OF THE CULTUS OF
THE SACRED HEART
A MORAL, DOGMATIC AND HISTORICAL STUDY.
DISSERTATION
Submitted to the Faculty of the Sacred Sciences at the Catholic
University of America in partial fulfilment of the
requirements for the Doctorate in Theology.
By the
REV. JOSEPH Juwus CHARGES PETROVITS, J. C. B., S. T. L.
Of the Diocese of Harrisburg.
Catholic University of America,
Washington, D. C., U.S. A,
MCMXVII.
EXCHANGE
THEOLOGY OF THE CULTUS OF
THE SACRED HEART
A MORAL, DOGMATIC AND HISTORICAL STUDY.
DISSERTATION
Submitted to the Faculty of the Sacred Sciences at the Catholic
University of America in partial fulfilment of the
requirements for the Doctorate in Theology.
By the
REV. JOSEPH Juuus CHARLES PETROVITS, J. C. B., S. T. L.
Of the Diocese of Harrisburg.
Catholic University of America,
Washington, D. C., U.S.A.
MCMXVIL
NIHIL OBSTAT.
H THOMAS J. SHAHAN, S. T. D.,
Censor Deputatus.
IMPRIMATUR.
^ J. CARD. GIBBONS,
Archiepiscopus Baltimorensis.
Copyright,
by
JOSEPH JULIUS CHARLES PETROVITS.
All rights reserved.
; :* PRINTED AT THE
COLUMBIA Poi,YT^HNio INSTITUTE FOR THE BUND,
* *5 ^ : Washington, D. C., U. S. A.
»t«>»t/.» .
UNIVERSITAS CATHOUCA AMERICAE, WASHINGTONII.
S. FACULTAS THEOLOGICA, 1916-1917.
No. 10.
362102
PREFACE.
The modern educational tendency towards specialization has in-
spired many exhaustive treatises on the principal dogmas of the
Catholic faith, and the more profound study this tendency has
entailed has given rise to separate tracts on Christology, Soteri-
ology, Mariology, Eschatology, and others. In this way, the funda-
mental truths of the Christian religion have been clarified and
developed, and many hitherto untouched points of controversy have
been brought out into clear relief. The influence of the scientific
investigation of the past century has no doubt been felt in theological
circles, and the religious field, instead of suffering from the advance
of our scientific knowledge, has been strengthened by the addition
of numerous works which prove more forcibly than ever how
impossible is any conflict between dogmatic truth and the truth of
science, when properly and impartially approached. The content
of religious knowledge knows no frontiers. It draws its sources
from the inexhaustible ocean of the Infinite, and the subjective
development of dogmatic truth shows how adequately Christianity
satisfies all the spiritual wants of the human heart. Among these
PREFACE
developments, none has occupied a wider share of attention than
the origin and growth of the Devotion to the Sacred Heart. The
diffusion of this Devotion meets a want which is especially evi-
denced in the spirit of the present day. That there is an unholy
emotionalism, or better, an unhealthy sentimentalism which is un-
dermining the basic factor of man's relation to God, is admitted by
all who realize that the psychological factor of religious belief needs
constantly to be guided into the proper channels. No Devotion of
the Church has a more potent force within itself to satisfy the
longing of man's heart for union with God than the Devotion to
the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
In a certain measure, this Devotion has not been given the recog-
nition it deserves from present-day theologians. Comparatively
small contribution of a scientific value can be attributed to English
writers on this subject. Many of its features have been described
by writers in French, German, Italian, and Spanish, but few of
these works have been made accessible to English readers. And
yet no Devotion comes so closely to the very essence of the char-
' acter of those who speak, write and read English today. The field
of speculation such a study opens up is filled with numerous attrac-
tive aspects wherein each one can labor and harvest himself the
particular spiritual reward which is calculated to satisfy the indi-
vidual desire for more intimate knowledge of the Saviour.
No words are necessary to prove the importance of the Devo-
tion to the Sacred Heart. Through the captivating symbol of the
PREFACE 9
Heart, it commemorates that boundless love which the Second Per-
son of the Blessed Trinity showed forth in the work of Redemp-
tion. That it ought to be one of the most beloved devotions in the
Church is evident from the fact that it forms so palpably a con-
necting bond between the Creator and the creature, between the
Saviour and the human race He has redeemed.
The Devotion to the Sacred Heart is therefore a special form of
worship given to the love of our Blessed Lord as symbolized by
His Heart. To relate the story of the beginning and the develop-
ment of this Devotion, to explain its theological basis, and to pre-
sent to the reader its more important features, is the purpose of
this volume. As a tentative explanation in English of the numerous
questions involved in a theological and historical discussion of the
Devotion to the Sacred Heart, the work will be welcomed by all
those who take an interest in the literature on the subject, since
it is the first time such a discussion has been given in that tongue.
In the opening chapters the reader is introduced to the historical
facts which thread their way through the rise and growth of this
Devotion. Then follow a series of chapters on the constitutive
elements of the Devotion itself, and a final section of the work
deals with such practcial question as the Devotion of the Nine
Fridays or the Twelfth Promise.
Not all the theology on this subject has assumed a definite mould ;
many problems still remain in their original controversial dress,
and the absence of any official definition on the part of the Church
10 PREFACE
explains the freedom with which certain questions have been treated.
Naturally, every good Catholic will make the distinction necessary
between what is certain and what is still undefined in this Devotion.
In all, however, our attitude is submitted to the authority of the
Church, which is and ever will be the pillar and ground of truth.
With the intention of making a public act of faith, the work is
dedicated to the Sacred Heart, and its pages are placed under the
protection of the Divine Master, in the hope that this humble
attempt at describing the Devotion will be productive of good in
the hearts of the faithful.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
CHAPTER I. THE PRIMARY OBJECT OF WORSHIP. ADUM-
BRATIONS OF THE CULT OF THE SACRED HEART 13
CHAPTER II. HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED
HEART IN THE PERIOD OF BLESSED MARGARET MARY. . 27
CHAPTER III. HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION AFTER THE
DEATH OF BLESSED MARGARET MARY 34
CHAPTER IV. BASIS OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED
HEART 42
CHAPTER V. THE MATERIAL OBJECT OF THE DEVOTION TO
THE SACRED HEART 50
CHAPTER VI. THE FORMAL OBJECT OF THE DEVOTION TO
THE SACRED HEART 64
CHAPTER VII. THE HEART IN SYMBOLISM 73
CHAPTER VIII. THE PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OBJECTS
OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 84
CHAPTER IX. EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED
LOVE 93
CHAPTER X. SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION OF CREATED
AND INCREATED LOVE Ill
CHAPTER XL HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE GREAT PROMISE 130
CHAPTER XII. CONTENTS OF THE LETTER CONTAINING
THE GREAT PROMISE 139
CHAPTER XIII. INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT OF THE
GREAT PROMISE 152
CHAPTER XIV. IMPORT OF THE PRIVATE REVELATION RE-
FERRING TO THE GREAT PROMISE 172
CHAPTER XV. OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT
PROMISE 182
BIBLIOGRAPHY 202
INDEX 209
THESES , , 219
CHAPTER I
THE PRIMARY OBJECTS OF WORSHIP.
ADUMBRATIONS OF THE CULT OF THE SACRED HEART.
The anthropologists of our time agree that even the pagan nations
worship a superior being. Their statements are founded upon the
science of comparative religions. The early Fathers of the Church
came to the same conclusion from their knowledge of pagan liter-
ature and customs. Their observations based on the facts of pagan
history proved the untenableness of Descartes' excessive intellect-
ualism concerning the idea of God. It is now generally admitted
that all the nations had more or less a clear idea of a relatively
superior being whom they worshipped as Creator, Supreme Ruler,
Preserver, Supernatural Force and Power. All these concepts are
spontaneous with man, for he cannot fail to realize his dependence
on One Whose existence is eloquently proclaimed by the "good
things that are seen," * and of whom the royal psalmist chants the
beautiful strain "the Heavens show forth the glory of God, and
the firmament declareth the work of His hands." 2
In the Old Testament the Jewish nation alone had a true knowl-
edge of the true God, and worshipped Him as He commanded. This
worship was not the most perfect that man was capable of render-
ing to his Creator, for some of its acts were only prototypes of the
higher cult which the Son of God came to establish. By the light
which Christ brought down from heaven we were helped to form a
clearer knowledge of God and of His relation to mankind. The divine
manifestations which accompanied His teaching became irresistible
1 Wisdom, XIII, 1.
•Ps. XVIII, 1.
13
14 THE PRIMARY OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
criteria of credibility. He gained adherents, selected twelve Apos-
tles, and founded a spiritual kingdom on earth. He perfected the for-
mer worship by retaining some of its phases, and abolished
others, introducing new ones in their place. Christianity thus
supplanted Judaism. Finally, He laid down His life — as a victim
of love — in order to satisfy divine justice, and to restore the race to
its lost supernatural status and privileges. Thus, he became the
object of a special worship on account of the infinite love visualized
in the work of His Incarnation and Redemption. A Christian's
worship of Christ, therefore, ought to be just as spontaneous as the
worship shown to God by one who never heard of the mysteries of
Redemption.
The above two worships, viz., of God and of the Incarnate Word,
belong to the very essence of religion. They are the two sources
from which all devotions practiced by the faithful and approved
by the Church originate. All the honors thus externalized redound
ultimately to their glory. Every act of homage is calculated to
terminate in them directly or indirectly. Even when we honor a
Saint, as a proximate object, our homages in their final analysis
must refer to a remote object, viz., God, Whose goodness and
sanctity is reflected in His Saint. Hence, it follows, that a devotion
having a theological justification, does not detract from the external
glory of God simply because He is not its proximate object. The
history of the various devotions shows this principle to have been
adopted by the Church. In our own days one could point out many
objects of worship which were unknown in the early ages of Chris-
tianity except in so far as it is possible in certain instances to detect
adumbrations.
There were private devotions in the past, of which, for a time,
the Church took no official cognizance. With such, as a rule, it
does not concern itself unless they are of such dangerous character
as to necessitate an interference in order that the spiritual
ADUMBRATIONS OF THE CULT OF THE SACRED HEART 15
welfare of the individual may not be jeopardized. History proves
that the Church has never failed to make an authoritative pronounce-
ment of commendation or reprobation when a new devotion became
extensively diffused. Being the depository of truth, the supreme
guardian of matters touching things spiritual, its voice was
always heard when a tendency, not in conformity with revelation
and tradition, was perceptible within the fold. To substantiate this
fact it will suffice to bear in mind the many propositions it con-
demned, the dogmas it clearly defined, the false teachings it inter-
dicted, the numerous devotions it discountenanced, and the many
heretics it anathematized. The Church is the official judge as to the
legitimacy of any certain cult or devotion.
The history of the devotion to the Sacred Heart is an example
showing that the Church exercises all possible precaution in
this matter before a final judgment is pronounced. It is not
the purpose of this work to present a lengthy historical treatise.
We must content ourselves with what is absolutely necessary in
order that we may be enabled intelligently to connect with its his-
tory those aspects which are to claim our special attention.
Pius IX expressed the belief that Christ selected Blessed Mar-
garet Mary for the office of introducing the devotion to the
Sacred Heart.1 All the theologians agree that in consequence of
her revelations the devotion received an irresistible impetus, and
they helped toward determining its material and formal object.
With this fact in our possession, we shall divide our historical
treatise into three periods. In the first, we shall endeavor to point
out some foreshado wings of the devotion to the Sacred Heart from
the early ages of Christianity, and the form in which it existed
1 "lamvero ad tarn salutarem, ac debitum pietatis cultum instituendum
eligere Servator noster dignatus est Venerabilem famulam suam Margaritam
Mariam de Alacoque" . . . (Deer. Beatif., ANAI,. IUR. PONT., ser. 7, an.
1864, col. 934).
16 THE PRIMARY OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
before the time of Blessed Margaret Mary. In the second period
we shall mark the progress it made during her life, and in the third
we shall dwell briefly on its growth after the death of the Beata.
Devotion to the Sacred Heart as it is propagated in our time con-
sists of two distinct elements, viz., formal and material. The love
of Christ is the formal, and His Heart the material element. For
a long time these two elements, separated from each other, were
objects of a special individual worship. At the end of the thirteenth
century they became united, and as such, formed the earliest phase
of the devotion to the Sacred Heart. In the following paragraphs
we shall make an attempt to trace them individually to the early
ages. In the course of our investigation we shall endeavor to show
how the faithful brought them into correlation, and finally united
them as two objects of one devotion.
The formal element of this devotion is older than Christianity. It
is founded on the words of Moses directed to the Israelites : "Thou
shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart, with thy whole
soul and with thy whole strength." * A further step in its develop-
ment is heralded by St. John : "For God so loved the world, as to
give His only begotten Son." 2 The faithful believing that "the
Word was made flesh" 3 and "confessing that Jesus Christ who is
come in the flesh, is of God" 4 began to pay a special tribute of love
to Him.
Christ assured mankind of His love toward men.5 He proved
this love by laying down His life for us.6 The consideration of this
deep mystery brings to the lips of St. Paul the well-known protesta-
tion: "Who then shall separate us from the love of Christ?" 7
*Deut. VI. 5.
•John III. 16.
8 John I. 14.
4 1. John IV. 2.
'John XV. 9.
' I John II. 16.
T Rom. VIII. 35.
ADUMBRATIONS OF THE} CUI/T OP THE} SACRED HEJART 17
The same Apostle in his characteristic way expresses the convictions
of the Christians of his day: "He died for all,1 and if any man
love not our Lord Jesus Christ, let him be anathema." 2
We need not cite more passages of the Sacred Scripture to prove
that the early Christians considered the love of Christ as the essence
of their religious belief. The sufferings He underwent for our
salvation and His death on the cross, are indicated as the motives
which actuated this love of the appreciative redeemed believers
toward the Person of the Redeemer. The piercing of the Heart,
which, by anticipation, was to be a partial contributory cause of
our redemption was the last scene of that awful drama which
the Saviour of mankind enacted on the stage of the world in order
to fulfill His divine mission.
This Heart is the material object of our devotion. The mystic
signification attached to It combined with the popular belief which
viewed It as the seat of all affections, were instrumental in pro-
moting the special honors which It received. We shall succeed in
tracing this material object to the early ages of Christianity by a
brief presentation of the different devotions in honor of the Passion
of Christ. It can be proved that in sensu cumulative the Heart of
Christ was worshipped ever since It was pierced on the Cross. We
do not mean to assert that this worship was something explicit. We
only mean to intimate that it was included implicitly in other devo-
tions until, finally, It became crystallized as a separate object.
A. Among the first devotions of the early Christians the one to
the Passion of Christ stands out prominently. The Sacred Scrip-
ture makes frequent references to the incontestiblc truth of Chris-
tianity : "Christ died for us, we being now justified by His blood." 3
Since, therefore," Christ the just died for us the unjust,4 we have
'II. Cor. V. 15.
•I. Cor. XVI. 22.
» Rom. V. 9.
*I. Peter III. 18.
18 THE: PRIMARY OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
reason to rejoice in our sorrow and trials, for as the sufferings of
Christ abound in us so also by Christ does our comfort abound.1
Christ was the author of our salvation by His Passion, 2 and we see
Jesus, for the suffering of death crowned with glory and honor,3
and to Him who washed us from our sins in His own blood be
glory and empire for ever and ever, Amen/' 4 It was the suffering
and the shedding of blood by which our redemption was accom-
plished that inspired the earliest worship of Christ. But no man
will deny that in these sufferings, and particularly in the shedding
of blood, the Heart of Christ had a considerable share. Therefore,
in a cumulative sense, it inevitably participated in the reverence
and honors paid in consequence of them.
B. The devotion to the Passion of Christ assumed a new phase
when the faithful commenced to pay a special homage to the five
principal wounds of His sacred body. The words of St. Ambrose
(d. 397), besides being expressive of a deep sense of piety, attribute
to these wounds a power of impetration. "Christ refused to relin-
quish the wounds He received for us," he says, "and preferred to
take them with Him in order to exhibit them to His Heavenly
Father."5 St. Peter Chrysologus (d. 450), while commenting on
the words with which the risen Savior wishes to change the unbe-
lieving heart of His doubting Apostle, makes a striking reference
to these wounds. "May these wounds," he remarks, "which have
already shed water for the cleansing and blood for the redemption
of mankind, spread the light of faith in the whole universe." 6 A
1 II. Cor. I. 5.
1 Hebrews II. 10.
• Hebrews II. 9.
'Apoc. I. 6.
5 "Quod vulnera suscepta pro nobis coelo inferre maluit, abolere noluit, ut
Deo Patri nostrae pretia libertatis ostenderet." (MiGNE, P. L., torn. XV,
col. 1846.)
e"Ut effundant toto orbe haec vulnera fidem, quae aquam in lavacrum,
sanguinem in omnium pretium iam fuderunt." (MiGNE, P. L., torn. UI.
col. 439.)
ADUMBRATIONS OF THE CULT OF THE SACRED HEART 19
tender tribute is paid to these wounds by St. Gregory the Great
(d. 604) in his Commentary on the Canticle of Canticles. "For as
the dove/' he says, "seeks nutrition in hollow places, so the pious
soul, in order to regale herself, finds nourishment in the wounds of
Christ." 1
From the above three quotations, to which we could add many
others, it is evident that a devotion to the Five Wounds existed in
the early ages though — on account of the scarcity of historical docu-
ments— we are not in a position to determine the extent of its popu-
larity. Suffice it to say that the indefatigable zeal of St. Bernard
(d. 1153), and St. Francis (d. 1226), as well as the religious enthu-
siasm of the Crusaders returning from the Holy Land contributed
considerably to its diffusion.2
Perhaps the most ardent advocates of this devotion were St.
Mechtilde (d. 1290) and St. Gertrude (d. 1302.) Their writings
are full of references to the wounds of Christ. The motive which
animated these devotees of this cult could not be stated more con-
cisely than the Memorial of the Polish Bishops portrays it. "These
parts of Our Lord's most sacred body are being held more deserving
of a special cult than the others, precisely because, being decorated
with these wounds as with illustrious marks of love, they under-
went keener sufferings for our salvation. It is for this reason that
they cannot be contemplated without deep feeling of religion and
piety." 3
Animated by such sentiments as the above words portray, the
faithful directed repeated petitions to the Holy See requesting a
special feast in honor of the sacred wounds of Christ. Finally, their
efforts were crowned by Innocent VI in 1362. In France this devo-
1 "Quasi columba in f oraminibus, sic simplex anima in vulneribus nutri-
mentum quo convalescat, invenit." (MiGNE, P. L., torn. LXXIX, col. 499.)
1 HOLWECK in the Cath. Enc. art., Wounds.
1 Nnjues, De ratione festorwn SS. Cordis Jesu et Mariae, I. 126.
20 THE) PRIMARY OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
tion receives its first official recognition in the Synod of Lavaur,
held on May 17, 1368, under the Pontificate of Urban V, in the
Cathedral of Lavaur, at the request of Pierre de la Jugie, Arch-
bishop of Norbonne. At this Synod an indulgence of thirty days
was granted to those who recite five Our Fathers in honor of the
Five Wounds of Christ. The wound of the Sacred Side was one of
these Five Wounds. The tradition handed down by the popular
mind as well as by the Fathers and the Doctors of the Church
believes the wound of the Sacred Side and Heart to have been
inflicted simultaneously. Hence, the two were considered as one,
and included as such in the devotion to the Five Wounds. These
organs of the sacred body were considered deserving of a special
homage not only because they were visibly effected by external
anguish, but also because through them oozed the precious blood,
the prize of our Redemption. Thus, we find a trace of a worship
paid to the Sacred Heart, in an implicit cumulative sense, in the
devotion to the Five Wounds.
C. While the above devotion continued to spread it was notice-
able that of the Five Wounds one enjoyed more popularity than the
rest.1 The Side of Christ suffered an indelible wound by the spear
of a soldier.2 It was to this Side Christ pointed, when, after His
Resurrection, He was desirous of inspiring His apostles with peace,
consolation and courage.3 Of all the wounds, this was the deepest ;
of all this the most prominent. St. Gregory (d. 604) alludes to it
in his Commentary on the Canticle of Canticles. "By the hollow
places of the wall," he says, "we understand the Side of Christ which
was opened by the lance." 4 It was through this hallowed Side that
*KEU,ER, S. J., Die /tin/ Wundmale des Herrn. (In the Zeitschrift fur
Kath. Theol., 1893, p. 582.)
•John XIX. 34.
9 John X. 22.
* "Per foramina autem petrae, vulnera manuum et pedum Christi in cruce
pendentis libenter intellexerim. Cavernam vero maceriae, vulnus lateris,
quod lancea factum est, eodem sensu dixerim." (MiGNE, P. L., torn. LXXIX,
col. 499.)
ADUMBRATIONS OF THE CULT OF THE SACRED HEART
the last drops of blood were shed, as a final testimony of love
elicited by the God-Man, toward those whose cause He was so elo-
quently pleading before the throne of His Heavenly Father. Hence,
nothing is more natural than that it should attract a very special
attention. The deep devotion St. Augustine (d. 430) entertained
toward the Sacred Side can be gauged by the following words. "The
Evangelist fittingly states that the soldier opened His Side, in order
that in It, so to speak, may be opened the gate of life, through
which issued the Sacraments of the Church, without which no one
can enter the path leading to eternal life. Thus, the second Adam
with a bent head l slept on the cross that a Spouse may be created
for Him issuing from His Side. What is there purer than this
blood ? What more healing than this wound ?" 2
It is not to be presumed that the devotion to the Sacred Side was
exclusive of the Sacred Heart. Father Galliffet adduces some rea-
sons of his own to prove that the lance of the centurion — after it
pierced the Side of Christ — penetrated into His Sacred Heart.3 He
also quotes from the writings of St. Gregory Nazianzen, St. Ber-
nard, St. Thomas Aquinas, St. Francis de Sales, and others, who
share his belief. Hence, we may reasonably suppose that the two
wounds, viz., that of the Side and the Heart of Christ, were never
disassociated, but honored always unitedly.
D. From the foregoing we can see how gradually and instinct-
ively the popular mind was drawn nearer and nearer to the Sacred
1 John XIX. 30.
1 "Vigilanti verbo Evangelista usus est, tit non diceret, latus eius percussit,
aut vulneravit, aut quid aliud; sed aperuit ut illic quodammodo vitae ostium
panderetur, unde sancta Ecclesiae manaverunt Sacramenta, sine quibus ad
vitam quae vera vita est non intratur. . . . Hie secundus Adam inclinato
capite in cruce dormivit, ut inde formaretur ei conjux, quod de latere
dormientis effluxit. O raors unde mortui reviviscunt. Quid isto sanguine
mundius? Quid vulnere isto salubrius?" (MiGNE, P. L., torn. XXXV,
coL 1953.)
* The Adorable Heart of Jesus. London, 1908. Appendix, Art. 2, p. 160.
22 THE) PRIMARY OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
Heart, which was destined to be the object of a favored cult. While
the Sacred Heart, for a long time, was not proposed for worship as a
separate object, nevertheless, the writings of the early Fathers con-
tain many explicit allusions to It.
St. Augustine, St. Ambrose, and St. John Chrysostom speak
repeatedly of the Sacred Side and the blood issuing from it, but —
as far as we can ascertain — they make no explicit mention of the
Heart of Christ. St. Paulinus of Nola (d. 431) is the first to men-
tion it explicitly. He pictures St. John as resting his head on Jesus'
breast, and drawing deep mysteries "from His Heart, as from the
fountain of the creative Wisdom, being thereby inebriated by the
Holy Ghost." l Perhaps the most striking words of any used by
an early writer come down to us from St. Anselm (d. 1109), Arch-
bishop of Canterbury. "What sweetness/' he says, "in this pierced
Side. That wound has revealed us the treasures of His goodness,
that is to say, the love of His Heart for us."3
The words of St. Bernard reveal his deeply religious soul. "The
lance," he maintains, "pierced His Side, and it penetrated into His
Heart in order that from henceforth He may be induced to com-
passionate us in our infirmities; the secret of the Heart is exposed
by the openings of the body."3
Abbot William (d. 1148) calls the Heart of Jesus "an assured
refuge of mery," 4 and the Abbot Gilbert of Holland (d. 1172)
1 "Johannes igitur beatus dominici pectoris cubator qui sensus creaturis
omnibus altiores ex ipso creatricis omnium rerum corde sapientiae biberat,
inebriatus Spiritu Sancto, ab ipso intimo et infinito omnium principiorum
Evangelii fecit exordium." ( MIGNE, P. L,., torn. LXI, col. 252.)
* Dulcis in apertione lateris ; apertio siquidem ilia revelavit nobis divitias
bonitatis suae, charitatis sui cordis erga nos.'' (MiGNE, P. L., torn. CLVIII,
col. 762.)
'Ferrum pertransiit animam eius, et appropinquavit cor illius, ut non iam
non sciat compati infirmitatis meis. Patet arcanum cordis per foramina cor-
poris." (MiGNE, P. L., torn. CLXXXIII, col. 1072.)
* "In apertum ostium toti intremus usque ad cor tuum, Jesu, certam sedem
misericordiae, usque ad animam tuam sanctam, plenam omnis plenitudinis
Dei." (MiGNE, P. L., torn. CLXXXIV, col 155.)
ADUMBRATIONS OF THE CULT OF THE SACRED HEART 23
exclaims: "The wound of the Heart displays the ardor of
love. O truly sweet Heart which at the sight of our love is induced
to give us love in return." l
In the "Vitis Mystica" claimed by some to have originated from
the pen of St. Bernard, by others from that of St. Bonaventure, we
read that "this Heart was wounded in order that through this
visible wound the invisible wound of love may be displayed. What
other way could His ardent love be exhibited more effectively than
by permitting the wounding of the body as well as of the Heart
by a lance? The fleshy wound thus symbolizes the spiritual
wound." 2
Allusions of this character become more and more frequent as
time advances. The ecclesiastical writers of the preceding centuries
did not as yet unite the material and the formal object of this devo-
tion for some give preference to the Heart, others again to the love
It symbolizes. The two become united in the writings of St. Ger-
trude (d. 1302). After this Saint acquainted the world with the
nature and the character of the devotion to the Sacred Heart, the
leaders in piety and learning penned thousands of passages extoll-
ing the Heart of Christ as the seat of love, wisdom, magnanimity,
and all manifestations to which His human nature gave evidence
during His terrestrial sojourn. Such utterances were then easily
intelligible, for in those days the human heart was considered the
fountain-head of all good and evil.
Our contemporary physiologists contradict this old tradition. For
the time being it will suffice to say that many expressions and
1"Cordis vulnus vehementiam designat amoris. O vere dulce cor, quod
nostris movetur affectibus ad repetendam vicissitudinem dilectionis." (MiGNE,
P. L., torn CLXXXIV, col. 155.)
a Nihilominus et propterea vulneratum est (cor), ut per vulnus visibile
vulnus amoris invisibile videamus. Quomodo hie ardor melius ostendi potest,
nisi quod non solum corpus, verum etiam ipsum cor lancea vulnerari permisit.
Carnale ergo vulnus vulnus spirituale ostendit." (MiGNE, P. L., torn,
CLXXXIV, col. 643.)
24 THE) PRIMARY OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
modes of speech, referring to the heart in practically all
languages, convey a meaning that is not to be confined to the mate-
rial heart exclusively, but must be interpreted as relating to our
moral faculties. The word heart, and the functions falsely attrib-
uted to it by the popular as well as the scientific minds of the past,
captivated many a contemplative soul long before the time of Blessed
Margaret Mary. From the year 1072 to 1680, Father Chandlery
enumerates 110 writers, and quotes some of their references to the
Sacred Heart.1
The venerable Carthusian Lanspergius (d. 1539) and the pious
Benedictine Louis de Blois (d. 1566) were instrumental in intro-
ducing the devotion among the ascetics.2 Thus, the devotion gained
entrance into the monastic life.
To diffuse it still more extensively among the laity, Father Hajnal
(d. 1644), the celebrated Hungarian Jesuit, undertook to publish
its first treatise in a book form. In his vernacular in 1629 he edited
a work in Vienna, under the title "Jezus Szentseges Szive tiszteldi-
nek konyve." 3 The Polish Jesuit, Father Druzbicki, followed in his
footsteps with a work whose title was "Meta cordium, Cor Jesu." 4
These two pioneers paved the way for the immediate precursor of
Blessed Margaret Mary, viz., Father Eudes.
In the estimation of Father Le Dore, Father Eudes justly merits
to be called the first apostle of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and
Mary.5 The two Congregations and the Seminary Chapel he
founded were placed under the protection of the Hearts of Jesus
and Mary. In 1670 he edited a work entitled "La devotion au
, S. J., Friends and Apostles of the Sacred Heart, from the
fourth to the nineteenth century. Benziger Bros., 1915.
1 BAINVEL, Coeur Sacre de Jesus. (In the Dictionnaire de Theologie
Catholique, VACANT, col. 313.)
'Book for the lovers of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.
4 BAINVEL, op. cit., col. 314.
5 See his work Le Pere Eudes, le premier Apotre des SS. Coeurs de Jesus
et Marie, Paris, 1870.
ADUMBRATIONS OF THE CULT OF THE SACRED HEART 25
Coeur adorable de Jesus," in which he inserted an Office and Mass
in honor of the Sacred Heart. The same year it received the
approbation of three Bishops. He established a feast of the Sacred
Heart and the Mass and Office composed by him were read. Father
Le Dore quotes the words of approbation of Bishop de Lomenie de
Brienne,1 and those of Bishop de Maupas de Tour.2 It is evident
from these citations that their conception of the devotion was prac-
tically the same as it exists in our own era. On July 25, 1680, Father
Eudes finished his work entitled, "Coeur admirable de la ires sainte
Mere de Dieu." The last of the twelve books is devoted exclusively
to the devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Father Le Dore, com-
menting upon this work, says : "Cest un excellent traite de la devo-
tion au Sacre Coeur du Fils de Dieu" 8 Father Eudes was declared
Venerable by a decree issued on January, 1904, and honored with
the title "Auctor liturgici cultus SS. Cordium Jesu et Mariae."
Pere Bouvier, in his excellent article, maintains that Mgr. Lan-
guet4 ignored the merit of this great forerunner of the Sacred Heart
devotion. This statement is not founded on truth. Mgr. Languet,
in the life of Blessed Margaret Mary, published in 1729,5 pays
a signal tribute to Pere Eudes. He calls him "the most zealous
hero of this illustrious devotion." He gives a summary of his life ;
enumerates some of his merits, and points out that the Office Father
Eudes composed, was approved by the Archbishop of Rouen, by six
Bishops, and a number of Doctors of the theological faculty of
Paris. Clement X was so pleased with the religious enthusiasm
1op dt., p. 129.
2 op. cit., p. 131.
9 Op. cit., p. 234.
4 Etudes Religieuses, vol. LVI, p. 134.
8 "II a etc un des plus zeles Heros de cette illustre devotion (aux
sacres Coeurs de Jesus et de Marie) et 1'a inspire non seulement par ses
pieux Ecrits, mais encore par 1'erection de plusieurs devotes Confrairies et
Societes." (LANGUET, op. cit., Discours, p. 50.)
26 THE PRIMARY OBJECTS OF WORSHIP
he displayed in this respect, that in 1674, he issued six Briefs of
Indulgences in which all the Churches of his Seminaries were to
participate in perpetuity. Notwithstanding the indefatigable zeal
Father Eudes displayed, in order to spread and make known this
devotion, the words of Pere Allet may be repeated here with pro-
priety: "Pere Eudes did not receive from heaven a formal and
authentic mission to establish the feast of the Sacred Heart for
the universal Church. Irrespective of this privilege, however, he
played an important role in its introduction." l
1 AU,ET, La France et le Coeur Sacre, p. 237.
CHAPTER II
HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION TO THE) SACRED HEART IN THE PERIOD OF
BLESSED MARGARET MARY
From the foregoing chapter, it is evident that the devotion to the
Sacred Heart, in the time of Blessed Margaret Mary, was not con-
fined to a narrow space or to a small community. It had already
been disseminated through the writings of the Saints, and the preach-
ing of learned and holy ecclesiastics. Though, in its present form,
it was based on the revelations to Blessed Margaret Mary, we can-
not help being struck by the similarity exhibited between our present
practice and the one found in the writings of the Saints that lived
before the time of the Beata. Hence, it would be unreasonable to
suppose that the Visitation Convent of Paray-le-Monial, within the
hallowed precincts of which the Beata spent twenty years of herv
life, was sheltering within its walls Visitandines who, before they
entered the religious life, had never heard of such a devotion.
The order of the Visitation Nuns was established in 1607 by the /
combined efforts of St. Francis de Sales and St. Jane Frances de
Chantal. If we read the writings of these two holy persons, we
cannot but be impressed by the sublime sentiments which they enter-
tained toward the Sacred Heart of Jesus. The letters of St. Fran-
cis to Mother de Chantal, Superior of the first Visitandine Convent
at Annecy, show an unbounded confidence in the Heart of our
divine Lord. It seems that Divine Providence was guiding the cele-
brated Doctor of the Church in the establishment of this holy Con-
gregation that contributed so much to the external glory of God.
On June 10, 1611, St. Francis wrote to Mother de Chantal: "I
think, dear Mother, if you agree with me, we shall select for our
coat-of-arms, a heart pierced with two arrows, encircled by a
27
28 HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART
crown of thorns, and surmounted by a cross, graven with the sacred
names of Jesus and Mary. The Saviour, when dying, gave us life
by the opening of His Sacred Heart." l Such were the sentiments
expressed by the holy founder sixty years before Blessed Margaret
Mary received the habit. And on another occasion, being sur-
rounded by his spiritual daughters in the "first little Gallery House,"
his lips gave utterance to the following words, actually prophetical
in their bearing: "The other day contemplating in my prayer the
open side of Our Lord, and gazing upon His Heart, it appeared
to me that our hearts were surrounding His, He being the King
of the hearts." 2 In another letter we find him describing for them
the practice of certain virtues in order that "the incomparable privi-
lege and grace of bearing the title of the Daughters of the Sacred
Heart may be accorded to them." 3 We may well suppose that this
correspondence which took place between such holy and revered
persons, was read to the community for the edification and spiritual
advancement of the nuns whose interest it was to serve.
The Convent of Paray, under the administration of the venerable
Mother Hieronyme Hersant, sheltered from the world young girls
from the most renowned families of Burgundy.4 These wise virgins
1 "J'ai done pense, ma chere mere, si vous en etes d'accord, qu'il nous faut
prendre pour armes un unique coeur perce de deux fleches, enferme dans une
couronne d'epines; ce pauvre coeur servant dans 1'enclavure a une croix qui
le surmontera. . . . Le Sauveur nous a enfantes par 1'ouverture de son
sacre Coeuf/' (BOUGAUD, Histoire de la Bienheureuse Marguerite -Marie,
Paris, 1875, ch. VIII, p. 181.)
a "L'autre jour en oraison, considerant le cote ouvert de Notre-Seigneur,
et voyant son Coeur, il m'etait avis que nos coeurs etaient tous alentour de lui,
qui lui faisaient hommage comme au souverain roi des coeurs." ( BOUGAUD,
op. cit., ch. VIII, p. 184.)
8"Les religieuses de la Visitation qui seront si heureuses que de bien ob-
server leurs regies pourront veritablement porter le nom de filles evangeliques,
etablies en ce dernier siecle pour etres les imitatrices du Coeur de Jesus dans
la douceur et 1'humilite, base et fondement de leur ordre, qui leur donnera
le privilege et la grace incomparable de porter la qualite de Filles du Sacre
Coeur de Jesus." (BOUGAUD, op. cit., ch. VIII, p. 187.)
4 BOUGAUD, op. cit., ch. IV, p. 90.
IN THE PERIOD OF BLESSED MARGARET MARY 29
voluntarily placed between themselves and the attractions of the
world the barrier of a cloister, for in their estimation fame, riches,
and admiration, were so many dangerous weapons which the evil
spirit employs to work our spiritual ruin. Such was the religious
atmosphere permeating this Community, when, on May 25, 1671, the
doors of its Sanctuary were opened and, in the words of the bio-
grapher of Blessed Margaret Mary, "the King of Love entering
into the dear Paray, introduced therein His well-beloved." *
Space does not permit us to dwell at length on the life she
led, the numerous humiliations that befell her by Divine Providence,
the trying misconstructions and mortifications to which she was
exposed. Amid all these difficulties, however, she participated in
rare spiritual favors. The Divine Spouse signalled her out from
among the rest, and destined her for a mission which was to be of
inestimable benefit to mankind at large. No one can read her life
without coming to the conclusion that Christ took a special delight
in fashioning and moulding her character so as to make her a vessel
of election. The simplicity with which she relates her conversation
with Christ, the reports she gives of it to her Superiors, the extra-
ordinary favors granted, the precaution taken to assure herself that
she is not being misled by the evil spirit, the consultation she has
with persons of learning and piety, are some of the factors which
testify to the authenticity, reliability and credibility of the revela-
tions narrated in her epistles. Her readiness to obedience and her
submission are two most conspicuous and praiseworthy traits of her
character. She is most eloquently and ably defended by the learned
Bishop Languet. "For would the prince of pride," he says, "inspire
humility? Would he prescribe obedience? Would he endeavor to
procure love toward Jesus Christ ? Would he give the humble Heart
of Christ for our model ?" 2
, quand tout fut pres, le 25 mai 1671, les portes du sanctuaire
s'ouvrirent, et le Roi d'amour, entrant dans le cher Paray, y introduisit sa
bien-aimee." (BOUGAUD, op. cit., ch. IV, p. 108.)
2"Le Prince de 1'orgueil inspire-t-il 1'humilite? Prescrit-il Pobeissance?
Cherche-t-il a accrediter 1'amour de Jesus Christ, et a donner son Coeur
humble et penitent pour modele?" (LANGUET, op. cit., Discours, p. 36.)
30 HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART
Blessed Margaret Mary was the object of much uncharitable
criticism, being represented as one entertaining illusory visions,
and possessing inexplicable peculiarities, yet, the inmates of the con-
vent admitted that she practiced virtues in a heroic degree, and mar-
velled at her when they submitted her to uncalled-for tests.1 The
simplicity of her life, her probity and uprightness gradually capti-
vated them, exerting a beneficient influence over them. Finally, she
induced them to enroll themselves into an army which, under the
leadership and the banner of the Sacred Heart, entered the arena
to combat the rapidly spreading infidelity of France.
We can picture to ourselves the spiritual pleasure which inun-
dated her heart, when, on the occasion of the anniversary of her
feast, the novices surprised her by erecting a makeshift altar, and
ornamented it with a picture on which the Heart of Christ was
penciled, surrounded with flames.2 This Friday, July 20, 1685, was
the aurora of the devotion to the Sacred Heart. As the Superior
of these novices, she prostrated herself before this symbol of love,
her example being followed by her attendants. The little group of
worshippers consecrated themselves to a special service in honor
of the divine Heart.3 Her soul overflowed with spiritual exaltation,
and being anxious to secure more adorers to the Sacred Heart, she
extended an invitation to some professed nuns, but was met with a
refusal.4
From this day, however, it was manifest that her Divine Spouse
would crown her efforts with success. Mother Greyfier, at this time
Superior of the Community of Semeur, was her spiritual adviser till
1684. Being formerly at the head of the convent of Paray, she
1 Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I., sec. Ill, Procedure 1715, pp. 443-566.
2MGR. GAUTHEY. La Vie et Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-
Marie Alacoque, ed. Ill, Paris, 1915, torn. I, p. 214.
8l,ANGUET, La Vie de la Venerable Mere Marguerite-Marie, Paris, 1729,
p. 116.
4 Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 215.
IN THE PERIOD OF BLESSED MARGARET MARY 31
learned to admire Blessed Margaret Mary, and the Community of
Semeur, as a consequence of her inspiring enthusiasm, embraced this
devotion. We owe to Mother Greyfier the first miniature of the Sa-
cred Heart. The Heart of Christ is represented on it as surrounded
by flames in order to symbolize the burning love of the Saviour to-
ward men, while the encircling thorns typified the fruits of His love.1
This first miniature was sent to the Beata by the Community of
Semeur. To show her gratification at the receipt of such an unex-
pected treasure, it will suffice to quote the words she penned in a
subsequent letter. "It caused me joy, a thousand times greater than
I would have felt had you placed me in possession of all the treas-
ures of the world." 2
As the contemplation of the cross was the contributory cause
to much learning and Christian heroism, the almost uninterrupted
reflections on the Sacred Heart inspired Blessed Margaret Mary
with deep spiritual insight, the acquisition whereof cannot be
explained without a divine intervention. Her ascendancy was not
confined to the narrow walls of a convent. Her instructions given
to novices, and the letters addressed to her different acquaintances
are beaming with an unbounded affection toward the Sacred Heart.
The thoughts and advices they contain give evidence of a striking
familiarity with the principles of asceticism. With pleasing sim-
plicity and frequency, does she picture to them the Heart of Jesus
as the source of all love and the fountain of all generosity for men.
It, indeed, was to her interest to stimulate this little flock with such
sentiments, for they were to bring her work to completion, and to
perpetuate it, after she had passed to her reward. That her con-
1 Fie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 220.
2 "Je ne puis vous dire la consolation que vous m'avez donnee, en m' envoy-
ant son aimable representation, comme aussi en voulant bien nous aider a
Thonorer avec toute votre Communaute. Cette nouvelle me cause des
transports de joie mille fois plus jgrands, que si vous me mettiez en pos-
session de tous les tresors de la terre." (LANGUET, op. cit, liv. VI, p. 198;
Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 221.
32 HISTORY OF THE; DEVOTION TO THE: SACRED HEART
stancy was crowned with a notable success, is apparent from the
fact that even those, who in the beginning were bitterly opposed to
the introduction of such a devotion, became, finally, its most ardent
devotees.1
The repeated apparitions of Christ in which He revealed to her
the secret desires of His Heart, and instructed her what steps to
take in order to convince even the most unbelieving, were to her
the source of great consolation and strength in this onerous under-
taking. There are four apparitions to which her biographers
attribute a signal importance. They all receive a special mention
in the Memoir written by Les Contemp or dines? The one of para-
mount importance took place in June, 1675.3 In this last and most
significant revelation, Christ apprises her that Father de la Colom-
biere is to assist her in carrying out His designs. This devout
Jesuit was no sooner informed of his arduous task than he became
a zealous propagandist of the devotion. Even while yet at Paray, he
commenced to inspire his penitents with a tenderness toward the
Sacred Heart,4 only to display more ardor in its promotion after
his departure for England.5 The unexampled readiness and enthu-
siasm with which he engaged in disseminating this devotion must
have unfailingly exerted a considerable influence over the Visit-
andines of Paray, who fell within the sphere of his acquaintance,
and it made itself felt also over those residing in other religious
houses. Thus — through the combined efforts of these two zealous
persons — the Community in which the Beata lived, became enamored
of the devotion, and in 1685, was joined by the religious houses of
Moulins, Dijon and Semeur creating a pious rivalry to outdo one
another in the fervent homage paid to the Sacred Heart.
, op. cit., p. 238; Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 252.
'Fie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 121; 123; 126; 136.
8 Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. II, p. 102.
4 Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 138.
*Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 139; and BAINVEL, op. cit., col. 326.
IN THE PERIOD OF BLESSED MARGARET MARY 33
Father de la Colombiere was instrumental in introducing the
devotion into the royal court of Paris. His writings, especially a
work published in 1677, were received with admiration. Being full
of rare unction, elevation and almost illimitable noble sentiments,
they made a worshipper of the Sacred Heart of nearly every one
that read them.1 Finally, the Evangelical Daughters, as the Visit-
andines are styled, through Mother de Saumaise in 1688, received
permission from the Ecclesiastical Superiors to render a solemn
worship to the Sacred Heart in the Church of the Visitation of
Dijon. Through the solicitude of this same Superior there was a
booklet printed the same year at Dijon. It contained an Office
and Litany in honor of the Sacred Heart, in the form of reparation
for all the affronts Christ receives in the Blessed Sacrament. This
brochure was reprinted at Moulins the following year and, after
having been slightly amplified by Father Croiset, was widely dif-
fused in the neighboring provinces and in Lyons. Several editions
of it were exhausted the very same year.
Father Croiset, actuated by the incredible demand as manifested
by the rapid disposal of so many repeated editions, conceived a
project of writing a more comprehensive treatise on the devotion.
It is likely that his plan was submitted to Blessed Margaret Mary.
It not only met with her approval but, becoming his correspondent
and co-laborer, her views of the devotion were incorporated into
the monumental work which promised to be one of the most authentic
and valuable that ever left the press. Alas, she was not
to read its printed pages. As the work was near ing its
completion Blessed Margaret Mary, after a holy life, fortified with
the sacrament of Extreme Unction, died an edifying death, having
received Holy Communion the day before. This took place on
Oct. 17, 1690, when she was in her forty-third year.2
'LANGUET, op. cit., p. 304.
* Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 394, 466; and LANGUET, op. cit., p. 326.
CHAPTER III
HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION AFTER THE DEATH OF BLESSED MARGARET
MARY
Father Croiset, whose learning and virtue merited the respect
and admiration of his contemporaries, succeeded the Beta in the
field of spreading the devotion.1 The year following the death
of Blessed Margaret Mary, he published his noteworthy contribution
to the devotional literature on the Sacred Heart. It contained a con-
cise presentation of the cult accompanied by a short life of the
Beata. He gives us a few glimpses into her life, eulogising her vir-
tues and extraordinary holiness. That he was well qualified to
accomplish such a task no one, conversant with the incidents of
his life, will question. He was the director of her conscience. With
frank openness and child-like simplicity she revealed to him the
secrets of her soul, and kept up a correspondence with him up to
a short time before her death.2
The good effects which the reading of this book produced on the
public at large were incalculable, nor can they be exaggerated. An
unprecedented demand having been made for it, it was submitted
to reprint at Bordeaux in 1694 by the authority of the Archbishop,
and passed through a number of editions. In 1699 it was printed
again at Besangon with the addition of a few pious reflections com-
ing from the pen of Father Fromment, S. J. At Aurillac, it went
through six consecutive reprints within a short period. At last,
Father Croiset, exercising all the care and attention a work of this
1 BOUGARD, op. cit., ch. XIV, p. 354; CROISET, La Devotion au Sacre-Coeur,
Lyons, 1741, torn. II, p. 279.
2 CROISET, op. cit., vol. II, p. 278 ; also GAUJFFET, The Adorable Heart of
Jesus, London, 1908, ch. II, p. 18.
34
HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION AFTER THE DEATH OF B. MARG. MARY 35
nature would demand, once more revised and enlarged it. The
result was the most reliable edition that has yet appeared. It was
published at Lyons in 1698.1 This contributed in a large measure
to the growth of the devotion. Many chapels were erected in honor
of the Sacred Heart. Some already constructed were placed under
Its special protection. The feast began to be solemnized, as Christ
desired, on the day after the Octave of Corpus Christi.
The cult was no longer confined to the narrow boundary lines
of France. In 1697, Mary, the wife of James II, the de-throned
king of England, sent a petition to Innocent XII requesting the
establishment of a special feast and Mass in honor of
the Sacred Heart for all the Visitation convents. Frigidianus
Castagnorius pleaded her cause against Bottinius. The Promoter
Fidei opposed it on the grounds of novelty. A permission,
however was given to celebrate a Mass in honor of the Five
Wounds on the day intimated.2 Thus, the petitioners gained only
a slight point. This apparent failure, however, did not place an
obstacle to the growth of this devotion. On the contrary, it con-
tinued its spread with even greater rapidity than hitherto. In 1726,
after a brief span of about thirty-six years, more than 300 Societies
were erected in France, Flanders, Germany, Italy, Lithuania, Poland,
and Bohemia, and its influence penetrated even beyond the sea into
China, Persia, the Indies, Syria, Canada and the American Islands.
It is estimated that throughout all these different countries more
than 400 Confraternities could be reckoned.3
In the first chapter of the life of Blessed Margaret Mary, Mgr.
Bougaud, deploring the political and moral conditions of France,
1 LANGUET, op. cit., p. 307. One of the editions of this work has been on the
Index from March 11, 1704 to Aug. 24, 1887.
8 NILLES, De rationibus festorum SS. Cordis Jesu et purisimi Cordis Marlae,
Oeniponte, 1869, ch. I, p. 18.
SGAI,UFFET, op. cit., ch. II, p. 22; LANGUET, op. cit., p. 310; BOUGAUD, op.
cit., ch, XVIII, p. 389.
36 HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION
predicted that this devotion would be a most efficient remedy against
the numerous evils threatening her Christian heredity. The first
French writers on this devotion like to represent France as being
the object of a special predilection to the Sacred Heart. The pesti-
lence of Marseilles which, in a short time, has reaped the harvest
of nearly 40,000 souls offered a very singular occasion for fostering
this devotion.1 Our authority for the foregoing and subsequent
statements is found in the Acts and Documents of that age, pre-
served and quoted in their entirety by Bishop Languet.2 It was only
after the saintly Bishop of Marseilles, Mgr. de Belsunce, consecrated
his whole diocese to the Sacred Heart of Jesus that the pestilence
ceased its depredations. This took place in 1720. Two years later
the same pest was raging again with an implacable fury, but as
soon as the administrative body of laymen of that city signed an
agreement by which they obligated themselves to promote the wor-
ship of the Sacred Heart to the best of their ability, the scourge
stopped with incredible suddenness.3 As a consequence of this
miraculous occurrence, the devotion to the Sacred Heart took a
deep root in the hearts of the French people, but especially of
the inhabitants of the city of Marseilles.
The lion's share in the spread of this devotion is justly attributed
to the classic and authentic life of Blessed Margaret Mary written
by Bishop Languet and edited in 1729. Mgr. Bougaud, who, in
1874, engaged in a similar undertaking, makes the appropriate state-
ment that Bishop Languet was eminently fitted for such a task.
He knew Blessed Margaret Mary personally. Having been in fre-
quent communication with Paray, he was also acquainted with her
contemporaries in the convent life.4 The learned author had a free
1 BOUGAUD, op. cit., ch. XVI, p. 392.
2 La Vie de la Venerable Marguerite-Marie, Paris, 1729, pp. 385 ff
'LANGUET, op. cit., p. 312; BOUGAUD, op. cit., ch. XVI, p. 392;
op. cit., ch. II, p. 23.
4 BOUGAUD, op. cit., ch. XVI, p. 393.
I
AFTER THE DEATH OF BLESSED MARGARET MARY 37
access to the Memoirs of the Beata, and refers to them with fre-
quency. He quotes her letter quite extensively, describes her reve-
lations, using her own simple language, gives an exact exposition of
the devotion to the Sacred Heart, and, with scholastic skill, he
answers the objections hurled against it by its adversaries. Soon
the cult began to spread to a new field along the shores of the
Mediterranean.
In 1726, in Father Galliffet, the devotion had gained a new
Apostle, who, in the same year, issued a most excellent work in
Latin. At this juncture, Frederick Augustus, the king of Poland,
Henry Belsunce, the Bishop of Marseilles, Philip, the king of Spain
and others, seeing the popularity of the devotion and the numerous
blessings which accrued from it, judged the time opportune for the
renewal of the petition refused by Innocent XII on a previous occa-
sion. Thus,, Benedict XIII was asked for no less a favor than to
establish the feast of the Sacred Heart for the universal Church.1
All the circumstances looked very favorable to the cause of the peti-
tioners. Cardinal Lambertini, afterward Benedict XIV, was acting
as the Promoter Fidei, while Father Galliffet pleaded the cause of the
petitioners. The arguments used against the introduction of such
a feast were practically identical with those used thirty years before,
viz., the case of the holiness of Blessed Margaret Mary was, as
yet, pending, the Church must needs be on her guard in giving her
approval to novelties, the acceptation of this devotion would give rise
to many scandals and unreasonable requests, the devotion savors of
Nestorianism, etc. These, and similar supposedly adverse reasons,
militated against its introduction. Though, Father Galliffet gave a
satisfactory answer to all these objections, Lambertini won the Col-
lege of Cardinals to his view when he called their attention to the
opinion that the devotion, as advanced, considered the heart as
the source of all virtues and affections, the center of all internal
, op. cit., ch. II, p. 22.
38 HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION
pleasures and pains. This, he pointed out, involved a philosophical
question from the settlement whereof the Church ought to abstain,
Thus originated, the negative decision of the Sacred Congregation
handed down on July 30, 1729.1
Notwithstanding all unfavorable comments, the devotion con-
tinued its uninterrupted progress. In 1733, it was transplanted to
Constantinople. A few years later Bishop Languet's Life of Blessed
Margaret Mary was translated into Arabic by Father Fromage,
S. J.,2 and the devotion to the Sacred Heart started on its triumphant
conquest through the regions which once resounded with the echoes
of the preaching of St. Paul.3 In 1732, Father Galliffet revised his
Latin work, and reissued it in French with many additions and
improvements. His labor was crowned with unexpected success.
The work was received with unparalleled enthusiasm, and shortly
translations into Italian, German, Spanish, Polish and other tongues
followed successively in its wake.4
The Jansenists, the most bitter opponents of this cult, saw the
sanction of their opinions in the decision rendered by the Sacred
Congregation in 1729. Never were they more elate nor more prod-
igal in the use of calumniating names and disparaging epithets. Now
they became more intolerant than ever. "Cordioles," "Alacoquists,"
"Idolaters" names to designate the worshippers of the Sacred
Heart, were unceasingly on their lips.5
But no hostile resistance or barrier was sufficiently strong to check
the progress of the devotion. New petitions were dispatched to
Rome from the different parts of the world, from Poland, Spain,
America, Germany, Italy and the Orient, requesting the granting
, op. tit., ch. II, p. 41.
8 Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, vol. I, p. 635.
8 BOUGAUD, op. cit., ch. XVI, p. 395.
* Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 634 and 636.
5 BOUGAUD, op. cit., ch. XVI, p. 396.
AFTER THE DEATH OF BLESSED MARGARET MARY 39
of the desire which was refused on two previous occasions.1 At
last the vox populi which, in this case, appeared to be also the vox
Dei, was on its way to victory. Pope Clement XIII resumed the
cause at the instance of the Polish Bishops who, in their document,
called the attention of the Head of the Church to the patent fact that
there were at least 1090 Confraternities of the Sacred Heart erected
all over the world. The cult was universally diffused, approved by
numerous Bishops, accepted and encouraged by practically every
religious congregation of that age. All this was urged as a justi-
fiable ground for granting a special feast, Mass and Office. The
request was granted for Poland and the Archcon fraternity of Rome,
on May llth, 1765. Two months later the Visitation Nuns were
favored with a similar privilege.2 The new impetus given by this
signal concession contributed more to the spread of the devotion
than any other factor connected with its history except the subse-
quent beatification of Blessed Margaret Mary, the decree of which
was issued by Pope Pius IX on August 29th, 1864.
After this date, from time to time, other favors were bestowed
on this Confraternity. In 1871, many petitions were sent to Rome
to extend the feast to the universal Church, and to consecrate it to
the Sacred Heart, but Pius IX was loath to act upon it. In 1875,
Father Ramiere, Director of the Apostolate of Prayer, dispatched
a request to the Supreme Pontiff, signed by 525 Bishops, asking him
to consecrate Urbem et Orbem to the Sacred Heart. He also urged
that a day be specified on which this consecration should be renewed
yearly.3 Through a rescript given by the Sacred Congregation, the
zealous Director was authorized to apprise the Bishops of the world
that the Holy Father conceded a plenary indulgence to those who
on June 16th, 1875, would consecrate themselves to the Sacred Heart
1 BAINVEX, op. cit., col. 338.
2 NILLES, op. cit., ch. Ill,, p. 51 and 52.
3 BAINVEL, op. cit., col. 340.
40 HISTORY OF THE DEVOTION
by reciting the formula composed by him. The then reigning Pontiff
declined to take the initiative of consecrating the whole human race
to the Sacred Heart.
During the Pontificate of Leo XIII, a letter reached the Vatican
from Oporto, Portugal, written by the Superior of the Good Shep-
herd Nuns, known in the Community as Sister Mary of the Divine
Heart. In this she maintained that Christ, in a supernatural vision,
instructed her to inform His Vicar that he should consecrate the
whole world to His Sacred Heart. Needless to say, all the
requisite inquiry and mature consideration was given to this mat-
ter. Cardinal Jacobini communicated the result of his investigation
to the Roman Pontiff, stating that the writer of the above mentioned
epistle was regarded as a saint by all who came in contact with
her, and that there was no reason to entertain a misgiving as regards
her claim to an actual revelation.1 On the strength of this decla-
ration Leo XIII, with a formula composed and prescribed by him in
1899, acceded to this unexampled request, and this concession ever
after he used to style the "Great Act" of his Pontificate.2
The extensive influence of this devotion is evidenced in the fact
that, up to the present, at least sixteen different religious Communi-
ties were established by various founders who have selected the
name of the Sacred Heart to serve as a special incentive and inspira-
tion for their followers. There are, moreover, eleven distinct devo-
tions all calculated to promote the honor and external glory of this
object of love in some particular way.
From the foregoing short survey of the history of this devotion,
it is manifest that a special Divine Providence was co-operating with
the Church in order that it should attain the high distinction and
popularity of which it is most deserving. At the present time the
devotion is productive of unlimited good ; it is widely diffused, and
^ op. cit.t col. 342.
2BAiNVE£, op. cit., col. 341.
AFTER THi: DEATH OF BIASSED MARGARET MARY 41
occasions the salvation of many souls. This fact was appreciated
by the great Pontiff when, in his Encyclical, he used the striking
and most appropriate comparison: "In the past, a cross appeared
to Constantine, a pledge of faith and victory. And, behold, to-day
a new sign offered to our eyes, a token most auspicious and divine.
Such is the Sacred Heart shining brilliantly amid flames. It is there
we are to place all our hopes, it is from that Source we are to
expect the salvation of mankind." I
Ecclesia per proxima originibus tempora caesareo iugo premeretur,
conspecta sublime adolescent! imperatori crux, amplissimae victoriae, quae
mox est consecuta, auspex simul atque effectrix. En alterum hodie oblatum
oculis auspicatissimum divinissimumque signum: videlicet Cor Jesu sacratis-
simum, superimposita cruce, splendidissimo candore inter flammas elucens.
In eo omnes collocandae spes: ex eo hominum petenda atque expectanda
salus. LEO XIII, Utt. Enc., die 25 Mali, An. 1899. Ada Sane. S., vol.
XXXI, p. 651.
CHAPTER IV
BASIS OF THE; DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART
In different periods of history mankind frequently experienced
certain spiritual and material needs. To alleviate the burden of
these needs God selected certain exceptional men and assigned them
to a specified calling. One of the most noble missions, with which
God vouchsafed to favor the children of men, was that of St. John
the Baptist. St. John the Evangelist describes it in simple, but very
graphic language. "This man," he says, "came for a witness, to
give testimony of the light . . . which enlighteneth every man
that cometh into this world." 1 This Light of the World, of whose
fullness we have all received, became the life of the world ; not only
by the part He played in the act of creation and redemption, but also
in having diffused the light of true knowledge. True knowledge,
especially since the New Testament, is the moral life of the soul.
It is in this sense that we are to expound the words of St. Paul
directed to the Ephesians "for you were heretofore darkness, but
now light in the Lord. Walk then as children of light."2
The Light of the World, through His death, accomplished our
Redemption. Therefore, He has a right to expect a reasonable
service.3 A reasonable service referred to a determined cult, implies
three things, viz., a sufficient warrant for the worship, a familiarity
with the reasons and nature of the devotion, and a proper use of
the means whereby it is to be rendered. No devotion is officially
approved by the Church without the first. To familiarize ourselves
with the motives which ought to actuate us in a cult which we prac-
*John I. 7-8.
'Ephes. V. 8.
'Rom., XII. 1.
42
BASIS OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 43
tise, is a duty incumbent on all. The practice and discipline of
the Church, combined with a good judgment, will guard us against
going astray as to the third.
In the following chapters we shall attempt to apply the above
three characteristics to the devotion to the Sacred Heart. We shall
prove its legitimacy by presenting those christological and soterio-
logical principles which underlie it, and on which it rests as a super-
structure. We shall, furthermore, describe its nature by pointing
out its material and formal object. Ever and anon we shall likewise
hint at the means which the Church has approved and reserved for
this particular worship.
Christ must be conceived as a divine Person subsisting in a human
nature. He possesses a true human soul and a true human body,
joined inseparably to His divine Person. Hence, follows the tessera
of orthodoxy: "Godhead and Manhood are hypostatically united
in Him." In consonance with the Sacred Scripture, revelation, tra-
dition and the teaching of the Church, we are to attribute two
natures and two wills to Him, viz., divine and human nature, divine
and human will. According to the theory, called the Communica-
tion of Idioms in theological terminology, it is legitimate to transfer
predicates and attributes from one nature to the other, with due
limitation, but only in the concrete.
However, in order not to make a false step in applying this
doctrine, we must not lose sight of the fact that the human body
and soul of Christ are created; hence God's intrinsic essence is
incommunicable to them. They, however, may partake of the
objective sanctity of God, such as the divinity, majesty and ador-
ableness of the Logos which immediately affects the moral
grandeur of the Man Jesus, for they receive their excellence
participatively from the divine Person subsisting in the
human nature. Since the divine nature of Christ does not
derive anything from his human nature, those other attributes which
44 BASIS OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART
belong essentially to the former cannot be communicated to the
latter. The human nature of Christ has a certain infinite dignity, not
because He endowed it with His intrinsic divine Essence, but,
because He concealed under it the plenitude of His exalted infinite
sublimity, and bestowed on it the effects of His divine operations.1
On this hypostatic union of the divine Person to the human nature is
based the adorableness of Christ's humanity as well as the infinite
meritoriousness of all His acts. It is the infinite divine Person that
performs the act as principium quod, through the instrumentality of
His finite nature as principium quo. Thus, the physically finite act
through the hypostatic union becomes endowed with a morally
infinite value.
It is not our intention to enter into the discussion on the reality
of Christ's corporal existence. St. Ignatius of Antioch, in the early
part of the second century, in his letters of anti-Docetic tenor —
whose genuineness is admitted even by such eminent non-Catholic
critics as Harnack, Zahn, and Lightfoot,2 — expounded and ably de-
fended the true Incarnation of the Son of God. The Sacred Scrip-
ture and the condemnation of Docetism make the teaching of the
Church unmistakably clear in this respect. The passion and human
affections of Christ are the necessary postulates of His passibility
and true human body.
The body of Christ is inseparably united to His divine Person.
Whatever belongs to the Person substantially is to be honored with
the self-same specific veneration as the Person Himself. The ador-
ableness of Christ's human body rests solely no the hypostatic
union. We do not adore it for its own sake, such an act would
be blasphemous and idolatrous, for essentially it is only a creature.
It is, however, the immediate terminus or object of divine worship,
1 Humanitas Christi ex eo quod est unita Deo habet quandam dignitatem
infinitam ex bono infinite quod est Deus. S. THOM. I, p. qu. 25, art. VI ad 4
'HARNACK, Expositor, vol. Ill, ser. 3, p. 11.
BASIS OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 45
i. e., we adore it in itself, on account of the dignity and nobility to
which it is elevated by the Second Person of the Blessed Trinity.
Sophronius in the sixth plenary Council (680) gives expression to
this teaching by stating that the animated and intellectual body of
Christ is immutably deified.1 The worship paid to the divine Logos
does not differ, therefore, from the one offered to His sacred body.
It must needs be one and the same, for it concerns one and the same
Person, viz., latreutic.
But the divine Person is united hypostatically not only to the
Humanity of Christ taken in its totality, but also as conceived in
its several parts. Such constituent parts are, e. g., His sacred feet,
His hands, His precious blood, His five wounds, His Heart, etc.
Consequently, each and every one of these organic parts is deserving
of adoration; not as considered separately by itself, but as viewed
united to the Godhead. This teaching was upheld by Pius VI
(1775-1799), who condemned the proposition of the pseudo-Synod
of Pistoja, which maintained that a direct adoration of the Human-
ity of Christ, or, what is still less, a part of the same, is equivalent
to rendering a divine honor to a creature. This doctrine was quali-
fied as false, captious, injurious and detracting from that due cult
which is exhibited and is to be rendered by the faithful to the
Humanity of Christ.2
Thus, we have arrived at the desired inference, viz., the Sacred
Heart of Christ — being the most noble organ of His divine body —
is worthy of the same worship as His Divinity; provided, when
adored, it is not considered abstracted from, but conjointly with
His Person. It is in this sense that the Sacred Heart is proposed
to our worship in the devotion of which we are treating. Chris-
tology thus gives us an idea of the nobleness of the organ which
'"Caro animata et intellectualis immutabiliter deificata." MANSJ, torn. XI,
actio XI, col. 475.
'Bull AUCTOJLEM FIDEI, Bull. Rom. Con., vol. X, p. 2719.
46 BASIS OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART
forms the material object of our devotion. If we wish to inquire
into the origin of its formal object, viz., love, we have to call to
our aid the leading principle of Soteriology.
The Redemption of mankind was accomplished by the three
divine Persons of the Blessed Trinity acting simultaneously,
though — for the sake of easier realization — we attribute a different
task to each of the three Persons. God the Father conceived the
plan of mercy and justice. God the Son actuated by love and of
His own free will volunteered to carry out the wishes of the Father.
God the Holy Ghost through the instrumentality of Mary put into
actual operation the will of both. Thus in the final analysis and
by appropriation it may be said that it was the Holy Ghost, the
Donum Dei, who has given mankind its most inestimable and per-
fect gift, the human nature of Christ through which we are to be
reconciled to God.
There is a deep mystery hidden in this divine economy of the In-
carnation and Redemption. The Holy Ghost is the term of the love
which the Father and the Son from eternity entertain for each other
He is the relation of Love personally subsisting in the Godhead,
synonymous with Hypostatic Love, as the Son is synonymous with
Hypostatic Wisdom. St. Ambrose does not hesitate to refer to the
Holy Ghost as the "Osculum Patris et Filii." Thus the Incarna-
tion, inspired as it was by love, by way of appropriation is referable
to the Holy Spirit as its special ultimate efficient cause. This not
only accentuates love as the leading motive operating throughout
the whole work of Redemption, but establishes a reciprocal relation
ad extra between the God-man and the Holy Ghost; a relation
which did not exist before the Incarnation became a fact. For
while in the creation of the Saviour's human nature, as in all
operations ad extra, the three divine Persons acted as one principle,
still in the historical sense of Scripture, the Holy Spirit seems to
have been assigned a very special role.
BASIS OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 47
God the Father selected the Blessed Virgin Mary, and prepared
her body and soul for her exalted mission, but it was the Holy
Ghost that "descended upon her." It was His power that "over-
shadowed her" a and caused to germinate in her womb that human
nature which the Second Person assumed. Consequently the his-
torical Jesus Christ, the God-man, was conceived by the Holy
Spirit, for "as Mary was espoused to Joseph, before they came
together, she was found with child of the Goly Ghost." 2
These considerations help us to realize the dignity and excellence
of the human body of Christ even irrespective of His divine Per-
son ,and especially in the light of the hypostatic union. They show
us that the primary motive of the Redemption was love, and aid us
to realize the quality of the principle which inspired the whole
economy of the Incarnation. Jesus was conceived by Love, the
Word became flesh for love of us ; and all the subsequent acts of
the God-man were an uninterrupted manifestation of a love so
ardent that it induced Him to remain with us to the end of the
world.
The principles enunciated in this chapter ought to be clearly
borne in mind when we meet controversialists whose favorite objec-
tion lies in the gratuitous assumption and groundless imputation that
the Church advocates a worship which has its sole foundation in
the phantasmagoric illusions of a visionary nun. The Church has
never approved a public cult unless it was in perfect harmony with
faith and morals, Sacred Scripture, and tradition, independently of
all private revelation. In the present instance the supernatural
visions of Blessed Margaret Mary are only a contributory cause to
the spread of the devotion to the Sacred Heart. They contributed
in a large measure toward its general acceptance, and promoted the
*Luke I. 35.
*Matt. I. 18.
48 BASIS OF THE DEVOTION TO THE) SACRED HEART
definite formulation of its objects, but it does not depend on them
for its theological basis. In a preceding chapter we have already
proved that the devotion existed many centuries before the time of
Blessed Margaret Mary. Occasional references may be found as
early as the fifth century alluding expressly to the Sacred Heart.
They become quiet frequent in the works of mediaeval Saints and
spiritual writers, and after the middle of the 15th century they are
countless in number. From that time on the pictured and sculptured
representations of the Sacred Heart are multiplying very rapidly.1
The devotion assumed a fairly definite shape in the century immedi-
ately preceding that of Blessed Margaret Mary, and even merited the
approbation of a number of local prelates. It is not an exaggeration
to say that — irrespective of the supernatural manifestations with
which Christ deigned to favor this humble Visitandine — the cult of
the Sacred Heart would have eventually claimed its rightful place
among the various devotions of the Church. Such a legitimate con-
clusion is warranted by its rapid development and the popularity it
enjoyed especially in the time of Father Eudes. Thus, the reve-
lations did no more than hasten an event which, in the ordinary
course of things — judging from the facts as they were gradually
unfolding themselves to the perspective — was practically inevitable.
The principle on which the devotion to the Sacred Heart rests
is far from being something new. St. Thomas in his attempt to
elucidate it makes use of the following well-known comparison. We
may consider two things in a person to whom honor is given, viz.,
the person himself and the cause of his being honored. Properly
speaking, honor is given to a subsistent thing in its entirety; for
we do not speak of honoring a man's hand or foot, it is not by rea-
son of these members being honored of themselves, but by reason
of the whole being honored in them. In this way a man may be
1 GILBERT DOLAN, Dublin Review, O. S. B., April, 1897, p. 373.
BASIS OF THE; DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 49
honored even in something external; for instance, in his vesture,
his image or his messenger.1 Guided by this ratiocination the theo-
logians conclude that the primary material object of the devotion
to the Sacred Heart is Jesus Christ Himself in His Entirety. Hence,
a cult like that of the Sacred Heart, properly speaking, is a latreu-
tic co-adoration, for we adore the Heart with the rest of the parts
of Christ's sacred Humanity, including His divine prerogatives. The
Heart is thus worshipped secundum se, and in se, but not proper se.
Sum. TheoL, p. Ill, qu. XXV, art. I.
CHAPTER V
THE MATERIAL OBJECT OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART.
We read in the life of Blessed Margaret Mary * that two years
after she made her profession, while absorbed one day in prayer
and contemplation before the Blessed Sacrament, Our Divine Lord
appeared to her, and said : "Behold the Heart which has loved men
so much." Here we have a picture in which the material as well as
the formal object of this devotion is clearly set in relief. Christ ex-
hibited Himself whole and entire, hence, He is to be worshipped as
such. This apparition corresponds to the primary material object of
the devotion to the Sacred Heart. He designated the secondary
material object when He pointed to His Heart saying: "Behold
the Heart." He indicated the formal object with the words that
follow: "Which has loved men so much," words expressive of the
love of Christ.
Pesch 2 distinguished between, what he calls, the obiectum integ-
rum and the objectum proximum. By the former he designates the
primary material object of this devotion, viz., Christ in His insep-
arable unity. Under the latter he combines Christ's Sacred Heart
and His love. Bishop Languet states that this devotion consists in
loving Jesus Christ whom we have continually with us in the Blessed
Sacrament, and toward whom we are to exhibit the same love by
1 LANGUET, op. cit., p. 129.
*Prael. Dog., vol. IV, p. 106.
50
THE) MATERIAL OBJECT OP THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 51
various practices.1 St. Alphonsus is of the same opinion. 2 Bern-
ard Jungman agrees in substance with the two foregoing authors
by saying that the primary object of this devotion is the immense
love of Our Lord which He showed principally in His passion and
in the institution of the Blessed Sacrament.3
Without multiplying examples that are calculated to prove the
same proposition we shall draw the inference that all the acts of
worship redound primarily to the honor and glory of Christ as God,
or as God-Man, and all else is only a secondary consideration, irre-
spective of the object to which the worship is directed or in which
it terminates.
It may appear very singular, says Father Noldin, that not even at
this present age are the opinions of the theologians and ascetics fully
agreed as to the object of the devotion to the Sacred Heart.4 While
we do not wish to gainsay his statement, we can likewise say,
without fear of contradiction, that no ascetic or theologian of any
importance would call in question the doctrine which holds that the
proximate secondary object of this devotion is the (Heart of Christ.
This Heart is to be viewed in a two-fold sense, viz., as a corporal
organ and as a symbol. In the former sense it is the fleshy Heart,
not lifeless but living, not separated, but hypostatically united to
the Person of the Logos. In the latter sense it is taken figuratively
as representing the love of Our Lord. We are to apply here the
principle of St. Gregory, i. e., through the medium of a visible
object we are to form a concept of something imperceptible.5 The
1 "Toute cette devotion ne consiste, pour ainsi dire, qu'd, aimer ardemment
Jesus-Christ, que nous avons sans cesse avec nous dans la sainte Euchar-
istie, et a lui temoigner cet amour par di verses pratiques." (LANGUET, op.
cit., p. 114.)
2 Novena del cuore di Gesu, initio.
8 De Verbo Incarnato, p. 231.
*"Es diirfte befremdend erscheinen, dass man sich uber den Gegenstand
der Herz-Jesu-Andacht von Seite der Theologen und Asceten zur Stunde
noch nicht volkommen geeinigt hat." (Die Andacht sum heiligsten Herzen
Jesu, Innsbruck, ed. 1910, p. 70.)
8 Brev. Rom., Pars. Autum., Horn, pro Com. nee Virg. nee Mart.
52 THE MATERIAL OBJECT OF THE DEVOTION
Preface of the Nativity enunciates the same truth.
From the foregoing remarks it is manifest that the body of the
devotion, or the object which is within the ken of the senses, is the
Heart of Christ as the material sensible element. The soul of the
devotion, viz., its formal object or motive, is the element symbolized
by the Heart, i. e., the supersensual element or the charity of Christ.
St. Augustine tells us that love is the foundation of all the affections
conceived by man's desiderative faculties. Thus, we may uphold
the statement made by Cardinal Pie: "The devotion to the Sacred
Heart is the very quintessence of Christianity, the epitome and sub-
stantial summary of the whole of religion." *
In order to give expression to the whole doctrine in incisive per-
spicuous terms we re-state that in the devotion of which we are
treating we worship the Heart of Christ as symbolizing His love.
We honor His love under the symbol of His Heart. These two
objects having an intimate relationship with one another it follows
that they are not to be separated in the mind of the worshipper.
The Heart is to be considered as the supplement of the love, and
vice versa. The corporal and sensible Heart and its supersensual
love are to be viewed ad modum unius. They claim our worship
as one object, both being inseparably united to the Person and
soul of Christ.
The Heart of Christ is worthy of our veneration because it is
the Heart of one "Who being in the form of God thought it not
robbery to be equal to God." 2 We worship it on account of its
hypostatic union with that divine Person and nature, according to
which Christ is one with the Father,3 and not on account of that
nature according to which the Father is greater than the Son.4 The
excellency, majesty, dignity and perfection of the Person of the
1 Circular letter to the clergy in 1857.
'Phil II. 6.
'John X. 30.
'John XIV. 28.
To THE: SACRED HEART 53
Logos are the sources from which this Heart receives its borrowed
excellence, and they may be attributed to it secundum quid.
Through these it becomes a transcendentalized Heart. Its function
is that of a living organ of a God-man. Christ's human life in ordi-
nary course of events depends upon it. The mere piercing of this
Heart would have resulted in the death of the God-Man just as
inevitably as it was caused by the manifold excruciating agonies.
Man is so constituted that his relation to God and to things super-
natural is a direct postulate of symbolism. This statement is borne
out by the historical data of both pagan and Jewish nations. Sym-
bolism is such an important factor, especially in things appertaining
to the spiritual domain, that even Christ Himself would not dispense
with it. His followers adopted their Master's example by making
free use of symbolism through spiritual and utilitarian motives,
and occasionally — as in the time of persecution — through sheer
necessity. We all know the unbounded enthusiasm which is dis-
played at the sight of things symbolical of patriotism. This same
hidden power is brought into evidence when our eyes strike a sym-
bol which we are accustomed to associate with a religious idea.
Iconography and iconology testify to this truth, for they have always
been considered as potent factors in secular and religious education.
It is for this reason that St. Gregory lays such an emphasis on the
principle which claims that man through the intellection of things
visible arrives at the understanding of things imperceptible. The
Church canonizes and applies this fundamental principle when in
the Preface of the Nativity she chants : "Because by the mystery of
the Word made flesh, from Thy brightness a new light hath arisen
to shine on the eyes of our soul in order that God becoming visible
to us we may be borne upward to the love of things invisible."
The soul of man is spiritual. Her destiny and life are super-
natural. By divine ordinance she is doomed to pass a temporary
existence in the body. To promote her end she is forced to make
54 THE MATERIAL, OBJECT OF THE DEVOTION
use of a transitory dwelling. The senses of the body are the
primary and the best adapted means for this purpose. A symbol
not only appeals to them but helps one to form a clearer idea and
a more lasting impression of things beyond his ken. It whets the
appetite of the senses, so to speak. Christ being aware of this
exigency of human nature exhibits His heart to be used as a symbol
of His love. Thus, He succeeds in employing the faculties of the
body as well as those of the soul which two, when combined, are in
a position to produce a human act pleasing and meritorious in His
sight.
There are numerous sources which could be adduced in testi-
mony that the fleshy sensible Heart of Jesus is the material object
of this devotion. The few presented below will suffice to establish
this proposition.
I. Father Croiset, the first exponent of the devotion to the
Sacred Heart, is well qualified to instruct us on this point. "In the
exercise of even the most spiritual devotions," he says, "we stand in
need of certain material and perceptible objects. It is for this rea-
son that the Heart of Christ was selected, for, as a visible object,
it is the worthiest of our respect, and the most appropriate to attain
the end which this cult has in view. For what could be a more natu-
ral and better adapted symbol of love than the heart." 1
II. Bishop Languet, who familiarized himself with most of the
writings of Blessed Margaret Mary, and thus was in a position to
pronounce an authoritative judgment in this matter, confirms the
same opinion. "In order to make known the object of this devo-
tion," he says, "we make it perceptible by the representation of the
Heart of Jesus Christ. The Heart being the most natural symbol
*"Mais parce que nous avons toujours besoin dans 1'exercice des devotions
meme les plus spirituelles, de certains objets materiels et sensibles, qui nous
frappent davantage, nous en renouvellent le souvenir, et nous en facilitent
la pratique, on a choisi le sacre Coeur de Jesus, comme I'objet sensible le
plus digne de nos respects, et le plus propre en meme temps a la fin qu'on se
propose dans cette devotion. Et quel symbole plus propre et plus natur$
de I' amour que le coeur!' ( CROISET, op. cit., torn. I, ch. I, p. 5 and 7.)
TO THE SACRED HEART 55
of love, consequently, it ought to serve as the proper symbolic rep-
resentation of a devotion which consists entirely of love." l
III. Father Galliffet, the indefatigable champion of this devotion,
sets forth the same truth in words that permit only one interpre-
tation. "It is not less evident," he states, "that we have to do here
with the Heart itself of Jesus Christ in its simple and natural sense,
and not metaphorically. Jesus Christ speaks of His Heart actually ;
this is made clear by the action of uncovering his Heart and of
showing it." 2
The subsequent investigation will disclose to what extent the
decisions of the Church reflect the teaching of these three earliest
exponents and pioneers in the field of the devotion to the Sacred
Heart. The reader will be acquainted with those decrees only
which concern themselves directly about the material object of this
devotion.
IV. On Jan. 26, 1765, the Polish Bishops requested Clement XIII
to permit them to say a special Mass and Office in honor of
the Sacred Heart.3 In this petition they make the following state-
ment: "It is manifest that Christ referred to His Heart not in its
metaphorical sense, but in the natural meaning of the word heart,
as it is the most noble part of His body. Therefore, He proposes
to our worship His sacrosanct Heart, not only inasmuch as it is the
symbol of interior affections, but as it is in se." 4
1"C'est pour faire connaitre 1'objet de cette devotion, qu'on le rend sen-
sible par la representation du coeur de Jesus-Christ, parce que le coeur est
le symbole le plus naturel de I'amour, et par consequent il doit etre celui d'une
devotion qui se reduit toute entiere a I'amour" (LANGUET, op. cit., liv. IV,
p. 115.)
"GAUJFFET, op. cit., ch. IV, p. 44.
* Anal. Jur. Pont., 4 ser. an. 1860, col. 1239.
4 "Porro de corde non translatitie sumpto, sed in propria ac nativa signify
catione accepto, videlicet ut pars est corporis Christi nobilissima, eum locu-
tum evidens est ex ipsa actione qua cor suum detegens, vides, inquit, Cor
meum? De hoc ergo Corde loquitur, quod detegit ac monstrat Hn igitur
quae sit res quam Jesus colendam proponit, nimirum Cor suum sacrosanc-
tum, non tantum ut est symbolum omnium interiorum affectionum, sed ut
est in se." (PoLONi EPISCOPI, an. 1765, Niu,ES, op. cit., sec. II, cap. II, p. 98.)
56 THE: MATERIAL, OBJECT OF THE DEVOTION
It is evident from the above petition that the Polish Bishops had
a proper concept of the material object of the devotion to the
Sacred Heart, and gave a precise expression to it. The Holy Father
acceded to their wishes, and in His rescript dated on Feb. 6, 1765,
he stated that with such a permission the Holy See intended to
spread the already existing devotion, and symbolically to com-
memorate the remembrance of that divine love by which the only
Begotten Son of God took upon Himself human nature, and being
obedient unto death, offered Himself to men as an example, for He
was meek and humble of heart.1
The above decree which extended the specified privilege to the
Bishops of Poland and the Archcon fraternity of Rome, finds its
official interpretation in the Mass and Office both approved by the
same Pontiff on May 11, 1765.
On Aug. 23, 1856, Pius IX raised the Feast of the Sacred Heart
to the dignity of a duplex maior, and extended it to the universal
Church. He approved the Mass Miserebitur, the oration of which
clearly sets forth the material object of the devotion. "Grant, we
beseech thee, Almighty God, that we who, glorifying in the most
Sacred Heart of thy beloved Son, celebrate the singular benefits
of his love towards us, may rejoice equally in their action and their
fruit"2
In the sixth lesson for the Feast of the Sacred Heart it is stated
that Clement XIII permitted the celebration of this Feast to cer-
1 Congregatio Sacrorum Rituum, huius missae et officii celebratione non
aliud agi, quam ampliari cultum iam institutum et symbolice renovari me-
moriam illius divini amoris, quo Unigenitus Dei Filius humanam suscepit
naturam, et factus obediens usque ad mortem, praebere se dixit exem-
plum hominibus, quod esset mitis et humilis corde." (Bull Rom. Con. vol. VI,
p. 933.)
1 "Concede, quaesumus, omnipotens Deus; ut qui in sanctissimo dilecti
Filii tui Corde gloriantes praecipua in nos caritatis ems beneficia recolimus,
eorum pariter et actu delectemur et fructu. (Oratio Missae Sacratissimi
Cordis Jesu.)
TO THE: SACRED HEART 57
tain Churches "in order that the faithful may so much more fer-
vently and devoutly worship the charity of the suffering Christ
under the symbol of the Sacred Heart." 1
V. In the Pseudo-Synod of Pistoja the Jansenists proclaimed
this devotion to be erroneous in the form in which it was approved
by the Holy See. Pope Pius VI, in his bull. Auctorem Fidel,
issued on Aug. 28, 1794, brands their doctrine (prop. 62) as
"false, temerarious, pernicious, offensive to pious ears and injurious
to the Apostolic See, as if (prop. 63) the faithful adored the
Heart of Jesus considering it separated or abstracted from the
Divinity, whereas in reality they adore it as the Heart of Jesus, the
Heart, namely, of the Person of the Word with Whom it is united
inseparably in the same way in which the lifeless body of Christ
during the three days of His death, without being separated or dis-
sociated from the Divinity, was adored in the sepulchre. Hence
their doctrine is captious, injurious to the faithful worshippers of
the Heart of Christ." 2
VI. To confirm this contention still further, it will be well to
quote a few words of the Decree of Beatification of Blessed Mar-
garet Mary, issued on Aug. 19, 1864. "While she was praying
with fervor before the august Sacrament of the Eucharist," the
'"Quam charitatem Christi patientis . . . ut fideles sub sanctissimi Cordis^
symbolo devotius ac ferventius recolant, Clemens XIII ipsius sacratissimi
Cordis festum nonnullis Ecclesiis celebrare concessit." (BREV. ROM., Officium
$$mi Cordis, Pars Aestiva, Lectio VI.)
'"Doctrina, quae devotionem erga sacratissimum Cor Jesu rejicit inter
devotiones, quas notat velut novas, erroneas, aut saltern periculosas; intel-
/ecta de hac devotione, qualis est ab apostolica Sede probata, falsa, temera-
ria perniciosa, piarum aurium offensiva, in apostolicam Sedem injuriosa.
Item in eo quod cultores cordis Jesu hoc etiam nomine arguit, quod non
advertant sanctissimam carnem Christi, aut eius partem aliquam, aut etiam
humanitatem totam cum separatione, aut praecisione a divinitate adorari non
posse cultu latriae; quasi fideles Cor Jesus adorarent, cum separatione vel
praecisione a divinitate, dum illud adorant, ut est cor Jesu, cor nempe
Personae Verbi, cui inseparabiliter unitum esty ad eum modum, quod ex-
sangue corpus Christi in triduo mortis sine separatione, aut praecisione a
divinitate adorabile fuit in sepulchro, captiosa, in fideles cordis Christi cul-
tores injuriosa." (Bulla Auctorem Fidei, Pius VI, prop. 62 and 63. See
Bull. Rom. Con., vol. X, p. 2719.)
58 THE MATERIAL OBJECT OF THE DEVOTION
decree states, "Our Lord intimated to her that it would be pleasing
to Him, if the worship of His most Sacred Heart, burning with
love for mankind, were established, and He wished the charge of
this to be consigned to her." 1 "In order the more to enkindle this
fire of charity," the decree continues, "He would have the adora-
tion and worship of His most Sacred Heart established and propa-
gated in the Church, for who, indeed, is there so hard-hearted
and unfeeling as not to be moved to reciprocate the love of that
amiable Heart which was pierced and wounded with the lance/' 2
From these words it may be rightly concluded that the devotion
was to be such as was inculcated by Blessed Margaret Mary. Her
writings give ample evidence that the physical corporal Heart of
Christ was repeatedly presented to her eyes in a visible form. It
is such apparitions that induced her to endeavor to pay a tribute of
love to the Sacred Heart, and make an effort to stimulate others to
follow in her footsteps.
VII. The Beata qualified the Heart of Christ as the seat of
divine charity, and always considered it as a factor indissolubly
united with the devotion. The Iconography of the Sacred Heart
as approved by the Congregation of the Holy Rites is in consonance
with her view. It decreed on Jan. 16, 1885, that the officially
recognized picture or statue of this devotion is one which repre-
sents the whole figure of Christ with His Heart visibly exhibited.
The Heart has a just claim to such a prominence, because it is the
material or sensible object through which the supersensual, i.e., the
love, is to be reached.3
'"lamvero ante augustissimum Eucharistiae Sacramentum eidem fervidius
orante signification est a Christo Domino, gratissimum sibi fore si cultus in-
stitueretur sacratissimi sui cordis humanum erga genus charitatis igne
•flagrantis, ac velle se huius rei curam ipsi demandatam."
*"Hunc vero charitatis ignem ut magis incenderet, sanctissimi sui cordis
venerationem cultumque institui in Ecclesia voluit, ac promoveri. Ecquis enim
tarn durus ac ferreus sit quin moveatur ad radamandum Cor illud suavissi-
mum idcirco transfixum ac vulneratum lancea." (Anal. Jur. Pont., 7 ser. an.
1864, col. 934 and 935.)
* Decreta Authentica, C. S. R. Dec. 3625.
TO THE SACRED HEART 59
The arguments thus far adduced, if viewed with due deliberation,
ought to suffice to carry conviction to every theologian. In order
not to leave room for even the slightest doubt about the material
object of the devotion in question, it will be well to quote a few
select passages taken from more modern authors. This investiga-
tion will serve two purposes, viz., it will apprise us of the concept
they entertained of the material object of this devotion, and will
also show us in what sense they propagated it in their respective
languages and countries.
A. In the middle of the 18th century St. Alphonsus Liguori
wrote a work entitled "Novena del Cuor di Gesu." The following
words borrowed from it will be to the point. "Its material or
sensible object is the most Sacred Heart of Jesus, not indeed taken
by itself, but as united to the Sacred Humanity, and consequently
to the divine Person of the Word." *
B. Muzzarelli, whose work2 was edited in 1826, is very explicit
when treating of the material object. "The Sacred Heart of Jesus,"
he says, "is to be taken in its proper and natural signification, there-
fore, it means His fleshy Heart, but always viewed as united to
His Humanity and the Person of the Word."3
C. Nilles in his work of 1869 presents a more authoritative expo-
sition of the devotion than any writer previous to that date. In his
characteristic clearness he thus expresses himself concerning the
object of the devotion. "The Holy See, while proposing to our
worship the Heart of Jesus, inasmuch as it is the symbol of His
^"L'oggetto poi materiale o sia sensibile, c il SS. Cuore di Gesu, non gia
preso per se nudamente, ma come unito alia santa umanita e per consequenza
alia divina persona del Verbo." (LEROY, De SS. Corde Jesu eiusque cultu,
cap. Ill, qu. XIV, n. 162, p. 168.)
1 Sur la Devotion et le Culte du Sacre Coeur de Jesus-Christ, Avignon,
1826.
'"Le Coeur de Jesus-Christ se prend dans le sense propre et natural, et
alors il signiile son Coeur de chair cependant toujours consideree tommtf
unie a son Humanite et a la Personne du Verbe." (MUZZARELLI, Translation
from the Italian, Avignon, 1826, p. 14.)
60 THE MATERIAL OBJECT OF THE DEVOTION
infinite love, meant to exhibit the double object of the devotion to
the Sacred Heart, viz., the real and physical Heart of the Redeemer,
and the infinite charity of Christ. " 1
D. Father Noldin through his work of 1883 2 contributed not a
little towards the spread of the devotion among the German-speak-
ing people. In his estimation "the corporal Heart is of great im-
portance, and of no slight significance for the practice of the devo-
tion. Apart from the fact that Our Lord finds a special delight in
seeing His love worshipped under the symbol of the physicial Heart,
it is the most appropriate and efficacious means of elevating man-
kind, who are slaves to their senses, to the knowledge and adora-
tion of the charity of Christ." 3
E. It is in this sense that the devotion to the Sacred Heart has
been propagated among the different nations of the world. In a
very popular book, to which, to a large extent, it owes its dissemina-
tion in Hungary, we read that "it was the will of Christ to make
His real fleshy Heart the object of this devotion. It is from that
Heart the devotion receives its name."4
The above quotations, taken from the decisions of the Sacred
Congregation as well as from divers authors of various nationali-
ties living at different times, clearly indicate that, at present, no
1"Sedes Apostolica igitur dum Cor Jesu colendum proponit, quatenus sym-
bolum est infiniti eius amoris, id agit, ut duplex nobis cultus exhibeat Sacra-
tissimi Cordis obiectum; ipsum symbolum, h. e., verum ac physicum Cor Sal-
vatoris, et rem signatam, h. e., infinitam Christi charitatem." (NnxES, op cit.,
sec. II, Praemonitum II, p. 77.)
8 Die-Andacht zum heillgsten Herzen Jesu, Innsbruck, 1883.
* "Daraus ergibt sich, dass fur die tJbung der Andacht das leibliche Herz
von iiberaus grosser Wichtigeit und Bedeutung ist. Abgesehen davon, dass
Jesus Christus ein besonderes Wohlgefallen findet daran, dass seine Liebe im
Symbole ides leiblichen Herzens verehrt werde, ist es das geeignetste und
wirksamste Mittel, um den an die Sinne gefesselten Menschen zur Hrkennt-
nis und Verehrung der Liebe Christi zu erheben/' ( NOLDIN, op. cit., ch. Ill,
p. 91 and 92.)
*"Kristztus akarata szerint tehdt az o valosagos testi szive kozveftlen
tdrgya ezen tiszteletnek es djtatossdgnak es azert ezen tisztelet, es djtatossdg
is ezen szivtol kapja nevet." ( AUGUSTINE HUEBNER, Jesus Szentseges Szive,
Kalocsa, 1891, p. 54.)
TO THE: SACRED HEART 61
theologian is authorized to hold that the material object of the
devotion to the Sacred Heart is something not yet definitely deter-
mined. If, a few decades ago, certain devotional manuals failed to
state this object with sufficient clearness and precision, it was due
to the fact that they concerned themselves with the spiritual aspect
of the devotion rather than with its material side. At present all
the nations have a uniform belief on this subject. It is generally
admitted that the cause ot the popularity of this devotion lies in
its material object, for it is this factor that appeals to the erudite
as well as to the illiterate. In view of this fact, the Church places
on the lips of Her Clergy the inspiring invitatory for the Feast of
the Sacred Heart: "Come, let us adore the Heart of Jesus, the
Victim of love."1
Christ as to His Person lived from all eternity, not so, however,
as to His human nature. But He decreed that the body with which
He reconciled us to His heavenly Father shall remain inseparably
united to His divinity. We distinguish three states of this cor-
poral existence of the God-man, viz., His physical body which He
assumed and in which He suffered during His terrestrial sojourn,
His natural body in the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar, and His
glorified body in Heaven. All three states contain the same identi-
cal Body He assumed in the mystery of the Incarnation, therefore,
His Heart plays an important role in each. Consequently, we wor-
shop His Sacred Heart correspondingly to theilree states.
During His earthly sojourn the Heart of Christ was the paragon
of all virtues which ought to excite our admiration and emulation.
There is a deep meaning hidden in the words to which His sacred
lips gave utterance : "Learn of Me because I am meek and humble
1 "Cor Jesus, caritatis victimam, venite adoremus." (Brev. Rom., Pars
Aestiva. Off. prop, pro aliquibus locis.}
62 THE MATERIAL OBJECT OF THE DEVOTION
of Heart." 1 His Heart in this first state was sorrowful unto
death.2 During the agony on the Mount of Olives His Heart's
blood oozed through the pores of His Body.3 It was shed pro-
fusely while the bloody scenes of Redemption were enacted. Fin-
ally, His Heart was pierced with a lance and thus emptied of all its
blood.4 His Heart was the co-principle of all His acts and affec-
tions, sharing and inspiring the love He had for humanity which
ultimately made Him a Divine Holocaust for the sins of mankind.5
The Heart in the second state, as it resides in the Body con-
cealed under the sacramental species, is to be a very special object
of this devotion. The ineffable love He exemplifies in this state
induced Him to perform an act which almost reaches the acme of
His omnipotence. It is the suffering Heart in the Sacrament of
love to which, above all, He asks us to make reparation and amends
for the sacrileges and insults offered by ungrateful, indifferent and
unbelieving souls.6
After Solomon finished the Temple the Lord said to him: "I
have chosen, and have sanctified this place, that my name may be
there forever, and my eyes and my heart may remain there per-
petually."7 This reference to His Heart in the Old Testament
must be taken figuratively, only as an adumbration to be actualized
in the New Testament, when the Heart of a God-man truly and
1Matt. XI. 29.
'Matt. XXVI. 38.
3 Luke XXII. 44.
4 John XIX. 34.
*Matt. XXVII. 50.
"Tour reconnaissance, je ne regois de la plupart que des ingratitudes, par
les mepris, les irreverences, les sacrileges et la froideur qu'ils ont pour moi
dans ce Sacrement d'amour. C'est pour cela que je te demande que le
premier vendredi apres 1'Octave du saint Sacrement, soit dedie a faire une
fete particuliere pour honorer mon Coeur, en lui faisant reparation par une
amande honorable." (LANGUET, op. cit., liv. IV, p. 129.)
T II Par. VII 16.
TO THE SACRED HEART 63
really was to sanctify the Christian churches with its real presence.
Again, if we reverence the statues and pictures which are only
representations, how much more fitting it is to worship the reality
of which they are only faint shadows? In this second state we
adore that love of Christ which finds its delight in being with the
children of men,1 and which induced Him to remain with us to the
consummation of the world.*
In the third state we worship the Heart of Christ as it dwells in
His glorified body, where it is living perpetually "to make inter-
cession for us."3 In Heaven it is receiving well-merited special
divine honors from the Angels of the celestial realm, and the Saints
whose present felicity was made possible of attainment through
the shedding of its redemptive blood. The Sacred Heart dwelling
in heaven amply supplies for the lack of love which the rational
and irrational creation shows the Creator. There, surrounded with
unalloyed love and homage, it is partly compensated for its past sor-
rows and humiliations by the enjoyment of infinite beatitude and
the plenitude of ineffable happiness.
*Prov. VIII. 31.
'Matt. XXVIII. 20.
•Heb. VII. 25.
CHAPTER VI.
THE: FORMAL, OBJECT OF THE; DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART.
Being cognizant of the innumerable sources which contributed to
the supereminent elevation of the Heart of Christ, as well as to its
many consequent excellences, one must not infer from this that all
these are of equal significance in this devotion as it is approved by
the Church, and diffused and practiced all over the world. The
main characteristic of the Heart which chiefly ought to claim our
adoration, and towards which our attention should be directed
principally, is its infinite charity for men. By this attitude of mind
we do not mean to ignore the other surpassing qualities with which
it is embellished, and which individually are entitled to the same
degree of worship. We simply mean to intimate our preference in
favor of its charity on account of the close connection which the
latter enjoys with the physical heart, which is generally accepted as
a symbol of love.
In a following chapter, when treating on the inter-relation of
heart and man's appetitive faculties, it will be pointed out to what
extent can be justified the acceptance of the above symbolism. For
the time being the attention of the reader will be called to the
created love alone. The consideration of the somewhat speculative
question of the whole formal object, which ought to include the
increated love also, must be left to another chapter.
St. Augustine is of the opinion that love precedes all our affec-
64
THE) FORMAL, OBJECT OF DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 65
tions, and is their cause.1 St. Thomas subscribes to this principle
unconditionally, and proves its tenableness.2 Bossuet enumerates
the different passions of our appetitive faculties, and concludes with
the words: "Eliminate love, and all the passions disappear, posit
love, and they are all generated.3 If this be true, then all the affec-
tions emanate from love and corrivate in love. Thus the sentiment
of love enjoys' a prominence greater than which cannot be imagined
among the affections of the human nature. Farges in his philo-
sophico-psychological inquiry arrives at the same conclusion.4
Christ's human nature, even if viewed abstracted from His di-
vinity, far surpassed ours in excellence and integrity. It possessed
that original righteousness which we lost on account of the first
sin of disobedience.5 Therefore, its sentiment of love was of a far
superior quality than ours, for it was intensified by the sinlessness
which characterized the first Adam. This same human nature was
elevated to a still higher plane through that union with the divine
nature and Person of the Word whereby it became impeccable.
Christ's appetitive faculties and acts externalized the most noble
sentiments capable of being reduced to visibility by a God. The
love that found expression through them was theandric, hence, the
most altruistic imaginable. It was intrinsically opposed to all misan-
thropy. Christ, therefore, may justly be designated as the most
benevolent philanthropist conceivable. We must eliminate in Him
all desires incompatible with His divine Sonship. His appetitive
faculties crave nothing but what was intrinsically good. All His
pro-passions were so many divine virtues inspired by a god-like love.
1 "Amor praecedit omnes alias animi affectiones, et est causa eorum (De
Civ. Dei, lib. XIV, c. 7 and 8.)
*2a 2ae, qu. CLXII, a. Ill, ad 4um.
'"Enfin otez 1'amour, il n'ya plus de passions, et posez 1'amour vous les
faites toutes naitre." (Connaissance de Dieu et de soi-meme, ch. I, p. 6.)
* ALBERT FAROES, S. S., Le cerveau, I'ame et les facultes, part II sec VI
5 Gen. Ill, 6.
66 THE FORMAL OBJECT OF DEVOTION
Hence, He is the very personification of love.
The moral life of man is not more conceivable without love than
his physical life without a heart. Love is the mainspring of all the
individual actions of man. Such is the concept we are to form of
the love of Christ as symbolized by His Heart. To prove this
proposition, the same course will be pursued as outlined when
treating on the material object of this devotion.
I. The autobiography of Blessed Margaret Mary records a revela-
tion in which Christ appeared and said to her: "Behold the Heart
which has loved men so much, that it spared nothing even to ex-
hausting and consuming itself, in order to testify its love for them." l
We could point out other apparitions in which Christ desires our
love in return for love.
II. Father de la Colombiere was among the first who consecrated
themselves to the service of the Sacred Heart. His motives for
such an act were the tender sentiments Jesus Christ entertains
towards us in the Sacrament of love, where His Sacred Heart is
always burning for the love of men being ready to shower upon
them manifold graces and benedictions.2
III. Father Croiset expresses the character of the formal object
of his devotion in words that will admit only one meaning. "It
consists," he says, "in nothing else but in a practice of love. Its
object is love, its principal motive is love, love must needs be its
end." 3 Further in the same chapter he states that : "This divine
1 "Voila ce Coeur, qui a tant aime les hommes, qu'il n'a rien epargne jus-
qu'a s'epuiser et se consommer, pour leur temoigner son amour." (Vie et
Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. II, p. 102.)
1 "II n'eut pas plutpt considere quel etoient les sentimens pleins de ten-
dresse que Jesus-Christ a pour nous dans le saint Sacrement, ou son Sacre
Coeur est toujours, brulant d'amour pour les hommes, tpujours ouvert pour
repandre sur eux toutes sortes de graces et de benedictions, qu'il ne put se
representer sans gemir les outrages horribles que Jesus-Christ y soufre."
(CROISET, op. cit., torn. I, p. 15.)
3 "Ce n'est ici proprement qu'un exercise d' amour, 1'amour en est 1'objet,
1'amour en est le motif principal, et c'est 1'amour qui en doit etre la fin."
(CROISET, op. cit., torn. I, p. 5.)
TO THE SACRED HEART 67
Heart considered as a part of the adorable body of Christ, is only
the sensible object of the devotion, its principle motive is the
immense love Christ bears for men." l
IV. Bishop Languet expresses himself to the same effect. "In
order to reveal the object of this devotion, and to make it sensible,"
he remarks, "we represent it by the Heart of Jesus Christ. The
Heart being the most natural symbol of love, consequently, it ought
to be the symbol of a devotion which confines itself solely to love." 2
Explaining the nature of the love which forms the object of wor-
ship in this devotion, he continues : "Its object is the immense love
Jesus has for men, of which he gave them a precious token in the
mystery of the Eucharist, and which actuated Him when He em-
braced death for their salvation." 3
V. Numerous passages can be gleaned from the work of Father
Galliffet in confirmation of the foregoing statements. On account
of his zeal and the knowledge which he had of the various phases
of this devotion, his contemporaries entrusted him with the office
of pleading their cause as the Postulator Causae, when they peti-
tioned the Holy See for a special Mass and Office in 1729. There-
fore, his words ought to carry considerable weight. "In the devo-
tion to the Sacred Heart," he says, "the essential motive for honor-
ing it is the love with which it is inflamed, and the sufferings it
endured through the ingratitude of men, which has relation to the
divine heart, and to no other part of his body." 4
These five spiritual writers, adduced as authorities concerning
the formal object of the devotion in question, were the first expo-
1 CROISET, op. cit., torn. I, p. 7.
^ * "C'est pour faire connoitre 1'objet de cette devotion, qu'on le rend sen-
sible par la representation du Coeur de Jesus-Christ, parce que le Coeur est
le symbole le plus naturel de I'amour, et par consequent \l doit etre cettui
d'une devotion qui se redwt toute entiere d, I' amour." (lyANGUET, op. di\,
Liv. IV, p. 115.)
3 LANGUET, op. cit., liv. IV, 114.
4 GAUJFFET, op. c\t., ch. V, p. 61.
68 THE FORMAL, OBJECT OF DEVOTION
nents of the devotion to the Sacred Heart. The Church, in spite
of all the entreaties on the part of the faithful, for a long time,
would not take official cognizance of such a worship. Finally she
yielded to the insistent demand, and granted her approval.
Subsequent investigation will disclose that the devotion has been
approved as advocated by its early exponents.
VI. Pope Clement XIII on February 6, 1765, in a special decree
thus interpreted the motive for honoring the Sacred Heart. "It
is to commemorate symbolically the memory of that divine love by
which the only Begotten Son of God took upon Himself human
nature, and being obedient unto death, offered Himself to men as an
example, being meek and humble of Heart." l
VII. On Sept. 28, 1819, Pius VII permitted the Feast of the Sa-
cred Heart to be celebrated as a double of the first class in the
Holy Land in order that the places of Palestine sanctified by the
presence of Our Saviour may be the theatre showing forth His
vehement love for men, and that the devotion to the Sacred Heart
diffused in those places far and wide may grow from day to day.2
VIII. On Aug. 23, 1856, Pius IX issued a decree in which he
established the Feast of the Sacred Heart for the universal Church.
In this he states that "Clement XIII permitted some churches to
celebrate the Feast of the Sacred Heart with an Office and Mass,
in order to commemorate the immense divine love of His Heart." 3
'"Respondit Sacra Congregatio Sacrorum Rituum," huius Missae et Of-
ficii celebratione non aliud agi, quam ampliari cultum iam institum et sym-
bolice renovari memoriam illius amoris divini; quo Ungenitus Dei Filius
humanam suscepit naturam, , . . (Bull. Rom. Cont., vol. VI, p. 933.)
*"Palestinae loca praesentia Salvatoris nostri Jesu Christi sanctificata in-
tentissimi eiusdem erga homines amoris argumenta praebeant, quodque in
singulis illis locis longe lateque diffusa Sacratissimi Cordis Jesu devotio in
dies augeatur" (Anal. Jur. Pont., an. 1855, p. 601 and 122; ib. NILLES, op.
cit., pp. 3 and 54.)
8 "Ex quo Clemens Papa XIII in honorem sanctissimi Cordis Jesu festum
cum officio et Missa nonnullis Ecclesiis celebrare permisit, ad immensam huius
Cordis caritatem recolendam." (Anal. Jur. Pont., an. 1857, p. 2589; ib.
, pp. 3 and 60.)
TO THE SACRED HEART 69
IX. A clear presentation of this formal object is found in the
Decree of Beatification given on Aug. J$, 1864. It states that
Jesus desired nothing so much as to stimulate by every means in
the souls of men that charity with which His Heart was consumed.
. . . And in order the more to enkindle the fire of charity, He
would have the adoration and worship of His most Sacred Heart
established and propagated in the Church.1
X. Pope Pius VI in his letter to Scipio de Ricci on June 24,
1781, insists that "the substance of this devotion, whih is abso-
lutely free from every superstitious materialism, seeks, by means of
the symbolical representation of the Heart, to lead us on to the con-
templation and veneration of the immense charity and excessive love
of Our divine Redeemer." 2
Without multiplying similar examples, to prove the conclusion
already sufficiently established, it can be said without fear of contra-
diction, that all the modern theologians who engaged in writing on
this subject expressed themselves to the same effect.
A. Nilles maintains that the Apostolic See proposed to our ven-
eration the Heart of Christ, inasmuch as it is the symbol of love
in order to exhibit the double object of the cult, viz., the symbol
itself, i.e., the real physical Heart of the Saviour, and the thing
symbolized, i.e., the infinite charity of Christ. Of these two, how-
ever, the more important is the thing symbolized, or the love of
Christ in this case.3
1 "Jesus nihil potius habuit quam ut flammam charitatis, qua cor eius urere-
tur in hominum animis modis omnibus excitaret. Hunc ergo charitatis ignem
ut magis incenderet, sanctissimum sui cordis venerationem cultumque institui
in Hcclesia voluit, ac promoveri." (Anal. Jur. Pont., ser. VII, an. 1864, col.
934.)
2 "Substantia illius devotionis ab omni certe superstitiosa materialitate im-
munis revera spectet, ut symbolice Cordis imagine immensam caritatem ef-
fusumque amorem divini Redemptoris nostri meditemur atque veneremur."
(Niu,ES, op. cit., sec. II, cap. I, p. 88.)
s"Sedes Apostolica igitur dum Cor Jesu colendum proponit, quatenus
symbolum est infiniti eius amoris, id agit, ut duplex nobis exhibeat cultus
sacratissimi Cordis obiectum, ipsum symbolum, h. e., verum ac physicum Cor
Salvatoris, et rem signatam, h. e., infinitam Christi caritatem. Ex his vera
praecipua est res signata seu caritas Christi." (Niu,E;s, op. cit., sec. II, cap.
I, P. 77.)
70 THE FORMAL OBJECT OF DEVOTION
B. The same truth is expressed by Father Vermeersch with strik-
ing and appealing words. "I adore," he says, "the material Heart
of Jesus, but, while doing so, I regard it as a living symbol which
to me personifies all His love. I adore the love of Jesus, and by
this act I contemplate it in its natural and sensible manifestation,
where Jesus shows it to me, i.e., in the fleshy Heart." x
C. Father Noldin's view coincides with the foregoing. "Hence
Icve is justly called the motive, and as such the formal object of the
devotion to the Sacred Heart, exactly in the same way as the
sufferings of Christ are said to be the motive and formal object
in the devotion to the Five Wounds." 2
D. It is in this sense 'that the devotion is propagated among
the different nations by writers who in their vernacular treated the
question. Thus, for instance, in a Hungarian devotional manual it
is stated that "Our divine Lord made use of His real and fleshy
Heart in order that thereby He might reveal its love, and, enkin-
dling in us flames of love, might induce us to reciprocate it." 3
It would be an easy task to multiply similar examples almost
indefinitely. One may, however, content himself with the above.
The formal object of this devotion is so clearly defined by the
decisions of the Sacred Congregation and the decrees issued by the
different Pontiffs that it ceased to be something indefinite, or op-
tional, nor is one permitted to substitute for it something con-
1 "J'adore le Coeur materiel de Jesus, mais, en 1'adorant, je le regarde
comme le symbole vivant qui personifie pour moi tout son amour; j 'adore
1'amour de Jesus, mais, en 1'adorant, je le contemple dans la manifestation
naturelle et sensible ou Jesus me le montre, dans le Coeur de chair." ( VER-
MEERSCH, op. cit., Vol. II, ch. I, art. IV, p. 23.)
a"Darum wird die Liebe mit vollem Recht das Motiv (das formelle Motiv),
und als solches wohl auch der formelle Object der Herz-Jesu Andacht
genannt; gerade so, wie man die Schmerzen Jesu Christi das Motiv und
formelle Objet der Andacht zu der heiligen fiinf Wunden nennt." (Nou)iN,
op. cit., cap. Ill, p. 89.)
8 "Isteni Megvaltonk epen valosagos es testi szivet hasznalta f el eszkoziil,
hogy szivbeli szeretetet kinjilvanitsa es benniink annak viszonzasara szeretet-
langokat gyujtson." ( AUGUSTINE HUEBNER, Jesus Szentseges Szive, Kalocsa,
1891, p. 57.)
TO THE SACRED HEART 71
jectural. The arguments adduced in confirmation of this conten-
tion are so convincing that they were instrumental in bringing about
an absolute uniformity among the present day theologians and
spiritual writers.
While the Heart and the love are two distinct elements of the
devotion in the mind of the worshipper, they are to be
considered as two partial objects forming a whole. The nobility
of the heart depends on the dignity, majesty and holiness
of him whose organ it is. But the Heart of Christ because
of the hypostatic union shines with the brightness and bril-
liancy of the Godhead, for His divine presence not only permeates
it with its sanctity but His divine Person entrusted it with a sacred
function indispensable for the preservation of the life of His human
nature. Therefore, if there were no other reasons, this alone would
suffice to induce one to pay it homage and adoration. Such, how-
ever, is not the principal actuating motive. While the Divinity
subsisting in it is always our primary incentive, it is the super-
sensual Heart, viz., Christ's love for mankind that inspires our
attitude towards it. We worship this love, for, when viewed as
created and increated, it forms the very essence of the God-man.
We adore it, for it was the actuating motive to which all the suffer-
ings of Christ are traceable in their final analysis. Hence, it is the
primal, immediate and principal cause of our Redemption. We
venerate the increated love, for it brought into being a human na-
ture, and created a Heart which, embellished with human and
divine sanctity, shed its last drop of blood for sinful humanity.
This Heart once created and hypostatically united the divine
Person was destined to be immortal. Therefore, since there are
three principal states in which the Heart may be considered, we
venerate its love for reasons that are proper to, and correspond
with the respective states.
72 THE FORMAL OBJECT OF DEVOTION
The principal motive which ought to actuate us in worship-
ping the Heart as it dwelt in the bosom of Christ during His
terrestrial sojourn is the love with which He accomplished the
Redemption of mankind; the love which induced Him to found a
Church with which the redeemed could affiliate themselves; the
love which stimulated Him to establish the Sacraments and con-
stitute them as the channels of grace to serve as vitalizing and
strength-giving means for all who strive to attain their glorious
destiny.
The Eucharistic Heart symbolizes that love which induced Christ
to be with the children of men 1 to the consummation of the world,2
and also the love which influenced Him to conceal His divine
majesty under the veil of sacramental species, thus to offer us an
example of heroic humility and self-abasement.3 Finally, it sym-
bolizes that love also which constrained Him to renew, in an un-
bloody manner, the bloody sacrifice of the cross by being daily
immolated on our altars in order to implore mercy from His
Heavenly Father for transgressing humanity, and, thus, to stay at
least temporarily the hand of chastisement.
The Heart of Christ in its glorified state symbolizes the love
which He entertains for the redeemed, and the love under whose
influence He becomes our Mediator and Intercessor. Since the
Heart in this supernaturalized state reaps the benefit of all the work
undertaken both for God and man, it may be considered as the
personification of this double love, and this love may be worshipped
as symbolized by the transcendentalized Heart.
1 Prov. VIII. 31.
*Matt. XXVIII. 20.
3Matt. XI. 29.
CHAPTER VII.
THE HEART IN SYMBOLISM.
There could be nothing more timely at this point of our investi-
gation than the question: Why do we worship the love of Christ
through the symbol of His Heart? It is obvious that there must
be some particular reason for it. To answer this question a clear
concept must first be formed of the symbol, the thing symbolized
and the reason of symbolization. In theological terminology they
are called the signum, res signata and ratio significatus. In this
devotion the signum or symbolum is the fleshy Heart of Christ. The
res signata is His infinite love. The ratio significatus is the coher-
ence which exists between the two.
The word symbolum is derived from the Greek, and it means to
put or throw together. It implies an inference arrived at from
the connection of two concepts. All theologians insist more or less
on the relationship existing between the symbol and the thing sym-
bolized. The purpose of the following pages is to present a tenta-
tive explanation of the relation existing between the material and
the formal object of this devotion to justify it even in this respect.
In order to reach the desired conclusion in this regard, it will be
advisable to present a brief treatment of the leading roles which
the heart is called upon to play, A. In Sacred Scripture; B. In
common parlance ; G. In physiology and psychology.
A. 1. The Sacred Scripture designates the heart 1. As the ideal
seat of the affections, e.g., (a) Joy and sorrow: "Behold my servant
73
74 THE HEART IN SYMBOLISM
shall praise for joy fulness of heart, and you shall cry for sorrow
of heart." x (b) Envy: "Let not thy heart envy sinners."2 (c)
Charity : "Now the end of the commandment is charity, from a pure
heart."
2. It assigns to the heart intellectual operations ; (a) Imagina-
tion : "Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath it entered into
the heart of man what things God hath prepared for them that
love Him." 4 (b) Attention : "Set your hearts on all the words
which I testify to you this day."5 (c) Memory: "Lay up these
my words in your hearts and minds." 6
3. It is the source of desire and volition, e.g. "Wherefore God
gave them up to the desires of their hearts unto uncleanness, to
dishonor their own bodies among themselves." 7 And, again, "From
it (the heart) come forth evil thoughts, murders, adulteries, forni-
cations, thefts, false testimonies, blasphemies." 8
BLUNT in his Dictionary of Doctrinal and Historical Theology
sums up all that can be said on this point. "The heart," he says,
"in the Holy Scripture is the scene and subject of every class of
operation, emotional, intellectual, active, incident to the spiritual
nature of man . . it is the whole man extensively and
intensively. It is a source both of good and evil." 9
B. It is exactly in this sense that all the nations of the world
accepted the word heart. While its meaning might have been more
extensive in the past than it is at the present time, nevertheless,
it is not altogether divested of its former synecdochical, metonymical
UCV. 14.
*Prov. XXIII. 17.
3 1. Tim. I. 5.
4 1. Cor. II. 9.
°Deut. XXXII. 46.
'Deut. XI. 18.
'Rom. I. 24.
*Matt. XV. 19.
9 BLUNT, op. cit., art. Heart.
THE HEART IN SYMBOLISM 75
and metaphorical representations. The expressions "Give me your
heart," "kind-hearted, lion-hearted, pigeon-hearted," "with all my
heart" "to bring home to one's heart" . . . and many others,
have obviously a much deeper signification in the common par-
lance and in the general acceptation of the term, than they seem
to imply at first sight. Comparative Philology reveals a greater
wealth of meaning connoted by the word heart than by any other
word.
It is not to the point to enter into a lengthy investigation in
order to reveal the source from which the popular mind drew the
above concept of the heart. Suffice it to say that it was promoted,
to no small degree, by the anatomical doctrines of Plato. He
divided the human soul into three parts, and assigned a particular
function to each. He localized the rational soul in the head, the
ir^ascible soul in the heart (thorax), and the appetitive soul in the
abdomen.1 The comparison of the soul to a pair of winged steeds
and charioteer will perhaps best explain the Platonic division of
the soul into three elements, viz., Reason, Passion (or Spirit) and
the Appetites. Here Reason is the Charioteer, while Passion and
the Appetites are the horses.2
In Plato's estimation the mortal soul whose chief characteristic
is the virtue of "fortitude and spirit and which loves contention"
is located in the thorax. Thorax in this connection stands for
that part of the body which begins with the collar-bone and reaches
as far down as the pelvis.3 In this part "they (the gods) placed
the heart in a kind of sentry-house." The Appetites are like wild
beasts chained to a manger, which Reason, dwelling in the head,
controls by the aid of passion, which in turn, to a large extent,
'DAVIS, Works of Plato, London, 1890, Timaeus, vol. II, sec. XLIV, pp.
380-382.
2H. MUELLER, Platon's sammtliche Werke, Leipzig, 1854. Phaedrus, vol.
IV, p. 117.
8 Such seems to be the Platonic concept.
76 THE: HEART IN SYMBOLISM
is held in check by the heart. Thus every passion, no matter in
what part of the soul it originates, passes through the heart. Here
may be found the explanation of the concept the popular mind
entertains of the function of the above organ. Plato, however,
is not the first who attributed such an importance to the heart as
regards human passions. A similar belief has been expressed in
the Jewish literature and the Sacred Scripture long before his time.
C. The Platonic concept of the heart implies a participation of
this organ in man's moral life. Such a function presupposes an
ascendancy exercised by it over our appetitive faculties. In con-
formity with such a view the physiologists of the past accepted the
current belief of the common people, and thus established the mis-
taken conclusion that the heart is the seat of love. The Scholastics,
accepting this view, pictured the heart as the medium or channel,
in which resided in a dormant state, so to say, man's emotional,
intellectual, as well as other operations1 which in order to be
animated to action needed only a stimulus, the latter being fur-
nished by our needs, environments and various other circumstances.
Such, however, is not the present day conception of the function
which the heart is called upon to perform in the human organism.
Lewes, editor of the Fortnightly Review, develops what might be
called the modern theory of the physiological aspect of the heart.2
The experimentalists, to all appearances, proved conclusively that
the functions attributed formerly to the heart are exercised by the
brain. Even if the tenableness of this theory be not open to ques-
tion, we need not be disconcerted. The interrelation existing be-
tween the heart and the brain will still afford a sufficient ground for
maintaining the symbolism as involved in the devotion to the Sacred
Heart.
, De anima, lib. V., cap. IV; ST. THOM. Ha Ilae, qu. XXIX, a.I,
Respondeo; again, lallae, qu. LXXIV, a. IX, ad2.
a LEWES, Heart and Brain. (In the Fortnightly Review, vol. I, p. 67.)
THE HE)ART IN SYMBOLISM 77
No physiologist would deny the importance of the pulmonary
circulation. The sensibility of the human body depends to a great
extent on the blood. Even the extra-vascular tissues of the body
are dependent on it. The right side of the heart receives the blood
as it is brought from the general system of the veins, and sends it
to the lungs. The left side receives it from the lungs, and sends
it into the general system. Thus the blood exercises an enormous
influence upon the vegetative phenomena, upon the life of the
nerve-cells, and to a great extent their individual dynamic activity :
consequently, the life of the whole system depends upon it. The
continuity of the irrigation of the blood is, then, the sine qua non
of the regular working of the cerebral cells. According to the
estimate of Haller, one-fifth part of the whole blood-supply goes
to the brain.1
But in the human organism the cardiac system and the cerebral
system are like one: they interlace and interpenetrate each other,
so that the slightest modification of the one is followed by a cor-
responding change in the other. The brain is nourished by the
heart, and the latter's blood, momently pumped into it, makes the
activity of the former possible. The transmission of the blood to
the lungs and its distribution throughout the organism are rendered
possible only through the influence of the brain. The brain is the
most delicately susceptible of all the organs to every variation in
the quality of blood sent to it. If the heart pumps feebly, the
brain acts feebly. If the blood is vitiated, the brain is lethargic.
Thus the two great centres interact. They are both lords of life,
and both mutually indispensable.
On the other hand, every impression reacts on the circulation, a
slight impression producing a slight acceleration, a powerful im-
pression producing an arrest more or less prolonged. We are all
familiar with the fact that powerful mental shocks momently arrest
1 CALDERWOOD, The relations of mind and brain, ch. II.
78 THE HEART IN SYMBOUSM
the heart, and sometimes this arrest is final, as in the case of a very
sensitive and sickly organism. The sensitiveness depends on the
connection that exists between the heart and the brain. "Thus
the heart is indissolubly connected with every manifestation of sen-
sibility, and it is so delicately susceptible to all emotional agitation,
that we may not improperly regard it as the ancients regarded it,
in the light of the chief centre of feeling; for the ancients had no
conception of the heart as an organ specially endowed with sensi-
bility, they only thought of it as the chief agent of the sensitive
soul." * "Hence the heart, because its action is momently involved
in every motion, and because every emotion reacts upon it, may, as
truly as the brain, be called the great emotional centre." 2 Neither
brain nor heart can claim that title exclusively. They may claim
it together.3
The above statement finds its confirmation in the words of the
learned physiologist Claude Bernard. "The sentiments we expe-
rience," he says, "are always accompanied by some reflex action of
the heart . . . and the impression of such sentiments creates
a continuous exchange of influences between the heart and the
brain." 4 From the exchange of these influences Muzzarelli draws
the inference that there is a mutual interrelation between the love
of the soul and the physical heart.5
1 LEWES, /. c., p. 71.
2 The modern physiologists would object to this word. It implies too much
when referred to the heart.
8 LEWES, loc. cit., p. 71.
* "Les sentiments que nous eprouvons sont tou jours accompagnes par des
actions reflexes du coeur . . . et I'impression de ces sentiments resulte d'un
echange continuel d'influences entre le coeur et le cerveau." LEROY, op. cit.,
c. I, qu. Ill, p. 28.
5 "Quoi qu'il en soit, les sentiments, les impressions, les Jpialpitations
qu'eprouve le coeur de chair, quoique mediatement par 1'amour que reside
dans Tame, et que tout homme eprouve plus ou moins en lui-meme, sont
autant de temoins irrefragables de la correspondence mutuelle entre 1'amour
et de lame et le coeur de chair, et de la diffusion et communications des
effets d'un amour ardent ou timide a cette partie du corps, de quelque
maniere que cela arrive." (MuzzAREUJ, op. cit., p. 232; ib. LEROY, op. cvt.,
c. I, qu. Ill, p. 17.)
THE: HKART IN SYMBOLISM 79
To summarize all that can be said on this subject, it may be
maintained that all physiologists admit an influence exercised on
the heart by the affections and passions of man. It is likewise true,
therefore, that the heart being thus acted upon, by reacting, par-
ticipates actively in the affections of the soul. In other words, it
is an established physiological principle that extrinsic impressions
influence the heart intrinsically, and cause a reaction in it.
Without dwelling on this point any longer, it may be concluded
that, physiologically speaking, the connection between the heart and
the emotions is sufficiently close to authorize the statement that the
heart is an indirect organ of the appetitive faculties. Thus it par-
ticipates in all the emotions, whereof none is stronger than love.
The heart being thus conceived, it may be said that the Heart of
Jesus is an organ united to the appetitive faculty of Christ's human
nature. In this sense it is the partial seat, organ and instrumental
cause of all the acts and affections, and of all the virtues of our
divine Lord. Hence, it is a partial seat, organ and instrument of
the love of Christ.1
Let us now enumerate some of the principal acts Christ per-
formed in course of His life on earth, and bring them into corre-
lation with His Sacred Heart. His divine Person assumed a human
nature. For numerous reasons one of the most noble parts of the
latter was His Heart. His ever-existing divine life consecrated this
Heart which to Him was the source of His human life. The in-
finitely holy, incomparably sacred thoughts, acts and virtues which
He performed through the instrumentality of His body, sanctified
His Sacred Heart, and elevated it to a dignity which perfectly to
portray and comprehend in its reality would necessitate an intel-
lect rivalling the divine. Our Redemption was accomplished by
the suffering and death of Christ. Both these, while affecting all
1 LEROY, op. cit., c. I, qu. IV, p.
53.
80 THE HEART IN SYMBOLISM
the organic parts of His body individually, have in a special manner
affected His Heart, which, according to a long-adopted and scien-
tifically confirmed principle, is among the first organs to live, and
among the last to die.1
Again, we were redeemed by the shedding of Christ's blood, the
consecrated receptacle whereof was His Sacred Heart. As the
Heart is the cause of the blood's circulatory motion, it is also the
determining cause of its effusion, in the different stages of Our
Saviour's passion, whether we contemplate His bloody sweat, caused
by vehement impulses affecting His Heart or the wounds afflicted
by the executioners. By the divine power of the Logos He could
have ordained that the blood, shed so lavishly for our salvation, be
prevented from oozing out, but, He preferred to empty His Heart
for the love of mankind. In addition to the above reasons, this
Heart merits a very special veneration on account of the wound
inflicted on it by the lance.2
Leroy expresses the same opinion when applying to the Sacred
Heart the result of his physiologico-psychological investigation con-
cerning the functions of the Heart. "The Sacred Heart in its super-
sensual meaning (love)," he says, "is the supreme primary divine
cause, as well as the principal secondary human cause of the Re-
demption of mankind. In its obvious sense it is the living fleshy
organ of Christ, and as such it is the most congruous symbol illus-
trative of the above two operations of Redemption. It is, moreover,
according to a probable opinion, the proper organ and the principal
seat of the principal second cause of the mysteries of the Redemp-
tion, viz., of the appetitive faculty of Christ, which is His human
1 "Le coeur qui est de tous les organs celui . . . qui est entre le premier
en exercise, est encore le dernier mourant; deja depuis longtemps les austres
muscles ont cesse leur action, et le coeur vit encore, c'est comme on 1'a dit
depuis longtemps le primum vivens et I'ultimum moriens" (LEMiNiER, Diet,
des sciences med.; ib. LEROY, op. cit., c. I, qu. I, p. 8.)
"'John XIX. 33.
THE HEART IN SYMBOLISM 81
love ; therefore, it is also an instrumental cause in the consummation
of the same mysteries. Combining the material and the formal
object, we may say that the Sacred Heart of Jesus is to be viewed
as the meritorious cause of the whole Redemption, and especially
of some of its effects.1
By endeavoring to point out the intimate relationship between the
heart and the brain, and the former's participation in man's emo-
tional sentiments, it was not our intention to create the false im-
pression that such a close connection is a conditio sine qua non of
the devotion to the Sacred Heart. Even if the theory of modern
physiologists would undergo a change, and all interrelation between
the heart and the brain should be eliminated, the results would in
no way affect this devotion. If the coherence existing between the
heart and the brain, as authorized by modern physiological theory,
corresponds to reality, then the above conclusions are entirely jus-
tifiable. Such a function of the heart would aid us in the practice
of this devotion, for it would render its formal object more tangible.
If, on the other hand, such a correlation could not be established,
a discrepancy would indeed arise between the interpretation of a
phase of the modern science and our symbolism, but the devotion
need not necessarily suffer from it. In religious matters the Church
does not depend upon shifting sands which form the foundation of
so many interpretations given to so-called human sciences. This
1 "Ex dictis consequitur SS. Cor Jesu, dictum metaphorice, esse turn
causam primam supremam divinam, turn causam secundam humanam princi-
palem Redemptions generis humani; Cor vero Jesu, sensu proprio acceptum,
organum corporeum vivens animatum Christi, esse imprimis symbolum valde
congruum causae illius principalis sive primae sive secundae operis Redemp-
tionis ; esse praeterea, secundum sententiam probabilem, si non certam, a
nobis superius expositam et vindicatam, organum proprium et praecipuam
sedem causae secundae principalis mysteriorum Redemptionis, scilicet appeti-
tivae facultatis Christi, amoris humani Eius; esse proinde et ipsum causam
instrumentalem in completione eorundem mysteriorum; Cor Jesu utroque
modo acceptum esse causam meritoriam totius Redemptionis, et specialiter
quorundam Redemptionis effectum." (LEROY, op. cit., c. I, qu. IV, p. 63 and
64.) -5=
OF THE
UNIVERSITY
82 THE HEART IN SYMBOLISM
devotion deals with something spiritual, something appertaining to
faith, and its symbolism has a sufficient warrant apart from the
function of the heart as it is interpreted by the present day physi-
ologists.
It must be borne in mind that the heart in this devotion is not
viewed as the organ of love, but only as the symbol thereof. Just
as the lily represents purity, the scale symbolizes justice, and the
sickle conveys the idea of harvest, so the heart suggests the thought
of love. This symbolical signification of the heart is so deep-
seated that it is likely to last till the end of the world. After all,
symbolism in general may be defined as the employment of a con-
crete tangible reality, used as a vehicle to convey to the mind the
idea of an abstract or spiritual reality. That the heart in this case
serves such a purpose most admirably, no one can deny. This in
itself, irrespective of any scientific basis, would suffice to justify the
choice which Christ made when He selected the heart for the symbol
of His love. Therefore, we are not inclined to subscribe to the
opinion advocated by Father Galliffet, viz., "if it were a fact that
the heart could have no part in the emotion of loving, the founda-
tion of the proposed devotion having failed, the devotion would
fall to the ground of itself." l
A comparison might, perhaps, bring out in clearer relief our con-
tention on this point. Threpsology tells us that bread is a nutri-
ment of organic bodies. It can in no way strengthen the soul or
satisfy her spiritual needs. Yet, it was selected as the most appro-
priate matter for transubstantiation ; not on account of its intrinsic
fitness or worth, but because it is the most common of all foods,
and because no symbol is calculated to represent more strikingly
the process and necessity of nourishing a famished soul. The
heart, on the other hand, is an indispensable organ of every indi-
, op. cit., ch. IV, p. 49.
THE HEART IN SYMBOLISM 83
vidual. Ancient literature as well as the popular mind create a
concept of its function which fails to correspond to reality when
viewed intrinsically. Yet, it being one of the most noble organs,
there is a sufficient warrant for the acceptance of such a traditional
view. The modern physiological aspect of the function of this
human organ is far from lending itself to poetry and symbolism to
the extent to which it adapts itself when viewed from the Platonic
standpoint.
An additional reason can be drawn from Psychology. It teaches
that supernatural truths can be grasped best through perceptible
objects. The clearness and fulness of our comprehension of such
truths depend on the appeal the symbol makes to the senses.
The deeper the impression made by the symbol, the quicker the
response of the soul and the more inspiring and enduring the
realization of the thing symbolized. This psychological principle,
it may be presumed, actuated Christ in His choice of the symbol
for the devotion to His infinite love. We fail to see what other
object is calculated to render the above devotion more popular than
the one which by a widespread international acceptation is the
most natural symbol of love.
Again, the ways of God are inscrutable. Man's finite under-
standing is not able to penetrate, and weigh adequately all the
reasons that motivate the divine Mind. It is easy to conceive how,
in His range of infinite wisdom, Christ might have had special
ends in view inducing Him to offer His Sacred Heart to symbolize
His love. No man can fathom with adequateness all the merits
which this divine Heart acquired when viewed through the mystery
of the Redemption. Nor is any one qualified to point out definitely
all the functions it was called upon to exercise in such an unparal-
leled body as the one which the divine Logos possessed.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OBJECTS OF THE DEVOTION
TO THE SACRED HEART.
In order to supplement our knowledge concerning the object of
this devotion it would be well, at this point of our investigation, to
answer the much-disputed question of the moralists as to which of
the two objects merits, and actually enjoys, the primary place.
To eliminate all misunderstanding it must be borne in mind, from
the very outset, that though the formal and the material objects
are two distinct features of the devotion, they are not to be taken
in the sense that one is at liberty to show worship to either of them
separately. Such a worship is, indeed, theologically warrantable,
but, it would fail to be in harmony with this particular devotion as
approved by the Church, and propagated among the faithful. The
spirit of the devotion requires that the two objects be always con-
sidered ad modum unius, for they are two indivisible and insepa-
rable constituents of one and the same devotion. For the sake
of theological speculation, however, they may be viewed abstractedly,
not from the divinity of the Logos, but only from one another.
An object may be primary either by reason of excellence or in
the order of time. Applying this rule to the point under investi-
gation the proposed inquiry would resolve itself ultimately into the
question whether the fleshy Heart of Christ, as united to the divine
Person, is of greater excellence than His love, or vice versa f The
answer to this question will determine which is the primary, and
which the secondary object of the devotion to the Sacred Heart by
reason of excellence.
84
THE PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OBJECTS Of THE DEVOTION 85
But, in our popular devotions the mind of the worshipper is not
always directed to the highest motive, or object which a particular
cult presents for veneration. While our intention is, or always
ought to be, to worship the more noble object, still, we may begin
by giving honor to the less noble first, because it appeals to our
senses immediately, and then by means of this we may rise to the
higher. Thus, in the devotion to the Sacred Heart, the first object
towards which our worship may be directed could be either the
symbol, viz., the Heart, which — by a transition of thought — our
mind would connect later with the thing symbolized, i.e., love, or
vice versa. In the first instance the heart would be the primary
and love the secondary object, in the order of time. This order
would be inverted in case our worship begins with the thing sym-
bolized, which is later united to the symbol.
Theologians debating the question of primariness and secondari-
ness of the two objects of the devotion to the Sacred Heart, advance
many reasons to prove their individual convictions. After the
perusal of this chapter one should have no difficulty in locating the
cause of the lack of uniformity in this matter.
To begin our investigation it must be borne in mind that in all
the devotions practiced in honor of Christ we distinguish a visible
and an invisible object. To simplify the proposed task it will be
well to advance the following proposition : In all the devotions with
which we worship Christ that object is to be considered the pri-
mary one to which the cult owes the reason of its existence, and
in which it terminates. The expression in which it terminates does
not mean to convey the idea of the terminus ultimus, or the final
end. In this sense all the devotions practiced in honor of Christ
terminate in the divine Person of Christ. It means to intimate
the second last terminus which, when brought into correlation with
the visible object, not only bears a close relationship with the
terminus ultimus, viz., the Logos, but, also points out the motive
86 THE PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OBJECTS
which actuates our adoration of Him under a certain aspect. We
shall attempt to illustrate this principle by exemplification.
In the devotion to the Five Wounds, the terminus ultimus is the
divine Person of Christ. The second last terminus is His suffer-
ings. Thus, the second last terminus brings Christ into correlation
with His Wounds, and reveals the reason why He is deserving of
our adoration under the aspect of the Wounds. Hence, in the
devotion to the Five Wounds the primary object is the suffering
Christ, the secondary object is His Five Wounds.
In the devotion to the Holy Name of Jesus the terminus ultimus
is the divine Person of the Word. The second last terminus, which
brings Christ into correlation with His Name, and establishes the
reason why He is worthy of adoration under such an aspect, is the
power and mysteries contained in that Name. Therefore, the pri-
mary object of this devotion is the power and mysteries contained
in that Name, and the secondary object is the Name itself.
One more example will suffice to elucidate the principle fully.
In the cult to the Holy Cross the terminus ultimus is the same as
in all the other devotions of Christ. The second last terminus,
which brings Christ into correlation with the Cross, and manifests
the reason why He is deserving of a worship under such an aspect,
is His death. Consequently, in the devotion to the Holy Cross, the
death of Christ is the primary, and the Cross the secondary object.
It is not a controverted question that the primary and the secondary
objects of the above three devotions are as stated. Hence, the prin-
ciple stated above may be applied safely to all the other devotions of
Christ. In other words, the primary object is not the one by which
the cult is named, but that which results from the correlation of the
visible object or name of the devotion with Christ. This object
might be called the relatively last, or the second last. It is only
relatively last, for it does not terminate in the Logos directly, but
only mediately.
OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 87
If the same principle is applied to the devotion to the Sacred
Heart we find that the terminus ultimus is the Person of the Logos.
The second last terminus which brings Christ into correlation with
His Heart, and manifests the reason why He is deserving of a
special worship under the aspect of His Heart, is His love. There-
fore, the primary object of this devotion by reason of excellence
is the love of Christ, and the Heart would thus become the secon-
dary object. This is a self-evident truth. All admit that the pri-
mariness or secondariness of a thing depends on its origin, rank,
excellence, importance, . . . etc. Such being the case no one
would deny that the love of Christ, whether human or divine, pos-
sesses a higher degree of eminence than His Heart, which is con-
sidered only as its symbol. Therefore, the Heart is subordinate to
the Love by reason of excellence.
The following quotations taken from authoritative sources will
corroborate the contention, that the love must be considered the
principal or primary object of the devotion to the Sacred Heart by
reason of excellence.
I. Blessed Margaret Mary in one of her letters to Mother de
Saumaise gives utterance to, what might be considered, a prophecy.
"God will reign," she says, "in spite of His enemies, and will be-
come the Master of our hearts, for such is the principal motive of
this devotion, viz., to convert souls to His love." l
II. Father Croiset interprets the substance of the devotion by
saying: "It consists in nothing else but a practice of love, its object
is love, its principal motive is love, love must needs be its end." 2
Again, "it is easy to see that the principal object and motive of this
devotion is the immense love which Jesus Christ has for mankind,
the majority of whom show towards Him only contempt or indiffer-
ence, to say the least." 3
regnera malgre ses ennemis, et il se rendra le Maitre et le pos-
sesseur de nos coeurs, car c'est la la principale fin de cette devotion, savoir
de convertir les antes a son amour." (LANGUET, op. cit., p. 364.)
2 CROISET, op. cit., vol. I, p. 5.
*"// est aise de voir que I'objet et le motive principal de cette devotion
est I'amour immense que Jesus-Christ a pour les hommest qui n'ont la plupart
que du mepris ou du moins de Pindifference pour lui." ( CROISET, op. cit., vol.
I, ch. I, p. 3.)
88 THE PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OBJECTS
III. Father Galliffet expressed himself to the same effect. "As
to the spiritual and principal object," he says, "it is pointed out very
clearly in the following words: Behold the Heart which has loved
men so much. This immense love with which the Sacred Heart is
inflamed forms the spiritual and principal object of this devotion." 1
IV. Frigidianus Castagnorius, acting as the Postulator Causae in
the time of Pope Innocent XII, makes it clear that "the principal
object of this devotion is the immense love of the Son of God." 2
Many modern authors could be quoted in confirmation of the
same statement. However, the point being sufficiently established,
we shall refrain from multiplying proofs. The failure to differen-
tiate between the object which is primary by reason of its intrinsic
essence and the one which is primary only in the order of time, was
the principal cause of the misunderstanding which arose among
the theologians on this point. Thus the whole dispute would hardly
amount to more than a mere logomachy, for the disagreement is
rather apparent and verbal than real.
If one examines the frame of mind of a worshipper who, hie
et nunc, engages in paying tribute to Christ by means of the devo-
tion to the Sacred Heart, he finds that, as a general rule, the love
of Christ is not his foremost or immediate object. It is the tangible
symbol, viz., the Heart, which claims his attention first, for there
is no other vehicle calculated to facilitate to the same extent his
visualization of the imperceptible object, i.e., love. Therefore, it
may be safely said, that for most minds the Heart of Christ in
this devotion is the mirror of love. A glance into that mirror will
1 Quant a 1'objet spirituel et principal, il est marque tres nettement dans les
paroles de Jesus-Christ, qui suivent; 'Voila ce coeur qui a tant dime les
homines . . .' Cest cet amour immense dont ce sacre Coeur est embrase,
qui est Tobjet spirituel de cette devotion." (GALUFFET, op cit , ch IV Ob-
ser. II.)
"Traecipuum enim huius devotionis obiectum est amor immensus Filii
Dei." (Anal. Jur. Pont., ser. IV, liv. 30.)
OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 89
suffice to disclose instantly the love it reflects. This psychological
principle will explain how, under ordinary circumstances, the Heart
may be the primary object in the mind of the worshipper ratione
temporis, though, ratione finis or excellentiae, it is subordinate to
the love.
Again, it is generally admitted that the end intended principally
by the devotion to the Sacred Heart is a special worship of the love
of Christ. This love is to be contemplated through the Heart, which
is its symbol. But in the order of execution, that object is the pri-
mary which is instituted as the medium whereby another object is to
be reached. Thus, this latter object, though primary in the order
of intention, becomes secondary in the order of execution. It has
been proved above that the love of Christ is the primary object
of this devotion. But a worship of this love is rendered less
efficacious if it be dissociated, or considered abstracted from the
Heart. Therefore, ratione temporis, the latter is the primary
object.1
Again, the Heart is the obiectum manifestations, for it is through
such a symbol that the obiectum colendum, viz., the theandric love
of Christ, manifests itself. The Heart receives the suffrages of
the faithful immediately and directly. The explanation of this fact
lies in human nature. The Heart falls under the direct perception
of the senses. To rise to the apperception of the formal object or
motive of the devotion, viz., love, the psychological phenomenon
of rousing the senses, and of connecting the two objects must first
1 "Atqtti illud quod in ordine intentionis est medium ordinatum ad alterum,
hoc est in ordine executionis primarium ; in hoc enim ordine illud est
primarium quod efficacius operatur ad finem; illud vero quod habet rationem
finis, in hoc ordine est secundarium,; licet principaliter intendendum, quia
scilicet, minus efficaciter obtinebitur si per se et sine illo adhibito medio fiat,
quam si fiat per aliud ordinatum ad ipsum, cultus amoris Jesu minus efficaci-
ter praestabitur si immediate honores cultus ipsi deferantur praecisione facta
a Corde, quam si honoribus afficiatur Cor ut in illo et per illud colatur amor."
(LEROY, op. cit., cap. Ill, qu. XVI, n. 190, p. 197.)
90 THE PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OBJECTS
take place. Such a process postulates a transition of thought from
the perceptible to the imperceptible object. For this reason the
Heart is very appropriately qualified as the "medium valde pro-
portionatum infirmitati et imbecillitati hominum."1
We are now in a position to appreciate how easily a misunder-
standing could arise among the moralists debating on the primari-
ness and secondariness of the two objects of which the devotion to
the Sacred Heart is composed. The cause of the disagreement, in
most instances, can be traced to their failure to discriminate be-
tween the object which is primary in the order of intention, hence,
secondary in the order of execution, and primary in the order of
execution, hence, secondary in the order of intention. This prin-
ciple posited, the following conclusion may be drawn: If stress is
laid on the intrinsic excellence, then, without doubt, the love is the
primary and the Heart the secondary object. But, if, on the other
hand, one wishes to emphasize the object ratione temporis, then,
the Heart is the primary and the love the secondary object.
Some theologians are of the opinion that if one examines the
frame of mind of a particular worshipper in the very act of paying
homage to the Sacred Heart, in all probability he will discover
that his principal motive is a composite one containing a partial
mixture of the two objects. We subscribe to this opinion, for it is
more in keeping with the spirit of the devotion as well as with
the mind of the Church. The proper devotion to the Sacred Heart
presupposes a blending of the two objects. A separate worship of
either the material or the formal object is undoubtedly permissible
provided they are not considered detached from the divine Person,
but in neither instance would it be a devotion to the Sacred Heart as
interpreted by the theologians, and encouraged by the Church.
L,EROY, op. cit., cap. Ill, qu. XVI, n. 190, p.
196.
OF THE DEVOTION TO THE SACRED HEART 91
It will not be out of place at this point to summarize the con-
clusions that have been reached thus far, concerning the material
and the formal object of the devotion to the Sacred Heart. It has
been ascertained that both these objects are outlined with sufficient
distinctness in the decisions handed down by the Sacred Congrega-
tion. Spiritual writers, both past and present, are unanimous
that the material object is the Heart of Christ. This Heart of
Christ is the symbol of the formal object, viz., love. The Heart of
Christ may be conceived in three different states, as indicated above.
In each of these states it pertains to the devotion, and forms its
material object viewed as the symbol of that love which best corre-
sponds to the particular state. From all this it is manifest that the
Heart is only an adjuvant to a better and clearer realization of the
principal object, viz., love.
The formal object of the devotion is the Heart in its metaphorical,
or, rather, symbolical representation, i.e., love. The Heart thus
becomes the obiectum manifestativum of the principal or primary
object. The formal object may be considered also the motive of
the devotion, for it is Christ's love of us that actuates us in this
devotion, and it is this identical love which receives our homages.
The material object enjoys three different states. It is possible to
point out a reason for the love as it is exemplified in each state
respectively. Therefore, the formal object must include the love
which individually corresponds to each of these states.
The two objects, though extrinsically distinct and separable, in-
trinsically are inseparable and combined ad modum unius. Their
excellence depends on their hypostatic union with the divine Person
of Christ. He endowed them with a dignity which is relatively
infinite. If they are viewed in the light of the perfections
to which He elevated them, but abstracted from the divine Person,
the highest worship they could merit would be hyperdulia. By
reason of their inseparableness from the Logos, they become
92 THE PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OBJECTS OF THE DEVOTION
transcendentalized and as such are deserving of the cult of latria.
The proper worship, therefore, requires that the formal and the
material object be kept together and both viewed in the light of the
hypostatic union with the divine Person of Christ.
Whatever excellence the Heart and the love possess, is directly
traceable to the Saviour's Person. All claims of Christ's human
nature on our worship are based on the personal character of the
union whereby the Word became flesh. Because of the Divinity
all the human acts of Christ, whether mental or physical, are quali-
fied as theandric. Hence we speak of His theandric patience, the-
andric humility, theandric passion and death. And since the heart
of Jesus is par excellence the symbol of His love, it is the symbol
of a love at once human and divine.
The last few paragraphs summarize all the more relevant prin-
ciples which, beacon-like, ought to guide us in the devotion to the
Sacred Heart. The importance of a worship which concerns itself
with a homage to be paid to the physical Heart of Christ viewed
united to the Divinity, and thus symbolizing His human and divine
love, can hardly be exaggerated. It is also easy to see how this
devotion facilitates our comprehension of the redemptive love, and
thus helps us to visualize the divine economy of the Incarnation and
Redemption.
CHAPTER IX.
EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE.
Before entering upon the question involved in any adequate ex-
planation of created and increated love, it is necessary to place
certain definite limits to the meaning of these terms. The few
theologians who ex professo speculatively considered this twofold
love of Christ failed to arrive at the same conclusion. By the
increated love they mean that love which Jesus Christ as the second
Person of the Trinity possessed from all eternity. This love, like
God Himself, always existed, it has no beginning nor end. The
divine Person of Christ, foreknowing the future, and having a clear
vision of it, foresaw the creation of man, and all the exigencies
which such a divine act was to entail. His love co-operated with
God the Father in giving us existence. Therefore, the above love
may be considered in relation to man even before man existed, or
the Incarnation took place. This is the idea of the increated love.
In contradistinction to the above, the created love of Christ is
that love which He manifested through the instrumentality of His
human nature. It represents the plenitude of that love which actu-
ated Him in all the mental and physical acts He performed as
God-man, and which eventually culminated in the Redemption of
mankind. It must be borne in mind that the created love is not to
be viewed abstracted from the divine Personality, but conjointly
93
94 EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE
with It, as the love corresponding to that human nature which
the Logos used as a created medium. Otherwise it would not be
deserving of the cult of latria. In other words, the increated love
is the love which Christ, as the second Person of the Blessed
Trinity, had for man from all eternity, and which He shall continue
to have to eternity as actus purus divinus. The created love of
Christ has its beginning with the Incarnation, but it will continue
to the end of time, it is an actus mixtus divino-humanus.
It is evident that the distinction made between the created and
the increated love can be predicated only of a being who had a
twofold nature. On the strength of overwhelming evidence, taken
from the Sacred Scripture and tradition, it may be rightly con-
cluded that Christ, the Founder of Christianity, is such a being.
We shall try to reproduce some of these proofs.
Christ says of Himself : "I and the Father are one," x and,
again: "That which my Father hath given me (divine nature) is
greater than all." 2 He says, furthermore, "I came from the Father,
and am come into the world."3 The first two texts imply a coequality
with God the Father, in nature and virtue, for the same virtue, says
St. Chrysostom, postulates the sameness of nature.4 The third text,
referring to His procession from the Father, interprets the second.
Again, referring to His sheep, Christ says: "And I give them life
everlasting." 5 It is evident, however, that no one can give such a
gift unless he previously possessed it. If we supplement the above
quotations we find that the Sacred Scripture speaks of Christ as
*John X. 30.
' John X. 29.
3 John XVI. 28.
4 Si autem eadem est virtus, manifestum quod eadem et natura." (CHRY-
SOSTOMUS, Horn. 61, n. 2; ib. HURTER, Theol. Dog. Com., Oeniponte, 1903,
vol. II, p. 165.)
9 John X. 28.
EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED I,OVE 95
the Son of God j1 adored by the angels of God ;2 by whom the world
was made;3 who being rich became poor that through His poverty
we might be rich ;4 who is the brightness of Father's glory and the
figure of His substance;5 all these things imply equality with the
Father, therefore, He must be co-eternal also.
St. Paul in his well-known text strikes the chord of the funda-
mental teaching of Christianity, when he exhorts the Philippians to
practise the virtue of humility and thus imitate the example of
Christ: "Who being in the form of God, thought it not robbery to
be equal with God: but emptied Himself, taking the form of a
servant, being made in the likeness of men, and in the habit found
as man." 6 The first of the two verses establishes the consubstan-
tiality of Christ with God, and the second asserts His human
nature. The words taking the form of a servant imply a pre-
existence, the nature of which is explained by the words that pre-
cede, viz., being in the form of God.
Thus the eighth verse implies on the part of Christ the assump-
tion of something He did not possess before. The Kenosis does
not constitute a change as to His participation in the nature of God.
The exinanition does not mean a defection from, or a diminution in
the prerogatives of the Divinity. Nor does the self-emptying convey
the idea of an effacement of the essence of His pre-existent nature.
St. Hilary in his work on the Blessed Trinity explains the mystery
of the Incarnation by pointing out that Christ retaining the For mam
1 Matt. III. 17.
1 Heb. I. 6.
3 Heb. I. 2.
4 II. Cor. VIII. 9.
•Heb. I. 3.
9 Phil. II. 7-8.
96 EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE
Dei, took upon Himself the Formam servi.1 The annihilation sim-
ply means that He remained what He was, but concealed His in-
finite power and majesty under the garb of a humble appearance.2
St. Ambrose expresses the above truth in words that are most un-
equivocal: "Far from discontinuing to remain what He was, but
assuming something that He was not, because He took upon Himself
the form of a servant." 3
Perhaps the most perspicuous text we could glean from the
Patristic literature to prove the pre-existence of the divine Person
in Christ is that of Victorinus in his controversy against the Arians.
"Those who say that Jesus proceeds only from man, know that they
utter a blasphemy against Christ, who was in the form of God.
When did He so exist? Before He came in the body. He said
that He emptied Himself, taking the form of a servant. There-
fore, He existed before He became man. And in what form?
Logos Dei, forma Dei. He claimed an equality with God. This
implies power, substance. He did not say similar, for it fails to
convey the idea of substance." 4 Since He retained His Divinity,
and became incarnate, therefore, according to His human nature
1 "In forma enim Dei manens formam servi assumpsit non demutatus sed
seipsum exinaniens et intra se latens, et intra suam ipse vacuefactus potcsta-
tem. (HiLARius, De Trin. MIGNE, P. L,., vol. X, col. 432.)
2"Erat quod nos sumus neque amiserat esse quod manserat." (HILARY,
op. cit., MiGNE, P. L., vol. X, col. 409.)
8 ST. AMBROSE, de fide, MIGNE, P. I,., vol. XVI, col. 573.)
*"Qui hominem dicunt Jesum et solum ab homine factum, cognoscant
impiam blasphemiam in Christo, qui in forma Dei existens ! Quando existens ?
Antequam veniret in corpus! Dixit enim, quod exinanivit seipsum et accepit
formam servi: erat igitur et antequam homo fieret; Et qualis erat? Logos
Dei, forma Dei. Quid est istud aequalis existens Deo? Quod est eius ipsius
et potentiae, substantiae; dixit enim aequalem esse. Non dixit similis Deo,
quod non significat substantiam. (VICTORINUS, MIGNE, P. L., vol. VIII, col.
1055.)
EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED I/)VE 97
He is less than Himself, according to His divine nature He is more
than Himself.1
After having cited numerous authorities in defence of the Catho-
lic traditional teaching as to the pre-existence of Christ, Dr. Schu-
macher concludes : "According to the Catholic concept of the mys-
tery of the Kenosis, the true Divinity of the Logos was not visible
in its glory, though it remained undiminished in the Incarnation.
Therefore, in consequence of becoming man, Jesus was truly self-
conscious of His Divinity as well as of His humanity, though He
appeared only as a poor humble man." 2
With the foregoing it is sufficiently established that the divine
Person in Christ had a pre-existence. This Person by becoming
incarnate did not lose any of His divine prerogatives. If He re-
tained all the essential characteristics of the Deity, then His love
which belongs to the very essence of God remained unimpaired.
Hence it is proper to speak of the pre-existent love in Christ in
contradistinction to the love which His human nature elicited after
His Incarnation. It is this pre-incarnate love which the theologians
designate by the adjective increated.
It is not necessary to enter into an extensive process of reasoning
to prove that Christ possessed also a created love. His human
nature once admitted as an incontrovertible fact, its inevitable postu-
1 "Neque enim sic accepit f ormam servi, ut amitteret f ormam Dei : ergo
. . . quod in forma Dei etiam ipse seipso maior est, in forma autem servi,
etiam a seipso minor est." (RABANUS, MIGNE, P. L, vol. CXII, col. 487-488.)
1 "Schalen wir aus diesen mannigfachen Formulationsumhiillungen den
stabilen Kern heraus, dann lautet das Ergebnis : dass die wahre, durch die
Inkarnation unversehrt gebliebene Gottheit des Logos infolge der Men-
schwerdung in dem sich als wahren Gott und wahren Menschen wissenden
und doch nur als armer niedriger Mensch erscheinenden Jesus nicht in ihrer
Herrlichkeit erschaubar war, bildet nach katholischer Auffassung das Geheim-
nis der Kenose." (SCHUMACHER, Christus in Seiner Prdexistenz und Kenose,
Rome, 1914, p. 189.)
$8 EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE
late is a love which finds expression through the faculties with which
such a nature is endowed. He testifies to such a love;1 foretells
that eventually it will actuate Him to give His life for His sheep ;2
it was so interpreted by His Apostles ; * and its ardor induced Him
to remain with us in the Sacrament of love.4
On account of this concept of the two different loves in Christ
a controversy arose among the theologians as to the nature of the
love which we worship under the symbol of the Heart. Is it the
increated or the created love? Are the two to be conceived as one
sole object? Is the Heart of Christ to be considered as a symbol
of that love only which began to exist simultaneously with it, or is
its symbolization to be extended also to the love whose existence
was prior to that of the Heart? Which of these two loves is the
primary and which the secondary, when viewed as an object of the
devotion in question? These are some of the difficulties to be
answered in the following pages.
It is generally admitted that the early exponents of the devotion
to the Sacred Heart did not distinguish clearly between the cre-
ated and the increated love. Some of their statements refer to an in-
finite love which does not necessarily imply the idea of the increated
love, for the divine Logos, subsisting in the human nature, endows
with infinite merit all the acts attributable to His moral life as man.
I. There is no statement in the writings of Blessed Margaret
Mary which would help to solve the question. She does not dis-
criminate between the two loves. Indeed, no man reading her
autobiography could point out a place or a reference which could
be interpreted as a definite indication of the increated love. To all
Vo/m XIII. 34.
'John X. 11.
• Gal II. 20.
4 John XIII. 1.
EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED I/)VE 99
appearances such a problem never occurred to her. Even Christ
Himself, if viewed in the light of the words spoken during His
repeated revelations as recorded by her, fails to intimate whether
such two loves are to be considered as a motive of the devotion.
If one were called upon to pass a judgment, having at his disposal
the works of Blessed Margaret Mary as the only evidence, he would
unhesitatingly pronounce in favor of the exclusion of the increated
love. It would not be difficult to cull some passages, however, which
might be construed as involving the idea of the increated love. It
would be a mistake to make the assertion, that she excluded such a
love from the devotion, on account of having failed to give a clear
expression to it. She was not endowed with the keen intellect of
a speculative theologian, whose tendency is to elucidate even the
most minute details in -connection with a certain doctrine. In her
mind it was a devotion in which, through the symbol of the Heart,
the love of Christ was to receive a special worship. This was all
Christ demanded. It remained for the Church to determine spe-
cifically the full extent and nature of that love, on the fundamental
principles of Christology. Perhaps the most comprehensive expres-
sion she gave to the idea of this love is found in one of her letters
quoted by Bishop Languet. "This amiable Heart," she says, "has
an infinite desire to be known and loved by its creatures, in whom
it wishes to establish its empire as being the source of all good." 1
The notions that we are His Heart's creatures, and that it is the
source of all good may be interpreted as referring to the increated
love, but even then the evidence is far from conclusive, and pas-
sages of this nature are extremely few in her writings.
II. Be that as it may, the work of Father Croiset, who was the imme-
1 "Get aimable Coeur a un desir infini d'etre connu et aime de ses creatures,
dans lesquelles il v«ut etablir son empire, comme etant la source de tout
bien." (LANGUET, op. cit., liv. VII, p. 241.)
100 EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED u>vE
diate exponent of this devotion after the demise of Blessed Mar-
garet Mary, fails to shed more light on the subject under discus-
sion. The first chapter of his work contains the most conclusive
words which might induce one to believe that he considered the
increated love as a partial formal object of the devotion. "By the
devotion of the Sacred Heart," he says, "we understand the ardent
love which we conceive for Jesus Christ in remembrance of all the
miracles He wrought for us to testify His tenderness, and, above
all, in the Sacrament of the Eucharist which is the miracle of His
love." ! If we are to worship His love in commemoration of all the
miracles He performed for us, then the increated love seems to be
included, for the first miracle was His Incarnation and the created
love that accompanied it and followed from it. All the consequent
miracles are to be attributed to the above, for it was their incipient
cause.
This is the only passage which would permit one to consider the
love of Christ under such a comprehensive aspect, all the rest con-
fine themselves to the immense love which induced the Son of God
to embrace death for us, and to give Himself to us in the Most
Blessed Sacrament of the Bucharest, without being deterred from
such a miracle at the sight of the ingratitude and outrages which
in this state as an immolated victim He was to receive to the end
of time?
III. Only a very indefinite idea of the increated love can be
traced in the writings of Father Fromment, a contemporary of
"Tar la devotion au Sacre Coeur on entend un ardent amour quc Ton
congoit pour Jesus-Christ au souvenir de toutes les merveilles qu'il a faites
pour nous temoigner sa tendresse, et surtout dans le Sacrement de T
Eucharistie, qu'est le miracle de son amour." (CROISET, op. cit., vol. I, p. 6.)
* "L/objet particulier de cette devotion, est 1'amour immense de Fils de
Dieu, qui 1'a porte a se livrer pour nous a la mort, et a se donner tout a
nous dans le tres saint-Sacrement de 1'Autel, sans que la vue de toutes les
ingratitudes et de tous les outrages qu'il devoit recevoir en cet etat de
victime immolee jusqu'a la fin des siecles, ait pu I'empecher de faire ce
prodige." (CROISET, op. cit., vol. I, p. 1.)
EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREASED IyCV2,
Father Croiset, though he does not leave us in doubt as to the
created love.
IV. Father Galliffet in one of his chapters speaks of the love of
Jesus for men. "What is man by nature," he asks, "in the sight of
God? Dust and ashes. But what did he become through sin?
The enemy of God, the slave of the demon, condemned to eternal
death. In this condition deserving only the contempt and hatred of
the Saint of Saints, Jesus loved him and formed the design of
rescuing him from the evils which beset him, and of bestowing on
him infinite benefits. And in what way did He manifest the great-
ness of His love? He offered Himself to His Father for these
criminals, to bear in their stead the torments they had merited." 1
The love of Jesus which formed the design of rescuing man is dif-
ferentiated here from the one which induced Him to offer Himself
to His Heavenly Father. The distinction between the two is quite
apparent. The former is the increated love, the latter is the created
love. This is the only passage in the whole work of Father Gal-
liffet where the two loves are pointed out with such precision.
V. Bishop Languet did not fail to express himself on this sub-
ject. "If it were imperative," he says, "to point out in detail the
object of this devotion, I would say that by the Heart of Jesus
Christ, the God-man, we understand principally the desires,
the affections and the sentiments with which this divine Heart was
filled while on earth and which still stimulate it in Heaven, whether
towards God for whose glory He became man, or towards men
whose salvation He wished to procure by His Incarnation and
death." 2 The sentiments and affections which actuated the Son of
1 GAUJFFET, op. cit., part II, ch. II, pp. 87 and 88.
'"Sous le nom de Coeur sacre de Jesus-Christ fait homme pour nous, on
entend principalement des desires, les affections, les sentiments qui occupoient
de Coeur divin sur la terre, et qui 1'occupent encore dans le ciel soit a
1'egard de Dieu, pour la gloire duquel il s'est fait homme, soit a 1'egard des
hommes memes, dont il a voulu procurer le salut par son incarnation et par
sa mort." (LANGUET, op. cit., Disc ours, p. XUV.)
102 EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE
God to become man for the glory of God and for our salvation
imply a pre-existent agent, in other words, they refer to the incre-
ated love.
VI. Bucceroni in his Commentary makes a clear distinction be-
tween the two loves. "The love of Christ," he says, "inasmuch as
it is increated, is something indistinct from the Divinity, hence, it
carries with it an inherent reason for adoration. Inasmuch as it
is created, it resides in the soul of Christ, which is hypostatically
united to the Logos, and for this reason has a claim to adoration." *
He does not mean to give an equal importance to the two loves
when they are considered in the light of an object of the devotion
to the Sacred Heart, but he makes it plain that a comprehensive
notion of the formal object presupposes the inclusion of the incre-
ated love.
VII. Muzzarelli refers frequently to these two loves, but fails to
give a clear idea of the increated love. However, it may be legiti-
mately presumed that he advocated the opinion which means to
include the latter love as a partial object in the devotion. "It is
most certain," he says, "that the will and the love of the divine
nature of Jesus Christ is altogether different from His human love
and nature, and that the love of the divine nature is increated,
immanent, infinite, while that of the human nature is a created love,
ineffable, indeed, but of a finite entity." 2
"'Unde Cor illud cultum et adorationem exigit, non solum quia Cor Christi,
verum etiam quia symbolum charitatis Christi. Et sane, charitas ista Christi,
quatenus increata charitas est, in ipsa anima Christi residet, res est Divinitate
ipsa realiter indistincta, adeoque rationem in se exhibet cultus et adorationis ;
quatenus vero charitas creata est, in ipsa anima Christi residet, Verbo hyposta-
tice unita; et, quod consequens est, rationem etiam suppeditat cultus et
adorationis." ( BUCCERONI, Commentarii de SS. Corde Jesu, Romae, 1896,
p. 15.)
*"Cela pose, il est encore tres-certain, que la volonte et 1'amour de la
nature divine en Jesus-Christ, est tout-a-fait distingue de la volonte et de
Pamour de sa nature humaine; et que I' amour de la nature divine est UH
amour incree, immanent, infini, et l'amour de sa nature humaine est un
amour cree, ineffable a la verite, mais d'un entite finie." (MUZZAREU,!, op.
cit., p. 8.)
EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE 103
VIII. Franzelin fails to make a mention of the increated love.
On the contrary, he maintains that the Heart of Christ manifests
theandric affections and is the symbol of the love and of the inte-
rior life of the Redeemer, God-man.1 Father Vermeersch intimates
that Franzelin wishes to confine the formal object to the created
iove.
IX. Father Ramiere, who devoted his whole life to the interpre-
tation and propagation of this devotion, is very explicit when treat-
ing of this double love. "The increated love, the eternal love is not
alien to the devotion to the Sacred Heart. In fact the soul of
Jesus from its creation was sanctified by this love, and His human
love was, so to say, entirely compenetrated by the same. If in the
devotion to the Sacred Heart the human love is the direct object
of our homages, the increated love is the motive which ennobles
and stimulates them."2
X. The statement of Father Vignat is very a propos. The love
of the human nature of Christ is only an instrument on which the
love of His divine nature is acting. Therefore, we cannot compre-
hend the one thoroughly without seeing the other manifesting itself
simultaneously.3
XI. Bainvel contends that the created love of Christ is set in
motion by His increated love. Therefore, the latter is united to
the former by the intimate link of causality. He admits that the
increated love does not find its direct echo in the fleshy Heart, but
1 FRANZELIN, De Verbo Incarnato, Rome, 1874, p. 458.
'"L'amour incree, 1'amour eternel n'est assurement pas etranger a la
devotion du Sacre Coeur. En effet 1'ame de Jesus a ete des sa
creation sanctifiee par cet amour, et son amour humain en a ete pour ainsi dire
entierement compenetre. Et si, dans la devotion au Sacre Coeur, 1'amour
humain est I'obj'et direct de nos hommages, le second amour, 1'amour incree,
est le motif qui les ennoblit ct les rehausse." (RAMIERE, Messenger du Coeur
de Jesus, an. 1868, vol. XIV, p. 277.)
* "Dans la devotion au Sacre Coeur, on ne peut separer les deux amours.
La raison profonde en est que 1'amour de la nature humaine du Christ n'est
que 1'instrument de Pamour de sa nature divine. Je ne puis bien connaitre
1'un, sans voir en meme temps qu'il exprime et manifeste 1'autre. (ViGNAT,
in the Etudes Rel, an. 1906, vol. CVII, p. 646.)
104 EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE
its sounds reverberate in that Heart by having produced this created
echo, viz., the love of the carnal Heart.1
XII. Father Roothan may be considered an advocate of the opin-
ion which excludes the increated love from the devotion to the
Sacred Heart. By the love of the Sacred Heart he means only
that love which induced Jesus Christ to become our victim during
His whole life, after His conception, but, above all, in His passion
and death and in the Blessed Eucharist.2
XIII. Alvery is the staunchest advocate in favor of the non-sepa-
ration of the two loves in the devotion to the Sacred Heart. He
points out clearly that the created love is not adored as taken
by itself, but as united with the increated love. He does not censure
those who relegate the increated love to the background by reserv-
ing the foreground for the created love. But he insists that, while
in our worship the latter may take the first place, such a fact would
not militate against the possibility of rendering honors to the
former. Through the created love one must endeavor to reach the
increated love. While we may tarry awhile at the first, we must
not stop there, but it is our duty to contemplate the love which is
absolutely infinite.3
XIV. Father Vermeersch, who was instrumental in creating a
wide interest and discussion on the subject under consideration,
gives expression to the view that in the strict sense the complete
object of the devotion is the Word of God loving us in His human
nature. In a more comprehensive sense it is the Word of God
loving us with that increated love which induced Him to descend
from Heaven on earth, and with that created love which manifested
itself especially on Calvary and in the Blessed Eucharist. The spe-
1 BAINVEL, op. cit., col. 292.
1 ROOTHAN, De cultu SS. Cordis Jesu, p. 13 ; ib. VERMEERSCH, op. cit., vol.
II, p. 41
* Revue Augustinienne, torn. X, an. 1907, p. 565.
EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE 105
cial object, in the strict sense, is the Heart of Christ symbolizing
His created charity, and in a wider sense the same Heart as sym-
bolizing the created and the increated love.1
We shall refrain from multiplying quotations to show the differ-
ences of opinion among the present-day theologians. It could be
stated, however, that the variances in some instances are very
irrelevant. Some wish to exclude the increated love, others again
maintain that it must be included as a partial formal object. Those
who would leave out the increated love support their arguments
with the statement that the early exponents of this devotion gave
very little, or no consideration at all, to the notion of the pre-
incarnate love. This contention is admissible, but it does not justify
their conclusion. It is not legitimate to infer that the early spiritual
writers meant to exclude the increated love, because they accentu-
ated the idea of the created love to the detriment of the former.
Their attitude in this matter may be explained by the fact that the
Church, for a long time, gave no expression to her belief in this
respect, and they did not feel justified in taking the initiative.
It is rather surprising that even at this late date a lack of uni-
formity prevails on this point among the theologians. This is
traceable to the fact that the decrees of the Sacred Congregation
are not sufficiently explicit. It may be said that, while certain
pronouncements warrant the inclusion of the increated love in the
devotion to the Sacred Heart, these are mostly indirect utterances.
Thus, the field is open for speculative consideration, not, however,
to such an extent as to exclude the increated love entirely. We
1 "Dans un sens strict, 1'objet complet de la devotion au sacre Coeur,
c'est le Dieu-Verbe nous aimant dans sa nature humaine. Dans un sens
plus large, c'est le Dieu-Verbe nous aimant d'une charite increee qui Le
fait descendre sur la terre, et d'une charite creee, qui s'est manifestee surtout
au Calvaire et dans 1'Eucharistie. Et 1'objet special, c'est au sens strict, le
Coeur du Christ avec la charite creee et increee qu'il symbolise, et, au sens
large, ce meme Coeur avec la charite creee et increee symbolisee par Lui."
, Op. cit., torn. II, ch. I, art. V, p. 98.)
106 EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE
shall explain this last statement by citing some of those decrees
which directly concern the formal object, and are calculated to shed
light on this point.
The Memorial of the Polish Bishops was instrumental in bringing
about the approbation contained in the decree dated Jan. 26, 1765
That this Memorial makes no explicit mention of the increated love
of Christ is a well-known fact. But, Father Vermeersch contends,
that the devotion was approved as proposed by the Polish Bishops.
Therefore, he concludes, the Church by such a decree meant to
confine the formal object to the created love. Needless to say that
such an inference is unwarrantable. Nor could it be justified on
the ground that the subsequent decrees of Pius VI and Pius IX
likewise fail to make a special mention of the increated love.
The first decree which gives us an inkling that the pre-incarnate
love is to be included in the devotion to the Sacred Heart, was
given on Febr. 6, 1765. In this it is stated that the approved Mass
and Office are intended to commemorate symbolically that divine
love under the impulse of which the only Begotten Son of God,
took upon Himself human nature, and becoming obedient unto
death wished thereby to give an example to men as One who is
meek and humble of Heart.1
Father Vermeersch would not permit any one to be influenced
in his decision by this particular decree, for, as he maintains, it
was suppressed by the Congregation of the Sacred Rites, when
it revised all its decrees to publish an authentic edition.
To eliminate useless or contradictory decrees is, according
to Father Vermeersch, the reason generally given for this revision.
1 Respondit Congregatio Sacrorum Rituum, "huius Missae et Officii celebra-
tione non aliud agi, quam ampliari cultum iam institutum et symbolice re-
novari memoriam illius divini amoris; quo Unigenitus Dei Flius humanam
suscepit naturam, et factus obediens usque ad mortem, praebere se dixit ex-
emplum hominibus, quod esset mitis et humilis corde." (Niu,ES, op. cit., cap.
Ill, P. 81.)
EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND IN CREATED LOVE 107
Since, however, no official decision was rendered explanatory of
the suppression of this particular decree, it would be futile to con-
jecture the causes leading to such a step. However, there is a
good ground to suppose that the cause of its suppression is not to
be sought in the supposition that it was contradictory to some pre-
vious decrees. Our reason for this statement is the following:
On Apr. 4, 1900, the Sacred Congregation rendered a decision
concerning the Scapular of the Sacred Heart. This particular de-
cree is not suppressed, yet, some of the words in which it is couched
are practically identical with those contained in the suppressed
decree. Now, it is not likely that the words of a decree, once
erased for the reason that they were contradictory to others, would
be repeated. It also goes to prove that the elimination of the
decree was not due to the groundless supposition that its words
admitted an interpretation which the Church wished to obviate.
"To the religious solemnities," the decree states, "we are to add the
one instituted by the Church in honor of the Sacred Heart. By
this solemnity the Church does not mean to put before us only the
Heart of the Son of God and man, as an object worthy of adora-
tion and glorification, but it also intends to commemorate symboli-
cally the memory of that divine love, which induced the only Be-
gotten Son of God to assume human nature, and being obedient
unto death, exhibited to men examples of virtues, and showed Him-
self as one possessing a humble and meek Heart." x That divine
love, under the impulse of which the only Begotten Son of God and
man assumed human nature is therefore included as being solemn-
1 "Inter has (celebritates) accensenda est solemnitas in honorem Sacri
Cordis Jesu ab Ecclesia instituta, per quam non modo Cor Filii Dei et hominis
adorandum et glorificandum proponitur sed etiam symbolice renovatur me-
moria illius divini amoris, quo idem Unigenitus Dei Filius humanam suscepit
naturam, et factus obediens usque ad mortem, praebuit hominibus exempla
virtutum, seque ostendit mitem et humilem corde." (Acta Sanctae Sedis, torn.
XXXII, p. 631.)
108 EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED u>vE
ized by the Feast in honor of the Sacred Heart. It is evident that
the above love corresponds perfectly with the definition of the
increated love. The decree combines the two loves, and while it
seems to give preference to the created love, it does not ignore the
increated love. They are both to be conjointly commemorated as
symbolized by the Heart.
Another decree issued in 1821 conveys the same idea and may be
adduced as another proof in favor of the increated love. "The
Feast of the Sacred Heart," it states, "recalls to us the immense
love, which actuated the Word to become incarnate for our ransom
and salvation; which induced Him to institute the Blessed Sacrament
of the Altar, and to bear our sins, as well as to offer Himself on the
cross as a victim and sacrifice." 1
The hymn of the Vespers to be said on the Feast of the Sacred
Heart may be adduced as an additional proof in favor of the above
proposition.
The pre-incarnate love in this receives a prominence especially
in the second and third verses.
"Thee Saviour love alone constrained
To make our mortal flesh thine own,
And, as a second Adam, come
For the first Adam to atone.
That self -same love which made the sky,
Which made the sea and stars and earth
Took pity on our misery,
And broke the bondage of our birth." 2
. . S, op. cit., lib. I, p. 1, cap. Ill, par. 5; ib. AI,VERY, in the Rev. Augus-
tinienne, torn. X, p. 183.)
'"Amor coegit te Deus
Mortale corpus sumere
Ut novus Adam redderes
Quod vetus ille abstulerat.
Ille amor almus artifex
Terrae marisque et siderum,
Errata patrum miserans,
Et nostra rumpens vincula."
ROM. Pars Aest. Festum SS. Cordis.)
EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE 109
This verse is of no importance in the estimation of Father Ver-
meersch. "One should not adduce metrified stanzas," he remarks,
"to contradict the express teaching contained in the lessons of the
Office." 1 Be that as it may, the poetical expression of that love
nevertheless has some force. Had it been unliturgical or contra-
dictory to the concept entertained on this subject by ecclesiastical
authority, it would not have merited their approbation.
Some spiritual writers see an adumbration of the increated love
even in the sixth lesson of the Office where reference is made to the
suffering and to the dying love, as well as to the love which was
instrumental in instituting the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar.
Such inference, however, cannot be justified, for all these char-
acteristics may be attributed in a more appropriate sense to the
created love which is to be viewed as being united to the Divinity.
As a secondary proof one could adduce some invocations taken
from the Litany of the Sacred Heart approved by the Sacred
Congregation on Apr. 2, 1899. In the 21st invocation we pray:
Heart of Jesus, fountain of life and holiness. In the 28th invoca-
tion we call the Heart of Christ: Our life and Resurrection. In
the 14th invocation we speak of this Heart as containing: All the
treasures of wisdom and knowledge. While all the above attri-
butes may be predicated of the Heart of Christ without being
brought into correlation with His pre-incarnate love, there is not
sufficient reason why they should be confined to the created love.
The 21st and 28th invocation brings the Heart of Christ into rela-
tion with life. Why should the Church in the same Litany make
use of two invocations whose meaning is almost the same ? Would
it not be more appropriate to interpret the Heart in the 21st invo-
^'Mais, nous Taverns deja observe s'il y avait une opposition, il est clair
que Ton ne saurait alleguer des strophes assujetties au metre, pour objecter
contre les enseignements precis des lecons de Toffice." (VERMEERSCH, op.
cit.t torn. II, ch. I, art. V, p. 61.)
110 EXPLANATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE
cation as symbolizing the love shown by Christ in our creation?
In this case the 28th invocation could be interpreted as referring
to our spiritual re-birth through the mystery of the Redemption.
Thus the Heart would suggest to our mind the idea of the created
as well as of the increated love.
It must be admitted that the evidence adduced thus far is not
conclusive. Up to the present the Church has not determined
clearly the nature and the extent of the love which constitutes the
whole formal object of the devotion to the Sacred Heart. The
above decisions, however, carry sufficient weight to induce any one
to accept the increated love as a partial formal object. In order
to come to a more definite conclusion it will be necessary to appeal
to a few generally accepted theological principles.
CHAPTER X.
SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION OF CREATED AND INCREATED I/)VE.
The finite mind of man cannot fathom the inscrutable mystery of
the Blessed Trinity. Our reason, however, dictates that since we
are to distinguish three divine Persons, tres sunt volentes, sed unica
•uoluntas. This conclusion is necessitated by the oneness of the
Divine Essence and the harmony which we know must needs exist
among the three divine Persons. To each Person we must attribute
a share in the mystery of the Incarnation. It is true that only the
second Person of the Blessed Trinity became really incarnate, but
this plan could not be actualized without the co-operation of the
other two. The Redemption by the Son of God and His Incarna-
tion were decreed from all eternity. Since such an intimate rela-
tionship was to exist between mankind and the second Person of
the Blessed Trinity, it may be maintained that the same Person
played an important role in the creation of man. Though the
love of God the Son towards mankind was not actualized in a
tangible way for us till the Incarnation, it really existed from all
eternity, and the creation may be considered as the first ray of its
manifestation.
It would be preferable to call this love pre-incarnate rather than
increated. The latter implies the plenitude of the love of the Logos,
while the former brings His love into correlation with the Incar-
nation, thus characterizing and defining it more clearly. Thus the
term pre-incarnate suggests the idea of the creature towards whom
this love has been exhibited, and this is the idea to be conveyed.
Ill
112 SPECULATIVE; CONSIDERATION OF
It is easy to conceive a love of God the Son which actuated Him
to co-operate in our creation. We can also picture to ourselves a
love in this second Person of the Blessed Trinity, which induced
Him to take upon Himself human nature, and to subject Himself
voluntarily to all the subsequent sorrows. It is precisely this latter
love which the decree referred to above permits to be included in
the formal object of the devotion to the Sacred Heart. In a pre-
vious chapter it has been pointed out that this love was not annihi-
lated in Christ in consequence of the assumption of human nature,
but continued to exist in the Logos.
This particular love, however, is not to be confined to the second
Person of the Blessed Trinity so as to exclude the other two. But,
to show a special worship for justifiable reasons to this specified
love of God the Son towards us, it may be considered as peculiar to
Him by way of appropriation.
In the earthly life of Christ it is possible to point out human,
divine and mixed acts. Though one divine Person, He possessed two
natures, two wills, therefore, two loves. All His acts were subordi-
nated to His divine will and love. His divine nature makes use of
the operation of the human nature, as of the operation of its instru-
ment, and in the same way His human nature shares in the opera-
tion of the divine nature as an instrument shares in the operation
of the principal agent.1
Thus, it is always the ever-existing Person that is acting. The
words He expresses are eternal truths. His divine intellect tries
to put the words of eternal wisdom into such language as our
imperfect understanding can grasp. Hence, the use of parables for
the sake of illustration. Man is so constituted that by means of a
1<<Divina natura utitur operatione naturae humanae, sicut operatione sui
instrument! ; et similiter humana natura participat operationem divinae
naturae, sicut instrumentum jparticipat operatioriem 'principalis agentis."
(ST. THOMAS, p. Ill, qu .XIX, art. I.)
CREATED AND IN CREATED LOVE 113
visible image he can more easily form a concept of something in-
visible. The importance of this truism is accentuated by St. Paul
when he expresses Himself to the effect that : "The invisible things
of Him (God), from the creation of the world, are clearly seen,
being understood by the things that are made." J
In order to exemplify in a visible manner the love of God towards
mankind Christ employed His human nature. It is for this reason
that He was made in the likeness of man, 2 and in the habit found
as a man, but without sin.3 He made use of the same words, and
meant to convey the same meaning by them as men ordinarily do.
Therefore, the words He used on the occasion of His apparition to
Blessed Margaret Mary, viz., Behold the Heart which has loved men
so much are to be interpreted in their obvious signification. The
word heart in this connection ought not to be deprived of the wealth
of meaning which the popular mind in common parlance is accus-
tomed to associate with such a term. We know, as a matter of fact,
that its symbolism has never been limited to the created love for,
in the Old Testament, it symbolized the love of God. This latter
symbolism of the heart, therefore, refers to the plenitude of that
purely divine love of which the pre-incarnate love is only a part.
Hence, it would be rather difficult to adduce convincing arguments
to justify the statement of those theologians who maintain that the
symbolical representation of the Heart in the New Testament has
narrowed down to the created love.
God was pleased with the Temple Solomon erected in His honor.
"I have chosen, and have sanctified this place, that my name may
be there forever, and my eyes and my heart may remain there per-
petually." 4 The word heart in this passage has always been taken as
lRom. I. 20.
*PhiL II. 7.
• Heb. IV. 15.
4 II. Par. VII. 16.
114 SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION OF
a metaphorical expression for God's love. Without multiplying
examples we can see that the word heart may symbolize even that
love which the divine Persons entertained for us before the In-
carnation.
Again, the Heart which Christ showed to Blessed Margaret Mary
was a creation of the pre-incarnate love. It is not the created love
which induced the second Person of the Blessed Trinity to become
incarnate, for the mystery of the Incarnation is prior to this love.
Nor did the created love conceive the institution of the Blessed
Sacrament of the Altar, it was only a contributory motive and a
co-operative cause in the act of executing the plan proposed by a
purely divine Agent. It is admitted by all spiritual writers that
in the devotion to the Sacred Heart we worship the created love
of Christ inasmuch as it inspired Him to embrace death for us,
and remain with us in the Holy Eucharist. But what reason can
be given to justify the exclusion of that love which brought into
existence this created love, and without which the Incarnation and
the institution of the Blessed Eucharist would not have been ren-
dered possible. Some writers contend that Christ did not intend to
give such a comprehensive meaning to the words: Voila ce coeur
qui a tant aime les hommes. It is a gratuitous assumption which
may be answered by saying that no man is in a position to ascertain
with certainty the mind of Christ in this respect, nor can any one
be sure that such an utterance is calculated to confine the meaning of
the above words to the created love alone.
The advocates of this limited interpretation bring forth proofs
which are very plausible but far from being convincing. Christ,
they say, meant to establish a special cult to His love. He wished
also that we pay a very special tribute to His Heart which played
such an important part in the Redemption of mankind by the shed-
ding of its blood. The latter having such an intimate rapport with
love facilitated His design, and thus the two became united. St.
CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE 115
Thomas says that in every movement of the soul there is an increase
or decrease in the natural movement of the heart, according as the
heart is moved more or less intensely by the systole and dyastole.1
Even the Sacred Scripture seems to refer to such an internal agita-
tion.2 Therefore, He who was meek and humble of Heart,3 in-
tended to introduce the worship only of that love in which this
physical Heart co-operated to some extent, and of which it may
justly be considered as a symbol.
Though hardly any theologian would hesitate to subscribe to the
above reasoning, it may still be questioned whether there is suffi-
cient evidence to justify the exclusion of the increated love. It is
undeniable that the fleshy Heart of Christ cannot symbolize the
increated love in the same way in which it is the true symbol of the
created love, not only because there is a physiological basis for the
latter, but also because a general conventionality adopts such a
usage. Besides, the Sacred Scripture permits us to view the
heart as the seat in which the created love of Christ resided. To
predicate the same relationship between the created Heart and the
increated love would be a physiological as well as a theological
error. The pre-incarnate love, as considered by itself, separated
from the humanity of Christ, did not need to make use of the Heart,
while the created love was always bound to enter into some rela-
tion with it. Just as it is improper to say that Jesus, according to
His divine nature, thought by means of His brain, it is likewise
incorrect to assert that according to the same nature He loved us
by means of His Heart. Father LeDore speaks of the continued
reciprocal influence which he imagines to have existed between the
two loves. He also insists on the repercussions of the created
1MIn omni passione animae additur aliquid, vel diminuitur a naturali motu
cordis; inquantum cor intensius, vel remissius movetur, secundum systolem,
aut diastolem." (ST. THOMAS, lallae, qu. XXIV, a. II, ad 2um.)
1 Luke XXIV. 32.
8 Matt. XI. 29.
116 SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION OF
love on the increated love. Father Vermeersch remarks that we
should not indulge too much in this anthropomorphic aspect. The
increated love, he contends, does not produce a sensible emotion
in the Heart except by a miracle, hence, how could it be symbolized,
at least immediately, by a Heart which is always in motion, and
whose movement is varied.1
Here again it must be emphasized that no one should consider
the Heart as a direct or immediate symbol of Christ's pre-incarnate
love. We are all aware of the fact that the increated love existed
before the Heart, it acted without this Heart, and it was the cause
of this Heart's existence. Therefore, the pre-incarnate love, being
in time prior to the Heart, cannot be represented by this physical
organ to the same extent as may be claimed for the created love
which began to exist simultaneously with the Heart.
As regards the created love, the Heart in this connection is not
to be taken metaphorically, but symbolically. It must be borne in
mind that the decrees of the Sacred Congregation speak of the
Heart only as a symbol of love, but they do not represent it as the
seat or organ of love. Father Vermeersch in his work lays great
stress on this point, for it is an important factor of the devotion.
We must not lose sight of the ratio significatus. Therefore, directly
and immediately the Heart as a symbol can convey only the idea
of a created love. But is there anything to prevent the supposition
that, taken metaphorically, it may also serve to express the increated
love?
Man placed on this earth is by necessity compelled to make use
of the visible things, by means of which he can ascend higher.
i "Acte unique, eternel, immuable d'une volonte toujours paisible et heureuse,
1'amour incree ne produirait que par miracle une emotion sensible au coeur;
ct comment serait-il symbolise, au moins immediatement, par un coeur
toujours en mouvement et en mouvement varie?" (VERMEERSCH, op. c\t., vol.
II, ch. I, part. V, p. 68.)
CREATED AND INCREATED I,OVE 117
After we have viewed the Heart as the direct symbol reserved for
the created love, must we needs stop there without attempting to
reach the realm of the Divinity, in order thus to contemplate the
increated love? Should not our worship always tend to the abso-
lutely infinite? Why, then, should it terminate in something that
is only relatively infinite, as the love of Christ (amor Dei-virilis)
elicited by the Person of the Logos through the instrumentality of
human nature? Hence, it would seem to be perfectly legitimate to
consider the heart as it was viewed in the Old Testament, viz., as
being capable of representing metaphorically even a purely divine
love.
Again, it is clear that the fleshy Heart of Christ in this connection
cannot emblemize metaphorically all the increated love of the three
divine Persons. The Second Divine Person was destined from all
eternity to enter into a relationship with mankind which was not
to be attributed to the other two. In the Blessed Trinity ires sunt
volentes, sed una voluntas, ergo tres sunt amantes sed unus amor.
By way of appropriation we refer to the love under the impulse of
which He became incarnate in order to make possible the Redemp-
tion. The decree of Apr. 4, 1900, expressly mentions such a love,
and points to it as one which is to be commemorated in the devo-
tion to the Sacred Heart.1
That there is nothing to militate against the assumption of such
a love we can prove by theological arguments. The Sacred Scrip-
ture tells us that "God so loved the world, as to give His only
Begotten Son."2 This passage attributes a love to God the Father
which is His own in a special way. While the love of the other
1 "Symbolice commemoratur memoria illius divini amoris, quo idem Uni-
genitus Dei Filius humanam suscepit naturam ..." (Acta Sanctae Sedis,
vol. XXII, p. 631.)
'John III. 16.
118 SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION OF
two Persons is not excluded, we can also say that it is appropriated
in a special way to the Father. Thus we may say that "God so
loved the world as to become man." In this love we likewise
include all the three Persons, but the love of God the Son would
stand out more prominently, though merely by way of appropriation.
Therefore, this love, appropriated to the second Person, according
to the human way of conceiving, had a characteristic differentiating
it from the love of the other two Persons. Such is the increated
love which is to be included as a partial formal object in the devo-
tion to the Sacred Heart.
To confine the formal object of the devotion to the created love,
it is necessary that either there should be a special pronouncement
to that effect on the part of the Church, or some very imperative
reason should dictate such a course, e.g., the spiritual welfare of
the faithful. In the present instance neither of these reasons can
be adduced. On the contrary, there are, on the one hand, specific
decrees permitting the inference that the increated love is not to
be excluded, and, on the other hand, the spiritual benefit accruing
from the devotion would be greater, and the devotion would be
established on a firmer basis, if the pre-incarnate love were included
as constituting a part of the formal object. Father Vignat, cen-
suring the opinions of those who advocate the exclusion of the
increated love, remarks that if their views were accepted, then the
faithful could not even make an act of love by means of this devo-
tion. If we love Jesus Christ, he says, solely because he loved us
as man, we do not make an act of charity. Such an act presup-
poses not only that we love God, but that we love Him for His
own sake, on account of some supreme excellence, or a certain
aspect of His infinite perfection. The love which one has for
Jesus Christ is indeed directed to God Himself by virtue of the
hypostatic union. But, if my love has for its motive a perfection
of His human nature only, then my act would fail to be an act of
CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE 119
charity, though it may be considered as a preparatory step leading
to it.1
Again, we perceive in our age a tendency to use the emotional
side of our nature for a perverse end. This emotionalism is directed
in the proper channel by the attractiveness of the devotion to the
Sacred Heart. But we must be on our guard against a danger.
While we ought to make use of all the licit means to
foster a holy sentimentalism in this respect, we should not
stop until we can cast anchor in something more stable, in the
sea of infinite love, where we find only one sentiment, and that
unchanging. Why should one tarry on the way to admire created
beauty, when he may ascend higher, thus to revel in the vision of
the increated love to which all things owe their being?
Therefore, it would seem that there is no particular advantage
in excluding the pre-incarnate love from this devotion. The end
of man is the beatific vision of God. He ought to strive to come
as near to the realization of this end as his human nature will
permit during his terrestrial sojourn. The means to attain this
end are those which the true religion offers especially by means of
the various devotions. By means of the created Heart, we can
directly ascend to the created love, and, using the manifestations
of this as a ladder, we should mount to that increated and abso-
lutely infinite love which the second Person of the Blessed Trinity
elicited towards us when He engaged to assume the burden of a
^r, si nous limitons 1'objet de la devotion a 1' amour cree de Jesus-Christ;
si nous aimons Notre-Seigneur uniquement parce qu'il nous a aimes comme
homme, nous ne faisons pas un acte de charite. L/acte de cette vertu theologale
requiert en effet, npn seulement que nous aimions Dieu, mais que nous 1'
aimions pour lui-meme, c'est-a-dire a cause de son excellence supreme ou
du moins a cause d'un aspect de son infinie perfection. L/ amour que je porte
a Jesus-Christ s'adresse bien, en vertu de 1'union hypostatique, a Dieu lui-
meme; mais si mon amour a pour motif une perfection ou une amabilite de
sa nature humaine, je ferai un acte excellent sans doute, un acte qui pourra
preparer 1'acte de charite; mais ce ne sera pas cet acte meme. (ViGNAT, in
the Etudes Rel, vol. CVII, p. 652.)
120 SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION OF
vicarious satisfaction. Furthermore, it is a mistake to distinguish
to such a pronounced degree between the two loves. All admit
that there are two loves in Christ corresponding to His two wills
and two natures. But it is only one and the same Person that wills
and loves. All the acts must eventually be referred to the Logos.
We may, indeed, consider the two loves abstracted in so far as the
subordinate love will help us to arrive at the realization of the
superior love, but we should not pause at the former. This created
love is to be considered as terminus per quern, in contradistinction
to the increated love which is to be viewed as the terminus ad quern.
Those in favor of the separation of these two loves anticipate a
danger of heresy from their union. The prominence assigned to
the created love by means of which the increated is to be reached,
ought to obviate all possibility of falling into the heresy of either
the Monophysites or the Monothelites.
Father Vermeersch hesitates to subscribe to the priciples enunci-
ated above on account of certain authoritative statements which
apparently are in contradiction with such views. He brings up the
words of Benedict XIV, and the Encyclical of Leo XIII. These,
he maintains, militate against accepting the word heart in such a
heteroclitic sense as to consider it a symbol of the increated love.
But, since the heart was the object of such a symbolism in the Old
Covenant, the metaphorical meaning attached to it in the New Testa-
ment is not quite as heteroclitic as it would appear at first sight.
However, in order that the foregoing statements may retain their
force, it will be necessary to reconcile them with the words of
Benedict XIV and the Encyclical of Leo XIII.
Benedict XIV states that no Feast in honor of Christ is directed
to God the Son as the second Person of the Blessed Trinity.
All the Feasts worship Him as God-man, representing the special
CREATED AND INCREATED IX)VE
graces and deep mysteries which the Incarnate Word wrought for
the salvation of mankind.1
It must be admitted that these words may be interpreted as mili-
tating against the conclusion established in the preceding pages.
The increated love is the love of God the Son as such. It is alto-
gether distinct from the amor Dei-virilis, therefore, we are intro-
ducing into the Feast of the Sacred Heart an object which appar-
ently conflicts with the teaching of Benedict XIV, who denies that
such an honor may be paid to the Logos viewed abstracted from
human nature. But, it is likewise easy to see that the great Pontiff
in the above extract had in mind a direct worship of the Logos.
If we advocated a direct cult to be paid to the increated love, then
our teaching would be irreconcilable with his words. Such, how-
ever, is not the present contention. It is true that the Feast of the
Sacred Heart is instituted in honor of the fleshy Heart as it sym-
bolizes the created love of Christ directly. But the symbolism of
the same Heart may be extended in a wider sense to the increated
love also. Therefore, this latter love we worship indirectly. If
anyone contend that it is unreasonable to combine two such dis-
similar elements in one and the same devotion, Father Vignat
answers that this union is necessitated by the mystery of the Incar-
nation.2
The Encyclical of Leo XIII can in no way be interpreted as
gainsaying the foregoing conclusion. Father Vermeersch fails to
paraphrase it correctly. This letter "Divinum illud" expresses the
same idea as we find in the works of Benedict XIV, but it is some-
what modified. "Though by certain Feasts," it says, "we cele-
^'Festa omnia, quorum celebritas ad Christi honorem refertur, non diri-
guntur ad Filium, tamquam ad secundam Sanctissimae Trinitatis Personam,
sed omnia sunt festa Christi, sive Dei facti hominis, representantia singulares
gratias et altissima mysteria, quae verbum incarnatum operatum est ad
humani generis salutem" (De Beat, et Can., I. IV, pars. II, cap. XXXI, n. 3.)
3 VIGNAT, loc. cit.f p. 646.
122 SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION OF
brate the various mysteries of the incarnate Word, we do not cele-
brate by a proper Feast the Word according to His divine nature
only"'1 The modifier, tantum (only), favors our proposition
inasmuch as we do not contend that we worship the increated love
only, but that also, and indirectly.
Again, even if these two documents did militate against the
acceptation of some of the above conclusions, it must be borne in
mind that they are not apodictic proofs, as Father Alvery remarks,
against which there is no higher appeal before the tribunal of human
reason.2 Though their argumentative force cannot be denied, it
is likewise true, that they do not possess a "sovereign value." Fur-
thermore, it could be added that the first contains only a semblance
of contradiction against our conclusion, while the second could
hardly be interpreted as militating against it. Therefore, there is
no reason to question the view advocated in this chapter.
Father Vermeersch is very reluctant to extend the symbolism of
the physical Heart to the increated love. By subtilizing those de-
crees of the Sacred Congregation which were interpreted above as
referring to the increated love, he maintains that they do not neces-
sarily imply the idea imputed to them. Towards the end of his
article, however, he assumes a more conciliatory tone, and the fol-
lowing is his concluding remark. One might say that the heart of a
person symbolizes his love. But the Heart of Jesus is the Heart
of the Word. Therefore, it symbolizes the love of the Word.
He distinguishes the major proposition. The heart of a person who
possesses only one nature may symbolize that person's love, he con-
cedes; to say the same about the heart of a person who possesses
1 Quod si singula incarnati Verbi mysteria certis diebus festis celebrantur,
non tamen proprio ullo festo celebratur Verbum, secundum divinam tan-
tum naturam." (Ada Sanctae Sedis, torn. XXIX, p. 646.)
J"Ils ne constituent pas ce qu'on appelle une demonstration apodictique
contre laquelle il n'est plus d'appel au tribunal de la raison humaine."
, loc. tit., p. 566.)
CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE
two natures, he subdistinguishes : it may symbolize the love of the
same nature of that person, he concedes ; the love of another nature
than His own, he again subdsitinguishes : as nearly and in the same
way, he denies ; in a different way and remotely, he admits.1
To clarify the explanation of the increated love, the question
may be raised which of these two loves is the primary and which
the secondary formal object of the devotion to the Sacred Heart?
Some of the statements made concerning the primariness and the
secondariness existing between the material and the formal objects
may help us here, but they must be applied with due limitation.
An object may be primary either in the order of time, or by
reason of excellence. If we address ourselves first to the Heart,
and by means of it try to come to the realization of the love, then,
in the order of time the Heart is the primary object, and the love the
secondary, and vice versa. Of the two loves which constitute the
formal object of the devotion, the primary by reason of excellence
is the increated love. But the spirit of the devotion to the Sacred
Heart will not permit that this particular love be our primary
object in the order of time. Such a love has no connection with
the Heart. Therefore, if one viewed it in its absolute excellence,
he would, indeed, practice the highest cult of love, but it would not
be within the domain of the devotion to the Sacred Heart. In order
that the pre-incarnate love may be included in this devotion it
must be arrived at through the medium of the Heart. Hence, one
may speak of the primariness and the secondariness of the two
loves only from the point of view of excellence, in which case the
created is inferior to the increated.
Theologians agree that latria is the cult to be paid to the humanity
of Christ. Some of them raise the question with what worship
should it be honored if viewed in abstraction from the divinity?
1 VERMEERSCH, op cit., torn. II, ch. I, art. V, p. 71.
124 SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION OF
They are practically unanimous in concluding that the worship in
such a case should be hyperdulia. But such an abstraction ap-
pears offensive to many of them, for every person ought
to be paid the highest honor that he deserves for the highest
reason his dignity requires. The same principle could be
applied in this case. It is offensive to separate the two loves
in the devotion to the Sacred Heart, and pay honor to the Per-
son of the Logos for only a relatively highest love when there is a
sufficient reason to justify such a worship for an absolutely highest
love. In other words, why should the Heart symbolize only the
love which wept with Lazarus, and not also the one which created
him. It is true that the Heart had a vital relation with the first
and only an imagined one with the second, but, it is likewise true
that, unless the two loves are viewed together, we fail to represent
the whole love of the Person of Christ towards mankind.
Again, all the acts are to be referred to the person. But, if the
person assumes the responsibility for all his acts, he is to be viewed
in the light of all of them collectively. Since the Person of Christ
elicited a created and an increated love, we would fail to view Him
in the light of all His acts, in case we ignored those which He per-
formed through tke impulse of the pre-incarnate love.
Father Alvery censures those who are inclined to advocate such
a definite line of demarcation between the two loves. He argues
that the human nature of the Word is perfect in its entity, decrowned
only of its human personality. The personality is the principle of
action. The human nature of Christ, nevertheless, is acting on its
own resources, but, because it is the property of the Word, someone
else assumes the responsibility for its acts. It follows that the Heart
beats under the free love of the human nature, and directly
and immediately symbolizes this particular love. On the other
hand, this Heart and this love appertain to the Word because the
actions are always referred to the Person, hence, they can be
CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE 125
called divine. Therefore, this Heart which is human and divine,
symbolizes necessarily this love of the Word-made-flesh. It does
not follow naturally that the Heart should symbolize that love also
which the Word possessed from all eternity. If we view Christ
in His two natures, we see in the human nature the Heart which
throbs for love of us ; from this Heart and love we ascend to the
Person of the Word, because they are the Heart and the love of the
Son of God. From the Word we mount to the increated love,
which logically is not in direct rapport with the created love, and
is not in relation with it except by means of the Word, whose Per-
son subsists in the human nature.1
Father Ramiere arrives at the same conclusion. "Why, then,
should we be surprised," he says, "that Jesus made this human
Heart and love, which animate Him, the special object of a devotion
calculated to manifest with an incomparable splendor, the infinite
love which God feels towards us? 2
Nor would the human love in the Word-made-flesh be neutralized
by this view. His body was only a usufructuary of the Divinity,
therefore, it is capricious to divide the two loves as do some the-
ologians. "Jesus," Father Vignat argues, "being only one Person
in two natures, divine and human, manifests to us the whole love of
His Person by His Heart, not only His created love, but His in-
created withal. Only in this sense, but in the fullest extent of this
1Ai,v£RY, loc. c\t.t p. 562.
3 '.Comment done serions-nous surpris que Jesus ait fait de ce Coeur hu-
main et de 1'amour humain, qui 1'anime 1'objet special d'une devotion des-
tinee a manifester avec une incomparable splendeur, Pamour infini que Dieu
nous porte." (Messager du Coeur de Jesus, vol. XIV, an. 1868, p. 279.)
126 SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION
sense, one may say : Jesus as God loves us by means of His human
Heart." *
Father Bainvel expresses the same truth by arguing that Jesus
when appearing in His human nature, presents Himself simulta-
neously as a divine Person. Hence, though His Heart does not
throb with the increated love, still, the created love with which it
does throb is only an echo of the increated love.2
Thus many other modern authors could be cited who are in con-
sonance with the opinions expressed in this chapter. Though their
attention might not have extended to all the details pointed out in
the course of this investigation, still, their statements, if followed to
their logical conclusion, justify the supposition that they are in-
clined to accept such a view. How much soever Father Vermeersch
may object to some of the foregoing assertions, his final statement
may be quoted in confirmation of the same conclusion. "We wor-
ship," he says, "the living Heart of Jesus in order to find in it
the theandric love which it symbolizes, and in order thus to elevate
our thoughts through the latter till we reach the increated love, of
which the theandric love itself is the supreme benefit." 3
Finally one must not ignore the universal sentiment of the faith-
ful which is a criterion par excellence, and as such an important
factor in settling a disputed theological question concerning a deter-
mined and widespread devotion. It cannot be denied that the first
exponents of this devotion had only a very imperfect idea of the
1 "Jesus parce qu'il est une seule personne en deux natures, divine et hu-
maine, nous manifeste tout 1'amour de sa personne par son coeur, non
seulement son amour cree mais encore son amour incree. Dans ce sens
seulement, mais dans tout ce sens, on peut dire: Jesus, en tant que Dieu,
nous aime par son coeur humain." (ViGNAT, loc. cit., p. 664.)
2BAiNVEio loc. cit., col. 292.
* "Nous honorons le Coeur vivant de Jesus pour y trouver 1'amour thean-
drique qu'il symbolise, et nous clever par ce dernier jusqu'a 1'amour incree,
dont cet amour theandrique lui-meme est un supreme bienfait."
op. cit., torn. II, ch. I, art. VI, p. 97.)
CREATED AND IN CREATED LOVE 127
true nature and extent of the love which constitutes its formal
object. But, it is likewise manifest, that they did not entirely elim-
inate the pre-incarnate love. They, however, laid a greater stress
on the human love, elaborated upon it, and thus promulgated the
devotion. They explicitated this love by bringing it into relation
with all the spiritual facts which can be gathered from Christian
knowledge, but, above all, from our primary empirical and intel-
lectual intuition, viz., the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among
us.1 The expositional side of the devotion accentuated the human
love, for it was more tangible and appealing. But from experience
we know that the common people do not separate Christ from His
Divinity. They view Him as God and man. Whether they are
attracted by His words or works, even in His purely human mani-
festations, He is always God and man in their eyes. They never
lose sight of His divine Personality. In every-day parlance the
word heart connotes for them all the love a person is capable of
exhibiting. While they do not make a clear-cut distinction between
the created and the increated love, nevertheless, the Heart sym-
bolizes for them the totality or plenitude of the love of the divine
Person in Christ. Therefore, since the faithful fail to distinguish
between the two loves, this should be an additional reason in favor
of non-separation.
The foregoing remarks are not to be interpreted as advocating the
fusion of the two loves into one. On the contrary, the investiga-
tion as a whole is calculated to bring out in clear relief the par-
ticular excellence and domain of each love. But it may be con-
tended that, whereas, there is no particular reason for such a definite
separation, and, whereas, the faithful mean to worship the entire
love of the divine Person to whom their homages are paid, the two
loves ought to be as one united formal object of the devotion.
1 John I. 14.
128 SPECULATIVE CONSIDERATION OF
It does not require deep theological acumen, nor a special faculty
of discernment to see that the decrees of the Sacred Congregation
are in favor of promulgating the devotion in this sense. It is im-
perative that the faithful among whom this devotion reached such
a high degree of popularity should be instructed to the fullest
extent on such an important factor of a devotion as the formal
object must needs be. Hence, their obscure notions must be clari-
fied, and if they entertain any erroneous ideas, it is incumbent on
the teachers of the Church to root out the tares in order that the
wheat may grow in their soul.
All the reasons alleged in course of the exposition of this ques-
tion are based either on ecclesiastical documents or on sound theo-
logical principles. To give more force to the arguments adduced,
the opinions of a few modern theologians have been quoted in the
vernacular. Still, someone might take exception to the final con-
clusion on the ground that the devotion, in its early stage, was not
promulgated in that sense. Even if it must be admitted that such
an assertion is not entirely gratuitous, it would in no way militate
against accepting the views advocated in the foregoing pages. To
answer the above objection the reader's attention is called to the
following reasoning:
The Incarnation is the foundation of Christianity. All admit that
in the sense of strictly logical evolution, in which the Christian
doctrine maintained its individuality and identity throughout, the
word germ may be rightfully applied to express the development
of dogma. The whole initial Christian knowledge is contained in
one sentence, viz., The Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us.*
This primitive intuition forms the basis of what may be called the
present technical concept of the whole Christian doctrine. Thus
our initial knowledge of the Sacred Heart may also be considered
John I. 14.
CREATED AND INCREATED LOVE 129
as contained in one sentence, viz., Behold the Heart which has loved
men so much. This is not a separate knowledge, but only a part of
the original intuition or deposition. But if we may admit an
evolution in the primitive Christian knowledge, in the sense above
indicated, why could we not admit an evolution also in its ramifica-
tions which are indissolubly united with it. The devotion to the
Sacred Heart is based on incontestible principles of Soteriology and
Christology. It was approved and fostered by the Church. Under
her protection it progressed, and was guided in the proper channel.
She extended many privileges to its devotees, and interpreted it
for them. She never checks a devotion unless it fosters supersti-
tion, nor does she define it clearly until it is almost fully developed.
Her final announcements, as a rule, are indicative of the general
sentiments of the faithful. In our opinion the recent decree of
Apr. 4, 1900, clearly states that the Heart is to be considered as
symbolizing the twofold love, hence, the question cannot be a purely
speculative one, when so defined.
A brief resume of the whole investigation could be presented as
follows : In the devotion to the Sacred Heart, we worship the cor-
poral Heart of the Word-made-flesh as the symbol of His love.
The Heart being in physical rapport with the human love, on
account of their mutual vital relationship, directly and immediately
symbolizes the created love of Christ, but remotely it emblemizes
His increated love also. By His increated love we mean the love
which was the determinant cause of His Incarnation. The spirit
of the devotion requires that we arrive at this love, by a transition
cf thought, through the human love which in Him is to be viewed
as having a vital nexus with the fleshy Heart (Cor Dei-virile).
Thus the total material object of the devotion is the divino-human
(theandric) Heart of the Word-made-flesh. The total formal ob-
ject of the devotion is the created and increated love which the
divine Person, the Logos, had for mankind, the former being sym-
bolized by His physical Heart proximately and the latter remotely.
CHAPTER XL
HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE GREAT PROMISE.
According to a letter which, as many contend, was directed by
Blessed Margaret Mary to Mother de Saumaise, Our Blessed Lord
promised signal spiritual favors to all those who communicate nine
successive First Fridays of every month. This is called the Devotion
of the Nine Fridays, and its spiritual reward is generally designated
by the name of the Great Promise. The present chapter is devoted
to a consideration of the letter above mentioned.
To obviate all possibility of misunderstanding, it is necessary, at
the very outset, to emphasize the fact that we do not intend to con-
cern ourselves with the First Friday Devotion strictly so called.
That is a most salutary practice which cannot be encouraged with
too much zeal and fervor. The reader's attention will be directed,
almost exclusively, to those Holy Communions which, in order that
their extraordinary spiritual benefits may accrue to the communi-
cant, must be nine only in number, and must be received nine con-
secutive First Fridays of the month.
Before any judgment may be pronounced on this subject the pro-
cedure of historical research demands that we first examine the
document in which the promise in question was circulated. Our
investigation shows that the belief in such an extraordinary efficacy
of nine Holy Comunions, when received in compliance with the pre-
scribed conditions, is based upon a certain letter, the date of which as
ordinarily assigned is May, 1688. Referring to the question of its
date in one of his articles, Father Hamon says : "This date does not
130
HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE GREAT PROMISE 131
seem certain to me. The Annals of the monastery of Dijon cite a
fragment of this letter, and date it as posterior to the time of Feb-
ruary, 1689. Last year at Roanne, I found an ancient manuscript in
the Visitation convent of Paray which attributes to the same letter
the date of October 13, 1687 or 1689, the last cipher being illegible."1
This, however, is not the only regrettable defect. The letter is
not autographed. At the most it may be considered as the transcrip-
tion of an original no longer extant. It is asserted that
the correspondence that took place between Blessed Margaret
Mary and Mother de Saumaise was solicitously guarded in
the convent of Dijon up to the time of the French Revolution.
During those bloody days it is said to have disappeared ; and, up to
the present it has not been recovered. This missing epistle has been
the occasion of much contention, and the controversy it created has
been expressed in unsparing words by those who argued that the
Great Promise was founded on a document the authenticity of
which, in their estimation, is very questionable, and the spuriousness
of which would be demonstrable in the near future. The Church
took no official part in this discussion ; she left the matter unsettled,
and, since little hope can be entertained for the recovery of the
original manuscript, the problem is likely to remain unsolved in-
definitely.
Several plausible arguments have been adduced in favor of the
authenticity of the letter, but their insufficiency is evident from the
fact that they fail to carry conviction to a considerable number of
theologians. Those attacking the authenticity of the letter bring for-
ward numerous objections which, with the proofs and evidences at
hand, cannot be satis fcatorily answered. Therefore, one is free to
take either side of the controversy. But before expressing an opin-
ion it will be well to canvass the arguments.
1 HAMON, Le Texte de la Grande Promesse du Sacre Coeur, in the Etudes
Religieuses, vol. XCV, p. 854.
132 HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE GREAT PROMISE
The most important reasons ordinarily adduced in support of the
assertion that the letter in question is an authentic copy, in substance
corresponding to one actually written by the Beata herself, are as
follows.
Father Hamon rendered an inestimable service while championing
this cause, when he made a scientific examination of the writings of
Blessed Margaret Mary, and spent much time and energy in an ear-
nest endeavor to clarify some mistaken ideas, and to remove many
untenable notions which the opponents of the Great Promise have
entertained. His criticism is impartial, his premises weighty, and
his inferences are generally justifiable . He is, without doubt, well
qualified to pronounce judgment in this matter.
To justify their supposition that the letter referred to above was
actually written by Blessed Margaret Mary, and forwarded to
Mother de Saumaise, the defenders of the Great Promise adduce
the following reasons.
1. A reference to a letter of such nature is found in the work of
Bishop Languet, wl» published the most important life of Blessed
Margaret Mary in 1729. l This allusion clearly states the contents of
the letter, though not a single one of its words claims to be a quota-
tion. The learned author declares that he had access to all the writ-
ings and documents which were calculated to shed light on the life of
Blessed Margaret Mary. Therefore, a statement proceeding from
such a well-informed pen ought to be considered as conclusive.
Father Hamon remarks : "We have heard the unjust and audacious
criticism, to which his work gave rise. It seems quite probably,
though I have no unmistakable proofs at hand, that the Jansenists
and Catholics, opposed to the devotion to the Sacred Heart, spoke
1 Bishop LANGUET, op. cit., book VII, p. 241.
HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE GREAT PROMISE) 133
disparagingly of this divine and incredible promise."1 Moreover, it
cannot be maintained without danger of misrepresentation that
Bishop Languet received erroneous information, for up to the year
1789 the manuscript of the Beata was accessible to adversaries and
defenders of the Great Promise. They could have ascertained and
verified with very little effort, the exact words of the Authoress at
the Archives of the Visitation convent of Dijon. According to
Father Vermeersch, it was this convent in which the writings of the
Beata were kept in their original form.2
2. Again, this promise was known to the Community. Father
Hamon has ascertained this fact by the following discovery. In the
year 1715, when the canonical procedure, preliminary to the beati-
fication of Blessed Margaret Mary was commenced, Sisters Fran-
cois-Rosalie Verchere and Peronne-Rosalie de Farges, while collect-
ing the writings of their beloved Mother, were surprised at this let-
ter, and, as he expresses it, "some exceptionally privileged souls
without further delay wished to avail themselves of the graces
promised by the Sacred Heart."3
3. It is scarcely possible that the Visitation nuns would have for-
warded to Rome, among other writings of Blessed Margaret Mary, a
letter the authenticity of which could be seriously questioned. On
the other hand, it is certain that when the cause of her beatification
was introduced in the early years of the nineteenth century, a let-
ter of this character was produced by the ecclesiastical officials who
were appointed to engage in this cause. It was translated into Italian,
1 "On connait les injustes et audacieuses critiques soulevees par son ouvrage;
il semble bien probable — je n'en ai pourtant pas de preuve certaine — que les
jansenistes et les cathoriques opposes a la devotion au Sacre Coeur raillerent
la divine et incroyable promesse" (HAMON, Etudes Religieuses, vol. XCV,
p. 857).
* VERMEERSCH, Pratique et doctrine de la Devotion au Sacre Coeur, torn.
II, ch. Ill, p. 211.
* "Quand les soeurs commencerent a recuillier les ecrits de leur maitresse
bien-aimee, on fut frappe par la lettre de 1688. Quelques ames d'elite
voulurent, sans plus tarder, s'assurer les graces promises par le Sacre Coeur."
(HAMON, in the Etudes Rel, vol. XCV, p. 857.)
134 HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE GREAT PROMISE
and Father Thurston adds that "this certain passage was underlined
as demanding further investigation at this or later stage of in-
quiry." l
4. Father Hamon believes that as early as 1714 the Devotion of the
Nine Fridays was not only known but practiced by some Visitandine
Communities. Thus Mother Louise-Henriette de Soudeilles, and
her subjects began it in Jan. 1714.2
5. The Sacred Congregation having carefully examined the writ-
ings of the Beata, and having found nothing in their contents to
warrant a theological censure,3 declared in a decree dated on Sept.
22, 1827 : Nihil obstare, et procedi posse ad ulteriora. Nor did this
letter of Blessed Margaret Mary in any way interfere with her
beatification, the decree of which was issued on the 28th day of Au-
gust in the year 1864.
Those who deny that such a letter was written, base their opinion
on the following arguments.
1. It must be admitted, they say, that Bishop Languet did have ac-
cess to the Memoirs of the Beata. However, it can hardly be proved
that at that particular juncture all her writings were collected, and
placed at his disposal to be made use of as a reference for his biblio-
graphy. It is well known that she corresponded with a number of
persons who resided at a great distance from Paray, while Bishop
Languet seems to be familiar mostly with those letters which were
directed mainly to the more prominent persons of the Visitation
Community at large.
1 THURSTON, The Nine Fridays, in The Mvnth, vol. CI, p. 637.
*"La Mere Louise Henriette de Soudeilles, superieure du monastere dc
Moulins, commenga le premier vendredi de Janvier 1714, avec toute sa com-
munaute, la serie des neuf communions. Elle n'eut pas le temps de 1'achever ;
le 24 avril, elle mourait dans des transports d' amour." (HAMON, in the
Htudes Rel, vol XCV, p. 857.)
" Nihil hisce in Scripturis et Epistolis fuisse repertum theologica censura
notandum.
HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE GREAT PROMISE 135
2. No mention of the Great Promise is found in any other place,
letter or writing, with the exception of the letter she was supposed
to have sent to Mother de Saumaise. All our knowledge regarding
the Devotion of the Nine Fridays is confined solely to the informa-
tion contained in the letter whose authenticity is questioned.
3. The profuse quotations taken from the writings oT Blessed
Margaret Mary, interspersed in the work of Bishop Languet to por-
tray her character, should be interpreted as an argument rather
against than in favor of the defenders of the Twelfth Promise.
On page 241, at the bottom of which is the reference in question,
two long quotations can be found of which the upper one consists
of nineteen lines, and the lower one of eleven lines. After these two
citations the Bishop gives an account of the Great Promise by al-
luding to it and interpreting it in his own words. Immediately after
this, another quotation follows which is taken from the letter of the
Beata directed to Mother Greyfier. Over half of the 384 pages,
which form the work of Bishop Languet, is devoted to extracts taken
either from the letters of Blessed Margaret Mary, or from the
answers she received, or from her autographic Memoir, or finally
from writings in which her superiors or her acquaintances expressed
their admiration for her virtues and holiness. In addition to the
above sources, the Vie par les Contemporaines, in which Sisters
Peronne-Rosalie de Farges and Frangois-Rosalie Verchere relate the
most important incidents of her life, is embodied in his work prac-
tically in its entirety, by way of citations. From all this it is patent
that he had a keen appreciation of the full value of quotations. To
all appearances, whatever authentic and autographic decuments of
importance were in his possession, he endeavored to reproduce in
the original. He reprints thirteen letters of Blessed Margaret Mary
at the end of his work, which she wrote to Mother de Saumaise;
but the letter in question is not one of them. Is it not very curious,
to say the least, that such a learned and saintly man did not attach
136 HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE) GREAT PROMISE
more significance to this letter than merely to state its contents in
his own narrative way, when he is so prodigal in quoting her words
verbatim in matters of much less consequence?
4. Again, had her writings been opened to public inspection up to
the year of 1789, according to Father Vermeersch,1 or up to 1792,
according to Father Hamon,,2 how are we to explain the silence of
those who were so zealous in spreading this devotion, and who ig-
nored no essentail feature that would serve to render it attractive
in the eyes of the people ? On the other hand, very few men would
be inclined to gainsay the fact that if such a reliable account of such
a revelation were traceable to the pen of the Beata, this without fail
would be considered an essential and preeminently appealing charac-
teristic of the Devotion to the Sacred Heart. But as the case stands,
Fathers de la Colombiere and Rolin make no mention of such a let-
ter. Father Croiset, the first exponent of the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart, neither in his work of 1691, nor in his two consequent ampli-
fied editions, which left the press in 1694 and 1698, makes allusion
to such a promise. These three priests knew Blessed Margaret Mary
personally, they corresponded with her and were well informed re-
garding the supernatural visions with which Christ vouchsafed to
favor her. No one labored more ardently for the promotion and
diffusion of this devotion, no one exerted a greater effort to familiar-
ize himself with all its phases than Father Galliffet, yet, he is evident-
ly ignorant of such a revelation, for he fails to make reference to it
either in his work issued in 1726, or in its revised and enlarged
edition 1732.
5. Moreover, it is quite inexplicable how a letter of such extreme
importance could escape the attention of so many devotees of the
Sacred Heart It was not submitted to print or circulation before
1867, three years after the publication of the Decree of Beatifica-
1 Pratique et doctrine de la devotion au Sacre Coeur, torn. II, p. 811.
*Le Texte de la Grande Promesse, in the Etudes Rel, vol XCV. p. 857.
HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE GREAT PROMISE 137
tion. This admission is made candidly even by the staunchest de-
fenders of the Great Promise.1 In the opinion of Father Bachelet
the first steps in connection with the publication of the promise were
inspired by the new impetus the Devotion to the Sacred Heart re-
ceived in France about the year of 1870.2
The above points summarize most of the weighty arguments ad-
duced respectively by the defenders and the opponents of the
Twelfth Promise. They are drawn from various sources, and are
calculated to shed some rays of light on the question under considera-
tion. The Church does not come to our assistance with an author-
itative pronouncement in this all-important inquiry. After a con-
siderable investigation, Father Hamon remarks regretfully that there
is little likelihood of the letter ever being found. And since the argu-
ments fail to carry conviction as regards the authenticity of the let-
ter, we can hardly censure those spiritual writers who qualify the
Great Promise as doubtful.
The writer, who signs himself SACERDOS, disposes of thi ques-
tion in a very unsatisfactory way in the American Messenger of
the Sacred Heart. "It is not our intention," he says, "to treat of
the authenticity of the promise. We may say, however, that it would
be very risky to call this authenticity in question, since it is found in
the writings of Blessed Margaret Mary which have passed the
1 THURSTON, loc. cit., vol. CI, p. 636 foot-note.
2 "Dans les plus anciens manuels de la devotion au Sacre Coeur, on trouve
onze promesses sous la forme concise qu'elles ont guardee et dans 1'ordre
meme ou nous les plagons encore. Longtempi, dans la plupart des feuilles,
on n'en imprima pas d'autres. Ce ne fut que vers 1870, quand la devotion au
Sacre Coeur rec.ut en France une nouvelle impulsion, qu'une dcjzieme fut
ajoutee." ( BACHELET, La Grande Prontesse du Sacre Coeur, Etudes Rel.,
vol. LXXXVIII, p. 385).
138 HISTORICAL BASIS FOR THE GREAT PROMISE
scrutiny of the Roman Congregation."1 No comment needs to be
passed on this remark. The difficulty to be confronted is of a
more serious nature than the writer of the above cited article antici-
pated. The Promoter Pidei, A. M. Frattini, did not at all concern
himself about the authenticity of the letter, he only wished to
point out the untenableness of the belief that a revelation concern-
ing the gift of final perseverance was likely to have been communi-
cated to Blessed Margaret Mary. However, we shall have occasion
to recur to this point later.
1 Ground of Hope, The American Messenger of the Sacred Heart 1898,
p. 156.
CHAPTER XII.
CONTENTS OF THE LETTER CONTAINING THE GREAT PROMISE.
The purpose of this chapter will be to ascertain the contents of
the letter whose authenticity has been considered in the foregoing
pages. This step is necessary in order to form a clear idea as to the
sense its wording conveys.
An insurmountable difficulty confronts us at the very outset. It is
that involved in the determination of the form of the Twelfth
Promise that is to be accepted as the revealed one. There are no
less than four different formulas from which we may make a selec-
tion. The writer referred to above 1 states that "in the authentic
life of Blessed Margaret Mary the promise occurs in two places."
Then he gives the two forms in French, translates the first one into
English and subjoins : "Unfortunately we have no means of finding
out what Blessed Margaret Mary understood by the promise. She
speaks of it in no other place, it seems, besides the two passages
which we have given above, and in neither of them does she say
anything about its meaning." The description is very realistic, but
just as misleading. It is true that there are two distinct passages in
"Vie et Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie" in which
reference is made to the Great Promise. This work was edited by
the Visitandines and consists of two volumes. The first volume con-
taining her life written by Les Contemporaines, gives the text by
way of citation. In the second volume, which contains her own
writings, the letter itself, directed to Mother de Saumaise, is
SACERDOS, Ground of Hope, Am. Mess, of the S. H.} 1898, p. 156.
139
140 CONTENTS OF THE
given in full. The writer of the above article, therefore, has an
erroneous idea which will permit a correction. His interpretation
would unfailingly convey the notion that the autobiography of
Blessed Margaret Mary refers to the Twelfth Promise in two dis-
tinct places. Such a statement cannot be sustained, for it is not
Blessed Margaret Mary herself that speaks. It is the Contempor-
aines Visitandines that quote her doubtful letter in the first volume,
and the Visitandines of 1867 and 1876 respectively publish the same
from a copied, transcribed source in the second volume. It is ques-
tionable whether even the Contemporaines Visitandines had the auto-
graph in their possession since it was only a copy and not the original
letter that they submitted to the Sacred Congregation. This latter
statement is corroborated indirectly by the third and only authentic
edition of her works that appeared in 1915 through the solicitude of
Archbishop Gauthey.
Since there is no other criterion to enable us to form a correct
estimate of the relative value of the subsequent remarks, in order to
judge their merit intelligently, it is necessary to acquaint ourselves
with the works of Blessed Margaret Mary. The investigation will
involve a somewhat complicate question without the understanding
of which it is impossible to pass a judgment on the subject under
consideration.
Blessed Margaret Mary by order of Mother de Saumaise, her Su-
perior in the convent, and her confessors, Fathers de la Colombiere
and Rolin, wrote a Memoir in which she relates the principal events
of her life. Mgr. Bougaud * says that the first edition of this manu-
script of the Beata was published by Father Galliffet, who brought
it out in conjunction with his treatise "Sur I' Excellence de la De-
votion au Coeur de Jesus-Christ!9 In 1865 the same manu-
script was reedited by Bather Daniel. Blessed Margaret
*Histoire de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie, ch. I, p. 35, foote-note.
CONTAINING THE GREAT PROMISE 141
Mary corresponded with persons both religious and lay. Her
autobiography in the original is still extant, and also many
of her autographic letters. Some of her letters were lost en-
tirely, others again are preserved only in a transcribed
form. In the year 1715 a movement commenced with epis-
copal approbation to collect juridicial data preliminary to her beati-
fication. On this occasion Srs. Peronne-Rosalie de Farges, and
Francois-Rosalie Verchere composed a Memoir under the title of
Vie de la Bienheureuse par les Contemporaines in which they give
us an insight into her convent life. This manuscript was one of the
sources from which Bishop Languet drew his information for the
life of Blessed Margaret Mary.1 After his work was finished he
returned it to the Archives of Paray. The Visitandines undertook
to combine this latter work with the Memoir of the Beata, and in
1867 published in two volumes a work entitled Vie et Oeuvres de la
Bienheureuse Marguerite Marie. Thus the above work is a com-
bination of two distinct compilations of manuscript Memoirs. The
first volume confines itself to the Vie de la Bienheureuse par les
Contemporaines, while the second contains the Memoire ecrit par la
Bienheureuse, sur Vordre du Pere Rolin, son directeur. In 1876
the Visitandines gave a second amplified and revised edition of the
same work again in two volumes. Father Hamon expresses his dis-
approval of the various changes and additions introduced into this
latter edition. The third and the only reliable edition of all the
documents appertaining to Blessed Margaret Mary was committed
to print in 1915 of which we shall speak more extensivel later.
Through this short survey of the scope, nature and history of the
above work one is better qualified to appreciate the arguments of the
opponents of the Twelfth Promise as well as those of its defenders.
If — as Father Hamon says — the two Sisters who were collecting her
writings were astonished to find such a letter among them why does
, op. cit., Discours, p. 52.
142 CONTENTS OF THE)
not Father GallifTet, who was the first to publish her Memoir, make
at least a passing reference to it? Again, if the Visitandines
possessed such a treasure in its authentic form, why did they hesi-
tate for such a long time before they placed its contents before the
public? Father Thurston's investigation proves that the Great
Promise was not put in print before 1867.1
On the other hand it is hard to reconcile with the foregoing state-
ments Bishop Languet's reference to such a letter. From this it
would seem that the Visitandines who compiled the Vie et Oeuvres
de la Bienheureiise and gave it to him to be used as a source for his
work, either possessed a letter of such character, or, at least, made
a deposition that such a letter had actually been written. Had he
been in possession of an autographic document he would surely have
quoted it, for, as it has already been observed, he cited many others
of considerably less importance. Nor can it be said that he did not
attach enough weight to it to convey its contents with the exact
words of the Beata. A letter indeed might have been placed before
him, but — because it was only a transcription of the one said to have
been written by the Beata — this reason might have induced him to
refrain from quoting it. There are many incidents related in his
work, and connected with the life of Blessed Margaret Mary, which
he draws solely from the authority of eye-witnesses whose testimony
he judges to have been reliable. Could it not be supposed that he
received his information viva voce, and, placing an implicit con-
fidence in the trustworthiness and reliability of his informants, ac-
cepted it as a fact?
Be that as it may, no one claims to quote the text of the Twelfth
Promise according to a prototype manuscript. Even Father Hamon,
who made a thorough scrutiny of her writings, and familiarized
himself with all the documents the Visitation Nuns possess bearing
'THURSTON, in the Month, The Nine Fridays, vol. CI, p. 636.
CONTAINING THE GREAT PROMISE 143
on this subject, does not draw its wording from such a manuscript,
though fully cognizant of the fact that it would corroborate his
position considerably. The supposition that up to the French revolu-
tion her writings were accessible to the public does not help to solve
the difficulty. How is one to infer which writings were preserved
in autographic exemplars up to that time? On July 22nd in 1715,
only 58 autographic and 39 copied letters were produced for the
process of beatification. This collection of autographs contained 18
letters to Mother de Soudeilles, four letters to Mother de Buisson,
14 letters to Sr. Felice Madelaine (de la Barge), 10 to the Sisters de
Monruant, Ursulines at Paray, and 12 to her brother Chrysostom
Alacoque. Among the copies, at this rate, are to be computed the
27 transcribed letters to Mother de Saumaise, one to Sr. Joly, and 11
fragments preserved in the Memoir of Mother Greyfier. Of all
these 58 autographs 10 were lost, but the 39 copied letters were all
preserved. Therefore, it would appear from the most authentic
account 1 that of the 27 letters written by Blessed Margaret Mary
to Mother de Saumaise, and presented for the process of beatifica-
tion on July 22, 1715, not a single one was an autograph of the Beata.
It is true that some of her autographic letters were discovered since
that time, but the letter which concerns us most is not one of them,
and even at present we possess only three autographs Ojf the 48 let-
ters which she was supposed to have written to the Superior of
Dijon, Mother de Saumaise. Two of these autographs are pre-
served at the convent of Nevers and one at Rennes.
If only a reproduction or transcription of this important letter
was presented to the Sacred Congregation in the year 1715, then
the autograph, to all likelihood, must have been lost long before the
French revolution. This might explain the attitude of Bishop Lan-
1 Vie et Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie Alacoque, publication
du monastere de la visitation de Paray-Le-Monial, par les soins de Monseig-
neur GAUTHEY, Archeveque de Besangon, Paris, 1915, torn. II, pp. 207-215.
144 CONTENTS OF THE
guet who prefers rather to narrate its contents than quote it ver-
batim. What was it that brought about the destruction of this let-
ter, what circumstances occasioned its disappearance, who can tes-
tify to having read it in the original copy, remain questions difficult
of satisfactory solution.
We shall now proceed to compare the different formulas of the
letter under investigation. The first volume of the 1867 and 1876
Visitandine editions gives one rendition of the promise,1 and the
second volume of the same two editions gives another form.2
The two renditions are at variance in ten different points, though
the meaning they convey is substantially the same. The fact that
the Visitandines attach equal value to both these forms, for they
publish both in the same work without any discrimination, shows
that they themselves entertained a doubt as to its exact wording.
Nor do they intend to accept the form handed down by Les Content-
poraines of 1715, as the only authentic one.
The third form of the promise is found in the work of Bishop
1 "Je te promets, dans 1'exces de la misericorde de mon Coeur, que son
amour tout-puissant accordera a tous ceux qui communieront les premiers
vendredis, neuf mois de suite, la grace de la penitence finale, qu'ils ne mour-
ront point dans ma disgrace, ni sans recevoir leur sacrements, et qu'il se
rendra leur asile assure a cette heure derniere." (Vie et Oeuv. ed. 1867, vol. I,
p. 291; again, ed. 1876, vol. I, p. 318.)
.
2 "Je te promets dans 1'excessive misericorde de mon Coeur, que son amour
tout puissant accordera a tous ceux qui communieront neuf premiers ven-
dredis du mois, tout de suite, la grace finale de la penitence; qu'ils ne mour-
ront point en sa disgrace ni sans recevoir les sacrements, mon divin Coeur
se rendant leur asile assure en ce dernier moment." (Vie et Oeuvres, vol. II,
ed. 1867, p. 159; again, ed. 1876, vol. II, p. 196).
CONTAINING THE GREAT PROMISE 145
Languet.1 This is not a quotation of the original promise, but only
an interpretation of it given by the author. However, in substance
it agrees with the foregoing. It prescribes the performance of the
same number and nature of spiritual exercises. It specifies the same
time, at which they are to take place, but the reward is not to be ex-
pected with the same absolute assurance, as expressed by the above
two forms. For after one has complied with the required condi-
tions he may entertain a hope of receiving the sacraments of the
Church and the grace of final repentance before dying.2
The fourth version of the Twelfth Promise is found in a manu-
script discovered by Father Hamon in 1902 in the library of Joseph
Dechelette. This form, in his estimation, is the nearest approach to
the original. However, he fears that in his decision he might have
been unconsciously actuated by the self-love of a fortunate investi-
gator.3 The difference between this and the one taken from the first
volume of the Vie et Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie,
ed. 1867, p. 291, is insignificant. Still, for the sake of comparison
*"Dans line autre Lettre elle prescrit une pratique pour honorer le Coeur
de Jesus-Christ; pratique qui lui etoit familiere, et que notre Seigneur lui
avoit suggeree, en lui faisant esperer la grace de la penitence finale, et celle
de recevoir les Sacramens de 1'Eglise avant que de mourir, pour ceux qui
1'observeroient. C'etoit de faire une neuvaine de Communion a cette intention
et pour honorer le Coeur de Jesus-Christ ; en plac,ant chacune de ces Com-
munions a chaque premier vendredi du mois, pendant neuf mois de suite."
(La Vie de la Venerable Mere Marguerite-Marie, Paris, 1729, books VII, pp.
241-242).
2 "En lui faisant esperer la grace de la penitence finale et celle de recevoir
les sacremens de TEglise avant que de mourir."
8 "Elle me parait, de toutes celles que je connais, la plus voisine de 1'auto-
graphe. Toutefois, il pourrait se glisser dans mon appreciation un peu de
1'egoisme inconscient du chercheur heureux." (HAMON, Etudes ReL> La
Grande Protnesse du Sacre Coeur, vol. XCV, p. 855.)
146 CONTENTS OF THE LETTER
it will be advisable to reproduce it in its entirety. 1
The same author refers to a fifth version which he does not quote,
but claims that in a fragmentary form it can be verified in the An-
nales du Monastere de Dijon,2
This will suffice as to the different versions of the Twelfth
Promise. From their comparison it is manifest that they are not al-
together uniform, nor do they differ substantially. They all promise
the grace of final repentance and the last Sacraments. An important
distinction, however, is not to be lost sight of. While three of the
forms give an absolute assurance of the above reward, Bishop
Languet's formula premises it with the words : Hn lui faisant esperer
which may be rendered into English : And leading her to hope, i. e.,
for the above graces.
It is hardly possible to determine which of these forms, if any, is
identical with the original. The investigation of Father Hamon
makes the matter only more complicated and the solution of the
difficulty more hopeless. He points out 8 that the Vie de la Bienheur-
cuse par les Contemporaines on which Bishop Languet founded most
of his statements and from which he quoted many of her letters is
full of citations not corresponding faithfully to the original auto-
graphic writings of the Beata. Hence he infers logically that Bishop
Languet's life is not reliable in all its particulars. He pronounces
1 "Et un jour de vendredi, pendant la sainte communion, il fut dit ces
paroles a son indigne esclave, si elle ne se trompe: Je te promets, dans
1'excessive misericorde de mon Coeur, que son amour tout-puissant accordera
a tous ceux qui communieront neuf premiers vendredis des mois de suite la
grace de la penitence finale, ne mourront point en sa disgrace, ni sans recevoir
leurs sacrements ( ,) se rendant leur asile assure en ce dernier moment."
(HAMON, in the Etudes Rel, vol XCV, p. 856.)
1 In the Etudes Rel, vol. XCV, p. 854 note.
* In the Etudes Rel., Les Vies de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie Alaco-
que, vol. XCI, p. 720 sq.
CONTAINING THE GREAT PROMISE 147
the same criticism on the works of Father Croiset.1 He admits that
the works of Fathers Daniel and Bougaud were composed according
to the modern methods of hagiography but does not refrain from
pointing out a number of inexact quotations in them.2 Yet, all these
writers claim to have consulted the original documents. The ex-
planation for all this can be found in the subsequent statements of
the Visitandines. They admit that many modifications were intro-
duced in the edition of the Vie par les Contemporaines.^ Thus they
have interpolated certain documents whose addition they considered
necessary to complete the work. In this connection we can sympa-
thize with Father Hamon, who, after having perused these intro-
duced changes, censures them for their action and disapprovingly
remarks that they ask too much indulgence when they attempt to
characterize these alterations by the appellation quelques ameliora-
tions de style*
Yet, these interpolated documents were consulted by all the au-
thors who wrote on the question which we are consider-
ing. Father Hamon passes an unfavorable judgment also on the
Memoir as edited by Father Galliffet. He contends that in spite of
the fact that five Sisters of Paray confirmed it by their signature,
1 "L,e Pere Croiset et Mgr Languet ne se montrent pas suffisamment his-
toriens; il veulent surtout edifier." (Loc. cit., pp. 723 and 724.)
* Loc. cit., pp. 729 ff .
8 "Quant aux documents fournis par les Meres Greyfie et de Saumaise, les
Contemporaines en avaient omis quelques fragments, pour des raisons qui
n'existent aujourd'hui. Nous les avons intercales a leur place pour que
1'oeuvre fut entiere. Nous avons de meme intercale en leur lieu de precieux
fragments trouves dans nos archives, et appartenant a 1'epopque des Con-
temporaines." (Vie et Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie, vol. I,
p. 21).
4 "A mon humble avis il cut mieux valu publier le texte sans y rien modifier,
et mettre corrections et changements en note. C'est toutefois montrer beau-
coup d'indulgences que de les appeler "quelques ameliorations de style."
(HAMON, loc. cit., vol. XCI, p. 732, foot-note.)
148 CONTENTS OF THE LETTER
notwithstanding the title page bearing the words Copie fidele, the
edition contains many inexcusable errors.1
From the foregoing statements one would be inclined to think
that in the course of our infestigation we have strayed into a laby-
rinth without having a clue to find our way out. No authors up to
the present have been exact in their quotations taken either from the
Memoir of the Beata, or the Vie et Oeuvres par les Contemporaines.
Even the official edition of the Visitandines printed in 1867 and 1876,
cannot be trusted in every particular on account of the additions of
certain supplements which, as they say, were taken from ancient
manuscripts copied from the original, and preserved either at the
Visitation convent of Paray, or at the hospital of the same village,
or in other religious houses, the autographs having disappeared.2
Father Hamon may, therefore, legitimately draw the inference that
in the second volume of the Vie et Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse
Marguerite-Marie which contains her letters and Memoirs only
those writings are to be considered authentic of which the autograph
is extant.3
The regrettable fact that such liberty was taken with the works
of Blessed Margaret Mary tends to confirm the opinion entertained
by some that the text of the letter in question cannot be trusted.
If even the two Visitandines who composed her first life by using
her own writings, cannot be believed ; if they eliminated certain ex-
pressions and supplanted them with others ; if neither the text of
Fathers Croiset, Languet, Galliffet, Daniel and Bougaud can be trust-
1 HAMON, loc. cit., p. 731, foot-note.
J"Un certain nombre de lettres et d'avis sont "tires d' anciens manuscrits
copies sur les originaux et conserves soit a la Visitation de Paray, soit a
Vhospice de la meme ville, soit en d'autres maisons religieuses" les autographes
ont disparu." (HAMON, in the Etudes Rel, vol. XCI, pp. 733-734).
*"Dans ce volume meme, on ne doit pourtant considerer comme, entiere-
ment authentiques que les seuls ecrits dont nous possedons encore les auto-
graphes." (HAMON, loc. cit., p. 742).
CONTAINING THE) GREAT PROMISE 149
ed, for they have all alike taken liberties when they quoted the Beata,
can we for a moment imagine that the wording of the letter con-
taining the Twelfth Promise remained intact? Father Hamon ad-
mits that the letter as cited is not the composition of the Beata word
for word, but assures us that to the best of his knowledge no essen-
tial idea or clear fact underwent a modification in it, nor was there
added anything to the primitive text. Communion for nine First
Fridays of the month, the grace of final repentance, not dying with-
out the reception of their Sacraments, practices so definite and a
promise so solemn cannot be interpolations.1
Another serious objection which the defenders of the Great
Promise find very hard to answer satisfactorily is the fact that it was
not published till 1867, according to Father Thurston,2 or till 1870
according to Father Bachelet.3 Up to that time all leaflets contained
only eleven promises in the order in which they are placed nowadays.
The Twelfth Promise was added around the year when the Devotion
to the Sacred Heart received a new impetus in France.*
Nor are the Visitandines in possession of a record to prove that
any persons practised it, with the possible exception mentioned by
Father Hamon. He states a fact for which he fails to give his au-
thority. On the first Friday of Jan. 1714, Mother Louise-Henriette
de Soudeilles, with her whole community, engaged in making the
1 "Quand on transcrivit les ecrits de la Bienheureuse, souvent on les
abregea pour des raisons que je n'ai pas a donner ici, souvent on les corrigea
pour supprimer des fautes de frangais, qui n'en etaient, pas toujours, ou les
accommoder au gout des delicats, qui n'etait pas toujours le bon gout; jamais,
au moins a ma connaissance, on n'a modifie ni une idee essentielle, ni un fait
bient net; jamais on n'a rien ajoute au texte primittf. Communion des neuf
premiers vendredis du mois; grace finale de la penitence; mourir sans re-
cevoir leur sacraments, des pratiques si precises, une aussi solennelle promesse,
ne peuvent etre des interpolations." (HAMON, in the Etudes Rel., vol. XCV,
p. 855).
"THURSTON, The Month, The Nine Fridays, vol. CI, p. 636, foot-note.
* Etudes Rel, vol. LXXXVIII, p. 386.
4 "Dans les plus anciens manuels de la devotion au Sacre Coeur, on trouve
onze promesses sous la forme concise qu'elles ont guardee et dans 1'ordre
meme ou nous les plagons encore. Longtemps, dans la plupart des feuilles,
on n'en imprima pas d'autres. Ce ne fut que vers 1870, quand la devotion
au Sacre Coeur recut en France une nouvelle impulsion, qu'une douzieme
fut ajoutee." (BACHELET, Etudes Rel., vol. LXXXVIII, pp. 385-386).
150 CONTENTS OF THE LETTER
nine Fridays but did not complete them, having passed away on the
24th of April of the same year.1
Again the same author says that when the two Sisters, Frangoise-
Rosalie Verchere and Peronne Rosalie de Farges, commenced the
collection of the writings of the Beata for the canonical procedure
of her beatification, they were surprised to find such a promise. As
it has already been pointed out they submitted only a transcription of
the supposed original letter to the Sacred Congregation. Hence, it
may be concluded with safety that the autograph was not accessible
to them. Furthermore, they were the best friends of the Beata, and
yet knew nothing of the promise, for in case of the contrary supposi-
tion their surprise would be entirely out of place. Therefore, since
Blessed Margaret died in 1690, for 34 years nobody knew anything
about the promise except Mother de Saumaise, provided it be ad-
mitted that the letter was actually written to her, and the community
of Moulins, presupposing that Father Hamon drew his information
from a reliable source. Yet the revelation narrated in this letter
was of such character that the pious Superior of Dijon could hardly
have refrained from publishing it among the different Communities
especially after she herself had become a sincere devotee of the Devo-
tion to the Sacred Heart. Is it not strange that she should ignore the
contents of the letter of which she was the recipient, and the Com-
munity at Moulins, of which Mother de Soudeilles was the Superior,
should put it in practice for the first time ?
Again, it is well known that Blessed Margaret Mary in her zeal-
ous endeavor to win her companions as well as persons living in the
world to the Devotion of the Sacred Heart, used every legitimate
means to accomplish her design. Yet, her writings do not contain
a single exhortation to practise the nine Fridays. It would seem that
5 "La Mere Louise-Henriettee de Soudeilles, commenga le premier vendredi
de Janvier 1714, avec toute so communaute, la seiie des neuf communions.
Elle n'eut pas le temps de 1'achever : le 24 avril elle mourrait dans des trans-
ports d'amour." (HAMON, in the Etudes Rel, vol. XCV, p. 857).
CONTAINING THE GREAT PROMISE 151
the holy religious did not attach a particular importanc to the Great
Promise, or did not consider it apart from the other manifestations
concerning the First Fridays on which Christ was asking a special
reparation. We find her exhorting her followers to a special worship
of the Sacred Heart on First Fridays, Confession and Holy Com-
munion being insisted upon in particular.1 Even Father Thurston
admits that "Blessed Margaret Mary does not appear to have at-
tached any exceptional significance or importance" to this singular
revelation.2
It goes without saying that after the Great Promise has once been
printed, and diffused among the different nations of the world in
their several vernaculars, it (enjoyed a considerable popularity.
There is nothing that men of Christian faith dread more than the
uncertainty of salvation. This tormenting doubt they considered
settled with moral certainty when the text of the Twelfth Promise
came to their notice. What is more, ecclesiastics of note were not
wanting who confirmed their opinion even from the pulpit. Nothing
more natural, therefore, than to embrace such a devotion. We shall
have occasion to speak on this point more fully in the following
chapter.
1 Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1867, vol. II, pp. 90, 132, 237, etc.
'THURSTON, in the Month, vol., CI, p. 627.
CHAPTER XIII.
INTERPRETATION OF THE) TEXT OF THE GREAT PROMISE.
The Great Promise, as it has already been pointed out, is couched
in different forms. Since the purpose of this chapter is to submit it
to interpretation we shall be obliged to select one of its versions.
The formula of Bishop Languet not being a quotation has never
been taken as a model for such. The other three renditions of the
Twelfth Promise have equal value. For the time being we shall
give preference to the text which is found in the second volume of
Vie et Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie published by
the Visitandines of Paray in 1876, p. 196. It runs thus: One day
on a Friday, during Holy Comunion He said these words to Hi£
unworthy slave (servant), if she be not mistaken: I promise thee}
in the excessive mercy of my Heart, that Its all powerful love will
give the grace of final repentance to all those who communicate nine
successive First Fridays of the month; they will not die in Its dis-
pleasure, nor without receiving their Sacraments, My divine Heart
rendering Itself their assured refuge in that last moment^ The
first difficulty presenting itself is the expression of doubt : Si elle ne
se trompe (If she be not mistaken) . A passage found in the Memoir
of Mother Greyf fie sheds a sufficient light on this point to explain it
1Un jour de vendredi, pendant la sainte Communion, il dit ces paroles, a
son indigne esclave, si elle ne se trompe: Je te promets, dans 1'excessive
misericorde de mon Coeur, que son amour tout-puissant accordera a tous
ceux qui communieront neuf premiers vendredis du mois, tout de suite, la
grace finale de la penitence; ils ne mourront point en sa disgrace, ni sans
recevoir leur sacrements, mon divin Coeur se rendant leur asile assure en ce
dernier moment."
152
INTERPRETION OF THE TEXT OF THE GREAT PROMISE 153
satisfactorily. This Superior advises the Beata that in connection
with her supernatural visions, for the sake of humility, she should
make frequent use of terms expressive of doubt as, e. g., It seems
to me, or // / am not mistaken. It can be presumed that Blessed
Margaret Mary in this particular instance acted in conformity with
the above suggestion. She was, furthermore, instructed even to dis-
claim the revelation in case her Superiors, or those who have a right
to investigate it, pronounce against it.1 A perusal of her writings
will disclose that she used the above expression with frequency.
In this connection it will be well to note a very appropriate remark
of Father Thurston : "We do not invariably find this note of doubt
in the saint's description of her supernatural experiences, especially
when we are dealing with her autograph."2 Moreover, the advice
of Mother Greyfie also complicates matters to some extent. It is
conceded that the saints did not always comprehend all their super-
natural visions with clarity. Hence, in case they wished to commit
them to writing, unless convinced of their real signification, they
couched them in words expressing an ambiguity. But as it is, we are
at a loss to determine now whether Blessed Margaret Mary premises
the dubitative terms in obedience to Mother Greyfie's counsel, or be-
cause she failed to have a perspicuous comprehension of the full
scope and meaning of the revelation.
2. It is clear that in order to gain the reward of the Great Promise
Holy Communion must be received the First Friday of every month,
for a period of nine consecutive months. No warrant can be found
in the writings of the Beata justfying the supposition of some spirit-
1 "Je lui disais pourtant de ne point parler des graces extraprdinaires qu'elle
recevait qu'en termes douteux, comme, il me semble, ou, si je ne me trompe,
et de ne s'y point fier avec tant de f ermete qu'elle ne fut prete a s'en departir,
sous le jugement des personnes qui lui seraient superieures ou qui auraient
droit d'en faire 1'examen. Elle m'a paru toujours tres fidele a cet avis."
(Vie et Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie, ed. 1915, torn. I, p.
175).
3 THURSTON, in the Month, vol. CI, p. 637.
154 INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT
ual writers that in case one of the Fridays happens to be Good Fri-
day it will suffice to prolong the devotion by one month. It is only
a modern, private conjectural interpretation on which the Church,
up to the present, has failed to take a definite official stand. There-
fore, the devotional manuals are to be reprehended when, without
an adequate warrant, they state with certainty that the intervening
Good Friday does not break the chain of the requisite nine First Fri-
day Communions.1 Until an official pronouncement is made on this
matter we cannot urge strongly enough the acceptance of the inter-
pretation that in case the succession of the First Fridays has been
interrupted, even by circumstances over which the communicant had
no control, the devotion must be recommenced.
3. There are two things to be noted in connection with the reward
which is to accrue to the communicant from the reception of the
nine Holy Communions, viz., (1) la grace de la penitence finale;
(2) les Sacrements. In one version we read la grace finale de la
penitence, and in another la grace de la penitence finale. Since it
is evident that these two references to this particular grace intend
to convey the same meaning it may justly be concluded that all
the forms of the Great Promise concur in assuring the
grace of final repentance. To the word penitence the meaning
of repentance was attached in the time of Blessed Mar-
garet Mary. The qualifying adjective finale specifies the time
at which this special grace is to be expected. The death-
bed repentance in French is la penitence au lit de la mart. Fa-
ther de la Colombiere in his sermon entitled Sur la penitence differee
a la mort gives an excellent example of the use of the French word
1 Cattchisme de la devotion au Sacre Coeur, par un pretre Oblat de Marie
Immaculee, Paris, 1902, p. 257. Again, Tresor Spirituel de la Devotion au
Sacre Coeur de Jesus, Chapelain de Montmartre, vol. I, p. 218.
OF THE GREAT PROMISE 155
la penitence. The interpreters lay great stress on this part of the
reward, the sacraments not being absolutely necessary, since Christ,
if He so desire, can render a soul with such a special grace a pleasing
object in His sight irrespective of whether it had previously received
the last sacraments or not. Therefore, since the grace of final re-
pentance irrevocably decides the fate of the soul which hie et nunc
is on the verge of embarking for eternity, the signification of the
promise will resolve itself principally into the interpretation attribut-
ed to the first reward.
Ecclesiastics, conversant with the various phases of the Devotion
to the Sacred Heart, suggest three leading interpretations to be at-
tributed to this grace. We shall present a brief treatment of each
opinion individually.
A. Father Ramiere, for a long time the official head of the League
of the Sacred Heart, represents no small circle of followers. In his
estimation Christ promises a guarantee of only a little more than the
ordinary help at the hour of death to the compliant with the pre-
scribed conditions. He affords us reasonable grounds of expecta-
tion that He will be with the dying in a special manner at that mo-
mentous hour upon which his eternity depends. He extends the
hope of a particular grace, but gives no assurance concerning the co-
operation with it. He promises also to give a special opportunity of
receiving the sacraments one may stand in need of. Summarizing
all the foregoing: "He holds out the certainty of extraordinary
favors at the hour of death but gives no certainty of final repent-
1 Ground of Hope, American Messenger of the Sacred Heart, year 189S,
p. 157.
156 INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT
ance."1
B. Father Bachelet interprets it somewhat differently. In his be-
lief it ought to be analogous to the Scapular Promise. Pere Theo-
phile Raynaud 2 states that the promises attached to the Scapular
will be verified infallibly provided the wearer complies with two
kinds of conditions, viz., the common and the particular conditions.
The former comprise the observances prescribed for the faithful
in general, while the latter are limited to those required of the mem-
bers of the Confraternity in particular. Basing his opinion on this
explanation, Father Bachelet avers that one may expect the realiza-
tion of the Great Promise only after having complied with the re-
quirements of the ordinary means of salvation as well as with those
of the Nine Fridays' Devotion. In his estimation the Twelfth
-
Promise has no more force than the words of the Sacred Scripture,
viz., "he that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood hath everlast-
ing life ;" 3 or, "he that eateth (that bread), and drinketh (the blood)
unworthily, eateth and drinketh judgment to himself ;" 4 or again,
"for we are saved by hope ;" 5 or, finally "for alms delivereth from
death and the same is that which purgeth away sins, and maketh to
find mercy and life everlasting." 6
Just as only one healthy organ does not spell the general health of
the body, so one of these means taken separately cannot be the whole
cause of salvation. These conditions are to be viewed in the light
that each of them individually is a partial contributor towards our
last end, and collectively would actually bring it about. The same
1 SACSRDOS, Amer. Mess, of the Sacred Heart, year 1898, p. 157.
2 Summa Aurea, vol. V, col. 502.
•John VI, 55.
4 1. Cor. XI, 29.
6 Rom. VIII, 24.
6 Tobias, XII. 9.
OF THE GREAT PROMISE 157
opinion is advocated by Bellarmine.1 Father Bachelet justifies his
interpretation by the words of Benedict XIV concerning the efficacy
of the Scapular Promise. No person will escape eternal punishment
by the mere fact that he wears the Scapular, if during his life he was
guilty of sinful excesses. No person will be saved by the mere fact
that he wears a Scapular without having performed other meritor-
ious works to deserve such a reward. Eternal salvation presupposes
good acts and perseverance in such acts.2 That such was the belief
Blessed Simon himself entertained is evident from his own words :
"My Brethren, endeavor to assure your salvation by the perform-
ance of good works.'3
C. Father Vermeersch is the staunchest advocate of a third mode
of interpretation. According to his judgment no analogy can be es-
tablished between the reward which the Sacred Scripture attaches
to various acts individually, and the reward guaranteed by the
Great Promise. The Sacred Scripture, he argues, reveals to us the
ordinary economy of salvation. It is to be considered as a composite
consisting of different parts of which each contributes its share
towards the integration of the whole. Hence, one passage helps to
explain the others. Therefore, a special recommendation of a certain
1 "Saepenumero scriptura divina tribuit vim justificandi, aut etiam salvandi,
diversis rebus. . . . neque tamen ullus est, qui inde colligat, solum timorem,
aut solam spem, aut solam ellemosynam, aut solum verbum sine fide et
dilectione, aliisque ad eundem finem requisitis, sufficere posse ad salutem. Sic
igitur etiamsi detestationi peccatorum et orationi alicubi Scriptura iustifi-
cationem tribueret; non tamen colligere opporteret, sola ilia sufficere, sed ilia
quidem vim suam habere et plane iustificare si cetera non desint." (BEi/LAR-
MINE, Opera Omnia, torn. Ill, tract de Poenitentia, lib. II, c. VII, p. 644).
1 "Aussi, dit Benoit XIV, dans la revelation du Bienheureux Simon, on ne
lit pas que celui qui a porte le scapulaire sera par cela meme, et par cela seul,
preserve du feu eternel, sans qu'il ait jamais fait autre chose. II faut de-
bonnes oeuvres, pour le salut eternel, et il faut la perseverance dans le bien."
(BACHELET, Etudes ReL, vol. LXXXVIII, p. 390).
' "Mes freres, dit saint Simon Stock avec Papotre saint Paul, efforcez-vous
d'assurer votre vocation par la pratique des bonnes oeuvres." (SERAPION a
S. ANDREA, Scapulierbuchlein der Karmeliterbruderschaft, Graz., 1869; ibid.,
BACHELET, vol. LXXXVIII, p. 390, and BERINGER, p. 197).
158 INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT
good disposition or meritorious work means nothing more than to
emphasize the particular place which these hold in conjunction with
the other acts, but does not point out a new merit possessed by them
separately. Such passages are related to others with which they
form a harmonious whole, and depend on them for their full signifi-
cation. But in the case of the Twelfth Promise no such interpre-
tation can be advocated without doing violence to the text. The
Great Promise is complete in itself, not dependent on, or correlated
to any other, therefore, in interpreting it we must take the full scope
and range of its contents unrestrictedly.
Furthermore, Christ in the Sacred Scripture promises life ever-
lasting to those who eat His flesh and drink His blood. However,
He does not specify the frequency of this participation in his flesh
and blood. It is to endure throughout the whole life, and according
to the practice prescribed by the discipline of the Church. Parallel
is the case as regards the grace attached to the Scapular. One must
be invested with it at the hour of death. This presupposes a kind
of negative perseverance till the last moment of our terrestrial so-
journ when the designated favor is to be bestowed. But the Great
Promise is not conditioned by, or subordinated to a practice of in-
definite duration, for the indicated conditions could have been satis-
fied long before death overtakes us. It is particularly in this feature
Father Vermeersch places the excellence of the Nine Fridays' De-
votion.1
He argues further that the grace of God can surely triumph over
the weaknesses as well as over the obstinacy of man. It is un-
doubtedly capable of preventing presumption and hardening in sin.
*"La promesse de Notre Seigneur n'est subordonnee a aucune pratique de
duree indefinie. Longtemps meme avant la mort, il peut etre pleinement
satisfait a toutes les conditions. Voila ce qui fait la specialite et 1'excellence
de la Grande Promesse" (VERMEERSCH, op. cit., torn. II, ch. Ill, art. II, p.
225).
OF THE GREAT PROMISE 159
Without His grace man is unable to presevere in justice, and He
can give anyone a sufficient grace which He foresees will eventually
be efficacious. He may lay down certain condition for its acquisition,
or may bring about the same result absolutely, i. e., without any
conditions whatsoever. In the present case God will not bestow this
grace unless certain conditions are verified beforehand. Since,
however, according to the general rule of interpretation, the literal
sense is to be preferred, unless something obviously militates against
it, therefore, he concludes, all those who fulfill the prescribed condi-
tions are morally certain of their salvation.1
The disposition with which these Holy Communions should be re-
ceived is (1) the state of grace, (2) the intention of not neglecting
one's spiritual obligations in the future, (3) in honor of the Sacred
Heart as a reparation to make amends for the ingratitude of men,
(4) special intention of gaining the grace offered by the
Twelfth Promise. Father Vermeersch rejects the opinion
of Father Smith who claims that a high degree of fervor must be
manifested in the reception of these nine Holy Communions in
order that the promised grace may be granted. Bainvel clings to
the opinion of Father Vermeersch by claiming that the promise is
absolute, and presupposes as a condition only the worthy reception
of the nine Holy Communions at the time specified. It promises final
perseverance, he says, purporting the penitence and the last Sacra-
ments, but only in the degree necessary.2
'"Ceux qui communieront neuf premiers vendredis de suite avec des dis-
positions voulues auront tous la grace de la perseverance finale. Et, par con-
sequent, les fideles qui, de bon coeur, s'efforcent de realiser cette condition
sont moralement assures de leur salut." (VERMfcERSCH, Op. cit., torn. II, ch.
Ill, art. II, p. 226).
* "Ce qui est promis, ce n'est pas la perseverance dans le bien pendant tout
la vie: ce n'est pas non plus la reception des derniers sacrements en toute
hypothese, c'est la perseverance finale, emportant la penitence et les derniers
sacrements dans la mesure necessaire. Ceux-la ne comprennent rien a la
devotion de 1'amour, que ces grandes promesses scandalisent, ou qui n'y
voient qu'un encouragement a mal faire." (Dictionnaire de Theologie
Catholique, art. Coeur Sacre de Jesus (Devotion ow), col. 332).
160 INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT
The advocates of the third mode of interpretation, therefore,
maintain that if we stand by the plain and obvious meaning of the
language none of those who make the Nine Fridays duly are to be
excluded from the moral certainty of a happy death. In their
estimation the grace of final perseverance spoken of in the Great
Promise is an efficacious grace, and it will infallibly obtain the con-
sent of the will.1
But what is to be said about those who presume that their salva-
tion is secure irrespective of the kind of life they lead in the future,
provided they have made the Nine Fridays. We are to distinguish
whether this presumption on their part, arose before they engaged
in the devotion or after they terminated it. No provision is made
for those in whose case this presumption arises concomitantly with
the devotion. In the first case they would lack the necessary disposi-
tion, and consequently, have no right to the promised reward. As to
the second case, the interpretations disagree. Father Bachelet be-
lieves that those who by a consequent presumption become hardened
in the state of sin, by this very act place an impediment in the way of
the realization of the Great Promise. Even those who by mere hu-
man weakness, without any presumption on their part, transgress the
commandments of God, by this very fact lose their assured title
to this special divine assistance. However, we should not hesitate to
state, he says, if not absolutely at least as something plausible and
especially to be hoped for, that the Heart of Jesus will remember
in opportune time the right these sinful souls acquired by the per-
formance of the Nine Fridays' Devotion, and causing the obstacle to
1 SACICRDOS, American Mess, of the Sacred Heart, loc. cit., year 1898, p. 158.
OF THE GREAT PROMISE 161
disappear, He will simultaneously revive the right which is suspend-
ed in some way on account of their state of sin.1
Father Vermeersch treats with the same severity those souls whose
presumption arose before they engaged in the devotion. But after
they have once performed it with the necessary disposition and good
intention they may entertain a moral certitude as to their salva-
tion. God by this special grace will safeguard them from falling
into presumption, he maintains, or, at least, from persevering in it.
In his opinion the consequent mode of life, be it what it may, has no
bearing on the question. The chances of the most inveterate sinners
are not less than those of mediocre sinners : the merited grace will
give an equal assurance of salvation to both.2
The same author maintains that this interpretation does not con-
tradict the Canon of the Council of Trent which anathematizes those
who with absolute and infallible certitude would declare that they
will have the gift of final perseverance, unless such a knowledge was
*"Ne craignons done pas, sinon d'affirmer absolument, du moins d'enonccr
comme chose plausible, et surtout d'esperer que le Coeur de Jesus se souviendra
en temps opportun du droit acquis par les ames pecheresses, mais suspendu
en quelque sorte par leurs fautes et leur etat de peche, et que faisant disparai-
tre 1'obstacle, il fera du meme coup revivre le droit." (BACHEI,ET, in the
Etudes ReL, torn. LXXXVIII, p. 393).
* "Les fideles qui, de bon coeur, s'efforcent de realiser cette condition sont
moralement assures de leur salut. ... La mauvaise volonte ne pourrait done
venir qu'apres cette neuvaine. Outre que de ferventes communions, con-
tinuees pendent pres d'un an, disposent peu Tame aux abus de la presomption.
Dieu saura precisement par sa grace empecher qu'on y tombe, ou du moins
162 INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT
communicated to them through a special revelation.1 The promise is
first of all only a private revelation, Father Vermeersch remarks, nor
can it be said to give us more than moral certainty. The very ac-
tuality of the revelation made to Blessed Margaret Mary, the exact-
ness of the terms in which she couched the promise, the verification
of the conditions and disposition required on our part, all these can
be known only with that moral certainty which still leaves room for
error, in order to stimulate us to work out our own salvation in fear
and trembling.2
This will suffice regarding the interpretation of the first reward
of which the Great Promise gives assurance, viz., the grace of final
perseverance. The second spiritual favor promised to those who
practice the Devotion of the Nine Fridays presents no such difficul-
ties.
Here we find that all the versions extend the same hope, viz., that
of receiving the last sacraments before dying. The variances found
in the different versions are quite irrelevant. The text preferred by
Father Vermeersch has les sacrements.3 The Visitandines give
preference to leurs sacrements* In the formula of Bishop Languet
we find les sacrements de I'Eglise.5 According to the interpretation
of the defenders of the Great Promise this expression is not to be
taken in the sense which it obviously conveys. In this respect Father
Vermeersch seems to be guilty of an inconsistency, for his contention
1 "Si quis magnum illud usque ad finem perse verantiae donum se certo habi-
turum absoluta et infalibili certitudine dixerit, nisi hoc ex speciali revelatione
didicerit, A. S." (Council of Trent, s. VI, c. 16).
2 "Car la realite meme de la revelation faite a la Bienheureuse, 1' exactitude
des termes dans lesquels elle rapporte la promesse, la verification par nous
de la condition requise, tout cela ne nous est connu qu'avec cette certitude
morale, qui laisse assez de chances d'erreur pour nous faire tou jours operer
notre salut avec crainte et tremblement." (VERMEERSCH, op. cit., torn. II, ch.
Ill, art. II, p. 227).
1 VERMEERSCH, op. cit., torn. II, ch. Ill, art. I, p. 210.
4 Vie et Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie, ed. 1867, vol. II,
p. 159.
6 LANGUET, op. cit., p. 242.
OF THE GREAT PROMISE 163
is that the text of the Twelfth Promise is to be interpreted literally,
but he fails to conform to this decision when explaining this second
reward. He comes to the conclusion that the sudden death of so
many holy priests and religious without the sacraments of the dying,
instead of militating against the promise, rather suggests its explan-
ation. Many of these Priests and religious who thus pass away
have undoubtedly made the Nine Fridays. How then can this fact
be reconciled with the Great Promise? And his answer is that,
while as to the first reward Our Lord gives an absolute assurance,
He does not intend to give the same guarantee as to the second. As
to the sacraments, therefore, the promise is conditional, inasmuch as
Christ will furnish an occasion of receiving them, but only in case
one is in need of them in order to place himself in the grace of God.
The grace of final repentance is indispensable to salvation, but the
last sacraments are only relatively necessary. A person, therefore,
who enjoys the state of grace at the hour of death, is not to expect
also the sacraments of the dying on the ground that he made the
Nine Fridays, though Christ very frequently gives more than He
promises. The mention of the sacraments is, therefore, to be con-
sidered as an accessory, the principal purpose of the promise is life
eternal, which can be obtained without receiving the benefit of the
second part of the promise, not, however, without the first part.1
Father Bachelet calls attention to the fact that there are two ways
of receiving the sacraments, viz., in reality, when they are within
our reach, and by desire, in the contrary case. Furthermore, he re-
marks that if the actual reception of the sacraments were guaranteed
by the Twelfth Promise, a sense conveyed by the literal interpreta-
tion of the same, then it would be equivalent to an infallible assur-
^'La mention des sacrements n'est qu'accessoire, et qu'il s'agit surtout,
sinon exclusivement, de donner aux privilegies de la Grande Promesse 1'assur-
ance morale de leur salut eternel." (VERMEERSCH, op, cit.f torn. II, ch. Ill,
art. II, p. 324).
164 INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT
ance against sudden death. 1 He is not inclined to admit such an ab-
surdity. His claim therefore is that Christ will animate the soul with
sentiments promoting justification in case the actual reception of the
sacraments is not possible. These sentiments are contrition and
charity. -
From the above statements it is manifest that the interpreters lay
little stress on, and attribute only a slight significance to the sacra-
ments in connection with the Great Promise.
These interpretations are far from appealing to all. Many entire-
ly refuse to give assent to them, and Father McNabb especially
declares his dissatisfaction. The correspondence which, in form of
a controversy, took place in 1903 in the London Tablet, reveals the
conviction of 24 different persons who engaged therein. The 36
letters published in the above periodical were written by priests,
laymen and converts. Some of these defend the promise, others re-
ject it, while a third class tries to suggest a reasonable explanation
of it. Great benefit can be drawn from the perusal of this corres-
pondence, because all those who participated in the debate expressed
their convictions unhesitatingly on the subject. Both the defenders
of the promise and its opponents endeavored to accentuate the fact
that they were actuated by the purest of motives, desirous of doing
service to the Church whose highest interest and welfare they had at
heart.
It is not our intention to enter into a detailed account of this ex-
change of letters. Suffice it to say that the defenders of the Great
Promise considered the Devotion of the Nine Fridays as a great
treasure constituting one of the most valuable and attractive features
of the Devotion to the Sacred Heart. The opponents, on the other
hand, pointed to the Twelfth Promise as a derogatory and disfigur-
1 "II n'est done pas necessaire de soutenir que la pratique en question assure
a tous ceux qui s'en sont acquittes la reception effective des derniers sacre-
ments, et par suite, devienne une sauveguarde infaillible centre la mort
subite." (BACHELET, in the Etudes Rel, vol. LXXXVIII, p. 393.)
OF THE GREAT PROMISE 165
ing characteristic of the same devotion, if accepted in the light of the
interpretation generally attributed to it by the widely diffused de-
votional books, manuals, pamphlets, and leaflets disseminated among
the different nations of the world. While some content themselves
with applying to it such an adjective as dangerous, Father McNabb
qualifies it as scandalous.*
That the text of the Great Promise in its present wording is liable
to misleading interpretation is admitted even by some of its defend-
ers. Boudinhon maintains that the reason why many priests abstain
from speaking about the Devotion of the Nine Fridays is because
they fear lest their hearers should conceive an illusion as to the cer-
tainty or degree of its efficaciousness.2 Father Bachelet, dwelling on
the fact that the promise was not published till 1867, suggests two
suppositions with which to explain this postponement of circulation,
viz., they might have judged it very difficult of interpretation and
they might have also considered it dangerous.3 It is easy to see how
the interpretation of the reception of the sacraments and the grace of
final repentance could have taken a form which by its very nature
would be calculated to encourage presumption. We must
never lose sight of the fact that the language of a the-
ologian who weighs his statements with logical precision and
gravity, is different from that employed by the devotional
writer whose only aim is to excite fervor and piety. It was judged
dangerous because it presumably advocated the certainty of salva-
tion, irrespective of the mode of life consequent to the compliance
1 McNABB, The Twelfth Promise, American Cath. Quarterly, vol. XXVIII,
p. 753.
2 "Quelques-uns, meme parmi les meilleurs pretres, evitent de parler de la
neuvaine, parce qu'ils craignent que les fideles ne se fassent illusions sur le
degre ou la certitude de son efficacite." (BOUDINHON, Revue du Clerge Fran-
gais, torn. XXXVI, p. 114).
'"Deux suppositions restent plausibles. On a pu trouver cette promesse
d'une interpretation trop difficile; on a pu aussi la juger dangereuse." (BACH&-
LET, in the Etudes ReL, vol. LXXXVIII, p. 387).
166 INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT
with the requirements of the Great Promise. Moreover, it seemed
to contradict the dogmatic definition drawn up by the Council of
Trent.
Father McNabb points out some interpretations of the promise
found in leaflets scattered broadcast among the simple pious faith-
ful, and rightly emphasizes the fact that it exposes them to the
danger of falling into material superstition.1 He expresses his dis-
approval in particular against the leaflet of Stephen Coube, S. J.,
which is being circulated without an imprimatur and misleads its
readers by the statement that "the Holy Church has adopted and
blessed this practise." 2 Again, he maintains that the Little Treasury
or Leaflets published by M. and S. Eaton, Dublin, doe.s not quote
the promise in a correct form. He also points out that a booklet
translated from the French (Montreuil-sur-Mer in 1894) entitled,
Promises made by Our Lord Jesus Christ to Blessed Margaret
Mary contains 14 promises. The writer of this latter book is Father
Francoisi, S. J., and it is circulated with the imprimatur of the
Provincial.3
To the above we might add the objectionable statements contained
in the Catechisme de la devotion au Sacre Coeur, par un Pretre
Oblat de Marie Immaculee, Paris, 1902. Speaking of the Great
Promise this author says that it is certain both as to its origin and as
to its effects. It is found in the authentic writings of Blessed Mar-
garet Mary. Those who comply with the required conditions will
obtain the necessary graces to persevere until death in the narrow
path of salvation by a perfect observance of the precepts of the
Church, or the evangelical counsels. The right to these extra-
ordinary fruits, once acquired, cannot be lost even if afterwards one
stays away from the frequentation of the sacraments. But the
1 McNABB, The Nine Fridays, American Cath. Quart., vol. XXVIII, p. 756.
2 MACNABB, loc. cit., vol. XXVIII, p. 752.
1 McNABB, loc. cit., p. 748.
OF THE GREAT PROMISE 167
graces received are so abundant that this complete forgetfulness of
essential duties will be a rare exception and of short duration. In-
excusable are, therefore, all those who throw aside this easy plank
of salvation.1
Another work which also contains statements that cannot be sub-
stantiated is the Tresor Spirituel de la devotion au Sacre Coeur de
Jesus.'2 Its author qualifies the promise as great on account of the
grace of which it gives an absolute assurance, viz., the grace of
final perseverance, a holy death, salvation. Furthermore, it offers
a plank of salvation which is so easily accessible. The Sacred
Heart has given us an answer to the question : Who can be saved ? 3
The author continues, he who communicates in a pious manner
every month is on his way to heaven, and by communicating nine
First Fridays he will obtain a special grace to persevere in this way
until death. *
Examples may be found even in American magazines that are
deserving of similar condemnation. The article published in the
American Mess, of the Sacred Heart* is unquestionably capa-
ble of misinterpretation. In the foregoing pages it has already been
pointed out how this author leaves one under the false impression
1 "Qu'ils seraient inexcusables ceux qui laisseraient de cote cette planche de
salut. Cette promesse est certaine, quant a son origine et quant a ses effets.
Elle a etc certainement faite a la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie, comme les
ecrits authentiques de la servante de Dieu en font foi. Ceux qui, apres avoir
fait, avec une piete sincere, les neuf communions, s'eloigneront ensuite de la
frequentation des sacrements, perdront-ils le droit aux fruits de la promesse
divine? Non assurement. Mais les graces obtenues sont si abondantes, que,
cet oubli complet des devoirs essentiels de la vie chretienne ne pourra etre
qu'une exception assez rare, au moins sera-t-elle momentanee." (Op. cit.,
pp. 255-258).
'CHAPELAIN DE MONTMARTRE, 2 vols., Paris, 1902.
" "Quelle grace, la perseverance finale ! une sainte mort ! Le Sacre Coeur
nous presente un moyen si facile pour se sauver, et nous a donne la reponse a
la question: Qui done pourra etre sauve?" (Tresor Spirituel, torn. I, p. 217).
4"Quiconque communie saintement, chaque mois, est dans la voie du ciel;
ct s'il a fait les neuf communions demandees, il obtiendra du Sacre Coeur une
grace special e pour perseverer dans cette voie jusqu'a la mort." (Op. cit.,
vol. I, p. 218).
' SACERDOS, A Ground of Hope, 1898, p. 156.
168 INTERPRETATION OF THE TEXT
that we possess the autographic document on which the Twelfth
Promise is based. "Again", says the same author, "what we con-
tend is that the Great Promise does insure him an efficacious grace,
wherewith he shall unfailingly, though with full liberty, perform
whatever may be necessary for salvation. And it is precisely in this
that the Great Promise goes further than the promises found in the
Gospel."1
What answer is to be given to the objection of those who main-
tain that the Twelfth Promise is offered only as a means of im-
petrating a happy death, or perseverance in prayer, whereby a happy
death can be infallibly secured? "We ask", he rejoins, "do these
Holy Communions obtain that grace infallibly or not? If they ob-
tain it for us infallibly, then, we say, that this interpretation does
not differ substantially from our own. But, if the Communions do
not obtain infallibly for us the grace spoken of in the objection, then
Christ's words may be proved false, and many who have made the
Nine Fridays worthily may still die in His disfavor, and be lost;
hence we reject this interpretation."2
In the opinion of this author, the grace bestowed by the Twelfth
Promise is of a higher order than the grace given by the sacraments
which are directly instituted by Christ as the proper channels of
graces for all the faithful. He Himself makes the assertion that:
"No Sacrament was instituted as the cause of such an efficacious
actual grace, that is, of a grace that would infallibly obtain the con-
sent of the will," yet, it is precisely this kind of grace he claims for
the person who has made the Nine Fridays.
This will suffice to indicate that the Great Promise has been in-
terpreted in terms which are unwarrantable, and that many inde-
fensible and misleading things have been said about it. To say that
this practice is adopted and blessed by the Church, that the
1 Loc. tit., p. 162.
1 Loc. cit., p. 163.
THE: GREAT PROMISE 169
promised grace will be granted unfailingly that if one complied with
the requisite conditions he will persevere in good works throughout
all the days of his life, that these Holy Communions will infallibly
obtain for us a happy death, that it is the most accessible plank of
salvation . . . etc., are statements which may be qualified as
unduly exaggerated, bold and unjustifiable in the absence of an au-
thoritative pronouncement on the part of the Church. There is a
serious danger in such language because simple-minded and
credulous persons will not stop to inquire into the reasons, but
will interpret literally such favorable statements, without questioning
the authority of the writer, especially if he be an ecclesiastic.
If the advocates of the third mode of interpretation were in a
position to corroborate their conclusions by putting the efficacy of
the Twelfth Promise to the test, many who at present are loath to ac-
cept their views would fain do so. Such a test, however, would seem
to involve an insurmountable difficulty, for it would necessitate the
knowledge of our neighbor's spiritual state into which the eyes of
God alone can penetrate.
The case is easy when the person in question received the Sacra-
ments before death. But what is to be said about those who died
without them? The interpreters answer: They either were not in
need of them, because they already possessed the sanctitfying grace,
or, in case they were, God gave them the necessary grace to sancti-
fy their soul without the Sacraments of the dying. Thus we fall
into a conjecture which can never be clarified because the ways of
God are inscrutible. Again, they say: The man who died without
the last rites of the Church, if he led an evil life lacked, in all likeli-
hood, the necessary disposition when he engaged in the Devotion
of the Nine Fridays. If he led a good life, and passed out of this
world without the last Sacraments, then, they answer, in all prob-
ability, he was not in need of them. And in case he was guilty of
suicide they ask the following questions: Are you certain that the
170 INTERPRETATION OF THE) TEXT
man in question made the Nine Fridays worthily? Are you certain
that the act was not committed in a moment of mental derange-
ment? Are you certain that God did not confer the efficacious grace
of perfect contrition on that soul in the last instant of its life in the
body? Until you can answer YES to each of these questions, the
third interpretation of the promise is not to be rejected}-
Thus they cover practically all contingencies, and not one of them
is such as the human mind could satisfactorily answer, for they lead
into the realm of the supernatural, over which God alone holds
sovereign and undisputed dominion.
Father McNabb thinks it remarkable that Blessed Margaret Mary
died without receiving the last Sacraments.2 With this assertion,
no doubt, he means to intimate that a fact of such nature must
needs militate against the efficacy of the Great Promise.
Even if the remark were true, it would fail to be a serious
objection, for the interpreters already anticipated such possi-
bilities in the case of others. No one would maintain that such a
holy person was in need of the Sacraments of the dying. However,
it will not be out of place to shed some of the available light on this
remark of Father McNabb. Practically all the reliable testimonies
agree that the priest did not administer Holy Communion by way
of viaticum, because her sickness was not considered sufficiently
grave to justify such administration. The same testimonies apprise
us of the fact that the day before she died she received Holy Com-
munion and, having anticipated by a special presentiment that this
was the last time she would have occasion to receive it during
her life, she formed the intention of receiving it by way of viaticum.
1 SACERDOS, Ground of Hope, Amer. Mess, of the Sacred Heart, 1898, p. 162,
*Loc. cit., vol. XXVIII, p. 746.
OF THE GREAT PROMISE 171
We have her own words to prove this fact.1
As to the Sacrament of Extreme Unction, it may be said that the
accessible sources when weighed and viewed collectively are calcu-
lated to induce one to pronounce in favor of its administration. It
is known that her prophecy as to her death in the arms of two
Sisters, viz., Frangoise-Rosalie de Verchere and Peronne-Rosalie
de Farges was actually fulfilled.2 Hence, these two sisters were in
a position to know the circumstances under which she expired.
These same sisters in 1715 engaged in writing her life preliminary
to the canonical process of her beatification. In this autographic
Memoir, to the composition of which each of them contributed her
share of efforts, they do not leave us in doubt as to the administra-
tion of the Sacrament of Extreme Unction.3
In the extracts of the canonical procedure of 1715 we read that
Sister Anne-Alexis de Mareschall, a contemporary of Blessed Mar-
garet Mary, made a deposition that there was just about sufficient
time to give her the Sacrament of Extreme Unction.4
Sr. Claude Rosalie de Farges informs us in the course of her
deposition that Blessed Margaret Mary asked to receive the last
Sacraments, but, on account of undue delay, she was found in such
a state that she was no longer in a condition to receive the benefit
of the viaticum. Since she does not make such an unfavorable
comment concerning the Sacrament of Extreme Unction, we can
legitimately infer that it was given.
ll'J'ai regu cet adorable sacrement en viatique, la derniere fois que j'ai
communie." (Fie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 526.)
2"Mes enfants je mourrai entre vos bras." (Vie et Oeuvres. ed. 1915,
torn. I, pp. 507, 540.)
8"Une heure avant qu'elle expirat, elle fit appeler sa Superieure. Elle la
pria de lui faire donner 1'extreme onction. Cela fait, elle la remercia. Apres
quoi, elle demeura quelque temps dans un grand calme, et ayant profere le
saint nom de Jesus, elle rendit doucement son esprit." (Vie et Oeuvres, ed.
1915, torn. I, p. 294.)
4"Et effectivement elle se trouva si mal qu'pn n'eut que le temps de lui
donner I'extreme onction qu'elle regut en expirant." (Vie et Oeuvres, ed.
1915, torn. I, p. 526.)
' Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 526.
172 INTERPRETION OF THE TEXT OF THE GREAT PROMISE
All doubts on this subject ought to disappear entirely when one
reads the original circular of the Convent of Paray written on Au-
gust 8, 1691, one year after the death of the Beata. It can be learned
from this that she expired while the last unction was being given.1
Father Croiset whose work appeared the same year gives testimony
to the same effect and, judging from the language he employs, it
may be concluded that he drew his information from the same cir-
cular.2 It would seem that in the face of all this first hand testi-
mony the statements of those who, having consulted only secondary
sources, maintain that her death occurred while the fourth unction
was given,8 ought to fall to the ground.
It is not our intention to create an impression in the mind of the
reader that this point has a bearing of paramount importance on
the interpretation of the Great Promise. We merely wish to clarify
and correct the mistaken notion which so many spiritual writers
entertain on this particular point. Even, if it were unquestionably
certain that she did not receive the Sacrament of Extreme Unction,
the arguments of those who cling to the third mode of interpretation
would not need to undergo even the slightest change, and would
still retain their full original force. This was made clear in one of
the preceding paragraphs. Such an observation, therefore, on the
part of Father McNabb, even if he could demonstrate his statement,
would fail to prove a stumbling-block to those against whom it was
directed.
laUne heure avant sa mort, elle fit appeler notre tres honoree Mere, elle
l'a pria de lui faire donner Textreme onction, et la remercia des soulagements
que Ton s'empressait de lui donner. Ayant jete les yeux sur son crucifix, elle
expira pendant qu'on faisait la derniere onction." (Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1916,
Appendix, to vol. I, p. 571.)
2 L'Abrege de la Vie de Coeur Marguerite-Marie Alacoque, La devotion au
Sacre Coeur, vol. II, p. 282.
•BOUGAUD, Hist, de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie, Paris, 1875, ch.
XV, p. 372.
CHAPTER XIV.
IMPORT OF THE PRIVATE REVELATION REFERRING TO THE GREAT
PROMISE.
With the foregoing probably all the more important questions in
connection with the interpretation of the Great Promise have been
touched upon. We shall now proceed to investigate what degree of
credibility is to be attributed to this supposed revelation from the
fact that (1) the writings of Blessed Margaret Mary were sub-
mitted to an examination by ecclesiastical authority ; (2) on Septem-
ber 22, 1827, a decree was issued to the effect that nothing was
found in them deserving of theological censure;1 and, finally, (3)
in 1864 she was beatified.
It will be well, at the outset, to adduce a few analogous cases
which will help to solve the question proposed. Admitting that the
revelation claimed to have been communicated to Blessed Margaret
Mary actually took place, even then it would be only a private revela-
tion. An approval or confirmation given by the Church to a private
revelation means nothing more than that it contains nothing contrary
to faith and morals. A decision of this nature imposes no obliga-
tion on any one to give it his assent.
^'Nihil hisce in Scriptis et Epistolis fuisse repertum theologica censura
notandum. Nihil obstare et procedi posse ad ulteriora." Die 22 Sept., 1827.
173
174 IMPORT OF THE PRIVATE REVELATION
Benedict XIV speaking of such relevations as those of St. Hilde-
gard (approved in part by Eugene III), St. Bridget (approved by
Boniface IX), and St. Katherine of Sienna (approved by Gregory
VI) says: "We are not obliged, nor is it possible, to give the assent
of the Catholic faith to such revelations, but only of human faith in
conformity with the dictates of prudence, even if they be approved
by the Holy See. Therefore, one may dissent from them without
any jeopardy as to the integrity of his faith. Even if such private
revelations be proved and accepted, though they are to be believed
by the persons to whom they were made, the adverse opinions re-
tain the same probability which they possessed before the revelation.1
Again, the same author declares that the revelations to which wo-
men lay claim must be scrutinized and examined with the utmost
carefulness and accuracy. It may happen, he continues, that a saint
may, from preconceived notions and from some fixed ideas of his
imagination, fancy that certain things are revealed to him by God,
which yet God does not reveal.2
In the light of the foregoing information in our possession it will
be well to investigate the nature of the approbation which the writ-
ings of Blessed Margaret Mary received at the hands of the Sacred
Congregation.
1 "Praedictis revelationibus, etsi approbatis, non debere nee posse a nobis
adhiberi assensum Fidei Catholicae, sed trantum Fidei humanae, iuxta regulas
prudentiae. Posse aliquem salva et integra Fide Catholica, assensum revela-
tionibus praedictis non praestare, et ab eis recedere. Theologi et mystici
fatentur, quod revelationes privatae quamvis probatae et acceptae, etsi ab
illis, qui tales revelationes patiuntur, credi debent, apud alios contrariae
(sermo est de sententiis, quae dictis revelationibus adversantur) eamdem ob-
tinent probabilitatem, quam ante revelationem habebant." (BENEDICT XIV,
Opera Omnia, vol. Ill, De Servorum Dei Beatificatione et Beatorum Canoni-
zatione, lib. Ill, c. LIU, p. 15.)
2 "Ergo fieri potest, ut aliquis Sanctus ex anticipatis opinionibus aut ideis
in phantasia fixis aliqua sibi a Deo revelata putet, quae a Deo revelata non
sunt." (BENEDICT XIV, op. cit.f lib. III. c. LIU, §§ 11 and 17.)
REFERRING TO THE GREAT PROMISE 175
No one will deny that the cause of the popularity of the Nine
Fridays' Devotion lies in the graces promised. Boudinhon remarks
that since the special attraction for the majority of the faithful con-
sists in the assurance of a Christian death and eternal salvation,
this phase of the Great Promise must have been considered in the
process of the Beatification of Blessed Margaret Mary.1 Father
Vermeersch maintains that the Vistandines of Rome are still in
possession of a manuscript containing the authentic Italian transla-
tion of the writings of the Beata as they were presented at the
process of her Beatification.2 In this document the Great Promise
is heavily underlined, a sign that it did not pass by oversight but
by mature consideration. M. Charrier, author of the life of Father
de la Colombiere, verified this statement in 1895. We owe this
intelligence to the kindness of Father Hamon, author of the recent
life of Blessed Margaret Mary.
But the decree of Sept. 22, 1827, is not to be considered as a formal
approbation of all the writings of the Beata. Nor did the letter
form a part of the discussion at that time. One could, however, con-
clude that the promise was capable of explanation corresponding
to sound theology. In 1844 a discussion took place as to the Virtues
and other supernatural favors of the venerable servant of God.
On this occasion the office of the Promotor Fidei was filled by Mgr.
Frattini, while that of the Postulator Causae by Mgr. Arnoldi. The
former draws attention to the suspicious fact that the visions of
Blessed Margaret Mary several times take the form of an assur-
ance of predestination given to living people. It is hardly credible,
he continues, that the gift of final perseverance which lies hidden in
the inscrutible decrees of God, would be revealed to Blessed Mar-
1 In the Revue du Clerge Frangais, torn. XXXVI, p. 119.
•VERMEERSCH, op. cit., torn. II, p. 216, foot-note.
176 IMPORT OF THE PRIVATE REVELATION
garet Mary with such frequency.1 St. Francis de Sales declares
those revelations to be especially open to suspicion which give assur-
ance of predestination and confirmation in grace.2 To this objec-
tion the Postulator Causae replied to the effect that all such promises
imply the supposition that one complies with all the other require-
ments or means of salvation. He compares these promises with
those made in favor of the Scapular of Our Lady of Mount Carmel,
or of the Rosary. God promises to those who perform certain pre-
scribed spiritual exercises a more abundant grace which will help
them to keep His commandments and to enter life eternal.3 Here it
may be remarked that the Postulator Causae, Mgr. Arnoldi, must
have attached a special importance to the words of the Twelfth
Promised: Si elle ne se trompe (if she be not mistaken), for he in-
sisted that they should not be separated from, or left out of the text.
On the whole the discussion, as the official documents record it,
does not appear altogether satisfactory. Even Father Thurston re-
marks that "both the objection and reply appear somewhat per-
functory and ineffective." 4 Thus, while the contents of the Great
Promise were submitted to some discussion, it can be said without
J"Nunc vero quis persuadere poterit perseyerantiae finalis donum, quod in
imperscrutabilibus Dei decretis occulte delitescere solet, quodque perraro
patefieri, illud tarn facile tamque frequenter uni Ven. Margaritae Mariae
manifestatum fuisse? Profecto is argui nullatenus poterit, qui ex doctrina
ipsius Sancti Francisci Salesii huiusmodi revelationes ob rerum revelatarum
naturam suspectas dixerit." (Animadversiones Protoris Fidei supra dubio de
Virtutibus. . . .§ 80, p. 48.)
2 Oeuvres, vol. XIII, ed. 1831, Lettres, bk. II, Ep. 23 ; ib. THURSTON, The
Month, vol. CI, p. 638.
8 "lam vero ex recta theologorum post Angelicum Doctorem doctrina, nulla
est vera devotio, quae animum perfecte non inveniat Deo obsequentem, eamque
ab causam in his omnibus tacita ilia conditio est intelligenda ut mandata legis,
sine quibus nemo potest ad vitam ingredi, diligenter observentur. In talibus
ergo promissionibus (sicut in commendatione SS. Rpsarii, vel cultus B. Mariae
Virginis de Monte Carmelo, aliisque piis exercitationibus, quibus peculiariter
addicti homines spe gloriae coelestis confortari audiyimus) in fere est quod
promittitur, Deum illis aut illis exercitationibus mediis, uberiora suae gratiae
auxilia, quibus praecepta servent et ad vitam ingrediantur, hominibus con-
cessurum." (Responsio ad Animadversiones, §253.)
4 The Nine Fridays, in the Month, vol. CI, p. 638.
REFERRING TO THE GREAT PROMISE 177
fear of contradiction, that the authenticity of the letter or the ac-
tuality of the related revelation was left entirely out of considera-
tion. Hence, even Father Thurston, a zealous defender of the
Twelfth Promise, is forced to give expression to the conviction that
"it is still possible that the letter attributed to Blessed Margaret
Mary may be spurious or interpolated, or that she herself was the
victim of an illusion." x
Furthermore, it is to be remembered that the conditional clause
with which the Beata premises her revelation could have been con-
sidered as safeguard against what might have proved an obstacle
to her Beatification. The Postulator Causae, Mgr. Arnoldi, appar-
ently anticipated some difficulty of this character, therefore, he would
not brook the omission of the clause from the rest of the text. Be-
sides, beatification, and even canonization is only a declaration of
heroic virtues the person in question practised while on earth.
Even heroic faith may be compatible with certain unwitting errors
with regard to the doctrine of faith and morals, still more with re-
gard to private revelations and supernatural visions. As a matter
of fact, when the Church canonizes or beatifies a person she does
not thereby declare that all the writings of the same are to be fol-
lowed, and his teachings unqualifiedly accepted. St. Thomas frank-
ly, though reluctantly, confesses that St. John Chrysostom fell into
errors. St. Thomas himself taught some doctrines which the
Church does not accept, nor does the canonization of St. Anselm
necessitate the conclusion that the Church advocates his a priori
arguments concerning the existence of God.2 If, therefore, these
learned saints taught material heresy without detriment to their holi-
ness, no greater immunity from material error need be claimed
for a contemplative nun. This is one of the reasons which induced
Mgr. Arnoldi to insist that Mgr. Frattini, the Advocatus Diaboli,
1 Loc. tit., p. 640.
'McNABB, Tablet, May. 1903, p. 737.
178 IMPORT OF THE PRIVATE REVELATION
should always quote the text of the Great Promise with the intro-
ducing words: Si elle ne se trompe. Did Blessed Margaret Mary
use these words in obedient submission to her Superior's suggestion,
or, did she mean to express an actual doubt as to the proper inter-
pretation of the revelation, are questions which no man can answer
with anything like absolute certainty.
Before we offer our own opinion as to the interpretation of the
Great Promise, it will be advisable to summarize the more relevant
facts of the situation. The letter on which the Twelfth Promise
is founded is lost. Its earliest transcription dates from about the
year 1714. It was not published till 1867. In the meantime the
writings of the Beata were frequently misquoted and interpolated
at the hands of spirital writers. The question of the letter's authen-
ticity and the actuality of the revelation remained untouched during
the process of her beatification. There are three leading interpreta-
tions attributed to it. The Church does not come to our rescue in
our attempt to solve the numerous difficulties arising from its word-
ing, nor does she take cognizance of it officially. Therefore, one is
free to form one's own conclusion in the matter, and we shall suggest
an opinion which, in our estimation, is not devoid of probability. In
this respect the works of Blessed Margaret Mary, her own letters as
well as those of her contemporaries and acquaintances, published in
1915 in authentic reliable form by Archbishop Gauthey, will be of
notable assistance to us. A few remarks concerning this latest and
only authentic edition of the life and works of the Beata, will not
be out of place at this point.
Archbishop Gauthey admits that the first two editions of the life
and works of Blessed Margaret Mary were not of such character as
would stand the search-light of modern historical criticism. There-
fore, realizing the deep interest recently awakened in the incidents
REFERRING TO THE GREAT PROMISE 179
which took place in the life of the Beata, he decided to edit this
present work, scientific both in its appearance and in the execution
of the plan proposed. It is deserving of trust, for it is compiled
with the care modern critics require of a scientist.1 It was the
various interpolations of the two editions of 1867 and 1876 whose
source was not ascertainable that induced him to engage in his
present undertaking.2
The Prefaces which he contributed to the Memoir and the letters
of the Beata as well as to the Vie par les Contemporaines are of the
utmost importance, because in it he imparts all the general informa-
tion that can be gathered from reliable authentic sources. In this
work the letter on which the Great Promise is based is found in two
distinct places, viz., in the first volume, p. 261, and in the second
volume, p. 397. We deem it necessary to give some consideration
to these references individually.
The first volume contains a Memoir composed by Les Contempor-
aines. The authors of this manuscript Memoir are two Sisters who
lived contemporaneously with Blessed Margaret Mary, had the
privilege of being her intimate friends, and that of being present at
her death-bed. It is this document which was subjected to so many
variations and interpolations not only at the hands of many
spiritual writers since 1715, but the Visitandines themselves.
For the first time in its history, it was edited without
any additions or abbreviations. An opportunity is thus given us to
1 "Une edition completee et amelioree, selon les exigences de la critique et
avec tous les soins qu'exige la reproduction fidele des manuscrits. II fallait
donner a la nouvelle edition 1'appareil scientifique capable de faire autorite."
(Preface Generate, Vie et Oeuvres, torn. I, pp. 10 and 11.)
'"Les editions (1867 et 1876) avaient intercale dans son texte tous les
autres documents contemporains qu'on avait trouves. Ce travail n'etait plus
une oeuvre authentique, de premiere main. On ne pouvait savoir d'ou venaient
certains recits, certaines citations, et quelle etait leur autorite." (Vie et
Oeuvres de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie, ed. 1915, torn. I, p. 12.)
180 IMPORT OF THE PRIVATE REVELATION
acquaint ourselves with the order, style, chronology and the spirit
of the two Contemporaries.1
In the second volume of this work, p. 397, another reference is
found to the Great Promise. The letter of the Beata addressed to
Mother de Saumaise is published here in its entirety. Following are
the points to be noted in connection with this letter.
It is quoted from a manuscript which is not that of Blessed Mar-
garet Mary. An investigation will discover that there are five
different collections of manuscripts, scattered in various places
from which a knowledge may be gained as to the writings of the
Beata. These manuscripts are designated by the numbers 3, 6, 7,
8, and 9. In this series of manuscripts Archbishop Gauthey gives
preference to the collection which is marked number 6. It contains
those writings of Blessed Margaret Mary which Mother de Sau-
maise preserved, and which are supposed to have been copied from
the original. All these have been penned by Sister Peronne-Rosalie
de Farges. It is possible that the same letter may occur in 3 or t of
the above collections of manuscripts. Thus the letter referring to the
Great Promise is found in No. 6, p. 128 ; in No. 3, p. 5 ; in No. 8,
p. 43 ; and in No. 9, p. 23. Besides this an Italian translation of it
which was made in Rome in 1828 or 1829 is also extant.
In 1715 a total of 97 letters was submitted to the Sacred Congre-
gation. These letters were afterwards returned to the Visitandines.
When in 1818 the process of the Beatification of Blessed Margaret
Mary was again resumed, only 68 of the above letters were re-
* "C'est 1'oeuvre integrate des dites Contemporaines, que nous publions, pour
la premiere fois, dans sa simplicite authentique, telle quelle est sortie de leur
plume. Nous avons retranche tout ce qui y avait ete intercale ou ajoute, dans
les editions precedentes, pour le remettre ailleurs, chaque morceau a sa place
documentaire." (Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, pp. 34 and 35.)
REFERRING TO THE GREAT PROMISE 181
covered. These were handed to the Sacred Congregation, and trans-
lated into Italian.1 In one of the preceding paragraphs a passing
reference has been made to these letters, and it has been pointed out
that out of 27 letters which Blessed Margaret Mary wrote to Mother
de Saumaise, and which were collected in 1715, not a single one was
autographic. Therefore, it is safe to conclude that the letter in
question was submitted to the Sacred Congregation only in a copied
form that might indeed have been transcribed from the original. The
difficulty that presents itself here is one that is not likely to be solved
at any future time. If of the 97 letters collected in 1715 they pre-
sented 58 autographs to the Ecclesiastical Superiors in Rome, why
did they submit only the copies of those 27 letters which Blessed
Margaret Mary directed to Mother de Saumaise. The natural
inference would be that even at that period these autographs must
have been lost. No other explanation can justify the action of the
Visitandines. In this supposition the Italian translation fails to add
any weight to the authenticity of the letter in question, for it is only
the translation of a copied letter. The above statement seems to be
tacitly corroborated by Bishop Languet, who, though to all likeli-
hood having access to most if not all the autographic documents then
extant, fails to quote the contents of the letter in its original word-
ing, and prefers to explain them in a narrative way.
1 Vie et Oeuvres, ed. 1915, torn. II, pp. 9 and 10.
CHAPTER XV.
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE.
In view of the facts thus far presented one is justified in stating
that the evidence as to the historicity of the letter in question is
inconclusive. It is likewise true that, on the ground of the evidence
adduced, not a few writers are inclined to pronounce in favor of its
authenticity. There is another class of spiritual writers who main-
tain that not the slightest doubt can be entertained as to the his-
toricity of the letter in question. Needless to say, that this last class
of writers cannot find a sufficient warrant to vindicate such a
position.
From the perusal of accessible evidence it seems fairly certain that
Blessed Margaret Mary actually wrote a letter in which she advo-
cated a devotion similar to the present Devotion of the Nine Fri-
days. This may be concluded from the various versions of the
present letter which, though transcribed at different times and pre-
served at different places, agree in substance as to the spiritual
exercises and the reward to be expected. Since, however, the auto-
graphic document containing an authentic exposition of the revela-
tion by the words of its Authoress is lost, and knownig full well
that in the course of its recopying, notwithstanding the care exer-
cised by the copyist, even unintentional mistakes are bound to creep
in, we are confronted with the doubt whether we possess the word-
ing of the letter as framed by the Beata. Whatever may be the
182
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE 183
nature of this doubt, it would hardly justify an absolute rejection of
every factor connected with the Great Promise. Therefore, until
a more convincing evidence is adduced in favor of the letter's authen-
ticity, we must consider the document as doubtful. Prudence would
dictate not to reject it entirely, but to make such use of it as the
circumstances would warrant, provided it be interpreted in con-
formity with sound theological principles.
Father Hamon maintains, that none of the essential features of the
Great Promise have been subjected to a change, as for instance,
communion on the first nine Fridays for nine consecutive months,
the grace of final repentance, not to die without their sacraments,
but there is no criterion which would justify such an admission as
regards the other words. Again, it is a well known fact that the con-
tents of the letter are of such nature, that even the most insignificant
modification, like the one introduced by Bishop Languet, is cal-
culated to be the cause of a notable change in its interpretation.
That Bishop Languet was in a better position than any other in-
dividual in his time, or since, to ascertain some of the facts concern-
ing this letter, hardly anybody would deny. That he gave a mature
consideration to the life he wrote is evidenced by his letters published
in the first volume of the 1915 edition of Vie et Oeuvres de la Bien-
heureuse Marguerite-Marie, pp. 619-626. Throughout our research
into this problem we met with no warrant which would justify the
supposition that the Visitandines invented the revelation in ques-
tion, and, to give it more weight, framed an imaginary letter. To
accuse Bishop Languet of a similar crime would be equivalent to con-
tradicting all the traits of his character made public by contemporary
documents. He was a man endowed with a sensitive conscience,
rare gifts of mind, mature judgment and a high regard for the opin-
ion of others. He hesitated at first to associate his name with the
life of Blessed Margaret Mary, fearing the ridicule of the sceptic
age in which he lived. But, finally, he acceded to the entreaties of
184 OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE
Sister Peronne-Rosalie de Farges, and "all Europe knew that the life
of the servant of the Sacred Heart, already so calumniated, was edit-
ed by the Bishop of Soissons, a member of the French Academy/'1
At the reading of the book the Jansenists, the philosophers, a num-
ber of Catholics, and even some Bishops covered their faces "ridicul-
ing religion and dishonoring piety.2" The blasphemous lawyer Bar-
bier noted in his journal : "M. Languet, Bishop of Soissons, wrote
the greatest folly imaginable, the life of Marie Alacoque."2 Mgr.
Languet's membership in the French Academy testifies to his learn-
ing, while his elevation to the Episcopate and his writings give ample
evidence to holiness of life and to the estimation he enjoyed in the
eyes of his contemporaries both clerical and lay. Therefore, whether
he possessed the document in question or received his information
from another trustworthy source he could not be accused of imposi-
tion, which imputation would be justifiable had he published such a
statement without sufficient warrant. This is the only possible way
by which his allusion to the Great Promise can be explained. His
character as portrayed by Father Hamon on the strength of con-
temporary documents, would militate against any attempt at decep-
tion. In our opinion this is an additional reason which ought to in-
duce one to pronounce in favor of a letter similar to the one in
question. Nor is there anything that would militate against accept-
ing Bishop Languet's rendition of the Great Promise.
Another indirect proof favoring the letter's authenticity may be
drawn from the following circumstance. On Jan. 22, 1687, Blessed
Margaret Mary wrote a letter to her sick brother who was a parish
priest. This letter was written about 16 months prior to the date of
1 HAMON, in the Etudes ReL, torn. XCI, p. 727.
* HAMON, Loc. cit., p. 727.
8 "M. Languet, eveque de Soissons et frere du Cure de Sain-Sulpice, a fait
la plus grande sottise qu'il pouvait faire, la vie de Marie Alacoque. (HAMON,
in the Etudes ReL, vol. XCI, p. 727).
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE 185
the epistle containing the revelation of the Great Promise. Having
at heart her brother's restoration to health, she sent him a remedy by
means of which she hoped to accomplish it. In a letter dispatched
simultaneously she instructed him to take this restorative for nine
days while fasting, also to say or have nine masses said for nine
Saturdays in honor of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed
Virgin Mary, and nine Masses of the Passion for nine Fridays
in honor of the Sacred Heart of our Lord Jesus Christ.1
This same letter may be found in the authentic 1915 edition of her
works by Archbishop Gauthey.2. The number under which it is
printed in this work is UX. Its autograph is not extant. The col-
lection of manuscript letters from which it was reprinted is desig-
nated by number 8, and our letter is found on page 165.
From this letter it is manifest that, for reasons known only to
herself, and not explained in her writings, she attached a special
significance to the number which so frequently occurs in it, viz., the
number nine. Nor would it suffice to dismiss this evidence by point-
ing out the fact that novena is an old institution in the history of
mankind. It is true that a trace of it can be found even among the
Romans in their festivities claled parentalia novendialia. It must
also be admitted that in the Christian mortuary celebrations the
ninth day is accepted by the Constitutiones Apostolicae 3 and placed
on the same rank with the third and the seventh day. In France,
Belgium and the Lower Rhine, the custom arose of making a novena
to a certain saint in order to recover one's health. This would only
*"De plus, nous avons promis que vous prendriez pendant neuf jours les
billets que je vous envoye, un chaque jour a jeun, et que vous diriez ou feriez
dire neuf Messes durant neuf samedis a 1'honneur de rimmaculee Conception
de la tres sainte Vierge Marie, Mere de Dieu, et autant de Messes de la
Passion pendant neuf Vendredis, a 1'honneur du Sacre Coeur de Notre Seig-
neur Jesus-Christ." (LANGUST, op. cit., Paris, 1729, liv. X, p. 382.)
1 Vie et Oeuvres ,ed. 1915, vol. II., p. 344.
8 P. G., vol. I, col. 1147, lib. VIII, cap. XLJI.
186 OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE
explain why Blessed Margaret Mary suggested a novena to her sick
brother.
But, up to the time of the Beata, as far as we could ascertain, a
novena implied a devotional exercise to be performed nine consecu-
tive days. Such was its import even among the pagans. Therefore,
this practice in itself would fail to explain sufficiently why Blessed
Margaret Mary specified nine successive Fridays for her brother,
and not nine consecutive days.
Be that as it may, the significance she attached to this number is
quite manifest. It is likewise clear that novena as it was interpreted
in the time of Blessed Margaret Mary does not satisfactorily
explain her mind in this particular case. It is the fact that she con-
nected this number with nine consecutive Fridays which must be
emphasized.
Friday is a day appropriated for the Passion of Christ. It was
the Friday after the Octave of Corpus Christi that Christ designated
as the proper time to solemnize the Feast of the Sacred Heart. It
was on the first Fridays of each month, that He asked her to make
amends and reparation in honor of the suffering Heart, and to in-
duce others to do so. All these considerations are calculated to shed
some rays of light on the question why she would specify nine Fri-
days for the Great Promise, instead of other days. They may also
be adduced as an indirect proof in favor of the assumption that she
actually may have written a letter similar to the one attributed to her,
in which she attached such a special importance to nine First Friday
Communions.
Whether she was really favored with a revelation to this effect,
is a question which no man can answer with certainty. If, however,
one would admit that she wrote such a letter, it is to be presumed
that, owing to the holy life she led, she must have been in good faith,
to say the least, when she laid claim to such an unparalleled com-
munication.
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE 187
Whether such a letter was written by her or not, is a question
which cannot be solved at present. Judging from all the indications
she would likely do so, but even then a doubt remains as to its orig-
inal wording. Since, however, there is a document for which some
claim an undoubted historicity, it is necessary to submit it to ex-
amination in the following pages.
We fail to agree with Father Bachelet's assertion that the account
of Bishop Languet is in no way dubitative.1 On the contrary, it
would seem that the clause of reserve which his account of the
Twelfth Promise contains, is more striking even than that of the
other versions. It must be admitted that he words : Si elle ne se
trompe, characteristic of all the other formulas, are omitted from it,
but they are supplanted by the terms : Hn lui faisant esperer (He led
her to hope). Furthermore, we contend that the above words
which precede Bishop Languet's rendition of the Twelfth Promise
ought to be used as explanatory of the words preceding the promise
as given in all other versions, viz., Si elle ne se trompe. After due
consideration given to this matter there is good ground to suppose
that the clause of reserve in connection with this promise was not
used in submission to Mother Greyfie's injunction, but is actually ex-
pressive of a hesitancy as to whether Blessed Margaret Mary in-
terpreted the revelation correctly or not. The fact that she failed
to attach any special significance to this incident of her life, that for
almost three years she failed to communicate it to others, for no
records can be found which would lead us to believe that she made
mention of it in any other writings or viva voce, goes to corrobor-
ate the above conclusion. The attitude she displayed towards this
revelation is so different from what one would ordinarily expect of
her, that nothing but a doubt as to its full comprehension can ex-
^e recit nullement dubitatif de Mgr. Languet. Etudes Rel, torn,
LXXXVIII, p. 387.
188 OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE
plain it. Had she been absolutely certain of the assurance of such
extraordinary graces she would not have failed to stimulate the
devotees of the Sacred Heart to avail themselves of a devotion
blessed with such far-reaching spiritual consequences. Nor is there
any reason why her attitude towards this particular revelation should
assume such a striking contrast to her general disposition of mind.
The account of Bishop Languet's version of the Great Promise
can be rendered into English as follows. In another letter she pre-
scribed a practice for honoring the Heart of Jesus Christ, a prac-
tice which to her was familiar, and which was suggested to her by
Our Lord, in leading her t& hope for the grace of final repentance,
and for that of receiving the Sacraments of the Church before^
dying, for all those who would make use of it. It was that of mak-
ing a novena of Communions for that intention, and for honoring
the heart of Jesus Christ; in placing each of these Communions on
every First Friday of the month for nine consecutive months.*
From this it is manifest that Bishop Languet's version contains all
the essential characteristics of the Great Promise. The practice sug-
gested by Our Lord was that of going to Holy Communion the first
Friday of each month for nine consecutive months. The intention
one is to form when engaging in this devotion is to honor the Heart
of Christ, and to hope to receive the grace of final repentance and
the Sacraments of the church before dying. In our opinion a great
stress must be laid on the introductory words of the Great Promise,
viz., En lui faisant esperer. These are to be taken as the determin-
1 "Dans une autre Lettre elle present une pratique pour honorer le Coeur de
Jesus-Christ; pratique qui lui etoit familiere, & que Notre Seigneur lui avait
suggeree, en lui faisant esperer la grace de la penitence finale, & celle de
recevoir les Sacremens de TEglise avant que de mourir, pour ceux qui
1'observeroient. C'etoit de faire une neuvaine de Communion a cette in-
tention & pour honorer le Coeur de Jesus-Christ, en plagant chacune de ces
Communions a chaque premier vendredi du mois, pendant neuf mois de suite."
(LANGUET, La Vie de la Venerable Mere Marguerite-Marie, liv. VII, pp. 241
and 242, Paris, 1729.)
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE 189
ants of its general efficacy as a whole, as modifying, to some
extent, all the rewards promised by it. They clearly indicate the
idea of hope, not of absolute infallible assurance ; of humble expec-
tation, and not of unfailing irrevocable guarantee, as the advocates of
the third mode of interpretation are in the habit of asserting. The
spiritual benefit that may accrue to the recipient of the nine Holy
Communions is not the grace of perseverance in good during the
period intervening before the completion of the devotion and the
hour of death, but only the grace of final repentance. This pious
expectation, the verification of which, with humble confidence may
be piously anticipated, in no way nullifies the efficacy of the Great
Promise, nor would this revelation be rendered worthless on ac-
count of it. Christ, by extending the prospect of greater good, ob-
liged Himself, so to speak, to be more generous than He would have
been had He not imparted such a supernatural manifestation.
This interpretation may be considered as a compromise between
the two contending factions, one of which invests the Great Promise
with an absolute infallible efficacy while the other rejects it entirely
by denying its authenticity. Our presentation of it does not destroy
the sanguine expectations of the advocates of the third mode of
interpretation, for all the effects might follow just as unfailingly.
However, it would be more compatible with our state as sinful crea-
tures, only to hope for such a remuneration rather than feel that
through any action of ours we have acquired an inalienable
right to its infallible fulfilment. The propagation of the Great
Promise in this sense may be made without any fear of being mis-
understood. It is calculated to produce as much spiritual good as the
other form, which is not credited by many because, as a well-known
and highly respected ecclesiastic puts it, "it is so incredibly unreal."
There are some devotional writers who in their fervor maintain
McNABB, American Cath. Quarterly, vol. XXVIII, p. 752.
190 OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE
that by means of the Devotion of the Nine Fridays one acquires a
right de condigno to a reward which consists in the grace of final
perseverance. It is hard to see where they can find a theological
justification for a belief advocating such an infallible granting of the
above grace. Is it likely that such a reward would be given by God
in exchange for the performance of so few spiritual acts occupying
so small a portion of man's whole life ? Again, the life of those who
have made the Nine Fridays, even apparently with the best of inten-
tions, as far as human judgment can penetrate, are far from being
free from future acts that jeopardize their salvation. It is true that
even some of those writers who invest the Great Promise with an
absolute efficacy discountenance the assertion that such a reward is
the result of merit on our part. Furthermore, they are loath to admit
that one has a strict right to such a signal remuneration. Some of
them refer us to the infinite mercy of the Sacred Heart as the exclu-
sive fountain-head from which this magnanimous spiritual recom-
pense flows freely without any merit on our part.
But, could it not be remarked that their insistence on the infallible
bestowal of the promised grace emphasizes on our part a certain
right to expect it as a reward acquired by acts performed, and on the
part of God a certain obligation to grant it? If it will be given in-
fallibly, then God is not free to refuse it. If He be not free to refuse
it, then we acquire a right to it. Yet, some of the advocates of the
third mode of interpretation would under no consideration admit
such a right. However, if they were consistent they should not
fail to designate this reward of final perseverance as a right acquired
by the performance of certain prescribed acts, and by the compliance
with certain demanded conditions. All the conditions required to
merit such a grace de condigno, can be pointed out in the case under
discussion.
To merit such a grace de condigno it is necessary that the recipient
of the nine Holy Communions be in the state of sanctifying grace
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE 191
while a member of the Church militant. The work in which he en-
gages must be (1) free from all coercion; (2) good as to its ob-
ject, end and circumstances; and (3) supernatural. On the part
of God there is required an explicit promise of a special reward at-
tached to a special work. Now, all these conditions are verified
absolutely in the case of one who with the proper intention and dis-
position performs the Devotion of the Nine Fridays. The conclu-
sion is that he merits the grace of final perseverance de condigno.
Nor is there any necessity of insisting on a due proportion between
the good works performed and the reward promised, as maintained
by the writer of the article a Ground of Hope* It is well known
that the reason for condign merit may arise from two sources, viz.,
justice and fidelity. While a due proportion between the good act
and the merit is requisite in the case of the former, the promise,
which as they contend was made by Christ, supplies what is wanting
in case of fidelity.
From this reasoning it should be legitimately concluded that the
grace of final perseverance is actually merited de condigno by one
who complies with all the conditions of the Great Promise. At least
such a conclusion can be reached if the principles of some of the ad-
vocates of the third mode of interpretation are carried to their logic-
al synthesis. This, however, plainly conflicts with the general uni-
form teaching of the theologians, who unanimously deny that the
grace of final perseverance can be merited de condigno. It is true
that some admit the possibility of such a merit de congruo fallibili,
but only by frequent good acts often repeated throughout one's
whole life.
"Furthermore," says Father Hurter, "if the just could merit the
grace (final perseverance), and would still remain exposed to the
danger of losing it, then, he failed to merit in the proper sense.
1 American Mess, of the Sacred Heart, 1898, p. 159.
192 OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE
While, on the other hand, the supposition that he could merit it so
as to exclude the possibility of forfeiture seems to involve a contra-
diction with the Sacred Scripture and the Church."1 Even if this
grace of final perseverance should be confined only to the last few
moments of man's terrestrial life, not all the difficulties would be re-
moved thereby. Such a supposition would affect only the duration of
the grace but leaving its nature intact.
In the face of all these difficulties it is easy to see how a more
conservative theologian would reject the idea of the grace of final
perseverance both in its active and passive sense, and would
substitute for it the grace of final repentance. Father Bachelet in
his oft-quoted article does not hesitate to state that those who after
the completion of the novena of worthy Communions avoid all
mortal sins can, on their death-bed, claim this reward as their right.
He denies the same right to those who were actuated by a good in-
tention when they engaged in the Devotion of the Nine Fridays but,
through human frailty, deviated from the path of virtue in time
subsequent to its completion.
In our opinion, no sufficient warrant can be found to justify such
a discrimination between the two classes, if we take it for granted
that the promise was actually made, and the wording in which
it is couched expresses the proper scope of the revelation. These
two classes, therefore, may entertain an equal hope as regards the
reception of the grace of final repentance. The text of the Great
Promise does not concern itself with the life led in time posterior to
the fulfilment of the condition required. Therefore, it may be justly
concluded, that since it presupposes only a faithful compliance with
certain demanded conditions and dispositions, the infinite mercy of
1 "Praeterea, vel iustus ita meret hoc donum, ut ipsum iterum possit amittere,
et tune illud proprie non merit; vel ita meret, ut illud nequeat amplius amit-
tere; hoc autem videtur contra sensum Scripturae et Eccclesiae." (Theologiae
Dogmaticae Compendium, torn. Ill, ed. 1903, p. 202.)
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE 193
the Sacred Heart will extend the same privilege to both the above
classes indiscriminately. Nor is it our intention to reduce the two
classes to a rank of equality as regards all their subsequent deserts
and rewards. We merely mean to intimate that the grace of final
repentance is a common acquisition of both. Would it be out of
place to say that a promise of this nature is likely to have been made
in behalf of the frail, not obstinate, sinners rather than for the sake
of the just?
However, no man can be too much on his guard in this lenient
interpretation, no matter how plausible it may appear. It must be
borne in mind that this document is dubious. Though there might
be a sufficient evidence to justify its acceptation, still, there is no-
thing absolutely certain in connection with it. The wording and the
revelation are alike doubtful. Therefore, we must not place any
more trust in it than the circumstances would warrant. It ought to
be advocated only as an encouragement to make the Nine Fridays and
thus to make use of all the possible means that are calculated to make
our salvation secure. One should never speak of it as an absolute
assurance. On the contrary it is imperative to accentuate the words
of Blessed Margaret Mary found in one of the letters to Father
Croiset dated Sept. 15, 1689. In this it is stated emphatically
that the Sacred Heart will be our assured refuge at the moment of
death, but, in order to be found worthy of such an exceptional
blessing, we must have lived in conformity with His holy maxims.1
As to the second reward, viz., the Sacraments, it is admitted on all
sides that they are only of secondary consideration, in case the first
reward, viz., the grace of final repentance, has already been granted.
If during the period intervening between the completion of the
Nine Fridays and the hour of death one fell from the grace of God,
J "II leur sera un asile assure a 1'heure de la mort, pour les recevoir et les
defendre de leurs ennemis, mais pour cela, il faut vivre conformement a ses
saintes maximes." (BACHELET, Etudes ReL, vol. LXXXVIII, p. 392.)
194 OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE
the grace of final repentance will unquestionably suffice to make his
salvation sure. Therefore, we cannot expect, either in justice
or right, such superrogatory benefits from God as the reception of
the Sacraments would be. in case the grace of final repentance has
already been bestowed. If, however, the circumstances be such as
to necessitate the actual reception of the Sacrament of penance, as
the only means through the instrumentality of which one could be
restored to the grace of God, then the text of the Great Promise
would seem to authorize us to humbly expect its reception.
Whether this sacrament is conferred on us actually, when within
reach, or passively, by ardent desire, when out of reach, in the final
analysis, the result is practically the same, viz., the justification of
man. The sentiments of fervor and divine charity arising within the
sinful soul, combined with the desire of an actual reception of this
Sacrament will suffice in the sight of God to make us worthy of
our glorious destiny. The same is to be said concerning the Sacra-
ment of Extreme Unction. The assurance given as to its reception
amounts to only as much as our spiritual condition in our last
struggle will require in order to attain the end for which we are
created. We need not concern ourselves about the Sacrament of
the Holy Eucharist, since it does not directly affect our salvation
at the moment under consideration.
The same care which we pointed out in connection with the first
reward is to be exercised when we preach on the second, viz., the
Sacraments. The revelation contained in the Great Promise is far
from being a certainty. The tendency to misinterpret it, the danger
of magnifying its efficacy, and becoming thereby too hopeful of sal-
vation, is manifest to all. To give utterance to statements that con-
vey the idea of an unquestioned reception of the Sacraments of the
dying, whether actually or passively, is not justified by the knowl-
edge we thus far possess of the Twelfth Promise.
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE 195
From the contents of the Great Promise it is clear that this revela-
tion was made to give mankind an additional help of salvation, and
not intended to supersede the existing Christian economy. There is
no warrant for the opinion of those who invest the received re-
wards with such far-reaching efficacy as to merit for us the Bea-
tific Vision immediately after death. They cannot prove this sup-
position of a maximum reward which would dispense one from the
necessity of undergoing even a temporary purification in Purga-
tory. Such a belief is unduly exaggerated. The opinion of a mini-
mum retribution is far more warrantable in our estimation. The
reward will be adapted to our spiritual condition and needs at the
moment of death, but it will be sufficient to secure our salva-
tion. The possibility of a temporary suffering to which we might
have to submit after death should not be excluded. The text of
the Great Promise does not warrant the assurance of a recompense
so superabundant as one would have to assume in order to justify
the above belief.
Notwithstanding the fact that Father Vermeersch is an advocate
of the third mode of interpretation, he does not believe that the
Great Promise should be preached in that sense. It is not to be
represented, he says, as a piece of money which is calculated to
purchase for us eternal salvation.1 Furthermore, he admonishes all
the preachers that they have to weigh their statements with care and
exactness on account of the delicateness of the question, lest the
hearers undervalue the merit of the effort to be made by all in
working out the end for which we are created. Therefore, they are
to avoid such expressions as the following: In order to save your
soul, in order to obtain an infinite happiness, our Lord asks you for
*"Nous ne saurions d'abord nous clever avec assez de force contre un
genre de predication, ou la pratique des neuf vendredis prendrait 1'air d'une
monnaie avec laquelle on achete le paradis." (VERMEERSCH, op. a/., torn. II,
ch. Ill, art. Ill, p. 243.)
196 OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE
only one hour for nine months.1 Again, he does not approve of
preaching on this promise isolatedly from, but rather conjointly
with the one of which it is the outgrowth, viz., the reparatory first
Friday Communions.2
Comparing these latter statements with those that precede them,
we fear that many a theologian would reproach Father Vermeersch
with inconsistency. If he be a believer in the third mode of in-
terpretation, as his work clearly indicates, why should he hesitate
to present the Twelfth Promise to the people in the light consistent
with his views and convictions? Several others have done so
irrespective of the harmful consequences which their interpretation
was likely to bring in its wake. But it is precisely these deplorable
results which Father Vermeersch wishes to obviate by taking so
many and such judicious precautionary measures. His good judg-
ment would not permit him to state publicly that Christ in a private
revelation, the historicity of which is yet to be proved, superseded
His whole public revelation, offering an assurance of salvation in the
former which He does not offer in the latter. Again, there is
hardly any reason, as far as human judgment goes, why the sal-
vation of souls should be made considerably easier and more cer-
tain since 1688 than it had been up to that time.
If it were ascertainable that the third mode of interpretation is
the correct one, then would be logical the conclusion of the spiritual
1 "Ces distinctions peuvent paraitre dedicates, Raison de plus, pour peser nos
expressions et eviter celles qui risquent d'etre travesties en dispense d'effort et
de labeur. Ne disons jamais en termes equivalents: "Voyez comme il en
coute de se faire une position ici-bas. Pour sauver votre ame, pour obtenir un
bonheur sans fin, Notre Seigneur vous demande une seule heure pendant neuf
mois." (VERMEERSCHy op. cit., torn. II, ch. Ill, art.. Ill, pp. 244 and 245.)
2 "Nous ajouterons encore, qu'il convient peu, a notre sens, de precher
isolement la Grande Promesse. Elle n'est pas faite pour elle-meme, mais elle
fut proposee par Notre-Seigneur comme un encouragement a la communion
reparatrice du premier vendredi." (VERMEERSCH, op. cit., torn. II, ch. Ill,
art III, p. 247.)
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE 197
writer who censures and qualifies as inexcusable all those who fail
to assure themselves of their glorious destiny by seizing this plank
of salvation in the turbulent sea of life where every one is seriously
exposed to the jeopardy of spiritual shipwreck.1 But as it is, no
confessor is authorized to reprimand his penitent because he neg-
neglects to avail himself of such an opportunity, nor is any one
bound to make use of the Great Promise to promote his spiritual
welfare.
The fact that up to the present the Church has failed to take offi-
cial cognizance of it is by no means inconsequential. This ought to
be borne in mind every time we speak on this subject. Granting that
not the slightest misgiving could be entertained as to any factor
connected with the Twelfth Promise, i. e., that the fact of the reve-
lation, the authenticity of the letter, the wording of the formula,
were all ascertainable without doubt, even then it is questionable
whether we could attribute to it the efficacy with which the advocates
of the third mode of interpretation invest it, in the absence of an au-
thoritative pronouncement on the part of the Church to that effect.
If the Great Promise could actually promote our salvation to the ex-
tent claimed, how many would be willing to exculpate our holy
Mother, the Church, from the sinful negligence of which she would
undoubtedly be guilty by failing to present it officially before her
children ?
Furthermore, if its efficacy were as unquestionable as repre-
sented, would any sensible Catholic fail to have recourse to such an
inestimable means of safeguarding his salvation? Does not the
Sensus Catholicus shrink from accepting such an interpretation
unconditionally and without a sufficient warrant? Only uncommon
1 "Qu'ils seraient inexcusables ceux qui laisseraient de cote cette planche de
salut, offerte par 1'amour infini de ce divin Coeur." (Catechisme de la devotion
a* Sacre Coeur, Chapelain de Montmartre, Part. VI, Sec. VI, p. 255.)
198 OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE
reason could have induced Christ to make such an extraordinary
promise or manifest such a revelation. Therefore, it is not unrea-
sonable to say that, had He intended to endow it with that absolute
and infallible efficacy, He would also have exercised His divine
Providence towards preserving such evidence of it that it would not
fail to have a rightful claim to credibility. If He deemed it neces-
sary to reveal the Great Promise He surely would have used the
requisite means to perpetuate the same in a form more calculated
to win assent
These are only some of the many difficulties that naturally pre-
sent themselves as irreconcilable with the third mode of interpre-
tation. Being aware of the many dangers which may follow in its
wake, it is advisable to advocate an interpretation which can com-
promise neither the Church, nor the flock, nor the exponent, and yet
has as much claim to acceptance as any other. To advocate the
absolute and infallible efficacy of the Great Promise is equivalent to
running the risk of inevitably giving rise to material superstition,
and perhaps even scandal, though, by being indulgent, it may be
conceded that such cases might be only sporadic and un frequent.
It is, therefore, this particular phase of the Twelfth Promise that
must needs undergo a slight modification in order to eliminate
the danger which might be occasioned by it.
Nor is there any particular advantage in such a sweeping inter-
pretation. The ways of God are inscrutable, and, as already
pointed out in a previous chapter, the truth of such an inter-
pretation cannot be put adequately to the test. If God in His in-
finite mercy and love actually wishes to attach such a merit to our
nine Holy Communions, received on nine successive first Fridays of
OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE) GREAT PROMISE 199
the month, then we shall reap the full share of such a spiritual
benefit without fail. But if, on the other hand, this be only an
exaggerated illusion, then we are disseminating an erroneous notion
in the true fold, in consequence of which an unusual recompense is
anticipated which might never materialize. Would it not be, there-
fore, advisable from the standpoint of good judgment and expedi-
ency to accept the Great Promise as modified by Bishop Languet?
The text itself would not necessarily have to undergo a change.
The words: En lui faisant esperer would eradicate the old, wide-
spread, erroneous and exaggerated ideas, and would be supplanted
by an interpretation more justifiable and practical than any which
can be had at present.
In conclusion it may be well to state again that the Church has
not, as yet, expressed a preference for any particular interpretation
given to the text of the Great Promise. Such being the case, one
may accept any view, provided it be reconcilable with sound theo-
logical principles. The purpose of a devotion is to serve as a means
whereby an intimate inter-communion may be established between
the soul and her Creator, thus to help the former in the attainment
of her end. Therefore, any factor that either retards the soul in
her progress or threatens to mislead her must be eliminated from the
devotion. For this reason one should abstain from presenting the
Great Promise to the people in the light of an interpretation which
advocates an absolute right to the promised graces, or gives an un-
questioned assurance of their infallible fulfilment. Such statements
must be considerably modified and toned down.
It may be admitted that there are some reasons justifying a belief
in the revelation recorded by the letter in question. But, on the
200 OUR CONCLUSIONS AS REGARDS THE GREAT PROMISE
other hand, it must also be borne in mind that the historicity of the
above document is doubtful. Even if one were willing to accept a
revelation of such nature the difficulty involved in the determina-
tion of the authentic wording would remain unsolved. Hence,
prudence and good judgment would dictate great caution when
speaking on the efficacy of the Twelfth Promise. Unless the Church
gives a different interpretation one is not justified in going further
than to state that the fulfillment of the promised graces may be
humbly expected by all who with the proper dispositions receive
Holy Communion for nine consecutive first Fridays of the month.
B ibliograph y
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GRAHAM, W., The fruits of the devotion to the Sacred Heart. New York,
1909.
GRANGER, Les archives de la devotion au Sacre Coeur de Jesus et au Saint
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HAGEN, S. J., Das Hers Jesu. Kevelaer, 1899.
HAJNAI,, S. J., Jezus Szentseges Szive. Vienna, 1629.
HAMON, A., Les derniers jours de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie. (In
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HAMON, A. , Portrait intime. (In the Etudes ReL, vol. XCIX and C)
HAMON, A., Le Texte de la Grande Promesse. (In the Etudes Rel., vol.
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HAMON, A., Les Vies de la Bienheureuse Marguerite-Marie. (In the Etudes
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HANDMAN, S. J., Die symbolische Beziehungen in der Andacht zum Heilig-
sten Herzen Jesu im Vergleiche mit dem Symbolismus des Men-
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HAUSHER, S. J., The Glories of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. New York,
1906.
HUEBNER, S. J., Jezus Szentseges Ssive. Kalocsa, 1891.
HUGHES, H., The devotion to the Sacred Heart. (In the Amer. Eccles.
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JUNGMAN, J., S. J., Die Andacht zum heiligen Herzen Jesu und die Beden-
ken gegen dieselbe. Freiburg, 1885.
JUNGMANN, S. J., Funf Satze zur Erkldrung der Andacht zum heiligen
Herzen Jesu. Innsbruck.
, J. The Sacred Heart. New York, 1899.
KUBINSZKY, Jezus Szivenek Ahitatossdga. Kalocsa.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 205
LANGUET, J. J., La Vie de la Venerable Mere Marguerite-Marie. Paris, 1729.
LEROY, L., De SS. Corde Jesu. Leodii, 1882.
LETIERCE, Etude sur le Sacre Coeur. Paris, 1890.
LETIERCE, Le Sacre Coeur, ses apotres et ses sanctuaires. Nancy, 1886.
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LIGUORI, ST. ALPHONSUS, Novena of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Philadelphia,
1851.
LOOFS, D., Die Verehrung des heiligen Herzens Jesu. (In the Christliche
Welt, an. 1862, p. 830)
LUYS, S. , The Brain and its functions. Appleton, New York.
MAGNANI, S. J. , De cultu SS. Cordis. Alba Russa, 1784.
MCDONALD, S. J., Meditations on the Sacred Heart. Herder, St. Louis.
McDoNAU), S. J., The Promises of the Sacred Heart. Herder, St. Louis.
McNABB, O. P., The Twelfth Promise. (In the Amer. Cath. Quart., vol.
XXVII)
MANNING, CARDINAL., The Glories of the Sacred Heart.
MARQUEZ, S. J., Defensio SS. Cordis Jesu. Venetiis, 1781.
MUZZAREUJ, S. J., Dissertation sur la devotion au Sacre Coeur de Jesus.
Avignon, 1826.
MUZZARELLI, S. J., Neuvaine au Sacre Coeur de Notre Seigneur Jesus-Christ.
Bruxelles, 1837.
NttLES, S. J., De Rationibus Festorum SS. Cordis Jesu et PP. Cordis Mariae.
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NOLDIN, S. J., Die Andacht zum heiligsten Hersen Jesu. Innsbruck, 1910.
206 BIBLIOGRAPHY
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 207
TICKEU,, S. J. The life of Blessed Margaret Mary. New York, 1890.
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Rel, vol. CVII)
WAI,DNER, S. J. , Ein Christ nach dem Herzen Jesu. Augsburg, 1768.
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, La divozione al Sacro Cuore di nostro signor Gesu Cristo. Vene-
zia, 1740*
, Compendia storico della divozione al SSmo Cuor de Gesu. Roma,
1822.*
, The devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Roma, 1822.*
, The devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Bruges, 1765.*
, Devotion to the Sacred Heart. New York, 1875. O'Shea Publ.*
, The Nine Fridays. (In the Irish Ecclesiastical Record, vol. XVI,
an. 1895, p. 543.)*
, The Promises of the Sacred Heart. (In the Messenger of the
Sacred Heart, an. 1891.)*
*These books do not give the name of the authors.
208 BIBLIOGRAPHY
In addition to the above, the following sources are quoted with
frequency :
Summa Theologica Divi Thomae Aquinatis.
Bullarium Romanum.
Acta Sanctae Sedis.
BENEDICT XIV, De Servorum Dei Beatif. et Beat. Canonizatione.
Analecta Juris Pontificii.
Catholic Encyclopedia.
INDEX
Act of faith and the created
love 118
Adumbrations of the cult of the
Sacred Heart 13
Allet, Pere 26
Alphonsus, Liguori, material ob-
ject 59
Ambrose, St 46, 96
Apparitions of Christ 32, 50
Augustine, St 21, 64
Aurora of the Devotion to the
Sacred Heart 30
Anselm, St 22
Arnoldi, Postulator Causae . . 175, 177
Bachelet, Father, Letter of the
Great Promise 137
Basis of the Devotion to the
Sacred Heart 43
Belsunce, Bishop of Marseilles.. 36
Benedict XIV on the created
love 120
Bernard, St 19, 22
Blessed Margaret Mary and the
Last Sacraments 170
Blood circulation 77
Blunt 74
Bossuet 65
Bottinius 35
Bougaud, Mgr 35
Bougaud and his Life of Blessed
Margaret Mary 36, 147, 148
Christ the Philanthropist 65
Christological principles on which
the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart rests 43
Chantal, St. Jane Frances de 27
Clement XIII, on the material
object of the Devotion to the
Sacred Heart 56
Colombiere, Father de la.. 32, 33, 136
Conclusions as regards the ma-
terial and formal objects 91, 92
Condition to merit the grace of
final perseverance 191
Controversy in the London Tab-
let 164
Croiset, Fr 32-34, 136
Croiset on the material object of
the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart 54
Crusaders 19
Daniel, Father 140
Death of Blessed Margaret Mary. 33
Decree of Beatification 57
Decree on which the increated
love is founded 107
Descartes* Excessive Intellectual-
ism . 13
209
210
INDEX
Devotion as propagated in Hun-
gary 60
Devotion to the Five Wounds,
18, 35, 86
Devotion to the Holy Cross 86
Devotion to the Holy Name of
Jesus 86
Devotion to the Passion of Christ. 17
Devotion to the Side of Christ.. 20
Docetism 44
Druzbicki, Polish Jesuit 24
Eudes, Venerable 24-26,48,
Extreme Unction given to Blessed
Margaret Mary 170-172
Feast of Blessed Margaret Mary. 30
Feast of the Sacred Heart 35
Formal object of the Devotion to
the Sacred Heart 63-72
Formal object of the Devotion to
the Sacred Heart traced to the
early ages 16-17
Formal object of the Devotion to
the Sacred Heart as viewed by:
I. Blessed Margaret Mary. 66
II. Father Colombiere 66
III. Father Croiset 66
IV. Bishop Languet 67
V. Father Galliffet 67
VI. Clement XIII 68
VII. Pius VII 68
VIII. Pius IX 68
IX. Pius VI 69
X. Nilles 69
XI. Vermeersch 70
XII. Noldin 70
Forms of the Great Promise 144
Francis, St 19
Francis de Sales 27
Frattini, Promo tor Fidei 138
Frederick Augustus, King of
Poland . . 37
Frigidianus Castagnorius 35
Fromment, S. J 34
Fromage, S. J 38
Galliffet and his work on the De-
votion to the Sacred Heart.. 37-38
Galliffet on the material object.. 55
Gauthey, Archbishop 134, 178
Gertrude, St ....19, 23
Gilbert, of Holland 22
Grace of final perseverance, mean-
ing of 155, 162, 190
Great Promise, historical basis of .130
Greffier, Mother 30, 135
Gregory the Great 19, 20
Hajnal, Hungarian Jesuit 24
Hamon, Father, concerning the
Great Promise,
130, 132, 133, 146, 149, 183
Harnack 44
Heart and Brain 77-78
Heart and the emotions 79
Heart and Love as two objects
of the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart 71
Heart and the modern physiology,
76, 81
Heart and the Redemption 79, 80
Heart and the Sacred Scripture,
73-74
Heart as viewed in the three states
of the Body of Christ 61-63
Heart in the Old Testament. .. .113
Heart in symbolism 73
Heart in Platonic concept 75-76
Heart of Christ pierced with a
lance 21
Heart, the appropriate symbol of
love . ..53-54
INDEX
211
Heart, the material object of the
Devotion to the Sacred Heart. 50-63
Heart as viewed in this devotion. 82
Heart's excellence 52-53
Hersant Hieronyme, Mother 28
Hilary, St 95
History of the Works of Blessed
Margaret Mary 140-141
History of the Devotion to the
Sacred Heart before the time
of Blessed Margaret Mary.. 16-26
History of the Devotion to the
Sacred Heart in the period of
Blessed Margaret Mary 27-33
Humanity of Christ 43-45
Hungarian Manaul 70
Inconography of the Sacred
Heart 53, 58
Ignatius of Antioch 44
Incarnation, the work of Divine
Love 46-47
Increated and created Love, pur-
pose of 120
Increated Love, idea of 93-94
Increated Love in Christ proved,
94-97
Increated Love, arguments in
favor of 107-109
Increated Love as interpreted by:
I. Blessed Margaret Mary,
98-99
II. Father Croiset 99-100
III. Father Fromment. . . .100-101
IV. Father Galliffet 101
V. Bishop Languet 101
VI. Bucceroni 102
VII. Muzzarelli 103
VIII. Franzelin 103
IX. Father Ramiere 103,125
X. Father Vignat 103, 125
XI. Father Bainvel 103, 126
XII. Father Roothan 104
XIII. Father Alvery 104, 124
XIV. Father Vermeersch,
104, 120, 122
Innocent VI 19
Interpretation of the Great
Promise by:
I. Father Ramiere 155
II. Bachelet 156
III. Vermeersch 157-159, 161
IV. Father Smith 159
Interpretations of the Great
Promise, unwarrantable 165-168
Invitatory for the Feast of the
Sacred Heart 61
Jansenists 38, 57, 184
Jungman, Bernard 51
Kenosis, idea of 95
Lambertini, Cardinal 37
Languet and his Life of Blessed
Margaret Mary 36
Languet, Bishop 25, 29, 36
Languet and the Letter Contain-
ing the Great Promise,
132, 134, 135, 142, 144
Languet, Character of 183, 184
Languet and the material object
of the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart 54
Le Dore, Father 115
Leo XIII and his Encyclical,
40, 41, 120
Letter of Blessed Margaret Mary
to her sick brother 184-186
Letter of the Great Promise, 131-138
Lewes and the modern concept of
the heart 76
Life of Blessed Margaret Mary,
29-33
Lightfoot 44
212
INDEX
Litany of the Sacred Heart 109
Love and Heart as two objects
of the devotion 71
Love as corresponding to the
three states of the body of
Christ 71-72
Love is the primary object of the
Devotion to the Sacred Heart
proved by:
I. Blessed Margaret Mary... 87
II. Father Croiset 87
III. Father Galliffet 88
IV. Frigidianus Castagnorius . . 88
Margaret Mary, Blessed 27
Margaret Mary enters convent.. 29
Margaret Mary and her life in
the convent 29-33
Man's relation to symbolism 53
Mary, Sister of the Divine Heart. 40
Mary, wife of James II 35
Mass of the Sacred Heart 56
Material and formal objects of
the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart 16, 91, 92
Material and formal objects
traced to the early ages 17-23
Material and formal objects
united 23
Material and formal objects
treated extensively 50-63
McNabb, Father 164, 165, 166
Mechtilde, St 19
Memorial of Polish Bishops . . 19, 106
Muzzarelli and the material object
of the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart 59
Nilles and the material object of
the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart 59
Noldin and the material object of
the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart 60
Novena, explanation of 185-186
Paray-le-Monial Convent 27
Paulinus of Nola 22
Perseverance, grace of 155-162
Pestilence of Marseilles 36
Pesch 50
Peter, Chrysologus 18
Philip, King of Spain 37
Physiologists concerning the func-
tions of the heart 23, 24
Picture of the Sacred Heart.. 30, 31
Pius VI and the Pseudo-Synod
of Pistoja 45, 11, 57
Plato and his concept of the
heart 75-76
Polish Bishop 19, 39, 55, 56
Preface of the Nativity 53
Pre-incarnate love, idea of Ill
Primary and secondary objects
of the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart 84-92
Primary object of the Devotion
to the Sacred Heart in the order
of time 85
Private Devotions 14
Private revelations, value of,
173-174
Ramiere, S. J 39
Reasons for the worship of the
Heart 52-53
Redemption, the work of Divine
Love 46-47
Revelation to Blessed Margaret
Mary 50
Reward of the Great Promise 154
Ricci, Scipio de 69
INDEX
213
Rolin, Father 136
Sacraments, reception of .162, 163, 193
Sacred Scripture and the Heart,
73, 74
Saumaise, Mother de,
130, 131, 132, 150
Schumacher, H 97
Side of Christ 20
Sisters Peronne — Rosalie de Far-
ges and Francois — Rosalie Ver-
chere 133, 135, 141, 150
Solomon, Temple of 113
Soteriological principles on which
the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart rests 46
Symbolism defined and applied to
the Devotion to the Sacred
Heart 82
Symbolism illustrated by threps-
ology 82
Symbolism illustrated by psychol-
ogy 83
Synod of Lavaur 20
Temple of Solomon 62, 113
Threpsology as helping to illus-
trate symbolism 82
Thurston, Father, on the letter
of the Great Promise 134, 153
Two principal objects of worship 14
Vermeersch, Father 195, 196
Versions of the Great Promise,
141-145
Victorinus 96
Visitandines of Paray-le-Monial,
140, 141
Vitis Mystica 23
William, the Abbott 22
Writings of Blessed Margaret
Mary examined by the Sacred
Congregation 175-176
Writings of Blessed Margaret
Mary, authentic edition of.. 178-180
Zahn . . 44
DEUS LUX MEA.
THESES
QUAS,
AD DOCTORATUM
IN
SACRA THEOLOGIA
Apud Universitatem Catholicam Americae
CONSSQUENDUM,
PUBLICE PROPUGNABIT
IOSEPHUS JULIUS CAROLUS PETROVITS, S. T. L.
IX HORA A. M. DIE VIII IUNII A. D. MCMXVII.
215
UNIVERSITAS CATHOUCA AMERICA^
WASHINGTONII, D. C.
S. FACUI/TAS THEOI,OGICA,
1916-1917.
No. 10.
THESES
217
THESES 219
I.
Opinio quae tenet cultum Sacratissimi Cordis lesu a Beata Maria
Margarita Alacoque introductum fuisse, historico fundamento caret.
II.
In Sacratissimi Cordis devotione Cor Jesu est quasi centrum
cultus; ergo amor sive sit creatus sive increatus, semper insepa-
rabilis a Persona Christi consideratur.
III.
Argumenta quae ad amorem increatum in cultu Sacratissimi Cor-
dis includendum adducuntur, tamquam persuasiva iure merito
habentur.
IV.
In cultu Sacratissimi Cordis amor increatus non est consider-
andus ac si contineret plenitudinem amoris in tribus divinis Per-
sonis SS. Trinitatis existentis, neque potest esse primarius ratione
temporis.
V.
Ex nonnullis factis intime connexis cum Promission XII, dubi-
tatur utrum omnia verba quibus formula promissionis componitur
et quae proponuntur tamquam Beatae Mariae Margaritae Alacoque,
authentica sint.
VI.
Illi omnes qui tenent gratiam in Promissione XII promissam
titulo meriti ex ilustitia deberi, condemnandi sunt tamquam doc-
trinam contra sensum Scripturae et Ecclesiae disseminantes.
VII.
Interpretatio Promissionis XII prout in dissertatione proposita,
tamquam doctrinae et sensui catholico conformis, sustinetur et
vindicatur.
THESES
VIII.
Devotion to the Sacred Heart has its solid foundation in generally
accepted principles of Christology and Soteriology, and not, as
some maintain, in the controverted revelations to Blessed Margaret
Mary.
IX.
The formal object of the devotion to the Sacred Heart is clearly
defined, not only in the writings of its early exponents, but also
in the decrees of the Sacred Congregations as well as the decisions
rendered by the various Pontiffs.
X.
The two objects of the devotion to the Sacred Heart must be con-
sidered ad modum unius; either of them may be primary or sec-
ondary when viewed ratione temporis, but ratione excellentiae love
is the primary object.
XL
Since the divine Person subsists in the human body of Christ,
we contend, against the Jansenists, that His physical Heart is the
material object of the Devotion to the Sacred Heart, and as such is
deserving of the cult of latria.
XII.
Three states can be distinguished of the real body of Christ;
therefore, the Heart and love corresponding to these states indi-
vidually must constitute the material and the formal object of the
Devotion to the Sacred Heart.
XIII.
There is a sufficient warrant for the symbolism involved in the
Devotion to the Sacred Heart, notwithstanding the fact that the
functions which were formerly attributed to the Heart are, by
modern physiologists, assigned to the brain.
THESES 221
XIV.
In the Old Covenant the word heart symbolized the love of God ;
in common parlance it symbolizes all the love of a person; there-
fore, in the Devotion to the Sacred Heart its symbolism should not
be restricted to the created love of Christ.
XV.
The arguments adduced in favor of the historicity of the letter
through which the Great Promise has been circulated are incon-
clusive, and many objections raised against its authenticity cannot
be satisfactorily answered.
XVI.
Many factors intimately connected with the Great Promise mili-
tate against the acceptance of the views of those who are classified
as advocates of third mode of interpretation.
XVII.
Hedonism must be rejected because it is founded on untenable
principles subversive of the true end of man.
XVIII.
The moral law viewed objectively is not subject to evolution; we
may admit, however, that the applications of the primary principles
to individual acts may vary.
XIX.
Norma proxima discriminans actiones humanas rectas a pravis
est ipsa humana natura rationalis adaequate spectata, remota autem
norma est divina essentia.
XX.
Lex naturalis ita est promulgata ut eius principia ignorari non
possint; de praeceptis autem mediatis potest esse aliqua ignorantia.
222 THESES
XXL
Duellum sub titulo satis factionis pro laeso honore susceptum legi
natural! repugnat, ideoque semper illicitum est.
XXII.
Effectus malus, quern praeter intentionem ex actione sua secu-
turum agens praevidit, huic imputari nequit, quoties illud impedire
non teneatur.
XXIII.
Parentes ad suorum liberorum educationem stricto natural! officio
tenentur, et munus illos educandi, qua naturale est, exclusive iure
sibi vindicare possunt.
XXIV.
Bellum in se consideratum naturaliter prohibitum censeri nequit,
attamen ad id licite suscipiendum nonnullae conditiones requiruntur.
XXV.
Civili potestati circa scholarem institutionem puerorum duplex
cooperatio ex officio competit, altera negativa, quae in publica iurium,
etiam personalium, tutela consistit, altera positiva, sed externa et
subsidiaria, quatenus ad fundandas et sustentandas scholas neces-
sarias socialis spontaneitas oneri publico impar succursu indigeat.
XXVI.
Spectatis dogmatum christianorum origine, natura atque profectu,
nihil est quod suadeat ea eo modo orta esse ac crevisse, quern
moderni ac modernistae in medium afferre solent.
XXVII.
Ea quae nuperrime urgent modernistae contra argumentum Sancti
Thomae ex motu desumptum, procedumt vel ex ignorantia elenchi,
vel ex placitis gratuitis evolutionis monisticae quam profitentur.
THESES 223
XXVIII.
Doctrina Concilii Vaticani, iuxta quam humanae ration! recte
evolutae adscribitur potentia physica, ad Deum, rerum omnium
principium et finem, ex rebus creatis certo cognoscendum, expo-
nitur ac defenditur.
XXIX.
Divinitas lesu Christi ex Evangeliis probatur, ac proinde non est
dogma quod conscientia Christiana ex notione Messiae deduxit
XXX.
Ex contingentia rerum argui legitime potest ad existentiam Entis
Necessarii, quidquid in contarium urgeant modernistae.
XXXI.
lesus cum ministerium suum exercebat, in eum finem loquebatur
ut doceret se esse Messiam, atque eius miracula eo spectabant ut id
demonstrarent.
XXXII.
Unigeniti Incarnatio non fuit absolute necessaria, quia satisfactio
iustitiae non est obligatio divinae voluntati imposita, sed libera
potius electio ab hac eadem voluntate executioni demandata.
XXXIII.
Non in concupiscentia, sed in privatione vitae supernaturalis sita
est pecati originalis essentia.
XXXIV.
Humanitas Christi, ut res honorata, adoranda est cultu latriae;
sed ut ratio honoris, cultu hyperduliae.
XXXV.
Cultus Sacratissimi Cordis lesu turn verus turn conveniens affir-
mandus est.
224:
XXXVI.
Forma servanda in matrimonio et sponsalibus continetur in de-
creto "Ne Temere."
XXXVII.
Personae distinguuntur ratione Rituum. Decretis particularibus
ritus ruthenus moderatur in Statibus Foederatis Americae Septen-
trionalis.
XXXVIII.
Duplex elementum requiritur ad acquirendum domicilium vel
Quasi-Domicilium, elementum materiale et spirituale.
XXXIX.
Persona baptizata et non baptizata matrimonium valide contrahi
nequeunt propter impedimentum disparitatis cultus.
XL.
Modus eligendi Episcopos in Statibus Foederatis Americae Sep-
tentrionalis determinatur in decreto Congregationis Consistorialis
data die 3 Nov., 1916.
XLI.
Ad consequendum remissionem peccatorum mortalium post bap-
tismum commissorum iure divino est necessaria specifica corumdem
confessio facta legitimo paenitentiae ministro.
XUL
Consecratio eatenus habet rationem actionis sacrificialis quatenus
per earn producitur Christus in statu mysticae mactationis, dum vi
verborum corpus et sanguis Christi separatim ponuntur sub specie-
bus panis et vini, et hac ratione mactatio cruenta in cruce facta Deo
offertur.
225
XLIII.
Cultus erga Sacratissimum Cor lesu in Eucharistia non est per-
fectior cultu erga ipsam Eucharistiam neque alius a cultu erga
Sacratissimum Cor lesu.1
XLIV.
Proprietas essentialis matrimonii christiani consummati est eius
indissolubilitas etiam in casu adulterii.
XLV.
Ecclesia potest statuere impedimenta matrimonium dirimentia et
ad eius tribunal spectant causae matrimoniales, quae respiciunt
ipsum matrimonii vinculum.
XLVI.
Determinism in the moral order falls to the ground under the
weight of the arguments adduced from the testimony of conscience,
and from the analysis of the act of choosing what we shall do and
what we shall not do.
XLVII.
The arguments drawn from the consent of mankind, from the
spirituality of the soul, from our tendency towards happiness, and
from our moral life, justify the world-wide belief in the immor-
tality of the soul.
XLVIII.
The reality of Christ's bodily Resurrection is made certain by
the fact that, from the very beginning, the Apostles taught, and
insisted on the belief that Christ was truly risen from the dead.
XLIX.
No Church can lay claim to apostolicity unless it is in commu-
nion with the See of Peter.
Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 1915, vol. VII, p. 205.
226 THESES
L.
Within the scope of Church infallibility are included not only
whatsoever things Christ has revealed, but also the truths of the
natural order, the denial of which could logically lead to the rejec-
tion of any revealed doctrine.
LI.
The passage in Phil., II, 2-6, if viewed in the light of the inter-
pretation given to it by the Latin Patristic Literature, brands as
erroneous the opinions of those modern Kenoticists who regard
the Kenosis as a real surrender of the "forma Dei" for the "forma
servi"
LIL
Considering the Jewish tradition, the term "Son of man'9 as used
by Christ is a Messianic title, and is to be referred to Daniel VII, 13.
LIU.
The passage in the Synoptics, Matt., XI, 27, and Luke X, 22, as
critically established against Harnack and Loisy, gives positive
proof that Christ knew and taught His divinity.
LIV.
From external evidence it is possible to prove the Mosaic author-
ship of the book of Pentateuch in the sense in which it was inter-
preted by the decisions of the Pontifical Biblical Commission dated
June 7, 1906.
LV.
The opinion may be accepted that in no sense are we bound to
believe that Solomon was actually the author of the book of
Ecclesiastes.
LVL
Against Schrock and Fuchs we maintain that Cyril of Alexandria
has not departed from orthodoxy, hence, the controversy between
him and Nestorius was not a mere logomachy, but it touched the
kernel of Christianity.
THESES 227
LVIII.
The unjust interference of civil authority was instrumental in
creating and maintaining for a long time the opposition which we
know to have existed between the Antiochene Bishops and the
Fathers of the Oecumenical Council of Ephesus.
LVIII.
There is insufficient historical evidence to prove that Cyril of
Alexandria and his friends induced the court to accept their views
by having had recourse to bribery.
LIX.
The Reformation in Germany was as much a political movement
as a religious upheaval, and both must be taken into account in
explaining its rapid growth.
LX.
Instead of remedying the existing religious evils the doctrine of
Luther augmented them and rendered the real reform more difficult
of achievement.
Vidit Sacra Facultas:
DANIEL I. KENNEDY, O. P., S. T. M., p. t. Decanus.
FRANCISCUS I. COELN, Ph. D., p. t. a Secretis.
Vidit Rector Universitatis,
* THOMAS I. SHAHAN, S. T. D.
VITA.
Natus sum anno 1886 in Hungariae regno. Literarum elementis
in gymnasio Tyrnaviae huius regionis imbutus, annum duodevicesi-
mum agens, in Status Foederatos Americae Septentrionalis perveni.
Seminarium ibi Pennsylvaniae Overbrookiense, in tutelam Sancti-
Caroli Borromei commissum, frequentavi, ut disciplinis theologicis
vacarem ; ibidem annpf nono huius saeculi ad sacerdotium provectus
sum. In ecclesiis deinde, quae ad dioecesim pertinent Harrisburgen-
sem, operam curae animarum navabam et per tres annos paroeciam
Sanctae Mariae de Immaculata Conceptione regebam. Postremo in
civium huius almae Universitatis numerum anno 1914 adscriptus
sum, ubi dd. Melody eiusque successoris Ryan auspiciis theologiae
moralis praecipue studiis incubui. Juris insuper canonici et the-
ologiae dogmaticae disciplinis deditus fui, quarum illam Dr. Bernar-
dini hanc Dr. Shanahan me docuit.
His, quos commemoravi, et aliis de me egregie meritis viris doctis,
qui summa doctrina atque benevolentia me semper iuverunt, gratias
et nunc ago et semper habebo quam possum maximas.
- &*£
THEOLOGY (S. T. D.)
AIKEN, REV. CHARLES FRANCIS
The Dhamma of Gotama the Buddha and the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
1900.
BELLWALD, AUGUST MATHIAS, S. M.
Christian Science and the Catholic Faith. 1922.
COAN, ALPHONSE JOHN, O. F. M.
The Rule of Faith in the Ecclesiastical Writings of the First Two
Centuries. 1924.
COSTA, ALOYSIUS MARIA, O. F. M.
Christ's One Sacrifice in Its Threefold Mode. 1927.
CUNEO, BERNARD MARY, O. F. M.
The Lord's Command to Baptize. 1923.
DUBLANCHY, EDMUND, S. M.
De Axiomata "Extra Ecclesia nulla Salus." 1895.
FLYNN, REV. VINCENT STEPHEN
The Norm of Morality. 1928.
Fox, REV. JAMES JOSEPH
Religion and Morality. 1899.
GILLIGAN, REV. FRANCIS JAMES
The Morality of the Color Line. 1928.
HEALY, REV. PATRICK JOSEPH
The Valerian Persecution. 1903.
LlLJENCRANTZ, REV. CARL JOHAN
Spiritism and Religion. 1918.
LUCAS, REV. GEORGE J.
Agnosticism and Religion. 1895.
MATHIS, MICHAEL AMBROSE, C. S. C.
The Pauline Pistis-Hypostatis according to Heb. XI, 1. 1920.
MELODY, REV. JOHN WEBSTER
The Physical Basis of Marriage. 1903.
MOLLAUN, ROMUALD ALPHONSE, O. F. M.
St. Paul's Concept of Hilasterion according to Rom. Ill, 25. 1923.
MORONEY, TIMOTHY BARTHOLOMEW, S. S. J.
The Idea of Personality. 1919.
MOTRY, REV. HUBERT Louis
Concept of Mortal Sin in Early Christianity. 1920.
O'CONNER, REV. MAURICE JOSEPH
Responsibility and the Moral Life. 1903.
OHLEYER, LEO JOSEPH, O. F. M.
The Pauline Formula "Induere Christum." 1921.
PETROVITZ, REV. JULIUS CHARLES
Theology of the Cultus of The Sacred Heart. 1917.
POWERS, GEORGE CORNELIUS, A. F. M.
Method of Voting at the Council of Constance. 1927.
RAGER, REV. JOHN CLEMENT
The Political Philosophy of the Blessed Cardinal Bellarmin. 1926.
RYAN, REV. JOHN AUGUSTINE
A Living Wage. 1906.
SHAUGNESSY, GERALD, S. M.
Catholic Growth in the United States, 1790-1920. 1925.
STEGMANN, BASIL AUGUST, O. S. B.
Christ, the Second Man, from Heaven. A study of I Cor. 16, 45-47, in
the Light of the Anthropology of Philo Judaeus. 1927.
TEMPLE, REV. PATRICK JOSEPH
The Boyhood Consciousness of Christ. 1922.
VILLAPANDO, AMRBOSE, O. F. M.
De Clavium Potestatis Existentia atque Natura. 1921.
WEBER, S. M., NICHOLAS ALOYSIUS
A History of Simony in the Early Church. 1909.
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