajagriha the Buddha went to Gay a, and while 
there he learnt of Adjatasatru refusing to send him gifts, 
reserving them all for Devadatta. Then he told his dis 
ciples the following story : " Bhikshus, in days of yore 
there lived in the desert wild, in a hermitage surrounded 
by every variety of fruit and flower trees, a number of 
rishis (hermits) who fed on roots or fallen fruits, and who 
clothed themselves with bark. Now there was a mango- 
tree near by, and when on its fruit-laden branches the 
fruit was ripe and ready to eat and the hermits tried to 
take any, the selfish deity who lived in the tree would not 
let them have any. 

" It happened one day while the hermits were away 
looking for roots and fruit that a band of five hundred 
robbers came to the hermitage and espied the mango-tree. 
They wanted to get the fruit, so their chief said, Let us 
cut down the tree with an axe and eat the fruit. 

" (On hearing this) the deity let all the fruit fall to the 
ground ; the robbers ate their fill and went away. 

i( When the rishis came back, they asked (one of their 
number whom they had left behind) who had eaten the 
mangoes. Then he spoke this verse 

1 To the peaceful and righteous-doing 
The tree s fruits are not given ; 
To the thief, to the wicked-doer, 
The fruits of the tree are given. 

" They asked him how it had come about, and he told 
them. So it was that the avaricious deity would not give 
the fruit to the peaceful hermits, but gave it to the lawless 

Then the Blessed One added, " What think ye, bhik- 
shus ! He who was then the deity is now Adjatasatru, and 
the robber chief is now Devadatta." 1 

Adjatasatru, impelled by Devadatta and also by his 
own ambition, sought to take his father King Bimbisara s 

1 Dulva iv. f. 272-273. 


life by shooting an arrow at him, but he failed in the 
attempt. When the Buddha heard of this he laid all the 
blame on Devadatta, and he told the Bhikshus the story 
of the guilty dogs (D. iv. f. 332), of the grateful animals 
(f. 333-335), and of the ichneumon, the snake, and the 
mouse (f. 335-336). 1 

Bimbisara having found out that Adjatasatru s object 
was to become king, made him viceroy of Qampa, and 
there he and Devadatta gave themselves up to plundering 
the people, so that they complained to the king. 

Bimbisara imagining that if his son s domains were 
vaster he would be less rapacious, gave him the whole of 
Magadha, with the exception of his capital, Eajagriha ; but 
even this did not arrest his exactions. Then the king 
relinquished also Kajagriha, only reserving his treasures ; 
but as Devadatta suggested to Adjatasatru that the real 
sovereign was the one who had the treasures, he prevailed 
on the king to relinquish these also. Bimbisara com 
plied, but at the same time he implored his son to give 
up his wicked associate Devadatta. Exasperated at this, 
Adjatasatru had his father cast in prison, there to die of 
hunger ; but Queen Vaidehi, the only person admitted to 
see him, brought him food in a bowl. Adjutasatru heard 
of this through the jailers, and forbade the Queen doing so 
on pain of death. Then Yaidehi had her body anointed 
with a quantity of nutritious powders, and filled her ankle 
rings with water ; by this means she kept the king alive. 
This device was also found out, and she was no longer 
allowed to visit the king. Then the Blessed One walked 
on the Vulture s Peak, in a place where Bimbisara could 
see him from his window, and the joy that this gave him 
kept him alive. Adjatasatru found this out, and had the 
window walled up and the soles of his father s feet 

The Blessed One then sent Maudgalyayana, who entered 

1 All of these stories have been translated in Schiefner s Tibetan 


the prison through his magical power, and comforted the 
king with the assurance that he would come to life again 
in the region of the four great kings. 

It happened that at that time Udayibhadra, son of 
Adjatasatru, had a gathering on his ringer, which made 
him cry, though his father took him in his arms and 
kissed him. Then Adjatasatru put the finger in his 
mouth and sucked it, which broke the sore and relieved 
him. Just then Yaidehi came in, and seeing what Adja 
tasatru was doing, she told him that his father had once 
done the same thing for him. Great was the king s dis 
tress at the way he had treated his father, and he wished 
that he were still living. "Ah!" he cried, "if any one 
could tell me that the old king was alive I would give 
him my kingdom ! " A great crowd rushed to the prison 
with shouts of joy, but when Bimbisara heard them, he 
thought that they were going to inflict some new torture 
on him, so, filled with terror, he heaved a deep sigh and 
passed away. 1 

According to the Li-yul-gyi lo-rgyus pa, f. 429* (see p. 
233), Adjatasatru became king of Magadha five years before 
the Buddha s death, but this is a very little time for the 
accomplishment of all the events enumerated in the next 
chapter. The Southern recension 2 says that it was eight 
years after Adjatasatru s coronation that the Buddha died. 
This is a little better, though still a very short period. 

1 Dulva iv. f. 336-341. Conf. Spence Hardy, op. cit., p. 328 et seq. 
2 See Dipawansa, iii. 60. 



SHORTLY after Adjatasatru had become king of Magadha, 
and while the Buddha was on the Vulture s Peak near 
Kajagriha, in the abode of the yaksha Kumbhira, Deva- 
datta asked the king to assist him in becoming Buddha, 
" For you owe your crown to me," he said. 

Devadatta had a skilled mechanic called from Southern 
India, and made him construct a catapult in front of the 
Buddha s residence. He stationed 500 men to work it, 
250 more were stationed so as to kill the Buddha in 
case the machine missed him, and Devadatta took up a 
position so as to be able to do the deed himself if the 
others failed. 

Just as the men were about to let off the catapult, 
they saw that it would kill the Buddha ; so they would 
not do so, but went away; and descending a magical 
staircase which the Buddha had caused to appear, 
they came and sat down at his feet, and he converted 

Devadatta thinking that the deed was done, climbed 
to the top of the Vulture s Peak, and from there he saw 
the men seated at the feet of the Buddha, and then the 
mechanic, to whom he had given as a reward a pearl neck 
lace worth a hundred thousand pieces (of gold), ran away 
down the magic steps. Devadatta managed, however, to 
hurl a stone from the catapult at the Buddha, and though 
a yaksha called Vadjrapani shattered it, and the yaksha 


Kumbhira sacrificed his life in trying to arrest it, a 
fragment struck the Buddha on the foot and made a 
dangerous wound. 

Jivaka visited him three times, and prescribed a kind 
of sandal-wood called Tsan-dan sa michog, a very rare 
substance, which was only procured with great difficulty. 
But the Blessed One had lost a great deal of blood, and 
though Jivaka made him drink the milk of a young 
woman, the hemorrhage could not be stopped. Then 
Da^abala Kagyapa exclaimed, " Blessed One, if it be true 
that thou carriest alike in thy heart thy sons and thy 
enemies, let the hemorrhage stop ! " and forthwith the 
blood stopped trickling forth. 1 

King Adjatasatru had a very ferocious elephant called 
Eatnapala (or Vasupala, Nor-skyong), which wounded so 
many persons each time it was brought out, that the 
people had been obliged to request the king to have a 
bell rung to warn the people whenever he was about to 
be led out. Now it happened one day that a rich 
citizen of Kajagriha had invited the Buddha and his 
disciples to come eat at his house. Devadatta hearing 
of this, went and told the elephant-tamer that he would 
give him a necklace worth a hundred thousand (pieces 
of gold) if he would let out the elephant. He consented 
to do so, but only with the king s consent, which Deva 
datta feigned to obtain. Then the bell of warning was 
rung, and the man who had invited the Buddha ran to 
the Bamboo grove and begged him not to come into the 
town. The Blessed One told him to fear nothing, and, 
together with five hundred disciples, he started out for the 
city. Devadatta went on to the palace terrace to see the 
Buddha killed, but when the elephant came rushing at 
the Buddha, who had been abandoned by all his dis 
ciples save Ananda, he tamed it with a few words, and 
the ferocious beast followed him submissively to the 
house where he was going to eat. So that the elephant 

1 Dulva iv. f. 349, 361. 


might continue to look at him, the Buddha changed the 
walls of the house into crystal, but the king caused a 
wall to be put up between the elephant and the house, 
when, deprived of the sight of the Blessed One, it died 
of grief and was reborn in the heaven of the four great 
kings. 1 

Devadatta sought by every means to make the bhik- 
shus doubt the truth of the Buddha s word, and to make 
them disobey the disciplinary rules which he had esta 
blished. Qariputra and Maudgalyayana went to where 
Devadatta was teaching his five hundred followers, with 
Kokalika on his right side and Kandadvaja on his left. 
Qariputra exhorted the misguided bhikshus to return to 
the true doctrine, and Maudgalyayana performed all kinds 
of magical feats before them; so that finally their eyes were 
opened, and they asked to be led back to the Blessed 
One. The " perfect pair " took them back, and caused a 
ditch to appear across the road, which arrested Deva 
datta, who, with Kokalika, Kandadvraja, Katamoraka- 
tisya, and Sagaradatta, had started in pursuit, hoping to 
turn them back. The misled bhikshus were presented 
to the Buddha; they confessed their sin, and were re 
admitted into the order without a word of reproach, 
the Blessed One only repeating to them the theory of 
causes and effects, and vindicating the truth of his 
doctrine. 2 

We left in the preceding chapter (p. 70) Jyotishka, 
the wealthy householder of Eajagriha, in peaceful enjoy 
ment of all human pleasures, but when Adjatasatru, 
beguiled by Devadatta, had killed his righteous father, 
placed the crown on his own head, and become king, he 
called Jyotishka, and said to him, "Householder, you 
and I are brothers, 3 let us divide our household pro 

Then Jyotishka thought, "He who has killed his 

1 Dulva iv. f. 374-376. 3 It must be remembered that 

2 Dulva iv. f. 396-399. Conf. Bimbisara had brought up Jyotish- 
Spence Hardy, op. cit., p. 339. ka. 


righteous father, who has put the crown on his own 
head, and made himself king, will perhaps kill me. He 
wants to deprive me of my house, but he will be foiled." 
So he said, " Sire, how do you want to divide ? " 

" I will take your house, and you will take mine." 

Jyotishka answered, " So let it be." 

Then Adjatasatru moved into Jyotishka s house, and 
he into Adjatasatru s ; but all the splendour of the first 
residence passed into Jyotishka s new one, and he had to 
change with the king seven times. 

Adjatasatru thought, " Since I cannot get Jyotishka s 
jewels by this means, I will try another." So he com 
missioned robbers and thieves to go and steal the jewels 
in Jyotishka s house. They were discovered by the 
women of the house, and Jyotishka learnt from them 
that they had been sent by the king. Adjatasatru, on 
hearing that they had been caught, sent a messenger to 
Jyotishka saying, " I am the culprit ; let them go." 

The householder dreading lest the king should kill 
him, made up his mind to enter the Buddhist order; so 
he gave his wealth to the needy, to the forlorn, to the 
poor, and to the sick, and the paupers he made rich. 
Then, with the consent of his friends, kindred, neighbours, 
and sons, he went to the Blessed One and became a 
bhikshu. 1 

The Blessed One was at Eajagriha, in the mango 
grove of Jivaka Kumarabhanda, 2 where he was passing 
the summer. 

Then it happened that the son of Vaidehi, the king of 
Magadha, Adjatasatru, knowing that it was the night of 
the full moon of the mid-summer month, went on the 
terrace of his palace, into the brightness of the full moon, 
surrounded by all his courtiers. 

Then he said to his courtiers, " Sirs, tis midsummer; of 

1 See Dulva v. f. 36-38. place ; but this does not agree with 

2 According to Schiefner, Tib. our text. It cannot be placed earlier 
Lebens, p. 315, the Buddha passed than the forty-first summer, or in his 
the thirty-sixth summer in this seventy-fifth year. 


a truth tis the night of the full moon of the midsummer 
month, for the moon has risen full as the sun. What can 
(we) do ? " 

Then said one of the women of the palace to the son of 
Vaidehi, to the king of Magadha, Adjatasatru, " Sire, as 
it is midsummer, the night of the full moon, &c., having 
all that heart can wish, let then your majesty rejoice, be 
glad, make merry. That, methinks, would be well." 

Another of the women suggested decorating all around 
Eajagriha, and "let then your majesty rejoice, be glad, 
and make merry," &c. 

Prince Udayibhadra suggested a campaign against some 
other kingdom in commemoration of the day. One of the 
king s old ministers said, " There is Purna Kagyapa, 1 who 
has a retinue, who is a teacher of many, who is honoured 
by many, revered by many. He is exceedingly old, the 
master of five hundred, and he is passing the summer at 
Eajagriha. Let your majesty go and pay his respects to 

Another old councillor made the same remark about 
the parivradjaka (Maskarin), son of Gocjili, Sanjayin, son 
of Vairatti, Ajita Kegakambala, Kakuda Katyayana, and 
Mrgrantha Djnatiputra, who had retinues, who were 
teachers of many (rest as above), who were passing the 
summer at Eajagriha. 

Now Jivaka Kumarabhanda was present among the 
courtiers while this was going on, so the king said to him, 
"Say you nothing, Jivaka? Why do you remain silent?" 

" Sire, there is the Blessed One, who has a retinue, who 
is a teacher of many, who is honoured by many, who is 
revered by many, and who is passing the summer here at 
Eajagriha in my mango grove; let your majesty go and 
pay your respects to him, and that, methinks, would be 

1 How can this be, for we have all the discrepancies we meet with 

seen, p. 80, that Purna Ka?yapa in these legends. All that can be 

drowned himself near Cravasti in the done is to try and arrange them so 

sixteenth year of the Buddha minis- that the contradictions are not too 

try ? It is useless to seek to explain evident. 


Then the heart of the king of Magadha, Adjatasatru, the 
son of Vaidehi, turned toward the Blessed One, flowed 
toward the Blessed One, went toward the Blessed One ; 
so he said to Jivaka Kumarabhanda, " Go, Jivaka, and 
have got ready my best elephant ; I will mount it and 
go visit the Blessed One." " Sire," replied Jivaka, " be it 
as thou dost command." So he had the king s great 
elephant got ready, and five hundred female ones on 
which rode five hundred women of the palace bear 
ing torches, and then he went to the king of Magadha, 
Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, and said to him, " Sire, the 
time has come, and your elephant is ready." So the king 
mounted his great elephant, and, preceded by the five 
hundred women with torches on female elephants, he 
went forth from Kajagriha to visit the Blessed One. 

Now at that time Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, king of 
Magadha, was not on friendly terms with the Yrijians ; 1 
so hardly had the king left Kajagriha but he was filled 
with fear, thinking, " May not this Jivaka Kumarabhanda 

1 In Dulva v. f. 284 et seq., we rejoiced, and without one moment s 
read, " It happened that Vaidehi- hesitation they attacked King Adja- 
putra Adjatasatru, king of Magadha, tasatru, who, taken by surprise, was 
was not on friendly terms with the defeated, panic-stricken, and driven 
Licchavis of Vai^ali ; so the king of to the shores of the Ganges. Then 
Magadha assembled his chaturanga the king of Magadha thought, These 
army and commenced ravaging the Licchavis of Vaicali are cruel and 
territory of Vriji (Spong-byed). The hard-hearted. If I jump into the 
forces of the people of the territory Ganges, they will draw me out with 
of Vriji informed the Licchavis of a net or a noosed rope (? htchil-pas 
Vaicali that Adjatasatru had as- dbyung-pas), or some such contri- 
sembled his army and was ravaging vance, and I will be brought to 
the territory of Vriji, and they great misery. Tis better to die. 
called on them for help. When the So having made up his mind to die, 
Licchavis of Vai9ali heard this, they he rallied his army, beat the Lie- 
also got together their army and chavis, terrified them, conquered 
started out from Vaicali. As they them, and put them to flight. They 
were starting out, they met Maud- entered Vaicali in great disorder, 
galyayana entering Vaicali to get and shutting the gates, they re 
alms. So they asked him for, they mained behind their walls. King- 
argued, there is nothing that he Adjatasatru having conquered them 
does not know if they would be and subdued the territory of Vaicali, 
victorious. He answered them, went back to Kajagriha." See also 
Men of Vasistha s race, you will Ananda s remark shortly before his 
conquer. Then they were pleased, death, p. 165.^ 
greatly delighted, their hearts were 


want to kill me, ensnare me, or may he not wish to 
deceive me, or deliver me over to the executioner, to my 
adversaries, or to my enemies ? " And he was so sorely 
disturbed in mind that he broke out in a profuse sweat. 
Then he said to Jivaka Kumarabhanda, " Jivaka, do you 
not want to kill me, ensnare me, or do you not wish to 
deceive me, or deliver me over to the executioner, to my 
adversaries, or to my enemies ? " 

" Sire," he answered, " I do not intend [to do any of 
these things]." 

Then Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru said to Jivaka Kuma- 
rabhanda, " Jivaka, what is the number of the Blessed 
One s followers ? " 

"There are twelve hundred and fifty bhikshus (with him)." 

" Ah ! Jivaka, how can it be that thou dost not wish to 
kill me, to ensnare me, to deceive me, or to deliver me 
over to the executioner, or to my foes, or to those who are 
not my friends, for here is the Blessed One with such a 
great number of followers, and I hear not even the sound 
of a cough or a whisper ! " 

" Sire, the Blessed One likes a low voice, he delights in 
a low voice, he speaks in a low voice ; and as he extols a 
low voice, his disciples speak softly. Sire, push on your 
elephant, for there is the light of the lamp in tire court 
yard (liklior-gyi Miyam-na)" 

So the king of Magadha, Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, 
pushed on his elephant, and having ridden as far as was 
right, he alighted and entered the vihara on foot. 

Now at that time the Blessed One was seated in the 
midst of his disciples as in the middle of a calm and 
placid lake ; so when the king of Magadha, Vaidehiputra 
Adjatasatru, had come to the middle of the court, he asked 
Jivaka Kumarabhanda, " Jivaka, which is the Blessed 

" Sire, the Blessed One is he who is sitting in the midst 
of the congregation of bhikshus as in the middle of a calm 
and placid lake." 


Then Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, king of Magadha, went 
up to the Blessed One, and throwing his cloak over one 
shoulder, he touched the ground with his bended knee, 
and with clasped hands he spoke to the Blessed One as 
follows : " My lord (btsun-pa, Bhante in Pali), would that 
Prince (Kumara) Udayibhadra had a spirit as controlled 
and dispassionate as are the minds of the bhikshus of the 
order of the Blessed One." 

"Good, good, Maharaja; great is the love thou hast 
shown him. Be seated, Maharaja." 

Then Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, king of Magadha, bowed 
down his head at the Blessed One s feet, and sat down to 
one side. While thus seated he said to the Blessed One, 
" If the Lord, the Blessed One, will permit it, I will ask 
him a question." 

" Maharaja, ask whatever question you like." 

" My lord, there are many kinds of trades and profes 
sions, such as wreath-makers, basket-makers (? smyug- 
mkhari), weavers (gdan-pa mkJiari), grass - gatherers, 
trainers, elephant - riders, horsemen, chariot - drivers, 
swordsmen (ral-grii thabs), archers (gdjui hdsin stangs-pa), 
body - servants (djam hiring bgyid-pa), scribes, dancers 
(bro-gar len-pa), rajaputras warlike and valorous, jesters 
(mnyen-par byed-pa), barbers, and bathers. Any one of 
these exercising his trade or profession gives in charity, 
does good, tends the sick (gso-ba rnams gso-djing) ; he 
acquires the five kinds of desirable things (i.e., all that he 
can wish for), he enjoys himself, is happy, and partakes 
of the pleasures of this world ; is there any such visible 
reward for one who devotes himself to virtue ? " 

" Maharaja, have you ever propounded this question 
before to any c^ramana or brahmana ? " 

1 In Tibetan yang-dag-parmthong- de la Bonne Loi, p. 448 et seq., and 

lai dge-sbyony-gi ts ul. The last by Gogerly. See Grimblot, Sept 

two words, dge-sbyong-gi ts ul, or, in Suttas Palis, p. 113 et seq. Conf. 

Pali, samanna-phala, have become Spence Hardy, op. clt., p. 333 et 

the name of this sermon, which has seq. 
been translated by Burnouf, Lotus 


" My Lord, I have. Once, my Lord, I went to Purna 
Kac,yapa, and I asked him [the same question as above]. 

" Baja, he answered, here is my theory. Then he 
said, Offerings, sacrifices, and burnt-offerings exist not, 
righteousness is not, neither is unrighteousness. Rewards 
for righteousness or for unrighteousness are not. This 
world is not, the other world is not. Father and mother 
are not ; there is no such thing as opapatika birth ; 1 there 
is no birth. They who here in this world have reached 
the truth, who have entered into the truth, who under 
stand this their present life, have perfectly understood 
that this life and another life (lit. world) are severed (the 
one from the other), that their being born is at an end. 
They live a life of purity and do what ought to be done. 
They do not know that there are other existences but 
this one, so there are none who go (to another existence). 
In this very life they will come to an end, decay, die, and 
come not forth again after death. The body of man is 
composed of the four great elements, and when he dies 
the earthy part of his body returns to earth, the watery 
part to water, the fiery part to fire, and the airy part to 
air. The perceptive powers are scattered in space. The 
corpse is carried by men to the cemetery and burnt, and 
is at an end. The burnt remains are ashes, and the bones 
become the colour of wood-pigeons. Thus both the fool 
and the wise man who pretend that they will receive 
anything for their charity speak empty, foolish, lying 

" Then did he talk of both the fool and the wise man 
being destroyed, decaying, and having no hereafter when 
once dead. My Lord, if a man had asked about mangoes 
and one had talked to him about bread-fruit (labuja, but 
in the text la-ku-tsai libras-lu), or if he had asked him 
about bread-fruit and he had talked to him about mangoes, 
so it was that Purna KfiQyapa, when I asked him con- 

1 Sems - chan brdzus - te skye - la opapdtiM. The Pali attributes these 
cmdo. Conf. the Pali n atthi sdtta theories 


cerning the visible reward of the Qramana, talked to me 
about not being. 

" Then, my Lord, I thought twould not be seeming in 
me to openly deprecate such a person, such a learned and 
highly respected man, such a Qramana and brahmana re 
siding in my land. So, my Lord, without praising or 
blaming Purna Kagyapa s words, I arose from my seat 
and went away. 

" Then I went to the son of Gogali (Maskarin), and I 
asked him [the same question]. 

(f. 41 1.) " Maharaja, he answered, here is my theory. 
Then he said, There is no cause or reason for human 
defilement ; beings are defiled without cause or reason. 
There is no cause or reason for human purity ; beings are 
pure without cause or reason. There is no cause or 
reason for beings ignoring or for their not perceiving; 
beings ignore and do not perceive without cause or 
reason; and so there is no cause or reason for beings 
knowing and perceiving ; beings know and perceive with 
out cause or reason. There is no power, no ability ; there 
is no power and ability. There is no personal action, no 
external action ; there is no personal and external action. 1 
There is no personal ability, no ability of another ; there is 
no personal and impersonal ability of another. All sentient 
beings, all living creatures, all creation are without power, 
force, might, will, control ; they are subject to the exist 
ences which are inherent to their natures ; and this is how 
creatures in the six forms of existence experience the 
different kinds of pleasure and pain. 

" This was what he said, my Lord. If a man had asked 
about mangoes, &c. So I arose from my seat and went away. 

" Then I went to Sanjayin, the son of Yairatti, and I 
asked him [the same question]. 

(f. 412.) "< Maharaja, he replied, here is my theory. 2 

1 Skyes-bui rtsal medo, pha rol Comp. the Pali purisa-Mre . . . 

anon pa medo. SJcycs-bui rtsal dang purisa-paralcJcame. 

pha-rol gnon pa medo. Bdag-gi rtsal 2 The Pali attributes these theories 

medo gdzan-gyi rtsal medo. ... to Ptirna K^yapa. 


Then he said, (There is such a thing as) to do, to cause to 
be done, to mutilate, to cause mutilation, to burn, or to 
cause burning, to strike, or to cause to be struck, to inflict 
pain on living creatures, to steal, to commit adultery, to 
prevaricate, to drink intoxicating liquors, to break into 
houses, to untie knots (? mdud pa hgrol-la), to rob in 
arms, to make ambuscades on the high road (? lam hgog- 
cldng Mug-pa), to plunder villages, to plunder cities, to 
plunder the country. In this world all sentient creatures 
are whirled around on the circle of a wheel; so if one 
mutilates, torments, strikes, tears to pieces, he only does 
something to a little flesh, to an accumulation of flesh ; 
and having only done something to a little flesh, to an 
accumulation of flesh, there is no sin in any of these 
actions, no sin will accrue from such deeds. If a man on 
the south bank of the Ganges hurts everything, tears to 
pieces everything, mutilates everything, or if a man on 
the north bank of the Ganges makes offerings, gives alms, 
from these actions there is neither sin nor merit ; by so 
doing there will be no future punishment nor acquisition 
of merit/ Thus did he speak of the non-existence of 
merit in charity, good conduct, self-restraint, in peeking 
what is right, in liking what is right. My Lord, if a man 
had asked about mangoes, &c., &c. So when I asked him 
about the reward of virtue, he talked to me of irrespon 
sibility (byed-pa nyid-ma min). 

Then, my Lord, I thought twould not be seeming, &c., so 
I arose from my seat and went to Ajita Kegakambala, and 
I asked him [the same question]. 

(f. 4i3 b .) " Maharaja/ he replied, here is my theory/ 
Then he said, The seven following kinds of corps are not 
made or caused to be made, they are not emanations or 
caused to emanate, 1 they do not conflict (gnod-par bya-la 
ma-yin-pa) \ihvj are eternal, they stand like a pillar. These 
seven are earth, water, fire, wind, pleasure, pain, and 

1 Ma f<prul-pa sprul-pas ma byas-pa. 


vitality is the seventh. 1 These seven corps are not made 
or caused to be made, &c. ; they stand like a pillar. They 
are not moved for the production of merit or demerit, for 
that of merit and demerit, nor for the production of plea 
sure or pain, nor for that of pleasure and pain, in either 
bringing them about or arresting them. The man who 
cuts off another man s head does nothing to a being moving 
or existing in the world, but the sword in penetrating 
between the seven elements injures a living being, and 
that is all. To kill, to bring about death, to think or to 
cause to think, to exhort or to cause to exhort, to know or 
to cause to be known, none of these exist. The foolish 
and the wise have 14,000 principal kinds of births, 60,000 
(or) 600 great kalpas ; 2 there are five(fold) actions, or 
three (fold), or two(fold), or simple actions or half actions; 
there are 62 paths, 62 medium kalpas, seven senses 
(sandjna), 120 hells (nay okas), 130 organs (dbang-po), 36 
elements of dust, 49,000 nagas, 49,000 of the garuda 
species, 49,000 of the parivradjaka species, 49,000 of the 
akelaka species, 49,000 of the nirgrantha species, seven 
modes of conscious existence, seven of unconscious exist 
ence, seven as asuras, seven as pisatchas, seven as devas, 
seven human ; there are seven (or) 700 lakes, seven (or) 
700 (kinds of) writing (? libri-ba], seven (or) 700 dreams, 
seven (or) 700 proofs (? sad-pet), seven (or) 700 kinds of 

1 Grog-gson-ba nyid ni Mun-pit, rather obscure for the Tibetan trans- 

ste. This resulted from reading in lators that they substituted rtog-pa 

the original ; sattame instead of satta for bskal-pa. The same difficulty 

me. recurs a little farther on, where we 

- The text is rtog-patchen-po, which find rtog-pa bar ma, which I have 
can only mean literally " great con- translated by " medium kalpas." 
sideration, alternative ;" but this is All this is very uncertain. It may 
so very unsatisfactory that I venture be that rtog-pa is intended to trans - 
to suggest that rtog-pa may here be late vikalpa, " doubt, uncertainty ;" 
used to translate the Sanskrit kalpa, but this is not much more satisfac- 
which admits of the double signi- tory than the sense I have adopted in 
fication of "thought" and "age, the text. See the Chinese version 
cycle." At all events, this would be of the text, p. 258, where the ex- 
very uncommon, for the Tibetan pression " great remembrances " also 
word bskal-pa = kalpa is of con- occurs, without, however, the phrase 
tinual occurrence, and it can only being more intelligible, 
have been because this phrase r/as 


precipices ; there are six social degrees, ten kinds of ranks, 
eight kinds of mahapurushas ; and all must inevitably go 
on transmigrating through 84,000 great kalpas before they 
reach the end of misery. 

" It is as if a ball of thread was dropped in space ; it 
unwraps itself to its full length ; so likewise both fools 
and sages must go on in the inevitable round for 84,000 
great kalpas ere they reach the end of misery. 

" Therefore qramanas and brahmanas who say, " By 
morality, religious observances, penance, a life of purity, I 
will mature this action and the action which has matured 
will be wiped out/ talk senselessly. Pleasure and pain 
exist, and there are no ascending or descending births. 

" Thus did he speak, saying that transmigration was 
given out equally to all. My Lord, if a man had asked 
about mangoes, &c. ; so 1 arose from my seat and went to 
Mrgrantba, son of Djnati, and I asked him [the same 

(f. 416.) " Maharaja, he replied, here is my theory/ 
Then he said, * All impressions experienced by beings are the 
result of a previously produced cause. From the fact that 
former deeds are wiped out by penance, recent deeds cannot 
be arrested by any dam. Whereas, there being no future 
misery (asrava), there will be no actions as there is no 
misery ; actions being ended, affliction will be at an end ; 
affliction being at an end, the end of affliction is reached/ 1 

" Thus did he speak, saying that by the extinction of 
asrava one reaches the end of affliction. 

" My Lord, if a man had asked about mangoes, &c. ; so 
when I questioned Nirgrantha Djnatiputra concerning the 
reward of virtue, he talked to me about first causes. My 
Lord, then I thought, &c.; so I arose and went to Kakuda 
Katyayana, and I asked him [the same question]. 

(f. 417.) " Maharaja, he replied, here is my theory/ 2 
Then he said, If any one asks me if there is another life, 

1 Dr. Leumann informs me that 2 The Pali attributes these theories 
these theories agree with Jain doc- to Samjaya. 
trines, as shown by their canon. 


I answer his question by " There is another life." If they 
inquire of me, saying there is no other life, or the other 
world (life) is or is not, or it is and is not, or it is not not 
existing, or the other world is so and so, or it is not thus, 
or it is another way, or it is not another way, or it is not 
not another way, I reply to their questions by " The other 
world (i.e., future life) is not another way, (or) it is not 
not another way." 

"Then I thought the greatest fool of all the men of re 
ligion in Kajagriha, the stupidest, the most hypocritical, is 
this Kakuda Katyayana. But still it occurred to me 
twould not be seeming in me, &c. ; so, without extolling or 
yet blaming the words of Kakuda Katyayana, I arose 
from my seat, and (now) I have come to the Blessed One, 
of whom I ask [the same question]." 

" Maharaja, I will question you concerning this inquiry 
of yours. Answer me as you see fit. 

" Maharaja, let us suppose that you have a slave, an 
attendant, without a will of his own, who knows no plea 
sure of his own. This man, seeing you in your palace, iii 
possession of everything which can gratify the senses, 
living in the midst of more than human bliss, amusing 
and diverting yourself, thinks, Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, 
king of Magadha, is a man, and I also am a man ; but 
Adjatasatru, because he has formerly accumulated good 
deeds, now lives in a palace, in the midst of more than 
human joys, amuses and diverts himself, and I also may 
become like him if I perform meritorious acts. I will 
shave my head and beard, put on an orange gown, and, 
filled with faith, I will give up a home life and retire from 
the world. Then, cutting the rope (which holds him to the 
world), he shaves his head and beard, and, filled with faith, 
gives up a home and retires from the world. He abstains 
from taking life, from stealing, from fornication, from joking 
(pra-ma), from mocking, reviling, coveting, slandering, and 
from malice. Now if your emissaries should meet him, 
and, thinking, This was a slave, an attendant, without a 


will of his own, of Vaidehiputra, king of Magadha, &c., 
&c. ; he abstains from slandering and from malice ; let us 
go and tell the king. If then coming to where you are, they 
should say, Does your majesty know that his slave, his 
attendant, &c., &c., is living abstaining from slandering and 
from malice ? would your majesty on hearing this say, 
Bring the man here ; he shall again be my slave, my 
attendant, without a will of his own ? " 

" Not so, my Lord ; but in whatever place I met him I 
would speak respectfully to him, bow before him, rise in 
his presence, join my hands to him (make an anjali), and 
show him every possible kind of respect ; and as long as 
he led such a life I would provide him with clothes, food, 
lodgings, and medicines." 

" What think you, Maharaja ? In such a case as this have 
I not demonstrated that there is a visible reward for a life 
of virtue ? " 

" Of a truth you have, my Lord. In such a case the 
Blessed One has shown that there is a visible reward for 
a life of virtue." 1 

The Buddha continued to converse with him until the 
king was finally gained over to the Buddhist creed. 

After Adjatasatru s conversion by means of the Qra- 
mana-phala Sutra, he would no longer admit Devadatta s 
followers into the palace, but had them all turned away. 
One day Devadatta came to the palace and was refused 
admission. Just then he espied the bhikshuni Utpala- 
varna entering the palace for alms, and he thought, " It is 
for such bald-pates as this that they have quarrelled 
with me. " Then he said to Utpalavarna, "What have I 
done thee that thou hast deprived me of alms ? " and with 
that he struck her. " Persecute not the righteous," she 
meekly said. " How can you, a relative of the Blessed 
One, treat so badly one who is a Qakya who has renounced 
the world ? Be not so harsh with me." But he struck 

1 See Dulva iv. fol. 405 et seq. ; and for the end of the sutra. Bur- 
nouf, Lotus, p. 461-482, 


her with his fist on the head. She reached the abode of 
the bhikshunis, though suffering great pain, and shortly 
after she died. 1 

Devadatta having failed to reach eminence as a religious 
teacher, still retained some hope of being able to become 
king of the Qakyas. Now the Qakyas had thought of 
putting Ya^odhara on the throne, so Devadatta went to 
Kapilavastu and ascended the terrace of the palace where 
Yac,6dhara was. He took her hand and besought her to 
become his wife, that they would reign over Kapilavastu. 
On hearing such a proposition she sprang up from her 
seat and threw him to the ground. "Thou shameless 
fool," she cried, " I cannot bear thy touch. My husband 
must be one who will become an universal monarch or a 
bodhisattva." The Qakyas, on hearing of this new insult 
of Devadatta to the Buddha, told him to go and beg the 
Blessed One s pardon, and that if he granted it they would 
make him their king. 

Devadatta filled underneath his nails with a deadly 
poison, intending to scratch the Buddha s feet. When he 
drew nigh the Buddha and cast himself at his feet he tried 
to scratch him, but the Blessed One s legs had become of 
adamantine hardness, so that Devadatta s nails broke off. 2 
The Buddha granted him forgiveness, but on condition that 
he professed his faith in the Buddha. If, however, he should 
do so with a lie in his heart, he would at once fall into 
hell. Devadatta, who was in great pain, exclaimed, " To the 
very marrow of my bones I seek my refuge in the Buddha." 
Hardly had he uttered the words but he fell into hell. 

But even there the Buddha s mercy followed him, for 
he sent Qariputra and Maudgalyayana to visit him in hell, 
and to tell him that, though he was then suffering for 
having tried to divide the brotherhood and for having 
killed Utpalavarna, he would on the expiration of a kalpa 
become a pratyeka buddha. 3 

1 See Dulva iv. f. 448-449. Hdzangs-blun gives another version 

2 Conf. Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. of Devadatta s death. 

302, and Fa-Hian, p. 80. The 3 See Dulva iv. f. 455-457. 


The bhikshus came to the Buddha and said, " Lord, see 
to what grief Devadatta has come because he hearkened 
not to the words of the Blessed One." 

The Blessed One answered them, " Bhikshus, tis not 
only now that grief has come to him because he hearkened 
not to my words. Listen how the same thing happened to 
him in days of yore. 

"Bhikshus, in times gone by there lived in a mountain 
village a master-mechanic (Jiklirul-hWwr-gyi slob-dpori) who 
married a woman of the same caste as his own, . . . who 
after a while gave birth to a son. Twenty-one days after 
his birth they had a naming-feast, and, tenderly nurtured, 
the child grew apace. 

"After a while his father died, and (the lad) went to 
another mountain village where lived another master- 
mechanic, and with him he commenced learning his trade. 

" In yet another mountain village there lived a house 
holder whose daughter s hand (the young man) asked of her 
father. The father replied, If you can get here on such- 
and-such a day, I will give her to you, but on no other 

" Then (the young man) said to his master, Master, in 
such a village there lives a householder whose daughter s 
hand I have asked of her father. He told me that if I 
could get there on such-and-such a day he would give her 
to me, but on no other. 

"The master-mechanic said, Since that is the case, my 
lad, I will go (with you) myself and get her. 

" So on the appointed day they mounted together a 
wooden peacock, and the same day they reached the 
mountain village, to the great astonishment of all the 
people. They took the girl, and mounting the same 
machine, they went to (the young man s) own home. 
Then (the master-mechanic) took the machine and said to 
the youth s mother, "Your son does not know how to 
manage this machine, so do not let him have it." 

"After a while (the young man) said, Mother, please 


let me have the machine, so that I may astonish the 
people (skye-loi ts ogs dbang-du Igyio). 

" My son, she answered, your master said that you 
did not know how to manage it, and that I must not let 
you have it. You do not understand it; it will bring 
trouble on you. I will not let you have it. 

" Mother/ he said, I can make it go forward and 
backward ; the master only refused it through jealousy. 

"Women s hearts are tender, so seeing how much he 
longed for it, she let him have it. 

" Then he got on the machine and started off, to the great 
delight of the people ; but the master-mechanic saw (him 
on) the machine and cried out, Go away, and do not try 
this again ! But he went on flying about farther and 
farther until he flew to the ocean. Then the deity caused 
a deluge of rain to fall on the ocean, and the parts (sly or- 
kha-rnams) (of the machine) were soaked. No longer able 
to manage it, he was wrecked (lit. came to trouble). 

" A deity then spoke this verse 

* When one s words of loving-kindness, 
One s cautious instructions, are not heeded ; 
When one stops not and remembers nought, 
He is carried off by the wooden bird. 

"Bhikshus, what think ye? At that time I was the 
master-mechanic and Devadatta the apprentice. At that 
time he would not listen to my words of caution, and 
through his ignorance he got into trouble; so likewise 
now, hearkening not to my words, he has gone to suffer 
the torments of hell." 1 

Qariputra and Maudgalyayana shortly after their visit 
to Devadatta in hell had told the Culekasataka 2 tirthikas 
in Eajagriha that they had seen their master in hell, and 
that he had admitted to them the falsity of the doctrines 

1 See Dulva iv. f. 462-464. gchig. This, however, may be amis- 

2 The text reads dbyug thogs spyi take, but I have not met elsewhere 
phud-chan, which I have taken as with the former expression, 
synonymous with gtsug-pliud ras- 


he had taught. His disciples were so enraged at this that 
they resolved to avenge themselves on the calumniators. 
They at first tried to quarrel with ^ariputra, but he passed 
on ; so they attacked Maudgalyayana, whom they met in 
Eajagriha a little later. They pounded him like sugar 
cane and beat him through the whole town, and would 
have killed him then and there if Qariputra had not come 
to his rescue, and having changed him into a little child, 
carried him off in his cloak to the Veluvana vihara. 1 
The news of this attempted assassination spread like wild 
fire, and a great crowd with King Adjatasatru came to the 
vihara. The king had the heretics seized. He asked 
Maudgalyayana why he, who was such a great magician, 
had not been able to escape. He told him that such was 
his destiny on account of bygone deeds (he had in a 
former existence treated his father and mother in like 
manner). Adjatasatru sent all his physicians to Maud 
galyayana, and told them that if he was not cured within 
seven days they would all be degraded (? dbang-thang 
Icliad). They were greatly worried at this, for Maud 
galyayana s condition was hopeless, and nothing less than 
a miracle could cure him. This they told to the wounded 
man, who promised that in seven days he would be in 
Eajagriha begging his food ; and he did as he had pro 
mised; but after having shown himself in Eajagriha, he 
went to "the town with the wooden paling" (? Grong- 
kliyer shing-thags-chari), and died on the afternoon of that 
same day. ^ariputra, who was at Nalanda, was taken ill 
the same day, and died at the same time as his friend, 
arid 77,000 ordinary bhikshus also died at this time. 2 

1 Conf. Bigandet, op. cit., ii. p. 25, until the time of Cariputra s death 
and Spence Hardy, Manual, p. 349. 80,000 bhikshus ha d died, &c. Bi- 

2 Dulva xi. f. 652, we are told that gandet, op. cit., vol. ii. p. 9, places 
when Qariputra died 80,000 bhikshus Cariputra s death in the forty-fifth 
died ; and that at Maudgalyayana s or last year of the Buddha s ministry, 
death 70,000 died, and at the Bud- He recounts it after the Blessed One s 
dha s death 1 8,000 passed away. By illness at Beluva. See p. 130. His 
this may also be understood that version of this event is much fuller 
from the first founding of the order than that of our text. 


When Qariputra s disciples had finished cremating his 
body, they carried his ashes (ring-ford), his alms-bowl, 
and his cloak to the Blessed One at Kajagriha. 

The Blessed One after their arrival left Kajagriha and 
went to Qravasti and stopped at Jetavana. Now, when 
Anathapindada heard that Qariputra was dead, and that 
his ashes were in the hands of Ananda, he went and 
asked permission of the Buddha to build a cairn (tchaitya) 
over his ashes, in consideration of their long-standing 
friendship. The Buddha having given his consent, Ana 
thapindada carried the remains to his house, put them in 
a high place, and honoured them in the presence of his 
friends and relatives with lamps, incense, flowers, per 
fumes, wreaths, and sweet-scented oils (byug-pa-rnams) ; 
and all the people of Kosala, King Prasenadjit and queen 
Mallika, the royal family and Varshika, the rishi Datta, 
the elders, Visakha Mrigadhara s mother, and many other 
believers came and honoured them. 

Then Anathapindada inquired of the Buddha how the 
cairn or tchaitya ought to be built. " It must have four 
storeys, gradually decreasing in size, and it must contain a 
vase, and there must be one, two, three, four, thirteen bal 
dachins, and it must have roofs to protect it against the 
rain (tchar-kliab-dag Idjag-par-lyao). 1 

Moreover, Anathapindada asked permission of the 
Buddha to found a feast which should be celebrated at 
a certain time at the tchaitya of Qariputra. The Buddha 
gave his consent, and King Prasenadjit had proclaimed 

1 The text adds, " For a pratyeka Mahaprajapati Gotami, and of the 

Buddha there shall be no rain -court other Cakya women who had founded 

(tchar-khab) ; for an arhat there shall with her the female order of mendi- 

be four festoons (Idyugs); for a sak- cants. They are said to have died 

ridagamin three ; for an anagamin shortly before the Buddha, while he 

two ; for a crotapanna one ; as to was at the banyan grove of Kapila- 

ordinary people, their tchaityas must vastu. Prajapati Gotami was aged 

be plain " (byi-bor = byi-dor ?). We 120 at the time of her death, but she 

see from this that the tchaitya of had retained her youthful appear - 

Qariputra was similar to that made ance, and her hair had not become 

for a Buddha. See Dulva xi. f. white. See Dul va x. f. 180-185, also 

53-68 for the preceding episode. Spence Hardy, Manual, p. 317 et 

We will not insist on the death of seq. 


with sound of bell, " Give ear, ye people of Qravasti, and 
all ye foreigners ! At the time of the feast of the tchaitya 
of the venerable Qariputra, all merchants who may come 
thither with goods will have to pay no duties or tolls or 
ferry fees ; they may come freely." 

We may as well note here that Dulva xi. f. 53 gives 
the following directions for disposing of the corpse of a 
bhikshu. His body must be burnt, but in case wood 
cannot be found, it may be thrown into a river. If there 
be no river in the neighbourhood, it must be interred in 
a shady spot, the head to the north, lying on the left side, 
on a bed of grass. Then it must be covered with green 
grass and leaves. Previously to being interred the body 
must be washed. A cairn or tchaitya (mtchod-rteri) must 
be raised over the remains. 

We have seen in the preceding chapter (p. 79) that 
Yirudhaka, son of King Prasenadjit of Kosala, and heir- 
apparent, was very desirous of becoming king, so as to 
avenge himself on the Qakyas of Kapilavastu. He then 
commenced conspiring against his father, and trying to 
gain over to his interests all the five hundred councillors 
of Prasenadjit; and they all promised him their support, 
with the exception of Dirghacharayana 1 (Spyod-pai-lu 
ring-pd), the chief minister, who was devoted to his lord. 
On a certain occasion, while Dirghacharayana was at 
Virudhaka s dwelling on business, the prince spoke to 
him about his desire to avenge himself on the Qakyas as 
soon as he became king, and he proposed assassinating his 
father, so that he might the sooner reign. The minister 
persuaded him to desist from such a crime, " for," he said, 
" the king is old, and in a little while you will ascend the 
throne, for there is no other heir but you." Virudhaka 

1 Conf. Peer, Annales Musee Gui- son of the walker." I have no doubt 

met, v. p. 65. He there translated that in our text Spyod-pai-bu is in- 

this name Dirgha, son of Cari. Since tended as a translation of Carayana. 

then he has written to me that in I have, therefore, availed myself of 

the Avadana-Cataka he is called M. Peer s remark, and have adopted 

Uirgha Carayana, translated in Tibe- this restitution of the name instead 

tan Rgyu-bai-bu riny-po, "Dirgha, of Schiefner s Dirghachariya. 


gave in to his reasons, but bound the minister over to 
secrecy as to what had just passed between them. 

Now the Blessed One was stopping in a little town of 
the Qakyas called Metsurudi, when one day Prasenadjit 
having got on his chariot with Dirghacharayana driving, 
started out. On the road he saw a hermit living in soli 
tude, shunning sin and the company of man, and the 
king bethought him that that was the way in which the 
Blessed One lived ; so turning round to the minister, he 
asked him if he knew where the Blessed One then was, 
for it had been some time since he had been to pay him 
his respects. Dirghacharayana told him that he had 
heard that the Blessed One was in a Qakya town called 
Metsurudi. " Is it far off? " asked the king. " It is about 
three yojanas from where we are," answered Dirghachara 
yana. " Drive me, then, to the village of Metsurudi." 

When they had come to Metsurudi, the king alighted 
from his chariot and went to the arama on foot. The 
Blessed One was passing the day inside of the dwelling 
with closed doors, and the bhikshus outside were walking 
about with their cloaks off. The king went up to them 
and asked where was the Blessed One. " He is passing 
the day in the house with big doors. If you want any 
thing, Maharaja, go and knock gently on the door, and the 
Blessed One will have it opened." So the king handed 
over to Dirghacharayana the five insignia of royalty which 
he wore, his crown, his parasol, his sword, his jewelled 
yak-tail, his richly embroidered shoes, and having knocked 
gently, the Blessed One opened the door and he went in. 

Dirghacharayana thought, " The king has given me the 
five insignia of royalty; I will accomplish the prince s 
secret intention I " So mounting the chariot, he drove off 
to Qravasti and made Virudhaka king. 

Prasenadjit, having bowed down at the feet of the Bud 
dha, wiped his face and mouth and then said, " Blessed 
One, it has been a long time since I have seen you. 
Sugata, it has been a long time since I have seen you." 



Then the Buddha said, " Maharaja, why are you so very 
humble, so excessively humble towards the Tathagata ? " 

" Venerable One, it is because I believe that the Blessed 
One is the Tathagata, the Arhat, the Perfectly Enlightened 
One. Well spoken your doctrine, excellent your disciples 
and the order." 

" But, Maharaja, why do you believe in me ? " 
"Venerable One, I have seen those Qramanas, those 
learned brahmans, filled with pride in their learning, act 
ing and speaking accordingly. I have seen their self- 
sufficiency and their intolerance for all other opinions. 
Venerable One, I have yet other reasons for believ 
ing in your doctrine. Venerable One, I am of Kosala, and 
the Blessed One also is of Kosala; I am of kshatriya 
caste, and so is the Blessed One ; I am aged and decrepit, 
fourscore years old, and the Blessed One is aged and de 
crepit, and (nearly) fourscore years old. Venerable One, 
I am the anointed king of the country, and you are the 
king of the exalted Dharma." 

When they had finished conversing, the king came out 
of the house. Mallika and Varshika (his wives) had seen 
Dirghacharayana, and learning from him that tha king 
was at the village of Metsurudi, they started out on foot 
to find him. When the king heard from the bhikshus 
that Dirghacharayana had abandoned him, he continued 
his road on foot, going in the direction of Kajagriha. 1 
After a while he met Mallika and Varshika. " How came 
you here on foot ? " he exclaimed. " Sire," they answered, 
" Dirghacharayana has put Virudhaka on the throne, so 
we who are of your majesty s family went away." 

" Mallika," the king replied, " tis thy son who is in 
possession of the throne; go and enjoy his sovereignty 
with him; I and Varshika will go to Eajagriha." So, 
with sorrow and tears Mallika went away as she had been 

i I think this must be a mistake Dirghacharayana s treason ; then he 
for Qravasti, for it was only after turned his steps toward Rjagriha. 
meeting his wives that he heard of 


The king and Varshika set out for Kajagriha ; after a 
while they reached it, and wandering about, they came 
to one of King Adjatasatru s parks, which they entered. 
Then the king said to Varshika, " Go and tell King Ad- 
jatasatru that Prasenadjit, king of Kosala, is in his park." 
So she went and told the king, who cried out in anger, 
" What, sirs ! this king has a mighty host, and he has 
quietly come here without any of you knowing it ! " 

Then Varshika 1 said, "Sire, where is his army? His 
son has usurped his throne, and he has come here alone 
with his handmaid." 

The king, well pleased with Prasenadjit s confidence in 
him, ordered everything to be made ready to show him 
respect, and he had announced to the people that whereas 
Prasenadjit the king of Kosala was in the park, every one 
must accompany the king with flags and banners to receive 

After waiting a long time for Adjatasatru, King Prasen 
adjit became irritated and sick from inanition, so he went 
to a turnip-field near the park, and the gardener gave him 
a handful of turnips, and he ate them, tops and all (la- 
pug-gi-rdog-ma dang lo-ma-dag zos-pa dang). This made 
him very thirsty, so he went to a pool of water and 
quenched his thirst. Suddenly his hands stiffened, and, 
seized with cramp in the stomach, he fell in the road and 
died, suffocated by the dust caused by the wheels of 
(passing) vehicles. 

When King Adjatasatru and all the people reached the 
park, they searched everywhere, but could not find Prasen 
adjit. The king sent messengers all about, one of whom 
came to the turnip-field and learnt from the gardener that 
a man had been there, had taken a handful of turnips and 
gone toward the pond. The messenger went that way, 
and found Prasenadjit lying dead in the road. So he went 
and told Adjatasatru, and he came there followed by a 
great concourse of people. On seeing the disfigured corpse, 

1 She is here called Dbyar-tyed, instead of Dbyar-ts ul-ma. 


he said, " Sirs, Prasenadjit was a sovereign king, and it is 
very unfortunate that he has died in my realm. You 
must show him every honour in accompanying his remains 
to the cemetery ; and, so that I may show him the highest 
marks of respect, I will go and consult the Blessed One." 
So they carried the corpse to the cemetery while the king 
went to the Blessed One. The Buddha told him to render 
to the deceased monarch whatever honours he was able 
to, and this Adjatasatru accordingly did. 1 

Hardly had Virudhaka become king of Kosala but his 
minister, Ambharisha, reminded him of his oath to destroy 
the Qakyas, and the king got ready his army hoping to be 
able to surprise them. The Buddha, who knew Virudhaka s 
intentions, went out from (Jravasti on the road to Kapila- 
vastu ; and sat down under an old sliakotaka tree on which 
was no bark ; a crooked, leafless tree that could offer no 
shade, and there he passed the day. Virudhaka found 
him there, and asked him why he had chosen this tree 
which afforded him no shade. "Maharaja," the Blessed 
One replied, " my relatives and kindred make it shady." 
Then Virudhaka thought, " The Blessed One is filled with 
compassion for his kinsfolk," so forthwith he turned back 
and returned to Qravasti. 2 

Now it occurred to the Buddha that if the Cakyas of 
Kapilavastu knew the truth, they would not be subject to 
rebirth in case they were destroyed by Virudhaka. So 
he started up and went to the Qakya country, and coming 
to Kapila, he entered the Banyan grove. The Qakyas 
hearing that he had come to their country, flocked to see 
him, and he taught them the four truths, so that great 
numbers were converted, and many entered the order. 

(F. 1 46.) Ambharisha persuaded the king to march again 
against the Qakyas. So Virudhaka reassembled his troops, 
marched to Kapila, and pitched his camp near the city. 3 

1 See Dulva x. f. 133-143. AgStagatru s mit seinen Truppenzu 

a Cf. Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. 305. Hiilfe und schliesst die Stadt ein." 

3 Schiefner, Tib. Lebens, p. 288, I have found no mention of this in 

adds here, " Darauf konimt ein Sohn the Dulva. 


Mahamaudgalyayana having heard of Yirudhaka s in 
tended attack, went and asked the Blessed One to allow 
him to carry the whole of Virudhaka s army to another 
part of the world, or to perform some other magical feat 
which would save the Qakyas ; but the Blessed One re 
plied that nothing would avail ; that the Qakyas must bear 
the consequences of their former deeds. 

As soon as the Qakyas of Kapila heard that Virudhaka 
had come with all his troops to destroy them, they got to 
gether their army, sallied forth and repulsed him. Those 
among them who had been converted by the Blessed One, 
and who refrained from killing anything, carried cudgels 
and goads ; they cut the bow-strings and the strappings, 
and shot arrows into the ear ornaments (rna-ryyan-la mdah 
hphel-par byecT). 

After repelling Virudhaka s army, the Qakyas re-entered 
the city, shut their gates, and remained watching on their 
walls, sounding their trumpets the while. 

Ambharisha rallied the troops of Kosala and inspired 
them with fresh courage. " "We run no danger," he said. 
" The Qakyas are Buddhists (lit. righteous) ; they would 
not kill anything that has life ; no, not even a black beetle. 
See, they have not killed any one among us." So they 
remained (encamped around the city). 

The Qakyas issued a proclamation prohibiting any one 
from attacking Virudhaka or his army. If any one did so, 
he would be no kinsman of theirs, no Qakya. There hap 
pened to be a Qakya called Shampaka who was off work 
ing for himself on the hills, 1 and who had not heard the 
proclamation of the Qakyas. Filled with rage on hearing 
of Virudhaka s attack, he sallied forth towards Virud 
haka s army, overthrew a great number of persons, the 

1 Cf. Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. Thsang, loc. cit., says that one of 

318, who says that there were four these men became king of Udyana, 

men working in the fields. M. Feer, the second king of Bamyan, the 

however, Annales Muse"e Guimet, third king of Himatala, and the 

vol. v. p. 72, does not translate the fourth king of Qambi. 
Tibetan text as I have done. Huen 


greater part of whom he killed outright. Virudhaka, 
greatly discouraged, said to Ambharisha, " Are these your 
righteous people who will not kill even a beetle? If they 
all kill as many of us as this one man, there will not be 
left a soul living among us ! " 

When Shampaka tried to enter Kapilavastu, the people 
would not let him, for he had violated their law, and 
though he pleaded that he had had no knowledge of it, 
he was obliged to go away with his attendants. Before 
leaving the country he went to the Blessed One, and 
besought him to give him some memorial of his person 
(f. 149). The Buddha gave him by magic some of his 
hair, some nail-parings, and a tooth, 1 and bearing them 
with them, he set out for the country of Yaku. 2 Sham 
paka was made king of the country by acclamation, and 
was called King Shampaka. He built a stupa for the 
relics of the Blessed One, and it was called Shampaka s 
stupa. He married a woman who was a pagan, converted 
her to Buddhism, and established a regular government. 
He, moreover, organised means for protecting the forests, 
and taught the people not to kill the deer (f. 150). 

Meanwhile Virudhaka said to Ambharisha, " Now that 
the Qakyas have closed their gates and remain cringing 
behind their walls bewailing, what is to be done ? " 

The minister suggested that they should try to foment 
dissensions among the inhabitants, and that by that means 
the city would soon fall into their hands. So the king 
sent a messenger to the Qakyas, saying, " Sirs, although I 
have no fondness for you, yet I have no hatred against 

1 Dulva x., f. 169^, it is prescribed kingdom of Udyana. Huen Thsang, 
that a bhikshu shall circumambulate p. 131 et seq., gives a description of 
the chortens (cairns) which contain Udyana, a country of Northern India, 
hair and nail-parings of the Tatha- watered by the river Swat, a tribu- 
gata. See also same vol. f. 198. tary of the Kabul. There is also a 

2 Huen Thsang, B. iii. p. 141 region south-east of Kachmere which 
et seq., gives the history of four was called Tchampaka, a name 
Cakyas who were obliged to leave which forcibly reminds us of the 
their country for having fought with hero of our story. It is on the north- 
Virudhaka. One of them (the western frontier of Lahul. 
Shampaka of our text) founded the 


you. It is all over ; so open your gates quickly." Then 
the Qakyas said, "Let us all assemble and deliberate 
whether we shall open the gates." When they had 
assembled, some said, " Open them ; " others advised not 
doing so. Some said, " As there are various opinions, we 
will find out the opinion of the majority." So they set 
about voting on the subject. 

Then Mara, the Evil one, thought that it was a good 
occasion to revenge himself on Gautama s kinsmen for 
his former defeats by the Buddha; he took the form 
of the headman (rgan-po) of the Qakyas, and advocated 
opening the gates, and they all voted in the same way. 
So they sent Virudhaka word that he could enter the 
city, and he made his entry with all his army. Hardly 
were they in but the king cried out, " I will shut up the 
Qakyas mouths ; I will exterminate the Qakyas ! " And 
with that he commenced having the Qakyas slaughtered 
with wild vociferations (ku-cho tchen-po hdon-to ?). 

Mahanaman hearing the noise, and filled with anguish 
for his people, ran to Virudhaka, and said, " Sire, you came 
here on a promise ; make me a promise, I beseech you ! " 

" What do you ask ? " 

" Spare the people, king ! " 

" I will not spare your people," replied the king, " but 
you and your family may leave the place." 

" Sire," said Mahanaman, " let as many of my people 
escape as may while I can remain in the water without 

Then the king s courtiers said to him, " Sire, this Maha 
naman is a compatriot (yul-mes) of yours, and he was a 
friend of your father s, so grant him his request." 

The king told him to do as he wished ; so, filled with 
anguish for his people, he went down into the water of a 
pool. On the edge of the pool there grew a sala tree, the 
branches of which fell into the water ; they got entwined 
in Mahanaman s hair-knot, so that he was pulled under 
and drowned. 


In the meanwhile some of the Qakyas of Kapilavastu 
got out of the city without any of their goods, and 
hastened away. Some of them went to Bal-po (Nepal), 
some to different towns and villages, some to the Eaja- 
(griha?) country (rgyal-poi yul-hkhor) t and to different 
castles (pho-lrang de dang de dag-tu) (f. 151). Some of 
the Qakyas, thinking of their property, went out of one 
gate and came in by another, and Virudhaka s courtiers 
called his attention to this. " Go," said the king, " and 
see if that countryman of mine has sunk yet." So they 
went, and looking, they found him dead. When they 
told this to the king, he became enraged, and said to his 
courtiers, "Prepare me a seat. I will not leave it until 
the blood of the slain runs down this road in streams." 
But the blood that flowed from the men and women he 
had killed was not in sufficient quantity (to make a 
stream), so his courtiers poured on the road one hun 
dred thousand jars of red lac. Seeing this, Virudhaka 
thought, "Now I may depart, for I have fulfilled my 
promise." He had massacred in this way 77,000 Qakyas, 
the greater part believers. Moreover, he took five hun 
dred youths, and a like number of maidens, whom he 
carried off to the arama of the Parivradjaka tirfhikas 
called the "Place of the Sow; 1 but Ambharisha advised 
the king to have them also put to death. Then Viru 
dhaka tried to have the young men trampled to death by 
elephants, but they overcame the elephants and kept off 
their tusks ; so he had them thrown into a pit and 
covered over with iron plates. 

Virudhaka sent a man to the Blessed One with instruc 
tions to listen to what he might say (about the massacre), 
and to come and repeat it to him. The Buddha went to 
where the young Qakyas had been cast in a pit covered 
over with iron plates, and as there still remained a little 
life in them, they cried out when they saw him; and 

1 In Tibetan, phag-moi gnas. This rdo-rje phag-moi gnas, " the place of 
may possibly be an abbreviation for Vadjraiarahi." 


shortly after they died and were reborn in the Tray- 
astrimcat heaven. Then the Buddha sat down to one 
side, and told the bhikshus that in seven days the house 
of Kosala would be destroyed, that Virudhaka and Am- 
barisha would be burnt up, and be born in the bottomless 
hell (Avitchi). 

In the meanwhile Virudhaka returned to Qravasti. It 
happened that Prince Jeta had gone on to the terrace of 
his palace, and was amusing himself there when Viru 
dhaka noticed him and asked who it was. When his 
courtiers told him that it was Jeta, he ordered them to 
call him to him. When he had come he said, " Jeta, I 
come from putting to death my enemies, and you have 
remained here amusing yourself ! " 

" Sire," answered the prince, " who are your enemies ? " 
"The Qakyas," he answered. "If the Qakyas are your 
enemies," replied Jeta, " who are your friends ? " 

Then the king said, "Have him sent to where the 
Qakyas are ! " So Jeta was put to death, and he also was 
reborn in the Trayastrimcat heaven. 

Virudhaka tried to put the five hundred Qakya maidens 
in his harem, but they mocked at him and would not go. 
Then he was angered and exclaimed, " When the vipers 
are killed, still their young are poisonous ; so cut off their 
hands and feet, and then let them go back to their people." 

Then they took the five hundred Qakya maidens to the 
bank of a patali (dmar-bu-chan) pond, and there they cut 
off their hands and feet, for which reason the pond 
became known as " the pool of the severed hand " (lag-pai 
dong-gi rjing). 1 The Blessed One came to them, had their 
wounds dressed, and, while they felt some relief from 
their sufferings, he unfolded to them the law, so that they 
died in the faith and were reborn in the region of the 
four great kings (f. 159). From thence they came back to 
visit the Blessed One at Jetavana during the night, and 
there they obtained the reward of grotapanna. 

1 See Fah-Hian, p. 87, and Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. 307. 


When Vimdhaka s messenger came and told him what 
the Buddha had said, he was filled with trouble. Ambha- 
risha comforted him with the assurance that Gautama 
had only said this because the king had killed so many of 
his people. Moreover, he advised him to have a kiosque 
built in the water, and there to pass the seven days. The 
king followed his advice, and retired to the kiosque with 
all his harem. On the seventh day, as they were pre 
paring to return to Qravasti, and the women were array 
ing themselves in all their jewels, the sky, which until 
then had been overcast, cleared up, and the sun s rays 
falling on a burning-glass which was on a cushion, set 
fire to the cushion, and from that the flames spread to 
the whole house. The women ran away and made their 
escape, but when the king and Ambharisha tried to do 
likewise, they found the doors shut, and with loud cries 
they went down into the bottomless hell. 1 

In the following pages will be found an abstract of the 
Tibetan version of the Mahaparinirvana Sutra, or as Pro 
fessor Ehys Davids has happily translated it "The Book 
of the Great Decease," in which are related the events 
which took place during the last year of the Buddha s 
life that is to say, his seventy-ninth year. This work 
has been considered as perhaps the oldest one extant in 
the Pali canon, and as having been composed before the 
time of the -first synod held after the Buddha s death. 2 
There appears to me no reason to believe that this narra 
tive has been handed down with any more or any less 
care than the history of the first years of the Buddha s 
ministry, for example; but as this sutra is confessedly 
very important, I have thought it advisable to give an 
analysis of the Tibetan version. Wherever the text of 
this and the Pali version agree, I have used Professor Ehys 

1 See Dulva x. f. 133, 161 ; also and Huen Thsang, B. vi. p. 307- 

for parts of it, Feer, Annales du 308. 

Muse"e Guimet, vol. v. p. 65, 76 ; 2 See Oldenberg s Vinaya Pita- 

Schiefner, Tib. Lebens, p. 287-289 ; kam, vol. i., p. 26. 


Davids translation, 1 so that the similarity of the two texts 
may at once be detected. 

The Blessed Buddha was stopping at Eajagriha on the 
Vulture s Peak mountain. Now at that time Vaidehi- 
putra Adjatasatru, king of Magadha, was not on friendly 
terms with the Vrijians ; so he said to his courtiers, " I 
will conquer these Vrijians, I will crush them, I will put 
them to rout for their turbulence ; rich, mighty, happy, 
prosperous, numerous though they be." 

So Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru said to the brahman 
Varshakara (Dbyar-byed), one of the great nobles (sna- 
tchen-po la-gtoys Mahdmatra) 2 of Magadha, " Varsha 
kara, go to where is the Blessed One ; bow down on my 
behalf at his feet, and ask him for me if he is free from 
illness, if he is suffering or not, if he is comfortable 
(bskyod), at ease, in vigorous health, happy, free from 
trouble (f. 536*) ; then tell him, Lord, Adjatasatru 
Vaidehiputra, the king of Magadha, and the Vrijians are 
not on friendly terms, and (the king has said to his 
courtiers), &c., [as above], and bring me word what the 
Blessed One says when he hears this. Because, Varsha 
kara, the tathagatas, arhats, perfectly enlightened ones 
never say anything which does not come true." 

Then the great noble of Magadha, the brahman Var 
shakara, having hearkened to the words of Vaidehiputra 
Adjatasatru, king of Magadha, said, " Sire, be it as you 
command." So he mounted a pure white chariot with 
splendid horses, a golden seat (khang), as if he was 
going to carry the globular anointing vase (for a coro 
nation), and went out of Eajagriha to see the Blessed 
One and to offer him his respects. He went to where 
was the Blessed One, riding as far as was practicable, 

] Sacred Books of the East, vol. nirvana of the Buddha. They are 

xi. p. 1-136. Conf. also Bigandet, (i.) In Mdo, viii. f. 1-231, entitled 

op. cit. (3d edit.), vol. ii. p. 1-95; Mahd parinirvdna sutra ; (2.) Do., f. 

and Spence Hardy, op. cit., p. 355 et 231-234, same title ; and the section 

seq. My text is from Dulva xi. f. called Myang-Mas or Nirvana, in 

535 b -652 b . There exist several other two volumes, 

works in the Bkah-hgyur on the 2 See Buddh. Trigl., p. 2y a . 


then alighting and climbing the Vulture s Peak on foot 
(f. 536 b ). When he approached the Blessed One, they 
exchanged different greetings and congratulations, then 
he sat down to one side. While thus seated, the brahman 
Varshakara, the great noble of Magadha, [delivered the 
king s message, and when he had finished, he said], " What 
does the Blessed Gautama say to this ? " 

"Varshakara (the Buddha replied), they were once 
disunited. Varshakara, I was once staying near the 
Etseb-pa 1 tchaitya of the Vriji country (f. 537*), and 
there I taught the Vrijians the seven conditions of wel 
fare ; and as long as they continue to keep these seven 
rules of welfare, so long as they keep present to their 
minds these seven conditions, so long will the Vrijians 
prosperity increase and not diminish." 

" Gautama, I do not know the particulars of these 
summarily mentioned facts. I beg Gautama to repeat to 
me what he then said, so that I may be able to appreciate 
his words." 

Now at that time the venerable Ananda was standing 
behind the Blessed One holding a fan, with which he was 
fanning him. Then the Blessed One said to the venerable 
Ananda, " Have you heard, Ananda, whether the Vrijians 
assemble frequently and from afar? " 

"Lord, I have heard [that they do] " (f. 537 b ). 

" Well, Varshakara, so long as the Vrijians [do this], so 
long will the Vrijians prosperity increase and not diminish." 

(The six other conditions of welfare which he inquires 
about in the same terms as above are) (i.) Whether 
the Vrijians sit in harmony, rise in harmony; whether 
the Vrijians plans and undertakings are carried out in 
harmony ? (2.) Whether the Vrijians do not edict any 
thing not desirable, or abrogate anything desirable, 
whether they follow the institutions made by the Vri- 

1 This word does not appear to The Pali version calls the place the 
be Tibetan. It is most likely a mis- Sarandada cetiya (p. 3). 
print, but I am unable to correct it. 


jians ? (3.) (F. 538**.) Whether, among the Yrijians, 
Vrijian women, Vrijian maidens are protected by their 
fathers, mothers, husbands, brothers, mothers-in-law, 
fathers-in-law, by their relatives and kinsfolk; whether 
they do not by promises or stealth take other men s 
wives ; whether they do not put them away as of little 
value, as they might throw away a wreath of flowers ; 
whether Vrijians are murdered in abductions ? x (4 ) 
Whether the elders of the Yrijians, the upper classes and 
parents are honoured by the Vrijians, revered, venerated, 
respected ; whether they hearken to their words and act 
as they direct? (5.) Whether the tchaityas, in what 
ever part of the territory of Vriji they be, are revered, 
venerated, respected by the Vrijians, and whether they 
have not done away with the time-established honours 
due them? (6.) Whether among the Vrijians arhats 
receive the strong protection and support (dran-la nye- 
lar-gnas) that is due them, and whether arhats who are 
not travelling are invited, and whether those who are 
travelling (through their country) are made happy (f. 
538 b ), and receive the necessary robes, alms, bedding, 
medicine ? " 

" Varshakara, so long as the Vrijians shall continue to 
keep these seven rules of welfare, so long as the Vrijians 
keep before them these seven conditions of welfare, so 
long will their prosperity increase and not decline" (f. 

54 o a ). 

"Gautama, if the Vrijians have any one part (of these 
conditions of welfare), Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, king of 
Magadha, would not be able to subdue them ; how much 
more so if they are possessed of them all ! Gautama, I 
have much to do, so I must depart." 

" Go, Varshakara ; you know what is best for you." So 
the great noble of Magadha, the brahman Varshakara, well 
pleased with the words of the Blessed One, went away. 

1 The latter part of this phrase is as to the way in which I have trans- 
obscure, and I feel some uncertainty lated it. 


Shortly after his departure the Blessed One said to the 
venerable Ananda, " Go, Ananda, and cause all the 
bhikshus who are stopping on the Vulture s Peak to 
assemble in the service hall." When Ananda had 
hearkened to the words of the Blessed One, he replied, 
" So be it ; " and he went, and having assembled in the 
service hall all the bhikshus then stopping on the Vul 
ture s Peak (f. 54O b ), he went back to the Blessed One, and 
having bowed down reverentially at his feet, he stood to 
one side, and while thus standing he said to the Blessed 
One, " Lord, all the bhikshus stopping on the Vulture s 
Peak are assembled in the service hall ; may the Blessed 
One do as he deems proper." 

Then the Blessed One went to the service hall and took 
his seat in the midst of the congregation of bhikshus, 
and then he said to them, "Bhikshus. I will explain to you 
seven consecutive conditions of welfare ; listen well and 
be attentive and I will explain them." (Then follows 
(f. 54O b -544 b ) different series of conditions of welfare. 
The text does not materially differ from that of the Pali 
version, except that of the 5th and 7th condition in the 
first series ; but as we only have to do with the historical 
portion of the narrative, I must refer those whom the 
question interests to the text.) 

(F. 545 a .) From the Vulture s Peak (Gridhrakuta par- 
vata) the Buddha went toward Pataligama (Dmar- bu- 
chan-gyi-grong) and stopped at Ambalatthika (Od-mai 
dbyug-pa-chan), in the king s house, and there he ex 
plained the four truths to his disciples ; " For," he said, 
" both you and I, from not having perceived them, have 
been wandering about for a long time in the orb of 

From thence he went to Pataligama, and stopped near 
the tchaitya of Pataligama, 1 and the people having heard 
of the Buddha s arrival, went to him, and he told them 

1 Or, Patalitchaitya, as it is fre- Books of the East, xix. p. 249 ; 
quently written. Beal, Sacred Bstan-hgyur, Mdo, 94, f. 90. 


of the fivefold loss of the evil-doer (f. 546) and of the 
fivefold gain of the well-doer l (f. 547). 

At that time the great noble of Magadha, the brahman 
Varshakara, 2 was having built the fortress of Pataligama 
for the purpose of subduing the Vrijians; and at that 
time in the village of the Patali there were many power 
ful devas (Ilia), who haunted the whole place. Now the 
Blessed One, while passing the day at his abode, saw with 
his divine sight, which surpassed that of men, the many 
powerful fairies who were haunting all the ground of 
Patali(gama) ; and when he had seen them he bore it 
in mind, and, entering into his house, he sat down in the 
midst of his disciples. While thus seated, the Blessed 
One said to the venerable Ananda, " Ananda, have you 
heard who was building the fortress of Pataligama ? " 

" Lord, it is the great noble of Magadha, the brahman 
Varshakara, who to subdue the Vrijians (f. 549 a ) is build 
ing the fortress of Pataligama." 

"Ananda, just so, just so ! Ananda, the great noble of 
Magadha, the brahman Varshakara, is as wise as if he had 
held council with the Trayastrimcat devas. Ananda, 
while I was passing the day (near this place), I saw with 
my divine sight, which surpasses that of men, [a quantity 
of powerful fairies]. Ananda, whatever spot is haunted 
by powerful fairies, they influence the minds of powerful 
men to build there. Whatever spot is haunted by fairies 
of medium or inferior power, they influence the minds of 
medium or inferior men to build there. Ananda, this place 
of Pataligama is haunted by powerful fairies, therefore 
they will influence the minds of powerful men to build here. 
Ananda, among the abodes of high-class people, among 
famous places, among famous marts and mercantile em- 

1 See Rhys Davids, op. cit., p. 16, p. 250, also alludes to two persons, 
et seq. although it does not give their 

2 The Pali version, p. 1 8 (Rhys names. Not so, however, the Tibe- 
Davids, op. cit.), speaks of two per- tan version of the Buddhacharita 
sonages, Sinldha and Varshakara. (f. 9O b ), which only mentions Tchar- 
The Chinese Buddhacharita (Beal, dbyings or Varshakara. 

Sacred Books of the East, vol. xix.), 


poriums (zong-lgram sar), Pataliputra (Dmar-lu-chan-gyi 
grong-khyer 1 ) (f. 549 b ) will be the greatest. Three perils 
will menace it fire, water, and internal dissensions." 

When Varshakara heard that the Blessed One was at 
Pataligama, he went to the Blessed One, and having ex 
changed compliments and greetings with him (f. 549 b ), he 
invited him with his disciples to a meal on the morrow 
(f. 55<D a ). When the meal was over, the Blessed One left 
the village by the western gate ; then turning northward, 
he passed the Ganges at a ferry (or ford), and these were 
called Gotama s Gate and Gotama s Ferry (f. 55i b ). 

(F. 552 a .) After this the Buddha went to Kotigama 
(Grong-kliyer spyil-po-clian), and stopped in a c^ingapa 
grove north of the village, 2 where he taught the brethren the 
meaning of morality, meditation, and wisdom. On leaving 
this place he went to Nadika (Grong-kliyer sgra-chari), and 
resided in the gunjaka 3 (or brick hall) of Nadika (f. 552 b ). 

Now the lay disciple Karkata (sic) had died, as had 
also the lay followers Nikata (Nye-ba), Katissabha (Kat-ii- 
lchyu-mtchog\ Tushti (Mdjes-pa), Santushti (Nye-mdjes-pa), 
Bhadra (Bzang-pa), Subhadra (Shin-tit, bzang-pci), Yac^as 
(Grags-pa), Yagodatta (Grags-lyin), &c. ; and when the 
bhikshus found this out, they went and asked the Blessed 
One what had become of them (f. 553 a ). After having 
told them (f. 553 b -554 a ), he explained to them the Mirror 
of Truth 4 (dharma), w T hich enables one to see what will 
be his future, and which would help them when he would 
be no more (f. 554 b ). 

After this the Blessed One went to Vaisali and stopped 
at Amrapali s grove (f. 555 b ). When Amrapali heard of 
the Buddha s arrival, she went to see him, attended by 
a great number of waiting- women. The Buddha seeing 
her coming, cautioned the bhikshus. " Bhikshus," he said, 

1 Usually Patiliputra is rendered 3 The text has Kunjilcai gnas-na 
in Tibetan by Skya-nar-gyi-bu. In bdjugs-so. There can be no doubt 
the Tibetan Buddhacharita (f. 9O b ) that this is an error for Gunjaka. 

it is Pa-ta-li-yi-grong. 4 See Rhys Davids, p. 26-27. 

2 Cf. Rhys Davids, op. cit., p. 23. 


" Amrapali is coming ! Be mindful, wise, and thought 
ful," &C. 1 (f. 556). When Amrapalt had come near to 
him, she bowed down at his feet, and, sitting down to one 
side, the Blessed One instructed, aroused, and gladdened 
her by his words, after which she invited him and the 
bhikshus to take their meal with her on the morrow 
(f. 557*). The Blessed One accepted the invitation by re 
maining silent, and Amrapali departed. 

The Licchavis of Vaisali also heard of the arrival of 
the Blessed One, so they mounted their chariots . . . 
and went to see him 2 (f. 557 b ). Seeing them coming, the 
Buddha called the bhikshus attention to them: "Bhikshus, 
you who have not been in the parks of the Trayastrimcat 
devas, these are like unto them for the glory of their 
appearance, their riches, and the beauty of their apparel " 

The Licchavis saluted the Blessed One, and then he 
instructed, incited, and gladdened them by his words. 
When he had finished speaking, a brahman youth called 
Kapila (Ser-skya) rose up (f. 558*) and said, " Blessed One, 
may I venture ; Tathagata, may I give vent (to my feel 
ings) ? " And when the Blessed One had authorised him, 
he spoke these verses : 

"A room of jewels the king of Anga keeps, 
And great the wealth owned by the lord of Magadha ; 
But in that country the living Buddha 
Obtains admiration great as Himavat. 
See the Teacher like the radiant sun, 
As a lovely full-blown lotus, 
As the sweet scent of the open Karnika (donJca), 
Like the sun shining brightly in the sky ! 
Wisdom is the Tathagata s might ; 
See how as a beacon in the night 
Now flashes his illumined eye, 
Dispelling the darkness in those around him !" (F.558 b .) 

1 See Rhys Davids, p. 28, where z Our text does not mention their 
his admonitions do not seem to meeting with Amrapali, or give any 
allude to the coming of the famous hint that it knows of it. See Rhys 
courtesan. Davids, p. 31. 



The Licchavis were so much pleased with his verses 
that each one of them gave him the cloak he was wearing. 
Again the Blessed One instructed, incited, and gladdened 
them by his words, and the Licchavis asked him to eat 
with them on the morrow, but he refused, having accepted 
the courtesan s invitation ; then the Licchavis having 
saluted him, departed. 

After their departure the brahman youth Kapila begged 
the Blessed One to accept the five hundred cloaks which 
he had received ; and the Buddha, to please him, acceded 
to his request. Then having taught him concerning the 
five wonders which attend Buddhas in this world (f. 559- 
560), Kapila took his leave. 

On the morrow, after eating at Amrapali s (f. 56i a ), she 
sat down on a low stool and listened to the Buddha s dis 
course on liberality and its merits. 1 

On leaving Vaisali the Buddha went to Beluva (Od-ma 
chan-gyi-grong] in the Vriji country (f. 56i b ), and stayed 
in a Qin^apa grove to the north of the village (f. 562**). 

Now at that time there raged a famine, and it was a 
difficult matter for all the bhikshus to find food ; so the 
Blessed One told them to go and dwell in the Vriji coun 
try round about Vaisali during the rainy season, wher 
ever they had friends and acquaintances. He decided to 
pass the rainy season with Ananda at Beluva (f. 562 a ). 
While spending the rainy season there, a dire illness fell 
upon the Blessed One, and sharp pains came upon him 
even unto death. Then the Blessed One thought, " The 
sharp pains of a dire illness have come upon me even 
unto death, but the congregation of bhikshus is scattered, 
and it would not be right for me to pass away while the 
congregation of bhikshus is thus scattered. I will by a 
strenuous effort dispel the pain, so that I may retain a 
hold on this body until it has accomplished its task. I 
will keep this body until all my projects have been 

1 The text does not mention the for which see Rhys Davids, op. cit., 
gift of her residence to the order, p. 33. 


accomplislied." l So lie overcame the pains and kept his 
hold on life (f. 562 b ). 

Ananda came to him (when he was convalescent) and 
gave vent to the sorrow he had felt. " My body was as 
stiff as if I had taken poison; the cardinal points (pliyogs) 
became confused ; I forgot the lessons I had heard ; there 
was yet a hope in my heart (lit. throat), for I thought the 
Blessed One would not pass away before he had made a 
final exhortation to the congregation of bhikshus, how 
ever brief it might be" (f. 563*). 

The Buddha reproached him for thinking that he had 
withheld any part of his doctrine. " Think not, Ananda, 
that the Tathagata withholds what he does not deem suit 
able for certain persons. I am not (one of those) teachers 
unwilling to lend his books 2 (f. 563 b ). Moreover, Ananda, 
the Tathagata has reached fourscore years ; his body has 
become bent down and decrepit, and he lives holding the 
two parts together (with difficulty). Just as an old cart 
is only kept in order by binding (tight) together the two 
portions of it, so the Tathagata, having reached fourscore 
years, his body bent down and decrepit, only lives holding 
the two parts together (with difficulty). Therefore sorrow 
not, Ananda, neither give yourself up to grief. . . . 
Ananda, let the truth be your island; let the truth be 
your refuge. There is no other island, no other refuge." 

Then the Blessed One went with Ananda to Vaisali, 
and there they abode in the mansion built on the edge of 
the monkey pond. In the morning (after his arrival) he 
went into Yaisali accompanied by Ananda to collect alms, 
and when he had finished his meal and washed his bowl, 
he went to the Tsapala (i.e., Kapala) tchaitya (f. 565 b ), and 

1 The text here is difficult ; it is, be made out of it, but I have no 

Mts an - ma thams - chad yid - la mi authority for so doing. 

mdzad-pas sems-kyi ting-nge-hdzin 2 In Tibetan slob-dpon-gyi dpe 

mts an-ma med-pa sJcus mngon sum- mkhyud ; conf. the Pali dkariya, 

du mdzad-pa bsgrubs-nas djugs-te. I mutthi, which Rhys Davids, p. 36, 

have translated mts an-ma ( lak- very happily translates by "the 

shana) by "project," because I did closed fist of a teacher who keeps 

not see that any other sense could some things back." 


sat down near a tree to pass the day. Then he said to 
Ananda, " Ananda, how delightful a spot is Yaisali, the 
Yriji country, the Kapala tchaitya, (the tchaitya of) the 
seven amra trees (Sattambaka), the Bahuputra (Bu-mang- 
po) (tchaitya), the banyan tree of Gautama, the twin sala 
trees, the Brtson-pa-gtong (?), and the crested tchaitya of 
the Mallas (makuta bandhana tchaitya, chad-pan htching- 
pai mtcJwd-rten), and many other spots in Jambudvipa," 
&c., &c. (see Rhys Davids, p. 40-48). 

After having conversed with Ananda, he told him to 
call the brethren together at the Kapala tchaitya, and 
there he exhorted them to practise the four earnest medi 
tations, the fourfold great struggle against sin, &c. (see 
Rhys Davids, p. 60-6 1) (f. 670). 

Then the Buddha went to Kusinagara (? Kus-tii-grong) 
(f. 57i a ), and as he and Ananda were passing through 
Yaisali, he turned his whole body to the right as would 
an elephant (Bal-glang) and looked at (the city). Ananda 
asked him why he did so, and then the Buddha told him 
that it was the last time he would ever see Yaisali, for he 
was about to pass away in a grove of sala trees (f. 5/i b ). 

Then the Blessed One journeying in the Yriji coun 
try passed through different villages called Amr agama 
(Amrai-grong), Jambugama (Hdzam-bui-grong), Bhanda^ 
gama (Ejo (rje?) grong), Shur-pai-grong (?), Hasthigama 
(Bal-glang Itar-gyi-grong), villages of the Yrijians and 
Mallas, and he came to Bhoga-nagara (Long-spyod-grong), 
and there he stopped in a Qmc^apa grove to the north of 
the village (f. 5/2 b ). And while he was there the earth 
trembled, and he explained the reason to his disciples, 
attributing earthquakes to three natural causes. 1 On 
leaving this place the Blessed One went to " the village 
of the earth" (? Sa-pai-grong 2 ) (f. 578 b ). Proceeding 

1 The text does not exactly agree text they are to be found, f. 573 a - 

with the Pali version, for which see 577 a , but it is much more developed 

Rhys Davids, p. 44. Our text says than the Pali version, and gives 

that it was here that he spoke of many more rules. 

" the -three great references." See 2 It may be that Sa-pai is an 

R. IX, p. 67 et seq. In the Tibetan error for Pa-vai, as the letters which 


then from Bhoga-nagara, and journeying in the Mallas 
country (Malya in the text), he came to " the village of 
the earth," and stopped in the Jaluka mahavana (Dza-lu- 
kai tsal-mang-pa) (f. 579 a ), and the people of the place 
having heard that he was there, came to him and he 
taught them. Now at that time there was a man called 
Kunda (sic), a worker in metals, among those assembled 
to listen to the Blessed One, and he sat there until all the 
people had left (f. 5/9 b ); then he arose and invited the 
Buddha and his disciples to eat with him on the morrow, 
and the Blessed One assented by renicaining silent. 

Before the night was over, Kunda, the worker in metals, 
had prepared for the Blessed One a quantity of delicious 
food, and when the Buddha came on the morrow, he filled 
an iron bowl with food which had been expressly prepared 
for the Buddha and placed it before him with his own 
hands ; but a wicked bhikshu took the bowl and the food 
which had been offered to the Blessed One and hid it in 
his bosom, and though both the Buddha and Kunda saw 
him do so, they said nothing. Then Kunda went and had 
another iron bowl filled with other delicious kinds of 
food and presented it to the Buddha, and the brethren 
he treated to delicious food, both hard and soft, and he 
waited on them himself l (f. 580*). When the Buddha had 
finished eating, he spoke some verses to Kunda (f. 58o b - 
58 i a ), after which he said to Ananda, "Let us go to 
Kusinara" (Grong-khyer rtsa-chari). So passing through 
Pava (Sdig-pa-chaii) the Blessed One entered the wilder 
ness on the other side of the Hiranyavati river (Tchu-bo 
(Ibyig-chari), and then he said to Ananda, " Ananda, my 
back (nga rgyab] pains me. I would like to rest. Fold 

compose these two words are very farther side of Pava (Sa-pai-yrong). 
much alike, but Pava, which was J It is curious that the text con- 

the home of Kunda (ace. to the Pali tains no mention of the pork which 

version), is elsewhere rendered in is said to have caused the inflamma- 

Tibetan iSdig-pa-chan. On f. 58i b tion, the cause of Buddha s death, 

we hear that to go to Kusinara he See Rhys Davids, p. 71. Our text 

passed through Pava; the Jaluka omits 1 8, 19 of the Pali version, 
mahavana was probably on the 


in four the Tathagata s robe." Then he laid down on his 
right side and drew his feet together; having done which, 
he asked Ananda to go to the Kakustana river 1 (sic) and 
fill his bowl with water to drink (f. 582"). 

Ananda went with the bowl to the river, but five 
hundred waggons had just crossed it and had stirred it 
up ; Ananda filled the bowl and brought it back to the 
Blessed One. He told him, however, that the water was 
muddy, and added, " My Lord, I beg you to only wash 
your feet and to rinse your mouth with this water. A 
little way hence is the Hiranyavati river, and if the 
Blessed One only drinks of its waters, his body will once 
more be whole" (sJm-la yang gdab-par Igyio). So the 
Blessed One only washed his feet and rinsed his mouth, 
and sitting down patiently, his legs crossed and his body 
erect, he was soon lost in meditation (f. 582**). Now at 
that time one of the great nobles of the Mallas, a man 
called Pushkasa (G-yung-pa), was travelling on this road, 
and seeing the Buddha in all his splendour seated at the 
foot of a tree, he approached him, and having respectfully 
saluted him, he sat down to one side. The Buddha asked 
him what teacher he followed, and he said that Arata 
Kalama was his master. Then the Buddha having told 
him what had happened to him while in a room at Atuma 
during a violent storm 2 (f. 583-584), converted him, 
and Pushkasa told one of his attendants to bring him a 
piece of chintz the colour of burnished gold, and he 
offered it to the Buddha (f. 585*) ; then having listened to 
his teaching, he saluted him and went his way. Now 
as soon as Pushkasa had left, the Blessed One said to 
Ananda, " Take the chintz the colour of burnished gold, 

1 Spence Hardy, op. tit., p. 356, stream." See also his note, p. 40, 

calls the river in which the Buddha on the Hiranyavati. The Pali ver- 

bathed the Kukuttha. Bigandet, sion does not mention the name of 

vol. ii. p. 39, calls it the Kakanda, the river. Kagyapa reproached 

an arm of the little Gundak. " It Ananda for his conduct on this occa- 

is at present dried up, but up to this sion. See p. 153. 
day are to be seen several marks 2 See Rhys Davids, p. 76 et seq. 
indicating the ancient bed of that 


cut off the fringes and give it to me, for I will wear it." 
Then Ananda did as he had been told; and when the 
Buddha put on the robe, lo ! his body became exceedingly 
brilliant, so brilliant that Ananda said, " Lord, I have 
been in attendance on the Blessed One twenty years and 
more, but never before has the Blessed One s body been 
bright as at present. What may be the reason of it ? " 
Then the Buddha told him of the two occasions on which 
a Buddha s body becomes resplendent 1 (f. 586). 

Thence they went to the Hiranyavati river, and when 
they had come to the bank of the river, the Blessed One 
put aside all his garments but one, and going down into 
the river he bathed ; then crossing the stream, he dried 
himself and sat down. Then he told Ananda that Kunda, 
the worker in metals, must not feel remorse because he 
died after eating a meal at his house (f. 587*). 

Then they departed, journeying to Kusinara through 
the wilderness between the Hiranyavati river and that 
town. Again he asked Ananda to arrange him a couch, 
for he was weary and would fain rest a while ; so he laid 
down and went to sleep (f 587 b ). When he awakened 
he exhorted Ananda to steadfastness and the bhikshus to 
walk in the way of the truth, and to follow the Sutranta, 
the Vinaya, and the Matrika, &c., &c. (f. 588-589*) ; and 
then they resumed their journey to Kusinara, and stopped 
in the twin sala tree grove. 2 Now, knowing that his time 
had come, he told Ananda to place the Tathagata s couch 
(khri tchos) between the twin sala trees, with his head to 
the north, " for in the middle watch of this night I will 
utterly pass away." Ananda did as he was bidden, and 
the Blessed One laid down on his right side, drew his feet 
together, and gave up his mind to thoughtfulness, to the 
thought of light (snang), to the thought of nirvana (f. 590). 
Ananda stood by his side holding on to his couch, and 
the tears flowed from his eyes as he thought, " Soon the 

1 See Rhys Davids, p. 81. 
2 See on the position of this grove, Bigandet, vol. ii. p. 46. 


Blessed One will utterly pass away ; soon the Sugata will 
utterly pass away ; the eye of the world will soon pass 
away," . . . and he went out and wept. 

The Buddha noticed his absence, so he asked the 
bhikshus who pressed around him to call Ananda, and he 
said to him, " Ananda, thou hast ever been attentive to 
the Tathagata by acts of love, kind and good "... (f. 
590-591*); and then he explained to the brethren that as 
there were four wonderful qualities in a king of kings, 
so likewise there were four in Ananda 1 (f. 59i b ~592 a ). 
When the Blessed One had finished speaking, Ananda 
said, " Lord, there are the six great cities of Qravasti, 
Saketa, Qampa, Varanasi, Vaisali, Eajagriha, and others 
besides ; why then has the Blessed One seen fit to reject 
these and to decide to die in this poor village, this sand- 
hole (dgon-dung), this straggling village (mkhar-ngan), 
this suburb, this semblance of a town ? " The Buddha 
rebuked him for thus speaking of Kusinara, and then he 
narrated the history of King Mahasudar^ana (Legs-mthong 
tchen-po) and of his glorious capital Kusavati, which had 
become Kusinara 2 (f. 592-607). 

Now the venerable Upavana (Dpe-chan) was standing 
in front of the Blessed One, and the Buddha told him, 
" Bhikshu, stand not in front of me." 

Then Ananda said, " Lord, I have attended on the 
Blessed One twenty years and more, but I have never 
heretofore heard him speak harshly to the venerable 

Then the Blessed One told the former history of Upa 
vana, which accounted for what he had said to him 3 (f. 

1 See Rhys Davids, p. 95-99. tion the facts related in 10-15. 

2 This agrees very exactly with Bigandet, vol. ii. p. 49, says that it was 
the Mahasudassana Sutta ; cf. Pali the Bhikshuni Utpalavarna who was 
Digha Nikaya. See Rhys Davids, standing in front of the Buddha. 
op. cit., p. 237-289. See, however, what has been said, 

3 Cf. Rhys Davids, p. 87 et seq. p. 106. 
The Tibetan version does not men- 


After this incident Ananda asked the Blessed One how 
they must honour him after his death. 

" Ananda/ he replied, " take no trouble about that ; the 
brahmans and householders who are believers will attend 
to that." 

" How then, Lord, must the brahmans and householders 
who are believers honour the Blessed One s remains ? " 
asked Ananda (f. 6io b ). 

" Ananda, they must treat them as those of a king of 
kings" (Chakravartiri). 

" Lord, how do they treat the remains of a king of 
kings ? " 

"Ananda, the body of a king of kings is wrapped in 
bands of cotton, and when it has thus been wrapped it is 
covered with five hundred layers (? zung] of cotton. After 
that it is put in an iron case filled with oil, and it is 
covered with a double cover of iron ; then a funeral pile 
of all kinds of odoriferous woods is built ; (the remains) 
are burnt and the fire is put out with milk. Then they 
put his bones in a golden casket, and in the cross-roads 
they build a tchaitya over his remains, and with balda 
chins, flags and streamers, perfumes, garlands, incense and 
sweet powders, with the sounds of music, they honour, 
praise, venerate, and revere him, and celebrate a feast in 
his honour. So likewise, Ananda, must they treat the 
Tathagata s remains. 

" Go, Ananda, and tell the Mallas of Kusinara, 0, 
Vasishtas (Gnas-hjug-dag), your master will finally pass 
away at midnight to-day, leaving every particle of the 
skandas behind; " and he invited them to visit him (see 
Rhys Davids, p. 101), (f. 6u a ). 

The Mallas came to him, and he instructed them, after 
which Ananda presented all the Mallas to the Buddha in 
the first watch of the night (f. 611-612). 

Then there occurs in the text (f. 613-616) what appears 
to be an interpolation ; it is the history of the conversion of 
the king of the Gandharvas, called Abhinanda (? RaJb-dyali). 


(F. 6i6 b .) Now there then lived at Kusinara a parivrad- 
jaka called Subhadra 1 (Ral-lzancj] , old, well stricken in 
years, decrepit, one hundred and twenty years of age. He 
was a man greatly respected, revered, and honoured by 
the people of Kusinara, who deemed him an arhat. The 
parivradjaka Subhadra had seen many things during the 
Buddha s life which had led him to believe in his autho 
rity, so when he heard that he was about to pass away 
so near where he was, he decided to visit him ; . . . and 
having been introduced to his presence, he asked him con 
cerning the truth of the doctrines of Purna KaQyapa, 
Maskharin, son of G6c,ali, &c. (see f. 618-619). The 
Buddha answered him, " Subhadra, he who does not know 
the holy eightfold way is no true Qramana of the first, 
second, third, or fourth degree. Subhadra, he who professes 
a doctrine and discipline in which is the holy eightfold 
way, he is a man of true saintliness of the first, second, 
third, and fourth degree," &c. (f. 6i9 b ). 

And Subhadra became yet another among the arhats, 
and as soon as he had attained arhatship he thought, " It 
would not be right in me to witness the utter passing 
away of the Blessed One, so I will pass away before him." 
So he went to the Blessed One and said, " Would lhat I 
might pass away before the Blessed One," and the Buddha 
granted him permission (f. 62 i b ); so after performing 
divers wonders, by which five hundred Mallas who were 
standing by were converted, he utterly passed away. 

JSTow the bhikshus were astonished that he should have 
obtained such a great privilege, so they questioned the 
Blessed One, and then he told them this birth-story : 

" Bhikshus, in days gone by there lived in a valley a 
deer, the leader of a herd of a thousand deer; he was 
prudent, wide-awake, and of quick perception. One day 
a hunter espied him, who went and told the king. So 

1 Cf. Bigandet, vol. ii. p. 6l et seq. authors I have been able to consult 

Rhys Davids, p. 127 note, says that disagree with our text. See also 

Subhadra was " a young man of Hiuen Thsang, B. vi. p. 337. 
high character." None of the 


the king assembled all his army and came and surrounded 
all the deer and their leader. Then the leader thought, 
If I do not protect these deer they will all be destroyed ; 
so looking about the place in which they were penned, he 
espied a torrent flowing through the valley, but the cur 
rent was so swift that the deer feared that it would carry 
them away. The leader at once jumped into the water, 
and, standing in the middle of the stream, he cried, Come, 
jump from the bank on to my back, and from there to the 
other bank ; it is the only means of saving your lives ; if 
you do not do so you will surely die! The deer did as 
he told them, and although their hoofs striking his back 
cut the skin and tore the flesh off to the bone, he endured 
it all. When the deer had thus crossed the stream, the 
leader looked back and saw a fawn who could not get 
over. Then, with body torn, with every joint racked with 
pain, he took the fawn on his back, crossed the stream 
and put it on the bank, and thus he saved them to 
still enjoy the pleasures of life. Knowing that all the 
deer had crossed and that death was approaching, he 
cried, May what I have done to preserve the pleasures of 
life to these deer and this fawn make me cast off sin, 
obtain unsurpassable and perfect enlightenment ; may I 
become a Buddha, cross over the ocean of regeneration to 
perfection and salvation, and pass beyond all sorrow ! 

" What think ye, bhikshus ! I am he who was then the 
leader of the herd ; the deer are now the five hundred 
Mallas, and the fawn is Subhadra." 

Then he told another story about Subhadra, in which 
he had also played a part, but I am forced to omit it as it 
is too long (f. 625-629). 

When he had finished telling it he spoke to his disciples 
about keeping virtuous friends (kalyanamitra sevana), (f. 
62 9 b -6 3 o a ). 

Then the Buddha said to the bhikshus (f. 630^), " If 
hereafter any of my kinsmen, the Qakyas, shall come 
bearing the insignia of the heretics, and desire to enter 


the order and be ordained, they shall receive the requisites 
of bhikshus, and be ordained (at once), and this because 
I have made this concession in favour of my kinsmen the 

" If any other heretical parivradjakas (with the excep 
tion of the fire-worshipping Jatilas, who must be treated 
like the Qakyas) shall come wishing to be received into 
the order and ordained, the bhikshus shall give them 
probationers robes, which they must wear for four 
months when they can be ordained, if, at the expiration 
of that time, the bhikshus are satisfied with them" 1 
(f.6 3 i). 

Then the Buddha enumerated the different parts of the 
sacred writings (i.) Sutranta, (2.) Gey a, (3.) Yyakarana, 
(4.) Gatha, (5.) Udana, (6.) Nidana, (7.) Avadana, (8.) 
Itivritaka, (9.) Jataka, (10.) Vaipulya, (11.) Adbhutad- 
harma, (12.) Upade^a; and he exhorted the bhikshus to 
study them, and recommended them to hold half-monthly 
meetings, in which they should recite the Pratimoksha 
Sutra 2 (f. 63 i b ) 

Moreover he said, "Let the assembled congregation 
make a selection of the minutiae of the precepts (bslab-pai 
(jdzi) and of the minor matters (phran-ts egs), so that they 
may be able to dwell in harmony" 3 (f. 63 i b ). 

" The novices must not hereafter call the elders by their 
names, by their patronymic names (rus-nas bod-par-mi 
lya), but they must use no other expression than * Vener 
able (Bhadanta, Usun-pa), or Ayuchmat (Tse-dang-ldan- 
pa). The elder bhikshus must provide the novices with 
alms-bowls, robes, nets (dm-ba), cups, and girdles, and 
they must incite them to steadfastness, to reading, recit- 

1 Cf. Mahavagga, I. xxxviii. II. Dulva xi. f. 73 a , the Buddha, while 
Rhys Davids, Sacred Books of the lying between the twin sala trees, 
East, xiii. p. 190. explains to his disciples how they 

2 All this passage is evidently an must understand the rules he had 
interpolation. laid down. Unfortunately the Tibe- 

a The text is difficult ; it reads, tan text is very obscure. See, how- 
Dge-hdun ts ogs-nas skab dbye-djing ever, my translation of it in " Revue 
bde-ba-la rig-par gnas-par-byao. In de 1 Hist. des Religions/ 1884. 


ing, and they must exhort them to delight in yoga" 

After having spoken to his disciples of the four places 
which believing men will visit and where they will build 
stupas, 1 he said, " Brethren, if there be any doubt among 
you concerning the Buddha, or the doctrine, or the order, 
or concerning misery, its origin, its arresting, or concern 
ing the way, inquire freely and I will explain it, so that 
you may not think, While we had our master before us 
we did not venture to make him explain/ Let bhikshu 
ask bhikshu and friend friend, and then question me and 
I will give you an explanation" (f. 63 3 b ). 

But they were silent, so that Ananda exclaimed, " Of a 
truth there is no bhikshu in this assembly who has any 
doubt or misgiving," &c. 2 

Then the Blessed One uncovering his body, said to 
the bhikshus, " Brethren, look at the Tathagata s body. 
Brethren, look well at the Tathagata s body ; for it is as 
hard to find a Tathagata, Arhat, Samyaksambuddha as 
to see a flower on a fig tree. Bhikshus, never forget it ; 
decay is inherent to all component things ! " and these 
were the last words of the Tathagata (f. 634 a ). 3 

As soon as the Blessed One expired the mighty earth 
was shaken, thunderbolts did fall, and the gods in the sky 
did shriek with (or like) sound of drum (f. 63 5 a ). At that 
time the venerable Mahakagyapa was stopping in the Kal- 
antakanivasa Bamboo grove at Bajagriha ; and when the 
earth quaked he sought what might be the reason, and he 
saw that the Blessed One had utterly passed away. . . . 

1 See Rhys Davids, Sacred Books second, &c., for which see Rhys 

of the East, xi. p. 90. These places Davids, p. 115, fol. 6.34 b . The vener- 

are I. Where the Buddha was able Ananda asked the venerable 

born ; 2. Where he became Buddha ; Aniruddha, "Has the Blessed One 

3. Where he first preached ; 4. utterly passed away ? " " Nay, the 

Where he died. Blessed One has entered into that 

- See Rhys Davids, p. 1 14. state in which sensations (hdu-shes) 

3 The text goes on to tell how and ideas (ts or-ba) have ceased," &c. 

"the Blessed One entered into the f. 652 b . See the Pali version. We 

first stage of deep meditation, rising are told that 18,000 bhikshus died 

out of which he passed into the at the same time as the Buddha. 


Then he thought, " If Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, who has 
such infinite faith, suddenly heard that the Blessed One has 
died, he would die of a hemorrhage. I must devise some 
means of informing him of it." So he told the brahman 
Varshakara, the great noble of Magadha, of the danger to 
Adjatasatru of suddenly hearing of this event, and he added, 
" Go quickly, Varshakara, into the park and have made 
representations (ri-mo) (i.) of the Blessed One having exa 
mined the five subjects while living as a bodhisttava in 
the Tushita heaven (see p. 1 5), and having three times ex 
pounded the truth to the six Kamavatcharas devas, 1 coming 
to enter his mother s womb as an elephant ; (2.) acquiring 
perfect and unsurpassable enlightenment at the foot of the 
Bo tree; . . . (6.) having converted different persons in many 
places, and having reached the end of a buddha s career, 
(represent him) in his last wrappings (gzims-mal-du), in 
the town of Kusinara. Then get ready seven tubs full of 
fresh butter, and one with pieces of gogirsha sandal-wood. 
When the king shall come to the gate of the park, you 
must ask him if he would not like to see it ; and when he 
shall come to the pictures, you will explain them to him, 
commencing with the first. When he shall have heard that 
the Blessed One is dead, he will fall to the ground*; then 
you must put him into one of the tubs of fresh butter, and 
when the butter shall have melted, you must put him 
into another, and so successively in the seven (f. 637*) ; 
after which you must put him into the tub with the 
pieces of gogirsha sandal -wood, and he will recover." 
After giving these instructions, Mahakagyapa started for 
Kusinara, and Varshakara did as he had told him, and 
Adjatasatru s life was saved. 

On the morrow after the Buddha s death, Aniruddha 
sent Ananda to the Mallas of Kusinara (f. 639 a ). " Go, 
Ananda," he said, " and say to the Mallas of Kusinara, 
Vasishtas, to-day at midnight the Master left behind 

1 Hdod-pa-na spyod-pai-lha. See Lalita Vistara (Foucaux s transla 
tion), p. 37. 


every particle of the skandhas, and has utterly passed 
away ; do whatever you see fit, so that hereafter you may 
not have to reproach yourselves, saying ; "Our Master left 
behind every particle of the skandhas, and utterly passed 
away within our district, and we did not show him proper 
honours and attention." 

Ananda went and did as he was bid (f. 640), and 
explained to the Mallas that the Buddha s remains must 
be treated as those of a king of kings. Then the Mallas 
asked that seven days be allowed them to get everything 
ready for the funeral (f. 641). 

On the seventh day, having prepared a golden bier, and 
got together all the perfumes, garlands, and musical in 
struments within twelve yojanas, from Kusinara to the 
Hiranyavati river, from the twin sala grove to the crested 
tchaitya of the Mallas 2 (Makuta bandhana tchaitya), they 
went out of the town to the twin sala tree grove to hon 
our the Buddha s remains (f. 64 i b ). When they came 
there, the principal Mallas of Kusinara said, " Vasishtas, 
let the Mallas women and maidens make a canopy of their 
garments over the Blessed One ; then when we have hon 
oured his remains with perfumes and garlands, they will 
carry his body to the western gate of the city, which we 
will traverse and leave by the eastern gate ; then after 
having crossed the Hiranyavati, we will go to the Makuta 
bandhana tchaitya of the Mallas, and there we will burn 
the body" (f. 642). But when the Mallas women tried to 
move the body, they were unable to do so ; and Anirud- 
dha told Ananda that the will of the gods was that the 
Mallas and their sons should carry the bier. So Ananda 
told the Mallas, and they lifted up the bier and carried it 
to the Makuta bandhana tchaitya (f. 643). 

Now at that moment there fell in the town of Kusinara 

1 Csoma s translation of this pas- passages. Moreover, it omits seve- 

sage, Asiat. Res., vol. xx. p. 309-317, ral important facts, 
and Foucaux, Rgya-tcher-rol-pa, ii. 2 In Bigandet, vol. ii. p. 8 1, it is 

p. 417 et seq., is incorrect in several called Matulabandana. 
places, notably in this and parallel 


such a quantity of mandarava flowers (Erythrinafulgens), 
that they were knee-deep. There was an ajivaka * (Jits o- 
la-chari), who was going to the Pava country on business, 
and this man picked up a quantity of these divine flowers. 
MahaMcjapa, with five hundred disciples, was going to 
Kusinara, and was passing through the Pava country 
when he met this man, and from him he heard that the 
Buddha had been dead seven days. Among Kacjapa s dis 
ciples there was an old man, who, when he heard of the 
Buddha s death, spoke these unseemly words : "Why should 
we thus lament ? for now the old mendicants (rgan-dzugs) 
are freed from being told, This may be done, this may not 
be done ; now we may do what we want to do and not do 
what we do not want to do " (f. 644*;. But Kacjapa re 
buked him and spoke to his followers of the impermanency 
of all created things. 2 

When the Mallas tried to light the funeral pile, they 
were unable to do so, and Aniruddha told Ananda that 
it was because Mahakagyapa had not arrived; then he 
repeated this to the Mallas (f. 645). 

When the people saw Mahakacjapa coming from afar 
off, they took perfumes and wreaths, &c., and went out to 
meet him ; 3 then they bowed down at his feet and fallowed 
after him to the place where the Blessed One s body was. 
He uncovered the body and worshipped it. At that time 
there were in the world four great sthaviras Adjnata 
Kaundinya, Tchunandana (Skul-byed tchen-po), Dagabala 
Kacjapa, and Mahakaqyapa ; and as Mahakacjapa was the 
greatest among them through his knowledge and virtue, 
he had a store of robes, alms, bedding, medicines, and 
other necessaries (yo-lyad) ; so he changed the garments 
which enshrouded the Blessed One for others from his 

1 Bigandet, vol. ii. p. 83, says that Beal, Four Lectures, p. 68, gives the 
the man who was carrying the flowers bhikshu s name as Balanda. 

was " a heretic Rahan," called Thou- 3 This passage is incorrectly trans- 
bat (Subhadra), and that he it was lated by Csoma (at least in Foucaux s 
who rejoiced at the Buddha s death, translation of it, p. 422, the only one 
and spoke the words of our text. I have at my disposal). 

2 Cf. Rhys Davids, op. cit., p. 127. 


store; and having replaced the cover of the coffin, the 
fire burst forth from the pile and consumed the bodv 
(f. 6 45 b ). 

When the body had been consumed, the Mallas put out 
the fire with milk, and putting the remains (sku-gdung) in 
a golden vase, they placed it on a golden bier, and having 
honoured it with perfumes and the sound of music, &c^ 
they took it to KusinM, to the centre of the town 
where they again paid it honours. Now the Mallas of 
Pava heard that, seven days previously, the Blessed One 
had expired in the town of Kusinara, and that his relics 
had received the relic-honours ; so they assembled their 
troops and marched to where were the Mallas of Kusinara 
to whom they said, < All ye Mallas of Kusinara assembled^ 
hearken, sirs. The Blessed One has lived and has been hon 
oured in our country for a long time, but while stoppino- i n 
your country he has expired (f. 647); give us a portion 
of his relics ($ariras), which we will carry to Pava, where 
we will erect a tchaitya of his relics, which we will hon 
our, worship, and revere, &a, and (where) we will institute 
a great periodical feast." " Vasishtas " (the Mallas of 
Kusinara replied), "the Blessed One was honoured and 
loved by us, and as he died while near our city, we will 
not relinquish a portion of his relics."" If you give us a 
portion, it is well ; but if you will not give it, we will carry 
it off by force." Then, when the Mallas of Kusin^ra heard 
this, they consented. 

The kshatriya Buluka of Etogs-pa gyo-ba (the Bulis 
of Allakappa ?), the kshatriya Krodtya of Eoruka (Sgra- 
sgrogs, the Koliyas of Eamagrama ?),* the brahman of 
Vethadvipa (Khydb-hjug gling-na gnas), the kshatriya 
gakyas of Kapilavastu, the kshatriyas Licchavis of 
Vaisali, 8 also heard of this event, and they also went to 
Kusinara with their troops and made the same request. 
Vaidehiputra Adjatasatru, king of Magadha, heard what 

The same as the Qakyas of Deva- 2 Cf> Rh DaviJ 
daha. See Fah-Hian, p. 88-89. <* se^. 



had happened, and also that the above-mentioned tribes 
had gone to Kusinara; so he told it to the brahman Varsha 
kara, and ordered him to assemble his troops, so that he 
also might go there and get a portion of the relics of the 
Blessed One (f. 648). When the troops were ready, Adja- 
tasatru mounted his elephant, but the recollection of the 
virtues of the Blessed One made him faint, so that he fell 
to the ground; so likewise when he tried to mount his horse 
he fainted. " Varshakara," he then said, " I cannot go ; take 
you the army and salute the Mallas of Kusinara in my 
name, and ask them for a portion of the Buddha s relics." 
Varshakara did as he had been told, and the Mallas 
gave him the same answer as they had given to the 
Mallas of Pava ; but when they saw the great multi 
tude of the king s men, 1 they taught their wives and 
children how to use bows, and when the united forces 
of the Buluka, of the Mallas of Pava, &c., advanced 
toward the town to fight, they assembled all their forces, 
with their wives and young men, and sallied forth to 
resist them (f. 649). 

Now there was a brahman called Drona 2 who had 
come with the troops, and when he perceived that there 
was going to be blood shed, he put on his skin robe 
(gyang-gdzi), and going to the Mallas of Kusinara he said, 
" The Blessed Gautama was long- suffering, and greatly 
praised patience ; why then would you slaughter each 
other over his remains ? I will divide his relics into eight 
parts, and you will give me the vase wherewith I shall 
have divided them, and I will build in the town of Drona- 
sama (?) a tchaitya of the relics of the Blessed Gautama," 

1 Csoma adds, " who had come to pression is generally rendered in 

carry off by force the Blessed One s Sanskrit by sama, "even, level." 

relics ;" but I have not found this The brahman s name would thus be 

in my text. At all events, it is Dronasama (?) ; but I have thought 

difficult to see why they prepare to it advisable to drop the second part 

fight, for they had consented to and to follow the Southern version, 

divide the relics. (Fol. 65<D b ) the brahman calls his 

3 The text has Ere- bo dang mnyam- native place "the town of Ere-bo 

pa. The latter portion of this ex- dang mnyan-pa." 


c. (as above). The Mallas accepted his proposal ; then 
he went successively to each of the other parties, and 
having also obtained their consent, he divided the relics 
among them, and he took as his share the vase which the 
Mallas of Kusinara had given him to make the division 
with (f. 651). 

Then a young brahman who had also come with the 
troops said to the Mallas of Kusinara, " Hearken to me, 
all ye assembled Mallas of Kusinara. For a long time I 
have honoured and loved the Blessed Gautama, and now 
that he has expired in your town, I beg you to give me 
the embers of the cremation fire, so that I may build in 
the Nyagrodhika country (= Pipphalivana) * a tchaitya 
of the relics of the Blessed One," &c. So the Mallas gave 
the brahman Nyagrodha the embers . . . (f. 652). 

At that time there existed in Jambudvipa eight 
tchaityas of the body relics of the Blessed One; the 
tchaitya of the vase made nine, and that of the embers 
ten. Of the eight measures of relics of the Seer (Spyan- 
Idan), seven remained the object of honours in Jambu 
dvipa ; the other measure of the relics of the Greatest of 
men is honoured in the city of Eoruka (?) 2 by a king of 
nagas. Of the four eye-teeth of the Greatest of men,one 
is honoured in the heaven of the Thirty-three ; the second 
is in the town of Anumana (? Yid-ong-ldaii) ; the third is 
in the country of the king of Kalinga, and the fourth eye- 
tooth of the Greatest of men is honoured by a nao~a kino- 
in the city of Eoruka 3 (f. 65 2 b ). 

1 Of. Rhys Davids, p. 134: " And translation of Ramagama of the Pali 
the Moriyas of Pipphalivana heard text. 

the news . . ." Also Fah-Hian, 3 Of. Rhys Davids, p. 135, and 
chap. xxiv. his note on same page; also Big- 

2 Sgra-sgrogs, which may be a andet, vol. ii. p. 95. 



THE following account of the councils of Eajagriha and 
Vaisali, and of the spread of Buddhism in Kachmere, is 
taken from the eleventh volume of the Dulva, and is the 
only canonical version of these events to be met with in 
Tibetan works. Before giving an analysis of these pas 
sages, I must call attention to the difficulties which the 
text presents. These difficulties are so real that a learned 
Tibetan lama from the monastery of Snar-Thang, near 
Tachilunpo, has said of this volume that " this translation 
is not felicitous ; it is full of obsolete expressions, is badly 
written, and in the latter part of the volume the correc 
tors minds appear tired and their other faculties worn out ; 
and all this is a source of much incertitude." 1 The trans 
lators of this volume were the well-known Indian pundits 
Vidyakaraprabha 2 and Dharmagriprabha. 

Mahakagyapa, whom we have seen (p. 144) acknowledged 
as the head of the order on account of his wisdom and 
virtues, heard, after the death of the Buddha, people re 
mark that whereas 80,000 bhikshus had died at the same 
time as Qariputra, 70,000 on Maudgalyayana s death, and 
18,000 more when the Buddha had died, the words of the 
Blessed One had vanished like smoke ; and that as all the 
mighty bhikshus had utterly passed away, the Sutranta, 
the Vinaya, and the Matrika of the Blessed One were no 
longer taught. When he heard people thus censuring, 

1 See Dulva xi. f. 706. 2 See Udanavarga, p. xi. 


blaming, and slandering (f. 652), he told what he had 
heard to the bhikshus, and concluded by saying that they 
must assemble in that place l (i.e., at Kusinara). The 
bhikshus assented to his proposition. " Who shall convoke 
the clergy ? " " Let it be the venerable Purna." Then the 
venerable Mahaka^yapa said to the venerable Purna, 
" Purna, strike the ganta and assemble the bhikshus;" and 
Purna consented ; and after having entered into the state 
of abstraction of the fourth dhyana of perfect freedom, 
and having acquired the sight of knowledge, he arose and 
commenced striking the ganta. Then from all parts 
assembled the congregation of bhikshus 2 (among whom 
were) five hundred arhats. When these were assembled 
Mahakaxyapa said to them, " Venerable sirs, what member 
of the congregation of bhikshus has not come ? " and they 
discovered that the venerable Gavampati was not there. 
Now at that time Gavampati was in the hermitage of 
the 9iriaka tree (sliing shi-ri-sha-kai gdzal-med kliang- 
stong). Then Kac^yapa said to Purna, "Go, Purna" (f. 654), 
" to where Gavampati is, and tell him, KaXyapa and all 
the other members of the sangha greet you, and request 
that you will come to them in all haste for business of the 
order. " The venerable Purna consented ; so he left Kusinara 
and transported himself to the hermitage of the ^iriqaka 
tree, and having bowed down at Gavampati s feet, he 
delivered Kaxyapa s message. Then Gavampati considered 
within himself what could be the matter, and when he 
discovered that "the lamp of wisdom had been blown 
out by the wind of impermanency," that the Blessed One 
had passed away (f. 655), he told Purna that he could 

1 The other accounts of the first the Sthavira school, held a separate 
synod are Mahawanso, chap. iii. ; Di- synod, in which they formed another 
pawanso, chap, iv.; Fah-Hian, chap, collection of the canonical works 
xxx.; HiuenThsang, B. ix. p. 33(St. and founded the school of the 
Julien s trans. );Beal, Four Lectures, "great assembly" or the Maha- 
p. 69 et seq. sanghikanikaya. Bhavya, in his 

2 According to Hiuen Thsang, B. Kayabhetrovibhanga, says that the 
ix. p. 36, all those of the congregation Mahasanghika school only com- 
who did not take part in the council menced 1 60 years after the Buddha s 
of Rajagriha, from which originated death. See p. 182. 


not go, for liis end was nigh ; so lie gave him his alms- 
bowl and his three robes, and told him to present them 
to the sangha ; then, by means of his magical powers, he 
was consumed and passed into the state of parinirvana (f. 
656). Then Puma, having honoured his remains, returned 
to the twin sala tree grove, where the five hundred bhik- 
shus and Kacjapa were, and presenting them with the 
bowl and robes, he told them what had occurred. 

Kac^yapa told the bhikshus that he thought it would 
be advisable to assemble in Magadha, where the Blessed 
One had acquired omniscience, and he consulted the 
bhikshus as to the proper spot to choose. One of their 
number proposed to go to the Bodhi tree (and there 
hold the synod), but Kacjapa said that as Adjatasatru 
was a very firm believer, he would provide the sangha 
with all the necessaries, and that they must consequently 
o-o to Kajagriha. The bhikshus consented, and then 
asked if Ananda, who had been the Master s attendant, 
and to whom several of the sutras had been addressed, 
would not be admitted into the synod. Kacjapa said 
that if tl}ey made an exception in Ananda s favour, the 
other bhikshus who had had something to do witji the 
Blessed One would be angered; however, if they were 
willing that he (Ananda) should be appointed to supply 
the sangha with water when they required it, he would 
be admitted, otherwise he would have to be excluded. 
The bhikshus having shown their willingness, Kac,yapa 
asked Ananda, "Venerable Ananda, if you are sent to 
get water for the assembly ?" "I will go." Then Kacjapa 
having repeated the question, said, " Hear me, venerable 
sirs. This venerable Ananda, the personal attendant of 
the Blessed One, who has been in close attendance on 
the Blessed One, and to whom he spoke several of his 
sutras, is to be appointed to bring water to the as 
sembly. Now I ask you if you approve of the appoint 
ment of the venerable Ananda. If it appears proper, 
remain silent. It is approved. Now hear me. The 


venerable Ananda, the attendant of the Blessed One, 
who stayed near his person, and to whom the Blessed 
One spoke several of his sermons, has for these reasons 
been appointed to supply the sangha with water. If the 
sangha requires water, the venerable Ananda, having been 
appointed to the office of supplying it with water, must 
supply it with water. If the sangha approves (these 
arrangements), let all remain silent. The assembly is 
silent, therefore the venerable Ananda is appointed water- 
provider of the assembly (dge-hdun)" 

Then Kagyapa said to Ananda, " Go along to Eaja- 
griha with the congregation of bhikshus by the way 
which suits you best ; I am going directly there (through 
the air)." So Kagyapa went to Kajagriha, and when 
first Adjatasatru, king of Magadha, saw him, the recol 
lection of the Buddha made him fall senseless to the 
ground (f. 658). When Kagyapa had told him of the 
intention of the five hundred bhikshus well versed in 
the Sutranta, the Yinaya, and the Abhidharma, he gave 
orders to supply them with everything which they 
might require, and he had the city decorated as if for a 

When the elders l (with Ananda) arrived, they asked 
Kagyapa where they could reside (and hold the council). 
Neither the Kalantaka-nivasa bamboo grove nor the 
Vulture s Peak could answer their purpose, but the Nya- 
grodha cave 2 was sufficiently secluded if it had bedding 
in it (or seats, mal-stan). So when the king heard that 
this place suited them, he had it provided with beds (f. 


As soon as the bhikshus had assembled, Kagyapa re 
quested Aniruddha to examine if any one out of the 
five hundred was still subject to passions, anger, ignorance, 
desire, or attachment. 

1 Rgan-rims, which I take B. ix. p. 22. Our text is wrong, for 
throughout these pages to be the the Sattapani cave by the side of 
same as gnas-brtan or sthavira. the Webhara mountain was the place 

2 Or the Pippala cave. See Fah- where the synod was held. See Ma- 
Hian, p. 117, and Hiuen Thsang, hawanso, p. 12. 


Aniruddha discovered that there was only one out of 
their number in this case, and that it was Ananda ; so 
Kagyapa excluded him from the assembly (f. 66 1). 

" Bear with me, venerable Kagyapa," said Ananda ; " I 
have neither sinned against morality, the doctrine, nor 
against good behaviour, neither have I done aught un 
seemly or detrimental to the congregation. Be forbearing 
then, Kagyapa ! " 

" Ananda, thou wast the Blessed One s close attendant, 
what wonder then that thou didst not commit any of the 
sins thou hast mentioned ; but if thou sayest that thou 
hast done no wrong to the congregation (f. 66 i b ), how 
comes it that when the Blessed One said that women 
were as dangerous as snakes, and that it would be wrong 
to admit them into the order, thou didst ask that they 
might be allowed to enter it ? " 1 

"Bear with me a while, Kagyapa," replied Ananda. 
"I thought of all that Mahaprajapati Gautami had en 
dured, and how it was she who had nursed the Blessed 
One when his mother died. I only asked that women 
who were (my) relatives and friends might enter the 
order. Twas surely no wonder, no subject of shame [" 

Then Kagyapa said, "When the Buddha (shortly before 
his death) explained to thee how it was possible for a 
buddha to prolong at his will his life, why didst thou not 
ask him to deign to remain in the world during the rest of 
the present age for the weal of mankind ? " 

"Kagyapa," Ananda replied, " twas no wonder, nor is 
there aught to be ashamed of, if I did not do so, for I was 
then possessed by the Evil one." 2 

"Moreover, thou didst commit another sin," rejoined 
Kagyapa, " for thou didst rest thy feet for a whole day 
on the golden-coloured raiment of the Blessed One." 

" I did so," replied Ananda, " because at the time there 
was no friendly bhikshu anywhere about " (f. 663). 

1 See p. 6 1. cease. Sacred Books of the East, 

2 See the Book of the Great De- vol. xi. p. 40, 48. 


" There is yet another sin which thou hast committed, 
for when the Blessed One was nigh unto death between 
the twin sala trees, and he did ask thee for some clear 
water, (how came it that thou didst not get it for 
him ? ") 

" Ka^yapa, I have nought to reproach myself therein ; 
nor was it surprising, for five hundred waggons had just 
crossed the Kakusthana river, and had made it muddy." 

"But why didst thou not hold up thy bowl towards 
heaven, for the devas would have filled it? More 
over, when the Blessed One, having ordained that at 
the half-monthly recitations of the Pratimoksha Sutra, 
when the portion appertaining to the minor moral pre 
cepts (ts ul-khrims phra mo) and the minutiae (phran- 
ts egs) was reached, the bhikshusangha might stop the 
recitation or go on with it, why didst thou not ask the 
Blessed One what was to be understood by the terms 
minor moral precepts and minutiae ? 1 Now (as a con 
sequence of thy negligence), I say that all which is not 
in the four parajika, the thirteen sanghadisesa, the two 
aniyata, the thirty nirsaggiya pachittiya, the ninety pa- 
chittiya, the four pratidesaniya, and all the many sekhiya 
dharmas are minor moral precepts and minutiae. Others 
again say that all which is not in the four parajika, the 
thirteen sanghadisesa, the two aniyata, the thirty nir 
saggiya pachittiya, the ninety pachittiya, and the four 
pratidesaniya are minor moral precepts and minutise (f. 
664). But others say that all which is not in the four 
parajika, the thirteen sanghadisesa, the two aniyata, the 
thirty nirsaggiya pachittiya, and the ninety pachittiya, are 
minor moral precepts and minutise. Again, others say 
that, with the exception of the four parajika, the thirteen 
sanghadisesa, the two aniyata, and the thirty nirsaggiya 
pachittiya, all are minor moral precepts and minutiae. 
Others say that, with the exception of the four parajika, 

1 This omission of Ananda s seems put forward for the convocation of 
to have been one of the chief causes the first council. 


the thirteen sanghadisesa, and the two aniyata, all are 
minor moral precepts and minutiae. Now if a tirthika 
should discover that some bhikshus adhere to the four 
parajika, while others keep to the thirteen sanghadisesa, 
(he would say), The doctrine of the Qramana Gautama 
has vanished like smoke ; while the Qramana Gautama 
was yet alive, his disciples strictly kept his ordinances, 
but now they allow themselves all the indulgences they 
see fit. They do what they want to do, and do not 
do what they do not want to do. Therefore, in not 
questioning the Blessed One for the sake of future 
generations, thou didst wrong." 

Ananda replied, " When the Blessed One spoke these 
words, I was overcome with grief (at the prospect) of 
losing the Tathagata." 

"There again thou wert in the wrong; for if the at 
tendant of the Tathagata had (borne in mind) that all 
created things are of their nature impermanent, he would 
not have felt sorrow. Moreover, why didst thou show 
to men and women of low habits the Tathagata s hidden 
privy parts ? " 1 

" Venerable KaQyapa," replied Ananda, " twas no wonder 
nor source of shame to me, for I thought that women, 
being naturally sensual, if they but saw the privy parts of 
the Blessed One, would they not cease being so ? " (f. 665). 

"Moreover, thou didst show to corrupt women the 
golden body of the Blessed One, which was then sullied 
by their tears." 2 

" I thought," replied Ananda, " that if they then but 
saw the Blessed One, many of them would conceive a 
longing to become like him." 

"Ananda," said K^yapa, "thou art still under the 
rule of passions ; none may enter here who have not put 

1 F. 664 b . Khyim-pai Tiklwr dang 2 This alludes to the woman who, 

bud-med spyod pa pan-pa-rnams-la worshipping the body of the Buddha 

de-bdzin- gshegs-pai hdoms-kyi sba- after his death, let her tears fall on 

ba-sbubsu nub-pa bstan-pa. . . . mo- his feet. See Beal, Four Lectures, 

mta an dang bral-bar ma gyur-tam. p. 75. 


away all passions ; so depart thence ; thou canst not be 
among pure-speaking men." 

Great was Ananda s grief, but he called to mind what 
the Blessed One had said to him shortly before his death. 
"Ananda," he had said, "sorrow not, neither be dis 
tressed nor afflicted. Thou must turn (gtod) to the bhik- 
shu Mahakagyapa (as to the head of the order). Be 
patient and do as he shall tell thee. Weep not, Ananda ; 
thou shalt magnify the law of virtue; thou shalt not bring 
it low." 

Then Aniruddha said to Ananda, " Go, Ananda, and de 
stroy every particle of the passions, become an arhat, and 
then, but only then, thou mayest enter the synod." 

Ananda thought of his Master who was dead; his eyes 
filled with tears, and he was sorrowful ; but he departed 
for the city of Vriji (sic Yaisali ?), and arranged himself 
as was the rule during summer (f. 666 b ). Now Ananda s 
attendant at that time was the venerable Vrijiputra (or an 
ayuchmat of Vrijian descent), 1 and he expounded the law 
to the fourfold assembly while Ananda diligently applied 
himself (to cast off all sin). But when Vrijiputra looked, 
by means of the mental abstraction of samadhi, he found 
out that Ananda was not yet freed from all passions, so he 
went to him and said 

" Gautama, be thou not heedless ; 
Keep near a tree in the dark, and on nirvana 
Fix thy mind ; transport thyself into dhyana, 
And ere long thou shalt find the abode of peace." 

When Ananda heard the advice of the venerable Vriji 
putra, day was waning ; then he went and seated himself 
(near a tree) and fixed his mind on the five obscurations 
(i.e., sin), and in the first watch of the night he had 
thoroughly freed his mind of them. In the middle watch, 
after having washed his feet outside the vihar, he entered 
it and laid himself down on his right side, and just as he 

1 Cf. Beal, op. cit., p. 71. 


was putting one foot on the other, lo ! he acquired the 
notion of the visible, of memory, of self-consciousness 
(shes-bdzin-dang-ldan pai hdu-shes). As he was putting his 
head on his pillow, his mind became detached and freed 
from all asravas (f. 667). Then Ananda in the enjoyment 
of bliss and peace was free, and having become an arhat, 
he went to Rajagriha and entered the Nyagrodha (Satta- 
pani) cave, where Kagyapa and the five hundred arhats 
were compiling (or about to compile) the dharma. 

Kagyapa said to the bhikshus, " Sirs, whereas hereafter 
bhikshus may be oblivious and ignorant (or weak, lus 
nyam tclmng-las}, and not able to understand the Sutranta, 
the Vinaya, and the Abhidharma, because there are no 
gathas of the sutras, therefore in the forenoon the gathas 
of the sutras will be recited, 1 and in the afternoon the 
Sutranta, the Vinaya, and the Abhidharma will be taken 
into consideration (discussed or recited)." Then the bhik 
shus asked Kagyapa which of the Sutranta, the Vinaya, 
or the Abhidharma would be collated first, and Kagyapa 
decided that the Sutranta should first receive their atten 

Then the five hundred arhats requested Mahakagyapa to 
preside over the assembly, and he therefore sat down in the 
lion s seat (presidential chair or pulpit). Then he asked the 
assembly if they would allow Ananda to commence with 
the compilation of the Sutranta of the Tathagata. They 
consented by remaining silent (f. 668 b ), and then the five 
hundred arhats spread their cloaks over the pulpit. 

Ananda, after having circumambulated the pulpit, keep 
ing it to his right side, bowed down to the elders and sat 

1 Snga-droi dus-su mdoi ts igsu- ther mention is made of this forenoon 

bckad-pas brjod-par byao. This is a occupation of the council, which was 

remarkable phrase, which can hardly probably to collect short verses of 

admit of any other translation than the sacred discourses which would 

the one I have given, but I do not enlighten the bhikshus who might be 

see to what part of the canon it re- unable to learn long passages of the 

fers. It may be rendered literally, sacred works. Perhaps this refers to 

"in the forenoon of sutra with the composition of the uddnas. 
gathas it will be spoken." No fur- 


down in the pulpit. Then he thought, " If I have under 
stood the whole of the Sutranta as spoken by the Blessed 
One, there is the sutranta spoken by the Blessed One 
in the abode of the nagas, that which he spoke in the 
abode of the gods, and that which he spoke to (before) me. 
I will explain (recite) each one of them as they took place 
(i.e., chronologically), as I heard and understood them." 

Then Kaqyapa said to Ananda, " Where did the Master, 
desiring the good of the world and having conquered (the 
Evil one), explain the chief dogmas ? Ayuchmat, recite 
(gsungs) the sutranta (which he then spoke)." Then, 
havino- collected himself, Ananda recited in a loud voice 


and with clasped hands the sermon (sutranta) of the 
Establishment of the Kingdom of Bighteousness, or Dh- 
arma cliakrapravartana Stitra (f. 669). 

When he had finished, Adjnata Kaundinya said to 
Mahakacjapa, "Venerable Mahakacjapa, I heard this 
sermon ; it was spoken for my benefit. It dried my blood 
and the ocean of my tears. I left behind the mountain of 
bones ; it closed the door of perdition, and opened (for me) 
the door of heaven and of freedom. When that precious 
jewel of a sutra was spoken, I and Sopoo devas acquired 
the clear eye of truth, and became free from sin (dri-ma). 
Now that I hear that sermon of long ago, (I see) that 
there is nothing which is not transitory ! " and he fell 
senseless to the ground. Great also was the agitation of 
Ananda and of all those present as they thought of their 
dead Lord, and that even he had not escaped the universal 
law of decay. 

Then Ka^yapa asked Ananda which was the second 
sutra. " It was also spoken at Benares for the sake of the 
fivebhikshus" 1 . . . (f. 671). When Ananda had finished 
reciting the second sutra, Adjnata Kaundinya said that it 
had made an arhat of him, and had converted his four 
companions, &c., &c., and again he fell senseless to the 
ground, &c. (f. 67 i b ) ; and when Ananda had finished re- 

1 See p. 37. 


citing each sutra, Kacjapa and the assembly cried aloud, 
" This, then, is the dharma; this is the vinaya (rule) ! " 

In this way Ananda recited all the sutranta which the 
Blessed One had spoken, and he mentioned in which 
villages, towns, countries, and kingdoms they had been 
uttered ; and when it was a sutra concerning a skandha, 
he put it in a compilation relating to the skandhas ; when 
it related to an ayatana, he compiled it with the six ayat- 
anas. All that had been explained by the cjavakas he 
compiled in the " explanations by the cjavakas." All the 
explanations (bshad) of the Buddha he gathered together 
in the " explanations of the Buddha." All which related 
to acquiring memory, abstraction, to real change, to the 
bases of supernatural power (irrdhipada), to the five 
faculties, to the branches of the bodhi, the branches of the 
way, he collected in the "branches of the way." All 
sutras which had been rightly spoken he collected in the 
"rightly spoken sutras." Those which had gathas with 
them he collected in the " well-named sutras." When it 
was a long sutra he placed it in the Dirghagama. The 
medium length sutras he placed in the Majjimagama, and 
those which were of one, two ten words (f. 674) formed 
the feottaragama. 1 

(F. 674.) When he had finished, Kacyapa asked him, 
" Venerable Ananda, is your exposition (lung) at an end ? " 

" Venerable Kacyapa, that is all ; " and with that he 
descended from the pulpit. 

Then Ka^yapa said, " Venerable sirs, the whole of the 
Sutranta of the Blessed One has been compiled, we will 
now pass to the Vinaya." 

Now at that time there was the venerable Upali, a wise 
j and one conversant with the origin of the rules and 

1 This passage would lead us to certain bhikshus were appointed cus- 

suppose that the canon was written todians of one section and others of 

down at this council, but this is another, and that they only taught 

not explicitly said, as the verb " to the section which they had been ap- 

write," hbri-ba, does not once occur, pointed to learn by heart. 
The probable explanation is that 


their history ; so Kagyapa ascended the pulpit and pro 
posed to the assembly that Upali should compile the 
Vinaya section. When the assembly had consented, 
Kaqryapa said to Upali, " Venerable Upali, if you (recite 
the vinaya), will you repeat every particle of the Tatha- 
gata s vinaya ? " "I will," he replied. 

When Upali had taken his place in the pulpit, Ka^yapa 
asked him to narrate where and for what reason the first 
ordinance had been laid down by the Blessed One. "It was 
at Benares," Upali replied; "it was on account of the five 
bhikshus, and he ordained that cloaks (sJiam-thabs) should 
be circular (zlum-por) " l (f. 6/4 b ). 

Kagyapa then asked him where and for what reason 
the second ordinance had been made. " It was at Benares," 
Upali replied ; " it was on account of the five bhikshus, 
and he ordained that (bhikshus) should wear circular 
sanghati (tchos-gos). . . . The third rule was promulgated 
in the village of Kalandaka, on account of the man from 
Kalandaka called Sudatta (Bzang-sbyin}" &c., &c. (f. 675); 
and in this way he narrated each of the ordinances laid 
down by the Buddha, and the 499 arhats listened atten 
tively ; and as he finished with each rule they said, " This 
is the teaching of the Master ; this is the law ; this is the 
rule, &c., &c.; these are the parajika, these the sanghadisesa, 
these the two aniyata, the thirty nirsaggiya pacittiya, the 
ninety pacittiya dharma, the four pratidesaniya, the many 
sekhiya dharma, the seven adhikarana samatha dharma. 
These (things) are to be put away, these to be conceded. 
Having entered the order, this is the way to be ordained 
(to receive the upasampada ordination). This is the way 
to ask, and the (proper) act to perform. . . . Such and 
such persons may enter the order, such others may not 
enter it. This is the way to confess (one s sins) (gso- 
sbyong). This is the way to enter seclusion (for the was 
season). These are the habits, these the lesser moral 

1 Cf., however, Beal, op. cit., p. 76, Pratimoksha Sutra. The chronolo- 
where Upali is said to have recited gical method appears more rational, 
the rules as they are arranged in the 


prescriptions (phra-mo ni hdi). This the index 
gdzi}. This the way to worship (mos-pa)." 1 

Then Mahakacjapa thought, " For the sake of those men 
who will hereafter wish for wisdom and who will follow 
whatever letters there be, for the sake of those who will 
delight in the essence of the doctrine (lit. the profound sig 
nification), why, I myself will expound the Matrika to pre 
serve the sense of the Sutranta and Vinaya as it was 
spoken." 2 So he mounted the pulpit and said to the bhik- 
shus, " Venerable sirs, in what does the Matrika consist ? " 

"The Matrika (they replied) is that which makes perfectly 
lucid the distinguishing points of that which ought to be 
known. Thus it comprises (explanations of) the four smrit- 
yupasthana, the four right renunciations, the four irrdhipada, 
the five faculties, the five forces, the seven branches of bodhi, 
the holy eightfold way, the four kinds of analytical know 
ledge, the four fruits (rewards) of the virtuous man (cja- 
mana), 3 the four words of the dharma (tchos-kyi tsig-ldzi}* 
absence of kle^a, the knowledge of what is desirable, perfec 
tion, the very void of very void (stong-pa-nyid stong-pa-nyid\ 
the uncharacteristic of the uncharacteristic (mtsan-ma-mcd- 
pa nyid mts an-pa-med-pa), the samadhi by means of mixing 
(? lidres-pa bsgo-nas-pai Isam-gtan), the emancipation of per 
fect understanding, subjective knowledge, the abode of peace 
(i.e., nirvana), supernatural sight, the correct way to compile 
and put together all the dharma, 5 this is in what consists 
the Matrika (i.e., the AWiidharma, or metaphysics). . . ." 

1 These are the different headings 105, Grimblot, Sept Suttas Palis. 

of sections of the vinaya in the 4 Or tchos-kyi ts ig-gdzi, the root 
Tibetan translation. words or fundamental dogmas of the 

2 This phrase is obscure. The dharma. 

text (f. 676 a ) says, " Ma-ongs-pai- 5 Tchos - kyi rnam - grangs - Tcyi - 
dus-na mi-rnams slies-rdb dzen-pa yi- phung-po yang-dag-par bsdus-pa 
ge tsam-gyis rjesu Jibrang-la, zab-moi dang btays pa ste, says the text. It 
don-la mos-par-gyur-pa, dc rnams-la, must be noticed that the text does 
mala bday-kho-nas . . . bshad-par- not say that Kacyapa delivered these 
byao." Beal s version of the origin metaphysical doctrines of the Bud- 
of the Abhidharma Pitaka, op. cit., dha as a separate part of the canon, 
p. 79, substantially agrees with our They are only considered as a corn- 
text, although it says that it was mentary on those subjects laid down 
Ananda who recited it. in the preceding sections of sUtra 

3 See the Qrainana phala Sutra, p. and vinaya. 


When Ka^yapa had finished compiling the metaphysical 
parts of the doctrine, then the yakshas above the earth 
cried out, " Bravo ! the venerable Mahakaqyapa and the 
five hundred other arhats have compiled the Three Bas 
kets (Tripitaka) of the Tathagata; the devas will swell in 
number, and the asuras will diminish ! . . ." 

When the work of the council was over, Ka^yapa thought 
that as he had done all that was necessary for the preser 
vation of the doctrine to future generations, his time had 
come to pass away; so he went to Ananda and said to him, 
"Ananda, the Blessed One committed to my care the 
keeping of the doctrine, and passed away. Now, when 
I shall have passed away, thou shalt take care of the 
doctrine (i.e., be patriarch). Moreover, there shall be born 
in Rajagriha a son of a merchant, who, from the fact that 
he will be covered with a linen garment, will be called 
Qanavasika (Sha-nai gos-chari). Eeturning from a sea- 
voyage, he will entertain the Buddhist sangha for five 
years, (after which) he will enter the order, and thou shalt 
confide the doctrine to him" (f. 678). 

Then Mahaka^yapa went and worshipped the four great 
chaityas and the eight chaityas of the relics, after which 
he went to the realm of the nagas and revered the eye- 
tooth of the Buddha, and also to the Trayastrimcat devas 
heaven, where was another tooth of the Buddha (see p. 
147). Vanishing from the summit of Sumeru (where is the 
Trayastrimcats abode), he came to Eajagriha, and decided to 
tell King Adjatasatru that he was about to die. He went 
to the king s palace, and said to the doorkeeper, " Go and 
tell King Adjatasatru that KaXyapa is standing at his 
gate, and would like to see him." " The king is asleep," 
answered the porter. Ka^yapa insisted that he should go 
and tell him ; but the porter replied, " Venerable sir, the 
king is violent; (if I awaken him), he would have me 
put to death." " Tell him, then, when he awakens, that 
Ka^yapa has passed away." Kac,yapa then climbed the 
southern peak of Kukutupada (Iho-phyogs-kyi-ri ~bya-gag~ 



rkang) mountain, and having arranged a grass mat in the 
centre of the three peaks, 1 he went through the marvellous 
manifestations customary on such occasions, and entered 
parinirvana (f. 680). 

Adjatasatru was greatly distressed on hearing of KaQ- 
yapa s death. He ascended the Kukutupada mountain in 
company with Ananda (f. 68 1), and having told him that 
he had not been able to see the Buddha after his death, 
and now could not see Mahakaqyapa after his nirvana 
(f. 682), the sthavira promised him that he should see 
him. 2 Moreover, the king had a chaitya built on the spot 
where Kacjapa had passed away, and he honoured it. 

When Canavasika had happily returned from sea, 3 and 
had stored away his wealth in his treasury, he entertained 
the congregation for five years. At the expiration of that 
time he went to the Bamboo grove, and having saluted 
Ananda, who was standing in the door of the gandhakuta, 
he said to him, " Where is the Buddha ? " " My son," the 
sthavira replied, "the Blessed One has passed away." 
When Canavasika heard this he fell senseless to the ground. 
He was revived with water, and having recovered his 
senses, he asked where was the sthavira Qariputra?^ " He 
also is dead, and so is Mahamaudgalyayana and Maha- 
ka^yapa. My son," added Ananda, "now that thou hast 
finished laying up goods for the disciples of the Blessed 
One, lay up stores of the Dharma and enter the order of 
the Blessed One s doctrine." "So be it," replied Qana- 
vasika, and he was ordained, and in a little while he 
acquired the triple knowledge, and learnt (by heart) the 
Tripitaka, for he remembered whatever he heard Ananda 
say (f. 682). 

1 Of. Hiuen Thsang, B. ix. 6. He jatasatru was able to look at the body 
also says, p. 7, that it was twenty of Ka^yapa, over which the moun- 
years after the Buddha s nirvana tain had closed. 

t hat Ka^yapa died. See also Edkins, 3 The text here is so corrupt that 

op. cit., p. 64. it is impossible to follow it closely. 

2 The text does not tell us that I have only reproduced the outlines 
Ananda fulfilled his promise, but we of it. 

know from other sources that Ad- 


One day at the Bamboo grove a bhikshu spoke the fol 
lowing gatha : 

" In whom life is of (but) an hundred years, 
It is as the footprint of a bird on water ; 
Like the appearance of the footprint of a bird on water 
Is the virtue of the life of each separate one." l 

When Ananda heard this, he went to where these (sic) 
bhikshus were and said, " My son, the Blessed One did 
not say that, but he did say 

In whom life is of an hundred years, 
There is therefore birth and decay ; 
By teaching to both classes of men 
That here on earth exists permanency, 
The unbeliever will have angry thoughts, 
The believer perverted ideas. 
Having wrongly understood the Sutranta, 
They go like cattle in a swamp. 
When they are nigh unto dissolution, 
Their minds have no knowledge of their own death ; 
When one understands not what he has heard, tis fruitless ; 
To understand what is erroneous is as smoke. 
To hear, and of correct understanding 
To be deprived, is to have intelligence with(out) fruit. " 2 

Then (that bhikshu) said to his master, "Ananda has 
grown old, and his memory is impaired; he has become 
broken down by old age. This man s (lus-clian-de) memory 
is bad; he does not remember well; his mind is impaired 
through old age." His master told him, "Go and say, 
Sthavira Ananda, (you are) again wrong; " and the bhikshu 
went and repeated these words. " My son," the sthavira 
replied, " I did not say that the Blessed One did not say 

1 This verse is extremely obscure. This, however, does not make the 

It reads, Gang-na lo-brgya htso-ba fourth line very clear. 

ni, des-par tchu-la bya fear bdzin, 2 Here again the text appears in- 

tchu-la bya kar mthong-ba Itar, Idag- correct ; the last two lines are thos- 

nyid gchig-pui htso-ba dge. I pro- pa yang-dag nyid-shes-pa, bral-ba 

pose reading in the second and third hbras-bu bio Idam yin. Or is this 

lines bya rlcang, instead of bya kar. intentional to set forth Ananda s 

The two words are graphically alike, failing memory ? 


that." 1 The bhikshu repeated the words of his master, to 
which Ananda replied (f. 683 b ), "If I should speak to the 
bhikshu (your master), it would occasion a quarrel. It is 
not my duty to go to where he is ; he has not come to 
where I am." 

Then he thought, " Qariputra, Mahamaudgalyayana, &c., 
have passed away, and when I shall have passed away 
the doctrine of the Blessed One will still be followed for 
a thousand years. The men of the old times have ere 
now passed away, and the young men and I do not agree ; 
I stand alone ; I am like an outcast, for all my associates 
and friends have long since departed. . . ." So he said 
to Qanavasika, "My son, the Blessed One, having confided 
the doctrine to Mahakac,yapa, passed away. He confided 
it to me, and now I intrust it to thee, and when I shall 
have passed away thou shalt protect it. Moreover, in the 
city of Mathura (Echom-brlag), the two sons of a merchant 
of that country, whose names will be Nata and Phata (Vic), 
will build a vihara at Kimurundha 2 (sic\ and will become 
the patrons of the vihara ; this has been foretold by the 
Blessed One. He has also predicted that after the build- 
in^ of the vihara of Rimuruncla (sic) there will be a son 

^ , 

of a perfume-seller called Gupta (Sbas-pd) whose name 
will be Upagupta (Nyer-sbas-pa). He will enter the order 
one hundred years after the nirvana of the Blessed One ; 
and, having become a buddha without the characteristic 
signs, 3 he will accomplish all the acts of a buddha." . . . 
Then the venerable Ananda said, " The time for my pass 
ing away has come." Then he thought, " If I should die 
here (in the Bamboo grove), King Adjatasatru and the 
Vrijians being on bad terms with each other (f. 685 b ), the 

1 The text appears incorrect here, the thirty-two signs of the great 
The negation appears out of place, man, or the eighty peculiarities 
or perhaps here again Ananda had which characterised the Buddha 
forgotten what he had previously Gautama. The legend of Upagupta 
said. of the 47th chapter of the Hdsang- 

2 Conf. Taranatha, p. 1 1 of the blun (Der Weise und der Thor) says 
text. that he was a native of Benares, 

3 That is to say, he will have an and was converted by Yasheska or 
enlightened mind, but will not have Ya9as. 


Liccliavis of Vaisali would not get a portion of (my) 
relics. If I should pass away in Vaisali, they would not 
relinquish (a portion to Adjatasatru), I will pass away 
in the middle of the Ganges river." So he went there. 

Now King Adjatasatru saw in a dream the staff of the 
standard that was borne above him broken, and he was 
frightened and awoke, and then he heard from the porter 
that the sthavira Ananda was about to pass away. Hear 
ing this, he fell senseless to the ground, and when, revived 
by water, he had regained his senses, he asked, " Where 
has the venerable Ananda passed away ? " " Maharaja," 
replied the venerable Qanavasika, " he who had been 
created to follow after the Blessed One, the mighty lord 
who has guarded the treasure of the Dhanna, he whose 
intellect enables him to arrest existence (in himself), has 
gone towards Vaisali." So Adjatasatru assembled his 
fourfold army and set out for the bank of the Ganges. 

(F. 686.) The devas told the men of Vaisali, " The ven 
erable Ananda, the lamp of mankind, the lover of all 
humanity, this mighty one, having dispelled the shades of 
sorrow, is about to attain perfect peace (to die)." Then 
the Liccliavis of Vaisali got together their army, and 
when they reached the banks of the Ganges, the vener 
able Ananda entered a boat and went to the middle of 
the Ganges. Then King Adjatasatru bowed his head at 
the feet of the sthavira Ananda and said, " The wide eye 
of a buddha is open like a hundred-leaved flower Qidab- 
ma l>rgya-pa Ua-lur) ; thou who hast been a lamp to three 
existences and who hast reached peace, we go to thee for 
a refuge ; if (of a truth) thou hast reached peace, for our 
sakes cast down thy body here from the water where 
thou hast gone ! " The men of Vaisali said the same 
thing. But Ananda reflected, " If I cast my body in the 
Magadha country, the Liccliavis will certainly be dis 
tressed ; if I cast it in the Vriji country, 1 the ruler of 

3 The text is obscure ; it reads, skaso (?) byed dag-tu. I don t un- 
magadftai (jrong-du and grony-khyer derstand this last expression at all. 


Magadha will be displeased. Therefore, I will give half 
of my body to the sovereign and half to the people 
(ts ogs), and by this means both of them (i.e., both parts 
of my relics) will receive proper and lasting honours." 

As Ananda was dying the earth shook in six ways. 
Just then a rishi who had a retinue of five hundred 
followers came to the sthavira Ananda by magical means 
and with clasped hands said, " I beg thee to receive 
us into the order of the well-spoken law, and that we 
be ordained and receive the requisites of bhikshus." 
Then Ananda said, "Come hither with your disciples;" 
and hardly had he conceived the wish but the five hun 
dred disciples were there. The sthavira Ananda created 
dry land in the middle of the river, and having made it 
inaccessible, he admitted into the order the rishi and his 
five hundred followers ; and having conferred on them 
the desired upasampada ordination, they obtained the 
reward of anagamin. He explained the three acts, 1 and 
they cast off all klega and obtained the reward of arhat- 
ship. As they had entered the order in the middle of the 
river Ganges and in the middle of the day, to some they 
became known as Madhyantika (Tchu-dbus), to others as 
Madhyanika (Nyi-mai-gung) (f. 687). 

Then they bowed their heads at Ananda s feet and said, 
" The Blessed One allowed Subhadra, the last of his con 
verts, to enter nirvana before him ; 2 now we beg the master 
to allow us to enter nirvana before him, so that we may 
not see him die." 

The sthavira replied, "The Blessed One confided the 
doctrine to Mahakagyapa and died ; the sthavira Maha- 
kagyapa intrusted it to me (and said :) When I shall have 
passed away, I intrust this doctrine to you. The Blessed 
One has said of Kachmere, The country of Kachmere 
is the best place for dhyana that can be wished for. One 

1 Probably " right acts, right by the name of Madhyantika or 

thoughts, right speech." See Feer, Madhyanika, and_Taranatha, p. 7, 

Introduction du Bouddhisme dans agrees with this. 

le Kachmir, p. 9. Our text says 2 See p. 138. 
that all the five hundred were called 


hundred years after the death of the Blessed One 1 (the 
Buddha went on to say) there will be a bhikshu called 
Madhyantika; he will introduce the teaching into this 
country. Therefore, my son, introduce the doctrine 

"I will act accordingly," (Madhyantika the rishi) 

(F. 687 b .) Then the venerable Ananda commenced 
showing all kinds of miracles. A Magadha man with 
tears of love cried, " Master, come here." A Vrijian with 
tears of love cried, " Master, come here." Hearing these 
words spoken on the banks of the river by the two men, he 
wisely divided in two his worn-out body. Then Ananda 
gave his blessing, and having shown different miracles, 
he became like water thrown on fire (i.e., steam) and 
entered parinirvana. Half of his body was taken by the 
men of Vaisali and the other half by King Acljatasatru. 
So it was said 

" By the sagacious diamond of wisdom, 
Who had subdued the mountain of his own body, 
A half was given to the sovereign, 
A half the mighty one gave to a nation." 

After that the Licchavis had a chaitya built in Vaisali 
and placed (the half of the body therein). Likewise 
King Adjatasatru, having built a chaitya in the city of 
Pataliputra, placed (the other half in it). 

Madhyantika thought, " My master ordered me to in 
troduce the doctrine into Kachmere, (for) the Blessed 
One has predicted that there would be a bhikshu called 
Madhyantika who, having conquered the malicious naga 
Hulunta 2 in Kachmere, would introduce the doctrine. I 
will accomplish the purpose of the teacher." So the 
venerable Madhyantika went to the Kachmere country 

1 This is extraordinary, for either would allow sufficient time for QA- 

Ananda s life must have been much navasika s patriarchate. See Tara- 

longer than all other legends say, or natha s remark, op. cit., p. 10. 

else Madhyantika only carried out 2 Conf. p. 238, where he is called 

Ananda s command some seventy the naga-king Hu-lor. 
years after his master s death. This 


and sat down cross-legged. Then he thought, " To con 
quer the nagas of Kachmere, if I can but trouble them, I 
will be able to subdue them." So he composed his mind 
in deep meditation, and the Kachmere country trembled 
in six ways. The nagas were troubled, they panted 
violently, and having caused rain to fall in torrents, they 
tried to injure the sthavira, but he remained deep in 
the perfect composure of the profound meditation of 
mercy ; so these nagas were not able to move even the 
hem of his garment. Then these nagas rained down 
arrows, but the sthavira made them reach the ground as 
beautiful flowers, ulvas, padmas, kumudas, and white 
lilies. The nagas commenced to throw at him a string 
of thunderbolts l and of great arrows, a continuous stream 
of swords and axes ; but as they all fell on the sthavira 
in a rain of blue lotus flowers, they said, " As one sees 
those summits of a glacier remain unchanged though 
struck by the rays of the sun, those summits of mountains 
on which all is harmless, so the drenching rain fell as a 
shower of various flowers, and the rain of arrows fallin^ 


from the sky has become garlands of flowers ! " 

As he (Madhyantika) was in the state of perfect com 
posure of the profound meditation of mercy, the fire (of 
the thunderbolts) did not burn his body, nor did the 
weapons or poison harm it ; so the nagas were astonished. 
Then the nagas went nigh unto the sthavira and spake to 
him, saying, " Venerable one, what would you ? " 
The sthavira said, " Give me this place/ 
" A stone is not much of an offering ! " the nagas replied. 2 
" The Blessed One has predicted/ the sthavira rejoined, 
< that this place would be mine. This Kachmere country, 
being a good place for meditation, henceforth it is mine." 

1 This passage has embarrassed There is no doubt about rdo-rje in 

M. Feer, who reads the text rtseg- my copy of the text. The word 

chig rdo-rtse, "une quantitd de rise ffckig occurs farther on in con- 

pointes de rochers." I think it nection with swords, axes, &c. 

better to read rtse-gcliig rdo-rje, 2 The sthavira was probably seated 

lit. "a stream of thunderbolts." on a stone when he made this request. 


The nagas said, " Did the Blessed One say so ? " 

" He did," answered the sthavira. 

" Sthavira," said the nagas, " how much (land) shall be 
offered (to you) ? " 

" As much as I cover when seated cross-legged." 

" So be it, Venerable One," the nagas replied. 

Then the sthavira sat down cross-legged (f. 689 a ), and 
(down to) the lower ends of the nine valleys (all the land) 
was covered by (him) sitting cross-legged. 1 

The nagas asked him, " Sthavira, how many followers 
have you ? " 

The sthavira thought, " How many bhikshus shall I get 
together ? I will have the five hundred arhats (who were 
converted with me)." So he said, " Five hundred arhats." 

" So be it," the nagas said ; " but if a single arhat out 
of the number is wanting, then we 2 will take back the 
Kachmere country." 

Madhyantika said to the nagas of Kachmere, " Notwith 
standing, there must be people who give when there are 
persons who (live on what they) receive, so I must intro 
duce householders (here) ; " and to this the nagas gave 
their consent. 

When the sthavira had made by himself villages, towns, 
and provinces, he settled large numbers of people (in them), 
but they said to him, " Slhavira, how can we develop our 
prosperity?" Then the sthavira took the people with 
him to the Gandhamadana (sbos-kyis ngad-ldan) mountain 
and said, " Pull up saffron ! " (f. 689 b ). Then the nagas 
of Mount Gandhamadana were angered, but the sthavira 
having subdued them, they asked, " How long will the 
doctrine of the Blessed One endure ? " "A thousand 

1 I think that my translation is skyil-mo-yrung-gis, " by the Action 
justified by the text, and also by the of being seated cross-legged ; " non- 
remarks of Hiuen Thsang, B. iii. p. pa, "be covered." 
168-169. Non-pa in the text means 2 Bdag-gis is used as well for the 
" to cover ; " sas non-pa, " to cover singular as the plural throughout 
with earth ; " lung-pa dgni-mdo, " the the Bkah-hgyur. 
lower ends of the nine valleys;" 


years," answered the sthavira. Then they made him this 
promise, " As long as the teaching of the Blessed One 
endures, so long will we allow you (to take saffron plants 
from here). 5 1 So when the sthavira had planted the saf 
fron in Kachmere, he blessed it (and it prospered). 

When the sthavira Madhyantika had introduced the 
doctrine of the Blessed One into Kachmere, he spread it 
abroad, and having gladdened the hearts of the charitable 
and virtuous, and having shown different miracles, he 
passed away as water when thrown on fire. After that 
his body had been burnt with the best of sandal-wood, 
aloe- wood, and other kinds of wood, it was placed in a 
chaitya which was built (for that purpose). 

Now the venerable Qanavasika received into the order 
the venerable Upagupta, by whom the doctrine was 
greatly spread. He (Qanavasika) said to the venerable 
Upagupta, " Venerable Upagupta, be attentive. The 
Blessed One, having intrusted the keeping of the doctrine 
to the venerable Mahakac,yapa, passed away. The vene 
rable Mahakagyapa intrusted it to (my) master ; (my) 
master (intrusted it) to me, and passed away. My son. 
now when I also shall have entered nirvana, you must 
defend the doctrine and devote all your energy to telling 
every one, Thus spoke the Blessed One. " Then the vene 
rable Qanavasika having gladdened the hearts of the cha 
ritable and virtuous, having performed different miracles, 
such as producing sparks, fire, rain, lightning (from out 
his body), utterly passed away into the middle where 
there is no particle of corporality. 

The sthavira Upagupta (taught) the venerable Dhitika, 
and the venerable Dhitika having accomplished the re 
quirements of the doctrine, (taught) the venerable Kala 
(Nag-po\ and he the venerable Sudargana (Legs-mthong), 
and in this order the mighty ones (lit. the elephants 2 ) 
passed away (f. 690 b ). 

1 Conf. Taranatha, p. 9-10 (12- ply here that these first patriarchs 

13 of the trans.) were the mightiest of their order, and 

* Glang-po, " elephant," may im- were not succeeded by as great ones. 


One hundred and ten years after the death of the 
Blessed Buddha the sun of the Conqueror was obscured, 
and the bhikshus of Vaisali imagined ten false proposi 
tions which transgressed the law and the rules, which 
were not of the Master s teaching, which were not com 
prised in the Sutranta, nor to be found in the Vinaya, 
which transgressed the Dharma ; and the bhikshus of 
Vaisali taught that these evil things were right. These ten 
practices were : the bhikshus of Vaisali practised as lawful 
the exclamation alala; (those who) did not agree were 
heterodox ; (those who were) assembled (elsewhere than at 
Vaisali) were heterodox ; those who did agree were ortho 
dox. 1 This was the first proposition which transgressed 
the doctrine, which was not the Master s teaching, which 
was not in the sutras, nor to be found in the Vinaya, 
which transgressed the Dharma, which the bhikshus of 
Vaisali carried into practice, teaching that what was 
unlawful was lawful. 

Moreover, the bhikshus of Vaisali (said), " Venerable 
sirs, enjoy yourselves ;" and indulging in enjoyment in the 
congregation of bhikshus, they made enjoyment lawful ; 
and those who did not agree were heterodox ; those who 
were assembled (elsewhere than at Vaisali) were hetero 
dox ; those who did agree were orthodox. This was the 
second proposition, &c. 

Moreover, the bhikshus of Vaisali held as lawful that (a 
bhikshu) might dig the earth with his own hand, or have 
it dug, &c. This was the third proposition, &c. 

Moreover, the bhikshus of Vaisali held as lawful the 
practice of keeping salt as long as one lived, if he added to 

1 This phrase, which recurs maivy its usual acceptation of " not agree- 

times in the same words, is exceed- ing." My translation, however, is 

ingly difficult. The text is, Mi very doubtful. From f. 690 to the 

mlhun -pas tchos-ma yin-pa dang, end of the volume is extremely ob- 

hthun pas tchos-ma yin-pa dang, mi scure, and, as I have remarked, 

mthun-pas tchos-Tcyi Las byed-de. I severely criticised by the Tibetan 

propose considering the second mi- lama. The general sense is, how- 

mthun-pas = mi-rnamsmthun-pas,a,nd ever, clear, the difficulties bearing 

the first mi-mthun-pas as taken in on unimportant details. 


(Ids supply) at the right time some consecrated salt, 1 &c. 
This was the fourth proposition, &c. 

Moreover, the bhikshus of Vaisali practised as being 
lawful during journeys, going a yojana or a half yojana 
(away from their viharas), then meeting and eating. This 
was the fifth proposition, &c. 

(F. 692 a .) Moreover, the bhikshus of Vaisali having 
deemed it lawful to take food, hard or soft, that was not 
left-over food, with two fingers, did practise as lawful 
eating with two fingers. . . . This was the sixth proposi 
tion, &c. 

Moreover, the bhikshus of Vasali held it lawful to suck 
fermented drinks as would a leech (srin-lu lad-pa Idzin- 
du\ though one was made ill by drinking (thus). . . . This 
was the seventh proposition, &c. 

Moreover, the bhikshus of Vaisali held it lawful to eat 
between times a mixture of half-milk and half-curds, &c. 
This was the eighth proposition, &c. 

Moreover, the bhikshus of Vaisali held it lawful .to use 
a new mat (gding-pa) without patching it around the 
edge (the width of) a Sugata span, 2 &c. This was the 
ninth proposition, &c. 

Moreover, the bhikshus of Vaisali held it lawful to 
take a round alms-bowl and to besmear it with perfumes, 
to make it redolent with sweet burnt incense and adorn 
it with different kinds of sweet-smelling flowers. Then 
they put a mat on a gram ana s head and on it (the bowl), 
and he went through the highroads, the lanes, the cross- 

1 Thete\iis,Ji-sridhtsoibar-dn other s alms-bowl, &c., &c., or his 

lyin-gyis brlabs-pai ts wa dus su salt-horn (tswa khug) ; the text ^ of 

rung-bo, dang Ikan-chig bsres-nas the Pratimoksha, however, reads, in- 

Icun-tu spyod-ching tswa rung-bai stead of this expression, pkor-bu, 

dzes byed pa-ste. Conf. Taranatha, " drinking-cup." Revue de 1 Hist. 

p. 41 (trans.), note 3. In Dulva, des Religions, 1884. 
x. 290, the Buddha allows salt to be 2 In the Bhikshuni Vinaya-vib- 

kept in certain cases. It must be hanga it is said that a Sugata span 

kept in a box with a cover. See also is equal to a cubit and a half. It 

the TibetanPratimoksha Sutra, pacit- moreover remarks that Sugata means 

tiya 67, where the Vinaya-vibhanga " the Master." 
says that a bhikshu who hides an- 


roads, saying, "Hear me, all ye people who live in Vaisali, ye 
town s people and ye strangers ; this alms-bowl is a most 
excellent one ; he who gives here, who gives very much, 
he who makes many offerings here, will receive a great 
reward ; it will profit him much, it will avail him much." 
And in this way they got riches, gold, and other treasures, 
which they (the bhikshus of Vaisali) made use of, thus 
holding it lawful to have gold and silver ; and this was 
the tenth proposition, &C. 1 . . . (f. 693). 

Now there was at Vaisali a sthavira called Sarvakama 2 
(Tliams-cliad Mod-pa) known as an arhat contemplator of 
the eight perfect freedoms (mam-par thar-pa Irgyad 
bsgom-pa dzas-lya-la), who had lived in Ananda s time. 
Moreover, in the town of Qonaka (Nor-chan) there lived an 
arhat called Yac,as (Grags-pa\ also an arhat contemplator 
of the eight perfect freedoms, and he, wandering about 
with a retinue of five hundred, came to Vaisali when (the 
bhikshus of that place) were fixing (i.e., dividing) their 
treasures (f. 694). The censor (dge-skos) having declared 
that the sthaviras of the community were at liberty to 
make use of the property, asked (Yacas), " Venerable sir, 
what will you take of the goods ? " Then he explained 
(to Yac,as) the whole thing (i.e., the tenth indulgence ?) ; 
and the sthavira thought, "Is this canker unique or 
are there others ? " 3 And he saw that the relaxation of 
the rules was increasing by following the ten unlawful 
customs (dngos). Therefore, to preserve the doctrine, he 
went to where the venerable Sarvakama was, and having 
bowed down at his feet, he said to him, " Is it lawful or 
not to say alala?" "Venerable sir, what does that mean, 

1 The list of the ten indulgences Upasampada. The same work, p. 15, 
varies greatly ; see Mahawanso, p. calls Yaso, son of Kakandako, the 
I c ; Beal, Four Lectures, p. 83 ; brahman, versed in the six branches 
and especially Rhys Davids, Bud- of doctrinal knowledge and powerful 
dhism, p. 216. in his calling. 

2 In the Mahawanso, p. 18-19, 3 Obscure : the text reads, Nges 
it is said that Sarvakama was a tchu-bur Mi gchig-pu byuny-bar zad- 
Pachina priest, and that he was at dam gdzan yang yod, lit. "Truly this 
that time high priest of the world, sore has it appeared alone, yet ano- 
and had already attained a standing ther is." 

of 1 20 years since the ordination of 


Is it lawful to say alala ? Then Yagas explained it 
in the same terms used above, and Sarvakama answered, 
" Venerable sir, it is not lawful." " Sthavira, when was 
it declared (unlawful)?" " It was in the town of Qampa." 
" On account of what ? " " On account of acts of 
the six bhikshus." " What kind of a transgression was 
it ? "_ They committed a dukkata offence."" Sthavira 
(said Yaqas), this is the first proposition which disregards 
the Sutranta, the Vinaya, which is not the Master s 
teaching, which is not in the sutras, which does not appear 
in the Vinaya, which transgresses the Dharma, which the 
bhikshus of Vaisali teach as lawful when it is unlawful. 
If they practise it will you remain quiet ? " (Sarvakama) 
remained without ever saying a word. Then (Yac^as) 
said, "Then, sthavira, I will ask you if it be lawful to 
amuse oneself? " " Venerable sir, what does that mean, 
* Is it lawful to amuse oneself ? Yac^as having ex 
plained what it meant, he replied, " Venerable sir, it is not 
lawful. It was declared unlawful in the town of Qampa 
in consequence of acts of the six bhikshus, and it was 
pronounced a dukkata offence." " Sthavira, this is the 
second proposition which disregards the Sutranta, &. If 
they practise it will you remain quiet ?" (Sarvakama) 
remained without ever saying a word. 

Then (Yaqas) said, " Then, sthavira, I will ask you if it 
be lawful to use one s strength (to dig the earth 1 )?" . . . 
" Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It was declared unlaw 
ful at Qravasti, in consequence of the acts of the six, and 
it was pronounced a pacittiya." "Sthavira, this is the 
third proposition," &c., &c. 

" Sthavira, I will ask you then this question, Is it 
lawful to use (kept) salt ? " . . . "Venerable sir, it is not 
lawful. It was declared unlawful at Eajagriha on account 
of an act of Qariputra, and it was pronounced a pacittiya." 
" Sthavira, this is the fourth proposition," &c., &c. 

1 See 73d pacittiya of the Bhikshu Pratimoksha, 56th of the Bhikshuni 


" Sthavira, I will ask you then this question, Is it compa 
tible with (the rules) of journeying (to go a league or a half 
league and then eat) ? " " Venerable sir, it is not lawful. 
It was declared unlawful at Rajagriha on account of what 
Devadatta had done, and it was pronounced a pacittiya." 
. . . " Sthavira, this is the fifth proposition," &c., &c. 

" Sthavira, I will ask you then this question, Is the 
practice of using two fingers lawful ?"...( 6^6 b ). 
" Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It was declared unlaw 
ful at Qravasti on account of what a great number of 
bhikshus had done, and it was pronounced a pacittiya." 
" Sthavira, this is the sixth proposition," &c., &c. 

" Sihavira, then I will ask you this question, Is it law 
ful to get sick (from sucking wine) ? " " Venerable sir, 
it is not lawful. It was declared unlawful at Qravasti on 
account of an act of the ayuchmat Suratha (/ Legs-ongs\ 
and it was ptonounced a pacittiya," &c., &c. 

" Sthavira, then I will ask you this question, Is the 
practising (of drinking) a mixture 1 (of milk and curds) 
lawful?" " Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It was de 
clared unlawful at Qravasti on account of an act of a 
number of bhikshus, and it was pronounced a pacittiya," 
&c., &c. 

" Sthavira, then I will ask you this question, Is the 
mat practice lawful?" ..." Venerable sir, it is not law 
ful. It was declared unlawful at Qravasti on account of 
an act of a number of bhikshus, and it was pronounced 
a pacittiya," &c., &c. 

" Sthavira, then I will ask you this question, Is the 
gold and silver practice lawful?" "Venerable sir, it is 
not lawful. It is a nissaggiya pacittiya according to the 
Vinaya, . . . the Dirghagama, the Majjimagama, . . . the 
Kathina section of the (Pratirnoksha) Sutra, . . . the 
Ekottaragama," &c., &c. 

" Sthavira, this is the tenth proposition which disregards 

1 See 37th-39th pacittiyas of the Bhikshus, 25th-27th of the Bhik- 
shuni Pratimoksha. 


the Sutranta, the Vinaya, which is not the Master s 
teaching, &c., &c. If they practise it will you remain 
quiet ? " " Venerable sir," replied Sarvakama, " wherever 
you choose to go I will be your adherent in following the 
Dharma." 1 

Then he composed his mind in the dhyana of perfect 
perfection, and remained in it. 

Now at that time there lived in the city of Qonaka a 
venerable sthavira called Salha (G-yo-ldan), who had lived 
with Ananda. He was an arhat contemplator of the eight 
perfect freedoms. Then Yac,as went to the venerable 
Salha, and having bowed down at his feet (he asked him 
the same questions and received the same answers), and 
he also agreed to be his adherent. 

After that Ya^as went to the city of Samkacya, where 
lived the venerable sthavira Vasabhagami (Nor-chari), an 
arhat like the two preceding ones, and also a contem 
porary of Ananda s. From him also he received the same 
answers to his questions. 

(F. 700.) Then Yac^as went to Pataliputra (Dmar-lu- 
chari), where lived the venerable Kuyyasobhito (Zla-sgrur) , 2 
&c., &c. (F. 700.) After that he went to Qrughna^where 
lived the venerable Adjita (Ma-pliam-pa), to whom he 
also explained the ten indulgences, &c., &c.* 

Then he went to Mahismati (Ma-he-ldari) , where lived 
the venerable Sambhuta (Yang-dag skyes) ; . . . after that 
to Sahadsha (? Lhan-chig skyes) t where lived the venerable 

1 This oft-recurring phrase is ob- son of Kakandako, and Sambuto, a 

scure, but I see no other way of native of Slina, these six theros were 

translating it. Des song-la phyogs the disciples of the thero Ananda. 

ts ol-chig dang, ngas tchos bdzin-du Vasabhagamiko and Sumano, these 

phyogs byao. two theros were the disciples of the 

- This name is variously written thero Anurad ho. . . . They repaired 

zla-sgur, zla-rgur, or zla-sgrur. I to the Valukarama vihara, a situa- 

have adopted the last form, which tion so secluded (that not even the 

is also followed by Schiefner, Tar- note of a bird was heard), and free 

anatha, p. 290. The word qrughna from the strife of men. The high 

is also transcribed by srug-na or sug- priest Revato, the chief of the inter- 

na. See Schiefner, loc.cit. TheMaha- rogating party, questioned the thero 

wanso, p. 19, says, " Sabbakami, Sabbakami in due order on the ten 

Salho, Revato, Kujjasobhito, Yaso indulgences, one by one. \ 


Eevata (Nam-gru), to whom he also explained the ten 
indulgences in the same terms used in conversing with 
Sarvakama. When Eevata heard of all his journeying, 
he told Yagas to take some rest, after which he would 
accompany him as his partisan. 

While these things were taking place, the bhikshus of 
Vaisali went to where the bhikshus of Yagas company 
were and asked them where was their master, and then 
they learnt that he had gone to seek partisans. " Why 
did he want partisans?" they asked. 

" Sirs, on account of the schism in the order." 

" Venerable sirs, what have we done to cause a schism 
in the order?" 

Then (Yagas disciples) told them; but they replied, 
" This is not right ; why oppose us because we seek 
different interpretations (rnam-pa) for the commandments 
of the departed Master ?" 

Then one of their number (i.e., of Yagas disciples ?), 
whose mind was straight, and whose harsh words were 
well meant, 1 said to them, " Venerable sirs, you are doing 
what is not done (by all the rest of the order), what is not 
lawful, what is not becoming in gramanas. You have 
formerly heard that the doctrine of the Blessed One will 
last a thousand years, but you will be the cause that in 
days to come the doctrine will be obscure ; so it is that 
those who disregard any of the commandments create a 
cancer (which will go on spreading). To help to main 
tain the doctrine, what are you then doing but bringing 
about schisms ?" They were terrified on hearing this, but 
remained silent under his harsh words (slogs-pa). 

(F. 702.) Then (the bhikshus of Vaisali) commenced 
talking to one another. " The venerable Yagas has gone 
to get partisans ; if we have caused a schism in the order, 
why remain pondering over it ? Say what must be done." 
Then one of their number said to another, " Let us do 
what (Yagas) has done. He has gone to get partisans ; let 

1 The text ispkan-pai Wang ts ig-yis, " with words of useful abuse." 



us also seek partisans who will uphold us." Another 
said, " Sirs, they are going to fight us ; we must flee." 
Another said, " Where can we go ? wherever we may go 
we will be thought badly of. We must sue for pardon; we 
are, as it were, in a trap." Another said, " Let us get all 
(the bhikshus) who are in the neighbourhood together (by 
giving them) alms-bowls, robes, nets, drinking-cups, girdles, 
and all will be arranged (? phyir gang rigs par lyao)" This 
course being approved, they decided to act accordingly ; 
so they gave to some (bhikshus) robes, to some mantles, 
to some nether garments, to some sweat-cloths, to some 
cushions, to some alms-bowls, to some water-strainers, 
and in this way they got them all together and remained 
in their midst. 1 

When Yagas had little by little got together his par 
tisans he came back to Vaisali, and his disciples asked 
him, "Master, have you found your partisans?" "My 
sons," he replied, " they will shortly be here." 

When his disciples had told him of the right claimed 
by the Vaisali bhikshus to interpret diversely the com 
mandments, and that they were using terms not formerly 
spoken by (the Buddha), he said, " As the partisans for 
relaxing the rules will rapidly increase, (we) must do 
everything for the true doctrine ; for the gatha says 

* He who instantly does a thing to be postponed, who postpones (a 

thing to be done) instantly, 
Who follows not the right way of doing, a fool he, trouble is his 

share ; 

Cut off by associating with obscure and unworthy friends, 
His prosperity will decrease like the waning moon. 
He who swiftly does what is useful has not forsaken wisdom. 
He who has not put away the right way of doing wise, happines 

will be his, 

Not cut off by associating with worthy, virtuous friends, 
His prosperity will go on increasing like the waxing moon. " 

Then Yagas sat down in the hall (likhor-kyi khamsu) ; 

1 Conf. Beal, op. cit., p. 90, where Tibetan text is not very clear, and 
the goods are given to Kevata. The my translation is open to correction. 


having composed his mind in the fourth dhyana of perfec 
tion, and having discerned the proper course (to follow), 
he beat the gantha and assembled 700 arhats less one, all 
contemporaries of Ananda. Now at that time the vene 
rable Kuyyasobhito was deep in the samadhi of arresting 
(ligog), and he did not hear the gantha. When all the 
arhats had assembled, the venerable Yac,as thought, " If I 
should salute each one by name it would cause great con 
fusion " (? lit. if I should call them by name there would 
be much wrangling). " I will not call them by name." So 
he bowed to those who were well stricken in years, and 
having saluted by raising his hands to his forehead those 
who were verging on old age, he took his seat. 1 

Just then Kuyyasobhito came out of his meditation, 
and a deva came and asked him, " Venerable Kuyyasobhito, 
why stand you there thinking ? Go quickly to Vaisali, where 
the 699 arhats are assembled to maintain the doctrine, 
thou who art the first master (Icliyod clang mklian-po gchig- 
pa)." " Then he vanished from Pataliputra, and coming 
to Vaisali, he stood before the door of the hall and asked 
admission, for it was closed. 

After having told those within who he was in several 
verses (f. 703-704), he was admitted and took his seat. 

Then the venerable Yagas informed them of the ten 
indulgences in the same terms which he had previously 
used in speaking to Sarvakama and the other arhats. and 
they gave the same answers we have seen given above, after 
which they said, " These bhikshus of Vaisali who proclaim 
that which is unlawful lawful, and who act accordingly, 
we condemn them!" And this formula they repeated 
after each indulgence had been condemned. 

(F. 705.) When they had examined and condemned the 
ten indulgences, they beat the gantha, and having assem- 

1 This passage is obscure. The yis ming-nas mi dbyung-bar brjod- 

first part of it, which is the most par byao. . . . 

embarrassing, is, De-dag-gis ming- 2 Which may also be, " Thou art 

nas phyung-ste brjod-na ni, hkhrug- the one master (missing to complete 

pa tchen-por hgyur-bas, ma-la bdag- the 700)." 


bled all the bhikslius at Yaisali, Yagas informed them of 
the proceedings and decision of the council (f. 7O5 b ). 

The text of the Yinayaksudraka ends abruptly here, 
and I have not been able to find in any canonical text 
any mention of the subsequent work which the Maha- 
wanso says the council performed in settling the whole 
canon ; nor does the Chinese version of the council of 
Yaisali * mention anything beyond the condemnation of 
the ten indulgences. It will, however, be seen, by refer 
ring to Bhavya s work (p. 187), that the Northern authors 
do not disagree with the Southern ones as regards the 
history of these events. 

1 See Beal, Four Lectures, p. 83 et seq. 



THE QOth volume of the sutra of the Bstan-hgyur contains 
three works on the schismatic schools of Bhuddism, one of 
which, the SamavadJioparacha chaJcra, by Vasumitra (f. 
157-163), has been translated by Professor Wassilief in his 
work on Bhuddism. I have endeavoured in the following 


pages to condense the information contained in the work 
of Bhavya, the Kayabhetro vibhanga 1 (f. 163-172), in that 
of Vinitadeva, the Samayctbhedo parachanachakra, 2 and in a 
curious little work called the Bhikshu varshagrapritsJia (f. 
284-296), the author of which is unknown. The theories 
of the different schools are unfortunately given by both 
Vasumitra and Bhavya in about the same words, and so con 
cisely, that it is a very difficult if not an impossible task 
to give a satisfactory translation of them. I have, how 
ever, attempted to translate the greater part of Bhavya s 
remarks, and by means of Vinitadeva s work, which is a 
compilation of that of Vasumitra, I hope that I have been 
able to elucidate a few of the latter s observations which 
I think are rather obscure in Professor Wassilief s trans 
lation. I have deemed it prudent to retain in the 
translation the greater part of the technical Sanskrit 

1 In Tibetan, Sde-ba tka-dad-par ences of the schools from the Sama- 
byed-pa dang rnam-par bshad-pa, or vadhoparacha chakra (by Vasumit- 
" The thorough explanation of the ra)." With the present account 
differences of the schools." conf. Mahawanso, p. 20-21, where 

2 In Tibetan, Gdzung tha-dad-pa we are told that the seventeen 
rim-par glag-pai hkhor-io-las sde- schisms arose in the second century 
pa tha-dad-pa bstan-pa bsdus-pa. after the death of the Buddha. 

" Compilation teaching the differ- 


terms in their original form, for by translating them mis 
takes might be made which would entirely alter the sense 
of the original, whereas the Sanskrit term will enable the 
reader to reconstrue more easily what may have been the 
original text. 

The first twelve pages only of Bhavya s work are 
translated, for the last five present but little interest, and 
add nothing to our knowledge of the doctrines of these 
schools : 

Adoration to the triratna ! 

How came about the eighteen schools and their peculiar 
features ? This is the way in which they are all said to 
proceed from (the teaching of) the one highest Lord. 

One hundred and sixty years x after the utter passing 
away of the Blessed Buddha, when King DharmaQoka (i.e., 
Kalasoka) was reigning in Kusumapura (Me-tog-gis rgyas- 
pa, i.e., Pataliputra), there arose a great schism in the 
congregation on account of some controverted questions, 
andit divided into two schools, the Mahasanghika and 
the Sthavira. Of these, the Mahasanghika school gradu 
ally divided into eight fractions (to wit), the Mahasan 
ghika school, the Ekavyavaharika, the LokottaraVadina, 
the Bahucjutiya, the Pradshnaptivadina, the Tchaityika, 
the Purvagaila, and the Avara^aila. 

The Sthavira school gradually divided into ten fractions 
(i) the Sthavira proper, also called the Haimavata ; (2) 
the Sarvastivadina ; (3) the Vaibadyavadina ; (4) the 
Hetuvidya, which is also called by some persons Mudun- 
taka (or Muruntaka) ; (5) the Vatsiputriya ; (6) the Dhar- 
mottariya; (7) the Bhadrayaniya; (8) the Sammatiya,which 
is also called by some persons Avantaka, and by others 
Kurukullaka; (9) the Mahic.asaka ; (10) the Dharmagup- 
taka; (11) the Saddharmavarshaka (or properly Suvar- 

1 The two Agokas are generally Khoten appear, however, to have 

confounded in Northern Buddhist derived some of their statements 

works. See, however, p. 233, where from Southern Buddhist works not 

we find the correct date for Agoka known to, or, at all events, not men : 

the Great s reign. The Annals of tioned by Northern writers. 


shaka), which some persons call the Kacjapiya ; (12) the 
Uttariya, called also by some the Samkrantivadina. These 
are the eighteen schools. 1 

The Mahasanghika received this name on account of 
the great number of its followers, which made it a great 
assembly or Mahd sangiti. 

Some persons contending that all the doctrines are 
thoroughly understood by an unique and immediate 
wisdom (skad chig gchig-dang-ldan-pai-shes-rdb\ for all 
doctrines of the blessed Buddhas are comprehended by 
the intellect (thugs-gis instead of thugs-gi), are for this 
reason called " Disciples of the dispute on one subject," 
or Eka vyavalmra. 

Those who say that the blessed Buddhas have passed 
beyond all worlds (i.e., existences), that the Tathagata was 
not subject to worldly laws, are called, " Who has passed 
beyond all worlds," or Lokottaravadina. 

Those who were taught by the master Bahucjutiya are 
called Bahugrutiya. 

Those who contend that misery (dukha) is mixed with 
all compound things are called Pradshnaptivddina. 

Those who live on the Tchaitya mountain are called 
the Tchaityika. 

1 By referring to Vasumitra, .158, badyavadina, (4) Pradshnaptiva- 

we learn that the Sarvastivadina was dina (JBtags-par-smra), (5) Lokotta- 

the same as the Hetuvidya or Mu- vavadina (the original school makes 

duntaka. With this exception, and up the six). Five divisions come 

by supposing that the Vaibadyava- from the Sammatlyas (i) Tamra- 

dina of our list is the same as the ^atiya, (2) Guptaka, (3) Kurukul- 

Shannagarika of Vasumitra, the two laka, (4) Bahugrutiya, (5) Vatsi- 

lists "agree. The Shikshu varlihagra- putriya. Three divisions proceed 

pritsha, f. 295, has as follows : There from the Sthaviras (i) Jetavaniya, 

are four schools (sde, nikaya], which (2) Abhayagiriya, (3) Mahavihara- 

are (i) the Aryasarvastivadina, vasina. It appears difficult to reduce 

(2)! the Mahasanghika, (3) Arya- Bhavya s list to ten sects, as his text 

sammatiya, (4) Aryasthavira. There prescribes. The list of schools given 

are eighteen divisions, of these four in the Mahavyutpatti is substanti- 

come from the Aryasarvastivadina ally the same as that of the Bhikshu 

(i) the Ka$yapiya, (2) Mahisasaka Varshagrapritcha. The Mahawanso 

(the text has by mistake Sa-srung), tells us that the Abhayagiri schism 

(3) the Dharmaguptaka, (4) Mula- occurred in the 453d year after the 

sarvastivadina. Six divisions come Buddha s death. See Tumour, p. 

from the Mahasanghika school (i) 207. 
Purva9aila, (2) Avara^aila, (3) Vai- 


Those who live on the Purva mountain (gaila) and on 
the Avara mountain are respectively called PArvafa&a 
and Avarapaila. 

Those who teach that the sthaviras belong to the body 
of the elect (ariyas) are called Sthavira. They are also 
called Haimavatas because (f. i64 b ) they live on Mount 

Those who say that all exists, the past, the future, and 
the present, are called in consequence, "They who say that 
all exists," or Sarvdstivddina. 

Those who say that some things exist, (such as) past 
actions of which the result has not matured, and that 
some do not exist, (such as) those deeds of which the con 
sequences have occurred, and the things of the future ; 
making categories (or divisions), they are called in con 
sequence, "They who speak of divisions," or Vaibddya- 

They who say that things which have been, which are, 
and those which will be, have a cause (hetii), are called, 
" They who speak of a cause/ or Hetuvidya. 1 

They who live on Mount Muruntaka are for that reason 
called Muruntaka. ft 

They who, teaching of man s birth, say that, woman 
kind being the dwelling-place (vdsa) of the family, man, 
being born of her, is a son of the dwelling-place or vdsa- 
putra, are for this reason called Vdtsiputriya* 

Those who were taught by the master Dharmottara are 
the Dharmottariya. 

The disciples of Bhadrayana are the Bhadrayaniya. 

They whose teacher was Sammata are the Sammatiya. 

They who congregated in the city of Avanta were con 
sequently called the AvantaJca. 

1 The text says, " They who not the name of the sect. Conf. 
speak of wind," rlung smra-bai. This Stan. Julien, Listes divers desNoms 
is of course a mistake, as rgyu and des dix-huit Eeoles schismatiques ; 
rlung are graphically similar. Journal Asiatique, 5th series, No. 

2 Correctly we should have "VHsap- xiv. pp. 353 and 356. 
utriyas j but we know that this was 


They who live on the Kurukula mountain are for that 
reason (called) Kurukula(ka). 

They who declaring in their teaching, from the proper 
ties of the word " earth," that all the great mass of human 
beings will have no other existence, are the MaMQasafai, 
or " Those who teach much " (?). 1 

They whose master (founder) was Dharmagupta are 
the Dharmaguptaka. 

They who have caused the rain of the law of laudable 
ideas to fall are called " (The school of) the good rain," or 

They whose master was Kacjapa are the Ka$yapiya. 

In like manner, they whose master was Uttara are 
the Uttariya. 

They who say that the pudgala (individuality) passes 
from this world (i.e., life) into another are called, " They 
who speak of passing," or SamJcrantivadina. 

Of these (f. 165*), the Mahasanghika and seven others, 
for a priori reasons, and the Sthavira, Sarvastivadina, 
Mahi^asaka, Dharmottariya, and Kacjapiya, for a poste 
riori reasons, are believers in the non-existence of the 
soul (andtmavddinas), and say that all things are without 
atman. They say that those who teach of self are in con 
formity of views with the tirthikas, and that all things 
(dharma) are without atman. 

All the other (sects), the Vatsiputriya, &c., five (in all), 
believe in (the existence of) the pudgala. 2 They say that 
when the six senses have discerned that the pudgala 
(passes) from (one set) of skandhas to another, one is 
perfectly freed from transmigration. 3 These are the 
differences of the eighteen schools. 

1 The text is difficult, " Sa sui (?) teaching of the earth ; " probably 

skad-kyi dbyings-las rjcsu ston-du this means "the school which de- 

bsyyur-te, skye-boi ts ogs tchen-po-la rives its teaching from a compan- 

yang srid-pai mi hbyung-bar rjesu son with the earth," in which case 

ston-par byed-pa-ni, mang-ston-pao." it would agree with Bhavya. Conf. 

The difficulty rests on the first Stan. Julien, p. 352, No. 44, p. 355, 

words, and I do not feel sure of No. 68, 69. 

having overcome it. MaMpasaka " Are we to understand by this 

is generally translated sa-ston-pa or that pudgala atman ? 

a-ston-gyi-sde, " the school of the 3 We are not told whether we are 


Other people say that it is not so. They say that there 
were three original divisions (lit. root-divisions, rtsa-lai 
dbye-la), to wit, the Sthavira, the Mahasanghika, and the 
Vaibadyavadina. Moreover, there are two (sub)divisions 
of the Sthavira the Sarvastivadina and the Vatsiputriya. 
Again, the Sarvastivadina are divided into two the Sar 
vastivadina (or Mula Sarvastivadina ?) and the Sautran- 
tika. There are four (sub) divisions of the Vatsiputriya 
the Sammatiya, the Dharmottariya, the Bhadrayaniya, and 
the Shannagarika. In this way are the Sthavira divided 
into six schools. 

Moreover, the Mahasanghika school has eight divisions 
(according to their theory) the Mahasanghika, the Pur- 
vagaila, the Avara^aila, the Eajagiriya, the Hairnavata, 
the Tchaityika, the Samkrantivadina, 1 and the Gokulika. 
This is the way in which they divide the Mahasanghika. 

The Vaibadyavadina (they say) comprise four divi 
sions the Mahlgasaka, the Ka^yapiya, the Dharmagup- 
taka, and the Tamra^atiya (f. i65 b ). 

This is the way in which they give the eighteen divi 
sions of the schools of the Ariyas. 

Again, others say that 137 years after the death of 
the Blessed One, King Nanda and Mahapadma convened 
in the city of Pataliputra all the different Ariyas. Maha- 
kagyapa, a man who had attained to unassailable compo 
sure, and the venerable Mahaloma (spu tchen-po), Maha- 
tyaga (gtang-la tchen-po), Uttara (Ma-ma*), &c., arhats, with 
correct analytical knowledge, there assembled to bring 
round the wicked to agree with the good. 2 

to understand by this that this know- "king," is in the singular, whereas 

ledge itself is nirvana, or whether it we might expect the plural, although 

only shows the way to liberation. Nanda and Mahapadma reigning to- 

1 The text has bden drug-pa = gether might be spoken of in the 
Shattasatyika (?), but it is un- singular. See Wassilief, Taranatha, 
doubtedly a mistake for don-grub- p. 291, where he gives this passage 
pa or Samkrantiv^dina. The two from the work of Tshantsha Khu- 
Tibetan expressions may easily be tuktu. This relates to the events 
mistaken in writing. which followed the second council, 

2 This passage, which appears to that of Vasaila, which we have 
me very important, is not without seen (p. 171) the Vinaya places no 
difficulties. The word rgyal-po, years after the Buddha s death. 


Having settled the habits (? tcha-lijad) of the bhikshus 
(i.e., the ten indulgences? see p. 171), and having ex 
hibited different miracles, there occurred, on account of 
five propositions, a great schism in the congregation (san- 
gha). The Sthaviras called Mga, Sthiramati (Yid Irtan- 
pa), and Bahugrutiya advocated the five propositions and 
taught accordingly. They said that (the doctrines con 
cerning) answer to another (or advice to another, gdzan- 
la lan-gdab), ignorance (mi shes-pa), doubt (lit. double- 
mindedness, yid gnyis-pa), complete demonstration (yong- 
su Mags-pa), restoration of self (Idag-mjid gso-lar lyed-pa), 
were the way, and that they were taught (lit. the doctrine 
of) by the Buddha. 1 Then they (the congregation) became 
divided into two schools, the Sthaviraand the Mahasanghika, 
and for sixty-three years after the division of the congrega 
tion they obstinately quarrelled (hkhrug long-gio gnas-so). 
One hundred and two years later, the Sthavira and the 
Vatsiputriya rightly collected the doctrine (bstan-pa yang- 
dag-par ladus-so). After they had rightly collected it, 
there arose two divisions of the Mahasanghika, the 
Ekavyaharika and the Gokulika. The Ekavyaharika con 
sidered as fundamental doctrines that the blessed Buddhas 
(f. 66 a ) having passed beyond the world, the Tathagata is not 
subject to worldly laws ; that the dharmachakras of all the 
Tathagatas do not agree ; 2 that the words of all the Tathii- 

1 Vasumitra, op. tit., i75 a , says, ledge (rang rig ma yin-no) ; to even 

"It is asserted that a little more arhats are doubt and ignorance 

than a century after the death of the (dgra-bchom-pa-rnams-la yang som- 

Blessed Buddha, after the setting of nyi dang mi-shcs-pa yod-de) ; the ex- 

the radiant sun, in the city of Pata- planations of another are useful m 

liputra, during the reign of King (acquiring) the fruit (hbras-bu-la 

Acoka the one ruler of the (whole) gdzan-gyi brda-sprad dgos-so) ; to 

land (of India), occurred the schism speak of misery, to explain misery 

of the Mahasanghika. It took place (to another), will produce the way 

on account of the conception and (sdug-lsngal smos-sking, sdug bsngai 

promulgation of five propositions: ts ig-tv, brjod-pas lam slcye-bar hgyur- 

influence by another (gdzan-gyis ro)." Conf. also Taranatha, p. 41, 

nye-bar bsgrub-pa), ignorance (mi line 20. 

shes-pa\ doubt (tom-nyi), investiga- 2 So I understand the text which 

tion of another (gdzan-gyi rnam-par is, De-ldzin-gsliegs-patkams-chad-^ 

spyod-px), the production of the tchoi-kyi hkhor-lo bskor-ba^ rjesu 

way (by) words (lam sgra (yis) hby- gsungs-pa ni mi hjug-go;\it of all the 

in pa).^ Vinitadeva, op. cit., f. I 7 3 a , Tathagatas, the wheel of the law has 

has, " There is no intuitive know- been spoken in agreement (it) does 


gatas are revered in their spirit (snying-po-la). (They say) 
that all the Tathagatas here (in this world) are without 
longing for rupa; that the bodhisattva does not pass 
through the successive stages of embryonic development 
[lit. does not receive the condition of kalala (nur-nur), 
arbuda (mer-mer), peclii (nar-nar), and gana (gor-gor)}, (but 
that), after having entered his mother s side as an elephant, 
he appears (i.e., is born) (by) his own (will ?). (They 
say) that a bodhisattva has no kamasandfna (Mod-pai 
hdu shes) ; he is born at his will among inferior beings 
for the salvation of mankind (lit. to bring people to 
maturity). (They say) that with one wisdom (djana, 
ye shes) the four truths are perfectly understood ; that the 
six vidjnanas are subject to passions (hdod-tchags-dang- 
bchas) and free from passions. (According to their 
theories) the eye sees forms ; arhats acquire the doc 
trine by others : and, moreover, there is a way to cast 
off ignorance, uncertainty; complete demonstration, and 
misery (exist). 1 There are words (spoken while) in a 
state of perfect abstraction ; there is (such a thing as) 
to cast off impurity ; he who has perfectly acquired right 
restraint has cast off all yoga (attachment). Tathagatas 
have not the right view (of the rest of) humanity. The 
mind (sems) being of its nature radiant, it must not be 
said that anuqayas (bag-la nyal, thoughts) participate of 

not exist. Wassilief, however (Bud- words spoken by the Buddha ; but 

dhisme, p. 235, note 6), translates it, the phrase is curiously constructed, 

" The predication of the Tathagata and, to me, ungrammatical. By 

does not enter (mi hjug-go] into the changing the order of the words in 

wheel of the doctrine." The text Bhavya it would be easy to arrive 

of the Tibetan translation of Bhavya at the same sense as that of the 

must be incorrect, for both Vasu- other texts, but the negation would 

mitra (f. I58 b ) and Vinitadeva (f. have to be suppressed. 
i;2 b ) agree in saying just the oppo- J The text is, Dgra-lchom-pa- 

site. The first says, " All the words rnams kyang gdzan-dag-gis bstan-pa 

of the Tathagata turn with the wheel sgrub-par-byed-do. Mi-shcs-pa dang 

of the law" (i.e., are true); the latter, yid gnyis dang yonsu brtags-pa dang 

" The turning the wheel of the law sdug-bsngal spong-pai lam yang yod- 

is of the word" (tchos-kyi hkhor-lo do. Vasumitra, op. cit., f. I59 a , re- 

bsTcor-ba ni ts ig-gi yin-no) ; which I fers to the same theories, but his 

suppose means that the wheel of the words are very obscure. See Wassi- 

law is in agreement is part of the lief, Buddh., p. 228. 


the mind or that they do not participate of it. Anugayas 
are one, the completely spread out (kun-nas ldang-ba, i.e., 
the mind) is another. The past and the future do not 
exist (in the present). The grotapatti (f . 1 66 b ) can acquire 
dhyana, These are the fundamental doctrines of the Eka- 

(As to) the (sub) divisions of the Gokulika, the Bahu- 
grutiya and the Pradjnaptivadina, the Bahugrutiya hold 
as fundamental doctrines that there is no mode of life 
leading to real salvation (niryanika) ; that the truth of 
suffering, subjective truth (?kun rdsol-kyi Men-pa), and 
the venerable truth (aryasatya, JipJiags-pai bden) (consti 
tute) the truth. To perceive the suffering of the sans- 
kara is to enter perfect purity. There is no (way) to see 
the misery of suffering and the misery of change. The 
sangha has passed beyond the world (i.e., is not subject 
to worldly laws or conditions). Arhats acquire the doc 
trine by others. There is a rightly preached way (yang- 
dag-par "bsgrags-pai-lam yang yod-do). There is a right 
entry into perfect composure (samdpatti). Of this descrip 
tion are the fundamental doctrines of the Bahucjutiya. 

The Pradjnaptivadina say that suffering is no skandha ; 
that there are no perfect ayatanas ; that (all) sanskaras are 
bound together; that suffering is absolute (paramdrtha, 
sdug-lsngal-ni don-dam-por-ro) ; that what proceeds from 
the mind is not the way ; that there is no untimely death 
(dus-ma yin-par Jitchi-la ni medo) ; that there is no human 
agency (skyes-lu-lyed-pa yang med-do) ; that all suffering 
comes from karma (deeds). Of this description are the 
fundamental doctrines of the Pradjnaptivadina. 

The Sthavira Tchaityika are yet another division of the 
Gokulika. A parivradjaka by the name of Mahadeva, who 
had entered the (Buddhist) order, lived on a mountain 
with a tchaitya. He rejected the fundamental laws of the 
Mahasanghika, and established a school which was called 
Tchaityika ; and these are the six sects derived from the 


There are two divisions of the Sthavira, the Old Sthavira 
(sngar-gyi gnas-lrtaii) (f. i6; a ) and the Haimavata. 

The fundamental doctrines of the Old Sthavira are as 
follows : Arhats are not perfected by the teaching of 
another, so likewise the remainder of the five propositions 
are denied ; the pudgala exists ; there is an intermediary 
state (between two successive existences) ; arhatship is 
parinirvana (dgra-ltchom-pa yongsu mya-ngan-las-Jidas-pa 
ni yod-do) ; the past and the future exist (in the present) ; 
there is a sense (? donartha) of nirvana. These are the 
fundamental doctrines of the (Old) Sthaviras. 

The fundamental doctrines of the Haimavata are that a 
bodhisattva is not an ordinary mortal; that even a tirthika 
has the five abhidjnanas; that the pudgala is separate from 
the skandhas, because in the (state of) nirvana in which 
the skandhas are arrested the pudgala exists. Words 
enter into samapatti (i.e., words are spoken in that state) ; 
suffering is removed by the marga. These are the funda 
mental doctrines of the Haimavata. 

Moreover, the first Sthavira (dang -poi gnas - Man) 
divided into two sects, the Sarvastivadina and the Vatsi- 

The fundamental doctrines of the Sarvastivadina are all 
comprised in two (propositions ?). The compound and the 
elementary exist. What is the consequence of this (theory) ? 
That there is no pudgala ; therefore if this body without 
atman comes into existence, there being no agent (byed-pa 
med-chiny), no right-doer, one consequently drops into the 
stream of existence. 1 This is the way they speak. These 
are the fundamental doctrines of the Sarvastivadina. 
Their fundamental doctrines are all comprised in ndma- 

1 This passage on the theories of la. It is not contrary to what 

the Sarvastivadina is difficult: Hdus- Vasumitra tells us, f. 160. See also 

byas dang hdus-ma byas-so. De skad Vinitadeva, f. 173^, who has that 

smras-pas-chir hgyur. Gang-zag ni they believed it very meritorious to 

med ekes bya-ba ste, ji slcad-du bdag- honour tchaityas ; that they distin- 

med-pa-yilus hdi hbyung-na, byed-pa guished three kinds of elementary, 

mcd eking, rigs-pa-po-yang med, ji- &c., &c. 
Itar hkhor-bai tcku-kluny hjug-hgyur- 


rupa. The past and the future exist (at the present time) ; 
the grotapatti is not subject to degeneracy. There are three 
characteristics (f. i67 b ) of compound things. The four 
holy truths are gradually understood. The void, the un- 
desired, and the uncharacteristic lead to the unblemished 
(state, skyon-med-pa-la). With fifteen seconds one has 
attained the fruit of grotapanna. 1 The grotapatti finds 
dhyana. Even the arhat has an imperfect existence. 2 
Ordinary mortals can cast off raga or evil-mindedness. 
Even a tirthika has the five abhidjanas. There are means 
for even a deva to lead a virtuous life (braJimdchariya). 
All the sutras have a straight (drang-po, richu) sense. He 
who has entered the unblemished (truth), has (passed) 
beyond the kamadhatu. There is a right view of the 
kamaloka (i.e., inherent to persons inhabiting the kama- 
loka ?). All the five vidjnanas are not under the rule of 
the passions, (but) they are not also free from passions. 
These are the fundamental doctrines of the Sarvastivadina. 
There is, moreover, a sect (bye-lrag) of the Sarvastivadina 
which is the Vaibadhyavadina. 

The divisions of the Vaibadhyavadina are the Mahi- 
gasaka, the Dharmaguptaka, the Tamragatiya, and the 

The fundamental doctrines of the Mahigasaka are : The 
past and the future do not exist ; present compound things 
exist. To distinguish misery is to see into the parts of 
the four truths. Anugayas are one and the evident cause 
(mngon du rgyu = sems ?) is another (i.e., they must be dis 
tinguished). There is no intermediary existence (between 
two successive regenerations) ; there is (such a thing as) a 
life of virtue (brahmdchariya) in the abode of devas; 3 even 

1 Wassilief, op. cit., p. 248, note 3, 2 The text has dgra-bcJiom-pa 

tells us that there are sixteen periods yang nyam pa sring-ngo. I read the 

or moments through which one must last words nyams-pa srid-do. 

pass before he becomes an ariya. 3 Vasumitra, op. cit. , f. i62 b , says 

Conf. Vasumitra, f. 1 6o b , "Having the contrary, and Vinitadeva, f. 17 3 b , 

entered the unblemished reality, the also. Vasumitra, loc. cit., also says 

mind s development (sems bskyed-pa] that they deny an intermediary 

in fifteen (moments) is called 9rota- existence, but Vinitadeva does not 

panna." agree with him, 


an arhat accumulates merit. 1 All the five vidjnanas are 
(subject to) the passions and without passion (rdga). The 
pudgala pervades all the individual; 2 the cjotapatti ac 
quires dyana. Ordinary beings (can) cast off passions and 
wickedness. The Buddha is comprised in the sangha. 
The emancipation (lit. perfect freedom) of the (or a) Buddha 
and of the Qravakas is one. There is no such thing as to 
perceive (mtJiong) the pudgala. Neither the mind nor its 
manifestations, nor anything which participates in the 
least of the conditions of birth, passes from this life into 
another. All compound things are momentary. If birth 
is through an extension of the sanskara, the sanskara do 
not (however) exist permanently. Karma is as is the 
mind. There is no liberty of body or speech ; 3 there is no 
condition not subject to degeneracy; there is no reward 
for honouring a tchaitya. (Any) present event is always 
an anuc^aya (da-ltar l>yung-l)a rtag-tu ni bag-la-nyal-ba yin- 
no). To distinguish compound things is to enter the un 
blemished (truth). 

These are the fundamental doctrines of the Mahi^asaka. 

The fundamental doctrines of the Dharmaguptaka are 
as follows : The Buddha is not comprised in the sapgha. 4 
There is a great reward from (offerings made to) the 
Buddha, but none from (those made to) the sangha. 
There is (such a thing as) a life of virtue (bralimdcliariya) 
in the abode of the devas. There are worldly laws (hjig- 
rten-pai-tchos-ni yod-do). These are the fundamental 
doctrines of the Dharmaguptaka. 5 

1 Vasumitra, loc. cit., says the faculty with freedom of action, 
contrary, but Vinitadeva agrees with 4 But Vasumitra, f. i63 a , says, 
our text. " The Buddha is represented in the 

2 The text is, Gang-zag ni mgo la- sangha." Vinitadeva agrees with 
sogs-pa lus dang mnyam-pa yin-no, our text. In the following clause 
lit. "the pudgala is equal to the the words in brackets are supplied 
head and all the rest of the body." from Vasumitra s work ; our text is 
Vasumitra, f. i62 b , says, "The pud- evidently imperfect. 

gala is even with the head " (mgo 5 Vasumitra, loc. cit., adds that 

mnyam-pa yod-do), "the body of an arhat is without 

3 That is to say, if I understand asrava. All the rest (of their 
rightly the text (sems ji-ltar-ba de- theories) are like those of the 
liar las-yin-gyi-lus dang ngag-gi las Mahasanghika." 

ni med-do), the mind is the only 


The fundamental doctrines of the K^yapiya are as 
follows : Eequital, and subjection to the laws of requital, 
as also the law of coining to pass (i.e., the pratityasamud- 
pada) exist. To a person who has cast off (all sin ?) is 
perfect knowledge. 1 All the other assertions (hdod) of 
the Kacjapiya are (like) those of the Dharmaguptaka. 

The fundamental theory of the Tamragaitya is that 
there is no pudgala. 

Furthermore, the fundamental doctrines of the Samk- 
rantivadina, a sect of the Sarvastivadina (f. i68 b ), whose 
chief doctrines are (due to) the master Uttara, are that 
the five skandhas pass (hpho, samkrdnti) from this life 
to another. There is no arresting the skandhas when the 
way has not been discovered. 2 There is a skandha which 
has inborn sin (? rtsa-bai Itung-la dang-bclias-pai-plmng-po 
yod-do). The pudgala is not to be considered subjectively 
(don-dam-par). All is impermanent. These are the 
fundamental doctrines of the Samkranti (school). These 
are the fundamental doctrines of the seven divisions of 
the Sarvastivadina. 

The fundamental doctrines of the Vatsiputriya are : 
The possession of what one was attached to and upadana 
are solidary (? nye-lar Uangs-pa nye-lar-len pa dang-ldan- 
pa ni Uags-so). There are no properties (? dharma) which 
pass from this life into another. 3 When one has been 
attached to the five skandhas, the pudgala transmigrates. 
There are compound things (sanskdra) which are mo- 

1 The text says, "To one who has spangs-pa . . . mcdo. "To one who 

cast off (sin) is imperfect knowledge" is perfectly wise there is nothing 

(spangs-la yonc/su ma shcs-pa yod-do), which has not been cast off which 

but this cannot be correct. Vasu- confirms our translation of Bhavya. 

mitra (f. 163 -) has, Spangs-pa yoncjm 2 Vasumitra, op. at., 163*, says 

dies-pa yod-do, ma spangs-pa yongsu the contrary, and Vinitadeva does 

spang dzes-pa med do. It appears, not mention the doctrines of this 

moreover, to me that Bhavya s school. 

phrase shows us that spangs-pa in 3 Conf what Vasumitra says f. 

Vasumitra ought to be translated 162, "With the exception of the 

by "He who has cast off (sin)," not, pudgala, there is nothing which 

"What is cast off," as Wassilief passes from this life (into another). 

has it, op. cit., p. 257. Vinitadeva Vinitadeva says about the same 

(f. I73 b ) has, Yowjsu shes-la-ma- thing. 


mentary, and also (some) which are not momentary. 
One must not say that the pudgala is either an upadana- 
skandha, or that it is not. They do not say that nirvana is 
in the unification of all conditions, or that it is in the 
disruption (of them). 1 They do not say that nirvana is 
real existence (yod-pa nyid\ or that it is not real exist 
ence. (They say that) the five vidjnanas are not subject 
to passions ; that there are none without raga. These are 
the fundamental doctrines of the Vatsiputriya. There are 
yet two divisions of the Vatsiputriya, the Mahagiriya and 
the Sammatiya. 

The fundamental doctrines of the Sammatiya are : (The 
belief in) the existence of what shall be (i.e., future 
things), of what is, of what shall be arrested ; (the belief 
in the existence of) birth and death (as well) as of the 
thing which shall die, of the agent, of the thing which 
shall decay (as well as of) decay, of what shall go (as 
well as) in going, of what must be perceived (as well as) 
in perception (vidjnana)? 

There are two kinds of Mahagiriya (ri-tchen-po), the 
Dharmottariya and the Bhadrayaniya. 

(F. 169*.) The fundamental doctrines of the Dharmot- 
tariya is : In birth is ignorance ; in the arresting of birth 
is the arresting of ignorance. The Bhadrayaniya are like 
unto them. Some say that the Shannagarika school is a 
division of the Mahagiriya ; others that it is a division of 
the Sammatiya, thus making four divisions of the Vatsi 
putriya school. 

The eighteen divisions (rnam-pa) came into existence 

gradually through following (the theories of) certain 

( doctors who are the originators of them. 3 There is much 

1 This clause is obscure ; it runs, I offer my translation as tentative. 
Mya-nyan-las-hdas-pa ni tchos thams- Conf. what Vasumitra (f. 162) arid 
chad dang ychig-pa-nyid-du dam tha- Vinitadeva (f. 1 74 b ) say of this 
dad-pa-nyid-du mi brjod-do. Neither school. The latter classes it with 
Vasumitra nor Vinitadeva mention the Kaurukullaka, Guptaka, and 
this doctrine. Vatsiputriya schools. 

2 In other words, they believe in 3 Bhavya gives this as the theory 
subjective and objective existence, of another class of historians. 

The passage is certainly obscure, and 


more to be said about another separation. Here is how 
(arose) the diversity of doctrines and the four divisions 
of the Sarvastivadina, which was caused by the diversity 
(of opinions) on substance (bhava, dngos-po), characteris 
tics (lakshana, mtsan-mjid), condition (gnas-skdbs), and 
change (gdzan gdzan-du hgyur-la-nyid). 

Concerning primary substance arid its change, the Bha- 
danta Dharmatrata said that, according to circumstances 
(tchos-rnams) and time, there is (no) changing of sub 
stance and no transmutation into another substance 
(bhava). If a gold vase has been destroyed and (after 
wards) made into something else, made into another 
shape, it will not however be another substance (rdsas). 
Likewise milk, if it become curds, though it has acquired 
a different taste, property (nus-pa), another shape (smin- 
pa), (yet) it is the same substance. 1 In like manner, if 
past conditions (dharma) exist in the present, (they retain) 
the substance (dngos-po) of the past. There is no destruc 
tible matter therefore, he said, if the present (condition) 
exists in the future ; the present substance (dngos-po) is 
not of a destructible nature (i.e., it will be the same in 
the future). 

(The theory of) the change of characteristics is (the 
work) of the Bhadanta Ghoshaka. He said that all 
things under the influence of time cannot but have in 
the future and in the present the characteristics which 
they had in the past. The future and the future charac 
teristics of a thing cannot but be the past and present 
ones. For example, if men loved one woman, they are 
not without affection for all the rest (of womankind). 2 

(The theory of) the change of condition is (the work), 
of the Bhadanta Vasumitra. He said that things under 
the influence of time which are said to change do not 

1 The te\tiskha-doy ni ma yin-pa, &c., but on the circumstances and 
" it is not the colour." which I sup- time. 

pose must imply that the new quali- 2 Dpcr-na skyes-bu-dag lud-med 
ties acquired by milk in becoming gchig-la tchags-pdr-gyur-pa-na, Ihag- 
curds do not depend on the colour, ma rnams-la tchags-pa-dang-bral-ba 

ni ma yin-no. 


alter their condition (gnas-skabs). For example, in a 
single vegetable one speaks of one life, in a series of an 
hundred it is an hundred lives, in a thousand it is a 
thousand existences. That is what he said. 1 

(The theory of) passing from one (condition) into 
another (i.e., of change) is (the work) of the Bhadanta 
Buddhadeva. He said that when one looks at the remote 
(sngori) and the proximate (phyi-md) in the work of time 
on things, one says that they (have passed) from one 
(condition) into another. For example, one speaks of a 
woman as " ma " (or mother) ; she is also called " bu-mo," 
(or girl). So it is that these (four) men say that all 
things exist, and they are Sarvastivadinas. 

Likewise some (teachers) said that there are seven 
pratitya (rkyeri), cause (hetu), thought (dlambana), proxi 
mity (? de-ma-thag-pa), the atman (bdag-po), karma, food 
(zas), dependency (rteri). Some said that there being 
four ways of mental perception, truth was various (bden- 
pa so-soo). Others say that as there are eight (kinds) of 
religious knowledge (tchos-shes-pa) and knowledge derived 
from experience (lit. example, rjesu shes-pa), there is no 
analytical knowledge. . . . 

Here we will leave Bhavya, for the remaining pages of 
his treatise only recapitulate the opinions of the Sarvas- 
tivadina school, and we know enough of these from Vasu- 
mitra. Although it is not within the scope of this 
work to examine in detail the doctrines of the Mahay a" na 
schools of Buddhism which superseded those of which 
Bhavya and Vasumitra speak, and which were called by 
their opponents Hinayana schools, yet I cannot refrain 
from giving the following extract from a very interesting 
Vaipulya sutra called Angulinialiya sutra (Bkah-hgyur, 
Mdo xvi., f. 208 et seq.) (f. 273 a ) : "All sentient beings 
exist in the essence (garbha) of the Tathagata ; " this is 
the teaching of the Mahay a" na, whereas the Qravakayana 

1 Sngon-lugcTiig-lu bgrangs-pai-ts e dzes-lya, grangs stong-du Igrang- 
ni gchig ches brjod-par-gyur-pa-la, paits e- ni stong dzes-bya-ba dang 
grangs brgyar gtogs-pai-ts e ni brgya hdrao. 


(i.e., the Hinayana) says, " All sentient beings exist by 
eating " (zas-la gnas-so). 

The words ndma and rupa originate in the Qravaka- 
yana; they are not in the Mahay ana (doctrine). Ndmarupa 
are as follows and nothing more : the freedom (moksha) 
of the Qravakas and the Pratyikabuddhas is only a name 
(ndma), so they do not understand either form or space. 
The freedom of the blessed Buddhas is something else 
than a myrobolan in the palm of the hand. 

The three vedand originate in the Qravakayana; they 
are not in the Mahayana. These three notions (vedand): 
to have been so fortunate as to have heard that the Tatha- 
gata will never cease from being the most exalted, that is, 
a vedand. To have been so fortunate as to have heard that 
the blessed law will vanish, that is a vedand. To have 
been so fortunate as to have heard that the sangha will 
disappear, that is a vedand. These are the three vedand of 
the Mahayana. 

The four holy truths are chief dogmas (grags-pai-ts ig) 
in the Qravakayana ; but a similar collection is not in the 
Mahayana. The Tathagata is eternal; that is a great 
truth in the Mahayana ; but suffering is not a truth. 
The Tathagata is everlasting ; that is a great truth 
in the Mahayana, (but) the origin (of suffering) is not 
a truth. The Tathagata is the most exalted of ever 
lasting (things) ; that is a great truth in the Mahayana, 
(but) the cessation (of suffering) is not a truth. The 
Tathagata is passionless (dzi-bao) ; that is a great truth in 
the Mahayana, (but) the way (to arrest suffering) is not 
a truth. These are the four holy truths in the Mahayana. 
The action of suffering is not a truth, for if the action 
of suffering was a truth, it would be true for the four 
(classes) of suffering (beings) ; l then the four holy truths 
would apply to those of the worlds of brutes, pretas, 
asuras, and of Yama. 

1 So I understand the text, Sduff- sdug-bsngal-ma bdzi bden-par kyyur- 
bsngal-gyi-bya-ba bdcn-du lays-na, te, &c. 


The five organs of sense are a chief dogma in the 
Qravakayana, but it is not so in the Mahayana. (Here) 
the five organs of sense are : To see the Tathagata as 
eternally visible (gsal bar) in all one s meditation, this is 
the (organ of the) eye. Having heard " the Tathagata is 
eternal," always to meditate this way is the (organ of the) 
ear. Always to reflect that the Tathagata exhales the 
fragrance of eternity is the (organ of the) nose. Always 
to reflect that the essence of the Tathagata is in nirvana 
(the freedom from sorrow) l is the (organ) of the tongue. 
Always to reflect when one has heard and felt that the 
dharmakdya of the Tathagata is the most exalted body, 
that is the body. 

The six senses (dyatana) are a chief dogma in the Qrava- 
kayana, but there is no such series of six senses in the 
Mahayana. (With it) what is called the six ayatana are : 
To reflect, as a means for arriving at perfection, that the 
Tathagata must be considered (seen) as eternally visible, 
that is the ayatslna of the eye. To reflect, as a means for 
arriving at perfection, that one has heard " the Tathagata 
is eternal," that is the ayatana of the ear. To reflect, as 
a means for arriving at perfection, that one has heard the 
essence (garlJia) of the Tathagata is the odour of eternity 
(or is an eternal fragrance), that is the ayatana of the nose. 
To reflect, as a means for arriving at perfection, that the 
essence of the Tathagata is the doctrine (bstan-pa), is the 
ayatana of the tongue. To reflect, as a means for arriving 
at perfection, that one has heard and felt that the dhar- 
makaya of the Tathagata is the most exalted mind of that 
body (sJcu dei No-dam-pa), that is the ayatana of the body. 
To perfectly believe with unwavering heart in the mani 
fest doctrine of the Tathagata, that is the ayatana of the 
door of entering (i.e., this sense of the way of truth), is 
the ayatana of the mind (manas). 

The seven branches of the Bodhi is a chief dogma in 

1 De-ldzin-gshegs-pai snyinc/-pai nets ma-ts ang-ba-med-par syan-pa de 
mya-ngas-nas ( = mya-nyan-las hdas) ni Icheo. 


the Qravakayana. Even in the Mahayana those seven 
(branches) are difficult terms to find, like the blooming 
flower of the fig-tree (udumbara). Those seven branches 
of the Bodhi, the seven full-blown flowers, are the eternity 
of the Tathagata. 

The holy eightfold way is a chief dogma in the Qrava- 
kayana. This Mahayana has another holy eightfold way 
than right views, &c. Furthermore, the teaching that the 
Tathagata is the chief eternity (rtag-pai mtchog) is an holy 
eightfold way. To have heard and fully appreciated the 
greatness of the Tathagata is to have found the right way 
to pass beyond sorrow (nirvana). (To know that) the 
Tathagata s eternity, everlastingness, is the highest bless 
ing, is to become cool. 1 Enlightenment (bodhi) is bliss 
(shis-pa ni sangs-rgyas-te). The Dharmakaya is the Tatha 
gata. The essence of the Tathagata is without old age (i.e., 
knows no decay). These are what one must know as the 
eight branches of the way. The nine branches of the 
siUra nikaya are a chief dogma in the Qravakayana. This 
Mahayana says that there is but one mode of conveyance 
(yana) in all penetrating (f. 27 5 a ) wisdom. The ten forces 
of the Tathagata are a chief dogma in the Qravakayana ; 
in this Mahayana there are not ten forces of the Tatha 
gata, but an unlimited force. Whereas the Blessed Buddha 
is incomprehensible and cannot enter the mind, therefore 
his might is infinite. The Blessed Buddha taught infinite 
parables (in the) sutra nikaya (mdo-sde mthah-yas-pa Idem- 
po-ngad-tu ston-pao). 2 This is the only way. The Tatha- 

1 De-bdzin-gshegs-pai-rtag-pa ther- tras were to be understood allegori- 

zug gyung-drung-gi mtchog bsil-bar- cally, a theory which we know ^to 

gyur-pa. have been held by some of the earlier 

- Which might perhaps be ren- schools. See Vasumitra s Sama- 

dered, " The Blessed Buddha ex- yabedhoparachanachakra, f. i6i a . 

pounded in parables the infinite of " (The Sarvastivadina school teaches 

the sUtra nikaya." Made manifest that) there are doctrines which have 

by parables the doctrine of the infi- not been taught in the precepts (lung- 

nite as it was contained in the sutras du mi ston-pai tchos-rnams yod-do.) 

in obscure terms. However, it may Conf. however, Wassilief s transla- 

simply imply that the Mahayana tion of this phrase. Buddh., p. 249, 

taught that the doctrines in the su- where I cannot follow him. 


gata is the only vehicle (yana), the one refuge, the one 
truth to follow after, the one realm (khams), the one being, 
the one colour (? kha-dog) ; therefore there is but one yana, 
the others are but expedients." 

I would like to examine more in detail the characteris 
tics of the Mahayana doctrine, which gave a new impetus 
to Buddhism, and perhaps made it acceptable to races 
which would have refused it in its primitive purity ; but 
enough has been said to show how pervaded its teachings 
were with mysticism and ideas antagonistic to Gautama s 
teaching. I will only give a short text concerning a very 
interesting feature of the Mahayana theory, namely, that 
of the three bodies or JcayatrAya, in which we find an 
important link in the chain of doctrinal evolution, which 
finally led to the theory of the Adi Buddhas or " divine 
essence," and to that of the Dhyani Buddhas. 

" Once I heard the following discourse (said Ananda), 
while the Blessed One was stopping at Eajagriha, on the 
Vulture s Peak, together with an innumerable number of 
bodhisattvas, devas, and nagas who were doing him homage. 
Then from out this company, the Bodhisattva Ksliiti- 
garbha (Sai-snying-po), who was (also) there, arose % from 
his seat and spoke as follows to the Blessed One : Has 
the Blessed One a body ? The Blessed One said, Kshiti- 
garbha, the Blessed One, the Tathagata, has three bodies : 
the body of the law (Dharmakdya), the body of perfect 
enjoyment (Samlhdgakdya), the apparitional body (Nir- 
manakdya). Noble sir (Kulaputra), of the three bodies 
of the Tathagata, the Dharmakaya is a perfectly pure 
nature (svabhdva), the Sambhogakaya is a perfectly pure 
samadhi ; a perfectly pure life is the JSTirmariakaya of all 
Buddhas. Noble sir, the Dharmakaya of the Tathagata 
is the prerogative of being without svabhdva 1 like space ; 
the Sambhogakaya is the prerogative of being visible like 

1 I think that svabhdva is here space, and space is without charac- 

used to express " absence of all char- teristics." Dr. Edkins, J. R. A. S., 

acteristics." In Angulimaliya Sutra, 1881, p. 63, renders the expression 

f. 250, " The Blessed Buddha is like Dharmakaya by " doctrinal self." 


a cloud ; the Nirmanakaya being the object of all Bud- 
dhas, is the prerogative of permeating all things as does 
a rain. 

" The Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha said to the Blessed One, 
Make visible these definitions of the true bodies of the 
Blessed One. Then the Blessed One said to the Bodhi 
sattva Kshitigarbha : Noble sir, the three bodies of the 
Tathagata will be discerned thus : the Dharmakaya is dis 
cernible in the whole air of the Tathagata ; the Sambho 
gakaya is discernible in the whole air of a bodhisattva ; 
the Nirmanakaya is discernible in the air of different 
pious men. Noble sir, the Dharmakaya is the nature in 
herent to all buddhas ; the Sambhogakaya is the samadhi 
inherent to all buddhas ; the Nirmanakaya is the object 
of all buddhas. Noble sir, purity in the abode of the 
soul, 1 the science like a mirror (adar^adjndnd), is the 
Dharmakaya ; purity in the abode of the sinful mind is 
the science of equality (samatadjndna) ; purity in the per 
ceptions of the mind, the science of thoroughly analysing, 
is the Sambhogakaya ; purity in the abode of the percep 
tions of the five doors, 2 the science of the achievement of 
what must be done, is the Nirmanakaya. 3 

" Then the Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha said to the Blessed 
One, I have heard the blessed truth from the Blessed 
One ; it is exceeding good ; Sugata, it is exceeding good ! 

" The Blessed One said, Noble sir, he who has under 
stood this exposition of the truth from the Blessed One 
has acquired an inexpressible, incalculable amount of 

" When the Blessed One had thus spoken, the Bodhi- 

1 Kun-gdzi gnas-su dag-pa. Run- 3 The Chinese Buddhist diction- 
gdzi appears to be used here for "the ary, San thsang fa su (B. viii. f. 13, 
seat of the passions." See Jaschke, Stan. Julien, I. c.) defines this body 
Diet., s.v. Icun. " the body gifted with the faculty 

2 Sgo Inga is here used for dya- of transforming itself. The bud- 
tana, "the senses," the science of dhas having a divine power which 
the achievement of what must be escapes the human mind, can trans- 
done -Sansk. Kranti/dnuchdhanadj- form themselves and appear in all 
ndna. See Buddh. Trig., f. 9. places to explain the law," &c. 


sattva Kshitigarbha, the devas, nagas, yakshas, gandhar- 
bas, and men were delighted, and lauded greatly what the 
Blessed One had said." l 

If we refer to the work of the Chinese Buddhist Jin 
Ch an, we find that Dharmakaya has become Vairojana 
(i.e., the omnipresent), Sambhogakaya is called Eajana 
(i.e., the infinitely pure or glorious), and ISTirmanakaya is 
Qakyamuni. "Now these three Tathagatas are all in 
cluded in one substantial essence. The three are the 
same as one ; not one, and yet not different ; without 
parts or composition. When regarded as one, the three 
persons are spoken of as Tathagata. But it may be 
asked, if the persons are one substance, how is it that this 
one substance is differently manifested? In reply we 
say there is no real difference ; these manifestations are 
only different views of the same unchanging substance." - 

1 See Bkah-hgyur, Mdo xxii. f. 81. and sages, exclusively devoted to the 

Conf. Stan. Julien, Mem. sur les practice of religion. It is for this 

Contrees Occidentales, i. p. 240. In reason, said Cakya, that he is called 

the Karandavyuha (Burnouf, Intr. Dharmakaya. 3 " who has for body 

a THist., p. 200) the preceding inter- the law." See also J. Edkins, 

pretation of Dharmakaya is un- J. R. A. S., 1881, p. 63 ; Wassilief, 

known. "In each of the pores of Buddh., p. 127; Beal, Catena, p. 

the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara rise 124, 373. , 

mountains and woods where live gods 2 Beal, Catena, p. 124. 



THE early history of Tibet or Bod-yul can only be said 
to commence with the introduction of Buddhism, or per 
haps rather of Chinese influence, into that country, and it 
appears highly probable that all the events chronicled as 
anterior to that epoch must be considered in great part 
as legendary. It is, moreover, worthy of remark that 
these legends seem to be a rather clumsy adaptation of 
the Chinese ones relative to their first sovereigns, which 
are recorded in the Bamboo books. 

Another consideration, however, exercised great influ 
ence with Tibetan historians when, in the reign of Kal- 
pa-chan, they commenced writing their national history, 
and that was to make the genealogy of their monarchs 
ascend, if not to the Buddha himself, at least to one of 
his friends and protectors. And as we have in Europe 
families who are proud to claim descent from the Virgin 
Mary or from the wise men of the east, so likewise the 
first Tibetan monarch claims descent from Prasenadjit, 
king of Kogala, one of the early converts and the life 
long friend of the Buddha Gautama. 1 

What information is derivable from early Chinese 

i Sanang Setsen, in his history of Khri bstan po, the first Tibetan 

the Eastern Mongols, p. 2 1, says that king, belonged to the family of 

the Cakya race (to which the Buddha Qakya the Licchavi. Many other 

belonged) was divided into three Buddhist sovereigns of India and 

parts, whose most celebrated repre- elsewhere claimed the same descent. 

Lntatives were C.akya the great See HuenThsang, Si-yu-ki (Juhen), 

(the Buddha), gakya the Licchavi, i. p. 179, " P- IO 7> &c - 
and Cakya the mountaineer. Gnya 


authors, such as Sse-ma-tsien, or from the later compila 
tion of Ma-twan-lin relative to the Tibetans, may not he 
applicable to those tribes which founded the kingdom 
of Tibet, for the early Chinese were only acquainted with 
the eastern and north-eastern Tibetan tribes which have 
always been wilder than those situated farther west. 
Nevertheless, as all these tribes belonged to the same 
stock, it may prove interesting to note what few particulars 
I have been able to collect from the works at my disposal. 
The Chinese name for the early Tibetans is K iang (^) 
(Sse-ma-tsien, Kh. 123, p. 6), or " shepherds," and even 
to the present day a large part of the Tibetan nation are 
pastors. They were divided into small clans, which 
were continually at war with one another, and were con 
sidered by the Chinese as an assemblage of ferocious 
tribes still barbarians. Each year they took " a little 
oath" to their chiefs, who were called Than -phu (Btsan-po, 
" noble "), when they sacrificed sheep, dogs, and monkeys. 
Every three years they took " the great oath," and sacri 
ficed men, horses, oxen, and asses. They had no written 
characters, but made use of notched pieces of wood and of 
knotted cordelets. 1 In short, the degree of civilisation of 
the early Tibetans may unquestionably be compared with 
that of the Lo-lo tribes of our days, who inhabit Yunan, 
and who are most likely of the same stock as their eastern 
neighbours. The Tibetans pretend that their first parents 
were a monkey-king who had been sent to the snowy king 
dom by Avalokitesvara and a rakshasi or female demon. 
They had six children, and as soon as they were weaned 
the father took them into a forest of fruit trees and aban 
doned them. When, after a few years, he came back, he 
found to his great surprise that their number had increased 
to five hundred. They had eaten all the fruit in the forest, 
and so, pressed by hunger, they came clamouring piteously 
around him. The monkey-king had recourse to his patron 

1 Abel Remusat, Recherches sur Bushell, J. R. A. S., New Series, xii. 
les Langues Tartares, p. 384 ; and p. 440 et scq. 


Avalokitesvara ; he cried to him for help from the top of 
the Potala mountain, and the god declared that he would 
be the guardian of his race. So he went to Mount 
Sumeru and cast down a great quantity of the five kinds 
of grain, so that the famished apes filled themselves, and 
a great quantity which was left over sprung up and sup 
plied stores for their future wants. Wonderful were the 
results which followed their eating of this grain ; the 
monkeys tails and the hair on their bodies grew shorter 
and shorter until they finally disappeared. The monkeys 
commenced to speak ; they were men; and as soon as they 
noticed this change in their nature they clothed them 
selves with leaves. 1 

As a consequence of the first parents of the Tibetans 
being a monkey and a rakshasi, the people of Tibet show 
peculiarities of both their ancestors. From their father, 
the holy monkey, they get their gentleness, considerate- 
ness, piety, charitableness, and abstemiousness ; more 
over, they derive from him their love for good works, their 
gentle speech, and their eloquence. From their mother, 
the rakshasi, they get their sensuality, lasciviousness, and 
their love for trade, their trickiness, and their deceitful- 
ness. From this side they get greediness, enviousness, 
stubbornness, and mischievousness, and, when provoked, 
violence and cruelty. 2 

We cannot consider this picture of the character of the 
Tibetans as nattering, but since they are responsible for 
this description of themselves, we can accept it as pro 
bably correct, and in reality it does not differ much from 
what we have heard of them from European travellers. 

The early religion of Tibet is known as the Bon or 

1 J. J. Schmidt, Forschungen im Kreitner, Im fernen Osten, p. 834, 

Gebiete der alteren Religionen der gives a Tibetan legend concerning 

Volker Mittel-Asiens, p. 212. See the origin of Chinese, Mongols, 

also Markham s Tibet, p. 341 ; and and Tibetans different from that of 

Buddaguhya s epistle to Khri srang our text. See also Hue s Souvenirs 

Ide btsan, f. 387 (Bstan-hygur, de Voyage. 

Mdo xciv.) ; E. B. Tylor, Primitive 2 Schmidt, op. cit., p. 214. 
Culture, 2d edit., p. 376-378 ; Gust. 


Gyung-drung-gi-lon? and tins creed is still followed by 
part of the Tibetans and the barbarous tribes of the Hima 
layas. Mr. Brian Hodgson connects it with the primitive 
Turanian superstitions and the doctrines of Qaivism; " but," 
he adds, " in the Himalayas even the Bon-pa priests them 
selves can tell nothing of the origin of their belief." 2 The 
word Bon-pa is unquestionably derived (as General Cun 
ningham was first to point out, Yule s Marco Polo, i. p. 
287) from Punya, one of the names of the Svastikas or 
worshippers of the mystic cross swasti, which in Tibetan 
is called " gyung-drung" 

The only work of the Bon-pa which has been made acces 
sible to Western scholars is a sutra translated by A. Schief- 
ner ; 3 but Buddhist influence is so manifest in it that it 
is impossible to consider it as giving us very correct ideas 
of what this religion was before it came in contact with 


Buddhism. The Bon-pa religion has repeatedly been said 
to be the same as that of the Tao-sse, 4 and it is remark 
able that these two religions have drawn so largely from 
Buddhist ideas that they have nearly identified themselves 
with it. 

I fancy that the following description of the religious 
ideas of the Lo-los of Sse-tchuen will give us some idea 
of what was the early Tibetan national religion. " The 
religion of the Lo-los is sorcery ; it almost entirely consists 
in exorcising evil spirits, which are, they say, the sole 
authors of evil. They fear the devil and devilish impre 
cations ; therefore to get away from their evil influences 
they wear on their persons amulets as talismans, and hang 

1 See Schiefner, Ueber das Bon-po Peters., xxviii., No. I. See also E. 
Sutra, p. 6. Schlaginweit, Ueber der Bon-po 

2 J. R. A. S., vol. xvii. p. 396- Secte in Tibet. 

399. See also his notice " On the 4 Klaproth, Description de Tibet, 

Tribes of Northern Tibet." in his p. 97, 148. Sutra in 42 Sections, 

Essays, p. 80, note. Intr., "The Bon-pa of China," &c. 

3 The Tibetan title of this work See on the influence of Buddhism 
is Gtsang-ma klu hbum dkar-po, or on Taoism, Dr. Ledge s Lectures on 
"The holy white naga hundred the Religions of China, p. 166-170 
thousand." Mem. de 1 Acad. de St. et seq. 


on the walls of their houses branches of trees or skulls of 
animals." l 

From the work translated by M. Schiefner we learn 
that the founder of the Bon-pa religion was Gshen-rabs, 
or Gshen-rabs mi-bo, called also excellent Mahapurusha, 
glorious Mahapurusha, "whose compassion shines forth 
like the rays of the sun. In his right hand he holds the 
iron hook of mercy, and in his left the mudra of equality. 
On his head is the mitra jewel." It may possibly be that 
this " iron hook of mercy," with which Gshen-rabs fishes 
people out of the ocean of transmigration, has something 
to do with the swastika cross, which is also a hooked 
cross. " In former times, as a bodhisattva," he says (f. 
28 b ), " I have obtained perfect freedom by walking in the 
way of perfect charity." He took upon himself the task 
of teaching the holy law to all humanity in the ten regions 
of the thousand millions of continents, and for that purpose 
he took the form of the holy white naga Hundred-thousand. 
He taught the four truths of Gshen-rabs, the five perfec 
tions charity, morality, patience, steadfastness, and me 
ditation. The five exoteric perfections virtue, charity, 
prayer, means, and wisdom. The nine branches of the 
gyung-drung (cf. the nine Bodhyanga), &c. ; in all the 142 
rules of deliverance which " are the foundation and root 
for humanity." " Any one who masters them possesses 
all knowledge. For him who has faith this doctrine is 
the foundation of all knowledge. Shun evil, and learn to 
know this excellent law " (f. 9 b ). 

"Form is the cause of transmigration, of desire, of 
misery, and by walking in the way of the five perfections, 
of charity, morality, patience, steadfastness, and medita 
tion (the five Buddhist paramitas), one will leave behind 
the torrent of the misery of lust and subjection to trans 

"If any one lives in the perfection of charity, it is 

1 See Vivien de St. Martin, Annexe letter of M. Crabouiller to the Mis- 
Geographique, 1873, p. 99, from a sions 


happiness ; if he enters the perfection of charity, it is 
happiness ; if he abides in the perfection of charity, it is 
happiness ; if he remains steadfastly in the perfection of 
charity, it is happiness. If any one is in possession of this 
idea, it is the heaven of Bon (Bon-nyid). If any one is in 
possession of this idea, it is the gyung-drung (svasti) of 
Bon. If any one is in possession of this idea, it is the 
wisdom of Bon. So it is in like manner with the perfec 
tion of morality, patience, 1 &c. 

The first king of Tibet was Chiya-Jchri Usan-po (in Mon 
golian Seger Sandalitu), a son of King Prasenadjit of 
Kosala. He was elected by the twelve chiefs of the 
tribes of Southern and Central Tibet, who hoped by this 
means to put an end to the internecine wars which were 
ravaging the country. He took up his residence in the 
Yar-lung country 2 (i.e., the Sanpu valley, south of Lhasa), 
and built a castle at Phyi-dbang-stag-stse, which became 
known as the U-bu bla-sgang or Ombo-blang-gang. He 
ruled according to law, and the kingdom was in happiness. 
He organised an army to protect his person, to quell 
troubles in the country, and to keep off foreign enemies. 
The five principal sages glorified (the king) in records in 
gold and turquoises (E. Schlaginweit, Kb nige von Tibet, 
p. 332-834). This last remark seems to confirm what 
the Chinese say about the Tibetans making use of a 
species of quippus. According to Sanang Setsen (p. 23), 

1 See Schiefner, op. cit. passim. Bhotan, near which, according to 

2 The Yar-lung river empties into tradition, the first king of Tibet, 
the Yarn Tsang-po a little east of coming from India, first entered the 
Dhainda, and takes its rise in the country." Sarat Chandra Das, op. 
Dalatang Tchukhang glaciers. Its cit., p. 214, says "that he erected 
course has been explored by Euro- the great palace of Yambu Lagari, 
peans. " Yar-lung," says Jaschke, on the site of which Lhasa was built 
Diet., s. r., p. 508, " a large tributary in later days." This can hardly be 
of the Yang-tse-kyang, coming from made to agree with the statement 
the north, in Western China, east of that Srong btsan-sgam-po moved his 
the town of Bathang. Nevertheless capital to Lhasa. Though it is 
Tibetan historians, from a partiality true that he says " my great-grand- 
to old legends, describe it as flowing father Totori snyan-shal resided in 
near the mountain of Yarlhasam- Lhasa, on the red mountain (Dmar- 
po, which is a snowy mountain be- po-ri Potala)." Sanang Setsen p. 
tween Lhasa and the frontier of 325. 


this king ascended the throne 313 B.C., but the Grul- 
mtJiah sel-Jeyi me-long (Sarat Chandra Das, J. B. A. S., 
vol. 1. p. 213) says that he was born in the year 416 B.C. 

This king and his six successors are known as the 
"seven celestial Kliri! When they died their corpses 
were carried off to heaven. I think that we may find 
some analogy between these celestial rulers and the 
"twelve celestial sovereigns" of the San Jiwang of the 
Chinese, just as the next series of six Tibetan kings, who 
are known as the "six terrestrial Legs" resemble the Chinese 
" eleven terrestrial sovereigns." 1 

The fourth king among the six terrestrial Legs was 
Spu-de gung-rgyal, or "the tiger-haired king," in whose 
reign charcoal and wells were first made, iron, copper, 
and silver ore were smelted, and ploughs were introduced 
into the country (Schlaginweit, p. 835). We can imagine 
from this in what a savage state the Tibetans must have 
lived prior to this reign; and from the nature of these 
discoveries, as well as that of others appertaining to 
agriculture, it appears probable that they resulted from 
intercourse with the Chinese. 

The eight kings who successively ruled after the six 
preceding ones are called " the eight terrestrial Lde" with 
which compare the nine human sovereigns of the third 
august line of the Chinese. 

The next sovereign in succession was Tho-tlw-ri long- 
Usan, who was born between 252 A.D. (Csoma) and 348 
(Sanang Setsen). 

His third successor was Lha-tho-tho-ri snyen-lshal, who 
was born about 347 A.D. 2 During this king s reign Bud 
dhism first made its appearance in Tibet, and it is probable 

1 See " Annals of the Bamboo the middle of the third century A.D. 
Books," i. 6. Shu-King, pt. v. bk. But as Tibetan history only counts four 
xxiii. p. 3 of Legge s edition. kings between him and Srong-btsan 

2 Csoma, Tib. Gram., p. 194, says sgam-po s reign, which certainly 
"The Rgyal-rabs gsal-bai me-long commenced in the early part of the 
puts Thothori s birth five hundred seventh century, this early date for 
vears after Gnya khri-btsan-po." Thothori s birth seems untenable. 
This would place his birth towards This Thothori is probably the 


that the first missionaries in Tibet came from Nepal. This 
prince ascended the throne at the age of twenty in 367 A.D. 
(Sanang Setsen). While he was at Ombu in his eightieth 
year (427 A.D.), there fell from heaven into his palace a 
casket which contained a copy of the Za-ma-thog bkod- 
pai mdo (Karandavyulia sutra), an almsbowl (patra), the 
six essential syllables (Om mani padme hum), a golden 
tchaitya and a clay image of the chintamani. It is re 
markable that the Karandavyuha sutra, which does not 
appear to have been especially venerated in China or in 
India, was one of the favourite books of the Nepalese, and 
an object of great veneration in their country. This is 
one of the reasons which has led me to suggest that Bud 
dhism first came to Tibet from Nepal. Another one is 
that when King Srong-btsan sgam-po wanted to propagate 
this religion in Tibet, he sent for religious works to Nepal, 
and, as we shall have occasion to relate farther on, he 
made his envoy translate this sutra before returning to 

A few years after the apparition in Tibet of these objects 
of Buddhist worship, five strangers came to the king and 
explained their use and power ; but this first attempt at 
conversion proved unsuccessful. The king, most likely 
imbued w r ith national superstition too deep - set to be 
easily dispelled, had all kinds of honours and offerings 
made to the precious casket, as if it were a fetish, but did 
not embrace the religious ideas of the strangers, who 
departed from the country. Lhathothori lived a hundred 
and twenty years, dying consequently in 467 A.D. (Sanang 
Setsen). 1 

The fourth successor of Lhathothori was Gnam-ri srong 
btsan, who ascended the throne in the latter part of the 

Fanni, son of Thufa Liluku of the than the one I have adopted, but it 

Southern Liang dynasty (A.D. 397). is very difficult with the materials 

See Bushell, op. cit., p. 439. we have at our disposal to fix any 

1 Csoma, op. cit., p. 182, says that date in Tibetan chronology. Csoma, 

he died 371 A.D.,and Sarat Chandra Sanang Setsen, and Sarat Chandra 

Das, op. cit., p. 217, in 561 A.D. This Das, our chief authorities, do not 

last date is perhaps nearer the truth agree on any one date. According 


sixth century. During his reign the Tibetans got their 
first knowledge of medicine and mathematics (arithmetic) 
from China. The great salt-mine north of Lhasa, called 
the "great northern salt (mine"), or Byang-gi tsioa tchen- 
po, which still supplies the greater part of Tibet, was dis 
covered in his reign (Chandra Das, p. 217). Some of the 
tribes between Tibet and Nepal were also subdued. His 
son was the famous Srong-ltsan-sgam-po, or, as he was 
called prior to the commencement of his reign, Khri-ldan 
srong-ltsan, who was born about A.D. 6OO. 1 

This prince is known in Chinese history as Ki-tsung- 
lun-tsan, which appears to be a transcription of his name 
prior to his accession. Srong-btsan ascended the throne 
of Tibet in his thirteenth year, and the neighbouring 
states recognised him as their sovereign, so that his rule 
extended over the whole of Tibet, to the north as far as 
Khoten, which during his reign became subject to China, 
and to the east to China. To the south the frontiers were 
less well defined, and for several centuries the sovereigns 
of Tibet carried on a desultory warfare with the moun 
taineers who lived on the southern borders. One of 
Srong-btsan s first preoccupations appears to have been 
to form an alphabet for the Tibetan language. He dis 
patched a mission composed of seven nobles to India for 
that purpose ; but they were unable to find a route, and so 
returned without having accomplished his design. 2 The 
king, however, did not relinquish his purpose, and in 
the third year of his reign (616 A.D.) he sent Thoumi 
Sambhota, son of Toumi Anu_, together with sixteen com 
panions, who, after having had to overcome great diffi 
culties on their road, reached India. Thoumi Sambhota 

to the Bodhimur (Sanang Setsen, sen, p. 29, says 617 A. D. I have 

p. 322), eighty-one years elapsed followed the indications furnished 

between the death of Thothori and by the Tkang chu which places 

the commencement of the reign of Srong-btsan s first mission to China 

Gnam-ri. This puts the beginning in 634. 
of the latter s reign at A.D. 548. 2 See Bodhimur in Sanang Set- 

1 Csoma, op. cit., p. 183, says that sen, p. 327. 
he was born 627 A.D. Sanang Set- 


went to Southern India, where he learnt the Indian 
characters from a brahman called Li-lyin l and the pundit 
Sirihaglwslia. He also made himself acquainted with the 
nagari characters then in use in Kachmere. He took 
twenty-four of these characters, with only slight altera 
tions, and invented six new ones for sounds which did not 
exist in the Indian language, viz. : ^ tsa, db t sa, j dza } 
Q zlia, 3 za, and Q ha? and with these he formed the 
Tibetan capital alphabet, or Ka-plireng dbu-chan. 

Moreover, before returning to Tibet he translated the 
Karandavyuha sutra, the Avalokitesvara sutra, and a 
number of other works. He also carried back to Tibet a 
large collection of religious works. 3 In the Bstan-hygur, 
Mdo, vol. cxxiii., there is a work called Sku-gzugs-kyi- 
mts an-nyid, by Aneibu (i.e., son of Anu), and in vol. 
cxxiv. (ngo), two grammatical works attributed to Thoumi 
Anu(i-l>u ?) or Sambhota, the Sgrai Istan-lchos sum- 
chu-pa; in Sanskrit, Vyakaranamula tringadndma (f. 
27-38), and the Lung-du ston-pa stags-kyi hjug-pa, or 
Vyakarana lingdvatara (f. 38-40). 

King Srong-btsan sgam-po soon became proficient in 
writing, and is credited with having translated Several 
Buddhist works, among others the Karandavyuha sutra, 
and with having composed instructions on horse-raising, 
verses and stories ; but the chief work to which his name 
has remained attached is the Mani bkhah-hbum, or " The 
hundred thousand precious commandments," 4 a glorifica 
tion of Avalokitesvara and a history of his own life. I 

1 See E. Schlaginweit, op. cit., p. vowel. See Jaschke, Tibetan Dic- 
47, note 4. This name may be a tionary, s. r. 

corruption of Lipikara, " a scribe." 3 See Bodhimur, op. cit., p. 328. 
The Bodhimur, op. cit., p. 327, says 4 For an analysis of this work 

that it was in Southern India. The see E. Schlaginweit, Buddhism in 

same work, p. 49, says that the two Thibet, p. 84 ct seq. I have not 

teachers came to Tibet. been able to examine this work, 

2 They were made by differentia- although we know of at least two 
tion of other Tibetan characters, copies of it in Europe, one in St. 
the last one being, probably, a modi- Petersburg, the other in the library of 
fi cation of the character a. This the French Institute, No. 58 of the 
sixth character denotes the pure Catalogue of Tibetan works. 


have, however, been informed by Professor Wassilieff that 
this work is undoubtedly modern, and was written by order 
of the Dalai lamas to maintain their authority. 

In his twenty-second year the king married a ISTepalese 
princess, a daughter of King Devala. She is known in 
Tibetan history as " the white Tara," and is said to have 
brought to Tibet many Buddhist images ; but, if we 
refer to the Thang chu, and read of the innumerable raids 
which Srong-btsan made against China and the other 
neighbouring states, we may doubt whether he found 
much time to give to the study of Buddhism or to aid in 
spreading it within his domains. 

Thai-tsung, the second emperor of the great Thang 
dynasty of China, who ascended the throne in 626 A.D., 
desiring doubtlessly to be on amicable terms with his war 
like neighbour, sent a friendly mission to Srong-btsan, 
who in 634 sent a return mission and requested that 
the emperor would give him in marriage a princess of 
his family. 1 The emperor having refused, Srong-btsan 
got together a great army and advanced into Sse-tchuen, 
subduing all the tribes which opposed him, and which 
were allies of the Chinese. In 641 Thai-tsung granted 
Srong-btsan s request and gave him in marriage the 
princess Wen-ctieng, of the imperial house, who is known 
in Tibetan history as Za-kong, or more generally Kong-clio 
(i.e., Kung-chu, or " princess "). 

Although Tibetan works are unanimous in affirming 
that Buddhism was established in the country before the 
advent of Wen-ch eng, her influence was unquestionably 
very great in helping to spread it ; and we have the word 
of the Tibetan historian Buston for it that " in the com 
mencement the Chinese Tcechana were the guides of the 

1 See Bushell, op. cit., p. 443. of three pretenders to the princess s 

The Tibetan account, as it has been hand, the king of Magadha, the 

preserved to us in the Bodhimur prince of the Stag-gzig (Persians), 

(p 338) and the Mani bkah-hbum and the ruler of the Hur (Uigurs). 

(Csoma,Tib. Gram., p. 196), although See also Sarat Chandra Das, op. at., 

greatly distorted, is substantially vol. 1. p. 22O. 
the same as the Chinese. It speaks 


Tibetans in Buddhism." 1 If these Chinese missionaries 
translated many Buddhist works into Tibetan, they must 
have been eliminated when the Indian pundits revised 
the translations in the ninth century, for there remain 
very few works in the Bkah-hgyur or Bstan-hgyur which 
are translations by Chinese Buddhists ; nearly all are the 
work of well-known Indian pundits of the ninth and 
succeeding centuries. 2 On the other hand, we may 
perhaps argue that but few works were translated by 
Chinese because Buddhism was in their time in its in 
fancy in Tibet, and that it was only in the eighth and 
ninth centuries that it became popular in that country ; 
and I am inclined to think that this is the correct view 
of the question. 

According to the Thang chu, 3 it was after Srong-btsan s 
marriage with the Chinese princess that he built a walled 
city and erected inside its walls a palace for her residence ; 
which event I take to be the same as that chronicled by 
the Tibetans of his removing his capital to Lhasa and 
building the palace on Mount Dmar-po-ri. 4 " As the 
princess (Wen-ch eng) disliked their custom of painting 
their faces red, Lung-tsan (Srong-btsan) ordered his 
people to put a stop to the practice, and it was no longer 
done. 5 He also discarded his felt and skins, put on 
brocade and silk, and gradually copied Chinese civilisa 
tion. He, moreover, sent the children of his chiefs and 
rich men to request admittance into the national schools 

1 See Wassilieff, Buddhism, p. of the town at the mouth of the 
320. Indus where the Qakyas first resided 

2 The Rgyal-rabs (E. Schlagin- (see p. 9), and a favourite residence 
weit s edit., p. 49) says that the of Avalokitesvara, the patron saint 
principal Buddhist teachers who of Tibet. For a description of this 
came to Tibet in this reign were celebrated place, see Markham s 
Kumara from India, Cilamanju from Tibet, p. 255 ; also a sketch of it on 
Nepal, Tabuta and Ganuta from p. 256. 

Kachmere, and Ha-chang (or Hwa- 5 Thang chu in Bushell, op. cit., 

chang) MaMdeva from China, and p. 445 ; also Wei thang thu chi 

the lotsavas Thou-mi, Dharmagosha, (Klaproth s trans.), p. 27. Conf. 

and Qrivadjra. what Hue says in the 2d vol. of his 

3 Bushell, op. cit., p. 445. Souvenirs de Voyage about the 

4 In 1640 the mountain became habit of Tibetan women of Lhasa 
known as the Potala, from the name of painting their faces black. 


to be taught the classics, and invited learned scholars from 
China to compose his official reports to the emperor." 

Furthermore, he introduced into Tibet from China silk 
worms and mulberry-trees (Bodhimur, p. 341), and asked 
the emperor for persons knowing how to make wine, 
water-mills, for paper and ink ; all of which were sent 
him with the calendar. 1 

Srong-btsan sgam-po established commercial relations 
with the Chinese, the Minak 2 (Tanguts), with Hindustan, 
Nepal (Bal-po), with the Hor (the Hui-Jio of the Chinese?), 
and Guge (the modern Mngari Korsum), and extended 
his rule over half of Jambudvipa. A high tribunal was 
established to see that all laws were respected, to keep 
under the arrogance of the mighty, and to protect the 
oppressed. The authors of quarrels were whipped, the 
murderer was put to death, the thief was made to restore 
eight times the value of the stolen property, the adulterer 
was mutilated and exiled, liars aiid perjurers had their 
tongues torn out. 3 


The Nepalese and Chinese princesses had no children, 
so the king married four other women, one of whom, called 
Khri cham, belonging to one of the Mon tribes which 
lived among the mountains between Tibet and India, 
bore him a son, whom he called Gung-ri gung-Usan. He 
died in his eighteenth year, leaving a son called Hang- 
srong mang-ltsan, who succeeded his grandfather in 650. 

It was in the reign of Srong-btsan sgam-po that Tibet 
first became known among the Chinese as Thu-fan 

1 SeeWeithang thu chi, loc. cit, cit., p. 446, silkworms were intro- 

Tibetan historians add that the duced into Tibet during Kao-tsung s 

Chinese princess introduced nas- reign (649-684). 

ch ang or whisky. That milk was a Minak is generally supposed to 

for the first time made into butter have designated the Tangutans or 

and cheese, clay into pottery, and that the tribes of the Koko-nor basin, 

the art of weaving was introduced. It is also used to designate the 

See Schlaginweit, op. cit., p. 49. Manyak of Hodgson (Essays, ii. p. 

The beginning of the first cycle of 66), who extend south of Ta-chien-lu 

sixty years among the Tibetans is at the present day. 

A.D. 1026. See Csoma, Tib. Gram., 3 Bodhimur, op. cit., p. 329. Conf. 

p. 148. According to Bushell, op. Bushell, op. cit., p. 441. 


) or, as it ought to be read in this case, TJm-po, 1 
which appears to be the transcription of two Tibetan words, 
Thub-phod, both of which mean " able, capable ;" the last 
has been softened into lod? and the final d dropped in 
the pronunciation. The Mongolian Tubed reproduces the 
Tibetan pronunciation very closely. Klaproth, however, 
and several other Orientalists after him, pretend that Tubet 
or Tibet is a word unknown among the people of that 
country, and that it is of Turkish origin. Mr. E. Colborne 
Baber, in his interesting " Travels and Researches in the 
Interior of China," 3 (p. 98), says: "A Tibetan arriving in 
Ta-chien-lu from Lhassa, on being asked from what coun 
try he has come, will often reply, From Ten Peu meaning 
from High or Upper Tibet. Perhaps Teu Peu is the 
source of our Tibet. ... A native employs the expression 
Peu Lombo ( Tibet country ) to designate en bloc all the 
Tibetan-speaking nationalities, without intending to con 
vey the least insinuation that they are subject to Lhassa." 
As a general rule, however, Tibet is called Bod-yul, or the 
" country of Bod," and in one work I have found it called 
"The country of the red-faced men" or, Gdong-dmar-gyi- 

Mang-srong mang-btsan, or, as he is called in the Thang 
chu, Ki-li pa-pu, being very young at the time of his 
accession, the prime minister of his grandfather, called 
Mkhar or Gar by the Tibetans, 5 and Lutungtsan, " whose 
surname (tribal name) was Chtishih," by the Chinese, was 
made regent. The Tibetan history called Grub-mthah 
sel-kyi me-long (Sarat Chandra Das trans.) says (p. 222) 
that in this reign the Chinese attacked the Tibetans ; that 

1 See Bush ell, op. cit., p. 435. a translation. Buddhaghuya in his 

2 See A. Schiefner, Tibetische Stu- epistle to Khri-srong, calls him Mgo- 
dien in Mel. Asiat. de St. Petersb., i. nag yongs-Jcyi rje, " Lord of all the 
332, note. black-heads," an expression very 

3 J. R. G. S., Supplementary common in the Chinese King. 
Papers, vol. i. pt. I. 5 See Sarat Chandra Das, op. cit., 

4 See p. 242. It must not be for- p. 220; Sanang Setsen, p. 338. 
gotten that the Li-yul lo-rgyus-pa is 


they were at first repulsed, but finally took Lhasa and 
burnt the palace on the Dmar-po hill. The Thang chu 
does not allude to these events, and we may doubt their 
veracity or suspect them of being interpolated. 1 This 
king died at the early age of twenty-seven in 679, and 
was succeeded by his son, called Dgung-srong lulam (or 
Jidu] rja, or Du-srong mang-po, known in the Thang chu 
as Kinushilung. The extent of the kingdom of Tibet in 
this reign is described as follows in Tibetan histories : 
" In the time of this king (all the country) from the Eoyal 
river (Yang tze) in the east, to Shing kham in Bal-po 
(Nepal) in the south, to the far-off Kra-krag (tribes) of 
the Hor 2 in the north, Lo-bo tchum-rings (probably in 
Nepal), Sbal-ti (Balti), the plains of Nang god (or kod, 
part of Balti], and the lowlands of Shi-dkar (?) in the 
west, was under the rule of Tibet." During this reign tea 
was (first) brought to Tibet from China. 

The king was killed on an expedition against Nepal, 
and was succeeded in 705 by his son Khri-lde gtsug bstan 
mes Ag-ts oms, called in the Thang chu Kilisotsan, which 
name gives a quite correct pronunciation of the four first 
syllables of his Tibetan name. The king, who was a 
minor, concluded a treaty with the Chinese, with whom 
his father and grandfather had waged war during their 
whole reigns. He married the adopted daughter of the 
Emperor Tchang tsong. She was the daughter of Shuli, 
prince of Yung, and bore the title of Princess of Chin- 

1 This same work, p. 221, makes Tribes of Northern Tibet," says 
out Mang-srong to be the son of that " the Horpa occupy the western 
Srong-btsan, but with this the half of the region lying beyond the 
Thang chu (Bushell, op, cit., p. 446) Nyenchhen-thangla range of moun- 
does not agree, nor does the Bod- tains, and between it and the /uran 
himur, op, cit., p. 347, which says leun or Kuenlin chain, or Northern 
that this king was the uncle of Srong- Tibet, and also a deal of Little 
btsan ; but on p. 343 it calls him his Bukharia and of Songaria, where 
grandson. they are denominated Kao-tse by the 

2 This word is said by Csoma to Chinese, and Dgliurs (as would seem) 
be used to designate the Turks, by themselves." The word Hor 
Schmidt, on the contrary, says that may be derived from the Chinese 
it meant the Mongols. M. Brian Hui-lw, which the Thang chu uses 
Hodgson, in his " Essay on the for these tribes. 


ch eng, 1 or Chin-ctieng kung-chu, but, like her predecessor, 
the wife of Srong-btsan, she is generally called in Tibe 
tan works "the princess," or Kong-clio (A.D. 710). This 
monarch contributed very materially to propagating and 
encouraging Buddhism. He built several monasteries, 
and invited a number of monks from Khoten, with a view 
of introducing monachism into Tibet, but failed, as no 
body would come forward to take the vows of monkhood. 2 
The Suvarna prabhasa sutra and the Karma gataka were 
translated into Tibetan, the text of the first work having 
been obtained from China. The translations of these 
works which are at present in the Bkah-hgyur are of a 
later date, having been made during the reign of Eal-pa- 
chan. 3 Some emissaries whom he had sent to India to 
invite to Tibet two Indian pundits, Buddhaguhya and 
Buddhac. anti, committed to memory while in India five 
volumes of the Mahayana sutras, which they subsequently 
reproduced in their own language. 4 This statement of 
the Tibetan historian is very interesting, and may help to 
throw some light on the somewhat obscure question of 
the discrepancies which we find in different translations 
of a Buddhist text, such as the Buddhacharita of.Ac^va- 
ghosha, for example, of which the Chinese version has been 
made accessible through Mr. Beal s translation of it in 
vol. xix. of the " Sacred Books of the East." I have had 
occasion to compare the greater part of the Tibetan trans 
lation of this work with Mr. Beal s version, and was 
astonished to find that even in the case of this work, 
which is not a canonical one, the two translations could 
not have been made from the same original. If, then, we 

1 See Bushell, op. cit., p. 456; very well with those related in the 

Wei thang-thu-chi, p. 28 ; Bodhimur, Chinese works. 

op. cit., p. 348, &c. This last work 2 Sarat Chandra Das, op. cit., p. 

gives dates for all the events of 223. 

Tibetan history, which are perfectly 3 See Bkah-hgyur, Rgyud xii. f. 

unacceptable. I have consequently 208 et seq., and Mdo xxvii. xxviii. 

adopted those supplied by the 4 Sarat Chandra Das, p. 223. A 

Chinese annals. With this excep- letter of Buddhaguhya addressed to 

tion, the events told by the Mongol Ag-ts oms son,Khri-srong, is in the 

and the Tibetan historians agree Bstan-hgyur, vol. xciv. See p. 221. 


find that Tibetan translations were made, not from written 
originals, but from ones which had been preserved orally 
for a long period before they were taken down in writing, 
we can understand how the early texts have become so 
changed, and in some cases distorted, in the Tibetan trans 

Ag-ts oms had also translated from Chinese several 
works on medicine, astrology, and other works concerning 
religious ceremonies (magic ?). 

He died in 755, leaving the throne to his son by Chin- 
ch eng, called Khri-srong Ide Istan, or, as he is known in 
Chinese annals, Ki-li-tsan. 1 He availed himself of the 
disturbed condition of the Chinese empire during the first 
years of Su-tsong s reign, and " daily encroached on the 
borders, and the citizens were either carried off and 
massacred, or wandered about to die in ditches, till, after 
the lapse of some years, all the country to the west of 
Feng-hsiang and to the north of Pin-chu belonged to the 
Fan barbarians, and several tens of chou were lost." 2 
Tibetan rule extended over the greater part of Sse-tchuen 
and Yun-nan, and their troops in 763 took Ch angan, the 
capital of China. 

This sovereign is especially celebrated for the aid and 
protection he afforded Buddhist missionaries, to favour 
whom he did not even hesitate to persecute the followers 
of the national religion of Bon-po, a strange measure for 
a follower of the most tolerant creed in the world ! He 
called from India Qantarakshita; 3 but the teachings of this 
doctor met with so much opposition from the Chinese 
Yogatchariyas most likely that he departed from Tibet, 

1 In the Chinese annals (Bushell, 2 See Bushell, op. eft., p. 475- 

op. cit., p. 439) we find a king 3 The Bstan-hgyur contains many 

called Sohsilungliehtsan between works by this Atcharya, among 

Khi-li-so-tsan (Ag-ts om) and Khi- others a commentary on the Saty- 

li-tsan (Khri-srong), whereas all advayavibkanga of Djnanagarbha ; 

Tibetan histories are unanimous in commentaries on the Madhyamika. 

affirming that Khri-srong was son of theories, Vddangdyavritti pakshitdr- 

the Chinese Princess Chin-ch eng,and thd, &c. 
succeeded his father on the throne. 


but advised the king to invite Padma Sambhava of 
Udyana, who belonged to the Madhyamika school of 
Buddhism. 1 This celebrated teacher superintended the 
building of the famous Hsam-yas (pr. Samye) monastery 
at Lhasa, which is supposed to be a copy of the Nalanda 
monastery in Magadha. 2 I have not met with any works 
of his in the Tibetan Tripitaka, but his treatise on the 
Dharani doctrine is still extant. Ananda, a Buddhist of 
Kachmere, also came to Tibet, where he taught the theo 
ries of the ten virtues, the eighteen dhatus, and of the 
twelve iiidanas. He also largely contributed to the in 
crease of Buddhist works by the translations he made. In 
the Bstan-hgyar his name is of frequent occurrence, and 
in the sutra section of that work there are two treatises 
by a Djaya Ananda, who may possibly have been the same 
person. He must not, however, be confounded with the 
famous Anandacji, who came to Tibet in the ninth cen 
tury. But by far the most popular teacher in Tibet during 
this reign, after Sambhava s death, was Kamalagila. He 
at first met with a great deal of opposition from the 
Chinese Hwa-sliang or Ho-sliang? the most influential of 
which was called Mahayana or Mahadeva, perhaps the 
same as the Hwa-shang zab-mo, the author of two works 
in the Bstan-hgyur (Mdo, xxx., xxxiii.) Kamalagila de 
feated him in a grand controversy held in the king s 
presence, 4 and from that time the Madhyamika doctrines 
were generally followed. Besides translating a great 
many Buddhist works into Tibetan, he wrote a large 

1 The followers of Padma Sam- See Markham s Tibet, p. cxx. It is 
bhava are called Urgyen-pa, an ab- south-east of Lhasa, and near the 
breviation for " disciples of the man famous Dgah-ldan monastery. See 
from Udyana or Urgyen." They Wei thang thu chi, p. 1 30. 

are chiefly found in the present day 3 A Chinese expression for Bud- 
in those parts of Tibet which border dhist monk. The word was trans- 
on Nepal and India. See E. Schla- ferred from the language of Khoten 
ginweit, Buddhism in Tibet, p. 73. to Chinese. It corresponds to the 

2 The pundit Nain Sing resided Sanskrit Upadhyaya or " Master." 
in this monastery when at Lhasa in See Edkins, Chinese Buddh., page 
1874. He says that the images in 143. 

it were of pure gold, and that it 4 For all the particulars see the 
contains a large Buddhist library. Bodhimur, op. cit., p. 356-357. 


number of treatises which are still extant in the Bstan- 
hgyur. In the sutra section alone of that collection I 
have found seventeen works written by him. Taranatha 
says that he was a contemporary of King Qrimant Dhar- 
mapala of India (p. 171). 

It was also during this monarch s reign that the Bud 
dhist clergy was regularly reorganised ; it received a firm 
constitution and was divided into classes. 1 Unfortunately 
I have not been able to find any notice on the habits of 
the Buddhist order in Tibet prior to this reorganisation, 
but it appears probable that they were much the same as 
in India, with only such material differences as a colder 
climate and national peculiarities required. 

That Buddhism had not flourished in Tibet prior to this 
reign is made quite evident by a document preserved to 
us in the sutra section of the Bstan-hgyur, vol. xciv. 
f. 387-391, and entitled "Epistle of the Master Buddha- 
ghuya to the king of Tibet, Khri srong Ide btsan, to his 
subjects and nobles." It is unfortunately not possible 
to give a translation of this interesting work here. I 
will only quote a few lines at the commencement of it. 
Buddhaghuya, after saluting the king, says : " Thou didst 
dispatch to India Yairotchana, Ska-ba-dpal brtsegs, Klu- 
yi rgyal mts an, Ye-shes sde, Armandju, 2 and others, to 
whom thou didst intrust much wealth of gold and silver, 
to get the Dharma, increase the little religion that was in 
thy realm, and open the window which would let in the 
light on the darkness of Bod, and bring in its midst the 
life-giving waters. . . ." This suffices to show us that in 
the middle of the eighth century Tibet was hardly recog 
nised as a Buddhist country. 

1 Bodhimur, p. 356. epistle not to have done so. He tells 

2 These are well-known names of the king that " my body 5 wrinkled 
lotsavas or interpreters, but they are and I have no strength ; " but wish- 
more especially connected with fol- ing to serve him, he gave his two 
lowing reigns. Bxiddhaghuya had messengers this epistle, in which he 
been requested by the king to come described the duties of a king, of his 
to Tibet, but appears from his nobles, and of the priesthood. 


One of the first things which the Indian pundits and 
their Tibetan aides or lotsavas appear to have done was to 
determine the Tibetan equivalents of the innumerable 
Sanskrit words which have a special sense in Buddhist 
works, and to this we owe two excellent Sanskrit-Tibetan 
dictionaries, the larger one known as the Mahdvyutpatti 
or $grabyc-l>rag-du stogs-byed tcken-po, and an abridged 
edition with the same title ; both of these works are in the 
1 24th vol. of the Mdo section of the Bstan-hgyur. 

It is quite beyond the scope of this work to give even 
a list of the principal works which were made known in 
Tibet at this time. Besides the numerous canonical works 
which are mentioned in the index of the Bkah-hgyur and 
Bstan-hgyur as having been translated in the latter part 
of this sovereign s reign or in that of his successors, we 
must mention two due to King Khri srong Ide btsan him 
self, and which have been preserved to us in the Mdo sec 
tion of the Bstan-hgyur. One in the I2th and I3th vols. 
is a commentary on a work by Danshtasena, the other in 
vol. 1 24, entitled " Fifteen chapters of perfectly measured 
commandments," or Blmli yang-dag-pai ts ad-ma len bcho- 
Inga-pa. Khri srong died in 786, 1 and was succeeded by 
his son Mu-Jcri Usan-po (or Muni Itsan-po), who is known 
in Chinese as Tsu-chih-hien. 

This young prince, of great promise, was poisoned by 
his mother after a reign of a year and nine months, and 
was succeeded by his brother Mu-khri btsan-po, or Sad-na- 
legs, as he is also called. Schlaginweit s Egyal-rabs, how 
ever, erroneously calls this sovereign the son of the pre 
ceding one. He induced Kamala^ila, who had left Tibet, 

1 See Csoma s Chronological Ta- the Wei-thang thu-chi, p. 127, we 

bles, Tib. Gram., p. 183. It is im- hear of a treaty concluded between 

possible to make the statements of Te-tsung and Khri-srong. But Te- 

the Thang chu agree with the sue- tsung only became emperor of China 

cession of kings as given by Tibetan in 799. It, moreover, calls them the 

and Mongolian writers, at least uncle and the nephew. We know, 

there exists great confusion in the however, that Khri-srong s uncle 

names. I remark, en passant, that all was the Emperor Tchong tsong 

Chinese works do not agree about (684-716). 
events in Tibetan history ; thus in 



to return and reside permanently in that country. He 
had many Buddhist works translated, and devoted much 
time to forming good interpreters for that purpose. Ac 
cording to Tibetan historians, he had a long and prosperous 
reign, and died at a good old age. On the other hand, the 
Thang chu says that he only reigned for six years, viz., 
7Q8-8O4. 1 As, however, he commenced his reign at a 
very early age, it appears improbable that the Chinese 
chronicles can be perfectly correct. Moreover, they do 
not mention any sovereign between the time of Mu-khri s 
death and the commencement of the reign of Eal-pa chan 
(Kolikotsu) in Si 6. But even supposing that he reigned 
until this date, we would still be unable to make the 
Chinese chronology agree with the Tibetan, for the latter 
say that Bal-pa-chan, his son and successor, was born 
between 846 and 864. Notwithstanding these discre 
pancies, we prefer, as we have said before, the dates 
furnished us by the Chinese, for we have no reasons for 
doubting their accuracy in general, and a great many for 
suspecting those given by the Tibetans or Mongols, who, 
as is well known, attach no importance to dates. We 
accept, therefore, provisionally 816 A.D. as the date of the 
commencement of the reign of Eal-pa-chan or Khri-ral, 
the Chinese Kolikotsu, second son of Mu-khri btsan-po. 2 

A few years after the commencement of his reign he 
concluded peace with China, and at Gungu Meru the 
Chinese and Tibetan monarchs had a temple erected, in 
which was placed a great stone slab upon which the sun 
and moon were represented, and where it was written 
that " whereas the sun and moon moved in the heavens 
in friendship, so would the two kingdoms do," &c. 3 He 

1 See Bushell, op. cit., p. 439. Buddhagoshya s epistle with the list 

2 Another fact which shows that of translators in Schlaginweit s 
the reigns of the two sovereigns who Rgyal-rabs. 

succeeded Khri-srong was short is 3 See Bodhimur, op. cit., p. 361. 

that the lotsavas who figure in Khri- Tor more particulars concerning this 

srong s reign are known to have treaty see Bushell, op. cit., p. 521, 

assisted pundits who only came to and rubbings of the inscription in 

Tibet in Ral-pa-chan s reign. Cf. the same work. Cf. also Schlagin- 

the names of lotsavas given in weit, op. cit., p. 58. 


was the first Tibetan sovereign who appears to have paid 
any attention to the annals of his country; he had all 
the events of his reign recorded according to the Chinese 
system of chronology, and he adopted Chinese weights 
and measures. 

The Chinese tell us that the Btsan-po, during his reign 
of about thirty years, was sick and unable to attend to 
business, and the government was in the hands of the 
chief ministers. 1 Tibetan history, however, attributes the 
profound peace which the land enjoyed during this reign 
to the sovereign s love of religion. He called from India 
the Buddhist pundits Djinamitra, Qrilendrabodhi, 2 Dana- 
gila, Pradjnavarman, Surendrabodhi, &c., who, assisted by 
the Tibetan interpreters Dpal brtsegs, Ye-shes-sde, Tchos- 
kyi rgyal-mts an, &c., added an immense number of works 
to the Tibetan collection of Buddhist literature. Besides 
the canonical works which they translated, they made 
known to the Tibetans the works of Vasubandhu, of Ary- 
adeva, Tchandrakirti, Mgarjuna, Ac,vaghosha, &c., also 
numerous commentaries on the sacred works, such as the 
Pradjnaparamita in 100,000 verses, &c. 3 Moreover, they 
corrected all the translations made previously, and doubt 
lessly substituted their own work in place of the older 
ones ; for, as I have remarked, nearly all the translations 
which are in the Tripitaka date from this reign. " They 
thoroughly revised the two collections of precepts (i.e., the 
Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur) and the works on know 
ledge, and rearranged them." 4 And the work of these 
masters has never been superseded by the succeeding 
generations of doctors, for we may safely assert that at 
least half of the " two collections," as we know them, is 

1 Thang chu in Bushell, op. cit., on the Saddharmapundarika, by 

p 522. Prithivibandhu from Ceylon (Singa- 

2 The two first were disciples of yling}. 

Sthiramati. See Wassilieff, Taran- 4 See E. Schlaginweit, op. cit., p. 

atha, p. 320. 69. The two collections may mean 

3 Among other works translate the Vinaya and Sutra ; the works 

at this time into Tibetan I note in on knowledge, the Abhidharma. 
the sutra of the Bstan-hgyur a tika, 


the labour of their hands. The mass of works on tantrik 
subjects was not known in their days, and was mostly 
added by Atisha and his disciples in the eleventh century ; 
but I do not believe that any of the older canonical works 
(i.e., of the Bkah-hgyur) are due to any translators pos 
terior to this reign. 

Eal-pa chan is said to have done much toward giving 
the priesthood a regular organisation and hierarchy. It 
appears probable that he was aided by Buddhist priests 
from some Northern Buddhist country, perhaps Khoten, 
although we read in the Sel-kyi me-long 1 " that he enforced 
the canonical regulations of India for the discipline and 
guidance of the clergy. . . . Thinking that the propaga 
tion of religion depended much upon the predominance of 
the clergy, he organised many classes of the priesthood. 
To each monk he assigned a small revenue, derived from 
five tenants." He established in monasteries three orders 
of auditors, meditation, and practice, and classes of elocu 
tion, controversy, and exegesis. 2 Eal-pa chan s elder bro 
ther, Gtsang-ma, entered the priesthood, became a famous 
teacher, and wrote several c,astras ; his younger brother was 
Glang dar-ma orDkarma clbyig-dur btsan-po, who succeeded 
him on the throne. 

Kal-pa chan was so strict in enforcing the clerical laws 
that he stirred up a revolt, which was encouraged under 
hand by his brother Glang dar-ma, who was heir to the 
throne, the king having no children. The king was 
assassinated at the age of forty-eight (in 838), by two men 
who strangled him. 3 Glang dharma or Tamo, as he is 
called by the Chinese, is represented in the Thang chu as 

1 Sarat Chandra Das, op. cit., p. was assassinated in 904. SeeGaubil s 
228. Histoire de la Dynastie Tang, Mem. 

2 Bodhimur, op. cit., p. 358. The Concernant les Chinois, xvi. p. 
same work, p. 49, says that Ral-pa 353. 

chan killed the Emperor Tchao- J See Bushell, op. cit., p. 439 and 
tchong of the Thang, and took much 522. Csoma, Tib. Gram., p. 183, 
spoil from China. This gives a good gives A.D. 899 for Dharma s acces- 
idea of the accuracy of Tibetan and sion, and Sanang Setsen, p. 49, A.D. 
Mongolian records. Tchao-tchong 902. 



a man " fond of wine, a lover of field-sports, devoted to 
women, and, besides, cruel, tyrannical, and ungracious." l 
He appears to have persecuted Buddhism so effectually 
that all the lamas had to flee from Tibet. 2 The Egyal- 
rabs says " that in this reign priests were made to use meat 
and intoxicating drinks. Whoever did not give up the 
way of living of the priesthood was banished. Some left 
of themselves, but those who remained had to take the 
drum and horn, and with bow and arrows follow the 
hounds in the chase. Some even had to learn the 
butcher s trade." 3 Glang Dharma was murdered, after a 
few years reign, 4 by a Buddhist priest called Dpal-gyi 
rdo-rje or Qrivadjra, of Lha-lung. 

He was succeeded by his son Od-srung, who may have 
had a hand in his murder, for the Rgyal-rabs says that as 
soon as he became king he consulted with Qrivadjra on 
the best means of re-establishing Buddhism. With this, 
however, Sanang Setsen does not agree, for he tells us 
that this prince reigned fifty-three years without the Law 

(P. 50- 

He was succeeded by his son Lde dpal liklwr Usan, in 

whose reign eight copies of the sacred works were restored 
to the monasteries of Upper Mngari, and many persons 
were intent on re-establishing the supremacy of Buddhism. 
Nevertheless, with Glang Dharma the glory of Tibet as a 
nation vanished, and we learn from Ma-twan-lin that in 
the year 928 no one could be found at the court of China 
who could read a letter written in Tibetan which had 
been brought there by four priests. 5 The same work adds 

1 See Bushell, op. cit., p. 522. his death at about 842, which an- 

2 Cf. the chap, of this work on the swers the requirements, for it would 
early history of Khoten, p. 243. be difficult to believe that he extir- 

3 See Schlaginweit, Konige von pated Buddhism from Central Tibet 
Tibet, p. 60. in a year. 

4 Ace. to Csoma, loc. cit., he died 5 Ma twan lin, Wen hien tung- 
in A.D. 900. Sanang Setsen, p. 49, khao, Kiuen, 335, p. i, and Reinu- 
says that he reigned twenty-three sat, Recherches sur les Langues 
years, and was killed in 925. The Tartares, p. 386. 

Tang chu (Bushell, p. 439) places 


that in the commencement of the tenth century the Tibetan 
nation was disunited, and formed tribes of a hundred or 
a thousand families. 

In A.D. 1013 the Indian pundit Dharmapdla came to 
Tibet with several of his disciples, and in 1042 the famous 
Atisha, a native of Bengal, who is known in Tibet as Jo- 
vo rje or Jo-vo rtishe, also came there. He wrote a great 
number of works which may be found in the Bstan-hgyur, 
and translated many others, relating principally to tantrik 
theories and practices. 

His principal disciple was the Tibetan Bu-ston, whose 
historical work called " The Jewel of the Manifestation of 
the Dharma," or Tchos-hlyung rin-tchen, is one of the 
principal authorities in Tibetan history. The good work 
was continued by Marpa and his disciple Milarcispci, whose 
missionary labours appear from his works to have been 
confined to those parts of Tibet which border on Nepal, 
and to the north of the Mon or hill tribes on the southern 
slope of the Himalayas. We know of two works by this 
missionary, or rather by his disciples, one an "Autobio 
graphy of the Eeverend Lord Milaraspa," the other " The 
Hundred Thousand Songs of the Venerable Milaraspa." 
This last work, of which I possess a copy clue to the 
kindness of Mr. Wherry of Ludiana is written in a 
language which offers many difficulties for one accustomed 
to the classical language of the translators of the ninth 
century, and we cannot help thinking that such radical 
differences in works which were composed at the most at 
an interval of three hundred years from each other, help 
to show that the so-called classical language of Tibetan 
works was an artificial one, which differed in its vocabu 
lary, its phraseology, and its grammatical structure from 
the spoken language of the same period. The Buddhist 
pundits translated literally, and observed, as far as pos 
sible, the peculiarities of style of the originals. This is 
clearly shown by examining works translated into Tibetan 


from Indian dialects on the one* hand, and from the 
language of Khoten or China on the other. The same 
stock phrases are rendered in an entirely different way, 
which is easily explained, however, by referring to the 
peculiar genius of each of these languages. 

It is not my intention to follow the history of Buddhism 
in Tibet later than what we may call its Augustine era, 
which ended with Eal-pa chan ; but I must call attention 
to the literature of this country, which is not so thoroughly 
Buddhistic as has been generally supposed. Without men 
tioning the numerous works on grammar, logic, and polity 
(nit i), which are contained in the Bstan-hgyur, and were 
translated from Sanskrit, we know of traslations of Kali- 
dasa s Meghaduta, the Qatagatha of Vararutchi, the Arya- 
kosha of Eavigupta, &c., &c. Professor Wassilief says, "We 
know that besides the Gesser Khan the Tibetans have other 
poems; that they possess dramatical works, and have 
even translations of the Eamayana and of Galien." l Mr. 
Colborne Baber says, " Savants have allowed us to suppose 
that the Tibetans possess no literature but their Buddhist 
classics. A number of written poems, however, exist, 
couched in an elevated and special style; and, besides, 
there are collections of fairy tales and fables. . . . The 
epic mentioned above is styled Djiung ling (Moso Divi 
sion), and is only one of three parts of a very extensive 
work known as the Djriung-yi, or Story Book/ . . . They 
have never published it, and even the manuscript of the 
three divisions cannot be obtained in a united form. But 
every Tibetan, or at least every native of Kham, who pos 
sesses any education, is able to recite or to chant passages 
of great length." 2 

1 Mel. Asiat. de St. Petersb., ii. I refer my readers to the work 

574. We may add that in the 1st itself; the whole passage is highly 

vol. of the Bstod-ts ogs of the Bstan- interesting, but too long to be re- 

hgyur is a translation of the Ma- produced here. The word Djriuny- 

habharata. yi may possibly be for Ryyus-yi dpc, 

-E. Colborne Baber, op. cit., p. 88. "Book of Tales." 


The library of the Academy of Science of St. Petersburg 
contains a number of Tibetan works on geography, sucli 
as the "Wonderful Story, a Description of the World," 1 "A 
Geography of Tibet," &c., &c. 

1 See Mel. Asiat. de St. Petersb., Petersburg is a MS. geography of 
i. 415, n. 445 b . No. 25,228 of the Tibet, 
library of the University of St. . 



THE country called in Tibetan works Li-yul has been 
diversely identified by Orientalists. Csoma takes it to 
be " a part of the Mongols country ; " Schiefner (Tib- 
Lebens Qakyam., p. 327, 1 and Taranatha, p. 78) thinks 
that it was the Na-kie of Fah-Hien, Yakula of the 
Buddhist works ; Wassilieff (Buddh., p. 74) says that it 
was " the Buddhist countries north of Tibet, and particu 
larly Khoten;" Sarat Chandra Das (J. B. A. S., vol. i. 
p. 223) says, " Li-yul is identified with Nepal by the 
translators of Kaligyur. I have been able to ascertain 
that the ancient name of Nepal was Li-yul." 2 

The following pages will superabundantly demonstrate, 
I think, that WassiliefT s opinion is correct, and that by 
Li-yul we must understand Eastern Turkestan, or that 
region surrounded by the Kuen-lun, the Tung-lin, and 
the Thien-chan mountains, but more especially Khoten. 

The Tibetan name of Li-yul admits of no other trans 
lation than " country of Li," 3 which one might be in 
clined to compare with the modern Chinese name for 
Khoten, Ilichi. As to " Khoten," it is (as Abel Eemusat 
has pointed out) a corrupt form of the Sanskrit Kusthana, 
the name of the first sovereign of Li, and which was after- 

1 P. 290 Schiefner says that it Koniye von Tibet, p. 850, and f. 2i a , 

was in his eightieth yfar, shortly line 4 of the text, 

before his death, that the Buddha 3 Cf. Li-thang, name of a district 

went to Li-yul. in Eastern Tibet, or " Plain of Li. " 

2 The only passage in Tibetan Li in Tibetan means " bell-metal." 

writers which places Li-yul south See Capt. Gill, " River of Golden 

of Tibet is in E. Schlaginweit s Sands," 2d ed., p. 206. 


wards applied to the country. The same remark holds 
good for the Chinese Yu-thien. 

Fah-Hien and Huen Thsang, who visited Khoten in 
the fifth and seventh centuries respectively, have given us 
a glowing account of the power and splendour of Bud 
dhism in that country at the time of their visits, 1 and the 
legends preserved to us by Huen Thsang are substantially 
the same as some of those which are contained in the 
Tibetan works which I have consulted for this notice. 
The same may be said of several passages translated by 
Abel Eemusat in his Histoire de la Ville de Kliotan, which 
work has enabled me to complete to a certain extent the 
Tibetan texts at my disposal. 

The following notes are derived from four Tibetan 
works which are probably translations from works written 
in the language of Khoten or Djagatai Turki ; but as they 
are not followed by any colophon (with the exception of 
the fourth and least important one) giving the names of the 
translators, &c., it is quite impossible to decide this ques 
tion. The titles of these works are as follows, classing 
them by their respective value: ist, The Annals of Li- 
yul (Li-yul-gyi Lo-rgyus-pa) Bstan-hgyur, vol. 94 (u\ fol. 
426-444; 2d, The Prediction (vyakarana) of Li-yul (Li-yul 
lung-lstan-pa), do., fol. 420-425 ; 3d, The Prediction of the 
Arhat Sanghavardhana (Dgra-bclwm-pa Dge-hdun-hphel- 
gyi lung-bstan-pa)? do., fol. 412-420; 4th, Gogringa Vya 
karana (Ei-glang-ru luna-bstan) Bkah-hgyur, vol. 30, fol. 
336-354. This last work, we are told, was translated 
into Tibetan from the language of Li-yul. 

To translate these works literally would have proved 
very unsatisfactory, and would have given but an imperfect 
idea of their general value. I have, therefore, deemed it 

1 From a passage of Hoei-li s hundred convents in Khoten. 
Life of Huen Thsamj (p. 288) one 2 Taranatha (p. 62) speaks of 
might think that at the time of Sanghavardhana as living in Li-yul 
Huen Thsang s visit Khoten was a at the time when the Mletscha doc- 
vassal of the Kao-tchang (Uigurs), trine (Islamism) first made its ap- 
P. 278 he says that there were a pearance in India (p. 63). 


best to give their contents in chronological order, and to 
use the past tense instead of the future, which occurs 
throughout these predictions or revelations (vyakaranas). 
Li-yul, like Tibet and a great many other Buddhist coun 
tries, 1 on adopting Buddhism, saw fit to recast nearly all 
its national traditions, and to consider the first king of the 
country, if not a descendant of the Qakyas, at least a sou 
of one of the illustrious Buddhist monarchs of India. In 
the present case we are told that the founder of the king 
dom of Khoten was a son of King Dharmagoka. 

In the days of the Buddha Kagyapa, Li-yul was fre 
quented by some liishis, but they were badly treated by 
the people of the country, so they departed. Then the 
Nagas were vexed, and from a dry country they converted 
Li-yul into a lake. 2 When Qakyamuni was in the world he 
visited Li-yul in company with a great number of his dis 
ciples. Then the Buddha Qakyamuni enveloped the whole 
of Li-yul, which was then a lake, with rays of light, and 
from out these rays there came 363 water-lilies, in the 
centre of each one of which was a lamp. Then these rays 
of light united into one, which circled around the lake, 
three times, going to the right, and then disappeared in 
the water. 

After that the Blessed One said to the Arya Cariputra 
and to Vaigravana, " Cut open this lake which is as black 
as the Samangasarana Parvata (?)." Then the Arya Cari 
putra made an opening for the lake (lit. pierced) with the 
butt end of his staff, and Vaigravana (did likewise) with 
the end of his pike (mduny). After this the Blessed One 
remained for seven days for the w r eal of mankind in the 

1 Cf. Huen Thsang, Sl-yu-H, vol. for Warren Hastings (Markham s 
i. p. 179, vol. ii. p. 77-210, &c.; also Tibet, p. 341). "When the divine 
Sanang Setsen, p. 21. Saki Sinha went to Kilsi, this coun- 

2 Cf. with this tradition that of try of Bhot was an expanse of water, 
the Chinese about the Yok-chui About one hundred years after this 
(Kingmill, /. R. A. &, N.S., vol. divine personage left his kingdom 
xiv. p. 8 1 note). Cf. the history of the water ran out through Bengal 
the conversion of Kachmere and and the land was left dry." Cf. D. 
also what the Teshu-lania says in Wright s History of Nepal, p. 94 
the history of Bod-yul he prepared et scq. 


temple to the left-hand side of the great figure on the 
Gogircha mountain, where there is now a little tchaitya. 1 

While there, Ananda asked the Blessed One about what 
had just occurred. Then the Buddha replied, " From the 
fact that Cariputra has pierced the lake with the butt-end 
of his staff and Vaigravana with the end of his pike, the 
lake will hereafter dry up, and after my death it will be 
a land called Li-yul. In days to come, within the space 
which the light encircled three times there will be built a 
great city with five towers (?) (called) U-then." 2 (Lo- 
rgyur, f. 426.) 

King Adjatasatru having become king, reigned thirty- 
two years ; five years after his accession to the throne 3 
the Buddha passed away, after which he reigned twenty- 
seven years. Prom Adjatasatru to Dharmagoka there were 
ten generations (of kings). Dharmagoka was king fifty-four 
years. 4 (Do., f. 429 b .) 

Two hundred and thirty-four years after the death of 
the Buddha there was a king of India called Dharma 
goka, who, in the first place, had put to death many beings, 
but who had later on become a righteous man through the 
Arya, the Arhat Yaco (Yagas) ; he had confessed his sins 

1 Huen Thsang (xii. p. 229, Ju- modern corruption of Kusthana. 
lien) calls this mountain Gogringa. 3 See also Mahawanso, p. 22 and 
I am inclined to think that Goircha 122. Cf. Maliawanso, p. 10, which 
must be considered throughout our says that the Buddha died in the 
texts as synonymous with Gogringa. eighth year of his reign. 

H. T. mentions (loc. cit.) the Bud- 4 Perhaps this date alludes to the 

dha s prediction. See also Schief- year in which Kusthana was born, 

ner s Tib. Lebens, p. 290, where we If so, it places the date of Dharma- 

have an abstract of our text. The c;oka s becoming king at 203 A.B. 

mountain is there called Gocringa. This is the only passage I have ever 

It adds that the three hundred and met with in Northern Buddhist 

sixt^-three lilies represented the works which speaks of Dharmagoka 

number of Buddhist vihdras which as living later than a hundred 

would be built in this county. Our years after the Buddha. See Go^rin., 

text, for some unaccountable reason, vy. f. 340; IIdzanc]S-blun, p. 174, 

omitted the explanation of this pro- &c. The Dipaicansa, vi. i, says, 

digy. The Gogringa mountain was " Two hundred and eighteen years 

20 li south-west of the capital, Re- after the Parinibbana of the Sam- 

musat(op. cit., p. 43). buddha, Piyadarsana was anointed 

2 The text has Khar-lnya-ldan, king." It moreover says (v. 110) 
which I have supposed = Mkhar- that he reigned thirty-seven years. 
liKja-ldan. U-then is probably a 


and had vowed to sin no more. ... At that time the 
lake had dried up, but Li-yul was uninhabited. (Do., 
f. 428 b .) 

In the thirtieth year of Dharmagoka s reign (f. 429 b ) his 
queen-consort brought forth a son. The soothsayers being 
summoned, declared that the child bore many marks of 
greatness, and that he would be king during his father s 
lifetime. Then the king, fearing that this child would 
dethrone him, gave orders that he should be abandoned ; 
and the mother, apprehending that if the child were not 
abandoned the king would have him put to death, did as 
he had ordered. But when the child had been abandoned, 
there arose a breast on the earth from which he derived 
sustenance, so that he did not die. For this reason he was 
called Kusthana, or " breast of the earth." l (F. 428 b .) 

Now at that time there lived a ruler of Egya (China), 
a great Bodhisattva. He had 999 sons, and had prayed 
to Vaicravana that he might have one more to complete 
the thousand. Vaigravana looked about, and perceiving 
that the little waif Kusthana was a promising person, he 
carried him off and made him the son of the ruler of 
Egya. The ruler of Egya brought him up, but cue day 
while quarrelling with the children of (the king of) Egya, 

1 Cf. lit/en Thsang, xii. p. 224 et reason he will be called Suckled 
scq. His version of the story is from the earth (Sa-las nu-ma nu), 
easily made to agree with that of the or Kusthana. When he shall have 
text by suppressing the part which grown up, he will leave China with 
precedes Kusthana s arrival in a great host, the great minister 
China. In the Gocrin., vy. f. 340, we Hjang-cho, and others. He will 
read, " One hundred years after my come to this country (Li-yul), and 
nirvana there will be a king of will establish himself here, and the 
Kgya (China) called Tcha-yang, who country will take its name of Kus- 
will have a thousand sons, each one thana from him. At that time a 
of which will go and seek a new great many men will come here from 
country. Having heard of the Rgya-gar (India) desirous of becom- 
Buddha s prediction about Li-yul ing his subjects ; they will be divided 
and the Gocringa mountain in the by a stream (?), and the great mini- 
west, he will implore of Vai9ra- ster of China, Hjang-cho, and the 
vana another son to go settle in others, will found many Chinese and 
such a blessed land. He will give Indian villages and towns, and there 
him a son of King A9oka of Jambu- will King Kusthana become king 
dvipa, for whom a breast will have over many families of men." 
come out of the earth, for which 


they said to Kusthana, "Thou art not the son of the sove 
reign of Kgya." He was distressed at that, and having 
ascertained from other men that this statement was borne 
out by the annals of Bgya, he asked the king to allow him 
to go seek his native land. The king answered, " Thou art 
my son ; this is thy native land ; be not thus distressed." 
Though he told him this many times, yet he hearkened 
not to him. Kusthana, the son of the ruler of Egya, 
wanted a kingdom for himself; so he got together a host 
of 10,000 men, and with them went to seek a home in the 
west, and while thus employed he came to Me-skar of 

Now Yaca l (Yac,as), the minister of Raja Dharma^oka 
from India, had so extended his family influence (?) that 
his relatives became obnoxious to the king ; so he left the 
country with 7000 men, and sought a home to the west 
and to the east, and thus he came into the country below 
the river of U-then. 2 

Now it happened that two traders from among the 
followers of Kusthana ran away from Me-skar in their 
slippers (ba-lu nany langs-ims), and though there was no 
road, they came to To-la (To-lar Iros-pa-las), and from the 
fact that they had walked (hlrangs) with slippers (la-leu) 
on, this country received the name of Ba-beu Jilrangs- 
pai-sa (or) Hlru-so-lo-nya. Then these men, seeing a 
goodly tract of uninhabited land, were pleased, and thought 

1 Yacas is also the name of the also found under the form of slid 
Buddhist who presided over the tcku. This river may be the one 
synod of Vaisali (see p. 173). A$oka alluded to by Huen Thsang (B. xii. 
was also converted by a person of p. 239) when he says, "About 100 li 
this name (see Taranatha, p. 25 tt south-east of the capital there was 
seq.) The personage of our text can a mighty river which ran to the 
hardly be the same as the latter. north-west." This is apparently the 

2 U-then gyi shel-tchab. This ex- Khoten-darya. Abel Kemusat (op. 
pression, ghd-tchab, is of frequent cit., p. 21) speaks of this same river 
occurrence in these works. Lite- as being 20 li from the cit}\ It is 
rally it means "crystal stream," but called Chu-tchi ; (p. 30) he gives its 
I am inclined to think it is a literal name as Chu-pa. The Tibetan word 
translation of a local term for river, U-then corresponds very closely with 
particularly as it occurs in connec- the Mantchu name of Khoten, 
tion with streams which must have viz., Ho-thian, and with the Chinese, 
been distant from each other, and is llu-tan. 


" This will do for a home for Prince Kusthana." After that 
they visited the encampment of the minister Ya^as, which 
was south of where they were. Yac^as having learned 
who was their chief, sent a message to Kusthana in Me- 
skar, saying, " Thou being of royal family and I a noble 
(lit. of ministerial family), let us here unite and establish 
ourselves in this district of U-then, and thou shalt be 
king and I minister." Then Kusthana came with all his 
followers and met Yac^as in the country south (of the 
U-then river), which is called Hang-gu-jo. 

The prince and the minister could not agree where to 
locate their home, and their hosts were divided, and so 
they commenced to quarrel ; but Vaiqravana and Qrima- 
hadevi having appeared to them, they built on that very 
spot a temple to each one of these gods, and from that 
day forth they honoured Vaiqravana and Qrimahadevi as 
the chief guardians of the realm. 

So Kusthana and the minister Yaqas were reconciled, 
and the first was made king (rgycd-bu] and the second 
minister. Then the Chinese (Rgya) followers of Prince 
Kusthana were established on the lower side of the 
U-then river, and in the upper part of Mdo me-skau and 
Skam-shed. The Indian followers of the minister Yac^as 
were established on the upper bank of the river (shel-tchu 
gong-ma), and below Kgya and Kong-dzeng. 1 Between the 
two (? shel-tchu dbus) they settled, the Indians and Chinese 
indiscriminately. After that they built a fortress. 

Li being a country half Chinese and half Indian, the 
dialect of the people (hphral-skad) is neither Indian nor 
Chinese (i.e., a mixture of the two). The letters resemble 
closely those of India 2 (Rfjya]. The habits of the people 
are very similar to those of China. The religion and the 
sacred (clerical) language are very similar to those of 
India. (Do., f. 429*!) 

1 I am unable to give the modern resemble those of India ; their form 

names of any of these places. has been slightly modified. . . . The 

- Cf. Huen Thsang, xii. p. 224. spoken language differs from that of 

"The characters of their writing other kingdoms." 


As to the early popular dialect of Li, it was taught to 
some cattle-herders of the Tsar-ma country by the Bodhi- 
sattva ManjuQii, who had assumed human form, and the 
name of Vairotchana, and from this place it spread over 
the rest of the country. The modern language was intro 
duced by the Aryas (Buddhist missionaries). (Lo-rgyus, 

f. 4 2 9 b .) 

Kusthana was twelve years old when he gave up the 
princely estate of the ruler of Rgya and started out to seek 
his native land. He was aged nineteen when he founded 
(the kingdom) of Li-yul. Counting exactly from the 
nirvana of the Buddha to the first king of Li-yul, 234 
years had elapsed when Li-yul was founded. 1 (L>o., f. 
430 a .) 

One hundred and sixty-five years, after the establish 
ment of the kingdom of Li-yul, Vijayasambhava, son of 
Yeula, ascended the throne, and in the fifth year of his 
reign the Dharma was first introduced into Li-yul. This 
king was an incarnation of Maitreya and ManjuQri. Hav 
ing assumed the form of a Bhikshu, the Arya Vairotchana, 
lie came and dwelt in the Tsu-la grove, in the country 
of Tsar-ma. There he became the spiritual guide of the 
inhabitants of Li-yul, and taught the ignorant cattle- 
herders in the Li language, and invented (bslals) the char 
acters of Li. After this the Dharma appeared. (Do., f. 
43O a .) Then King Vijayasambhava built the great vihara 
of Tsar-ma, 2 but he greatly longed for some relics of the 
body of the Tathagata. So he asked the Arya how he 
could procure them, and he was told to build a tchaitya. 
AVhen the vihara was finished, Vairotchana told the king 
to sound the ganta and to invite the Aryas ; but he replied, 

1 According to the Dipa^vansa " z Huen Thsang (xii. p. 227) says 

(xv. p. 7), Mahinda introduced Bud- that this vihara was about 10 li south 

dhism into Ceylon 236 years after of the capital. He adds that V&i- 

the nirvana of the Buddha. The rotchana came from Kachmere. 

statement of our text does not agree Abel Remusat (op. cit., pp. 20, 29) 

with what is said (f. 428 b ) " 234 speaks of the Thsaii-ma or Tsan-ma 

years after the death of the Buddha temple, evidently the same as the 

lived Dharmacoka," &c. (p. 233-234). Tsar-ma of the text. 


" i\Iay I never sound the ganta unless the Tathagata 
comes here and gives me a ganta ! " Immediately Vairo- 
tchana assumed the appearance of the Tathagata, and 
after having taught like the Tathagata sixty great cjava- 
kas at Tsar-ma, he gave King Vijayasambhava a ganta, 
and the king sounded it without ceasing for seven days. 
(Do., f. 43 i a .) After that Vairotchana invited the Naga 
king Hu-lor l to bring from Kashmere a tchaitya which 
contained corporal relics of the seven Tathagatas. It came 
through the air, and is at present at T sar-ma. This 
tchaitya is in the Gandhakuta, and is surrounded by a 

During the seven following reigns no more viharas were 
built, but after that (i.e., his eighth successor) was King 
Vijayavirya, an incarnation of the Bodhisattva Maitreya 
(f. 43 i b ). One day while looking out of Srog-mkhar he 
perceived a light brilliant as gold and silver at the spot 
where now stands the Hgum-stir tchaitya. Then he 
learned that the Buddha had foretold that at that spot a 
vihtira would be built. Then the king called to his pre 
sence the Buddhist Buddhadhuta, and having made him 
his spiritual adviser, ordered him to direct the building of 
the Ho-urn-stir vihara. Later on this king built on the 

O " 

Oxhead Mountain (G-ogircha) the Hgen-to-shan vihara. 2 
(Do., f. 43 2 a .) During the two following reigns no 
more viharas were built. After that (i.e., his third suc 
cessor) reigned King Vijayajaya, who married the daughter 
of the ruler of Itgya (China), Princess Pu-nye-shar. De 
siring to introduce silkworms 3 into Li-yul, she commenced 
raising some at Ma-dza; but the ministers (of China) hav 
ing led the king to believe that these worms would be 
come venomous snakes which would ravage the land, he 

1 In Dul-va (xi. f. 687^) we 3 Huen Thsang (xii. p. 238) 
hear of this naga as Hulunta, who gives another version of this story, 
was subdued by Madhyantika. See Remusat (op. cit., p. 53) substan- 
p. 167. tially reproduces it, but gives the 

2 This seems to be a corrupt form Chinese princess s name as Lou- 
of the Sanskrit Gosircha or Go9ringa. tche. 


gave orders to have the snake-raising house (sbrul gso-bai 
khar) burnt down. The queen, however, managed to save 
some and reared them secretly. When after a time she had 
(thus) procured Ke-tcher silk and raw silk (srin-bal), she 
(had it made up and) put on silk and men-dri 1 (garments). 
Then she showed them to the king, and explained the 
whole thing to him, and he greatly regretted what he had 
done. He called from India the Bhikshu Sanghagosha 
and made him his spiritual adviser (Ralyanamitra], and 
to atone for his wickedness in having destroyed the 
greater part of the silkworms, he built the Po-ta-rya and 
Ma-dza tchaityas and a great vihfira (or, the tchaitya and 
the great vihara of Ma-dza). 2 (Lo-rgyur, f. 433 a .) 

This king had three sons. The eldest entered the 
Buddhist order, took the name of Dharmananda, and went 
to India. The second son became king under the name 
of Vijayadharma. When Dharmananda returned to Li-yul, 
he introduced into the country the doctrines of the Maha- 
sanghika school, and was the spiritual adviser of the king. 
(Do., f. 433 b .) Eight viharas were occupied in Skam- 
shid by sanghas of the Mahasanghika school. 

He was succeeded by his younger brother, Hdon-hdros, 
who called from India the venerable Mantasidhi (sic) to 
build a vihara for him. He introduced into Li-yul the 
doctrine of the Sarvastivadina school of the Hinayana. 
(Do., f. 43 5 a .) He built the Sang-tir vihara. This king had 
as his wife a princess from Itgya called Sho-rgya. (F. 

44i a O 

His successor was Vijayadharma s son, Vijayasirnha, 
in whose reign the king of Ga-hjag waged war against 

1 Jaschke says that men-hri, or, 2 Huen Thsang (op. cit., p. 237) 

as we have it, men-dri, is " a kind of says that this vihara was 5 or 60 li 

fur (?)." I am inclined to think from south of the capital, and that it was 

the passage of the text that it may called Lu-che-seng-kia-lan. Julien 

possibly have some connection with is unable to explain this term, but 

the munga silk of Assam (Anthera by referring to what Remusat says, 

Assama). Perhaps it may be a local " it means the saiighdrdma of Lu- 

terin for "satin." che." 


Li-yul. He was defeated by Vijayasimha, and to save 
his life adopted Buddhism. (F. 436 b .) 

This king married a daughter of the king of Ga-hjag, 
the princess A-lyo-hjah, who helped to spread Buddhism 
in Shu-lik. 1 (F. 443 a .) 

Vijayasimha was succeeded by Vijayakirti, an incar 
nation of ManjiNjri. This king, together with the king of 
Kanika, 2 the king of Gu-zan, &c., led his army into 
India, and having overthrown the city of So-kid, he 
obtained a great quantity of qariras, which he placed 
in the vihara of Phro-nyo, which he had built. (Do., f. 


In the time of the fourteenth sovereign, Vijayakirti, 
foreign invaders overran and ruled the land, and greatly 
vexed the people. After this, A-no-shos of Drug-gu 
brought an army into Li-yul, and burnt down the 
greater part of the viharas on the south side (lit. lower 
side) of the Hgen-to-shan (Goqircha). (Do., 437 b .) The 
population decreased, and no new viharas w r ere built. 

Fifteen hundred years after the death of the Blessed 
Qakyamuni, the king of Li-yul was an unbeliever who 
persecuted the clergy, and the people lost their faith in 
the Triratna, and no longer gave alms to the Bhikshus, 
who had to work in the fields and gardens. (Sangh., vy. 

f.4i3 b .) 

Li-yul, Shu-lik, An-se, 3 &c., were consequently visited 
by all kinds of calamities. Each succeeding year was 
worse than the previous one; wars and diseases raged, 

1 Taranatha (p. 63) says that 3 These appear to be neigh- 
Shulik was this side (east) of Tuk- bouring countries to Li-yul, most 
hara. May not this word have likely to the west of it. An-se 
some connection with the Su-le may possibly be the same as the 
(Kashgar) of the Chinese? Chinese An-hsi. The Chinese go- 

2 Perhaps this is King Kanishka, vernor - general of Pohuan was 
who commenced to reign A.D. 75. styled Anhsi Tuhufu, and he ruled 
His rule extended over Yarkand over Khoten (Yu-tien), Kashgar, 
and Kokan. As to the king of (Su-le), and Siri-yeh. These four 
Gu-zan, I am unable to identify military governments were collec- 
this name. He was probably some tively called the four chen. See 
petty monarch whose kingdom was Bushell, /. R. A. S., N.S., vol. xii. 
near that of Khoten. p. 529. 


untimely winds and rains befell them. Unseasonable 
frosts, insects, birds, and mice devastated their fields, 
&c. Unbelieving ministers in Li-yul violently took pos 
session of those abodes of the Bhikshus which former 
believing monarchs had erected. Then the Bhikshus 
assembled in the Ts ar-ma vihara, in which the Dharma 
had first been preached in this country, and after confession, 
on the evening of the fifteenth day of the last spring 
month, they there decided to leave the country. 1 (Do., 
f. 4i4 b .) They resolved to turn their steps toward Bod- 
yul (Tibet), for they had heard that the Triratna was 
honoured in that land. So they got together during the 
season of vas provisions for their journey and means 
of transport (khur-khaZ). When vas was over, they de 
parted, and having reached the vicinity of the Ye- 
shes-ri vihara, they found in the ruins of an old tchaitya 
a great golden vase full of pearls. 2 They exchanged its 
contents for grain, which sufficed for their wants during 
the three winter months. Having crossed the river 
(shel-tchu) s they came to the highlands, where the in 
habitants supplied them with food. (Sang, vy., f. 415.) 
After leaving them behind, the lowlanders (yul-mi smed- 
pa-rnams) invited them to the Chang vihara, and enter 
tained them during seven days. While there, the Mgas 
disclosed to them a golden vase full of gold-dust, which 
enabled the order to procure food for the spring 

From the Ka-sar vihara, where they spent seven days, 
they took the road to Me-skar. At the Stong-nya 
vihara, Vaigravana and Qrimahadevi transformed them- 

1 Sang, vy., f. 42O b , says that infer that this persecution of Bud- 

the Dharma vanished from Li-yul dhism in Li-yul occurred in the 

120 years after the prediction latter part of the ninth century 

had been made by Sanghavardana. A.D. 

Li-yul. vy., f. 42o b , says that he 2 The Li-yul. vy., f. 422% says 

lived in the time of Vigayakirti, that the king of the wind, who was 

king of Li-yul, and as it is said a believer, threw down the cairn 

that the Bhikshus arrived in Bod- and disclosed its contents to them, 

yul in the reign of the seventh sue- 3 Or, as we find it elsewhere, "the 

cessor of Srong-btsan-sgam-po, we river of U-then (Khoten)." 



selves into a man and woman of that country, 1 and enter 
tained the clergy for a fortnight ; and when they departed, 
Qrimahadevi gave them a bag (phur-rung) full of gold 
pieces. (Li-yul. vy., f. 422**.) 

Little by little they drew nigh to the country of the 
red-faced men (Gdong-dmar-gyi-yul Tibet), but coming 
to a cross-road, they got into a lateral valley and lost 
their way. Then Vaigravana assumed the appearance of 
a loaded white yak and the Bhikshus followed after it, 
thinking that it would take them to where men lived. He 
led them for four or five days, until they reached Ts al-byi, 
in the red-faced men s country (Tibet), and then he van 
ished. (Li-yul. vy., f. 422*.) The inhabitants sent word 
to the king of Bod-yul that a great crowd of Bhikshus 
from Li-yul had arrived there, and they asked what was 
to be done. (Sang, vy., f. 4i6 a .) 

At that time reigned in Bod-yul the seventh successor 
of the king in whose reign Buddhism had been intro 
duced into the country. 2 This king had taken as his wife 
a daughter of the sovereign of Egya (China), and (this 
princess), Kong-cho by name, had come to the red-faced 
men s country (Tibet) with six hundred attendants. She 
was a fervent believer (in Buddhism), as was also the 
king of Tibet. (Li-yul. vy., f. 42 i b .) 

When the queen heard of the presence of the Bhikshus 
of Li-yul at Ts al-byi, she requested the king to allow her 

1 Of the steppe (librog-mi-pho), well with our text. Although it 
says the Sangh. vy., f. 41 5 b . appears from Tibetan history that 

2 This passage cannot be easily Ral-pa-chan introduced many Chi- 
explained, for Kal-pa-chan, who is nese customs into Tibet, I find it 
evidently the monarch alluded to, nowhere mentioned that he married 
is always represented as a fer- a Chinese princess. The Wei-thang- 
vent Buddhist. The expulsion of thu-chi (Klaproth s trans., p 28) 
the Bhikshus from Bod took place says that Khi-li-son-tsan (Khri- 
under his successor, Glang-dharma, srong-lde-btsan) married the daugh- 
whose short reign began A.D. 899. ter of Li-jung, king of Yung. The 
Sarat Chandra Das (J. B. A. S., vol. word Tcong-cho is only a Chinese 
1. p. 229) says that he ascended the title for "royal princess." The 
throne between 908 and 914 A.D. full title of Khri-srong s wife was 
What Sarat Chandra Das says, loc. Kin-tching Kung-chu. Srong-btsan- 
cit., about Glang-dharma reviling the sgam-po s wife is also called Kong- 
first Chinese princess agrees very cho. 


to get together riding-beasts (bdzori), clothing, &c., for the 
congregation, and to invite them (to their capital). The 
king consented, and when the Bhikshus arrived he had 
built for them seven viharas. 

Now the Bhikshus of An-tse, of Gus-tik, of Par-mkhan- 
pa and of Shu-lik were also greatly afflicted ; so they set 
out for the Bru-sha country, and there also repaired the 
Bhikshus of Tokara and of Ka-tche (Kachmere), who were 
persecuted by unbelievers. When they had all come to 
Bru-sha, 1 they heard of the viharas which were being built 
in Bod-yul, and that the king was a Bodhisattva who 
honoured the Triratna and made much of the images 
(ri-mo tcher-byed-pa) ; so they started out for Bod rejoic 
ing, and they all lived there for three years in peace and 
plenty. At the expiration of this time there appeared 
a sore (Jibrum) on the breast of the queen, and she, feel 
ing that she was dying, besought the king to allow her 
to confer on the Triratna all her property ; and to this the 
king consented. This epidemic of smallpox (hbrum nad) 
carried off the minister (Dzang-Uan-po 2 ) of Bod, his son, 
and a great multitude of people. Then the Dzarig-blon 
of Bod-yul were angered and said to the king, " Before all 
these vagabonds came here our country was happy and 
prosperous, but now every kind of misfortune has come 
upon us. Kong-cho has died, so has the Dzang-blon-po, 
his son, &c. Let these Bhikshus be turned out of the 
country." So the king gave orders that not a single 
Bhikshu should remain in Bod-yul. (Sang, vy., f. 417*; 
Li-yul. vy., f. 423*.) 

Then all the Bhikshus started out for Mahagandhara 3 
in the west, and it being then a time of war and trouble, the 

1 Bru-dza or Bru-sha is the name magistrate). Jaschke, s. v. I think 
of a country west of Tibet, border- it corresponds with the modern 
ing on Persia. Jaschke, s. T.; E. Ekah-blon (pr. Kalon). 
Schlaginweit, Konige von Tibet, p. 3 Gandhara, the capital of which 
55 . was Puruchapura, the modern Pe- 

2 " Dzang-U^n" seems to be a shawar. 
kind of title given to a minister (or 


Bhikshuu of India also started for Gandhara, so that down 
to the Ganges there was an end of following the Dharma. 

Then the troops of Bod-yul hurried in pursuit of the 
Bhikshus, who came to a great lake. Then the Naga king 
Elapatra (E-la-hdab) l took the shape of an old man and 
went to the Bhikshus and asked them where they were 
going. " We have lost in an unbelieving land all means 
of subsistence," they replied, " and we are now on our 
way to Gandhara, where we hope to find the necessaries 
of life." Elapatra asked them what provisions they had, 
and when they had accurately counted all that they had 
among them, they told him that they had provisions for 
fifteen days. " From here to Gandhara," replied the Naga 
king, " requires forty-five days, and you must go around 
this lake ; how can you manage with fifteen days pro 
visions ? Moreover, the intervening country is very 
elevated, thickly wooded, infested with wild beasts, veno 
mous serpents, and brigands." Then the Bhikshus, both 
male and female, gave way to grief, for they thought that 
their last hour was nigh. 

But Elapatra, kneeling down before them, said, " Weep 
not; for the sangha I will sacrifice my life; I will 
bridge this lake over with my body." Then he took the 
shape of an enormous serpent, and made a bridge wide 
enough for five waggons to pass abreast, with the fore 
part of his body encircling the top of a mountain in 
Bod, and with his tail wrapped around the top of a 
mountain in Gandhara. The fugitive Bhikshus passed 
the lake on this bridge, but the skin on the back of the 
Naga king was torn off by the hoofs of the cattle and 
the men s feet, so that it made a great wound, from 
which flowed matter and blood, and any of the men or 
beasts who fell into (this wound) died from it. When 
every one had passed over, the Naga king died, and the 

1 The Naga had apparently episode of the conversion of Kat- 

changed his residence since days of yayana. Duiva, xi. f. 118 etseq., and 

old. When the Buddha was living p. 46. 
he resided at Takchasila. See the 


lake drying up, his remains stayed there like unto a 
mountain. In days to come, the Buddha Maitreya will 
come that way with his 500 disciples. Elapatra having 
finished his series of births, will then obtain the reward 
of Arhatship. (Sang, vy., f. 4i8 a .) 

Now when the Bhikshus reached the land of Gand 
hara, they stayed there two years (in peace). In the 
third year the believing king of the country died, and 
his kingdom was divided between his two sons, one a 
believer, the other a follower of the Tirthikas, and they 
waged war against each other. Then a thousand brave, 
bold, resolute Qramaneras attacked the unbelieving king 
and his army, defeated him, and gave the throne to the 
believing prince. 1 After a reign of five months, this 
prince was murdered by the thousand Qramaneras, and 
one of the Bhikshus was made king, and he ruled for 
two years. (Sang, vy., f. 4i8 b .) 

At the end of this time, the nobles and people of 
Gandhara took up arms, put the king to death, and killed 
all the Bhikshus living in Gandhara, and those who fled 
to Mid-India (Madhyadega) alone were saved. (Do., f. 
4i8 b .) 2 

At this time there lived three powerful monarchs, one 
in the west (the king of the Stag-gzig Persians), one in 
the north (and one in the south ?). 3 These three kings 

1 The Li-yul. vy. does not men- Konige im S. Schi Kiue, im W. 
tion this episode. Po-lo, im Siiclen Jan-u-na erschei- 

2 The Li-yul. vy., f. 424 a , says, nen," &c. I think that "irn S" 
"All the Bhikshus fled, and the is a mistake for "im W." As the 
Dharma was extinct in Gand- passage of the Sang. vy. may prove 
hara." intelligible to some of my readers, 

3 The text of the Sang, vy., f. I reproduce it: " Srig ni la-sogs-pa 
4i8 b , is so obscure, and possibly dzig-gis rgyal-po ni stag-gzig-gis 
corrupt, that I can make nothing rgyal-po byed-par-hygur. Drug-gu(?) 
out of it. That of the Li-yul. vy., rus ma-tsogs-du-mai rgyal-po ni 
f. 424 a , only mentions two kings, drug-gus byed-par hgyur. Gdzan 
but in the next line it alludes to mang-po dzig-gis rgyal-po ni bod (?) 
three. Wassilieff in Taranatha, p. ki-rgyal-pos byed par hgyur-te." 
307, gives an account of this per- May not Stag-gzig be the same as 
secution, taken from the second the Heiyi Tashih, "black-robed 
Chinese version of Agoka s life. Arabs or Abassides " of the 
Speaking of these three kings, he Chinese ? 

says, Dann werden drei bose 


were allies, and they had a brave and valorous army of 
300,000 men (200,000 says Li-yul vy.) with which they 
conquered every country (of India ?) with the exception 
of Mid-India. They put to death many people, and laid 
waste the country. Then these three kings took council 
and led their armies to Madhyadega (Mid-India) (or, as 
the Li-yul. vy. says, into Kaugambi). ISTow at that time 
there reigned over Kaugambi a king called Durdarga(/.Zfe0c?- 
dkaJi), at the time of whose birth there had fallen a rain 
of blood, and on whose breast was marked two hands red 
as if smeared with blood. This king had 500 ministers 
and an army of 200,000 men. And when the king of 
Stag-gzig (Persia) and the others turned their forces 
against him, Durdarga went towards them with his army, 
and after having fought them for three months, he put 
them to rout. (Sang, vy., f. 4i9 a .) 

Durdarga, wishing to atone for all his sins, invited 
from Pataliputra a Bhikshu called Qirgaka, 1 a man 
learned in the Tripitaka, and having confessed his sins, 
the Bhikshu told him that as a penance he must enter 
tain all the Bhikshus of Jambudvipa, and daily confess 
his sins before them. Then the king invited aU the 
Bhikshus throughout India, and they, rejoicing, gathered 
together in Kaugambi to the number of 200,000. On 
the night of the fifteenth day of the month, the Bhikshus 
assembled together for confession, and they called upon 
the Bhikshu Qirgaka to repeat the Pratimoksha Sutra. 
But he answered them, " What can the Pratimoksha do 
for you ? (khyed-rnams-la so-sor thar pas clii dzig by a). 
What is the good of a looking-glass for a man whose 
nose and ears are cut off?" (mi sna dang rna-ba bchad-pa- 
la me-long-gi chi-dzig "by a). Then an Arhat called Surata 
arose and cried with a lion s voice, " Bhikshu Qirgaka, 

1 Wassilieff, loc. cit., calls the Bahugrutiya, he calls I-kia-tu (? An- 
BhikshuTripitaka-Bahugrutiya; the gada). He does not give the name 
Arhat Sudhara, the disciple of of the disciple of Sudhara. 


why speak you thus ? I am whole as the Sugata or 
dained (that a Bhikshu must be)." 

Then the Bhikshu Qirc^aka was filled with shame ; 
but Agnavi, the disciple of Qirgaka, said to the Arhat, 
" How dare you speak thus to such an exalted personage 
as my master ? " and enraged, he seized a door-bar with 
both hands, and killed the Arhat. Karata, the Arhat s 
disciple, seeing his master killed, inflamed with anger, 
took a stick, and with it killed the Bhikshu Qirc^aka. All 
the Bhikshus became enraged, and dividing into two 
camps, they killed each other. 

And when it was dawn, the king saw all the Bhikshus 
lying dead, and his eyes were obscured with tears. Then 
he rushed to the vihara, calling the names of the Arhat, 
and of the Bhikshu Tripitaka (Qirc^aka). He pressed 
their corpses to his breast, crying, " Alas, Tripitaka ! 
thou didst possess the treasure of the Dharma of the 
Sugata ! Alas, Arhat ! thou didst know the command 
ments of the Sugata, and here you lie dead!" (Sang. 
vy., f. 420*.) 

And as the shades of night were closing around the 
blessed law, 1 the Trayastrimcat Devas were defeated by 
the Asuras, and fled, and transmigrating, they passed 
among the Asandjasattva Devas (Rtag-tu myos-pd). (Do., 
f. 420*0 

We must not infer from the preceding narrative that 
Buddhism became extinct in Li-yul at the time of this 
persecution, for we learn from Eemusat (Hist, de la Ville 
cle Khoten, p. 80) that in the tenth century (940 A.D.) 
the people worshipped the spirits, but principally the 

In the fifth year, Khian-te (A.D. 967), Chen-ming 

1 This extinction of Buddhism count of the extinction of Bud- 
in India occurred in the latter part dhism in Magadha, Taranatlia, p. 
of the ninth century (according to 193, (255 of the trans.), also Manju- 
our text). Cf. with the above ac- frimulatantra, f. 462. 


(YaQas ?) and Chen-fa (Saddharma ?), priests of Yu-thien 
came to court (p. 85). These were evidently Buddhist 

In the time of the Yuen dynasty, however, Buddhism 
had been stamped out of the country by Islamism. 1 

B J w*w P TT nt S ate f Khoten journey to Ilichi J - R - G. S., vol 
* VV. H. Johnson s report of a xxxvii. pp. 1-47. 







By Dr. Ernst Leumann. 

AT the time when Gosala Mankhaliputta had finished his 
twenty-fourth year of ascetism, he lived in the pottery bazar 
of the potter s wife Halahala in Savatthi, and taught the 
ajiviya doctrines. Once the six Disacaras came to hinij 
namely, Sana, Kalanda, Kaniyara, Attheda, Aggivesayana, 
Ajjana Gomayuputta. They had made extracts according 
to their own ideas from the ten (canonical) books, viz., from 
the eight parts l contained in the Puvas, and from the two 
Margas, 2 and they confided themselves to Gosala s guidance. 

He himself took from the (above) eightfold Mahanimitta 
doctrine six principles: (i.) Obtainment; (2.) Non-obtain- 
ment ; (3.) Pleasure ; (4.) Pain ; (5.) Life; (6.) Death. 

Gosala, in teaching this doctrine, believed himself to be a 
Jina. When this became known, the oldest pupil of Maha- 
vira, named Indabhuti, came and asked his teacher about 
the origin and life of Gosala. 

1 These are, according to the Rice (Ind. Ant. iii. ), they probably 

commentary Abhayadeva, Divyam also formed part of the original 

autpdtam dntariksham bhaumam an- Jaina canon, although no trace of 

gam svaram lakshanam vyanjanarji. them can be found in the present 

Since these eight maha-nimittas are one. 

also mentioned in the Bhadrabahu 2 GUamdrga- nrttamdrga-laksha- 

inscription published by Mr. Lewis nan. Comment. 


Mahavira said, " It is an error on the part of Gosala if lie 
believes himself to be a Jina; he is the son of a beggar 
(mankha) named Mankhali and of his wife Bhadda ; he was 
born in a cow-stable (go-sdld), and was consequently called 
Gosala. He himself became a beggar like his father. 

11 When, after having passed thirty years in my home up 
to the death of my parents, 1 I left it to begin a religious 
mendicant s life, I happened to come to Bajagriha in the 
second year, and to take upon me the vow of a half-month s 
fast in the Tantuvaya-sala near the town. At that time 
Gosala came also to the same place as a simple beggar. 2 

" When, later on, it happened that the citizen Vijaya, be 
cause I had taken my alms at his door, obtained great happi 
ness, Gosala reverently approached me with the desire to 
become my disciple ; but I declined, and soon after I departed 
for Kollaga, where I took my alms at the door of the Brah 
man Bahula. Gosala accidentally came also to that village, 
and having heard that I was there, he approached me again 
and renewed his request. I granted it, and we lived together 
during six years on the ground of the bazaar (paniya-bhdmte), 
experiencing obtainment and non-obtainment, pleasure and 
pain, honour and dishonour. 

" Once, at the beginning of a rather dry autumn, we went 
together from the town Siddha-thaggama to the town fcim- 
magama. On our way we came across a large sesam shrub, 
which was covered with leaves and flowers and in a very 
flourishing condition. Gosala asked me if it would perish or 
not, and where would the seven living beings of the flower 3 
reappear after it had vanished. I answered that the shrub 
would perish, and that the seven living beings would all 
reappear in the same pericarp of the same sesam shrub. But 
he would not believe it, and, saying that I must be wrong, he 
approached the shrub, tore it out of the ground, and threw 
it away. (Shortly after we had left this spot) a sudden rain 

1 A corroboration of this state- was a place opened to all comers, 
ment is to be found in the Aca- and not reserved for only religious 
ranga (published by Professor Ja- mendicants. 

cobi in the Pali Text Soc.), ii. 15. 3 Satta tilapuppha-jhu, i.e., the 

2 If we accept Mahavira s state- seven senses, each representing a 
ment as trustworthy, we are led to particular living object or "a life." 
suppose that the Tantavaya hall 


came on, so that the ground was moistened and the sesam 
shrub was able to take root again ; so the seven lives really 
reappeared all in the same pericarp of the same shrub. 

" When we came to the town Kummagama, Gosala saw the 
ascetic Vesibayana, and he went to (mock) him with the ques 
tion, Art thou believed to be a sage, or merely the abode of 
lice ? The ascetic did not answer, but when Gosala had re 
peated his question again and again, he became angry and 
shot forth his magical power to kill him. Bat through com 
passion for Gosala I interceded, and paralysed the hot flash 
of the ascetic s power by a cool flash of mine. When the 
ascetic saw that his power had remained without effect 
through mine, he said to me (pacified), * I see, I see. Gosala, 
wondering what that meant, asked me about it, and learnt 
from me that he had been saved through my mediation. He 
was somewhat terrified at the account, and wished to know 
how he could himself acquire that magical power. I ex 
plained to him the austere discipline which it required, and 
he thought of undergoing it. 

" When we once 1 returned to the town Siddhatthagama, we 
again passed the place where the sesam shrub was, and he 
reminded me that I had certainly been wrong in my state 
ment. I answered that, on the contrary, a rain which had 
fallen in the meantime had made true all that I had foretold 
of the shrub, and I added that in this way plants in general 
can undergo the change of a reanimation. Gosala again would 
not believe it ; so he turned to the plant to split open the 
pericarp ; when he had counted the seven living beings, he at 
once formed the idea that in this way (not only plants) but 
all living beings can undergo the change of a reanimation. 

" That is his doctrine of the change through reanimation, 
and from that time Gosala left me. After the lapse of six 
months he himself acquired magical power by means of the 
austere discipline, and now (recently) the six Disacaras have 
intrusted themselves to his guidance; but he is wrong in 
believing himself to be a Jina." 

The rivalry of Mahavira and Gosala became known in the 

1 I.e., some days afterwards, for, as will be seen farther on, the flower had 
developed into a fruit. 


town (i.e., Savatthi), and also Mahavira s statement that Gosala 
was wrong. When Gosala heard of it, he began to bear a 
grudge against Mahavira, and once when a pupil of Maha 
vira s named Ananda passed the settlement of the Ajivakas 
in Halahala s pottery bazar, Gosala called him in, saying that 
he would tell him (of) a simile. Ananda entered, and Gosala 
said to him, " Once in days of old some merchants were pass 
ing through a forest with waggons and goods. After a while 
they exhausted their (supply of) water, and they could find 
no fresh supply ; at last they discovered a large fourfold ant 
hill : x opening the first part, they obtained an abundant 
supply of water ; from the second part they got a quantity 
of silver; and from the third a heap of jewels. Before 
they had set about opening the fourth part, in which they 
expected to find some ivory, one of the men who was thought 
ful, recommended not opening any more, and to let the three 
parts be enough, for the fourth might possibly bring them 
some evil. The others did not follow his advice, and on open 
ing the fourth part they met with a huge serpent of a terri 
fying aspect, and through the fire of its eyes all the men were 
at once burnt up, with the exception of the one who had 
given the advice, who now, through the favour of the goddess 
(i.e., the serpent), returned home safe and provided with rjches. 
In like manner, Ananda, has thy teacher, the Samana 
Nayaputta (i.e., Mahavira), obtained in a threefold manner 
(i) merit of ascetism, (2) great fame, and (3) many adherents 
among men as well as gods ; but if he turns to me, then I will 
burn him up by means of my magical power, just as those 
who were burnt up by the serpent ; but thou shalt be saved 
like the man who advised (them). Tell this to thy teacher, 
the Samana Nayaputta." Ananda, who had been horrified at 
these words, imparted them all to Mahavira, who dwelt out 
side the town near the Kotthaya ceiya, and he asked him if 
Gosala really possessed the faculty of burning up anybody. 
Mahavira answered him in the affirmative; " only," he said, 
" Gosala could not do any harm to one of the teachers of the 
faith (arahantd bhagavanto), because their magical power would 
be still mightier than his, so they could easily withstand it ; 

1 Vammiya? (valmUia). 


but none of our Niggantha ascetics," he continued, " shall 
hereafter hold any religious conversation with Gosala, because 
he has turned out a heretic." 

While Ananda was still communicating this to the other 
Niggantha ascetics, Gosala came out of the town with his 
Ajlvikas, and approaching Mahavlra he said, " Thou, O vene 
rable Kasava, 1 hast been right in calling me thy pupil ; but 
as this thy pupil has emaciated himself through austerity, he 
is dead and reborn in one of the worlds of the gods. 2 After 
having originally been Udai Kundiyayaniya, I left (in my last 
change) the body of Ajjuna Goyamaputta and entered that 
of Gosala Mankhaliputta, and I still retain this seventh body 
of mine. According to my doctrine, venerable Kasava, all 
those who have reached or who will reach final beatitude 3 
had or will have to pass (through) the eighty-four of hundred 
thousands of great kalpas, seven births as a deity, seven as a 
bulky (insensible) being, seven as a sensible being, seven with 
change of body by means of reanimation ; and having by this 
time gradually expiated the five hundred thousand actions, 
and the sixty thousand, and the six hundred and the three 
particles of actions, they will reach final beatitude. 

" The river Ganga has the following dimensions : 500 yoj i- 
nas in length, a half yojana in breadth, 500 dhariu in depth. 

Seven Ganga rivers of these dimensions make a Mahti-Gangd. 

Seven Maha-Gangas make a Sddina- Ganga. 

Seven Sadina-Gangas make a Nadu-Ganga. 

Seven Madu-Gangas make a Loliiya-Gangd. 

Seven Lohiya-Gangas make an Avati-Gangd. 

Seven Avati-Gangas make a Paramdvati-Gangd. 

Which gives the last one an amount of 1 17,649* Ganga 
rivers, according to my doctrine. If, now, it be supposed that 

1 Auso Kasava (dyuchmah Ka$- gabbhe, satta pauttaparihdre, panca 

yapa). kammani-sayasahassdim sat t him ca 

3 The argument is very obscure, sahassdim chac-ca sac tinni ya kam- 

but extremely ingenious. Gosala m amse anupuvvenam khavaittd tas 

consents to being called Mahavira s pacclid sijjhanti bujjhanti Java antam 

pupil, because he retains now, by karentl. 

accident, the body of that former 4 I.e., 7x7x7x7x7x7x7; 

pupil of Mahavira. Gangd-sayasahassam sattavasa ya 

3 The text from here on is : Can- sahassa chac-ca aunapannam Ganga 

raslti mahdkappa-sayasahassdim, sat- sayd blavantiti m akkhdyd. All these 

ta divve, satta samjUhe, satta sanni- statements about the different Ganga s 


every century one single grain of sand is removed, then the 
time which would be required for the disappearance of the 
whole amount of those Gangas would be one Sara(s) ; three 
hundred thousand of such Sara(s) periods make one Mahd- 
kappa period, and 84,000 of these make one Mahdmdnasa. 

"(Living beings, after having passed already through endless 
births, are successively reborn in the following order :) 

(1) As a deity in the upper Manasa. 

(2) As a sensible being for the first time. 

(3) As a deity in the middle Manasa. 

(4) As a sensible being for the second time. 

(5) As a deity in the lower Manasa. 

(6) As a sensible being for the third time. 

(7) As a deity in the upper Manasuttava. 

(8) As a sensible being for the fourth time. 

(9) As a deity in the middle Manasuttava. 
(10) As a sensible being for the fifth time, 
(u) As a deity in the lower Manasuttava. 

(12) As a sensible being for the sixth time. 

(13) As a deity in the Bambhaloga. 

(14) As a sensible being for the seventh time. 

"In this the last birth as a sensible being, I myself left my 
home early in youth for religious life, and then, after having 
obtained universal knowledge, 1 1 underwent the seven changes 
of body by means of reanimation. 

(1) With the first change, I left outside Rajagriha, near the ceiya 

Mandikucchi, the body of Ud&i Kundiydyana, and entered 
that of Encjjaga for the space of twenty-two years. 

(2) With the second change, I left outside Uddandapura, near the 

ceiya Candoyarayana, the body of Enejjaga, and entered 
that of Mallardma for the space of twenty-one years. 

(3) With the third change, I left outside Campa, near the ceiya 

Angamandira, the body of Mallarama, and entered that of 
Mandiya for the space of twenty years. 

are merely introduced as a simile to could only suggest themselves to 

give an approximate idea of the human fancy on Indian soil. It is 

immensity of time implied by the the term sdyarovama, " a sea-like " 

terms Sara(s\,Ma/tdkappa, and Mahd- period. 

mdnasa. As to Sara(s), a similar J Samlchdnam. This term seems 

word is used by the Jains for the to have had the same value with the 

same purpose, viz., to denote one of Ajivikas as Kevali-nxna, with the 

those immense periods of time which Jains. 


(4) With the fourth change, I left outside Vanarasi, near the ceiya 

Kamahavana, the body of Mandiya, and entered that of Roha 
for the space of nineteen years. 

(5) With the fifth change, I left outside Alabhiya", near the ceiya 

Pannakalaga, the body of Roha, and entered that of Eh&- 
raddai for the space of eighteen years. 

(6) With the sixth change, I left outside Vesali, near the ceiya 

Kandiyaya, the body of Bharaddai, and entered that of 
Ajjunaga for the space of seventeen years. 

(7) With the seventh change, I left in Savatthi, in Halahala s 

pottery bazar the body of Ajjunaga, and entered that of 
Gosdla Nankhaliputta for the space of sixteen years. 

" So I have fulfilled the seven changes in the course of 133 
years, according to my doctrine. 1 In this respect thou hast 
been right in calling me thy pupil." 

The story goes on to relate subsequent events, the death of 
Gosala, and his punishments in a long series of subsequent 
births j but there is no further mention of any of his doctrines. 



By Bunyiu Nanjio, Esq. 

No. 545. Chin. Bud. Tripit, kh. No. 593. Chin. Bud. Tripit. 
17, f. i (A.D. 412-413). (A.D. 381-395). 

The Buddha said to the king, The Buddha said, " Maharaja, 
" Have you ever asked this ques- have you ever asked such a ques 
tion to any ramana or brah- tion to any heretic 1 " 
mana 1 " The king said to the Buddha, 

The king said to the Buddha, " I once upon a time went to the 
" I have formerly been to a place place where Fu-ran ka-shio (Fur- 
where was a ramana or brah- na Kagyapa) was, and I asked 
mana, and have asked him a him (about the reward of the 
similar question. I remember 9ramana). 

having once gone to Fu-ran-ka- " He answered me, c There is 

shio (Puma Kftgyapa), and hav- no such thing as this, nor (such 

1 ... Bhavantltl m akkhdyd. 

2 S 6 


ing asked him (about the reward 
of the era" m ana). 

"That PurnaKacyapa answered 
me, I f the king hi mself or another 
kills or injures beings who cry 
and grieve on account of it, or if 
he steals, or commits adultery, 
or lies, or robs others by entering 
their house (lit. jumping over 
the fence of their house), * or if 
he sets anything on fire, or does 
evil by cutting a path ; to do 
even these things, Maharaja, is 
not to do evil. 

" Maharaja, if any one cuts all 
beings into pieces, and makes a 
heap which will fill the world, it 
is not an evil deed, nor is there 
any requital for this crime. There 
is no requital for the evil-doer 
who cuts beings to pieces on the 
south (bank) of the Ganga, nor is 
there a reward for the righteous 
doer who makes a great assem 
bly for distributing (alms), and 
who gives to all equally. " 

. . . Again (the king) said to 
the Buddha, " I once went to 
Matsu-ka-ri ku-sha-ri (Makkhali 
Gosala) and asked him (the same 

" He answered me, Maharaja, 
there is no (such thing as) dis 
tributing, nor giving, nor law of 
sacrifice, nor good and evil, nor 
reward and punishment for good 
and evil deeds, nor present world, 
nor world to come, nor father, 
nor mother, nor deva,nor fairy (?), 
nor world of beings, nor ramana 
and brahrnana who practise 
equally, nor this world and a 
world to come, for which one 
can show others any proof. All 

a thing as) the world honoured, 
nor reward for righteousness and 
favour, nor (is there) sin and 
happiness, father and mother, 
nor Ra-kan (arhat) who has ac 
quired the path (marga), nor 
happiness in worship, nor the 
present world and the world to 
come, nor one who walks with 
his whole heart and mind in the 

" Therefore, though they (i.e., 
beings) have body and life, yet 
after death the four elements are 
scattered about and destroyed, 
their heart (or soul) comes to 
nought, and is never born again. 
They are buried under the 
ground, they rot, and nothing is 
left of them. " 

. . . King A-ga-se(Ajatasatru) 
said to the Buddha, " Moreover, 
I went to Maku-ka-ri Ku-ga-ru 
(Maskarin Gosaliputra)and asked 
him (the same question). 

"He answered me, There is 
no present world, nor world to 
come, rior power and powerless- 
ness, nor energy. All men have 
obtained their pleasure and 
pain (?). " 


who say that these things are, 
are all liars. 3 " 

. . . Again he said to the 
Buddha, " I once went to A-i-da 
Shi-sha-kin-ba-ra (Ajita Kesa- 
kambara), and asked him (the 
same question). 

" He answered me, When a 
man who is composed of the four 
elements dies, the earth element 
goes back to the earth, the water 
to water, the fire to fire, the wind 
to wind. Thus all become de 
stroyed, and all one s organs go 
back to nought. 

" When -a man dies, and his 
body is put in a cemetery, where 
it has been carried on a bed, the 
bones become pigeon-coloured if 
the body has been burnt, or all 
are changed into ashes and earth. 
" Whether one be wise or 
foolish, when he dies, all is de 
stroyed, because (all is subject to) 
the law of destruction. " 

. . . Again he said to the 
Buddha, " I once went to Hi-fu- 
da Ka-sen-zen (Kakuda Katy- 
anana), and asked him (the same 

" He answered me, Maharaja, 
there is no power, no energetic 
man, no power, no means, no 
cause, no reason (for) the attach 
ment of beings, no cause, no rea 
son (for the) purity of beings. 
No power in all living beings 
who are unable to obtain free 
dom, no enemy. 

" All are fixed in certain num 
bers, and in these six different 
conditions of existence they ex. 
perience either pain or pleasure. 


. . . Again I went to A-i-tan 
(Ajita), and asked him (the same 

^ He answered me, Yes, Maha 
raja." When others went to him 
and questioned him, he also made 
this reply : There is a world to 
come in which we shall be born 
again." When I asked him, he 
also said, " There is a world to 
come." " But if there is a world 
to come in which we shall be 
born, is there a world or not ac 
cording to my conception and 
idea ? Is there a world to come 
or not ? " If any one asks hin, 
(these questions) whether there 
is a world to come or not, (&c.), 
(he answers), "There is" or 
" There is not." 

. . . Again I went to Ha-ku 
Ka-sen-zen, and asked him (the 
same question). 

^ He answered me, " Yes, Maha 
raja, if there is a man who has 
received a body, there is no cause 
or reason (for it), nor idea, nor 
pride and accumulated injuries. 
He has obtained a dwelling-place ; 
there he lives and stands. There 
fore if he has obtained a body, 
he does not lose it. What is 
thought (by him), what he knows 
and thinks prevail within him, 
(are) called sin and virtue, good 
and evil. If there is a man who 
has been cut off, and who sees 
with his eyes, there is no dispute 
(about the question). If the life 


2 5 8 


. . . Again he said to the 
Buddha, "Once upon a time I 
went to San-niya Bi-ra-ri s son 
(Sanjayin Vairattiputra), and 
asked him (the same question). 

" He answered me, Maharaja, 
there is a visible reward of the 
c,ramana. I asked, * (Is it) thus? 

of the body comes to an end, 
there is nothing to grieve about 
in the death of life. 

" Others do not speak of this 
desire. ... As to these desires 
and supports (?), there are five 
theories and sixty-two different 
sorts or species. These sixty-two 
different kinds are spoken of by 
those who have no nature (?), as 
sixty-two matters or things which 
accompany nature, without any 
thought or idea. When they 
enter into eight difficulties they 
will throw them away, and being 
benefited thereby, they will be at 
ease. Being at ease, they are 
constantly in heaven. When they 
are in heaven, there are eighty- 
four great remembrances (or in 
tense thoughts) which are accom 
panied by magical arts and 
miracles. Then they can remove 
the pain of old age and disease. 
There are neither men acquainted 
with the way nor brahrftacharis. 
Thus do I say ; my precepts are 
pure and free from love and de 
sire (or the desire of love). 
When desire conies to an end, 
that state of being which always 
follows is as the going out of a 
burning lamp. 

" Thus it is, and there is no 
brahmachari who has found the 
way or path." 

. . . Again I went to Sen-hi- 
ro-ji, and asked him (the same 

He answered me, " Yes, Maha 
raja, what a man does himself or 
lets another do, to cut, rob, see 
or not to see, to dislike what is 
sought after, to lament, to break 



He replied, It is BO ; the truth 
is so ; it is different (from that), 
it is not different, it is not not 
different. Maharaja, there is no 
visible reward of the ramana. 
I asked, (Is it) thus ? He re 
plied, It is so/ (&c., as above). 
* Maharaja, there is a visible no- 
reward of the ramana. I asked, 
(Is it) thus? He replied, It 
is so, (&c., as above). * Maha 
raja, there is, and there is not 
a visible reward of the 9ramana. 
I asked, (Is it) thus ? He re 
plied, It is so, (&c., as above). 

. . . Again he said to the 
Buddha, " Once upon a time I 
went to Ni-ken s son (Nirgrantba 
Djnatiputra), and asked him (the 
same question). 

" He answered me, Maharaja, 
I am an all-knowing and all-see 
ing man, I know everything that 
is. While walking or standing 
still, sitting or lying down, I am 
always enlightened, and my wis 
dom is ever manifest. " 

vases, to be devoid of covetous- 
ness, to break (down) and destroy 
castles of the country, to injure 
people, to kill, to steal, to com 
mit adultery, to lie, to be double- 
tongued, to drink intoxicating 
liquors ; though one commits 
these deeds there is no crime 
nor demerit. 

"One who is charitable does 
not receive any reward for his 
virtue. For one who does injury 
(to others), who acts unright 
eously, and who commits all 
kinds of evil, there is neither 
sin nor virtue, nothing to be lost 
or made, no cause nor reason, no 
truth, no honesty. 

" Even the man who practises 
what is right and lawful, there is 
nothing in it which corresponds 
with right or wrong." 

. . . Again I went to Ni-keu s 
son, and asked him the same 

He answered me, " Yes, Maha 
raja, whether it be evil or good 
which is here given to all sentient 
creatures, it is the karma of their 
former existences. They were 
born through the cause and by 
reason of love and desire. 
Through cause and reason (prat- 
ityasamudpada) are old age and 
disease. Then there are the 
ideas of cause and reason in their 
learning the path, in the way 
their children and grandchildren 
are born to them, and after that 
they obtain the path (1). 

N.B. The Chinese characters for proper names are given with their 
Japanese sounds. 



Abhaya, 64, 65. 

Abhayagiriya, 183. 

Abhasvara, 1-2. 

Abhinanda, 137. 

Abhinishkramana sutra, 20, 30, 32, 

Agoka, 16, 182. See Kalagoka and 

Agvadjit, 28, 44, 85-88. 

Agvaghosha, 224. 

Adi Buddha, 200. 

Aditta pariyaya sutta, 41. 

Adjita, 176. 

Adjivaka, 35, 144, 252, 253, 254. 

Adjatasatru, 64, 70, 79, 84, 86, 89, 
90 et seq., 106, no, 115, 116, 
123, 125, 142, 145, 146, 150, 151, 
161, 164, 165, 167, 233, 256. 

Aggivesayoma, 249. 

Agnavi, 247. 

Ajjana, 249. 

Ajita Ke^akambala, 49, 79, 96, 100, 
102, 257. 

Ajjuna Goyamaputta, 253, 255. 

Akanishta, 30, 33. 

Akelaka, 103. 

Aklega, or Asita, 18. 

Alabhiya, 255. 

A-lo-hjah, 240. 

Amragama, 132. 

Amra grove, 64. 

Atnrapali, 64, 128, 129, 130. 

Ambalatthika, 126. 

Ambarisha, 77, 79, 116, 117, 120, 


Amritachittra, 13. 

Ararita, 13, 14, 20. 

Arnritodana, 13, 28, 32, 52, 57. 

Ananda (Prince).. 13, 32, 57, 58, 59, 
61, 82, 85, 88, 93, 124, 126, 127, 
130, I3 r > 132, 134-137, I4i> 15, 
152, 154-158, 160-167, I 7i 176. 

Ananda, pupil of Mabavira, 251, 


Ananda, the pundit, 220. 
Ananda Djaya, 220. 
Anandagri, 220. 
Anantanemi, 17. 
Anathapindada, 47, 48, 49, in. 
Anauma, also Anama, Anoma, 

Anutnana (?), 25, 26, 147. 
Anga, 129. 
Angirasas, II. 

Angulimaliya sutra, 196, 200. 
An-se, 240, 242. 
Aniruddha, 13, 53, 54, 58, 73, 141- 

144, 151, 152, 155- 
A-no-shos, 240. 
Aparagaudani, 84. 
Appriya, 82. 

Aranemi Brahmadatta, 16, 70. 
Arata Kalama, 26, 27, 28, 35, 134. 
Arati, 31. 
Armandju, 221. 
Aryadeva, 224. 
Aryakosha, 228. 
Asaudjasattva devas, 247. 
Atharva veda, 77. 
Atisha, or Jo-vo-rje, 225, 227. 
Atraya, 65. 
Attheda, 249. 
Atuma, 134. 
Avalokitesvara, 202-204, 205, 212, 

214. ^ 

Avalokitesvara sutra, 212. 
Avantaka, 182, 184. 
Avaragaila, 182, 183, 184, 1 86. 


Bahugrutiya, 182, 183, 187, 189. 

Bahula, 250. 

Bahuputra tchaitya, 132. 

Balamitra, 70. 

Bal-po, 215, 217. See Nepal. 

Bal-ti or Sbal-ti, 217. 



Bamboo grove, 45, 49, 72, 84, 93. 

See also Veluvaua. 
Bamyan, 117. 
Banyan grove, 51, 58, 74, 1 1 6. See 

also Nyagrodharama. 
Banyan tree of Gautama, 132. 
Baradvadja, 9, II. 
Bathang, 208. 
Beluva, III, 130. 
Benares, 29, 35,37, 39, 46, 157, 159, 

164. See also Varanari. 
Bhadda, 250. 
Bhadra, 128. 
Bhadra, 10, 55. 
Bhadrayaniya, 182, 1 86, 194. 
Bhadrika, 28, 85. 

Bhadrika Cakyaraja, 13, 53, 54, 58. 
Bhagirathi, 1 1, 30. 
Bhallika, 33. 
Bhandagama, 132. 
Bharaddai, 255. 
Bharata, 70. 

Bhavya, 149, 181, 182 et seq. 
Bhikshu varshagrapritsha, 181, 183. 
Bimbi, 1 6. 
Bimbisara, 1 6, 27, 41, 43, 49, 63, 64, 

67, 68, 69, 72, 89, 90, 91, 94. 
Bodhimanda, 35. 
Bod-yul, 216, 221, 241-244. 
Bon-pa, 206, 207, 208, 219. 
Brahma, 27, 35, 52, 81. 
Brahmajala sutra, 82. 
Brahmaloka, 87. 
Brigu, son of, 26. 
Brtson-pa-gtong, 132. 
Bru-sha, 243. 
Buddhasanti, 218. 
Buddhadhuta, 238. 
Buddhaghuya, 205, 2 1 6, 2 1 8, 221. 
Buddhatcharita, 127, 128, 218. 
Bulls or Buluka, 145, 146. 
Bu-ston, 213, 227. 

C,AKRA, 27, 30, 31, 33, 52, 54. 

Cakyavardana, 17. 

Cambi, 117. 

gampa, 70, 71, 72, 90, 136, 174, 


Canavasika, 161, 162, 164, 165, 167, 

Candoyarayana, 254. 
Cantarakshita, 219. 
Cari, 44. 
Cariputra, 44, 45, 48, 51, 55, 56, 73, 

87, 94, 107, 109, 1 10, in, 148, 

162, 163, 174, 232, 233. 

!aradvatiputra, 44. See Q arlputra. 
!ataketu, 1 6, 24, 25, 26, 8l. 

itagatha, 228. 

itanika, 1 6. 
Jeylon, 59, 237. 
Chabbaggiya bhikshus, 63, 159. 
Chang an, 219. 
Chang vihara, 241. 
Chen-fa, 248. 
Chen-ming, 248. 
Chin-cheng, 218, 219. 
Chintamam, 210. 
Cilamanju, 214. 
Cincapa grove, 128, 130, 132. 
Cir^aka, 246, 247. 
Citavana, 47, 72. 
Conaka, 171, 176. 
Cravakayana, 196, 197, 198, 199. 
Cravasti, 1 6, 47, 48, 49, 59, 71, 76, 

79, 82, 96, in, 112, 113, 114, 116, 

122, 136, 174, 175, 255. 

Crested tchaitya of the Mallas 
(Makuta bhandhana), 132, 143. 

Crilendrabodhi, 224. 

Crimahadevi, 236, 241, 242. 

^rimant Dharmapala, 221. 

Crithadra, 64. 

Crivadjra, 214. 

Cronavimsatikoti, 72, 73. 

^rughna, 176. 

^udddha, 13. 

(Jiuddhodana, 13, 14, 15, 2O, 24, 26, 
28,29, 3 2 > 51, 5 2 > S3, 55% 5 8 - 

Cukla, 13. 

(Juklodana, 13, 52, 53. 

Culekasataka tirthikas, 109. 

DA^ABALA KACYAPA, 58, 69, 80, 85, 

93, 144- 

Dahara sutta, 49. 
Danagila, 224. 
Dandapani, 20. 
Danshtasena, 222. 
Datta, in. 

Deva the brahman, 40. 
Devadaha, 12, 14, 20, 145. 
Devadatta, 13, 19, 21, 31, 50, 56, 83 

etseq., 94, 106-109, 175. 
Devala, 213. 

Dgah-ldan monastery, 22O. 
Dgung srong hdam rja, 217. 
Dhanvadurga, 12. 
Dharma dbyig-dur btsan-po, 225. 

See Glang der-ma. 
Dharma chakra pravartana sutra, 37, 




Dharm&goka, 182, 232, 233, 234, 

235> 2 37- 
Dharma^riprabha, 145. 

Dharmagupta, 185. 
Dharmaguptaka, 182, 183, 185, 1 86, 

191. !93- 

Dharmaghosha, 214. 

Dharmauanda, 239. 

Dharmapala, 195. 

Dharmottara, 184. 

Dharmottariya, 182, 184, 185, 186, 

Dhitika, 170. 

Dhyani Buddhas, 2OO. 

Djina, prince, 13. 

Disacaras, 249, 251. 

Djinamitra, 224. 

Djnanagarbha, 219. 

Djriung-ri, 228. 

Dmar-po-ri, 208, 214, 217. 

Dpal-gyi rdo-rje (Qrivadjra), 226. 

Drona, the brahman, 146. 

Drona, 13. 

Dronasama, 146. 

Dronodana, 13, 52, 53. 

Drug-gu, 240. 

DurdarQa, 246. 

EKAVYAVAHARIKA, 182, 183, 187, 

Ekottaragama, 158, 175. 
Elapatra, 46, 47, 244, 245. 
Enejjaga, 254. 


GA-HJAG, 239, 240. 

Galien, 228. 

Ganges, 26, 72, 97, IO2, 128, 165 

253, 2 54, 256. 
Gandharva, 137. 
Gandhamadana, 169. 
Gandhara, 244, 245. 
Gantacabda, 21. 
Ganuta, 214. 
Gatha, 140, 156, 158. 
Gautama, 9, 10, 1 1, 128. 
Gautami, Mahaprajapati, 2O, 60, 6 
Gavampati, 39, 149. 
Gaya, 28, 41, 89. 
Gay a Kacyapa, 40. 
Gaya girsba, 41, 42. 
Gesser khan, 228. 
Gey a, 140. 
Ghoshaka, 195. 
Glang dar-ma, 225, 226, 242. 

nam-ri srong btsan, 211. 

nya-khri btsan -po, 208, 209. 

:>9irsha, 233, 238, 240. 

ogringa, 231, 233. 

okulika, 1 86, 187, 189. 

omayuputta, 249. 
Gopa, 20, 21, 24, 31, 56, 57, 83. 
Gdpala, 63, 64. 
Gosala Mankhaliputta. See Mas- 


jrshen-rabs, 207. 
Gtsang-ma, 225. 
Guge, 215. 

Gundak, Little. See Kakustana. 
Gunjaka, 128. 
Gung-ri gung btsan, 215. 
Gungu Meru, 223. 
Gupta, 164. 
Gupta, 21. 
Guptaka, 183, 194. 
Gus-tik, 243. 

Gu-zan, 240. 

Gyung-drung, 206, 207. 

HA-CHANG or Hwa-chang Mahadeva, 

214, 220. 

Haimavata, 182, 184, 1 86, 190. 
Halahala, 249, 252, 255. 
Hang-gu-jo, 236. 
Hastigama, 132. 
Hastigarta, 19. 
Hastinajaka, II, 12. 
Hastipura, 9. 
Hbru-so-lo-nya, 235. 
Hdon-hdros, 239. 
Hetuvidya, 182, 183, 184. 
Hgen-to-shan, 238, 240. 
Hgum-stir (or tir), 238. 
Himalaya, or Himavat, II, 1 8, 27, 

129, 184, 206. 
Himatala, 117. 
Hindustan, 215. 

Hiranyavati, 133, 134, I35> J 43- 
Hor (or Hur, Hui-ho), 213, 215 


Hsam-yas, 220. 

Hulunta (or Hu-lor), 167, 238. 
Hwa-shang zab-ino, 220. 

IKSHVAKU, n, 27. 

Ikshavaku Virudhaka, II, 12. 

Ilichi, 230. 

India, 211, 215, 235, 236, 239, 240, 

Itivritaka, 140. 



JAINS, 104, 249, 254. 
Jaluka mabavana, 133. 
Jambudvipa, 33, 81, 84, 132, 147, 

215, 246. 

Jambugama, 132. 

Janapada Kalyani, 55. See Bbadr a . 
Janta, II. See liajyanauda. 
Jataka, 140. 
Teta, 48, 49, 121. 
Jetavana, 49, 50, 51, 79, in, 121. 
Jetavaniya, 183. 
.Tin-ch an, 202. 
Jivaka (Kumarabhanda), 63, 64, 

6 5> 67, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98. 
Jo-vo-rje. See Atisha. 
Jyotishka, 68, 69, 70, 94, 65. 

KACHMERE, 148, 166, 167. 168, 169, 

170, 212, 220, 232, 238, 243. 
Kagi, 35. See Benares and Va- 

Kacyapa, 42, 69, 185. See Uruvi- 

Iva, Nadi, Gaya, Nyagrodba, 

Mali a, Kagyapa. 

Kagyapiya, 183, 185, 186, 191, 193. 
Kakuda Katyayana, 79, 96, 104, 

I0 5, 257- 
Kakudha, 87. 
Kakustana, 134, 153. 
Kala, 1 8, 170. See also Asita. 
Ivaldgoka, 182. 
Kalauda, 249. 
Kalandaka, 159. 
Kalantakanivasa (or nipata), 43, 141, 

151. See Bamboo grove and 

Kalidasa, 228. 
Kalika, 23. 
Kalinga, 147. 

Kaltidayi, 17, 21. See Udayin. 
Kalyana, 9. 
Kalyanavardana, 13. 
Kamahavana, 255. 
Kdmalagila, 220, 222. 
Kamaloka, 81. 
Kamapala, 9. 
Kanuavatcbaradeva, 142. 
Kanakavati, 74. 
Kanakavarna, 10. 
Kandiyaya, 255. 
Kanika, 240. 
Kanishka, 240. 
Kaniyara, 249. 
Kanthaka, 17, 25. 
Kanyakubdja, 9. 
Kao-tsuug, 215. 

Kao-tchang, 231. 

Kapala tcbaitya, 131, 132. 

Kapila, n, 12. 

Kapilavastu, 12, 14, 19, 20, 26, 30, 

31, 32, 40, 50, 51, 52, 57, 58, 60, 
73. 75. 77, 83, 107, 112, 116, 117, 
118, 145. 

Karandavyuba sfttra, 202, 210, 212. 

Karakarna, n, 12. 

Karata, 247. 

Karkata, 128. 

Karma gataka, 218. 

Karnika, 9. 

Kaiu, 9. 

Karumant, 9. 

Kasava, 253. 

Ka-sar vibara, 241. 

Kasbgar, 240. 

Katamorakatisya, 55, 94. 

Katissabba, 128. 

Katyayana, 18, 45, 47. 

Kaugambl, 16, 73, 246. 

Kaugika, 19, 24. 

Kaundinya, 28, 38, 85, 87, 144, 157. 

Kaundiuya Potala, 44. 

Kecbana, 213. 

Keiissa Gautami, 23. 

Kbandadvaja, 55, 94. 

Khoten, 211, 218, 220, 225, 228, 
230, 231, 232, 335. See also 

Kboten darya, 235. 

Kbri, seven celestial, 209. 

Kbri-cbam, 215. 

Kbri-ldan srong btsan, 211. See 

Srong btsan sgam-po. 
Kbri-lde gtsug bstan mes Ag-ts oms, 

217, 218. 
Kbri-srong Ide btsan, 219, 221, 222, 


Kbri-ral, 223. See Ral-pa-chan. 
K iang, 204. 
Kinkinisvara, 21. 
Kisbkindba, 18. 
K iang, 204. 
Klui-rgyal-mts an, 221. 
Kokalika, 55, 94. 
Kokan, 240. 
Koko-nor, 215. 

Kolita, 44. See Maudgalyayana. 
Koliyas of Ramagama, 145. 
Kollaga, 250. 
Kong-dzung, 236. 
Kosala, 47, 49, 50, 70, 75, 76, 79, 82, 

III, 112, 114, 115, 121, 203, 208. 

Kosbtbila, 44, 45. 



Kotigama, 128. 
Ko^thaya ceiya, 251. 
Krichnavarna, 10. 
Kra-krag tribes, 217. 
Kshitigarbha, 200, 201, 202. 
Kuginagara or Kusinara, 9, 132, 133, 

J 35> 136, 137, 138, 142- 
Kueu-lun, 230. 
Knkutupada, 161. 
Kumara, 214. 

Kumara dristanta sutra, 49. 
Kumbhira, 92, 93. 
Kummagarna, 250, 251. 
Kurukula, 185. 

Kurukullaka, 182, 183, 184, 194. 
Kusavati, 136. 
Kusthana, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236, 


Kusumapura, 182. 
Kuyyasobhito, 176, 179. 


Lde, eight terrestrial, 209. 

Lde-dpal-hkhor-btsan, 226. 

Legs, six terrestrial, 209. 

Lhasa, 70, 208, 211, 214, 216, 217, 

Lha-tho-tho-ri snyen - bshal, 209, 


Li-byin, brahman, 212. 

Licchavis, 19, 62, 63, 64, 97, 129, 

130, 145, 165, 167, 203. 
Li-thang, 230. 
Li-yul, 230 et seq., 247. See Kho- 


Lo-bo-tchum-rings, 217. 
Lokapalitas, 52, 84. 
Lokayata system, 44. 
Lokottaravadina, 182, 183. 
Lo-los, 204, 206. 
Lumbini, 14, 15. 

MADHYANIKA or Madhyantika, 166, 

167, 1 68, 169, 170. 
Madhyadega, 245, 246. 
Madhyamika, 200. 
Ma-dza, 238, 239. 
Magadha, 27, 40, 63, 64, 67, 70, 72, 

86, 90, 123, 125, 129, 142, 150, 

165, 1 66. 

Mahabharata, 223. 
Mahadeva, 189. 
Mahagandhara, 248. 
Mahagiriya, 194. 
Maha Kagyapa, 59, 134, 141, 144, 

148, 149 etseq., 1 66, 170, 185, 186. 

Matialoma, 186. 

Mahamaya, 14. 

Mahanama, 13, 20, 21, 24, 25, 28, 
53. 54, 58, 64, 74, 75, 76, 119. 

Mahanimitta doctrine, 249. 

Mahapadma, 16, 186. 

Mahaprajapati Gautami, 14, 58, 60, 
III, 152. 

Mahapurusha, 207. 

Mahaparinirvana sutra, 77, 122 et 

Mahasammata, 7, 9. 

Mahasanghika, 182, 183, 185, 186, 

Mab.asudarc.ana, 136. 

Mahasudarcana sdtra, 136. 

Mahaushada, n. 

Mahaviharavasina, 183. 

Mahavlra, 249, 250, 251, 252. 

Mahavyutpatti, 183, 222. 

Mahayana, 196, 197, 198, 199. 

Mahesvarasena, 9. 

Mahigasaka, 182, 183, 184, 185, 1 86, 
191, 192. 

Mahinda, 237. 

Mahismati, 276. 

Maitreya, 237, 238. 

Majjimagama, 158, 175. 

Mallarama, 254. 

Mallas, 26, 56, 132, 134, 137, 138, 
139, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146. 

Mallika, 13, 75, 76, 77, ill, 114. 

Manclhatar, 9. 

Mandiya, 254, 255. 

Mang-srong mang-btsan, 215, 216. 

Mango grove, 95, 96. 

Mani bkah>hbum, 212, 213. 

Manjugri, 237, 238. 

Mantasidhi, 239. 

Mara, 27, 31, 32, 33, 39, 119. 

Marpa, 227. 

Maskharin, son of Gogali, 40, 79, 
96, 101, 138, 249, 250-255. 

Matanga forest, 88. 

Mathara, 44. 

Mathura, 164. 

Ma-twan-lin, 204, 226. 

Maya, 13, 14. See Pradjap. Gau 

Maudgalyayana, I, 44, 45, 52, 72, 81, 
86, 88, 90, 94, 97, 107, 109, no, 
117, 148, 162, 164. 
Meghaduta, 228. 
Me-skar, 235, 236, 241. 
Metsurudi, 113, 114. 
Milaraspa, 227. 



Minak or Manyak, 215. 

Mkhar or Gar, 216. 

Mletchas, 231. 

Mngari Korsum, 215, 226. 

Mon tribes, 215, 227. 

Mongols, 217. 

Monkey pond, 131. 

Mrigadhara, 70. 

Mrigadava, 29, 35. 

Mu-khri btsan-po, 222, 223. 

Muduntaka or Muruntaka, 182, 183, 


Mulasarvastivadina, 186. 
Mutchilinda, 34. 

NA ? I, 38. 

Nadi Kagyapa, 40. 

Nadika, 128. 

Naga, 187. 

Nagarjuna, 45, 224. 

Nakaikundjika, 6 1. 

Na-kie, 230. 

Nairanjana, 28, 30, 33, 37, 40. 

Nalada (Nalaka, Naradatta), 18, 45, 

46. See Katyayana. 
Nalanda, 44, no, 220. 
Nanda, 13, 14, 19, 53, 55, 73, 186. 
Nanda, 30, 40. 
Naudabala, 30, 40. 
Nandika, 30. See Sena. 
Nang-kod, or God, 217. 
Na-pi-ka, 6l. 
Nata, 164. 
Nepal, 120, 210, 211, 215, 217, 220, 


Nikata, 128. 
Nirnbarkas, 50. 
Nirgrantha, 65, 66, 103, 253. 
Nigrantha Juatiputra, 79, 96, 104, 


Nyagrodha cave, 151, 159. 
Nyayrodharama, 51, 53, 58. See 

also Bamboo grove. 
ISTyagrodhika country j 147. 

OD-SRUNQ, 226. 
Om-mani padme hum, 2IO. 
Ombo-blang-gang, 208, 2IO. 
Opapatika birth, 100. 


Panda va, 15, 27. 

Pannakalaga, 255. 

Parivradjaka, 49, 103, 120, 138, 140, 

Par-inkhan-pa, 242. 

Pataligama, 126, 127, 128. 

Patali pond, 121. 

Pataliputra, 128, 167, 179, 182, 

179, 1 86, 246. See also Kusuuia- 


Patali tchaitya, 126. 
Pava, 133, 144. 
Persia, 243, 245. 
Peshawar, 243. 
Phata, 164. 

Phyi-dbang stag-rtse, 208. 
Pin-chu, 219. 
Pippala cave, 151. 
Pipphalivana. See Nyagrodhika. 
Potala, 9, 11, 12, 70, 208, 214. 
Po-ta-rya, 239. 

Pradjnaptivadina, 182, 183, 189. 
Pradjnavarman, 224. 
Pradyota, 17, 32, 70. 
Prasenadjit, 16, 48, 49, 50, 51, 70, 

7i 75. 76, 79, 1 1 1-116, 203, 208. 
Pratimoksha sutra, 50, 140, 153, 

159, 175, 246. 
Pro-nyo vihara, 240. 
Puny a, 206. 

Punyabala avadana, 73. 
Pu-nye-shar, 238. 
Purna, 39, 149, 156. 
Purna Ka^yapa, 49, 79, 80, 96, 100, 

101, 138, 255, 256. 
Purvarama, 71. 

Purvagaila, 182, 183, 184, 186. | 
Purvavideha, 84. 
Pushkarasarin, 82, 83. 
Pushkasa, 134. 

RAHUL A, 13, 32, 53, 56, 57, 58. 

Kaivata, 54, 58. 

Eajagiriya, 1 86. 

Rajagriha, 16, 26, 27, 42, 43, 44, 47, 
48, 49, 51, 56, 63, 64, 65, 69, 71, 
84, 90, 92, 96, 67, 105, 109, 114, 
115, 120, 123, 136, 148, 150, 151, 
156, 1 6 1, 174, 175, 200, 250, 254. 

Rajana, 202. 

Rajyananda, n. 

Raktaksha, 48. 

Ral-pa-chan, 218, 223, 225, 242. 

Ram an uy as, 50. 

Ramayana, 228. 

Ratnapala, 93. 

Ratnavali, 59. 

Ravigupta, 228. 

Revata, 177. 

Rgya (China), 234, 235, 236, 237, 
238, 239, 242. 



Rig veda, 77. 
Rimurunda, 164. 
Rishyasringa jataka, 57. 
Rishivadana, 35, 39, 46. 
Rohita, 20, 21, 52. 
Rokha, 9. 
Roruka, 145, 147. 
Rtseb-pa tchaitya, 124. 
Rubbed side, grove of, 68. 
Rudraka Ramaputra, 28, 35. 
Rupaloka, 81. 
Rupananda, 13. See Nanda. 


Sad-na-legs, 222. 

Sahadeva, 19. 

Sahadsha, 176. 

Sagaradatta, 55, 94. 

Sakala, 63. 

Saketa, 136. 

Sala grove, 63, 119, 132, 135, 143, 

15, 153- 
Salha, 176. 
Sama veda, 77. 

Samavadho paracha chakra, 1 8 1. 
Samayabhedo parachana chakra, 


Samangasarana Parvata, 232. 
Samanna phala sutta, 99, 106. 
Sambbuta, 176. 
Samkagya, 81, 176. 
Samkrantivadina, 183, 185, 1 86, 193. 
Sammata, 184. 
Sarnmatiyas, 182, 183, 184, 1 88, 


Sana, 249. 
Sanghaghosha, 239. 
Sanghavardana, 231, 241. 
Sang-tir vibara, 239. 
Sanjaya, 45. 
San jay a Vairattiputra, 49, 79, 96, 

101, 104, 258. 
San-pu valley, 208. 
Santusbti, 128. 
Sarandada tcbaitya, 124. 
Sarvadhara, 17. 
Sarvakama, 171, 173, 174, 176, 177, 


Sarvarthasiddha, 17. 
Sanrftativ&dina, 182, 183, 184, 185, 

1 86, 190, 191, 193, 195, 196, 239. 
Sattapani cave, 151, 156. 
Sautrantika, 186. 
Seger Sandalitu, 208. 
Sena, 30, 33. 
Senanigama, 30, 39, 40. 

Senayana, 30. 

Seven amra tree, tchaitya of, 132. 

Severed hand, pool of, 121. 

Shampaka, 117, 118. 

Sbannagarika, 183, 186, 194. 

Sbi-dkar, 217. 

Shing-dkam, 217. 

Sho-rgya, 239. 

Sbuli, prince of, 217. 

Shu-lik, 240, 243. 

Shur-pai-grong, 132. 

Siddha-thagg^ma, 250. 

Siddh&rtha, 13, 20, 21, 23. 

Sinha, 63. 

Sinhahanu, 13, 14, 18. 

Sinhaghosha, 212. 

Sinhanada, 13. 

Sinidba, 127. 

Ska-ba-dpal-brtsegs, 221, 224. 

Skam-shed, 236. 

Snar-tbang, monastery of, 148. 

So-kid, town of, 240. 

Sow, place of (Vadjravarahi ?), 120. 

Spu-de gang rgyal, 209. 

Srong-btsan sgam-po, 208, 209 et 

seq., 215, 217, 218, 241. 
Sthiramati, 187. 
Stag-gzig, 213, 245, 246. 
Stong-nya vihara, 241. 
Subabu, 39, 88. 

Subhadra, 65, 66, 67, 68, 128, 138. 
Sudar9ana, 170. 
Sudatta, 47, 48, 49, 159. See 

Sujata, 30. 
Sulabha, 13, 19. 
Sumeru, 161, 205. 
Sundarananda, 13. See Nanda. 
Suprabuddha (or Suprabodha), 12, 

13, 14, 20, 28,29. 
Suratha, 246. 
Surendrabodhi, 224. 
Suryavamsa, II. 
Susroni, 82. 

Sutra in 42 sections, 71, 206. 
Suvarsbaka, 182, 185. 
Suvarna prabhasa sutra, 2 1 8. 
Svastika, 31, 206. 
Swat, river, 1 1 8. 
Sse-ma-tsien, 204. 
Sse-tchuen, 206, 213, 219. 

TABUTA, 214. 
Ta-chien-lu, 215, 216. 
Tachilhunpo, 148. 
Taksba9ila, 9, 21, 46, 65. 



Tamra9atiya, 183, 186, 191, 193. 

Tangutans, 215. 

Tantuvaya sala, 250. 

Tao-sse, 206. 

Tchaityika, 182, 183, 186, 189. 

Tchampaka, 118. 

Tchandaka, 20, 21, 22, 25. 

Tchang-tsang, 217, 222. 

Tchao-tchang, 225. 

Tchos-kyi rgyal-rnts an, 224. 

Tchudapratigraha, stupa of, 26. 

Tchunandana, 144. 

Tevidja sutta, 82. 

Thal-tsung, 213. 

Thien chan, 230. 

Tho-tho-ri long btsan, 209. 

Thumi Anu, 21 1. 

Thumi Sambkota, 211, 212, 214. 

Tirthikas, 48, 68, 69, 79, 120, 154. 

Tishya, 44. 

Tokara, 243. 

To-la, 235. 

Trapusha, 34. 

Tripitaka, the bhikshu, 247. 

Tsal-byi, 242. 

Tsar-ma, 237, 238, 241. 

Tsu-chih hien, 222. 

Tung-lin, 230. 

Turkestan, 230. 

Turks, 217. 

Tushita, 15, 46, 48, 141. 

Tushti, 128. 


Uddandapura, 254. 

Udai Kundiyayaniya, 253, 254. 

Udanavarga, 29, 33, 35. 

Udayana, 17, 74. 

Udayi, 21, 51, 8 1. See Kaludayi. 

Udayibhadra, 91, 96. 

Udjayani, 17. 

Udyana, 117, 118, 22O. 

Ulkamukha, n, 12. 

Upagupta, 164, 170. 

Upaka, 35. 

Upaksiru, 9. 

Upakarumant, 9. 

Upali, 55. 5 6 > 158, 159- 

Upatishya, 44. See (Jariputra. 

Upavana, 136. 

Upavasavi, 63. 

Uruvilva, 39, 40, 41, 51. 

Uruvilva Kagyapa, 28, 40, 41. 

U-then, 233, 235, 236, 241. See 

Utpalavarna, 21, 81, 106, 107, 136. 

Utposhadha, 9. 
Uttara, 185, 1 86, 193. 
Uttariya, 183, 185. 
Uttarakuru, 84. 

VACHPA, 28. See Daabala Kagyapa. 
Vadjrapani, 92. 

Vadsala, 17, 74. See Kaugambi. 
VaibadyavAdina, 182, 183, 184, 186, 

Vai ravana, 46, 232, 233, 234, 236, 

241, 242. 

Vaidehi, 64, 90, 91, 95. 
Vairojana, 202. 
Vairotchana, 221, 237, 238. 
Vaisali, 19, 26, 57, 62, 63, 64, 79, 

97, 129, 130, 132, 136, 148, 155, 

I6 5, 167, 171, 172, 173, 177, 17$, 

179, 180,235,255. 
Vaku, 1 1 8, 230. 
Vanararl, 255. 
Varana, 38. See Nagi. 
Varanasi, 9, 18, 74, 8l, 136. See 

Vararutchi, 228. 
Varakalyana, 9. 
Varshakara, 77, 123, 124, 125, 127, 

142, 146. 

Varshika, 48, 77, in, u 4> nr. 
Vasabhagami, 176. 
Vasistha, 12, 97, 137, 142, 143, 

J 45- 

Vasubandhu, 224. 

Vasumitra, 181, 183, 187, 193, 195, 


Vethadvipa, 145. 
Vatsiputriya, 182, 183, 184, 185, 

186, 187, 190, 193, 194. 
Veluvana, 65, no. See Bamboo 


Vigvamitra 19. 
Videha, 63. 

Vidyakaraprabha, 148. 
Vijayadharma, 239. 
Vijayajaya, 238. 
Vijayakirti, 240, 241. 
Vijayasambhava, 237, 238. 
Vijayasimha, 239, 240. 
Vijayavirya, 238. 
Viuiala, 39. 

Vinitadeva, 181, 187, 188, 193. 
Virudhaka, 28, 48, 63, 77, 78, 79. 

112, 113, 114, u6, 117, 119, 120, 
121, 122. 

Visakha, n, 70. 
Visakha, 70, 71, in. 



Vriji, 57, 61, 63, 124, 125, 130, 132, 

i55 l6 5- 
Vrijians, 62, 97, 123, 124, 125, 127, 

132, 164. 
Vrijiputra, 155. 
Vulture s peak, 27, 90, 123, 124, 

126, 151, 200. See Gridhrakuta 


WEBHARA, 151. 
Wen-ch eng, 213, 214. 
Wooden paling, town of, HO. 
Was, season of, 50, 61, 159. 

YA^AS, 38, 39, 128, 164, 173, 174, 
176, 177, 178,233, 235,236. 

Yagodatta, 128. 

Yagodhara, 17, 2O, 21, 24, 29, 31, 

32, 56, 57, 62, 84, 107. 
Yajurveda, 77. 
Yama, 197. 
Yambu-Lagari, 208. 
Yang-tze-kiang, 208, 217. 
Yarkand, 240. 
Yashtivana, 42, 43. 
Ye-shes-sde, 221, 224. 
Yeula, 237. 
Yogatchariya, 219. 
Yok-chui, 232. 
Yu-thien, 231, 248. See Khoten. 

ZA-KONG, 213. See Wen-cli eng. 

( 271 ) 




AMRAI-GRONG Amragama. 
Amra skyong-ma Ainrapali. 

BA-LANG bdag Gavampati. 
Bal-glang Itar-gyi-groug Hasthi- 


Bchom-brlag Mathura. 
Bchom-ldan-hdas Bhagavan. 
Bkra-shis Svastika. 
Bla-ma Uttara. 
Bre-bo Drona. 
Bre-bo-ma Drona. 
Bre-bo-zas Dronodana. 
Btang-bzung Mutchilinda. 
Btsun-po Bhadanta. 
Byang-tchub-sems-pa Bodhisattva. 
Byang-tclmb-kyi - sny ing - po Bod- 


Bya-gag-rkang Kukutupada. 
Bu-ram shing-pa Ikshvaku. 
B u -mang- po Bahuputra. 
Bzang-ldan Bhadrika. 
Bzang-len Sulabha. 
Bzang-po Bhallika. 
Bzod-dkah Durdarga (?). 

CAKYA-HPHEL or spel Qakyavar- 


Cakya-thub-pa Qakyamuni. 

Makuta bandhana tchaitya. 

Dbang-phyug - tchen - poi - sde Ma- 

Dbyar-ts ul-ma or Dbyar-byed 

Varshika and Varshakara. 
Dgah-bo Nanda. 
Dgah-mo Nanda. 
Dgah-stobs Nandab&la. 
Dgra-bchorn-pa Arahan or Arhan. 
Dge-ba Kalyana. 
Dge-bai-snying-po Kalyanagarbba. 

Dge-bdun hphel Sangbavardana. 
Dge-hpbel Kalyanavardana. 
Dge-mtcbog Varakalyana. 
Dkar-mo Cukla. 
Dmag-brgya-ba Qatanika. 
Dmar-bu-chan Patali. 
Dmar-bu-cban grong Pataligama. 
Dmar-bu-chan grong-khyer Patali- 


Don-ka Karnika. 
Dpe-med Anupama. 
Dpe-cban Upavana. 
Dril-bu-sgra Kinkinisvara. 
Dri-med Yimala. 
Dum-bu Sakala. 
Dus-legs Kalika. 
Dza-lu-kai - ts al - niang - pa Jaluka 


ELAT-MDAB Elapatra. 

GA-GON Trapusba. 
Gang-po Purna. 
Gdju-brtan Dbanvadurga. 
Glang-po-tcbe-bdul Hastinajaka. 
Guas-len-kyi-bu Mathara. 
Gnas-hjug Vasisbta. 
Gnod-pa-cban Nagi or Varana. 
Gos-cban Vasavi. 
Grags-pa Yagas. 
Grags-bdzin-ma Yagodhara. 
Gro-dzin Crona. 
Grong-kbyer epyil-po-cban Koti- 


Grong-khyer sgra-chan Nadika. 
Grong-khyer rtsa-cban Kusiuaia. 
Gru-bdjin Potala. 
Gser-gyi-mdog Kanaka varna. 
Gser-od Suvarnaprabhasa and 

Kanakavati (?). 

Gso-sbyong-hpbags Utposhada. 
Gtang-ba tchen-po Mahatyaga. 
G tsang-ma ^ uddha. 



Gyo-ldan Salha. 
Gyung-pa Pushkasa. 

HDOD-PA-NA spyod-pai lha Kama- 

vatcharas devas. 
Hdun-pa Tchandaka. 
Hdzam-bui grong Jambugama. 
Hphags skyes-po Virudhaka. 
Hts^o-byed gdzon-nus gsos Jivaka 


KA-TIT khyu mtchog Katissabha. 
Khyab-hjug gling Vethadvipa. 
Kun-dgah-bo Ananda. 
Kun-hdzin Sarvadhara. 
Kunjikai-gnas Gunjaka. 
Kun mongs med Asita (lit. 


Kun-tu hts o nyer-hgro Ajivaka. 
Kus-tii grong Kusinagara. 

Lag-na dbyug-chan Dandapani. 
Lag-rna Karakarna. 
Legs-mthong Sudargana. 
Legs-mthong tchen-po Mahasu- 


Legs-ongs Suratha (?). 
Legs-par rab sad Suprabuddha. 
Lha-yis bstan Devadaha. 
Lhan-chig skyes Sahadsha. 
Lhar bchas Sahadeva. 
Lhas sbyin Devadatta. 
Lnga sde Pauchavarga. 
Long-spyod grong Bhoga nagara. 

MA-HE Idan Mahismati. 
Ma-la gnod Ainbharisha. 
Ma-pham-pa Adjita. 
Ma-hgags-pa Aniruddha. 
Ma-skyes-dgra Adjatasatru. 
Ma sdug Appriya (?). 
Mchod-rten Tchaitya. 
Mdjes-pa Karu and Tushti. 
Mdjes-dgah-bo Sundarananda. 
Mdjes-ldan Karumant. 
Mdog-nag Krichnavama. 
Mig-dmar Raktaksha. 
Ming-tchen Mahauaman. 

NAG-PO Kala. 
Nam-gru Revata. 
Nam-rnkah-lding Garuda. 
Nga-las-nu Mandhatar. 
Nor-chan Conaka and Ydsabha- 

Nye-ba Xikata. 
Nye-bar-hkhov Upali. 
Nye-gos-chan Upavftsavi. 
Nye-mdjes-pa Upakaru and Sau- 

Nye-mdjes-ldan Upakdrumant. 
Nyer-rgyal Upatishya. 
Nyer sbas-pa Upagupta. 
Nyi-mai-gung Madhyauika. 

OD-MA-CHAN-GYI grong Beluva. 
Od-mai dbyug-pa chan Ambalat- 

Od-mdjes Rokha. 

PADMA snying-po Pushkarasarin. 
Phreng-ba chan Mallika. 
Phreng-chan Mallika. 

RAB-BZANG Subhadra. 

Rab-dgah Abhinanda. 

Rab-snang Pradyota. 

Ras-bal chan Karvasika. 

Rangs - by ed - kyi - bu Inag - spyod 

Rudraka Ramaputra. 
Rdo-rje phag-moi-gnas Vadjra- 


Rgyal-byed Jeta. 
Rgyal-srid dgah Rajyananda. 
Rgyu-stsal shea -kyi bu ring-du 

liphur Arata Kdlama. 
Rgyun shea-kyi-bu Atraya. 
Ri-dags skyes Mrigadja\ 
Ri-dags hdzin Mrigadhara. 
Rjo (rje ?) grong Bhandagama. 
Rkang-gdub cban NUpara. 
Rna-ba-chan Karnika. 
Rnam-thos-kyi-bu Vaigravana. 
Rtag-tu smyos-pa Asaudjasattva. 

SA-OA Visakha. 

Sa-pai-grong Pa-vai-grong ? See 

Sdig-pa-chan Pava. 
Sai-snying-po Kshitigarbha. 
Sa-hts o-Lna Gopa. 
3a-las-nu Kusthana. 
3bas-pa Gupta. 
Sbos-kyis ngad - Idan Gandhama 


3de Sena. 
>de-chan Senani. 
Sde-dpon Nayaka. 
Sdig-pa-chan Pava. 
3eng-ge hgram Sinhahanu. 
Seng-ge sgra Sinhandda. 



Ser-skya Kapila. 
Sgra sgrogs Roruka. 
Sgra-gcban-zin Rabtila. 
Sba-nai-gos-cban Canavasika. 
Sho-shum-pa Susroni. 
Skal-ldan shing-rta Bhagirathi. 
Skar-mdah gdong Ulkamukba. 
Skar-rgyal Tisbya. 
Skul-byed tcheu-po Tchunandana. 

Skya-nar-gyi-bu Pataliputra. 

Skya-bseng-kyi-bu Pandava 

Skye-dgubi bdag tcben-mo Maba- 
pradjapati gautaml. 

Sna tcben-po-la-gtogs Mabamatra. 

Snags-ldan Kautbaka. 

Sprin-bu go-tcba Kaugika. 

Spong-byed Vriji. ^ 

Spu-tcben-po Mabaloma. 

Spyod-pai-bu ring-po or Rgyu-bai- 
bu ring-po Dirgbatcbarayana. 

Stogs-rings Kosbtbila. 

Stobs-kyi bsbes-gnyen Balamitra. 

TCHAR-BYED Udayana. 
Tcbu-dbus Madbyantika. 
Tcbu-bo-dbyig chan Hiranyavati. 
Tbams-chad grub -pa Sarvartba- 


Tbams-cbad hdod-pa Sarvakama. 
Ts ad-med-ina Amrita. 
Ts ad-med zas Amritodana. 

YAN-LAG skyes Angirasas. 
Yang-dag skyes Sambhtita. 
Yang-dag rgyal-ba-cban Sanjaya. 
Yid bstan-da StbiramatL 
Yid-ong Idan Anumana. 

ZAS dkar Cuklodaua. 
Zas gtsang Cuddbodana. 
Zla-sgrur Kuyyasobhito. 



BINDING --T. JUN221977 



Rockhill, William Woodville 
The life of the Buddha.